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Full text of "A critical and exegetical commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Thessalonians"

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EMMANUEL 




\ STUDIA IN / 



THE LIBRARY 

of 
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 

From the library of the late 
Very Rev. Dr. George C. 
Pidgeon. 



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Intern at ion a I Critical dfamnuntarg 



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UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF 

THE REV. SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER, D.D. 

Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford 

THE REV. ALFRED PLUMMER, M.A., D.D. 

Late Master of University College, Durham 



THE REV. CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D, 

Professor of Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics 
Union Theological Seminary, New York 



THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY. 



FOE, DETAILED LIST OF THE 
TWENTY-FIVE VOLUMES NOW READY 

See end of Volume. 



The following other Volumes are in course of preparation : 
THE OLD TESTAMENT. 



Exodus. A. R. S. KENNEDY, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, University of Edinburgh. 

Leviticus. J. F. STENNING, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford ; and the late 

H. A. WHITE, M. A., Fellow of New College, Oxford. 
GEORGE ADAM SMITH, D.D., LL.D., Principal of Aberdeen University. 

FRANCIS BROWN, D.D., Litt.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew and Cognate 

Languages, Union Theological Seminary, New York. 
Ezra and Nehemiah. L. W. BATTEN, D.D., late Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, 

Philadelphia. 
C. A. BRIGGS, D.D., Professor of Theological Encyclopaedia and Symbolics, 

Union Theological Seminary, New York. 
G. BUCHANAN GRAY, D.D., Mansfield College, Oxford ; and A. S. PEAKE, 

D.D., University of Manchester. 

A. F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D., Dean of Ely. 

G. A. COOKE, D.D., Fellow of Oriel College, and C. F. BURNEY, D.Litt., 
Fellow and Lecturer in Hebrew, St. John s College, Oxford. 

JOHN P. PETERS, D.D., late Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity 

School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St. Michael s Church, New York. 



Joshua. 
Kings. 



Ruth, Song of Songs 
and Lamentations 
Isaiah, chs. 28-66. 



Jeremiah. 
Ezekiel. 



Daniel. 



Synopsis of the 

Four Gospels. 

John. 
Acts. 



2nd Corinthians. 



Galatians. 

The Pastoral Epistles. 

Hebrews. 

James. 

Revelation. 



THE NEW TESTAMENT. 

W. SANDAY, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, and 

Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; and W. C. ALLEN, M.A., Principal 

of Egerton Hall. 
JOHN HENRY BERNARD, D.D., Dean of St. Patrick and Lecturer in Divinity, 

University of Dublin. 
C. H. TURNER, M.A., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; and H. N. 

BATE, M.A., late Fellow and Dean of Divinity in Magdalen College, 

Oxford, now Vicar of St. Stephen s, Hampstead, and Examining 

Chaplain to the Bishop of London. 
The Right Rev. ARCH. ROBERTSON, D.D., Lord Bishop of Exeter; and 

ALFRED PBUMMER, M.A., D.D., formerly Master of University 

College, Durham. 
ERNEST D. BURTON, D.D., Professor of New Testament Literature, 

University of Chicago. 

WALTER LOCK, D.D., Dean Ireland s Professor of Exegesis, Oxford. 
JAMES MOFFATT, D.D., Professor in Mansfield College, Oxford. 
JAMES H. ROPES, D.D., Bussey Professor of New Testament Criticism in 

Harvard University. 
ROBERT H. CHARLES, D.D., D.Litt., Fellow of Merton College, Oxford, 

Grinfield Lecturer on the Septuagint and Speaker s Lecturer in 

Biblical Studies. 

Other engagements will be announced shortly. 



T. & T. CLARK, II 



GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH. 
PATERNOSTER SQUARE, LONDON. 
LONDON AGENTS: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, & CO. LTD. 



THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 
TO THE THESSALONIANS 



Printed by 
MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, 

FOR 

T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH 
LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, AND co. LIMITED. 

NEW YORK : CHAKLES SCRIBNER S SONS. 



The Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Reserved. 



THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY 
A 

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL 
COMMENTARY 



ON THE 



EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 
TO THE THESSALONIANS 



BY 



JAMES EVERETT FRAME 

PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL THEOLOGY, UNION THEOLOGICAL 
SEMINARY* NEW YORK 



EDINBURGH 

T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET 
1912 



F 






EMMANUfL 



43975 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

ABBREVIATIONS vii 

INTRODUCTION i 

I. FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH OF THE THESSALONIANS i 

(1) FROM ANTIOCH TO PHILIPPI i 

(2) FROM PHILIPPI TO THESSALONICA ... i 

(3) FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 2 

(4) CHARACTER OF THE CHURCH 5 

II. THE FIRST LETTER 

(1) FROM THESSALONICA TO CORINTH ... 8 

(2) PLACE, DATE, AND OCCASION 9 

(3) CONTENTS 12 

(4) DISPOSITION 17 

III. THE SECOND LETTER 18 

(1) OCCASION 18 

(2) PLACE, DATE, AND PURPOSE 19 

(3) CONTENTS 20 

(4) RELIGIOUS CONVICTIONS 24 

(5) DISPOSITION 27 

IV. LANGUAGE AND PERSONAL EQUATION 28 

(1) WORDS 28 

(2) PHRASES 32 

(3) PERSONAL EQUATION 34 

V. AUTHENTICITY OF I 37 

(1) EXTERNAL EVIDENCE 37 

(2) BAUR S CRITICISM 37 

(3) PRIORITY OF II 38 

(4) THEORIES OF INTERPOLATION 39 

VI. AUTHENTICITY OF II 39 

(1) ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY 39 

(2) HISTORY OF THE CRITICISM 39 

(3) OBJECTION FROM ESCHATOLOGY .... 43 

(4) OBJECTION FROM LITERARY RESEMBLANCES 45 

(A) STATEMENT OF THE CASE .... 45 

(B) HYPOTHESIS OF FORGERY .... 51 

(5) HYPOTHESIS OF GENUINENESS .... 53 

v 



Vi CONTENTS 

PAGE 

VII. THE TEXT 55 

VIII. COMMENTARIES 59 

COMMENTARY . . . 67 

INDEXES: 

I. SUBJECTS AND AUTHORS 315 

II. GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES 319 



ABBREVIATIONS 



AJT. = The American Journal 
of Theology (Chicago). 
Ambst. = Ambrosiaster. 

BDB. = Brown, Driver, Briggs, 

Heb.-Eng. Lexicon. 
Bl. = F. Blass, Grammatik des 

neutestamentlichen 
Griechisch (1896, 
1902 ). 

BM T. = E. D. Burton, Syntax of 
the, Moods and Tenses 
inN. T. Greek (i8gS 3 ). 
Born. = Bornemann. 
Bousset, Relig. = W. Bousset, Die 
Religion des Ju- 
dentums im neu 
testamentlichen 
Zeitalter(igo6*). 

Ca.lv. = Calvin. 

Charles, Eschat. = R. H. Charles, 
Eschatology, 
Hebrew, Jen ish, 
and Christian 
(1899). 

Chrys. = Chrysostom. 

Deiss. BS.= A. Deissraann, Bibel- 

studien (1895). 

NBS. = NeueBibelstudien(iSg j ). 
Light = Light from the Ancient 
East (1910) = Licht 
wm Osten ( 19093) . 
De W. = De Wette. 
Dob. = Ernst von Dobschutz, 

EB. = The Encyclopedia Bib- 
lica (London, 1899- 



1903; ed. J. S. Black 

and T. K. Cheyne). 
EGT. = The Expositor s Greek 

Testament (ed. W. R. 

Nicoll, 1897-1910). 
Einl. = Einleitung in das N. T. 
Ell. = Ellicott. 
Ephr. = Ephraem Syrus. 
ERE. = Encyclopedia of Religion 

and Ethics (ed. J. 

Hastings, 1909 /.). 
Exp. = The Expositor (London; 

ed. W. R. Nicoll). 

Exp. Times = The Expository Times 
(Edinburgh; ed. J. 
Hastings). 

Find. = G. G. Findlay. 

GGA. = Gotting. Gelehrte Anzei- 

gen. 
GMT. = W. W. Goodwin, Syntax 

of the Moods and 

Tenses of the Greek 

Verb (1890). 
Grot. = HugodeGroot(Grotius). 

Hatch, Essays = E. Hatch, Essays 
in Biblical Greek 
(1889). 

EC. Holtzmann s Handcom- 
mentar zum Neiien Tes 
tament. 

HDB. = Hastings Dictionary of 
the Bible (1898-1904). 

ICC. = International Critical 

Commentary. 
Introd. = Introduction to the N. T. 



VII 



Vill 



ABBREVIATIONS 



JBL. = The Journal of Biblical 
Literature (New York). 

JTS. = The Journal of Theolog 
ical Studies. 

Kennedy, Last Things = H. A. A. 
Kennedy, St. Paul s 
Conceptions of the Last 
Things (1904). 
Sources = Sources of N. 
T. Greek (1895). 

Lft. = Lightfoot. 

Lillie = John Lillie, Epistles of 
Paul to the Thcssalo- 
nians, Translated from 
the Greek, with Notes 
(1856). 

Liin. = Liinemann. 

Lxx. = The Old Testament in 
Greek (ed.Il.E. Swetc, 
1887-94). 

Meyer = Kritisch-exegetischer 

Komm. iiber das N. T. 

Migne, PG. = Patrologia series grcc- 

ca. 
PL. = Patrologia series la- 

tina. 

Mill. = George Milligan. 
Moff. = James Moffatt. 
Moult. = James Hope Moulton, A 
Grammar of N. T. 
Greek, I (1906). 



NKZ. 
PRE. 

RTF. 



Neue kirchliche Zcit- 
schrift. 

Real-Encydopddie fiir 
protest. Theologie u. 
Kirche (3d ed. Hauck, 
1896-1909). 



Review of Theology and 

Philosophy. 

Ruther. = W. G. Rutherford, St. 
Paul s Epistles to the 



Thess. and Corinthi 
ans. A New Transla 
tion (1908). 

SEE A. = Sitzungsberichte der ko- 
niglich. Preuss. Akad. 
der Wissenschafte;i zu 
Berlin. 

Schiirer = E. Schiirer, Geschichte dcs 
Jiidischen Volkes im 
Zeitalter Jesu Christi 
(4th ed., 1901-9). 

SH. = Comm. on Romans in 
ICC. by W. Sanday 
and A. C. Headlam. 

SHS. = C. A. Briggs, General In 
troduction to the Study of 
Holy Scripture (1899). 

SK. = Studien und Kritiken. 

SNT. = Die Schriften des N. T. 
(1907-8; ed. J.Weiss). 

Sod. = Hermann Freiherr von 
Soden. 

Soph. Lex. = E. A. Sophocles, Greek 
Lexicon of the Roman 
and Byzantine Peri 
ods (revised by J. H. 
Thayer, 1887, 1900). 

Thay. = Joseph Henry Thayer, 
Greek-English Lexicon 
of the N. T. (1889). 

Th. Mops. = Theodore of Mopsues- 
tia, in epistolas Pauli 
commentarii (ed. H. 
B. Swete, 1880-82). 

Tisch. = Tischendorf. 

TLZ. = Theologische Literatur- 
zeitung. 

TS. = Texts and Studies (Cam 
bridge). 

TU. = Texte und Untersuchun- 
gen zur Geschichte der 
altchristlichen Litera- 
tur. 



ABBREVIATIONS 



IX 



Vincent = M. R. Vincent, Word 

Studies in the N. T., 
vol. IV, igoo. 

Viteau = J. Viteau, Etude sur le 
Grec du N. T. (I, 1893, 
II, 1896). 

Volz, Eschat. = Paul Volz, Judische 
Eschatologie von 
Daniel bis Akiba 



Weiss 
WH. 



B. Weiss in TU. XIV, 3 

(1896). 

The New Testament in 
the Original Greek 
(1881; I, Text, II, In 
troduction and Appen 
dix). 



Witk. = St. Witkowski, Epistulcs 
Privates Gr<zcce (1906). 

Wohl. = Wohlenberg. 

WS. = P. W. Schmiedel, 8th 
ed. of Winer s Gram- 
matik (1894/0. 

Zim. = F. Zimmer, Dcr Text der 
Thessalonichcrbriefe 

(1893). 
ZNW. = Preuschen s Zeitschrift 

fur die neutcstament- 

liche Wissenschaft. 
ZTK. = Zeitschrift fur Theologie 

und Kirche. 
ZWT. = Zeitschrift fiir Wissen- 

schaftliche Theologie. 



N. B. The Old Testament is cited from the Greek text (ed. Swete), 
the New Testament from the text of WH., and the Apostolic Fathers 
from the editio quarto, minor of Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn (1902). 
For Ethiopic Enoch (Eth. En.), Slavonic Enoch (Slav. En.), Ascension 
of Isaiah (Ascen. Isa.), Assumption of Moses (Ass. Mos.), Apocalypse 
of Baruch (Apoc. Bar.), Book of Jubilees (Jub.), and Testaments of 
the Twelve Patriarchs (Test, xii), the editions of R. H. Charles have 
been used; for the Psalms of Solomon (Ps. Sol.), the edition of Ryle 
and James; and for the Fourth Book of Ezra (4 Ezra), that of Bensly 
and James. 

By I is meant i Thessalonians and by II, 2 Thessalonians. 



INTRODUCTION. 

I. FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH OF THE 
THESSALONIANS. 

(1) From Antioch to Philip pi. It was seventeen years after 
God had been pleased to reveal his Son in him, and shortly after 
the momentous scene in Antioch (Gal. 2 llfi -) that Paul in com 
pany with Silas, a Roman citizen who had known the early 
Christian movement both in Antioch and in Jerusalem, and with 
Timothy, a younger man, son of a Gentile father and a Jewish 
mother, set forth to revisit the Christian communities previously 
established in the province of Galatia by Paul, Barnabas, and 
their helper John Mark. Intending to preach the gospel in 
Western Asia, they made but a brief stay in Galatia and headed 
westward presumably for Ephesus, only to be forbidden by the 
Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia; and again endeavouring 
to go into Bithynia were prevented by the Spirit of Jesus. Hav 
ing come down to Troas, Paul was inspired by a vision to under 
take missionary work in Europe; and accordingly set sail, along 
with the author of the " we "-sections, from Troas and made a 
straight course to Samothrace, and the day following to Nea- 
polis; and from thence to Philippi (Acts i5 40 -i6 n ). The ex 
periences in that city narrated by Acts (i6 12 ~ 40 ), Paul nowhere 
recounts in detail; but the persecutions and particularly the 
insult offered to the Roman citizenship of himself and Silas 
(Acts i6 37 ) affected him so deeply that he could not refrain from 
telling the Thessalonians about the matter and from mention 
ing it again when he wrote his first letter to them (I 2 2 ). 

(2) From Philippi to Thessalonica. Forced by reason of per 
secution to leave Philippi prematurely (I 2- Acts I6 39 40 ), Paul 
and Silas with Timothy (I 2 2 ; he is assumed also by Acts to be 



2 THESSALONIANS 

present, though he is not expressly named between i6 3 and 17"), 
but without the author of the "we "-sections, took the Via 
Egnatia which connected Rome with the East, travelled through 
Amphipolis and Apollonia, and arrived, early in the year 50 A.D., 
at Thessalonica, a city placed in gremio imperii nostri, as Cicero 
has it (de prov. consul. 2), and a business and trade centre as im 
portant then to the Roman Empire as it is now to the Turkish 
Empire, Saloniki to-day being next after Constantinople the 
leading metropolis in European Turkey. 

Thessalonica had been in existence about three hundred and 
sixty-five years and a free city for about a century when Paul 
first saw it. According to Strabo (33O 21 - 24 , ed. Meineke), an 
older contemporary of the Apostle, it was founded by Cassander 
who merged into one the inhabitants of the adjacent towns on 
the Thermaic gulf and gave the new foundation the name Thes 
salonica after his wife, a sister of Alexander the Great. "Dur 
ing the first civil war, it was the headquarters of the Pompeian 
party and the Senate. During the second, it took the side of 
Octavius, whence apparently it reached the honour and ad 
vantage of being made a free city (Pliny, H. N. IV 10 ), a priv 
ilege which is commemorated on some of its coins" (Howson). 
That it was a free city (liberae conditionis) meant that it had 
its own J3ov\r) and S^os (Acts i7 5 ?), and also its own magis 
trates, who, as Luke accurately states, were called politarchs 
(Acts i7 6 ). 

Howson had already noted the inscription on the Varddr gate (de 
stroyed in 1867) from which it appeared that "the number of politarchs 
was seven." Burton, in an exhaustive essay (AJT. 1898, 598-632), 
demonstrated, on the basis of seventeen inscriptions, that in Thessa 
lonica there were five politarchs in the time of Augustus and six in the 
time of Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius. 

On Thessalonica in general, see Howson in Smith s DB. and Dickson 
in HDB. where the literature, including the dissertation of Tafel, is 
amply listed. On Roads and Travel, see Ramsay in HDB. V, 37 5 jj. 

(3) Founding of the Church. In the time of Paul, Thessa 
lonica was important, populous, and wicked (Strabo 323, 330 21 ; 
Lucian, Lucius 46, ed. Jacobitz). Various nationalities were 



FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 3 

represented, including Jews (I 2 1M6 II 3 2 Acts i; 2 3 -). Quite 
naturally, Paul made the synagogue the point of approach for 
the proclamation of the gospel of God, for the Christ, whose 
indwelling power unto righteousness he heralded, is of the Jews 
according to the flesh; and furthermore in the synagogue were 
to be found a number of Gentiles, men and women, who had 
attached themselves more or less intimately to Judaism either 
as proselytes or as <po/3ovfjievot, (a e Polevoi) TOP 6eov (see Bous- 
set, Relig. 2 , 105), and who would be eager to compare Paul s 
gospel both with the cults they had forsaken for the austere 
monotheism and rigorous ethics of Judaism and with the 
religion of Israel itself. In such Gentiles, already acquainted 
with the hopes and aspirations of the Jews, he was almost cer 
tain to win a nucleus for a Gentile Christian community (cf. 
Bousset, op. cit.j 93), even if he had confined his ministry to the 
synagogue, as the account of Acts at first reading seems to 
intimate. 

According to that narrative (Acts 172 ff -)> Paul addressed the 
synagogue on three, apparently successive, Sabbath days, mak 
ing the burden of his message the proof from Scripture that the 
Messiah was to suffer and rise again from the dead, and pressing 
home the conclusion that the Jesus whom he preached was the 
promised Christ. The result of these efforts is stated briefly in 
one verse (i7 4 ) to the effect that there joined fortunes with Paul 
and Silas some Jews, a great number of the crefiofjievoL "EXX?;- 
z>?, and not a few women of the best society. It is not put 
in so many words but it is tempting to assume that the women 
referred to were, like "the devout Greeks," Gentile proselytes 
or adherents, although Hort (Judaistic Christianity, 89) prefers 
to assume that they were "Jewish wives of heathen men of dis 
tinction." However that may be, it is interesting to observe 
that even from the usual text of Acts 17* (on Ramsay s conjec 
ture, see his St. Paul the Traveller, 226 f.) it is evident that the 
noteworthy successes were not with people of Jewish stock but 
with Gentile adherents of the synagogue. 

Of the formation of a Christian community consisting almost 
wholly of Gentiles, the community presupposed by the two let- 



4 THESSALONIANS 

ters, the Book of Acts has nothing direct to say. In lieu thereof, 
the author tells a story illustrating the opposition of the Jews 
and accounting for the enforced departure of Paul from Thessa- 
lonica. Jealous of Paul s successful propaganda not only with 
a handful of Jews but also with those Gentiles who had been 
won over wholly or in part to the Jewish faith, the Jews took 
occasion to gather a mob which, after parading the streets ajid 
setting the city in an uproar, attacked the house of Jason in the 
hope of discovering the missionaries. Finding only Jason at 
home, they dragged him and some Christians before the poli- 
tarchs and preferred the complaint not simply that the mission 
aries were disturbing the peace there as they had been doing 
elsewhere in the empire, but above all that they were guilty 
of treason, in that they asserted that there was another king or 
emperor, namely, Jesus, an accusation natural to a Jew who 
thought of his Messiah as a king. The politarchs, though per 
turbed, did not take the charge seriously, but, contenting them 
selves with taking security from Jason and the others who were 
arrested, let them go. 

Just how much is involved in this decision is uncertain. Evidently 
Jason and the rest were held responsible for any conduct or teaching 
that could be interpreted as illegal; but that Paul was actually expelled 
is doubtful; and that Jason and the others gave security for the continued 
absence of Paul is unlikely, seeing that the converts were surprised at 
his failure to return. See on I 2 18 and cf. Knowling on Acts 17 in EGT. 

Of the preaching on the Sabbath Paul has nothing to say, or 
of the specific case of opposition, unless indeed the persecution 
of Jason was one of the instances of hardness of heart alluded 
to in I 2 15 16 . On the other hand, while Acts is silent about mis 
sionary work apart from the synagogue, Paul intimates in the 
course of his apologia (I 2 7 12 ) that he was carrying on during 
the week a personal and individual work with the Gentiles that 
was even more important and successful than the preaching on 
the Sabbath of which alone Luke writes. It is quite to be ex 
pected that the Apostle would take every opportunity to speak 
informally about the gospel to every one he met; and to point 
out especially to those Gentiles, who had not expressed an in- 



FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 5 

terest in the God of his fathers by attaching themselves to the 
synagogue, the absurdity of serving idols, and to urge them to 
forsake their dead and false gods and turn to the living and true 
God and to his Son Jesus, who not only died for their sins but 
was raised again from the dead in order to become the indwelling 
power unto righteousness and the earnest of blessed felicity in 
the not distant future when Jesus, the rescuer from the coming 
Wrath, would appear and gather all believers into an eternal 
fellowship with himself (I i 9 10 4 9 10 II 2 13 " 14 ). 

(4) Character of the Church. His appeal to the Gentiles suc 
ceeded; in spite of much opposition, he spoke courageously as 
God inspired him (I 2 2 ), not in words only but in power, in the 
Holy Spirit and in much conviction (I i 5 ) ; and the contagious 
power of the same Spirit infected the listeners, leading them to 
welcome the word which they heard as a message not human 
but divine, as a power of God operating in the hearts of believers 
(I i 6 ff - 2 13 s -), creating within them a religious life spontaneous 
and intense, and prompting the expression of the same in those 
spiritual phenomena (I 5 21 22 ) that appear to be the characteristic 
effect of Paul s gospel of the newness of life in Christ Jesus. 

But although the gospel came home to them with power, and 
a vital and enthusiastic religious life was created, and a com 
munity of fervent believers was formed, there is no reason for 
supposing that the circle of Christians was large, unless we are 
determined to press the TrX^o? TroXv of Acts i7 4 . The neces 
sities of the case are met if we imagine a few men and women 
meeting together in the house of Jason, the house in which Paul 
lodged at his own expense (II 3 7 ), and which was known to the 
Jews as the centre of the Christian movement; for it was there 
that they looked for the missionaries and there that they found 
the "certain brethren." 

Nor must we expect to meet among the converts "many wise 
after the flesh, many mighty, and many noble." To be sure, we 
hear later on of such important Thessalonians as Aristarchus (who 
was a Jew by birth, Acts 2o 4 272 Col. 4 10 Phile. 24), Secundus 
(Acts 20 4 ) and Demas (Col. 4 14 Phile. 24 2 Tim. 4 10 ) ; but it 
cannot be affirmed with confidence that they belonged to the 



6 THESSALONIANS 

original group. Apart then from a few Gentile women of the 
better class (Acts i7 2 ), the bulk of the Christians were working 
people. That they were skilled labourers like Paul is by no 
means clear; evident only is it that, hospitable and generous 
as they were (I 4 10 ), they were poor, so poor indeed that Paul 
supported himself by incessant toil in order not to make any 
demands upon the hospitality either of Jason his host or of any 
other of the converts, and that he welcomed the assistance sent 
him by the Philippians (Phil. 4 16 ) probably on their own initi 
ative. 

This little circle of humble Christians quickly became as dear 
to Paul as the church of their fellow-Macedonians at Philippi. 
He did not insist upon the position of preponderance which 
was his by right as an apostle of Christ, but chose to become 
just one of them, a babe in the midst of them. As a nurse 
cherishes her own children, so in his affection for them he gave 
them not only the gospel of God but his very self as well. Like 
as a father deals with his own children, so he urged each one of 
them, with a word of encouragement or a word of warning as the 
need might be, to walk worthily of God who calls them into his 
own kingdom and glory (I 2 6 " 12 ). When he tried, in his first let 
ter to them, to put into words his love for those generous, affec 
tionate, and enthusiastic workingmen, his emotion got the better 
of his utterance: "Who is our hope or joy or crown to boast in 
or is it not you too in the presence of our Lord Jesus when he 
comes? Indeed, it is really you who are our glory and our joy" 
(I 2 19 20 ). It is not surprising that on his way to Corinth, and 
in Corinth, he received constantly oral reports from believers 
everywhere about their faith in God and their expectancy of the 
Advent of his Son from heaven (I i 7 10 ). And what he singles 
out for emphasis in his letters, their faith, hope, and love, their 
brotherly love and hospitality, their endurance under trial, and 
their exuberant joy in the Spirit, are probably just the qualities 
which characterised them from the beginning of their life in 
Christ. 

It was indeed the very intensity of their religious fervour that 
made some of them forget that consecration to God is not simply 



FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 7 

religious but moral. He had warned them orally against the 
danger (I 4 2 ), but was obliged to become more explicit when he 
wrote them later on (I 4 3 8 ). Others again, it may be assumed 
though it is not explicitly stated, aware that the day of the Lord 
was near and conscious that without righteousness they could 
not enter into the kingdom, were inclined to worry about their 
salvation, forgetting that the indwelling Christ was the adequate 
power unto righteousness. Still others, influenced by the pres 
sure of persecution and above all by the hope of the immediate 
coming of the Lord, became excited, and in spite of Paul s ex 
ample of industry gave up work and caused uneasiness in the 
brotherhood, so that Paul had to charge them to work with their 
own hands (I 4 11 ) and had to say abruptly: " If any one refuses 
to work, he shall not eat" (II 3 10 ) . These imperfections however 
were not serious; they did not counterbalance the splendid 
start in faith and hope and love; had he been able to stay with 
them a little longer, he could have helped them to remove the 
cause of their difficulties. Unfortunately however, as a result 
of the case of Jason, he was compelled to leave them sooner 
than he had planned. 

It has been assumed in the foregoing that Paul was in Thessalonica 
not longer than three weeks. There is nothing incredible in the state 
ment of Acts (i7 2 ), if the intensity of the religious life and the relative 
smallness of the group are once admitted. To be sure, it is not impos 
sible that Luke intends to put the arrest of Jason not immediately 
after the three Sabbaths but at a somewhat later date, and that conse 
quently a sojourn of six weeks may be conjectured (cf. Dob.). The 
conjecture however is not urgent nor is it demanded by the probably 
correct interpretation of Phil. 4". That passage indicates not that the 
Philippians repeatedly sent aid to Paul when he was in Thessalonica 
but only that they sent him aid (see note on I 2 18 ) . There is no evidence 
that either Paul or the Thessalonians requested assistance; it came un 
solicited. Hence the time required for the journey on foot from Philippi 
to Thessalonica, about five or six days, does not militate against the 
assumption of a stay in Thessalonica lasting not longer than three weeks. 
See on this, Clemen, NKZ., 1896, VII, 146; and Paidus, II, 158; also, 
more recently, Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, ign, 64 /. 



THESSALONIANS 



II. THE FIRST LETTER. 

(i) From Thessalonica to Corinth. No sooner had Paul left 
Thessalonica than he was anxious to return. " Now we, brothers, 
when we had been bereaved of you for a short time only, out of 
sight but not out of mind, were excessively anxious to see you 
with great desire, for we did wish to come to you, certainly I Paul 
did and that too repeatedly, and Satan stopped us" (I 2 17 18 ). 
To the happenings in the interval between his departure and the 
sending of Timothy from Athens, Paul does not allude; from 
Acts however (i; 10 15 ) it appears that directly after the arrest of 
Jason, the brethren sent away Paul and Silas by night westward 
to Beroea, a land journey of about two days. In that city, the 
missionaries started their work, as in Thessalonica, with the 
synagogue and had success not only with the Gentile adherents 
of Judaism, men and women, but also with the Jews themselves. 
When however the Jews of Thessalonica heard of this success, 
they came to Beroea, stirred up trouble, and forced Paul to 
leave (cf. also I 2 15 16 ), after a stay of a week or two. Accom 
panied by an escort of the brethren, Paul travelled to the coast 
and, unless he took the overland route to Athens, a journey of 
nine or ten days, set sail from Pydna or Dion for Athens (a voy 
age under ordinary circumstances of two full days) leaving be 
hind directions that Silas and Timothy follow him as soon as 
possible. 

From Paul, but not from Acts, we learn that they did ar 
rive in Athens and that, after the situation in Thessalonica had 
been discussed, decided to send Timothy back immediately to 
strengthen the faith of the converts and prevent any one of them 
from being beguiled in the midst of the persecutions which they 
were still undergoing (I 3 1 ff -; on the differences at this point 
between Acts and Paul, see McGiffert, Apostolic Age, 257). 
Whether also . Silas and Timothy had heard rumours that the 
Jews, taking advantage of Paul s absence, were maligning his 
character and trying to arouse the suspicion of the converts 
against him by misconstruing his failure to return, we do not 



THE FIRST LETTER 9 

know. At all events, shortly after the two friends had arrived, 
and Timothy had started back for Macedonia, Paul, after a 
sojourn of a fortnight or more, departed from Athens and in a 
day or two came to Corinth, whether with Silas or alone (Acts 
iS 1 ) is unimportant. 

(2) Place, Date, and Occasion. Arriving in Corinth early in 
the year 50 A.D., Paul made his home with Prisca and Aquila, 
supported himself by working at his trade, and discoursed every 
Sabbath in the synagogue. Later on, Silas and Timothy came 
down from Macedonia and joined hands with Paul in a more 
determined effort to win the Jews to Christ, only to meet again 
the same provoking opposition that they had previously met in 
Macedonia. Paul became discouraged; but Timothy s report 
that the Thessalonians, notwithstanding some imperfections, 
were constant in their faith and love and ever affectionately 
thinking of Paul, as eager to see him as he was to see them, 
cheered him enormously (I 3 6 " 10 ). 

Bacon (Introd., 58) dates the arrival in Corinth early in the spring of 
50 A.D.; cf. also C. H. Turner (HDB., I, 424). According to Acts 18", 
Paul had been in Corinth a year and six months before Gallio appeared 
on the scene and left Corinth shortly after the coming of the procon 
sul (i8 18 ). From an inscription in Delphi preserving the substance of 
a letter from the Emperor Claudius to that city, Deissmann (Panhis, 
1911, 159-177) has shown that Gallio took office in midsummer, 51, 
and that, since Paul had already been in Corinth eighteen months when 
the proconsul of Achaia arrived, the Apostle "came to Corinth in the 
first months of the year 50 and left Corinth in the late summer of the 
year 51." Inasmuch as Paul had probably not been long in Corinth 
before Timothy arrived, and inasmuch as the first letter was written 
shortly after Timothy came (Is 6 ), the date of I is approximately placed 
in the spring of 50 and the date of II not more than five to seven weeks 
later. 

From the oral report of Timothy and probably also from a 
letter (see on I 2 13 4 9 - 13 5 1 ) brought by him from the church, 
Paul was able to learn accurately the situation and the needs 
of the brotherhood. In the first place he discovered that since 
his departure, not more than two or three months previously, 
the Jews had been casting wholesale aspersions on his behaviour 
during the visit and misinterpreting his failure to come back; 



10 THESSALONIANS 

and had succeeded in awakening suspicion in the hearts of some 
of the converts. Among other things, the Jews had asserted 
(I 2 1 12 ) that in general Paul s religious appeal arose in error, 
meaning that his gospel was not a divine reality but a human 
delusion; that it arose in impurity, hinting that the enthusiastic 
gospel of the Spirit led him into immorality; and that it was 
influenced by sinister motives, implying that Paul, like the pagan 
itinerant impostors of religious or philosophical cults (cf. Clemen, 
NKZ., 1896, 152), was working solely for his own selfish ad 
vantage. Furthermore and specifically the Jews had alleged 
that Paul, when he was in Thessalonica, had fallen into cajoling 
address, had indulged in false pretences to cover his greed, and 
had demanded honour from the converts, as was his wont, using 
his position as an apostle of Christ to tax his credulous hearers. 
Finally, in proof of their assertions, they pointed to the unques 
tioned fact that Paul had not returned, the inference being that 
he did not care for his converts and that he had no intention 
of returning. The fact that Paul found it expedient to devote 
three chapters of his first letter to a defence against these at 
tacks is evidence that the suspicion of some of the converts was 
aroused and that the danger of their being beguiled away from 
the faith was imminent. In his defence, he cannot withhold an 
outburst against the obstinate Jews (I 2 15 16 ) who are the insti 
gators of these and other difficulties which he has to face; but 
he betrays no feeling of bitterness toward his converts. On the 
contrary, knowing how subtle the accusations have been, and 
confident that a word from him will assure them of his fervent 
and constant love and will remove any scruples they may have 
had, he addresses them in language of unstudied affection. His 
words went home; there is not the faintest echo of the apologia 
in the second epistle. 

In the second place, he discovered that the original spiritual 
difficulties, incident to religious enthusiasm and an eager ex 
pectation of the coming of the Lord, difficulties which his ab 
rupt departure had left unsettled, still persisted, and that a new 
question had arisen, due to the death of one or more of the con 
verts. In reference to the dead in Christ, they needed not only 



THE FIRST LETTER II 

encouragement but instruction; as for the rest, they required 
not new teaching but either encouragement or warning. "The 
shortcomings of their faith" (I 3 10 ) arose chiefly from the re 
ligious difficulties of the weak, the faint-hearted, and the idle, 
(i) The difficulty of "the weak" (ol aaOevels I 5") was that 
as pagans they had looked upon sexual immorality as a matter 
of indifference and had perhaps in their pagan worship associated 
impurity with consecration to the gods. What they as Chris 
tians needed to remember was that consecration to the true and 
living God was not only religious but ethical. Whether they had 
actually tumbled into the abyss or were standing on the preci 
pice is not certain. At all events, Paul s warning with its re 
ligious sanction and practical directions (I 4 3 8 ) sufficed; we 
hear nothing of "the weak" in the second letter. (2) The sec 
ond class chiefly in mind are "the faint-hearted" (ot b\i<y6tyv%oi 
I 5 14 ), those, namely, who were anxious not only about the death 
of their friends but also about their own salvation, (a) Since 
Paul s departure, one or more of the converts had passed away. 
The brethren were in grief not because they did not believe in 
the resurrection of the saints but because they imagined, some 
of them at least, that their beloved dead would not enjoy the 
same advantages as the survivors at the coming of the Lord. 
Their perplexity was due not to inherent difficulties with Paul s 
teaching, but to the fact that Paul had never discussed explicitly 
the question involved in the case. Worried about their friends, 
they urged that Paul be asked by letter for instruction concern 
ing the dead in Christ (I 4 13 " 18 ). (b) But the faint-hearted were 
also worrying about themselves. They knew that the day of 
the Lord was to come suddenly and that it would catch the wicked 
unprepared; they remembered that Paul had insisted that with 
out blameless living they could not enter into eternal fellowship 
with the Lord; but they forgot that the indwelling Christ is the 
power unto righteousness and the pledge of future felicity, and 
in their forgetfulness were losing the assurance of salvation. They 
needed encouragement and received it (I 5 1 " 11 )- Of these faint 
hearted souls, we shall hear even more in the second letter 
(II i 3 -2 17 ). (3) The third class of which Paul learned com- 



12 THESSALONIANS 

prised the idle brethren (ol ara/croL I 514). With the enthu 
siastic conviction that the Lord was coming soon, with the 
constant pressure of persecution, and with the stimulus of Paul s 
presence removed, some of the brethren had resumed their idle 
habits with their train of poverty and meddlesomeness in the 
affairs of the brotherhood. It would appear (see note on I 4 11 ) 
that they had sought assistance from the church and had been 
refused on the ground that Paul had clearly said that if a man 
refused to work, he could receive no support. Perhaps the idlers 
had asked for money "in the Spirit," a misuse of spiritual gifts 
that tempted "those that laboured among them," that is, those 
who took the lead in helping and warning, to despise the charis 
mata (I 5 19 " 22 ). At all events, the leading men seem not to have 
been overtactful; and when they intimated that they would 
report the matter to Paul and ask for instructions, the idlers 
retorted that they would not listen to the reading of Paul s let 
ter (I 5 27 ). There was undoubtedly blame on both sides; clearly 
the peace of the brotherhood was disturbed. Still the trouble 
did not appear serious to Paul, judging from the answer which 
he sent (I 4 11 12 ; cf. 5 12 14 - 21 22 - 2G - 27 -)- But in spite of Paul s let 
ter, as we shall see, the idle brethren continued to be trouble 
some (II 3 1 17 ). 

(3) Contents. With this situation in mind, the excellence 
of their faith and love in spite of the temptations of the weak, the 
discouragement of the faint-hearted, and the unbrotherly conduct 
of the idlers; and their personal affection for Paul, notwith 
standing the insinuations of the Jews, Paul began, not long after 
the arrival of Timothy (I 3 6 ) to dictate our first epistle. The 
first three chapters are given to a review of his attitude to the 
church from its foundation, and to a defence both of his be 
haviour when he was there (i 5 -2 16 ) and of his failure to return 
(2 17 -3 10 ). Even the prayer (3 11 " 13 ) that closes the double thanks 
giving (i 2 -2 12 ; 2 13 -3 10 ) begins with the petition that God and 
Christ may direct his way to them. Tactfully disregarding the 
shortcomings, Paul thanks God, as he remembers their work of 
faith, labour of love, and endurance of hope, for the election of 
the readers, the certainty of which is known from the presence 



THE FIRST LETTER 13 

of the Spirit controlling not only the converts who welcomed the 
gospel with joy in spite of persecution and became a model as 
sembly to believers everywhere, but also the attitude of the mis 
sionaries whose preaching was in the Spirit and whose behaviour 
was totally unselfish (i 2 10 ). Coming directly to the charges of 
the Jews, Paul, conscious both of the integrity of his motives and 
of his unselfish love (the theme is heard already in Bt vpas i 5 ) 
and aware of the openness of his religious appeal, reminds his 
friends that he came not empty-handed but with a gospel and 
a courageous power inspired by God (2 1 2 ). Wherever he goes, 
he preaches as one who has no delusions about the truth, for 
his gospel is of God; who has no consciousness of moral aberra 
tion, for God has tested him and given him his commission; and 
who has no intention to deceive, for he is responsible solely to 
God who knows his motives (2 3 ~ 4 ). In Thessalonica, as his read 
ers know, he never used cajoling speech, never exploited the gos 
pel to further his own ambition, and never required honour to be 
paid him, even if he had the right to receive it as an ambassador 
of Christ (2 5 ~ 6 ). On the contrary, he waived that right, choosing 
to become just one of them, a babe in the midst of them; waived 
it in unselfish love for his dear children. Far from demanding 
honour, he worked with his hands to support himself while he 
preached, in order not to trespass upon the hospitality of his 
friends (2 7 ~ 9 ). The pious, righteous, and blameless conduct of 
which they were ever aware proves his sincerity as a preacher 
(2 10 ). Not as a flatterer but as a father, he urged them one and 
all, by encouragement or by solemn appeal, to behave as those 
who are called of God unto salvation in his kingdom and glory 
(2 11 12 ). Having thus defended his visit, he turns again to the 
welcome which they gave him and his gospel (2 13 16 resuming 
i 6 10 ). Rightly they thank God, as he does, that they welcomed 
the word which they heard as God s word, as a power operating 
in their hearts, attesting the genuineness of their faith by their 
steadfast endurance in the persecutions at the hands of their 
fellow-countrymen. It is however the Jews who are egging on 
the Gentiles, the Jews who killed the prophets and the Lord 
Jesus and persecuted us, and who are not pleasing to God 
and are against humanity, hindering us from preaching to Gen- 



14 THESSALONIANS 

tiles unto their salvation. They have hardened their hearts; 
their sins are filling up; and the judgment is destined to come 
upon them at last (2 13 ~ 17 ). 

Turning next to the insinuation of the Jews that he did not 
want to return, he reminds his orphaned children that from the 
moment he left them, he had been excessively anxious to see 
them and had repeatedly wished to return. Indeed nothing less 
than Satan could have deterred him. Far from not caring for 
them, he insists in words broken by emotion that it is above all 
they who are his glory and joy (2 17 " 20 ). Determined no longer 
to endure the separation, the missionaries, he says, agreed to 
send Timothy to encourage them in their faith and prevent their 
being beguiled in the midst of their persecution. As the Jews 
had singled out Paul for attack, he is at pains to add that he 
too as well as his companions had sent to know their faith, for he 
is apprehensive lest the tempter had tempted them and his work 
should turn out to be in vain (3 1 " 5 ). The return of Timothy 
with the good news of their spiritual life and their personal affec 
tion for Paul gave him new courage to face his own trials. " We 
live if you stand fast in the Lord." Words fail to express the 
abundance of joy he has in their faith, as he prays constantly 
to see them and help them solve their spiritual difficulties (3 6 ~ 10 ). 
But whether or not his prayer will be answered, God and Christ, 
to whom he prays, will increase their love and will inwardly 
strengthen them, so that they will be unblemished in holiness 
when the Lord Jesus comes (3 11 " 13 )- 

Even as he prays for brotherly love and a blameless life, he 
seems to have in mind the needs of the idlers and the weak. 
At all events, the apologia finished, he takes up the imperfec 
tions of the group, dealing chiefly with the difficulties of the 
weak, the idlers, and the faint-hearted. He begins the exhorta 
tions (^-S 22 ) tactfully, urging not his own authority but that 
of the indwelling Christ, and insisting graciously that he has 
nothing new to say and that, since they are already doing well, 
he can only bid them to do so the more (4 1 - 2 ). At the same time, 
he does not withhold his exhortations. Speaking first of all of 
the weak, he urges that true consecration is moral as well as re 
ligious and demands imperatively sexual purity. He suggests 



THE FIRST LETTER 15 

the practical remedy that fornication may be prevented by 
respect for one s wife and that adultery may be prevented by 
marrying not in the spirit of lust but in the spirit of holiness and 
honour. Then, as a sanction for obedience, he reminds them 
that Christ punishes impurity; that God calls them not for 
impurity but for holiness; that to sin is to direct a blow not 
against the human but against the divine, even the Spirit, the 
consecrating Spirit that God gives them (4 3 ~ 8 ). 

As to brotherly love, concerning which they had written, Paul 
remarks first of all and tactfully that, as they are practising it, 
instruction is unnecessary; but then proceeds to urge them in 
general to abound the more in that love and specifically, reiter 
ating what he had said orally in reference to idleness, to strive 
to be tranquil in mind, undisturbed by the nearness of the 
advent, to mind their own business, not meddling in the affairs 
of the brotherhood, and to work with their hands, in order to 
win the respect of unbelievers and to avoid dependence upon the 
church for support (4 9 ~ 12 ). 

Taking up the new point, the question of the faint-hearted in 
reference to the dead in Christ, he replies that his purpose in 
giving this new instruction is that they, unlike the unbelievers, 
who do not have the hope in Christ, should not sorrow at all. 
For it is certain, both on the ground of the believer s experience 
in Christ and of a word of Jesus, whose point is summarised, 
that the surviving saints will not anticipate the dead at the 
Parousia. In fact, when the Lord comes, the dead in Christ 
will arise first; then the survivors will be snatched up at the 
same time with the risen dead and all together, with no advan 
tage the one over the other, will meet the Lord in the air. "And 
so we shall always be with the Lord" (4 13 ~ 18 ). With this encour 
aging teaching, he turns to the personal anxieties of the faint 
hearted. They know, he says, as well as he that the day of the 
Lord will come suddenly and will take unbelievers by surprise; 
but they are not unbelievers that the day of the Lord should 
surprise them. To be sure they must be morally prepared, 
armed with faith, hope, and love; but they need not be dis 
couraged about the outcome, for God has appointed them to 



16 THESSALONIANS 

salvation, the indwelling Christ has enabled them to be blame 
less, and Christ died for their sins in order that all believers, 
surviving or dead, may at the same time have life together with 
Christ. " Wherefore encourage one another and build up each 
other, as in fact you are doing" (s 1 11 ). 

With a renewed exhortation, the need of a deeper brotherly 
love being in mind, he urges all to appreciate those who labour 
among them, leading and admonishing, and to regard them 
highly because of their work. Recognising that the idlers are 
not alone to blame for disturbing the peace of the brotherhood, 
he adds: "Be at peace among yourselves" (s 12 13 ). With a 
further exhortation, he sets forth the proper attitude of all to 
each of the three classes prominently in mind since 4 1 : " Warn 
the idlers, encourage the faint-hearted, cling to the weak" (5 14 ). 
Then follows a word to all in view of the persecutions and the 
temptation to revenge, and in view also of the friction in the 
brotherhood: "Be slow to anger; see to it that no one retaliates 
an injury, but seek earnestly the good within and without" 
(5 14d ~ 15 ). In spite of these difficulties, "always rejoice, contin 
ually pray, in everything give thanks, for this is God s will 
operating in Christ for you" (s 16 " 18 ). Finally, in view both of 
the disparagement and of the misuse of spiritual gifts, he exhorts: 
"Quench not the gifts of the Spirit, do not make light of cases 
of prophesyings; on the other hand, test all gifts of the Spirit, 
holding fast to the good and holding aloof from every evil kind" 
(5 19 22 ). Recognising however that his exhortations (^S 22 ), es 
pecially to ethical consecration (4 3 ~ 8 ) and to brotherly love and 
peace (4 9 12 5 12 13 ) are of no avail without the help of God; and 
recognising further the necessity of the consecration not only of 
the soul but of the body (4 3 ~ 8 ), a consecration impossible unless 
the Spirit of God as immanent in the individual be inseparably 
bound to the human personality, body and soul, he prays first 
in general that God would consecrate them through and through, 
and then specifically that he would keep their spirit, the divine 
element, and their soul and body, the human element, intact, 
as an undivided whole, so that they might be morally blameless 
when the Lord comes. That this petition will be granted is cer- 



THE FIRST LETTER 17 

tain, for God the faithful not only calls but consecrates and 
keeps them blameless to the end (5 23 24 ). 

When you pray without ceasing (5 17 ) ? brothers, he says in 
closing, remember not only yourselves but us as well (5 25 ). Greet 
for us the brothers, all of them, with a holy kiss (5 26 ). Then 
having in mind the assertion of some of the idlers that they would 
give no heed to his letter, Paul adjures the brethren that his 
letter be read to all without exception (5 27 ). "The grace of our 
Lord Jesus Christ be with you" (5 28 ). 

(4) Disposition. The first epistle may be thus divided: 

I. Superscription i 1 

A. The Apologia i 2 -3 13 
II. Thanksgiving i z -^ 

(1) Visit and Welcome i 2 10 

(2) Visit 2 1 12 

(3) Welcome; the Jews 2 13 16 

(4) Intended Visit 2 17 20 

(5) Sending of Timothy 3 1 " 5 

(6) Timothy s Return and Report 3 6 " 10 

III. Prayer 3 11 13 

B. The Weak, The Idlers, The Faint-hearted, 

etc. 4 x -5 27 

IV. Exhortations 4 1 ~5 22 

(1) Introduction 4 1 2 

(2) True Consecration 4 3 8 

(3) Brotherly Love 4 9 - 10a 

(4) Idleness 4 lob 12 

(5) The Dead in Christ 4 13 18 

(6) Times and Seasons 5 1 " 11 

(7) Spiritual Labourers 5 12 13 

(8) Idlers, Faint-hearted, Weak 5 14a - 

(9) Love 5 14d 15 

(10) Joy, Prayer, Thanksgiving 5 16 18 
(n) Spiritual Gifts 5 19 " 22 

V. Prayer 5 23 - 24 

VI. Final Requests 5 25 27 
VII. Benediction 5 28 



l8 THESSALONIANS 



III. THE SECOND LETTER. 

(i) Occasion. It is impossible to determine with exactness 
the reasons that led to the writing of the second epistle. The 
internal evidence of II, upon which we must rely, permits only 
a tentative reconstruction of the course of events in the interval 
between the sending of I and the composition of II. We may 
assume however that the first letter did not have quite the 
effect that a visit from Paul would have had. To be sure, what 
ever suspicion the readers may have entertained as to Paul s 
motives during and since his visit was dispelled by his affec 
tionate words in defence of himself. It is evident also that his 
warning to the weak was effectual, being fortified by the help 
of the brethren, who, as he had requested, held to the weak, 
tenderly but firmly supporting them. On the other hand, the 
idle brethren continued to be meddlesome, Paul s command, re 
iterating what he had said orally (I 4 11 ), not having had the de 
sired effect. This failure may have been due in part to the fact, 
for which Paul is not responsible, that the majority, who had 
been urged to admonish the idlers (I 5 14 ) had not been tactful 
in performing their function (II 3 13 - 15 ); and in part to the fact, 
for which again Paul is not to blame, that some of the brethren 
had imagined that Paul had said, either in an utterance of the 
Spirit, or in an uninspired word, or in the first epistle, something 
that was interpreted to mean that the day of the Lord was ac 
tually present (II 2 2 ). This disquieting statement, innocently 
attributed to Paul, perhaps by some of the excited idlers, affected 
not only the idle brethren as a whole but the faint-hearted as 
well. Already anxious about their salvation (I 5 1 " 11 )? they be 
came unsettled and nervously wrought up (II 2 2 ) ; and naturally 
enough, for if they deemed themselves unworthy of salvation, 
and if it was true that the day of the Lord had actually dawned, 
then there was no time left for them to attain that blamelessness 
in holiness, that equipment of faith, hope, and love upon which 
the first letter had insisted (I 3 13 5 8 ) as essential to the acqui 
sition of salvation; and the judgment, reserved for unbelievers, 
would certainly come upon them. 



THE SECOND LETTER 19 

Unable either to relieve the anxiety of the faint-hearted or to 
bring the idlers to a sense of duty, the leaders sent a letter (see 
notes on i 3 - n 3 1 " 5 ) to Paul by the first brother (3") who was 
journeying to Corinth. Reflecting the discouragement of the 
faint-hearted, they write remonstrating with Paul for his praise 
of their faith, love, and endurance, intimating that they were 
not worthy of it. Though they are praying that God may con 
sider them worthy of the kingdom, they fear that he may not 
deem them worthy (i 3 12 ). They tell Paul of the assertion, at 
tributed to him, that the day of the Lord is present, and the 
effect which it had both on the faint-hearted and on the idlers; 
and they ask advice specifically concerning the advent of the 
Lord and the assembling unto him (II 2 1 ). It may be conjec 
tured that "those who labour among you" (I 5 12 ) had informed 
the idle brethren that they would report their conduct to Paul; 
and that some of these idlers had retorted that they would give 
no heed to the commands of Paul by letter (II 3 14 ), and would not 
even listen to the reading of the expected reply, intimating that 
they could not be sure that the letter would be genuine (II 3 17 ). 

(2) Place, Date, and Purpose. Such a letter as we have pos 
tulated will have been sent shortly after the receipt of I. The 
new situation which it recounts is not new in kind but a natural 
development of tendencies present during the visit and evident 
in the first letter. Hence if we allow two or three weeks for I 
to reach Thessalonica, a week for the preparation of the reply, 
and two or three weeks for the reply to get to Corinth, then an 
interval between I and II of five to seven weeks is ample enough 
to account for the situation in Thessalonica suggested by II. 
Indeed, apart from the increased discouragement of the faint 
hearted and the continued recalcitrance of some of the idle breth 
ren, there is nothing to indicate a notable change in the church 
since the visit of Timothy. Persecutions are still going on (Hi 4 ; 
cf. 2 17 3 3 s -), and the Jews are evidently the instigators of the 
same (II 3 2 ); the endurance of the converts is worthy of all 
praise (II i 4 ) ; and the increase of faith and love (II i 3 ) indicates 
not a large growth numerically but an appreciative recognition 
of progress in things essential, the fulfilment in part of the prayer 



20 THESSALONIANS 

in I 3 12 . In Corinth, likewise, the situation since the writing of 
I has not changed materially; Silas and Timothy are still with 
Paul (II i 1 ); and the opposition of the Jews (Acts zy 5 ff -), those 
unrighteous and evil men whose hearts are hardened (II 3 2 ; 
cf. I 2 14 16 ), persists, so much so that Paul would gladly share with 
the converts the relief which the Parousia is to afford (II i 7 ). 
On the whole, then, the available evidence points to the assump 
tion that the second epistle was written from Corinth in the 
spring of 50 A.D. not more than five to seven weeks after the 
first epistle. 

The second epistle is not a doctrinal treatise on the Anti 
christ, as if 2 1 12 were the sole point of the letter, but a practical 
exhortation, written by request and designed to encourage the 
faint-hearted and to admonish the idlers. The description of the 
judgment in i 6 ff -, the allusions to the premonitory signs in 2 3 " 8 , 
and the characterisation of the advent of the Anomos (2 9 ~ 12 ), 
placed significantly after his destruction (2 8 ), are manifestly 
intended not to convey new information but to encourage the 
faint-hearted by reminding them of his oral instructions, an 
employment of teaching for practical needs which is charac 
teristic of Paul, as the passage in another Macedonian letter 
suggests (Phil. 2 5 ff -)- In reference to the second purpose of II, 
it is to be observed that since the idleness and meddlesomeness 
have increased, it is necessary to supplement the injunctions of 
I (4 11 12 5 14 ) by the severer command that the majority hold 
aloof from the idle brethren, avoid association with them; at 
the same time it is significant that the last word is only a repe 
tition of what was said in the first letter ($ 14 ), with an added 
covert admonition of the somewhat tactless majority: "Do not 
regard him as an enemy but admonish him as a brother" (II 3 15 ). 
To encourage the faint-hearted (II i 3 -2 17 ) and to warn the idlers 
(II 3 1 17 ) is the two-fold purpose of this simple, tactful, pastoral 
letter. 

(3) Contents. After the superscription (i 1-2 ) which differs 
from that in I only in having fjpwv after Trarpt, expressing the 
sense of common fellowship in the Father, and in having after 
the usual "from God our Father and the Lord Jesus 



THE SECOND LETTER 21 

Christ," making explicit the source of divine favour and spiritual 
prosperity, Paul enters upon the thanksgiving (i 3 10 ) and closely 
related prayer (i 11 12 ) which together form an unbroken sentence 
of over two hundred words, liturgical in tone and designed to 
encourage the faint-hearted. In spite of what they have written, 
he ought, he insists, to thank God, as is proper under the cir 
cumstances, because their faith and brotherly love abound, so 
much so that he himself, contrary to their expectations, is boast 
ing everywhere of their endurance and faith in the midst of per 
secutions. They need not worry (though the brethren as a 
whole are addressed, the faint-hearted are chiefly in mind) about 
their future salvation, for their splendid endurance springing 
from faith is positive proof that God the righteous judge will, 
in keeping with his purpose, deem them worthy of entrance into 
the kingdom, on behalf of which they as well as he are suffering. 
It will not always be well with their persecutors, for God, as 
righteous in judgment, will recompense them with affliction, as 
he will recompense the afflicted converts with relief from the 
same, a relief which Paul also will share. God will do so at the 
great assize (described in i 7b-1 not for the sake of the descrip 
tion but for the encouragement of the believers) when the wicked, 
those, namely, who do not reverence God and do not obey the 
gospel of our Lord Jesus, will receive as their punishment sepa 
ration forever from Christ, on the very day when the righteous in 
general and (with an eye to the faint-hearted) all who became 
believers (for the converts believed the gospel addressed to them) 
will be the ground of honour and admiration accorded to Christ 
by the attendant angels. To reach this happy consummation, 
to be acquitted in that day, Paul prays, as the converts likewise 
prayed, that God will fill them with goodness and love, in order 
that finally the name of the Lord Jesus may be honoured in 
virtue of what they are and they may be honoured in virtue of 
what his name has accomplished. This glorification and blessed 
consummation, he assures them, is in accordance with the divine 
favour of our God and of the Lord Jesus Christ (i 3 12 ). 

A little impatient that they have forgotten the instructions 
which he had given them orally and at a loss to understand how 



22 THESSALONIANS 

anything he had said in the Spirit, orally, or in his previous letter 
could be misconstrued to imply that he was responsible for the 
assertion that the day of the Lord is present, and yet recognising 
the agitation of the faint-hearted by reason of the assertion, and 
their need of encouragement, Paul turns to the specific question 
put to him "as to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and our 
assembling unto him" and exhorts them not to let their minds 
become easily unsettled and not to be nervously wrought up by 
the assertion, however conveyed and by whatever means at 
tributed to him, that the day of the Lord is actually present. 
Allow no one to delude you, he says, into such a belief whatever 
means may be employed. Then choosing to treat the question 
put, solely with reference to the assertion and ever bearing in 
mind the need of the faint-hearted, he selects from the whole of 
his previous oral teaching on times and seasons only such ele 
ments as serve to prove that the assertion is mistaken, and re 
minds them that the day will not be present until first of all the 
apostasy comes and there is revealed a definite and well-known 
figure variously characterised as the man of lawlessness, the son 
of destruction, etc., allusions merely with which the readers are 
quite familiar, so familiar indeed that he can cut short the char 
acterisation, and appeal, with a trace of impatience at their 
forgetfulness, to the memory of the readers to complete the 
picture (2 1 5 ). 

Turning from the future to the present, he explains why the 
apostasy and the revelation of the Anomos are delayed. Though 
the day of the Lord is not far distant, for there has already 
been set in operation the secret of lawlessness which is prepar 
ing the way for the apostasy and revelation of the Anomos, 
still that day will not be actually present until that which re 
strains him in order that the Anomos may be revealed only at 
the time set him by God, or the person who now restrains him, 
is put out of the way. Then and not till then will the Anomos be 
revealed. But of him the believers need have no fear, for the 
Lord will destroy him; indeed his Parousia, inspired by Satan 
and attended by outward signs and inward deceit prompted by 
falsehood and unrighteousness, is intended not for believers but 



THE SECOND LETTER 23 

for unbelievers. These are destined to destruction, like the son 
of destruction himself, because they have destroyed themselves 
by refusing to welcome the heavenly guest, the influence of the 
Spirit designed to awaken within them the love for the truth 
which is essential to their salvation. As a consequence of their 
refusal, God as righteous judge is bound himself (for it is he 
and not Satan or the Anomos who is in control) to send them an 
inward working to delude them into believing the falsehood, in 
order that at the day of judgment they might be condemned, all 
of them, on the ground that they believed not the truth but con 
sented to unrighteousness (2 6 12 ). 

With a purposed repetition of i 3 , Paul emphasises his obliga 
tion to thank God for them, notwithstanding their discouraged 
utterances, because, as he had said before (I i 4 ff -), they are 
beloved and elect, chosen of God from everlasting, called and 
destined to obtain the glory of Christ. As beloved and elect, 
they should have no fear about their ultimate salvation and no 
disquietude by reason of the assertion that the day is present, 
but remembering the instructions, received orally and in his let 
ter, should stand firm and hold those teachings. Aware however 
that divine power alone can make effective his appeal, and aware 
that righteousness, guaranteed by the Spirit, is indispensable to 
salvation, Paul prays that Christ and God, who in virtue of their 
grace had already commended their love to Christians in the 
death of Christ and had granted them through the Spirit inward 
assurance of salvation and hope for the ultimate acquisition of 
the glory of Christ, may grant also to the faint-hearted that same 
assurance and strengthen them in words and works of righteous 
ness (2 13 17 ). 

With these words of encouragement to the faint-hearted, he 
turns to the case of the idle brethren. Wishing to get their will 
ing obedience, he appeals to the sympathy of all in requesting 
prayer for himself and his cause, and commends their faith. 
Referring to some remarks in their letter, he observes that if the 
idlers are disposed to excuse themselves on the ground that the 
tempter is too strong for them, they must remember that Christ 
is really to be depended on to give them power to resist tempta- 



24 THESSALONIANS 

tion. Inasmuch as they have in Christ this power, Paul in the 
same Christ avows his faith in them that they will gladly do 
what he commands; indeed they are even now doing so. But 
to make his appeal effective, the aid of Christ is indispensable, 
the power that will awaken in them a sense of God s love and 
of the possession of that adequate endurance which is inspired 
by Christ (3 1 " 5 ). Having thus tactfully prepared the way, he 
takes up directly the question of the idlers. He commands the 
brethren as a whole to keep aloof from every brother who lives 
as an idler, a command issued not on his own authority but on 
that of the name of Christ. He is at pains to say that he is urg 
ing nothing new, and gently prepares for the repetition of the 
original instruction by referring to the way in which he worked 
to support himself when he was with them, so as to free them 
from any financial burden, strengthening the reference by re 
minding them that although he was entitled to a stipend as an 
apostle of Christ, he waived the right in order that his self- 
sacrificing labour might be an example to them. Then after 
explaining the occasion of the present command, he enjoins the 
idlers, impersonally and indirectly and with a tactfully added 
"we exhort," to work and earn their own living with no agita 
tion about the day of the Lord. With a broad hint to the ma 
jority as to their attitude to the idle brethren, he faces the con 
tingency of disobedience on the part of some of the idlers. These 
recalcitrants are to be designated; there is to be no association 
with them. But the purpose of the discipline is repentance and 
reform. Once more the majority are warned: "Do not treat 
him as an enemy but warn him as a brother" (s 6 " 15 ). Since the 
command alone may not succeed in restoring peace to the brother 
hood, Paul finally prays that Christ, the Lord of peace, may give 
them a sense of inward religious peace, and that too continually 
in every circumstance of life (3 16 ). Anticipating that some of 
the idlers may excuse their refusal to listen to Paul s letters on 
the ground that they are not his own, Paul underscores the fact 
that he is wont to write at the end a few words in his own hand 
(3 17 ). The benediction closes the pastoral letter (3 18 ). 
(4) Religious Convictions. The religious convictions expressed 



THE SECOND LETTER 25 

or implied in II are Pauline. As in I so in II, the apocalyptic 
and the mystic are both attested. Though the former element 
is more obvious because of the circumstances, the latter is pres 
ent as an equally essential part of the gospel, "our gospel" (2 14 ), 
to use the characteristic designation of the convictions that he 
had held for over seventeen years. Central is the conviction, 
inherited by Paul from the early church (cf. Acts 2 36 ) and con 
stant with him to the end (Phil. 2 11 ), that Jesus is Christ and 
Lord. Of the names that recur, Our (The) Lord Jesus Christ 
( 2 i. i4. is 3 s. 3-1. 2 2 i2 3 6. 12^ Qur (The) Lord Jesus (i 8 - 12 ; i 7 ) 
Christ ( 3 5 ) and The Lord (i 9 2 2 - 13 3 1 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 16 - 16 ), the last, 
6 /cvpios, is characteristic of II as compared with I (cf. II 3 1 " 5 
with Phil. 4 1 5 ). Though there is no explicit mention either of 
his death (cf. 2 16 ) or of his resurrection, the fact that he is Lord 
and Christ presupposes both that he is raised from the dead and 
that he is soon to usher into the kingdom of God all those who 
have been deemed worthy (i 5 ). This day of the Lord (2 2 ) is not 
actually present, as some had asserted, but it is not far distant (2 7 ). 
In that day (i 10 ), when the Lord comes (2 1 ) or is revealed from 
heaven (i 7 ), he will destroy the Anomos (2 8 ), execute judgment 
on unbelievers (i 6 - 8 ~ 9 ), the doomed (2 9 ~ 12 ), by removing them 
eternally from his presence; and will bring salvation (2 10 - 13 ) 
and glory (2 14 ) to all believers (i 10 ), those, namely, who have 
welcomed the love for the truth (2 10 ) and have believed the gospel 
preached to them (i 10 2 14 ) when they were called (i 11 2 14 ). 

The exalted Lord does not however confine his Messianic ac 
tivities to the day of his coming; he is already at work in the 
present. To him either alone (3 5 - 1G ) or with the Father (2 16 ), 
prayer is addressed; and from him with the Father come grace 
(i 2 2 12 - 1G ) and peace (i 2 ; cf. 3 16 ); he is with the believers (3 16 ), 
the faithful Lord who strengthens them and guards them from 
the Evil One (3 3 ) and gives them an eternal encouragement, 
good hope, and endurance (2 16 3 5 ). In these passages it is not 
always easy to tell whether Paul is thinking of the Lord who is 
at the right hand of God (Rom. 8 34 ) or of the Lord who is in the 
believers (Rom. 8 10 ). However that may be, it is important to 
observe that the Lord to Paul is not only the being enthroned 
with God and ready to appear at the last day for judgment and 



26 THESSALONIANS 

salvation but also, and this is distinctive, the permanent in 
dwelling power unto righteousness, the ground of assurance that 
the elect and called will enter into the glory to be revealed, the 
first fruits of which they now enjoy. And this distinctive ele 
ment underlies the utterances of this epistle, especially of i 11 12 
and 2 13 17 . It is the indwelling Lord in whom the church of the 
Thessalonians exist (i 1 ), in whom also Paul has his confidence 
in reference to the readers (3*) and gives his command and ex 
hortation (3 12 ). The same Lord within inspires the gospel (3 1 ) 
and equips the persecuted with an endurance that is adequate 
(3 5 ). It is the Spirit, to whom equally with the Lord Paul as 
cribes the divine operations, that accounts for the charismata 
(2 2 ) and prompts consecration to God and faith in the truth (2 13 ). 
And it is either the Spirit or the Lord who is the means by which 
God fills the readers with goodness and love (eV Swa^ei i 11 ; 
cf. ev flew i 1 ). 

Faith in Jesus the Christ and Lord (i 3 - 4 - n ) or faith in the 
gospel (i 10 2 13 ) which he inspires (3 1 ) and which Paul pro 
claims (i 10 2 14 ) is the initial conviction that distinguishes the 
believers (i 10 ) from the Jews (3 2 ) and all others who have be 
lieved the lie of the Anomos with its unrighteousness (2 9 ~ 12 ). 
This faith is apparently prompted by the Spirit, the heavenly 
guest that seeks to stir within the soul the love for the truth 
unto salvation (2 10 ) and that inspires the consecration of the 
individual body and soul to God, and faith in the truth of the 
gospel (2 13 ). To be sure, the love for the truth may not be wel 
comed; in that case, God who controls the forces of evil, Satan 
and his instrument the Anomos, himself sends an inward work 
ing to delude the unbelievers into believing the lie, so that their 
condemnation follows of moral necessity; for they themselves 
are responsible for being in the category of the lost. On the 
other hand, if the promptings of the Spirit are heeded, then the 
activities of the Spirit continue in believers; a new power (i 11 ) 
enters into their life to abide permanently, a power whose pres 
ence is manifested not only in extraordinary phenomena (2 2 ) 
but in ethical fruits such as (cf. Gal. 5 22 f -, i Cor. I3 1 % and 
Rom. i2 6 ff -) love (the work of faith i 11 ), brotherly love (i 3 3 15 ), 
peace (3 1G ), goodness (i 11 ), encouragement (2 16 ), hope (2 16 ), en- 



THE SECOND LETTER 27 

durance (3 5 1 4 ), and, in fact, every good work and word (2 17 ) ; and 
a power unto righteousness that insures the verdict of acquittal 
at the last day (i 5 - n ), and the entrance into the glory of the 
kingdom, foretastes of which the believer even now enjoys. 

Since there are no errorists in Thessalonica, such as are to be 
found later in Colossce dethroning Christ from his supremacy, 
there is no occasion for an express insistence upon his pre-emi 
nence. It is thus noteworthy in II not only that the Lordship 
of Jesus is conspicuous but also that in 2 16 as in Gal. i 1 he is 
named before the Father. There are no Judaists in Thessalonica ; 
hence it is not significant that the categories prominent in Gala- 
tians (a letter which Zahn, McGiffert, Bacon, Lake, and others 
put before I and II), namely, law, justification, works, etc., are 
absent from II as from I. Furthermore, since the situation does 
not demand a reference to the historical or psychological origin 
of Sin, it is not surprising that we hear nothing either in II or 
in I of Sin, Adam, Flesh. In fact, it happens that in II there 
is no explicit mention either of the death or of the resurrection 
of Christ. What is emphasised in II along with the apocalyptic 
is the indwelling power of the Lord or the Spirit, the source of 
the moral life and the ground of assurance not only of election 
from eternity but also of future salvation (i 5 - 11-12 2 13 " 17 ), an 
emphasis to be expected in a letter one of the two purposes of 
which is to encourage those whose assurance of salvation was 



(5) Disposition. The second letter may thus be divided: 

I. Superscription i 1 2 

A. Encouraging the Faint-hearted i 3 -2 17 
II. Thanksgiving and Prayer i 3 12 



(i) Assurance of Salvation 



3-10 



(2) Prayer for Righteousness i 11 12 
III. Exhortation 2 1 12 

(1) Why the Day is not present 2 1 " 8 

(2) Destruction of the Anomos 2 s 

(3) Parousia of the Anomos only for the 
doomed 2 9 " 12 



28 THESSALONIANS 

IV. Thanksgiving, Command, and Prayer 2 13 17 

(1) Assurance of Salvation 2 13 14 

(2) Hold fast to Instructions 2 15 

(3) Prayer for Encouragement and Righteous 
ness 2 16 17 

B. Warning the Idlers 3 1 17 

V. Finally 3 1 5 

Transition to the Idlers 
VI. Command and Exhortation 3 6 15 

The Case of the Idlers 
VII. Prayer for Peace 3 16 
VIII. Salutation 3 17 
IX. Benediction 3 18 



IV. LANGUAGE AND PERSONAL EQUATION 

(i) Words. The vocabulary of the letters is Pauline. The pres 
ence of words either in I or in II which are not found elsewhere 
in the N. T., or which are found either in I or in II and elsewhere 
in the N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul (the Pastoral Epistles 
not being counted as Pauline), indicates not that the language 
is not Pauline, but that Paul s vocabulary is not exhausted in 
any or all of the ten letters here assumed as genuine. Taking 
the text of WH. as a basis, we find in I about 362 words (includ 
ing 30 particles and 15 prepositions) and in II about 250 words 
(including 26 particles and 14 prepositions). Of this total vo 
cabulary of about 612 words, 146 (including 20 particles and 13 
prepositions) are found both in I and in II. 

Two hundred and ninety-nine of the 362 words in I (about 
82 per cent) and 215 of the 250 words in II (about 86 per cent) 
are found also in one or more of the Major Epistles of Paul (i. e. 
Rom. i, 2 Cor. Gal.). If we added to the 299 words of I some 
19 words not found in one or more of the Major Epistles but 
found in one or more of the Epistles of the Captivity (i. e. Eph. 
Phil. Col. Phile.), then 318 of the 362 words in I (about 88 per 
cent) would appear to be Pauline; and similarly if we added to 



LANGUAGE 29 

the 215 words of II some 7 words not found in one or more of 
the Major Epistles but found in one or more of the Epistles of 
the Captivity, then 222 of the 250 words in iKabout 89 per cent) 
would appear to be Pauline. 

Of the 146 words common to I and II all but 4 are also found in one 
or more of the Major Epistles. These 4 are eaaaXovcxeug I i 1 II i 1 
(Acts 20* 272); xaTu66vtv I 3" II 3 5 (Lk. i 79 ); epo>T<?v I 4* 5 12 II 2 
(Phil. 4 3 ; Gospels, Acts, i, 2 Jn.); and xepixohjcK; I 5 9 _II 2 U (Eph. i 14 ; 
Heb. io 39 i Pet. 2 9 ). The 19 words in I and in the Epistles of the Cap 
tivity but not in the Major Epistles are dy<&v 2 2 (Phil. Col. Past.); 
dxpcpwq 5 2 (Eph.); dxxea0ac 4 5 22 (Phil. Phile. fafyw, Past. dxdx- 
eoOat); aWxTog 3 13 (Phil.); 8fe 2 18 (Phil.); epanccv 4 1 (II, Phil.); 
OdXxEtv 2 7 (Eph. 5 29 ); 6a>pa 5 s (Eph.); xaOsuSecv 5- 7 - 10 (Eph.); 
(Eph.); ^0uaxea0ac 5 7 (Eph.); xappTjacdc^eaOae 2 2 (Eph.); 
5 8 (Eph.); xepcxofyatq 5 9 (II, Eph.); xX-qpospopta i 5 (Col.); 
2 5 (Phil.); cevv6vai 5 19 (Eph.); ?tXtxxot 2 2 (Phil.); and 
uxspexxEptaoou 3 10 5 13 (Eph. 3 20 ). The 7 words in II and in the Epistles 
of the Captivity but not in the Major Epistles are capEcaOac 2 13 (Phil.); 
dxaTT) 2 10 (Col. Eph.); lvpyta 2- " (Phil. Col. Eph.); p(OT<?v 21 
(I, Phil.); taxu? i 9 (Eph.); xpaTtv 2 15 (Col.); and xepcxofyoeg 2 14 (I, 
Eph.). Of these 19 + 7 = 26 words, two are common to I and II (IptoTqcv 
and icepixofyuis); and four others are distinctively Pauline, in that they 
do not occur in the N. T. apart from Paul (IvdpyEia; 6aXxcv; xpc- 
x9ccXou a:; and 



Of the 44 (362318 = 44) words of I which are not found in 
v the Major Epistles or in the Epistles of the Captivity, 20 are 
also not found elsewhere in the N. T., 22 are found elsewhere in 
the N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul, and 2 are common to I and 
II. Again, of the 28 (250222 = 28) words of II which are not 
found in the Major Epistles or in the Epistles of the Captivity, 
io are also not found elsewhere in the N. T., 16 are found else 
where in the N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul, and 2 are common 
to II and I. 

In the subjoined lists, an asterisk indicates that the word is not 
found in the Lxx. 

(a) Words in I but not elsewhere in the N. T.: ^[m^wq 2 10 5"; 
dva[AVEcv i 10 ; * dtxopqjav^saOac 2 17 ; aTax/uoq 5 14 ; IxBccoxEtv 2 1 
5"; E^xElaGac i 8 ; *0oSt BaxToq 4 9 ; xXua^a4 16 ; *xoXaxta 2 5 

2 8 ; &ai ax; 2 10 ; 



30 THESSALONIANS 



* xpoxdaxecv 2 2 ; * aat veaOat 3 3 ; * cupi^uXeTTQi; 2 14 ; Tpo^dg 2 7 ; and uxep- 
^occvstv 4 6 . 

(&) Words in II but not elsewhere in the N. T.: *dTaxTeIv 3 7 ; drdx- 
T6)<; 3 6 - n ; *Iv8etytJia i 5 ; IvBo^aLecOat i 10 - 12 ; IvxauxaaOac i 4 ; * xaXo- 
xotelv 3 13 ; xepiepyd CeaOac 3"; aipetouaOac 3"; T{VS:V i 9 ; and uxepau^- 
dveaOa: i 3 . 

(c) Words in I and elsewhere in N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul: AOij- 
VOCC3 1 ; cc?9Vt i$co<; 5 ; d>o}(hv6c; i 9 ; dXirjOwq 2 13 ; dxdvTiqacq 4 17 ; *dpy w dy- 
yeXog 4 16 ; da^dXeta 5 3 ; eYaoBo? i 9 2 1 ; ^auxd^ecv 4"; xTaa0ac 4 4 ; 
oX6xXT]po<; 5 23 ; xapajAuGstcOac 2 11 5 14 ; irotyapouv 4 s ; 5@pieiv 2 2 ; toBc v 
5 s ; dvTexeaOat 5 H ; yaarrjp 5 s ; BcajjiapTupsaOat 4 6 ; evavTtoq 2 15 ; e^ta- 
Tdvat 5 3 ; vrj^etv 5 G - 8 ; and icapcrffeXfoc 4 2 . The last seven words are in 
I, in one or more of the Pastorals, and elsewhere in the N. T., but not 
elsewhere in Paul. 

(d) Words in II and elsewhere in N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul: 
dvatpelv 2 8 ; dxoaTaata 2 3 ; d Toxcq 3 2 ; Bouj i 9 ; Ixtauvaywy^ 2 1 ; GpostaOac 
2 2 ; xaTa^touv i 5 ; [jLt^EtaOat 3 7 ; aaXeuecv 2 2 ; oe^aa^a 2 4 ; 9X6^ i 8 ; dstouv 
i"; ext^dveta 2 8 ; T]aux a 3 12 ; xp(aiq i 5 and [JL^TS 2 2 . The last five words 
are in II, in one or more of the Pastorals, and !xc9dvecoc excepted, else 
where in N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul. While ex^dveta appears 
elsewhere in N. T. only in the Pastorals, the phrase in II 2 8 TJ ex^dveca 
TTJI; xapoucfa? auTou is unique in the Gk. Bib. 

(e) Words common to I and II and found elsewhere in N. T. but not 
elsewhere in Paul: 6eaaaXovtx.eu<; 1 1 1 II i 1 (Acts 2o 4 272) and xaxsuOuvstv 
I 3" II 35 (Lk. i 79 ). 

None of the words in the five lists above can be strictly called un- 
Pauline. 

Attention has often been called to the consideration that II 
contains very few words which are found in Paul but not else 
where in the N. T., except such as it has in common with I. As 
a matter of fact, the same criterion applied to I demonstrates 
that II is relatively better off than I in this respect. Apart from 
the two words common to I and II which are found elsewhere in 
Paul but not elsewhere in the N. T. (eiri^apelv I 2 9 II 3 8 2 
Cor. 2 5 and /-to ^005 I 2 9 II 3 8 2 Cor. n 27 )> there are only 12 of 
the 216 words in I (362146 common = 216) and 8 of the 104 
words in II (250 146 common = 104) which are found else 
where in Paul but not elsewhere in the N. T. 

(a) Words found in I and Paul (except II) but not elsewhere in the 
N.T.: dytwa^vir] 3 13 (Rom. i*2Cor. 7 1 ); dStaXeiVccog i 3 2 13 5 17 (Rom. i 9 ); 
6 (Rom. i3 4 ); euax^^vox; 4 12 (Rom. 13" i Cor. 14"); GdXxecv 



LANGUAGE 31 



2 7 (Eph. 5 29 ) xd0oq 4 5 (Rom. i 26 Col. 3*); xepcxe^ocXafo (s 8 Eph. 6 17 ); 
xXovXTlv 4 6 (2 Cor. 2 11 7 2 i2 17 - 18 ); icpo^yeiv 3 4 (2 Cor. 132 Gal. 5 21 ); 

3 1 - B (i Cor. g 12 i3 7 ); uxpxxpiaaou 3 10 S 13 (Eph. 3 20 ); and 

ca0ai 4" (Rom. i5 20 2 Cor. 5). 
(6) Words found in II and Paul (except I) but not elsewhere in the 
N. T.: dyaOwauyo i 11 (Rom. 15" Gal. s 22 Eph. 5 9 ); e c xsp i 6 (Rom. ter 
i Cor. bia 2 Cor. 5 3 ); Ivepyeca 2 9 - (Eph. Phil. Col.); ardXXeaOai 3 
(2 Cor. 8 20 ); auvava^yvuaGac 3 14 (i Cor. 5 9 - "); and uxepafpsaGac 2* 
(2 Cor. i2 7 ). 

On the other hand, the vocabulary of I is relatively somewhat 
richer than II in specifically Pauline words, if we reckon as 
specific such words as are found in I and II (apart from words 
common to both) and elsewhere in the N. T., but elsewhere 
chiefly in Paul including one or more of the Major Epistles. 

(a) Words found in I and elsewhere in N. T. but elsewhere chiefly 
in Paul including one or more of the Major Epistles, II being excepted: 
dyvoscv 4 13 ; dxocOapafcc 2 3 4 7 ; dvaxXiqpoOv 2 16 ; a^uoq 2 12 ; dp*axiv 2 4 - 15 4 ! ; 
daOevfjq 5 14 ; Soxt^etv 2 4 ; SouXefleiv i 9 ; eYSwAov i 9 ; ecprjveustv 5"; 
IxXoyrj i 4 ; e^ouOevetv 5 20 ; S TCSJTOC 4 17 ; IxtxoOsIv 3 6 ; eu^aptaTtoc 3; xaOdxep 
211 2 6 - 12 4 5 ; xaux^^t? 2 19 ; {xsTaStodvat 2 8 ; [xt[XT)T^<; i 6 2 14 ; [xvsfa i 2 3 8 j 
v^xtoq 2 7 ; xeptaaoT^ptoq 2 17 ; XOTS 2 5 ; auvepyd? 3 2 ; uaTepTQjAa 3 10 ; and 

<?>0&VIV 2 16 4 15 . 

(&) Words found in II and elsewhere in N. T. but elsewhere chiefly 
in Paul including one or more of the Major Epistles, I being excepted: 
5vsati; i 7 ; dvd/saOat i 4 ; dxoxd:Xu^i<; i 7 ; IvcaT&vac 2 2 ; evxaxslv 3 13 ; 
s^axaTav 2 3 ; euBoxfa i 11 ; xaTapyetv 2 8 ; xXfjatq i 11 ; and vouq 2 2 . 

(c) Words common to I and II, found elsewhere in N. T. but elsewhere 
chiefly in Paul including one or more of the Major Epistles, may here 
be added: dycaa^6<; I 4 3 - 4 - 7 II 2 13 ; avTaxoBcoovat I 3 9 II i 6 ; e rus I 5 10 
II 2 15 ; evspyetaOoct I 2 13 II 2 7 ; IxcaToXr) I 5 27 II 2 2 - 314. n. OX^etv I 
3 4 II i 6 - 7 ; euBoxecv I 2 8 3 1 II 2 12 ; x6xo<; I i 3 2 9 3 5 II 3 8 ; vouGeTscv I 5 12 - " 
II 3 15 ; oXeOpo? I 5 3 II i 9 ; xapdx^at? I 2 3 II 2 1C ; xXeovd^stv I 3 12 II i 3 ; 
and ct-^xecv I 3" II 2 15 . 

It is generally conceded that the vocabulary of I is Pauline; 
and the same may be said with justice of II. Even when the 
literary resemblances between I and II are taken into account, it 
is to be remembered that of the 146 words common to I and II 
all but four are to be found in one or more of the Major Epistles of 
Paul; and that two of these four recur in one or more of the Epis 
tles of the Captivity, the remaining two being 6eo-o-a\ovitcevs 3 



32 THESSALONIANS 

and the good Lxx. word KarevOvveiv. Nageli s estimate of the 
vocabulary of II is at least not an overstatement: "Taking it on 
the whole, the lexical situation of this letter yields nothing es 
sential either for the affirmation or for the negation of the ques 
tion of authenticity" (Wortschatz des Paulus, 1905, 80). 

(2) Phrases. More significant than the vocabulary of I and 
II are the phrases and turns of thought. Two groups have been 
compiled, one in which the phrases are apparently unique, the 
other in which they are more or less specifically Pauline. The 
lists are not exhaustive, but the impression conveyed by them 
is that as with the vocabulary so with the phrases the resource 
ful mind of Paul is at work. 

In the following lists, an asterisk indicates that the phrase is appar 
ently not in the Lxx. ; Lxx. = reminiscence from the Lxx. ; and Lxx. cit. = 
a citation from the Lxx. 

(i) Unique Phrases. (a) Phrases in I but not elsewhere in N. T.: 

*6qjia aijv 4 17 5 10 ; BcBovac icveujxa EC? 4 8 (Lxx.); *ec<;Tbv eva 5"; EtAxpoaOcv 
with divine]names i 3 2 19 3 9 - 13 ; * ev @dpec elvocc 2 6 ; * ep{DT<?v xal xapaxaXeiv 
4 1 (Papyri); * e%ecv eTaoSov icp6q Tcva i 9 ; xaOdxep oTBocTe 2 11 (cf. xaOw? 
oT8Ts 2 2 - 5 3 4 ); *xpb? xacpbv wpag 2 17 (Latinism in XOCVTQ ?); * 6eb<; 
wv xal dXiq0cv6<; i 9 ; xaTeuOuvetv r?)v bBbv xp6<; 3" (Lxx.); *f) Spyfj fj 
epXO[xevTQ i 10 ; -^ xfaTtq -^ -Tupbq Tbv 6eov i 8 ; ol xeptXstxd^evot 4 15 - 17 ; 
* < rcp<5:aaiv T& YSta 4" (classic); * aaXxlY^ 6eoS (apocalyptic? c/. i Cor. 
IS 52 ); aTecpavoc; xauxficreox; 2 19 (Lxx.); * ulol TjpLspa? 5 5 , The next two 
may have been coined by Paul: * 6 xoxo? i^q dyaxr]? i 3 and *fj 
5icoy.ovf| TTJ? IXirt Boc; i 3 . The following have a distinctively Pauline 
flavour: Sc& TOU Iiqaou 4"; Sta TOU xupfou Irjaou 4 2 ; ev TW 0e(7) fjtjLwv 2 2 ; 
Iv 6sw TcaTpf i 2 ; o* vexpol ev xpta-rq) 4 16 (cf. i Cor. i5 18 Rev. 14"); and 
ol xot[JiT)6dvTe<; ota TOU I^aou 4 14 . 

(6) Phrases in II, but not elsewhere in N. T.: *StS6vai IxBoujac v -rive 
i 8 ; *ex ^aou yi veaOca 2 7 ; Iv xavTl Tpox(p 3 16 (cf. Phil, i 18 ); euBoxetv 
nvc 2 12 (Lxx.); *euxaptaTtv 6(ptXotAev i 3 2 13 ; TjyelaOat (I)? 3 15 (Lxx.); 
*aTTQp^etv xal <puX&aaecv 3 3 ; *Tt vetv St xrjv i 9 (classic); * dxaTiQ dtStxia? 
2 10 ; *OCTOTCO<; xal rcovTjp6<; 3 2 ; *evspyeca xXavYjq 2 11 ; xaTeu6uvetv Ta? 
xapBfa? 3 5 (Lxx.); *xeptxaTe!v aTaxTdx; 3 6 - n ; *xtaTeuetv TVJ dcXi^Oecijc 2 12 ; 
*xtcTuetv TW 4 ^ t 2"; *xt(7Tt<; dXifjOecac; 2 13 (cf. Phil, i 27 ); *aaXeu0^vt 
dxb TOU voo? 2 2 . The influence of apocalyptic may be felt in * dfyyeXot 
i 7 ; dveXec T(p xvsu^aTt TOU cr6[AaTO<; 2 8 (Lxx.); *6 av0pcox-og 

ofA^aq 2 3 ; 6 dvrtxe^evo? XTX. 2 4 (Lxx. in part); dxb TYJ? 86^irj? TTJ? 

i 9 (Lxx. cit.); *^ Ixt^dveca T^<; xapouafccg 2 s ; *6 xaTe^wv d pTt 2 7 ; 

Tl^ov 2 6 ; *Tb ^uaTYJptov TYJ<; dvopi^ac; 2 7 ; oXeGpo? afwvtoq i 9 ; 



LANGUAGE 33 

XTX. i* (Lxx. in part). The following may have been coined by 

Paul: *TJ dydx-rj T^? dXTjQec ag 2 10 ; *eXxl? dyaGr] 2 16 ; euSoxi a dya- 
GwauvTj? i 11 ; Tb [xapTUptov Tjpiwv i 10 (c/. euayye"Xiov 2 U ); * xapdxXiqcK; 
afow a 2 16 ; *Tpexetv xal So^a^eaOat 3 1 ; *TJ UXO^JLOVTJ TOU ^pcaToij 3 5 . The 
following have a distinctively Pauline flavour: *ev Gey xccTpl f)[jLwv i 1 ; 
*Tb euayyeXcov TOU xupc ou TJ^WV Lqaou i 8 ; 6 Gebq 6 xarrjp Y][xwv 2 1C ; *o 
xupcoq Tfjq ecpiqvTji; 3 16 (c/. I 5 23 ); and xcaTog Se ecmv 6 xupioq 3 3 . 

(c) Phrases in I and elsewhere in N. T., but not elsewhere in Paul: 
SexecOocc -rbv Xoyov i 6 2 13 ; ev [jLeaw cww gen. 2 7 ; xaG&q o cSate 2 2 - 8 3 4 ; 
X6yoq dxoiji; 2 13 ; 6 xscpa^tov 3 5 ; ulol ^wroq 5 5 . 

(d) Phrases in II and elsewhere in N. T., but not elsewhere in Paul: 
dv6 d>v 2 10 ; doc* c5:px^? 2 13 ; dcxb ^poawxou i 9 (Lxx. cit.); StS6vat ecpTrjviqv 
3 18 ; Stxocia xp(at<; i 5 (cf. Rom. 2 5 ); ev aytaa^w icvsujiaToq 2 13 (i Pet. 
i 2 ); ev xupl 9Xoyo<; i 8 (Lxx.); Iv Tfl ^epoc exefvin i 10 (Lxx. cit.); e pyy xal 
X6yw 2"; ecrOt scv apTOV 3 8 - :2 ; xpotTelv Taq xapaS6aet<; 2 15 (c/. i Cor. n 2 ); 

ol ^caTeuaavTsq i 10 ; 6 utbq T^C; dxtoXetaq 2 3 . 

Phrases common to I and II, but not elsewhere in N. T. : dBeT^ol 
&xb TOL OeoCi (xup(ou) I i 4 II 2 13 (Lxx. with Paul s (&5eX?oQ; 
yap o t SaTS I 2 1 3 2 5 2 II 3 7 ; ev Getp TOrupl (7)[xoiv) I i 1 II i 1 and ev 
%upc q> I. X. I i 1 II IJ 3 12 (ev is distinctively Pauline); ep(07W[j.ev Se u^xac; 
dBeX?of I 5 12 II 2 1 (for xapa/.aXoO[a.ev, due to infrequent use of epcoTav in 
Paul); xod ydp OTS I 3* II 3 10 ; (Tb) e pyov (TYJ<;) iccaTetot; I i 3 II i 12 ; 
a^Tbq 6 x6pto? I 3 11 4 1G II 2" 3 1G (c/. Rom. 8 16 - 26 i Cor. i5 28 2 Cor. 8 19 N ). 

(/) Phrases common to I and II, found elsewhere in N. T., but not 
elsewhere in Paul: auTbq 6 6eo? I 3 11 5 23 II 2 16 (Rev. 2i 3 ); xal Sid TOUTO 
(I 2 13 II 2 11 ); 6 X6yo? TOU xupfou I i 8 (4 15 ) II 3 1 (cf. Col. 3 16 ); vuy.Tb? xal 
^[jL^paq I 2 9 II 3 s ; xpoaeuxeaOe -jcepl fj^v I 5 25 II 3 1 (Heb. i3 18 ; cf. 
Col. 4 2 ). 

(2) Pauline Phrases. (a) Phrases in I and Paul except II but not 
elsewhere in N. T. Unless otherwise indicated, they are found in one or 
more of the Major Epistles: xa xal 8(<; 2 M (Phil. 4"; Lxx.); ef? xevdv 
3 5 ; ev icavTi 5 18 ; ev xoXXcp (xoXXij) i 5 - 6 2 2 - n exl TWV xpoaeu^wv i 2 ; dp- 
daxetv 6eai 2 4 - 15 4 1 ; Sta TOU xupi ou Tjyuov I. X. 5 9 ; ev cpiXT^aTC dyt cp 5 2C ; 
elvat auv xupfto 4" (Phil, i 23 ); ev xupc w Irjcou 4 1 ; epyd^eaGat Tacq x P at v 
4 11 ; Tb euayy^Xtov TOU xP taT 3 3 2 euxaptaTetv Ttp Gew i 2 2 13 ; ^fjv auv 
auTw 5 10 ; ty.s.lq ol t,6ivTe<; 415-" (2 Cor. 4 11 ); ou GsXojxev u^aq dyvoelv 
4"; 6 Gebq xal xaTTjp ^[JLWV i 3 3"- 13 ; Gebq [xapT6? 2 5 - 10 6 xaXwv 6[j.a<; 2 12 
5 24 ; xsptxaTetv d^c toq TOU Geou 2 12 (Col. i 10 ); aT^xeTe ev xupftp 3 s (Phil. 
4 1 ) ; and auvepyol TOU Gsou 3 2 . 

(b) Phrases in II and Paul except I but not elsewhere in N. T. Unless 
otherwise indicated, they are found in one or more of the Major 
Epistles: IXYJ with aor. subj. of prohibition in third person 2 3 (i Cor. 
i6 u 2 Cor. ii 16 ); position of [i6vov 2 7 (Gal. 2 10 ); extaTeuGr) with imper 
sonal subject i" (Rom. io 10 ); &q cm 2 2 (2 Cor. 5" ii 21 ); ol dxoXXufxe- 
vot 2 10 ; 6 daxaa[xbc; TTJ Ijifj ^etpl HauXou 3"; [x-fj evxax^aiQTe xaXoxotouvTec 
3 



34 THESSALONIANS 



3" (Gal. 6 9 ); Osb? xarrjp -rjyiwv i 1 ; 6 X6yo<; YJ^WV 3" (2 Cor. i 18 ); xapa- 
xaXelv Ttxq xapBtag 2 7 (cf. Col. 2 2 4 8 Eph. 6 22 ); xexoiOevat ev xupup 3 4 
(Phil. 2 24 ; c/. Rom. 14") ; and uxocxoueiv Ttp euYYeX((i) i 8 (Rom. io 16 ). 

(c) Phrases in I and elsewhere in N. T. but elsewhere chiefly in Paul 
including one or more of the Major Epistles, II being excepted: ev XOCVT! 
TOX(J> i 8 ; ol e(D 4 12 ; exixoOelv ZSelv 3 6 ; TO euayY^ ov TO" 6eo 22- 8 9 5 
GeX-rpa TOU 6eou 4 3 5 18 ; b Gebq TYJ<; etpTQVYjq 5 23 ; ol Xocxoc 4 13 5 6 ; and x&v- 
Te? o! xtaTeuovTss i 7 . To this list should be added ev xpiaT(p IiqaoO 2" 
5 18 and ev %piaT$ 4 16 ; and perhaps the following: ev xveuyiaTi aykp i 5 ; 
Gebg ,wv i 9 ; ?8e!v Tb xpdawxov 2 17 3 10 ; 6 Xoyo? TOJ Geou 2 13 ; ol xtaieuov- 
req 2 10 - 13 ; and ^psc av e xetv i 8 4 9 - 12 5 1 . 

(rf) Phrases in II and elsewhere in N. T. but elsewhere chiefly in Paul 
including one or more of the Major Epistles, II being excepted: ev 6v6- 
IxaTt 3 6 ; xapa 6ew i 6 ; and perhaps the following: TJ ay^xiQ TOU 6eoO 3 5 ; 
f) dcxoxiXu^i? TOU xupfou Irjaou i 7 (i Cor. i 7 ); Stwy^ol xal GXt ^et? i 4 
(Rom. 8 35 ); xaa^stv uxdp i 5 (Phil, i 29 ); and arpeta xal T^paTa 2 9 (Rom. 
i5 19 2 Cor. i2 2 ). 

(e) Phrases common to I, II and Paul but not found elsewhere in N. 
T.: a pa ouv I 5 6 II 2 15 ; TO euocyyeXtov -fjixtov I i 5 II 2 14 ; 76x0? xal [x6%0oc; 
I 2 9 II 3 8 ; (Tb) Xotxbv dSeX^of I 4 1 II 3 1 ; xpbq Tb ^JLTQ raw */. I 2 9 II 3 8 . 

(/) Phrases common to I, II Paul and found elsewhere in N. T. The 
following are characteristic of Paul: ev xupup I 3 8 5 12 II 3 4 ; x<5:pt<; b-^lv 
xal efp-rjvY] I i 1 II i 2 ; 6eb? xaTiQp I i 1 II i 2 . The following are not 
characteristic: 6 6eb? ^[xwv I 2 2 3 9 II i 11 - 12 (i Cor. 6 11 ); f)^pa xupfou I 
5 2 II 2 2 ; -^ xfaTiq u[j.(ov I i 8 3 2 - E - 6 - 7 - 10 II i 3 - 4 ; ^ xapouafa TOU xupfou 
(Vwv I. X.) I 3 13 4 15 5 23 II 2 1 (i Cor. i5 23 ); xwq Set I 4 1 II 3 7 (Col. 4 6 ); 
and onjp^etv xal xapaxaXecv I 3 2 II 2 17 (inverted order); cf. Rom. i 11 . 

(3) Personal Equation. It is generally felt that the person 
ality back of the words and phrases of the first letter is none 
other than that of Paul. Characteristic of him and character 
istic of that letter are warm affection for his converts, confidence 
in them in spite of their shortcomings, tact in handling delicate 
pastoral problems, the consciousness of his right as an apostle 
and the waiving of the same in love, the sense of comradeship 
with his readers in all things, and the appeal for their sympathy 
and prayers. So conspicuously Pauline is the personal equation 
of I that it is unnecessary to illustrate the point. But it is also 
frequently felt that the personal qualities revealed in I are lack 
ing in II, that indeed the tone of II is rather formal, official, 
and severe. This impression arises in the first instance from 
the fact that there is nothing in II corresponding to the apologia 



PERSONAL EQUATION 35 

to which three of the five chapters of I are devoted and in which 
the personal element is outspoken. Omit the self-defence from 
I and the differences in tone between I and II would not be 
perceptible. This estimate is likewise due to the failure to read 
aright Paul s purpose, with the result that the clew to his atti 
tude is lost. The impression of formality and severity is how 
ever quite mistaken; as a matter of fact the treatment of both 
the faint-hearted and the idlers is permeated by a spirit of warm 
personal affection. Paul knows his Macedonians too well, trusts 
their love for him too deeply to be greatly disturbed either by 
the forgetfulness of the one class or the disobedience of the 
other. It is his love for them all that prompts him at the start 
to praise not only their growth in faith but also, despite the fric 
tion in the brotherhood, their increase in brotherly love; and 
to surprise them by saying that contrary to their expectations 
he is boasting everywhere of their endurance and faith. 

From his love springs his confidence in them notwithstanding 
their continued shortcomings. He is quite sure that the faint 
hearted are more in need of encouragement than of warning 
and so he directs every word in the first two chapters, including 
the description of judgment, the allusion to premonitory signs, 
and the characterisation of the advent of the Anomos, to the 
single end of assuring these brethren beloved by the Lord that 
they are as certain of future salvation as they are of being elected 
and called. His slight impatience at their forgetfulness (2 6 ) is 
free from brusqueness and his sole imperative, based on their 
assurance of salvation and supported by prayer, to hold fast 
the instructions (2 15 ) is dictated by a fatherly concern. He is 
likewise confident that the idlers, in spite of their neglect of his 
injunction given once orally and again by letter, will do, as they 
indeed are doing, what he commands (3 4 ), and so includes them 
in his praise of the faith and brotherly love of the church (i 4 ). 
Furthermore, from his love arises also the tact with which the 
two parish problems before him are managed. One or two illus 
trations will suffice to make this clear. In i 8 B - Paul is describ 
ing the judgment in reference to unbelievers and saints in gen 
eral; suddenly with ev iraaiv rot? TnaTevaao-iv (v. 10 ), he 



36 THESSALONIANS 

changes from the general to the specific, intimating by the "all" 
that the faint-hearted belong to the number of the saints, and 
by the unexpected aorist participle that, as the explanatory 
parenthesis ("for our testimony to you was believed") declares, 
they had believed the gospel which he had preached to them. 
The description then closes with the assurance that that day 
is a day not of judgment but of salvation for believers, specif 
ically the faint-hearted among them. The same tact is evident 
in 2 9 12 where after announcing the destruction of the Anomos, 
he comes back to his Parousia, an infringement of orderly de 
scription prompted by the purpose of showing that the advent 
of the Lawless One is intended not for the faint-hearted believers 
but solely for the doomed. Even more conspicuously tactful is 
the treatment of the idlers. He approaches the theme in 3 1 " 5 by 
expressing his confidence that the brethren will do what he 
commands as indeed they are doing; then, addressing the group 
as a whole but having in mind the majority, he gives his com 
mand, not on his own authority but on that of Christ, to hold 
aloof from the idlers, qualifying the directness of the injunction 
by observing that his order is not new but the original teaching, 
and persuading obedience by referring to his own example of in 
dustry. When he addresses the idlers (3 12 ), he does so indirectly 
and impersonally, and softens the command with an exhortation. 
Indeed, throughout the discussion, he insists that the idlers 
are brothers (3 6 ), even the recalcitrants among them (3 16 ); that 
the purpose of discipline is reform; and, most notably, that the 
majority are not without blame in their treatment of the erring 
brothers (3 13 ), his final injunction being so worded as to leave 
the impression that the majority needed admonition as well as 
the idlers: "And do not regard him as an enemy but warn him 
as a brother" (3 15 ). 

But affection, confidence, and tact are not the only charac 
teristics of Paul that appear in II as well as in I. There is also 
the sense of fellowship with the readers which appears unob 
trusively in i 5 "for which you too as well as we suffer"; and in 
i 7 "relief with us"; touches so genuinely Pauline as to be 
fairly inimitable. There is further the characteristic appeal for 



AUTHENTICITY OF I THESSALONIANS 37 

the sympathy and prayers of his friends in 3 1 2 , a passage too in 
which he delicately compliments their faith (icaOcos KOI Trpbs 
v/Aa?). And there is finally the assertion of his right as an 
apostle to a stipend, and the voluntary waiving of the same in 
love in order that he may not burden his poor friends with the 
maintenance and support to which he was entitled (3 7 ff> )- 

If this estimate of the personal equation of II is just, then in 
this respect as in respect of the words and phrases, II as well as 
I is entitled to be considered, what it claims to be, a genuine 
letter of Paul. 



V. AUTHENTICITY OF I. 

The positive considerations already advanced in the preced 
ing sections are sufficient to establish the Pauline authorship of 
I, unless one is prepared to assert that Paul never lived or that 
no letter from him has survived. Curiously enough it is the 
certainty that I is Pauline that seems to account (cf. Jiilicher, 
EinL 6 56) for the revival in recent years of an earlier tendency 
either to doubt seriously or to deny altogether the authenticity 
of the second epistle. 

(1) External Evidence. The external evidence for the existence and 
Pauline authorship of I is no better and no worse than that for Gala- 
tians. Following the judicious estimate of The New Testament in the 
Apostolic Fathers, 1905, it may be said that "the evidence that Ignatius 
knew I is almost nil" (cf. I 5 17 dBtotXefxTtoq ^poasuxecOs with Ign. 
Eph. lo 1 and I 2 4 o3% &><; dvOpwrotc; dpsaxovie? dXXd Oc(p with Ign. Rom. 
2 1 ). The juacBeueire ouv dXXYjXoin; xal etp-qveusTe ev auTrotq of Hernias 
Vis. Ill Q 10 does not certainly come from I 5 13f -; nor does the OeoBt- 
SaxTot of Barn. 21 6 depend on I 4 9 . On the other hand, I like Galatians 
was in Marcion s N. T. (cf. Moff. Introd. 6g/.), and of course from 
Irenaeus on was accepted as Pauline and canonical by all branches of 
the church. 

(2) Baur s Criticism. While Schrader (Der Apostel Paulns, V, 1836, 
2 3 JT.) was the first to question the authenticity of I, it was Baur (Paulns 
1845, 480 Jf.) who made the most serious inroads against the tradition 
and succeeded in convincing some (e. g. Noack, Volkmar, Holsten) but 
not all (e. g. Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Holtzmann, Pfleiderer, Schmiedel) of 
his followers that the letter is spurious. Four only of his reasons need 

* be mentioned (cf. Liin. 11-15): (a) The un-Pauline origin is betrayed 



38 THESSALONIANS 

by the " insignificance of the contents, the want of any special aim and 
of any definite occasion" (Lain.). The last two objections are untenable 
and the first overlooks the fact that Paul s letters are not dogmatic 
treatises but occasional writings designed to meet practical as well as 
-z theoretical difficulties, and that I everywhere presupposes on the part 
of its readers a knowledge of the distinctive Pauline idea of the indwelling 
Christ or Spirit as the power unto righteousness and the pledge of future 
salvation. (5) It is contended that I depends both on Acts and on the 
Pauline letters, especially i, 2 Cor. To this it is replied that to pro 
nounce I as a "mere copy and echo of i, 2 Cor. is a decided error of 
literary criticism" (Moff. Introd. 70), and that the very differences be- 

^ tween Acts and I point not toward but away from literary dependence 
(McGiffert, EB. 5041). (c) More elusive is the objection that I reveals 
a progress in the Christian life which is improbable, if a period of only a 
few months had elapsed between the founding of the church and the 
writing of I. But the evidence adduced for this judgment is unconvin 
cing. The fact that the fame of the little group has spread far and wide 
(i 7 - 8 ), that they have been hospitable to their fellow-Macedonians (4 10 ), 
or that Paul has repeatedly desired to see them (2 18 3 10 ) is proof not of 
the long existence of the community but of the intensity and enthusiasm 
of their faith. Indeed the letter itself, written not later than two or three 
months after Paul s departure, reveals the initial freshness and buoy 
ancy of their faith and love. Even the shortcomings betray a recent re 
ligious experience (cf. Dob. 16-17). (d) Finally it is argued that 4 14 - 18 
while not disagreeing with i Cor. i$ 22 is in its concreteness unlike Paul. 

* But on the other hand, waiving the antecedent probability in favour of 
Paul s use of apocalyptic, and the distinctively Pauline ol vsxpol Iv 
XptaT<p, it is to be observed that 4" indicates that he expects to sur- 

V vive until the Parousia. It is not likely that a forger writing after Paul s 

death would have put into his mouth an unrealised expectation (Liin.). 

(3) Priority of II. The supposed difficulties in I have been removed 

by some scholars not by denying the Pauline authorship but by assum- 

^ ing that II was written before I. Grotius (see on II 2 13 ) for example sup 
posed that II was addressed to Jewish Christians who along with Jason 
had come to Thessalonica from Palestine before Paul had preached there; 

v and that II 3 17 is proof that II is the first letter of Paul to the Thessa- 

>/ lonians. The priority of II was defended also by Laurent, Ewald, and 
others (cf. J. Weiss on i Cor. i6 21 and see, for details, Liin. 169-173, 
Dob. 20-21, or Moff. Introd. 75). Some colour is lent to this hypothesis 
by the consideration that the case of the idlers in II 3 6 ff - yields a clearer 
insight into the meaning of I 4 11 - 12 and 5 14 (vouGsxscTS TOU? aTax/roug) 
than these passages themselves at first blush afford, and that it is not 
impossible that the severer discipline of II may have been followed by 
the less severe of I. On the other hand, II 2 15 3 17 naturally refer not to 
a lost letter but to I; and eTaauvaYtoyrj (II 2 1 ), which is not treated 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 39 

in 2 1 * 12 is an allusion to I 4 13 - 18 . Furthermore, the evidence of II i 3 ff - 
!it 2 1 31-5 (see notes on these verses) suggests that II is a reply to a letter 
from Thessalonica written after the receipt of I. Finally the reference 
to growth in faith and love (II i 3 ) is an advance on I i 2 ff - and a fulfil 
ment in part of the prayer of I 3 12 . There is therefore no compelling 
reason for departing from the tradition, as early as Marcion, that I is 
prior to II. 

(4) Theories of Interpolation. More ingenious than convincing is the 
theory of Robert Scott (The Pauline Epistles, 1909, 215 jf.) to the effect 
that I and II are made up of two documents, one by Timothy (chs. 1-3 
of I and ch. 3 of II) and the other by Silas (chs. 4-5 of I and chs. 1-2 of 
II), documents completed and edited by Timothy somewhere between 
70 and 80 A.D. An interesting element in the conjecture is that chs. 1-3 
of I depend largely on Phil, and slightly on 2 Cor. 

Minor glosses have been suspected in 2 14 - 16 (cf. Schmiedel, ad loc.} or 
at least in 2 16 f - (Schmiedel, Drummond, Moff. et a/.), in 5 23 f - (cf. EB. 
5041), in 5" (cf. Moff. Introd. 69) and elsewhere; but in no one of these 
instances is the suspicion warranted, as the exegesis will show. 



VI. AUTHENTICITY OF II. 

(1) Antecedent Probability. Since the internal evidence of II 
reveals a situation which is thoroughly intelligible on the assump 
tion of genuineness, and since the language, personal equation, 
and religious convictions of the letter are Pauline, it is ante 
cedently probable that the ancient tradition assigning the 
epistle to Paul is to be accepted. 

The external evidence of II is slightly better than that for I. To be 
sure, little stress is to be laid on Ign. Rom. io 3 ev uxojjiovf) T. X.=3 S 
or on the similarity in respect of apocalyptic utterances between II 
and Barn. 155 i8 2 , Did. i6 J ff -, or Justin Martyr dial. 32 no 6 n6 5 . 
On the other hand, Polycarp addresses the Philippians in n 3 with the 
words of i 4 , and in n 4 (et non sicut inimicos tales existimetis) with the 
words of 3 1S . "In spite of the fact that both these passages occur[in the 
part of Polycarp for which the Latin version alone is extant, his use of 
2 Thess. appears to be very probable" (N. T. in Ap. Fathers, 95). 
Furthermore II like I has a place in Marcion s N. T. and has from 
Irenaeus on been accepted as canonical and Pauline by all sections of 
the church. 

(2) History of the Criticism. Though the antecedent prob 
ability tells in favour of the genuineness of II, yet there are ad- 



40 THESSALONIANS 

mitted difficulties which to some scholars appear so serious as 
to compel them either to speak doubtfully of the authorship or 
to assume that II proceeds from the hand not of Paul but of a 
falsarius. As the sketch of the history of criticism, given below, 
hopes to make clear, the difficulties are mainly two in number, 
the alleged contradiction between the eschatological utterances 
of II 2 1 " 12 and I 5 1 " 11 and the confessedly close literary resem 
blances between II and I. Both of these difficulties, it is to be re 
marked, proceed on the assumption (Kern, Holtzmann, Schmie- 
del, Wrede, and others) that I is a genuine letter of Paul. 

(a) Against Genuineness. The first to question seriously the genuine 
ness of II (see especially Born. 498^.) was J. E. C. Schmidt (1801) who, 
on the ground of the eschatology of 2 1 - 12 in general, of the alleged dis 
crepancies between 2 1 - 12 and I 4 13 ~5 n , and of the supposed references to 
forged letters in 2 2 3 17 , thought that at least 2 1 - 12 was a Montanistic in 
terpolation; but who later (1804) denied the letter as a whole to Paul. 
De Wette at first (Einl. 1826) agreed with Schmidt, but afterward 
when he published his commentary (1841) withdrew his support. Ap 
parently the exegesis of II became easier on the assumption of genuine 
ness. 

One of the most important contributions, both on account of its in 
sight and on account of its influence on Baur (Paulus, 1845, 4^o Jf.), 
Holtzmann (Einl. 1885, 18923; ZNW. 1901, 97-108; and finally 
N. T. Theol. i9ii 2 , II, 213-215), Weizsacker (Das Apostolische Zeitalter, 
1886, 258-261 = i892 2 , 249-251), Pfleiderer (Urchristentum, 1887, 19022), 
Schmiedel (1889, 1893^, Wrede (Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonichcr- 
briefes, 1903), von Soden (Urchristliche Literaturgeschichte, 1905, 164-168), 
Weinel (Biblische Theol. des N. T. 1911, 500), and others, is unquestion 
ably that of Kern, Ucbcr 2 Thcss. 2 1 - 12 . Nebst Andeutungen iiber den 
Ursprung des zweiten Bricfcs an die Thessalonicher (Tiibinger Zeit- 
schrift fur Theologie, 1839, Zweites Heft, 145-214). After a careful 
exposition of 2 1 - 12 (145-174) and a sketch of the history of interpreta 
tion (175-192), Kern looks for the origin of the prophecy in the his 
torical situation of the writer (193 /.) and finds that the apocalyptic pic 
ture is an application by a Paulinist of the legend of the Antichrist to 
the belief in Nero Redivivus. "The Antichrist, whose appearance is 
expected as imminent, is Nero; the things that restrain him are the 
circumstances of the world of that time; the person that restrains him is 
Vespasian, with his son Titus who had just besieged Jerusalem. What 
is said of the apostasy reflects the abominable wickedness that broke 
out among the Jewish people in their war against the Romans" (200). 
This unfulfilled prophecy belongs to the years between 68-70 A.D. and 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 41 

could not therefore be written by Paul (207). After referring briefly to 
the difficulty in 3 17 , Kern sketches (211-213) the manner in which II 
depends on I, indicating in passing both the Pauline and un-Pauline 
elements in II. The first letter, he thinks, with its historical situation 
was excellently adapted to the creation of a second in which the apoca 
lyptic picture, conceived by the spirit of the Paulinist, could be imparted 
to his Christian brethren. The passage 2 1 - 12 , which is the pith of the 
whole matter, is preceded by an introduction and followed by an ex 
hortation, both drawn from the genuine letter of Paul (214). 

The same conclusion was reached by Weizsacker who held that the 
purpose of II is the desire to impart 2 1 - 12 , while the rest of the letter is 
solely a framework designed to encircle it with the authority of Paul, 
an intention revealed by the imitation, with corresponding changes, 
of the first letter. Unlike Kern, however, Weizsacker, in presenting his 
case, says nothing of the theory of Nero Redivivus, but points first of all, 
in evidence of spuriousness, to the striking relation of II to I both in 
the similarity of the historical situation and in the correspondence in 
their contents of separate parts of II to certain sections of I; although, 
he observes, the whole of II does not correspond in extent and arrange 
ment to the whole of I. Schmiedel held with Kern to the theory of 
Nero Redivmis, but indicated in greater detail than he the literary de 
pendence of II on I, while Holtzmann (1892) put into the forefront of 
the debate the differences between II and I in respect of eschatology. 

Between 1892 and 1901, the investigations into apocalyptic of Gunkel, 
Bousset, and Charles suggested not only the naturalness in Paul of 
such a passage as 2 1 - 12 but also that the legend of Nero Redivivus is not 
the clew to the interpretation of that difficult section. Charles indeed 
(Ascension of Isaiah, 1900, LXII) gave convincing reasons for conclud 
ing that Schmiedel s theory which regards 2 1 - 12 as a Beliar-Neronic myth 
(68-70 A.D.) "is at conflict with the law of development as well as with 
all the evidence accessible on the subject." 

A new impetus was given to the discussion by Holtzmann in 1901, 
who while still insisting that 2 1 - 12 and 1 4 13 ~5 n present mutually exclusive 
views of the future, called attention anew to the literary dependence of 
II upon I; and by Wrede independently in 1903, who subjected the 
literary relations to an exhaustive examination and strengthened the 
theory of Kern as to the intentional dependence of II upon I. To Wrede, 
however, the argument from eschatology was convincing not of itself 
but only in connection with the main argument from literary dependence. 
Since, however, a date as early as 70 for a forgery is difficult to maintain, 
he was compelled to place II at the close of the first or at the beginning 
of the second century, a date which Hilgenfeld (1862) had already sug 
gested on the strength of the assumption that "the mystery of iniquity" 
presupposes the rise of the gnostic heresies. Finally Hollmann (ZNW. 
1904, 28-38), while recognising that the literary relation of II and I, 



42 THESSALONIANS 

the lack of the personal equation in II, and the statement of II 2 2 when 
compared with 3 17 are difficulties, is inclined with Holtzmann to lay 
the stress on the alleged discrepancies between 2 1 - 12 and I 5 1 -". Unlike 
his predecessors, Hollmann acknowledges the important part that the 
idlers play in II and accordingly suggests that the eschatological sit 
uation at the end of the century, which evoked from II the correction 
that the Parousia is postponed, had been causing among other things 
the flight from labour. The forger selects for his purpose elements of 
the legend of Antichrist because of the theory of Nero Redivivus[current 
in his day, forgetting entirely or else treating figuratively the allusion 
to the temple. 

(>) For Genuineness. The arguments of Kern failed to convince 
Lunemann (1850), Lightfoot (Smith s DB. 1870, 3222 /.; Biblical 
Essays, 1893, 253 /., printed from lecture notes of 1867), Auberlen and 
Riggenbach (in Lange, 1864 = Lillie s edition 1868), Jiilicher (Einl. 
1894), Bornemann (1894), Briggs (Messiah of the Apostles, 1895), Zahn 
(Einl. 1897), B. Weiss (Einl.* 1897), McGiffert (Apostolic Age, 1897, 
252/.), Charles (Ascen. Isa. 1900, LXII), Vincent (Word Studies, IV, 
1900), Bacon (Introd. 1900), Askwith (Introd. to the Thess. Epistles, 
1902), Wohlenberg (1903), Lock (HDB. 1903, IV, 743 jf.) and many 
others. The rebuttal, however, is addressed mainly not to the argument 
from literary dependence but to that from the differences in eschatology. 
On the other hand, McGiffert, who in his Apostolic Age (loc. cit.) had 
accepted the style of II as genuinely Pauline and had considered the 
arguments in favour stronger than those against the authenticity, pub 
lished in 1903 (EB. 5041 /.), after a fresh examination of the problem 
made independently of Holtzmann (1901) and Wrede (1903), a modifi 
cation of his previous position. In this important discussion which re 
veals a keen sense of the relevant, he waives as secondary the arguments 
from differences in eschatology and in style, and puts significantly into 
the foreground the argument from literary dependence. While admitting 
that the evidence as a whole points rather toward than against the 
Pauline authorship, he concludes that "it must be recognised that its 
genuineness is beset with serious difficulties and that it is at best very 
doubtful." 

But in spite of the serious obstacles which the suggestion of Kern 
in its modern form puts into the way of accepting confidently the Pau 
line authorship of II, it may be said fairly that the tendency at present 
is favourable to the hypothesis of genuineness; so for example Wernle 
(GGA. 1905, 347-352), Findlay (1904), Clemen (Paulus, 1904, 1, ii4jf.)> 
Vischer (Paulusbriefe, 1904, 7o/.), Heinrici (Der litlerarische Character 
der ncutestamenilichen Schriften, 1908, 60), Milligan (1908), Bousset 
(ERE. 1908, 1, 579), Mackintosh (1909), vonDobschiitz (1909), Moffatt 
(EGT. 1910; Introd. 1911), Knowling (Testimony of St. Paul to Christ 
ign 3 , 24-28), Harnack (SBBA. 1910, 560-578), Dibelius (1911), Lake 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 43 

(The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, 1911), Deissmann (Paulus, 1911, 14), 
and many others. 

(c) Other Hypotheses. (i) J. E. C. Schmidt (1801) found in 2 1 - 12 a 
Montanistic interpolation and Michelsen (1876) in 2 1 - 9 a Jewish Chris 
tian apocalypse; Paul Schmidt (1885) discovered in i 5 - 12 and 2 2b - 12 
evidences that a genuine letter of Paul had been worked over by a 
Paulinist in A.D. 69. The difficulty with these and similar theories of 
interpolation, apart from the question of the validity of the literary 
criteria, is the fact that in removing 2 1 -" one of the two salient purposes 
of the letter is destroyed. "As a matter of fact, the suggestion of Haus- 
rath (Neutestamenfliche Zeitgeschichte* 3, 198) that this passage is the 
only genuine part of the epistle is much more plausible" (McGiffert, 
EB. 5043). For other theories of interpolation, see Moff. 8i/. (2) 
Spitta (Zur Geschichte und Litter atur des Urchristentums, 1893, I, 
111-154) assigns II, except 3 17 18 , to Timothy (cf. also Lueken, SNT. II, 
21), a theory which is incompatible with the obvious exegesis of 2 5 (see 
Mill. Ixxxix jf.). On Scott s proposal, v. supra, p. 39. (3) Bacon (Introd. 
74) suggests that the linguistic peculiarities of II may be explained by 
the assumption that the amanuensis of II is different from that of I. (4) 
On the theory of Grotius, v. supra, p. 38; on that of Harnack, v. infra, 

P- 53- 

The history of the criticism outlined above tends to show that the 
two main objections to the authenticity of II are, as Kern pointed out 
in 1839, the literary resemblances between II and I, and the alleged 
discrepancy in respect of eschatology between II 2 1 - 12 and I 5 1 -", both 
objections depending on the assumption that I is genuine. 

(3) Objection from Eschatology. The first of the two main 
objections to the genuineness of II is based on the alleged in 
consistency between II 2 1 12 and I 5 1 11 . According to II 2 5 , the 
converts had been taught that certain signs would precede the 
Parousia; but according to I 5 1 11 they know accurately that 
the day comes as a thief at night, that is, suddenly and unex 
pectedly. These two elements of the original teaching are, it 
is argued, mutually exclusive; and since Paul cannot be incon 
sistent, and cannot have changed his opinions within the short 
interval between the composition of I and II, the reference in II 
to premonitory signs betrays a later hand. To this objection 
it has been urged with force (i) generally that in apocalyptic 
literature both the idea of the suddenness of the coming of the 
day of the Lord and the idea of premonitory signs constantly 
appear together; and (2) specifically that the natural inference 



44 THESSALONIANS 

from I 5 1 4 is that the readers are acquainted with the teaching 
of Paul that certain signs will herald the approach of the Lord. 
Signs and suddenness are not mutually exclusively elements in 
apocalyptic; and the mention of the suddenness but not the 
signs in I 5 1 " 11 and of the signs but not the suddenness in II 2 1 12 
is evidence not of a contradiction in terms but of a difference of 
emphasis due to a difference of situation in Thessalonica. 

In I 5 1 " 11 , Paul is not concerned with giving new instruction 
either on times and seasons in general or in particular on the 
suddenness of the coming of the day; he is interested solely in 
encouraging the faint-hearted to remember that though the day 
is to come suddenly upon all, believer and unbeliever alike, it 
will not catch the believer unprepared, the tacit assumption 
being that the readers already know accurately about the times 
and seasons including, as II 2 5 expressly declares, a knowledge 
of the premonitory signs. In II 2 1 12 , Paul is writing with the 
same faint-hearted persons in mind and with the same purpose 
of encouragement, but he is facing a different situation and a 
different need. The faint-hearted have become more discouraged 
because of the assertion, supported, it was alleged, by the au 
thority of Paul, that the day of the Lord had actually dawned. 
In order to show the absurdity of that opinion, it became neces 
sary for Paul to remind them of his oral teaching on premonitory 
signs. Though the reminder was of itself an encouragement, 
Paul took the pains to add for the further encouragement of the 
faint-hearted that the advent of the Anomos (2 9 12 ) is intended 
not for them, but for unbelievers, the doomed who destroyed 
themselves by refusing to welcome the love for the truth unto 
their salvation. Since the converts are aware of this teaching 
about the signs, it is necessary only to allude to it; and the allu 
sions are so indistinct that no one hearing the words for the first 
time could fully understand them. A different situation occa 
sions a different emphasis; signs and suddenness are not incom- 
patibles in apocalyptic. 

On the question of signs and suddenness as a whole, see Briggs Mes 
sianic Prophecy, 1886, 52 Jf.; Messiah of the Gospels, 1894, 156$., i6ojf.; 
and Messiah oj the Apostles, 1895, 550^. Against the contention of 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 45 

Schmiedel, Holtzmann, Hollmann, and others that I 5 1 - 11 and II 2 1 - J 2 
are mutually exclusive, see Briggs, Messiah of the Apostles, 91 /.; Spitta 
(op.cit.i2g/. ); McGiffert (EB. 5042); Clemen (Paulits,!, 118); Zahn 
(Introd. I, 253); Moff. (Introd. 8o/.); and the commentaries of Find. 
(Hi), Mill. (Ixxxv/.), and Dob. (38/0 . Wrede candidly admits that were 
it not for the literary dependence of II on I, there would be little force 
in the argument from eschatology. 

(4) Objection from Literary Resemblances. The second and 
more important of the two main objections to the authenticity 
of II is based on the literary resemblances between II and I. 
These similarities, it is contended, are so close and continuous 
as to make certain the literary dependence of II upon I and to 
exclude as a psychological impossibility the authorship of II by 
Paul, if, as is generally assumed, II is addressed to the same 
readers as I and written about three months after I. 

04) Statement of the Case. (a) In presenting the case for the 
literary dependence of II on I, care must be taken not to over 
state the agreements or to understate the differences (see es 
pecially Wernle, op. cit.}. It is said for example: "New in the 
letter is the passage 2 1 12 (more accurately 2 2 ~ 9 - n ~ 12 ), the evident 
prelude thereto i 5 - 6 - 9 - 12 , and finally the epistolary material 
2 is 32. is. i4. i 7> rp ne ent j re rema i nc i er i s simply excerpt, para 
phrase, and variation of the larger letter, often in fact elabo 
rated repetition of parallel passages of the same" (Holtzmann, 
ZNW. 1901, 104; so also in Einl. 3 1892, 214). Much truer to 
the facts is the estimate of McGiffert (EB. 5044; cf. Dob. 45): 
"the only new matter in the second (letter) is found in i 5 " 12 
2 2-i2. 15 ^i-s. 10. is f. i? (though) even within these passages there 
is more or less dependence upon I. The remainder of the epistle, 
about a third of the whole, is simply a more or less close repro 
duction of the first epistle." That is to say, the new matter com 
prises about two-thirds of the epistle, a rather large proportion 
when it is recalled that the apologia of the first three chapters 
of I does not recur in II, and that only two of the three classes 
chiefly exhorted in the last two chapters of I are treated in II. 

In the paragraphs that follow, only the salient points of resemblance 
and difference are mentioned; for an exhaustive discussion, see Wrede 
(op. *.) 



THESSALONIANS 



(b) The most striking and at the same time most important 
feature in the resemblances between II and I is the epistolary 
outline, formally considered. No other two extant letters of 
Paul agree so closely in this respect. At the same time there 
are differences, and II has new material of its own. The follow 
ing table may serve to visualise the outline; 

II 

idem i 1 - 2 * 

dxb 0ou xaTpo? xrX i 2 b 



afabq 6 0ebg . . . xal xupcog.3 11 - 13 

Xotxov 4 1 - 2 

epomopiEV 4 1 s 12 (4 x -5 22 ) 

(5 25 ) 

(xtaxbg 6 xaXwv 5 24 ) 



(3 12 ") 

ou GeXo^sv Be Eiyiaq dtYvostv. . . . 
xepl BE Twv ^P^vwv * a ^ T& V 
xatpwv 



BE 6 

xcaTb? 6 xaXwv 5 24 

xpoae6xo0s xal xspl ^^wv. . . -5 25 
daxdcaaaOe 5 26 

Ivopx^ecv 5" 



6<pEc Xo[JlEV 



2 1 12 
2 13 14 



a5Tb? Be 6 xupto? . . . xal 0og. . . 
Tb Xotx6v .................... 

(2 1 ) (xapaxaXou^sv 3 12 ) 



pl YJJJIWV ......... 3 1 2 

sartv 6 xuptoq ........ 3 3 

XXO(00C[JlV V XUp(ti) ........... 3 4 

6 



3 12 ................. 

autbq 6s 6 xupcoq T^q ?piQVY5q. . -3 16a 
6 xupioq [JLETO: xavTtov upitov. . . -3 16b 
(3 3 ) ............................ 

(3 1 ) .......................... .. 



17 b 



idem 



3 

.-3 18 



The striking similarity between the two outlines, apart from the 
superscription and the salutation and benediction, consists in the double 
thanksgiving, the first prayer with auT6q, the Xotxdv, and the second 
prayer with afabq. But even within the agreement there are differ 
ences, for example, SyefXo^ev II i 3 2 13 ; the position of xuptog in 2 18 ; 
the contents of the section introduced by Xotx6v, and x6pto? for 06<; 
in II 3 16a . Moreover, II adds new material, for example, 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 47 

(i 11 ; cf. Phil, i 9 ) after the first thanksgiving; IptoTto^ev (2 1 - 12 ; to be sure 
21 = I 5"; the exhortation is natural, for the purpose is not to censure 
but to encourage); the imperative aTTjxeTe after the second thanks 
giving; and the 6 x,6pco? ^eta TOZVTWV u[xwv (3 16 ) after the second prayer 
with auToq. 

(c) The author of II, though he follows in the main the epis 
tolary outline of I and centres his reminiscences about the cor 
responding sections in II, does not draw these reminiscences 
entirely from the corresponding epistolary sections in I; that 
is to say, II i 3 4 does not come wholly from I i 2 4 , nor II 2 1(M7 
from 1 3 11 13 , nor II 3 1 5 from 1 4 1 2 nor II 3 16 from I 5 23 . Evidently 
the author of II is not a slavish copyist, as is for example the 
author of the epistle to the Laodiceans (cf. Lightfoot, Colossians 
and Philemon, 2857.) wno starts with Gal. i 1 and then follows 
the order of Philippians for sixteen out of twenty verses, and 
ends with Col. 4 16 (Dob. 45-46). In fact, apart from the formal 
agreements in the main epistolary outline, the striking thing is 
not the slavish dependence of the author of II on I, but the 
freedom with which he employs the reminiscences from I and 
incorporates them in original ways into new settings. 

In II i 3 - 4 , little stress should be laid on the common epistolary for 
mula efixaptatecv TW Osw XVTOT xepl TjfJLtov; more important is the new 
6qje(Xo[xev which along with -/.aOwg <5cc6v s<rucv reveals the encouraging 
purpose of the first two chapters, as the exegesis will show. The uxsp- 
au^avsc and xXeov^et, indicating the inward growth of the church, come 
not from 1 i 2 - 4 but from the equally redundant xXeov&aac xal Tuspcaaeuaac 
of I 3 12 ; the prayer for brotherly love is fulfilled. The evbg IxaaTou 
is drawn not from I i 2 - 4 but if necessary from I 2 12 . Instead, however, 
of repeating " the work of faith," " the labour of love," and " the en 
durance of hope " (I i 2 ), or the faith, hope, and love of I 5", he confines 
himself to faith and love, the points which Timothy, in reporting the 
situation in I 36, had emphasised. Then instead of saying that it is 
unnecessary to speak of their faith (I i 8 - 9 ), he is at pains to say that, 
contrary to their expectations, he is boasting everywhere not of their 
faith and love, but of their endurance and faith in persecutions, which 
reminds one more of I 3 2 than of i 2 ff -. It is evident that the writer of 
II 1 3 -4 draws not simply from I i 2 - 3 but from I 3 12 2 12 3 3 2 and if acov, 
which controls xaTa^tcoG^vac (II i 5 ) and d^twafl (II i 11 ), must have a 
basis, from dc^ o); 2 12 . 

In the prayer II 2 16 - 17 (aurb? Si XTX.), which corresponds to I 



48 THESSALONIANS 

3 11 13 , the only resemblance to I 3 11 - 13 , apart from the initial phrase 
(and II puts Christ before God as in Gal. i 1 ), is U[JLWV TOC? xapBtag and 
aTrjp^at. But the collocation a-nqp^eiv xal xapaxaXelv (cf. Rom. i 12 ) 
occurs in I 3 2 . Surely the unique phrase xapdxXYjacv atwvtacv does not 
owe its origin simply to YJ xapaxToqacq YJJJUOV I 2 3 . 

Most interesting is the section beginning with -rb Xotx6v in II 3* 5 , 
which introduces the command to the idlers in 3 6 - 15 , when compared 
with the corresponding section in I 4 1 - 2 (Xocxov x/uX.) which intro 
duces the exhortations of 4 3 ~5 22 . It is interesting because II 3 1 - 5 draws 
nothing from 1 4 1 - 2 except the Xoix6v, unless xapayyeXfccg IS^xa^ev sug 
gests xapayye"XXo[Av and xa0<*><; xal xsptxaTscre accounts for xal xotslte 
xal XOIYJCJETE. Rather xaOtbg xapsXa^sts (c/. i Cor. I5 1 Gal. i 9 Phil. 4 9 
Col. 2 6 ) xap Yjpuiiv (I 4 1 ) appears first in II 3 6 xaxd TYJV xapd^oacv YJV xap- 
eXa$T xap YJ^UOV; and T& xtoq Set u^xaq xeptxarelv (I 4 1 ) appears first in 
II 3 7 xwq SEC ^t^elaOctt ujxa?, the resulting combination st Se vat xtoq SEC 
being found also in Col. 4 6 and i Tim. 3 15 . But the auTol yap o c Sate of 
II 3 7 comes not from oYSare yap I 4 2 , but rather from the aiJTol yap oY- 
SaTs of I 2 1 or 3 3 . But to return to II 3 1 - 5 ; vv. J - 2 are new and fit nicely 
into the situation at Corinth; ou yap xavtwv Y) xt aTt? betrays a mood 
similar to that in I 2 15 - 16 ; xpoasuxsaGe dSeX?^ xepl Y^txwv (Heb. i3 18 ; 
cf. Col. 4 2 ) is not a slavish reproduction of I 5" as the omission of xa( 
and the changed position of deX<pcn indicate. To be sure, 6 Xdyoq TOU 
xupfou occurs elsewhere in Paul only I i 8 (4 16 )? though Col. 3 16 has 
6 Xoyog TOU xP tcrT ^5 but xupto? is characteristic of II compared with I, 
and in 3 1 - 5 , as in Phil. 4 1 - 5 , occurs four times. In II 3 3 , xtatb? e earcv 
6 xuptoq o? agrees with I 5 24 only in xi<n:6<; and o?; GTYJP^SC (2 17 ) need 
come neither from I 3 2 nor from 3 13 (cf. Rom. i 11 i6 25 ), and <?uXaec is 
used elsewhere in Paul only with vdyioq. In II 3 4 , xxo^0a[j.ev Iv xupfrp 
(Phil. 2 24 ), which is characteristic of Paul, does not occur in I; xap- 
ayyeXXojxev is not quite xapayyeXfaq eStoxapisv (4 2 ); and xal xotstrs 
xal xoujaere resembles I 4 10 or 5" more than 4 1 . In II 3 5 , 6 Se xupto? xa- 
Tsu66vat u[xwv TOC<; xapBc a? reminds one of u[xa<; Ss 6 x6pto<; (I 3 12 ), of 
xaTu06vat (3"), and of u^wv rd? xapSt a? (3"; II 2 17 ). It will be re 
membered that of the 146 words common to I and II, xaTu06vtv, 0a- 
aaXovtxu<;, Ipwrqcv (Phil.), and xeptxofYjatq (Eph.) are the only ones 
not found in one or more of the Major Epistles of Paul; and that xatu- 
66vcv Td? xapB(a? is a good Lxx. phrase. If now we follow the order of 
allusions in II 3 1 - 5 to I, we shall have I 4 1 (Xocx6v), 5" (xpoauxa0), 
i 8 (6 Xoyo? TOU xupfou), 2 15 - 16 (ou yap xdvTwv Y^ xt aTtq), 5 24 (xtaTO?), 3 2 
or 3 13 (CTTTJP^SI), [Phil. 2 24 Xxof0a[xev Iv xupt w], 4 10 or 5 11 (woteiTs), 3 12 
(6 Ss xfiptoq), 3 11 (xaTt)06vaO, 3 13 (U^JLWV Ta? xapStag). It is evident 
that the writer of II 3 l - 5 does not take much from the corresponding I 
4 1 - 2 , but rather mingles scattered reminiscences from I with his new 
material (vv. 1 - 2 - 4a Eb ). 

Finally, II 3 16 agrees with the corresponding I $ 23 only in the initial 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 49 



e 6 8ebg TTJS efp-qvYjq, and even so 6e6<; becomes xijpcoq. The 
prayer itself is different. Then, instead of the xc<JT6<; clause (I 5 24 ), 
II inserts the new 6 xupcoq ^erd: X&VTCOV ujxov. 

(d) Apart from the epistolary outline, there are few lengthy 
agreements in the phrases common to I and II. 

The superscription of II i 1 - 2 differs from that in I i 1 in adding fjfxwv 
to xatp{ and dxb Oeou xocTpdq XT}.. to ecpvjyr}. While Iv 6e(p xaTpl (T)[XWV) 
and Iv xupta) I. X. (also II 3 12 ) are not found elsewhere in N. T., the ev 
is distinctively Pauline; moreover, both xapcg xal e?pirjviq and 6eb<; xaT-fjp 
are characteristic of Paul. In the first thanksgiving, the XGCVTOTS xepl 
xavTtov &[A<I)v of 1 1 2 recurs in II i 3 without xavoov; furthermore xavTOTe xepl 
upuov II i 11 2 13 agrees not with 1 1 2 or 2 13 but with II i 3 . The first prayer 
with auT6q (II 2 16 ) agrees with I 3" in the mention but not in the order 
of the divine names; and the second prayer with auT6<; (II 3 16 ) has Lord 
not God of peace (I 5 23 ). The xpoaeuxeaGe x/uX. of II 3 l is not identical 
with I 5 25 . Striking is eponw^ev Ss u^xa? &&e\<pot (II 2 1 1 5 12 ), for in this 
phrase we expect xapaxaXoujAev; but epa>Tv is found in Phil, and of 
course frequently in the papyri. The briefest agreement in the epistolary 
outline is Tb Xotx6v II 3 1 = Xotxov I 4 1 . In this connection may also be 
noted d8eX?ol ffraxirjuivot &rcb xupfou which, though it occurs in the 
second thanksgiving of II (2 13 ) is a purposed reminiscence of deX<pol 
Trjyax-rpe voi uxb TOU 6eou in the first thanksgiving of I (i 4 ). The idea of 
election though not the word is present in both contexts (IxXoy^ I i 4 ; 
eYXocTO, ex&Xeaev, xspcxotiqatv II 2 13 - 14 ). 

Apart from the epistolary outline, the agreements are seldom lengthy. 
Furthermore, the setting of the phrases in II is usually different from their 
setting in I. The two lengthiest agreements occur in II 3 8 - 10 ; the 
first (3 8 ) ev xoxw xal ^,6^0q) (I 2 9 ibv x6xov "?][JLWV xocl Tbv yi.6%6ov) vuxTb? 
xal ^(xipaq lpya^6[Aevot xpbq Tb [x-fj ext^ap^aac TCVOC upiwv appears in a 
different context ml 2 9 and is a purposed reminiscence (see note on II 
3 8 ); the following elements in it are found elsewhere in Paul but not 
elsewhere in the N. T.: xoxoq xal ^6x60? (2 Cor. n 27 x6xw xort [x6xOq>), 
xpbq Tb (if] with infin., and Ixt^apecv (2 Cor. 2 5 ; nowhere else in Gk. 
Bib.); on the other hand vuxxb? xal fj^spa? is found elsewhere in 
N. T. but not elsewhere in Paul. The second (3 10 ), xal yap foe (not 
elsewhere in N. T.) YJ^SV xpbq Ci^a? (cf. 2 5 wv xpbq u^a?) appears in a dif 
ferent connection in I 3 4 . Briefer reminiscences are aikol yap oTSoree 
II 3 7 (I 2 1 3 2 5 2 ) and epyov xtaTsox; II i 12 (I i 3 ) which are not found else 
where in the N. T.; xal Bca TOUTO II 2" (I 2 13 ) and 6 X6yo<; TOU xup^ou 
II 3 l (I i 8 4 18 ) which are found elsewhere in N. T. but not elsewhere in 
Paul; b 6eb<; fj^wv II i"- (I 2 2 3 9 i Cor. 6 11 ), V^P xupfou II 2 2 (I 5 2 ), 
?) x(dTt<; utxwv II i 3 - 4 (I i 8 3 2 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 1C ), ^ xapoua(a TOU xupfou (^wv I. X.) 
II 2 1 (1 3" 4" 5" i Cor. 15"), -jka? 6ei II 3 7 (1 4 1 Col. 4 6 ), and cTtjp^eiv xal 
4 



50 THESSALONIANS 

xapaxaXecv II 2 17 (I 3 2 ; cf. Rom. i 12 ), which are found elsewhere in 
N. T. and elsewhere in Paul; and Spot ouv dBeX<po II 2 15 (I 5 6 Rom. 8 12 ), 
ub euayylXtov Y^UV II 2 14 (I i 5 ) which are found elsewhere in Paul but 
not elsewhere in N. T. 

(e) In the passage i 5 -2 12 , which consists of new material, 
there is but slight evidence of literary dependence on I, although 
knowledge of I is presupposed. In this material, distinctively 
Pauline elements occur. 

In I i 4 - 10 the stress is laid on election evidenced by the reception of 
the word in great OXtyt?, and not on judgment (i 10 ); but in II i 5 - 10 , 
the emphasis is put not so much on election as on the certainty of ac 
quittal in judgment. This certainty is due to the fact of their endurance 
and faith, and the judgment is sketched in vv. 7 - 10 . It is not strange that 
OXfyi? occurs in both passages; but 6pyrj (I i 10 ) is not in II nor Suoy^o? 
(II i 4 ) in I. The ev TT) dxoxaXu^st TOU xupt ou LrjcroO dcx oupavoG of II i 7 
is not a literary dependence on I 4 16 , xcnra^iQaeTat &% oSpavou ; "his 
angels of power" is unique in Gk. Bib. and does not come from I 3"; the 
saints, exBoajais and oXeGpo? come respectively not from I 3" 4 6 5 s 
but from the Lxx. In II i 11 - 12 , epyov XCUTSOX; is the only certain reminis 
cence of I (i 3 ), for 6 Oeb<; rptov is found not only in I 2 2 3 9 but elsewhere 
in Paul, as well as elsewhere in the N. T. and Lxx.; XOCVTOTS xspl u^xcov 
comes not from 1 1 2 but from II i 3 . In II 2 1 , emauvaywyTQ refers to 1 4 13 - 18 
but is not discussed in 2 1 - 12 ; !iuaToX^<; in 2 2 refers to I. 

The Pauline elements have already been mentioned: s c xep (i 6 ), the 
touch [xeO* -rj^ioiv (i 7 ), uxocxouecv TW eSaYY^V ( I8 )> rcaucv leading to 
the OTC clause with exiaTsuGrj (i 10 ), wq ort (2 2 ), and ol dcxoXXu^evot (2 10 ); 
see further the notes ad i 5 -2 12 . 

(/) The freedom with which the author of II gives expression 
to Pauline convictions is illustrated in 2 13 " 14 . 

In II 2 13 the epistolary outline of I 2 13 is followed, but the new &q>e- 
Xo^ev purposely repeats II i 3 . The "brethren beloved by the Lord" 
(not God as in I i 4 ) is an intentional reference to I i 4 ; but what fol 
lows is not a slavish combination of !x.Xoyfj (I i 4 ), 6 xaXwv (I 2 12 or 5 24 ), 
ub eSaYY^iov fl^v (I i 5 ), xepcxofrjacv (I s 9 ) and So^av (I 2 12 ), but is a fresh 
and vigorous statement of Pauline convictions, sweeping from everlast 
ing to everlasting, akin to I 5 9 but not betraying literary dependence 
on the same. In the midst thereof come the effective but in Paul unusual 
dx 6px^, aycaatJibg xveu^aTOc; (i Pet. i 2 ), and xfcrt? dtXirjOe^a? (due to 
v. 12 ). A similar freedom is witnessed also in II i 11 - 12 (see notes ad loc.). 

(g) Finally it is interesting to observe that from II 3 6 15 it is 
possible to get a clearer picture of the situation presupposed by 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 51 

I 4 11 12 and 5 14 (vovOerelre row? ard/crovs) than from those 
passages themselves. II at this point explains I. 

The statement that II 36-9- "-12 [ s a reproduction of I 2 6 - 9 4 11 - 12 i 6 - 7 5 14 
is misleading. Were it not for the context in which icepcxaTscv dtTax,Tco<; 
(II 3 6 - ) and dc-uocxTscv (3 7 ) appear, we should not be certain that vouOe- 
retTe (cf. II 3 15 ) ToCiq dTaxTouq (I 5 14 ) referred not to the disorderly in 
general, as I 4 11 - 12 allows, but specifically to the idlers. The author of 
II thus betrays at this point first-hand acquaintance with the situa 
tion faced in I. 

The {jLt[xeI(j0at of 3 7 refers to work not to suffering (I i 6 2 14 (j.t(JUQTaO; 
TUXOV in view of Phil. 3 17 is a natural word for "example" without re 
course to the TUTOV of I i 7 ; the idea of waiving apostolic right in love 
(3 9 ) appears in a different setting in I 2 6 - 7 , and the language in which it 
is expressed agrees not with I 2 6 - 7 but with i Cor. g 4 ff -; and although 3 9 
and I 2 7 - 8 alike hint at self-sacrifice, ^sTaBouvac TOC? ^u^a? does not suggest 
BtBovac TUTCOV. Furthermore, the lengthy agreement of 3 8 with I 2 9 
is intentional, that of 3 10 with I 3" accidental, as II 2 5 suggests. These 
facts, coupled with the tactful treatment of the case of the idlers, es 
pecially the significant emphasis in 3 15 , which is far from Kirchenzucht, 
with the ethical turn in ou GdXec (3 10 ) and with the quite Pauline ev xupup 
(3 12 ), point distinctly to the hand of Paul. 

(B) Hypothesis of Forgery. Notwithstanding the fact that 
the greater part of the material in II is new, that, aside from 
the agreements in the epistolary outline of I and II, the reminis 
cences from I but rarely occur in the corresponding sections of 
II, that these reminiscences are worked over freely and mingled 
with new material, and that II 3 6 15 reflects an intimate and first 
hand acquaintance with the situation presupposed by I 4 11 12 5 14 , 
it is nevertheless held that it is quite as easy to imagine that a 
later writer familiar with I and with the style of Paul imitated 
I for his own purpose, as that Paul himself wrote II. Since then 
it is a psychological impossibility for Paul to have written II to 
the same persons a few months after I, the alternative is a forger. 

But apart from the consideration that those who support the 
hypothesis of forgery fail to indicate what are the criteria for a 
psychological impossibility in such a case, it is to be observed 
that it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine what the pur 
pose of the forger is and why he hits on I as the point of departure 
for his pseudepigraphon. 



52 THESSALONIANS 

It is sometimes urged that II is written to take the place of I. Were 
this true, the reason for the forgery would be patent. But as both Mc 
Giffert (EB. 5042) and Wrede (60) insist, there is no indication of an in 
tention to "save Paul s reputation and set him right with the Thess. 
after his death, by showing that he had not expected the consummation 
as soon as I seemed to imply" (McGiffert). In fact, 2 15 intimates that 
the authority of I is formally recognised (Wrede). Hence " the sole pur 
pose of the eschatological passage is clearly to put a stop to the fanaticism 
to which the belief in the speedy consummation was giving rise" (Mc 
Giffert; so essentially Kern, 214, Weizsacker, 250, and Wrede, 67-69). 

To this it may be rejoined: (i) The internal evidence of the second 
letter reveals not one but two purposes, to encourage the faint-hearted 
who had become more despondent by reason of the assertion that the 
day is present and to warn more sharply the idlers who since the writ 
ing of I had become more troublesome. Hollmann recognises this two 
fold purpose in that he affirms that the forger united closely the strained 
eschatological situation and the flight from labour. (2) If 2 1 - 12 is de 
signed as a corrective of prevailing wrong impressions as to the immi 
nence of the Parousia, it chooses an extremely obscure method of illumi 
nating the minds of the readers. On the assumption of genuineness, the 
reason for the obscurity is clear; the Thessalonians, since they knew the 
teaching already, needed only to be reminded of it. (3) Neither Kern 
nor Wrede has succeeded in explaining just why I is seized upon as the 
point of departure for the pseudepigraphon. (4) It is admittedly 
(Wrede, 37/. and McGiffert, EB. 5042) difficult to believe that a letter 
could be sent to the Thessalonians and be accepted by them as Pauline 
before Paul s death; or to believe that a letter addressed to them but 
not really intended for them could have gained currency as Pauline in 
Paul s lifetime. It is necessary therefore to go beyond the sixties, down 
even to the end of the first or even to the beginning of the second cen 
tury in order to make a forgery intelligible. But the further one goes 
beyond 50 A.D. the harder it is to account for that intimate acquaintance 
with the situation implied by I, which is revealed especially in II 3 G - 15 . 

(5) There is no essential incompatibility between I 5 1 ff - and II 2 1 - 12 , 
between signs and suddenness, as both McGiffert and Wrede concede. 

(6) At every point the exegesis of II is easiest on the assumption of 
genuineness. (7) The hypothesis of forgery proceeds on the supposition 
that it is a psychological impossibility for Paul to have written II a few 
months after I to the same people. But criteria for distinguishing what 
is psychologically possible or impossible to Paul are not adduced. The 
only evidence that throws any light on the matter is the statement of 
Paul to another Macedonian church : "To go on writing the same things 
is not tedious to me, while to you it is safe" (Phil. 3 1 ). To be sure, there 
are no objective criteria to go by; no two other extant letters of Paul 
in which two out of the three situations in one letter are treated in a 



AUTHENTICITY OF II THESSALONIANS 53 

second letter written less than three months later. On the assumption 
of genuineness, it is evident that it was important for Paul to remember 
I, for its utterances at certain points had been misconstrued by some. 
And since, according to Phil. 3 1 , Paul could write the same things if 
necessary, the presence in II of reminiscences, apart from the epistolary 
outline, is natural, especially if II is a reply to a letter which the Thessa- 
lonians sent to Paul asking advice concerning the faint-hearted and the 
idlers, a letter written after their reading of I and after their failure to 
cope successfully with the difficulty created by the assertion that the 
day of the Lord was actually present. Indeed, it is not improbable that, 
as Zahn (Introd. I, 250; cf. Moff . Introd. 76) suggests, Paul read over the 
original draft of I before he dictated II, for in the light of Cicero s usual 
habit (c/.Zahn, loc. cit.} and of similar evidence from the papyri (cf. Deiss. 
Light, 227/0, it may be assumed that the letters of Paul were usually 
revised after dictation and copied, the copy being sent, and the original 
draft retained by Paul or his secretary. At the same time, it is strange 
that the epistolary outline of II should agree so closely with that of I. 
But strangeness is not identical with psychological impossibility. 

(5) Hypothesis of Genuineness. Since the antecedent prob 
ability, namely, the intelligibility of the historical situation im 
plied by II, the language, the personal equation, and the religious 
convictions, is distinctly in favour of Pauline authorship, and since 
the objection to the genuineness on the score of alleged discrepan 
cies between I 5 1 ff - and II 2 1 12 is not insuperable, the hypothesis 
of genuineness may be assumed as the best working hypothesis 
in spite of the difficulties suggested by the literary resemblances, 
especially the striking agreement in the epistolary outline. 

Harnack, however (op. cit.}, like Wrede, is convinced that it is psycho 
logically impossible for II to have been written by Paul a few months 
after I to the same address, although the criteria for determining psy 
chological impossibility are not stated. But he is equally confident that 
II is thoroughly Pauline. The only way then out of the conclusion that 
II is a forgery is the postulate that there were two churches in Thessa- 
lonica, one the main church composed of Gentiles, the other a kind of 
annex made up of Jews; and that I was addressed to the Gentile and II 
to the Jewish church. Although Paul ordered the former to see to it 
that the latter should hear the first epistle read (I 5"), yet he was aware 
that the exhortations in reference to impurity, a sin to which Gentiles 
were susceptible, and in reference to eschatology (new teaching in 1 4 13 - 18 , 
and simple in I 5 1 - 11 ), had in mind mainly if not wholly the problems of 
the Gentile Christians. Accordingly, in order to meet the specific needs 
of the Jewish Christians who were steeped in eschatology and had begun 



54 THESSALONIANS 

to believe that the day of the Lord was present, and who were also idle 
(for although the Gentiles were idle, the Jews were the conspicuous idlers, 
as the severe reproof of II 3 6 - 16 shows), he writes the second letter at 
the same time as I, or a few days after I. Though both types of Chris 
tians were dear to Paul, yet the letter to the Jewish annex, while not 
unfriendly, lacks the warm tone and the intimate friendliness of I, is 
in fact somewhat severe (3" ff -), official and ceremonious (69(Xo^ev 
i 3 2 13 ). This postulate, once made, is worked out with the brilliance 
familiar to readers of his discussion of the Priscan authorship of 
Hebrews. 

Waiving the suggestion that the hypothesis would be relieved of 
one difficulty if the traditional assertion that II is severe, official, and 
ceremonious were dispensed with altogether, two important difficulties 
may be suggested, one that the evidence adduced for the existence of a 
separate Jewish Christian group is not quite conclusive, and the other 
that the psychological difficulty that prompts the postulate is not en 
tirely removed. As to the first point, Harnack assumes that the O. T. 
colouring in II suggests Jewish Christian readers, an assumption which 
is disputable; also that the Gentiles had had no instruction in escha- 
tology beyond the simplest teaching as to the suddenness of the day 
and the necessity for watchfulness, an assumption difficult not only in 
the light of I 5 2 f -, but also of 1 4 16 - 17 where Paul includes in his new teach 
ing apocalyptic details which, on the theory of simplicity, are irrelevant. 
Furthermore, while Acts 17* states that the preaching in the synagogue 
succeeded with a few Jews and with a great many Gentiles, men and 
women, who as adherents of the synagogue may be presumed to have 
been acquainted with the Messianic hopes of the Jews in their apocalyp 
tic expression, still it has nothing to say of the formation of two separate 
Christian groups. Still further, the first letter betrays no knowledge 
of the existence of more than one Christian assembly in Thessalon- 
ica, for the "all" in 5" obviously suggests not an annex of Jewish 
Christians but recalcitrants, most probably some of the idle brethren, 
within the one church of the Thessalonians. Moreover, the reading 
dxapxrjv (see note on 2 13 ), which did not suggest the hypothesis but 
which to Harnack is objective evidence in favour of it, is less suitable 
than dtx* dcpx^j? in a context designed to assure the readers of their cer 
tainty of salvation. The second important difficulty with this plausible 
hypothesis is that the psychological impossibility which prompts it is 
not entirely eliminated, for although the presence of reminiscences is 
adequately accounted for, the surprising similarity of the epistolary 
outline is not. 

Lake (Exp. Times, Dec. 1910^131-3, and The Earlier Epistles of St. 
Paul, 1911, 83 Jf.) inclines to think that Harnack s theory complies with 
all the conditions of the problem; Dibelius and Knopf (TLZ. 1911, 455- 
457) speak hesitatingly. 



THE TEXT 55 



VII. THE TEXT. 

The text of Westcott and Hort is followed almost without 
exception in the commentary. The nomenclature is that of 
Gregory, Die Griechischen Handschriften des N. T. 1908 and Text 
Kritik des N. T. Ill, 1909 (cf. Souter, Nov. Test. Graece, 1910). 
The various readings are taken from the apparatus of Tischen- 
dorf (Nov. Test. Graece, vol. II, ed. 8, 1872) and of Souter. 

The various readings from Greek manuscripts, versions, and patristic 
writers have been cited in the interest of exegesis. The following au 
thorities have been most serviceable: Zimmer (Der Text der Thessa- 
lonicherbriefe, 1893), B. Weiss (Textkritik der Paulinischen Brief e, in 
TU. 3 1896), and the textual notes in the commentaries of Findlay and 
Dobschiitz. 

(i) Greek Manuscripts. From the lists in Gregory (op. cit.) 
and von Soden (Die Schriften des N. T. } begun in 1902 and now 
(1912) nearing completion), it would appear that about six 
hundred Greek manuscripts contain i, 2 Thess. wholly or in part. 
The twenty-one uncials among them may be briefly enumerated 
as follows: 

tf (e a p r). Cod. Sinaiticus, saec. iv, now at St. Petersburg. 
Edited by Tischendorf, its discoverer, in 1862. Photo 
graphic reproduction by H. and K. Lake, Oxford, 1911. 
Contains I and II complete. 

A (e a p r). Cod. Alexandrinus, saec. v, now in the British 
Museum. Edited by Woide in 1786. Facsimile by E. 
M. Thompson, 1879. Contains I and II complete. 

B (e a p r). Cod. Vaticanus, saec. iv, now in the Vatican 
Library. Photographic reproduction by Cozza-Luzi, 
Rome, 1889, and by the Milan firm of Hoepli, 1904. 
Contains I and II complete. 

C (e a p r). Cod. Ephraemi Rescriptus, saec. v, now in the 
National Library at Paris. The N. T. fragments were 
edited by Tischendorf in 1845. Contains I 
rovpev 2 



56 THESSALONIANS 

D (p). Cod. Claromontanus, saec. vi, Graeco-Latin, now in 
the National Library at Paris. Edited by Tischendorf 
in 1852. Contains I and II complete. 

[E] Cod. Sangermanensis, saec. ix, now at St. Petersburg. 
A copy of D. 

F (p). Cod. AugiensiSj saec. ix, Graeco-Latin, now in the 
Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. An exact tran 
script by Scrivener, 1859. Contains I and II complete. 

G (p). Cod. Boernerianus, saec. ix, now in the Royal Library 
at Dresden. "It is closely related to F, according to 
some the archetype of F " (Souter). Edited by Matthaei, 
1791. Im Lichtdruck nachgebildet, Leipzig (Hiersemann), 
1909. Contains I and II complete. 

H (p). Cod. Saec. vi. Most of the forty-one leaves now known 
are in the National Library at Paris; the remainder are 
at Athos, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, and Turin. 
The fragments at Kiev contain 2 Cor. 4 2 7 , i Thess. 2 9 " 13 
(jjivr^^ovevere . . . earns dXTjOcos) and 4 4 11 (eavrov aicevos 
. . . (})L\oTifJiLo-Oai) ; cf. H. Omont, Notice sur un tres 
ancien manuscrit, etc. 1889. 

I (p). Cod. Saec. v. Ms. 4 in the Freer Collection at Detroit, 
Michigan. This manuscript is a "badly decayed frag 
ment, now containing many short portions of the epistles 
of Paul. It is written on parchment in small uncials and 
probably belongs to the fifth century. . . . Originally 
contained Acts and practically all of the epistles but not 
Revelation. . . . While no continuous portion of the 
text remains, many brief passages from Eph. Phil. Col. 
Thess. and Heb. can be recovered" (H. A. Sanders, Bib 
lical World, vol. XXI, 1908, 142; cf. also Gregory, Das 
Freer-Logion, 1908, 24). The fragments of Thess., a col 
lation of which Prof. Sanders kindly sent me, contain 

J j 1-2. 9-10 2 7 -8- 14 - 1( 5 ? 2 - 4 - H-13 ^8-9. 16-18 t^ H- 23-26 JJ jl-3. 10-11 
2 5-8. 15-17 o8-10 

K (a p). Cod. Mosguensis, saec. ix, now at Moscow. Col 
lated by Matthaei, 1782. Contains I and II complete. 



THE TEXT 57 

L (a p). Cod. Angelicus, saec. ix, now in the Angelican Li 
brary at Rome. Collated among others by Tischen- 
dorf (1843) an d Tregelles (1845). Contains I and II 
complete. 

P (a p r). Cod. Porphyrianm, saec. ix, now at St. Peters 
burg. Edited by Tischendorf (1865). Contains I and 
II except I 3 5 MrceTi ??/xet? 01 4 17 . 

^ (cap). Cod. Saec. mii-ix, now at Mount Athos. Contains 
I and II complete. 

048 (a p). Cod. Saec. v, now in the Vatican Library, a frag 
mentary palimpsest. Contains I i 1 " 2 with the short codex 
title. 

049 (a p). Cod. Saec. mii-ix, now at Mount Athos. Contains 
I i 1 -2 13 avOpcoTToov. 

056 (a p). Cod. Saec. x, now in the National Library at Paris. 
I and II were collated by Van Sittart (Gregory, Text 
Kritik, 296). 

75 (p)- Cod. Saec. x, now in the National Library at Athens 
(Gregory, ibid. 309). 

on i (p). Cod. Saec. mi (?), now in the Royal Museum at 
Berlin, a fragment containing only II i 1 -2 2 , mutilated 
in i 1 " 4 and i n -2 2 . Printed in Gregory (ibid. 1075 jf.). 

0142 (a p). Cod. Saec. x, now in the Royal Library at Mu 
nich. Contains I and II complete. 

0150 (p). Cod. Saec. ix (Gregory, ibid. 1081), now at Patmos. 

0151 (p). Cod. Saec. ix or x (Gregory, ibid. 1081), now at 
Patmos. 

These uncials may be summarised as to date thus: Saec. iv (N B), 
v (ACL 048), vi (DH.),vii (om), viii-ix (^049), ix (EFGKLP. 0150), 
ix-x (0151), and x (056. 075. 0142). 

There are about 585 minuscules which contain I and II complete or 
in part. Of these the following 38 appear to be the oldest: Saec. ix 

(1430. 1862. IQOO); ix-X (33. 1841); X (i. 82. 93. 221. 454. 456. 457. 

605. 619. 627. 920. 1175 (I i 10 -2 21 is lacking). 1244. 1739. 1760. 1770. 
1836. 1845. lS 7- 1880. 1891. 1898. 1905. 1920. 1954 (I i x -2 5 is lacking). 
1997. 1998. 2110. 2125); x-xi (1851 (II 3 7 - 18 is lacking). 1910. 1912. 
1927). 



58 THESSALONIANS 

The leading minuscules, according to SH. (Ixv) are: 33 (saec. ix-x), 
1912 (saec. x-xi), 104. 424. 436. 1908 (saec. xi), 88. 321 (saec. xii), 263 
(saec. xiii-xiv), 5. 489 (saec. xiv), and 69 (saec. xv), one of the Ferrar 
Group. 

(2) Versions. The following versions are occasionally quoted: 
Latin including Old Latin and Vulgate (Vulg.), Syriac Vulgate 
(Pesh.), Coptic in the Bohairic dialect (Boh.), and Armenian 
(Arm.). 

(a) Latin. Witnesses for the Old Latin are the Latin of the bi- 
linguals D (E) F G, namely, d (e) f (?) g (?) ; r (saec. vii, a fragment now 
in Munich containing Phil. 4 11 - 23 and i Thess. i 1 - 10 , discovered and edited 
by Ziegler, Italafragmcnte der Panlinischen Brief e, 1876); X 2 (saec. vii- 
viii, now in the Bodleian; according to Wescott (Smith s DB. 3458/0 it 
agrees in many cases with d almost or quite alone) ; also the citations of 
the Speculum ( = m; edited by Weihrich in the Vienna Corpus, xii, 1887; 
contains I 2 1 - 14 4 1 - 10 5 6 - 22 II i 3 - 12 3 6 15 ); and of Ambrosiaster ( = Ambst., 
quoted from a collation which Prof. Souter was good enough to send 
me), and others. The Vulgate is cited from Nestle s edition (Nov. Test. 
Gracce, 1906); there are occasional references to the Vulgate codices 
Amiatinus ( = am.; saec. viii) and Fuldensis ( = fuld.; saec. vi). On 
the Latin versions, see Kennedy in HDB. Ill, 47-62 and Burkitt in EB. 
499 2 /. 

(b) Syriac. According to Burkitt (EB. 4998^.), "no manuscript of 
the Old Syriac version of the Pauline Epistles is known to have survived." 
The Syriac Vulgate or Peshitta, of which some sixty-seven manuscripts 
are available for Paul (Gregory, Text Kritik, 520/0, owes its origin (so 
Burkitt) to Rabbula, Bishop of Edessa (411-435 A.D.), and represents a 
revision of an older Syriac translation. On the Syriac versions includ 
ing the later revisions of Philoxenus (A.D. 508) and Thomas of Harkel 
(A.D. 6 1 6), see Burkitt (op. tit.}. 

(e) Coptic. The Bohairic is cited from Horner: Coptic Version of 
the N. T. in the Northern Dialect, III, 1905. 

N. B. In the library of Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, of New York, there 
are about fifty manuscripts in the Sahidic dialect of the Coptic, formerly 
in the Coptic Monastery of St. Michael, in the Fayyum. Prof. Hyver- 
nat, the future editor, announces that the N. T. is represented by three 
complete gospels (Mt. Mk. and Jn.; Lk. is incomplete), fourteen letters 
of Paul, the two of Peter, and the three of John (JBL. XXXI, 1912, 55). 

(d) Armenian. On this version, see Conybeare in HDB. I, 153 /. 



COMMENTARIES 59 



VIII. COMMENTARIES. 

Commentaries and annotations on Thessalonians are unex 
pectedly numerous. The list given in the following paragraphs 
does not pretend to be exhaustive. 

On the history of interpretation, the following commentators are im 
portant: Crocius, Pelt, Lillie, Dobschiitz, and especially Bornemann 
(1-7 and 538-708). 

(i) In the early church, the most important commentators 
are the Antiochans Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and 
Theodoret in Greek; also Ephraem in Syriac, and Ambrosiaster 
and Pelagius in Latin. 

For patristic commentators, see the notes in Swete s edition of Th. 
Mops, on the Minor Epistles of Paul, and Turner s article, Greek Pa 
tristic Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles in HDB. V, 484-53 1 . Origen 
is apparently the first commentator on our letters; but only one definite 
comment is extant, I 4 15 - 17 (quoted by Jerome, Ep. 119). The commen 
taries of the Antiochans Theodore of Heraclea, the pupil of Lucian, 
Apollinaris of Laodicea, and Diodore of Tarsus, the teacher of Chrys. 
and Th. Mops., are known, if at all, only in fragments (cf. Cramer, 
Catenae, 1841-44). The homilies of Chrysostom, eleven on I and five 
on II (ed. F. Field, Oxford, 1885) have influenced not only the gatherers 
of catenae in the Middle Ages but every comm. down to the present. 
Equally an Antiochan, but less homiletical and more exegetical than 
Chrys. is his friend Theodore of Mopsuestia (f c. 429) whose work on the 
Minor Epistles of Paul is fully extant in a Latin translation and partly 
in the original (ed. H. B. Swete, Th. Mops, in epistolas Pauli, Cambridge, 
1880-1882, and enriched by invaluable notes). This work is "the first 
and almost the last exegetical book produced in the ancient church 
which will bear any comparison with modern commentaries" (G. H. 
Gilbert, Interpretation of the Bible, 1908, 135). Theodoret of Cyrrhus 
(f 457), a pupil of Theodore, gathers from him and Chrys. and aims at 
conciseness of expression. Less penetrating than they, he is still an 
Antiochan in method (ed. Marriott, Oxford, 1852, 1870). 

Of Ephraem Syrus (f 373), a few notes on Paul have been preserved 
in Armenian; these were translated into Latin and published by the 
Mechitarist Fathers, Venice, 1893. 

Tv/o important Latin commentators of the fourth century are Am 
brosiaster and Pelagius. By the former is meant the work on Paul 
published along with the works of Ambrose in Migne (PL. 17); see 



60 THESSALONIANS 

Souter, TS. VII, 4, 1905. The text of Pelagius, bound up with the works 
of Jerome in Migne (PL. 30, 670 jf.), is corrupt; but of Ms. cxix in the 
Grand Ducal Library at Karlsruhe, Souter (in a paper read before the 
British Academy, Dec. 12, 1906, and published 1907: Comm. of Pelagius 
on the Epistles of Paul] says, " it is pure Pelagius, perhaps the only copy 
in existence." 

(2) "In the Middle Ages, exegesis consisted chiefly in the re 
production of the expositions of the fathers, in collections and 
compilations, called epitomes, glosses, postilles, chains." "The 
traditional principle of exegesis became more and more dominant, 
and alongside of this the allegorical method was found to be the 
most convenient for reconciling Scripture with tradition. The 
literal and the historical sense was almost entirely ignored" 
(Briggs, SHS. 453/0 

Among the later Greeks, the most important is John of Damascus 
(f c. 760; Migne, PG. 95). On (Ecumenius and the other Greek 
catenists, e. g. Theophylact and Euthymius Zigabenus, both of whom 
died in the early twelfth century, see Turner (op. cit.). 

The most important commentators in Latin are the scholastic master 
Thomas Aquinas (| 1274) and Nicolaus de Lyra, the free but faithful 
converted Jew (f 1340). Mainly compilers are Florus Diaconus (f c. 860; 
Migne, PL. 119) who for Paul gathered together the stray comments 
of Augustine (cf. Born. 559); Haymo (? f 853; Migne, PL. 117, 76s/.); 
Rabanus Maurus (f 856; Migne, PL. 112, 539^".) and his pupil Wala- 
frid Strabo (f 849; Migne, PL. 114, 615^.) who was auctoritas to Peter 
Lombard (f 1164); Atto (f 961; ed. Burontius, Vercelli, 1768); Her- 
vaeus Burgidolensis (f 1150; Migne, PL. 181, 1355^.; follows Augus 
tine freely); and Dionysius the Carthusian (f 1471) the new edition of 
whose works begun in 1896 contemplates forty-five quarto volumes; a 
fruitful but unoriginal compiler. 

(3) In the sixteenth century, the Protestant Reformers agreed 
with the humanists, of whom Erasmus is the conspicuous ex 
ample, in going back to the Hebrew and Greek text of Scripture 
and in giving the grammatical and literal sense over against the 
allegorical, but "insisted that Scripture should be its own in 
terpreter and that it was not to be interpreted by tradition or 
external ecclesiastical authority" (Briggs, SHS. 456). Of the 
three great exegetes, Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, the greatest 
is Calvin. 



COMMENTARIES 6l 

Erasmus (f 1536) edited the annotations of the Italian humanist 
Laurentius Valla (f 1457) in 1505, and a paraphrase of his own on all 
of Paul in 1521. Luther did not comment on our letters. Calvin s 
comm. on Thess. appeared in 1539 (best edition in Corpus Ref. 52, 1895, 
133-218) andZwingli sin 1526 (ed. opera exeget. 1581, vol. IV). "Worthy 
to stand by their side" (Briggs) are Bugenhagen (1524), Bullinger 
(t J 575) an d Musculus (f 1563). Beza s Annotationes in N. T. (1565) 
should be mentioned. Melanchthon did not, but his friend Camerarius 
(Notatio, 1554) and his pupil Strigel (Hypomneumata, 1565) did comment 
on our epistles. 

The immediate successors of the Reformers "had somewhat of their, 
spirit, although the sectarian element already influenced them in the 
maintenance of the peculiarities of the different national churches" 
(Briggs, SHS. 457). Calvinists areHyperius (f i564),Marloratus (1561), 
Hemmingsen (f 1600), Aretius (f 1574), Zanchius (f 1590) and Piscator 
(1589). Lutherans are Flacius (1570), Hunnius (f 1603), Georgius 
Major (f 1574) and Selnecker (f 1592). In Britain we have John Jewel 
whose sermons, edited by John Garbrand (1583), are the first exposi 
tion of our epistles in English; and Robert Rollock, principal or first 
master of the Univ. of Edinburgh, whose Latin commentary (1598) was 
followed by his lectures, in English (1606). 

Among Roman Catholic commentators or scholiasts are Faber Stapu- 
lensis (f 1512), Gagnaeus (f i549)> Catharinus (1551), Clarius (f 1555), 
Sasbout (1561), Zegers (f 1559), Arias (f 1598), Serarius (f 1609), and 
Estius (f 1613). 

(4) The seventeenth century is marked by the exegetical ac 
tivity of the British Puritans such as Edward Leigh and Mat 
thew Poole, and by the revival in Holland of the spirit of Eras 
mus in the person of Hugo de Groot who combined sound 
classical learning with a keen historical sense. Like Grotius 
is Hammond who insisted on the plain, literal, and historical 
meaning. 

On seventeenth-century exegesis in Britain, see especially Briggs, SHS. 
459-469. Leigh s Annotations upon all the N. T. was published in 1650. 
Several of the scholars whom he used in addition to Grotius have com 
mented upon our epistles, as for example Drusius (1612, 1616) and de 
Dieu (1646), the Dutch divines; John Cameron (f 1625), the Scot who 
worked chiefly in France; John Mayer (1631); and William Sclater 
(Exposition with notes on i Thess. 1619; Briefe Exposition with notes 
on 2 Thess. 1627; this brief exposition runs to 598 quarto pages). The 
annotations of the Westminster divines covering the whole Bible went 
into a second edition, 2 vols., in 1651. The great compilation Critici 



62 THESSALONIANS 

Sacri was published in 1660, 9 vols. "Among the last of the Puritan 
works on the more learned side was the masterpiece of Matthew Poole" 
(Briggs, op. cit. 467) entitled: Synopsis Criticorum, 1669 /. in five folio 
volumes (i, 2 Thess. in vol. IV, 1676, col. 943-1004). Poole s English 
Annotations on the Holy Bible was completed by his friends and published 
in 1685. 

The annotationes ad V. et N. T. of Grotius was published in Amster 
dam in 1641$. Hammond s Paraphrase and Annotations on the N. T. 
appeared in 1653 and was done into Latin by Clericus in 1698. 

Other British expositors may be named: William Bradshaw (A 
plaine and pithie Exposition of 2 Thess. 1620, edited by Thos. Gataker); 
Timothie Jackson (1621, on 2 Thess.); David Dickson (expositio ana- 
lytica omnium apost. epp. 1645; English in 1659 by W. Retchford); 
Thomas Case (1670; this is not a comm. on i Thess. but an exposition 
of I 4 13 - 18 entitled Mount Pisgah : or a prospect of heaven); James Fergus- 
son (1674; brief exposition of i, 2 Thess.); J. Fell (1675; on Paul s 
letters); Richard Baxter (1684; paraphrase on N. T. with notes doc 
trinal and practical) ; William Burkitt ( 1 700; ontheN.T.); and Daniel 
Whitby (Paraphrase and Commentary on the N. T. 1703). Other Con 
tinental commentators are Vorstius (f 1622); Cappelus (f 1624); 
Gomarus (f 1641); Diodati (f 1649); Calixtus (f 1656); Haak (1637; 
in English, 1657, under title of Dutch Annotations, etc.); Slichting (the 
Socinian, f 1661; Thess. was finished in 1660); Crocius (comm. in om- 
nes epp. Pauli minores, ed. 1663, 3 vols.) ; Calovius (1672-76; a Lutheran 
who corrects Grot.); and Cocceius (f 1669). Among Roman Catholic 
scholars are Stevart (1609; on i, 2 Thess.); Justinianus (1612-13); 
Cornelius a Lapide (1614); Bence (1628; depends on Estius); Meno- 
chius (1630; praised by Grot.); Tirinus (1632); Fromond (f 1653; 
depends on Estius) ; Leander of Dijon (1663); Mauduit (1691); Ques- 
nel (1687; moral reflections in French); and Bernardinus a Piconio 
(1703 in Latin; 1706 in French. Often reprinted; cf. A. H. Prichard, 
1888-90). The Roman Church had its Poole in John de la Haye: 
Biblia Magna (1643, 5 vols.) and Biblia Maxima (1660, 19 vols.). 

(5) In the eighteenth century, the most important commen 
tator is Bengel (Gnomon, 1742). But Ernesti s principles of 
interpretation (1761) found fruit in Schott (1834). Flatt (1829) 
is influenced by Storr, and Pelt (1830) by Schleiermacher. 

The attention of the eighteenth century is given to the text (Bentley, 
Mill, Bengel, Semler, Griesbach), and to the gathering of parallels from 
profane literature (Wolf, Kypke, Koppe, Rosenmuller, and especially 
Wetstein in his N. T. (1751)), from Philo (Loesner), and from rab 
binical sources (Schottgen and Meuschen). The revival of Biblical 



COMMENTARIES 63 

studies especially in Germany toward the end of the century (see 
Briggs, SHS. 469 Jf.), due to Lessing, Herder, Semler, Eichhorn, and 
others, prepared the way for modern methods of interpretation in the 
nineteenth century. 

British expositors of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth 
century are mainly practical: Matthew Henry (vol. VI, 1721); Philip 
Doddridge (1739-56); Edward Wells (f 1727); George Benson (i Thess. 
1731; 2 Thess. 1732); John Guyse (f 1761); John Gill (1746-48); 
John Wesley (1754; depends in part on Bengel, Doddridge, and Guyse) ; 
Thomas Scott (1788-92); also John Lindsay (f 1768); Thomas Pyle 
(t 1756); John Philips (1751; on i Thess.); Samuel Chandler (f 1766; 
ed. N. White, 1777); James Macknight (1787 and 1795); Thomas Coke 
(1803; depends on Doddridge); Adam Clarke (1810-25); James 
Slade (1816); T. Belsham (f 1829); P. N. Shuttleworth (1829); W. 
Trollope (1828-34); Edward Burton (Greek Test. 1831); S. T. Bloom- 
field (Greek Test. 1832); Charles Eyre (1832); Granville Penn (1837; 
annotations on N. T.); E. Barlee (1837); W. Bruce (1836); and W. 
Heberden (1839). 

Continental scholars: Laurentius (1714; the first comm. in German, 
according to Dob.); J. Lange (1729); Turretin (f 1737; ed. i, 2 Thess. 
1739); Heumann (f 1764); Zacharia (1770); Matthaeus (1785); and 
Olshausen (vols. 1-4, 1830; English by A. C. Kenrick, 1858). 

Roman Catholic interpreters: Natalis Alexander (1710); Remy 
( I 739); Calmet (f 1739); Gregorius Mayer (1788); and Massl (1841- 
48). 



(6) From De Wette (1841) to the present, commentaries on 
our epistles are many and excellent, (i) German. Koch (on 
i Thess. 1849); Liinemann (in Meyer, 1850; iSyS 4 in English 
by Gloag, 1880); Auberlen and Riggenbach (in Lange s Bibel- 
werk, 1864); J. C. K. Hofmann (i862 2 ); P. W. Schmidt (on 
i Thess. 1885); Zockler (in Kurzgefasster Komm. 1887); P. W. 
Schmiedel (in Holtzmann s Handcomm. 18922); W. Borne- 
mann (in Meyer, 1894); B. Weiss (1896, 19022); Wohlenberg 
(in Zahn s Komm. 1903); Lueken (in SNT. 19072); E. von 
Dobschiitz (in Meyer, 1909); and M. Dibelius (in Lietzmann s 
Handbuch, 1911). (2) Dutch. Baljon (1907). (3) British. 
Alford (Greek N. T. 1849-61); Jowett (1855); Ellicott (1858); 
Lightfoot (f 1889; Notes on Epistles of St. Paul, 1895); James 
Drummond (in International Handbooks, 1899); Findlay (in 
Cambridge Greek Test., 1904); George Milligan (1908); and 



64 THESSALONIANS 

Moffatt (in EGT. 1910). (4) American. John Lillie (The 
Epistles of Paul to the Thess., Translated from the Greek with 
Notes, 1856; and his English edition of Auberlen and Riggen- 
bach, 1868. Lillie s is the most important American work done 
on our epistles); Henry Cowles (Shorter Epistles of Paul, etc. 
1879; popular); W. A. Stevens (in American Comm. 1890); 
and E. T. Horn (in Lutheran Comm. 1896). 

Excellent examples of scholarly exposition with a practical 
purpose are Lillie (Lectures, 1860); John Hutchinson (1884); 
and especially James Denney (in Expositor s Bible, 1892) and 
H. J. Holtzmann (on i Thess.; ed. E. Simons, 1911). 

Roman Catholic scholarship is represented in German by 
Bisping (1854, i865 2 ), Rohm (on i Thess. 1885), Schafer (1890), 
and Gutjahr (1900) ; in English by MacEvilly (1856) ; in French 
by Maunory (1881); and in Latin by Panek (i< 



In addition to Ewald s DieBiicher des neuenBundes (1870) andReuss s 
La Bible (1874-80), the following commentators may be named: (i) 
German. Baumgarten-Crusius (ed. Schauer, 1848); and the practical 
works of Havemann (1875) an( l Goebel (1887, 18972). (2) British. 
T. W. Peile (1851-2); J. Turnbull (1854); Webster and Wilkinson 
(Greek Test. 1855-61); A. S. Patterson (1857); Wordsworth (Greek 
N. T. 1856-60); A. R. Fausset (in Pocket Bible, 1862-3); E. Headland 
and H. B. Swete (1863-66); C. J. Vaughan (on i Thess. 1864); John 
Eadie (ed. W. Young, 1877); A. J. Mason (in Ellicott s N. T. Comm. 
1879?); William Alexander (in Speaker s Comm. 1881); F. A. Malle- 
son (The Acts and Epistles of St. Paul, 1881); Marcus Dods (in SchafE s 
Popular Comm. 1882); P. J. Gloag (in Pulpit Comm. 1887); M. F. 
Sadler (1890); Findlay (in Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, 
1891); G. W. Garrod (1899-1900; analysis with notes); V. Bartlet 
(in Temple Bible, 1902); W. F. Adeney (in New Century Bible, 1907 ?); 
R. Mackintosh (in Westminster N. T. 1909); and H. W. Fulford (Thess. 
and Pastorals, 1911). Practical are A. R. Dallas (Cottager s Guide, vol. 
I, 1849); J- B. Sumner ("Expository lectures," 1851); H. Linton 
("Paraphrase and notes on Paul," 1857); J. Edmunds ("plain and prac 
tical" comm. on i, 2 Thess. 1858); C. D. Marston ("Expositions on 
the Epp. of N.T." 1865); W. Niven (" Family readings on i, 2 Thess." 
1875); R- V. Dunlop ("Lectures on i Thess." 1882); G. W. Clark 
(1903); and A. R. Buckland (1906). (3) American. The explanatory 
and practical notes of Albert Barnes (1846) and the Family Bible of 
Justin Edwards (1851) may be mentioned. 



COMMENTARIES 65 

N. B. Of the commentators named in the preceding paragraphs, a 
score or more have been particularly helpful to the present editor: Chry- 
sostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrosiaster, Calvin, Grotius, Ham 
mond, Poole, Bengel, De Wette, Liinemann, Lillie, Ellicott, Auberlen 
and Riggenbach, Denney, Schmiedel, Bornemann, Lightfoot, Wohlen- 
berg, Findlay, and especially Milligan and von Dobschiitz. 



COMMENTARY ON THE FIRST EPISTLE 
TO THE THESSALONIANS. 

I. SUPERSCRIPTION (i 1 ). 

Paul and Sikanus and Timothy to the assembly of Thes- 
salonians in God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 
Grace to you and peace. 

1. The superscription, which is to be distinguished from the 
address written "on the outside or on the cover of the folded 
letter" (Deissmann, Light, 148), comprises, as in contemporary 
letters, the name of the writer in the nominative, the people ad 
dressed in the dative, and the greeting. Although it is the short 
est of extant Pauline superscriptions, it contains the essential 
points of the more developed forms, not simply the names of 
writers and recipients but also the divine names God the Father 
and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the characteristically Pauline 
"grace and peace." The Holy Spirit is mentioned in no super 
scription and in but one benediction (2 Cor. i3 13 ). 

The inscription EPOS OESSAAONIKEIS A (SBAK, et a/.), like 
the inscriptions and subscriptions in most Mss. and like the introduc 
tions (5xo0fbecg) in some Mss., is editorial and seems to presuppose a 
corpus Paulinum with some such title as EIIISTOAAI IIAYAOY. 
For elaborations of this briefest form of inscription (e. g. in DGF with 
a prefixed apxetat; in P with a prefixed xaiiXou excaToX-fj, or in G with a 
prefixed SPXSTOI and an added xpco-rrj excaToX-fj), see von Soden, Schriften 
des N. T. I, 294 Jf. For the influence of contemporary literature upon 
the general form and many phrases of the Pauline and other N. T. 
letters, see Deissmann, BS. 187 /., EB. II, 1323 /., and Light; Rendel 
Harris, Exp. 5 VIII, 161 f., 401 j}.; Robinson, Ephesians, 275^.; Mill. 
121 /.; and Moff. Introd. 44 /. Useful selections from contemporary 
letters may be found in Lietzmann, Grieckische Papyri, 1905; Wit- 
kowski, Epistulae graecae privatae, 1906; and Mill. Selections from the 
Greek Papyri, 1910. 

67 



68 I THESSALONIANS 

Since Silvanus and Timothy were with Paul in Thessalonica 
when the church was established and with him in Corinth when 
both our letters were written (Acts i8 5 ; cf. 2 Cor. i 19 ), it is 
natural to find the three names associated in the superscription. 
Paul takes precedence as he is the leading spirit and the letter 
is his in a peculiar sense; Silvanus, the Silas of Acts, comes next; 
and Timothy, who was not only a helper but a preacher (2 Cor. 
i 19 ), as youngest comes last. While the letter is Paul s, the ex 
ceptionally frequent appearance of "we" where it is natural to 
think primarily not of an epistolary plural but of Paul and his 
companions suggests an intimacy of association in writing which 
is not true of i Cor. where Sosthenes is joined with Paul in the 
superscription, nor of 2 Cor. Col. Phile. Phil, where Timothy is 
joined with Paul. 

It is generally admitted that "we" may be used in various senses 
including that of the epistolary plural (cf. not only Paul (i Cor. g 11 and 
9 15 ), but also Polybius, Josephus, and the papyri); but it is observed 
with force by Mill. (131-132) that owing to the "special circumstances 
under which the two epistles were written, we shall do well to give its 
full weight to this normal use of the plural in them, and to think of it 
as including St. Paul s two companions along with himself wherever on 
other grounds this is possible"; cf. Zahn, Introd. I 209 Jff. On the other 
hand, Dob. thinks that though the associated authors may be in mind 
they have no prerogatives whatever (67-68); see Dick, Der schrift- 
stellerische Plural bei Paulus, 1900. 

The form ScX^av6q (DG; cf. B in i Pet. 5 12 ) is regular in the papyri 
(Mill.); cf. P. Oxy. 335 (c. 85 A.D.) where HaOXo? sells StX^av6q the sixth 
part of a house in the Jewish quarter. Our Silvanus is a Jew and a Ro 
man citizen (Acts i6 37 ); cf. Schmiedel, EB. 4514 /. Timothy was of 
mixed Gentile and Jewish blood; whether a Roman citizen or not is 
unknown; cf. Moff. EB. 5074 f. 

The designation dxdaToXo? does not appear in the superscription of 
the Macedonian letters and Philemon; it appears in that of Gal. i, 2 Cor. 
addressed to communities in which Judaists attacked Paul s apostle- 
ship (Phil. 3 2 ff - refers to unbelieving Jews as Lipsius, McGiffert, and 
most recently Dob. (117) insist); in that of Rom., a community not 
founded by him and not sharing his distinctive views, to which he is 
presenting his gospel; and in that of Col. Eph., churches founded by 
his converts whose Christianity he vouches for. 

TTJ KK\rjcr{q crcra\ovi,Kec0v. There is but one Christian 
group in Thessalonica; it is small numerically, unless 7rX?}#o9 



I, I 69 

TTO\V (Acts i7 4 ) is to be pressed, but intense in faith (v. 8 ; cf. 
Rom. i 8 Col. i 6 - 23 ); and it assembles perhaps in the house of 
Jason. 

The numerical strength of the church in the house of Prisca and Aquila 
(i Cor. i6 19 Rom. i6 5 ) is computed by Gregory (Canon and Text of the 
N. T. 524) to be at least fifty. Whether the church in Thess. that Paul 
addressed was as large as that is quite unknown. 

No good reasons have been adduced to show why we have here and in II 
i 1 (cf. Col. 4 16 ) the nomen gentilidum OeaaaXovcxeug instead of the name 
of the place (Gal. i 2 1 Cor. i 2 2 Cor. i 1 ). The view of von Soden (SK. 
1885, 274) that Paul "under the influence of the fresh impression of his 
success thinks of the inhabitants as already as a whole in touch with the 
church," is unlikely in the light of the similar irfj AaoBcxitov exxX-rjctcjc 
in Col. 4 16 . Equally obscure is the fact that I, II, Gal. i, 2 Cor. Phile. 
are addressed to the "church" or "churches" (cf. Phil, i 1 GUV Ixcax6xoi<; 
xal Suzxovoc?) while Rom. Col. Eph. are addressed to the saints and 
brethren. 

&> 6ea> Trarpl Kal tcvpiq) I. X. This phrase, found only here 
and (with r^vv after Trarpl) in II i 1 and to be attached closely 
to the preceding as in 2 14 , specifies the Christian character of 
the efCK\r)cria in contrast with the civic assembly of the Gen 
tiles and the theocratic assembly of the Jews (Chrys.). The 
omission of ry after Oeacr. y which on the analogy of Gal. i 22 
might have been retained, serves to accentuate the closeness of 
the attachment. Both the phrase as a whole and its compo 
nent parts ev #eo> Trarpl (II i 1 ) and ev tcvpia) I. X. (II i 1 3 12 ) 
are peculiar to our letters. 

The eV, however, is the ev of the characteristic Pauline phrases 
ev X/oicrro) Irfcrov (2 14 5 18 and often in Paul), ev X/WO-TW (4 16 
and often in Paul), ev fcvpiw (3 8 5 12 II 3 4 and often in Paul), 
ev KVpiy Irjcrov (4* Rom. I4 14 Eph. i 15 Phil. 2 19 ), ev Xptcrrft) 
*I?;o-oO TO) fcvpiw rjfjLMv (i Cor. i5 31 Rom. 6 23 8 39 Eph. 3", but 
not in I, II), ev Trvev^aTi (v. 5 ; Rom. 8 9 g 1 , etc.), and ev TO, Oey 
(2 2 ; Col. 3 3 Eph. 3 9 , but not Rom. 2 17 5 11 ). The relation of the 
human and divine indicated by ev is local and realistic; the 
human is in the atmosphere of the divine. There is presupposed 
the indwelling of God (i Cor. i4 25 2 Cor. 6 16 ), Christ (Rom. 8 10 ), 
or the Spirit (Rom. 8 9 - n ) as an energising (cf. i Cor. i2 16 
Phil. 2 13 ) power both ethical and permanent. Hence when a 



70 I THESSALONIANS 

man is in Christ or the Spirit, terms interchangeable as regards 
the operations, or in God, or when a man is possessed by them 
(e%eiz/ Rom. 8 19 i Cor. y 40 ), he is as such under the control of a 
divine power that makes for newness of life (cf. ev Svvdfjiei 
TTVCV paras Rom. i5 13 - 19 ). The divine air which the human 
breathes is charged, so to speak, with ethical energy. 

The new in these phrases with Iv is neither the realism of the relation 
nor the grammatical form (cf. Iv xupta Hab. 3 18 ; Iv xve6[xaTt Ezek. 
ii 24 37 1 ) but the combination of Iv with Xpta-rtp, a combination due to 
Paul s experience of Christ as Spirit and Lord. For influences on Paul s 
conception, see Gunkel (Die Wirkungendes Geistes, 1888, ioojf.); Deiss- 
mann (Die neutestamentliche Formel in Christo Jesu, 1892); Volz (Der 
Geist Gottes, 1910, 198 Jf.); Reitzenstein (Die hellenistischen Mysterien- 
religionen, 1910) and a critique of the same in Schweitzer s Geschichte der 
Paulinischen Forschung, 1911, 141-184, especially 170^.; Deissmann s 
Paulus, 1911,87^".; and Percy Gardner s Religions Experience of St. 
Paul, 1911. An analogy to Paul s phrase is found in Iv icveij^ocTt dbtaO^pttp 
(Mk. i 23 ) and e^etv -juvsu^a dx<40apTov (Mk. 3 30 ) ; the man is in the demon 
because the demon is in the man as an energising (cf. II 2 7 Eph. 2 2 ; also 
II 2 9 - ") force; Safpovo? yd:p o5a(a Ivlpyeca (Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 
3S2 24 )- 

@ea> TraTpi. The omission of the articles indicates that the 
phrase had long been fixed for Paul (cf. also II i 2 (BD) Gal. i 1 1 3 
(BD) Eph. a 23 Phil. 2 11 ). The name Father, inherited by the 
Master (cf. Bousset, Relig. 432 jf.) and put into the central place 
in his teaching, is confirmed as primary in Paul s redemptive 
experience. It is striking that this name occurs in passages 
giving fervent expression to his religious life, and that it is joined 
usually with the name Christ, e. g. in the superscriptions, thanks 
givings (i 3 2 Cor. i 3 Col. i 3 3 17 Eph. i 3 5 20 ), prayers (3"- 13 II 2 16 
Rom. i5 6 Eph. 6 23 ), and the like (i Cor. 8 6 i5 24 - 28 2 Cor. n 31 
Rom. 6 4 Eph. 2 18 4 6 ). It is probable that as Paul insists that no 
man can say icvpios I^o-oO? but in the Holy Spirit (i Cor. i2 3 ), 
so he would insist that no man can say A/3/3a o irarr^p (Gal. 
4 6 Rom. 8 15 ) but in the same Spirit. At all events, Paul s 
specifically Christian name of the God of both Jews and Gen 
tiles (Rom. 3 29 ) is "God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ," 
"Our Father." 



I, I 71 

I. X. In these words both the primitive (Acts 2 36 ) and 
the Pauline convictions about Jesus are summed up: he is Mes 
siah and Lord. The Lordship of Jesus (i Cor. i2 3 Rom. io 9 ), 
Jesus Christ (i Cor. 8 6 Rom. i3 14 Phil. 2 11 ), Christ Jesus (2 Cor. 
4 5 Col. 2 6 ) is the essence of the Pauline experience; it receives 
conspicuous emphasis in the second epistle (see on II 2 13 ). 
While both Irjaovs XjOtcrro? and X/ato-ro? TTJCTOI)? have already 
become proper names, the Messianic connotation of X/OKJTO? is 
not lost (cf. Rom. g 5 2 Cor. 5 10 Phil, i 15 Eph. i 10 , etc.). It is 
Jesus the Messiah who is Lord. 

On the divine names in I, II, see Mill. 135-140. Dob. (60-61) ex 
plains the placing of XpcaTog before I-rjcou? (e. g. 2 14 5 18 ), to which SH. 
(3/0 call attention, as due to the ambiguity of the casus obliqui of Irjcouq; 
for apart from Rom. 8 34 2 Cor. 4 5 Col. 2 6 , the order X. I. appears only in 
the formulae XptaxoO IiqaoG and Iv Xpccrucp Tijaou, while Paul writes con 
tinually xupfou I. X. and Iv xupup I. X. 

Xapis vfuv KOI elptjvrj. This phrase, common to all the 
ten Pauline superscriptions, bears, like the phrase eV X/^O-TO), 
the stamp of Paul s experience. It is likewise the shortest Pau 
line prescript. %/w, used here in its widest sense, is the favour 
of God by which he acquits all sinners, Jews and Gentiles, solely 
on the principle of faith and grants them freedom from the power 
of sin and newness of life in Christ or the Spirit, elprfinj is the 
spiritual prosperity enjoyed by the recipients of the divine favour. 
What is expressed in all the other letters of Paul (except Col. i 2 
which adds only "from God our Father"), namely, that grace 
and peace come from God the (our) Father and the Lord Jesus 
Christ, is already implied in eV #eo> KT\. There is, however, no 
reason either here or in Col. for attaching %a/w to the clause 
with eV. 

In coining, as he apparently does coin, this form of greeting, 
Paul is less influenced by current epistolary phrases than by 
his conviction that the blessings of the promised Messianic king 
dom (Is. g 5 Ps. 72 3 ) are realised only through the grace of God 
in Christ. 

It is generally assumed (cf. Fritzsche on Rom. i 7 or Zahn on Gal. i 3 ) 
that the Pauline greeting is suggested both by the Semitic and the Greek. 



72 I THESSALONIANS 



The influence of the Aramaic in etp^vr) (Ezra 4 17 5 7 Dan. 331(93) 526; see 
BDB. sub aSt^) may have been felt (cf. also Apoc. Bar. 782 where Syriac 
suggests eXeoq xal etp^vrj); but it is doubtful (Robinson, Ephesians, 141) 
whether x&P S bas anything to do with %ac p tv (J a s. i 1 Acts i5 23 23 26 ), 
for in some papyri at least (Witk. 22 jf. AXxalo? 2a>ac<pavec x af P v - 
TGI? 0eoT<; xoXX^ or Oe<p icXetanj %&pc?)> %a(pstv is the greeting and 
the thanksgiving. On the other hand, cf. 2 Mac. i 1 %oc(pecv . . . 
xal ecpTQVTjv dyaO^v (Nestle, E#. Times, 1911, vol. XXIII, 94). 

The word %&pc<; is rare in the Prophets and Psalms but frequent in 
the Wisdom literature. Paul s usage has affected Luke and First Peter. 
The Johannist prefers dc)o)0eca to x^P S- S " 1 Q or (since in later Gk. the 
optative tends to disappear) eaTto is to be supplied, in accordance with 
Semitic (Dan. 3 98 Lxx. i Pet. i 2 , etc.), not Greek (which demands y&$w 
sc. Xlyouaiv) usage. The position of 6{xtv serves to distinguish both x&pcs 
and dpTJviq (Bl. 8o 2 ). It is doubtless "pedantry to reflect on the fact 
that the readers as Christians possess already that grace, that hence only 
an increase of the same could be desired for them " (Dob.) . Most editors 
omit with BGF Orig. Pesh. Arm. f g r Vulg. the usual clause with dcxo. 
The insertion of the same by NADKLP, el al., is more explicable than its 
omission. 



II. THANKSGIVING d 2 -^ 10 ). 

In the thanksgiving (i 2 ~3 10 ; cf. i 2 2 13 3 9 ) and closely related 
prayer (3 n ~ 13 ) covering the major portion of the letter, Paul re 
views his attitude to the church during his visit (i 2 -2 16 ) and dur 
ing the interval between his enforced departure and the writing 
of I (2 17 -3 10 ). Though he praises without stint the faith and 
love of his converts, hardly mentioning the imperfections that 
exist (3 8 - 10 ), and though his words pulsate with warmest affec 
tion, yet a tone of self-defence is heard throughout. The con 
stant appeal to the knowledge or memory of the readers as re 
gards his behaviour (i 5 2 1 12 ), the reference to oral reports which 
concern not only them but him (i 9 ), the insistence on the fact 
that the writers desired Paul himself repeatedly to return 
(2 17 ~ 20 ), the statement that the writers, Paul especially, had de 
termined to send Timothy (3 1 " 5 ), and finally the prayer that the 
writers may return (3") all serve to intimate that Paul is de 
fending both his conduct during the visit and his failure to re 
turn against the allegations, not of the converts, not of Judaizers 



!, 2 73 

(for there are none in Thessalonica), not of the Gentile perse 
cutors (2 14 ), for they are not attacked, but, as the ominous out 
burst (2 15 ~ 16 ) suggests, of the Jews. 

It may be conjectured that the Jews, after Paul s departure, were 
maligning his conduct and misconstruing his failure to return. Indeed 
they may well have been the real instigators of Gentile persecutions. 
Though it is unlikely that the converts actually distrusted Paul (3 6 )> 
it is not improbable that they were wrought up and worried by the rep 
resentations of the Jews, especially since Paul did not return. Whether 
he had heard of the matter before he despatched Timothy is uncertain 
but altogether probable. That the self-defence arises purely from a sus 
picion of Paul without any basis of fact (Dob. 106-107) is unlikely. 
In the light of 2 15 - 16 , the Jews not the Gentiles (cf. Zahn, Introd. I, 217- 
218) are the accusers. 



(i) Visit and Welcome (i 2 10 ). 

Paul thanks God, as he bears in mind the spiritual excellence 
of the readers, for their election, the certainty of which is in 
ferred from the presence of the Spirit controlling not only the 
converts who welcomed the gospel in spite of persecutions (vv. 6 ~ 10 ; 
cf. 2 13 16 ), but also the preachers themselves (vv. 5 - 9a ; cf. 2 1-12 ). 

2 We thank God always for you all, making mention of you when 
we pray, ^bearing in mind continually your work resulting from 
faith, and your activity prompted by love, and your endurance sanc 
tioned by hope in our Lord Jesus Christ in the presence of our God 
and Father, ^because we know, brothers beloved by God, that you 
have been chosen, 5 from the fact that the gospel we preach did not 
come to you with words only but also with power, and in the Holy 
Spirit and much conviction, as you know the kind of men we be 
came to you for your sake; G and (from the fact that) you became 
imitators of us and of the Lord, welcoming the Word in the midst of 
great persecution with the joy that the Holy Spirit gives, 7 so that 
you became a model community to all the believers in Macedonia 
and in Achaia: s for starting from you the Word of the Lord has 
sounded out not only in Macedonia and Achaia but in every place 
your faith in God has gone out, so that we need not utter a word 
about you, *for they themselves are reporting about us what kind of 



74 I THESSALONIANS 

visit we paid you, and (about you) how you turned to God leaving 
behind those idols of yours , for the purpose of serving the living and 
genuine God w and of awaiting his Son who comes down out of the 
heavens, whom he raised from the dead, Jesus who delivers us 
from the judgment that is coming. 



The epistolary arrangement of I (x&pt? i 1 ; e5%apiarouiiev i 2 -3 1 

i 3 11 13 ; IptoTw^ev 4 1 -5 22 ; xpoaeuxeaOe 5 25 ; dax&aaaOe 5 2 
5 28 ) may be compared with BGU, 423 (saec. ii, A.D., quoted by 
Robinson, op. tit. 276): xXeZaTa xafpetv, eu xotxac, euxaptaTdi . . . OTTC, 
epwuG), Saxacrac, spptoaOa{ as et^o^ac. Some of the phrases in v. 2 ff - 
may be compared with P. Lond. 42 (saec. ii, B.C., quoted by Deiss. 
BS. 209 jf.): ol ev o c xtj) xavreq cou 5caxavTb<; ^vecav xoto6[xevot . . . 
exl [xev T(p epptoa6a{ ae su6ew<; -uocq Osot? euxapfarouv; with ,BGU, 632 
(saec. ii, A.D., quoted by Robinson, op. cit. 276): [xvc av oou xotoujxevoq; 
and with i Mac. I2 11 . 

As in the papyri, so also in Paul s letters, there is freedom in the use 
both of the general epistolary outline and of the separate phrases. In 
Paul, the simplest thanksgiving is II i 3 Rom. i 3 . This is expanded in 1 1 4 
Col. i 4 Phile. 5 by a causal participle without o-u; in i Cor. i 4 by clauses 
with ex and o-u; in Phil, i 3 ff - with two clauses with ex( and a causal 
participle. In Phil, and our letter, the thanksgiving is full, while Gal. 
has no thanksgiving. In 2 Cor. and Eph., the O. T. eijXoyqzbs 6 6s6<; 
takes the place of suxapcatou^ev. 

From Paul s usage we may assume that xspl XVTG>V 5^wv is to be 
taken not with jxvsfav xoto6[Aevot but with eu%apiaToG[jiev (hence a 
comma after &[juov), as the simpler form (i Cor. i 4 Rom. i 8 ) suggests; 
that ^vT][xovs6ovTc<; is parallel to and an expansion of [Avefccv xocou^svot, 
as Se6[xevo? (Rom. i 10 ; contrast Phile. 4 Eph. i 16 ) indicates; and that 
dBo-ueq is a causal participle depending on euxaptaTou[j,ev, while OTC 
depends not on the latter but on the former. Doubtful is the reference 
of dScaXst xTox; and s^xpoaOev; v. infra. 



2. ev^apia-Tovfjiev KT\. Thankfulness is not only felt but 
is expressed to God, and that too always and for all; in saying 
TrdvTwv, Paul is thinking not of their imperfections (3 10 ) but 
of their faith and love and personal affection (3 6 ). 



Inasmuch as Paul always uses the article in the phrase 
TW Bey, TO) is not significant in this case. Born. (69) presses the article 
to mean "the one God" in contrast to the pagan gods. But quite apart 
from the lack of definiteness in the use of the article (Bl. 46 6 ), it is to be 
noted that o Oeo? is more frequent than 0e6<; in Paul; in I the proportion 



i, 2-3 75 

is about three to one, in Romans slightly greater; and in Col. all but two of 
the twenty-three cases have the article; cf. 1 4 6 with Gal. 4. Both xdv-uoTrs 
(except Rom. i 10 ) and xepl u^wv (except Phile. 4) follow eflxotpurreiv in the 
initial thanksgivings of Paul. XOIVTOTS, a late word, is rare in the Lxx. 
(Sap. ii 21 iQ 18 ) but common in Paul (3 6 5 16 II i", etc.). fat occurs a score 
or more times in the Gk. Bib. (cf. 2 Cor. 4 11 6 10 ); Ix-da-roTs but once 
(2 Pet. i 15 ). For xepc, we have uxep in Phil, i 3 Col. i 3 (v. /.); the dis 
tinction between them is fading away (Moult. I, 105). 



KT\. This participial clause defines 
(cf. Phile. 4). eVl rwv Trpoaev^Mv ^JJL&V = Trpoaev- 
(Col. i 3 ); eW = "in the time of." Each time that 
they are engaged in prayer, the writers mention the names of 
the converts (contrast pvruiovevew v. 3 and pvetav e^^v 3 6 ) and 
give thanks for them. 

While both xoscaOac [xvec av xep TIVO? and xocecaOac [xvec av Tiv6s (cf. 
Job. i4 13 Ps. no 4 Is. 32") are classic, epistolary usage favours the latter 
construction, ujjuov is to be supplied. Its omission is due both here 
and Eph. i 16 to the xepl (uxep) U[AWV; its retention by CDG, et al., is 
influenced by Rom. i 10 Phile. 4 (cf. I 3 Phil, i 3 and papyri). rj^Uov in 
stead of [xou (Rom. i 10 Eph. i 16 Phile. 4) is natural, since Silvanus and 
Timothy are associated with Paul in the thanksgiving. The distinction 
between ev TCCC<; xpoaeuxats (Dan. Lxx. g 18 - 20 ; Ign. Mag. I4 1 Trail. I3 1 
with {xvTf][jLovuetv; cf. Paul in Rom. I5 30 Col. 4 12 ) and exl TWV xpoaeuxtov 
is probably slight; cf. i Mac. 12". 

3. d&aXei7TTG>s fiVTjfJLovevovr^. "Bearing in mind continu 
ally." This participial clause, parallel to the defining tem 
poral clause pvetav Troiov/mevoi,, suggests the immediate ground 
of the thanksgiving, while the third parallel eiSdres gives the 
ultimate ground (Find.). The never-failing memory of the 
spiritual excellence of the converts prompts the expression of 
thanks at every season of prayer. 



Whether dStaXefanix; is to be taken with (JLvrjEJioveiSovTsc; (Chrys. Dob. 
Dibelius, ct al.) or with xotou^svot (Ephraem, Pesh. Vulg. and G (which 
capitalises MVYJ^OVSUOVTS?) Wohl. Mill. Moff. et al.} cannot be deter 
mined. In view of the freedom of epistolary usage, the analogy of i Mac. 
12" Rom. i 10 P. Lond. 42 (Staxavrb? [xvefav xotou^svot) is not decisive. 
is used with (xvsfov xotecaOac (Rom. I D ; cf. i Mac. I2 12 ), 
(2 13 ), and xpoasuxssQo" (5 17 j c f- Ig n - Eph. lo 1 ; Hermas 
Sim. IX ii 7 ; and Polyc. 4 3 SVTUYX V[V )- Since [xvrj^ovsustv with gen. 



76 I THESSALONIANS 

(Gal. 2 10 Col. 4 18 ) refers to the thought not to its expression in prayer 
before God, it is better to take I^xpoffOev y/cX. not with the distant 
[xvTQ[Aove6ovTec; but with the adjacent IirjaoG Xptatou (Lft. Mill. Dob.), 
as indeed the position of the clause and the analogy of 3 13 make probable 
(but see Lillie, ad loc.}. 

vpcov . . . XpLo-Tov. The genitives are somewhat bewildering 
and the interpretations are various. The most favoured solu 
tion is that which joins vfJiwv with epyov, KOTTOV, vTro/jLovrfS, and 
which explains TTJS TrtoTeG)?, TT}<? ayaTrrjs, and TT}? eXTrt So? as 
subjective genitives, and TOV Kvpiov as an objective genitive 
qualifying eXTrt&o?. The stress is laid not on faith alone but 
on the work that results from faith; not on love alone but on 
the toilsome activity prompted by love; not on endurance 
alone but on the endurance that is inspired by the hope in Christ. 
The three phrases TO epyov TTJS TrtcrTeo)?, o KOTTOS rfjs ayaTrrjs, 
and rj vTTopovrj rfjs eX-Tr/So? may be the coinage of Paul; at 
least they are not found elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. (except II i 11 
epyov 7rtcrTft)9; Heb. 6 10 reads not TOV KOTTOV TT}? a<ya7rr]S but 
simply TT}? ayaTrrjs), or in the Apostolic Fathers. 

Lillie notes that Olshausen and Steiger (1832 on i Pet. i 2 ) connect 
TOU xupt ou with all three gen. xia-usax;, dyaxTjs and IXxfSoq, a view to 
which Dob. inclines. But love to God (Rom. 8 28 1 Cor. 2 9 8 3 ) or Christ 
(i Cor. i6 22 Eph. 6 24 ) is rare in Paul compared with the love of God or 
Christ for men. On the name 6 xupto? fpwv I. X. (5 9 - 23 - 28 II 2 1 - 16 
3 18 ), see below on 2 19 . 

TOV epyov T?}? Tr/crTeft)?. The work of faith is the activity 
that faith inspires, that is, love in all its manifestations (as 
in II i 11 ). TOV KOTTOV TT)? ayaTrr)?. a The toilsome activity 
prompted by love." In this unique phrase, minted from the sit 
uation, it is uncertain whether Paul has in mind manual labour 
necessary to support missionary propaganda, or the laborious 
missionary effort as such (3 5 ), or both. Love is not to be re 
stricted to <j)i\a8e\(f)La. TT)? vTro/jLovrfS r^5 eA/TT/So?. "The 
endurance inspired by hope." This unique phrase differs from 
7] e X-Trt? Trjs vTTo/jLovfjs (4 Mac. i7 4 ) in that the emphasis is 
upon endurance. Hope, whose object is Christ (Col. i 27 ), is the 
confident expectation of spiritual prosperity after death, the 



I, 3-4 77 

hope of salvation (5 8 ), the good hope (II 2 t6 ) originating in 
Christ, a hope that those who are not in Christ do not share (4 13 ). 



(II i 4 3 s ) is frequent in 4 Mac. (e. g. i5 30 ) in the sense of xap- 
cepi a. In i Clem. 5 7 Paul himself is UXO[AOVYJ<; [liftatoq uxoypatxpLO^. In 
II 3 s the only adequate endurance is that inspired by Christ. 



KT\. Hope in Christ suggests the day of the 
Lord when all men must appear before God. For the unbeliever, 
it is a day of destruction (i 10 s 3 II i 9 ), but for the believer, a day 
of salvation (i 10 3 13 5 9 ), the fruition of hope. The Judge here is 
not Christ (2 Cor. 5 10 ) but God (Rom. i4 10 ), and that too the 
God and Father of us Christians. As in 2 19 3 13 , e^TrpoaBev is 
attached loosely to the immediately preceding words. 



6 xctT-r;? (Rom. 6 4 Eph. 2" 3" Col. i 2 i>. /.), d^4 6 XCCTTJP (Gal. 4" Rom. 
8 15 ), 6 0eb<; xarfjp (Col. i 12 (N) 3 17 ), 6sb<; 6 xaTTfjp (i Cor. 8 6 Col. i 12 FG), 
6 0ebq xcrt xaTqp (i Cor. I5 24 Eph. 5 20 ), 6 6sb<; xal xar?)p TOU xupfou Tpaiv 
I. X. (Rom. is 6 2 Cor. i 3 Eph. i 3 Col. i 3 (NA; BCDG omit xaQ 2 
Cor. ii 31 D) do not occur in I, II. We have, however, 6sbc; xonrYjp (i 1 II 

1 2 (BD) Gal. n i 3 (BD) Eph. 6 23 Phil. 2"), 0*>S ica-rijp futfiiv (II i 1 Gal. 

1 3 (SA) Rom. i i Cor. i 3 2 Cor. i 2 Col. i 2 Eph. i 2 Phil, i 2 Phile. 3), 
and 6 Oeb? xal xavJjp T)[xt5v (i 3 3"- 13 Gal. i 4 Phil. 4 20 ). Unique is II 2 16 
whether we read Gsbq 6 xaT-?)p T][JLCOV (BD) or 6 6eb? 6 xar?)p t[xcov (SG). 
Paul does not use 6 Gsbg TJ^LWV xal XOCTYJP or xaT^p 0eo<; (Sir. 23 4 ). 



4. tSoT9 = ort oiSafiev. The causal participle (c/. Phil, i 6 
Col. i 3 Phile. 4) introduces the ultimate ground of the thanks 
giving, namely, the election of the readers. Of this election Paul 
is assured both from the fact that (on v. 5 ) the gospel which he 
preached, the gospel through which God calls men unto salva 
tion (II 2 14 ), came home to them with the power of the Spirit, 
and from the fact that (sc. on before t^et? v. 6 ) the same Spirit 
operated in the believers, as could be plainly inferred from the 
welcome they gave to the Word and its messengers in spite of 
great persecution. It is significant both that here, as Calvin 
observes, Paul infers the pretemporal election of the readers 
from the fruits of the Spirit, and that it is taken for granted that 
the readers understand what eie\Qyq means, an evidence that 
this idea formed an integral part of the gospel of God proclaimed 
in Thessalonica. 



78 I THESSALONIANS 



aSe\(j)ol rjyaTrrjfjievoi, VTTO rov 6eov. The frequency of aBe\<j)ol 
in I is indicative of Paul s love for his converts. This affec 
tionate address is strengthened by "beloved by God," a phrase 
which like " beloved by the Lord" (II 2 13 ) is unique in the 
N.T., though equivalent in sense to ayaTrrjTol 6eov (Rom. i 7 ). 
The connection of this phrase with efc\oyr) makes plain that 
election proceeds from the love of God (cf. Is. 41 8 ~ 9 where 
is parallel to 



Moses in Sir. 45* is TJYaxiQ^voq uxb 0eoi3 xoct dvOpcoxwv; Israel in 
Baruch 3" is -fr/ax. 5x aikou (*. e. "our God"); and Solomon in Neh. 
I3 26 is dyccxco^evoq TC]> 6eq>; cf. Ep. to Diogn. 4 4 where exXo^r) and Tjyaxiq- 
uxb 0eou appear together and Ign. Trail, info, of the holy church 
6e<p xccTpt I. X. More frequently we have in this phrase, as in II 
2 13 , xupc ou; for example, Benjamin in Deut. 33" and Issachar in Test. 
xii Iss. i 1 are rjyax. uxb xupfou; and Samuel in Sir. 46" is igyax. uxb 
xupfou ataou. See further Col. 3 12 1 Cor. i5 58 , etc. aBeXcpof (JLOU (Rom. 7* 
I5 14 i Cor. i 11 ii 33 I4 39 Phil. 3 1 ), dcBeX9o{ y.ou dcfaxTjTof (i Cor. I5 58 Phil. 
4 1 ), dyaxiQTof (Rom. I2 19 2 Cor. 7 1 i2 19 Phil. 4 1 ), aYaxrrjTot [JLOU (i Cor. 
io 14 Phil. 2 12 ), do not occur in I, II as forms of address. The simple 
dSe^of of address occurs about 20 times in i Cor., 14 in i Thess., 10 in 
Rom., 9 in Gal., 7 in 2 Thess., 6 in Phil., 3 in 2 Cor., and twice in Phile. 
(iBeXyO- But no one of these addresses appears in Col. or Eph. On the 
Christian use of dcBs^oc, cf. Harnack, Mission* I, 340 /.; on the pagan 
use, Deiss. BS. 82 /. and Witk. 38, note i. It is doubtful whether TOU 
before Geou is to be retained (tf ACKP) or omitted (BDGL; cf. Weiss, 72). 

rrjv K\oy7jv VJJLWV. "The election of you," that is, "that 
you have been chosen," namely, by God, as always in Paul. The 
eternal choice of God, "the divine purpose which has worked 
on the principle of selection" (SH. ad Rom. 9 11 ), includes, accord 
ing to II 2 14 , not only the salvation of the readers but also the 
means by which or the state in which salvation is realised. 



The words IxXereaGat (i Cor. I 27ff - Eph. i 4 ), IxXexTd? (Rom. i6 33 ), 
IxXsxTol Oeou (Rom. 8 33 Col. 3 12 ), and exXoyrj (Rom. g 11 n 5 - 7 - 28 ) are 
rare in Paul. exXoyrj does not occur in the Lxx. For its use in Ps. Sol., 
see the edition of Ryle and James, 1891, 95 /. xXfjat? (II i 11 ), xocXetv 
(212 4 ? 5 24) i s t he historical calling mediated by the preaching of the 
gospel (II 2 14 ). 

5. OTL . . . <yevrj0r]. We infer your election from the fact 
that (OTA = "because" as in II 3 7 Rom. 8 27 i Cor. 2 14 ) the Spirit 



*> 4-5 79 

was in us who preached (v. 5 ) and in you who welcomed the Word 
(vv. G ~ 10 ). By saying "our gospel came" instead of "we came 
with the gospel" (2 Cor. io 14 ), Paul puts the emphasis more 
upon the message as the means of realising God s call than upon 
the bearers of the message. The presence of the Spirit is the 
central fact in Paul s experience and the test of its validity. 
Hence such passages as Gal. 3 2 i Cor. i2 2 Rom. 8 15 and the in 
evitable 2 Cor. i3 13 . 



That cm = quid (Vulg.) is the usual view. etSdteq . . 
cm = oT8nev <m (that) ex^OrjTe cm (because), as in Rom. 5 4 - 5 8 28 - 29 
Phil. 415-16. An alternative interpretation takes cm as an object clause 
further explaining exXoyifiv. Since, however, IxAoyiqv of the original pur 
pose of God is not exactly the equivalent of the cm clause, iyCkoffy is 
held to mean "the manner of your election" and cm "how that" (Lft. 
Mill.). In support of this view, 2 1 1 Cor. i6 t5 2 Cor. i2 3 - 4 should not be 
adduced, or Rom. n 3 where Tbv xcapov is resumed by topa. On the 
other hand, i Cor. i 26 , especially if exX-rjOirjcjav be not supplied, might be 
considered a parallel, although ^XexeTs is not etSdTs?. But this al 
ternative view is not " exegetically satisfactory" (Ell.). The passive 
lysvTQ0T3 = lyeve-uo is frequent in Lxx.; in the N. T. it is found chiefly 
in Paul, Heb. Mt. Of the score or more instances in Paul, eight appear 
in i -2 14 ; cf. Bl. 201. 

In Lxx., YivecOac it^q or lx( with accus. or Iv with dat. are frequent 
as also yi vsaOac elq for nominative (I 3 5 ; cf. 2 1 ), but otherwise yfvsaOac 
et? is rare. It is used with persons (Ezek. 23! 2 Mac. i2 5 ) or things 
(3 Reg. i3 33 ; Judg. i; 8 A lyevrjOYj elq opog where B has rjXGev ew? Bpouq). 
On YfveoOat = epxeaOat, cf. i Cor. a 1 - 3 and the prophetic phrase X6yo<; 
xupt ou eyevTJGr) (lyeveTo) xpo?. In Paul, we expect with persons either 
jipdq (i Cor. 2 3 i6 10 and here ADG) or ev (so below XAC with tiy.lv); 
el? here and Gal. 3 14 may be equivalent to the dative (I 4 8 ; cf. Bl. 39 s ; 
xrjpuaaecv slq 2 9 where N has dative as in i Cor. 9"), or to xp6g. For 
the interchange of dq and xpo? with yfvsaGoct, cf. Lk. i 44 Acts io 13 26* i3 32 . 
ev = "with" (2 Cor. 2 ) or "clothed with" (i Cor. 4"); cf. Moult. I, 61. 

TO evayye\LOV fjfJL&v. "Our gospel" (II 2 14 2 Cor. 4 3 ; cf. 
Rom. 2 16 i6 25 ) is the gospel with which Paul and his associates 
have been intrusted (2 4 ) and which they preach (Gal. 2 2 ). The 
author of the gospel is God (TO evayje\iov rov 6eov 2 2 - 8 - 9 
Rom. i 1 i5 16 2 Cor. u 7 ) or Christ (TO evayyeXiov TOV Xpiarov 
3" Gal. i 7 i Cor. g 12 2 Cor. 2 12 g 13 io 14 Rom. I5 19 Phil, i 27 ; TOV 
viov UVTOV Rom. i 9 ). "The gospel" (TO evayye\t,ov 2 4 and 



8o I THESSALONIANS 

frequently in Paul) represents Paul s convictions about Chris 
tianity, the good news of the grace of God unto salvation pro 
claimed in the prophets and realised in Christ (Rom. i 2 ) by 
whose death and resurrection the Messianic promise is mediated 
to all believers. Only such elements of this comprehensive gos 
pel are explicitly treated in a given letter as the specific need re 
quires (cf. Dob. 8 if.). Hence, for the purpose of determining 
the content of the gospel, what is said implicitly may be more 
important than what is accentuated. For example, the gospel 
preached in Thessalonica had to do not simply with faith in the 
living and true God and ethical consecration to him, not simply 
with the Parousia and Judgment, but also with God s election 
and calling, the significance of the death of Christ (5 9 ), the new 
life in Christ or the Spirit, and the attendant spiritual gifts (5 19 ff -). 



On the origin and meaning of eiayYlXtov, see Zahn (Introd. II, 377- 
379), Mill. (141-144), Dob. (86), and Harnack, Vcrfassung und Recht, 
1910, 199 jf. (also in English). The use of eijayy^Xtov to designate the 
good news unto salvation may have originated in Palestinian Chris 
tianity. In the Lxx. (and Test, xii, Ps. Sol.), the singular does not occur. 
A papyrus of the third century (A.D.) seems to read licet yvwa-nQq !yev6[rqv 
TOU euayyeXfou (Deiss. Light, 371). rnea = "good tidings" is rendered in 
Lxx. by euayyeXta (2 Reg. i8 20 - " 4 Reg. 7 9 and (according to Harnack 
but not Swete) 2 Reg. i8 25 ); while ma>3 = "reward for good tidings" 
(see BDB.) is translated by the plural eSayylXta (2 Reg. 4 10 i8 22 ). For 
the plural euayy^Xia = "good news" in the Priene inscription, see Deiss. 
(op. cit. 371). 

In Paul s usage, the genitive in euaYylXcov GeoO is subjective, point 
ing to the fact that God, 6 evepywv (Phil. 2 13 ) in Paul, inspires the mes 
sage preached (cf. I 2 13 ); it is Iv T 6so> that the missionaries speak the 
gospel of God (2 2 ). Similarly the genitive in euayylXtov XptaTou is 
subjective (Zahn; Harnack, 217-218, against Dob.). The indwelling 
Christ speaks in Paul (2 Cor. 13 ) and reveals the gospel (Gal. i 12 ). 
Such a view of the genitive does not preclude references to the content 
of the gospel (2 Cor. 4 4 Eph. i 13 6 15 ) or the employment of /.Yjpuaaecv 
Xptat6v (i Cor. i 23 , etc.) or eftarffeX^eaOac CCUTOV (Gal. i 16 ), for when 
Paul preaches Christ he preaches not only Christ but the plan of salva 
tion conceived by God, promised by the prophets, and realised in the 
death and resurrection of Christ (Harnack, op. cit. 235). 

Like euayy^Xtov but with a distinctively O. T. flavour is the rarer 
6 X6yo<; (i 6 Gal. 6 Col. 4 3 ), 6 X6yoq TOU GeoO (2 13 i Cor. i4 3 2 Cor. 2 17 4 2 
Phil, i 14 Col. i) and 6 X6yo? roO xupfou (i 8 II 3 = XpcaTou Col. 3 16 ); cf. 



i, 5 81 

Harnack (0. cil. 245 /.). This word is the word which God or Christ in 
Paul speaks, a divine not a human oracle (2 13 ) which comes to Paul as 
it came to the prophets (cf. Rom. g 6 ). The content of the word is oc 
casionally specified as truth (2 Cor. 6 7 Col. i s Eph. i 13 ), life (Phil. 2 16 ), 
the cross (i Cor. i 18 ), or reconciliation (2 Cor. 5 19 ). The gospel is also 
the proclamation (TO x^puysjioc i Cor. i"; txou i Cor. 2 4 ; T^WV i Cor. 15") 
which Jesus Christ inspires (Rom. i6 25 ); or the testimony (rb ^apTuptov) 
which God (i Cor. 2 1 ) or Christ (i Cor. i 8 ) inspires and which Paul and 
his associates proclaim (II i 10 ; cf. euocyye Xiov i 8 ). On the Pauline 
gospel, see further J. Weiss, Das alteste Evangelium, 1903, 33 /., and J. 
L. Schultze, Das Evangelium im crstcn Thess. 1907. 



. . Svvdpei. The stress is laid on the manner of the 
coming of the gospel: "clothed not only with a form of words 
but also," and significantly, "with power," that is, with a 
reality back of the form, and that too a divine reality as the 
added ev Trvev^aTL dyta explains. 



Unlike the Corinthians, the Thessalonians did not object to Paul s 
style, for we have not oix . . . dXXd (i Cor. 2 3 f 4 19 - 20 where X6yo<; and 
uva[At<; are mutually exclusive) but oix . . . (x6vov . . . dcXXd. Suva[xt? refers 
not to the results of power, the charismata in general, or those specifically 
associated with aipsTa xal Tepcnra (2 Cor. I2 12 ) in which case we should 
expect SuvdjjLst? (but cf. II 2 9 ) or an added phrase (Rom. i5 19 ev Buvd^e: 
aiq^eitov xal Tepa-uwv) but to the power itself, as the contrast with 
X6y<p and the explanatory xveu^om indicate. ev with Tcvsu^aic as with 
X6y(p and Buvdc^et is ultimately local; to be clothed with the Spirit is 
to be in the Spirit. There is no reference to glossolalia in xveutxa. 
Furthermore ev Suvd[xe: xal ev xveu^xaTC is not a hendiadys, though the 
operation of the Spirit is in its essence Suva^c? (i Cor. 2 5 of God; i Cor. 
5 4 2 Cor. i2 9 of Christ; i Cor. 2 4 Rom. i5 13 - 19 of the Spirit; cf. ev Su 
II i"). 

Kal 7T\qpo(f>opiq 7ro\\rj. Closely connected with 

(omit eV before TrK^po^opia with KB) and resulting from 
the indwelling of the Spirit, is the inward assurance, certa mulia 
persuasio (Beza), of the missionaries (cf. 2 
ev TO) 0ea) 



jcXif]po(pop(a is rare in Gk. Bib. (Col. 2 2 Heb. 6" io 22 ; cf. i Clem. 42 3 ); 
the verb is less rare (e. g. Eccl. 8 11 Rom. 4 21 i Clem. 42 3 ; and in papyri; 
cf. Deiss. Light j 82 f.). Of the meanings "fulness" or "conviction," the 
latter is more appropriate here; see Hammond on Lk. i 1 and Lft. on Col. 
2 2 . The phrase ev xoXXfj (xoXXoi) happens to occur in the N. T. only in 
Paul, the adjective preceding (2 2 - 17 Rom. 9 22 ) or following (i 5 - i Cor. 2 s 
2 Cor. 6 4 ) the noun. 
6 



82 I THESSALONIANS 



oiSare KT\. "As you know what sort of men (oloi = 
quotes; cf. 2 Cor. i2 20 ) we became in your eyes for your sakes." 
The connection appears to be: "We preached the gospel in the 
power of the Spirit and in full persuasion of its divine reality. 
That means that we preached not for our own selfish interests, as 
the Jews insinuate, but solely for your advantage, as you know." 
The theme of self-defence here struck is elaborated in 2 1 - 12 where 
the appeal to the knowledge of the readers in confirmation of 
Paul s statements becomes frequent. 



2 - 6 3 4 ), aft-col yap 

(2"), o tSaie (4 2 II 2 6 ), {jLVYj^ovsuere (2 9 ; II 2 5 ), {xdpTu? (2 5 - 10 ) occur 
chiefly in the thanksgiving (i 2 ^ 10 ), especially 2 1 - 12 . xocGox; (13 times in 
I) is later Gk. for xaGa which Paul does not use; cf. xocOdxep (2 11 3 - 12 4 5 ). 
The reading 5yuv (frsAC) has been assumed with WH.; ev ufjuv (BDG) is 
preferred by Tisch. Zim. Weiss, Dob. In Rom. io 20 , KAC read euplOiqv 
TO!?, eYevdfjuqv TO!? with Is. 65 J , while BD insert ev in each instance. The 
ev interprets the simple dative; 2 10 is a good parallel, but YfveaGcu Iv 
^6y<j> 2 5 is quite different, and 2 7 has Iv [xeaq) as we should expect 
after VTQTUOC. The simple ujjuv is a dative of reference (2 10 ), expressing 
neither advantage nor disadvantage, and importing scarcely more than 
"before." On 8c* &ns, c/. i Cor. 4 6 2 Cor. 4 15 8 9 Phil. i 24 . 

6. The sentence is getting to be independent, but cm (v. 5 ) is 
still in control: "and from the fact that you became," etc. The 
proof of election is the presence of the Spirit not only in the 
preachers (evayy\iov fifJL&v) but also in the hearers who wel 
comed the word (v/Aeis Se^d/jievoi) with joy in the midst of great 
persecution. To be sure, Paul mentions first not the welcome 
but the imitation. But the two things are inseparable, if we 
take Bet;dfJLVOt as a participle not of antecedent action, "when 
you had welcomed," but of identical action, "in that you wel 
comed." fUfJLTjral TI^&V KT\. "Imitators of us and above all of 
the Lord" (ipsius Domini, Ambst.). Paul s consciousness of his 
own integrity (i Cor. 4 4 ), due to the power of Christ in him (Gal. 
2 20 ), permitted him to teach by example (i Cor. n 1 ) as well as 
by precept. As an example not simply of endurance but of joy 
in persecutions, he could point to himself and especially to Christ. 
Some knowledge of the life of Jesus on the part of the readers is 
here presupposed (cf. Gal. 3 1 ). 



i, 5-7 83 

The inward joy which is the accompaniment (/-tera) of external 
persecution, and which is cogent proof of election, is an enthusi 
astic happiness (Phil, i 25 ) due to the new 8wa/M5 operating in 
the believers, the power of the Spirit (Gal. 5 22 Rom. i4 17 ) or 
Christ (Phil. 3 1 4 4 - 10 ). 

Although OXtyts alone is the point of comparison in 2 14 , and although 
Paul, who frequently refers to the sufferings of Christ (2 Cor. 5 1 Phil. 3 10 
Rom. 8 17 ), does not elsewhere refer to Christ s joy in suffering, yet Chrys. 
is right in finding the point of comparison here in OXt ^t? [XETO /apaq. 
The context alone here as elsewhere (II 3 7 - 9 i Cor. 4 1G n 1 Phil. 3 17 4 9 
Gal. 4 12 ) determines the scope of imitation. Iv GXfyec = Iv [xeay GXt ^eox;; 
external persecution (Acts ij 55 - and the like) is meant (3 3 - 7 II i 4 - 6 ; 
cf. 2 Cor. i 8 ), not distress of mind (2 Cor. 2 4 ). B^xeaOac, as the contrast 
with xapaXcc[A@avecv (2") shows, means not simply "receive," but "re 
ceive willingly," "welcome." The phrase Sey w eaOac Tbv Xoyov (only here 
and 2 13 in Paul) is used by Luke (Lk. 8 13 Acts 8 14 n 1 and especially 17") 
but not by Lxx.; it is equivalent to SexeuOou Tb euaYT^ tov ( 2 Cor. n 4 ). 

xuptos is not Oeoq (A) but Christ, as always in I, II (Mill. 135-140). 
B inserts xac before xveu^aroc; conforming to Buv&^ec xal xvs6piaT:c v. 5 . 

On {xe-u4 of accompaniment, cf. 3 13 5 23 II i 7 3 12 - 1G - 18 . On joy in 
suffering, cf. 2 Cor. 6 10 13 9 and especially 7" S 2 . 

7. cocrre yevecrQcu /cr\. The actual result of their imitation of 
Christ and Paul is that the Thessalonians became themselves an 
example to all the Christians "in Macedonia and in Achaia," the 
two provinces constituting Greece since 142 B.C. In the matter 
of how one ought to welcome the gospel, the taught have become 
the teachers. Knowledge of their progress came to Paul not 
only from Timothy s report (3 6 ) but also from other news that 
kept coming to him in Corinth (a7rayye\\ov(riv v. 10 ). 



In the mainly Pauline phrases xavTeg ol xcaTeuovrs? (Rom. 3 22 4"; 
cf. Rom. i 10 io 4 Acts i3 3D ), u^ecq ol xcaTsuovTes (2 10 - 13 ; Eph. i 19 i Pet. 
2 7 ), and oc XCGTSUOVTS? (Gal. 3 22 i Cor. i 21 i4 22 ; Jn. 6 47 ), the present 
tense is timeless. Paul does not use the aorist (cf. Mk. i6 17 Acts 2 44 
4 32 Heb. 4 3 ) in these expressions except in II i 10 . The reading TUXO? is 
necessary in Rom. 5 14 6 17 and certain in II 3 9 Phil. 3 17 . TUXOC is secure 
in i Cor. io 6 . On the analogy of II 3 9 Phil. 3 17 4 Mac. 6 19 TUXOV is here 
to be read with BD. TUXOU? (SAC) may be due to u[xa<;. 

8-10. The general drift of these verses is clear, but some of 
the details are obscure. The statement (v. 7 ) that the readers 



84 I THESSALONIANS 

have become a pattern to all the Christians in Greece may well 
have surprised the Thessalonians. But the explanation (vv. 8 f ) 
must have been a greater surprise, for it is added that news of 
the gospel as proclaimed in Thessalonica and of the Christianity 
of the readers has spread not only in Greece (v. 7 ) but every 
where, as if v. 7 had ended with Trio-Tetovo- iv. The point of vv. 8 f 
is not that Paul himself is everywhere extolling the readers, as 
he probably did (II i 4 ), for focis (v. 8 ) and avrot (v. 9 ) are de 
signedly contrasted; not that the readers are boasting at home 
and abroad of their spiritual life, even if they might have boasted 
of the gospel, for a$ V/JLWV is not ixj> vp&v, but that other people, 
believers everywhere, whose names are not given, keep telling 
Paul in Corinth both about the visit he paid and about the con 
version of the Thessalonians. These reports make unnecessary 
any words from Paul. 

Difficulty arises only when we try to make Paul more definite than 
he is. He does not say who carried the news everywhere, but says only 
that the gospel which he preached has sounded out and the faith of the 
converts has gone out. He does not specify the indirect objects of XaXelv 
and dbcocYY&Xouatv, nor does he define CCUTO(. It may perhaps be con 
jectured that GCUTOI means the believers everywhere, that is, some of 
them. In this case, the a$To are probably not those who bring the 
news to Greece and other parts from Thessalonica, but those who make 
reports to Paul. The indirect object of XaXetv may be the aiko(, that 
of dcTOZYY^XXouacv, Paul and his associates. XaXecv rather than Yp&9tv 
here suggests oral reports. To be sure, icepl U^JLWV (v. B, et al.) is the 
easier reading, but xspl TJJJUOV prepares better for oicot av eaxoyiev. Paul 
writes from the standpoint of Corinth where the reports keep coming 
in; hence not d-oJYyeiXav or dhriJYYeXXov, as if Bercea or Athens were in 
mind, but the progressive present d 



8. This verse, formally considered, is without asyndeton, un 
less recourse is had to the unnecessary expedient of placing a 
colon after Kvpiov or TOTTOJ. The obscurity lies in the fact (i) 
that v. 8 (y^p) explains not solely, as we should expect, why the 
readers became "a model to all Christians in Greece," but also 
why they became a pattern to all believers everywhere; and in 
the fact (2) that after TOTTW, where the sentence might naturally 
end, a second and, in the argument, a more important subject 



1,8 8 S 

is introduced, f) TTIO-TIS vpwv, which is not synonymous with o Xo- 
709 TOV fcvpiov, and a second predicate et;e\r)\v0ev which is prose 
for etftJxrjTcu. Materially considered, this verse is concerned 
not with the method by which the news of the gospel and of the 
faith of the readers is brought everywhere, whether by Paul, by 
travelling Thessalonians, or by other Macedonians (cf. 4 10 ), but 
with the fact that the word of the Lord and their faith have ac 
tually spread, a fact that makes it unnecessary for Paul himself 
to say anything about this model community. 

It is hardly worth while tampering with an innocent anacoluthon (see 
Lillie for a conspectus of attempts) whether by conjecturing < = ev v 
after Tr6xw and translating "in every place into which your faith has 
gone forth"; or by putting a colon after xupt ou (Liin. Born. Wohl. 
et. al.), a procedure which introduces a formal asyndeton and hints that 
the parallel subjects are synonymous. Simpler is it to let the balanced 
sentence remain untouched (Lft. Schmiedel, et aL~), in which case i 
Tat x-rX. explains only ev Tfl MaxeSovfa . . . A^ca a (v. 7 ) and -fj 
xxX. explains xaacv TO!<; xcateuouacv (v. 7 ). In 6 \6{oq TOU xupfou there 
is a covert allusion to Paul as a preacher in the Spirit and in much con 
viction (v. c ), and in -f) XC CTTK; a clear reference to the welcome which the 
converts gave (v. 6 ). Each of these points recurs in vv. 9 - 10 and a 1 -"- 
is-16. i n passing, be it observed that vv. 2 - 10 form a single sentence; 
hence after A^afa (v. 7 ) a colon is to be placed and also after XaXeiv TC 
(v. ). 

a<fi vfjiwv KT\. " Starting from you, the word of the Lord (the 
word that Christ inspires) has sounded forth." The parallel 
e^e\ij\v6ep and the similar $ cuff vfjiwv 6 Xo yos TOV Oeov e%r)\6ev 
(i Cor. i4 3G ) suggests that euro (which might = TTO; cf. Bl. 4o 3 ) 
is here local, marking the Thess. "as the simple terminus a quo 



Whether l^txTTWH implies the sound either of a trumpet (Chrys.) or 
of thunder (Lft.) is uncertain; it may mean simply "has spread." The 
word itself is rare in the Gk. Bib. (active in Joel 3 14 Sir. 40", middle in 
3 Mac. 3 2 (Yen.) and here) ; cf. Lk. 4" YJXO? with 4 14 <?^^TJ. Before A^aft?, 
ev Tfj is retained by tfCD, et al., a reading perhaps conformed to v. 7 
(Weiss); cf. Acts ig 21 where fcsB omit and AD retain TTQV before A^afav. 
If with B, et al., Iv Tfj is omitted, then Greece as a whole is contrasted with 
the rest of the world. The Iv with IJ-ifaTjTai and I^eX^XuGsv (cf. Lk. 7 17 ) 
may be interpreted with the older grammarians to mean "not only the 



86 I THESSALONIANS 

arrival of the report, but its permanence after its arrival" (Lun.), as, 
indeed, the perfects of resultant action likewise suggest. Recent gram 
marians (Bl. 41 r and Mill.) arc inclined not to press the point, in view 
of the frequency in later Gk. of ev for elq. After ou ([)$) ^ovov . . . dXX&, 
Paul adds -/.at except here and Phil. 2 12 ; but to insert xat here with 
KL is to fail to observe that the omission is purposed, for ev xavtl TOX(I> 
includes Macedonia and Achaia (Bl. 77 13 ). ev xavrl T6x<p is a pardon 
able hyperbole (i Cor. i 2 2 Cor. 2 14 ; cf. Rom. i 8 Col. i 6 ). As Paul is 
not speaking with geographical accuracy, it is unnecessary to assume 
that since he left Thessalonica he went beyond Greece or that he has 
Galatia or Rome in mind. 



V/JLWV rj 777)09 TOP Oeov. The repetition of the article 
serves to make clear the object toward which their faith is turned 
and also to suggest a contrast (Ell.) between their present atti 
tude to God and their past pagan attitude to idols. The phrase 
is rare in the Greek Bible (4 Mac. is 24 (K) i6 22 ) but frequent in 
Philo (cf. Hatch, Essays, 86/.). 

With xtaTi<; and xtoTeuecv Paul uses elq (Col. 2 5 Phile. 5 o. /.), ev 
(Col. i 4 Gal. 3 26 Eph. i 15 ), ext (Rom. 4 5 ) and xp6<; (Phile. 5 v. L). ?) 
xtafi<; utxwv (3 2 - 6 - 6 - 7 - 10 II i 3 - 4 ) is frequent in Paul (Rom. i 8 - 12 , etc.) 
and elsewhere (Jas. i 3 , etc.). ip%ea6oce, a rare word in Paul, is used 
with elq (Rom. io 18 ) and xp6? (2 Cor. 8 17 ). 

\a\elv has to do strictly with the utterance as such, \eyeiv 
with the content of the utterance (SH. on Rom. 3 19 ), as when we 
say: "he speaks well but says no thing. " 

On XaXetv with "accus., cf. 2 2 Phil, i 14 Rom. i5 18 (TC). Observe the 
parallelism of OXJTS . . . yap in vv. 7-8 - 8 9 . On ware ^, cf. i Cor. i 7 2 
Cor. 3 7 . The common xpefav I xetv with infin. only here and 4 9 5 1 in 
Paul. The reading u^a? (B, et al.) for Y^as is probably conformation 
to u^xwv after 



9. avrol yap KT\. There is no need for us missionaries 
to speak, for they themselves, that is, such believers from Greece 
and elsewhere as happen to be in Corinth (avrol in contrast with 
^a?) keep reporting (aTrayyeXXovcnv is a progressive present) 
to us, first of all and somewhat unexpectedly, about us (trepl 
f]i*>tov), namely, what kind of a visit we paid you, and then 
about you, "how you turned," etc. It is unnecessary to remark 
that Paul s version of the report need not be literal. As he 



i, 8-9 87 

writes, he has in mind the insinuations of the Jews (v. 5 2 1 - 12 ) ; 
hence vrepl TJ/LLWV is put first. 

OCUTO{ is construct ad sensum as ecu-rot? Gal. 2 2 . dcxayylXXetv (i 
Cor. i4 25 ) is frequent in Lxx. and Luke; Tpcv is to be understood. 
The reading xspl U[AWV (B) misses the point of contrast between visit 
and welcome, adnuntiatis (r), which Rend el Harris prefers, is due to 
the supposed difficulty in xepl YJJJUDV (Dob.). The indirect interrogative 
oxoloq (Gal. 2 6 i Cor. 3 13 ), which is rare in Gk. Bib., expresses like 
o!o i (v. 5 ) the quality of the visit. e taoSot; in Lxx. is used both of the 
action (Mai. 3 2 ) and of the place (Ezek. 42 9 ). i^ecv sYaoSov xpog ap 
pears to be unique in Gk. Bib. (cf. 2 1 ); the reference is not to a door 
opening into their hearts (cf. Marc. Aur. 5 19 e^si e c aoBov xpb? ^UXTQV 
and Hernias Sim. IX, i2 6 ), for that is excluded by a 1 ; nor to the favour 
able reception (which even P. Oxy. 32 peto a te ut habeat introitum adte 
does not of necessity suggest), for the welcome is not mentioned until 
xtog Ixecrrpe^aTE (cf. 2 1 - 12 the visit; 2 13ff - the welcome); but simply to 
the act of entering (Acts I3 24 Heb. io 19 2 Pet. i 11 ). eTaoSoq = xapoucta 
"visit" (Phil, i 26 3 Mac. 3 17 ); cf. also efopxea0ac, etaxopeueoGac 
(Acts i6 40 28 30 ). 



teal TTw? eTrecrrptyaTe KT\. "And" about you they report 
"how you turned to God," etc. TTW? introduces a second object 
clause parallel to ojrolav. In keeping with v. 8 , faith in God is 
singled out as the primary characteristic of the readers, but the 
idea is expressed not, as we might expect, with emo-revo-are ev 
TW 6ew but, since Gentile rather than Jewish converts are in 
mind, with a phrase perhaps suggested by the contrast with idols, 
iTreo-rpe^rare TT/OO? TOV 6eov. In facing God, they turned their 
backs on idols. These eiSco\a are looked upon as dead (i Cor. 
i2 2 ) and false, not being what they purport to be. While the 
idol in itself is nothing (i Cor. io 19 ), communion with it brings 
the worshipper under the power of the gods and demons who 
are conceived as present at the ritual act, or as resident in the 
idol, or, to the popular mind, as identified with the idol (i Cor. 
io 20 ). Unlike these dead and false idols, God is living and genu 
ine, what he purports to be (contrast i Cor. 8 5 Gal. 4 8 ). 

xw<; describes the fact (Ruth 2 11 Acts n 13 ) rather than the manner 
(Sap. 6 22 T( e IGTCV aocptac xocl xajq eylveTo dxayyeXo)), that is, xwq 
tends to become on (Bl. yo 2 ). The ext in excaip^pscv is directive as 
in Gal. 4 xco? extaTp^sTe x&Acv. Ixtorplfeiv, rare in Paul, is frequent 



88 I THESSALONIANS 

in Lxx. In the phrase extarplcpeiv . . . /.upcov (9eov), the Lxx. uses both 
ext, which Luke prefers, and xpo<; (Lk. i; 4 Acts Q 40 2 Cor. 3 16 ). The 
article in ibv Oeov need not be pressed as Gal. 4 8 indicates. e c SwXov 
(Rom. 2 22 i Cor. 8 4 , etc.) in the Lxx. renders a variety of Hebrew words 
both proper and opprobrious. For the meaning of these words and for 
the forms of idolatry mentioned in the Bible, see G. F. Moore, EB. 2146 ff. 
The polemic against images begins with the prophets of the eighth cen 
tury. "With the prophets of the seventh century begins the contemp 
tuous identification of the gods of the heathen with their idols, and in the 
sixth the trenchant satire upon the folly of making gods of gold and silver, 
of wood and stone, which runs on through the later Psalms, Wisdom, 
3aruch, the Jewish Sibyllines, etc., to be taken up again by Christian 
apologists " (op. cit. 2158). See further Bousset, Relig. 350 ff. and Wend- 
land, Die hellenistische-rb mische Kultur, 142. 0sb? ,d>v (Rom. Q 26 = Hos. 
i 10 2 Cor. 3 3 , etc.) is common in Gk. Bib. (Is. 37 4 - 17 , etc.); dXigOcvd? = 
"genuine" (Trench, Synonyms, 12 27) appears only here in Paul as a de 
scription of God (cf. Jn. i7 3 1 Jn. 5 2 2 Ch. is 3 3 Mac. 2" 6 18 ). The total 
phrase 6sb<; ^wv xal dcXirjOivoq seems to be unique in Gk. Bib. (xal dXrjGtvo) 
Heb. g 14 (AP) is a scribal reminiscence of our passage). 

10. $ov\vei,v /col avapevew. The positive turning to God, 
faith toward him, has a twofold purpose, religious consecration 
to him, a &ov\eveiv 0ecp (Rom. 6 22 ) demanding righteousness of 
life (cf. 4 3 ff -); and a hope, hitherto unknown (4 13 ), which awaits 
God s Son who comes (TOV lp%6(jvov) or comes down (TOV /cara- 
jBaivovTa 4 16 ) out of the heavens, to finish his work as rescuer, 
by freeing believers from the impending judgment. 

On the infin. of purpose with extarp^etv, cf. Rev. i 12 Sap. ig* 
Eccl. 2 20 . Like the Galatians (Gal. 4 s f -), the readers have exchanged a 
slavery to idols for a slavery to God. Usually Paul speaks of a slavery 
to Christ (BoiAsSscv Rom. I2 11 I4 18 i6 18 , etc.; SouXo? Gal. i 10 Rom. i 1 , 
etc.). BouXeuetv xuphp (Ps. 2 U 992 Sir. 2 1 , etc.) like Ixcorp^etv licl 
(xpb?) x6ptov is a common phrase in the Lxx. On the meaning of SoOXo? 
in Paul, see Zahn on Rom. i 1 (in Zahn s Kommentar) . 

dcva^lvetv (classical, Lxx.) appears only here in N. T. Paul does 
not use TOpt[xevstv at all (Gen. 4Q 18 Acts i 4 ) or {xdvetv transitively (Is. 
8 17 2 Mac. 7 30 Acts 20 5 - 23 ), choosing the stronger exBd%c6at (i Cor. 
ii 33 16") and dxxBsxa6at (Gal. 5 5 Rom. 8 19ff - i Cor. i 7 Phil. 3 20 ). 
The nearness of the thing expected is suggested by the very idea of 
waiting (cf. Is. 59 11 ). 

TOV vlov avrov . . . \rjcrovv. The faith of the readers had to do 
not only with God but with his Son who is to come down out of 



I, 9-10 89 

the heavens, the Messiah of the apocalyptic hope. Specifically 
Christian is the phrase, explanatory of rbv viov y ov ijyeipev IK 
T&V ve/cp&v which intimates not only that the Messiah had lived 
and died but also that he is now, as eyepQefc, tcvpios (cf. Rom. 4 24 
io 9 Eph. i 20 ). Likewise specifically Christian is the name Jesus; 
to Paul as to the Christians before him Irjcrovs is X/oto-ro? and 
/cvpios (see on i 1 ). In the explanatory words TOV pvopevov rjfjias 
KT\. (a timeless participle), the function of Jesus as Messiah is 
stated negatively as that of deliverance or rescue from the judg 
ment which though future is not far distant. 

This is the only mention of Jesus as Son in our letter; the designation 
does not occur at all in II, Phil. Phile. For 6 uibq aS-uou, cf. Gal. i 16 4 4 - 8 
Rom. i 3 - 9 5 10 8 29 ; 8 3 (lauTou) S 32 (JSfou) i Cor. i 9 (+ I. X. TOU xupfou 
iftxfiv); for ulb? 6eou, cf. Gal. 2 20 2 Cor. i 19 Rom. i 4 Eph. 4 13 ; 6 uloq i Cor. 
i5 28 ; 6 ulb? TTJS dY&xiqc; aikou (Col. i 13 ). oupavdq is rare in Paul com 
pared with the gospels; the singular (n times) and the plural (io times) 
appear to be used interchangeably (cf. 2 Cor. 5 1 2 ). Paul may have 
shared the conception of seven heavens (Slav. En. 8 1 ff - 2O 1 ff -; cf. 2 Cor. 
i2 2 ff -)- * T(OV oupavwv (Mk. i 11 = Mt. 3 17 Ps. I48 1 Sap. g 10 ) occurs only 
here in Paul, who prefers e oOpocvou (Gal. i 8 i Cor. 15" 2 Cor. 5 2 ) or 
dx oupocvou (4 16 II i 10 ). Paul prefers Ifetpetv to dvtaTdcvat (4"- 16 Eph. 
5 14 ) but dvaaTccatq (l^avaanraacq) to eyepacg (Mt. 27"). The phrase lyet- 
peiv Ix vexpcov is not found in Lxx. (but cf. Sir. 48 5 ). The reading ex vs- 
xpwv (AC) is more usual in Paul than ex. TWV vexpwv (tfBD; cf. Col. i 18 
Eph. 5 14 ) ; see Weiss, 76. puecrOca is frequent in Psalms and Isaiah. 
Paul uses ex, of things (Rom. 7 24 2 Cor. i 10 Col. i 13 ) and dxo of persons 
(II 3 2 Rom. i5 31 ) with pucoGat, a point overlooked by CDG which read 
dtxo here. For the historical name (6) Iiqaoug, cf. 4 14 Gal. 6 17 Rom. 3 26 8 U 
i Cor. i2 3 2 Cor. 4= ff - n 4 Phil. 21 Eph. 4 21 and Mill. 135. 



etc -n}? opyfy TT}? epxojjLevrjs. "From the wrath which is com 
ing." This phrase seems to occur only here in the Gk. Bib. 
e/o^erat, however, is used in a similar way in 5 2 Col. 3 6 = Eph. 5 
(cf. e(f>0aorev 2 16 and aTroKaXvTTTerai, Rom. i 17f -). The choice of 
ep^o^evr] rather than fJLe\\ovcra (Mt. 3 7 = Lk. 3 7 ; cf. Ign. Eph. 
ii 1 ) may have been determined by the fact that Paul purposes to 
express not so much the certainty (which the attributive par 
ticiple present might indicate, GMT. 826) as the nearness of the 
judgment. Nearness involves certainty but certainty does not 
necessarily involve nearness. (^7) 0^077^ (2 1G 5 9 Rom. 3 5 5 9 9 22 13 4 ) 



QO I THESSALONIANS 

is (rj) 0/0777 (TOV) Oeov (Rom. i 18 Col. 3 Eph. 5), ?; Oda 0/077; 
(4 Mac. g 32 ) as expressed in punishment and is equivalent to 
(in Paul only II i 5 ), the eschatological judgment, as 
6/07779 (Rom. 2 5 ) indicates. 



The term 6pyr) is Jewish; cf. especially Sir. 5 7 . On the phrase 
6p-pj<;, cf. Zeph. i 15 ; on -q -fj^pa 6pyij<; xupfou, cf. Zeph. i 18 2 3 Ezek. 7 19 (A). 
On the idea of the day of judgment in the O. T. see Briggs, Messianic 
Prophecy, 1886, 487 Jf. In Paul awTTjpta (ato^ecv) and ^COTQ are often con 
trasted with 6pTQ (e. g. 2 16 5 a Rom. 2 5ff - 5 9 ). 



(2) The Visit of the Missionaries (2 1 - 12 ). 

The account of the visit (2 1 - 12 ; cf. i 5 - 8a - 9a ) takes the form of a 
self-defence against insinuations made by Jews. With the same 
subtlety that led them to accuse the missionaries of preaching 
another king, namely, Jesus (Acts if), the Jews were insinuating 
that the renegade Paul, like many a pagan itinerant preacher, 
was self-deluded, sensual, and deceiving, delivering his message 
in flattering words as a foil to cover selfish greed and requiring 
honour to be paid him. Paul s failure to return lent some colour 
to these assertions, and the converts became anxious. In his 
defence, Paul, speaking mainly for himself but including his asso 
ciates, conscious both of the integrity of his motives and of the 
unselfishness of his love, and aware of the straightforwardness of 
his religious appeal, reminds his readers that he came not empty- 
handed but with a gospel and a courageous power inspired by 
God (vv. 1 - 2 ). Wherever he goes, he preaches as one with no de 
lusion about the truth, for his gospel is of God ; with no conscious 
ness of moral aberration, for God had tested him and commis 
sioned him to preach; with no intention to deceive, for he is 
responsible to God who knows his motives (vv. 3 ~ 4 ) . Furthermore, 
when he was in Thessalonica, he never used cajoling speech, as 
the readers know, never used the gospel to exploit his ambitions, 
and never required honour to be given him, although he had 
the right to receive it as an apostle of Christ (w. 5 6 ). On the 
contrary, he waived his right, becoming just one of them, not 
an apostle but a babe, and waived it in love for his dear children. 



II 9 1 

Instead of demanding honour, he worked incessantly to support 
himself while he preached, in order to save the readers from any 
expense on his account (vv. 7 - <J ). His sincerity is evident from 
the pious, righteous, and blameless conduct which they saw in 
him (v. 10 ). Not as a flatterer but as a father, he urged them 
one and all, by encouragement and by solemn appeal, to behave 
as those who are called of God into his kingdom and glory 
(vv. n - 12 ). 



The disposition of 2 1 - 12 is clearly marked by f&p (vv. 3 - s - 6 ) and 
(vv. 2 - 4 - 7 - 12 ) and by the parallel comparisons attached to 
(v. 4 ) and ujAtov (v. 8 ). The three points of v. 3 are met in the clause 
with &\\& (v. 4 ); and the three points of vv. B - 6 are met in vv. 7 - 12 , the 
y&p (v. 9 ) resuming and further elucidating dXXa (v. 7 ); thus ^IJTOUVTSS 
S6av is considered in vv. 7 9 , xXeovs^t a in v. 10 , and xoXocxc cc in vv. "- 12 . 
A careful exegesis of 2 3 - 8 is given by Zimmer in Theol. Studien B. Weiss 
dargcbracht, 1897, 248-273. 

^Indeed you yourselves know, brothers, that the visit we paid you 
has not proved to be void of power. K)n the contrary, although we 
had, previously undergone suffering and insult in Philippi, as you 
know, still we in the power of our God took courage to tell you the 
gospel of God in the midst of much opposition. 

^Indeed the appeal we are wont to make comes not from delusion 
nor from impurity nor with any purpose to deceive. *On the con 
trary, as we stand approved by God to be intrusted with the gospel, 
so we are wont to tell it, concerned not with pleasing men but God 
who tests our hearts. 

^Indeed, we never once came before you with cajoling address, 
as you know, or with a pretext inspired by greed, God is witness, 
6 0r requiring honour of men from you or from others, although 
we were ever able to be in a position of honour as Christ s apostles. 
^On the contrary, we became babes in the midst of you, as a nurse 
cherishes her own children 8 so we yearned after you, glad to share 
with you not only the gospel of God but our very selves as well, for 
you had become dear to us. 9 You remember of course, brothers, our 
toil and hardship; night and day we worked for our living rather 
than put a burden on any of you while we preached to you the gospel 
of God. lQ You are witnesses and God as well how piously and rightr- 



Q2 T THESSALONIANS 

eously and blamelessly we behaved in the sight of you believers. 
n As you know, we were urging you individually, as afatlier his own 
children, both by encouragement 12 and by solemn appeal, to walk 
worthily of God who calls you into his own kingdom and glory. 

1. avrol yap oiSare KT\. With an explanatory ydp } Paul re 
sumes oTTolav eio-o&ov Gd^Q^v (i 9 ) and takes up explicitly the 
defence already touched upon in i 5 (which is strikingly parallel 
to 2 1 - 2 ). Addressing the readers affectionately (aSeX^ot as in i 4 ), 
he recalls to their knowledge that the visit which he paid them 
was not empty (tevrj), meaning not that it was fruitless, for the 
welcome by the converts (i 6 ) is not resumed until v. 13 ; but that, 
as the a\\d clause certifies, the visit was not empty-handed, 
was not, as i 5 says, "in word only but also in power," for he came 
with a gospel of which God is the author, and preached with a 
courage (cf. i 5 7r\Tjpo(j)opLa) which was due to the power of God 
operating in him (cf. i 5 eV ^vvd^eu /cal eV Trvev/JLart d<yl<p). That 
he thus preached, notwithstanding recent experiences of perse 
cution and insult in Philippi and great opposition in Thessalonica, 
is further proof of the divine inspiration both of his message and 
of his power in proclaiming it. 

Y&p resumes and explains i 5 (Bengel) by way of i 9 where xepl TJEJIWV 
is put significantly at the beginning. On aikol yap o c SaTe, see i 5 ; 
and on the construction oT&crue TTJV . . . <kc, cf. i Cor. 3 20 . The article 
(rrjv) is repeated as in i 8 (73 xpoq x/uX.). The perfect Y^yovev with which 
the aorists (i 5 2 5 - 7 - 10 ) are to be contrasted denotes completed action; 
the facts of the visit are all in, and the readers may estimate it at its 
full value. Vwv shows that Paul includes Silas and Timothy with him 
in the defence. 

2. d\\d TrpoTraOovres KT\. Using a strong adversative 
(d\\d- cf. vv. 4 - 7 )> he describes positively the character of his 
visit and defines ov tcevr] (v. x ). Equipped with a gospel inspired 
by God (cf. w. 4 - 8 - 9 , and see note on TO evayye\iov rjfjL&v i 5 ) 
and emboldened to preach by the indwelling power of their God 
(ev T&> #eo> rjfJiwv), the visit of the missionaries was not devoid of 
power. Paul had already told them of his persecution and es 
pecially (teat is perhaps ascensive as in i 6 /cal TOV Kvpiov) of the 
illegal treatment previously experienced at Philippi, and had 



n, 1-2 93 

mentioned the matter with feeling; for, as Lft. remarks, it was 
not the physical distress (TrpoTraOovres) that disturbed him but 
the insult (vftpicrOevTes} offered to his Roman citizenship (Acts 
i6 22ff -)- He recalls the fact now (KaOw ot Sare; cf. i 5 ) for apol 
ogetic reasons (see above on v. 1 ). 

The aorist participles are of antecedent action and probably conces 
sive. xpoxaaxstv (only here in Gk. Bib.) is one of the compounds with 
xp6 which Paul is fond of using (3* Gal. 3 1 ) even when there is no classic 
or Lxx. precedent (e. g. Gal. 3 8 - 17 Gal. i 2 2 Cor. 8 6 - 10 g 5 ). appflUiv, 
which Ruther. translates "to treat illegally," occurs only here in Paul and 
rarely in Lxx. xappirjac&^saOai (here and Eph. 6 20 in Paul; frequent in 
Acts) denotes here, as Xatojaccc shows, not "to speak boldly" (xapprjact? 
XaXelv) but "to be bold," "to take courage" (cf. Sir. 6 ll ),fiduciatti sump- 
simus (Calv.). The aorist may be inceptive, "we became bold." Ac 
cording to Radermacher (N eutestamentliche Grammalik, 1911, 151), this 
is only a more resonant and artificial expression for 
(cf. Phil, i 14 ) which an Attic author would have rather used, 
since exappTjataa&yisOa XaXfjaat is ultimately a tautology. Paul does 
not elsewhere use xpo? with XaXelv, but this directive preposition in 
stead of a dative is natural after verbs of saying (cf. 2 Cor. 6 11 13 7 Phil. 4 6 ). 



ev TO) 6ew ri\LU)v. The missionaries are " in God " (see on ev 
i 1 ) because God is in them (UTT exelvov evBvvafJLov^evoi } The- 
ophylact; cf. Phil. 4 13 ). Characteristic of our epistles (3 9 II i 11 - 12 ; 
i Cor. 6 11 ) and of Revelation (4" 5 10 7 3ff - i2 10 ig 15 -) is o #eo? 
TI\L<AV. The fjpwv here (cf. Ta? Kapbias ^/JLCOV v. 4 ) seems to refer 
primarily to the God whom Paul and his two associates preach 
(hence rjp&v, not ftov Rom. i 8 i Cor. i 4 (ACD) 2 Cor. i2 21 Phil. 
i 3 4 19 Phile. 4), but does not exclude the further reference to the 
converts and other believers who feel themselves in common 
touch with the Christian God, our God Father (i 3 3"- 13 Gal. i 4 
Phil. 4 20 ). There may be in o Qebs TJIJLCOV a latent contrast with 
pagan idols and deities (i 9 ). 



Both xuptoq 6 Geb<; ^yLwv (Mk. i2 29 Acts 2 39 Rev. ig 6 ) and 6 Osb<; 
(Heb. i2 29 Lk. i 78 Jude 4 2 Pet. i 1 ) are frequent in Lxx. (e. g. Deut n 22 
Ps. 43 20 Q7 3 Is. 40 3 Jer. i6 10 49^ Sap. is 1 Baruch (passim) ; cf. x<rr?)p fjixdiv 
Tob. i3 4 ) and express Israel s sense of devotion to her God, often in 
opposition tacit or expressed to the gods of other nations (cf. i Reg. 5 7 
Aaywv Gsbg -fyjuov; also Acts 19" TJ Oeb<; ^[xoiv). For ev Ty Ostp (xou, cf. 
2 Reg. 32 3 = Ps. 17*5. 



94 I THESSALONIANS 

eV TToXXw aycom. "In the midst of much opposition" or "in 
great anxiety" (Vulg. in multa sollicitudine) . Whether persecu 
tion is meant, as the reference to the experiences at Philippi at 
first suggests, or inward trouble, as the change from 6\i^ei (i 6 ) 
(cf. Heb. I2 1 Sap. io 12 ) may indicate, is uncertain. 



Most comm. find here as in Phil, i 30 a reference to outward troubles, 
whether persecutions (Ephr.), danger, or untoward circumstances of 
all sorts (e. g. De W. Liin. Ell. Lft. Mill. Born.). Since, however, dycov 
in Col. 2 1 refers to anxiety (cf. also dywvt CeaGat i Cor. g 25 Col. i 29 4 12 and 
cuvaYtov^ecGat Rom. is 30 ), it is not impossible that inward struggle 
is meant (so Fritzsche apud Lillie, and Dob.). In later Gk. dywv^tends 
to mean "anxiety" (Soph. Lex. who notes Iren. I 2 2 ev icoTAw TO&VU 
dcytovc). Chrys., who speaks first of danger and then quotes i Cor. 2 3 , 
apparently understands dy<x>v of both external and internal trouble; so 
Lillie: "at least this restriction (to the external) in the present case 
must be justified from the context, not from Paul s use of the word 
elsewhere." 

3-4. The self-defence is continued with direct reference to 
the insinuation that the missionaries were of a kind with the 
wandering sophists, impostors, and propagandists of religious 
cults. First negatively (as v. 1 ) it is said: "Indeed (yap as v. 
our appeal never comes from delusion, nor from impurity, nor 
is it ever calculated to deceive." Then positively (a\\d as v. 2 ) : 
" On the contrary, we are wont to speak as men approved by 
God to be intrusted with the gospel, concerned not with pleasing 
men but God who tests our motives." The three specifications 
of v. 3 are not replied to formally but are nevertheless adequately 
met: Not e/e TrXdvrjS, for the gospel is in origin divine not hu 
man; not e a/caOapcrias, for the gospel has been committed to 
tested missionaries; and not eV S6\a) } for our responsibility is 
not to men but to God who sounds the depths of our inner lives. 
r) 7rapdfc\r]cri,s rj^wv. "The appeal we make," taking up XaX?}- 
aai TO evayrye\iov TOV Oeov. Trapd/cXrjcris (often in Paul) may 
mean "summons," "address," "encouragement" (i, 2 Mac.; cf. 
II 2 16 ) "comfort" (so usually in Lxx.). In this connection, how 
ever, as \a\fjo-ai, (v. 2 ) and \a\ov[JLev (v. 4 ) make evident, the ad 
dress itself, not the content (&&*%?; Chrys.), is meant; hence 
" appeal" (Lft.), and that too in virtue of eV T Oew TJ^MV and 



n 2 -3 95 

TO eva f yye\iov rov 6eov } a religious appeal, not without refer 
ence to Trpotyrjreia (52 i Cor. 14* 39 ; Rom. I2 8 ). 



eariv is to be supplied in view of XaXou^ev (v. 4 ) . The habitual principle 
(Bengel) is intended. As the Thess. could have no direct knowledge of 
Paul s custom elsewhere, he does not in vv. 3 - 4 appeal to them in confirma 
tion (contrast vv. 5 ff -). 

e/c 7r\dvr]<>. Our religious appeal does not come "from delu 
sion/ for our gospel is of God. 7r\dv7j } as SoXo> shows, is not 
"deceit" (active) but "error" (passive), the state of 7r\avdcr- 
&cu, "delusion" (Lillie). "Homo qui errat cannot but be un 
decided; nor is it possible for him to use boldness without con 
summate impudence and folly" (Cocceius, quoted by Lillie). 
ov$e eg atcaOapcrias. "Nor does it come from an impure char 
acter." ctfcaOapcrla (elsewhere in N. T. only in Paul, except 
Mt. 23") regularly appears directly with iropveia or in contexts 
intimating sexual aberration. Hence here, as 4 7 Rom. 6 19 , the 
reference is not to impurity in general, not to covetousness, but 
to sensuality (Lft.). The traducers of Paul, aware both of the 
spiritual excitement (5 19ff< ) attending the meeting of Christian 
men and women and of the pagan emotional cults in which 
morality was often detached from religion, had subtly insinu 
ated that the missionaries were no better morally than other 
itinerant impostors. That such propagandists would be repu 
diated by the official representatives of the cult would aid rather 
than injure a comparison intended to be as odious as possible. 

" St. Paul was at this very time living in the midst of the worship of 
Aphrodite at Corinth and had but lately witnessed that of the Cabiri 
at Thessalonica " (Lft.) . The exact nature of this latter cult, the syncre- 
tistic form which it assumed, and the ritual which it used are uncertain, 
but Lightfoot s phrase, " the foul orgies of the Cabiric worship," may not 
be too strong. The maligners of Paul may have had some features of 
this cult in mind when they charged him with dx.a0apafct. The cult of the 
xj3tpoc or x&getpot (perhaps from the root 133; hence [xeyaXot, (Suva-rof, 
fc%upo() Geot) originated, it would appear, in Phoenicia and was carried 
thence to Lemnos, Samothrace (cf. Herod. 2 51 ), Macedonia (cf. Lactant. 
div. instil. I, i5 18 and Bloch, cols. 2533-34) and elsewhere, and became in 
the Hellenic-Roman period second in importance only to the Eleusinian 
mysteries. That it was well known in the seaport town of Thessalonica 



96 I THESSALONIANS 

is evident from coins and from Jul. Firmicus Maternus (dc crrore prof, 
relig. n). On the Cabiri, see Lft. Bib. Essays, 257 jf. where the older 
literature including Lobeck s Aglaophanes, 1202 Jf. is given; also the 
articles by Hild (Cabires in La Grande Encyc. 606-610) and by Bloch 
(in Roscher, 1897), Mcgaloi Theoi, cols. 2522-2541. 

ouSe eV So Xw. "Nor is it with craft, with any purpose to de 
ceive," for they are ever engaged in pleasing not men but God. 
Over against the e/c of origin, eV denotes the atmosphere of the 
appeal. It is not clothed with deception or deceit, that is, with 
any deliberate intention to deceive (Ell.). This charge may have 
suggested itself to the critics in view of the devices of sophists 
and the tricks of jugglers and sorcerers (cf. Chrys.) by which 
they sought to win the attention and the money of the crowd 
(cf. 2 Cor. i2 16 ). 

The reading o-jo before Iv BoXco is well attested, but the OUTS of KL 
after an ouB has a parallel in Gal. i 12 (BEKL); cf. Bl. 77 1 ". Note in 
i Mac. ev 86X<p (i 30 ), purco: SoXou (7 10 ), and SoXtp (i3 17 ). 

4. With a\\d (as v. 2 ), the origin and purpose of the \a\elv 
are positively affirmed, \a\ov /JLCV "we are wont to speak" re 
sumes r) 7rapd/c\f]o-^ rjjjL&v (v. 3 ) and \a\rjo-ai, (v. 2 ). As already 
noted, the points made in v. 3 are reckoned with: The gospel is 
of God, hence they are not deluded; they were commissioned to 
preach, hence their character is not unclean; they are pleasing 
not men but God, hence their appeal is not meant to deceive. 

On the correlation x.aOo3<; . . . oikcog, cf. 2 Cor. i 5 8 6 io 7 , etc.; on~oux 
(b? ... dXX&, "not as such who . . . but as such who," cf. Col. 3 22 . 
Like Apelles (Rom. i6 10 ), they are S6xt[xoc Iv XptaTtp; their XaXecv is 
ev Ty 6eq> not iv BoXtp. aplaxovTe? (Gal. i 10 ) indicates action going on; 
on the Pauline dpeaxstv 6e<p (2 15 4 1 Rom. 8 s ; i Cor. 7 32 ), cf. Num. 23" 
Ps. 68 32 ; on dpeuxstv dvOpwxotq, cf. Gal. i 10 ; on avOpwxdcpsaxo? (Col. 3 22 = 
Eph. 6 6 ), cf. Ps. 52". On oS (Gal. 4 8 Phil. 3 ) with participle instead of 
M (v. 15 ), see BMT. 485. Soxt^stv = "prove," "test" (of metals Sir. 
2 5 34 26 ), as in Rom. i 28 Sir. 39 34 ; on the perfect "approve after test," 
cf. Sir. 42 8 2 Mac. 4". 

TW So/ci/uid&vTi ra? KapStas r/fjicov. As the motive is in ques 
tion, Paul refers to God as one who sounds the depths of the 



3-5 97 



hearts, the inner life (Mk. 7 21 ). w&v refers to Paul and his asso 
ciates (contrast vfjL&v 3 13 II 2 17 3 5 ). 



In Psalms and Jeremiah, Soxc^etv of God s testing is frequent (cf. 
also Sap. 3 6 ); c. g. Jer. I2 3 y.al au, xupcs, ycvaK7XC<; jxe, oeooxi [Jiaxa<; T^V 
xapStav [xou evavTi ov aou; r/. also Ps. i6 3 , and with the possessive 
omitted, Jer. n 20 i; 10 . 

5. yap parallel to yap in vv. * 3 , resumes yap (v. 3 ) and further 
explains that what is true in general (w. 3 - 4 ) of the principles of 
the missionaries, about which the readers could not know directly 
(hence no appeal to their knowledge in vv. 3 - 4 ), is also true of their 
behaviour in Thessalonica of which the readers are directly aware 
(hence the icaOcos otSare as in vv. 1 2 ). As in vv. * 3 , the yap clause 
is negative; and again as in v. 3 , there are three separate charges 
denied, each one being phrased differently : not ev \6yqy Ko\a/clas, 
not Trpotfido-et, TrXecwef ta?, and not fyrovvTes S6av. The points 
are similar to but not identical with those made in v. 3 : ev \6yq> 
K0\aicias corresponds, indeed, rather closely to ev 86\y ) but 
7rpocf)dcrL 7rXeoz/ef t a? is less specific than ef aica6apa-{a<$ and is 
distinct from it in meaning, and f^roO^Te? S6av is quite differ 
ent from e/c TrXaV?;?. Following the yap clause (w. 5 -^) is the 
aXXa clause (vv. 7 12 ; cf: w. 2 - 4 ) in which the three points of w. 5 5 
are positively answered, fyrovvres Sogav in vv. 7 - 9 ^ 7r\eove!;ia 
in v. 10 , and Ko\a/cla in vv. 11 12 . 

On OUTS (vv. E - B ), cf. Rom. 8 38 ff - I Cor. 6 9 ff -; on OUTS y&p . . . OUTS . . . 
dXXa, cf. Gal. 6 15 . TOTS = "ever" is common in Paul and Lxx. 
eyevY]0Y][jLsv governs first a dative with Iv (Xoyw), then a dative without ev 
(xpoqjucaet), and finally a participle (^TJTOUVTS?). Since yc veaGca = epxs- 
oOat (i 4 ), we may render: "Indeed we never came before you with 
cajoling address (Iv as in i 4 ), nor using (dative of means) a pretext 
inspired by greed, nor demanding honour," etc. (participle of manner). 
The Iv before xpo^&asc, which Tisch. Zim. Weiss retain, is probably 
to be omitted as conformation to the first Iv (BK WH. Dob.). 

ev \6yw Ko\a/clas. "With cajoling address." Xo^o? is here 
(as i 5 ) " speech, "as XaX?}cra^ 7rapdtc\r](ri<; and \a\ovjjLev (w. 2 ~ 4 ) 
demonstrate (Liin.). /co\afcla is either "flattery," the subordi 
nation of one s self to another for one j s own ad vantage; or, as 
ev SoXo> intimates, "cajolery," a word that carries with it the 
7 



98 I THESSAHONIANS 

additional notion of deception. The genitive describes the char 
acter of the speech. The hearers could tell whether Paul s ad 
dress was straightforward or not; hence Ka0a)$ otSare. 

ev Xoyot? ex.oXax.eue* [is v.cd [j,ia BoXou Bta pT)[j.aTO)v exafvet (Test. 
xii, Jos. 4 1 ). In classic usage (cf. Schmidt, Syn. 1879, III, 438 Jf.), atxdcX- 
Xetv (not in Gk. Bib.) indicates flattery in the sense of complimentary 
remarks designed to please; Owxeuetv (not in Gk. Bib.) means any kind 
of subordination by which one gets one s own way with another; while 
x.oXax.euetv (i Esd. 4 31 Job ip 17 Sap. i4 17 ) hints at guile, a flattery cal 
culated to deceive; cf. Aristophanes, Eq. 46 jj. iifxaXX eOwxeu ex.oXdx.su 
e^rjx&Ta. xoXax.(a is only here in Gk. Bib. Ell. notes Theophrastus 
(Char. 2) and Aristotle (Nic. Eth. 4 12 ad fin.}: "he who aims at getting 
benefit for money and what comes through money is a x,6Xa." 

7rpocj)dcrei TrXeo^/a?. The "cloke of covetousness " is liter- 
ally "pretext of greediness." The point is that Paul did not use 
his message as a foil to cover selfish purposes (cf. eVt/caXy/^/za 
i Pet. 2 16 ). As the appeal to God (Oeos p,dprw) indicates, the 
motive is in question (cf. Chrys.). The genitive is subjective, 
"a pretext which greediness (Lft.) uses or inspires." Trpo^aa^ 
here is not excuse but specious excuse (cf. Phil, i 18 Ps. i4o 4 
Hos. io 4 ). 7r\eovel;la is more general than (f>i,\apyvpla and 
denotes the self-seeking, greedy, covetous character of the 



The context here does not allow a more specific meaning of xXeovs^a. 
In theLxx. (Judg. 5 19 (A) Ps. n8 36 Hab. 2 9 , etc.), advantage in respect of 
money is sometimes intended, cupidity. In 4 6 below, it is joined with dcx.a- 
Gapac a; but it "does not appear that xXsove^ca can be independently 
used in the sense of fleshly concupiscence" (Robinson on Eph. 5 5 ; but 
see Hammond on Rom. i 29 and Abbott in ICC. on Eph. 5 5 ). Lft. (Co!. 
3 5 ) translates: " greediness, an entire disregard for the rights of 
others." On 0eb<; [i&piuc, (sc. ecm v as Rom. i), cf. not only Paul (Phil. 
i 8 2 Cor. i 23 ) but Jewish usage (e. g. Gen 31"; i Reg. 2O 23 - 42 Sap. i 6 and 
especially Test, xii, Levi ig 3 ). 



6. ovre ^ToO^re? KT\. "Nor did we ever come (v. 5 ) re 
quiring honour," etc. The participle of manner, in apposition to 
the subject of eyevr)07jfjLev (v. 5 ), introduces the third disclaimer, 
which, like the other two (v. 5 ) may reflect the language of the 
traducers (Zimmer). Paul denies not that he received honour 



II, 5-6 99 

from men, not that he had no right to receive it, but that he 
sought, that is, required honour from men either in Thessalonica 
or elsewhere. 

SvvdfJLevoi ev fidpei KT\. "Although we were ever (sc. irore 
from v. 5 ) able to be in a position of weight (i. e. honour) as 
Christ s apostles." This concessive clause, subordinated to 
f^rowTe? Sogav, qualifies the fact, "we never came requiring 
honour," by asserting the principle (cf. II 3 9 ) that the authority 
to demand honour inheres in their place of preponderance as 
Christ s apostles. 



"honour," as in classic usage. There is no evidence that it is 
equivalent to honor in the later sense of honorarium. On the rare ^HJTSCV 
ex, cf. Gen. 43 8 Nah. 3 11 Ezek. 22 30 ; and for the rarer ^TQteZv dx6, cf. 
Barn. 2i 6 . Since @dpo<; may mean not only "burden" (Gal. 6 2 2 Cor. 4 17 
Sir. 13=) but also "importance" (as in later Gk.; cf. Soph. Lex. sub we. 
and @apu<; 2 Cor. io 10 ), it is possible to take Iv ^dpet elvac (a unique phrase 
in Gk. Bib.) as equivalent to Iv Tt[if) elvac (Chrys.), in ponder e esse 
(Calv.), the Iv indicating the position in which they were able to stand 
and from which, if necessary, they were able to exercise authority; "to 
take a preponderant place" (Ruther.). On the other hand, Iv (3apsc 
elvac may = papu? elvac "to be burdensome." In a letter to the present 
editor under date of March 15, 1910, Dr. Milligan writes that he "is 
inclined to think the more literal idea of burden, trouble was cer 
tainly uppermost in the Apostle s thought and that the derived sense of 
gravitas, honor was not prominent, if it existed at all." He calls 
attention to P. Oxy. io62 14 (ii, A.D.) e? Be TouT6 coc (3dpoc; <p!pec; and 
to BGU, I59 5 (A.D. 210) ou Buvd^evoq uxoaTfjvac Tb @dpo<; TT}<; XecToupyt aq. 
Assuming the translation "to be burdensome," expositors find a ref 
erence either (i) to the matter of a stipend (cf. v. 9 II 3 s 2 Cor. i2 16 and 
especially 2 Cor. n 9 d(3a??j qjiaurbv IvrjpTqaa) ; so for example Theo- 
doret, Beza (who takes xXeove( = 9tXapyup(a), Grot. Flatt, Zim. 
Drummond, and Field (Otium Norv. Ill, 122); or (2) to both the stipend 
and the authority; so Chrys. Crocius (non tantum de ambitione sed 
el de avaritia), Lft. Find. Wohl. Moff. and others. The immediate 
context, however, does not distinctly suggest a reference to a stipend, 
unless 6a = honorarium; furthermore the omission of UEJUV (Dob.), 
which Vulg. reads (cum possemus vobis oneri esse), makes the translation 
"to be burdensome" less likely than "to be in honour," "inpondere 
esse" (cf. Erasmus, Hammond, Pelt, De W. Liin. Ell. Schmidt, Schmie- 
del, Born. Dob.). On XptaTou dxdatoXoc, cf. 2 Cor. n 3 . Paul uses 
dx6aToXo<; not only of himself and the twelve, but also of Silvanus and 
Timothy (here), Junias and Andronicus (Rom. i6 7 ), Apollos (i Cor. 4 9 ), 



100 I THESSALONIANS 

Epaphroditus (Phil. 2"). See further 2 Cor. 8 23 n 13 Acts 14" and McGif- 
fert, Apostolic Age, 648. The word dxoaToXos occur? once in Lxx. (3 Reg. 
i4 6 A). As after y^yovev (v. 1 ) and SoXy (v. 3 ), so after dcxda-uoXoi, a 
comma is to be placed. 



7. a\\a eyevrjrj/Aev vtymQi. On the contrary, we became 
babes in the midst of you." a\\d is parallel to a\\d in v. 4 and 
controls vv. 7 12 , the 7p (v. 9 ) resuming the a\\d here. A colon 
is to be put after V/JLCOV. Although they were entitled to demand 
honour as Christ s apostles, yet they waived that right, choosing 
to be not apostles but babes in the midst of them. To contrast 
with curocTToXoi and to fit ev peea ifjiwv, we rather expect not 
an adjective but a noun. V^TTLOL (Gal. 4 1 - 3 i Cor. I3 11 Rom. 2 20 , 
etc.), with its implication of the unripe and undeveloped, far 
from being meaningless (Schmidt) is a capital antithesis of 
aTrocrToXcM. Not only does vrjinoi fit the immediate context ad 
mirably, it is also in keeping with the spirit of brotherly equality 
that characterises Paul s attitude to his readers not only in I 
but also in II. He is just one of them, &>? el? e vptiv (Chrys.). 

Not only is VYJXCOC admirably adapted to the context, it is also the 
better attested reading (KBDCGF, Vulg. Boh. Ephr. Ambst. Orig. ad 
Mt. iQ 14 ) as Tisch. admits; and is accepted by WH. Zim. Baljon, Lft. 
Find. Wohl. Indeed WH. will not allow an alternative reading (cf. 
App. 2 128). On the other hand, Weiss is equally insistent on ^xcot as 
alone worthy of attention (AEKLP, Pesh. Arm.; Tisch. Ell. Schmiedel, 
Born. Dob. MofL). While on purely transcriptional grounds ifrtot 
may be accounted for by haplography or vrjxiot by dittography, in 
ternal evidence favours VTQXCOC. Six of the ten cases of VTJXCOC in N. T. 
(including Eph. 4 14 Heb. 5 13 ) are found in Paul; ^xtoq is found in the 
Gk. Bib. only 2 Tim. 2 24 . The objection (urged by Ell. Schmiedel, 
Born, and others) that voxto: "mars the metaphor" in the succeeding 
comparison (whose point, however, is not gentleness but unselfish love) 
is met by Lft. who observes that "rhetorical rules were as nothing com 
pared with the object which he had in view." Iv [x^aw with gen. occurs 
only here in Paul; it is frequent elsewhere in Gk. Bib. 

7-8. ft>9 eav 7/30(^09 . . . o{m5 KT\. "As a nurse cherishes her 
own children so we yearning after you were glad to share not 
only the gospel of God but our very selves as well, because you 
had become dear to us." The change from V^IQI to rpo^o? is 
due to a natural association of ideas. The point of the new meta- 



lor 



phor is love, the love of a mother-nurse for her own children. 
Not only did the missionaries waive their right to demand honour, 
they waived it in motherly affection for their dear children (cf. 
i 5 & v/Lta?). No punctuation is necessary before ivrcos (cf. v. 4 
and Mk. 4 26 ). 



The construction is similar to Mk. 4 26 (AC) OUTW? . . . &<; locv 
On the difference between &<; edv= GX; d v (fc$A) with subjunctive indicating 
the contingency of the act and wq with the indicative, note with Viteau 
(I, 242) 2 Cor. 8 12 xaGb lav IXTJ . xaOb oux. e^et. Tpoq>6<; here as else 
where in Gk. Bib. (Gen. 358 Is. 49" 4 Reg. u 2 = 2 Ch. 22") is feminine. 
GiXxstv = "to warm" is used of the mother-bird (Deut. 22 6 Job 39") 
and of Abishag (3 Reg. i 2 - 4 ; cf. 6ep[xccfvecv i 2 ff -)l h ere an( l Eph. 5 29 , 
the secondary sense "to cherish" is appropriate (see Ell. on Eph. 5= 9 ). 
Neither Tpo?6<; nor GaXxeiv suggests that the T^xva are 6Tj7.dovTa; hence 
it is unnecessary to press the metaphor in the clause with OUTCO?, as 
some do (e. g. Liin.). Grot, compares Num. n 12 Xd@e afabv <=lq -cbv 
x6Xxov aou (Moses) wael apac TtOiqvbq (nursing-father as Is. 49 23 ) rbv 
GtjX^ovTa, a passage, which, according to Zimmer, may have been in 
Paul s mind. If low-rife is emphatic, as in classic usage, the nurse is also 
the mother; if it is = ecu-rife (Bloomfield apud Lillie; cf. Moult. I, 87^.), 
the nurse may or may not be the mother. Zimmer, accepting lauTffe as 
emphatic (cf. v. ") but finding difficulty with the idea of a mother-nurse 
in service, takes IauTfj<; metaphorically, understanding that the pro 
fessional nurse treats the children of her mistress as if they were "her 
own"; cf. Chrys.: "Are they (the nurses) not more kindly disposed to 
them (lupoCTTQvetq) than mothers ? " lau-uou in Paul, when used with the 
article and substantive, has regularly, as in classic Gk., the attribu 
tive position (2 8 12 4 4 II 3 12 ); the exceptions are Gal. 6 4 - 8 i Cor. II B 
(B) 2 Cor. 3 13 (ND), where the position is predicate. 

8. ofjLetpofjLevoi vpwv KT\. "Yearning after you" (Lillie; cf. 
oiWe? 36). With the affection of a mother-nurse, they 
were eager to share not only what they had but what they were 
(Schmidt), because, as is frankly said, the converts had become 
dear to them, rexva ayaTrrjrd (i Cor. 4 14 Eph. 5 1 ). 



(the breathing is uncertain) is found also in Job 3 21 (Lxx.) 
and Ps. 62 2 (Sym.). In meaning, it is similar to eiaxoOstv and I(j.e(peo6ac 
(see Wetstein, ad loc.) , but the derivation is unknown (cf. WH. A pp. 
151, 159; WS. i6; Bl. 6 4 ). Thackeray (Gram. O. T. Greek, I, 97, note 5), 
following Moult., thinks the 6 "comes from a derelict preposition (i. 
There is therefore no connection between 6yi. and I{xe(peo6at." The 



102 I THESSALONIANS 

usual reading euBoxou^ev (B has r^Soxoujxev; so WH. Weiss) is not 
here a present (2 Cor. 5 8 ) but an imperfect, as lyevTrjOTQ^ev (v. 7 ) and 
iYevYjOijTe (v. 8 ) demand (cf. Zim.). euooxecv is common in later Gk. 
(cf. Kennedy, Sources, 131). In Lxx. 6Xeiv is sometimes a variant j>f 
e&Soxstv (Judg. ii 17 ip 10 - 25 )> sometimes a parallel (Ps. 5o 18 ) to it. In 
papyri, euSoxetv is often used of consent to an agreement (P. Oxy. 261" 
97"; cf. Mill, ad loc.}. In Paul, euSoxecv is frequent with infin. (3 1 Gal. 
i 15 , etc.), but rare with ev (i Cor. io 5 2 Cor. i2 10 ; Lxx. frequently) or 
with dative alone (II 2 12 ; cf. Sir. iS 31 A); the construction with accus., 
with i%( and dat. or accus., or with elq does not appear in Paul. The 
construction [XTaBtB6vat t( TCVC is found also in Rom. i 11 Tob. 7 10 (B); 
the accusative is of the part shared; hence ^sTaBouvac fywx&s is n t 
a zeugma for BoOvat <puxa? uxsp upuov. fyuyv.( (2 Cor. i2 15 ) is plural, for 
Paul and his associates are in mind. fyu-tf] like xocpBi a (v. 4 ) is the inner 
self. On eauiwv for fjnGv aikwv, c/. WS. 22 10 ; on ou ^6vov . . . dcXXa xa(, 
see i 5 . 

Si6Tt (2 18 4 6 ) is regularly "because" in Gk. Bib.; in 2 Mac. 7", it 
may mean "that" (Mill.); cf. WS. 5 7d . After dYcwnjTdq in Paul we 
expect a genitive (Rom. i 7 ) not a dative; but cf. Sir. 15" %al oux ea-uv 



9. /JLvrj/jLovevere yap KT\. "You remember of course brothers 
(v. J ). " The 7^p resumes aXXa (v. 7 ) and further illustrates ovre 
f^ToOz/re? Sofa^ (v. 6 ). "Instead of requiring honour of you, we 
worked hard and incessantly to support ourselves while we 
preached to you the gospel of God" (cf. II 3 8 ). 



is indicative as o tSaTc (vv. G - ") suggests. The accus. 
with yLV7]^ove6etv occurs only here in Paul; Lxx. has both gen. and ac 
cus. (cf. v. I. in Tob. 4 19 ). The phrase x6xo<; xal ^d^Ooq is Pauline (II 3 8 
2 Cor. ii 27 ); cf. also Jer. 2o 18 Test, xii, Jud. iS 4 . In fact in Paul iio%0oq 
always appears with x6xo? (cf. Hermas, Sim. V, 6 2 ). Beza, with Lillie s 
approval, makes labeur, peine, travail the equivalents respectively of 
ic6voq, xdxoq, and ^6xOo<;. Grot. (cf. Lft. and Trench, Syn. 102) con 
siders x6xo? passive, in ferendo and [x6xOo? active, in gerendo. Lft. 
translates: " toil and moil." 



ical rj/jiepas KT\. Without connecting particle (EKL 
insert 7/>), the ceaselessness of the labour and the purpose of it 
as a "labour of love" are indicated. They worked not through 
the whole night and day (accus.) but during the night and day 
(gen.). The purpose of this incessant labour (73720? TO /^ II 3 s 
2 Cor. 3 13 ) was to avoid putting upon the converts individually 



or collectively a financial burden. epya^ofAevoi marks the cir 
cumstances attending the preaching. As in Corinth (i Cor. 4 12 g 6 ) 
where there were not many wise, mighty, or noble, so in Thessa- 
lonica (II 3 8ff -) where the converts were mainly working people, 
Paul finds it necessary to work with his hands (4 11 i Cor. 4 12 
Eph. 4 28 ) for wages. 



The phrase vux-cbq xal ^epa? occurs in Paul elsewhere only 3 10 and 
II 3; cf. i Tim. 5 5 2 Tim. i 3 Mk. 5 5 Judith n 17 . In the Lxx. the usual 
order is fplpas xal vuxTdq (e. g. Josh, i 8 3 Reg. 8 59 , etc.; cf. Lk. i8 7 
Acts 9 24 Rev. 4 s , etc.). Ixc^apsTv, a late word, appears in Gk. Bib. else 
where only in Paul (II 3 8 2 Cor. 2 5 ) and is "nearly but not quite equiva 
lent in meaning to xccTcc^apstv " (Ell.), which is found in Gk. Bib. only 2 
Cor. I2 16 and Mk. I4 40 (cf. xara^apuvetv 2 Reg. I3 25 , etc.). With xirjpijaaecv, 
Paul uses ev (Gal. 2 2 2 Cor. i 19 Col. i 23 ), el? (here, as Grot, notes, for 
dative), or the dative (i Cor. 9" and N here) all permissible Attic con 
structions (Bl. 39 4 ). The phrase XTqpuaaecv -rb euaYylXcov TOU 6eou recurs 
in Mk. i 14 ; cf. Gal. 2 2 Col. i 23 Mk. i3 10 i4 9 . 

10. v/jieis fjidprvpes KT\. As vv. *- 9 referred to the charge of 
fyrovvres Sogav (v. 6 ), so this verse refers probably to the 
charge of TrXeovetya (v. 6 ), and vv. n - 12 to that of fco\afcla. The 
a\\d of v. 7 still controls, as the asyndeton (H inserts yap) sug 
gests. The fact that Paul and his associates carried themselves 
in a pious, righteous, and blameless manner (on the adverbs with 
eyevijdrjiJLev, cf. i Cor. i6 10 Tob. y 11 ) is evidence that they were 
not using the gospel as a foil to cover greedy ambition (v. 5 ). As 
witnesses of their behaviour, they invoke first, since the actual 
conduct not the motive is mainly in mind, the believers, and then 
to strengthen the appeal, God himself. 

A man is O OYO? who is in general devoted to God s service; a 
man is St /eato? who comes up to a specific standard of right 
eousness; and a man is a^e^irro^ who in the light of a given 
norm is without reproach. All three designations are common 
in the Lxx. and denote the attitude both to God and to men, the 
first two being positive, the third negative. 

ox; = "how" as in Phil. i 8 . ootoq (not in Paul and rare in N. T.) is 
common in Lxx. (especially Ps. Prov. Sap. Ps. Sol.); oatouv (not in 
N. T.) occurs in Sap. 6 10 Ps. iy 26 2 Reg. 22; bcifcyq (Eph. 4" Lk. i 76 ) 
is found in Sap. and elsewhere in Lxx.; bcluq, in Gk. Bib. elsewhere only 



104 I THESSALONIANS 

Sap. 6 10 3 Reg. 8 61 , is frequent in i Clem.; cf. also P. Par. 63 (Deiss. BS. 

21 1) xpbs ouq oakoq x.al Scxafoo? TCoXiTeua&^evoq. oaioq and Shwcios are 
frequently parallel (Pr. 17^; cf. Sap. 9 Lk. i 75 i Clem. 48 4 ). For 
Saco? and dc^e^-rucx;, cf. Sap. io 15 . Btxatox; is more frequent than oacox; 
in Gk. Bib., but dqi^Trrox; is found elsewhere only 5 23 3 13 (BL) and Esther 
3 13 ( J 3 4 ); c /- i Clem. 44 3 - 6 63 . The adjective fineiMcros (3 13 Phil. 2 15 
3 6 Lk. i 6 Heb. 8 7 ) is frequent in Job, sometimes (e. g. i 1 g 20 , etc.) with 81- 
xacoq. The addition of Totq xta-reuouatv to u^xlv is designed, if at all, not 
to contrast Paul s attitude to the non-Christians with his attitude to 
the Christians (so some older comm.), or his attitude to the converts as 
converts with that to the converts as pagans (Hofmann, Dob.), but 
simply to meet the charge that his attitude to the believers was in 
fluenced by selfish motives. 

11-12. KaOdirep otBare KT\. Not as a tcoXal; (v. 5 Ko\aicla) 
but as a Trarrjp (i Cor. 4 15 Phil. 2 22 ), they urged the converts in 
dividually (em GfcacTTOv v^wv; cf. II i 3 Eph. 4 7 Col. 4), each 
according to his specific need, as the added irapajjivdov^evoi and 
IJiapTvpopevoi, intimate. The faint-hearted, they encouraged 
(5 14 TrapafJLvOelo-Oe TOU? b\i<yotyir)(ov<$) ; to the idlers (5 14 ), they 
gave a solemn protest. Trapa/caXeiv is general, irapa^ivdeiaOaL 
and napTvpecrOai specific. Hence ek TO is to be construed only 
with TrapafcdXovvres (cf. 2 Cor. i 4 ; also Beofiai below 3 10 and 
epcoTaco II 2 2 ). " We were urging both by encouragement and 
by solemn protest, that you walk," etc. 



(3- 12 4 5 ), found frequently in Paul and in Exodus, is equiva 
lent to the less Attic xaOcoq. w<; as in v. 10 = xw<; (GF). xapax-aXstv, a 
favourite word in Paul and susceptible of various translations, here 
means "urge," "exhort." mzpcc^uOscaOoa, a rare word in Gk. Bib. (5 14 
Jn. ii 19 - 31 2 Mac. i5 9 ), means here and 5 14 not "comfort" but "en 
courage." On xapaxaXecv and xoepa[xu6e?a6ac, cf. i Cor. 14 Phil. 2 1 
2 Mac. is 8 9 . ^apTupecOat (Gal. 5 3 Eph. 4 17 Acts 2O 26 26" Judith 7 28 
i Mac. 2 56 N) is stronger than -rcapaxaXetv and means either "to call 
to witness" or "to protest solemnly"; in later Gk. (cf. Mill, ad loc. and 
i Mac. 2 56 ), it approximates [xap-rupstv (hence DG have here ^apTupou- 
{xsvot). The participial construction (xapaxaXouvTe? for xapex.aXou- 
p.sv) is quite admissible (cf. 2 Cor. 7 5 and Bl. 79 10 ). Some comm. 
repeat eYevfjOrj^sv (v. 10 ), attaching the participle loosely; others sup 
ply a verb like evouOerou^ev (Lft.). The u[xaq (which N omits) after 
xocpaxaXouvT<; resumes eva exaa-uov uyLwv. 

TrepiTrareiv af tiw? TOU Oeov KT\. The object (efc TO) of the 
fatherly exhortation is that the readers conduct themselves in a 



II, 11-12 105 

manner worthy of their relation to God who calls them, through 
the preaching of the gospel (II 2 14 ), into his own kingdom and 
his own (sc. eavrov) glory. 0acri\ela, an infrequent word in Paul 
compared with the Synoptic Gospels, denotes the redeemed so 
ciety of the future over which God rules, the inheritance of be 
lievers (Gal. 5 21 i Cor. 6 9 - 10 is 50 ; cf. Eph. 5 5 ), and the consum 
mation of salvation (II i 5 i Cor. i5 24 ). Foretastes of this sway 
of God (Rom. i4 17 ev irvevfjian ay lay ; cf. i Cor. 4 20 Col. 4 11 ) or 
of Christ (Col. i 13 ) are already enjoyed by believers in virtue of 
the indwelling power of Christ or the Spirit. So a is parallel 
with /3aa-i\ela and suggests not only the radiant splendour of 
God or of Christ (II 2 14 ) but also the majesty of their perfection 
(cf. Ps. g6 6 Rom. 3 23 ). 



icepiicaTsTv dskix; TOU Osou, found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only Col. i 10 
(xupfou), is common in the Pergamon inscriptions (Deiss. NBS. 75/.), 
and appears also in the Magnesian inscriptions (Mill, ad loc.} , cf. 
jcoXiTetieaOai dtjiox; OCUTOU i Clem. 21 * Polyc. 5 2 . xepcxctTetv like dva- 
arp?ecjOai in the ethical sense is both a Hebrew and a Greek idiom. 
KL read here, as in Col. i 10 Eph. 4 1 , xspcxaTfjaca. TOU xaXouvTO? (52* 
Gal. 5 8 Rom. g 11 ) is timeless like -ubv puo^evov (i 10 ). Paul prefers the 
present to the aorist participle (Gal. i c - 15 and SA here) of y.aXelv. On 
elq after xcc^eiv, cf. II 2 14 i Cor. i 9 Col. 3 15 . On pcwtXefo Geoii, cf. 
Sap. io 10 2 Ch. 138 Ps. Sol. i; 4 ; on Christ s kingdom, cf. Col. i 13 Eph. 5 5 
2 Tim. 4 1 - 18 Jn. i8 3S . lauTou does not of necessity indicate a contrast 
with Satan s kingdom (Col. i 13 Mk. 3 23 ff -)- O n the meaning of So^a, see 
Gray, HDB. II, 183 /.; Kennedy, Last Things, 299 /.; Gunkel, Die 
Wirkungen dcs hciligcn Gcistcs, io8jf.; and SH. on Rom. 3 23 . 



(3) Welcome in Persecutions; the Jews (2 13 - 16 ). 

After the defence of his visit (2 1 - 12 ), Paul turns again (cf. i 6 - 9 ) 
to the welcome received. Repeating in v. 13 the thanksgiving of 
i 2 ff -, he points out that just as he is conscious of preaching God s 
gospel (vv. 1 ~ 4 ) so the readers welcomed his word as God s word. 
That it is not a human word, as the Jews alleged, but a divine 
word, operating in the hearts of believers, is demonstrated by 
the fact that the readers welcomed it in spite of persecutions (v. 14 
resuming i 6 ff -), persecutions at the hands of Gentiles similar to 
those which the Jewish Christians in Judaea experienced at the 



106 I THESSALONIANS 

hands of Jews. Then remembering the constant opposition of 
the Jews to himself in Thessalonica, Bercea, and Corinth, and 
their defamation of his character since he left Thessalonica, and 
the fact that though the Gentiles are the official persecutors yet 
the Jews are the prompting spirits, Paul, in a prophetic outburst 
(cf. Phil. 3 1 ff -)> adds, neglecting negative instances, that the 
Jews have always opposed the true messengers of God, killing 
the prophets and the Lord Jesus, and persecuting Paul; and 
prophesies that this their constant defiance is bound to result, 
in accordance with the purpose of God, in the filling up of their 
sins always, and in judgment at the day of wrath. Indeed, to 
his prophetic vision, that day has come at last. 

13 And for this reason, we too as well as you thank God continually, 
namely, because when you had received from us the word which you 
heard, God s word, you welcomed it, not as a word of men but as it 
really is, as a word of God which also is operative in you who be 
lieve. u For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God 
in Judcea, those, namely, that are in Christ Jesus, in that you under 
went the same sufferings at the hands of your own countrymen, as 
they themselves at the hands of the Jews l Hhe men who killed both 
the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and persecuted us; who please 
not God and are against all mankind l& in that they hinder us from 
talking to the Gentiles with a view to their salvation, in order that 
they might fill up the purposed measure of their sins always; but 
the wrath has come upon them at last. 

13. Kal Sia TOVTO /col wets KT\. "And for this reason we 
too as well as you give thanks." &ia TOVTO refers, as the resump 
tive OTL shows, not to the entire contents of vv. x - 12 but to the 
salient principle enounced in vv. J - 4 , namely, that the gospel is 
not human, as the Jews alleged, but divine. The KCLI in Kal 
?7ftei9 indicates a reciprocal relation between writers and readers. 
As the Thessalonians, in their letter to Paul, thanked God that 
they welcomed the gospel as a word from God, so now do the 
missionaries reciprocate that thanksgiving. 

Sta TOUTO like <5io is frequent in Paul, but x,al Sea TOUTO (Mk. 6 14 
= Mt. i4 2 ; Lk. 142 Heb. g 15 Jn. 5 16 ; Barn. 8 7 Ign. Mag. g 2 Hernias, Sim. 
VII, 2, IX, ig 1 (xal 8c& TOUTO xac as here)) occurs elsewhere in Paul only 



H, 13 icy 

II 2"; hence D here and II 2" omits xcu. It is probable that in Paul 
this consecutive and subordinating Sidk TOUTO has always some reference 
to the preceding even when the primary reference, often general, is sup 
plemented by a secondary, often specific, reference introduced by cm as 
here and of ten in Jn. (c/.Gen. n 9 2i 31 ,etc.; Diogn. 2 6 Hermas Vis. 111,60, 
by Yvoc (2 Cor. i3 10 Phile. 15), or by some other construction (II 2 11 
i Cor. ii 10 Heb. g 15 )- On Sea TOUTO xaf, cf. 3 5 Rom. 138 Lk. n Mt. 24" 
Jn. i2 18 ; on cm = "because," Rom. i 8 . xoc before V *S> if it retains 
its classic force, is to be construed closely with -?)pt.ec<;. Its precise sig 
nificance here is somewhat uncertain. In a similar passage (Col. i 9 ), 
Lft. observes that "xa( denotes the response of the Apostle s personal 
feeling to the favourable character of the news" (so here Mill.). Wohl. 
thinks that Paul tacitly refutes the insinuation that he is not thankful 
to God. More plausible here (as in Col. i 9 Eph. i 15 ) is the conjecture of 
Rendel Harris (op. cit.; cf. Bacon, Introd. 73 and McGiffert, EB. 5038) 
that xa( presupposes a letter from the Thess. to Paul (cf. 4 9 - 13 5 1 ) in 
which they thanked God as Paul now thanks him. Dob. however, fol 
lowing the lead of Lietzmann (ad Rom. 3 7 ), feels that xa is not to be 
joined closely with fyj.eis, but serves to emphasise the efi%apwroutv 
with reference to euxaptaTou^sv in i 2 . In support of this usage, Dob. refers 
to xccl XaXou^ev in i Cor. 2 13 , which goes back to the XaXoO[zev in 2 6 . 

7ra/oaXa/3oi/re? . . . eSegcurQe. The distinction between the ex 
ternal reception (irapaXajji/Sdveiv) and the welcome (SfyetrOai) 
given to the word, a welcome involving a favourable estimate of 
its worth, was early recognised (cf. Ephr.). That the distinction 
is purposed, that Paul is tacitly answering the insinuation of the 
Jews that the word preached was not of divine but of human 
origin (vv. 1-4 ) is suggested by the striking position of TOV 0eov 
(which leads P to put 7ra/o TI^WV before \dyov a/eor}?, and induces 
Schmiedel to consider rov Oeov a gloss) and by the emphasis on 
the fact that this word, heard, received, and welcomed, also 
operates in the inner lives of believers. 



e; cf. Sir. 42 1 

(Smend) . Grot, notes Heb. 4 2 6 Xoyo? TTJ? dxoriq. The gen. is appositive. 
Since xctpa with gen. (rare in Paul) is used, apart from Rom. n(Lxx.), 
with verbs implying (II 3 s ) or stating the idea of receiving (c. g. xapa- 
Xcqjt^avecv 4 1 II 3 6 Gal. i 12 ; BsxeaOat Phil. 4 1S ; xoix^eaOat Eph. 6 s ), it 
is more natural to take xap ^{jLtov with xapaXajx^avetv than with dxoiiq, 
although, as Beza remarks, the sense is the same in either construction. 
> c f- J Cor. I5 1 Gal. i 9 . 



108 I THESSALONIANS 

ov \oyov av9pd)7ro)v KT\. " Not as a word of men but, as it 
really is, as a word of God." Since there is a distinction between 
irapd^a^dveiv and 8e^eo-^at, the latter implying an estimate 
of worth, \6yov avOpoiTrcov and \6yov 9eov are to be taken pred- 
icatively. The precise point appears to be not that the word is 
true, for this is first stated in Ka9a>s a\r]0ws ecrriv, not that the 
hearers welcomed the word as if it were true, for there is no 9 
(contrast Gal. 4 14 ), but that they welcomed the word as a word of 
God (cf. Ephr.). 69 tcai evepyelrai. Since Xctyo? receives the 
emphasis, 05 refers not to Oeov but to Xo ryo?. The teal indicates 
not only that the word is heard (a/co?)?) , received (7ra^aXa/3oWe?), 
and welcomed (e&eacr0e), but also that it is an active power 
(Rom. i lc ) operating constantly (pres. tense) in (Col. i 29 ) the 
hearts of believers. The word is living, for the power of God is 
in the believers (i 1 eV Oey) as it is in the missionaries (2 2 ev T&> 



Eighteen of the twenty-one cases of Ivspyelv in the N. T. occur in 
Paul. In the active, it is used of superhuman operations, usually divine 
but once (Eph. 2 2 ) demonic. evepystaOat (II 2 7 2 Cor. 4 12 Col. i 29 Eph. 
3 20 ; cf. Rom. 7 5 2 Cor. i 6 Gal. 5 6 ) may be passive "to remind us that the 
operation is not self-originated" (Robinson, Ephesians, 247) or middle, 
without such a reminder (Mayor on Jas. 5 15 ). It happens that &TCO is 
never expressed. "In actual meaning evspyelv and evepyecaOac come 
nearly to the same thing" (Robinson, I. c.}. Grot, remarks: evspyelaOac 
sono passiDum sensu activum. See further Robinson (pp. cit. 241-247). 
The Old Latins and some comm. (Ephr. Th. Mops. Piscator, Bengel, 
Auberlen) refer o? to Osoq, an interpretation which is contextually im 
probable and which is precluded if evspyenrac is passive. 



14. ty-iet? yap fjufjLrjral . . . on eVa#ere. " For you became im 
itators, brothers, of the Christian congregations in Judaea in 
that you suffered." <ydp connects the points of welcome and 
steadfastness under persecution, and at the same time illustrates 
and confirms the reality of the indwelling word of God. The 
vTrofjiovrj ev 0\tyei of i 6 is obviously resumed; but the persons 
imitated are not the missionaries and the Lord Jesus, but the 
Jewish Christians in Palestine, the analogy between them and 
the Thessalonians being that the former suffered (eTrdBere) at 
the hands of the Jews as the latter at the hands of the Gentiles. 



II, 13-14 log 

The reason for referring to the persecutions in Judaea is un 
known. It may be that the older churches are selected as perti 
nent examples of steadfastness to the younger communities; or 
that, and with greater probability (cf. Calv.), the Jews in Thes- 
salonica had insinuated that Christianity was a false religion, in 
asmuch as the Jews, the holy people of God, were constrained to 
oppose it. If the latter surmise be correct, the force of Paul s 
allusion is that the Jews persecute the Christians because they 
always persecute the true followers of the divine will, and that 
it is the Jews who incite the Gentiles to harass the believers. 
eVaflere may refer to a single event in the remoter (Gal. i 13 i 
Cor. 15) or nearer (Dob.) past, or to a series of persecutions, 
considered collectively (BMT. 39). In the latter case, the refer 
ence would include not only the case of Jason (Acts i7 9 ), but the 
persecutions which continued since Paul s departure (3 3 ), the 
Jews being the real cause of Gentile oppression in Thessalonica, 
as they were the actual persecutors in Judaea. The defence of 
his failure to return (2 17 ~3 13 ), which follows immediately after 
the prophetic outburst against the Jews, confirms the probability 
that the Jews are at the bottom of Gentile persecutions in 
Thessalonica after Paul s departure, as, well as during his visit, 
and makes unnecessary the rejection of w. 15 16 (Schmiedel) 
or of vv. 14 ~ 1G (Holtzmann, Einl. 214) as interpolation. TCOV 
tcK\rj(n,{Bv TOV 0eov. This phrase, mainly Pauline (II i 4 i Cor. 
ii 16 ), might of itself denote Jewish assemblies or congregations; 
hence the distinctively Pauline ev Xpto-ro) T 770-07) (see on ev 6eu> 
i 1 ) is added here, as in Gal. i 22 , to specify the communities as 
Christian. 



the Greek term for the assembly of citizens (cf. Deiss. 
Light, H2/.), is used by Lxx. regularly for Snp and rarely for mj?; cruv- 
aywYT) on the other hand usually renders the latter, and rarely the 
former. The terms are virtually synonymous in Jewish usage; cf. ex- 
xtojcrfoc xupfou (Deut. 23* ff - Mic. 2 5 Neh. 13* (N; AB 6sou) i Ch. 28"); 
xupfou (Num. i6 3 2O 4 ); also Pr. 5": ev [xaa> exxXrjafaq xal 
(see Toy, ad loc. in ICC.) and i Mac. 3" a0potapi.a xal Ix- 
icccrriov. How early the Christians began to restrict auvaycoy^ 
to the Jewish and IxxXiQaca to the Christian assembly is uncertain (cf. 
Jas. 2 2 and Zahn, Introd. I, 94/.)- The plural al exxAYjcn ac TOU XpcaTou 



110 I THESSALONIANS 

occurs once in N. T. (Rom. i6 16 ), but the singular f) IxxXirjafa TOU 
Xpca-uou (auTou) does not appear, except Mt. i6 18 (pou), before Ignatius 
(Trail, init. and i 2 ). On TWV ouao>v ev, cf. i Cor. i 2 2 Cor. i 1 . 

ra avrd KT\. "In that you suffered from your own fellow- 
citizens the same as they did from the Jews." The point of im 
itation, introduced by cm, is obviously not the fact of iraOelv 
but the steadfast endurance manifested under persecution. The 
comparison ra avra icai . . . Ka6a>s KCLI is intended to express not 
identity but similarity. crv^vXerai are Gentiles as lovSafav 
shows. 

After TOC GCUT& (Rom. 2 1 2 Cor. i 6 Phil. 3 1 Eph. 6 9 ) we have not the 
expected a (2 Cor. i c ) but the looser xaOw?. Ell. cites Plato, Phacd. 
86 A: Ttp auTto Xoyw toaxsp au; cf. also Sap. i8 u opio$ Be 1x73 BouXo? ajxa 
Seaxdifl xoXoccGsc q, /,! STQ^OTYJC; @acjiXet TO: OCUTOI: x&axtov. For the cor 
relative % in xal u^ets . . . xcd aurof, c/. Rom. i 13 and Bl. 78 1 . O:UTO{ 
is constructio ad sensum for au^af; c/. Gal. i 23 exx-XiQa^at . . . dxouovTeq. 
xd;axetv is a kind of passive of xocscv (Bl. 54 2 ); hence ux6 (D dxo); 
cf. Ep. Jer. 33 Mk. 5 26 Mt. i7 12 . D omits xal u^ec?. 

Like ^uX^TTQ?, a classic word not found in Gk. Bib., au^uXI-nQq, only 
here in Gk. Bib., means either "tribesman" or "countryman" (cf. 
Hesychius: o^osOvot;); it is similar to oruvrcoXfrnrjg (Eph. 2 19 ). The ten 
dency in later Gk. to prefix prepositions without adding to the original 
force was condemned, as Ell. remarks, by the second-century grammarian 
Herodianus: xoXtTTQ? BTQ^OTTQ? ^uXlTt]? aveu TYJS auv. Paul, however, is 
fond of such compounds with auv even when they do not appear in 
the Lxx. (e. g. Phil. 2 2 3 10 - 17 2 Cor. 6 15 Gal. i 14 , etc.). "Bcog, common in 
Gk. Bib., may in later Gk. mean either proprius (Vulg.) or vester. 

The term louBalo? (see Zahn, Introd. II, 306 Jf.) is not of itself dis 
paraging. It is frequently employed by Jews as a self -designation (Rom. 
2 17 Jer. 39 12 45 1D , etc.). Paul, however, while he speaks of himself as of 
the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew and an Is 
raelite (Rom. u 1 2 Cor. n 22 Phil. 3 5 ), rarely if ever employs louBatog as 
a self-designation (Gal. 2 15 ), but uses it of the Jew who finds in Christ 
the fulfilment of the law (Rom. 2 28 ), of the Jew contrasted with the 
Greek (so regularly as here), and of Judaism in contrast with Chris 
tianity (i Cor. io 32 Gal. i 13 f -), no disparagement being intended by the 
word itself. 

15-16. The past experiences in Thessalonica and Bercea 
(Acts I7 1 15 ), the insinuations alluded to in vv. 1 12 , and the present 
troubles in Corinth (3 7 ; cf. Acts i8 5 ff -) explain sufficiently this 



II, 14-15 in 

prophetic denunciation of the Jews (cf. Phil. 3 1 ff -)- The counts 
are set forth in a series of five participles in close apposition with 
TWV lovBaicov. Of these, the first two (aTroitTeivdvTtov and e/e- 
SuogdvT&v) are aorist and refer to the past: "who put to death 
both the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and persecuted us," that 
is, Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy (their experiences particularly 
in Thessalonica and Bercea being looked at collectively). The 
next two participles (fJLrj apea-fcdvTwv, and ovrcov understood after 
evavriwv) are present and describe the constant attitude of the 
Jews, a description qualified by the fifth participle also present 
(fCcafcuovTcov, introduced without KCLI) : "and who oppose the will 
of God and the good of humanity in that they hinder us from 
speaking to the Gentiles with a view to their salvation." For 
such obstinacy, judgment is prepared. In accordance with the 
purpose of God, the Jews are constantly filling up the measure 
of their sins; and to the prophetic outlook of Paul, the wrath of 
God has actually come upon them at last. 

The denunciation is unqualified; no hope for their future is expressed. 
The letters of Paul reveal not a machine but a man; his moods vary; 
now he is repressed (II 3 2 ou yap xavrtov T] xc crtq), again he is outspokenly 
severe (Phil. 3 1 ff -)> and still again he is grieved, but affectionate and 
hopeful (Rom. g 1 ff - n 25 ). 



Kal TOV Kvpiov /cal Tou? TTpo^tJTas. "Both the Lord and 
the prophets." fcai . . . icai correlates the substantives. The 
"prophets" are not Christian but Hebrew (Rom. i 2 3 21 n 3 ). By 
separating TOV Kvpiov from Irj&ovv, Paul succeeds in emphasis 
ing that the Lord of glory whom the Jews crucified (i Cor. 2 8 ) 
is none other than the historical Jesus, their kinsman according 
to the flesh (Rom. Q 5 ). 

That the first two xa( are correlative is the view of Ell. Lft. Dob. 
el al. and is confirmed by i Cor. io 32 . Flatt, De W. Lillie, Auberlen, 
Lun. Schmiedel, et al., interpret the first x.ca to mean "also." Erasmus 
and Schmidt translate "not only the Lord and the prophets but also us." 
Some comm. take TOU<; -jcpocp^Taq with eV,8ca>avTG>v. Since, however, 
dxoxTei vetv, a rare word in Paul, is used literally by him only here and 
Rom. ii 3 = 3 Reg. ig lQ (TOLI? xpoo^T^? aou xx.tcvav), the construc 
tion with dxoxTeivdvtcov suggested by the xa( correlative is preferable, 



112 I THESSALONIANS 

apart from the consideration that the argument would be weakened 
were xpo^-ua? attached to exBuo^avctov (cf. Lk. 13" = Mt. 23"). For 
TWV xca with participle, we might have had o c xac with finite verb (Rom. 
8 34 i6 7 ). On dncoxTe(viv of the death of Jesus, cf. Acts 3 15 ; also cyuaupoGv 
(Acts 2 36 4 10 i Cor. 2 s ) and dcvacpelv (Acts 2 23 , etc.). On 6 xuptoq Iirjaouq, 
cf. 4 2 II i 7 2 s i Cor. i6 23 2 Cor. 4 14 n 31 Eph. i 15 Phile. 5. According to 
Tert. (adv. Marc. 5 15 ), Marcion prefixed tBi ouq to TcpocpTjroc? (so KL, el a/.), 
thus making the reference to the Hebrew prophets unmistakable. 

Kal 97/^9 e/cSicogdvTcov. " And persecuted us." It is uncertain 
whether e/cSico/ceiv here means " persecute" or "banish"; it 
is likewise uncertain whether the aorist indicates a single act of 
cAtoicav or a series of acts taken collectively. The word would 
recall to the readers the harassing experiences of Paul and his 
associates (^/w) in Thessalonica and perhaps also in Bercea. 



Ell. emphasises the semi-local meaning of ex, and renders "drive out"; 
he sees a specific allusion to Acts i7 10 . But exBttoxeiv may be equivalent 
to Bccoxecv, as the use of these words and of xaTaStwxetv in Lxx. suggests 
(cf. Kennedy, Sources, 37). 

Kal 6eu> pi} apeaKovTwv KT\. This present participle and the 
succeeding evavriwv (sc. ovrcov) state the constant obstinate 
attitude of the Jews to God and men, a statement to be under 
stood in the light of the explanatory KwXvovTwv KT\. (v. 1G ), 
added without /cat. The Jews please not God by resisting his 
purpose to save the Gentiles; they oppose all men not, as Tacitus 
(Hist. 5 G ) and others have it, in being adversus omnes alias hostile 
odium, but in being against the best interests of humanity, 
namely, their salvation. It is not talking to the Gentiles that the 
Jews are hindering but the talking to them with a view to their 
salvation (cf. Acts 17 ff -)> the \a\elv TO evayyeXiov TOV deov 
(v. 2 ) e 



On Tacitus and the Jews, cf. Th. Reinach, Textes Relatifs an Jndaisme, 
1895, 295 JJ. evavTc o? is rarely used of persons in the Gk. Bib. (cf. 
Num. i 53 (AF) 2 2 and i Esd. 8 51 Tcpb<; TOU? evav-uouq rj[Alv). On dplaxstv, 
see v. 4 ; on icdvTeq avGpwxot, cf. Rom. i2 17 f - i Cor. i5 19 2 Cor. 3 2 Phil. 4 5 , 
etc.; xoiXuecv, i Cor. I4 39 ; XaXelv Yva, i Cor. I4 19 ; "va awOoiatv, i Cor. 
io 33 . aco^siv and awTiQpfoc (5 8 - 9 II 2 13 ) are Jewish terms borrowed by 
the -early Christians to designate the blessings of the age to come under 
the rule of God the Father. To Paul this salvation is future, though 



n, 15-16 113 

near at hand (cf. Rom. 13") ; but there are foretastes of the future glory 
in the present experience of those who possess the Spirit (Rom. 8 23 ), and 
thus belong to the class "the saved" (i Cor. i 18 2 Cor. 2 15 ; contrast 
II 2 10 ol dcxoXXujxevoc). cafetv need not be negative except when dxb Trqq 
(Rom. 5 9 ) or the like is mentioned (see on i 10 ). 



ek TO ava7r\rjp&(Tai, KT\. They killed both Jesus and the 
prophets, they persecuted Paul and his fellow-missionaries, they 
are hindering the Gentile mission, with the distinct purpose (et? 
TO not on their part but on God s part) of filling up the meas 
ure of their sins (B carelessly omits ras a^apTia^) always. 
Grammatically, et? TO with infin. (see v. 12 ) may denote either 
purpose or conceived result; logically it may here denote pur 
pose, for what is in result is to Paul also in purpose. The ob 
stinacy of the Jews is viewed as an element in the divine plan. 

The metaphor underlying avaxXrjpwaac is to be found in the Lxx. 
(cf. Gen. i5 1G Dan. 8 23 2 Mac. 6 14 ). A definite measure of sins is being 
filled up continually by each act of sin, in accordance with the divine 
decree. The aorist infin. is future in reference to the participles in the 
preceding context, but the tense of the infin. itself indicates neither action 
in progress nor action completed; it is indefinite like a substantive. The 
infinitive rather than the noun (cf. 2 Mac. 6 14 xpbq IxxXrjpcoacv a^ap-uwv) 
is chosen in reference to X&VTOTS, the point of the adverb being the con 
tinual filling up. This XOCVTOTS dvocxXTjpwaat, while logically progressive, 
is regarded by the aorist collectively, a series of dvaxXrjpcoaat being 
taken as one (cf. BUT. 39). 

e(j)6ao-ev Se eV avrovs KT\. "But the wrath has come upon 
them at last." ^ PYn (that is, as DG, Vulg. explain, f) opyrj rov 
@eov } see i 10 ) is not so much the purposed or merited wrath (cf. 
Sap. ig 4 ) as the well-known principle of the wrath of God which 
is revealed (Rom. i 18 ) in the ends of the ages (i Cor. jo 11 ) in 
which Paul lives, and which is shortly to be expressed in the 
day of wrath (Rom. 2 5 ). In view of the eschatological bearing 
of rj 0/0777, the reference in e^Oacrev ( = rj\Qev\ notwithstand 
ing 77 opyr) 77 epxopevrj (i), cannot be to a series of punish 
ments in the past (cf. the catena of Corderius on Jn. 3 36 in 
Orig. (Berlin ed.) IV, 526: ra? eVeX^ouo-a? eV avrovs derj- 
Xarou? /x<wpia?) ; nor to a specific event in the past, whether 
the loss of Jewish independence, or the famine (Acts n 28 ), or 



114 I THESSALONIANS 

j j.-- >. 

the banishment from Rome (Acts i8 2 ; cf. Schmidt, 86-90); 
nor quite to the destruction of Jerusalem, even if Paul shared 
the view that the day of judgment was to be simultaneous with 
the destruction of Jerusalem; but must be simply to the day 
of judgment which is near at hand. e^Oacrev is accordingly 
proleptic. Instead of speaking of that day as coming upon the 
sons of disobedience (Eph. 5 6 ), he speaks of it as at last arrived. 
Such a proleptic use of the aorist is natural in a prophetic pas 
sage and has its analogy jn the Lxx. (Dob. notes Hos. g 2 f - io 5 ). 

In the N. T. <j>0&veiv occurs, apart from Mt. i2 28 = Lk. n 20 , only in 
Paul, and is^always equivalent to epxecOca except in I 4 15 where it is 
synonymous with xpo?0&vecv (Mt. i7 25 ). In the Lxx. it means reg 
ularly "to come"; occasionally "to anticipate" (Sap. 6 13 i6 28 ; cf. 4* 
Sir. 30"). Elsewhere in Paul, 90avetv is construed with e!? (Rom. 9" 
Phil. 3 1G ; cf. Dan. (Th.) 4 17 - 19 6 24 i2 12 ) and a^gl (2 Cor. io 14 ). Forlxf, 
cf. Mt. i2 2 = Lk. ii 20 ; Judg. 2o 34 - Eccl. 8" (ex and xpds) Dan. (Th.) 
421. 25; f or i^ c f m 2 ch. 28" Dan. (Th.) 4 s 7 13 8 7 . For the use of the 
English perfect in translating the Greek aorist, cf. BMT. 46. 

ek reXo?. " At last." That the temporal meaning of ek re Xo? 
is here intended and that too not in the sense of "continually," 
"forever," but, as e$Qa<rev demands, "at last" is evident from 
the parallelism of the clauses: 

ava7r\r)pa)crai, avr&v Ta? dfiaprias Trdvrore. 

ew CLVTOVS rj opyrj et? re\o?. 



For slq TeXo<; = postremo, cf. Stephanus, Thes. col. 9224. In the Lxx. 
e!q TeXoq (apart from ec<; rb TeXoq of many Psalms and of Josh. 3 1C F) 
is used both intensively "utterly," "completely," and temporally "for 
ever" (Ps. 48 10 ; cf. e.lq TOV atdiva as a variant reading (Ps. 9 19 ) or as a 
parallel (Ps. 76 7 102) of efe TeXoq); but the translation "at last" is 
in no single case beyond question. In Gen. 46 4 = Amos 9 8 , el? T&.OS rep 
resents the so-called Hebrew infin. abs. (cf. Thackeray, Gram. 0. T. 
Greek, I, 47, note i). In Lk. i8 5 " forever " = "continually" is equally 
possible with "finally." The difficulties in rendering elq -u^Xo? may be 
observed in any attempted translation of 2 Clem. i9 3 Ign. Eph. i4 2 
Rom. i 1 io 1 . In our passage, however, XOCVTOTS demands the temporal 
sense and that, too, because of ecpOaasv, "at last." When dq 
is taken intensively, e <pOacev is joined both with ext and elq, and 
is tacitly supplied after TeXo? (cf. Job 23 7 Ezek. 36 10 ); or au-uoiv is sup 
plied after efc 1^X0? " to make an end of them " (De W.) ; or T) is supplied 



n, 16 115 

before dq rlXo? (the article could easily be omitted; cf. 2 Cor. 7 7 9"), 
"the wrath which is extreme"; or X&VTOTS is taken loosely for XGCVTOX;, 
xavTEXwg (Dob.). For a conspectus of opinions, see either Lillie or 
Poole The reading of B Vulg. f is to be observed: e<p6. Se -fj 6py?) 
eV auToCiq fifc T&O?. With this order, we may translate either " the 
wrath has come upon them at last" or "the wrath which was against 
them has come to its height" (cf. 2 Mac. 6 15 xpb? T^Xo? -utov a^ap-ucwv 
and 6 14 xpb? IxxXiqptoJiv TCOV d^apTttov; also Sap. I2 27 Trb -rip^a TYJ? xa- 
caSftujs Ix afiTo&s xfjX0v; and 2 Mac. 7 38 ). In the latter transla 
tion, <p0dvtv is construed with elq as in Rom. g 31 Phil. 3 16 . The order 
of B is, however, probably not original; it inverts for emphasis as in 5" 
0TO 6 Gebq faaq (Zim.); furthermore the parallelism with v. 16f - is 
broken. The reading ecpOocxev (BD) makes explicit the prophetic sense 
of e<p0aaev; there is a similar variant in i Mac. io 23 Cant. 2 12 . If the 
literal sense of ecp0aaev is insisted upon, and if of the many possible 
references to the past the destruction of Jerusalem is singled out, then 
either the entire letter is spurious (Baur, Paulus* II, 97) or the clause 
e<p0acEv . . . -reXo? is an interpolation inserted after 70 A.D. (cf. Schmiedel, 
ad loc. and MofL Introd. 73). In view of the naturalness of a pro- 
leptic aorist in a prophetic passage, the hypothesis of interpolation is 
unnecessary (cf. Dob. and Clemen, Paulus, I, 114). 

Relation of v. 16 to Test, xii, Levi 6". That notwithstanding the textual 
variations there is a literary relation between our clause and Levi 6 11 is 
generally admitted. But that Levi 6 11 is original to Levi is still debated. 
Charles in his editions of the Test, xii (1908), following Grabe (Spicileg. 
1700,2 1, 138), holds that 6 11 is an integral part of the original text of Levi 
and that Paul quotes it. The text which Charles prints (ecp0aasv Se au- 
cois YJ 6pyfj TOU 0soij efe TXo<;) is supported by c h (om. afaotiq) i 
and a e f (except that these three read not TOJ 0o5 but xupfou), and 
is apparently to be translated: "but the wrath of God has forestalled 
them completely." In his English version Charles has: " but the wrath 
of God came upon them to the uttermost," a translation that seems to 
presuppose the text of b d g and the first Slavonic recension (d omits Ss 
and prefixes Sea TOUTO; b S 1 invert the order to read: <p0a<jv SE 73 6pyfj 
xupt ou eV auToix; elq TXo?). In favour of the view that Levi 6 11 in 
some form is original to Levi, it is urged (i) that this passage, unlike 4* 
ad fin. (where both Charles and Burkitt admit a Christian interpola 
tion, although some form of dvaaxoXoxt"Ctv is attested), is not specifi 
cally Christian and hence is not likely to be an interpolation; and 
(2) that 6 11 is prepared for by 6 7 ff - where Levi sees that the dxo^aat? 
OEOU TJV dq xax& against Shechem and the Shechemites. On this theory 
Paul quotes Levi 6 11 from memory. In favour of the view that Levi 6 U 
is a Christian interpolation from Paul, it is urged (i) that the striking 
parallelism of members already observed between our clause and v. 16 b 
points to the originality of v. 18 with Paul; (2) that the textual varia- 



Il6 I THESSALONIANS 

tions in Levi reflect those in Paul; for example, (a) TJ 6pyTj, which is used 
absolutely by Paul in a technical sense, does not appear in Test, xii, 
while YJ 6pyf) TOU (kou is found both in Levi 6 11 and Reuben 4 4 ; to be sure 
in Paul DEGF, Vulg. add TOU Gsou, but not NBAPKL (CH are wanting); 
(b) in b, S 1 of Levi 6", the order of words is that of B f Vulg. of Paul; (c) 
six of the nine Gk. Mss. of Levi (c h i a e f ) omit the ex , a reading sim 
ilar to that of the catena of Corderius already noted: ecpOaasv Se auiou<; 
f) 6py9) dq TsXoq; and (d) above all, the first Armenian recension omits 
Levi 6 11 altogether. (That dq TifXo? is used absolutely in Test, xii else 
where only in the poorly attested Levi 5" is not significant, in the light 
of the frequent use of dq T^Xo? in the Lxx.). According to this theory, 
Levi 6", instead of being the original which Paul quotes, is an interpo 
lation from Paul (the various Greek forms of the interpolation being 
influenced largely by the variants in Paul), and is thus an early witness 
to the presence in Paul of v. 10c (Dob.). 

The question may be considered as still unsettled. Conybeare (RTF. 
1908, 375) seems to agree with Charles; Burkitt (JTS. 1908, 138) and 
Plummer (Matthew, 1909, xlvi) dissent; as does also Dob. (48), who, how 
ever, prefers (115) to leave it, in the present state of investigation, 
"ganz unsicher." Lock (HDB. IV, 746a) surmises that the "use of the 
phrase in the Test, xii Pair, perhaps shows that it was a half-stereotyped 
rabbinical formula for declaring God s judgment," but does not adduce 
any rabbinical parallels. Ronsch (ZWT. 1875, 278^.), according to 
Dob., finds the origin of both Levi 6 U and our verse in a divergent 
conception of Gen. 35 4 f - (cf. also Jub. 3O 26 ). Burkitt (op. cit.) regards 
the text of Levi as "a Christian interpolation or at any rate as hav 
ing been modified in language by the translator or by an editor who 
was familiar with i Thess." 



(4) The Intended Visit (2 17 - 20 ). 

These verses are to be joined closely to the succeeding sec 
tions of the epistolary thanksgiving, viz., the sending of Timothy 
(3 1 - 5 ), his return with a report on the whole favourable, though 
there were some deficiencies in their faith (3 6 10 ), and the prayer 
that the apostles might be able to come back to Thessalonica 
(3 11 - 13 ). The emphasis upon the fact that they wanted to re 
turn, that Satan was the only power to hinder them, that Tim 
othy, the trusted companion, is sent to take their place, and that 
they are praying God and Christ to direct their way to them, 
intimates rather strongly that 2 17 ~3 13 , with its warm expressions 
of personal affection, is an apology for Paul s failure to return 



ii, 1 6-i 7 117 

(cf. especially Calv.), prompted by the fact that the Jews (vv. 16 - 16 ) 
had insinuated that he did not return because he did not want 
to return, did not care for his converts, an assertion which had 
made an impression on the warm-hearted and sensitive Thessa- 
lonians, in that it seemed to lend some colour to the criticism 
of Paul s conduct during his visit. 

Although 2 17 -3 10 is a unit, we subdivide for convenience as follows: 
The Intended Visit (2"-*); The Sending of Timothy (3 1 - 5 ); and Tim 
othy s Return and Report (s 6 - 10 ). 

To allay their doubts, the readers are reminded (vv. 17 - 20 ) that 
the apostles from the very moment that they had been bereaved 
of them were excessively anxious to see them, that Paul es 
pecially, the centre of the Jews attack, had wished, and that too 
repeatedly, to see their faces again. Indeed, nothing less than 
Satan could have deterred them. Far from not caring for them, 
the missionaries insist, in language broken with emotion, on 
their eagerness to return, for is it not, they ask, above all, the 
Thessalonians who are the object of their glory and joy both 
now and in that day when the converts, having finished their 
race, will receive the victor s chaplet. 

11 Now we, brothers, when we had been bereaved of you for a short 
time only, out of sight but not out of mind, were excessively anxious 
to see your faces with great desire, l *for we did wish to come to you 
certainly I Paul did, and that too repeatedly and yet Satan stopped 
us. 19 For who is our hope or joy or chaplet to boast in or is it not 
you too in the presence of our Lord Jesus when he comes? ^In 
deed it is really you who are our glory and our joy. 

17. 97 /-let? Se. While Se introduces a new point in the letter, 
the apology for his absence, it is also adversative, introducing a 
contrast not with vpels (v. 14 ) but with the Jews (w. 15 - 16 ; so 
Liin.). Over against the insinuation that Paul did not wish to 
return, that his absence meant out of mind as well as out of 
sight, he assures the distressed readers, with an affectionate ad 
dress (aSeX$(H), that he had been bereaved of them (cnropfya- 
maOevTes is temporal, not both causal and temporal) only for 
a moment, a bodily absence that did not betoken forgetful- 



Il8 I THESSALONIANS 

ness, when he and his companions were excessively anxious to 
return. 

aTropfyamvOevTes. Paul is not only T/OO</>O S (v. 7 ), vfpruK (v. 7 ) ? 
and Trarijp (v. n ), but also, if with Th. Mops, we press the meta 
phor here, opcfravos-, for although op<f>avo$ is used "with some 
latitude of reference" (Ell. who notes inter alia Plato, Phaed. 
239 E), yet the specific reference is here quite pertinent, as Chrys. 
insists: "He says not %ft>pto-#eWe? vp&v, not 
not ^aoraz Te?, not aTroXet^eWe?, but 
He sought for a word that might fitly indicate his mental 
anguish. Though standing in the relation of a father to them all, 
he yet utters the language of orphan children that have pre 
maturely lost their parent" (quoted by Lillie, ad loc.). 



is found only here in Gk. Bib. Wetstein notes it 
in ^Eschylus, Choeph. 247 (249). Spyav^eaOat (not in Gk. Bib.) takes 
the gen. The dhc6 with UJJLWV is in lieu of a gen. of separation; cf. 2 Clem. 
2 3 : Ipipoc dbub TOU Gsou, and Bl. 40". dSeX^of frequently as here (cf. 2* 
41. 10. is 51. n. 25) but not always (i 4 2 9 - "3* 5*) marks the beginning of 
a new section. 

7T/305 Kaipbv copas. This idiomatic expression for a very short 
time is to be connected closely with cnropfyaviaOevTes. Calvin 
observes: "It is not to be wondered at if a long interval should 
give rise to weariness or sadness, but our feeling of attachment 
must be strong when we find it difficult to wait even a very short 
time." And the reason for the emphasis is that the Jews had 
insinuated that Paul had no intention to return, no affection to 
inspire such an intention. 

The phrase xpbg xcapbv wpa?, only here in Gk. Bib. appears to com 
bine the classic xpbq %acp6v (i Cor. 7 5 Lk. 8 13 ; Pr. 5" Sap. 4 4 ) and the 
later xpb? &pav (2 Cor. 7 s Gal. 2 B Phile. 15 Jn. 5 35 ); it is perhaps a Lat- 
inism in the xocvrj; cf. momenta horae. 

irpocrwTrq) ov KapSiq. " In face not in heart "; physically but 
not in interest; "out of sight not out of mind" (Ruther.). The 
phrase is interjected in view of the assertion of the Jews that 
Paul s absence is intentional not enforced. 



We have not T<O ao>[j.aTc oux ev xveufxa-u (cf. i Cor. 5 3 ), not Tfj aapx.1 
o5 try xveu^a-u (cf. Col. 2 5 ), but, as in 2 Cor. 5 12 , xpoacoxy ou xapSfcjc. 
On the idea, cf. i Reg. i6 7 : d vOpwxoq o^erai ete xp6acoxov 6 82 6eb? e?<; 
xapScacv. 

Trepio-a-orepcos eo-TrovBdaafjiev KT\. No sooner had we been 
separated than we became "anxious out of measure to see your 
face with passionate desire" (Ruther.). The verb receives two 
parallel modifiers, irepio-aoTepw^ , in the elative sense of "exces 
sively," and eV 7ro\\y em&upta. The repetition of a similar 
idea and the resumption of eo-TrovSacrafJiev in ^QeK^cra^v (v. 18 ) 
serve to indicate not tautology, and not simply intensity of af 
fection, but a tacit defence of Paul against the slanders of the 
Jews. 

Since in later Gk. the comparative tends to usurp the function of the 
superlative, while the superlative tends to become an emphatic positive 
(Bl. ii 3 ; Moult. I, 78, 236), it is probable that xeptaaoTspox; is here not 
comparative but elative as in 2 Cor. 7 13 (xsptacoTspox; [AaXXov) and 7 15 
(where Bachmann (in Zahn s Komm.} notes a similar use in BGU, 38o 10 ). 
xeptaao><; does not occur in Paul; xepcaaoTepwq is found chiefly in 
Paul (cf. 2 Cor.). Interpreters who hold strictly to the comparative 
force of xeptaaorepwq explain the meaning variously (see Lillie, ad loc.}. 
(i) "The more fervently did we endeavour, as knowing the perils that 
beset you" (Fromond, Hofmann, Schmidt, Schmiedel); (2) the love 
of the apostles " instead of being lessened by absence was rather the 
more inflamed thereby" (Calvin, Lillie, Lft.); (3) "the repeated frus 
tration of his attempts to get back to Thessalonica, far from deterring 
Paul from his intention, have rather still more stirred up his longing 
and increased his exertion to visit the believers in Thessalonica" (Born.; 
cf. Find. Wohl. Mill.). Other expositors, taking xepcaaoTspox; as elative, 
find the reference in the confidence of Paul that the separation being 
external cannot in God s purpose be for long, a fact that prompts the 
eagerness to overcome the separation (cf. Dob. who refers to Phil. 
i 14 - 25 ). axouS^ecv (Gal. 2 10 Eph. 4 3 ) is always in the N. T. and oc 
casionally in the Lxx. (Judith I3 1 - 12 Is. 2i 3 ) construed with the infin 
itive. Tb xpdatoxov u[xtov los.lv (3 10 ; cf. Col. 2 1 i Mac. 7 30 ) = u^,a<; lozlv 
(3 6 ; Rom. i" i Cor. i6 7 , etc.), as in P. Par. 47 (Witk. 64). extGujifa 
is used here and Phil, i 23 in a good sense. On xoXXf), see on i 5 . The 
phrase ev xo^Xfj exc6u[ju is not the cognate dative (Lk. 22 15 Gal. 5 1 ?), 
though this dative is common in Lxx. and occasional in classic Gk. (cf. 
Conybeare and Stock, Septuagint, 60-6 1). Note the various expressions 
of desire: axouSdc^ecv, exiOu[xt a, GeXetv, euSoxsZv (31) and extxoOecv (3 6 ). 



120 I THESSALONIANS 

18. Siori r)0e\ijo-a^ev KT\. "For we did wish to come to 
you." eaTrovBdcra/Jiev becomes rjOeXijo-afjiev and TO TrpoacoTrov 
l$dv becomes eXOdv^irpos uyiia?; the parallel expressions are 
virtually synonymous. The repetition is purposed, for he is de 
fending himself and his associates; hence also he adds, "and 
Satan stopped us." Inasmuch, however, as the Jews had singled 
out Paul as the^chief offender, he interjects eyu> fiev IlaOXo?, Kal 
avraf Kal 8&. In the light of a-Traf KOI 8t? (Deut. 9 13 1 Reg. if 9 
Neh. i3 20 i Mac. 3 30 ), the first KCLI may be ascensive, and the in 
terjected phrase as a whole be translated: "Certainly I Paul did 
(rj6e\7]o-a e\6elv) wish to come, and that too repeatedly." 

, 8c6tc here as v. 8 is not "wherefore" (816; so DEKL) but "because"; 
a comma suffices after IxcOu^. OsXecv (cf. 4 13 II 3 10 i Cor. i6 7 ) occurs 
in Paul about twelve times as often as @o&Xea0at. In Paul it is difficult 
to distinguish between them, though 6Xecv seems to pass into "wish," 
while pouXeaOat remains in the realm of "deliberate plan." Had Paul 
here intended to emphasise distinct deliberation, he would probably 
have used ^ouXeaOac as in 2 Cor. i 15 . The actual resolve following 
axouSd^etv and GeXetv comes first in -rjuSox-rjaa[JLv (3 1 ). [iiv occurs in 
every letter of Paul except II and Phile.; in about one-third of the 
instances it is solitarium. Apart from the superscriptions and the 
daxaa^d? (II 3 17 i Cor. i6 21 Col. 4 18 ; cf. Phile. 19), HaOXoe; appears in 
every letter of Paul except Rom. and Phil. For eyw [iiv, cf. i Cor. 5 3 ; 
for syw HaOXog, 2 Cor. lo 1 Gal. 5 2 Eph. 3 1 Col. i 23 Phile. 19. 

The meaning of xal axa xal Sfe, a collocation found in Gk. Bib. only 
here, Phil. 4 1C and Neh. i3 20 (x <= ; the correct reading is axa xal St ?), 
is uncertain. Usually the four words are taken together to mean an 
indefinite succession of occurrences, "often," "repeatedly" (c. g. Grot. 
Pelt, Lft. Wohl. Dob.), or else, definitely (cf. Herod. II, 121, III, 148, cited 
by Wetstein on Phil. 4 16 and Plato, Phacd. 63 E init.: xal SI? xcd Tpfc= 
"both twice and thrice"), "both once and twice, that is, twice" (Mill.). 
Zahn, indeed (Introd. I, 204 /.; cf. Find.), conjectures that Paul at 
tempted to return first when in Bercea and a second time when waiting 
in Athens for Silvanus and Timothy. In the Lxx., however, we have 
simply axa xal Sfe which in Deut. 9 13 i Reg. i; 39 and Neh. i3 20 invites 
the translation "often," "repeatedly," and which in i Mac. 3 30 (w? 
axa xcd Sfq) appears to mean xa6w<; &&l t "as usual." Similar is the re 
curring phrase d>? axa xal axa (i Reg. 3 10 2O 25 Judg. i6 20 2O 30 - 31 ) which 
seems to mean xa0o><; ds^ (Judg. i6 20 A) or xaTti rb ecwOoq (Num. 24 ). 
If .the phrase in our passage is not xcd ccxoc xal $lq but axa xal 8(s, 
then the first xat is ascensive: "and (x0 what is more, repeatedly 



II, 18 121 



(axa xal Ste)"; and light is thrown on Phil. 4 16 : on xal Iv 
xal axa xal SI? e?<; T-?JV ^pst av [xot lxd[A<j;aTe, which is to be rendered 
not, "for even in Thessalonica ye sent once and again unto my need," 
but, taking xal . . . xa( correlatively (cf. Ewald, ad loc., in Zahn s 
Komm.}, "for both (when I was) in Thessalonica and (/.at) repeatedly 
(ccracS xal 8f<s) (when I was in other places) you sent to my need." The 
point of Phil. 4 16 is thus not that the Philippians sent help frequently 
to Paul in Thessalonica but simply sent help to him there (probably on 
their own initiative) and frequently elsewhere. 



real evefco-fyev ^/ia? 6 Sarams. "We were anxious to see you, 
we did wish to come to you, and yet Satan stopped us" (n^as, 
that is, Paul and his two associates). The context gives an ad 
versative turn to the copula (Vulg. sed). What particular ob 
stacle Satan put in the way of their return, Paul does not tell 
us. Satan, however, did not thwart all of them permanently; 
they are able to send one of their number, Timothy, from Athens; 
and they are confident that God and Christ, to whom they pray 
(3 11 ) will direct their way to Thessalonica. 

The reference to the work of Satan has been variously interpreted. 
(i) The illness of Paul is thought of as in 2 Cor. 12? (so Simon, Die Psy- 
chologie dcs Apostcls Paidus, 1897, 63). But as Everling remarks (Die 
paulinische Angelologie und Ddmonologic, 1888, 74), the theory of ill 
ness does not fit Silvanus and Timothy. (2) Satan prevented them from 
returning in order to destroy the spiritual life of the converts and thus 
rob Paul of his joy in their chaplet of victory at the Parousia (so Ka- 
bisch, Die Eschatologie des Paulus, 1893, 27/0 . But as Dibelius (Die 
Geisterwelt im Glauben des Paulus, 1909, 56) observes, the chaplet of 
victory will be theirs if they continue steadfast under persecution; and 
furthermore, to make the victory sure, Paul himself need not return 
to Thessalonica (cf. 3 11 - 13 ). (3) Satan inspired the Politarchs to compel 
Jason and his friends to give bonds for the continued absence of Paul 
(so Ramsay, St. Paid the Traveller, 240; McGiffert, Apostolic Age, 249; 
Find, and others). This explanation, however, "renders it difficult to 
see why the Thessalonians did not understand at once how Paul could 
not return" (Moff.), and takes the force out of the insinuations of the 
Jews. (4) Hence it is safer to leave the reference indefinite as Paul does 
(Everling, Dibelius, Mill.), or at most to think of "the exigencies of 
his mission at the time being" (Moff.). 

evx-oxteiv occurs in Gk. Bib. elsewhere only Gal. 5 7 Acts 24*; Ivxdx- 
TsaOat only Rom. is 22 i Pet. 3 7 . GF here and some minuscules in Gal. 5* 
read dcv!xo<{)ey (Sap. i8 23 4 Mac. 13*; cf. i 35 N). The Satan of Job, 



122 I THESSALONIANS 

Zech. and i Ch. 2i l is rendered in Lxx. by (6) 8c(3oXo<; except Job 2 3 (A) 
which like Sir. 21" has o SocTccvag. ForSoaav, cf. 3 Reg. n 14 - 23 . In Paul, 
6 Sonravat; (II 2 9 ; always with article except 2 Cor. i2 7 ) is 6 -jcecp^wv 
(3), 6 xovTjpoq (II 3 3 ), 6 Gsbq TOU atovog TOUTOU (2 Cor. 4"), 6 ap%wv TYJ<; 
TOU aepog, TOU xveu[JiaTO<; TOU vuv evepyouvToq ev TOC? ulocq TTJS 
(Eph. 2 2 ). On demonology in general, cf. Bousset, Rdig. z 
381 /. and J. Weiss in PRE. IV, 408 /.; in Paul, the works of Ever- 
ling and Dibelius noted above. 



19-20. T& yap ^fjicov KT\. In reply to the insinuation that 
he does not return because he does not care for his converts, Paul 
insists, with a compliment to their excellence, that he wanted 
to come to them because they are really his glory and his joy. 
As he thinks of them now and as he looks forward to the day when 
Jesus is to come, when the Christian race in over, and the Thes- 
salonians receive the triumphant wreath, he sees in them his 
hope and joy, and in their victory his ground of boasting. His 
words are broken with emotion: "For (yap introducing the mo 
tive of the ardent desire to return) who is our hope and joy and 
chaplet of boasting ?" The answer is given in v. 20 ; but Paul 
anticipates by an interjected affirmative question: "Or is it not 
you as well as (xai) my other converts ?" The icai before fytefc 
is significant (cf. Chrys.) : " Can you imagine that the Jews are 
right in asserting that we do not care for you as well as for our 
other converts?" This said, he finishes the original question 
with the emphasis more on hope than on joy: "before our Lord 
Jesus when he comes? " And finally he repeats the answer im 
plied in rj ovxl Kal fyiefc, but without teat, in v. 20 : "Indeed 
(yap = certe, as Calvin notes) it is really (eore) you who are our 
glory and our joy." 

*fc = "who" (Rom. 8 35 ); on TI? yip, cf. i Cor. 2" 4 7 2 16 = Rom. u". 
As the hope is present, lore is to be supplied; -^wv goes with the three 
nominatives, ri is usually disjunctive but sometimes the equivalent of 
a copula (Bl. 77"); it appears in all the Pauline letters; cf. TJ oux oT8ore 
(Rom. ii 2 i Cor. 6 2 ff -) or exiycv&axeTe (2 Cor. 13 5 ); N here omits ^. 
oux is used frequently by Paul, chiefly in interrogative sentences (cf. 
Rom. 3 29 )- sTEipavoq (Phil. 4 1 ; 2 Tim. 4 8 i Cor. 9") is here not the 
royal crown (2 Reg. i2 30 i Ch. 2O 2 Zech. 6 11 - 14 Ps. 2o 3 ; see Mayor on 
Jas. i 12 and Swete on Mk. 15" Rev. 2 10 ) but the victor s wreath or 
chaplet; Deiss. (Light, 312) notes a second-century A.D. inscription in the 



II, 19-20 123 



theatre at Ephesus: TjftovfaaTo dftovac; Tpslq, la-rlpi] Suo. 
(obj. gen.) is the act of boasting, nixsn may is rendered variously in 
Lxx.: cTdcpavoq /.auxV ( >? (Ezek. i6 12 23 42 Pr. i6 31 ), Tpu<p7j<; (Pr. 4), 
x&XXou? (Is. 62 3 ), S6;Tj<; (Jer. 13) and dcYaXXt^aTog (Sir. 6"; so A in 
our passage). 

e/JL7rpoo-6ev KT\. Paul s hope for his converts will be realised 
when they come " before our Lord Jesus," that is, e^irpoaOev rov 
/3r)/JLaro<; TOU X/3t(7ToO (2 Cor. 5 10 ; cf. i Thess. i 3 3 13 and contrast 
3 9 ), as ev rfj Trapovcn q avrov explains. When Jesus comes, ar 
rives, is present, they will receive not 0/3777 (as the Jews of v. 16 ) 
but (rwripia (59). 



is used untechnically in i Cor. 16" 2 Cor. 7 6 - 7 io 10 Phil, i" 
2 12 (cf. Neh. 2 Judith io 18 2 Mac. 8 12 5 21 3 Mac. 3 17 ). Whether the tech 
nical use (2 19 3 13 4 15 5 23 II 2 1 - 8 i Cor. i5 23 ; cf. below II 2 9 of 6 d vo^og) 
is a creation of the early church (Mill. 145 jf.; Dibelius) or is taken over 
from an earlier period (Dob.) is uncertain. (Test, xii, Jud. 22 3 ecoq TTTJ<; 
xapouacaq Oeou Tijq StxocioaiivTjq is omitted by the Armenian; cf. 
Charles). Deiss. (Light, 372 jf.) notes that in the Eastern world xapouafo 
is almost technical for the arrival or visit of a king (cf. also Mt. 2i 5 
Zech. Q 9 Mai. 3 1 ) and that while the earthly king expected on his arrival 
to receive a oT^avo? xapouacaq, Christ gives a crclcpavcx; to believers 
ev Tfl xapouac qc auTou. b xuptoq TJ^LIOV Lq<jou<; (3"- 13 II i 8 Rom. i6 20 
i Cor. 5 4 2 Cor. i 14 ) is less frequent in Paul than 6 xupto? fjjxwv 1. X. (i* 
$9. at. as n 2 1 - 14 - 16 3 18 Rom. s 1 - " is 6 - 30 i Cor. 2 2 - 7ff - 15" 2 Cor. i 3 
8 9 Gal. 6 14 - 18 Eph. i 3 - 17 5 20 6 24 Col. i 3 ); hence GF add here XpcaroO. 

v/jieis <ydp eVre KT\. "Indeed it is really you who are the 
objects of our honour and our joy." e<rre is significantly ex 
pressed, not to contrast the present with the future (Flatt; see 
Lillie, ad loc.) or with the past, but to contrast the reality of 
Paul s affection for his converts with the falsity of the insinua 
tions of the Jews. X a P^ ^ repeated from v. 19 . So f a is new, and 
may mean "glory" or "honour." In the latter case, the point 
may be that he does not demand honour from them (v. 6 ) but 
does them honour. 

(5) The Sending of Timothy (3 1 - 5 ). 

Although Satan had frustrated the immediate realisation of 
their desire to return, he was unable either to quench that de- 



124 I THESSALONIANS 

sire (3 11 ) or to prevent the sending at least of Timothy. It is 
probable, as Calvin has observed, that vv. 1 5 are apologetic, but 
precisely what the situation is to which Paul speaks is uncertain. 
We may suppose that the Jews had alleged not only that the 
missionaries, and Paul in particular (2 18 3 5 ), had purposely left 
the converts in the lurch with no intention of returning, but 
also that the fact of Gentile persecution was evidence of the false 
character of the gospel preached (see on v. 14 ). Reports of these 
slanders may have reached Paul and stimulated his eagerness to 
return. Unable himself to go back at once, he, with Silvanus, 
determines to send Timothy, a trusted friend, in his stead, and 
that too at no small cost, for he himself needed Timothy. The 
purpose of the sending is to strengthen and encourage the con 
verts in the matter of their faith and thus prevent their being 
beguiled in the midst of their persecutions. As Paul had been 
singled out by the Jews as the object of attack, he is at pains to 
add that he too as well as Silvanus had sent to get a knowledge 
of their faith, for he is apprehensive that the Tempter had 
tempted them and that his work among them would turn out to 
be in vain. To the insinuation that their sufferings proved 
that the gospel which they had welcomed was a delusion, he 
tacitly replies, with an appeal to their knowledge in confirma 
tion of his words (ol Sare vv. 3 4 , as in 2 1 - 12 ), by saying that Chris 
tianity involves suffering, a principle to which he had already 
alluded when he predicted affliction for himself and his converts, 
a prediction which, as they know, was fulfilled. 

Wherefore, since we intended no longer to endure the separa 
tion, we resolved to be left behind in Athens alone, *and sent Tim 
othy, our brother and God s co-worker in the gospel of Christ, to 
strengthen you and encourage you about your faith, Ho prevent any 
one of you from being beguiled in the midst of these your afflic 
tions. For you yourselves know that we Christians are destined to 
this; 4 for when we were with you we were wont to tell you before 
hand: "We Christians are certain to experience affliction" as 
indeed it has turned out and as you know. 

^Wherefore, I too, since I intended no longer to endure the sepa 
ration, sent him to get a knowledge of your faith, fearing that the 



Ill, I 125 

Tempter had tempted you and that our labour might prow to be in 
vain. 

1. Sib M/ceri /CT\. Since, after the shortest interval, we were 
anxious to see you because of our love for you, and since the 
immediate accomplishment of our desire was frustrated by Sa 
tan, "so then (&o summing up the main points of w. 17 20 ), 
since we intended no longer to endure TO curopfyavi&a-Qai, afi 
vfjicov, we resolved (yvSo/crjcraiJiev being the climax of e(T7rov$dcra- 
V&v (v. 17 ) and r)0e\r)crafjLev (v. 18 )) to be left behind in Athens 
alone." The words KaTa\ei$Qr\vai . . . JJLOVOI are emphatic, as 
Calvin observes. It was at some cost to Paul and Silvanus that 
they determined to be left behind, and that too alone, parting 
with so trusted and necessary a companion as Timothy. Such a 
sacrifice was an unmistakable testimony to their affection for 
the converts. "It is a sign of rare affection and anxious desire 
that he is not unwilling to deprive himself of all comfort for the 
relief of the Thessalonians " (Calvin). 

816 (5 11 ), like Sc& TOUTO (v. 5 which resumes 816 here) and wore (4 18 ), 
retains its consecutive force, even if it has lost its full subordinating 
force. B reads SIOTC, the only case in the N. T. epistles where 816 is 
exchanged for SCOTI (Zim.); the reading of B may be due to IUQX&CC 
(Weiss) or to 8161:1 in 2 18 (Zim.). On jjujxlTc, cf. v. 5 Rom. 6 6 2 Cor. 5 15 , 
etc. If the classic force of ^TQ with participles is here retained, then a 
subjective turn is to be given to (upi&ti: "as those who"; if not, 
ix-qxdtt = oijx.e u. For the usage of ^-rj and ou in later Gk., see BMT. 485, 
Bl. 75 1 , and Moult. I, 231 /. trulyscv, a Pauline word used with the 
accus. expressed (X&VTOC i Cor. g 12 13 7 ) or unexpressed (here and v. 5 ) 
occurs elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. only Sir. 8 17 : ou SuvrjasToci X6yov ore^ac. 
The classic sense "cover" and derivatively "shelter," "protect," "con 
ceal" is found also in Polybius (e. g. IV, 8 2 , VIII, i4 5 ); the meaning 
^otardt^stv, fo-TuO^eveiv (Hesychius), likewise in Polyb. (e. g. Ill, 532, 
XVIII, i8) fits all the N. T. instances better than "ward off" (which 
Wohl. here suggests); see especially Lft. ad loc. From Kypke (II, 213) 
down, Philo (in Flac. 526, ed. Mangey) is usually cited: IJUJX.ITC OTlyeiv 
Suv&^evoc T<X<; IvSstaq. This passage has led many comm. to take 
cnrsfovTeq here as = Suvdc^svoc aTsyetv; but the pres. part, probably 
represents an imperfect of intention (cf. GMT. 38), and is equivalent to 
[xeXXovreq aTdyetv. F r TQuoox.TQaa[xsv (tfBP; euSox,. ADGF) in the sense 
of "resolve," see above on 2 s .. While it is not certain, it is probable 
that the resolve was made when Paul and his two companions were in 



126 I THESSALONIANS 

Athens. In this case, the independent account of Acts must be supple 
mented by the inference that Silas and Timothy did come as quickly as 
possible to Athens (Acts 17" f -). Except in quotations, Paul does not 
elsewhere use xaxaXefxecv. The similar EixoXefxecv occurs but once 
in Paul (Rom. n 3 cit.). The phrases JMcraXeficBoOac or uxo^efxeaOac 
p.6vo<; are quite common in Lxx., being employed either in contrast 
with others who have departed (Gen. 32 24 Judith 132 with uxoX.; cf. 
Qn.] 8 9 with x<rcaX.) or who have perished (Gen. 7" 42 38 Is. 3 28 49" 
I Mac. i3 4 with xcnraX.; Gen. 442 with &xoX.). 

/ The "we" in vv. J - 5 is difficult (see on i 1 ). Were it true that OXtyeatv 
(v. 3 ) refers solely to the persecutions that Paul experienced (Dob.), and 
that consequently the "we" of v. 4 refers to Paul alone, then it would be 
natural to take the "we" of v. * as also referring simply to Paul, and 
to urge the consideration that a JJLOVOI which includes Silvanus weakens 
the argument. But it is by no means certain that OXt ^eacv (v. 3 ) has 
in mind only Paul; furthermore, xs^eOa (v. 3 ) and yieXXo[jt.v (v. ") may 
refer to Christians in general, while YJJXSV and xpoeXeyo^ev (v. 4 ) include 
not only Paul but Silvanus and Timothy. Above all, eyd) (v. c ) is nat 
urally explained (cf. 2 18 ) as purposely emphasising the fact that he as 
well as Silvanus had made the resolve to send Timothy, for the Jews obvi 
ously had directed their criticisms mainly against Paul. Hence the 
subject of TQuBox-TQaa^ev and exd^papiev is Paul and Silvanus (cf. Mill.). 
Failure to see the significance of the contrast between if& (v. 5 ) and 
the subject of Ixif^cqAev (v. 2 ) has led Hofmann and Spitta (Zur 
GescUchte und Litter atur dcs Urchristcntums, 1893, I, i2ijf.\ who 
rightly take the subject of TjuSoxTQaajjiev (v. \) to be Paul and Silvanus, 
to infer that Paul (v. 5 ) sent another person, unnamed, in addition to 
Timothy. But v. 6 speaks only of the return of Timothy, and the ob 
vious object of exs[A<j;a here as of ex^tpayiev (v. 2 ) is Tc^69eov. 



2. Ti/Jiodeov . . . Gvvepybv TOV 6eov KT\. Timothy, who has 
already been called an apostle (2 7 ), is here described not only 
as "our brother" (cf. 2 Cor. i 1 Col. i 1 ) but also, if the reading of 
D d e Ambst. be accepted, " God s fellow-labourer." The sphere 
in which (Rom. i 9 Phil. 4 3 ) he works with God is the gospel 
which Christ inspires (see on i 4 ). The choice of such a repre 
sentative honours the converts (Chrys.) and proves Paul s in 
clination to consult their welfare (Calv.). 

The reading of B (x.al auvspy6v), which Weiss and Find, prefer, 
yields excellent sense and attaches itself nicely to TJ^WV (cf. Phil. 2 25 
Rom. i6 21 ). But if it is original, it is difficult to account for TOU Oeou 
in the other readings. If D is original, it is easy to understand (cf. Dob. 



Ill, 2-3 127 

131) the suppression of the bold designation cuvepybs TOU Gsou (else 
where only i Cor. 3") by the omission of TOU Oeou, the substitution of 
Stixovov for auvep-pv in frsAP, Vulg. (Btdcx.ovov TOU Oeou; fuld. domini}, 
and the conflated readings of GF (x,ocl Btax.ovov x.al auvepybv TOU Oeou) 
and DKL, Pesh. (xod Bcaxovov TOU Oeou xocl auvepybv Tpwv). auvepydq, 
outside of Paul, appears in Gk. Bib. only 3 Jn. 8, 2 Mac. 8 7 i4 5 ; in Paul 
it is used with pou (Rom. i6 3 - 21 Phile. 24 Phil. 4 3 ) or Tjpiiov (Rom. i6 9 
Phile. i; c/. 2 Cor. 8 23 ), with a thing (2 Cor. i 24 Col. 4"), and with Oeou 
(only here and i Cor. 3 ). Timothy is thus not simply "our fellow- 
worker" (Rom. i6 21 ) but " God s fellow-worker." Apart from KAPKL, 
et al., here, Paul does not call Timothy a Btdxovo? TOU Oeou. 

2-3 a . et? TO aTrjpL^ai, ... TO fi^eva o-atvecrOai, KT\. The 
primary purpose (et? TO ) of Timothy s mission is to strengthen 
and encourage the converts in reference to (virep = Trepi) their 
faith (i 8 ). The secondary purpose, dependent on the fulfilment 
of the primary, is to prevent any person (TO fjLrjBeva) from being 
beguiled in the midst of these their afflictions. Under the stress 
of persecutions, some of the converts might be coaxed away from 
the Christian faith by the insinuations of the Jews. In the phrase 
eV TaZ? 6\tye(Jiv ravrais, ev is primarily local, though a tem 
poral force may also be felt. Since Paul says not rj^v but 
TavTat?, it is evident that he is thinking not of his own but 
of his converts afflictions, as indeed v/Jids and vp&v (v. 2 ) inti 
mate. Zahn (Introd. I, 218) observes: "The Tempter, who was 
threatening to destroy the Apostle s entire work in Thessalonica 
(3 5 ), assumed not only the form of a roaring lion (i Pet. 5 8 ), 
but also that of a fawning dog (Phil. 3 2 ) and a hissing serpent 
(i Cor. ii 3 )." 

Paul uses TO^XSCV with zlc, T6 and infin. elsewhere v. B II 2", with 
infin. of purpose (i Cor. i6 3 ; cf. i Mac. 13" (frs V) 2" Mac. i4 19 ), and 
with Yva (2 Cor. g 3 Phil. 2 19 - 28 ; cf. Col. 4 s Eph. 6 22 ). It is a small matter 
who is the subject of cmjp{J-< (cf. yvcovat v. B ), whether Paul or Timothy, 
for in the last resort Timothy is the agent of Paul s purpose. The col 
location c-njp^etv and xapocxaXstv occurs in the reverse order also in 
II 2 17 ; cf. Rom. i" Acts i4 22 i5 32 . 6xep here and II 2 1 = xepf (which 
D C L here read); on xocpaxaXelv UTU^P, cf. 2 Cor. i2 8 . u(xa<;, to be sup 
plied after xapax.aXe aac, is expressed by D C KL. Tb y.if) with infin., a 
good Pauline construction, is used appositively (Rom. 14" 2 Cor. 2 1 ), 
predicatively (Rom. i4 21 with adjective), and as the object of SelaOat 
(2 Cor. io 2 ). Here Tb ^Beva with infin. may be either in apposition 



128 I THESSALONIANS 

with ib aTYjp(ac (Liin. Born. Find.), or the object of 
(Ell. Schmiedel, Wohl. Dob.), or the infra, of purpose (BL yi 2 ), or 
better still, as in 4 6 , the infin. after an unexpressed verb of hindering 
(GMT. 811). 

The meaning of cafvsaOat (only here in Gk. Bib.) is uncertain. 
(i) The usual view, that of the Fathers and Versions, interprets it to 
mean "to be moved" (/.tvetaOac, aaXe&eaOat) or "to be disturbed" 
(Tapa-nreaOac, GopupeiaOat); for the latter rendering, cf. Dob. who con 
trasts OTTQP^SCV (v. 2 ) and aTiqxeiv (v. 8 ). (2) Lachmann (see Thay. 
sub we.} conjectures from the reading of G (yujSsv aac eveaGac) <*aac vecv 
= not Xuxelv (Hesychius) but daaetv = a x6ea6ac. (3) Nestle (ZNW. 
1906, 361 /. and Exp. Times, July, 1907, 479) assumes aidveaOat = 
atafvcaSat (cf. Mercati, ZNW. 1907, 242) and notes in Butler s Lausiac 
Hist, of Palladius (TS. VI, 2 1904) the variant oxavSaXioOefe for atavGe^. 
The meaning "to cause or feel loathing" fits all the passages noted by 
Nestle and Mercati (Dob.), but is not suitable to our passage. (4) Fa- 
ber Stapulensis (apud Lillie: adulationi cederef) and others down to 
Zahn (Introd. I, 222/.), starting from the Homeric literal sense of aafvstv 
"to wag the tail," interpret aafvecv in the derivative sense of "flatter," 
"cajole," "beguile," "fawn upon" (cf. yEschylus, Choeph. 194 (Din- 
dorf): aa(vo[xat S UTC IXxfSoq and Polyb. I, 8o 6 : ol xXscaTot auveaoa vovto 
TE BtaXdxTcj)). This meaning is on the whole preferable; it fits ad 
mirably the attitude of the Jews (cf. also Mill, ad loc.}. Parallels to 
were gathered by Eisner (II, 275/0 and Wetstein (adloc.). 



3 b -4. avTol yap oiSare KT\. "I mention these persecutions 
of yours, for (yap) you yourselves are aware (cf. 2 1 ) that we Chris 
tians are destined to suffer persecution (/cefaeOa; Calv. ac si 
dixisset hac lege nos esse Christianas). And I say you are aware 
that suffering is a principle of our religion, for (/cal yap v. 4 re 
suming and further explaining yap v. 3 ) when we three mission 
aries were with you, we stated this principle in the form of a 
prediction repeatedly declared: "We Christians are certain to 
be afflicted." And the prophecy has proved true of us all as 
you know (2 5 )." It is to be observed that Paul not only states 
the prophecy and its fulfilment, but also appeals to the knowl 
edge of the readers in confirmation of his statement. This ap 
peal, in the light of the similar appeals in 2 1 - 12 , suggests that Paul 
is intending not only to encourage the converts^but also at the 
same time to rebut the cajoling insinuations of the Jews who 
would coax the converts away from the new faith on the pre- 



in, 3-5 129 

tence that persecution is evidence that the gospel which they 
welcomed is a delusion. 

eiq TOUTO = d$ Tb OXipeaBocc. xi[j.ac et<; (Phil, i 16 Lk. 2 34 ) docs not 
occur in Lxx. (Josh. 4 is not a parallel); it is equivalent to TeOsttxal dq 
(Bl. 23 7 ; cf. Lk. 23 53 with Jn. ig 41 )- Christians as such are "set," 
"appointed," "destined" to suffer persecution (cf. Acts 14-). In elvae 
rcpog (II 2 5 3 10 ) as in xocpecvat xpoq (Gal. 4 18 - 20 2 Cor. n 9 ), -jupo? = 
"with," "bei," "chez" (cf. Bl. 43 ). The phrase xal yap OTS . . . Y);J,V 
recurs in II 3 10 . The imperfect xpoeXdyo^ev denotes repeated action; 
rcp6 is predictive as [j.eXXo;j,ev shows; cf. Gal. 5 21 2 Cor. 132 Is. 4i 26 ; 
and below 4 G . The cm before [j-eXXo^sv may be recitative or may in 
troduce indirect discourse unchanged. ^eXXo^ev is followed by the 
present infin. here and Rom. 4 24 8 13 . It is uncertain whether [jieXXo;jiv 
= xsf[jisOa "are certain to" or is a periphrasis for the future (Bl. 62 4 ), 
"are going to." The construction xocOwq xal . . . xcct is similar to that 
in 4 G ; "as also has happened," corresponding to the prediction, "and 
as you know," corresponding to their knowledge. The xcc( is implied 
in xaOox; and is sometimes expressed (4*- 6 - 13 5 11 II 3 1 ), sometimes not 
(i 5 2 2 , etc.). 

5. Sia TOUTO fcayco KT\. Contrary to the slanders which you 
are hearing, "I too, as well as Silvanus, intending to stand the 
separation no longer, sent Timothy to get a knowledge of your 
faith." This verse obviously resumes v. 1 , though the purpose 
of the sending of Timothy is put in different language. As in 2 1S 
(ey&) fiev) y so here the change from the plural to the singular 
(/cayo>) is due to the fact that the Jews had singled out Paul as 
especially the one who, indifferent to the sufferings of the con 
verts, had left them in the lurch with no intention of returning. 
The tai before eya> is emphatic, "I too as well as Silvanus." 
That the object of eire^a is TifjioOeov is plain not only from v. x 
but from v. 6 which reports the return of Timothy only. 

juij TTO)? hreipaa-ev KT\. He sent to get a knowledge of their 
faith, "fearing that" (sc. fopov/jLevos, and cf. Gal. 4") the 
Tempter had tempted them, that is, in the light of v. 3 , that the 
Jews, taking advantage of the persecutions, had beguiled them 
from their faith; and fearing that, as the result of the tempta 
tion, the labour already expended might prove to be fruitless. 
The aorist indicative ejreipaa-ev suggests that the tempting has 
taken place, though the issue of it is at the time of writing 
9 



1^0 I THESSALONIANS 

uncertain; the aorist subjunctive yevrjTcu intimates that the 
work may turn out to be in vain, though that result has not yet 
been reached (cf. Gal. 2 2 M TTCD? ek /cevbv T/ae^o) rj e^pa^ov}. 
The designation of Satan (2 18 ) as 6 Treipd^cov is found elsewhere 
in the Gk. Bib. only Mt. 4 3 ; it is appropriate, for as Calvin 
remarks: proprium_Satanae qfficium est tentare (cf. i Cor. 7 5 ). 

The construction of [rrj xox; XT),, assumed above (cf. BMT. 225 and 
Bl. 65 3 ) is preferable to that which takes it as an indirect question (cf. 
Lk. 3 15 ). The order of B T-^V u^tov xt cnrtv puts an emphasis on u^tov 
which is more suitable in v. 7 . On the subject of Y V &VOCI, see on the 
subject of cTiQpt^at v. 2 . elq xevov, found in N. T. only in Paul, is a com 
mon phrase in the Lxx. c. g. with ytveoOat (as here; Mic. i 14 ), Tps^stv 
(Gal. 2 2 Phil. 2 16 ), S^eoOat (2 Cor. 6 1 ), elvac (Lev. 26 20 ), and xoxtav (Phil. 
2 16 ; Job 2 9 39 16 Is. 65 23 Jer. 28 5S ). For 6 x6xoq TJJJLWV, see i 3 and cf. i 
Cor. i5 58 . The designation of Satan as 6 Tcecpdc^wv does not appear in 
Lxx. Test, xii, Ps. Sol. or in the Apostolic Fathers. 



(6) Timothy s Return and Report (s 6 10 ). 

The apprehension that induced Paul to send Timothy is al 
layed by the favourable report of the religious and moral status 
of the converts and of their personal regard for him. From their 
faith which still kept hardy in trials, Paul derived courage to 
face his own privations and persecutions: "We live if you stand 
fast in the Lord." Transported by the good news, he cannot 
find adequate words to express to God the joy he has, as he prays 
continually that he might see them and amend the shortcomings 
of their faith. The exuberance of joy, the references to the visit 
(vv. 6 - 10 ), the insistence that the joy is & ufta? (v. 9 ) and the 
thanksgiving Trepl v^&v (v. 9 ) imply that the insinuations of 
the Jews are still in mind. The Tempter has tempted them but 
they have not succumbed. To be sure the exuberance of feeling, 
due not only to their personal affection for him, but also to 
their spiritual excellence, does not blind his mind to the fact 
that deficiencies exist, to which in 4 1 ff - he turns. 

6 But now that Timothy has just come to us from you and has 
brought us good news of your faith and love, and has told us that 
you have been having a kindly remembrance of us always and have 



Ill, 5-6 131 

been longing to see us as we too to see you, 7 for this reason, brothers, 
we became encouraged in you to face all our privations and perse 
cutions through your faith, 8 for now we live if you stand fast in the 
Lord. ^Indeed, what adequate thanks can we return to God for you 
for all the joy we express for your sake in the presence of our God, 
10 begging night and day most earnestly to see your face and make up 
the deficiencies of your faith. 

6. apTi Se eX0oWos KT\. With 8e (cf. 2 17 ), a new point in the 
apologetic historical review of Paul s acts and intentions since 
his departure from Thessalonica is introduced, the return and 
report of Timothy. The selection of material is still influenced 
by the criticisms directed by the Jews against Paul s character 
and conduct. It is first stated that Timothy has but now (ap-ri) 
come from them to Paul and Silvanus, a fact that makes clear, as 
Grotius has observed, that our letter was written not in Athens 
but in Corinth, and that too under the fresh inspiration of the 
report of Timothy. Although eX^oWos may be simply temporal, 
it is probably also causal, as &- TOVTO (v. 7 ) which resumes the 
genitive absolute clause suggests. 

5ptt, which is to be joined with the gen. abs. (cf. 3 Mac. 6 16 ) and not 
with xapexXYjOrj^sv, may refer either to the immediate present, "just 
now," "modo" (cf, Mt. g 18 Gal. i 10 4 2 2 Mac. g 18 (V) 3 Mac. 6 16 ) or to 
the more distant past, "nuper" (cf. II 2 7 i Cor. 13" i6 7 ; also Poole, 
ad loc.) The former sense is preferable here as no contrast between 
the now and a more distant past is evident in the context. M is not 
in itself adversative, but introduces either a new section (2 17 3", etc.) 
or a new point within a section (2 16 3 12 , etc.). <4<? f u^wv may be emphatic 
(Find.) ; it is from the Thessalonians that Paul desires news, and Tim 
othy comes directly from them, bringing with him a letter. That Sil 
vanus is already with Paul is the intimation of Tj^aq (but cf. Acts i8 6 ). 



vay<ye\icrafjivov KT\. The word itself reveals the character 
of the report; it is good news that the messenger brings. "Do 
you see the exuberant joy of Paul ? He does not say aTrayyet- 
Xazm>? (j9) but vayyeKu7afjLevov. So great a good did he think 
their steadfastness (jSeftafoa-iv) and love." The first element 
in the good news is their excellence religiously (-Trwra?) and 
morally (aydirrf) ; " in these two words, he indicates tersely totam 
pietatis summam" (Calvin). 



132 I THESSALONIANS 



t, "to bring good news," is a classic word (cf. Aristoph. 
Eq. 642/0 found in Lxx. (2 Reg."i 20 parallel with dvayy^XXstv, Ps. 39" 
Is. 4o 9 52 7 6o 6 6I 1 , etc.) and N. T. (chiefly in Pauline and Lukan writings; 
cf. Lk. i 19 2 20 3 1S , etc.). Paul uses it either absolutely in the technical 
sense of preaching the gospel (i Cor. i 17 , etc.). or with euayyeAvov 
(Gal. i 11 i Cor. I5 1 2 Cor. n 7 ), xfa-ucv (Gal. i 23 ), xXouTog XpcaToG, or 
with Christ as the object (Gal. i 16 ; cf. Acts 5 42 8 35 n 20 i; 18 ). On the 
word, see Mill. 141 Jf. and Harnack, Verfassung nnd Recht, 199 Jf. 
dyaTCTq for Paul as for Christ fulfils the law on the ethical side (Rom. i3 10 
Gal. 5 14 ). The comprehensiveness of its meaning is made clear in i Cor. 
I3 1 ff - where the points emphasised are pretty much the same as those 
in Gal. 5 22 - 23 and Rom. i2 6 - 21 . Paul speaks regularly of divine love to 
men (dyaioQ TOU OsoO II 3 5 Rom. 5 s , etc.; TOU Xptarou Rom. 8 35 ; TOU 
xveuyiaToq Rom. i5 30 ), but he rarely speaks of man s love to God (i Cor. 
2 S 3 Rom. S 28 ) or Christ (i Cor. i6 22 Eph. 6 24 ). 

Kal on e^ere fJLvetav KT\. The second element in the good 
news is personal; the Thessalonians have been having all along 
(e^ere TraWore) a kindly remembrance of Paul, " notwithstand 
ing the efforts of the hostile Jews" (Mill.). This constant re 
membrance is significantly revealed in the fact that they have 
been all the time longing (eTrwro&nWe?; sc. Trdvrore) to see 
the missionaries as the missionaries have been (sc. iravrore eVt- 
TroOovjj&v ISelv and cf. 2 17 ff -) to see them. 

cm naturally goes with euayyeXtaa^vou (cf. Acts i3 32 ); the change of 
construction is more felt in English than in^Gk. But others supply 
eTu6vTo<; or Xifyovucx; (Jer. 2O 15 ) before ore. Although XCXVTOTS some 
times precedes (4 17 5 15 - 1C ) and sometimes follows the verb (i 2 2 16 II i 3 - 
2 13 ), and hence could be here taken either with iTut-rcoOouvTe? or with 
2xecv jxve^av, yet the latter construction is to be preferred in the light 
of i 2 and Rom. i 10 (^otelaOat [xvsc av dScaXe(xTcoq). In this case, the 
present E^STE, because of the adverb of duration (xdv-roTs), describes 
an action begun in the past and still continuing at the time of speaking; 
and is to be rendered: "And that you have had always," etc. (cf. BMT. 
17). dcyaOo? (5" II 2 16 - 17 ) means here as in Rom. 5 7 (Lft.) "kindly," 
"pleasant." It is doubtful whether ext-rcoOelv (a characteristic word 
of Paul; cf. Rom. i 11 Phil. 2 26 ) differs greatly from xoOstv (a word not 
in Paul; cf Sap. i5 5 f - with i5 10 )- On xccOarep (2 11 ) with comparative 
xa(, cf. 3 12 4 5 Rom. 4 6 2 Cor. i 14 . 

7, 3ta TOVTO 7rapefc\rj0r]/Lt,ev KT\. The good news dispelled the 
anxiety created by the situation in Thessalonica and gave him 



m, 6-9 133 

courage to face his own difficulties. "Wherefore, because of 
the good news (ha TOVTO resuming l\,6dvras KT\.) we became 
encouraged (cf. v. 2 TrapafcaXeaai) brothers (2 17 ) in you (e</> v^lv) 
to face (errO all our privation and persecution through your 
faith." The first eirC denotes the basis of the encouragement; 
the second e?rt the purpose for which it was welcome; and the 
Bid the means by which it was conveyed, " through this faith of 
yours" (U/AOW being emphatic; contrast w. 2 - 5 ). 

Grot, and Lillie take the first ITU = "on your account"; the second 
ITCC is local with a touch of purpose in it (cf. Bl. 43 3 ). On -jrapaxaXecaOat 
Ixf, cf. 2 Cor. i 4 7 7 ; Deut. 32" p s . 8913 I34 i4 2 Mac. 7. OXtyiq is not 
distress of mind but as in i 6 "persecution" (cf. 2 Cor. i2 10 ); dcviyx-Tj is 
here not carking care (2 Cor. g 7 ) but "physical privation" (Lft.) as in 
2 Cor. 6 4 : ev OX^eaiv, ev dcvayxacs, ev aTevoxwpuxn;; see further Job 
i5 24 Zeph. i 15 . exl TOXOTJ Tfl (v. 9 2 Cor. i 4 7 4 Phil, i 3 ) is less frequent 
in Paul than ev TOZOIQ Tfj (II 2 9 - 10 ; 3" i Cor. i 5 , etc.). Here and v. 9 , 
rcaqfl may be comprehensive, the instances of privation and persecution 
being regarded as a unit, or may express heightened intensity (Dob.). 



8. OTL vvv %&P*ev KT\. "Through your faith," I say, "for 
now we live, if you stand fast in the Lord." Though at death s 
door constantly (Rom. 8 3G i Cor. i5 31 2 Cor. 6 9 n 23 ), he feels that 
he has a new lease of life (recte valemus, Calv.), if their faith 
stands unwavering in virtue of the indwelling power of Christ 
(Phil. 4 1 ), notwithstanding their persecutions (cf. II i 4 ) and the 
beguilement of the Jews. 

On the late Gk. crrjxav, built on earqxa, see Bl. 17 and Kennedy, 
Sources, 158; aed cf. Judg. i6- G (B), 3 Reg. 8" (B; A has <rrijvat), 
Ex. 14" (A; B has OT^TE), Rom. I4 4 , etc. The phrase aTTQxeTe ev xupiq) 
recurs in Phil. 4 1 ; on ev, see i 1 . The reading aT^xeire (BAGF) is more 
original than arfj-/.TqTs (SD); on lav with indie., cf. i Jn. 5" Mk. n 25 . 
It is not the form (BMT. 242, 247) but the fact of the condition that sug 
gests that Paul here speaks " with some hesitation. Their faith was not 
complete" (Lft. who notes uaTspVaio: v. 10 ). If this is so, vuv is not 
temporal but logical: "this being the case" (so Ell.). 

9. TWO, yap vxapi(rriav KT\. The faith of the converts gave 
Paul and his associates not only life but joy (Chrys.), as yap, 
parallel to on and introducing a second and unqualified con 
firmation of &ia T>}? vfjL&y Trto-reo)?, makes plain. This joy, 



134 I THESSALONIANS 

which is not so much personal as religious, and which therefore 
finds its constant outlet e^Trpoa-Oev TOV Oeov f^ow (Dob.), is 
so excessive that Paul is unable to give God that adequate thanks 
which is his due. Although it is pointed out, over against the 
insinuations of the Jews, that it is none other than the converts 
for whom (Trepl vfi&v) he renders thanks to God, none other 
than they who are the basis of his joy (eVl Trdcry ry xapa), and 
none other than they on whose account (& ^5?; cf. i 5 ) he 
constantly expresses before the Christian God (6 6ebs rj^v^ cf. 
2 2 ) his overwhelming feeling of joy, yet it is likewise indicated 
that it is God after all, not himself, not even the converts, that 
he must try to thank for their spiritual attainment. 

On the co-ordinating y&p in interrogative sentences, see Bl. 78 6 . eu- 
XapcaTta, a favourite word of Paul, denotes for him not "gratitude" 
(Sir. 37" 2 Mac. 2 27 ) but the "giving of thanks" (Sap. i6 28 where it is 
parallel to evruyxdeveiv). dcvcaxoBtSovac, common in Lxx. and used by 
Paul either in a good sense as here and Ps. 115* (Grot.) or in a bad 
sense (cf. II i 6 Rom. i2 19 Deut. 32 41 ), is probably stronger than dxo- 
ScB6va: (5 15 ), and "expresses the idea of full, complete return" (Mill.). 
"What sufficient thanks can we repay?" (Lit.). Instead of TW Oeo> 
(ABEKL), frsDFG read xupup, influenced doubtless by Iv xup(q> (v. 8 ); sim 
ilarly s* reads at the end of v. 9 TOU /.upcou Ypwv. For xspl u[xtov, B alone 
has xepl ^[juov, which is "sinnlos" (Weiss). xepc after Suv&^isGa dcvTaxo- 
SoOvat is like that with euxapta-rscv (i 2 II i 3 2 13 , etc.). ext indicates that 
joy, full and intense (xaqfj; contrast Ixl xdofl Tfj dviyx.^ v. 8 ), is the 
basis of the thanksgiving; cf. 2 Cor. g 15 . y before %a(po(jLev stands not 
for I? y (cf. 2 Cor. 7 13 ), but either for the cognate dative y w ap<? (Jn. 3 29 
Is. 66 10 B) or for the cognate accus. ^v (Mt. 2 10 Is. 39= KA, 66 10 A, Jonah 
4 6 ). Be* u[xa<; Qn. 3") is stronger than the expected e? 6y.lv (cf. %ocf- 
petv ex! Rom. i6 19 i Cor. i3 6 i6 17 2 Cor. 7 13 ; Is. 39 2 Hab. 3 18 and often 
in Lxx.). e[xxpoaOev goes with 



10. VVKTOS . . . Sed/jLevoi. It is in the atmosphere of intense joy 
that he prays unceasingly (VVKTOS /cal fjfjLepas as 2 9 ) and exu 
berantly (vTrepefCTrepKTcrov as 5 13 ), not simply that he might see 
their face (as 2 17 ) but also that he might make up the deficien 
cies of their faith (cf. v. 8 ). Both his desire to return which has 
been the point of his defence since 2 17 and his desire to amend 
the shortcomings of their faith are suffused by the spirit of joy. 
The converts are thus tactfully assured both of the genuineness 



m, 9-10 135 

of his longing to see them and of his confidence that their imper 
fections are not serious. In passing, it is worth noting that the 
enthusiasm of his feeling does not prevent him from being aware 
of the existence of moral defects, an interesting side-light on 
the ethical soundness of his religious feelings. Seofievoi, loosely 
attached to %a*/?oftez>, prepares the way not only for the prayer 
(vv. n - 13 ), namely, that God and Christ may direct his way to 
them (v. n ), and that the Lord may increase their brotherly 
love and love in general (v. 12 ) and strengthen them to remove 
their defects, but also for the exhortations (4 1 ff -) in which there 
is a detailed and at the same time tactful treatment of the 



uxepex.xepcaaoO is found in 5 13 (fcsAP; BDGF read uxepexxsptaaw?, 
a word occurring in i Clem. 20" but not in Lxx.), Eph. 3 20 and Test, xii, 
Jos. 1 7 s , but not in Lxx. It is stronger than xeptaaoTspox; (2 17 ) and 
Cxspxepuawq (in Gk. Bib. only Mk. 7 37 ) and Ix; xepccaoO (Dan. (Th.) 
3 22 ; Mk. 6 51 v. 1.). See Ell. on Eph. 3 20 and cf. Ambst. abuntantissime. 
elc, TO introduces the object of Seo^evoc (EMT. 412). SetcQcu (Rom. i 10 
Gal. 4 12 , etc.), like epcoTocv (4 1 5 12 II 2 1 Phil. 4 3 ), is less frequent in Paul 
than xapax,aXs!v. uaTeprpoc is found six times in Lxx., eight times in 
Paul, and once in Luke (Lk. 2i 4 ); it indicates a lack and is opposed to 
xep(aaeu[j,a (2 Cor. 8 13 f -)- It is joined with dvaxXiqpouv (i Cor. i6 17 
Phil. 2 30 ; cf. Test, xii, Benj. n 5 1 Clem. 38 2 ), xpoaavaxXiqpoOv (2 Cor. g 11 
ii 9 ) and dcvTavaxXiQpouv (Col. i 24 ) but not elsewhere in Gk. Bib. with 
/.aiapTt^etv. This word (Gal. 6 1 Rom. g 22 , etc.; cf. xpoxcrcapr^eiv 2 
Cor. Q 5 ), common in Lxx., means generally to render a p-rcog, hence to 
"adjust" differences, "repair" things out of repair, "set" bows, "pre 
pare" dishes, etc.; and here "make up," "make good" that which is 
lacking to complete faith. Since, however, the sense "das Fchlcndc" 
passes imperceptibly into that of "Fchler" (Dob.), as indeed i Clem. 2 6 
(where uaTeprj^aTa is parallel to xapaxTw^aTa) and Hernias Vis. Ill, 2 2 
(where it is parallel to d[xapTTQ[jLaTa) suggest, we may translate either 
"make up the deficiencies of your faith" (Lillie) or "amend the short 
comings of your faith" (Ruther.). 



III. PRAYER (s 11 - 13 ). 

With Se, introducing a new section in the epistolary disposi 
tion of the letter, Paul passes from the superscription (i 1 ) and 
the thanksgiving (i 2 -3 10 ) to the prayer (3 11 13 ). Both the desire 



136 I THESSALONIANS 

to see them (v. 10 ) and the desire to amend the deficiencies of their 
faith (v. 10 ) are resumed as he turns in prayer to the supreme 
court of appeal, God and Christ; but the emphasis in 3 11 - 13 is 
put less on the longing to see them (v. n ), the apologetic inter 
est underlying 2 17 ~3 10 , than on the shortcomings of their faith 
(vv. 12 - 13 ), the vo-reprjiJLaTa of v. 10 . This change of emphasis 
prepares the way for the exhortations (4 1 ff -); in fact, when he 
prays that Christ may make them abound in brotherly love as 
well as in love (v. 12 ) and may strengthen them inwardly so that 
they may become blameless in saintliness when they appear be 
fore God at the last day when Jesus comes attended by his 
glorious retinue of angels (v. 13 ), it is not improbable that he 
has more or less distinctly in mind the matter of (/>tAa8eX(/Ho, 
(4 9 - 12 ) and ayiacrfjios (4 3 - 8 ), to which, with \OLTTOV (4 1 ), he forth 
with addresses himself. 

n Now may our God and Father and our Lord Jesus himself 
direct our way to you. u And as for you, may the Lord make you 
to increase and abound in love toward one another and toward all 
men, just as we too toward yoUj l Hn order that he may strengthen 
your hearts (so that they may be) blameless in holiness in the presence 
of our God and Father when our Lord Jesus comes with all his angels. 

11. avrbs 8e 6 $eo? KT\. Since &e introduces a new epistolary 
division, and is not of itself adversative, it is unnecessary to 
seek a contrast with the immediately preceding (v. 10 ) or with 
the remoter words: "and Satan hindered us" (2 18 ). Indeed the 
prayer "to see your face" (v. 10 ) is not contrasted with but is 
resumed by the prayer that God and Christ "may open up and 
direct our way to you de medio eorum qui moram fecerunt verbo 
nostro" (Ephr.). While it is striking that in Paul s expressions 
of religious feeling, in superscriptions, thanksgivings, prayers, 
etc., the name of the Lord Jesus Christ stands next to the name 
of the Father (see on OeCo Trarpi, i 1 ), usually after but sometimes 
before (II 2 16 Gal. i 1 ), it is even more striking that both names 
should be unitedly governed by a verb in the singular (avTos . . . 
KarevOvvcu-, cf. II 2 1G f -). The estimate of the lordship of Christ, 
explicit in Colossians, is latent not only in i Cor. 8 6 but here, a 
consideration that forbids (cf. Dob.) the taking of the ungram- 



Ill, 11-12 137 

matical step of denying that auTo <? here includes both God and 
Christ as the objects of prayer. 

Lillie, however, finds in M the idea both of transition and of slight op 
position: "After all our own ineffectual attempts and ceaseless longings, 
may he himself, the hearer of our prayers (v. 10 ), direct our way unto 
you, and then will all Satan s hindrances be vain. (So Pelt, Schott, 
Liin.)." Characteristic of the prayers of I and II is the atabq Bs (Oeo? 
5 23 II 2 16 ; xijpcoq 4 16 II 2 1C 3 16 ; cf. 2 Cor. 8 19 N) instead of the simple 6 81 
(Os6<; Rom. 15"). These phrases (cf. also afabs 6 uI6<; i Cor. i5= 8 ; 
afob tb xveufjwc Rom. 8 16 - 2G ; a jTbq 6 SocTccva? 2 Cor. n 14 ) are, except 
Rev. 2i 3 (auibq 6 6s6q), found in N. T. only in Paul. The afabq is either 
reflexive or an emphatic "he" (cf. Moult. I, 91). On 6 xflpco? fpwv 
ITJOOUS (D omits Tvjaouq; GFKL add Xpcatdq), see on 2 19 . xocTsuOuvetv, 
rare in the N. T. (II 3 5 Lk. i 7D ) but common in Lxx., means "make 
straight," "make straight for" (cf. i Reg. 6 12 ), and "guide," "direct," 
"prosper." xa-ueuOuvecv 6S6v (or Sta^^ara) is likewise frequent in Lxx. 
(Ps. 5 9 Judith 12 s , etc.). On the xpo?, cf. i Ch. 2g 18 2 Ch. 2O 33 Sir. 49 . 
In Paul, apart from ^ Y^VOCTO (fourteen times), the optative of wish 
ing with the third person is found only in our letters (vv. "- 12 5 23 II 2" 
3 5 - 16 ), Rom. i5 13 (followed by elq TO with infin.), and i5 5 (followed by 
Yva); see further Phile. 20 and BMT. 176. 



12. ^a? Se 6 /cvpios KT\. The 3e introduces a new point 
and is here adversative, as the emphatic position of v/^a? makes 
clear: "and as for you." "Such is our prayer for ourselves; but 
you, whether we come or not (Beng.: sive nos veniemus, sive 
minus), etc." (Lillie). This second petition, directed to the Lord 
alone (that is, not #eo? (A) but Christ, as DGF, which add 
l^crov?, interpret, Christ who is the indwelling power unto 
love), has in view the vo-rcprj para (v. 10 ). The love in which 
Christ will make them to increase and abound is defined both as 
$tXaeA(/Ha, a love which though present (4 9 ~ 10 ) needs to abound 
the more (4 10 " 12 ), and as ayaTr-rj, love to all men everywhere (5 15 
Gal. 6 10 ). As an example of love, he points to himself (i 6 II 3; 
cf. Calv.) : " As also (/caOaTrep /cat, v. 6 ) we increase and abound 
(sc. the intransitive 7r\eovdofjiev /cal Trepicro-evofjLev rrj aydirrj 
and cf. 2 Cor. g 8 ) toward you." They are to love one another 
as he loves them. 



, common in Lxx., is found in N. T. but once (2 Pet. i 8 ) 
outside cf Paul (cf. II i 3 ); it means "increase," "multiply," "abound." 



138 I THESSALONIANS 

The transitive sense here is not infrequent in the Lxx. (e. g. Num. 26 54 
2 Ch. 3i 5 Ps. 4Q 19 7o 21 Sir. 2o 3 (A) 32 1 Jer. 37 19 ). xspccaeueiv, frequent 
in N. T. and seven times in Lxx., is virtually synonymous with xXeovd^ecv. 
The transitive occurs also in 2 Cor. g 8 ; cf. 2 Cor. 4 15 Eph. i 8 . "Do you 
see* the unchecked madness of love which is indicated by the words ? 
He says xXsovdaai and xeptaae6aae instead of aifrrjaai" (Chrys.; cf. 
II i 3 ). slq here, as in II i 3 , may be taken closely with dy&xfl, the article 
being tacitly repeated and the verbs construed with the dative as in 
2 Cor. 3 9 Sir. n 12 ; or dq may be joined with the verbs (cf. xXeovd^ecv 
elq Phil. 4 17 ; xepiaaeOecv slq Rom. 3 7 5 15 2 Cor. i 5 , etc.), the dative 
designating the sphere in which they are to increase and abound (cf. 
xeptacetiecv ev Rom. 15" i Cor. i5 58 , etc.). 



13. e& TO (Trrjpigai KT\. The purpose of the prayer (ek TO; 
cf. Rom. i5 13 ) for love is that Christ (rbv Kvpiov is the sub 
ject of ffrqptfcu) may strengthen not their faith (v. 2 ) but their 
hearts, their inward purposes and desires, with the result that 
these hearts may be blameless (cf. 2 10 ) in the realm of holiness. 
The point appears to be that without the strong foundation of 
love the will might exploit itself in conduct not becoming to 
the ayios, that is, specifically, as 4 3 8 suggests, in impurity. 
denotes not the quality (aryidnfifys r the process 
, but the state of being ayios, that is, separate from 
the world and consecrated to God both in body and in soul (5 23 ). 

Some comm. (e. g. Flatt, Pelt, Find. Dob.), influenced doubtless by 
v. 2 , where, however, the onjp^at is specifically stated to be uxep T?J<; 
xcaTreax; Ci^wv, are inclined to think of the strengthening of faith to meet 
trials, a strengthening resulting in holiness, ainqpi^eiv xapBcav (II 2 17 
Ps. in 8 Sir. 6 37 22 16 Jas. 5 8 ) differs from aTTjpt^ecv u[i.a<; (v. 2 ) only in 
the expressed emphasis upon the inner life; cf. xapoxaXetv with u^as 
(v. ") and with xapBtocq (II 2 17 ). There is no indication here of fear as 
the opposite of arrjpt^eiv xapotav (Sir. 22 16 Ps. in 8 ) or of the thought 
of perfect love casting out fear (i Jn. 4 17 ff -). dc^qjixToug agrees with 
xapSiaq; to be supplied is either coats a JTii<; elvai or e!<; Tb elvac aura?; 
cf. 6Xoi:eXet<; (5 23 ), dvYxX^Tou<; (i Cor. i 8 ) or a6^,[xop9ov (Ph. 3 21 ). The 
reading dqj^xTox; (BL. ct al.; cf. 2 10 5 23 ) is due either to the verb or to a 
difference of spelling (Zim.). dyt6Trj<; is rare in Gk. Bib. (2 Cor. i 12 
Heb. i2 10 2 Mac. 15=); dyttoauvr] is more frequent (Rom. i 4 2 Cor. 7 1 
2 Mac. 3 12 Ps. 2Q 5 95 6 Q6 12 144 5 ); and &ficta\t.6q (4 3 - " 7 II 2") is still 
more frequent (about ten times in Lxx. and ten times in N. T.; cf. Rom. 
6 19 -, etc.). BDEGF read dytoauvyj; N and the corrected B dytwauvY], 
"the usual change of o and to" (Weiss); but A has Stxacoa&vfl. On 



Ill, 12-13 139 

the idea of holiness, see SH. on Rom. i 7 and Skinner and Stevens in 
HUB. II, respectively, 394 JJ. and 399$. 



KT\. Only those whose love inspires purposes that 
are blameless in the sphere of holiness will find the day of the 
Lord a day not of wrath (i 10 2 16 ) but of salvation (5 9 ). In the 
light of v. 9 , the reference might seem to be (cf. Chrys.) to a holi 
ness not in the sight of men but "before our God and Father" 
(see on i 3 ); but in view of the next prepositional phrase, "in 
the coming of our Lord Jesus" (cf. 2 19 ), it is evident that the day 
of the Lord is in mind when all must come before the /3?}^a of 
Christ (2 Cor. 5 10 ) or God (Rom. i4 10 ) or both, when the same 
Father who demands holy love will test the hearts to see if they 
are free from blame in the realm of holiness. 

fjiera TTCIVTCOV TWV djicov avrov. "With all his holy ones." 
Whether ayioi, refers to angels or to saints is uncertain, (i) In 
favour of "angels" is the immediate connection with Trapovo-ia, 
the time when Christ comes down from heaven at the voice of an 
archangel (4 16 ), per ayye\a)v Swa^ea)? avrov (II i 7 ). The pic 
ture of the accompanying retinue of angels is similar to that in 
Mk. 8 38 Mt. 25 31 and Jude 14 = Enoch (Gk.) i 9 . The avrov, as 
Mt. i6 27 24 31 suggest, refers to Christ. Paul may have had in 
mind Zech. i4 5 : r)%ei o icvpios JJLOV /cal Trdvres ol a<yioi per avTOv. 
(2) In favour of "saints" is the usage of the N. T. where, apart 
from this passage, ayioi = "saints"; the fact that TrdvTes ol 
ajLot, is a common turn in Paul (cf. ol ayioi avrov Col. i 26 ); 
and possibly the fact that Did. i6 7 interprets Zech. i4 5 of the 
saints. In this case, because of the difficulty of conceiving the 
surviving saints coming with the Lord at his Parousia, and be 
cause of the difficulty, due to iravres, of contrasting the de 
parted and the living saints, it is necessary to place the scene 
implied by f^era iravrwv KT\. not immediately at the Parousia, 
as the present context seems to suggest, but later, namely, at 
the judgment, when Christ comes with all his consecrated ones, 
now glorified, efJLTrpoa Oev TOV /3?7/<iaTo?. 

(i) In favour of "angels" are Grot. Hammond, De W. Liin. Ed 
ward Robinson (Lex. 1850), Schmiedel, Dob. Moff. Dibelius, and others; 
cf. Ascen. Isa. 4 14 (with Charles s note) and Ps. Sol. 17" (with note of 



140 I THESSALONIANS 

Ryle and James). (2) In favour of "saints" arc, in addition to those 
who unnaturally construe ^ASTO: TCOV vaX. closely with <mjpai (Estius, 
Flatt, Hofmann, Wohl. el al.), Calv. Find. Briggs (Messiah of the 
Apostles, 85), Vincent, and others. (3) Still others (e. g. Bengel, Ell. 
Lillie, Lft. Mill.) include both angels and glorified men. It is uncer 
tain whether d^rrjv (SAD) is original (Zim.) or a liturgical addition (cf. 
Weiss, 104). WH. retain it in Paul only Rom. is 33 16 27 Gal. 6 18 ; Rom. i 25 
95 ii 36 Gal. i 5 Eph. 3 21 Phil. 4 20 . In the N. T., apart from the unique 
usage in the words of Jesus (where a single amen in the Synoptic Gospels 
and a double amen in John begins the utterance), djrfjv as in the O. T. 
is used at the end of a sentence. In the Lxx., however, dyi/rjv is rare (e. g. 
i Ch. i6 36 i Esd. 9" Neh. 5 13 8 Tob. S 8 14" 3 Mac. 7 23 4 Mac. i8 24 ); 
Y&OITO and dXTjGw? also translate p (cf. the various renderings of 
Luke, dXiqGwq, lie* dcXijOefas, xMjv, vaf, etc.). On the meaning of amen, 
see Massie in HDB. I, So/, and H. W. Hogg in EB. 136 /. 



IV. EXHORTATIONS (4 1 ~5 22 ). 

Formally speaking, Paul passes from the superscription (i 1 ), 
thanksgiving (i 2 -3 10 ), and prayer (3 11 13 ) to the exhortations 
(4 1- 5 22 ) 5 materially speaking, he passes from the defence of his 
visit (i 2 -2 16 ) and of his failure to return (2 17 ~3 13 ) to a tactful (cf. 
4 1 - 10 5 11 ) treatment of the shortcomings of the faith of the 
readers (3 10 ; cf. 3 8 - 12 13 ). These exhortations are not haphazard, 
but are designed to meet the specific needs of the community 
made known to Paul by Timothy and by a letter which Timothy 
brought. In fact, it would appear from 4 9 - 13 5 1 (frepl Se; cf. 
i Cor. 7 1 - 25 8 1 I2 1 , etc.) that the Thessalonians had written spe 
cifically for advice concerning love of the brethren, the dead in 
Christ, and the times and seasons. Three classes of persons are 
chiefly in mind in 4 1 ~5 22 : (i) The weak (4 3 - 8 ; cf. ol aeOeveis 
5 14 ); (2) the idlers (ol araKTot 5 14 ) who have been the main in 
struments in disturbing the peace of the brotherhood (4 9 12 
S i2-i3. c f t 519-22); anc j ( 3 ) the faint-hearted (ol oXiyotyvxoi 5 14 ) 
who were anxious both about their dead (4 13 - 18 ) and about their 
own salvation (s 1 11 )- The only distinctly new point, not touched 
upon in the previous oral teaching of Paul, is the discussion of 
"the dead in Christ" (4 13 - 18 ). 

For convenience, we may subdivide the Exhortations as follows: 
(i) Introduction (4 1 - 2 ); (2) True Consecration U 3 " 8 ); (3) Brotherly 



in, i3-iv, i 141 

Love (4 9 - loa ); (4) Idleness (4 lob - 12 ); (5) The Dead in Christ (4 13 - 18 ); 
(6) Times and Seasons (5 1 - 11 ); (7) Spiritual Labourers (5 12 - 13 ); (8) The 
Idlers, The Faint-hearted, and The Weak (5 14a - c ); (9) Love (5 14d -> 5 ); 
(10) Joy, Prayer, and Thanksgiving (s 16 ls ); and (n) Spiritual Gifts 

(s 19 - 22 ). 



(i) Introduction to the Exhortations (4 1-2 ). 

In his introductory words, Paul appeals, in justification of his 
exhortations, not to his own authority but to the authority which 
both he and his readers recognise as valid, the indwelling Christ 
(eV Kvpi(p, &a KvpLov). He insists that he is asking of them 
nothing new, and that what he urges conforms to the instructions 
which they have already received and which they know. Finally, 
in emphasising that they are living in a manner pleasing to God, 
he can only ask and urge them to abound the more. These open 
ing verses are general; the meaning of TO TTW? Bel and TI MZ? 
7rapayye\ias becomes specific in 4 3 ff -. 

l Finally brothers we ask you and urge in the Lord Jesus that, as 
you have received from us instmctions as to how you ought to walk 
and please God, as in fact you are walking, that you abound the 
more. 2 For you know what instmctions we gave yoii, prompted by 
the Lord Jesus. 

1. \onrov y aSe\<f)OL. With \onrdv, "finally," a particle of 
transition often found toward the end of a letter (Grot. : locutio 
est properantis ad finem), and with an affectionate aeX</>ot (cf. 
2 Cor. I3 11 : \OITTOV } aSeX^ot), Paul turns from the epistolary 
thanksgiving and prayer to the epistolary exhortation, from the 
more personal considerations to what remains to be said (Ambst. 
quod superesf) about the deficiencies of the converts. 

The reading is uncertain. The prefixed TO may be disregarded (Zim.) ; 
but as P in 2 Cor. 13" so most uncials here (frsADEGFKL; WH.mg. 
Tisch. Zim. Weiss, Dob.) read Xotxbv ouv. Weiss (121) thinks that 
the omission of ouv in B and in many minuscules and versions is due to 
a scribal error. Elsewhere, however, Paul uses both Xocxov (i Cor. I IG 
4 2 2 Cor. 13") and TO Xotxov (i Cor. 7 29 ; plus d8sX?oi, II 3 1 , Phil. 4 8 ; or 
plus doeXtpot jxou, Phil. 3 1 ). Epictetus prefers Xotxov to TO Xotxov (cf. 
Bultman, Dcr Stil dcr Paulinischen Predigt, 1910, 101). If ouv is read, 
the reference may still be in general to what has preceded (Lft.; cf. Dob. 



142 I THESSALONIANS 

who notes the ouv in Rom. I2 1 Eph. 4 1 , etc.) and not specifically to 3 13 , 
as many prefer (Ell.; cf. Lillie who remarks: "as working together with 
God to the same end"). For Xotxbv o5v in papyri, see Mill, ad loc. 
On the interpretation of vv. !-, see also Bahnsen, ZWT. 1904, 332-358. 



KT\. "In the Lord Jesus we ask and urge 
you." On the analogy of irapa^eXko^ev KOI irapaKakov^v 
ev Kvpi q) I. X. (II 3 12 ; cf. Rom. i4 14 Eph. 4 17 ), both verbs are to 
be construed with ev Kvpiw Irjaov. In fact, epco-rav and 7rapa/ca- 
\elv are virtually synonymous (CEcumenius, apud Lillie: TUVTOV 
eariv /col i<ro$vvaftei) , as the usage in papyri shows (cf. also Phil. 
4 2 f . Lk. f f Acts i6 39 ). The position of fytas, after the first, not 
after the second verb, suggests not that the converts are in the 
Lord, which on other grounds is true, but that the apostles are 
in the Lord, the point being that the exhortation is based not on 
personal authority but on the authority of the indwelling Christ, 
which is recognised as valid by both readers and writers. 



On the phrase, cf. P. Oxy. 744 (Witk. 97): IpwTdi as xal xapaxaXw as; 
and P. Oxy. 294 (Mill. Greek Papyri, 36) : IPCOTW Be ae *al xapaxaXw. 
Like SecaOat, xapax.aXeZv is used of prayer to Christ (2 Cor. i2 8 ); cf. 
P. Leid. K (Witk. 89): xapa^aXw Be x,al auTbq TOU<; Oeouq. epovuav like 
our "ask" and the Hebrew Vx^ is used in later Gk. for both "ask a ques 
tion," " interrogare" and "ask a favour," "rogare " (cf. 2 Esd. 5 10 Ps. 1363). 
The construction Ipwrav c va, only here in Paul but quite common else 
where (cf. Mk. 7 26 Lk. 7 3G ; P. Oxy. 744 13 f -), is analogous to xapocxaXeZv Yva 
(II 3 12 1 Cor. i 10 16 12 2 Cor. 9 5 12 8 ). On the ev in ev (&A insert TW) xupfy 
IrjaoO, cf. Rom. 14" Phil. 2 19 Eph. i 15 , and see on i 1 . 

iva . . . iva. With iva, Paul starts to introduce the object of 
the verbs of exhorting (BMT. 201); but before he gets to the 
goal he reminds the readers tactfully (i) that what he has to 
say is conformable to what they had received from him when he 
was with them; and (2) that they are in fact walking according 
to instructions received. When then he comes to the object of 
the verbs and repeats the iva, he can only ask and urge them to 
abound the more. 

Precisely what Paul intended to say when he began with the first 
Yva, whether xepcxon:f)Te x.al apdaxiQTe Oew, we do not know. Dob. ob 
serves that the Clementine Vulgate and Pelagius (but Souter thinks 
not) read sic et ambuletis = OUTGX; xod xepcxocTijTe, and take the second 



IV, i-2 143 

Yva in subordination to the first; a reading due to a corruption, within 
the Latin versions, of ambulatis. To avoid the pleonasm (Zim.), &AKL, 
et al., omit the first Vva; KL, et al., further soften by omitting 



ica0a><> 7rape\d/3eTe KT\. The first /caOw clause reminds them 
tactfully that what he has to say is not new but strictly conform 
able (/caOw) to the traditions and instructions which they had 
received (Tra/aeXaySere; c f. Gal. i 9 1 Cor. I5 1 ; II 3 6 Phil. 4 9 Col. 2 C ), 
those, namely, as v. 2 notes explicitly, that he had previously com 
manded &ia rov Kvpiov. The teachings are here referred to gen 
erally and in the form of an indirect question : " As to how (TO TTW?) 
you ought to walk and so (/cat) please God" (cf. Col. i 10 ). The 
Kal is consecutive and "marks the apecr/ceiv as the result of 
the irepnraTelv" (Ell.; cf. Bl. 77 6 ). 

Paul as a Pharisee (Gal. i 14 ) and as a Christian has his xapaB6asc<; 
(II 2 15 3 i Cor. ii 2 ) or TUXO? BtBax^? (Rom. 6 17 ; cf. i6 17 1 Cor. 4 17 Col. 2 7 
Eph. 4 21 ). Although he attributes his gospel to the immediate inspira 
tion of the indwelling Christ or Spirit, yet the contents of the gospel are 
mediated by the Old Testament (e. g. Rom. 3 21 13 9 ), late Judaism, words 
of Jesus (4 15 )> and by the teaching of the primitive church (i Cor. n 23 
I5 3 ). On TOO?, see i 9 ; on T6 introducing indirect questions, cf. Rom. 8 28 
andBl. 47 B ; on ib TOO?, Acts 4 21 ; on xw<; Sec, II 3 7 Col. 4 6 . 

/ca0a)s Kal TrepLTrarelre. This second tactful reminder, in 
troduced by /ca0w KCLI (cf. 3 4 ), is thoroughly in keeping with 
v. 10 5 11 II 3 4 , and indicates of itself that the actual exhortation 
can only be for more such conduct. Hence the object of epcorcofj.ev 
/cal TrapaKaXov/jiev is, as expected: iva TrepLo-aevrjre yLtaXXoz^, 
"that you abound even more in walking according to the in 
structions received." 

On dtpjfaxecv, see 2* and Deiss. NBS. 51; on Tcspcaaetiecv [xaXXov, see 
v. 10 and cf. 2 Cor. 3 9 Phil. i 9 . Paul uses regularly the present subj. of 
xeptaaeuetv (i Cor. 14" 2 Cor. 8 7 g 8 Phil. i 2 <0; but B, et al., here and BD, 
et al., in Phil, i 9 read the aorist subj. as in 2 Cor. 4". 

2. oiSare <ydp KT\. "For you know what instructions we 
gave you." yap strengthens and confirms the point already 
made in the first clause with Kaffais (v, l ). This explicit appeal to 



144 I THESSALONIANS 

the knowledge of the readers shows how concerned Paul is in 
insisting that he is making no new requests. 

"The emphasis, as Liinemann observes, rests on TI VOC?, and prepares 
the readers for the following TOUTO, v. 3 " (Ell.). Not until we come to 
dxs^eaOai do we learn the content of Tb icwq Set (v. *) and Tt vag (v. 2 ). 
For ycfcp, cursive 33 reads S (cf. Gal. 4"). oTBore yap reminds us of 
the apologetic appeals in i 5 2 l - 2 - 6 - 3 3 - 4 ; here also the reference is 
apologetic, but in a different sense; Paul would have his converts feel 
that he is not issuing new and arbitrary orders, but orders already given 
and prompted by the indwelling Christ (Sea TOU xupfou). xapayyeXfo 
is a military word occurring rarely in Gk. Bib. (literally in Acts 5 28 i6 24 ; 
of ethical orders, i Tim. i 5 - 18 i Clem. 42"). StSdvat xapay. is a late 
Gk. periphrasis for -jcapayyeXXecv (a common word in Gk. Bib.; cf. 
v. n II 3 4 ff -) similar to SiS6vat evToXrjv for IvueXXeaOac (cf. t in Jn. 14", 
BL with HAD). 

Sia TOV Kvpiov Irjcrov. " Prompted by the Lord Jesus " (Lft.) ; 
loqmnte in nobis Spiritu Christi (Vatablus, apua Poole). The 
3ia designates the Lord "as the causa medians through which 
the TrapayyeXicu were declared; they were not the Apostle s 
own commands, but Christ s (ovtc epa yap, Qrja-fo, a TrapijyyeiXa, 
a\\ y eiceivov Tavra, Theophylact), by whose influence he was 
moved to deliver them" (Ell.). $ia tcvpiov is grammatically 
different from but essentially identical with ev tcvptq); the former 
is dynamic both in form and in meaning; the latter is static in 
form but dynamic in force (see on i 1 ). Christians are "in" 
Christ or the Spirit because Christ or the Spirit is in them as a 
permanent energising activity. Since the divine is in them, it 
is "through" (Bid) the divine as a mediating cause that they are 
empowered to do all things (Phil. 4 13 ). The presence of both ev 
Kvptto (v. J ) and Bca icvpiov is here designed not to emphasise 
the apostolic authority of the writers but to point the readers to 
the divine source of authority which both readers and writers 
recognise as legitimate, the indwelling Christ. To be sure, Paul 
recognises his apostolic authority (2 6 II 3); no doubt it had of 
itself immense weight with the Thessalonians; but here he in 
sists that just as when he was with them (2 7 ) so now as he writes 
he is but one of them, relying as they do on Christ in them as the 
common source of divine authority. 



IV, 2-3 i45 

Schettler, Die paulmische Formel, "Durch Christus" 1907, gives an 
exhaustive study of Sid: with XptaToO and its synonyms, Oeou and xveii- 
{xaToq. While pressing his point somewhat rigorously, he succeeds in 
showing that Si& indicates causal agency, and that the phrase " through 
Christ" denotes the activity of the spiritual Christ as agent in crea 
tion and salvation, and as an influence either in general or specifically 
in the life of prayer and the official legitimation of Paul (cf. AJT. 1907, 
690/0. For this 8i<4, cf. 4 14 5 9 II 2 2 . A few minuscules (69. 441-2. 462) 
read here Iv xupfcp I. (cf. II 3 12 where for Iv x. I. X., tf C D C KL, et al., 
read 8t& x.. I. X.); on this interchange of ev and 8fc, see further Rom. 
5 9 ! - 2 Cor. i 2 5 18 f - Col. i lc - 19 f -. On ev 6v6naTi (II 3 6 Col 3 17 ) and Sit* 
cou 6v6nTo<; (i Cor. i 10 ), see below on II 3 6 . 



(2) True Consecration (4 3 8 ). 

The divine exhortation (ev Kvpia, v. l ) and the divine com 
mand (&ia Kvpi ov, v. 2 ) now becomes the divine will (OeXfj^a TOV 
6eov, v. 3 ). The meaning of TO TTCO? (v. x ) and TIVOK (v. 2 ) which 
are resumed by TOUTO (v. 3 ) is first stated generally as "your 
consecration," that is, "that you be consecrated." This gen 
eral statement is then rendered specific by two pairs of infinitives 
in apposition to o a<yiacrpos VJJL&V, namely, aire^crQai and et Semt, 
KracrOai, and v7rep/3aLi>eLv. The principle is that true consecra 
tion being moral as well as religious demands sexual purity. 
Along with the principle, a practical remedy is suggested: The 
prevention of fornication by having respect for one s wife; and the 
prevention of adultery by marrying not in lust but in the spirit 
of holiness and honour. As a sanction for obedience, Paul adds 
(w. 6b - 8 ) that Christ punishes impurity; that God calls Christians 
not for impurity but for holiness; and that the Spirit, the gift 
of God unto consecration, is a permanent divine power resident 
in the individual Christian (5 23 ) so that disobedience is directed 
not against the human but against the divine. 

The appeal to the Spirit as the highest sanction^in every problem of 
the moral life is characteristic of Paul; cf. i Cor. 6 19 and McGiffert, 
Apostolic Age, 263$. The reason for presenting the Christian view of 
consecration involving a Christian view of marriage is to be found not 
simply in the fact that the converts had as pagans looked upon sexual 
immorality as a matter of indifference, but also in the fact that such im- 
10 



146 I TIIESSALONIANS 

morality had been sanctioned by their own religious rites (see on dxa- 
Oapat a, 2 3 ). The temptation was thus particularly severe and some of 
the converts may have been on the point of yielding. The group as a 
whole, however, was pure, as i 3 3 and xaOw? x.al TOpixaTelTe (v. 2 ) 
make plain. 

*God s will is this, that you be consecrated, that is, that you ab 
stain from fornication, Hhat each of you respect his own wife; that 
each of you get his own wife in the spirit of consecration and honour 
5 not in the passion of lust, as is the case with the Gentiles who know 
not God, Ho prevent any one of you from disregarding or taking ad 
vantage of his brother in the matter. For the Lord is an avenger for 
all these matters, as indeed we have predicted and solemnly affirmed; 
^for God has not called us Christians for impurity but to be conse 
crated; ^consequently the rejecter rejects not man but God who puts 
his Spirit, the consecrating Spirit, into you. 

3. TOUTO yap KT\. "Well, to be explicit, God s will is this." 
With the explanatory 7*1/0, TO TTCO? and T(VOS (v. 2 ) are resumed by 
TOUTO, a predicate probably, placed for emphasis before the sub 
ject Oe\7jjjia TOV Oeov-, and are further explained in o ayiaafjibs 
V/AWV. By saying "God s will," Paul lays stress once more on 
the divine sanction already evident in the introduction (vv. x - 2 ), 
"in" and "through" the Lord Jesus. 



Though aytaap.bc; u^wv and dxsxecOac are in apposition with TOUTO, 
it is yet uncertain whether TOUTO is subject (Lft. and most comm.) or 
predicate (De W. Dob.)- Since TOUTO resumes the objects TO TOO? and 
Tfvaq, and since the prompting subject is Christ (oia TOU xupiou) who 
expresses the will of God, it is perhaps better to take Ge"Xiq^a TOU Geou 
as subject and TOUTO as predicate. On TOUTO yap, cf. especially 5 18 ; also 
4 1B 2 Cor. 8 10 Col. 3 2 , etc. In Paul regularly (except i Cor. 7" Eph. 2 3 ) 
and in Lxx. frequently, 0Xiq^a refers to the divine will. In Paul we 
have either TO OlXiq^a TOU Oeou (Rom. i2 2 Eph. 6 6 ; with xaTa, Gal. i* 
(cf. i Esd. 8 16 ); or Iv, Rom. i 10 ); or G)apa Oeou (5 18 ; with Sea, Rom. 
IS 32 i Cor. i 1 , etc.) like e5ayyXcov Oeou (Rom. i 1 ). We expect here 
either TO 6X-rpa TOU Oeou (A) or OeX-rjixa Oeou (D; so BD in 5 18 where x 
has OeXrpa TOU Oeou). The omission of only one article here may be due 
to the influence of the Hebrew construct state (Bl. 46 9 ). But neither 
here nor in 5 18 is the total will of God in mind; multae stint voluntatcs 
(Bengel). Paul does not use Ge~XTjacs; cf. ?) 0Xi)ai<; TOU Geou (Tob. i2 18 
2 Mac. i2 16 ). 



iv, 3~4 147 

o ayuw/Mff v/jiwv = TO v/jias ayid^eaOai,. God s will is "your 
consecration"; that is, either that you may be consecrated or 
better that you consecrate yourselves. The word ayiao-fjios 
denotes both the process of consecration (as here) and the state 
of the consecrated (as w. 4 - 7 ; see SH. on Rom. 6 19 ). The con 
secrating power is God (5 23 ), Christ (i Cor. i 2 - 30 ), or the Spirit 
(v. 8 II 2 13 ; cf. Rom. i5 16 ). Though in itself, as Vorstius (apud 
Poole) observes, a^iaa-pos is a general term, yet the immediate 
context, a7re%ecr0(u . . . Tropveias, and the contrasts between 
dyLao-fjids and Trado? ejriOvfjdax (w. 4 5 ) and between ayiao-fjios 
and a/caOapcria (v. 7 ) suggest the restriction to impurity. 

In the N. T. dytaacxot; is chiefly in Paul; but only here do we have 
the article or the personal pronoun (cf. Ezek. 45 4 ). On ev dyiaqjup, cf. 
vv. 4 - 7 Test, xii, Benj. io n Ps. Sol. 17" i Clem. 35"; on Iv dytaqjup 
OSUJJUZTO? II 2 13 i Pet. i-; on ecq dycaqj^v, Rom. 6 19 - 22 Amos 2". 
For dytaa[j.6q = dyttoauvrj, cf. Test, xii, Levi iS 7 (xveu^a dycaajAou) with 
18" and Rom. i 4 (xvsu 



. . . Tropveias. "That you hold aloof from fornica 
tion"; for true consecration to God is moral as well as religious. 
Every kind of impurity is a sin not simply against man but 
against God (cf. v. 8 and Ps. 50: crol 



What was unclear in tb IUGJ? (v. l ), Ttva? (v. 2 ), and TOUTO (v. 3 ) and 
what was still general in 6 d&Yia<jy.b<; u^wv, now (vv. 3b - 8a ) becomes clear 
and specific in the two pairs of infinitives, dcxdxecOac and elSdvat, 
and &wep^afvetv, placed in asyndetical apposition with 6 dyc- 
5[xwv. Dibelius thinks it unnecessary to take the infin. as ap- 
positive, "since the infinitive often appears in such hortatory enu 
merations (see Pseudophokylides)"; on such infinitives, but without 
subject, cf. Rom. i2 15 Phil. 3 1S and Bl. 6Q 1 . In the Lxx. dx^xeaOat 
takes either the genitive alone or the gen. with dxo (both constructions 
in Sap. 2 1G ); classic Gk. prefers the former, Paul the latter (5") . Paul 
uses the plural xopvec ac (i Cor. 7 2 ) but not xaca xopvec a (so F here); 
the word itself suggests all forms of sexual immorality. On the generic 
rijS, cf. i Cor. 6"- 18 . 

4. elSevai . . . er/eeuo?. "That each of you respect his own wife." 
Usually elSevcu is understood in the sense of "learn how to," 
"savoir" (Phil. 4 12 ) and so is construed with fcraa-Oai as its com- 



148 I THESSALONIANS 

piemen t: "that each one of you learn how to get (or possess ) 
his own vessel ( wife or body ) in holiness and honour"; in the 
light, however, of 5 12 where el8&eu = "respect," it is tempting 
to take it also here = "regard," "appreciate the worth of." In 
this case a comma is to be put after oveevo? to indicate the separa 
tion of fcrao-Oai from elS&ai. With this punctuation, the paral 
lelism of aTrexeaOcu and elBevai, /cra&Ocu and TO JJLTJ vTrepftaiveiv 
becomes at once obvious. 

e!8lvac here and 5 12 , like ixtyevc&oxetv in i Cor. i6 18 Mt. 17", is 
employed in a sense akin to that in the common Lxx. phrase etSdvai 

|(v. fi II i 8 Gal. 4 8 ) or ytvwcxecv (Gal. 4 9 ) Oeov, the knowledge involving 
intelligent reverence and obedience; cf. Ign. Smyr. g 1 : Gebv xcd exta- 
scoxov siB^vac. For exaarov, B 2 or B 3 , the Latins, ct at. read eva exaaiov 
as 2 n II i 3 . (i) In the usual view which takes dSevat with XTaaOac 
and which rightly sees in vv. 3b - 8 a reference solely to dcxaGapcta, the point 
is that "first xopvec cc is prohibited; then a holy use of its natural remedy 
affirmatively inculcated; and lastly the heinous sin of ^oc^etac, especially 
as regarded in its social aspects, formally denounced" (Ell.). (2) In 
favour of the alternative view which takes e?Ssvat = "respect" and 
so separates it from x-raaOat is the position of XTaaOac not before tb 
eauTou cxeuoq as we should expect from Phil. 4 12 , and as DG, et al., 
here actually have it, but after; the apparent parallelism of the four 
infinitives; the fact that elMvoa . . . cxsuog is complete in itself, bal 
ancing dcx%ea6c . . . xopvetaq; and the fact that eJSivat in 5 12 = "to 
respect," "appreciate." In this alternative view we have two pairs 
of parallel infinitives, dxexeaOac and etSevat, x/uaaOac and ib (xfj uxsp@a- 
veiv. In the first pair, dxexsaOac, though first in order, is really subor 
dinate to e!Bvat, the point being: "abstain from fornication by ap 
preciating the worth of your wife." In the second pair, uxsp^ahecv, 
as Tb [L-TI (v. infra) intimates, is explicitly subordinate to x/raaOac, the 
thought being: "marry in the spirit of holiness and thus prevent 
adultery with a brother s wife." The arrangement of the four infin- 
xL itives is chiastic; in each pair a practical remedy for temptation is 
provided. 

Spitta (Zur GescUcUe und Litteratur, I, 1893, i3i 2 ) was evidently the 
first to suggest the separation of /.TdcaOat from stSlvat; but his own 
view that etSlvat = jn> (Gen. 4 17 , etc.) is apparently untenable, for 
jrv = "know carnally" is rendered in Lxx. not by scS^vat but by ycvda- 
axetv (Judg. 21" is not an exception). Born, and Vincent rightly take 
eSvai here as in 5 12 to mean "respect," but assume for xTdcaOat the 
improbable sense (v. infra): "to do business." Wohl., after taking the 
position that both impurity and dishonesty in business are discussed 



IV, 4 149 

in vv. 3b - 9 , suggests for consideration in a. foot-note (go 2 ) an interpre 
tation similar to the alternative view here proposed, but does not 
elaborate it. 

TO eavTov cr/ceOo?. "His own vessel," that is, "his own wife." 
Paul has in mind married men and the temptation to unholy 
and dishonourable relations with women. The eavrov intimates 
a contrast between a cr/eeOo? Tropveias and a oveeOo? ydfjiov TL/ULIOV. 
As elSevat KT\., parallel to and explanatory of aTrexeaQai KT\. 
shows, the way of escape from nropveia is the appreciation of the 
worth of the wife. This estimate of marriage is essential to true 
consecration and is God s will. 

oxeuo? is rare in Paul; it is used literally of a utensil in the household 
(Rom. g 21 ), and metaphorically, with some qualifying description, of 
an implement for some purpose (e. g. Rom. g 22 f - oxeurj 6py^<;, eXIouq; 
2 Cor. 4 7 6aTp&xcva axsur) "a metaphor from money stored in earthen 
jars," as Bigg (ICC. on i Pet. 3 ) notes). The absolute irb axeuo<; in a 
metaphorical sense appears to be unique in the Gk. Bib. (i) On the 
analogy of the other Pauline passages, the reference here is to a vessel 
adapted to a purpose; and the emphasis on lau-uou and the contrast 
with xopvefa suggest the woman as the vessel, not, however, for forni 
cation but for honourable marriage. This meaning for oxeOoq has a 
parallel not in i Pet. 3 7 (where both the man and the woman are vessels), 
but in rabbinical literature (cf. Schb ttgen, Horae Hebraicae, I, 827), 
where So = oxsuoq = woman. This interpretation of axeuoq is taken by 
the Greek Th. Mops, as well as by Augustine and most modem com 
mentators. (2) On the other hand, many commentators (e. g. Ter- 
tullian, Chrys. Theodoret, Calv. Grot. Mill. Dibelius) understand 
oxeuoq as = " body." In support of this opinion, passages are frequently 
adduced (see Liin. and cf. Barn. 7 3 n 19 ) in which the context rather than 
the word itself (oxeuoq, dcyyelov, row) indicates that the vessel of the 
spirit or soul is the body. But even if cxeuo? of itself is a metaphor for 
body (cf. Barn. 2 1 8 ), it is difficult so to understand it here, if xTocaGac 
and eauTou have their usual meaning, (i) xtaaOat in the Gk. Bib. as 
in classic Gk. means "to get" a wife (Sir. 36 29 ), children (Gen. 4 1 ), 
friends (Sir. 6 7 ), enemies (Sir. 2o 23 2g 6 ), gold (Mt. io 19 ), etc.; also "to 
buy" (Acts i 18 8 20 22 2 ). The sense "dem Erwerb nachgehen" (Born.), 
"pursue gain-getting" (Vincent) is doubtful, although we have the 
absolute 6 XTTW^SVO? "the buyer" (Dent. 28 68 Ezek. 7" f - 8 3 ); xxT7]aGac 
(not in N. T.) in Lxx. as in classic Gk. means " to have gotten " (a wife, 
Ruth 4 10 ), "possess" (Pr. i6 22 ), "own" (6 xex-nj^voq, "the owner," 
Ep. Jer. 58). "Cum xTaaOat significat acquirere non potest oxeuoq 
significare corpus suum sed uxorem" (Wetstein). This conclusion, how- 



150 I THESSALONIANS 

ever, is bereft of its force if in Hellenistic Gk. xTaaOac = xix/r-rjaOai (so 
Mill, who quotes P. Tebt. 5 241 ff - and P. Oxy. 2598; and, following him, 
Dibelius). (2) But the difficulty with eauiroG remains: "to possess 
his own body." This may be obviated by assuming that here, as often 
in later Gk., eauTou like 18105 (cf. i Cor. 7 2 ) has "lost much of its em 
phatic force" (Mill, on lauTYjg, 2 7 ; and Moult. I, 87^.). If, however, 
xTocaGat and eauTou retain here their normal meaning, then GX.SUOC 
probably = "woman," "wife." 



L. "That each of you get in marriage his own wife" 
(sc. TO eavrov ovceuo?). Wetstein notes Sir. 36 29 : o /cT&>/.iew 
<yvvaiica evdp^erai fcrrjo-ew (cf. also Ruth 4 10 ). Paul has now in 
mind unmarried men and the temptation especially to adultery. 
The eavrov is contrasted with the brother s wife implied in v. 6 . 
True consecration, which is God s will, is not simply that a man 
should marry in order to avoid adultery (cf. i Cor. 7 2 : &^ 
r9 TTOpveias e/eacrro? Tr)v eavrov yvval/ca e^ero)), but, as the 
ey dyiao-/j,(p /cal Tipy prescribes, should marry in purity and re 
spect for his wife, and not in the passion of lust. As the clause 
with elSe vat, explained that the married man is to appreciate 
his wife and so be kept from fornication, so the clause with TO pr) 
vTrcp/Saiveiv indicates that the unmarried man is to marry in 
holiness and honour and so be kept from invading the sanctity 
of his brother s home. 

The subject exaa-rov and the object -cb eauTou oxeuo? hold over; cf. 
Sir. 5i 25 (KTTJaaaOe CC&TOC? aveu dcpyup(ou), where aOrrjv is to be supplied. 



teal TL/JLTJ. "In holiness and honour." The ev 
designates the atmosphere in which the union of the man and 
woman takes place (Ell.), a^iaa^ is here equivalent to ayuo- 
avvrj, the state of those who are consecrated to God. Religious 
feeling is to pervade marriage; but whether this feeling is to be 
expressed in prayer is not stated. Wohl. notes Ignatius to 
Polycarp 5 2 : "It is fitting for men who marry and women who 
are married to unite themselves (rrjv evwcriv Troiela-Qai) with 
the consent of the bishop "va o yd/Jios 77 Kara Kvpwv KOI fir) /car 
cTTiOv/Jiiav." The marriage is likewise to be "in honour"; 
that is, the woman is not a cr/ceOo? Tropveias but a ovceDo? <yd/j,ov 
, and honour is due her as a person of worth 



iv, 4-6 i5i 

Paul s statement touches only the principles; Tobit 8 1 ff - is more 
specific. "Even were y.-caaGoct taken as = possess, a usage not quite 
impossible for later Greek, it would only extend the idea to the duties 
of a Christian husband" (Moff.). 



5. fir) ev TrdOeL eiriOvfJiia^ tcr\. Without connecting particle, 
the positive statement is further elucidated by a negative and 
the contrast between Pauline and pagan ideals of marriage 
sharply set forth: "not in the passion of lust as is the case with 
the Gentiles who do not recognise and obey the moral require 
ments of God." That pagan marriage was marked by the ab 
sence of holiness and respect for the wife and by the presence of 
passionate lust is the testimony of one familiar with the facts, 
one who is "as good a source for the life of the people as any 
satirist "(Dob.). 



signifies any feeling; to 4 Mac. it consists of TJOOVTJ and ^vo?; 
in Paul it is always used in a bad sense (Rom. i 26 Col. 3 5 ). eTuOu^ot in 
Paul has usually a bad sense, but sometimes a good sense (2 17 Phil, i 23 ; 
cf. x.ax9j IxtOu^a, Col. 3 5 ). On xaGaxep xaf, see 3 6 . Ellicott, with his 
wonted exactness, notes the y.ocf as having here "its comparative force 
and instituting a comparison between the Gentiles and the class im 
plied in Ixaorov u^iov." On TO: ^ elSoTa -ubv Oe6v, a Lxx. phrase (Jer. 
io 25 Ps. 78 6 ), cf. II i 8 Gal. 4" i Cor. i 21 , and contrast Rom. i :i . If the 
Thessalonians in their pagan state had held xopvsfa to be sanctioned 
by religion, and had also considered icd0o<; ex:0u[x(oc<; to be compatible 
with honourable marriage, the clause with xaOdxep would be particularly 
telling. See Jowett, II, 70^. "On the Connexion of Immorality and 
Idolatry." 



6. TO pi) vTreplBaiveiv KalTrKeoveKTeiv. "To prevent (TO 
any one of you (sc. TWO, V/JLWV from efcaarop V/JLWV, v. 4 ) from dis 
regarding and taking advantage of his brother in the matter." 
Just as appreciation of the wife (elBevcu) is tacitly regarded as 
a preventive of fornication (a7re%eo-#at), so pure and honoura 
ble marriage (KraaOai) is expressly (TO prf} regarded as prevent 
ing the invasion (inrep/Baiveiv) of the sanctity of the brother s 
home. 

The meaning of cb \tf) is uncertain. Many take it as final in the sense 
of TOU (AT) (Schmiedel) or WOTS (Lft.); others regard it as not merely 
parallel to the anarthrous etSlvoci but as reverting " to the preceding 



152 I THESSALONIANS 



, of which it presents a specific exemplification more immediately 
suggested by the second part of v. 4 " (Ell.); Dob., who inclines to the 
view of Ell., concludes that the article indicates the beginning of a new 
and second main point, the matter of dishonesty in business; Dibelius 
suggests that the article is merely a caesura in delivery, designed to show 
that the [ATJ is not parallel to the ^YJ in v. 5 , but the beginning of a new 
clause. On the other hand, -ub ^YJ (cf. 3 3 ) may be due to the idea of hin 
dering implied in the clause with xTdcaGocc, a clause thus to be closely 
connected with -ub JJLTJ uxep^at vetv y.rX., as indeed the asyndetical con 
struction itself suggests. In classical Greek, -cb [ATJ is used with many 
verbs and expressions which denote or even imply hindrance or preven 
tion (GMT. 811, where inter alia the following are noted: ^Eschylus, 
Agam. 15: $6@o<; xapaaTaTst -rb [rrj ^Xepapa au^aXelv uxvtp ("stands 
by to prevent my closing my eyes in sleep"); and Soph. Antig. 544: 
P.TJTOC, (i* dTt^orjq ib JAY) ou Oavetv). In this case there is no reason for 
assuming a change of subject in v. 6 . 5xep(iafveiv, only here in N. T., 
is used in the Lxx. literally, "cross over" (2 Reg. 22 30 Pr. g 18 A), "pass 
by" (2 Reg. i8 23 Job g 11 ); and metaphorically "surpass" (3 Mac. 6 24 ), 
"leave unnoticed," "disregard" (Mic. y 18 : e^ca pcov dcvo^u at; xal uxep- 
(tat vov dae^etaq). Since the meaning "disregard" suits perfectly here 
(cf. Ell. who notes Isasus 38 6 43 34 and other passages), it is unneces 
sary to take uxep(3cu vcv absolutely, or to supply, instead of the natural 
object Tbv dBeXpbv auTou, either optov or vopiov (see Wetstein, who also 
quotes Jerome: conccssos fines practergrcdicns nuptiarum}. xXeovsx- 
Telv occurs elsewhere in Gk. Bib. apart from Paul (2 Cor. 2 11 7 2 i2 17f -) 
only Judg. 4 11 Ezek. 22" Hab. 2 9 ; it means "get the advantage of," 
" defraud," the context not the word itself indicating the nature of 
the advantage taken, whether in money, as usually in Paul, or not 
(2 Cor. 2 11 ). Here the object of greediness (cf. xXeove^c a, 2 5 ) is the 
brother s wife as the context as a whole and ev TW xpdytxaTt par 
ticularly suggest. 



ev TW Trpdy/jiaTi. "In the matter," "the meaning of which is 
sufficiently defined by the context" (Lft.), as in 2 Cor. 7". It 
is probable that the phrase is not a specific reference either to 
TTOpveia, as if the article were anaphoristic, or to yu,o^e/a, as if 
the article referred to the matter immediately in hand, but is 
"a euphemistic generalisation for all sorts of uncleanness" 
(Lillie), as Trepl TTCIVTCOV TOVTCOV in this clause and a/ca6apaia in 
v. 7 suggest. 

T(O, not the enclitic TW, which is without parallel in the N. T., is to be 
read. xpay^a like res and ~on is a euphemism for anything abominable. 
Wetstein cites in point not only 2 Cor. 7" but also /Eschines, Timarch. 



iv, 6 153 

132 jf. and Isaeus, dc hacrcd. Cironis, 44; cf. also Pirque Aboth 5" and 
Taylor s note. In this connection it may be noted that many commen 
tators (e. g. Calv. Grot. De W. Ltin. Born. Vincent, Wohl. Dob.) deny 
the view of Chrys. Th. Mops. Bengel, and most English interpreters (see 
the names in Lillie) that Paul in vv. 3b - 8 is referring solely to impurity, 
and assert, either on the ground that Vulg. translates ev TW xpaytxaTt 
by in ncgotio or that Paul frequently associates uncleanness with avarice 
(cf. Test, xii, Benj. 5 1 acoyuoc and ol xXeovex-coOvTeq), that with Tb ^JLTJ 
a new point begins, dishonesty in business (cf. especially Dob. Die 
. urchristlichen Gemeinden, 1902, 283) . In this view, xpay^a = " business "; 
and the article is either anaphoristic, if with Born, and Vincent xTdcoOai 
= " to do business," or generic, business in general. Against this opin 
ion isJJhe consideration that "no other adequate example of xpay^a in 
this sense in the singular has been produced" (Mill.). To obviate this 
consideration, Dibelius looks beyond i Cor. 6 1 (xpaypux I%eiv) to the 
papyri for xpayyia in the sense of "case" at court, without explaining 
TW, and refers v. c to disputes: "nickt Ucbergri/e machcn und bcim Zwist 
den Brudcr ubervorteilen." To interpret v. 6 of sexual immorality is 
considered forced exegesis by Calv. and Dob. On the other hand, Ell. 
pertinently remarks: "To regard the verse as referring to fraud and 
covetousness in the general affairs of life is to infringe on the plain mean 
ing of TCO icp&YExaTt; to obscure the reference to the key- word of the 
paragraph dbwcOapafoc (v. 7 ); to mar the contextual symmetry of the 
verses; and to introduce an exegesis so frigid and unnatural as to make 
us wonder that such good names should be associated with an interpre 
tation seemingly so improbable." 

TOV a$e\(j)bi> avrov. Not neighbour in general, not both neigh 
bour and Christian brother, but simply the Christian brother is 
meant. Obviously the point is not that it is permissible thus to 
wrong an outsider, but that it is unspeakable thus to wrong a 
brother in Christ. Zanchius (apud Poole) compares aptly i Cor. 
6 8 : aSi/celre KCU rovro aSe\<j)ovs. 

6 b -8. With Stow, yap (v. 7 ) and roiyapovv (v. 8 ), Paul passes 
to motives for obeying these commands, not his but God s com 
mands. First he appeals, as he had done before when he was 
with them, to the sanction of the judgment when Christ will 
punish all these sins of the flesh (v. Gb ). Next he reminds them 
that God s call had a moral end in view, holiness (v. 7 ). Finally 
he points out that the indwelling, consecrating Spirit, the gift of 
God, is the resident divine power in the individual, so that dis 
obedience strikes not at the human but at the divine (v. 8 ). 



154 I THESSALONIANS 



e/cbifcos KT\. &IOTI, = "because" as in 2 8 . As a sanction 
for present obedience to the will of God as specified in vv. 3b - Ca , 
Paul points to the future judgment (2 Cor. 5 10 , Rom. i4 10 ). 
Kvpws is not flee? (GF) but Christ (3 12 ), as the emphatic 6 #eo? 
(vv. 7 ~ 8 ) intimates. He is the one who inflicts punishment di 
rectly or indirectly (cf. II i 8 ), the avenger (e&09) "for all these 
things," that is, for fornication, adultery, and all such unclean- 
ness. 



means here, as always in Gk. Bib. (Rom. 13* Sir. 30" Sap. i2 12 
4 Mac. i5 20 ; cf. exocxYjrfe Ps. 8 3 ), "avenger." This characterisation 
of God is so common in the Lxx. (IxBtxcov or TCOCWV exot xiqacv, Ps. 98* 
Nah. i 2 Mic. 5 15 , etc.), that the phrase exBtxoq xupto<; here need not 
be a literary allusion to Ps. Q3 1 : 6 Oebq exocxiqaewv xuptoq, 6 Gebq e 



/ca6a>s Kal TrpoeLTra/jiev KT\. Paul tactfully reminds them, 
as in vv. 1 ~ 2 , that this eschatological sanction is not new to them. 
When he was with them he had "predicted" and "solemnly 
affirmed" that Christ would avenge all manner of unchastity. 
Apparently neither the temptation nor the exhortation was new. 
But whether Timothy had brought news of the yielding to temp 
tation in some case or cases, since Paul s departure, as o aOerwv 
(v. 8 ) rather strongly intimates, or whether the exhortation is 
simply prophylactic, is uncertain. 



On the comparative xcd (A omits) after xaBcfc, sec 3*; the xa{ after 
&[juv is the simple copula; on the position of u^juv, cf. v. : epomo^ev u[i<zq. 
jcpoefoayiev (cf. Gal. 5 21 where it is contrasted with -jupoXlY") is predictive 
as in 3 4 ; on the mixed aorist (AKL read -rposfeo^sv), see Bl. 2i l . 8ia- 
[jLapTupecOac, only here in Paul but common elsewhere in Gk. Bib., is 
possibly stronger than [xapTupsaOat (2 12 ; but cf. Kennedy, Sources, 37); 
it means either "call to witness" (Jer. 39 10 - 44 Deut. 4 26 3i 28 ) or "solemnly 
affirm or protest"; ctiam apttd Alt. notio tcstes inwcandi cvanescit 
(Blass on Acts 2 40 ). 

7. ov jap etcd\eo-ev KT\. The yap, parallel to buhl (v. 6 ), in 
troduces a second motive for obedience, the moral goal of God s 
call. "For God called us Christians not that we should be im 
pure (fcW denoting the purpose or object) but that we should be 
holy" (ev indicating the state of holiness resulting from the call- 



iv, 6-8 i55 

ing). Such being the moral purpose of the call, it would be sin 
to disregard these commands which express God s will. 

On y.ccXetv, which is mediated by the preaching of the gospel (II 2 14 ), 
see 2 12 ; on dxaOocpac a, which sums up -jcepl icdvTwv -TOUTCOV, see 2 3 . dyc- 
aqj.6g is here, as in v. 4 , holiness, the state of those whom God con 
secrates to himself through the Spirit, eici indicates either the condition 
or basis on which, or the " object or purpose for which, they were (not) 
called" (Ell.); cf. Gal. 5 13 Eph. 2" and Bl. 43 3 ; also Sap. 2 23 b Oeb? 
IxTicev ibv avOpcoxov ETC dcpOapatqc (Mill.). Iv is not for efc (Piscator) 
but is a "natural abbreviation for wars elvac ev dycaqjup as the sense 
requires" (Lft. who notes Eph. 4"). For Iv introducing the result of 
xceXsiv, Col. 3 15 is pertinent. Other expositors (c. g. Bengel, Hofmann, 
Riggenbach, Wohl. Dob.) understand dytaa[j.6<; as an act of God and 
Iv as indicating the essential character of the call. 

8. roiyapovv. With Toiyapovv, "therefore," " consequently," 
Paul draws a sharp inference from vv. 3 ~ 7 . Since the specific 
commands, making for a consecration that is moral, are the ex 
press will of God who not only judges but calls unto holiness, he 
that sets aside these injunctions sets aside not man but God, 
the God who through his Spirit is the energising, consecrating 
power in the hearts of the believers. 

As in Is. 2 1 2 (b dOertov dOs-rsi, o dvopiwv dvo[xel), so here the present 
participle is timeless and equivalent to a substantive, "the rejecter," 
"the despiser." The omission of the object (Vulg. qui haec spernit) 
serves to " call attention not so much to what is set at naught as to the 
person who sets at naught" (Ell.). The omission of the article before 
d vGpcDxov suggests a reference not to man generically nor to some par 
ticular man (e. g. Tbv dBeX?6v who has been wronged), but to any in 
dividual, with perhaps a "latent reference to the Apostle" (Ell.; cf. 
Dob. who compares 2 Cor. i2 2 ) who was God s spokesman. The con 
trast between man and God is unqualified (cf. 2 13 Gal. i 10 Exod. i6 8 
i Reg. 8 7 ) ; it is not a man s will but God s will that is here in question. 
Totyocpouv, elsewhere in N. T. only Heb. I2 1 and a dozen times in Lxx., 
is similar to but stronger than Bid TOUTO (2 13 ), 8c6 (3 1 ) or ware (4 18 ), 
and like these introduces a logical conclusion from a preceding discus 
sion. Usually it begins the sentence (Heb. I2 1 Job 22 10 ; cf. Epictetus); 
sometimes it is the second word (4 Mac. i3 16 17* Job 24", etc.). dOexeiv 
(cf. Soph. Lex. sttb voc.) is a late Gk. word common in Lxx.; it signifies 
"put away," "set aside"; hence "reject," "spurn," "despise" (cf. 
Jude 8 with 2 Pet. 2 1 "). 



156 I THESSALONIANS 

TOP SiSdvra KT\. " Who puts his Spirit, the holy, consecrating 
Spirit into you," that is, ek ra? KapLa<s V/JLWV (Gal. 4). This 
addition, phrased in language reminiscent of the Lxx. (cf. Ezek. 
37 14 : Kal o>cra> TO irvev^d /JLOV t? v/jid$ teal ^rjcreo de), is a 
tacit reminder that they as well as Paul are eV /cvpi<p (v. x ) 
and as such responsible for their conduct not to Paul but to God 
who dwells in them by Christ or the Spirit. Three points are evi 
dent in this appended characterisation of God, each of them in 
timating a motive for obedience, (i) Not only is God the one 
who calls and judges, he is also the one who graciously puts into 
their hearts his Spirit whose presence insures their blamelessness 
in holiness when the Lord comes (3 13 ). In gratitude for this 
divine gift, they should be loyally obedient. (2) This indwelling 
Spirit is a power unto holiness, a consecrating Spirit. Devotion 
to God must consequently be ethical. (3) The Spirit is put not 
efc ^a? (A) "into us Christians" collectively, but ek u/-ia? 
"into you" Thessalonians, specifically. Hence each of them is 
individually responsible to God who by the Spirit is resident 
in them. In despising, the individual despises not a man but 
God. 

Bt6vTa (BSDEGFI) is a general present participle and timeless; it 
describes God as the giver of the Spirit (cf. b /.aXwv u^a?, 2 12 ). 6vTa 
(AKL, Vulg.) is due to exdXsaev (v. 7 ; cf. tfA in 2 12 , xaXeaavTO?); the 
aorist points to the time when God gave (Rom. 5 5 2 Cor, i 22 5 5 ) or sent 
(Gal. 4) the Spirit into their hearts. The new point emphasised by 
cbv ScSovTa is made explicit by frsDGFKL, Vulg. et aL, which insert xa 
after T6v (cf. frsGP in II 2 14 which read x,ca before exdXsaev, and A in II 3" 
which inserts x.at before <mjp^ei). Here BAEI omit xcu, as do BADKL 
in II 2 14 and frsBD and most in 3 s . In our passage, most textual critics 
including Weiss (112) insert xc; but WH. do not allow it even as an 
alternative reading. The phrase 5tS6vat -jcvsu^a eTq Ttva is apparently 
found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only Ezek. 37 6 - 14 . For StSovat -juveuyufc TCVC, 
cf. Rom. 5 5 ii 8 2 Cor. 5 s Eph. i 17 ; Is. 42 5 ; for oiBovat xvsujjia ev TIVI, 
cf. 2 Cor. i 22 3 Reg. 22 23 Ezek. 36 26fT - 4 Reg. ig 7 2 Ch. i8 22 ; for BcB6vat 
jcveu^a iicl Ttva, cf. Num. n 29 Is. 42*. The etq is for dative or for Iv; 
"give to be in," "put in." The whole phrase tb icveu^a auTou T& aytov 
is unusual in Paul; he uses, indeed, Tb luvsujjia auToG (Rom. 8 11 ), tb aytov 
juvU[JLa (2 Cor. I3 13 ), and -ub xveOpia Tb aycov TOU OeoG (Eph. 4 30 ; cf. 
i 13 and Is. 63"); but more often he has simply xvU[xa aytov (i 5f -, etc.; 
Ps. Sol. i7 42 ). On the phrase here, cf. Ps. I42 10 : Tb icveuy.^ aou Tb aycov, 



rv, 8-9 i57 

and Is. 63 10 : aiTol 8e Y)ice0r]aav x,al xocpw^uvav Tb xveu^xa tb aytov GCUTOU. 
Paul s emphasis on ib aycov is especially appropriate to the theme 
dytocajjLd?, consecration which is ethical as well as religious. Some codices 
(AI) put aiiToD before xveu^a. 



(3) Love to the Brothers (4 9 - 10a ). 

As the exhortation to ethical consecration (w. 3 ~ 8 ) recalls 
afjLe fjLTTTovs eV ayioxrvvp (3 13 ), so the new point "concerning love 
to the brothers" recalls Trepia-crevo-ai ry a^dirrj ek aXX??Xou9 
(3 12 ). The form in which the new section (Se) is introduced, 
irepl Be rrj^ c/^XaSeXc/Ha?, suggests (cf. i Cor. y 25 8 1 I2 1 I6 1 (2 
Cor. g 1 ) i6 12 ) that the Thessalonians had written Paul expressly 
for advice in this matter. They would scarcely have done so, 
if there had been no disturbing elements in the brotherhood, 
namely, as w. lob ~ 12 intimate, idleness on the part of some lead- 
ing to poverty and meddlesomeness in the affairs of the brother 
hood. In his reply, Paul at first says (w. 9 - 10a ) that it is unneces 
sary for him to write anything about the matter because they 
have been taught of God to love one another and are, moreover, 
practising this love among the brethren not only at home but 
throughout all Macedonia. This excellent practice, however, 
does not prohibit his exhorting them not simply in general to 
abound the more in brotherly love (TrepLacreveiv /-taXXoz/) but also 
in particular to be tranquil in mind, to attend to their own affairs, 
and work with their hands (w. n - 12 ), any more than the fact that 
they were walking so as to please God (v. J ) prevented his urging 
them not simply in general to abound the more in such walking 
(iva 7repL(To-vrjT /zaXXoi/) but also in particular to abstain from 
fornication, etc. (vv. 3 - 8 ). To affirm, as some do, that although 
w. lob - 12 are closely joined syntactically with vv. 9 10a yet exe 
gesis is not justified in joining them materially appears to miss 
not only the obvious connection of the two sections but also the 
parallelism of approach already observed between w. 9 n and 
w. 1 ~ 3 . It is for convenience only that we subdivide into Love 
to Brothers (4 9 - 10a ) and Idleness (4 lob - 12 ). 

*Now concerning love to the brothers, you have no need of our 
writing to you, for you yourselves are taught of God to love another; 



158 I THESSALONIANS 

l infact you are also doing it toward all the brothers who are in the 
whole of Macedonia. 

9. $i\a$e\<$)Las . The brother who is the object of love is 
not the brother by birth, nationality, or alliance, but the brother 
ev X/otcrTo). Affection for the brotherhood (i Pet. 2 17 ) does not 
exclude aydirr) e& Trdvras (3 12 ). 



In the Lxx. (4 Mac. i3 23 - 26 I4 1 ) as in classical Gk. $iXaoeX$foc (cf. 
also ?i\&$zX<?oq 2 Mac. 15") designates love of the brother by birth 
(cf. dSeX^TTjs of the brotherhood by alliance in i Mac. i2 10 - 17 ); in the 
N. T. it denotes always love of the Christian brother (Rom. i2 10 Heb. 13 
i Pet. i 22 2 Pet. i 7 ; cf. i Clem. 47 5 48 1 )- See Kennedy, Sources, 95 /. 



ov xpeiav e%ere KT\. " You have no need that we (sc. 
write to you." The explanation of this "simple statement of 
fact" (Mill.) is then introduced by yap. But instead of saying, 
"for you yourselves know how to love one another" (cf. 5 1 ) or 
"for we know that you are loving one another" (cf. 2 Cor. 9 1 ), 
he says "for you yourselves (avTol v/iet? contrasting with 
?? /-la? understood before ypdfaiv) are taught of God to love one 
another," thus resuming the point made in v. 8 that it is not the 
apostles who teach but God speaking by the indwelling Spirit or 
Christ. In virtue of this divine inspiration, they are OeoBiBaKTM 
(Barn. 2i 6 ), that is, BiSa/CTol Oeov (Is. 54 13 ) or VTTO TOV Oeov (Ps. 
Sol. i7 35 ). 



(Riggenbach) not -UV& or lyil is to be supplied before 
The difficulty created by ypa^etv instead of yp&peaOac (5 1 ) may ac 
count for the reading IXSTS 7p&9Ea6ai (H, et al.; cf. 5 1 ) and Ixo[j.sv Ypa- 
9Eiv (DGF, et al.\ cf. i 8 ). B (cf. am. habuimus) has efyo^ev, which may 
suggest (Dob.) that Paul had already written a letter, and that he 
now justifies his failure to mention therein 9iX8eX<?foc. If e c xo^ev, how 
ever interpreted, is original (so Weiss), then exo[i.ev is a correction 
and e xeTs a conformation to 5 1 as H shows. I seems to read et^e [TS 
Ypa] <ptv. Most editors read I XSTS with SAHKL, et al., and ypd9etv with 
most uncials. 0soS(Sax,To<; occurs only here in Gk. Bib.; Lft. notes 
it in the later Barn. 21 6 , Athenag. Leg. n and Theoph. ad Autol. 2 9 . 
On compounds with Oeo-, cf. Rom. i 30 2 Tim. 3 16 2 Mac. 6 23 and Ignatius. 
For the idea, see Is. 54 13 Jn. 6 45 Jer. 3i 33ff -. elq 1:6 limits 
(cf. Phil, i 23 and BMT. 413). On the characteristic Johannine 
, cf. Rom. 138 1 Pet. i 22 . 



IV, Q-IO 59 



10. Kal yap iroielre KT\. "For you are also doing it," that 
is, TO ayairav aXX^Xou?. With Kal yap (3 4 ), Paul "confirms 
the statement that they had already been divinely instructed in 
regard to it" (Lillie) and strengthens the reason for ov xpetav 
e%ere (v. 9 ). Two points are in mind (cf. i 8 ): (i) not only are 
they taught it, they also practise it; (2) they practise it not only 
at home but also throughout all Macedonia. These two points 
are so combined that the proof of love at home is found in the 
love exhibited toward all the Macedonian Christians, an argu 
ment from the greater to the less (Calvin). 

On Tcotelv e??, cf. i Cor. io 31 . B alone puts a v.y.1 before ei?, marking 
the advance from d&XYJXou<; to -rcavTocq. BKLH (?) repeat TOUS after 
d$eX?ou<; (cf. i 8 2 1 ) ; tf ADGF, et al, omit; it is hard to tell whether it has 
been inserted as an improvement of style (Zim. Dob.) or whether it is 
original, the omission being due to partial haplography; cf. Phile. 6 
dyaOou TOU (AC omit TOU). oXfl may be enthusiastic (cf. i 7 8 ), but Thes- 
salonica as well as Philippi and Bercea may have been a centre of in 
fluence for Macedonia as a whole; cf. 2 Cor. i 1 TO!? ouatv ev 8X73 TH 
Axafc. The disposition to love all the Macedonian Christians may have 
expressed itself both in hospitality to visiting brothers, Philippians, 
Berceans, and others (Dob.), and "in ministering to the necessity of 
other churches" (McGiffert, EB. 5041). Mill. (XL VII) quotes a re 
mark of Jerome, in his commentary on Galatians (Migne, PL. 26, 356), 
that reveals the charitable disposition of the Macedonians of his day: 
Macedones in charitatc laudantur et hospitalite ac susceptione fratrum. 



(4) Idleness (4 lob - 12 ). 

Though the readers are practising brotherly love, yet (Be) 
Paul urges them both generally "to abound the more" (cf. v. J ) 
in that virtue, and specifically " to strive to be calm, and to mind 
their own business, and to work with their hands." This last 
injunction at least (pyde(r0at) is not new (cf. II 3 10 ), as he 
forthwith proceeds to add (KaOoos v^lv TraprjyyeiXa^ev^ cf. 
v. 2 ); it is repeated here (v. 12 ) to the end (i) that the readers 
may behave themselves becomingly, having in mind the opinion 
of non-Christians, and (2) that they may be dependent on no 
one for support. 

Precisely what the situation is to which Paul speaks, beyond 



160 I THESSALONIANS 

the fact that it has to do with brotherly love, is not clear. It 
may be assumed that the belief in the coming of the Lord had 
created in the minds of some of the converts a feeling of restless 
ness and excitement which manifested itself outwardly in idle 
ness and meddlesomeness in the affairs of the brotherhood. The 
idlers, we may imagine, being in want, had asked support from 
the church, and being refused on the ground that they were able 
to support themselves, had attempted to interfere in the affairs 
of the group. The peace of the brotherhood was disturbed and 
Christianity was falling into disrepute with unbelievers. Being 
in doubt as to how brotherly love was to be exhibited in such a 
case, the leaders wrote Paul for advice. 

The clue to the interpretation of vv. I0b - 12 is given in II 3 6 - 16 without 
which our verses would remain obscure. But neither I nor II tells us 
precisely wherein the meddlesomeness, alluded to in xpdcrascv T<X Vota 
and expressed in TOpcspy& CeaOac (II 3 n )> consists. For idleness, while 
it naturally leads to poverty and to demands upon the brotherhood for 
support (Theodoret, Estius, Lft.), does not of itself involve interference 
with the affairs of the church. But as the position of xp&aaecv T 
c Bta before epya^eaOoa intimates, meddlesomeness, the result of idleness, 
is the disturbing factor. Some light may be thrown on the situa 
tion by hints given in 5 12fL . In 5 12 - 13 , for example, the readers are 
urged to appreciate the worth of (etSevac as v. 4 ) "those who labour 
among you," those, namely, who act as leaders and function as vouOs- 
TouvTeq; and to regard them highly in love on account of their work. 
Furthermore, the readers are commanded to be at peace not with 
them, but among themselves; and also to warn the idlers (s 14 ). In 
5 19 - 22 they are exhorted not to quench the operations of the Spirit, not 
to despise the gift of prophecy; and again are bidden to test all sorts of 
charismata, holding fast to such as make for edification and holding 
aloof from every evil kind of charismata. In 5 23 the God of peace is in 
voked; and in 5" this letter is ordered read to all the brethren. From 
these statements we may surmise that the idlers (o\ aTax/roc, 5 14 ) are 
the disturbing element in the brotherhood, their idleness being due to a 
religious cause, namely, the excitement occasioned by the expectancy 
of the coming of the Lord. They became poor and asked "the workers 
among them" for assistance, only to be refused on the ground that the 
applicants were able but unwilling to support themselves, and were thus 
acting in direct violation of what Paul had taught (II 3 10 : et Ttg ou 0Aec 
nqBe eaOcsTG), a passage which suggests that xaOcix; upuv xaprjy- 
(I 4") is to be restricted to epyd^cOocO- The leaders were 



iv, lo-n 161 

probably not tactful, as ecpTQveueTe ev lautol? (5") implies and II 3 13 - 15 
confirms. Possibly the demand of the idlers was made "in the Spirit," 
on the analogy of Did. n 12 : o? <$ av eiiqn ev icvefiiwrci A6q poi dpyuptoc 
5} Tp& -ctva, oil/. dxouaecOs afaou. Such a misuse of spiritual gifts may 
well have led "the workers among you" to distrust the validity of the 
7apfoyiaTa; in which case the exhortation in 5 19 - 22 is ad hoc. The in 
vocation of the God of peace in 5 23 is pertinent; the solemn adjuration 
that the letter be read to all the brethren intimates that some of the 
idlers had asserted that they would give no heed to the epistolary in 
junctions of Paul, a suggestion confirmed by II 3 14 - 17 . 

lob We urge you, however, brothers to abound the more, ll and to 
strive to be calm and to mind your own business, and to work with 
your hands as we charged you, 12 in order that you may behave your 
selves becomingly in reference to the unbelievers and may have need 
of no one to support you. 

11. (f)i\oTi,fJLei(T0ai ^uv^d^eiv. "Strive to be calm." Paul 
recognises that the source of meddlesomeness and idleness is 
inward, the excitement created in the minds of some by the ex 
pectation that the day of the Lord was at hand. With Lam. 3 26 
he might have said: "It is good that a man should hope and 
quietly wait for the salvation of the Lord" (Lxx.: KOI vTropevei 
/col rjav^dcreL et? TO crwTrjpiov Kvpiov). Inward tranquillity 
once restored, outward idleness and meddlesomeness would cease. 



here in Paul, is used elsewhere in Gk. Bib. to denote 
silence after speech (Acts n 18 ), rest after labour (Lk. 23 56 ), peace after 
war (Judg. 3", etc.), and the like; also tranquillity or peace of mind, the 
antithesis being expressed (Job 3 25 Pr. i 32 Is. 7 4 ) or implied (Ex. 24 14 
Lam. 3 26 and here); cf. II 3 12 : [XSTO: faunas Ipya^fjLsvot. Many com 
mentators, influenced doubtless by Plato s Rep. VI, 496 D, where the 
philosopher retires from public life and pursues his studies in retirement 
^au^ av sxwv xocl T& CCUTOU icp&TTwv (cf. Dio Cass. 6o 27 : T?)V fjaux^av 
dcycov xod TCX iauTou TCP&TTCDV) , find the opposite of fjaux&Utv implied 
in the opposite of Tp&aaecv TCI: tSta and interpret -Jjcjux^eiv objectively 
as leading the quiet life after busying themselves with affairs not their 
own, as, for example, entering into public life, discussing the Parousia 
in the market-place and elsewhere, and thus bringing the Christian 
circle into discredit with the Gentiles (Zwingli, Koppe, Schott, Dob. 
and others). But the Thessalonians are not philosophers but working 
people, and the context (rapl TY^S ?iXSXffex?) points to church rather 
than to public affairs. 
ii 



162 I THESSALONIANS 



at occurs elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only Rom. i5 20 2 Cor. 5 9 
and 4 Mac. i 35 (A). In later Gk. it is used absolutely in the sense "love 
honour," "be ambitious," or "act with public spirit" (Mill.); and with 
a complementary infinitive in the sense of "strive," "be eager," "try" 
(so in papyri (Mill.); cf. Polyb. I, 83 2 , where (pcXoTt^elaGat is balanced 
by jcoieiaGccc ^eya^qv axouB^v). The meaning here = axouSd^eiv in 2 17 ; 
see Wetstein, ad loc. and SH. on Rom. i5 20 . On the Pauline phrase 
juapaxaXoOfxev . . . doeXcpo(, cf. 5 14 Rom. i5 30 i6 17 i Cor. i 10 i6 15 ; also I 5 12 
II 2 1 (where epwirw^sv (v. J ) takes the place of 7uapa*.aXou[jiev). With 
xapaxaXeZv, Paul uses the Yva clause (v. 1 II 3 12 ); or the infinitive, 
either alone or with e,lq TO (2") or TO ^ (32); or the imperative (5" 
i Cor. 4 16 ). 

Trpdcrcreiv ra iBia /cal epyd^effOat KT\. The outward expres 
sion of inward restlessness was meddlesomeness and idleness. 
Paul refers first not to idleness but to meddlesomeness (Trepiep- 
yd^ecrOcu II 3") because in this case the disturbing element in 
the peace of the brotherhood was not simply that some were 
idle and in their want had asked support from the church, but 
also that, being refused, they had attempted to interfere in the 
management of its affairs. Furthermore, in putting second 
epyd&crOcUj the cause of meddlesomeness, he seems to intimate 
that KaOoos vfuv TrapTjyyeiXaiJiev is to be taken not with all 
three preceding infinitives (ft(rvyafew^ Trpcurcreiv, and epyd- 
%ecr6ai} but solely with the last, as indeed the clause of purpose 
v. 12 (especially M$evbs XP L av W? T ) an< ^ tne parallel II 3 10 
(el rt? ov 6e\ei epydeo-0ai, ^Be ecr0LTco) suggest. To meet 
this situation, he urges first that they attend to their own affairs 
and not interfere with the affairs of the church; and second, re 
peating an injunction already given, that they work with their 
hands, that is, support themselves instead of begging assistance 
from the church (fJirj&evbs %petaz> e%?/Te, v. 12 ). 

rcpaaaeiv ra iSia is unique in the Gk. Bib. but common in the classics 
(see Wetstein); cf. ^ xoXuxpay^oveiv (Plato, Rep. IV, 433 A) and 
JStoxpaystv (Soph. Lex.}. GF. read icpcfcTTecv. Ipy^ea6at Tat? ^epafv 
(i Cor. 4 12 Eph. 4 28 ; cf. Sap. i5 17 ) denotes manual labour; but whether 
skilled or unskilled is not certain. Influenced by c Sca (Weiss, 91), 
jtfAKL, et al, prefix iolouq to %ep<rfv, an unnecessary insertion in view 
of u[jLtov. In i Cor. 4 12 Eph. 4 28 , where u^xtov fails, tSfccis is to be read, 
though B omits it in Eph. 4 28 . 



IV, 11-12 163 

12. iva TrepL jraT fJTe KT\. The purpose of 7rapafca\ovfjLv is 
twofold, (i) that the converts may behave themselves becom 
ingly with a view to the opinion of non-Christians (rou? efo>), 
the point being that the idleness of some of the Christians tended 
to bring Christianity into discredit with the unbelievers; and 
(2) that they may have need of no one to support them, the point 
being that they should support themselves instead of trespassing 
on the hospitality of the church. 



Ell. thinks that Vva TCptxaTfJTe eua%TQ[x6vo)? refers mainly 
and xpaaastv, and [XTQBsvb? xpsc av ?XTJ Te refers to epya^ecBai. This ref 
erence is due to the fact that fjau%d^tv is interpreted as leading a 
quiet life after a bustling interest in public affairs. Ewald and Dob. 
take the clause with Vva as the object of KOpifffefXayLev; but the 
change from the infinitives to va after xapaxaXoujiev strongly intimates 
that Paul is passing from the object to the purpose of the exhortation 
(cf. i Cor. io 32 f -: yfveaGs . . . xaOdx; . . . Vva). e8a%i)(J.6vci>;, which is used 
elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. only Rom. 13" (xepcxaTscv) and i Cor. i4 40 
(parallel to xard T<fciv), denotes "becomingly," "honestly" in the sense 
of honeste, so that no exception can be taken; cf. Epictetus, Diss. II, 5 23 
euax-rp6vw<; dvearpa^g. ol ea> in Paul (i Cor. s 12 f - Col. 4 5 ) indicates 
non-Christians, irrespective of race (contrast ol saw, i Cor. 5 12 ). The 
Jews had a similar designation for non-Jews; cf. ol ea>0ev (Josephus, 
Ant. i5 316 ; also i Tim. 3 7 ) and ol ex/tog (Sir. proL}; and see Schottgen 
on i Cor. 5 12 and Levy, Neuhebr. u. Chald. Worterbuch on ps^n. xp6? 
= "with an eye to," as in Col. 4 5 ; not coram, "in the eyes of." On the 
gender of {W]8ev6<;, Vorstius (apud Poole) remarks: "perinde est sive 
lA-r)Sev6<; in neut. gen. sive in masc. accipias" Nor does it matter logically, 
for in either case the reference is to dependence upon the brotherhood 
for support. Grammatically, the usage of ^pec av exetv is inconclusive; 
contextually, the masculine is probable (TOU<; eo>); Vulg. has nullius 
aliquid. 

(5) The Dead in Christ U 13 - 18 ). 

This section is separated from the previous paragraphs "con 
cerning brotherly love" (vv. 9 " 12 ) but is closely related to the 
following question "concerning times and seasons" (5 1 11 )? as the 
repetition of a/J>a <rvv (v. 17 ) in 5 10 intimates. The faint-hearted 
(ol o\iydTfrv%oi 5 14 ) are anxious both about their dead (4 13 ~ 18 ) 
and about their own salvation (s 1-11 ). 

Since Paul s departure, one or more of the Thessalonian Chris- 



164 I THESSALONIANS 

tians had died. The brethren were in grief not because they did 
not believe in the resurrection of the saints, but because they 
feared that their dead would not have the same advantages as 
the survivors when the Lord came. Their perplexity was due 
not simply to the Gentile difficulty of apprehending the meaning 
of resurrection, but also to the fact that Paul had not when he 
was with them discussed explicitly the problem of the relation 
of survivors to dead at the Parousia. Since they had received 
no instruction on this point (contrast vv. J - 2 - 6 - 9 - n 5 2 ), they 
write to Paul for advice "concerning the dead." 

That the question is not: Will the Christians who die before the 
Parousia be raised from the dead? but: Will the Christians who die 
before the Parousia be at the Parousia on a level of advantage with 
the survivors ? is made plain by the consideration that in v. 14 Paul says 
not lyspel but aec auv CCIJTO) (which presupposes resurrection); and 
that he singles out for emphasis not only in v. 14 but also in the summa 
rised agraphon (v. 15 ), in the explanation of v. 15 given in vv. 16 - 17 (as far 
as <2pa), and in the consequence drawn in v. 17 (xccl OUTOX; xavro-rs cuv 
xuphp ladpieGa), not avacTYjcovTca but auv aurw (v. 14 ), a^a auv (v. 17 ; 
c f- S 10 )> an d auv xupfrp (v. 17 ). It may well be that during the previous 
seventeen or more years of Paul s Christian career relatively few Chris 
tians had died (cf. Acts i2 2 ; also the death of Stephen when Paul was 
yet a Pharisee) ; but it is improbable that, because this passage is per 
haps the first extant reference in Paul to the resurrection of believers, it 
is also the first time Paul had expressed himself, let alone reflected, on 
the subject; but see Lake, Exp. 1907, 494-507. In fact, if v. 15 is to be 
accepted, Jesus himself had given his disciples to understand that the 
survivors would not anticipate the dead at his coming, thus intimating 
that some might die before ke came (cf. Mk. 9 1 ). 

Similar but not identical questions bothered the writers of the Apoca 
lypse of Baruch and Fourth Ezra; but their answers differ from that of 
Paul. Baruch says (n 6 f -): "Announce in Sheol and say to the dead: 
Blessed are ye more than we who are living." Ezra writes (13" fi -) 
that the seer first pronounces woe unto the survivors and more woe unto 
the dead, but concludes that it is better or happier for the survivors, a 
conclusion confirmed from on high with the words (i3 24 ) : "magis beatifici 
sunt qui derelicti super eos qui mortui sunt." Paul s encouraging word is 
that living and dead are at the Parousia on a level of advantage, ajxa 
auv (v. 17 s 



In replying to the request for information, Paul states that his 
purpose in relieving their ignorance is that they, unlike the non- 



iv, 13 i6s 

Christians who sorrow because they have no hope of being with 
Christ, should not sorrow at all. The reason for this striking 
utterance, already tacit in e^o^re? e\7riSa (v. 13 ), is first expressed 
in v. 14 where from a subjective conviction, drawn from Chris 
tian experience and hypothetically put: "if we believe, as of 
course we do, that Jesus died and rose again," he draws directly 
an objective inference: "so also God will lead on with Jesus 
those who died through him." This internal argument from the 
believers mystic experience in Christ, the main purpose of which 
is to prove that the saints will be crvv avrw, is further strengthened 
by an appeal to the external authority of an unwritten word of 
the Lord, summarised in Paul s language, to the effect that the 
surviving saints will not anticipate the dead at the Parousia 
(v. 15 ). Then in apocalyptic language, drawn from tradition but 
coloured with his own phraseology, Paul explains the word of 
the Lord by singling out such details in the procedure at the 
Parousia as bring to the forefront the point to be proved, apa 
cvv aurofc (vv. 16 - 17 as far as ae pa) ; and draws the conclusion, 
anticipated in v. 14 , "and so we shall always be with the Lord." 
Finally (v. 18 ), uniting conclusion with exhortation, he bids them 
not to be encouraged but to encourage one another with the very 
words he himself has used. 

Now as to those who sleep, brothers, we do not wish you to be 
in ignorance, that you may not grieve, as do the rest who have not 
hope. u For if we believe that Jesus died and rose, so also God will 
lead on those who fell asleep through Jesus along with him. lb For 
this that follows, we, the writers, tell you, not on our own authority 
but in a word of the Lord, namely, that we, the writers and our Chris 
tian contemporaries, who live, that is, who survive until the coming 
of the Lord, shall by no means anticipate the dead; ^because the 
Lord himself at a command, namely, at an archangel s voice and a 
divine trumpet, will come down from heaven, and the dead who are 
in Christ will arise first of all; 17 then we the living, the survivors, 
will with them at the same time be caught and carried by means of 
clouds to meet the Lord in the air. And so, we shall be always with 
the Lord. 18 So then encourage one another with these words. 

13. ov 6e\opev Be KT\. With Be and the affectionate a 



166 I THESSALONIANS 

Paul passes to a new section, "concerning the dead" in Christ, 
about which they had written (cf. v. 9 ) for instruction. The 
Pauline phrase that introduces the theme, ov 0e \ofjLev be i>/za? 
ayvoelv, is negative in form but positive in meaning, as the 
clause with iva /j,ij (c/^Rom. n 25 ) demonstrates. 

This phrase, with some variation, is in the N. T. employed only by 
Paul and serves to emphasise a personal statement within a paragraph 
(Rom. i 13 2 Cor. i 8 ), or to introduce a new point in a new paragraph 
(Rom. ii 25 i Cor. lo 1 ) or section (i Cor. I2 1 and here). The positive 
form e^Xw 5e (Y&P) by.aq etolvac (i Cor. n 3 Col. 2 1 ; cf. Phil, i 12 ) is 
"very common in the papyri" (Mill.). The fact that the clause with 
ou 0Xo(j.ev in i Cor. I2 1 precedes and here follows (cf. 2 Cor. i 8 ) the 
clause with xep does not exclude the probability (see v. 9 ) that the 
new point " concerning the dead," unconnected as it is with the preced 
ing "concerning brotherly love," is a reply to a written request from the 
converts to Paul. 



TWV Koi/jitofjievcov. The present participle is probably timeless, 
"the sleepers," that is, the dead, a euphemism not confined to 
Biblical writers. The word KOi^aaOai itself does not throw light 
on the state of the Christian dead before the Parousia, but it is 
especially appropriate in Paul who considers the believers as 
being eV Xptcrro) not only before death and at death (i Cor. i5 18 ), 
but also from death to the Parousia (v. 16 ol vetcpol ev 
At the Parousia, they will be (v. 17 ) or will live (5 10 ) vvv 
the ultimate goal of the Christian hope. 

"The designation of death as a sleep did not arise from the resurrec 
tion hope; for it is found in books that were unacquainted with this 
hope" (Charles, Eschat. 127, note i; cf. Volz, Eschat. 134). As Paul is not 
here discussing the intermediate state, it is not certain from what he 
writes that he shared with Eth. Enoch 5I 1 and 4 Ezra 7 32 the view that 
at death the body went to the grave and the soul to Sheol; or that he 
regarded the existence in Sheol as "ein,triibes Schattenleben" (Schmiedel). 
Clear only is it that in some sense, not denned, the dead as well as the 
living are under the power of the indwelling Christ (Iv XpiaTy). 
xo[[xaa6ac in the N. T. as in the classics (see Liddell and Scott, sub we.) 
and Lxx. (cf. xot[jiaa0ai [XETO: TWV xaTlpwv Gen. 47 30 Deut. 3i 16 2 Reg. 7 12 
i Ch. 17", etc.; acwvto? xofiuQac? Sir. 46 19 ) is frequently a euphemism 
for dxoOvYjaxecv; so also xaOeuSeiv (5 10 ; Ps. 87 6 Dan. i2 2 ); see es 
pecially Kennedy, Last Things, 267 /. KL (DG) read the perfect part. 



iv, is i6y 

with i Cor. i5 20 ; 1912 reads the aorist with v. 14 and i Cor. i5 18 . The 
present is either timeless indicating a class, "the sleepers," or it desig 
nates the act of sleep as in progress (cf. i Cor. n 30 ); the aorist views 
the act of sleep as entered upon in the past without reference to its 
progress or completion; the perfect regards the act as completed in the 
past with the added notion of the existing state (see BM T. passim and 
cf. 2 Mac. i2 44 f -); in all cases ol vexpot are meant. 



r iva /jirj \VTrrjcrOe KT\. The purpose of ov OeKo^ev ayvoelv = 
OeXofjiev elSevau is stated without qualification, "that you do 
not grieve." With /caOcos /cat, a comparison is instituted which is 
also an antithesis: "as the non-Christians grieve (sc. \v7rovvrai) 
who do not have, as you do, the hope of being with Christ." 
Just as icaOdirep tcai (v. 6 ) does not mean, "in the same manner 
or degree of TrdOos as the Gentiles," so fcaOw /cat here does not 
mean that the Christians are indeed to grieve but not in the same 
manner or degree as the unbelievers (cf. Theodoret, apud Swete: 
ov Trat TeXco? /ccoXvei, rrjv \VTn}v, a\\a TTJV a/J&TpLav eK/3d\\ei). 
Paul speaks absolutely, for death has a religious value to him, 
in that after a short interval the dead are brought to the goal of 
the Christian hope, crvv aura (cf. Phil. i 21ff -). In view of this 
glorious consummation, present grief, however natural, is ex 
cluded (cf. Jn. i4 28 ). 

In the light of the context which lays stress not on resurrection as such 
but on being with Christ, it is probable that the hope which the unbe 
lievers do not have is not resurrection or immortality as such but the 
hope of being with Christ. It is striking that Paul seems to overlook 
the belief in immortality exemplified in the mysteries "especially of 
the orphic circles, but also in the cult of Attis, Isis, and Mithra, per 
haps in that of the Cabiri as well" (Dob. 188). This oversight may be 
due either to the fact that neither the Jewish nor the pagan hope is a 
hope of elvai auv Xptarw, or to the fact that he has chiefly in mind the 
despair of the common people among the pagans whose life and aspira 
tions he knew so well. In the latter case, a second-century papyri con 
firms Paul s estimate: "Irene to Taonnophris and Philo, good comfort. 
I was as sorry (IXuxiqOiqv) and wept over the departed one as I wept for 
Didymas. And all things whatsoever were fitting, I did, and all mine, 
Epaphroditus and Thermuthion and Philion and Apollonius and 
Plantas. But, nevertheless, against such things one can do nothing. 
Therefore comfort ye one another (xapTQyopslTe ouv eaiiTouq)"; see 
Deiss. Light, 164; and cf. Mill. Papyri, 96, and Coffin, Creed of Jesus, 



l68 I THESSALONIANS 

1907, 114-138. With this average pagan view may be contrasted the 
following from a contemporary Christian apologist, Aristides (noted by 
Dob.): "And if any righteous man among them passes from the world, 
they rejoice and offer thanks to God; and they escort the body as if he 
were setting out from one place to another near" (translation of D. M. 
Kay in Antc-Nicene Fathers, IX, 277). ol Xocxof, used absolutely here 
and 5 6 Rom. u 7 1 Cor. 7 12 15" 2 Cor. 132 Phil, i 13 , gets its meaning from 
the context; here it probably = ol e^w (v. 12 ) and denotes non-Christians 
in general. On ^YJ e^ovrei; IXxfSa, cf. Eph. 2 12 ; on xat in comparisons, 
rare after negations, cf. v. G ; with XuxeTaOat (Rom. i4 15 Eph. 4 30 2 Cor. 
2 2ff. 510 78 ff.) indicating inward grief, contrast xXafecv, 0piQVcv, x6x- 
and -jcevOecv (Lk. 6 25 8 52 23 27 ). 



14. et yap TTKTTevofjLev KT\. The yap introduces the reason 
for Iva M \v7rrjcr0e, already hinted at in e%oi/Tes e\7rtSa (v. 13 ) : 
"for if we believe that Jesus died and rose, so also God will lead 
on those who fell asleep through Jesus along with him." The 
Greek sentence runs smoothly (cf. i 8 ), but there is an obvious 
compression of thought. Since 01/7009 icai in the apodosis sug 
gests a comparison, Paul might have said: "As we are convinced 
that Jesus died and that God raised him from the dead, so also 
must we believe, since the indwelling Christ is the guarantee of 
the resurrection of the believer, that God will raise from the dead 
those who died through Jesus and will lead them on along with 
him." There are, however, compensations in the compactness, 
for from a subjective conviction based on experience and stated 
conditionally, "if we believe, as we do, that Jesus died and rose," 
Paul is able to draw directly an objective inference, " so also God 
will," etc. 

The fact of fulfilment lies not in the form of the condition but in the 
context (BMT. 242). The context here indicates that the Thessalonians 
are perplexed by doubts not as to the fact of the resurrection of the 
dead but as to whether the dead will have equal advantage with the 
survivors at the Parousia. By the insertion of 6 6e6q in the protasis, 
Paul makes clear that it is God who raised Jesus from the dead (i 10 
i Cor. 6 14 2 Cor. 4 14 Rom. S 11 io 9 , etc.). On woreflecv in the sense of 
conviction, cf. xta-reuecv cm in Rom. 6 8 io 9 . 

aireOavev KOI aveaTrj. The death and resurrection of Jesus are 
inseparable in Paul s thought about salvation. As Christ died 
and rose actually, so does the believer die and rise with him mysti- 



iv, 13-14 i6g 

cally (Gal. 2 19 Rom. 6 3 ff - Col. 2 20 3 1 ff -)- The presence of Christ 
or the Spirit in the Christian guarantees that when he actually 
dies ev X/otcrro) (i Cor. i5 18 ) or &a Xpio-rov (here), he will con 
tinue ev ~KpL(7Ta) (v. 1G ) during the interval between death and 
resurrection, and will at the Parousia be raised from the dead by 
God through the power of the same indwelling Christ or Spirit 
(Rom. S 11 ), and will attain the ultimate goal of Christian hope, 
elvai avv XPLO-TW. This characteristically Pauline idea is the 
probable link that unites the protasis and apodosis of our verse. 

Paul regularly uses lyccpetv (l^ysfpstv i Cor. 6 14 ) for the resurrec 
tion; he uses dtvccrT&vac elsewhere only in Eph. 5 74 , a quotation, and 
below v. 16 in an utterance distinctly traditional in flavour. On the 
other hand, he uses dcvdca-raatg (l^avdaraacc; Phil. 3 11 ), but not eyepat? 
(Mt. 27"). On the name Iijaou?, see i 10 and cf. Rom. 8 11 2 Cor. 4". 
For OU TGX; xa{ without an expressed correlative, cf. Gal. 4 3 Rom. 6 11 
i Cor. 2" 9" 149- 12 i5- 45. The reading of B, ei al., OUTCOS 6 Oeb? xa( 
brings out the point that as God raised Jesus, so also he will raise the 
believers; cf. i Cor. i5 18 : d pa xcd ol xoc^YjQevTeq ev Xptortp, where 
not only the dead but also (xaQ the living (ujxetq) dxwXovTo. Though 
ouTwq without an expressed correlative is frequent in Paul (cf. v. 17 II 3" 
Gal. i 6 ), yet the xaf is placed here (cf. v. 10 ) by B to mark the connection 
with Tod? xocpnqOdvTa? (Weiss, 136). 



TOI>? Kot,fJLrj9evTas Sia rov I^croO. "Those who fell asleep 
through Jesus," that is, through the indwelling power of that 
Jesus who died and rose again, the causal energy which operates 
in the believers from baptism to actual resurrection from the 
dead (v. supra on airedavev). Though the union of Bid with 
KOLwOevras is striking, yet it is consonant with Paul s thinking, 
is demanded by the parallelism of the sentence (Ell. Dob.), 
and is the logical though not the grammatical equivalent of ol 
KOifJLij0&rre$ ev X/OWTO> in i Cor. i5 18 (cf. v. 1 ev /cvpfy with v. 3 
Bia icvpiov). 

Those who join 8t& TOU Irjoou with the participle (e. g. Ephr. Chrys. 
Calv. Grot. Ell. Lft. Mill. Dob. Dibelius) do so on various grounds. 
Calvin (apud Lillie) says: "dormire per Christum is to retain in death 
the union (coniunctioneni) which we have with Christ; for they who 
by faith are engrafted into Christ have their death in common with 
him, that they may be partners in his life." Lake (The Earlier Epistles 
of St. Paul, 1911, 88) thinks it probable " that it means martyrdom rather 



1 70 I THESSALONIANS 

than a natural death"; so before him Musculus (apud Lillie): "The 
faithful die through Christ, when on his account they are slain by the 
impious tyrants of the world." Lake further conjectures that the ref 
erence to the death "of the Lord Jesus and of the prophets" (2 15 ) cer 
tainly suggests that persecution in Thessalonica "had already led to the 
martyrdom of some Christians" (loc.ciL). Dob. contents himself with 
a general statement: " Sie sind geslorben, indent ein Verhaltniss zu Jesus 
dabei war." For Dibelius, the Pauline conception revealed in v. 14 
"wurzeti in den Mysterien." On the other hand, many expositors 
(e. g. Th. Mops. De W. Liin. Lillie, Schmiedel, Born. Wohl. Schettler, 
Moff.) join Sta TOO I^aoQ with aei. The reasons adduced are (i) 
that it is unnecessary to designate the dead as Christian and (2) that 
8ca is made equivalent to Iv. In reply it is urged that we have ol vexpol 
Iv XptaTw (v. 1G ) and that the equivalence between Bid and Iv is not 
grammatical but conceptual. In this alternative view, Jesus is God s 
agent in both resurrection and ayetv (Th. Mops, and finally Schettler 
(op. cit. 57): "Gott wird sick Jesus bcdienen, urn die Toten zu erwecken 
und die Erweckten zu sammeln)." The view that joins Sta TOU Lqaou 
with xoc[jnfj6VTa<; is preferable not simply because it gives a distinctively 
Pauline turn to the passage but also because it is grammatically better. 
On the latter point, Ell. remarks vigorously: "The two contrasted 
subjects Iiqaoug and xocjjujOlvTaq Stoc TOU Iijaou thus stand in clear 
and illustrative antithesis, and the fundamental declaration of the sen 
tence aec auv aurcp remains distinct and prominent, undiluted by any 
addititious clause." 

a%ei avv aurw. In these words, the " fundamental declaration " 
of Paul s reply (w. n ~ 18 ), just supported by an appeal to the in 
ternal evidence of the believer s experience of the indwelling 
Christ, is succinctly stated. The believers are not to sorrow; 
for the departed saints, as well as the survivors, will at the Pa- 
rousia be in the company of Christ and follow his lead. What is 
added in v. 15 confirms the same declaration on the external evi 
dence of a summarised word of the Lord. How it is that the sur 
vivors will not anticipate the dead (v. 15 ) is then further explained 
in w. 1G 17 where Paul selects from a traditional description of 
the Parousia such points as bring into prominence his central 
contention, elvai GVV avrw. 



Since auv OCUTW (v. 17 5 10 2 Cor. 13* Phil, i 23 ) is the goal of Iv 
(Deiss. Neutestamentliche Formel ( in Christo Jesu," 126), ayetv refers 
to the final act when Jesus the victor over enemies (II 2 8 i Cor. 15" ff -) ? 
accompanied by his saints, leads the way heavenward to hand over the 



iv, 14-15 T 7i 

kingdom to God the Father. The resurrection and IrtauvaywyTj (II 2 1 ), 
the redemption, change, or transformation of the body (Rom. 8 23 i Cor. 
15" Phil. 3 21 ), and the judgment are all presupposed. Paul is not here 
concerned with the details; even in the description vv. 16 - 17 only such 
pertinent features are sketched as prepare the readers for the conclusion 
which he draws: xcrt oihox; icavuoTe auv xupuo eao^eOa. It is thus un 
necessary to take auv aiJTtp = dq tb elvoct GCUTOU<; auv aOTqj, as Th. 
Mops, does: "quoniam et illos suscitdbit per Jesum ita ui et sint cum co"; 
for auv aiktp begins both for living and for dead immediately at the 
Parousia and continues forever (X&VTOTS v. 17 ). 

15. TOVTO yap KT\. To confirm and explain, by an appeal to 
external authority, what was stated in v. 14 on the basis of re 
ligious experience, Paul proceeds: "This that follows, we, the 
writers of the letter, tell you, not on our own authority but in 
(the sphere of, by means of; cf. i Cor. 2 7 14 6 ) a word of the Lord, 
namely, that we (^efc, including both the writers and their 
Christian contemporaries) who live, that is, who survive until 
the coming of the Lord, shall by no means anticipate the dead." 

Since y&p gives not a second reason for v. 13 but explains and confirms 
the point of v. 14 on a new ground, TOUTO is to be taken not with the pre 
ceding but with the following, and OTC is not causal (Zahn, Introd. 
I, 223) but resumptive as in i Cor. i 12 . 

ev \oyct) Kvpiov. In this verse it is probable that the point only 
of the word of the historical Jesus is given, not the word itself; 
cf. Rom. i4 14 i Cor. g u . In the light of Mk. g 1 , it is not unlikely 
that Jesus may have expressed the opinion that those who sur 
vived until the coming of the Son of Man would not anticipate 
the dead. Since, however, no such "word of the Lord" exists in 
extant gospels (cf. Zahn, Introd. I, 224), the utterance here sum 
marised in Paul s own words is an agraphon. 



The presence of Iv Xdytp xupc ou of itself intimates that Paul has in 
mind not a general suggestion of the Risen Lord (Gal. i 12 2 2 2 Cor. i3 3 
Eph. 3 3 ) given by revelation (so Chrys. De W. Liin. Ell. Lft. Mill. 
Dob. Moff. and others) but a definite word of the historical Jesus (so 
Calv. Drummond, Wohl. Dibelius, and others). Even if he had 
written simply Iv xupccp (Eph. 4 17 ), the content of the inward revelation 
would have an historical basis, as Rom. i4 14 , with its allusion to Mk. 7 15 , 
suggests: oIBa xal xeTCtafxac Iv xupup Iirjaou OTC ouSev xotvbv 01 lauTou. 
Furthermore the analogy both of Rom. 14" and of i Cor. 9 14 (where Paul 



172 I THESSALONIANS 

alludes to but does not literally cite Mt. io 10 Lk. io 17 = i Tim. 5 18 ), and 
the fact that Paul does not affirm that the Lord says "we who live," 
etc. (contrast Acts 2o 35 : TWV Xoywv TOU xupcou Irjaou (cf. i Tim. 6 3 ) 
cm auTbq elxev) but affirms that "we tell you on the strength of a word 
of the Lord that we who live," etc., conspire to make probable that 
here as in Rom. 14" i Cor. g 14 we have not a citation of but an allusion 
to a word of the Lord. The exact form of the agraphon is not recover 
able unless it is embedded in vv. 16 " 17 (Ropes, Dibelius). 

Schmiedel, in an excellent note, after remarking that the word of the 
Lord does not come from Mt. 24 29 - 31 or from 4 Ezra 5 41 ff - (as Steck once 
held), observes that it is not to be found in v. 10 a (as von Soden held, SK. 
1885, 28o/.), or in v. 16 without TCP&TOV (so Stahelin, /. d. Th. 1874, IQS/.), 
or hardly in v. 15 alone, since vv. 16 - 17 are too detailed, or hi w. i6-i7 ? 
since its beginning after the previous formulation in v. 15 would not be 
sufficiently accentuated, but in vv. 15 - 17 . If, however, it is admitted that 
v. 15 gives the point of the agraphon, the only question at issue is 
whether it is actually cited in vv. 16 - 17 . At first sight, the "concrete 
and independent character" of these verses (Ropes) does suggest a cita 
tion, even if it is granted that the citation is free (the Pauline phrase 
ology being evident in auTbq 6 xupioq and ev XptuTtp). On the other 
hand, it is noteworthy that the salient point of vv. 16 - 17 , the a^a auv, does 
not explicitly appear in the summary of the word v. 15 . The impres 
sion, difficult to escape, is that Paul, remembering a traditional descrip 
tion of the Parottsia, selects such points as explain the basal declaration 
of the summarised word of the Lord in v. 15 . On the question, see 
Ropes, Die Spriichc Jesti, 1896, 152 jj. and HDB. V, 345; Titius, Ncu- 
testamentliche Lehre von der Sdigkeit 1895, I, 24; Resch, Paidinismus, 
338-341; Mathews, Messianic Hope in N. T. 1905, 73; and Askwith, 
Exp. 1911, 66. 



ol fftWe? KT\. The insertion of ^yu-efc and the presence 
of et9 denoting the temporal limit make clear that the exact 
contrast here is not between the living and dead at the Parousia; 
not between "we Christians who are alive" at the Parousia and 
the dead; but between a we Christians who live," that is, a who 
continue to survive until the Parousia" and the dead. Paul 
thus betrays the expectation that he and his contemporary 
Christians will remain alive until Christ comes. 

Paul s personal belief that the advent is at hand is constant (i Cor. io 11 
i6 22 Rom. I3 11 Phil. 4 5 ), a conviction shared also by other Christians of 
the first century (i Pet. 4 7 Heb. io 25 Jas. 5 8 1 Jn. 2 18 ) and apparently by 
the Master himself (Mk. g 1 )- In our passage, Paul speaks, as often, 
without qualifications. If questioned, he would probably have admitted 



iv, 15-16 173 

that he himself as well as other Christians might taste of death before the 
Lord came. Such cases, however, would have been to him exceptional. 
His hope is fixed not on a far-off divine event; not on the fact that " each 
several generation, at whatever period existing, occupies during that 
period the position of those who shall be alive at the Lord s coming" 
(Bengel), but on the nearness of the Parousia, even if the exact day and 
hour be unknown. Calvin tacitly admits the obvious force of f)[xe!<; 
in observing that Paul by using it makes himself as it were one of the 
number of those who will live until the last day. But Paul does this, 
Calvin ingeniously explains, "to rouse the expectation of the Thessa- 
lonians, and so to hold all the pious in suspense, that they shall not 
count on any delay whatever. For even supposing him to have known 
himself by special revelation that Christ would come somewhat later, 
still this was to be delivered as the common doctrine of the church that 
the faithful might be ready at all hours" (quoted by Lillie, ad loc.}. 
Apart from Grotius and, less clearly, Piscator, most of the older ex 
positors found difficulty in admitting that Paul at this point shared the 
views of his time. Origen (Cds. V, 17), for example, in the only extant 
quotation from his commentary on our letters, namely, on I 4 15 - 17 (cf. 
Turner, HDB. V, 496), allegorises; Chrys. Th. Mops, and others so in 
terpret ol xspiXetxo^evoc as to exclude Paul; still others think that 
the Y)^iq is not suited to Paul, although Olshausen protests against 
this enallage personae or dcvcotofvcoacq. On the older views, see Liin. 
ad loc. Denney, however (177), queries: "Is it not better to recognise 
the obvious fact that Paul was mistaken as to the nearness of the second 
advent than to torture his words to secure infallibility?" See also 
Kennedy, Last Things, i6ojf. 

ol TrepiXeLTrdfjievoi, KT\. The living are further defined as 
those who continue to survive until the Parousia. With ref 
erence to these survivors including Paul, it is asserted on the 
strength of the Lord s utterance that they will by no means take 
temporal precedence over the dead. 

The participle xepiXetx6[i.evoi is present, the action being viewed as 
going on to the limit of time designated by etg; contrast ev TTJ xapouat g: 
2 is 313 ^23 z COT. i5 23 . The word xepcXefxsaOa: occurs elsewhere in 
N. T. only v. 17 ; cf. 4 Mac. i3 18 12. <p6avtv here, but not in 2 16 , is 
used classically in the sense of xpocpG&vecv (Mt. i7 2B ), " praevenire" 
"precede," "anticipate." On oO jrrj with aorist subj. as the equivalent 
of an emphatic future indie, (so K here), cf. 5 3 and BMT. 172. For 
xupfou after xapouci av, B reads LqaoG, conforming to v. 14 (Weiss, 81). 

16. OTA auro? 6/cvpios. With OTL "because," parallel to yap 
(v. 15 ; cf. 2 14 ), the word of the Lord summarised in v. 15 is ex- 



174 I THESSALONIANS 

plained and elaborated. The point of the Pauline phrase at/ro? 
o Kvpios ( c f. 3 11 ) is apparently that the very Jesus under whose 
control the believers stand in life, at death (row /coi/JLr]0evTas 
Sid, v. 14 ), and from death to resurrection (ol vetcpol ev X^o), 
and whose indwelling spiritually guarantees their resurrection, 
is the Lord who at the resurrection functions as the apocalyptic 
Messiah. 

ev fceXeva^an KT\. The descent of the Lord from heaven is 
characterised by three clauses with ev. Unlike the three dis 
connected clauses with ev in i Cor. i5 52 , the second and third are 
here joined by /cat, a fact suggesting that these two clauses 
are in some sense an epexegesis of the first. "At a command, 
namely, at an archangel s voice and at a trumpet of God." Pre 
cisely what Paul has in mind is uncertain. It is conceivable 
that God who raises the dead (v. 14 ), or Christ the agent in resur 
rection, commands the archangel Michael to arouse the dead; 
and that this command is executed at once by the voice of the 
archangel who speaks to the dead (cf. i Cor. i5 52 ) through a 
divine trumpet. But whatever the procedure in detail may be, 
the point is clear that at the descent of the Lord from heaven, 
the dead are raised first of all, and then the survivors and the 
risen dead are together and simultaneously (apa avv) snatched 
up and carried by means of clouds to meet the Lord in the air. 

Kabisch (Die Eschatologie des Pauhis, 1893, 231) thinks that God gives 
a command to Christ and that the archangel is only the messenger, the 
voice which God makes use of (cf. Kennedy, Last Things, 190). Teich- 
mann (Die paulinischen Vorstellungen wn Aufcrstchung und Gericht, 
1896, 23) imagines that Christ on his way to earth commands the dead 
(who through the cry of the archangel and the blowing of the trumpet 
of God are awakened from their slumber) really to arise. Paul s state 
ment, however, is general; how far he would subscribe to the precise 
procedure read into his account from extant Jewish or Christian sources, 
no one knows. 

Most commentators agree with Stahelin (/. d. Til. 1874, 189) in tak 
ing the Iv of attendant circumstance as in i Cor. 4 21 ; but it may mean 
"at the time of" as in i Cor. 15 B2 ev rfj sa^aTf) aaXxcyyc. xiXeuqxa, 
found in Gk. Bib. here and Pr. 24 62 , is used classically (cf. Wetstein, ad 
loc.) in various applications, the command of a xeXsuarrjc; to his rowers, 
of an officer to his men, of a hunter to his dogs, etc. Ell. quotes Philo 



iv, 16-17 i75 

(de praem el pocn. 19) as using it of God s assembling the saints. The 
adXiuty^, like other touches in the description, appears in the account 
of the theophany on Mt. Horeb (Ex. iq 16 - 19 ; cf. Briggs, Messiah of the 
Apostles, 88); here the trumpet, as in i Cor. is 52 , is used not to marshal 
the hosts of heaven, or to assemble the saints (Mt. 24", which adds to 
Mark (xeTa a&XTuyyog ^ey^s; Bengel says: tuba Dei adcoque magna), 
but to raise the dead. The dp^ayysXot; (in Gk. Bib. only here and Jude 
9) may be Michael as in Jude; cf. Eth. En. 9 1 2o 6 . On Michael, see 
Lueken, Der Erzengel Michael; Bousset, Rdig.* 374$.; Everling (op. tit. 
79 ,/f.) and Dibelius, Die Geislcnvelt, etc. 32 jf. 



Kal ol vetcpol ev X/O^TW KT\. With KCLI of simple narration, 
the results of the descent of the Lord are stated; first (Trpwrov) 
the resurrection of the dead saints, which removes their disad 
vantage by putting them on a level with the living; and then 
(eVeira, v. 1V ), the rapture of both the risen dead and the sur 
vivors, presumably in changed, transformed, redeemed bodies 
(i Cor. i5 51 Phil. 3 21 Rom. 8 23 ), to meet the Lord in the air. 
Striking here is it that Paul says not simply avaanjaovraL ol 
ve/cpou (Is. 26 19 ) but ol veicpol eV Kpio-rw. This phrase designates 
not "those who died in Christ" (i Cor. i5 18 ) but "the dead who 
are in Christ"; and intimates, without defining precisely the 
condition of the believers in the intermediate state, that as in 
life and at death so from death to the Parousia, the believer is 
under the control of the indwelling Christ or Spirit. This in 
dwelling spiritual Christ, whose presence in the believer guaran 
tees his resurrection, is also the very enthroned (Rom. 8 34 ) Lord 
himself (OTL auro? o Kvpios) who comes down from heaven to 
raise the dead. 

17. eTreiTa . . . apTrayrjorofjLeda KT\. "Then, presumably at 
no great interval after the resurrection, ^et? ol foWe? ol Tre- 
pL\ei7rdfjLevoi, (as in v. 13 ; it is unnecessary here to add et? TTJV 
Trapovo-iav rov /cvpiov) shall be caught up simultaneously (afia) 
with the risen saints (crvv a^ToZ?) and carried by clouds to meet 
the Lord in the air." The rapture is a supernatural act as in 
Acts 8 39 Rev. i2 5 ; cf. 2 Cor. i2 2 ff -. The means (eV), not the 
agent (VTTO; cf. Baruch 4 26 ), by which the rapture is executed 
is the clouds which, as in Elijah s case (4 Reg. 2 11 ), are conceived 
as a triumphal chariot. Slavonic Enoch 3 1 ff - (ed. Morfill and 



176 I THESSALONIANS 

Charles; noted also by Mill.) is in point: "These men (that 
is, angels) summoned me and took me on their wings and placed 
me on the clouds. And lo, the clouds moved. And again, go 
ing still higher, I saw the ether and they placed me in the first 
heaven." 

a^a ofiv occurs in Gk. Bib. only here and 5 10 ; Vulg. has here simul 
rapiemur cum ; in 5 10 , am. fuld. omit simul. In Gk. Bib. ayia is regularly 
an adverb (Pr. 22 18 , etc.); in Mt. i3 23 20 1 , it is a preposition. Ell. re 
marks: "We shall be caught up with them at the same time that they 
shall be caught up, a^a marking as usual connection in point of time." 
The phrase gives the most precise statement of the equality of advan 
tage that we have; it does not appear in the summary of the agraphon 
in v. 15 . GF m Ambst. omit ol xsptXetxo^evot; B has oe xepiXeipevot. 
In the syn. gospels, the cloud appears, apart from the transfiguration 
and Lk. i2 54 , only in connection with the Parousia of the Son of Man. 
The influence of Dan. 7" is felt where Lxx. has sxl TWV vs^eXwv (Mt. 
24 30 26 64 ) and Th. ^STO: (Mk. i4 62 ; cf. Rev. i 7 ). The Iv, however, is 
given by Mk. i3 26 = Lk. 2i 27 ; see further Rev. n 12 (Iv), 4 Ezra 13 
(cum}, and Ex. 345 (xaT^rj xupcoq ev veylXfl); and cf. Acts i 11 with i. 



et? aTravTrjcnv KT\. With e&, the purpose of a 
is expressed, "to meet the Lord. 7 The efc ae pa designates the 
place of meeting, probably the space between the earth and the 
firmament of the first heaven, as in Slav. En. 3 1 ff - quoted above. 
As it is probably to the air, not to the earth that the Lord de 
scends from heaven, so it is into the air that all the saints are 
caught up into the company of the Lord and from the air that 
God will lead them on with Jesus (af ei avv avrcp v. 14 ) to heaven 
where the fellowship with Christ begun in the air will continue 
forever; for, in summing up the point intended in the descrip 
tion of vv. 16 - 17 , he says not Kal e/cel ("and there," as if the air 
were the permanent dwelling-place; so apparently Kabisch (op. 
cit. 233) alluding to Ass. Mos. io 9 ) but Kal OUTW?, drawing the 
conclusion from vv. 16 17 , implicit in v. 14 (<rvv avra)), with the 
added emphasis upon the permanence of the fellowship, irdv- 
70T avp Kvpiq) e 



In the Lxx. auv&vnqcTtc;, dcx&vtYjacg, dbazvrrj, uxivTTjatq and cuvavTTQ 
-occur chiefly in phrases with etq and gen. or dat. The readings vary, 
but ec <; with uTcdcvnqciv or ouvdvcrjaiv is rare. In the N. T. the read- 



iv, i7-i8 177 

ings also vary; cf. Mt. 25* 27" Acts 28"; also Mt. 8 3 * 251 Jn. 12". 
Here DGF read dq UTO^VTYJCCV T<!> Xptartp. Moulton (I i4 3 ), who notes 
BGU, 362 (xpbs d-jc&vTTjacv TOU TjyepLovoq; for xpog, c/. 3 Mac. 5 2 ), 
thinks the special idea of the word is the "official welcome of a newly 
arrived dignitary. The case after it is entirely consistent with Greek 
idiom, the gen. as in our "to his inauguration," the dat. as the case 
governed by the verb"; see also Ex. ig 17 dq auvdvnqaiv TOU 0ou. 
The dq before depa is naturally taken with dTtavnrjacv, the usage being 
either classical, or dq for Iv of place (Bl. 3Q 3 ). Above the firmament 
is the ocHMjp, a word not found in Gk. Bib. pna> is rendered a few times 
in Sym. by aKHjp; in Lxx. (2 Reg. 22 12 = Ps. 17") by dWjp. On the mean 
ing of dhQp, cf. Slav. En. 3 1 - 2 , Ascen. Isa. 7 9 - 13 io 2 ; and see Moses Stuart 
in BibUotheca Sacra, 1843, *39 jf- and Ezra Abbot in Smith s DB, 
I, 56 / 

KOI oi/Vo)? KT\. "And so (cf. i Cor. 7 17 Rom. n 25 f -), as the re 
sult of the resurrection, the rapture, and the meeting of the Lord 
in the air, we shall be with the Lord, not for the moment only 
but forever " (Trai/roTe), the point of v. 14 and the fruition of the 
Christian hope. 

For auv xupfrp, B reads Iv xupc y which is "ganz gedankenlos" (Weiss, 
56); cf. Phil. i 23 . The belief in the nearness of the coming of Christ 
is constant in Paul, but there is less emphasis on the traditional scenery 
in the letters subsequent to our epistles. Even in i Cor. 15=4-26 where 
there is an allusion to the last conflict (cf. II 2 8 ), the concrete im 
agery is less conspicuous (cf. Rom. 8 18ff - 2 Cor. 5 1 10 ). In the epistles 
of the imprisonment, the eschatology is summed up in hope (Col. i 5 - 23 ; 
cf. Eph. i 18 4<), the hope of being with Christ (Col. 3 3 f - Phil, i 23 ; cf. 
2 Cor. i3 4 ). On xal OUTG>? . . . eadjAsGa, Moff. remarks: "This is all 
that remains to us, in our truer view of the universe, from the naive 
Xoyo? xupfou of the Apostle, but it is everything." 

18. coo-re 7rapa/ca\elre KT\. "So then," as the result of the 
conviction drawn from the religious experience in Christ (v. 14 ), 
from the summarised word of the Lord (v. 15 ), and from the con 
firmatory description of the Parousia (vv. 16 - 17 ), do not grieve 
(v. 13 ), but "encourage one another (5 11 ) with these 
not Totovroi?) words," the very words that have been used. 



On ware = Sco (5 11 ) = ToiYapouv (4 8 ) = Bed: TOUTO (3 7 ) with imperative, 
cf. i Cor. io 12 n 33 i4 39 i5 58 Phil. 2 12 4 1 . Paul does not simply offer en 
couragement; he bids them actively to encourage one another (cf. 2 Cor. 
i 3ff -). It is obvious that vv. 15 - 17 do not pretend to give a description 



12 



178 I THESSALONIANS 

in detail of the Parousia. Of the points not mentioned, we may assume 
that Paul would admit the following: the assembling of the saints; the 
redemption, change, or transformation of the body (Rom. 8 23 1 Cor. i5 51 
Phil. 3 21 ); and the judgment on all men (Rom. i4 10 2 Cor. 5 10 ) without 
the resurrection of the wicked. On the other hand, since Paul does not 
elsewhere indicate a belief in the intermediate kingdom (cf. Charles, 
Eschat. 389 Jf.), it is not to be looked for between xpoiTov and IxetTa 
here (cf. Vos, Pauline Eschatology and Chiliasm, in the Princeton Theol. 
Rev. for Jan. 1911). It is, however, probable that after the meeting of 
the Lord in the air, the Lord with his saints go not to earth but to 
heaven, as a ^ec auv aikw (v. 14 ) suggests, the permanent abode of Christ 
and the believers. Even in this description of the Parousia it is worth 
noting that the interest centres in the ultimate form of the hope, elvat 
o5v xupfrjj; and that only such elements are singled out for mention 
as serve to bring this religious hope to the forefront. Like the Master, 
Paul, out of the treasures of apocalyptic at his disposal, knows how to 
bring forth things new and old. 



(6) Times and Seasons (5 1 11 )- 

The written request for information "concerning times and 
seasons" (cf. 4 9< 13 ) appears to have been made at the suggestion 
of the faint-hearted who were concerned not only about their 
friends who had died (4 13 - 18 ; cf. 5 10 ) but also about their own sal 
vation. In doubt about Paul s teaching in reference to the near 
ness of the advent and in fear that the day might catch them 
morally unprepared, they ask him, in their discouragement, for 
further instruction about the times and seasons. Paul, however, 
is convinced that they require not further instruction but en 
couragement (5 11 ). Accordingly, while reminding them that the 
day is to come suddenly and is to be a day of judgment on unbe 
lievers (vv. i- 3 ), he is careful to assure them that the day will 
not take them by surprise, for they, one and all of them, are sons 
of light and sons of day, that is, believers (w. 4 ~ 5a ). Further 
more, recognising that they need to be exhorted to moral alert 
ness, an exhortation which not only they but all Christians re 
quire (hence the tactful change from "you" to "we" in v. 5 ), 
he urges that since they are sons of light and sons of day, they 
must be morally alert and sober, arming themselves with that 
faith and love, and especially that hope for future salvation, 



V, I 179 

without which they cannot realise their destiny (w. 5b 8 ). There 
is, however, no cause for anxiety, he assures the faint-hearted, for 
God has appointed them unto salvation, the indwelling Christ 
enables them to acquire it, and Christ died for their sins in order 
that all believers, whether surviving until the Parousia, or dying 
before it, might at the same time have life with Christ (vv. 9 10 ). 
Hence they are to encourage and build up one another, as in 
fact they are doing (v. u ). 

h l Now as to the times and seasons, brothers, you have no need that 
anything be written you; z for you yourselves know accurately that the 
day of the Lord so comes as a thief at night. z When people are say 
ing: "All is well and safe" then sudden destruction comes on them 
as travail on her that is with child, and they shall in no wise escape. 

*But you, brothers, are not in darkness that the day should sur 
prise you as thieves are surprised; b for you are all sons of light and 
sons of day. 

We Christians do not oelong to night or to darkness. *So then 
let us not sleep as do the unbelievers, but let us watch and be sober. 
For it is at night that sleepers sleep and at night that drunkards 
are drunk. 8 But we, since we belong to day let us be sober, putting 
on the breastplate of faith and love, and as a helmet the hope of salva 
tion. g For God has not appointed us to wrath but to the winning of 
salvation through our Lord Jesus Christ, 1Q who died for us, that 
whether we are watching or whether we are sleeping, we might to 
gether have life with him. 

ll So then encourage one another and build up one the other, as 
in fact you are doing. 

1. irepl e TMV ^ovwv KT\. With Se, the second (cf. 4 13 ) es- 
chatological question about which the Thessalonians had written 
(cf. 4 9 - 13 ) for information is stated: "Concerning the times and 
seasons." Perceiving, however, that they really need not in 
struction but encouragement, he tells them, following the prece 
dent of 4 9 (contrast 4 13 - 18 ) but varying the language: "you have 
no need that anything (sc. ri) be written you." 

The plural (cf. xaipoft? xal %p6vou? Dan. 2 21 4" (Lxx.); contrast the 
singular ewq xpo vou * a l xacpoO Dan. 7 12 ) does not here refer to a future 
cycle of times and seasons, or to a past cycle now ending (cf. i Cor. io u ) 



180 I THESSALONIANS 

but indicates in traditional language the time of the Parousia. The 
question put to Paul was an old one (cf. Jer. 25 11 36 10 Dan. g 25 ff -) and 
was prevalent not only in Christian but in Jewish circles of the time 
(see Charles, Eschat. 168-175; Volz, Eschat. 162 Jf.). Notwithstanding 
the warning of the Lord: oux u^oiv yvwvat %povou<; YJ xoccpouq (Acts i 7 ; 
cf. Mk. i3 32 Mt. 24 3G ), it was impossible to quell curiosity as to the exact 
day and hour. Doubtless the converts particularly in mind in 5 1 -" 
were wondering what Paul s teaching meant, especially since they 
feared lest the day might find them morally unprepared. Though as 
Ammonius (apitd Ell.) says: 6 [xev xacpbq STJ^O! xotdTrjTa xP^vcx; $1 xoa- 
6T-rjTa, yet in Jewish usage the terms are interchangeable (cf. Dan. 7 12 
Sap. 7 18 ). N inserts TOU before Yp&peoGat; GF smooth xpec av e xeTe to 
IOTCV. 



2. avrol yap a-KpiftGys KT\. The reason why (yap as in 4) it 
is unnecessary to write is not that he is unable to teach them any 
thing new (Th. Mops.), but that, in view of the purpose of en 
couragement, it is inexpedient and superfluous (cf. Chrys.) to 
do any more than call attention to the facts which they already 
know accurately, namely (i), that the day of the Lord comes "as 
a thief at night comes" (sc. epxercu), that is, suddenly and un 
expectedly; and (2) that, as the explanation (vv. 3 ~ 5 ) indicates, 
although the day comes suddenly for both believers and unbe 
lievers alike, it is only the latter (v. 3 ) and not the former 
(vv. 4 " 5a ) who are taken by surprise. 

On 5Tol yap oTSorce, see 2 1 . dcxptpw? (Acts 24") occurs elsewhere in 
Paul only Eph. 5 15 and elsewhere in Gk. Bib. about a dozen times. 
Findlay thinks that dxpc^wg is quoted from the letter sent to Paul. The 
O.T. (?)) fpspa (TOU) xupfou, which appears first in Amos 5 18 (see Robert 
son Smith, Prophets, 396, and Davidson, HDB. I, 736) is retained by 
Paul, though /.uptoq is Christ, as the context here and elsewhere (e. g. 
Phil, i 10 2 1C i Cor. i 8 2 Cor. i 14 ) attests. The omission of the articles 
(here and Phil, i 6 - 10 2 16 ; cf. Is. 2 12 13 6 - 9 , etc.) indicates a fixed formula 
(cf. Oeb<; xaTTJp, i 1 ). A reads with Amos 5 18a YJ Vdpa xupfou. The 
mention of vu, literal here and v. 7 , prepares the way for the metaphors 
in the contrasts between darkness and daylight (v. 4 ), darkness and light 
(v. 5 ), and night time and daytime (v. 6 ; cf. v. 8 ). On w? ... OUTM?, 
cf. i Cor. 7 17 (OUTGX; xat, Rom. 5 16 - :8 , etc.). As the emphasis is on w? 
x^TCTT)*; not on epxexac, the present tense is general or gnomic (BMT. 
12), not present for future, or prophetic. For the early belief that the 
Lord would come at night, expecially Easter eve, see Liin. ad loc. who 
quotes Lactantius, Inst. 7", and Jerome on Mt. 25; 



V, i~3 i8i 

Paul does not tell us (contrast 4") whence he derived the information 
assumed to be possessed by the readers. The comparison to a thief is 
in itself natural enough (cf. Jer. 2Q 10 ox; xXIxTat Iv vux/d IxtS-rjaouCTCv 
xetpa auTtov; also Job 24" Joel 2 9 ); but the first extant comparison of 
the coming of the Lord to a thief appears to be the word of Jesus in 
Lk. I2 39 = Mt. 24 43 : d f/Bec 6 otx.oBeaxoTY}<; xofcjc wptjc 6 y.XlxTTj<; sp^erae. 
To be sure Iv VUXT does not appear in the logion, and it is the Lord 
himself (by context) not the day of the Lord that is compared to a thief. 
But despite these differences, it is better to see in our passage an allu 
sion to that word of the Lord than to postulate an agraphon or a cita 
tion from an unknown Jewish apocalypse (as Bruckner does in his Ent- 
siehung der paulinischen Christologie, 179 Jf.). Ephr. (who wrongly 
takes cm as = quia) remarks on oYSore: "sicut didicistis etiam haec 
a nobis; quoniam et nos ex ipso evangelic Domini nostri didicimus. 
2 Pet. 3 10 (where CKL add Iv vuxTf) is evidently based on our 
passage. 

3. orav \eya)criv KT\. "When people are saying: There is 
(sc. ecrTiv} security and safety," etc. Starting from rj^epa tcvpiov 
as a day of judgment, and from the idea of moral indifference 
suggested by eV VVKTL (cf. v. 4 OVK core ev a/corei), Paul pro 
ceeds, without connecting particle (cf. v. 5 OVK ecr/xeV; i Cor. i4 26 
Col. 3 4 ) to explain the bearing first on unbelievers of the sudden 
coming of the Lord (v. 2 ). Though Xeytotrtv is impersonal (cf. 
i Cor. io 20 and Bl. 30*) and avrols is undefined, yet clearly un 
believers alone are in mind, as the sharply contrasted v 
aBe\(f>OL (v. 4 ) makes plain. By the phrase eipqvy real a 
we are reminded with Grot, of Ezek. i3 10 , Xeyo^re? elpTJvrj /cal 
OVK rjv elprjvrj (cf. Jer. 6 14 = 8 11 ) ; and of the false repose and 
safety of the people described in the word of the Lord (Lk. iy 26 f - 
=Mt. 24 37f -) to which Ephr. alludes: "istud est quod dixit Do- 
minus noster: sicut fuit in diebus Noe et Loth, etc. 

The asyndeton (frsAGF, et al.) is corrected by BD, et al., which insert 
8s, and by KLP, Vulg. (enim), et al., which insert yap. For oTav SI, cf. 
i Cor. i3 10 15", etc; OTV yip, i Cor. 3 4 2 Cor. i2 10 , etc. GF, et a/., read 
^lyouacv (cf. arrjx.sT 3 8 ). On OTav . . . TOTS, cf. i Cor. i5 28 - M Col. 3 4 . For 
the present general condition, see BMT. 260, 312. efpfjVT] and dfo?aXsccc, 
united only here in Gk. Bib., are virtually synonymous (cf. Lev. 26 5f -); 
but Ell. would distinguish them: "efp^vTj betokens an inward repose 
and security; da<pdcXca a sureness and safety that is not interfered with 
or compromised by outward obstacles." 



182 I THESSALONIANS 

al<l>v{Sio<; oXeOpos. That is, either "all of a sudden" (ad 
jective for adverb; Bl. 44 2 ) or "sudden" (adjective) " destruc 
tion comes on them." It is probable that o\e0pos, like Odvaros 
(2 Cor. 2 15 7 10 ) and aTrcoXem (II 2 10 i Cor. i 18 2 Cor. 2 15 Phil. i 28 ) 
is the opposite of tromypia; and that the point is not annihila 
tion of existence but separation from the presence of Christ; 
hence o Xefyo? may be au&vios (II i 9 ) as well as atyv&ios. 

On the idea, see Kennedy, Last Things, 314. In i Cor. 5 5 , oXeGpo? TYJ? 
aapx.6? is contrasted with the salvation (aw CeaOat) of -rb xveu>a; in 
i Tim. 6 9 , we have sic, oXeGpov xal dna&Xetav. a??v8toq is rare in Gk. 
Bib. (Lk. 2i 34 Sap. i7 15 2 Mac. 14" 3.Mac. 3 24 ); WH. edit here a^vfSco? 
(Btf),but in Lk. 2i 34 e^viScog (so here, ADFLP, et al.}. e9caT&vac7fre- 
quent in Lxx. appears in N. T. only here and 2 Tim. 4 2 - 6 , apart from 
Lk. Acts. It is construed with dat. (here and Sap. 6 5 - 8 Lk. 2 9 24% 
etc.), or with exc and accus. (Sir. 41 22 Jer. 2i 2 , etc.; Lk. 2i 34 Acts 
io 17 ii 11 ). On exfffTorai (BtfL, etc.) for l^taTa-rac (DEKP, <# a/.), see 
Bl. 6 7 . GF, read 9avYJasTat; B puts auTocg after 



97 &SLV KT\. "As travail comes upon (sc. eW<TTarat) 
her that is with child." The point of the comparison is not 6 
TToVo? TCOV toStvcov (cf. Is. 66 7 ), as the common Lxx. phrase wSZ^e? 
w? TiKTova^ might suggest (so Th. Mops.) ; not the certainty 
(an interpretation which Chrys. combats) ; but the suddenness 
as afyvtSios indicates. The idea of inevitableness, brought out 
by ov pr) eK(f)vya)cri,v } arises probably not from the comparison 
but from o\e0pos. 



For toStveq (5? Tt/.To6aY]<;, cf. Ps. 47 6 Hos. i3 3 Mic. 4 9 Jer. 6 24 8 21 
22 33 27 43 ; also Jer. 13" Is. i3 8 ; and Is. 26 17 Eth. En. 62*. The singular 
(SB read Y) wSet v) is rare in Gk. Bib.; but even if the plural were read 
with GF, there would be here no reference to the dolor es Mcssiae (Mk. 13 8 
= Mt. 24 8 ; cf. Volz, Eschat. 173 and Bousset, Relig.* 286). On Ix^euyecv 
(Rom. 2 3 2 Cor. ii 33 ), cf. Lk. 2i 36 ; on 06 ^ with aor. subj. instead of 
fut. indie, (which DGF here read; cf. Gal. 4 30 ), see 4 15 and cf. Rom. 4 8 
i Cor. 8 13 Gal. 5 16 . It is unnecessary to supply an object with Ixcpuywatv; 
contrast 2 Mac. 6 26 : ia.q TOU xavTOxpt5:Topo<; 7etpa<; OUTS ^wv OUTS dxo- 
6avwv Ix^eu^opiat. Here only does Paul use yacrrrjp; elsewhere in N. T. 
apart from Tit. i 12 Lk. i 31 , it is used in the common Lxx. phrase, as here, 
s xetv ev yaarpc = slvat eyxuoq. 

Lft. remarks on v. 3 : "The dissimilarity which this verse presents to 
the ordinary style of St. Paul is striking." To be sure, oirav . . . TOTE, 



V, 3-4 i3 

tocxep, ex^efiyeiv, oXsOpog, or ou [XYJ with aor. subj. need excite no wonder; 
but the use of etp^viq = "security," of da^dXeioc, ai<pv:8co<;, qpiardvac and 
wSi v, and of the impersonal Xeywatv might suggest that Paul (a) is cit 
ing from a Jewish apocalypse, or (6) from an agraphon, or is writing 
under the influence either (c) of a Jewish apocalypse or (d) a word of 
the Lord (as in v. 2 ). In the light of v. 2 , (a) is improbable. In favour 
of (d) rather than (c) is to be urged not Mk. i3 8 = Mt. 248, or Mk. 13" 
and par., but Lk. 2i 34 - 36 : "Take heed to yourselves that your hearts 
be not dulled by debauches and [jieOfl and the distractions of life; and 
take heed lest IXCST^ qp 5[xaq apvi Stoq TJ -r^spa as a trap (wq xaytq; 
cf. Jer. 5 27 ). For it will surely come upon all those who sit on^the face 
of all the earth. dYpuxvsnrs at every season, praying that ye may be 
able 4x<j>uyeTv all these things which are going to happen, and to stand 
before the Son of Man." This passage may have affected vv. 4 - 8 below; 
cf, Rom. i3 nff -. In favour of (&) is not the concrete and definite character 
of the utterance (cf. 4 16 ), but the indefinite GCIJTOT<;. "If, as seems not 
unlikely, the sentence is a direct quotation from our Lord s words, the 
reference implied in the word auToc<; is to be sought for in the context 
of the saying from which St. Paul quotes" (Lft.). 

4. /ie? Be KT\. The 3e is adversative by context and con 
trasts the brethren with the auroZs (v. 3 ) who are now seen to be 
unbelievers. The latter are in the realm of night, as ev VVKTL 
(v. 2 ) suggests, that is, of wickedness; and the day of the Lord 
with its inevitable destruction comes on them suddenly and finds 
them unprepared. The brethren on the other hand (Be) are not 
in darkness (ev cr/corei), that is, in the realm of wickedness, and 
the day of the Lord, now designated as the daylight in contrast 
with the dark, while it comes suddenly for them also, does not 
(and this is the point of the new comparison) surprise them as 
thieves are surprised by the coming of the dawn. 

"Christians are on the alert, open-eyed; they do not know when it 
is to come, but they are alive to any signs of its coming. Thus there is 
no incompatibility between the emphasis on the instantaneous character 
of the advent and the emphasis in II 2 3 f - on the preliminary conditions" 
(Moff.). On oocoTog, cf. Rom. i3 12 1 Cor. 4 5 2 Cor. 6 14 , etc.; cf. fj !oua(a 
TOG axoTou? Col. i 13 Lk. 22 53 . The clause with "voc is not of purpose but 
of conceived result (cf. 2 Cor. i 17 and BM T. 2i8/.). The daylight is a 
metaphor for "the day," that is, f) Tj[A!pa Ixec vT] (GF; cf. II i 10 ); on 
f) f)(i.pa, cf. i Cor. 3 13 Rom. i3 12 ; also Rom. 2 16 Ezek. 36 33 . xxrccXa^- 
pdvscv is here not "attain" (Rom. g 30 i Cor. g 24 Phil. 3" f -), or "under 
stand" (Eph. 3"), but "overtake" (Gen. ig 19 Sir. 7 1 Jn. i2 35 ), with a 



184 I THESSALONIANS 



touch of surprise and detection. GF read xaTocX&pot. ADGF place 
u[L<zq before TJ ^[xepa. Rom. I3 11 14 , where the time before the Parousia 
is designated as uxvoq, ax.oTo<;, and vu, affords a striking parallel to 
vv. 4 - 7 . The advent is -fj V^P<* and Christians are to put on T<Z oxXa 
TOU 9d)i:6<; and to conduct themselves &<; ev 4){j.p?, that is, are to avoid 
., for f) vCi xpoxot}>ev ?) Be Y)^poc 



&)9 /cXeVra?. "That the day should surprise you as thieves 
are surprised." As Grotius has observed, the comparison here is 
not the same as in v. 2 , though it follows naturally from it. In 
v. 2 , "the day of the Lord comes as a thief at night," suddenly 
and unexpectedly; here the day of the Lord (compared to the 
daylight) does not surprise the believers as it does the unbelievers 
(<y? /eAeTTTa?), that is, does not catch the Christians unawares 
and unprepared. 



, read by BA Boh., is accepted by Lachmann, WH. De W. 
Ewald, Koch, Lft. Moff. and Field (Otium Norv. Ill, 123). Most com 
mentators, however, prefer the numerically better attested xXexTtjs 
(see Souter, ad loc.}. In this case, the same comparison is used as in v. 2 , 
but here the point is not "suddenness" but "surprise." The usual ob 
jection to xX^xrag, that it spoils the metaphor (see on v/jxtoq 2 7 ), is too 
incisive, in view of the inversion of metaphors in Paul, especially in this 
section (cf. xaGeuSsiv and Yp^yopelv in vv. 6 - 10 ); see Lft. on 2 7 and ad 
loc. Weiss (17) thinks that x,X^xra<; is a mechanical conformation to 
utxaq (cf. Tuxouq i 7 ). Zim. (cf. Mill, and Dibelius) suggests that xX^xTa? 
involves a change of sense that overlooks the reference to Lk. 12" = 
Mt. 24 43 . 

5. TraWe? yap v/j,eis KT\. The yap explains why "the day" 
should not surprise them; and the Traces (cf. Tracnv II i 10 ) 
singles out the faint-hearted for special encouragement. The 
readers, one and all, are not "in darkness" but are "sons of 
light," that is, belong to Christ; and, with a slight advance of 
meaning, are "sons of day," that is, belong to the realm of future 
light and salvation, the unexpressed reason being that the in 
dwelling Christ or Spirit guarantees their ability so to live a 
blameless life that they may even now, if they are vigilant and 
sober, be assured of the rescue from the wrath that comes (i 10 ), 
and of an entrance into God s own kingdom and glory (2 12 ; 
v. infra, vv. 9 " 10 ). " 



V, 4-6 i8s 

utb<; 9G)t6<; suggests the possible influence of the word of the Lord in 
Lk. i6 8 ; cf. Jn. i2 36 Eph. 5 8 (T&VOC); the phrase does not occur in Lxx. 
ulbq ^[xepaq is not found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. The use of utog with 
a gen. to denote the intimate relation of a person with a thing or person 
appears to be Semitic in origin (see on II 2 3 and cf. Deiss. BS. 161- 
166); the idiom is common in the Gk. Bib. 



OVK ecrpev KT\. The change from vpeis (vv. 4 ~ 5a ) to 
(vv. 5b - 10 ) should not be overlooked. In saying that all the breth 
ren are sons of light and sons of day, Paul seems already to be 
preparing the way tactfully for an exhortation that they conduct 
themselves as such, especially since blamelessness of life (3") 
alone assures them of escape from judgment (cf. 2 Cor. 5 10 Rom. 
i4 10 ). Not wishing to discourage the faint-hearted but at the 
same time recognising that they need the warning, he includes in 
the exhortation not only them but himself and all other Chris 
tians, and proceeds (v. 5b ) asyndetically: "We Christians, all of 
us, do not belong to night or to darkness." He thus prepares 
for the exhortation to sobriety and vigilance (vv. 6 7 ), and for 
the encouraging assurance of future salvation (w. 9 10 ). This 
done, the v/xefc of v. 5 a (cf. v. 4 ) is resumed in v. n . It is obvious 
that OVK ecrpev VVKTOS ov&e CTKOTOVS forms the transition to the 
exhortation. 



elvat vuxr6s, axorout;, fj^lpaq (v. 8 ) is logically equivalent to ulol vux- 
i6q, etc. In view of i Cor. 3 23 2 Cor. io 7 Rom. 14*, etc., it is unneces 
sary to supply ulof. The arrangement of tptoToq, Tj[xepa?, vuxxd?, ox6Tou<; 
is chiastic. Day and night are the periods; light and darkness the 
characteristics of the periods. GF put xac before oux iay.iv to relieve 
the asyndeton. On oux. . . . ouS, see 2 3 and II 3 8 . 

6. apa ovv firj /caOevBco^ev KT\. "So then let us not sleep as 
do the rest (ol \OLTTOL as 4 13 ) but let us watch and be sober. 
The figurative use of /caOevBeiv and vr^fyeiv is suggested, as v. 7 
intimates, by the fact that sleepers sleep at night and drunkards 
get drunk at night. xaQevSeiv covers all sorts of moral laxity; 
yprjyopeiv, its opposite, denotes watchfulness, moral alertness, 
vigilance against the assaults of unrighteousness. The point of 
vrifaiv is less certain; for since drunkenness may suggest either 
stupid unconsciousness or abnormal exaltation (B. Weiss, Dob.), 



l86 I THESSALONIANS 



v may be an exhortation either to perfect control of the 
senses without which vigilance is impossible or to quietness of 
mind (4") without which the peaceable fruits of righteousness 
essential to future salvation are unattainable. 



Since xaGeuBw^ev and YpTjyopoHAsv are metaphorical, it is unlikely 
that vYjcpco^ev here (and v. 8 ) is literal, as if some of the converts were 
intemperate; or that it is both literal and metaphorical (Find.). At 
the same time, as v. 7 intimates, the sons of day and the sons of light 
in Thessalonica as elsewhere may have been tempted to indulge in 
habits characteristic of those who belong not to day but to night. Spa 
ouv, found in Gk. Bib. only in Paul, is followed by the hortatory subj. 
(here and Gal. 6 10 Rom. i4 1D ); or by the imperative (II 2 15 ). KLP read 
xaGsuSo^sv and GF VTJ<po[xev; cf. Rom. i4 19 (KBAG). xa8e68eiv is 
used by Paul only in this section and in the fragment of a hymn cited 
in Eph. 5 14 . In v. 7 it is literal; in v. 10 it is = xoi^aaOas = dcxoOvrjaxEtv. 
to? xa(, which DGF read here for the simple wq, is rare in Paul (Rom. g 26 
i Cor. 7 7 f - g 5 Eph. 2 3 5"), and is perhaps a reminiscence of Eph. 2 3 
w? xocl ol Xocxo(. YpiQyopelv is infrequent in Paul (i Cor. i6 13 Col. 4 2 ) 
and the Lxx. (cf. i Mac. I2 27 : ypTqyopelv x,al elvae Ixl TOC? oxXotq, 
eToi[Adea6ai eiq x6Xe^.ov ot 0X7)? TYJS VUXTO<;). It is employed in the 
eschatological passages Mk. i3 33 ff - Lk. i2 37 ff - and Mt. 24" ff -; but in 
Lk. 2i 36 and Mk. I3 33 we have dypuxvstv. vfaeiv, rare in Gk. Bib., is 
used metaphorically in the N. T. (v. 8 2 Tim. 4* i Pet. i 13 4 7 ; 5 8 (vir^oae, 
YpTjyop-rjaairs); cf. exv^etv (i Cor. I5 34 Joel i 5 , etc.) and dvovfoetv 
(2 Tim. 2 26 ). 

7. ol yap KaOev&ovres KT\. The exhortation to vigilance and 
sobriety is illustrated by a fact of observation familiar to the 
readers (cf. Rom. 13" ff -)- "Those who sleep (usually) sleep at 
night (Z/V/CTO?; cf. 2) and those who get drunk (usually) are 
drunk at night." These habits, characteristic of those who are 
not sons of day and sons of light, are mentioned, not without 
reference to the temptations to which all Christians, including 
the readers, are exposed. 

The distinction between {jLeGuax.o6at "get drunk" (Eph. 5 18 Lk. 12" 
Pr. 23") and ^xeSuetv (B reads [xeGuovreq) "be drunk" (i Cor. n"; 
cf. 6 jAeOuwv Job i2 25 Is. ig 14 242, etc.) is doubted by Ell. Lft. and 
others. Since Paul does not say ol xaOeuSovTsq VUXTO? etatv y.TX., "the 
sleepers belong to night," etc., it is improbable that v. 7 is figurative 
- (see Liin.). Schmiedel would exscind v. 7 as a marginal note, and v. * 
as a connecting link inserted by a later reader. 



v, 6-8 187 

8. r^els Se rj/JLe pas KT\. The emphasis on VVKTOS (v. 7 ), 
already implied in vv. 2 - 4 6 , prepares for the contrast here, e 
being adversative by context, and for the exhortation. Sleep 
and drunkenness are the affairs of those who belong to the night; 
"but let us, since we belong not to night (the realm of evil), but 
to day (the future glory; cf. v. 5 ), be sober." 

evSvcrd/jievoL KT\. "It is not sufficient to watch and be sober, 
we must also be armed" (Chrys.). "Perhaps the mention of 
vigilance suggested the idea of a sentry armed and on duty" 
(Lft. who compares Rom. I3 11 ff -). As in i 3 , Paul describes the 
Christian life on the religious side as faith and on the ethical 
side as love, and singles out for special remark the moral 
quality of hope; hence to the breastplate he adds the helmet, 
the hope for future salvation, thus giving to conduct an escha- 
tological sanction. 

One is reminded here and even more strongly in Eph. 6 H of Is. 59": 
xal IveBuca-ro Stxatoauvrjv (cf. Job 2g 14 ) &<; Gcopaxa (cf. Sap. 5 18 ) y.oA 
TuepieOeTo rcepcx.eiyaXaiav CWTTQPCOU exl TYJ<; /.e^aXijg. The figure, how 
ever, is natural to Paul (cf. Rom. i3 12 vSuaco[xe0a T& oxXa TOU ^WTOC; 
and Eph. 6 11 IvSuactoGe T?JV -jcavoxXfocv TOU Oeou). The purpose of the ar 
mour, tacit here but expressed in Eph. 6 11 , is probably: -Tcpbq ib SuvaaOac 
6[xaq aTY^vat xpbq Tag ^eOoSta? TOU Stoc^oXou, the Satan who, as an 
angel of darkness, transforms himself into anayy^o? <?<i>T6<; (2 Cor. n 14 ). 
IvousaOat, a common word in Lxx., is used metaphorically by Paul with 
various objects (cf. Gal. 3" i Cor. 15" Rom. 13" Col. 3 12 Eph. 4 24 ). 
The aorist part, is of identical action (BAIT. 139) . 0<opoc, here and Eph. 
6 14 in Paul, is quite frequent in Gk. Bib. (cf. IvBueaOac Ocopaxa i Reg. i7 5 
Jer. 26 4 Ezek. 38 4 1 Mac. 3 s ). TCpot9&Xocia, in N. T. only here and Eph. 
6 17 , is literal in Lxx. except Is. 59 17 . On the complete armour of the 
hastali, see Polyb. VI, 23. The gen. -jdcTeox; and dc-faxr)? are appositional. 



Salvation is both negatively freedom from 
wrath (cf. i 10 ) and positively fellowship with Christ, as vv. 9 10 
declare. Since o-corrjpLa is an eschatological conception (cf. Rom. 
I3 11 ), something to be acquired (v. 9 ), PauLsays not ator^piav 
but eXiriSa o-coTrjpLas (objective gen. as i 3 Rom. 5 2 Col. i 27 ). 
The significance of this exhortation to hope lies in the convic 
tion that without blamelessness of life (3 13 ) even believers can 
not escape the judgment (cf. Rom. i4 10 2 Cor. 5 10 ). To be sure, 



l88 I THESSALONIANS 

as Paul forthwith encourages the faint-hearted to remember 
(w. 9 - 10 ), this hope is virtually certain of realisation. 

Here and v. , he speaks generally of awTTQpca. In Rom. 8", he singles 
out the redemption of the body as the object of hope; "for by that hope 
we have been (proleptically) saved"; and in Phil 3 20 f -, Jesus Christ as 
awdjp is to transform the body of our humiliation that it may be con 
formable to the body of his glory (note dxex-Sexo^eOa in both pas 
sages and cf. Gal. 5 5 ). Though Paul here may have this specific hope 
also in mind, he contents himself with a general statement, 
(cf. Job 2 9 for the objective gen.: xpoaBe%6[j.svot T^JV 



9-10. on ov/c 0ero KT\. With on "because," he confirms 
the propriety of the exhortation to the e\7ri^a acoTrjpias by en 
couraging the faint-hearted to be assured that that hope is bound 
to be fulfilled. The ground of assurance is stated, first, nega 
tively, " God did not appoint us Christians for wrath," that is, 
for condemnation at the day of judgment (cf. i 10 2 16 ); and then 
positively, "but to gain salvation." Since, however, it is impos 
sible to work out one s own salvation (Phil. 2 13 ) unless the divine 
power operates in the believer, Paul next recalls the means by 
which salvation is to be acquired, namely, "through" the causal 
activity of the indwelling "Jesus Christ our Lord." Further 
more, since death and resurrection are inseparable factors in 
the redemptive work of Christ (cf. 4 14 ), he adds: "who died for 
us," that is, for our sins, "in order that we might live, have life 
with him," the future life in fellowship with Christ, which is 
the consummation of Christian hope. 

The construction TiOevac Ttvd eTq TC, only here in Paul, but fre 
quent in Lxx., is not the equivalent of Acts 13 = Is. 49* (TsOscxd as 
et? <?6)?; contrast Rom. 4 17 = Gen. i; 5 ), but nevertheless "appears to 
have a partially Hebraistic tinge" (Ell.; cf. Ps. 650 Hos. 4 7 Mic. i 7 
Jer. 25 12 , etc.). eOero ( = e8iqx.v, Bl. 5S 1 ) indicates the purpose of God, 
but like eYXa-ro (II 2 13 ) is less specific than IxAoyYJ (i 4 ); icspi-rcohjais, 
rare in Gk. Bib., is used absolutely in the passive sense of "possession," 
"remnant," in 2 Ch. i4 13 Mai. 3 17 Hag. 2 9 Eph. i 14 i Pet. 2 9 ; here, how 
ever, and II 2 14 Heb. io 39 , where a genitive follows, it is active, acquisilio 
(Vulg. Eli Mill, and most), "gaining," "winning," as indeed ypTjYopw- 
JJLSV and VTQ^WJJLSV (Find.) and the clause with oca (Dob.) intimate. 
B and some minuscules invert the order to read 6 Osb? -frias (cf. 2 16 ). 



V, 8-io i8g 

&a rou tcvpLOv TJIJLWV I. X. This clause is to be construed not 
with 0ero but with the adjacent ek 7repi7roi7]o-(,v o-corrjpias. 
The bid indicates the causal activity of the risen Lord conceived 
of as a spiritual power resident in the hearts of believers, ena 
bling them to bring forth the fruits of righteousness essential to 
salvation and guaranteeing their resurrection from the dead 
and eternal fellowship with himself. 

The phrase is the logical but not grammatical equivalent of Iv TO) 
xupbp: see on 4 2 - 14 . On the divine name, see i 3 ; B Eth. omit XptaToO 

(Cf. 2). 

10. TOV airoOavovTos KT\. The risen Lord through whose in 
dwelling power the believer gains salvation is also he who died 
for us, that is, for our sins (Gal. i 3 i Cor. i5 3 ; cf. Rom. 5 8 4 25 ). 

BH read xept (cf. Gal. i 3 where B has uxp), but most have &xep (cf. 
Rom. 5 8 ); the distinction between these prepositions is becoming en 
feebled (Moult. I, 105). By the phrases dxoOvrjaxecv uxsp (Rom. 5 s ff - 
I4 15 i Cor. I5 3 2 Cor. 5 15 ), ScBovat xep (Gal. i 3 ), and xapac86vac uxp 
(Gal. 2 20 Rom. 8 32 ), Paul indicates his belief in the sufferings and es 
pecially the death of Christ, the righteous for the unrighteous, as an 
atonement for sins (cf. Moore, EB. 4229 jj.}. In speaking of the death of 
Christ for us, Paul uses regularly the category not of forgiveness (Rom. 
4 7 Col. i 14 Eph. i 7 ; cf. Col. 2 13 3 13 Eph. 4 32 ) but of reconciliation (Rom. 
5 10 ff - 2 Cor. 5 18 ff - Col. i 20 ff -) and especially justification. "Forgive 
ness he calls justification. It is the same thing as atonement, or recon 
ciliation, terms in which somewhat different aspects of the same process 
are emphasised" (Ropes, Apostolic Age, 156). The absence of these 
terms in I, II, and the fact that this is the only passage in I, II in which 
the death of Christ for us is mentioned, suggests not that the significance 
of that death was not preached prominently in Thessalonica, but that 
the purpose of these letters did not call for a discussion of justification, 
law, works, etc. Nothing is here said explicitly of Christ s death "to 
sin" (Rom. 6 10 ) or of the believers dying and rising with Christ (Gal. 
2 19 f - Rom. 6 3 ff - Col. 2 12 - 20 3 1 ), but this conception may underlie both 
the passage (4"), "if we believe that Jesus died and rose," etc., and 
Bed: TOU xup(ou and ev xupuo. 



"va . . . tycrcofMev . The purpose of the death, stated in the 
light of the cognate discussion (4 13 18 ), is: "that whether we are 
watching (living) or whether we are sleeping (dead), we might 
together live with him." <ypr)yopwfj,ev and KaOevScofjiev are to 



1 90 I THESSALONIANS 

be taken figuratively for f<w/>tez> and d7ro9vr)o-Ka)fjiev (Rom. i4 8 ), 
as, indeed, Th. Mops. Chrys. Ephr. (sive mm simus sive mortui}, 
and most affirm. For survivors and dead, salvation comes 
simultaneously at the Parousia, as vvv avrq) (4") and 
avv fcvpi q) eaopeOa (41 ?) prepare us to expect. 



It is noteworthy that even in a casual statement about the signifi 
cance of salvation, three distinctive points in Paul s conception are 
touched upon, forgiveness of sins through the death of Christ, moral 
renewal through the indwelling power of the spiritual Christ, and the 
final consummation of future fellowship with him. Ell. is again right 
in insisting that as in 4 17 so here oqj.oc and auv be separated; "the ijv 
cuv XpcaTtp forms the principal idea, while the ajxa subjoins the further 
notion of aggregation"; Vulg., however, joins simul cum (contrast 4 17 ). 
On xaOeuSetv = "to die"; see 4"; but "to this particular use of YPTJ- 
yop&o no Biblical parallel can be adduced" (Mill.). There seems to be 
no sharp difference in meaning between s! with the subjunctive (com 
mon in later Gk.; cf. Mill, and i Cor. i4 5 ) and the expected lav (Rom. 
i4 8 ). Burton (BMT. 253), contrary to the opinion of many (e. g. Bl. 65*) 
thinks that the subjunctive " can hardly be explained as attraction since 
the nature of the thought (in our passage) calls for a subjunctive." 
A few minuscules read Yp7jyopoO[jLv and also with KLP /.aGsuBopiev. 
e fce, a favourite particle in Paul (cf. II 2 15 ), is rare elsewhere in Gk. Bib. 
(i Pet. 2 13 f - Josh. 24 15 Is. 30 21 Sir. 41*, etc.). A reads ^ao^ev; DE 
t;w[iev; the aorist ^aw^xsv (KB, et al.) indicates the future living as a 
fact without reference to progress or completion, " that we might have 
life." 

11. SLO 7rapatca\eiT KT\. "Wherefore" (3 1 ; cf. cocrre 4 17 ), 
since the day of the Lord, though it comes suddenly on all, be 
lievers and unbelievers, will not surprise you believers; and 
since the power of Christ makes possible that blamelessness of 
life which is necessary to salvation and so guarantees the reali 
sation of your hope; do not be faint-hearted but "encourage one 
another" (7rapaica\elTe aAX^Aou?, as was just said in 4 18 ) "and 
build up one another." Then remembering the actual practice 
of the converts, and justifying, as it were, his writing when there 
was no need to write (v. J ; cf. 4 9 ), he adds tactfully as in 4 10 
(cf. 4 1 ) : "as in fact (fcaOa>$ tcai-, see 3 4 4 1 ) you are doing." 

otxoSo[j.eIv, o?xoBo[A7J and IxotxoSojxscv are frequent words in Paul, 
especially in his letters to Corinth. From the figure of the church or 



the individual (i Cor. 6 10 ) as a temple of the Spirit, the further metaphor 
of "building up," "constructing" a character would naturally develop 
(see Lft. on i Cor. 5 -*). The parallelism with dXX-rjXouc; demands for 
etg TOV eva a sense similar to dXXifjXoix; and the accentuation e!? -ubv 
2va, "each one of you build up the other one." Lillie observes: "no 
edition has elq irbv eva, the construction adopted by Faber Stapulensis 
(ad unum usque, to a man), Whitby (into one body), Riickert (who under 
stands by Tbv eva Christ)." Blass (45 2 ) remarks on the phrase: "quite 
unclassic but Semitic for dXMjXous." Of the many parallels cited by 
Kypke (II, 339), the closest is Theoc. 22 65 : slq evl xeipaq aecpov. The 
exact phrase, however, recurs later in the Greek Legend of Isaiah, 2 s (in 
Charles s Ascen. Isaiah, 143); Testament Job, 27 (in James s A pocrypha 
Anecdota); and in Pseudo-Cyrill. Alex. X, 1055 A, e!<; TGJ kvl = 
(noted by Soph. Lex. 427). 



(7) Spiritual Labourers (s 12 13 ). 

There are still some vcrrepij/jLara (3 12 ) which need to be ad 
justed. Hence the exhortations (4^5 u ) are now continued, as 
Be introducing a new point and epcoTM/jiev (cf. 4*) intimate. The 
brethren as a whole are first urged to appreciate those who 
labour among them, two special functions of these labourers be 
ing selected for emphasis, that of leading and that of admonish 
ing. But not only are they to appreciate the labourers, they 
are to do so very highly, and that too not from fear and distrust 
but from love, because of their work. Then changing from in 
finitive to imperative, he commands them to be at peace not 
"with them" but "among yourselves." 

furthermore, we ask you, brothers, to appreciate those who 
labour among you both acting as your leaders in the Lord and warn 
ing you; lz and to rate them very highly in love for the sake of their 
work. Be at peace among yourselves. 

There must be a reason for specifying two of the functions of "the 
workers" and for observing that in acting as leaders they do so in the 
Lord. Precisely what the reason is escapes our knowledge. It may be 
conjectured, however (see on 4"), that the idlers in their want had ap 
pealed for assistance to those who laboured among them, managing the 
external affairs of the group including money matters and acting as spir 
itual advisers, and had been refused rather tactlessly with an admonition 
on the ground that the idle brothers though able were unwilling to sup- 



192 I THESSALONIANS 

port themselves, thus violating Paul s express command (4" II 3 10 ). 
The result was friction between the idlers and "the workers" and the 
disturbance of the peace of the church. Paul recognises that there was 
blame on both sides; and so, addressing the brethren as a whole, for 
the matter concerned the entire brotherhood, he urges first, with the 
idlers in mind, that the workers be appreciated, that it be remembered 
that they manage the affairs of the church not on their own authority 
but on that of the indwelling Christ, and that they be highly esteemed 
because of the excellence of their services. He urges next, still address 
ing the church as a whole, but having in mind the attitude of the 
workers in admonishing, that they be at peace among themselves. 

The arrangement of the exhortations in 5 12 - 22 is not perfectly obvious. 
To be sure, ^apaxaXou^ev (v. 14 ) is a fresh start, and vv. 16 18 and 
vv. lfl 22 are distinct in themselves; but the division of the material in 
vv. 14 - 15 is uncertain. In the light, however, of the triplet in vv. 16 - 18 , it 
is tempting to divide the six exhortations in vv. 14 - 15 into two groups 
of three each, putting a period after daOevtov and beginning afresh with 
[Aaxpo0u^.elTS xpbg xavTag. In this case, we may subdivide as follows: 
The Spiritual Labourers (vv. 12 - 13 ); The Idlers, The Faint-hearted, and 
The Weak (v. 14 a - c ) ; Love (vv. " d - 15 ) ; Joy, Prayer, and Thanksgiving 
(vv. 16 - 18 ); and Spiritual Gifts (vv. 19 - 22 ). 

12. cpcoTwjjLev be KT\. As already noted, the exhortations be 
gun in 4 1 are here renewed. The phrase epcoTM/uev . . . aSeX^ot 
recurs in II 2 1 . Here as in 4 4 elS&cu, means "respect," " ap 
preciate the worth of." In TOU? /eoTn&Wa? ev v\uv teal Trpoicr- 
rafjievovs teal vovOerovvras, we have not three nouns designat 
ing the official titles of the class of persons to be appreciated, but 
three participles describing these persons as exercising certain 
functions. Furthermore, the omission of the article before the 
last two participles indicates that only one set of persons is 
intended, " those who labour among you." Finally, the correl 
ative Kal . . . Kdi suggests that of the various activities involved 
in rot ? KOTTi&vTas ev VJMV } two are purposely emphasised, leader 
ship in practical affairs and the function of spiritual admonition. 

Whether the two functions of "those who labour among you" "were 
executed by the same or different persons cannot be determined; at 
this early period of the existence of the church of Thess. the first suppo 
sition seems much the most probable" (Ell.). Though it is likely that 
the older or more gifted men would be conspicuous as workers, it does 
not follow that the class described not by title but by function is that 
" of the official xpsa^uTepot, a word found not in Paul, but in the Pas- 



V, 12 i 9 3 

torals. Nor must we infer from the fact that later we have traces in 
another Macedonian church of ext axoxoi and Bcdbtovoc (Phil, i 1 ) that 
such officials are in existence in Thess. at the time of writing I and II. 
Rather we are in the period of informal and voluntary leadership, the 
success of which depended upon the love of the brethren as well as 
upon the recognition that the leadership is Iv xupfy. Hence Paul ex 
horts the converts not only to esteem the workers but to esteem them 
very highly in love because of their work. See McGiffert, Apostolic 
Age, 666. 

TOU? teo /ri&vras ev vfjiiv. In the light of o KOTTOS TT}<? ayaTTT]^ 
(i 3 ), of Paul s habit of incessant work (2 9 f -), and of the exhorta 
tion to work (4 11 ), this quite untechnical designation of the per 
sons in question as "those who work among you" is conspicu 
ously appropriate. While such a designation is natural to Paul, 
the artisan missionary (cf. Deiss. Light, 3i6/.), the choice of it 
here may have been prompted by the existing situation. It was 
"the idlers" (ol ara/croi, v. 14 ) who were fretting "the workers," 
as both 4 11 and the exhortation "be at peace among yourselves" 
make probable. 

xoxtav, "grow weary," "labour," with body or mind, is common in 
Gk. Bib. and frequent in Paul. With this word, he describes the ac 
tivities of the women in Rom. i6 G - 12 ; the missionary toil of himself 
(Gal. 4 11 i Cor. 15 Phil. 2 1G Col. i 29 ) and others (i Cor. i6 16 ); and the 
manual labour incident thereto (i Cor. 4 12 Eph. 4 28 ). The Iv with u^juv 
designates the sphere of the labour, inter vos (Vulg.); cf. 2 Reg. 23 7 . 

/ecu TTpoio-TctfJievovs teal vovOerovvras. "Both leading you 
in the Lord and warning you" (cf. 2 11 Kal Trapa/jLvOov/jLevoi, /cat 
fjLaprvpdfJievoi). Though these participles may introduce func 
tions different from but co-ordinate with TOU? icomoWa? Iv 
v/uv (Dob.), yet it is more probable (so most) that they explain 
and specify TOI>? /eom&Wa? ev vfuv, but without exhausting the 
departments of labour (cf. Lillie) . Since such a phrase as o AJOTTO? 
TT)? ayaV??? (i 3 ) should seem to preclude any restriction whatever 
of the labour prompted by love, it is evident that the specifica 
tions here made are advanced not because they "were likeliest 
to awaken jealousy and resistance" (Lillie) but because they had 
actually awakened them. 



194 I THESSALONIANS 

Trpoio-Tafjievovs VJJLWV ev Kvpiq*. "Act as your leaders in the 
Lord." Attention is first called to the fact that the workers are 
leaders, that is, not simply rulers or chairmen but men who look 
after the general welfare of the group, especially the external 
matters, including the administration of the funds. That ev 
(cvpi w is placed only after Trpolo- rap.evov^ indicates not that the 
working (cf. Rom. i6 12 ) and the warning are not in the Lord, but 
that it is necessary to remind the brethren, the idlers in par 
ticular, that the workers in taking the lead in temporal things 
are acting at the promptings not of personal interest but of 
the indwelling Christ. 

jcpotaraaOac, here and Rom. i2 8 in Paul, is used in i Tim. 3 4 - 1J 
(cf. 3 5 , 2 aor. act.) of managing the household; in Tit. 3*- 14 of attending 
to good works; and in i Tim. 5 17 (perf. act.) of the ruling xpea^uTspoc 
(cf. Hermas Vis. II, 4 3 ). The word occurs also in Lxx. (e. g. 2 Reg. 13 1T 
Amos 6 10 Bel. (Lxx.) 8) and papyri (Mill.). Besides the basal meaning 
"be over," "rule," "act as leader," there are derived meanings such 
as "protect," "guard," " care for" (cf. Test, xii, Jos. 2 6 ). In the light of 
i Tim. 3 5 (where Tcpocmjvac is parallel to eTayie)a)aeTac) and of xpoaTaTsZv 
Ttv6? = praesidio sum cur am gcro (Witk. 16), Dob. inclines to insist 
both here and in Rom. i2 8 on the derived meaning, "fiirsorgen." KA 



vovOerovvras v/jias. Apparently some of the brethren, pre 
sumably the idlers (see on 4 11 ), had refused to give heed to the 
spiritual counsels of the workers, with the result that relations 
between them were strained and the peace of the brotherhood 
disturbed. Hence the appropriateness of calling attention to the 
fact that the workers were not only leaders in things temporal 
but also spiritual advisers. vovOereiv denotes brotherly warn 
ing or admonition, as II 3 15 makes plain. 



lv appears in N. T., apart from Acts 2o 31 , only in Paul; it is 
connected with ScBaaxecv in Col. i 28 3 16 ; cf. also vouOeafoc i Cor. io u 
Eph. 6 4 (with xacBet a) and Tit. 3 10 . These words along with vouOI-njfJia 
are in the Lxx. found chiefly in the wisdom literature (cf. Sap. 12* 



13. KOI rjyeicrOai KT\. It is not enough that the brethren ap 
preciate the workers; they are to esteem them (yyeurQcu = el&e~ 



v, I2-I3 J 95 

vat) very highly (inrepeicTrcpicrcrw ) , and that too not from fear or 
distrust but from love (ev ayaTrrj} ; for the workers, because of 
their work of faith (i 3 ), deserve not only esteem but high and 
loving esteem. "Those who labour among you," like Paul and 
Timothy in i Cor. i6 10 , TO ^0701^ fcvpiov 



As the parallel with e!3vac demands, ^yeicOac is here not "con 
sider" (II 3 15 2 Cor. Q 5 ) but "esteem," a meaning, however, not else 
where attested (Mill. Dob.). For this reason, some comm. find the 
expected notion of esteem in the adverb and support their finding by 
such phrases as ice pi xoXXou (Herod. II, 115) or xepl -rcXeiVrou (Thucy. 
II, 89) TjyetaGat. But these adverbial expressions are not identical 
with uxepexxepcaaws. Other comm. (from Chrys. to Wohl.), on the 
analogy of xocelaOac ev 6Xcywpc^ (Thucy. IV, 5 1 , VII, 3 2 ) = iXiycopetv, take 
fjyetaOac ev dyaxfl = dyax<?v, a meaning not sufficiently attested and 
unlikely here because of the distance between Iv dcya-rn and -qyelaOac. 
Schmiedel compares ev 6pyfj efyov (Thucy. II, iS 3 2i 3 6$ 2 ); and Schott 
notes even Job 352 ft TOUTO -rjyrjaG) iv xptaet. The unusual meaning 
"esteem" is contextually preferable; cf. e!<; Tbv eva (v. n ) and eSe"vas 
(v. 12 4 4 ). On CnrepexxepiaoGs (BDGF; &icspexxeptacioO HAP), see 3 10 . 
GF read waxe (Vulg. ut) before fjyetaOoct. B has ^yetcGe (cf. ecpT]- 
P omits ataoiv as if TjyeiaOat = "to rule." F has 816 for Sea. 



elprjvevere ev eaurot?. a Be at peace among yourselves," 
one with the other, eaurofc for aXX^Xot? (c/. Mk. Q 50 ). This 
striking command, separated grammatically (note the change 
from infinitive to imperative) but not logically from the preced 
ing, suggests that the workers, in functioning both as managers 
of the funds and as spiritual advisers, had been opposed by some 
of the converts, presumably the idlers (4"; cf. v. 14 vovOereiTe 
TOW? ardfCTovs and II 3 15 ), with the result that friction between 
them arose and the peace of the group was ruffled. The fact that 
Paul says not /^er avrcov but eV eavrois further suggests that 
the workers are in part to blame for the situation, in that their 
admonitions to the idlers who had asked for aid had not been 
altogether tactful (cf. II 3 13 - 15 ). 



is read by BAKL, et a/.; the tactfulness of Paul who in 
cludes both the workers and the idlers in the exhortation to peace is 
lost sight of in the reading ev ccikocq (SDP; cf. GF and Vulg. cum eis], 
followed by Chrys. Th. Mops, (in cos), and most of the Greek comm., 
and by Erasmus, Calvin, and most recently Dibeiius. Furthermore, 



196 I THESSALONIANS 

on the analogy of Rom. i2 8 (cf. 3 Reg. 22 45 ), we should have expected 
not Iv auToI? but ^STT auTwv (c/. Zim.). Swete (op. cit. ad loc.} remarks: 
" Ambst. who reads inter vos thinks only of mutual forbearance amongst 
the faithful: pacijicos eos csse hortatur." Hermas has both dpYjveue-rs ev 
tq (Vis. Ill, Q 10 ) and ev eau-roc? (i2 3 ; g 2 parallel with dXTojXocq; cf. 5 1 ). 



(8) The Idlers, The Faint-hearted, and The Weak (5 14a - c ). 

From the beginning of his exhortations (4*), Paul seems to 
have had in mind the needs of three classes, the meddlesome idlers 
(4 11 " 12 ; 5 12 ~ 13 )> those who were anxious both about their friends 
who had died (4 13 - 18 ) and about their own salvation (5 1 " 11 ), and 
those who were tempted to unchastity (4 3 ~ 8 ). To the same three 
classes he now refers once more (cf. Th. Mops.), specifying them 
respectively as "the idlers" (ol araKTOi), who as most trouble 
some need to be warned; "the faint-hearted" (pi oXiydyfrvxpi) , 
who were losing the assurance of salvation and need to be en 
couraged; and "the weak" (ol acrOevds), who being tempted 
to impurity are to be clung to and tenderly but firmly supported. 

^Further we urge you, brothers, warn the idlers, encourage the 
faint-hearted, cling to the weak. 

14. Trapa/cahovfJiev . . . aSe\<f)oi. With Se a new point in the 
exhortation is introduced. The similarity of the phrase (4 10 ) to 
epcDTcofjiev . . . a$e\(j)0i (v. 12 ) and the repetition of aSeX^>ot make 
probable that the persons addressed are the same as in vv. 12 13 , 
that is, not the workers only (Chrys.; Th. Mops, who says: 
"vertit suum sermonem ad doctores"; and Born. Find.) but the 
brethren as a whole. The only individuals obviously excluded 
are the recipients of the warning, encouragement, and support. 
" Those who labour among you," though they take the lead in 
practical affairs and admonish, have no monopoly of the func 
tions of vovOerelVy TrapafJivOelcrOai and avTe%e<70cu. 

On vouOeTetv, see v. 12 . D omits u^a?. Instead of the expected in 
finitives after -rcapaxaXoutxev (4 10 ), we have imperatives (i Cor. 4 16 ; 
cf. above etp-qveusire). GF, indeed, read vouGexsiv, xapa[JLuOsca9at, and 
dcvTlxsaGat (so D), perhaps intimating (and if so, correctly; cf. Wohl.) 
that with the imperative pLaxpoOu[xsti:s, Paul turns from brotherly love 
- (cf. 4 10 - 12 ) to love (xpbg -ruavTag; cf. elq -jcavTaq, v. ; e?s dXX^ou? v. 1S 
is of course included). 



V, 14 IQ7 

ardfcrovs. "The idlers." Since in 4 11 12 , to which these 
words evidently refer, people of unquiet mind, meddlesome, and 
idle are mentioned, most commentators content themselves here 
with a general translation, the "disorderly," "unquiet," "un 
ruly," even when they admit that idleness is the main count in 
the disorder (Ephr.: "inquietos, qui otiosi ambulant et nihil fa- 
ciunt nisi inania"). The certainty that the specific sense "the 
idlers" is here intended is given in II 3 6ff - where the context 
demands that aTatcretv and TrepiTrarelv ard/cTcos be rendered as 
Rutherford translates and as the usage in papyri allows, "to be 
a loafer," "to behave as a loafer" (cf. Theodoret: "TOI>? ardfc- 
Tot/? TOU? apyia o-ffco^ra? oirra)? e/cdXecrev). 



In the N. T., aTrowcog occurs only here, aTaxTecv only in II 3*, and 
<kax,To>q only in II 3- . Chrys. notes that they are originally military 
words, the Td^c? being that of troops in battle array, or of soldiers at 
their post of duty. By a natural extension of usage, they come to 
describe various types of irregularity such as "intermittent" fevers, 
"disorderly" crowds, and "unrestrained" pleasures; and, by a still 
further extension, "disorderly" life in general (cf. 3 Mac. i 19 ; Deut. 32 10 
Ezek. i2 2 4 Reg. 9" (Sym.); Test, xii, Naph. 2 9 ; i Clem. 40* Diogn. 9 ). 
In an exhaustive note, Milligan (152-154) has called attention to several 
papyri concerned with contracts of apprenticeship (e. g. P. Oxy. 275, 
724-5) where dcTocx.Tecv and dpystv are used interchangeably. In a 
letter to the present editor under date of February 12, 1910, Dr. Milli 
gan refers "to a still more striking instance of dTocxTew = to be idle 
than the Oxyrhyncus passages. In BGU, 11258 (13 B.C.) a contrict 
the words occur aq Be edv dpTaxTYJairjc rjl dppo>aTT)GY]c. Evidently 
ciqt is to be read, with a confusion in the writer s mind with 
(Schubart). " In a paper in the volume entitled Essays in Modern The 
ology (in honour of Dr. Briggs), 1911, 191-206, reasons are advanced in 
some detail for concluding that aTax/relv and its cognates, as employed 
by Paul, are to be translated not " to be idle," etc. (cf. AJT. 1904, 614 /.) 
but "to loaf," etc. In II 3 10 , the idleness is a refusal to work, a direct 
violation of instructions orally given (xapdSocc? 3 G ), of Paul s own ex 
ample (3 7 f -), and of the gospel utterance (-up Xoytp -fyjuov 3"). To express 
this notion of culpable neglect, Paul chooses not cxoXd^stv (cf. Exod. 
5 8 - 17 ), a word he prefers to use in the sense "to have leisure for" (i Cor. 
7 5 ; cf. Ps. 45") ; not dcpYstv (cf. Sir. 3o 36 ; also dpy6<; Sir. 37" Mt. 12" 
20 3 - 6 1 Tim. 5 13 Tit. i 12 ), a word which Paul does not use; but dcTaxrelv 
(dcTocxTO)?, aTax.To?), a word which distinctly implies the wilful neglect 
of the " golden rule of labour " (Dob.) . In English, this notion of neglect 
is conveyed best not by "to be idle," etc., but by "to be a loafer," etc. 
as Rutherford saw in II 3 6 - 7 but not in I 5". 



I THESSALONIANS 

o\iyo\lrvxovs. "The faint-hearted." These "men of 
little heart" (Wiclif) were worried not only about their dead 
(4 13 - 18 ) but also about their own salvation (s 1 11 ). They are not 
troublesome like the idlers; hence they require not warning but 
encouragement (Trapa^vOelcrOe^ cf. 2"; see also 
4 18 5 11 and the discussion in II i 3 -2 17 ). 



Theodoret (cf. Chrys.) explains Toig &XtYo^6xoug both as -uoug Izl 
ToTg TsOvstoatv d[JiTpuog dOu[AouvTag (cf. Col. 3 21 ) and as Toug ^-J) dvopsuog 
<?poyuag TCOV evocvufoov Tag icpoa^oXag. The first reference is probable; 
but in place of the second reference, namely, to persecution, an allusion 
to the lack of assurance of salvation (5 1 11 ) is more probable. In the 
prayer of i Clem. 59* there is an interesting parallel: e^avdcaT-rjcrov roug 
daOevouvrag, xapax&Xeaov (cf. xapaxa^enre 4 18 5 11 ) Toug 6Xtyo^uxouvTag. 
In the Lxx., 6Xcyo^uxog (only here in N. T.; cf. Pr. i4 29 i8 14 Is. 255 
3S 4 54 s 57 15 )> faifofyvxeiv (not in N. T.), and 6Xtyo^uxt a (not in N. T.) 
are regularly used, with the exception of Jonah 4 3 (where physical 
faintness is meant; cf. Isoc. ig 39 ), of the depressed and the despondent 
in whom little spirit is left; so Is. 57 15 : 6X .yo^iJxocg Stcoug 
jju av xal BiSoug ^COYJV Tocg TYJV xapotav 



e TWZ/ acrOevwv. " Cling to the weak." In this con 
nection, the reference is to the weak not physically (i Cor. n 30 ) 
but morally. Furthermore, since "the idlers" and "the faint 
hearted" refer to classes already exhorted (4 11 12 ; 4 13 -5 n )> it is 
probable that "the weak" are not generally the weak in faith 
(Chrys. Ephr. and others) but specifically those who are tempted 
to impurity (4 3 ~ 8 ; so Th. Mops.: de illis qui fornicatione detur- 
pabantur). Being persons of worth, they are not to be despised 
(cf. Mt. 6 24 =Lk. i6 13 ) but are to be held to and tenderly but 
firmly supported. 



c, always middle in Gk. Bib. except 4 Mac. 7 4 , is construed 
with the gen. either of persons (Mt. 6 24 = Lk. i6 13 Pr. 4 6 Zeph. i 8 Is. 57") 
or of things (Tit. i 9 Is. 56", etc.). For a different connotation of ot 
, cf. i Cor. 8 9 g 22 . 



(9) 

With parcpoOvfjieiTe TT/JO? TraWa?, Paul seems to turn from the 
specific needs of the three classes just named to a need of the 
group as a whole in reference to one another and especially to 



v, 14 199 

all men, namely, not simply brotherly love but also love. The 
exhortation, directed to all the converts, that they be slow to 
anger, and that they see to it that no one of their number re 
taliate a wrong done but that they rather seek earnestly the good 
toward one another and toward all, suggests, though the exhor 
tation is general and characteristic of Paul, a specific situation, 
namely, that the friction between workers and idlers within, and 
chiefly the persecutions from without at the hands of Gentiles 
directly and Jews indirectly, had stirred up a spirit of impatience 
destined to express itself, if it had not done so already, in re 
venge. To prevent this violation of the moral ideal, TO ayaOdv, 
that is, love in which Paul had previously prayed! (3 12 ) that the 
Lord would make them abound et? a\\ij\ovs KOI e& Trdwras 
the present injunction is apparently intended. 

xpbg TOVTOC<; includes all men (Gal. 6 10 ), the Thessalonians (vv. 26 * 27 ) 
and their fellow-Christians (4 10 ) and the Gentiles and Jews 
xal elq xivras v. 15 3 12 ). It is probable, therefore, that 
goes not with the preceding which has to do solely with brotherly love 
(so most) but with the following (so Wohl.) . It is perhaps not accidental 
that, as in vv. 1(M8 (^acps-re, irpoasuxsaGs, euxaptarsnre), and in vv. 12 " 13 
(ciosvat, TjyecaOac, etpiqveueTe), so now in v. lt& - (vouOsTetTS, xapcqxuOelaOSj 
dvTsxscrGs) and vv. 14d - 15 (yuxxpoOu^eiTe, Spats, Bccoxe-re) we have the ar 
rangement in triplets. 

14d J5e patient with all men; ^see to it that no one pays back to 
any one evil for evil, but do you always follow the good toward one 
another and toward all. 

14 d . paKpoOv/JLeiTe. "Be patient with all men," literally," long- 



tempered," slow to anger and retaliation, as opposed to the dis 
position of the ogvOv/Jios who, unable to endure much, acts ill- 
advisedly (Pr. i4 17 ) and stirs up strife (cf. Pr. 26 20 (A) : OTTOV 8e 
ov/c GO-TIP ou<9ufto?, ^cru^afet pd^r)). Patience is a fruit of the 
Spirit (Gal. 5 22 ) and a characteristic of love (i Cor. i3 4 



In Paul {jLaxpo6u[xfa is several times closely joined with 
(Gal. 5 22 2 Cor. 6 6 ; cf. i Cor. i3 4 ); it is used not only of men but of 
God (Rom. 2 4 o 22 ; cf. nax.p60u[jt,0(; xal icoXulXeo? Exod. 34" Ps. 85 15 
102 s , etc.). In Gk. Bib. ^axpoOu^stv is regularly construed with exf 
(Sir. 18" Jas. 5 7 , etc.), once with e!? (2 Pet. 3"); cf. y.eT& Ign. Polyc. 6 2 . 



200 I THESSALONIANS 

15. opdre KT\. The group as a whole are held responsible for 
any single member (TIS) whose patience is exhausted and who is 
ready to retaliate an injury done him by brother or outsider 
(rivi includes both as the parallel ek aXA?jXou? ical et? Trdwras 
indicates). The ancient principle of retaliation (cf. Exod. 2i 23 f - 
Deut. iQ 21 Lev. 24 19 f -) had undergone modifications in keeping 
with the advancing moral insight of Israel (cf. Pr. 2o 12 24 44 2$ 21 f - 
Sir. 28 1 - 7 ), but it was left to the Master to put the case against 
it in the unqualified injunction beginning ayaTrdre TOU? e%0povs 
VIL&V (Mt. 5 44 = Lk. 6 27 ). It was perhaps the difficulty of living 
up to such an imperative in the present circumstances that 
prompted Paul to write not simply " render not evil for evil" 
(Rom. i2 17 ) but, evoking the responsibility of the Christian so 
ciety for the individual, "see you to it that no one pay back to 
any one evil for evil." 



[1/fj occurs only here in Paul (cf. Mt. iS 10 Josh, g 13 ) who prefers 
pX^iueTe [ro (Gal. 5 15 i Cor. S 9 io 12 Col. 2 8 ). OndtxoSiSdvai, cf. Rom. 12" 
i Pet. 3 9 Pr. ly 13 . frsGF read dncoSol (a subj. from dxoB6o)); D reads 
dbcoBofy. The opposite of xccy,6q in Paul is both dya06<; (Rom. 7 19 i2 21 , 
etc.) and xaX6q (Rom. 7 21 i2 17 , etc.). dvu( is rare in Paul (Rom. i2 17 
i Cor. ii 15 Eph. 5"; II 2 10 dvO wv). 



a\\a . . . Siaj/cere KT\. "But," on the contrary, "always," no 
matter how trying the circumstances, "follow," that is, strive 
earnestly after " the good." It is difficult to avoid the conviction 
that TO ayaOoVj the moral ideal (here opposed to fca/cov, "an 
injury") is for Paul love, seeing that ^7 ayaTrrj TW TrXirjcriov tca- 
KOV OVK epyd&Tcu, (Rom. i3 10 ), the neighbour including both the 
believer and the unbeliever (et9 aXX^Xov? /cal ek TraWa?, as in 
3 12 ). He might have said CicD/cere TTJV aydTnjv (i Cor. I4 1 ). 



It is questionable whether in Paul s usage irb dyaOov and T?> 
(v. 21 ) can be sharply differentiated (see Ell. on Gal. 6 10 ). Both terms 
represent the ethical ideal of Paul, which, as a comparison of Rom. 
i2 6 ff - and Gal. 5 22 with i Cor. 13 makes plain, can be described as f) 
df&Tcr). On Tb dya66v, cf. Rom. 7 13 i2 9 i3 4 Gal. 6 10 , etc.; Tb xaX6v 
Rom. 7 18 - 21 Gal. 6 9 2 Cor. i3 7 , etc. For Bccoxetv in a similar metaphor 
ical sense, cf. Rom. g 30 Sir. 27 8 ; Rom. i2 13 i4 19 Ps. 33 15 ^TTJOOV 
xort otw^ov air^v. See also Epict. IV, 5 30 Sttox-stv Tb dcyaObv yeuyetv 
xaxov. The xaf which BKLP (cf. Weiss, 114) insert before s?g 
Xou<; is to be omitted with KADEGF, et al.\ cf. 3" 4 10 . 



201 



(TO) Joy, Prayer, Thanksgiving (5 16 ~ 18 ). 

The injunction to constant joy and prayer and to thanksgiv 
ing in every circumstance is characteristic of Paul (cf. 3 9 f -) 
The fact, however, that he notes, as in 4 3 , that this exhortation is 
God s will makes probable that the special circumstances of per 
secution from without and friction within are here in mind as in 
vv. 14 - 15 . In adding that this will of God operates in Christ Jesus, 
he designates that will as distinctively Christian, the will of the 
indwelling Christ who is the personal and immediately accessible 
authority behind the injunction (cf. 4 7f -)- In adding still further 
et? u/^a?, he intimates that the will of God in Christ is for their 
advantage, and implies that the Christ in them, the source of 
joy (i 6 Phil. 4 4 ), prayer (Eph. 6 18 Rom. S 26 ), and thanksgiving 
(cf. ha Xpio-Tov Rom. i 8 y 25 Col. 3 17 ) is the power that enables 
them to carry out the difficult imperative. 

^Always rejoice; ll continually pray; I8 in everything give thanks; 
for this is God s will operating in Christ Jesus for you. 

16. TrdvTore xaipere. Paul has already revealed his own joy 
because of the converts (2 19 f - 3 9 f -), and has used the fact of their 
joy in the midst of persecution as a proof of their election (i 6 ). 
It is natural for him now, with the persecutions from without and 
the disturbances in the brotherhood in mind, to urge them not 
only to rejoice (Rom. i2 15 2 Cor. 13" Phil. 3 1 4 4 , etc.), but to re 
joice "always" (-rraWoTe as Phil. 4 4 ; cf. aei 2 Cor. 6 10 ). This 
feeling of joy, expressed or unexpressed, is a joy before God 
( c f- 3 9 f )> as the following references to prayer and thanksgiving 
make probable. The source and inspiration of this religious joy is 
the indwelling Christ, as ev Xptcrro) presently explains (cf. Phil. 4 4 
Xai pere ev KvpiaTravTore; GF insert ev icvp to) here; cf. Phil. 3 1 ). 

17. aStaXeiTTTO)? Trpoo-ev^crOe. The way to constant joy in 
the midst of persecution is constant prayer (cf. Chrys.) unuttered 
or expressed. The exhortation to be steadfast in prayer (Rom. 
I2 12 Col. 4 2 ), to pray evrravrl /caipp (Eph. 6 18 ) is characteristic 
of Paul s teaching and practice (3 10 II i 11 ). In this context, 
prayer would include especially supplication vTrep rwv SLCOKOVTCOV 



202 I THESSALONIANS 

(Mt. 5 14 Lk. 6 28 Rom. i2 14 ). That they can thus pray as they 
ought is possible because of the indwelling Christ (ev X/oi7rw 
cf. Rom. S 26 Eph. 6 18 ). 

xpoaeu%aOat (v. 2S II i n 3 1 ) is common in Gk. Bib.; it is a general 
word (rb ofjuXelv TW Oetp, Theophylact) , including SecaOac (3 10 ), evruy- 
cv (Rom. 8 26 - 34 ), etc. On dcScaXefxTox;, see i 3 . 



18. ev iravrl ev^apicnelTe. " Whatever happens, give thanks 
to God." Since in 2 Cor. g 8 ev iravri is distinguished from TTCLV- 
rore we must supply here not Xpovw or /<:</}< but %/DiJfwm, "in 
every circumstance of life," even in the midst of persecutions 
and friction within the brotherhood. Even when T< 6ew is not 
expressed, it is to be understood after ev^apicnelv (cf. Rom. i 21 
i Cor. io 30 ii 24 14 17 Eph. i 16 ). Constant joy with constant prayer 
leads to the expression of thankfulness to God at every turn of 
life. The stimulating cause of thanksgiving is the Christ within 
(ev X/0rrw lyo-ov-j cf. the Bid in Rom. i 8 7 25 and especially 
Col. 3 "). 

The parallelism here between X&VTOTS and d$eaXefacTb> } and the usage 
of xavroTe or dBtaXstxr&x; with euxaptaTecv (i 2 2 13 II i 3 2 13 I Cor. i 4 
Phil, i 3 Eph. 5 20 Phile. 4), xafpetv (Phil. 4*; dcsf 2 Cor. 6 10 ), [xvirj^ovsuetv 
(i 2 ), [xvdav I xstv (3 6 ) or xotelaOat (Rom. I 9 ), icpoaeuxsaOat (II i 11 ; ey 
xavd xacpw Eph. 6 18 ) make it tempting to take ev xavTf = X^VTOTS (so 
Chrys. i:b del eu^aptaTetv TOUTO <ptXoao<pou tpu^YJg, Flatt and Dob.). But 
the usage of ev xavu, in the N. T. only in Paul, quite apart from 2 Cor. 
g s , is against that interpretation (cf. i Cor. i 5 2 Cor. 4 8 6 4 7 5 - " 16 8 7 g 11 
ii 6 - 9 Eph. 5 24 Phil. 4 6 - 12 ). In the Lxx., ev xavt{ is rare and never tem 
poral (Pr. 28 5 Sir. i8 27 37 28 Dan. (Lxx.) ii 37 4 Mac. 8 3 ); in Neh. 136 
ev xavrl TOUTCJ), it is TOUT(P not xavu which demands a xp6v(p or xatpy. 
Had Paul wished to indicate a temporal reference, he would have 
added xpovy or xacpw (Eph. 6 18 ; cf. Lk. 2i 36 Acts i 21 Tobit 4" Ps. 33 
i Mac. i2 n Hermas, Mand. V, 2 3 ), or written 8c<fc XOCVTO? (II 3 16 Rom. 
ii 10 ) instead of ev xavTt. On eu%aptaTecv, euxapta-uca (cf. eij%dtpt(TTOS Col. 
3 15 ), which are frequent words in Paul, see on i 2 3 9 ; cf. Epict. I, 4 32 io 3 
Xafpwv xal Tqi 6e(p eu%ap[aTtov. For the collocation of thanksgiving and 
prayer, apart from the epistolary outline, see 3 Phil. 4 6 Col. 4 2 . 

TOUTO yap 6e\j]fjLa 6eov KT\. "For this," namely, that you 
rejoice and pray always and give thanks to God whatever hap 
pens, "is God s will." As in 4 3 , Paul insists that what he exhorts 



V, 17-iQ 20 3 

is not of his own but of divine authority. But instead of stopping 
here, leaving the readers to infer that God was inaccessible and 
his will impersonal, Paul adds characteristically, using his preg 
nant phrase eVX/owra) I?;croi} (2 14 ; see on i 1 ), that God s will, 
the authority that has the right to give the difficult injunction, 
operates in Christ Jesus, thus indicating that the will is distinc 
tively Christian and that Christ in whom God operates is an 
accessible personal power whose right to command is recognised 
both by Paul and by his readers (cf. 4." f -). With the further ad 
dition of et? vfjias, which would be superfluous if ev X. I. meant 
simply that the will of God was declared by Christ, Paul im 
plies not only that the distinctively Christian will of God is 
directed to the believers but also that it is to their advantage 
(cf. 2 Cor. i3 4 49 //,? NAD); and he succeeds in hinting that it 
is the Christ in the believers who guarantees their ability to exe 
cute even this most difficult exhortation. 

Since joy, thanksgiving, and prayer are related ideas (cf. 3 9 f -), and 
since the change from -TC^VTOTS and docaXefxTwq to ev TOCVT does not 
compel the singling out of su/apca-noc as the only element in the will 
of God requiring immediate emphasis, it is probable that TOUTO refers 
not simply to suxaptarelTS (so Th. Mops. Chrys. Ephr. Ell. Wohl.), 
or to eixapccfTeiTS and 7cpoceu%eaOs (Grot.), but to all three impera 
tives. While it is possible to understand 6 before ev Xptor$ (cf. 2 Cor. 
5 19 Eph. 4 32 ), it is probable in the light of Rom. 8 39 (TTJ<; fcf&irqq TOU OeoCi 
rite ev X. I.) that T6 is to be understood (cf. 2 13 Phil. 3"). Though the 
stress here is on the will of God as operating in Christ, yet such opera 
tion presupposes the presence of God in Christ. The omission of articles 
in O^XTJEAOC 6eoG indicates either a fixed formula or that one part of the 
divine will is meant (Ell.). Influenced by 4 3 , DEFG add ecm v after 
Yap; and KA insert TO(J before OeoO. L omits Irjcjou. By putting d<; 
filets before ev X. I., A yields the less pregnant sense "will of God di 
rected to you who are in Christ Jesus" (so Dob.). 



(n) Spiritual Gifts (5 19 22 ). 

From the distinctively Pauline conception of Christ or the 
Spirit as the permanent ethical power in the life of the believer 
(ev Xpio-Tq> Irjcrov), the Apostle turns to the ancient but equally 
Pauline conception of the Spirit (cf. Rom. i5 18 Eph. 4 11 of Christ) 



204 I THESSALONIANS 

as the source of the extraordinary phenomena in the Christian 
life, the spiritual gifts (TO Trvevpa). Though the gifts of the 
Spirit (%a/oiVyLtaTa) are as valid to Paul as the fruits of the 
Spirit, he is ever at pains to insist that the validity of the 
former depends on their serving an ethical end, namely, love 
(i Cor. 12-14). 

The presence of the exhortation at this point makes probable 
the conjecture (see 4 11 ) that the idlers had demanded ev irvev^aTi 
that the workers, in whose hands as leaders was the control of 
the funds, give them money. This demand was refused on the 
ground that Paul had enjoined orally that if a man refused to 
work he should not receive support (II 3 10 ; I 4 11 ). The effect 
on the workers of this misuse of the Spirit was an inclination to 
doubt the validity not of the Spirit in the ethical life but of the 
Spirit as manifested in papier pcna. Hence the first two exhorta 
tions, though addressed to all, refer especially to the attitude of 
the workers. In general, Paul says, the operations of the Spirit 
are not to be extinguished; and in particular, the manifestations 
of the Spirit in prophecy are not to be despised. Then, still ad 
dressing all, but having in mind especially the idlers who had 
misinterpreted the Spirit, he urges them to test all things, that 
is, iravra e&rj TrvevfjiaToav (cf. i Jn. 4 1 ), including prophecy; and 
then, as a result of the test, to hold fast to the good, that is, 
those manifestations of the Spirit that make for edification or 
love, and to hold aloof from every evil sort of Trvevpa or 
^ for while the good is one, the evil is manifold. 

Th. Mops, refers the five injunctions to spiritual gifts (cf. Ephr.); 
so Chrys. who, however, first interprets ib -rcveO^a of the fruits of the 
Spirit. The triple arrangement of vv. 12 ~ 18 is here succeeded by a five 
fold, 2 + 3. If, as is almost certain, xavra Bs Scm^a^eTs is to be re 
stricted to spiritual gifts in general and prophecy in particular, it 
follows that both xar^eTs and dxexecGe, which designate the positive 
and negative results of the testing, are likewise so to be restricted (cf. 
Th. Mops.). Indeed K, et at., indicate this interpretation by reading 
for 



^Quench not the gifts of the Spirit; 20 do not make light of cases 
of prophesying; zl on the other hand, test all gifts of the Spirit, hold 
ing fast to the good 22 and holding aloof from every evil kind. 



v, ig 205 

19. TO TTvevpa fjirj a-fievvvre. "Quench not the Spirit," that 
is, the divine Spirit operating in believers. The reference, how 
ever, is not to the ethical fruits of the Spirit (cf. i 6 6 4 8 II 2 13 ) but, 
as 7rpo(f)7]Teias makes certain, to the extraordinary gifts of the 
Spirit, the charismata. Furthermore, TO irvevpa is not to be re 
stricted to a specific charisma (Ephr. qui loquuntur in linguis 
spiritus) but is to be understood of the totality of the extraor 
dinary operations (Calvin). To quench, to put out the fire of, 
the Spirit is to prohibit or repress those who eV TrvevpaTi, are 
ready with psalm, teaching, revelation, tongue, interpretation, 
etc. (i Cor. i4 26 ). To repress the believer is or may be to re 
press the Spirit. This exhortation is of course not incompati 
ble with the injunction that all things be done 
Kara TCI^LV, and TT/OO? olKoSo/Jirjv (i Cor. i4 40 - 26 ). 



That i Cor. 12-14 ( c f- 2 Cor. i2 2 - 4 Rom. i2 6 -) happens to be the locus 
dassicus on spiritual gifts is due to the fact that Paul is there replying 
to a written request for information icspl TGJV xveu[ji,aTix(ov. The Thessa- 
lonians had made no such specific request; but, if our conjectural re 
construction is correct, Paul refers to the matter here in order to warn 
both the workers and the idlers. This brief allusion, however, yields 
information that tallies exactly with what may be learned in extenso 
from the passages noted above. In Thessalonica, as in Corinth, the 
Christian life was accompanied by the same spiritual phenomena. 

Three main groups of x a P^saa may be detected: (i) Healing, 
both of ordinary (id^a-ua) and of extraordinary (Suvcqjiscq) disease. 
(2) Revelation, including (a) yXwcjaa^ XocXetv, an unintelligible utter 
ance requiring, in order that it might be lupb? oixoBo[xfiv, IpjjiTjvia, 
another charisma; (b) xpc^Teca (see below, v 20 ); (c) Staxptaet? xvsu- 
IXCXTUV (see below, v. 21 ); and (d) ScBaaxaXc a. (3) Service, embracing 
"apostles, governments, helps" (cf. Rom. i2 8 i5 25 i Cor. I6 1 ). While 
Paul rejoices in all these extraordinary gifts and especially in proph 
ecy (i Cor. 14), he makes plain that they all must be used for the up 
building of the church, and that without love even prophecy is of no 
avail (i Cor. 13). On the Spirit in general, see Gunkel, Die Wirkungen 
des Geistes, 1888; Weinel, Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister, 
i8gg; Briggs, JBL. 1900, 132^7.; Gloel, Der Ileilige Geist in der Heils- 
verkiindigung des Paidus, 1888; Wood, The Spirit of God in Biblical 
Literature, 1904; Arnal, La Notion de U Esprit, I, 1908 (La Doctrine 
Paulicnne)\ and Volz, Der Geist Colics, 1910. On the charismata in 
particular, see Schmiedel,E5.4755j7.; McGiffert,^^^o//c^4^, 517 jf.; 
and J. Weiss (in Meyer) and Robertson and Plummer (in ICC.) on i Cor. 



206 I THESSALONIANS 

12-14; also Harnack, Das Jwhe Lied von der Liebe (in SBBA. 1911, 
I 3 2 JJ-} For the particular situation in Thessalonica, see Lutgert, Die 
Volkommcnen in Phil, und die Enthusiasten in Thess. 1909, 55 JJ. 

Since o$evv6vai is used of putting out fire or light (see Wetstein), 
the Spirit is here conceived metaphorically as fire (cf. Rom. i2 12 Acts 2 s 
Mt. 3 11 = Lk. 3 16 2 Tim. i 6 ). In Lxx. c^svvuvac is used with GUJJIOS 
(4 Reg. 22^ = 2 Ch. 34" Jer. 4* 720), 6 pr ^ Q er . 2i 12 ), tyum (Sir. 23 16 ) 
and &f&K-r) (Cant. 8 7 where l^ouSsvouv also occurs). On the hellenistic 
(BDGF), seeBl. 3. 



20. TrpotyrjTeLas firj e^ovOeveire. From the general TO 
he passes to the particular, the charisma of prophecy (Calvin). 
This gift is singled out for mention, perhaps, because the idlers 
had exercised it wrongly and because the workers made light of 
it especially. The plural (cf. i Cor. 13 8 ) is chosen either because 
prophecy has many forms of expression or because individual 
cases are in mind. Trpo^reia to Paul is not the science of 
interpreting Scripture (Calvin), not the gift of foretelling the 
future and explaining the past, but the proclamation of the 
utterance of God, so that the prophet (i Cor. i2 28 f - i4 29 ff -) is 
the revealer of the will of God operating in the indwelling 
Christ or Spirit. 



TpocpTj-reta to Paul is apparently the greatest x&pt^a (* Cor. 14), 
though it is worthless unless it makes for love (a comprehensive term 
for the ethical, non-charismatic fruits of the Spirit). Though it may 
arise in an dhrox.aXu^K; or 6^Taafo (2 Cor. i2 2 - 4 Gal. 2 2 ), it is, unlike 
speaking with tongues, an intelligible utterance, making directly, with 
out lp[A7]vca, for edification, comfort, and encouragement (i Cor. 14 ). 
There is a control by the Spirit but the vou? is active, as it is not in yXwcj- 
catq XaXelv. What is prompted by the Spirit can be remembered and 
imparted, though the control of the Spirit is greater than in 8t8a<ntaXte. 
It may be that such passages as Rom. 8 18 ff - i Cor. 13, i5 50 5 - owe their 
origin to prophecy. !ou8sveiv is quite frequent in Paul (Gal. 4 14 Rom. 
i4 3 - 10 , etc.), and in the Lxx. (cf. esOuOsvouv and e^ouSevouv); in mean 
ing it is akin to xaToc9povetv and dhro8oxtp&&v (cf. Mk. 8 31 with 9"). 



21. Trdvra Be BofUfjLa&Te. "Test all things," that is, 
el S?; Trvevfjidrcov (i Cor. i2 10 ), including Trpo^Tela. Though Paul 
insists, over against the doubts of the workers, that no operation 
of the Spirit is to be repressed, and that no case of prophecy is 
to be despised, yet he recognises and insists equally as well, over 



V, 19-21 207 



against the misuse of the Spirit by the idlers, that al 
must be subject to test. Hence Se, contrasting the two atti 
tudes, is adversative. That this is Paul s meaning is confirmed 
by i Cor. i2 10 where the charisma of Sia/cpicrett TrvevpaTcov is 
mentioned; cf. also i4 29 : "Let two or three prophesy" /ecu ol 
O\\OL SLafcpweTcocrav, that is, "and let the others exercise the 
gift of discerning" whether a given utterance ev Trvevpari makes 
for good or is evil. 

It is noteworthy that the utterances of the Spirit are to be tested. 
Calvin rightly infers that the spirit of judgment is conferred upon be 
lievers that they may discriminate so as not to be imposed upon. This 
power, he thinks, must be sought from the same Spirit who speaks by 
his prophets. In fact, as i Cor. i2 10 i4 29 prove, the power to discern 
is itself a charisma, Staxptcstq xvsu^aTQV (cf. Grot.)- It is further note 
worthy that the nature of the test is not stated. In view, however, of the 
place given to OIX,OO^TQ and especially to dyaxTq (see Harnack, op. cit.) 
in i Cor. 12-14, it is probable that the test of the spiritual is the ethical, 
the value of the Spirit for the life of love. In his note on Tb xaX6v, Ephr. 
says: id est quod adacquatur evangelic, a pertinent statement in the light 
of 2 13 f -. In i Jn. 4 1 where Bcm^ecv Ta xvsu^ccTa occurs, the test is 
objective, the belief that Jesus is the Christ come in the flesh; in 2 Jn. 
10 the same test recurs with the added point of <pcXa8eX9te; these 
two being the elements in the 8tBa^ XptaTou emphasised in view of 
the docetic and separatist (i Jn. 2 19 ) movement. In the Didache, Soxt- 
y-a^ecv is likewise referred to (e. g. n 1 12 I2 1 ); especially pertinent to 
the probable situation in Thess. is n 12 : "Whoever says in the Spirit: 
Give me silver or anything else, ye shall not hearken unto him; but 
if he tell you to give on behalf of others that are in want, let no man 
judge him." SI, omitted by frsA, et al., is probably to be read after icavTa 
with N C BDGFP, Vulg. (autem), et al. 

TO Kd\ov /care^ere KT\. The brethren are not to rest content 
with the testing and the discovery whether a given utterance of 
the Spirit in a man tends to the good or is an evil kind, but are 
(a) to hold fast to the good and (b) to hold aloof from every evil 
kind. The positive injunction of itself includes the negative; 
but the mention of the negative strengthens the appeal and adds 
a new point the good is one, but the evil many. TO fca\dv 
designates the utterance of the Spirit as making for olfCoSofAij 
(i Cor. i4 3 5 - 12 - 2G ) or specifically love (i Cor. 13; v. supra v. 15 
TO 



208 I THESSALONIANS 



is common in Gk. Bib. and has a variety of meanings. 
Luke uses the word differently in each of his four instances; " hold fast 
to" (Xoyov Lk. 8 15 ), "get hold of," "occupy" (TOXOV Lk. i4 9 ), "re 
strain from" (Lk. 4 42 TOU JAY] xopeusaOat; Paul never has xaTex v T3 
(T?>) [AT)), and "put in" (of a ship, Acts 27 40 ). Mill. (155-157), in illus 
trating the use of the word in papyri, groups the meanings under two 
heads (i) "hold fast" and (2) "hold back." Examples of (i) are "hold 
fast to" (= xpaTsTv) with Xoyov (i Cor. 152), and xapaBoaecq (i Cor. 
ii 2 ; cf. 2 Thess. 2 15 xpaTe?re); "possess," "get possession of" (i Cor. 
7 30 (absolute) 2 Cor. 6 10 Exod. 32" Josh. i, etc.; cf. Sir. 46 9 Lk. 14"); 
"grip," "control," "cripple" (cf. Deiss. Light, 308) "overpower" (2 Reg. 
i 9 Job 15" Jer. 6 24 i3 21 Ps. n8 83 I38 10 , etc.; cf. P. Oxy. 217! /.ctT^ec T& 
cfj ^aacXeia; also 3 Mac. 5 12 TjBiaTCi) xal @aOet (urcvcp) xa- 
evepyeccjc TOU Bsa-rcdTou; and Jn. 5 4 (v. 1.} voaTQ^oruc xaTsf^ETO, 
of demon possession as in Lk. 13") . Examples of (2) are "detain" 
(Phile. 13 Gen. 24 56 Judg. i3 15 - 16 (A has pi<Jetv) ig 4 ); as in prison 
(Gen. 392 42"); "restrain" (cf. Deiss. Light, 308), "restrain from" 
"hinder" (Lk. 4 42 ). The exact shade of meaning is not always easy 
to discover (e. g. II 2 6 Rom. i 18 7 6 Is. 40-). Reitzenstein (Die hel- 
lenistischen Mysterienrcligionen, 1910, 71 jf.) admits that xocTx ea Oat, 
X&TOXO<;, and xaTo^TQ may be used of possession; but in the references 
to the Serapeum he holds with Mill, that XOCTOXO*; = S^a^toc;, XOCTOXY] 
/ = the prison (temple), and xatsxeaOac = " to be detained." See further 
on II 2. 

22. el Sou? Trovrjpov. "Evil kind" of %a/oio-/xa or Trvevfia (cf. 
i Cor. i2 10 i Jn. 4 1 ). As a result of testing it appears that there 
is but one kind of operation of the Spirit that can really be called 
such, namely, that which makes for the good; while the kinds 
which are attributed to the Spirit, but which prove themselves 
evil, are many. Hence, instead of aTrb rov Trovrjpov to balance TO 
Ka\dv, we have airo Travrbs et Sou? irovrjpov, "from every evil 
sort hold yourselves aloof" (a7re%e<70e as 4 3 ). 

If T& xa^bv xatlxeTs is general (Lft. Born. Wohl. et al.}, then dcx- 
xeaOe is likewise general; if, however, the former is specific (Liin. Ell. 
et al.}, then the latter is likewise specific. The objection (Liin.) that 
the specific sense would require d-jcb TOJ -rcoviqpou is not cogent, for in 
v. 15 xaxov is balanced by Tb dcyocGov; and furthermore Paul purposes to 
contrast the one good with the many evil forms. Whether xovTjpoij 
is a noun (De W. Liin. Ell. Schmiedel, Born. Vincent, Find. Wohl. 
Mill, and most) or adjective (Erasmus, Bengel, Pelt. Lft. Dob. et al.) 
is uncertain; in either case the meaning is the same (Calv.). The ab 
sence of the article "does not contribute to the decision" (Ell.); nor 
the possible allusion to Job i 1 = i 8 (dxe%6ytevo<; axb xavrb<; x 



v, 21-23 20 9 

or 2 s (axs%6pLsvoc; dxb icavub? xaxou). Apart from 6 xoviQp6c; 
(II 3 3 i Cor. 5" Eph. 6 16 ) and TO xovvjpov (Rom. 12), xovqpog in Paul 
is an adjective and anarthrous (II 3 2 Col. i 21 Eph. 5 18 6 13 ), unless Gal. 
i 4 (sx TOO acwvog TOU IvscmiiTcx; xovrjpou) is an exception. e?8o<; is rare 
in N. T. but common in Lxx. It may mean (i) that which is seen 
whether "physical form" (Jn. 5" Lk. 3 22 ; frequently in Lxx. of the 
human form x.aX6<; or octaxpbg T<p e?8ei) or "look," "mien" (Lk. g 29 
Job 4i 10 Pr. 7 10 , etc.), or physical "appearance," "manifestation," quod 
aspkitur (e. g. 2 Cor. 5 7 Exod. 24" Num. Q ID ); or (2) "sort," "kind," 
"class" (Jer. is 3 Sir. 23 15 25 2 ; cf. P. Tebt. 58 20f - dxb xcoabg e cSou? 
(xupoii); r/. Witk. 78). This meaning fits our passage admirably. 
Calvin, however, misled by species (Vulg.), understands elBog as "ap 
pearance" over against reality, "abstain not simply from evil but from 
all appearance of evil." This interpretation puts the stress not on 
TcovYjpou (which tb xocXov demands) but on e t Soug and introduces a 
meaning of elBog which is doubtful lexically. From Hansel (SK. 1836, 
170-184) to Resch (Agrapha, 2 112-128), it has been held frequently 
that in vv. 21 - 22 there is an allusion to an agraphon, yc veaOe B6xt;j.ot 
Tpaxs^iTa: (on this agraphon, see Ropes, SprUche Jcsu, 141-143, or 
IIDB. V, 349). Rutherford seems to have this in mind when he trans 
lates: "Rather, assay all things thereby. Stick to the true metal; have 
nothing to do with the base." There is, however, no mention of -upaxs- 
^iTac or v6^.cqjia in this context; and, as we have seen, 8oxtju5ecv is, 
in the light of vv. "- 20 , naturally to be understood of the testing of 



V. PRAYER (5 23 - 24 ). 

Recognising that the exhortations (4 1 ~5 22 ) especially to ethical 
consecration (4 3 - 8 ) and peace (5 12 13 ; cf. 4 1(M2 ) would be of no 
avail without the divine assistance; and recognising further the 
necessity of the consecration not only of soul but of body (4 3 ~ 8 ), 
a consecration which would be impossible unless the Spirit of 
God as immanent in the individual were inseparably bound to 
the human personality, body and soul; he prays first in gen 
eral that God may consecrate them through and through, and 
then specifically that he may keep their spirit, the divine ele 
ment, and the soul and body, the human element, intact as an 
undivided whole so that they may be blameless when the Lord 
comes. That the prayer will be answered is certain, for God 
the faithful not only calls but also consecrates and keeps them 
blameless to the end. 
14 



210 I THESSALONIANS 



may the God of peace himself consecrate you through and 
through, and may your spirit and soul and body be kept intact so 
as to be blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ. ^Faith 
ful is he who calls you ; who also will do this very thing. 

23. avrbs 8e KT\. Following the exhortation (4 1 ~S 22 ), a new 
epistolary section is introduced, the prayer. In this connection, 
Be is slightly adversative as if Paul had said: "I have exhorted 
you to ethical consecration and to the things that make for 
peace, but God himself is the only power that can make the 
exhortation effective." 

o #eo9 T^? elprjvrjs. An apt designation in the light of vv. 12 - 13 . 
This "peace," however, is not to be restricted to harmony within 
the brotherhood; but is to be understood of the spiritual pros 
perity (i 1 ) of which God is the author (Estius) and without 
which concord in the community is impossible. A similar ap 
peal to the underlying religious sanction is seen in i Cor. i4 33 
where, after a reference to disorder among the prophets, God 
is called a God not of confusion (afcaTacrrao-ias) but of peace 
(elprjvrjs, instead of the expected eucrj^/ioV??? or TOT few?). 

dyido-ai v/Jias oAoreXa?. "Consecrate you throughout," 
"through and through" (Luther). The note of consecration 
already struck in 3 13 and 4 3 8 is heard again. As in those pas 
sages so here consecration includes not only religion, devotion 
to God, but conduct, ethical soundness. Furthermore, since 
Paul has in mind the consecration not only of the soul but of 
the body (4 3 8 ), it is probable that oAoreAefc is to be taken not 
qualitatively "so that you may be perfect" (Ambst. Lft. Dob. 
et al.) but quantitatively "wholly," per omnia (Vulg.), that is, 
cra>/zcm Kal tyvxrj (Theophylact; cf. Grot. De W. Liin. Ell. 
Schmiedel, Born. Wohl. Mill, et al.). 



On a5Tbq 5e, see 3". The phrase 6 Gsbq T^<; eip-rjvYji; (not in Lxx.) 
is mainly Pauline (Rom. i5 33 i6 20 i Cor. 14" 2 Cor. 13" Phil. 4 9 Heb. 
I3 20 ; cf. 6 xupto? II 3 16 ). &fi&&tv is rare in Paul (active here and 
Eph. 5 26 , passive in Rom. i5 16 i Cor. i 2 6 11 7 14 ), but common in Lxx. 
(Exod. 3i 13 IY& xupco? 6 dytd^wv Spa?, Lev. n 44 21 8 Ezek. 37 28 )- 
Though the consecrating power of Christ or the Spirit possesses the 
believers at baptism so that they become a xoctv-ij x-ufffiq, yet the con 
secration is not fully perfected (cf. 3"). For the optative 



V, 23 211 



GF have the future indie. oXoieXfo occurs only here in Gk. Bib.; 
Field notes it in Lev. 6 23 Ps. 50" (Aq.); cf. Aristotle, de plantis, Siy/. 
b x6<j[JLO<; oXoTeX-rji; ecmv xctl ScTqvey.TJq; also Hernias, Mand. IX, 6, Vis. 
Ill, 6< io 9 13*. 

Kol 6\o/c\rjpov KT\. "And to specify more exactly (Ell.), 
may your spirit and soul and body ... be kept in their en 
tirety," as an undivided whole. So important for the readers 
is the prayer for the consecration not only of soul but of body 
that Paul repeats it, explaining the dyidacu -yith a/jLe fjLTTTWs 
TiyprjOeir); the vfjias with vfiwv TO Trvev^a^ rj tyv)(ri, TO <r//,a; 
and the oXoreXefc with 6\oK\r]pov. In doing so, he makes 
clear that God not only consecrates the believers but keeps 
them ("from the baptism to the coming of Christ," Ephr.) so 
that they are blameless when the Lord comes. 

6X6xX-r]pov like &Xo-rXec<; which it resumes is in the predicate posi 
tion and is to be interpreted not qualitatively "so as to be ethically 
perfect" but qualitatively "in their entirety," "intact," integer (Vulg.), 
the point being that no part of the Christian personality should be lack 
ing in consecration. Though closely connected with icveC^a, oXoxXTjpov 
like the unemphatic 5[xwv is to be construed with all three substantives. 
oX6x.Xiqpoc; differs etymologically from &XoTsXTJ<; but is in meaning 
virtually synonymous with it. The former word occurs elsewhere in 
the Gk. Bib. Jas. i 4 ; Zech. n 16 (of physical soundness; cf. 6Xox,XY]p(a 
Acts 3 16 Is. i 6 v. /.); Ezek. i5 5 (of wood not yet cut for fuel); Deut. 
27 6 Josh, g 2 i Mac. 4" (of the unhewn stones for the^altar); Deut. i6 9 
(A) Lev. 23 15 (of the seven Sabbaths); Sap. i$ 3 (of Bcxacoauvirj); 4 Mac. 
I5 7 (of efio^eia); cf. Hennas, Mand. V, 2 3 TWV T^V icfeti 
6X6x,X-r]pov; also A in i Ch. 24 7 = 25 9 where B has 6 K 



V/JLWV TO TrvevfjLo, KT\. Judging from the Pauline conception of 
the Christian as the man into whom there has entered a super 
natural divine power, Christ or the Spirit (Gal. 4 6 Rom. 8 11 
i Cor. 6 19 2 Cor. i 22 ), and from the fact that Paul is addressing 
Christians, it is probable but not certain that "your spirit" (cf. 
i Cor. i4 14 ) designates that portion of the divine Spirit which as 
dwelling permanently in the individual as TO irvev^a TO etc TOV 
6eov constitutes TO Trvevpa TOV avOpwirov TO ev avTy (i Cor. 2 11 ). 
The believer and the unbeliever are so far alike that their indi 
viduality consists of an inner (^f%?7, vow, tcapSia, 6 e&co av- 
) and an outer part (<rw/>ia) j but the believer differs from 



212 I THESSALONIANS 

the unbeliever in that he has received from God the divine Spirit 
which controls and redeems his former individuality, so that at 
the Parousia he is raised from the dead and enters upon a life 
with Christ in a spiritual body. Without the indwelling Trvevpa, 
man at his best (^t/%i/co9) is mere man, unregeneratc, aap/ciKos (i 
Cor 3 3 15 44 ff -)> incapable of resurrection and life with Christ. 
Hence the emphasis on 6\ofc\r]pov at this point; the divine in 
man and the human individuality must be kept intact, an undi 
vided whole, if the believer is to be blameless at the Parousia. 

This view, shared substantially by Dob., appears in an anonymous 
catena quoted by Swete (Th. Mops. II, 39): ouBlxors Ixl dba atou TO: 
Tpfa Ts Oew.ev, icvsu^a, tpux^jv, x,al atoyia, dcXX exl [x6v(ov T&V xcaTu6vta>v" aiv 
xal aw^a TYJS (puaswq, Tb Be xveu^a TYJ<; eOspyeat aq, TOUTiaTtv, Tb 
TCOV jctareudvTwv. Th. Mops, (who seems to take oXoxX^pov 
with xveupLoc and dc^e^xTtog with fyuyji and aw^oc) Chrys. and Theodoret 
interpret ujxtov Tb xveG[xa as the direct equivalent of Tb xveO[j.a in v. 19 . 
The contrast between "my," "our" spirit with the divine Spirit (i 
Cor. 5 14 Rom. 8 16 ) does not of necessity compel the conclusion that the 
human spirit in a psychological sense (= ^UXTQ, voug, etc.) is here meant, 
for in i Cor. i4 14 where "my spirit" is contrasted with "my vou?," it 
is evident that "my spirit" is that portion of the divine Spirit which is 
resident in the individual. Occasionally Paul uses Tb xveujjia upiwv as 
a designation of the Christian personality (Gal. 6 18 Phil. 4 23 Phile. 
25) instead of 5jjiei? (v. 2S II 3 18 ) or the popular tyuyi\ (Rom. 2 n is 
I3 1 i6 4 2 Cor. i 23 Phil. 2 30 ; also i Thess. 2 s 2 Cor. i2 15 ); and this is 
probably the case in i Cor. i6 18 2 Cor. 2 13 7 13 (cf. Mt. n 29 and f) aocp 
upuov 2 Cor. 7 5 ); ex ^^X^? (Col. 3 23 Eph. 6 6 ) is equivalent to ex. /.ocpSug 
as Rom. 6 17 makes probable. ^ U 5cfl is rare in Paul compared with -rcveu- 
[xa, aw[xa or even xapSca; it is less frequent than voOq. Ten of the 
thirteen instances have been mentioned already; in i Cor. i5 45 = 
Gen. 2 7 , Paul contrasts sharply luvsO^a and tpuxo under the influence 
of his conception of the t]>uxtxo<; as aap*ix,6g; in Phil, i 27 (aT-rjxeTs ev 
evl xveuptaTt, [xcqc <f u xfi auvaOXouvTsq), where, as here, ^UXTJ appears 
alongside of xvsO[xa, xveujxa is the divine Spirit as such or as individual 
ised in the believer. Didymus (dc spiritu sancto, 55, quoted by Swete 
(op. cit.}, 39) thinks that it would be incredible and blasphemous for 
the Apostle to pray that the Holy Spirit integer servctur, qui nee imminu- 
tionem potest recipere nee profectum; and hence refers "your spirit" 
to the human spirit. Whether his objection is cogent depends on the 
interpretation of i Cor. 5 s and 2 Cor. 7 1 (if cp here as in Col. 2 5 = 
aoHxa; cf. 2 Cor. 7 5 ). Pelagius (noted by Dob.) remarks: gratia spiritus, 
quae quamvis in se semper Integra sit, non tamen in nobis integra nisi ab 



v, 23 2i 3 

integris habetur (Souter). If with Didymus Paul here speaks de humano 
spiritu, then -juveG^a is a distinctively psychological term appropriate 
to believers and unbelievers alike, and the collocation with ^UXTQ which 
is unusual (Phil, i 27 1 Cor. 15") is to be understood either (i) as rhetor 
ical (De W. Jowett, and many), or at least as "a popular statement, not 
an expression of the Apostle s own psychology" (Charles, Eschat. 410); 
or (2) as the "distinct enunciation of the three component parts of the 
nature of man" (Ell.; so most after Origen, Jerome, Apollinaris of 
Laodicea) . Lf t. ad loc. says : " The spirit which is the ruling faculty in 
man and through which he holds communication with the unseen world 
the soul, which is the seat of all his impulses and affections, the centre 
of his personality the body, which links him to the material world and 
is the instrument of all his outward deeds these all the Apostle would 
have presented perfect and intact in the day of the Lord s coming." 

In the O. T. man is regularly divided into an inner (spirit or soul) and 
an outer (body) part, a view which prevails in the simple psychology 
of late Judaism (Bousset, Relig.* 459) and in the N. T. Concurrent 
with this view is another (to Charles the more primitive), namely, that 
ruach is the breath of life which quickens man, body and soul, and re 
turns at death to God (Charles, Eschat. 44), a view which occasionally 
appears in apocalyptic literature {ibid. 194-232). Charles {ibid. 
409 Jf.) understands ^veG^a in Paul of the higher nature of man which 
is created anew by God in order to make possible communion with him; 
it of course survives death; <pux?3 is a mere function of the body and 
perishes with it. Dob. doubts this and refers to 2 Cor. i 23 12 15 . 

Neither Plato nor Aristotle has a trichotomy (Dob. 230^.); they 
divide man into CCOJJLOC and fywtfi and subdivide 4>u%YJ into three parts or 
powers. When voGg comes alongside of ^U-XT], it is a function of the 
latter, " the instrument by which the soul thinks and forms conceptions " 
and it has "no reality at all prior to the exercise of thought" (Arist. 
de anima, III, 4 (429), in Hammond, Aristotle s Psychology, 1902, 113). 
In Philo, "the -osu^a is not a part of human nature but a force that 
acts upon it and within it. The dichotomy of human nature re 
mains" (Hatch, Essays, 128). In Christianity, trichotomy does not 
seem certain until the second century; outside of Christianity, it is not 
clear before the Neoplatonists with their cto^oc, ^uxf), voG? (Dob.). On 
the question at issue, see Wendt, Die Begrijfe Fleisch und Geist, 1879; 
Dickson, St. Paul s Use of the Terms Flesh and Spirit, 1883; Hatch, 
Essays, 94-130 (for psychological terms in Lxx. and Philo); Davidson, 
Old Testament Theology, 1904, 182 //".; Charles, Eschat.; Bousset, 
Relig. 2 459 ff.\ and Lft. Ell. and Dob. on our passage. 

a/jLe/jLirTW . . . TrjprjOefy. "May your spirit and soul and body 
as an undivided whole be kept blamelessly (that is, so as to be 



214 I THESSALONIANS 

blameless) at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ" (3 13 ). Since 
a/xe)u/7rTft>9 TTjprjQeirj resumes ayidaai, the logical subject of the 
passive optative is God. The verb rrjpelv of itself intimates that 
the process of keeping intact the divine and human element in 
man has been going on since the baptism (Ephr.) when first 
the Spirit entered into the believer. The adverb ayLte/zTTTw? lays 
stress not so much on the manner of God s activity as on the 
result; hence the adverb may be interpreted as an adjective (so 
Lillie, Pelt: coo-re v/jLas a/*e/z7TTOu<? ev TTJ irapovcriq; cf. Bl. 76* 
and see above on 2 10 and on 3 13 where BL read 



Grot. Piscator, Lft. Dob. el al. take ev as brachyology for e?<;; cf. 
Bl. 41 1 and i Cor. n 18 . TTQPSCV (i Cor. y 37 2 Cor. n 9 Eph. 4 3 ) is com 
mon in Gk. Bib.; cf. Sap. io s of aocpfoc: eupsv Tbv Scxatov xal 
atabv 



24. 7JYCTT09 6 /ca\Mv KT\. The prayer of v. 23 will certainly be 
answered, for God is faithful. " This happens not from my pray 
ers, he says, but from the purpose with which he called you" 
(Chrys.). This faithfulness of God has already been manifested 
when in keeping with his eternal choice (i 4 ) he called them (2 12 ) 
through the preaching of the gospel (II 2 14 ). But if the caller is 
faithful, he may also (teat) be relied upon to perform the very 
thing involved in the call, namely, that for which Paul prayed, 
TO aryido-ai teal TO TrjprjOfjvai. 



In stating this assurance of faith (cf. 4 s 10 ) in the fewest words, Paul 
succeeds in putting in the forefront the main point, the faithfulness of 
God as caller and doer. It is to be observed that he does not even 
say that 6 xaXwv ujxa? (the participle is timeless as in 2 12 ) is God, 
though that is self-evident without recourse to v. 23 , or to the Pauline 
turn xtcrbq 6 Oeog (i Cor. i 9 io 13 2 Cor. i 18 ; cf. x6pto? 2 Thess. 3 3 ); 
nor does he say for what (2 12 4 7 ) or through what (II 2 14 ) they are called; 
nor does he state the precise object of xoirjaec (cf. 2 Cor. 8 10 f - Ps. 36 5 
51", etc.). It is better, however, to supply the object from v. 23 (Ell. 
Lft. and most) than to interpret generally: "will perform as surely as 
he calls, and everything promised or implied in the call" (Lillie, who 
notes Pelagius quod promisit and (Ecumenius l<p < ex&Xeasv) . Indeed 
some minuscules actually add from 2 Cor. i 7 T^V eXxc Ba (6[juov) ^(fofov 
(see Poole ad loc.). On the faithfulness of God, Grot, notes Is. 49 17 
eatcv 6 ayco? (TOU) lapcajA, xal iXedqj.i}V ae (cf. Deut. 7 32*, etc.). 



v, 23-26 215 



VI. FINAL REQUESTS (5 25 - 27 ). 



With an affectionate address (aSeX^ot"), Paul makes three 
more requests (note the triple exhortations in vv. 12 22 except 
vv 19-20) before closing the letter with the customary in vocation of 
the grace of Christ. First, he bids the brethren in their prayers 
(v. 17 ) for themselves and others to remember also himself and 
his associates (v. 25 ). Next he bids them to greet for him all the 
brethren, with a tactful inclusion of the idlers (v. 2G ). Finally, 
with an abrupt change to the first person, he adjures them to see 
to it that the letter be read to all the brethren, presumably a 
covert admonition of the idlers who had apparently threatened 
to pay no heed to the epistolary injunctions of Paul. 

^Brothers, pray for us as well (as for yourselves and others}. 
^Greetfor us the brothers, all of them, with a holy kiss. 27 7 adjure 
you by the Lord that the present letter be read to the brothers, all of 
them. 

25. TrpocrevxecrOe KOI Trepl fjfjL&v. When the brethren pray 
without ceasing (v. 17 ), they are to bear in mind not only them 
selves and others but Paul and his fellow-missionaries as well 
(teat), a human touch showing how heavily Paul leaned upon 
the sympathy of his converts (cf. II 3 1 Col. 4 2 f -). 

On requests for prayer (but without *a0, cf, Rom. i5 30 Eph. 6 19 
Phil, i" and Heb. is 18 . For <rcp{ (II 3 Col. 4 ; Gen. 20 Ps. 7* 15 
2 Mac. i 6 ), GFP read uxsp (Col. i 9 i Reg. i 27 ); on these prepositions, 
see Moult. 1, 105. xa( is read by BD*, r a few minuscules, Syr. (hi. pal.), 
Arm. Gothic, Orig. Chrys. Th. Mops.; but is omitted by KAD C EGFI 
KLP, Vulg. Pesh. Boh. Eth. Ambst. (Souter). Both Zim. and Dob. 
think that the xcd comes from Col. 4 3 . Assuming xocc to be original, we 
must translate not "you also pray for us as we have just prayed for 
you" but "you pray for us as well as for yourselves and others," the 
reference being not to v. 23 but to v. 17 (Weiss, in). Failure to see this 
reference accounts for the omission of xoc( (B. Weiss, ad loc.}. I reads 



26. ao-Trdcraa-Oe KT\. The second request takes the form of a 
salutation characteristic of contemporary epistolary literature. 
" Because being absent he could not greet them with the kiss, 



2l6 I THESSALONIANS 

he greets them through others, as when we say: Kiss him for 
me" (Chrys.). The fact that instead of the expected a 
(Rom. i6 16 i Cor. i6 20 2 Cor. i3 12 ; i Pet. 5 14 ) Paul writes 
a8e\(j)ovs TraWa? indicates not that he is turning from the 
brethren addressed in v. 25 to the workers who take the lead and 
admonish, but that he is tactfully including in the number of 
those to be greeted for him not only the workers, the faint 
hearted, and the weak, but also the idlers (cf. Phil. 4 21 acnrd- 
cacrOe Trdvra ayiov without exception). The kiss is holy be 
cause it is the expression not of romantic but of Christian love 
(ev (f)i\^fjLaTi ajaTTt]^ i Pet. 5 14 ). 



On the salutation in epistolary literature, see the references given in 
the note on i 1 . Greetings (cbTud CsaOac or daxaa^.6s or both) are found 
in all Paul s letters except Gal. and Eph. In Rom. i6 16 2 Cor. 13 12 , 
dXX-rjXouq is parallel to ol aycoc xdvTsq, in i Cor. i6 20 to ol dSeXtpol xdv- 
cs?. Over against De W. Liin. Ell. Find. Born, and others who find 
the leaders addressed, Hofmann, Wohl. Mill. Dob. Moil, rightly see 
the brethren as a whole. 

q{\-r)[j.a, apart from the passages noted above, occurs in the Gk. Bib. 
only Lk. 7 45 22 48 ; Pr. 27 Cant, i 2 OptX-r^ccTa). "In the ancient world 
one kissed the hand, breast, knee, or foot of a superior, and the cheek 
of a friend. Herodotus (I, 134) mentions kissing the lips as a custom of 
the Persians. Possibly from them it came to the Jews" (Toy, ICC. on 
Pr. 24 26 the only distinct reference to kissing the lips, since Gen. 4i 40 
(see Skinner, ICC. ad loc.) is doubtful) . That the " holy kiss " is kissing 
the lips, or that the kiss was given promiscuously cannot be inferred 
from our verse (Cheyne in EB. 4254, who notes Neil, Kissing : Its Curious 
Bible Mentions, 1885, 27 /., 78 /.). The Jewish and Christian attitude 
is probably expressed in that of Bunyan (Grace Abounding, 316) : " Some 
indeed have urged the holy kiss, but then I have asked why they made 
baulks? Why did they salute the most handsome and let the ill-favoured 
go? Thus how laudable soever such things have been in the eyes of 
others, they have been unseemly in my sight." Cheyne states that 
Conybeare (Exp. 1894, 461) "points out two passages in Philo s 
quaestiones in Ex. preserved in Armenian, which seem to imply that 
the "kiss of peace" or "of concord" was a formal institution of the 
synagogue," an opinion which Schultze (article Friedcnskuss in PRE. 3 
VI, 274 /.) thinks possible. This kiss is mentioned in Justin (Apol. 
I, 65), dXXTjXou? qpcX fjywm daxa^o^eOa xauadjAevoc TCOV eu^wv. It came 
before the eucharistic prayer and after the other prayers (Tert. de 
oral. 18; the references in ad uxorc:n, II, 4 (lam vero dlicul jralrum ad 



v, 26-27 217 

osculum convenire) and in dc virg. vcl. 14 (inter amplexus et oscula assidua) 
are uncertain, but seem to point to the extension of the custom). It is 
probable (so Cheyne and Schultze) that the qj^X-rj^oc was not originally 
promiscuous, and that the ordinances of the Apostolical Constitutions 
(II, 57 12 , VIII, ii 41 ) arose in view of the abuse. For the history of the 
custom in Christian worship, see, in addition to Cheyne and Schultze, 
the article Kiss in the Dictionary of Christian Antiquities and the 
note of Robertson and Plummer in ICC. on i Cor. i6 20 . 



27. evopKi^a) /CT\. Had Paul written Trot^crare r iva rj eT 

TO? a8e\<pois avayvcoaOr] (cf. Col. 4 1G ), it would have 
been natural to suppose that he intended simply to emphasise 
the importance of the present letter (T?)I>; Vulg. haec; cf. II 3 14 
Rom. i6 22 Col. 4 16 ) not only to the weak who by it might be sup 
ported, and to the faint-hearted who by it might be encouraged, 
but also to the idlers who might by it be induced to heed the 
admonition (cf. Ephr.). The sudden change, however, from the 
second to the first person (but without ey &>; cf. 2 18 3 5 ), and the 
introduction of the solemn adjuration directed to the group as a 
whole (v^as) suggest the existence of a serious situation, namely, 
either that the leaders had intimated to Paul that they would not 
read his reply to all the brethren (cf. Th. Mops. Calv. B. Weiss) 
or, and more probably in the light of II3 14 , that they had informed 
Paul that the more recalcitrant of the idlers had asserted that 
they would pay no heed to the epistolary injunctions of Paul. 
Hence the solemn adjuration by the Lord Jesus that the brethren 
as a group see to it (cf. v. 15 ) that all the brethren, including the 
idlers, hear this letter read. 

On the theory of Harnack, shared also by Lake (The Earlier Epistles of 
St. Paul, 1911, 89) that TOCCJCV here, like roxvuag in v. 26 , implies the ex 
istence of a Jewish Christian church in Thessalonica between which and 
the Gentile Christian church addressed in I there was a line of cleavage, 
v. supra, p. 53 /. From this verse, called forth by a particular need, it 
can neither be affirmed nor denied that Paul had written letters to com 
munities visited (cf. Gal. i 21 ) or that the reading of hir, letters, if written, 
in the church had become a fixed custom. Though cxvaytv(oc-/.etv both 
in classics and in papyri (Mill.) may mean not only "read aloud" but 
also "read," it is yet probable that the former sense, usual in classics, 
is always intended by Paul (2 Cor. i 13 3 2 - 15 Col. 4 1C Eph. 3 4 ; cf. i Mac. 
I4 19 evtiwciov exxXijffwcs). Whether all the artisans in Thcss. could read, 



2l8 I THESSALONIANS 

we do not know. The aor. infin. dvayvwaOiivac (object of evopx^w; cf. 
BMT. 391) indicates "the being read" as an act without reference to 
its progress, repetition, or result. evopxi^co (BADE, et al.) is found 
elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only Neh. i3 25 (A); the simple 6pxcXo> (Neh. i3 25 
(B) Mk. 5 7 Acts iQ 13 ) is read by NGFP, et al. (cf. opxoo 4 Reg. n<; 
also eopx^o> Mt. 26" Gen. 24 3 Judg. i7 2 (A) 3 Reg. 22 16 ). These verbs 
are construed either with two accus. as here (Mk. 5 7 Acts ig 13 Gen. 24") 
or with accus. and XOCT& with gen. (Mt. 26 63 2 Ch. 36"; Hermas Sim. 
IX, io 5 ; see Deiss.55. 28 /.) On the infin. instead of Yva (Gen. 24 3 
Mt. 26 63 and the Hermas passage), cf. Joseph. Ant.VTIX., 104: Xyetv 
afoy t dXTj0e<; OUTO? evwpxtaaro. P. omits T^V e-jacrcoXirjv; ay tots (KAKLP, 
et al.) is an insertion influenced by 9cXif][JuxTi ay up (Dob.), and though 
retained by Weiss (91) is probably to be omitted with frs*BDEGF, et 
al. icavTeq Q\ ay to i is common in Paul (Rom. i6 15 2 Cor. i 1 i3 12 , etc.), 
but ol aycoi dSeX9o{ is unexpected and redundant. Moff. notes Apoc. 
Bar. 86 1 : "When therefore ye receive this my epistle, read it in your 
congregations with care." 



VII. BENEDICTION 



28. ^7 xfyis KT ^" "The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be (sc. 
eo-Tft) or e^?;; see i 1 ) with you." The place of the epistolary 
"farewell" (ep/ococro; eppwcrOe; cf. Acts i5 29 ) is in Paul s letters 
taken by the invocation of " grace" (Col. 4 18 ) or "the grace of 
(our) Lord Jesus (Christ)." 



lAe6 6txwv (Col. 4 18 ) is the shortest concluding benediction in 
Paul; with our verse cf. II 3 18 which inserts xdvrwv and Rom. i6 20 . 
The d^-rjv (cf. 3 13 ), retained by frsAEKLP, et al., is probably to be omitted 
with BDGF, et al. Like the inscription (see on i 1 ), the subscription 
EPOS 0ESSAAONIKEIS A (KB), to which GF prefix i^ ki^ and 
to which AKL add eypd9T] dxb AOrjvwv, is late and forms no part of 
the original letter; see Sod. Schriften dcs N. T. I, 296 /. 



COMMENTARY ON THE SECOND EPISTLE 
TO THE THESSALONIANS. 

I. SUPERSCRIPTION (i 1 - 2 ). 

l Paul and Silvanus and Timothy to the assembly of Thessalonians 
in God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 2 Grace to you and 
peace from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 

1-2. The superscription differs from that of I i 1 (q. v.) in 
adding after Trarpt the rjii&v, thus expressing the sense of com 
mon fellowship in the Father (cf. I i 3 ); and in adding after 
eZpijvrj the clause with atro which makes explicit the source of 
the divine favour and spiritual prosperity, God the Father and 
the Lord Jesus Christ. 

The clause with <*xo appears in all Pauline superscriptions except 
I; Col. i 1 , however, omits xocl xupt ou I. X. Usuallyrj^wv (bs A, ctal., omit) 
is found after TuaTpog (BD, ct aL, here; SA, et al., in Gal. i 3 ), except in 
Gal. i 3 (BD, ct al.) where it is put after xupfou. On the inscription 
icpbs Oeaa. B (KBA, ct al.), see on I i 1 . 
I 

II. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER (i 3 - 12 ). 

Word has come to Paul, probably by letter, informing him of 
the increased discouragement of the faint-hearted (i 3 -2 17 ) and 
the continued troublesomeness of the idlers (3 6 ~ 15 ). Cast down 
by the persistent persecution, worried by the assertion of some 
that the day of the Lord is present, and anxious lest they might 
not be deemed worthy of entrance into the kingdom, the faint 
hearted had given utterance to their despair by saying that they 
were not entitled to the praise of their faith and love, and es 
pecially of their endurance which Paul had generously given in 
his first epistle. To these utterances, reflected in the letter from 
Thessalonica, Paul replies at once in the Thanksgiving (vv. 3 - 10 ) 
and Prayer (vv. n - 12 ) by insisting that he ought to thank God for 
them, as is most proper under the circumstances because their 

219 



220 2 THESSALONIANS 

growth in faith and brotherly love is steady (v. 3 ). In fact, con 
trary to their expectations, he is boasting everywhere of their 
endurance and faith in the midst of persecution (v. 4 ). They 
need not worry about their future salvation, for their constant 
endurance springing from faith is positive proof that God the 
righteous Judge will, in keeping with his purpose, deem them 
worthy of entrance into the kingdom on behalf of which they as 
well as Paul are suffering (v. 5 ). It will not always be well with 
their persecutors, for God, since he is righteous in judgment, will 
recompense them with affliction as he will recompense the con 
verts with relief from the same, a relief which Paul also will share 
(vv. - 7a ). God will do so at the Great Assize (vv. 7b - 10 ) when the 
wicked, those, namely, who do not reverence God and do not 
obey the gospel of the Lord Jesus, will receive as their punish 
ment separation forever from Christ, on the very day when the 
righteous in general, and, with an eye to the faint-hearted, all 
who became believers will be the ground of honour and admira 
tion accorded to Christ by the retinue of angels. In order to 
reach this glorious consummation, however, the converts must 
be blameless in goodness and love; hence Paul prays as the con 
verts were praying not only that God may deem them worthy of 
his call, that is, acquit them at the last day, but also, to insure 
this acquittal, that he may perfect them morally; in order that 
finally the name of the Lord Jesus may be glorified in virtue of 
what they are, and that they may be glorified in virtue of what 
the name of our Lord Jesus has accomplished. This glorifica 
tion is in accordance with the divine favour of our God and the 
Lord Jesus Christ. 

That the purpose of i*-2" is the encouragement of the faint-hearted 
is evident from the emphasis put on the certainty of the readers sal 
vation (i 5 - 12 2 13 - 17 ), and from the express statement, purposely added 
after the destruction of the Anomos, that the advent of the Anomos is 
intended not for believers, but for unbelievers who have doomed them 
selves (2 8 - 12 ). That Paul is replying to a letter from Thessalonica is a 
hypothesis (not excluded by dx.oijo[j.v 3") which admirably accounts for 
the emphasis on ScpefXojxev (v. 3 2 13 ), x.aOw<; aiov (v. 3 ), GCUTOU<; fj^xag 
(v. 4 ) and T.CU in elq 8 v.a.1 (v. ), and for the exegetical difficulties in 3 1 - 5 . 
See Bacon, Introd. 72. 



I, 3 221 

We ought, brothers, to thank God always for you, as it is proper, 
because your faith is growing exceedingly and the love for one 
another of each one of you all is increasing, 4 so that we ourselves 
are boasting of you in the assemblies of God, of your endurance and 
faith in all your persecutions and afflictions which you bear 
b p. oof positive of the righteous judgment of God that you should be 
deemed worthy of the kingdom of God for which you too as well as 
we are suffering; righteous judgment of God, we say, 6 if indeed 
(as it certainly is) righteous in God s sight to recompense affliction 
to those who afflict you; 7 and to you who are afflicted, relief with us, 
at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from heaven, with his angels of 
power, 8 infire of flame, rendering vengeance to those who know not 
God and to those who obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus: Q who 
shall be punished with eternal destruction from the face of the Lord 
and from the glory of his strength, 10 when he shall come to be glorified 
in his saints and admired in all those who became believers (for our 
testimony to you was believed) in that day. ll To which end we too, 
as well as you, pray always for you that our God may deem you 
worthy of the calling and may fulfil every resolve after goodness and 
work of faith in power; 12 in order that the name of our Lord Jesus 
may be glorified in you and you in it, according to the grace of our 
God, and the Lord Jesus Christ. 

3. evxapicnelv o^etXo/xez^ KT\. "We ought, as is manifestly 
fitting, proper, worth while, in spite of your remonstrances, to 
thank God always for your growing faith and brotherly love." 
To account for the emphasis on ofaiXo/mev, a word only here and 
2 13 in Paul s thanksgivings, and on fcaOoos a%iov which resumes it, 
it may be assumed that Paul is replying to the utterances of the 
faint-hearted, communicated to him in a letter from Thes- 
salonica, to the effect that they did not consider themselves 
worthy of the kingdom or entitled to the praise accorded them 
in the first epistle. 

Since xaOtog in Paul is slightly causal (Bl. 78 1 ), it cannot indicate the 
degree (Th. Mops.) or the manner (Wohl. who refers to i Cor. S 2 ) of 
e6%aptaTscv, but must resume and explain dyefXo^ev (Born. Dob.). If 
6<ps(Xo[xev stood alone, it might be interpreted as a general expression 
of personal obligation (Rom. is 1 ) in view of the progress of the read- 



222 2 THESSALONIANS 

ers, or as a liturgical formula (i Clem. 38 4 ; Barn. 5 3 6?e(Xo[Jiv (uicep) 
euxapccTecv). Similarly if we had had euxapwTou^ev and xocOox; acov 
ear-riv, the latter clause might have expressed what was proper in view 
of the growth of the converts or have been purely liturgical (cf. i Mac. 
I2 n wq Seov ecTlv xal xpexov). The resumption, however, of S^st Xo^ev 
in xaOax; XT)*. reveals not liturgical tautology (Jowett) but an emphasis 
due to special circumstances. That Paul is no slave of epistolary 
form is evident from the present thanksgiving. Here as in i Cor. i 4 
Col. i 3 , the xdvTtov of the common icdcvTOTe xepl TC&VTWV jpiwv (I js) j s 
omitted; the prayer which is usually associated with the thanksgiving 
(I i 2 ) is omitted here as in i Cor. i 4 ; here as in Rom. i 8 he passes 
directly from euxp. to OTC, while the prayer comes in Rom. i 10 and here 
in v. n . In Phil, i 3 Col. i 3 , the thanksgiving and prayer are closely 
united as in I i 2 , but a further xpoaeuxesOocc is added in Phil, i 9 Col. i 9 
as in v. n below. The address &%e\<?oi usually comes later (I i 4 Gal. i", 
etc.: it does not appear at all in Col. Eph.) ; its place here at the start 
betrays at once Paul s affection for his converts. ato<; is rare in Paul, 
but common elsewhere in Gk. Bib.; on fiiov cf. i Cor. i6 4 4 Mac. 17". 
Th. Mops, takes it as = Sc xacov (Phil, i 7 ); its presence here prepares the 
way for xaTa^ctoO^vat (v. 6 ) and diu>qfl (v. "). 



on, vjrepav^dvei KT\. With causal ort dependent on 

(I i 1 2 13 ), he gives the reason for the thanksgiving, namely, 
the very abundant growth (vTrepavgdvei) of the tree of religious 
life (TTMTTA?), and the abundance (TrXeom fet) of the fruit of the 
same (cf. Phil. 4 17 Col. i 6 - 10 ) in their ethical life as manifested in 
the brotherhood (n aydirrj (sc. q and cf. I 3 12 ) ek aXX^Xou?, or 



This thanksgiving differs from that in I where "work of faith," 
"labour of love," and "endurance of hope" are mentioned, and 
also from 1 3 6 where faith and love (not </>iXaSeX</ua) are referred 
to. In thus singling out brotherly love, Paul expresses his ap 
preciation of the fact that love to brothers (I 4 9 ) is abounding 
as he exhorted (I 4 10 ) and prayed (I 3 12 ) in his first letter. But 
in order to make plain that he includes in his praise each and 
every one of them, even the idlers who are troublesome (3 6 ~ 15 )> 
he adds to rj ajaTrrj etV a> X^Xov? not only the individualising 
e^o? e/cdo-Tov vn&v (I 2 11 ) but also Trdvrcov, which precludes 
any exception. 



, only here in Gk. Bib., is classic. Paul is fond of com 
pounds with uxlp (see I 3 10 ); if he does not find them he coins them. 



1, 3-4 223 



On the simple ctfi&fcveiv (with xfort?), see 2 Cor. 10"; 
here as usual intransitive, see Is 12 ; on-fj xt cnrc? u^ju&v, see I i 8 3 2ff -. 
auvetv and icXeovtfUtv, only here in Gk. Bib., are in synonymous 
parallelism; cf. rcXeovdc^etv and xeptcaeuecv in I 3 12 (cf. 2 Cor. 4 15 ). 
Olshausen (apud Liin.) takes uxepau^avec as indicating that the con 
verts were guilty of extravagance in their religious zeal, thus introducing 
a thought like that of Ps. Sol. 5 19 (cf. 5 6 ) eav uxepxXeovaqn l^oqxapTdcvec. 
Schrader and Pelt suggest that I 3 12 is in mind, and that the omission 
of xocl elq XGCVTCK; shows that the converts do not love the Gentiles. 
Schmiedel and Holtzmann, on the assumption that II is a forgery, find 
here a literary reminiscence of I 2 11 (Ivb? exisTou) and 3". Wrede (85) 
is less certain, but thinks that X&VTWV might easily come from I i 2 (so 
Schmiedel). The emphasis on the progress of faith (uxepau^dvec, not 
auJjavec, as Chrys. notes) is evidence that II is written after, not before 
(Grot. Ewald), I. 



4. coo-re avrovs fj/jias KT\. The consequence (wore) of their 
progress in faith and brotherly love is that Paul and his associates 
(rj^as) can and do boast of them everywhere. We have, how 
ever, not ^/A alone but avrovs 77/^9; a contrast is intended. 
In I 4 9 , avrol /-iet? finds its antithesis in ^a? supplied from the 
subject of ypdfaiVj here no antithesis to avrovs rj/jias is distinctly 
stated, though eV V/MV, the emphatically placed object of xav- 
XacrOcu, suggests the Thessalonians. Precisely what prompts the 
expression is uncertain; probably Paul has in mind the utter 
ances of the faint-hearted to the effect that their faith and love, 
and especially their endurance (which, as vjrep KT\. shows, is the 
main theme of Paul s exultation) were not worthy of the praise 
bestowed by the Apostle in I. To these remonstrances he re 
plies: "So that we ourselves, contrary to your expectations, are 
boasting." 



Had Paul written not auToCiq r^a? but xal faaq, the point would have 
been that the converts as well as Paul found the Thess. an object of 
boasting; or that Paul as well as others in general or in particular the 
ccikof of I i 9 found the Thess. an object of boasting. But auTo><; Vaq 
indicates not a reciprocal relation but a contrast. Bacon (Introd. 
74) interprets differently: "The Thess. had written that they boasted 
of the apostles against the slanderers; cf. 2 Cor. i 14 ." In this "sig 
nificant and inimitable wars aOroCt? -fjExa?" x-cX. (Bacon), Wrede (cf. 
Schmiedel) finds an assertion of apostolic dignity ("if we boast of 
any one, that means more than if others do it "), and also a literary rem- 



224 2 THESSALONIANS 

iniscencc of I I 8 - 9 WJTS . . . Y);JLOC? . . . auroL In auroug 

c/. atkb<; eyw Rom. 7 25 Q 3 i$ 14 2 Cor. lo 1 I2 13 ),aikou<; gets the emphasis; 

in iftLaq au-uou? (ADGFKL, e a/.; c/. i Cor. 5" 7 3G u 13 Rom. i6 2 ) 



eV fyuz/ zvicawxaaQai KT\. The two clauses with e^ specify 
respectively the object and the place of boasting. By putting the 
contrasted persons ^a? and eV vfuv side by side, and by choos 
ing emav^aaOai instead of /cau%ao-0ai, he intensifies the point 
(cf. inrepavgdvei). The place is described, as in i Cor. II IG , 
without geographical limitations, as "the churches of God" 
(I 2 14 ). To insist that every church founded up to this time has 
heard Paul boast, orally or in writing, of the Thessalonians, or to 
restrict the reference to the churches of God in Corinth and its 
vicinity (or more exactly to the church of God in Corinth and 
the brethren round about), is to forget the enthusiasm of Paul 
and the compliment which he is paying to his readers (cf. zv 

i T07TO) I I 8 ). 



On this interpretation, see Dob. For IvxocuxaaOac (BfrsA; 
P), DEKL, et aL, have xauxaaOac, and GF xau^aaaOa:. The compound 
is rare in Gk. Bib. (Ps. 5i 3 73* g6 7 ic>5 47 ; cf. i Clem. 21 5 ); it is always 
construed with Iv of the object. Of the mainly Pauline words xauxaa- 
Oat, xocTaxauxaaOac, x.aux^;j.a and xauxTjat? (I 2 19 ), xauxacOac is in Gk. 
Bib. usually construed with ev, rarely with ini (Ps. 5 12 48 7 Sir. 3O 2 Pr. 
25 14 ); cf. Rom. 5 2 with 5 3 . Here, as in Gal. 6 13 , the clause with ev pre 
cedes the verb. Polycarp n 3 has our verse in mind when he writes 
de vobis ctcnim gloriatur in omnibus ccclesiis; cf. n 4 ct non sicut inimicos 
tales existimetis with 3 15 of our letter. 



vjrep T/}? vTTOfjiovfjs KT\. The clause with virep resumes ev 
j and specifies the qualities about which he boasted, namely, 
their endurance and faith manifested in persecutions. Though 
faith and persecution are inseparable, as the omission of the 
article before Tr/oreoj? reveals, the ethical (vTrofwvij) takes prece 
dence of the religious (7rrro) from which it springs and of which 
it is the fruit and evidence (Calvin). The selection not of faith 
and brotherly love (v. 3 ) but of faith and endurance, and the 
position of VTTO/JLOVTJ before TT/OTW (cf. Phile. 5) are probably due 
to the utterances of the faint-hearted who had remonstrated 
against Paul s praise of their endurance and faith (I i 3 ) in his 
first epistle. 



i, 4 22 5 

Here uxlp (contrast 2 Cor. y 14 g 2 12 15 ) is equivalent to rap (2 Cor. io 8 ; 
see below 2 1 and cf. I 5 10 ). In view of the context and of the usage else 
where in I, II, icfoTis is "faith" not "faithfulness" (Bengel, Liin. 
Born.; cf. Gal. 5 22 ). Unnecessary is the assumption of a hendiadys 
whether fidci vestrac frmitatem (Th. Mops.) or incoy.ov?j ev iccairet (Grot.). 

lv iraviv rofc SuoyfJiois /erX. The fourth prepositional phrase 
in this verse (c/. I 3 7 8 for a similar heaping up of prepositions), 
namely, eV Tracriv . . . cbe^ecrtfe, states the circumstances in which 
(I 3 3 ) their endurance and faith were manifested: "in all your 
persecutions and afflictions that you are bearing." The 
binds together the virtually synonymous ^COJ/JLOL^ and BXt 
(cf. I 2 9 TOV KOTTOV rjfjiwv Kal Tov fjLo^Oov) and the als (attrac 
tion for &v) } which refers to both nouns, agrees in gender with 
the nearer. The Tracriv intimates that the persecutions have been 
repeated ("not in one but in all," Ephr.); and the ave xeaOe 
(cf. Gal. 2 4 Trjv e\ev6epiav rjfjL&v rjv e%oyiiez/), that they are still 
going on; while the emphasis on both iracnv and ave^eaOe 
serves to convey rare praise for the unexceptional constancy of 
their endurance and faith. 

The construction assumed above is on the whole the simplest. Some 
commentators (e. g. Liin.), forgetting that the presence of cctlq (which 
DGFP omit) does not prevent uywov from uniting the synonymous words 
(cf. I 2 9 where there is an article before jxoxGov), attach xdcacv to Scwy^oti; 
alone (cf. 2 Cor. 8 7 ), making odq dcv^xsaOs parallel to u^xwv (cf. Phile. 5, 
and Col. i 4 T-JJJV rcferiv &[xwv xal T^V dy&Tciqv ^v CXSTS, where faith and 
love are not synonymous) : " in all the persecutions you have and the 
afflictions which you are bearing." On the other hand, Dob., who takes 
Iv8stYi* as a predicate noun after alq dcvifxeaGe, breaks the rhythm 
by putting a comma after 6Xtye<jtv, and is also led to understand 
dv^eaOs of the necessity of enduring: "which you have to endure as 
a proof," etc. In the Gk. Bib., Stcoy^d? means usually not "pursuit" 
(2 Mac. i2 23 ) but "persecution" (Lam. 3" Mk. 4 17 Mt. i3 21 Rom. 8 35 
2 Cor. i2 10 ). On the meaning of OXf^t?, see I i 6 . The persecutions 
which marked the beginnings of Christianity in Thessalonica (I i 6 2 14 ) 
and which were going on when Paul wrote I (3"; cf. 2 14 ff -) still continue, 
as the presents dvdxsaGe and icidxere show. Since dvs%a8ac in Gk. 
Bib., when not used absolutely, is construed not with dat. but either 
with gen. (Gen. 45 1 Is. 46* 6$ l& 2 Mac. g 12 and N. T.) or with accus. 
(Job 6 26 (where A has gen.) Is. i 13 3 Mac. i 22 4 Mac. 13"), ctlq is prob 
ably not directly governed by avi^tis (Fritzsche, who notes Eurip. 
15 



226 2 THESSALONIANS 

Androm. 981, Lft. Mill.) but is an attraction for &v, or less likely for 
aq. Cod. B gets rid of the difficulty of the unusual attraction by read 
ing ev^xeoOe, a rare word in Gk. Bib. (with dat. Gal. 5 1 3 Mac. 6 10 ; 
with ev and dat. Ezek. i4 4 - 7 ). But not even Weiss (35) accepts the 
reading of B. On the change of dcv and ev , see Gal. 5 1 where D and 
a few minuscules read dcve"xea6e. With our passage, compare i Cor. 
4 12 Sttox,6[jLvot dvsx6^s0a. The ev which K reads before a!? comes from 
the preceding ccv (Zim.). 



5. evSeiyfjia KT\. The faint-hearted need not worry about 
their future salvation, for the fact of their unexceptional endur 
ance and faith in all their persecutions is itself a "token," " guar 
antee," "positive evidence" of the righteous judgment of God 
(Rom. 2 5 ), already in purpose and soon to be declared, that they 
be deemed worthy of the kingdom of God, for which they, and 
Paul too, are continually suffering. The els TO 
expresses the purpose of $i/calas 



Since the object of boasting specified in v. 4 is not suffering, but the 
constancy of their endurance and faith in the midst of persecution, e v- 
is to be taken not with the idea of suffering alone, whether with 
or with ev icaatv . . . dve"xea0e (Calv. et al.), but with the idea 
of endurance and faith in spite of persecutions, that is, with uxep . . . 
dvlxsaGs (De W. Liin. Lillie, Ell. Lft. Mill, and others). evSety^xa is 
probably an accus. in direct apposition with the preceding (cf. Rom. 
8 3 I2 1 ); but it may be a nominative, in which case o lorrcv is to be sup 
plied on the analogy of Phil. i 28 . Ephr. and some minuscules read 
Iv&efyiiOTi; Theophylact and Codex 442 have eJ? e vBetYf-a (cf- Rom. 
3 25 ); so similarly g, Vulg. Ambst. Syr. Arm. have in exemplum. The 
distinction between the passive evSety^a (only here in Gk. Bib., but 
classic; cf. Plato, Critias, no C) and the active svSet^t? (in Gk. Bib. 
confined to Paul; Rom. 3 25 f - 2 Cor. 8 24 Phil, i 28 ) is negligible; the mean 
ing is demonstrationem (Th. Mops.), ostentamen (Tert. apud Swete). 
That e?q TO X.T),. is to be connected not with dve%ea6e (Bengel) leaving 
evBecy^a . . . 6eou as a parenthesis, or with evBecy^a . . . Geou (Schott), 
or with evSscy^a (Wohl.), but with Bcxata? xptaewg is usually admitted 
(De W. Liin. Lft. Vincent, Dob. et al.}. But dq T, since the telic 
sense is not always evident in Paul (see I 2 12 ), might denote either the 
content of the judgment (Theophylact oxep ea-ulv xaTata>6fjvac), -or 
the "object to which it tended" (Ell.; Lillie), or the result conceived 
or actual (Liin.). In Paul, elq T6 is most frequently of purpose (BMT. 
409) ; and this is the probable meaning here (so among others De W. 
Alford, Ewald, Dob.), xara^oo), only here in Paul (but frequent in 



I, 4-6 22 7 

Ignatius), means either "beseech" (2 Mac. 13") or, as elsewhere in Gk. 
Bib., "deem worthy" (Lk. 2o 35 Acts 5" 4 Mac. i8 3 ). It intensifies the 
simple dc6o> (a word used by Paul only in v. , but found elsewhere 
in the N. T. and frequently in Lxx.). In the N. T. xocTa^tow and d^coto 
(except Acts is 38 28- where the meaning is "beseech," "command," 
as regularly in the Lxx.) are to be rendered not "make worthy," but 
"deem worthy" (cf. SH. 3O/.). Dalman (WorteJesu, I, 97) observes 
that "to be worthy of the future aeon" is a common rabbinical ex 
pression. On (foaiXeia, see I 2 12 . 



vjrep ^? KOI TraV^ere. " For which you too (as well as we, that 
is, the writers) are suffering." The present tense (TraV^ere; cf. 
v. 4 avexjecrOe) designates the sufferings as going on; vtrep ?;<? 
makes plain that the motive or goal of suffering is none other 
than the future kingdom of God; KCLI implies a fellowship in 
present sufferings of readers (at home) and writers (in Corinth), 
and prepares the way for the significant avecnv pe6 v^&v (v. 7 ). 



It is probable that xa here and ^,s0 -fp&v (v. 7 ) are due to Paul s ex 
periences in Corinth (cf. 3 2 ); on xocc, cf. I 2 13 3 5 5 25 2 Cor. i 6 . -Most com 
mentators, however, interpret xa (which F omits) as implying a cor 
respondence not between Paul and his readers in reference to suffering, 
but between present suffering and future glory; so, for example, Lft., 
who compares 2 Tim. 2 12 , and Ell. who notes Rom. 8 17 Acts i4 22 and says : 
"xaf with a species of consecutive force supplies a renewed hint of the 
connection between suffering and the xaTaca>0r}vac XT^.^C/. also Wohl. 
Dob. and others). In the phrase xdax tv &xep (Phil, i 29 i Pet. 2 21 
Acts g 16 ), uxep may indicate advantage (Lft.), "object for which" (Ell.), 
the motive or goal ("to gain which"; Liin. Schmiedel, Dob.); but it 
is probably equivalent to icepf (cf. v. 4 2 1 ; also xda^stv xep{ i Pet. 3 18 
B and 2 21 A). On the thought of v. 5 , cf. especially Phil. 



6-7 a . eiTrep Sl/caiov KT\. The "righteous judgment of God" 
(v. 5 ) is not only positive, the salvation of the readers (v. 5 ), but 
also (Bfaaiov irapa dew resuming TT)? Si/caias Kpiaews TOV deov) 
positive and negative, in keeping with the principle of recompense 
sharply stated as the ius talionis, namely, 6\tyis for your per 
secutors and avecns for you who are persecuted (cf. Lk. i6 25 ). 
The principle is put conditionally (et7re/o), "not indeed as if 
there were the least doubt respecting the righteousness of any 
part of the divine procedure in judging the world. On the con- 



228 2 THESSALONIANS 

trary, it is the very certainty of that truth, as something alto 
gether beyond cavil, that emboldens the writer, by a sort of 
logical meiosis, to argue from it conditionally" (Lillie; cf. Pela- 
gius: hie "si tamen" confirmantis sermo est, non dubitantis). 

aveaiv peO^ v^&v. As there is a present fellowship of readers 
and writers in suffering (ical Trao-^ere v. 5 ), so also will there be a 
future fellowship in "rest" or "relief" from suffering, a genu 
inely Pauline touch (cf. i Cor. 4 8 2 Cor. i 6 ff - Phil. i 30 ). 

On the positive side, 5vsat? is entrance into the kingdom (v. 6 ) and 
eternal fellowship with the Lord (v. 10 as contrasted with v. 9 ; cf. I 4" 
icAvcoTs auv xupfrp). OXtyt? is, according to v. 9 , eternal separation from 
Christ, the precise opposite of I 4 17 . The moral ground of aveat?, not 
expressed at this point, is faith leading to endurance as v. 4 shows, the uy.lv 
who are persecuted being those who have exhibited an unusual endurance 
inspired by faith. The same stress on faith is seen in v. 10 , " all who 
became believers," and in the explanatory clause with OTC. The moral 
ground of OXt ^cq, not stated in our verse, is, in the light of v. 8 , which de 
scribes " those who do not reverence God and do not obey the gospel of 
our Lord Jesus," the lack of faith and its moral expression. Though the 
ius talionis is here exhibited in its clearest form (Ell.), the persecutors of 
the readers are not the only ones who are to receive OXc ^t?, as is evident 
from Rom. 2 8 ff - where the disobedient receive 6pyf) xal Ouy,6q, OX^i? xal 
cTEvoxwpfo (cf. also I 4 6 Rom. i2 19 2 Cor. 5 10 Col. 3 24ff -, etc.). In Rom. 
8 18 ff -, the believers are to get 6a for their xa6riy.aTa; in 2 Cor. 4 17 , 
B6a for OX^cg. On the Mosaic lex talionis, see the notes of Charles 
on Jub. 4" 48 14 and Montefiore on Mt. 5 38 ff -. strap is found in Gk. 
Bib., apart from Paul, only Judith 6 9 Sus. (Th.) 54, 4 Mac. n 7 . The 
condition is of itself colourless, the truth or error of the assumption being 
found, if at all, in the context; here and elsewhere (unless i Cor. 8 6 
is excepted), the context implies the truth of the condition with eTrap 
(Rom. 3 30 S 9 - 17 i Cor. I5 15 2 Cor. 5 3 ). Chrys. makes ec xep = Ira hue p. 
xapa Osw (i Cor. 7 24 ) or xapa: TCJ> 6s<p (so A here; cf. Rom. 2 n - 13 Gal. 3" i 
Cor. 3 19 ) = "in the eyes of," iudice Deo; the day of judgment may here 
be in mind. On Sixatov, cf. Phil, i 7 ; on 0Xt @eiv, 1 3 4 ; on dcvTraxoScBovat (I 
3) as the expression of judicial recompense, cf. Rom. i2 19 = Deut. 32 35 ; 
also Is. 3S 4 59 18 63 7 66 4 - 6 Jer. 28 6 - 24 - 56 f - Sir. 32", etc. aveac? (2 Cor. 
2 is 75 gi 3 ; Acts 24"; Lxx.) denotes a let up from restraint; hence "lib 
erty," "license," or, as here and 2 Cor. 7 5 S 13 , "relief" as opposed to 
BXtyiq; cf. diva^u^tq Acts 3 19 . f){jwov refers here not to all Christians 
(De W.), not to the saints in Israel (Bengel, Ewald), but, in view of the 
specific uy.a<; and uuuv and of xal Tu&axsTs, which balances y.eO ^[xtov, to 
Paul and his two associates (Lun. Ell. Lft. Born. Mill. Dob.). In 



1, 6-10 229 

[j.s6 fpwv as in aft-coO? ^a<; (v. 4 ), Schmiedel inclines to see the hand of 
a forger putting Paul in a position of apostolic eminence. On the other 
hand, Dob. remarks on ^xeO TJEJLWV : "these two little words belong to the 
genuine Pauline touches for the sake of which no one, with any feeling 
for the way in which the mind of Paul works, can give up the authen 
ticity of this brief epistle." 

7 b -10. The description of the advent unto judgment begins 



with a temporal phrase, eV ry aTroicaXvtyei KT\. } which is to be 
attached to avraTroSiSdvai, KT\. (v. G ). First, with three prepo 
sitional adjuncts (cf. I 4 16 ), the external features of the revela 
tion are described; then the function of the person revealed is 
indicated, the punishment (SiSoWo? etcSt/crjcriv) of those who 
deserve it; then (v. 9 ), with otWe? resuming rot? fjirj el&ocriv 
KT\. and with Sucrjv Ticrovo-iv resuming &SoWo? eKSt/cyo-iv, the 
character of the punishment is exhibited, eternal separation from 
Christ; and finally, with orav e\6rj (v. 10 ), which is grammatically 
connected with Tiaovcriv, the beginning of the eternal fellowship 
of the saints and all believers with their Lord is suggested, in 
that, because of what they are, honour and admiration are as- 
scribed to Christ. In writing Traaiv rols Trio-revcrao-iv to balance 
rot? ayiois avrov, instead of Tofc TrurTevovariv, Paul passes 
purposely from the general to the specific, having in mind the 
faint-hearted, as the parenthetical clause with on, which refers 
distinctly to the welcome accorded to the gospel demonstrates. 
The eV rfj r}pepa which belongs with the infinitives is suspended 
temporarily by the parenthesis, only to take its place at the end 
with a solemn effectiveness. As in I 4 16 - 17 so here it is Paul him 
self who is responsible for the rhythmical description in which 
only such features are mentioned as serve both to bring out the 
value of the judgment and to inspire hope and assurance in the 
hearts of the faint-hearted. Though the description abounds in 
reminiscences from the Lxx., there is but one approximately exact 
citation ; airo Trpoa-wirov . . . tV^vo? avrov (Is. 2 10 ; cf. orav e\9rj 
2 10 and ev rfj fj/Jiepa etceivy 2 11 ). 

The passage abounds in allusions to or reminiscences of the Lxx., 
but the only exact quotation is in v. 9 , taken from the refrain of Is. 2 10 
which is repeated in 2 13 - ": d^b xpoawxou -rod <p6@ou xupfou xal dxb -rite 
iq foxuos aikou, ckav dvaa-ufj Opauaac T-?)V y^v; cf. ev 



230 2 THESSALONIANS 



2"- 17 . Though the citation is evident, TOU 96^00 is omitted. 
Furthermore in v. 8 there is an apparent allusion to Is. 66 15 : <$ou yap 
xupcog tog xup i]ec xac wq xaTacylq TO: apjj,aTa OCUTOU dxoSouvac ev Gu[juij 
exSixTjacv aurou xal dxoaxopaxiapibv aiiTou ev <pXoyl xupoq. Paul, how 
ever, is composing not copying, as the unique parallelism TO!<; ^-TJ et- 
Boaiv Gebv xal TOC? (xf) uxaxououatv xtX. suggests. At the same time, 
such passages as Jer. io 25 (cf. Ps. 78 6 ) : ex^eov -rbv Ouyiov aou Ixl eOvrj TO: 
ixtj eiBoTa as xal exl yevedg a? Tb ovo^d aou exexaXe aavro and Is. 66 4 : 
811 exdXeaa auTouq xal ou% uxYjxouadv JAOU, IXaXirjaa xal oux ifrouaav 
(cf. Is. 65 12 ) may have been running in his mind. In v. 10 , where ev- 
So^aaOYjvac and OauyiaaOfivat are in parallelism (cf. the description of God 
in Exod. 15"), there seems to be a reminiscence of Ps. 88 8 : 6 Osbg evBo- 
ev @ouXjj dyfwv, [x^ya<; xal ^o^spb? exl xdvrag TOU<; xepcxuxXw 
O, and of Ps. 67 35 (N % ): 0au[j,aaTbg 6 Oebq ev TO!? dytotg ai-uoO; cf. 
also Is. 49 3 and 66 5 : e txafe, dSeXcpol TJ^WV, TO eg ^caouacv 6[j.d<; xal ^BsXua- 
ao[xlvotg, "va Tb ovoyLa xupfou So^aaOfj (cf. v. 12 of our chapter) xal 6967] 
e*v Tfj eu9poauv]Q auTwv, xal exslvot ataxuvOiQaovTat. Other words and 
phrases suggest the influence of non-canonical Jewish literature; c. g. 
(cf. Apoc. Bar. 2Q 3 with the note of Charles), dyyeXwv 
auToO (cf. Test, xii, Jud. 3 10 and Eth. En. 6i 10 "the angels of 
power"), oXe6pog alwvtoq (4 Mac. io 15 (A); cf. Eth. En. 84 5 Ps. Sol. 2" 
(cf. 3 13 ) dxwXeca actovcoq or (Gebhardt) aiwvoq). On the other hand, 
T(veiv S{XTQV, a classic expression, is not found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. 
(Lxx. uses with Shujv either dxocB6vac or dvTaxoBcSovat or IxScxelv); so 
also the construction BcBovai exSt x^at v TCVC (Lxx. has, however, dxoBcBovac 
or dvTaxoStBovat; cf. Num. 3i 3 Sir. 12 32 23 ). The aorist xtaTeuaaatv 
(v. 10 ) instead of the present is due to the situation. It happens that 
"the gospel of our Lord Jesus" like "the gospel of his Son" in Rom. i 9 
is unique in Paul. 

While McGiffert (EB. 5054) throws out the hint that vv. 6 - 10 are a pos 
sible interpolation, Born. (cf. Find. Ivii and Moff. Introd. 80) suggests 
that in vv. 6 - 10a or vv. 7b - 10c Paul is citing or alluding to a Christian hymn. 
It has also been conjectured (cf. Encyc. Brit. 11 XXVI, 841) that in 
vv> rb-io p au i i s adapting to his own purposes a fragment of a Jewish 
apocalypse or a psalm like one of the Psalms of Solomon. The adapta 
tion would consist in the insertion of Iijaou (vv. 7 - 8 ) and of the parenthe 
sis OTC . . . ecp u^d? (v. 10 ); and in the substitution of eiayyeXhp (v. 8 ) 
for, say, Xoyw (cf. 2 Ch. n 4 A), and of xdatv and xtuTeuaaacv (v. 10 ) for, 
say, xtaTeuouatv (Is. 28 16 B). The insertion of Irjaou would occur to 
any Christian; but the change from X6yw to euayyeXcw betrays the 
hand of Paul, for uxaxouecv TW euayysXtw is found elsewhere in N. T. 
only Rom. io 16 (First Peter would have used not uxaxouetv but dxec- 
0ecv); and the change from xtareuouatv to xdatv xtaTeuaaacv is, as the 
inserted clause with cm demonstrates, due to one of the two main pur 
poses of the epistle, the encouragement of the faint-hearted. Attrac- 



tive as the hypothesis is and accounting as it does excellently for the 
position of ev tfi TJ^PC? ex.h% it is unnecessary (cf. Clemen, Paulus, I, 
1 1 9). For Paul himself, it must be remembered, is quite competent in 
the Spirit to produce a rhythmical psalm, apocalypse, or prophecy. The 
description is fragmentary; expected details such as the burning fire, 
the angels of punishment, the torture of the wicked in the fire of hell in 
the presence of the righteous are conspicuously absent. The external 
features of the revelation are few in number and are selected with a view 
to enhancing the dignity of the Judge. The reason why he executes judg 
ment is clearly stated; the sentence is pronounced simply as eternal 
separation from Christ, with no details as to the manner of executing 
the sentence or the nature of the separation. The reward of the righteous, 
the character of the future felicity is not dwelt upon; in fact, the reward 
is only intimated in virtue of what the believers are, Christ receives 
glory and admiration. The concentration upon the essential and the 
sole interest in values which signalise the description point rather to 
the free composition of Paul, influenced by O. T. and later Jewish litera 
ture, as is also the case in I 4 16 - 17 . 

7 b . ev rfj aTTOKa^v-^rei KT\. With this clause, the time of the 



avrairoSovvai, (v. 6 ) is indicated, "at the revelation of the Lord 
Jesus" = "when the Lord Jesus is revealed" (cf. v. 10 orav 
e\6rj). "The advent is here conceived of not as a Parousia (cf. 
I 2 i9 ^is ^23 & T f) Trapovo-la) but as a revelation (so i Cor. i 7 ; 
cf. Lk. ly 30 ) of the Messiah, just as in the first epistle of Peter" 
(Briggs, Messiah of the Apostles, 90 jf.; cf. i Pet. i 7 - 13 ). 

Of the twenty-two instances of dxox.Xu^c<; in the Gk. Bib., thirteen 
are in Paul. In the Lxx. the word is used literally of uncovering (i Reg. 
2o 30 ) and metaphorically of disclosing works or secrets (Sir. n 27 22" 
42 1 ). In Paul, it denotes regularly a prophetic revelation in the Spirit; 
here, however, and in i Cor. i 7 , it is equivalent to xapouct a. Underlying 
this use of axox&Xu^tq may be the idea that the Son of Man is hidden 
before God and that the elect, though they know him in the Spirit, do 
not behold him visibly until he comes to function as Messiah (cf. Eth. 
En. 48 6 62 7 ; also revelabitur of the Messiah in 4 Ezra 13" Apoc. Bar. 
39 7 , etc.; see J. Weiss in Meyer on i Cor. i 7 ). Mill., however, who 
discusses carefully (141-151) dcxoxaXu^tq in connection with exccp&vsta 
(2 8 ) and xotpoucta concludes that extcp^vsta or manifestation is also a 
"revelation of the divine plan and purpose which has run through all 
the ages, to find its consummation at length in the one far-off divine 
event to which the whole creation is slowly moving." On 6 /.upcoc, 
, see I 2 15 ; L reads TOU jwpfou ^wv 1. X. 



232 2 THESSALONIANS 

air ovpavov KT\. With three prepositional phrases (cf. I 4 1G ), 
the revelation is described in reference to the place "from 
heaven," to the attendant retinue "with his angels of power/ 7 
and to the manner "in a fire of flame." (i) The air ovpavov 
seems to imply that the Messiah is hidden in heaven, concealed 
from the sight of men, though he operates in the souls of be 
lievers; hence he must be revealed "from heaven" (cf. Rom. i 18 ), 
namely, by coming down from heaven (I 4 1G ) either toward the 
earth and within the range of human vision, or to the earth. 

(2) The ay<ye\oi, Swdaecos avrov suggests the dyye\os SvvdfjLews 
(Test, xii, Jud. 3 10 ) and "all the angels of power and all the angels 
of principalities" (Eth. En. 6i 10 ); and invites the translation 
"his angels of power" (cf. avrov in Rev. i3 3 Heb. i 3 Col. i 13 ). 

(3) The manner in which the revelation is pictured, ev Trvpl $Xo- 
709, is in keeping with the descriptions of theophanies in the 
O. T., for example, Exod. 3 2 where the dyye\os Kvpiov appears 
ev Trvpl <Xo709 e/c TOV ftdrov and Is. 66 15 tcvpios <w? irvp ij^ei, 
(cf. Ps. 49 3 , etc.). 

Usually ocikou is taken solely with uv&(xe<i><; and the gen. is explained 
as possessive: "which serves to mark that to which the ayyeXoc apper 
tained and of which they were the ministers; exponents and instruments 
of his power" (Ell.). Dob. regards "his power" as a periphrasis for 
"his." Calv. observes: angelos potentiae weal in quibus suam potestatcm 
exseret (cf. Bengel and Schmiedel). Some Gk. fathers (e. g. Theophylact 
and CEcumenius) and some moderns (e. g. Piscator, Flatt, Jowett) in 
terpret with A. V. "his mighty angels." Still others (see Lillie, ad loc.\ 
taking Buvcqjug = "host" (cf. Ps. 32 4 Reg. 2i 5 , etc.), translate "the host 
of his angels" (cf. Pesh.). Hofmann avoids the difficulty but spoils the 
rhythm by joining CE&TOU with BtSovToq. Since the position of aikou 
allows it, it is simpler to take "angels of power" as a class and aikou 
as a gen. poss. governing both ayyeXot and Buvd^edx;. On ayyeXoc, see 
on I 4 16 and Charles s notes on Eth. En. 6i 10 and Slav. En. 20 1 . The 
phrase ev xupl 9Xoy6<; (tfAKLP, etc.) is found also in Sir. 8 10 45 19 (+auTou) 
Exod. 3 2 (B) Ps. Sol. i2 5 Acts 7 30 (ACE); the easier reading Iv cpXoyl 
xup6<; (BDEGF, et al.) occurs also in Is. 66 15 Exod. 3 (AF) Acts 7 3 
(^DB, etal.}] compare the rather frequent <?\b% xupoq (Is. 29 6 Dan. 7 9 Sir. 
21, etc.). The reference is to the glorious brilliancy of the revelation. 
Some commentators however (see Lillie), because of the present con 
nection with judgment, assume that the fire is a burning, purifying fire 
(cf. the xoTa^,6<; -rcupd*; in Dan. 7 10 ) as in i Cor. 3"; and join the EV closely 



I, 7-8 233 

with SiSdvToq, thus specifying the manner or instrument of punishment. 
Still others (c. g. Lft. Dob.) are inclined to make the fire do double ser 
vice. On the idea involved, see Bousset, Relig. 2 320. 

8. BiSdvros exBuctjatv tcr\. The revelation of the Lord Jesus 
is further described by the loosely attached Si&wro? (agreeing 
not with <Xoyo<?, which is feminine, but with rov /cvpiov I-rja-ov) 
as a revelation unto judgment, resuming the thought of v. 6 but 
putting it generally. The objects of the divine justice are de 
fined in a unique parallelism as "those who do not know (that 
is, respect and worship) God and those who do not obey the gos 
pel of our Lord Jesus." Since eOvecnv does not appear in the 
first member (contrast I 4 5 Jer. io 25 Ps. 78 6 ), and since the repe 
tition of the article is not incompatible with synonymous parallel 
ism (cf. Ps. 35 n )> it is not certain, though the usage of Paul makes 
it probable, that the Gentiles are in mind in the first member 
(cf. I 4 3 Gal. 4 8 Rom. i 28 Eph. 2 12 ) and the Jews in the second 
member (cf. especially Rom. io 16 ). Though the statement is 
general, Paul may have had in mind distinctly rot? 0\i/3ovo-iv 
u/za? (v. 6 ) who were both Gentiles, the official persecutors and 
Jews, the instigators of persecution. 

The distinction, assumed above as probable, is made among others 
by Ephr. Grot. Lun. Lillie, Ell. Dob. On the other hand, since eOvsccv 
is omitted and the article repeated in the second member is unob 
jectionable, the parallelism may be synonymous (cf. v. 10 cfcyfocs and 
Tatrreuaaacv), and non-Christians, irrespective of race, may be meant 
(e. g. Calv. Vincent, Mill.) ; in fact, Paul refers to the disobedience of 
the Gentiles (Rom. n 30 ); but does not, as the O. T. (c. g. Jer. 9) does, 
speak of the Jews as not knowing God. Still other interpreters, while 
distinguishing two classes, take the first member as referring to the Gen 
tiles with a distinct allusion to Jer. io 25 , and the second as referring to 
both Jews and Gentiles (e. g. Lft. Schmiedel, Born. Wohl.) .Though 
the first member of the parallelism may have been influenced uncon 
sciously by Jer. io 25 and the second by Is. 66 4 , yet the parallelism as a 
whole is unique and the second member distinctly Pauline; for uic- 
axouscv TW euayye^up is not found in Lxx. Ps. Sol. Test, xii, or Apost. 
Fathers, and is found elsewhere in N. T. only Rom. io lc . The exact 
phrase "the gospel of our Lord Jesus" is, like "the gospel of his Son " 
in Rom. i 9 , unique in the N. T. The substitution of "our Lord Jesus" 
for "Christ" is natural in view of the divine name 6 xuptoq fyjuov Iiqaoijg 
(sec on I 2 10 ) ; ,-uid in Rorn. i 3 " the gospel of his Son " is natural in view 



234 2 THESSALONIANS 

of Rom. i 3 TOU utou auTou. In our passage, fcsAGF add Xpcarou to 
On BcBovac x.otx.rjacv TIVC, cf. Num. 3i 3 Sir. i2 6 (dcxoBcBovat) and Dcut. 
32 43 Sir. 32 23 (dcvTocxoBcBovac); more frequent in Lxx. is xocetv IxSfoojacv 
ev TTCVC (Exod. i2 12 Num. 33^ Ezek. 25", etc.). On ex-Bhujacq (Rom. i2 19 
2 Cor. 7 11 ), see ex.Scx.og I 4. GF insert xa{ before Iv xupf; DGF read 
SiBofis for ScSovToq; Stephanus begins v. 8 with in jlamma ignis , PL 
insert Tdv before 6eov conforming to I 4 5 . uxaxouecv (Rom. 6 12 ff -) is 
common in Lxx. and construed usually with gen., sometimes with dat. 
(2 Ch. ii- (A) Jer. 3"). 



9. omw Sifcrjv KT\. "Men who shall pay the penalty of 
eternal destruction from the presence of the Lord Jesus and from 
the glory of his strength." With omz/e?, designating a class, 
rot? ^TI elSdcriv . . . Irjo-ov (v. 8 ) is resumed; similarly with 
Bl/crjv Ticrovo-iv, the &&JIT09 efcSitcrjo-w (v. 8 ) is resumed. An 
advance over v. 8 is, however, made in that the penalty is an 
nounced as an eternal banishment from Christ. 

o\0pov al&viov. This phrase, in apposition with Bl/C7jv } occurs 
elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. only 4 Mac. io 15 (A); it is equivalent 
(see I 5 3 ) to air&Xeia alamos or al&vos in Ps. Sol. 2 35 (cf. Eth. 
En. 84 5 ). The destruction resulting from the supernatural con 
flict or as here from a forensic judgment involves for Paul not 
the annihilation of the wicked (for they exist after death even 
if they are not raised from the dead) but their separation from 
Christ, as the defining clause with cnrd intimates. In the light 
of alwvios, o\e6po<$ might mean the definitive supernatural act 
belonging to the age to come; but in view of airo KT\. y it must 
rather refer to the destruction whose consequences are age-long, 
that is, to Paul and to the N. T. in general, "eternal" (Mk. 3 29 
Mt. 25 46 ; cf. Dan. i2 2 ). Beyond the statement of the fact of an 
eternal banishment and separation, Paul does not go; he says 
nothing of 7rvp al&mov (Jude 7 Mt. iS 8 25 41 ). 

aTro 7rpocrG)7rov Kvpiov KT\. The banishment from Christ is 
expressed in language drawn from the refrain of Is. 2 10 - 19 - 21 : 

O TTpOGMTTOV TOV (f)Oj3oV TOV KVpLOV KOi CL7TO rf)S 5o f?79 T?}? 

avrov. In citing this passage*, however, Paul omits TOV 
<f)d/3ov } leaving 7rpocra)7rov (see I 2 17 ) to be explained as "face," 
"presence," and airo as a preposition after an implied verb of 
separation. Then in the second member of the virtually synony- 



I, 8-9 235 

mous parallelism, "face" becomes "glory," the halo of majesty 
which lightens the face of the Lord; and "the Lord" becomes 
"his strength," the fons el origo of the glory (tV^uo? being a 
genitive of origin). Thus, with a concentration upon the es 
sential, the 6\tyis of v. 6 is denned as an eternal separation 
from the glorious presence of Christ, this penalty being the 
direct opposite of the reward of the believer (v. 10 ), namely, as 
I 4 17 states that reward, iravTore <rvv /cvpia). 

The classic distinction between oq and oaTtg (found in every letter 
of Paul except I and Phile.) is apparently observed by Paul (Bl. 50 ) ; 
hence quippe qui, "men who" (Ell. Lft. Mill.; also SH. on Rom. i 25 ). 
BI XTJ, a classic word, rare in N. T. (Jude 7 Acts 28 4 ) but common in 
Lxx., means either "justice" (Sap. i 8 ), "suit at law" (Job 29") or "pun 
ishment" (Sap. 18" 2 Mac. 8- 13 4 Mac. 6 28 g 32 ). TC VSCV is found else 
where in Gk. Bib. only Pr. 2o 22 24 22 - 44 27" (tfeiv); the phrase Tfvetv 
Btxiqv is classic, but is not found elsewhere in Gk. Bib.; it is equivalent 
to Tc vecv ftfjtxtev (Pr. 27 12 ), or I^TpioOv (i Cor. 3 15 ); cf. exStxecv SIXTQV 
(Lev. 26 25 Ezek. 25 12 ); dto:o8t86vai or &vTaxoBtB6vac 8bjv (Deut. 32"- 43 ). 
With the phrase oXeGpog acwvcog (see Vincent, ad loc.} is to be com 
pared o>r) aMwog (Rom. 2 7 5 21 6 22 f - Gal. 6 8 ), destruction being the op 
posite of life. The adjective or its equivalent ai&voq is common in the 
Lxx. (e. g. Sir. 15" i7 12 45"; Ps. Sol. 2 35 ); its meaning is to be deter 
mined not from Greek etymology but from the usage of DSi>, that is, long 
duration whether looking forward or backward, to futurity or antiquity 
(BDB.). The exact duration intended depends upon the writer; in Eth. 
En. io u the ^w?j a&woq is five hundred years; in Daniel as in the N. T. 
the age to come is of unlimited duration; hence cdwviog "belonging to 
the age" means to Paul "eternal" and "everlasting." A reads 6XeOptov 
(cf. 3 Reg. 2i 42 Sap. i8 15 ). On the duration of punishment in Jewish 
literature, see Bousset, Relig. z 320, Volz. EscJiat. 286 /., and Kennedy, 
Last Things, 316; on cuo>v, see Dalman, Worte Jesu, I, 120 /. That dcrcd 
is local, as in Gal. 5 4 Rom. g 3 2 Cor. n 3 , is generally admitted (Piscator, 
Riggenbach, Liin. Ell. Lft. Born. Vincent, Mill. Dob. et al.). Gram 
matically possible, however, is (i) the causal sense of arco, frequent in Lxx., 
but infrequent in N. T. (Bl. 4o 3 ), "at the presence of," the thought being 
that the very face of the Lord causes destruction. In this interpreta 
tion, no hint is given that destruction consists in eternal separation. 
"It is sufficient that God comes and is seen and all are involved in pun 
ishment and penalty" (Chrys. apitd Ell.). (2) The dnc6 may indicate 
source, "the eternal destruction which proceeds from the face," etc. 
(cf. Acts 3 19 ; so apparently Grot. Schmiedel, Find. Wohl.). (3) Pos 
sible also grammatically but "pointless in sense" (Find.) is the expla- 



236 2 THESSALONIANS 

nation of <*x6 as temporal, "from the time of the revelation of the Lord" 
(see Lillie for names). Much simpler is it to take dcxo of separation. 
That Paul says not dxo but dxb xpoacoxou (only here in Paul; cf. Acts 
5 41 y 45 Rev. 6 1G i2 14 20 11 ) xupfou is due to the influence of Isa. 2 10 . On 
B6a, see I 2 C ; on ta%6<; (Eph. i 19 6 10 ), rare in N. T. but common in Lxx., 
see especially i Ch. i6 28 Ps. I46 5 . DGF omit TOJ before xupc ou. 
In his references to the destruction of the wicked (vv. Ga - 8 -), Paul re 
frains from details, contenting himself with the fact of eternal separa 
tion. Furthermore, since ev xupl 9X076? describes not the means of 
punishment but the manner of the Christophany, it is probable that 
"his angels of power" are not the angels of punishment (Eth. En. 
62" f -) but the attendant retinue of angels who accord to Christ glory 
and admiration by reason of his saving work manifested in the saints 
and believers who stand before the @Tjyia Xp .aToO (v. 10 ). 

10. orav e\0rj KT\. With this relative conditional sentence 
designating the time of Sucijv ricrovcriv, Paul resumes the point 
of vv. 5 - 7a and indicates the beginning of the future salvation of 
the readers which is eternal fellowship with the Lord. This in 
dication is put in a unique parallelism the language of which be 
trays the influence of the Lxx.: "when he comes (orav e\0y bal 
ancing ev TT} a7TOKa\v"^L TOV fcvpiov v. 7 ) to be glorified in his 
saints (that is, in virtue of what they are; cf. Gal. 2 24 eSdga&v 
ev e/jiol TOV 6eov) and to be admired in all who became believers 
... in that day." Though the parallelism is synonymous, the 
presence in the second member of iraa-iv and of the aorist Tot? 
TTio-Tevaao-iv (instead of the expected present TO? iriaTevovcnv, 
cf. I 2 10 - 13 ) indicates an advance from the general to the 
specific. Included in the number of the saints are particularly 
the faint-hearted Thessalonians who became believers when they 
welcomed the word (I i 6 ff - 2 13 ff -)j "for," as the parenthetical 
clause with on (separating "in that day" from the infinitives 
to which it belongs) explains, "our witness ( = our gospel) which 
was directed to you was believed" (eTria-revOij being suggested 
by 



Both OTOCV and Iv TYJ ^[Jt-lpa (a phrase only here in Paul; cf. Lk. io 12 
i7 31 2 Tim. i 18 4 8 ) seem to have been influenced by Is. 2 loff -; on the 
other hand, the total phrase evSo^aaOrjvat . . . TOC? xcaTsuaaacv, though 
it shows traces of resemblance to Ps. 88 8 67 36 (N) Is. 49 66 5 , is unique. 
The verb evSo^saGac, here and v. " (cf. Is. 66 3 ), like svxauxaaOca (v. 4 ), 



1, 9-10 237 

is unclassic; it is found about thirteen times in the Lxx., usually with 
Iv (cf. Exod. I5 11 SsSo^oca^evoq iv u[juv, 6au[xocaTb<; Iv 86ac?). This Iv 
(which is also frequent with the more common So^saOac) is in the Lxx. 
to be explained either as (i) of place where (Ps. 88 8 Iv&o5o6{*evo<; ev 
ftouXfl ayi cov; Ps. 67 36 (N) Oau^acrubt; Iv -rocg ayc cuc; aitou; cf. i Mac. 
3 4 x); (2) of instrument (Is. 4g 3 (B); cf. 8o$fceo8oK ev Is. 5 16 , etc.); 
or (3) of ground (Is. 45" Sir 38 6 ; cf. 6oa,eaOccc ev Sir. 48*; 6au^a^saOoct 
Iv Is. 6i (B). The ev is not Sei (Sir. io 30 ) or uxo (Sir. 3 20 )). Were Paul 
distinctly quoting Ps. 88 s 67 36 , it would be natural to take ev of place 
where, "among" (Michaelis, Van Ess., and others noted by Lillie; so 
also Dob.), in spite of the fact that the local sense does not fit v. 12 
(ev auTw). This theory, however, does not compel us to assume that the 
persons who accord the glory and admiration are not "his angels of 
power" but Christians. On the other hand, since Paul is not quoting, 
and since his interest is not in the external features of the judgment but 
is in the character of the people (cf. v. 8 ) present, it is more probable that 
Iv is to be understood not of place, or even of instrument (Chrys. Bengel; 
ev = Sea with gen.), but of ground (Grot. Liin. Ell. Lillie, Lft. Schmie- 
del, Born. Find. Wohl. Mill, et al.~); cf. Pelagius: "he himself is to 
be glorified in his members which shall shine with the brightness of the 
sun" (on this Iv, see Gal. i 24 1 Cor. 6 20 ). In virtue of what the saints 
and all believers are (by reason of the death and the indwelling of Christ), 
the attendant angels ascribe glory and admiration to Christ. This view 
of ev is also applicable to the ev of v. 12 . There is no hint that the glory 
which proceeds from the Lord has already entered into the Christians. 
On Oau[j,<5eaOac ev, cf. Sap. 8 11 (Iv of place), Sir. 33 4 (s; Iv of instru 
ment), and Is. 6i 6 (B; Iv of ground). ol aycoc aurou is in synonymous 
parallelism with Tc&vTeg o\ xccruetiaavTeq; both refer to Christians irre 
spective of race. That cm . . . urxa? is parenthetical was noted by Th. 
Mops. Zim. and Wohl. less naturally connect OTC with the preceding 
infinitives, "to be glorified and admired in the fact that our witness," 
etc. Tb [j-apTupcov (see I i 5 ) = -ub e5ayyeXcov (v. 8 ); Tb [xapTupcov -f^wv 
(which is equivalent to -rb eOayylXtov T^WV 2 14 1 i 5 and Tb x-rjpuy^a -f][juov 
i Cor. is 14 ) is the witness, inspired by God (i Cor. 2 1 ) or Christ (i Cor. 
i 6 ), which we preach. It is the witness which (sc. TO) is (not "against" 
you; Lk. g 6 Num. 35 30 A; but) "over" you (i Mac. 2 37 ^apTupec I? 
u^xaq b oupavbg x,al T] yr}). IxtaTeuGvj = "was believed," as laaTeijaaacv 
suggests, the reference being to the welcome given to the gospel at the 
beginning. It is interesting that xcaTeueaOat in this sense is used with 
an impersonal subject elsewhere in the N. T. only Rom. io 10 (contrast 
i Tim. 3 16 ). Lft. joins IxcaTeuOr] with lx( and paraphrases thus: 
"belief in our testimony directed itself to reach you." Hort and Moff. 
accept Markland s conjecture IxccntoGY) (which Cod. 104 reads). Hort 
explains in connection with vv. 4 - 5 that "the Christian testimony had 
been confirmed and sealed upon the Thessalonians." He compares 



238 2 THESSALONIANS 

i Cor. i 6 Ps. o,2 4 - 6 and marouaBac |TC( rtva i Ch. 17" (which is doubt 
ful) and 2 Ch. i 9 . The conjecture, however, is unnecessary. 

11-12. Though the faint-hearted may thus be assured of their 
being deemed worthy of the kingdom, yet (cf. I 5 8 ff -) they must 
be blameless (cf. I 3 13 ) in order to enter into the same. Since 
blamelessness is possible only through the power of God, Paul 
adds a prayer: "to which end (namely, the future salvation im 
plied in v. 10 ; cf, avecriv v. 8 and ek TO KaTa&coOfjvai, v. 5 ), we 
too as well as you pray always that our God may deem you 
worthy (that is, acquit you at the judgment) of the calling (of 
God mediated by the preaching of our witness; cf. 2 14 ) and (that 
the acquittal may follow) bring to completion every resolve after 
goodness and every work inspired by faith in power" (that is, 
of the Spirit). This prayer for moral perfection is to the eventual 
end "that (OTTO)?) the name of our Lord Jesus may be glorified in 
you (that is, as in v. 10 , in virtue of what you are) and you may 
be glorified in it" (that is, in virtue of what his name accom 
plishes). And this blessed consummation is " in accordance with 
the divine favour of our God and the Lord Jesus Christ." 

11. e& o /cal irpoaev^ofjieda KT\. Though e& o is loosely at 
tached to the preceding and refers to the idea of salvation im 
plied in v. 10 , it is yet tempting (with Lft.) to connect it directly 
with efe TO Kara^ia>drjv(u (v. 5 ), the controlling idea of vv. 5 ~ 12 
being that the faint-hearted may be assured of their being deemed 
worthy of the kingdom. In this case, e& o denotes purpose "to 
which end," and is resumed by f iva (likewise telic) agiowy (cf. 
aiov v. 3 ). The /cat before Trpoaevx^da is interesting. In the 
letter from Thessalonica to Paul it appeared that the faint 
hearted, though anxious about their salvation, were neverthe 
less praying constantly that God would equip them with the 
Spirit whose presence guaranteed a blameless life and the ac 
quittal at the last day. This prayer Paul reciprocates, "we too 
as well as you pray" (teat as in I 2 13 ; cf. Col. i 9 ). 

That elq o indicates purpose is recognised by De W. Riggenbach, 
Lillie, Lft. Born. Vincent, Find. Mill, and others. The objection that 
it is logically impossible (e. g. Liin. Dob.) overlooks Paul s recogni 
tion of the facts of religious experience and his interest in righteousness 



I, 11-12 239 

as essential unto future salvation (cf. I 3" 5 8 - 9 ). To be sure salvation 
is assured to those who are in Christ, but the test of being in Christ is 
ethical. Those who deny the telic force of elq o take it of reference 
(Liin. Ell. Schmiedel, Dob. et a/.). On eiq TOUTO Yva, cf. Rom i4 9 
2 Cor. 2; on Yva . . . dq o xac, cf. Col. i 28 f -; on slq o, see further 
2 14 Phil. 3 16 . Bacon sees the force of x,oct but interprets differently: 
"it is clear that they had assured him of their prayers in his behalf, as 
requested I 5 25 " (Introd. 72). Others see in xocf the intimation of a cor 
respondence between prayer on the one hand and on the other hope 
(Ell.), witness (Find.), or thanksgiving (Riggenbach, Wohl. Dob. Moff.). 
Influenced by I 5 25 D inserts a second xcu before xepl UJJLWV. On xav- 
TOTE, see I i 2 ; on xpoasux c 6at rape, see I 5 25 . For the prayer at this 
point, cf. Phil. i 9 Col. i 9 . 



xTT} KT\. Since iva resumes et? o, it is to be taken 
not epexegetically as introducing the content of the prayer, but 
finally, "to which end, namely, that." The v/jids, emphatically 
placed, resumes the specific upas of w. 10 - 6 . "The calling" 
(i Cor. 7 20 Eph. 4 1 ) is, in view of "our God," to be interpreted 
not as "your calling" (i Cor. i 26 Eph. 4 4 ) but as "God s calling" 
(Rom. ii 29 Phil. 3 14 ; cf. Vulg. wcatione sua), the reference being 
to God s act of calling in the past (I 2 12 4 7 5 24 ) mediated through 
the preaching of the gospel (2 14 ), i. e. "our witness to you" 
(v. 10 ). o 0eo? TIP&V, a characteristic phrase in our letters (see 
I 2 2 ), intimates that just as there is a common suffering of Paul 
and his readers (ical Trao-^ere v. 5 ), and a common relief (>e0 
vfi&v v. 7 ), so also there is a common fellowship in God, the ulti 
mate source of salvation. 

Many interpreters find difficulty in referring xXijcfi<; to the past, on the 
ground, apparently, that the historical call of God of itself involves future 
salvation. Paul, however, while practically certain that all believers will 
be acquitted at the ^fpoc XpiaToG because of the presence in them of 
Christ or the Spirit as the power unto righteousness, reckons with the 
possibility that believers may fall out of the realm of grace and disre 
gard the promptings of the Spirit (cf. I 3 13 s 8 ff - Gal. 5* 2 Cor. 6 1 , and the 
implications of Phil. 2 12 ). To avoid the supposed difficulty, xXtjcts, 
contrary to Paul s usage, is understood of the future glory and blessed 
ness (Th. Mops, ut dignos ws bonorum illorum exhibeat deus, in quorum 
ct wcati estis fruitionem; cf. Calv. Riggenbach, Ell. Lft. Mill, et al.) 
either on the analogy of Phil. 3", of sXxfe in Col. i 5 , or of the Synoptic 
"invitation" to the Messianic Supper (Mt. 22 - *; cf. Chrys. Schmiedel, 



240 2 THESSALONIANS 

Wohl. et a/.). Others, contrary to usage, take dcc6d> to mean "to make 
worthy" (Grot. Flatt, Dob. et al.}. Better Pelagius: "that ye may be 
found worthy of that to which you have been called" (cf. Ephr. Born. 
Find, ct /.). G reads tyq xX-rjuewq u[j.o>v; KL 6 6sbq U^JLWV. Outside of 
Paul, xXiiatq occurs infrequently in the Gk. Bib. (2 Tim. i 9 Heb. 3* 
2 Pet. i 10 Judith i2 10 (A) Jer. 38 6 3 Mac. 5 14 ). 

/col 7r\7]pct)crrj KT\. Since a%i&crr) means not "make worthy" 
but "deem worthy," 7r\rjpa)(7rj is not synonymous with a^iaxrTj 
but rather, as Lillie remarks, "regards the process by which 
alone the object of the Apostle s heart could be secured. Whom 
he counts worthy, he first makes worthy." In order that God 
may acquit the believers at the judgment, he must by the power 
of the Spirit perfect in them every resolve after goodness and 
every work that faith inspires. 

iraeav evboiciav ayaOcoavvr)?. The first of the parallel objects 
of 7r\7]pa)(Tr} touches the inner purpose, "every resolve (not de 
sire/ as if with Cod. 17 emOviiCav were read) that they have 
after goodness" (the genitive is objective). The phrase evboKia 
does not appear elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. In ev- 
as in evSo/celv (I 2 8 ), the prominent thought is that of 
"will," "resolve," "consent." "Goodness" (ajaOcoo-vvrj , else 
where in N. T. only Gal. 5 22 Rom. i5 14 Eph. 5 9 ) is a fruit of the 
Spirit (Gal. 5 22 ) akin to %/)?; error???; over against KCLKIOL it de 
notes singleness of heart (Sap. i 1 ; cf. Col. 3 22 Eph. 6 5 ). 

Kal epyov TricrTecos. "And every (sc. Trav) work of faith." 
This second of the parallel objects of 7r\rjpa)(Trj refers to the ac 
tivity inspired by faith, that is, not specifically endurance in per 
secution (Chrys.), but generally, as the omission of the articles 
(in keeping with evSo/ciav ayaOcoavvr)?) suggests, love (cf. I i 3 ). 
Paul prays that God may perfect not only the resolve but the 
accomplishment of the same. 

ev Svvdfjiei. "In power," that is, in the power of God (Ephr.). 
The phrase, which is to be construed with 7r\rjpd)o-p, puts the 
stress on the energy exercised by the divine (Rom. i 4 Col. i 29 ). 
The Svva/JLK Oeov is Christ (i Cor. i 24 ) or the Spirit (I i 5 ) with 
out whose aid the resolve after goodness and the attainment of 
love would be impossible. 



I, 11-12 241 



iQ is quite frequent in Koheleth; cf. also Nell, g 25 - 35 ; 
apart from Lk. 2 14 io 21 Mt. n 28 , is employed in N. T. only by Paul (of 
God Phil. 2 13 Eph. i- 9 ; cf. Sir. 32 5 41*; of men Rom. io 1 Phil, i 15 ); 
on its meaning, see SH. or Zahn on Rom. io 1 , also Kennedy, Sources, 
131. Since euSoxta need not refer to God s good will, "goodness which 
is his good pleasure" (Grot.), "his good pleasure proceeding from his 
goodness" (Calv.), or "his good pleasure in the goodness of men" 
(Dob.), it is unnecessary, especially in a context in which moral excel 
lence is in mind, to take epyov icfereox; = "work which is faith" (gen. of 
apposition), that is, God s work of faith (Calv. Dob.). In fact most 
commentators rightly refer both euBcm a and epyov to the Thessalo- 
nians (De W. Liin. Ell. Lillie, Lft. Mill, and especially Schmiedel and 
Wohl. who note the progress from will (euSoxta) to deed (spyov)). 

12. 07T&>? ev&o^acrOr) KT\. The clause with OTTW? (dependent 
on iva v. n ) states the ultimate purpose of the prayer in lan 
guage reminiscent of Is. 66 5 , and similar to but more specific 
than (not eV rofc ayiots avrov but eV vjuv) that of v. 10 : "that 
the name of our Lord Jesus may be glorified in you," that is, in 
virtue of (eV of ground as in v. 10 ) what you are at the last day, 
blameless in holiness. Following the usage of the O. T., ova^a 
signifies what is involved in the Christian estimate of Jesus, 
namely, his Lordship and Messiahship (tcvpios and X/MOTO ?, 
Acts 2 36 Phil. 2 9 ff -)- Here, however (contrast Phil. 2 11 1 Cor. i 2 - 10 
6 11 Eph. 5 20 ), only the Lordship is mentioned (AGP, et al., add 
X/owroO); the name is not simply Jesus, but "our Lord Jesus" 
(i Cor. 5 4 ; cf. Col. 3 17 ). The idea underlying the clause with 
OTTO)? seems to be that at the last judgment, at the beginning 
of the eternal fellowship with Christ, the name "our Lord Jesus" 
is named with loud acclaims (perhaps by the attendant angelic 
hosts), in virtue of the goodness and love of the Thessalonians 
perfected by God through the Spirit. What was in God s pur 
pose, "that they be deemed worthy of the kingdom of God" 
(v. 5 ), will then be realised. 

KOI vfjiels ev avTw. Advancing beyond v. 10 , Paul here states 
explicitly that the relation in glory between the Lord Jesus and 
his servants is reciprocal; they too are accorded honour and 
glory in virtue of what the name of our Lord Jesus has done for 
them: "and that you may be glorified in (eV of ground) it," 
that is, the name. 
16 



242 2 THESSALONIANS 

Kara rrjv j^dpiv KT\. The glorification for which prayer is 
made is in accordance with the divine favour (I i 1 ) of "our God" 
(v. n ) and the Lord Jesus Christ, just as it is with the purpose of 
God (v. 5 ). The statement is put positively; a contrast with 
human effort is not here indicated (contrast with Lft. Rom. 4 16 
ii 5 f - Eph. 2 5 - 8 ). 

In view of v. 10 and of oxox; after Yva, it is all but certain that the ref 
erence here is not to the present (Dob.) but to the future glorification 
(so most). In Paul, oxto? is much less frequent than Yva; for the se 
quence here, cf. i Cor. i" ff - 2 Cor. S 13 f -. On Svo^a, cf. Ps. 85 9 - 12 
Is. 24 ls 42 1 Mal. i"Dan.3 M ,andseeDeiss.55.3S/. ^fi^NES. 24 jf., 
and TLZ. 1904, 199 ff. The parallelism makes probable that auT<p re 
fers to ovo^a (Hofmann, Liin. Schmiedel, Wohl. Dob.); the meaning 
would be the same were the reference to "our Lord Jesus." Neither 
here nor in v. 10 is there a clear hint of 6a entering into the believer. 
GF omit xccl u^elg . . . Xpta-rou. In the salutations dcxb 0soO xaTpbs 
(fyjjuov) xal xupc ou Irjaou Xpcairou, the article is omitted as the formulas 
are fixed. The presence of TOU here before OeoD has led some scholars 
to think that one person alone is meant, "Jesus Christ, our God and 
Lord." Hofmann, Riggenbach, and Wohl. find the justification for 
Christ as God in Rom. g 5 (cf. Tit. 2 13 Jn. 2o 28 2^Pet. i 1 - "); Dob. would 
delete xal xupi ou I. X. as a gloss; Hilgenfeld sees in the phrase an evi 
dence of the spuriousness of II. Inasmuch, however, as 6 Oeb? TJEJUOV (not 
Gebg TJ^JLCOV) is characteristic of our letters (see I 2 2 ), and xupco<; Lrjaous 
Xptatog, without the article, is a fixed formula, it is probable that we 
should, with most interpreters, distinguish between "our God" and "the 
Lord Jesus Christ." K omits TOU; the Latins naturally do not help. 



III. EXHORTATION (2 1 - 12 ). 

The discouragement of those converts who feared that they 
were not morally prepared for the day of judgment (i 3 - 12 ) was 
intensified by the assertion of some, perhaps the idle brethren, 
supported, it was alleged, by the authority of Paul, that the day 
of the Lord was actually present. Paul, who receives news of 
the situation orally or by letter, together with a request for infor 
mation about the Parousia and Assembling, is at a loss to under 
stand how anything he had said in the Spirit, orally, or in his 
previous epistle, could be misconstrued to imply that he was re 
sponsible for the misleading assertion, "the day of the Lord is 



I, 12 II, I/. 243 

present." Believing, however, that the statement has been inno 
cently attributed to him, and feeling sure that a passing allusion 
to his original oral instruction concerning times and seasons will 
make plain the absurdity of the assertion, and at the same time 
quiet the agitation of the faint-hearted, he answers the request 
in words not of warning but of encouragement (cf. also vv. 13 f -). 
"Do not be discouraged," he says in effect, "for the day of the 
Lord, though not far distant, will not be actually present until 
first of all the Anomos comes; and again be not discouraged, for 
the advent of the Anomos is intended not for you believers, but 
solely for the unbelievers, and destruction sudden and definitive 
is in store both for him and for them." 

The exhortation falls roughly into four parts (i) the object of the ex 
hortation (vv. J - 2 ) ; (2) the reason why the day of the Lord is not present 
(vv. 3 - 8 a ) ; (3) the triumph of the good over the evil in the destruction of 
the Anomos (v. 8b - c ); and (4) the spiritual significance of the Parousia 
of the Anomos (vv. 9 - 12 ). There is no formal counterpart in I either of the 
exhortation or of the preceding prayer (i 11 - 12 ) ; furthermore the material 
of 2 1 - 12 like that of i 5 - 12 is, compared with I, almost wholly new. 

l Now brothers, in reference to the coming of our Lord Jesus 
Christ and our gathering together to meet him, we ask you 2 not to be 
readily unsettled in your mind or to be nervously wrought up by the 
statement made by Spirit, orally, or by letter, as if we had made it, 
that the day of the Lord is present. 

z Let no one deceive you in any way whatever: for (the day of the 
Lord will not be present} unless first of all there comes the apostasy 
and there be revealed the man of lawlessness, the son of perdition, 
Hhe one who opposes and exalts himself against every one called God 
or an object of worship so that he sits (or, attempts to sit} in the 
temple of God and proclaims (or, attempts to proclaim) that he him 
self is really God. b You remember, do you not, that when 7 was yet 
with you, 7 used to tell you these things? 6 And as to the present 
time, you know the spirit or power that detains him (or, is holding 
sway}, in order that he (the lawless one} may be revealed in his ap 
pointed time. 7 For, the secret of lawlessness has already been set in 
operation; only (the apostasy will not come and the Anomos will 
not be revealed} until the person who now detains him (or, is now 



244 2 THESSALONIANS 

holding sway) is put out of the way. *And then will be revealed 
the Anomos whom the Lord Jesus will slay with the breath of his 
mouth and will destroy with the manifestation of his coming. 

g Whose coming, according to the energy of Satan, attended by all 
power and signs and wonders inspired by falsehood lo and by all 
deceit inspired by unrighteousness, is for those destined to destruc 
tion; doomed because they had not welcomed the love for the truth 
unto their salvation. n And so for this reason, it is God that sends 
them an energy of delusion that they may believe the falsehood; 
l Hhat (finally) all may be judged who have not believed the truth 
but have consented to that unrighteousness. 

1-2. First stating the theme as given him in their letter, "con 
cerning the advent and the assembling to meet him" (v. x ), Paul 
exhorts the readers not to let their minds become easily unsettled, 
and not to be nervously wrought up by the assertion, however 
conveyed and by whatever means attributed to him, that the 
day of the Lord is actually present (v. 2 ). 

1. epcorwfjiev e vfjids aeAxot . In this phrase (which = I 5 12 ), 
&e marks a transition from the thanksgiving and prayer (i 3 - 12 ) 
to a new epistolary section, the exhortation (w. 1 ~ 12 ). But the 
same people are chiefly in mind here as in i 3 - 12 , the faint-hearted, 
though the converts as a whole are addressed, and that too affec 
tionately, "brothers" (i 3 ). 

vjrep rijs Trapovcrias KT\. The prepositional phrase, introduced 
by vTrep = vrepC (see i 4 and I 3 2 5 10 ), announces the two closely 
related subjects (note the single TT}?) about which the readers of 
I had solicited information, "the coming of our (B and Syr. omit 
fip&v) Lord Jesus" and "our assembling unto him." The ad 
dition of eV avrov intimates that not only the well-known 
muster (eTrwrwa/yoxy?/) of the saints (cf. Mk. 13" = Mt. 24 31 ) 
that precedes the rapture (1 4 17 ) is meant, but also the sequel of 
the rapture (<rvv /cvpiw elvcu, I 4 17 ). 

Since epoyu&o is rare in Paul (see on I 4 1 ), it is not strange that iput&i) 
uxp is unique in Paul; he uses, however, xapaxocXetv 6xep (see on I 3 2 ) 
as well as xapaxaXoujjisv Be u[xa? <BsX<po (I 4 10 5"; cf. Rom. i5 30 i6 17 

1 Cor. i 10 i6 15 ); cf. further ofi 6^Xo[xev dyvoeiv xsp{ (I 4" i Cor. I2 1 , and 

2 Cor. i 8 (SAC, et al) where BKL have uxsp). On the exact phrase 



II, 1-2 245 

f) xapoucta x/rX., cf. 1 5 23 * lirtauvaytdY^ (elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only 2 Mac. 
2 7 JHeb. io 25 ; cf. Deiss. Light, loijf.) refers to the constant hope of the 
Jews that their scattered brethren would be gathered together in Pales 
tine (Is. 27" Sir. 36 13 2 Mac. 2 18 ; cf. the Ixtauvayecv under the leadership 
of the Messiah in Ps. Sol. i7 2S - 50 ), a hope which passed over, with some 
changes, into Christian apocalyptic; see for details Schiirer, II, 626 jj.; 
Bousset, Relig. 2 271^.; and Volz. Eschat. 309^. Swete (on Mk. 13") 
observes that excauvocytoYTJ in Heb. io 25 " is suggestively used for the 
ordinary gatherings of the church, which are anticipations of the great 
assembling at the Lord s return." On Ixc for xp6g, here due to the sub 
stantive, cf. Gal. 4 9 and especially Hab. 2 5 (B; AQ have 



2. et? TO i^rj Tcr^e a>5 /cr\. The object (cfe TO prf) of e 
is specified by two infinitives, one aorist crakevOrivcu which looks 
at the action without reference to its progress or completion; 
the other present, OpoelaOai which defines the action as going 
on; hence, "we urge you not to be easily unsettled and not to be 
in a constant state of nervous excitement." The phrase cra\ev6ri- 
vai aTrb rov vofa, which is not found elsewhere in the Gk. Bib., 
suggests that the readers were driven from their sober sense like 
a ship from its moorings. The word vovs, frequent in Paul (cf. 
Rom. i4 5 ), means here not "opinion" (Grot.) but, as elsewhere 
in the N. T., "mind," the particular reference being not so much 
to the organ of thought as to the state of reasonableness, " their 
ordinary, sober, and normal state of mind" (Ell). Thus driven 
from their mind, they fell into a state of alarm, agitation, ner 
vous excitement which, as the present tense (OpoeiaOai) shows, 
was continuous. 



On the analogy of xapcaocXscv elq c6 (I 2 12 ) or -cb ^ (I 3") and 
elq 1:6 (I 3 10 ) or Tb [ATJ (2 Cor. io 2 ), pamo[Av etq Tb ^ is natural, and 
that too as an object clause (BMT. 412). Parallel to this negative 
exhortation is the independent negative prohibition [J.TJ re? xxX. (v. 3 ). 
Wohl., however, takes etg -ub [AYJ as final and finds the content of the 
exhortation in [vfj cts /.rX. a construction which is smoother and less 
Pauline. aaXeustv, only here in Paul but common elsewhere in Gk. Bib., 
is used literally "of the motion produced by winds, storms, waves," etc. 
(Thayer; cf. Ps. i7 8 and aaXo? Lk. 2i 25 ), and figuratively of disturbance 
in general (Ps. g- 7 12 5 ; cf. especially Acts 17" of the Jews in Bercea). It 
is sometimes parallel to (Job 9 Nah. i 6 Hab. 2 16 ) or a variant of (Is. 33 20 
i Mac. Q 13 ) aefetv; and it is construed with dtx6 in the sense of "at" 
(Ps. 328), "by" (i Mac. Q 13 (A) Ps. Sol. 156), or as here "from" (cf. i ); 



246 2 THESSALONIANS 

Vulg. has a vestro sensu (cf. 4 Reg. 21 8 = 2 Ch. 338 Dan. (Th.) 4"). DE 
add u[xwv after vouq; cf. i Cor. i4 14 . QpoecaOac, indicating a state of 
alarm (cf. OpoOq Sap. i 10 i Mac. Q 39 ), occurs elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only 
Cant. 5 4 , and Mk. 13" = Mt. 24 6 , an apocalyptic word of the Lord which, 
so some surmise (Wohl. Mill. Dob.), Paul has here in mind. On Gpoela- 
6at, see Kennedy, Sources, 126, and Wrede, 48 /. On (r/j . . . rf, cf. 
Rom. 14"; EKLP, et al., have [irJTe due probably to the following se 
quence where D has {i/ijSI, [rrjBe, JJL^TS, and F ^Bff, idjre (corrected to 
[x-rjSs), pnjSI. Though ^TQTTS is common in Gk. Bib. (3 Reg. 3 26 Hos. 4*, 
etc.), it occurs only here in Paul; see Bl. 77 10 - 

Bia TTvevjjLdTos KT\. The instrument or means (Bid not VTTO) 
by which the <ja\zv9r\vai and OpoelcrOai are effected is specified 
in three parallel clauses standing together in negative correlation 
(the triple /-wyre being due to A^e), Bia Trvev paras ^ SLOL \oyov 
and BL eVtcrToX^?. In the light of I j 19 , Trvev/jia (anarthrous as 
often in Paul) refers clearly to the operation of the Spirit in the 
charisma of prophecy; Xcfyos, in the light of eTTtoroXi)?, means 
probably an oral as contrasted with an epistolary utterance (v. 15 
Acts i5 27 ) ; and errwroX^ is probably an allusion not to a forged 
or an anonymous letter, but to I. 

Chrys. apparently understands xveuyia either of the spirit of prophecy 
or of false prophets who deceive by persuasive words (Sea X6you; cf. 
Ephr.) . X6 foq is sometimes understood of the " reckoning " of times and 
seasons, or of a real or falsified Xoyoc; xupfou (see Liin.); but it is usually 
explained as an oral utterance inspired (= BcBax^ i Cor. I4 6 - 26 ; cf. 
Xoyog aotpc ag and yvwcsox; i Cor. I2 8 ) or uninspired. 



a)? ^t* r]fiMv. "As if said by us." Since this clause is separated 
from the construction with the triple MTe, it is not to be con 
strued with the infinitives (ratevBrjvai and Opoeiadai^ and since 
the three preceding phrases with Bid are closely united in negative 
correlation, w? Bi rj/jL&v is to be connected not with eVjoToX?}? 
alone, not with both eTuoroX?}? and Xefyou, but with all three 
prepositional phrases. The reference is thus not to the unsettle- 
ment and agitation as such, and not to the instruments of the 
same, but to the unsettling and agitating cause conveyed by 
these instruments, the statement, namely, "that the day of the 
Lord is present." While it is possible that some of the converts, 
perhaps the idle brethren, had themselves said in the Spirit, or 



n, 2 247 

in an address, that the day had actually dawned, and had sup 
ported their assertion by a reference to an anonymous letter at 
tributed innocently to Paul, it is probable, in view of the unity 
of the negative correlation with the triple MTC, that an actual 
utterance of Paul in the Spirit, or in an address, or in his first 
epistle (cf. Jerome, Hammond, Kern and Dob.) had been mis 
construed to imply that Paul himself had said that "the day of 
the Lord is present," thus creating the unsettlement and ner 
vous excitement. 

That the three instruments specified do not exhaust the number of 
actual instruments about which Paul was informed, or of possible in 
struments which he thinks may have been employed, is a natural in 
ference from v. 3 : "let no one deceive you in any way," the ways men 
tioned or other possible ways. In writing wq Si TJ^WV, Paul does not deny 
that he has used such instruments, or that he has expressed himself in 
reference to times and seasons; he disclaims simply all responsibility 
for the statement: " the day of the Lord is present." The context alone 
determines whether or not wg (i Cor. 4 18 7" g 2 Cor. 5 20 , etc.) indicates 
an erroneous opinion. 

That o>q 8c f -rjjAtov is to^be joined with all three substantives is regarded 
as probable by Erasmus, Barnes, Lft. Mill. Dob. Harnack, Dibelius, 
ct al. (i) Many scholars, however (from Tertullian to Moff.), restrict 
the phrase to IxcaToX^?, and interpret it as meaning ox; Sc TjpuSv Yypa[A- 
[jLsvTQi; (Thayer, 681), or &<; rj^oiv yeypapdircov afi-cTJv (Bl. 74 6 ; P reads 
jtap T][JUOV). According to this construction, some of the converts either 
(a) ev xvsu^cm (or ex falsis msionibus quas ostendunt vobis, Ephr.), 
or (Z>) in an oral address (Chrys.; cf. Ephr. ex commentitiis sophis- 
mati verbis quae dicunt vobis) or in the charisma of ScSa^-rj, or (c) in a 
forged letter (Chrys. Theodoret, Ell. and many others; cf. Ephr. per 
falsas epistolas minime a nobis scriptas tamquam per nos missas) asserted 
that the day is present. But while some of the converts might inno 
cently make such an assertion in the Spirit or in an address, inspired or 
not, they could not innocently forge a letter. And if they had done so, 
Paul would scarcely have written as he now writes. Hence, many com 
mentators content themselves with the supposition that an anonymous 
letter had been attributed, innocently or wilfully, to Paul; or that Paul 
suspected that a letter had been forged. (2) Still other scholars (Theo 
doret, Grot. De W. Liin. Lillie, Ell. Schmiedel, Vincent, et al.), in 
fluenced doubtless by v. 15 , join ux Si* YJ^GJV with both Xdyou and IxcaToXijq. 
According to this view, rcveupia is understood of an utterance of some 
of the converts in the Spirit, Xoyo? of a pretended oral word of Paul, and 
of an anonymous or a forged letter. (3) A more recent theory 



248 2 THESSALONIANS 

(Dods, Askwith in his Introd. to Thcss. Epistles, 1902, 92 jf., and Wohl.) 
connects w? Be YJ^WV closely with the infinitives, and explains that Paul 
is here disclaiming not the Spirit, or word, or letter, but simply the " re 
sponsibility for the disturbance which has arisen"; and that &<; Be T}[JLWV 
means "as if such disturbance came through us." This attractive sug 
gestion seems to overlook the evident detachment of wq 81* Tpoiv from 
the negative correlation with the triple [ATQTS (cf. Dibelius). 

&>? cm evea-TrjKv KT\. The actual statement of some of the 
converts, based on a misconstruction of Paul s utterance by 
Spirit, by word, or by his first epistle, is now given: "that the 
day of the Lord is present." That this statement is not a word 
of Paul has already been indicated by &? & fjfjL&v. The second 
&? may be separated from on, in which case the judgment of 
the first &>5 is reiterated, "as if we said that"; or ws on may be 
equivalent to a simple cm "that," in which case the utterance 
is quoted without further qualification: "to wit that the day of 
the Lord is present" (cf. 2 Cor. 5 19 ). evearrrjfcev means not "is 
coming" (epxerai I 52), not "is at hand" (tfyyifcev Rom. i3 12 ), 
not "is near" (eyyik Itrriv Phil. 4 5 ), but "has come," "is on 
hand," " is present." The period indicated by fjpepa has dawned 
and the Lord is expected from heaven at any moment. Paul of 
course had not expressed any such opinion; and it is with a trace 
of impatience that, after noting what first must come, he asks: 
"Do you not remember," etc. (v. 5 ). It is this misleading asser 
tion that accounts both for the increased discouragement of the 
faint-hearted to encourage whom Paul writes i 3 -2 17 , and for 
the increased meddlesomeness of the idle brethren to warn 
whom Paul writes 3 1 - 18 . 

co? cm occurs elsewhere in Gk. Bib. 2 Cor. 5 19 n 21 2 Reg. i8 18 (A; B 
omits &<;) Esther 4" (B; A omits <5>g); for other examples, mostly late 
(since recent editors no longer read ox; cm in Xen. Hcllen. Ill, 2 14 ; Dion 
Hal. Antiq. g 14 ; Josephus, Apion, I, 58), see Wetstein on 2 Cor. 5 19 n 21 . 
In late Gk. &<; cm = cm = "that" (Sophocles, Lex. sub we.}. Moulton 
(I, 212), however, urges that this usage appears "in the vernacular at a 
rather late stage" and so takes wq OTI = quasi with most interpreters. 
But while the sense "as if," "on the ground that" would fit most of the 
instances in Gk. Bib., it does not fit 2 Cor. 5 19 . Since wq cm cannot 
mean "because," and since the reading cm (Baljon, Schmiedel) for 
&<; OTC in 2 Cor. 5 19 is pure conjecture, there remains only the sense "to 



II, 2-8 249 

wit that" (so Dob. here, and Bernard, EGT. on 2 Cor. 5" n 21 ). evt- 
OTTJIU is used in N. T., apart from 2 Tim. 3 1 Heb. 9, only by Paul; in 
Rom. 8 38 i Cor. 3 22 , eveaTwg is contrasted with [x^XXwv. "The verb 
is very common in the papyri and inscriptions with reference to the 
current year" (Mill.; cf. Esther 3" TOU evsarwroq GTOUC). Lillie cites 
Josephus, Ant. XVI, 6 2 06 [x6vov Iv T(p IvsaTam xatpw dcXXa xal ev Tqj 
jcpoysyeviq^E vo) "where the former reference equally with the latter ex 
cludes all idea of future time." That IvdaTiqxev = "is present" is recog 
nised by many commentators (e. g. CEcumenius, Kern (jetz eben wr- 
handen), Riggenbach, Alford, Ell. Lillie, Find. Wohl. Mill.). Many 
other interpreters, however, perhaps "from the supposed necessity of the 
case rather than from any grammatical compulsion" (Lillie), are in 
clined to explain "is present" to mean "is at hand." Grot, notes that 
it is "common to announce as present what is obviously just at hand" 
and interprets, nempe hoc anno; Bengel defines by propinquitas; Schmie- 
del and Dob., on the assumption that the Thess. could not have meant 
"is present," understand evIaT-rjxev of the future which is almost pres 
ent. Against all [ such restrictions, 1 ^ see Lillie s exhaustive note in de 
fence of the translation "is present." On fj rjjjiepa TOU xupfou (i Cor. 
5 5 ), see I 5 2 ; D omits T) and GFP omit TOU; K, et aL, read XpcaTou for 
xupi ou. 

3-8 a . Allow no one, Paul continues, to delude you into such a 
belief whatever means may be employed (v. 3a ). Then, choosing 
to treat the question given him (v. *) solely with reference to the 
assertion (v. 2 ), and having in mind the discouragement of the 
faint-hearted, he selects from the whole of his previous oral teach 
ing concerning times and seasons only such elements as serve to 
prove that the assertion (v. 2 ) is mistaken, and proceeds to remind 
them that the day of the Lord will not be present until first of all 
the apostasy comes and a definite and well-known figure, vari 
ously described as the man of lawlessness, the son of destruction, 
etc., is revealed, allusions merely with which the readers are 
quite familiar, so familiar, indeed, that the Apostle can cut short 
the characterisation (v. 4 ), and appeal, with perhaps a trace of 
impatience at their forgetfulness, to the memory of the readers 
to complete the picture (v. 5 ). Then, turning from the future to 
the present, he explains why the apostasy and the revelation of 
the Anomos are delayed, and so why the day of the Lord is not 
yet present. To be sure, he intimates, the day of the Lord is not 
far distant, for there has already been set in operation the secret 



250 2 THESSALONIANS 

of lawlessness which is preparing the way for the apostasy and 
the concomitant revelation of the Anomos; but that day will 
not actually be present until the supernatural spirit which de 
tains the Anomos (or, which is holding sway) for the very pur 
pose that the Anomos may be revealed only at the time set him 
by God, or the supernatural person who is now detaining the 
Anomos (or, who is now holding sway), is put out of the way 
(vv. 6 - 7 ). And then there will be revealed the lawless one (v. 8a ). 
3. on eav pr) e\0rj. The on introduces the reason why the 
readers should not be alarmed or excited (v. 2 ), or, more directly, 
why they should not allow themselves to be deceived about the 
time of the day of the Lord in any way whatever, the ways men 
tioned in v. 2 or in any other way; and at the same time it starts 
the discussion of the theme (v. *) " concerning the advent and the 
assembling unto him." However, in the treatment of the theme, 
only such points are brought to the memory of the readers as 
make clear (i) that the Parousia will not be present until first 
of all there comes the apostasy and there be revealed the Anomos 
(vv. 3 - 4 ) ; (2) why the day of the Lord is not yet present (vv. 5 ~ 8 ) ; 
and (3) what the significance is of the advent of the Anomos, 
points selected with a view to the encouragement of the faint 
hearted. The clause with on remains unfinished; from v. 2 we 
may supply after on "the day of the Lord will not be present" 
(77 Tjfjiepa TOV Kvpiou OVK 



On the rare prohibitory subj. in the third person (i Cor. 16"), see 
BMT. 1 66; in view of i Cor. i6 n 2 Cor. u 16 , it is unnecessary to con 
strue pi) Tt? with Ipoyrw^ev, and to take elq Tb [XYJ (v. 2 ) as indicating 
purpose. The clause with ^JLTQ TC<; is quite independent; it is not prob 
ably parenthetical, although cm x-rX. may be connected directly with 
vv. J - 2 . As OpoelaOac (v. 2 ) suggests the ^TJ GpoecaOs of Mk. 13 7 = Mt. 
246, so s^aTOCTrjqn recalls the ^XsxeTE [XTJ TC<; upLa? TuXavTrjafl of Mk. 13 5 = 
Mt. 24*. e^otTuaTao), frequent in Lxx., is in the N. T. used chiefly by 
Paul. On xa-ua pujBeva Tp6xov, "evidently a current phrase" (Mill.), 
which strengthens [JIYJ TE<;, cf. 3 Mac. 4" 4 Mac. 4 24 io 7 ; also xcaa xdvra 
Tporcov Rom. 3 2 . Though XOCTGC (v. 9 i 12 3) is common in Paul, it does 
not appear in I. 

^ aTToo-rao-La. The article suggests that "the apostasy" or 
"the religious revolt" is something well known to the readers; in 



n, 3 2 5 J 

fact, instruction upon this and cognate points had already been 
given orally by Paul (vv. 5 n - 1 s 1 ). The term itself is at least as 
old as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes who was "enforcing the 
apostasy" (i Mac. 2 15 ), that is, of Judaism to Hellenism; there 
after, as one of the fearful signs of the end (cf. Eth. En. gi 7 ), it 
became a fixed element in apocalyptic tradition (cf. Jub. 23" ff * 
4 Ezra 5 1 ff - Mt. 24 ff -)- Paul, however, is probably thinking not 
of the apostasy of Jews from Moses, or of the Gentiles from the 
law in their hearts, or even of an apostasy of Christians from their 
Lord (for Paul expects not only the Thessalonians (I 5 II 2 13 ff -) 
but all believers (i Cor. 3 15 ) to be saved), but of the apostasy of 
the non-Christians as a whole, of the sons of disobedience in 
whom the prince of the power of the air, the evil spirit, is now 
operating (cf. Eph. 2 2 ). This apostasy or religious revolt is not 
to be identified with "the mystery of lawlessness" (v. 7 ), for that 
mystery, already set in operation by Satan, precedes the apos 
tasy and prepares the way for it; it is therefore something fu 
ture, sudden, and final, like the revelation of the Anomos with 
which apparently it is associated essentially and chronologi 
cally. Whether this definitive religious revolt on earth synchro 
nises with the revolt of Satan (Rev. i2 7 ff -) in heaven, Paul 
does not say. 

On the term, see Boussct, Antichrist, 76$., and Volz. Eschat. 179. That 
the revolt is not political, whether of all peoples (Iren. V, 252) or of Jews 
(Clericus, et al.) from Rome, and not both political and religious (see 
Poole, ad loc., and Wohl.), but solely religious, is probable both from the 
fact that elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. dbuocrcaafoc is used of religious apos 
tasy (Josh. 22 22 (B) 3 Reg. 2o 13 (A) 2 Ch. 2Q 19 33" (A) Jer. 2 19 1 Mac. 2" 
Acts 2 1 21 ), and from the fact that in vv. 3 - 12 , as elsewhere in the apoca 
lyptic utterances of Paul, there is no evident reference to political situ 
ations. (It is not evident that ib xaxe^ov and 6 xatex&w a prc in vv. 6 - 7 
refer to Rome). Furthermore, it is unlikely (i) that heresy is in mind, 
since "the doomed" here (v. 10 ) and elsewhere in Paul are outside the 
Christian group, "the saved" (Hammond and others (see Poole) find 
the prophecy fulfilled (cf. i Tim. 4 1 ff -)> while Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. 
15) sees the fulfilment in the heresies of his own day); or (2) thatr) 
axosTaafo = 6 axoaTocTT}? (cf. Iren. V, 25 apostata, and Augustine, de civ. dei, 
2o 21 , refuga), the abstract for the concrete (so Chrys. and others); or (3) 
that Belial is meant, on the ground that this word is rendered once in 



252 2 THESSALONIANS 

Lxx. by dxocrcaaia (3 Reg. 2o 13 A) and several times in the later Aquila 
(e. g. Deut. i5 9 Judg. ig 22 1 Reg. 2 12 io 27 25 17 Ps. 16" Nah. i 11 ). Whether 
xpavuov (without a following execra I 4 17 or BeuTepov i Cor. i2 28 ) be 
longs to both e XGfl and dcxoxocXucpGfl, indicating that the coming and 
revelation are contemporaneous, "the day will not be present until, 
first of all, these two things happen together" (Schmiedel, Dob.); or 
whether xoc{ is consecutive (Ell. Find. Mill.), pointing out the result 
of the coming, is uncertain (cf. Lft.). In any case, the two things are 
not identical, although they are apparently associated both essentially 
and chronologically. 

a7ro/ca\vcf)0fj. The Anomos j described in the following words, 
is indeed in existence, concealed, perhaps imprisoned, somewhere, 
as aTTOKoKv^Oy intimates; but the place of concealment, whether 
in heaven (cf. Eph. 6 12 ), in the firmament, on earth, or in the abyss, 
is not stated. That he is influencing "the doomed" from his 
place of concealment is nowhere suggested; it is hinted only 
(vv. 6 ~ 7 ) that at present (that is, in the time of Paul) there is a 
supernatural spirit or person that directly by detaining him (or 
keeping him in detention) or indirectly (by holding sway until 
the appointed time of the coming of the Anomos) prevents his 
immediate revelation. This function of TO /care xov or o Ka-re^wv 
apn is not, however, permanent; indeed, it is exercised for the 
purpose (God s purpose) that the Anomos may be revealed in 
his proper time, the time, namely, that has been appointed by 
God. Not until then will the Anomos be revealed, then when 
the supernatural spirit or person is removed. 

Since Paul does not describe the place or conditions of concealment, 
it is impossible to ascertain precisely what he means. His interest is 
not in the portrayal of the movements of the Anomos but is in his char 
acter (vv. 3 -") and his significance for the unbelievers (vv. 9 - 12 ). Paul 
uses <pavsp6o> (Col. 3 3 ) and dxoxdXu^t? (i 7 i Cor. i 7 ) of the advent of 
Christ, but not dcxoxaXuxtecv (contrast Lk. I7 30 4 Ezra 7 28 i3 32 ). The 
revelation or Parousia of the Anomos (v. 9 ) is perhaps intended as a 
counterpart of that of the Messiah (i 7 ); but whether Paul is responsi 
ble for the idea or is reproducing earlier Christian or Jewish tradition is 
uncertain. In the later Asc. Isa. 4 18 , the Beloved rebukes in wrath "all 
things wherein Beliar manifested himself and acted openly in this world." 



o avOpwTTOS T?}? avofJLia? = 6 avofjios (v. 8 ), for avdpcoTros avo- 
like v to? avopias (Ps. 88 23 ) is a Hebraism, designating a per- 



II, 3 2 53 

son as belonging to a lawless class or condition. This phrase, 
like o vlbs TT)? a-TrwXeta?, o avruceipevos /cat vTrepaipopevos /crX., 
and o avo/jios, is not a proper name but a characterisation of a 
person, and that too a definite person, as the article in each of 
the four phrases makes plain. It is evident that the figure in 
question is not Satan but a man, a unique man, however, in whom 
Satan dwells and operates. Chrys. observes: "Who is this per 
son? Satan? Not at all; but avOpwrros Tt? iracrav avrov Se- 
^o/uew rrjv evepyeiav." So complete is the control of Satan 
over his peculiar instrument that it is natural to hold with Th. 
Mops, that the parallel between the incarnation of Christ and 
the indwelling of Satan in the Anomos is all but complete. 

While (6) avOpwxoq (tou) OsoO is quite frequent in the Lxx. (cf. also 
i Tim. 6 11 2 Tim. 3 17 ), avOpwxo? with an abstract gen. (Sir. 2o 26 31" 
Lk. 2 14 ) is less frequent than dvrjp. For the equivalence of SvOpcoxo?, 
dvifjp, and uloq in this construction, cf. 5v0pa>xoe; cdjJurrcDV (Sir. 3i 25 ) with 
dv-Jjp a![A&TG>v (2 Reg. i6 7 f - and often in Psalms; see Briggs, ICC. on 
Ps. 5 7 ); and cf. ulbq Oav&Tou (i Reg. 20" 2 Reg. I2 5 ) with dvfjp Oavarou 
(3 Reg. 2 26 ). Instead of dcvo^tac (Btf, Tert. et aL), the majority of 
uncials (ADEGFKLP, d a/.) read o^apTcag. In the Lxx., A frequently 
reads a^ap-ufa where B reads dvo[ju a (e. g. Exod. 34 7 Is. 53" Ezek. 16" 
2p 15 ); occasionally A has dvojju a where B (Ezek. 36 19 ) or x (Ps. io8 14 ) 
has a^apTfoc. As these variants and the parallelism in Job 7 21 Ps. 31 5 
Is. 53 3 show, the two words are similar in meaning, a^aprfa being the 
more general {cf. i Jn. 3 4 ). Though common in Lxx., both devotee 
(Rom. 4 7 6 19 2 Cor. 6 14 ) and avoy.o<; (i Cor. g 21 ) are rare in Paul. Unless 
BK revised in the light of vv. 7 - 8 (Weiss), or substituted dvo^aq for 
a^ap-ua? in the light of an exegesis which understood "the man of sin" 
to be Belial, the more specific avo[x(ag is the preferable reading. It is 
tempting to identify the figure described in the four phrases with Belial 
(Beliar), though we cannot be sure (cf. Dob. Dibelius) that Paul would 
assent to this identification. This identification seems probable to 
Bousset (Antichrist, 1895, 99) and "all but certain" to Charles (Ascen 
sion of Isaiah, 1900, Ixii; cf. also Mill, and Moff.). The origin and mean 
ing of the word Belial are alike uncertain; Moore (ICC. on Judg. ig 22 ) 
observes: "The oldest etymology of the word is found in Sanhedrin, in/. 
. . . men who have thrown off the yoke of Heaven from their necks* 
(Si; + iSs). So also Jerome in a gloss in his translation of Judg. ig 22 : 
fdii Belial, id est absque iugo"; but the word is "without analogy in the 
language" (ibid.} ; see further, Cheyne in EB. 525 Jf. In the Hebrew O. T. 
Belial is not certainly a proper name, though in Ps. i8 s = 2 Sam. 22 6 



254 2 THESSALONIANS 

"torrents of Belial" (Briggs) is parallel to "cords of Sheol" and "snares 
of Death." In the Lxx. SySa is rendered by ulol fc ki&y. (Judg. 2O 13 A), 
dwcoaroKjfoc (3 Reg. 2o 13 A; so frequently in the later Aquila), xocp&vo[Ao<; 
(frequently; cf. Judg. so 13 B, where A has ^eXt&p.; Judg. ig 22 , where 
Th. has eXc>0, cfcvojjnrpa (Deut. i5 9 ), dcvo^fa (2 Reg. 22 s Ps. i; 5 , paral 
lel with OavaToq and TQ<;), etc.; see Moore, loc. cit. In the Test, xii 
(see Charles on Reub. 2 1 ), Jub. (see Charles on i5 33 "sons of Beliar"), 
and Asc. Isa. (see Charles on i 8 ), Belial or Beliar is definitely a Satan or 
the Satan (cf. 2 Cor. 6 15 ). 

Charles (Asc. Isa. Ixi Jf.) not only identifies "the man of lawlessness" 
with Belial but elaborates an hypothesis to account for the Antichrist 
as he appears in Paul and in later N. T. literature. The Anomos of Paul, 
a god-opposing man, a human sovereign armed with miraculous power, 
is the resultant of a fusion of two separate and originally independent 
traditionSjfthat of the Antichrist and that of Beliar. The Antichrist 
is not, as Bousset supposes, originally the incarnate devil but a god- 
opposing being"of human origin. The first historical person to be identi 
fied with Antichrist is Antiochus Epiphanes; and the language applied 
to him "recalls, though it may be unconsciously, the old Babylonian 
saga of the Dragon s assault on the gods of heaven." Beliar, on the 
other hand, is a purely Satanic being. "It is through the Beliar con 
stituent of the developed Antichrist myth that the old Dragon saga 
from Babylon gained an entrance into the eschatologies of Judaism 
and Christianity." This fusion of Antichrist with Beliar "appears to 
have been effected on Christian soil before 50 A.D.," and is attested by 
2 Thess. 2 1 - 12 . The subsequent history of Antichrist was influenced by 
the incoming of the Neronic myths; for example, Rev. xiii betrays the 
fusion of the myth of Antichrist with that of Nero Redivivus; Sib. Orac. 
Ill, 63-74, reflects the incarnation of Beliar as Antichrist in Nero still 
conceived as living; and Asc. Isa. 4 2 - 4 (88-100 A.D.; Harnack and Bous 
set put the passage much later) suggests the incarnation of Beliar as 
Antichrist in the form of the dead Nero: "Beliar . . . will descend 
from his firmament in the likeness of a man, a lawless king," etc. 

o vlbs TT}? aTrcoXet a? = o a7roXXv/-tew, a Hebraism indicating 
the one who belongs to the class destined to destruction (v. 10 
ol a7ro\\v/jLevoi) as opposed to the class destined to salvation 
(i Cor. i 18 ol o-c0dfjLvoi). The same description is applied to 
Judas Iscariot in Jn. i7 12 . 



Abaddon is in Lxx. rendered by dbcwXsca, and appears in parallelism 
with #TJ<; (Job 26 6 Pr. 15"), 6dvaTog (Job 28 22 ) and T&JXX;; cf. avo[xta 
(Belial) with G&va-uog and #8iq<; in Ps. i7 5 . Bousset (Antichrist, 99) calls 
attention to the angel of the abyss in Rev. 9" whose name is 



ii, 3-4 255 

in Hebrew and AxoXXuwv in Greek. The abyss is apparently " the abode 
of the ministers of torment from which they go forth to do hurt " (Taylor 
in ERE. I, 54). It is not, however, probable that 6 ulbq Tfj<; dcxcoXei ai; 
refers to the demonic angel of the abyss, for (i) Paul s usa^e of dcxwXeca 
is against it (Rom. g 22 Phil, i 28 3 19 ; cf. Is. 57 4 T|XVOC axcoXefccg, axp[jt.a 
#voy.ov; Pr. 24 22a ulb? dxwXefa?; Jub. io 3 Apoc. Pet. i 2 ); and (2) in 
Rev. 17", the beast that ascends from the abyss is to go off ultimately 
sic, dcxtoXecav. 

4. o avruceifjievos KT\. In the further characterisation of 
Satan s peculiar instrument, three points are prominent (i) his 
impious character, "the one who opposes and uplifts himself 
against every one called God or an object of worship"; (2) the 
tendency of his spirit of opposition and self-exaltation, a so that 
he sits in the sanctuary of God"; and (3) the blasphemous claim, 
intended by the session, "proclaiming that he himself is really 
God." The words of the first clause are evidently reminiscent 
of a description already applied to Antiochus Epiphanes by 
Daniel (Th. n 36ff -): Kal v-^coOija-erai, o/SacrtXeu? /cal fieyaXw- 
OrjcreTai eirl irdwra, Oeov^ teal XaX^cret V7repoy/ca (i. e. eVl TOV 
Ocov TWV 6eo)v } Lxx.) . . . teal ITTL Trap Oebv ov crwfjcret, on eVl 
TraWa? /jLeyaXwOrjo-ercu. In alluding to this passage and in 
quoting eirl iravra 0edv } Paul inserts \eydfjievov to prevent the 
possibility of putting the would-be gods on a level with the true 
God; but whether \eyofj,evov refers solely to the would-be gods 
designated as such, "so-called" (cf. Iren. V, 25 1 super omne 
idolum, Wohl. Dob.), or whether it embraces both the would-be 
gods and the true God, "which is called God," rightly or wrongly 
(so most interpreters), is uncertain. 



Since both dcvTcx-sfyisvoq and uxepacpo^evos are united by one article, 
it is probable but not certain (De W. Liin. Ell.) that the former is not 
a substantive referring to Satan (i Tim. 5 14 i Clem. 5I 1 ) or 6 Std^oXoq 
who stands at the right hand of Joshua in Zech. 3 1 TOU dcvnxecaOat OCUTW. 
Apart from Paul (2 Cor. i2 7 ) uxepat peaOocc is found in Gk. Bib. Ps. 
37 4 7i 16 Pr. 3i 29 2 Ch. 32" Sir. 48 13 2 Mac. 5 23 ; the construction with !x 
(only here in Gk. Bib.; cf. uxsp in Ps. 7i 16 and the dat. in 2 Mac. 5 23 ) 
is due, perhaps, to the allusion in exl XVT<Z 6e6v. Since dcvTtxeta9ac 
(common in Gk. Bib.; cf. the substantive participle in Is. 66 6 i Cor. i6 9 
Phil, i 28 ) is regularly construed with the dative, a zeugma is here to be 
assumed, unless the possibility of avTixecaOat ex = "against" be ad- 



256 2 THESSALONIANS 



mitted (Schmiedel, Dob.). The rare alpaqxa (Acts i7 23 Sap. 142 i5 17 
Dan. (Th.) Bel 27; cf. Sap. 142 with 14" ec&oXa, i4 15 ecxwv, and i4 16 
Tck yXuxTd) indicates not a divinity (numen) but any sacred object of 
worship. On Xe-^evos, cf. i Cor. 8 s Col. 4" Eph. 2". The omission 
by N* of xal urapacp6[jivo<; is not significant. 

&(TTe avrbv Ka0L(rai KT\. The session in the sanctuary of God 
is tantamount to the assumption of divine honours, "proclaim 
ing that he himself is really (ea-nv) God." The attempt to sit 
in the sanctuary of God is made quite in the spirit of the king 
of Babylon (Is. i4 13 ff -) and the prince of Tyre (Ezek. 28 2 ); 
but whether the attempt is successful or not (cf. Lk. 4 29 wcrre 
KaraKpTjfMpidai avrdv) is not indicated certainly by wore with 
the infinitive. 

TOV vaov TOV Oeou. This is apparently the earliest extant 
reference to the session of the Antichrist in the temple of God 
(Bousset, Antichrist, 104 jf.). It is, however, quite uncertain 
whether the temple is to be sought in the church (on the analogy 
of i Cor. 3 16 ff - 6 19 2 Cor. 6 16 ), in Jerusalem (Ps. 5 8 78* 1372), 
"in the high mountains toward the north" (Is. i4 13 ), "in the 
heart of the sea" (Ezek. 28 2 ), or in the holy heavenly temple 
where God sits enthroned; cf. Ps. io 4 /cvpio? iv van aylm CLVTOV, 
icvpios ev ovpava 6 Opovos avrov (see Briggs, ad loc., and cf. Is. 
66 1 Mic. i 2 Hab. 2 20 Ps. if). If the reference is to the heavenly 
temple, then there is a reminiscence, quite unconscious, of traits 
appearing in the ancient saga of the Dragon that stormed the 
heavens, and (beginnings being transferred in apocalyptic to 
endings) is to storm the heavens at the end (cf. Bousset, loc. cit.). 
In this case o^re with the infinitive will indicate either (i) 
that the tendency of the spirit of defiance and self-exaltation 
is toward self-deification, the reference to the temple not being 
pressed; or (2) that after his revelation or advent, the Anomos, 
like the Dragon, attempts an assault on the throne of God in 
his holy temple in heaven, but is destroyed in the act by the 
breath of the mouth of the Lord Jesus. 

Dibelius thinks that the original saga has been humanised by the 
insertion of the temple in Jerusalem, and compares Rev. 13 6 @Xoc<j- 
fjv OXTQVIQV. Other commentators who find here a reference to 



n, 4-5 257 

the temple in Jerusalem hold either that the prophecy has been (Grot.) 
or will be fulfilled (e. g. Iren. V, 25 4 3o 4 ; Hippolytus (Dan. 4 49 Anti 
christ, 6) has the temple rebuilt; and Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. i$ 5 ) has 
it rebuilt on the ruins of the old temple). When the significance of 
toa-ue with the infinitive is faced, it is held either (i) that the Anomos, 
when he comes, actually takes his seat in the temple, and exercises 
therefrom his demonic powers until his destruction, the exact manner 
in which force is realised being left indeterminate; or (2) that coa-ue in 
dicates tendency or purpose not realised, the description being intended 
to set forth the trend of defiance and self-exaltation, and the reference 
to the temple not being forced. Still other commentators interpret the 
temple as equivalent to the church (Th. Mops. Chrys. Theodoret, 
Jerome, et al.), an interpretation which makes easy the application to 
heresy (Calv.), or when necessary, by Protestants, to the Pope sitting 
in the cathedra Petrl. 

The difficulty with the reference to the temple in Jerusalem is that 
the evidence adduced for this interpretation is not convincing. Neither 
Antiochus who erected a heathen altar on the altar of burnt-offering, 
and presumably placed thereon a statue of Zeus Olympics (cf. i Mac. 
i 54 Dan. 9" ii 31 _i2" ; Mk. 13" Mt. 24 15 ), nor Caligula who ordered 
Petronius to set up his statue in the temple (Josephus, Ant. i8 8 ) is con 
ceived as sitting or attempting to sit in the sanctuary of God. Contrast 
our verse with Asc. Isa. 4": "He (Beliar) . . . will set up his image 
before him in every city." The temple then is probably to be sought 
in heaven; and there is in the allusion an unconscious survival of traits 
in the ancient tradition of the Dragon. On this saga, cf. Bousset, Anti 
christ, 104 $.; Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, 221 jf.; Cheyne in EB. 
1131 Jf.; Mill. i63/.; and Dob. or ~D\bdius,adloc. xaO^etv is intransitive; 
on etc; (Exod. i6 29 i Reg. 5" 2 Reg. 15" (A) Lam. 2 10 ), see Bl. 39 . The 
vabg TOU 6eoG (i Es. 5 52 Judith 5 18 Dan. (Th.) 5 s Mt. 26", etc.; orxupfou 
Lk. i 9 and often in Lxx.) is elsewhere in Paul used metaphorically; the 
Christians are the temple of God, or the body is the temple of the Spirit. 
dncoSeixvuiu (i Cor. 4) may mean "exhibit," "prove" (Acts 25 7 ), 
"appoint" (Acts 2 22 ), or "designate" (a successor, 2 Mac. i4 26 (A); cf. 
Polyb. V, 43 4 , Josephus, Ant. 6 35 7 338 ). The latter meaning in the sense 
of "nominate" or "proclaim" is here preferred by Lft. and Mill. The 
participle dcxoBix.v6vT;a (AGF, et al., read dtoro8etv6ovTa) denotes either 
purpose~(Acts 3 2G ) or attendant circumstance (BMT. 449). Before 
xaOfaat, KL, et al., put o><; 0eov. 

5. ov /jLvrj/jLovevere KT\. With an unfinished sentence behind 

him (vv. 3 - 4 ), Paul abruptly reminds his readers that they have 

already been instructed in the matter of the times and seasons, 

particularly the signs which must precede the Parousia of Christ 

I 7 



258 2 THESSALONIANS 

(ravra referring strictly to vv. 3 - 4 ). With a trace of impatience 
it may be (contrast pvri povevere in I 2 9 ) he asks: "Do you not 
remember that when I was yet with you, I was repeatedly tell 
ing you these things ?" 

Paul is wont to appeal not only to the knowledge of his readers (cf. 
I 2 1 , etc.), but also, and specifically, as Chrys. has seen, to his previous 
oral communications (3 10 I 3 4 ). On xpb? 6[xa<; elvat, c/. 3 10 1 3*. Even 
without xoXXdcx.c<; (Phil. 3 18 ), s Xeyov may denote customary or repeated 
action. On the first person sing, without !y<x>, cf. 3"; with eyw, I 2 18 3 5 . 
For ITC wv, DE have ETC e^xou ovuoq; so also Ambst. (Souter). On 
the view that ITC (a word found in the Major Epistles and Phil, i 9 ; 
cf. Lk. 24 6 - 44 ) excludes a reference to Paul s visit and indicates a refer 
ence to Timothy s visit, and that "therefore Timothy is here proclaim 
ing himself that he is really the author of II (Spitta), see Mill. xc. 

6-8 a . In these verses, Paul is evidently explaining the delay 
of "the apostasy" and of the revelation or Parousia of the Ano- 
mos, and consequently the reason why the day of the Lord is not 
yet present. As the readers are not receiving new information, 
it is sufficient for Paul merely to allude to what they know 
already. Unfortunately, the allusions are so fragmentary and 
cryptic that it is at present impossible to determine precisely 
what Paul means. The conspicuous difficulty lies in the inter 
pretation of TO Kare xov and o Kare xcov apri (v. infra). Since 
the reference is unknown, it is impossible to determine whether 
KdTe xeiv is to be translated "withhold" or "detain," an object 
avrov (= avofjiov) being supplied; or, "hold sway" "rule" 
(icpaTelv), KaTeytiv being intransitive. It is worth noting, how 
ever, that in w. G ~ 12 there is nothing obviously political. The 
thought runs in the sphere of the supramundane; the categories 
are concrete and realistic; and the interest, as in apocalyptic at 
its best, is religious and moral, the assertion of faith that the 
universe is moral, the justification of the ways of God to men. 
Though the Devil controls his own, his movements are directed 
by the purpose of God. Indeed, as vv. 9 - 12 make clear, God first 
of all endeavours through his Spirit to stir up within men the 
love for his truth unto their salvation. When they refuse to wel 
come the heavenly visitor, then God as judge prepares them for 



n, 5-8 259 

the consequences of their refusal. It is thus God himself who 
sends an "operation unto delusion" into the souls of those who 
have destroyed themselves by refusing to welcome the love for 
the truth unto their salvation. Since then there is no obvious 
reference in w. 6 - 12 to a political power, it is antecedently prob 
able that TO /caTe %ov and o Kaie^wv apn refer not to the Roman 
Empire and emperor as a restraining principle or person, but to 
a supernatural spirit or person conceived either as an unknown 
being who keeps the Anomos in detention as the Dragon of the 
saga is kept (cf. Dibelius), or as a well-known spirit or person, 
possibly the Devil himself who is in control of the forces of evil, 
the prince of the power of the air that operates in the sons of 
disobedience (cf. Schaefer). 

The Meaning of TO /care^ov and o /care^cov apn. 

The sphere of conjectural interpretations of -rb xaiexov and 6 xatl- 
xwv ap-u seems to be limited by the following probabilities: (i) The pres 
ence of apTt with 6 xa-rexwv indicates that 6 /.aTs^wv (and similarly -rb 
XGCTIEXOV, notwithstanding the fact that we do not have TO vuv xai^x ov 
or -rb XGCTEXOV vuv) is not a proper name but a description of a definite 
and well-known figure whose activity in jwuexecv is in progress at the 
time of Paul; (2) the apTi is "now" to Paul; the TOTS is of his expec 
tation, and is not a far-distant "then"; (3) XOCTSXSCV has the same 
meaning in both participial phrases (so Boh. "that which layeth hold" 
(Horner) and Syr.), though the Vulg. (Th. Mops. Ambst.) renders the 
former quid dctineat and the latter qui tenet num. Within the limits 
of these probabilities, two types of opinion may be briefly sketched, 
the one based on the "contemporary-historical," the other on the 
"traditional-historical" method of interpretation. 

I. The usual conjecture finds a reference in both Tb xairlxov and 6 xa- 
Tffxcov #p-rc to the Roman Empire. The older expositors (e. g. Tert. de 
resur. 24, and Chrys.) stretch the limits of TOTS and include in ap-u both 
their own and Paul s present. Modern writers, following the example of 
Wetstein (who thinks of Nero), Whitby (who thinks of Claudius), and 
Hitzig (who unlocks the pun qui claudif), are inclined to adhere firmly 
to the contemporary reference. Bacon (Introd. 77; cf. Spitta, Zur Ge- 
schichte und Litteratur, 1893, 1, 146 Jf. and Dob. ad loc.) states the prevail 
ing conjecture cogently: "We need not assume with Hitzig a play upon 
the name Claudius, nor deny that the restrainer may well be a pri 
meval element of the Antichrist legend; but in the present application 
of the word, first neuter, then masculine, the reference is certainly to 



2<5o 2 THESSALONIANS 

Paul s unfailing refuge against Jewish malice and persecution, the usually 
incorruptible Roman magistracy (Rom. I3 1 - 6 ) which at this very period 
was signally befriending him (Acts i8 12 - 17 )." The difficulty with this 
generally accepted interpretation is (i) that while the fall of Rome is 
one of the signs of the Messianic period (4 Ezra 5 3 Apoc. Bar. 39?; cf. 
for the rabbinical literature Klausner, Die Messianischen Vorstellungen, 
etc. 1904, 39 f. and Rabinsohn, Le Messianisme, etc. 1907, 63 jf.), the 
notion of Rome as a restrainer does not appear in Jewish apocalyptic 
literature (cf. Gunkel, Schopfung, etc. 223). To obviate this objection, 
it is assumed that the trait is due to Paul or to contemporary Christian 
ity (cf. Dob.). (2) A second difficulty is the fact that Paul the Roman 
citizen, although he does not identify the Roman Empire or emperor 
with the Antichrist (contrast Rev.), is compelled with grim apocalyptic 
determinism to put the Roman emperor, if not also the empire, ex. [xsaou 
when once he, if not also it, has performed his service as restrainer. 
Augustine, in his interesting review of conjectural explanations (de civ. 
dei,xx, 19), notes the opinion of some that Paul "was unwilling to use 
language more explicit lest he should incur the calumnious charge of 
wishing ill to the empire which it was hoped would be eternal," and con 
cedes that "it is not absurd to believe" that Paul does thus refer to the 
empire as if it were said: "Only he who now reigneth, let him reign 
until he is taken out of the way." But while the conjecture is not absurd, 
it creates the only political reference not simply in this passage but in 
Paul s apocalyptic utterances as a whole. A theory which is not open 
to this objection would be distinctly preferable. 

II. Passing by other opinions, as, for example, that the Holy Spirit 
is meant (noted by Chrys.), or a friendly supernatural being (Hofmann 
thinks of the angel prince of Daniel), or Elijah (Ewald, who notes Mt. 
i7 n Rev. ii 3 ), we turn to the distinctively "traditional-historical" in 
terpretations, (i) Gunkel (Schopfung, 223^.) remarks that the heavenly 
or hellish powers who are to appear at the end are already in existence, 
and that the natural query why they have not yet manifested them 
selves is answered by the reflection that there must be something some 
where that holds them back for the time. The idea of XOCT^XWV is origi 
nally mythical. Gunkel thinks that to Paul the %atff%G>v is probably a 
heavenly being, Elijah. (2) Dibelius in his Geisterwelt im Glaiiben des 
Paulus, 1909, 58 jf. and in his commentary (1911) on our passage at 
taches himself to Gunkel s method, and makes the acute suggestion, sup 
ported by such passages as Job 7 12 Rev. 13* Apoc. Bar. 29 4 4 Ezra 6 52 
and by instances from mythology and folk-lore, that -ub xorr^xov or & 
XGCT^XWV is the something somewhere (Paul does not know who or what 
it is exactly, and therefore shifts easily from neuter to masculine) which 
keeps the Anomos in detention until the time appointed by God for his 
advent. The trait is thus mythical, as Gunkel suspected. It is of in 
terest to observe that while Gunkel takes xai^xecv in the sense of xcoXueiv 



ii, 6-7 26 1 

(so most from Chrys. on), Dibelius understands it in the equally admis 
sible sense (see on I 5 21 ) of xparetv, confirming the meaning by an apt 
quotation from theActa Pilati, 22 2 , where Christ, in delivering Satan to 
Hades, says: Xa^&v au-rbv /.aTe^e ("in Banden halle") daqxxXfite a xpc TTJ<; 
Seuiepaq [Aou Tcapouafaq. (3) Schaefer in his commentary (1890) agrees 
with Dollinger in taking xcnrexscv intransitively and in translating it 
"hcrrschen" "rule," "hold sway." In his exegesis of the passage he 
comes to the conclusion not only that -rb xaiexov is the mystery of law 
lessness and that afaov (v. 6 ) is Christ, but also that 6 owrclxwv is Satan. 
This indentification of 6 xairl^wv with Satan, original apparently with 
the Roman Catholic scholar, has the advantage of fitting admirably into 
Paul s thinking both here and elsewhere. Assuming Schaefer s identifi 
cation as a working hypothesis and applying it in our own way, we sug 
gest first of all that just as Christ is to Paul both the exalted Lord and 
the Spirit operating in believers, so Satan is both (i) "the god of this 
age" (2 Cor. 4"), " the prince of the power of the air" (Eph. 2 2 ), the (tem 
porary) ruler (6 xaTexwv a ptrc) of the spiritual hosts of wickedness, and 
(2) the evil spirit (ib xa-uexov) that energises in the sons of disobedience 
(Eph. 2 2 ). The effect of the operation of Satan, the spirit or person who 
is now holding sway, is characterised as " the mystery of lawlessness," 
that is, the lawlessness which is secretly growing in unbelievers under 
the spell of Satan. This control of Satan is in accordance with the divine 
purpose, for it prepares the way for the revelation of the Anomos in 
the time set him by God and not before, the reason being that the mys 
tery of lawlessness, which Satan sets in operation, is to culminate in a 
definitive apostasy on earth which is the signal for the advent of Satan s 
instrument, the Anomos. But this apostasy will not come, and the Ano 
mos will not be revealed until Satan, who is now holding sway, is put 
out of the way. The notion that a limit has been set to the authority of 
Satan has recently received fresh confirmation in a manuscript of the 
Freer collection (cf. Gregory, Das Freer Logion, 1908), where between 
Mk. i6 14 and i6 15 we read: "This age of lawlessness (<voy.(aO is under 
Satan who (which) does not permit -ua uxb TWV TCVU[JI&TC>V axdOapTa 
to understand the true power of God"; and further, in words attributed 
to Christ: xexXiQpwcat 6 opos T&V ITWV TYJS eoucri a<; TOU SocTava dXXa 
ey-ft Cec a XXa Betva. But the unsolved difficulty in our passage is the 
reference intended by ex, ^eaou yev-qToct. It is just possible that Paul 
is alluding to the war in heaven (Rev. i2 7 ff -), the religious revolt led 
by Satan, which is the signal for the sudden apostasy on earth. In this 
case, ex. JJLSCOU refers to Satan s expulsion from heaven to earth. Though 
he is thus removed, he makes use of his peculiar instrument, the Ano 
mos, who now issues forth from his place of concealment, and gives him 
all his power, just as the Dragon (Rev. 132) gives the beast his power, 
his throne, and great authority. Equipped with this power, the Ano 
mos, whose advent b for the doomed alone, gathers his forces for war 



262 2 THESSALONIANS 

against Christ (cf. i Cor. is 24 ff -)> attempts the assault on the throne of 
God in his holy temple in heaven, but is slain in the attempt by the Lord 
Jesus with the breath of his mouth and is destroyed with the manifes 
tation of his advent. To this conjecture, based on Schaefer s identifi 
cation of b y-xre^tov with Satan, it may be objected not that Satan is 
described in reference to his function of xaTexecv, for Paul calls Satan 
6 xstpd^cov (I 3 5 ), but that (i) Paul might not subscribe either to the 
identification or to the deductions therefrom indicated above, and (2) 
that ex. [Ae"aou, which to be sure designates only the fact not the manner 
(forced or voluntary) of the removal, does not at first blush suggest an 
!x$6XXea0ac dq TYJV y^v (Rev. I2 9 ). 

This brief review of conjectures only serves to emphasise the fact 
that we do not know what Paul had in mind, whether the Roman Em 
pire, or a supernatural being that keeps the Anomos in detention, or 
Satan who is temporarily in control of the forces of evil, or something 
else quite different. Grimm (1861), for example, thinks of the Anomos 
himself and Beyer (1824) of Paul; see other conjectures in Liin. (ed. 
Gloag, 222-238). It is better, perhaps, to go with Augustine who says 
on v. 6 : "Since he said that they (the Thessalonians) know, he was 
unwilling to say this openly. And thus we, who do not know what they 
knew, desire and yet are unable even cum labore to get at what the 
Apostle meant, especially as the things which he adds (namely, vv. 7 - 8a ) 
make his meaning still more obscure"; and to confess with him: ego 
prorsus quid dixerit mefateor ignorare (de civ. dei, xx, 19). 

6. Kal vvv TO /care^ov OL&are. "And as to the present, you 
know that which restrains him" (if the reference is to the Ro 
man Empire), or "detains him" (if the reference is to a super 
natural being that keeps the Anomos in detention), or "is hold 
ing sway" (if the reference is to Satan). From things to come 
(vv. 3b - 4 ), Paul turns with /cal vvv to things present (vv. 6 7 ) ; and 
then, having indicated the reason for the delay of the advent of 
the Anomos and so of Christ, he reverts in v. 8 with roVe to the 
future. The vvv (cf. I 3 8 ) is not logical but temporal, calling at 
tention to what is going on in the present in contrast not with 
the past (v. 5 ) but with the future (vv. 3 - 4 ; cf. the next clause 
eV TCD avTOv Kaipw and KOI rore v. 8 ). TO Kare^ov is not a title, 
but the description of a supernatural being (or the Roman Em 
pire) that is functioning as Kare^ov in Paul s present. 

Some commentators (especially Liin.) explains vuv in the temporal 

- sense: "and now to pass to a further point." This explanation puts so 

great a stress on the new point as such as to demand vuv 6e (cf. i Cor. 



ii, 6-7 263 

i2 20 , one of the few instances of logical vOv in Paul). Since, however, the 
readers have already been instructed (Liin.) and need only to be re 
minded again of the point, and that too allusively, it is more likely that 
the emphasis is laid not on the new point as such but on the present 
situation involved in xtruilxov as contrasted with the future situation 
when 6 xaTx> v P Tt W M be removed, and the prophecy of v. 3 will be 
realised; and that therefore vuv is temporal (so most). But to seek the 
contrast in ETC (v. 6 ) is to be forced to assume that the readers had never 
heard of tb xorrexov until now, and that from the cryptic utterances of 
vv. 6 8a they could divine, without previous knowledge, Paul s meaning. 
Dob. asks too much of the readers when he remarks: "Paulus muss 
seiner Sache in dieser Hinsicht sehr sicker gewesen, dass er sick mil dieser 
Andeutung begnugt. The xal vuv is detached and emphatic (cf. Jn. 4 18 ), 
"und fiir jetzt" (Dibelius). If xc^ecy = "restrain" or "detain," 
auT6v = avo^ov is to be supplied here and in v. 7 ; if it means "hold 
sway" "rule," it is intransitive. 

et? TO a7TOKa\v(j)0r]vaL KT\. The divine purpose (ek TO; cf. 
i 5 ) of the present action designated by TO /care^ov is "that he 
(namely, the Anomos ; cf. aTro/caXvTTTeo-Oai, vv. 3 - 8 ) may be re 
vealed in his time," that is, the time set him by God, and not 
before. It is already evident (as v. 7 explains) that the terminus 
of the function indicated by TO Kare ^ov is the apostasy and the 
concomitant revelation of the Anomos. 

The emphatically placed aurou (SAKP, et al.) is misunderstood by 
BDEGFL, et al., and changed to IOCUTOU (Zim.; cf. Rom. 3"). The xacp6s 
(cf. I 2 17 5 1 ) is a day YvtoaTY) -rto xupfcp (Zech. i4 7 ; cf. Ps. Sol. i7 23 ). It 
is to be observed that we have ec<; Tb dcxoxaXu?0^vac XT),., not tb [xirj 
or TOU [x-?] dxoxaXucpOfivat xpb TOU xatpoO auioCi (cf. Lk. 4 42 ) or ew? auTo? 
sv TW aurou xatpqi. 



7. TO yap IJLVCTT^PLOV KT\. "For" (7/), to explain the con 
nection between the present action intimated in TO Kare^ov and 
the future revelation of the Anomos, "the secret, namely, of law 
lessness has already been set in operation" (by Satan), and is 
preparing the way for the definitive apostasy on earth and its 
concomitant, the revelation of the Anomos (v. 3 ). "Only," that 
apostasy will not come and the Anomos will not be revealed, 
" until he who is now holding sway (or, detains or restrains him) 
is put out of the way; and then will be revealed the Anomos." 
The phrase TO /LLvorrrjpiov rfjs avoids, the secret whose content 
is lawlessness, or "the mystery of which the characterising feat- 



264 2 THESSALONIANS 

ure, or, so to say, the active principle is avofjiia" (Ell.), is unique 
in the Gk. Bib. The exact meaning cannot at present be made 
out; but with some probability it may be referred not to the 
cnr ocn -acrid (v. 3 ) itself, but to the secretly developing lawlessness 
which is to culminate in the definitive apostasy on earth (cf. 
Dob.). As evepyelTdi suggests, an evil power sets in operation 
"the secret of lawlessness"; and since it is improbable that 
avo^ta? = avdfjav, this evil power is not the Anomos (the instru 
ment of Satan) operating from his place of concealment, but 
Satan himself (cf. Schaefer), or more precisely, if we may identify 
TO /care xov with Satan, TO /carexov, the spirit that holds sway, 
energising in the sons of disobedience. In this case, TO learfypv 
(present participle) and TO ^VCTT^IOV (note the rj&rj) are con 
nected both essentially and temporally. 

In the light of I 2 13 evspyelTat may be middle "is already operating," 
or passive "has already been set in operation." In the latter case, the 
present tense with the adverb is to be rendered by the English perfect; 
& I 3" XST8 x&vTOTe and BMT. 17. It is to be observed in passing 
that in vv. 6 - 7 Paul not only exposes the absurdity of the allegation that 
the day is present (v. 2 ) but also intimates OjSrj IvepyelTac) that that 
day is not far distant. On ^ua-nqpiov, which may have been suggested 
by dxoxaXu^OTjvac, cf. i Cor. 2 1 , etc. (with TOU OeoO), Col. 4 3 , etc. (with 
TOU XpiaTou), Eph. i 9 (with OsX^aroq; cf. Judith 2 2 with @ouXfj?), and 
Eph. 6 19 (with euayyeX(ou); also d-TcoxaXuxretv [xuaTYJpca Sap. 6 22 Sir. 3 18 
2715 a. Dan. (Lxx.) 2 28 { - (Th.) 2"- 30 - " 7 . See further, Hatch, Essays, 57/.; 
SH. on Rom. n 25 ; Lft. on Col. i 26 ; Swete on Mk. 4"; and Robinson, 
Ephesiansj 235 /. 



apri /cr\. There is an ellipsis here; and since 
the clause with fidvov is evidently the link between the present 
action implied in TO Kare^pv and the terminus of that action at 
the revelation of the Anomos, it is natural to supply not only 
"that apostasy, which is the culmination of the secret of lawless 
ness, will not come," but also, in the light of vv. 6b and 8a , "the 
Anomos will not be revealed." Both the ellipsis and the position 
of eW have a striking parallel in Gal. 2 10 : /JLOVOV TMV TTTCOX&V iva 



On the probable meaning of these obscure words, v. supra, pp. 259 jf. 
Since Gal. 2 10 explains satisfactorily both the ellipsis and the inverted 
order of the words, it is unnecessary to resort to other expedients, as, 



ii, 7~8 265 

for example, that of the Vulgate: tantum ut qul tenet mine, teneat, donee 
de medio fiat. Many commentators think it needless "to supply defi 
nitely any verb to complete the ellipsis. The piovov belongs to eto?, and 
simply states the limitation involved in the present working of the 
(jLuaTTjpiov TYJ<; dcvo^aq; it is working already, but only with unconcentrated 
action until the obstacle be removed and Antichrist be revealed." (Ell.). 
The conjunction ew<; occurs in Paul only here and i Cor. 4 5 (ew? v; 
so GF in our passage; cf. BMT. 323). ex. ^aou is rather frequent in 
Gk. Bib. with ocTpecv (Col. 2 14 Is. 572, ex. ^daou being absolute in both 
instances), e^oXeuGpeuetv (Exod. 3i 14 with XaoO), and dpro^ecv (Acts 
23 10 with auTtov); but ex, [LiaoQ with yfveaOat occurs only here in the 
Gk. Bib. Wetstein notes Plut. Timol. 238 B: eyvw ^vjv xaO lautfcv ex. 
[xlaou Yev6[xevo<;. The fact not the manner of the removal (cf. Fulford) 
is indicated: "to be put out of the way." See further, Soph. Lex. sub 
and Steph. Thesaurus, 6087. 



8. ical roVe ... 6 avofws. ] With teal rore (cf. i Cor. 4 5 Mk. 
i3 21 - 26 f -) balancing Kal vvv (v. 6 ), Paul turns from the present 
(vv. G - 7 ) to the future, to the fulfilment of the condition stated 
in vv. 3 ~ 4 . The words "and then will be revealed the Anomos" 
(note o avo/jios = the Hebraistic o dvOpcoTros TT}? avopias v. 3 ) 
close the argument of vv. 6 ~ 7 and open the way for two important 
points, the description of the destruction of the Anomos intro 
duced by ov (v. 8b - c ) and the estimate of the significance of the 
advent of the Anomos introduced by the parallel ol> (vv. 9 12 ). 
In passing directly from the revelation to the destruction of the 
Anomos without pausing to describe the Parousia of the Lord 
Jesus, Paul creates the impression that he is interested not in 
external details (e. g. the description of the advent of Christ, of 
the conflict apparently involved in the destruction of the Ano 
mos, and of the action of the Anomos intimated in ware KT\. v. 4 ) 
but in spiritual values, the triumph of apocalyptic faith in the 
victory of the good over evil. 

: ov Kvpios aveXel KT\. The description of the destruction 
moves in synonymous parallelism. The first member may be 
an allusion to Is. n 4 : Kal Trardgei 7771; TW \ojco TOV crroyitaTO? 
avrov Kal iv Trvev/jLan Sia %ei\ea)i> ave\ei aae/Brj. Paul s phrase, 
however, TW jrvev^an TOV crTo/zaro? avrov^ unique in the N. T., 
is probably an unconscious reminiscence of Ps. 32 where the 
same phrase balances the creative word of God (TW Xo <yo> TOV 



266 2 THESSALONIANS 

/cvpiov). The second member is synonymous but not quite iden 
tical with the first, for instead of "breath of his mouth" we have 
"manifestation of his Parousia." The words eTrifydvaa and 
Trapovcria are ultimately synonymous, the former being the 
Hellenistic technical term for the appearance of a god, and the 
latter (see I 2 19 ), the Christian technical term for the expected 
coming of Christ. If any distinction between the terms is in 
tended, the former will emphasise the presence, the latter, the 
arrival. The point is that the manifest presence itself is suffi 
cient to destroy the Anomos; cf. Chrys. ap/cei Trapelvai av-rov. 

In the phrase "with the breath of his mouth" (cf. Is. 278 Sap. n 19 f - 
Job 4 9 ), the means of destruction is not the word (cf. Eth. En. 62" Ps. 
Sol. 17"; also Eth. En. i4 2 84 1 ) but the breath itself. Dibelius sees in 
the phrase traces of the primitive conception of the magical power of 
the breath and refers to a passage in Lucian (The Liar, 12) where the 
Babylonian magician gathered together all the snakes from an estate 
and blew upon them (Ivepuurjae), "and straightway every one of them 
was burnt up by the breathing " (xaTsxauOr] uxb TW ^ua^art). Against 
the majority of witnesses (frsAD*G, et aL, the versions and most of the 
fathers), BD C K, et aL, omit lYjaoO? after x.upto? (so Weiss (84) who thinks 
iTfjaoO? is added to explain xupcoq; cf. B in i Cor. 5 5 n 23 ). The reading 
jcvsXel (BAP) is, according to Dob., supported by dvXot (DGF), an 
impossible word from which arose dvaXoT (N* and Orig. in three-fourths 
of the quotations). Thereupon this present (derived from dvaXoo) = 
dva)a ax.ti>) , in view of the future /.aTapyrjasc, became dvaXuxjec (D C EKL, 
et aL). Weiss (40) thinks that N knew the emendation dvccXuxisc, and 
formed dva^oZ to approximate to the original dvsXec. Zim. observes 
that dvXoc points not to dveXsl, for the interchange of ot and et is 
without parallel, but either to dvaXol or to a fusion of dvaXoc and dv- 
eXei; and he concludes that the present dvodoZ, the harder reading, 
is original (so Lft. Find.). On dvacpelv (Lxx. and Lk. Acts) = "re 
move, " " slay," a word only here in Paul (if dveXsl is read), see Plummer, 
ICC. onLk. 22 2 . On dvaXow = dvaXfaxw, "consume," which is rarer in 
Gk. Bib. than dvatpeiv, cf. Gal. 5 15 Lk. Q 54 . xocTrapyelv, a favourite 
word of Paul, occurs rarely elsewhere in Gk. Bib. (2 Tim. i 10 Lk. 13 7 
Heb. 2 14 ; cf. Barn. 2 6 5 Q 4 i5 5 (xorapYfjaec -rbv xaapov TOU dvopiou) i6 2 ; 
Ign. Eph. i3 2 where it is parallel with y.a6atpscv and Xuscv); it denotes 
in Paul "annul," "abolish" (e. g. VOJAOV), "destroy," etc., (i Cor. i5 24 - 26 
of the evil powers including death; cf. 2 Tim. i 10 Barn. 5 C ). In the 
N. T. sTu<?dvta appears elsewhere only in the Pastorals, where the 
Christian -rcapouata is supplanted by the Hellenistic sTccjpdvsca; in 
the Lxx. (mainly 2, 3 Mac.), it is used of the manifestation of God from 



II, 8-12 267 



the sky; e.g. f) TOU Gsou lictqxfcveca (2 Mac. is 27 Ven.); c/. 6 
xuptog (2 Mac. i5 34 ), and 6 Ixtqxxvfc 6e6<; (3 Mac. 5 35 ; c/. also Driver s 
Daniel, 191 /. for coins inscribed "of King Antiochus, god manifest"). 
Mill. (151) remarks: "Ixtcpaveca draws attention to the presence as 
the result of a sublime manifestation of the power and love of God, 
coming to his people s help." Deissmann (Light, 374, 378) notes a third- 
century (B.C) inscription which records a cure at the temple of Asclepius 
at Epidaurus: T<ZV TS xapouatav T<XV a5-uou xapevecpavc^s 6 AaxXaxcoq, 
"and Asclepius manifested his Parousia" In view of the equivalence 
of IxtipavEia and xapoucfa, the former does not mean "brightness," 
illustratio (Vulg.); cf. Bengel: "Sometimes the apparitio is spoken of, 
sometimes, and in the same sense, adventus (v. a ); but here the apparitio 
adventus is prior to the coming itself, or at least is the first gleam of the 
advent, as exc?aveca TYJS Y^lpaq" (quoted by Lillie who renders our 
phrase, "with the appearing of his coming or presence"). 

9-12. Careless of chronological order but careful of spiritual 
values (cf. v. 8 ), Paul reverts in vv. 9 12 to the Parousia of the 
Anomos. The section, introduced by ov parallel to ov (v. 8 ),, is 
intended both as a justification of the universe as moral and as 
an encouragement (cf. w. 2 - 13 ff -) of the disheartened among the 
readers. Concerned primarily in the description with the char 
acter of the advent of the Anomos, he assures the faint-hearted 
that his Parousia, inspired by Satan and attended by outward 
signs and inward deceit prompted by falsehood and unrighteous 
ness, is intended not for believers but for unbelievers, "the des 
tined to destruction" like "the son of destruction himself 
(vv. 9 - 10a ). Then justifying the ways of God to men, he observes 
that the advent of the Anomos is for "the doomed" because they 
have already put themselves into this class by refusing to wel 
come the heavenly visitor, the influence of the Spirit designed 
to awaken within them the love for the truth of God which is 
essential to their salvation (v. io b ). As a consequence of their 
refusal, God as righteous judge is himself bound (for he, not 
Satan or the Anomos, is in control of the universe) to send them 
"an inward working to delude them" into believing the false 
hood of the Anomos (v. n ), in order that, at the day of judgment, 
they might be condemned, all of them, on the moral ground that 
they believed not the truth of God but consented to the unright 
eousness of the Anomos (v. 12 ). 



268 2 THESSALONIANS 

9. ov ecrriv rj Trapovcria KT\. Instead of ^ ctTroKaXwfyis (i 7 ), 
which in view of a e jTOKa\v7rrecrdai (vv. 3 - 6 - 8 ) might have been ex 
pected, we have Paul s regular word Trapovcria, its use here being 
due doubtless to association of ideas (rfjs Trapovcria 1 ^ avrov v. 8 ). 
The collocation of ov, which resumes ov (v. 8 = rbv avopov), with 
avrov is more difficult to the eye than to the ear. The eo-riv does 
not describe something in the process of happening (yiveTai), 
but, like Tre/xTrefc (v. n ), looks upon the "is to be" as a is" (cf. 
ep%erai I 52 and aTrofca^vTrTerai, i Cor. 3 13 ). This advent is first 
described as being "in accordance with, in virtue of (Kara), the 
energy, that is, the inward operation of the indwelling spirit of 
Satan," daemone in eo omnia operante (Th. Mops.), the parallel 
between the Spirit of holiness in Christ (Rom. i 4 ) and the in 
dwelling of Satan in the Anomos being thus strikingly close (cf. 
Th. Mops.) 



The grammatical arrangement of the clauses following xapoucfa is 
uncertain. Many commentators (e. g. Liin. Riggenbach, Born. Dob.) 
"connect !<JTV closely with ev xaafl 8uvajjt.ec x-rX. for the predicate and 
treat xai: Ivlpystav TOU Za-rava as a mere explanatory appendage; but 
with no advantage either to the grammar or the sense" (Lillie). In the 
light of the succession of dative clauses in such passages as Rom. 15" ff. 
Col. i 11 , etc., it is natural to construe etrrfv with each of the dative 
clauses, the xa{ before the second ev (v. 10 ) serving to unite the parallel 
clauses with ev (Iv xaqr) Suva^ec xrX. v. 9 and Iv xaafl dxaTfl XT),, v. 10 ); 
or we may take ecm v with TO!? dxoXXu^e votg for the predicate, leaving 
the three prepositional phrases under the government of an unexpressed 
article after the subject xapouata: "the Parousia, which is XCCTGC, ev, and 
ev, is for the doomed." But the arrangement is uncertain (see Wohl.). 
Logically, however, the advent of the Anomos is for the doomed, and the 
eve pyeca manifests itself both in outward wonders and in inward deceit. 
In the N. T. evepysta appears only in Paul; it denotes the inward oper 
ation (see on evepyeiv I 2 13 ) of God (Eph. i 19 3 7 with XOCTO:) and of Christ 
(Col. i 29 Phil. 3 21 with xorudt). This single instance of evepyeta in ref 
erence to Satanic activity is in keeping with the usage of evepysfv in 
v. 7 and Eph. 2 2 . In the Lxx. evepysta is found only in Sap. and 2, 3 Mac.; 
it indicates among other things the operation of God (Sap. 7 26 2 Mac. 3 29 
3 Mac. 4 21 5 12 - 2S ). evepyeta differs from ouvatxt? with which it is some 
times associated (as here and Sap. 13* Eph. 3 7 ), as "operative power" 
from "potential power" (Mill.) ; cf. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 352, 1. 24: 
Safyiovo? yap ouac a evepyeta. On Satan, see I 2 18 . 



II, 9 

ev Trdcrrj Swdfjui KT\. The advent of the Anomos is further 
described in a second prepositional clause as being "in (that is, 
clothed with, attended by ) all power and signs and portents 
that originate in falsehood." Paul co-ordinates 8wafM5, the 
abstract potential power, with o-rjfjiela /cal repara^ the concrete 
signs and portents, intending no doubt by Sum/us the specific 
power to perform miracles. Since he seems to feel no difficulty 
with this co-ordination, we need not hesitate to construe Trdcrrj 
both with Suva pei and (by zeugma) with cr^^etot? KCLI repcunv 
(a common phrase in the Gk. Bib.). It follows that tyevBovs is 
likewise to be taken with all three substantives (cf. v. 2 o>? & 
yiJLwv). The reality of the capacity and of its expression in 
outward forms is not denied; but the origin is stigmatised as 
falsehood. 



While many expositors connect icdcrn and tpsuSou? with all three nouns 
(e. g. Liin. Ell. Lillie, Lft. Schmiedel, Wohl. Mill.), some (e. g. Calv. 
Find. Dob.), feeling troubled it may be by the abstract Suvcqjug, restrict 
TOZOT) to the first and ^suBou? to the last two nouns, "in all power both 
signs and wonders of falsehood" (cf. Vulg.). The ev is variously under 
stood, "in the sphere or domain of" (Ell. Mill, d a/-.), "consisting in" 
(Born. Dob.), or "verbunden mit" (Wohl.). The gen. <J>s6ou<; is in 
terpreted as of "origin" (Dob.), "quality" (Chrys. Find. Mill.), "ob 
ject" (Ambst. Grot. De W. Liin. Ell.), or "reference" in the widest 
sense (e. g. Riggenbach, Alford, Wohl.). As all Christians are empow 
ered ev Tidccrn Suvdc^xet (Col. i 11 ), and as the indwelling Christ works in 
Paul Iv Suvd^ec CTQ^SCWV xal Tepd-rcov (Rom. i5 19 ), so Satan operates in 
the Anomos with the result that his advent is attended by all power 
to work wonders. Since elsewhere in Paul we have not the singular " a 
power" (Mk. 6 5 g 39 ) but the plural Buvd^scg (2 Cor. i2 12 ; cf. Acts 2 22 
Heb. 2 4 ) in reference to miracles, the rendering "with every form of 
external power" is evidently excluded. The phrase crrj[ATa xal T^para 
is common in the Gk. Bib. (Exod. 7 3 n 9 , etc.; Rom. i5 19 2 Cor. i2 12 
Heb. 2 4 , etc.), crrpstia suggesting more clearly than Tspcnra (which in N. T. 
appears only with arista) that the marvellous manifestations of power 
are indications of the presence of a supramundane being, good or evil. 
^suSo?, a rare word in Paul, is opposed to dXifjOeta (vv. "- 12 Rom. i 25 
Eph. 4 25 ) and parallel with dcScxfac (vv. 10 - 12 ). Paul is quite content with 
a general description of the circumstances attending the advent of the 
Anomos; but later descriptions of the Antichrist delight in the details, 
e. g. Rev. i3 13 Asc. Isa. 5* Sib. Orac. 3" f - 2 167 /-; see Bousset, Antichrist, 
> and Charles on Asc. Isa. 5 4 . 



270 2 THESSALONIANS 

10. ical ev nrdcry aTrdrrj aSua as. "And with all deceit that 
originates in unrighteousness." While the preceding clause with 
ev (v. 10 ) directed attention to the accompaniment of the advent 
of the Anomos mainly on the objective side, this closely related 
clause, united to the former by /cat, directs attention to the sub 
jective side. Hand in hand with the external signs and wonders 
prompted by falsehood goes deceit, the purpose to deceive, 
inspired by unrighteousness; cf. Rev. i3 13 f - /cat iroid crrjfjiela 
fjiejd\a . . . Kal 7T\ava. 

rot? a7ro\\vfjievois. Finally the class is designated for whom 
alone the Parousia, with its attendant outward signs and inward 
deceit, is intended "the perishing," those whose end (Phil. 3 19 ) 
like that of " the son of destruction " is aTrwXeta. The tacit oppo 
site of ol a7ro\\v/j.evoi, (a Pauline expression; cf. i Cor. i 18 2 Cor. 
2 15 4 3 ) is ol <ra)ojjvoi (i Cor. i 18 2 Cor. 2 15 ; cf. Lk. i3 23 Acts 2 47 ), 
a phrase that characterises the remnant in Is. 37 32 (cf. 45 20 Tobit 
i4 7 ). As "the saved" are the believers so "the doomed" are 
the unbelievers irrespective of nationality. 



The phrase dcx^-nq dBou ag (DKLP prefix -rife) is unique in the Gk. 
Bib. For dx&TYj, in the active sense of "deceit," cf. Col. 2 8 Eph. 4 22 
Eccl. 9 6 4 Mac. i8 8 ; for the genitive, cf. Mk. 4 19 Heb. 3 13 and contrast 
Test, xii, Reub. 5 5 . dcStxfac is a common word in Gk. Bib.; in Paul 
it is sometimes opposed to dcX^Bstoc (v. 12 Rom. i 18 2 8 i Cor. 13 6 ). The 
present participle dfocoXXuyivoi<; is general, indicating a class; a time 
less aorist might have been used (cf. o\ ccoO^vTeg Is. io 20 Neh. i 2 ). 
Bousset (Antichrist, 13) restricts "the doomed" to the Jews, a restric 
tion which is "permitted neither by the expression nor by the context" 
(Dob.). The Iv (before TOI<;) inserted by KLP, et al., may have been in 
fluenced by 2 Cor. 2 1S 4 3 . In the light of Mt. 24" 2 Cor. 4 3 , Lillie is dis 
posed to take TO!? dcxo^XupufvoK; not with laTc v but with dxaTYj dBcxfccq; 
so also Dob. on the ground that the deceit is only for unbelievers while 
the miracles could be seen by both believers (but without injury to 
them) and unbelievers. 

av6 y &v T7]v ayaTrrjv KT\. That the advent of the Anomos is 
for "the doomed" (w. 9 10a ) is their own fault "because (avd J 
&v) they had not welcomed the love for the truth intended for 
their salvation." The phrase rrjv ayaTrrjv TT}? a\rj0euK 9 only 
here in the Gk. Bib., suggests that God had sent them the divine 



IT, lo-ii 271 

power (Christ or the Spirit) to create in them a love for the truth 
of God (Rom. i 25 ), or Christ (2 Cor. n 10 ; hence DE add here 
Xpio-Tov), or the gospel (Gal. 2 5 - 14 Col. i 5 ); and that they had 
refused to welcome the heavenly visitor. Having thus refused 
the help designed (et? TO) for their salvation, they must take 
upon themselves the consequences of their refusal as stated in 



dv6 &V, very common in Lxx. (cf. Amos 5"), is used elsewhere in the 
N. T. only by Luke; it means regularly "because," but occasionally 
"wherefore" (Lk. i2 3 ); cf. Bl. 4O 1 . In Paul, TJ dXrjOeca, which is often 
used absolutely (vv. 12 - 13 Rom. i ls 2 s - 20 i Cor. 13 6 , etc.), means not 
"truthfulness," or "the truth" in general, but specifically the truth of 
God, of Christ, or of the gospel preached by Paul as contrasted with 
the falsehood of the Anomos (v. n ; cf. Rom. i 25 3 7 ). In the light of 
worefieiv Tfj dcXijGsf? (v. 12 ), dcXTjOefag is genitive of the object. Else 
where in Paul T) dy&xiQ is used with the gen. (subjective) of the person, 
6eoG (so Lk. n 42 ), Xpccrrou, xveujjiaTog (Rom. IS 30 ), to denote the divine 
love for men. Chrys. explains "the love of truth" as equivalent to 
Christ; Primasius takes dXiqOsiaq as = Christ (cf. Jn. 5 43 14 6 ). The phrase, 
however, is natural in view of the use of dyax<?v with various impersonal 
objects (Eph. 5 25 ; cf. 2 Tim. 4 8 - 10 Heb. i 9 = Ps. 44" Jn. 3 19 ; also Afamyv 
dXrjGsiav Ps. $o 8 83 12 Zech. 8 19 ). The divine offer, made through Christ 
or the Spirit, is not simply the gospel which might be intellectually ap 
prehended, but the more difficult love for it, interest in it; contrast 
this refusal with the welcome which the readers gave to the gospel 
(BlxeaOoct I IB 2 13 ). elq TO (I 2 12 ) may indicate purpose (Yvoc atoGwatv 
I 2 16 ) or intended result (eiq TTJV cwTiqpiav afo&v; cf. WGTS v. 4 ). On 
the variant I5e8lavro, cf. Sir. 6 23 . 



11. Kal BLCL TOVTO Tre/jiTrei. "And for this reason (because they 

did not welcome the love for the truth), God sends (is to send) 
them an inward working of delusion." The icaC may be consecu 
tive, "and so," or it may designate the correspondence of guilt 
and punishment. The irdfarei refers not to the time previous 
to the revelation of the Anomos (evepyeircu v. 7 ) but, as ecrriv 
(v. 9 ) intimates, to the time when the apostasy comes and the 
Anomos is revealed. 

o 0eo? evepryeiav 7T\dvrfi KT\. The position of o ^eo? is em 
phatic. In appearance, Satan is responsible for the future suc 
cess of the Anomos with "the doomed"; in reality it is God 



272 2 THESSALONIANS 

who is in supreme control, working out his moral purposes 
through the agencies of evil. Since the divine influence designed 
to stir up a love for the gospel is unwelcome, God sends another 
visitor, the evepyeia TrXdvrjs, whose function it is, as a servant 
of the divine purpose, to prepare the way for final judgment 
(v. 12 ) by first deluding the minds of "the doomed" into be 
lieving the falsehood of the Anomos. 



balances TYJS aXiqOec ag (v. 10 ) and eig TO introduces the 
primary purpose of xe^xsi. In the striking phrase ev^pyeta xXdcvrjg, 
only here in Gk. Bib., xXdevrjs is a genitive of the object, and denotes the 
goal of the active inward energy, namely, "delusion," the state of being 
deceived (see on I 2 3 ): "an energy unto delusion." On Bta TOUTO, see 
I 2 13 ; for x^xetv TIV, cf. i Cor. 4 17 Phil. 2 19 . D omits scat ; GF, d al, 
omit auToug; F omits TW; KLP, et al., forgetting eaTh* (v. 9 ) read x^pi^ei. 
On Side TOUTO xs^xei, cf. Rom. i 24 - 26 Sib xa 



12. iva /epMa-iv KT\. The ultimate purpose of Tre/mei is 
contingent upon the fulfilment of the initial purpose in ek TO 
irurTevarcu; hence tva depends on els TO. Wishing to insist that 
the basis of judgment (cf. i 5 10 ) is "believing the falsehood," 
Paul repeats the thought in a parallelism which designates " the 
doomed" negatively as "all who have not believed the truth" 
of Christ, and positively, "who have consented to the unright 
eousness" of the Anomos (cf. aSifctas v. 10 ). The antithesis of 
"truth" and "unrighteousness" (cf. Rom. 2 8 i Cor. i3 6 ) inti 
mates that "truth" is regarded more on the moral than on the 
purely intellectual side, the truth of God, Christ, or the gos 
pel as preached by Paul; and the parallelism of Trurreveiv and 
hints that in believing the will is an important factor. 



The phrases XICJTSUSIV T<p $e68ei (v. ") and ifj dXrjOeft? do not occur 
elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. xccTeuetv with dative is employed elsewhere 
by Paul only in citations (Rom. 4 3 TW Osw; Rom. io 16 TH dbtofj; cf. the 
accus. i Cor. 13 7 X&VTOC xicrueuei). For the impersonal object, cf. xfaTi? 
with euayyeXtou (Phil, i 27 ) and Ivspysfaq (Col. 2 12 ). The construction 
euSoxsTv Tivt (i Esd. 4 39 Sir. i8 31 (A) i Mac. i 43 ) does not appear else 
where in N. T.; Paul construes eOSoxetv elsewhere with the infinitive 
(see I 2 8 ) and with Iv and dative (i Cor. io 5 2 Cor. i2 10 ; so here AEKLP, 
et al.). xptveoOat (opposed to att^eaOac v. 10 ) gets here by context the 
meaning xTaxpfvec6at (cf. Heb. i3 4 )> xpfveiv is common in Gk. Bib. 



ii, n-i2; 3-12 273 

(Rom. 2 12 3 7 Is. 66 16 , etc.). Exegetically it is unimportant whether 
xavTsq (BDEKLP, et al.} or axavTeg (SAGF, e* a/.) is read (cf. Gal. 3 2 ); 
WH. read axccq but once in Paul (Eph. 6 13 ). The expression axoc? 6 or 
6 axa<; is chiefly Lukan (also Mt. 28" Mk. i6 15 i Tim. i 16 ; c/. Gen. ig 4 , 
etc.); on xavTs? ol xcaTeuovTeq (which K reads here), see I i 7 ; on 
JC&VTSS o! xiaTsuaavTe?, c/. i 10 . On the contrast between d&irjOsia and 
dScxfo, c/. Rom. 2 s i Cor. 13 6 ; on the thought of vv. "- 12 , c/. Born, ad 
loc. and Rom. i 18 - 32 . 

The Origin and Significance of the Anomos. 

On the basis of what has been said above on vv. 3 - 7 , a general 
word may be added as to the origin of the Anomos and the sig 
nificance of the same to Paul. The name "Antichrist/ 5 com 
monly employed to designate the being variously described by 
Paul as "the man of lawlessness" = " the lawless one," "the son 
of destruction," "the one who opposes and exalts himself against 
every one called God," etc., does not appear in extant literature 
before First John (2 18 - 22 4 3 ; cf. 2 Jn. 7). In that epistle, the 
Antichrist, who is assumed to be a familiar figure, is both the 
definite being who is to come and the spirit already in the world 
(/COO-JUG?), possessing men so that they are themselves called 
"Antichrists" (2 18 ), and leading them both to deny that Jesus 
is the Christ, Son of God, come in the flesh (4 2 ) and to sepa 
rate themselves from their fellow-Christians (V 9 ). Whether the 
name was coined by the Ephesian school is unknown. 
s i But while the designation "Antichrist" is later than Paul, the 
idea for which it stands is evidently pre-Christian. On the one 
hand, the opponent of Israel and so of God is identified with a 
heathen ruler, for example, with Antiochus Epiphanes by Daniel 
(the earliest instance; cf. Pompey in Ps. Sol., and "the last 
leader of that time" in Apoc. Bar. 40 1 ); on the other hand, the 
opponent of God is conceived as a Satanic being, Beliar (e. g. 
Jub. and Test. xii). But the Anomos of Paul is neither a heathen 
tyrant, nor a political ruler, nor a Zealotic false-Messiah (Mk. 
i3 22 = Mt. 24 24 and possibly Jn. 5 43 ), but is an extraordinary man 
controlled completely by Satan, a non-political conception that 
suggests the original influence of the Babylonian myth of Tia- 
mat, the sea-monster that opposes Marduk and is vanquished, 
18 



274 2 THESSALONIANS 

but who at the end is to revolt only to be destroyed. In fact, 
due to the researches of such scholars as Gunkel, Bousset, 
Charles, and Gressmann, it is not infrequently held that traces 
of that primeval myth, however applied, are discoverable in the 
O. T. (cf. Daniel s description of Antiochus), in subsequent Jew 
ish apocalyptic, and in the apocalyptic utterances in the N. T. ; 
and it is confidently expected by some that from the same source 
light may shine upon the hitherto inexplicable technical terms 
of apocalyptic. The precise question, however, whether the 
Anomos of Paul is the indirect result of the conception of the 
Antichrist as originally a humanised devil (Bousset) or is the 
direct result of the fusion of the Antichrist conceived as purely 
human and of Belial conceived as purely Satanic (Charles, whose 
sketch of the development of the idea of Antichrist, especially 
in the period subsequent to Paul when the figure of Antichrist 
is further affected by the Neronic myths, is particularly attrac 
tive) may perhaps be regarded as still open. 

In estimating the significance of apocalyptic in general, it is 
to be remembered that actual experiences of suffering compelled 
the Jews, a people singularly sensitive to spiritual values, to 
attempt to reconcile these experiences with the ineradicable con 
viction that the Lord is righteous and that they are his elect, and 
that the apocalyptic category, whatever may have been the 
origin of its component elements, is the means by which the 
assertion of their religious faith is expressed. The Book of 
Daniel, for example, is considered as a classic instance not only 
of apocalyptic form but also of the venture of faith in the triumph 
of righteousness, a judgment sustained by the immediate effect 
of that "tract for the times," and by its subsequent influence 
not only on apocalyptic writers in general but also on the Master 
himself. The literary successors of Daniel are not to be reckoned 
as purely imitators; they adhere indeed closely, sometimes slav 
ishly, to the classic tradition; but they also proclaim, each in 
his way, their originality by what they retain, omit, or insert, 
and by what they emphasise or fail to emphasise; and still fur 
ther, they keep alive the old religious faith, even if they differ 
widely from one another in spiritual insight. 



ii, 3~i2 275 

Into the apocalyptic and eschatological tradition and faith of 
late Judaism, Paul entered as did the Master before him. But 
Paul, to refer only to him, brought to his inheritance not only 
his own personal equation but also his religious experience in 
Jesus the Christ. Through that experience, his world became 
enlarged and his sympathies broadened. To him, Christianity 
was a universal religion in which Jesus the Messiah was not a na 
tional political factor but the world-redeeming power and wisdom 
of God. While holding to the traditional conceptualism of apoca 
lyptic and to the essence of its faith, he demonstrates the original 
ity of his religious insight in his attitude to the traditional forms. 
This scribe who had been made a disciple to the kingdom knows 
how to bring forth out of his treasures things new and old. The 
political traits of the Antichrist being uncongenial, he reverts, 
quite unconsciously, in the attempted session of the Anomos in 
the heavenly temple of God, to elements of the non-political 
primeval myth; and equips the Anomos with Satanic power 
not for political purposes, but to deceive the doomed (cf. the 
false prophet in Rev. i6 13 ig 20 2o 10 ). On the other hand, his 
mystical experience in Christ leads him to make the parallel be 
tween the Spirit of holiness in Christ and the operation of the 
spirit of Satan in the Anomos almost complete. This fusion of the 
old and new in the mind of the Christian Paul gives an original 
turn to the conception of the Antichrist. With a supreme dis 
regard for externals and with a keen sense for the relevant, he 
succeeds in making pre-eminent his faith that God is Abba, that 
the world is moral, that righteousness triumphs; and his confi 
dence is immovable that a day will come when the sway of the 
sovereign Father of the Lord Jesus Christ will be recognised, for 
obstacles will be removed and the believer will be delivered from 
the evil one. And Paul is at pains to observe that even Satan 
and his peculiar instrument, the Anomos, are under the control 
of the divine purpose; that "the destined to destruction de 
stroy themselves by refusing to welcome the heavenly influence 
which makes for their salvation; and that therefore it is really 
God himself who on the ground of their refusal sends to the 
doomed an eve pyeia ir\dvr)<s. "It must have been a great, 



276 2 THESSALONIANS 

deeply religious spirit who created this conception, one proof 
more for the genuinely Pauline origin of our epistle" (Dob. 296). 

The literature of the subject is enormous. Of especial importance are 
Schiirer; Bousset, Relig.*; Charles, Eschat. (together with his editions 
of apocalyptic literature and his articles in EB. and Ency. Brit. 11 } , 
Soderblom, La Vie Future d apres le Mazdeisme, 1901; Volz. Eschat. , 
Gunkel, Zum religionsgeschichtlichen Verstandniss des N. T. 1903; 
Klausner, Die Messianischen Vorstellungen des jiidischen Volkes im 
Zeitalter der Tannaiten, 1904; Gressmann, Der Ur sprung der Israel 
itsrhen-judischcn Eschatologie, 1905; Mathews, The Messianic Hope in 
the N. T. 1905; Bousset s commentary on Revelation in Meyer, 1906; 
J. H. Gardiner, The Bible as English Literature, 1906, 250^.; Rabinsohn, 
Le Messianisme dans le Talmud et les Midraschim, 1907; Oesterley, 
Evolution of the Messianic Idea, 1908; Clemen, Religions geschichtliche 
Erklarung des N. T. 1909; Dibelius, Die Geisterwelt im Glauben des 
Paulus, 1909; and Moffatt s commentary on Revelation in EGT. 1910. 
Likewise of special importance are such specific works as Gunkel s 
Schopfung und Chaos, 1895; Bousset s Antichrist, 1895 (in English, 
1896; cf. his articles on Antichrist in EB. ERE. and Ency. Brit.^ t 
W&dstem sEschatologische Ideengruppe: Antichrist, etc., 1896; Charles s 
Ascension of Isaiah, 1900, li jj.; Friedlander s Der Antichrist in den 
wrchristlichen judischen Quellen, 1901; the articles on Antichrist by 
Louis Ginsberg in the Jeiuish Ency., and by Sieffert in PRE.; and the 
discussions by Briggs in his Messiah of the Apostles, and by Born. Find. 
Schmiedel, Wohl. Mill. Dob. and Dibelius in their respective commen 
taries. For the later history of the Antichrist, see, in addition to Bousset s 
monograph, Preuss, Die Vorstellung wm Antichrist im spaterenMittelalter, 
bei Luther, etc. 1906 (and Kohler s review in TLZ. 1907, 356 Jff.}. For 
the history of the interpretation of 2 1 - 12 , see the commentaries of Liin. 
Born, and Wohl.; Mill. (166-173) gives an excellent sketch. 



IV. THANKSGIVING, COMMAND, AND 
PRAYER (a 13 - 17 ). 

Like the thanksgiving and prayer (i 3 - 12 ) and the exhortation 
(vv. 1 ~ 12 ), this new section (vv. 13 - 17 ), though addressed to the 
converts as a whole, is intended especially for the encourage 
ment of the faint-hearted whose assurance of salvation was wa 
vering, and who had become agitated by the assertion (v. 2 ) that 
the day of the Lord was actually present. With a purposed rep 
etition of i 3 , Paul emphasises his obligation to thank God for 



n, 3-i2; 13 ff. 277 

them notwithstanding their discouraged utterances, because, as 
was said in the first epistle (I i 4 s -), they are beloved and elect, 
chosen of God from everlasting, and destined to obtain the glory 
of Christ (vv. 13 ~ 14 ). Thus beloved and elect, they should have 
no fear about the future and no disquietude by reason of the 
assertion that the day is present; on the contrary, remembering 
the instructions received both orally and in the first epistle, 
they should stand firm and hold to those deliverances (v. 15 ). 
Aware, however, that only the divine power can make effectual 
his appeal, and aware that righteousness, guaranteed by the 
Spirit, is indispensable to salvation, Paul prays that Christ and 
God who in virtue of their grace had already commended their 
love to Christians in the death of Christ and had granted them 
through the Spirit inward assurance of salvation and hope for 
the ultimate acquisition of the glory of Christ, may vouchsafe 
also to the faint-hearted readers that same assurance of salva 
tion, and strengthen them in works and words of righteousness. 

This section differs from i 3 - 12 , and from I 2 13 ~3 13 which it resembles 
closely in arrangement (cf. ainrbq M vv. 16 - 17 with I 3", and the repeated 
thanksgiving v. 13 with I 2 13 ), in having the command (v. 15 ) 

13 Now we ought to thank God always for you, brothers beloved by 
the Lord, because God chose you from the beginning of time to be 
saved by consecration of the Spirit and by faith in the truth; u and 
to this end he called you by the gospel which we preach, namely, to 
the obtaining of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ. 15 So then, 
brothers, stand firm and hold fast to the instructions that you have 
been taught whether we delivered them orally or by letter. 1G Now 
may our Lord, Jesus Christ himself and God, our Father, who loved 
us (Christians) and gave us, in virtue of grace, eternal encourage 
ment and good hope, ^encourage your hearts, and make you steady 
in every good work you do and word you utter. 

13. rjfiek Be o^ei^o^ev KT\. The similarity in thought and 
language between the first clause of this verse and that of i 3 sug 
gests of itself a purposed return to the obligation there expressed 
"to give thanks to God always for you, brothers"; and the dif 
ferences observable in our verse, the order of o(>et 



278 2 THESSALONIANS 



re2v and the insertion of ^efc, tend to confirm the suggestion. 
By putting ofaiXofjuev first, Paul lays stress on the obligation 
and at the same time, by the very emphasis, intimates that the 
repetition of i 3 is intentional. By inserting ^efc (i. e. Paul, 
Silvanus, and Timothy as in I 2 13 - 17 ) he reiterates emphatically 
what was implied in i 3 that he and his fellow- writers are morally 
bound to thank God, notwithstanding the fact that the readers, 
voicing the discouragement of the faint-hearted, had declared to 
Paul by letter that they were not worthy of salvation and that 
therefore Paul ought not to thank God for them as he had done 
in his former epistle. If this is the case, 5e is not adversative, 
contrasting in some manner with vv. 9 12 , but introduces, as in 
v. 1 , a new point. 

That introduces a resumption of i 3 is frequently admitted (B. 
Weiss, Dob. Dibelius, et al.}. Usually, however, a contrast is discovered 
between ^ecs and the doomed in v. 10 (e. g. Liin. Ell. Lft.), a contrast 
which is pertinent only if rjijt-sc? referred to the Thessalonians or all 
Christians. To obviate this difficulty, YJ^S!? is put over against God 
who sends the energy of delusion; or over against the Anomos; or over 
against the mystery of lawlessness (Hofmann, Riggenbach, Denney, ct 
a/.); but these interpretations are, as Wrede insists (21), somewhat 
forced. On the other hand, the contention of Wrede (and Schmiedel) 
that -r^slq is taken over mechanically from I 2 13 arises from the neces 
sity of explaining the workings of the falsarius. A similar resumption 
of the thanksgiving occurs in I 2 13 (from i 2 ; cf. 3 9 ); but in I 2 13 we have 
x,a not Bs, and the main point of I 2 1 - 12 is resumed as well as the thanks 
giving of i 2 . Contrast with our verse I 2 17 (TJ^SC? 8) where B is adver 
sative: "we apostles" over against the Jews who insinuated that we 
did not wish to return. 



i VTTO Kvpiov. The readers are addressed not simply 
as brothers (i 3 2 1 ) but as brothers "beloved by the Lord," that 
is, "whom Christ loved and loves." The phrase rjyaTrtj/jLevoi 
VTTO Kvpiov does not appear in i 3 ff -, though the idea of election 
is there implied in the statement that the endurance and faith 
of the readers is evidence of God s purpose to deem them worthy 
of the kingdom. In I i 4 , however, where Paul openly draws the 
conclusion that the readers are elect from the fact that the Spirit 
is at work not simply in him (i 5 ) but especially in the Thessa- 



II, 13 279 

lonians who welcomed the gospel (i 6 10 ), the same estimate is 
given: a8e\(f)ol rj^airrnjievoi VTTO rov 0eov. The repetition here 
of these words of appreciation which recall the love of Christ 
(v. 16 ) who died for them (I 5 10 ) and who as Spirit quickens 
within them the sense of the divine love (3 6 ), and which sug 
gest (cf. Rom. i 7 Col. 3 12 ) that as beloved they are elect (I i 4 ), 
is evidently designed for the purpose of encouraging the faint 
hearted with the assurance of salvation, and of awakening 
within them, as elect and beloved, the obligation to fulfil their 
Christian duty (v. 15 apa ovv). 



On the phrase, cf. Test, xii, Iss. i 1 (v. /.) iQYaxirjjjilvoc uxb xuptau and 
Deut. 33 12 ; and see note on I i 4 . On the perfect participle "implying a 
past action and affirming an existing result," cf. BMT. 154 and exx- 
XUTOCC Rom. 5 5 . (6) xupcoq is used frequently in Paul of the Lord Jesus; 
but it is especially characteristic of the Macedonian letters, fourteen 
times in I, eight times in II, and ten times in Phil. In our letters it 
appears in reminiscences from the Lxx. (I 4 G II I D 2 13 ); in such phrases 
as 6 Xoyoq TOU xupfou (I i 8 4 15 II 3 1 ), V xupup (I 3 8 5 12 ; cf. Gal. 5 10 Rom. 
i6 2ff - and eight times in Phil.), and -fj^pa xupt ou (I 5 2 II 2 2 ; cf. i Cor. 
5 5 ); in prayers (I 3 12 II 3 5 - 1G ); and in other connections (I i 6 4 15 - 17 
5 27 II 3 3 ). In the light of this usage, xtipcoq here (contrast I i 4 ) and 3 
(contrast I 5 23 ) is natural; cf. -urocpa: Oeq> II i 6 with IxScxo? xupco? I 4 
in the light of $f](L<z Gsou (Rom. i4 10 ) or XptaToO (2 Cor. 5 10 ). On the use 
of 6 xtipcoq, see especially Mill. 136 /. and Zahn, Introd. I, 254. D cor 
rects to OeoO; ft A, cl al. } read TOU xupfou. 

6Vt et Xaro u/Lta? KT\. In advancing the reason why (on = 
" because" as in I 2 13 II i 3 ) he ought to thank God always for 
them, Paul lets his religious imagination range from everlasting 
to everlasting, from the choice of God unto salvation before 
the foundation of the world, to the divine invitation in time ex 
tended to the readers through the preaching of the gospel, and 
to the consummation in the age to come, the acquiring of the 
glory which Christ possesses and which he will share with those 
who are consecrated to God by the Spirit and have faith in the 
truth of the gospel. The purpose of this pregnant summary of 
Paul s religious convictions (cf. Rom. 8 28 ~ 30 ) is the encourage 
ment of the faint-hearted. Not only are they chosen, they are 
chosen from all eternity (UTT apx^) ; not only are they chosen, 



280 2 THESSALONIANS 

they are also called; and not only are they called, they are also 
destined to acquire the fulness of salvation in eternity. 



The order of words, eYXoreo u^a? 6 0e6g (cf. I 5 9 ) not u^a? eYXaro, 
tells against the suggestion that the readers are contrasted with "the 
doomed" (v. 10 ). K reads eYXe-uo (cf. xpostxo^ev (AKL) in I 4 6 , and 
see, for mixed aorists, Bl. 2I 1 ). For u^a? (BAGFP, et aL), KD, et a/., read 
f)[xaq; so also for u^aq after exdXsasv in v. 14 , BAD read -fpag, a reading 
which takes the nerve out of Paul s intention and which in v. 14 leads to 
the impossible. alpsfcOoct (Phil, i 22 Heb. n 25 ), like Ix^yeaOac (i Cor. 
I 27ff. Eph. j^ jrpoytvwax.etv (Rom. 8 29 n 2 ) and xpoop^etv (Rom. 
8 29f -; i Cor. 2 7 xpb TWV alwvwv; Eph. i 5 - ), is used of God s election 
as in Deut. 26 18 (cf. xpoatpsIaOat Deut. 7 6 f - io 15 ); c/. TtGdvat I 5 9 , 
xaTa^coOv II i 5 , and dcouv i 11 . The idea of election is constant, but 
the words expressing it vary, a consideration that accounts for the 
fact that elsewhere in the N. T. alpetaOat is not used of the divine elec 
tion. The reading dx dpxrj<; (NDEKL, Pesh. Arm. Eth. Chrys. Th. 
Mops. Ambst. et al.} suits Paul s purpose of encouraging the faint 
hearted better than dxapxrjv (BGP, Vulg. Boh. Didymus, Ambrose, 
ct a/.). The former reading is harder in that elsewhere Paul uses not 
dx dpx^q but xpb TWV atwvwv (i Cor. 2 7 ), dxb TWV atwvtov (Col. i 26 ) or 
xpb xarafioXYis xoajxou (Eph. i") to express the idea "from eternity," 
while dxapx-rj, apart from Jas. i 18 Rev. I4 4 , is found in the N. T. only 
in Paul (seven times; it is common in Lxx., especially in Ezek.). Most 
commentators prefer dx dp^? and interpret it as = dx atovo? (cf. Ps. 
8p 2 ) ; a few, however (so recently Wohl.), seek to refer dx dp%f]<; to the be 
ginnings of Christianity either as such or in Thessalonica, a view possible 
in itself (cf. i Jn. 2 7 - 24 ), though more appropriate to a later period in 
Paul s career, but not probable in Paul who, when he refers to Iv dpxfi 
(Phil. 4 15 ) adds not only TOU euocYyeXt ou (cf. i Clem. 47 2 ) but also OTS 
s^XOov dxb TTJS Max,sBovfaq. As already indicated, dx dpx^q does not 
occur elsewhere in Paul; it is, however, common in the Gk. Bib. as a 
designation of beginnings whether in eternity or in time (cf. Is. 63 16 Sir. 
24 9 i Jn. 2 13 Mt. iQ 4 , etc.; also 2 Reg. 7 10 Ps. 73 2 Lk. i 2 , etc.). Apart 
from our passage and Phil. 4 15 , dpx^ denotes in Paul "power" or, in 
plural, "powers." The reading dxapxrjv which, under the influence of 
the Vulg. primitias (Wiclif: "the first fruytis"), was current in Latin 
exegesis (Dob.), implies that "believers have been, as it were, set aside 
for a sacred offering, by a metaphor taken from the ancient custom of 
the law" (Calvin, who, however, prefers dx dpx^q "which almost all the 
Gk. Mss. have"). The reference in dxapx-rj is (i) to the Thessalonians 
as first-fruits consecrated to God in opposition to the mass of "the 
doomed" (Hofmann, who notes Rev. i4 4 ; but see Swete on that pas 
sage); (2) to the Thessalonians or Macedonians as first-fruits "con- 



II, 13 28i 



trasted with others yet to follow" (MolL, dxapxTJ here as in i Cor. 15" 
implying others to come); or (3), combining an estimate of worth with 
the idea of historical priority, to the fact that the Thessalonians are 
consecrated for a possession (Jas. i 18 Rev. i4 4 ), and are, along with 
the Philippians and others, especially a first-fruit from paganism (B 
Weiss). It is noteworthy, however, that, apart from Rom. n 16 where 
the reference to the cult (Num. i5 19f -) is obvious, Paul elsewhere qual 
ifies dxapx-fj with a genitive as in Rom. i6 5 i Cor. i6 15 (cf. Rom. S- 3 
i Cor. i5 20 - 23 ; and i Clem. 24 1 ). The absence of the qualifying genitive 
in this passage suggests either that the Thessalonians are first in value, 
a choice fruit, which is improbable; or that they are the first in time, 
which is impossible, for they are not even the first-fruits of Macedonia. 
Grot, obviates the difficulty by supposing that our letter was written as 
early as 38 A.D., that is, before Paul came to Thessalonica, and was ad 
dressed to Jason and other Jewish Christians who had come thither 
from Palestine. Harnack likewise (v. supra, p. 53/.) thinks that our letter 
was addressed to Jewish Christians in Thessalonica, a group of believers 
that formed a kind of annex to the larger Gentile Christian church, 
and interprets dxapxV as referring specifically to the Jews who were 
the first-fruits of Thessalonica (Acts i; 4 ). But apart from the fact 
that, in a section written for the encouragement of those who were los 
ing the assurance of salvation, dta" dpx?j<; (cf. Sir. 24) is more appro 
priate than dcxapxTJv, it is difficult to understand, on Harnack s theory, 
the omission of the expected TTJ<; eaaaXovfouqs or the TCOV eaaaXovcxIcov, 
for in the letter to Corinth, a city in which two distinct groups of Chris 
tians, Jewish and Gentile, are unknown, the familia of Stephanas is 
called not simply dcxapxrj but dxap^ TYJ<; A^at aq (i Cor. i6 15 ). In 
passing it is to be noted not only that D in Rom. i6 5 and N in Rev. 
i4 4 change the forceful dxccpx-q to the meaningless dx dp%fj<;, but also 
that in Sir. 24* (BS), xpb TOU atovoq dx dpx*j<; e x/u<jv [LS, A changes 
dx txpyj]?, to dxap%Y)V. 



ek o-wrrjpiav KT\. The eternal choice of God includes not 
only the salvation (I 5 9 ) of the readers (els o-coTrjpiav = ek 
TO acoOrjvai fyia?; cf. v. 10 I 2 16 ), but also the means by which 
(ev = &a ? Chrys.) or the state in which (cf. I 4 8 ) salvation is 
realised (Denney). The a^iao-^ TrvevpaTo? designates the total 
consecration of the individual, soul and body, to God, a consecra 
tion which is inspired by the indwelling Holy Spirit, and which, 
as the readers would recall (I 4 3 ~ 8 5 23 ), is not only religious but 
ethical. The phrase TTICTTIS a\r)6eias, "faith in the truth" of 
the gospel, is prompted by Tria-Teveiv rfj a\r)6eia (v. 12 ). Faith 
is man s part; but behind the will to believe is the consecrating 



282 2 THESSALONIANS 

Spirit of God (TO Trvevfia avTov TO ayiov I 48). To be sure, man 
may refuse to welcome the heavenly influence designed for his 
salvation; but, if he does, he takes upon himself the conse 
quences of his choice (vv. n - 12 ). A similar interaction of the di 
vine and human in salvation is referred to in another Macedonian 
letter (Phil. 2 12 f -). The fact that the means or state of salvation 
is included in the eternal choice, and that it is mentioned before 
the calling (when the means or state is historically manifested) 
suggests that Paul is choosing his words with a view to the en 
couragement of the faint-hearted. To know that they are elect 
from everlasting, and hence destined to the future salvation to 
which they were called, they have only to ask themselves whether 
the consecrating Spirit is in them and whether they have faith 
in the truth of the gospel. By the same token, Paul, in I i 4 ff -, 
expresses the conviction that the readers are elected, namely, by 
the presence of the Spirit in the readers who heard him and wel 
comed his gospel. "We find in ourselves a satisfactory proof (of 
election) if he has sanctified us by his Spirit, if he has enlight 
ened us in the faith of his gospel" (Calvin). 



Grammatically ev dycaqjiy y/;X. is to be construed not with 
alone (WohL), or with awrrjpc av alone (Riggenbach, Schmiedel, Born.), 
but with et Xa-uo dq acoTTjptav (Liin. Ell. Lft. Dob. et a/.). In the 
light of I 5 23 , TcveujjiaToq is not the human (Schott. Find. Moff. et al.) 
but the divine Spirit (Calv. Grot, and most) ; and the gen. is not of the 
object but of the author. The phrase ev aytaqjuo rcveu^aToq in i Pet. i 2 
"probably comes from 2 Thess. 2 13 " (Hort). On dyiaqxoq, see I 4 s ff -; 
on icfcms aX-qOsfog, see vv. 10 - 12 and cf. Phil, i" Col. 2 12 . 



14. et? o exdtecrev KT\. "To which end," a whereunto" (i 11 ), 
that is, " to be saved in consecration by the Spirit and faith in 
the truth." The eternal purpose is historically manifested in 
God s call (rcaXeiv I 2 12 4 7 5 24 ; /<;X?}crt? II i 11 ), an invitation ex 
tended through the gospel which Paul (cf. Rom. io 14 ff -) and his 
associates preach OJ/AGw; cf. I i 5 ). That is, oi)? e Trpo&pio-ev 
TOVTOVS fcal efcd\e(7v (Rom. 8 30 ). 

et? TrepiTroiTjcriv Sdgrfi KT\. With this clause, standing in 
apposition to et? o, Paul proceeds to the final consummation of 
the purpose of God in election and calling, explaining et? 



n, 13-15 283 

piav as the acquisition of divine glory, "to the obtaining of the 
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ." The "glory of Christ" (i 9 ), 
like the glory of God (to which he calls in I 2 12 ), is the glory which 
Christ possesses, and which he shares (cf. Rom. 8 17 ) with "the 
beloved of the Lord." In other words, oft? efcdXeaev . . . TOV- 
TOU? /ecu eSdgaaev (Rom. 8 30 ). The repetition, in this apposi- 
tional explanation, of a part of the language of I $ 9 (et? TrepiTroLr)- 
aiv (TtoTrjpias Sta rov /cvpiov T^JJL^V T^croO ~KpicrTov) where the 
faint-hearted are likewise encouraged is undoubtedly purposed. 

Lillie properly remarks: "There is no reason for restricting elq o to 
any one (awnqptccv, as Piscator, Bengel, ct at.] or TC^TEC, as Aretius, 
Cocceius, ctaL), or any two (ayiaqjup . . . x.al TCC STEC, as Grotius, Flatt, 
Schott, de Wette, Hofmann, et al.), of the three; though, inasmuch as 
salvation is the leading idea and ultimate end, this is repeated and 
defined in the latter clause of the verse, dq TCpcxofyacv x/uX." Most 
commentators agree with the above in referring dq o to acoinqpfccv ev 
aycaqjup . . . icfarei (Theophylact, Liin. Ell. Lft. Find, et al.}; but 
B. Weiss refers it to sYXairo "with reference to which election" (cf. 
dq o in i 11 which resumes dq ib xaTa^ctoOfivat i 5 ). A few codices read 
dq o xsu (&PGF, Vulg.), the *<*{ coming probably from i 11 (but see 
Weiss, 112); cf. I 4 8 Tbv xal BcBovra (fc-sDGF, Vulg. et al.\ and contrast 
the simple dq o in Phil. 3 1G . On c& TOU euaYY ^^ ou > c f- Eph. 3 6 i Cor. 
4 15 . In vv. 13 - 14 (on which see especially Denney in Expositor s Bible, 
1892), which are "a system of theology in miniature" (Denney), nothing 
is expressly said of the death and resurrection of Christ, or of the specific 
hope of believers for a redeemed and spiritual body conformed T(O awyiaTC 
TTJS 86jq auTou (Phil. 3 21 ; i Cor. is 425 -; Rom. 8 23f -). But these essen 
tial convictions of Paul, who is already a Christian of over seventeen 
years standing, are given in the very words "our gospel." 

15. apa ovv KT\. With his characteristic apa ovv (I 5 6 ), to 
which an affectionate a8eX</>(H is added (as in Rom. 8 12 ), Paul 
commands the brethren to fulfil their Christian duty, their good 
work and word. This imperative is based on the fact that they 
are beloved of Christ and elected and called of God to obtain 
the glory of Christ, and is expressed (i) in ony/cere (a word of 
Paul; see 1 3 8 ), "stand firm" and (2) in /cparelre ra? Trapa&dcreis, 
"hold to the deliverances or instructions which you have been 
taught by us whether by our word or by our letter," JHJLUV being 
construed with both substantives. Since ec>tSa%0??Te has in 



284 2 THESSALONIANS 

mind instructions hitherto conveyed by Paul, Silvanus, and 
Timothy (finwv; cf. v. 14 ) to the Thessalonians, \dyos refers to 
the oral teaching during the first visit; and "our letter" (not 
Si e7rio"ro\(*)v "our letters") refers specifically to the first epis 
tle. While these instructions comprehend the various elements, 
religious and moral, communicated by Paul and his associates 
to the Thessalonians orally or by letter up to the time of the 
writing of II (e&,Bd%0i)T)j the presence of artf/cere, recalling the 
craXevQrjvai of v. 2 , goes to show that Paul has in mind not only 
generally "our gospel" as outlined in vv. 13 - 14 but also specifically 
the instructions concerning the Parousia which he had given 
orally (I 5 2 II 2 5 ) and had touched upon in the first epistle 
(5 1 - 11 which has the faint-hearted in mind). Knowing, as they 
should remember (v. 2 ), that the day is not actually present, and 
aware that, as elect and beloved (I i 4 ff -)> they are put not for 
wrath but for the acquiring of salvation (I 5 9 ), they should not 
be agitated and nervously wrought up (v. 2 ), but should stand 
firm and stick to the deliverances that they had been taught, 
"whether we conveyed them by word of mouth when we were 
yet with you or by our letter," that is, the first epistle (sive 
per verbum praesentes sive et absentes per litteras Th. Mops.; cf. 
also Theodoret: Xo you? 01)9 /cal Trdpovres vfuv e/crjpvgafjiev /cal 
airovres 



As Dob. (ad loc.~) and J. Weiss (in Meyer on i Cor. n 2 ) have pointed 
out, the use of xapaBoacg betrays the Jewish training of Paul who as a 
Pharisee outstripped many of his comrades in his zeal for TWV icoreptxwv 
[AOU xapaBdaewv (Gal. i 14 ). Here, as in i Cor. n 2 (OTC xaOobg xapdBwxa 
5[Atv t&q xapaSdascs xxcexsTs), the deliverances are not denned; con 
trast the single tradition below 3 6 which is stated in 3 10 ; and note dso 
the comprehensive fj xapcxBoat? TO>V dvOpwxwv (Col. 2 6 - 8 ; cf. Mk. y 8 ) 
which is antithetical to Christ. In our passage, Paul might have said 
vrjv ScSaxV V fc^ec? iyAtete (Rom. i6 17 ; cf. Phil. 4 9 Col. i* 2 ff - Eph. 
4 20 ; also i Cor. 4 17 ); or, on the analogy of I 4 1 - 2 i Cor. 7 10 , Ta? xapay- 
yeXc a? otq eBtoxa^ev CipLlv. The thought is constant, but the language 
varies. Paul is 6 BtSou?, 6 xapaBtSouq, 6 ScSdaxtov, 6 -Tcapayy^XXwv, and 
& yvwpc^wv (i Cor. I5 1 ); an d the readers or hearers receive (xapa- 
XayL^dtvetv Gal. i 9 i Cor. I5 1 Phil. 4 9 Col. 2 6 1 4 1 II 3 s ), learn GxccvGavetv 
Phil. 4 9 Rom. i6 17 Col. i 7 Eph. 4 20 ), and are taught (ScSaaxecOat Col. 
2 7 Eph. 4"; cf. Gal. i 12 ); and they likewise "hold fast to the instruc- 



n, is/ 285 

tions" (here and i Cor. jii 2 ; cf. i5 2 ). While the source of these words, 
deliverances, teaching, commands, etc., is for Paul the indwelling Christ, 
and may thus be opposed to human authority (Gal. i 12 ) or his own opin 
ion (i Cor. 7 10 ff -)> still they are historically mediated by the 0. T., say 
ings of Jesus, and the traditions of primitive Christianity (i Cor. i5 3 ). 
xpa-uscv is used elsewhere by Paul only Col. 2 19 (xsipaX^v); cf. Mk. 
73. s xpocTetv T-?)V xapaBoacv; but xapdcBoacg, apart from Paul, appears 
in Gk. Bib. only Mk. 7 3ff - = Mt. 152 ff -, and in 2 Es. 7 26 Jer. 39* 4i 2 of 
"delivering up" a city. The construction StSaaxsaOac TC is found else 
where in Gk. Bib. i Ch. 5 18 Cant. 38 Sap. 6 10 (but cf. Gal. i); on c- 
S&cxetv, cf. i Cor. 4 17 Col. 2 7 Eph. 4". The implication of this specifi 
cation of alternative modes of conveying instruction, Bed: X6you and Si* 
IxcaToXYjg (efrre being disjunctive as in I 5 10 ), is that each is equally 
authoritative; et par in utroque auctoritas (Grot.). Paul had previously 
referred to both these modes (vv. 5 I 5 2 - 27 ); but the reminder here 
may imply an intentional contrast both with the erroneous inferences 
drawn by some from Paul s oral utterances (inspired or not) and from 
his first epistle (v. 2 ), and (probably) with the statement implied in 
I s 27 that some of the brothers (presumably "the idlers") would give 
no heed to the letters of Paul (cf. below 3 14 ). excaToX-rj with an article 
may refer to "this" present letter (I 5 27 II 3" Rom. i6 22 Col. 4"; cf. 
P. Oxy. 2Q3 8f - (A.D. 27) TOJ Be 9epovu( cot T?)V IxtaToXiqv), or to a pre 
vious letter, "that" letter (i Cor. s 9 2 Cor. 7 8 ), the context determin 
ing in each instance the reference. The plural 4xiaToXa indicates with 
the article previous past letters in 2 Cor. io 9 - 10 ; and without the arti 
cle, either letters to be written (i Cor. i6 3 ) or the epistolary method 
(2 Cor. io 11 ). 



16-17. auTo? Se KT\. The Se, which introduces a new point 
(cf. I 3 11 5 23 II 3 16 ), is here, as in I 5 23 , slightly adversative. "We 
have commanded you to stand firm and hold to the instructions 
which you have received, and we have based our imperative 
on the fact that you are beloved and elect; but after all (8e), the 
only power that can make the appeal effective, that can en 
courage your purposes and strengthen them in the sphere of 
righteousness, is Christ and God, to whom consequently we ad 
dress our prayer for you." As in I 3", so here the divine names 
are united and governed by a verb in the singular; there, how 
ever, God, as usual, takes the precedence; here (as in Gal. i 1 
2 Cor. i3 13 ) Christ is named first, perhaps because the good hope 
is pictured as the sharing of the glory of Christ (v. 14 ). Due 
to the position of the name of Christ, the arrangement of the 



286 2 THESSALONIANS 

divine names is chiastic, "Our Lord, Jesus Christ," and "God, 
our Father" (the phrase o <9eo? 6 Trarrjp i]^v being unique; 
see on I i 3 ). 

6 arycnnjo-as fjfias /cal Sou?. "Who loved us (Christians; con 
trast vpo>v v. 17 ) and so gave us (sc. fjtuv) eternal encouragement 
and good hope in virtue of grace" (both the love and the gift 
arising from the divine favour (I i 1 ) of God and Christ unto sal 
vation; cf. Kara TTJV yupiv i 12 and ev Swa^ei i 11 ). On the anal 
ogy of I 3 11 , it is evident that o ayctTrijo-as /cal Sov? is to be re 
ferred to both Christ and God (contrast Gal. i 1 , "through Jesus 
Christ and God the Father who raised him from the dead," 
where eyeipavros logically excludes the double reference). Since 
the aorists look upon the past event simply as an event with 
out reference to its progress or existing result (BMT. 38), it 
is probable (i) that o ayairrjo-as alludes chiefly to the love of 
God (Rom. 5 8 ) or Christ (Gal. 2 20 ) manifested in his sufferings 
and death, though the aorist does not exclude the idea of the con 
tinued love of God and Christ ("who has loved us"; cf. I i 4 
II 2 13 tfyaTrrjiJievot,, and Rom. 8 35 ff -) ; and (2) that the Sou?, which 
is closely attached to ayaTrfoas under the governance of one 
article, refers to the initial gift of the Spirit (1 4 8 Gal. 4 6 Rom. 5 5 ), 
though the aorist does not exclude the idea of the permanent 
possession of the gift ("and has given us"). 

7rapdK\7]<ni> aicoyiav teal e\7riSa ayaOrjv. In choosing these 
phrases (which are evidently unique in the Gk. Bib.), Paul, 
though speaking of Christians in general, has especially in mind 
the needs of the faint-hearted who had been losing confidence 
and hope. Trapd/cX^ats is the courageous confidence, inspired by 
the Spirit, that nothing, whether persecutions (i 4 I 3 3 ) or dis 
quieting utterances touching the time of the Parousia (vv. 2 ~ 3 ) 
can prevent the beloved and elect from sharing the future glory 
of Christ. This "encouragement" is alvviav, not because it 
belongs to this present aeon (o alobv oi/ro?), but because it holds 
good for and reaches into the aeon which is to come (o alcav o 
fjL\\G)v) 9 a present and lasting encouragement. The "good 
hope" springs from the "eternal encouragement" (cf. Rom. 
5 1 ff -)> and is likewise a present possession (cf. Rom. 8 23 ) due to 



ii, 1 6-i 7 287 

the Spirit. It is "good" not only negatively in contrast with 
the empty hope of non-Christians (I 4 13 ) but also positively in 
that it is genuine and victorious (Rom. 5 5 ), certain to be re 
alised in the future kingdom of God. 

17. 7rapaica\earai, . . . xal (nripi^ai KT\. Having named 
the divine persons and recalled their gracious love and gift to 
all Christians (v. 1G ), Paul petitions Christ and God (the two 
persons being united here as in I 3 11 by the singular optatives) 
first of all (i) to "encourage" the inward purposes or will of the 
faint-hearted among the readers (vpwv ra? /capSfa^ as 3 5 I 3 15 ; 
note the change from the general ^a? (v. 1G ) to the specific 
vfjL&v), that is, to put into their hearts the confident assurance 
of salvation, the "eternal encouragement" of which he had just 
spoken (jrapaicdXecraL resuming 7rapaK\7]cnv). Then (2), recog 
nising still the needs of the faint-hearted and gently reminding 
them that the future salvation, though it is assured by the in 
dwelling Spirit, is contingent upon righteousness (cf. i 11 12 I 3 13 
5 6 ff -; Rom. 14 2 Cor. 5 10 i Cor. 3 13 ff - Phil, i 6 ), he petitions 
further (as in i 11 1 3 13 ) Christ and God to "establish (o-nj/n fai; 
cf. I 3 2 - 13 and crrf/cere above v. 15 ) their hearts (sc. vp&v ra? 
KapStas- KL, et al., insert fyta?) in every good work that they 
do (contrast 7repiepydea-0cu 3 11 ) and in every good word that 
they speak" (contrast v. 2 ). 

On auTbq 81, see 3 16 1 3 11 5 23 . Most codices have Injaou? Xptardg; but 
A reads Trjaoug 6 Xpccrrog, and B Xpccrrb? LrjaoOs (cf. Rom. i6 26 Eph. 5 20 ; 
also D in i 1 above). The unique 6 Osbq 6 xaT^p TJ^WV is given by fcsGF; 
BD omit 6 before 6e6g, yielding an equally unusual phrase; 0e6g (K) 
or 6 Osoq (APL) xal XOCTTJP TJEJLWV (AKLP) is conformation to Paul s reg 
ular usage. Paul speaks elsewhere of the love of God (3 s Rom. 5 5 8 39 
2 Cor. i3 13 ) and of the love of Christ (Rom. 8 35 - 37 2 Cor. 5"); of God as 
the author of xapdx.X7)cn<; (Rom. 15 5 2 Cor. i 3 ) and of Christ as the inspi 
ration of the same (Phil. 2 1 ); of God as the author of hope (Rom. 15 5 ) 
and of Christ in us the hope of glory (Col. i 27 ); and of the grace both of 
God and of Christ (see I i 1 ). There is no intrinsic difficulty therefore 
in referring 6 dcyax-fcaq xocl Sou? to both Christ and God. In the present 
context, 7rapdcx>a}crcg, which anticipates %apax.aXdaoct in v. 17 , means not 
"consolation" but "encouragement" (Find.; cf. I 3 2 ). On the femi 
nine ending atwvt oc instead of the common alcovto? (which GF have here; 
cf. i 9 ), cf. Heb. 9" Num. 25" Jer. 20", etc. For IXxl? dracOr) (which, 



288 2 THESSALONIANS 

like xap<xXiQat<; atwvi a, is unique in the Gk. Bib.), see Goodwin s note 
on Demosthenes, dc cor. 258. On Btoovat eXxt oa, cf. Job 6 8 Sir. 13"; 
on dyaOoq, see I 3 6 and on eXxcg I i 3 . Is. 57 18 may be cited: xapex-dXeca 
auTbv xal e Bwxa CCUTW xapdxTajacv dTaqOivigv. The adverbial expression 
ev %dptTt (c/. i 11 ev Buvdpiet) is to be construed not with xapocxaXeaac 
(B. Weiss), and not with So6g alone, but with the two closely united 
participles 6 dyaxf)aa<; xal Sou? (De W. Liin. Lft. et al.}. The ev in 
dicates the sphere or more precisely the ground of the divine love and 
gift (cf. i 10 - 12 Rom. 5 15 Gal. i 6 2 Cor. i 12 ). Why Paul writes not "word 
and work" (so GFK, et al.-, cf. Col. 3" Rom. i5 18 2 Cor. io) but "work 
and word" (not elsewhere in Paul; but cf. Lk. 24 19 ), and adds dyaOw 
(which, like xav-rf, is to be connected with both epyw and^oyw) is quite 
unknown. On the analogy of I 2 4 (TOC? xapSta? ^[Juov), frsA put TJ^WV 
after xapot aq. For the phrase xapocxocXetv Tag xapBta?, cf. Col. 4 8 
Eph. 6 22 Sir. 3o 23 . Ell. notes Chrys. on onjpfai: ^s^aiaxjat, toaie ^ 



V. FINALLY (3 1 - 5 ). 

This section, as TO XotTroV and aSeX(/)ot make clear, is new, and 
serves not as a conclusion of the foregoing (2 13 - 17 ) but as an intro 
duction to the following discussion (3 6 16 ), as 7rapayye\\ofjLev 
(v. 4 and vv. 10 - n ) and TroLijaere intimate; in other words, 
vv. 1 - 5 form a transition (analogous to I 4 1 - 2 ) from the first to the 
second main point of the epistle, from the faint-hearted (i 3 -2 17 ) 
to the idle brethren (s 6 15 ). The structure is abrupt (cf. 3e in 
vv. 3 - 4 - 5 ) more so than in I 5 14 22 ; and the transitions, based 
on association of ideas (TTWTTW to Trwrnfe and, less obviously, 
to TreiroiOa^ev)^ do not quite succeed either in relieving the ab 
ruptness or in making definite the underlying connection of 
thought. The situation may best be explained on the assumption 
not that a forger is at work (Wrede), or that in 2 16 ~3 5 considerable 
material has been deleted (Harnack), but that Paul is replying 
informally to remarks made by his converts in their letter to him. 

Wishing to get their willing obedience to the command of 
vv. 6 - 15 , he seeks their sympathy in requesting their prayers for 
him and his cause, and delicately commends their faith (w. 1 2 ). 
Finding, it may be, in the letter from the converts that the idle 
brethren are disposed to excuse their idleness on the ground that 
the Tempter is too strong for them, Paul bids them to remember 



ii, 17-ni, i /. 289 

that Christ is really to be depended on to give them strength 
sufficient to resist temptation (v. 3 ). Still wishing to get their 
willing obedience, Paul in the same Christ avows tactfully his 
faith in them that they will be glad to do what he commands, 
as indeed they are even now doing (v. 4 ). But as a stimulus to 
obedience, they need especially a vivid sense of God s love for 
them, and the reminder that Christ can give them an endurance 
adequate to the situation. Accordingly, Paul addresses a prayer 
for them to Christ the source of power (v. 5 ). 

^Finally, pray, brothers, for us, asking that the word of the Lord 
may run its race and be crowned with glory, as it does with you; 
2 and that we may be delivered from those unrighteous and evil men, 
for not for all is the Christian faith. ^Faithful, however, the Lord 
really is, and he will make you firm and guard you from the evil 
one. ^Moreover, prompted by the Lord, we have faith in you that 
the things which we command, you both are doing and will continue 
to do. ^However, may the Lord incline your hearts to a sense of 
God s love and to the endurance that Christ alone inspires. 

1. TO \oi7rdv. Though TO \oi7rdv } like XotTroV (I 4 1 and GF 
here), is often found at the end of a letter intimating that it is 
drawing to a close (2 Cor. 13"; contrast i Cor. i 16 4 2 7 29 ), yet 
it does not of necessity imply that "what remains to be said" is 
of secondary importance, as the instances in the other Mace 
donian letters demonstrate (I 4 1 Phil. 3 1 4 8 ). In fact, just as 
I 4 1 - 2 paves the way for the important exhortations in I 4 3 ~5 22 
(which are placed, like w. *- 15 here, between two prayers, aurov 
Se I 311-13 5 23 anc } n 2 16 - 17 3 16 ) so w. J - 5 , introduced as I 4 1 " 2 by 
(TO) \OITTOV and the affectionate aSeX(/>ot , serve as a tactful 
introduction to the important injunction in vv. 6 - 15 . 

7rpoo-ev%ea-0e KT\. This appeal for the prayers of the readers 
is characteristic of Paul (i 11 1 5 25 Rom. i5 30 f - Col. 4 2 - 18 Phile. 22; 
also 2 Cor. i 11 Phil, i 19 ); it is inspired here by the circumstances 
in which he is writing, namely, as teal Trdo-^ere (i 4 ) has already 
intimated, by persecutions, and that too at the instigation of 
Jews, as ov <yap TTCIVTCOV rj TTIO-TK in the light of I 2 15 16 suggests, 
and as the typical instances narrated in Acts (i8 5 ff -) corroborate. 
This appeal for sympathy is intended not to remind the readers 
19 



2QO 2 THESSALONIANS 

that they are not the only victims of Jewish opposition, but, as 
the tacit praise of their faith (icaOw Kal 737)09 t^a?) suggests, 
to stir up within them such love for him that they will obey with 
alacrity the command which he is about to give (vv. 6 - 15 ). 

iva 6 \dyos rov Kvpiov KT\. The prayer requested is not so 
much for Paul and his companions personally (irepl ri^wv) as 
for them as preachers of the gospel (2 14 ) and as sufferers in the 
common cause of the kingdom of God (i 4 ). Hence the object of 
the prayer (iva being here not, as in i 11 , of the purpose, but of 
the object as in Phil, i 9 Col. i 9 ; cf. v. 12 below and 1 4 1 2 Cor. 8 G ) 
is both (i) that the word of the Lord (I i 8 ) may run its race un 
hindered by the weight of opposition, and be crowned with glory; 
and (2) that the missionaries of the gospel of Christ may be de 
livered from those well-known unrighteous and evil men. In each 
of the clauses with Ivi there is an additional remark (a) in ref 
erence to the faith of the readers, Ka0cos /cal TT/JO? u/ta?; and (b) 
in reference to the adversaries common to Paul and the readers, 
the Jews whose hearts are hardened, ov <yap Travrav rj 



On Paul s prayers and requests for prayer, see especially E. von dcr 
Goltz, Das Gebet in dcr altesten Christenlicit, 1901, 112 Jf. The language 
here (xpoaeu^esQs dBsXpol xspl YJJJUOV) is natural enough in itself (Heb. 
i3 18 ) and is quite Pauline (Col. 4 2 ); but the phrase as a whole reminds 
one of I 5 25 (deX<pot xpoaeuxsaOe xort xspl rjyuov). The agreement be 
tween our phrase and that of I 5 25 is not, however, exact. The v.oci of I is 
not present here, a fact that makes the usual reference to 2 1G - 17 less dis 
tinct (Chrys. GEcumenius: "above he prayed for them, now he asks 
prayer from them"). Furthermore the position of dosX?o is different; 
from I 5 25 (cf. I 4 1 2 Cor. 13" Phil. 3 1 4 8 ), we should expect it to precede 
(as GF, el a/.) not to follow (SBA, et al.~) xpoaeuxsaOe (cf. DE, et al., which 
put d8eX?o{ after Vwv). Finally, unlike I 5 25 , the object of the prayer 
is here stated. The significance, if there is any, of the emphatic posi 
tion of xpoaeuxesOe is unknown. Since "those unrighteous and wicked 
men" (v. 2 ) are evidently well known to the readers, it is not improbable 
that in their letter to him they had prayed for him in Corinth. If this 
surmise be correct, the present imperative (which, however, is regularly 
used in the Macedonian letters, the only aorists being dax&aaaOe I 5 28 
Phil. 4 21 and x^pwaaTe Phil. 2 2 ) with which Paul replies may perhaps 
be rendered: "Keep on praying as you are, brethren, for us." 



rjTai. "That the word of the Lord may run 
and be glorified." This, the first object of the prayer, expressed 



Ill, I 291 

in a collocation (rpfyeiv teal So%deo-0at) which is not found else 
where in the Gk. Bib., is to the general effect that the gospel of 
Christ "may have a triumphant career" (Lft.). The word rpe- 
Xav (used absolutely here as elsewhere in Paul) is, in the light 
of i Cor. 9 24 s - (cf. Rom. g 16 Gal. 2 2 5 7 Phil. 2 1G ), probably a meta 
phor derived from the races in the stadium. The word of the 
Lord is o rpe xcov (Rom. g 16 ), competing for the fipaftelov (i Cor. 
9 24 ) or <7Te (/>ai>o9 (I 2 19 i Cor. 9 25 ), that is, for the acceptance of 
the gospel as the power of God unto salvation. But to indicate 
the victory of the runner, Paul adds, not, as we should expect, 
cne^av&Tai (cf. 2 Tim. 2 5 ), or \afjL/3dv7j are^avov (i Cor. 9 25 ), 
but, with a turn to the religious, Sogd&Tai "be glorified," that 
is, "crowned with glory" (compare the kingly crown in Ps. 8 G 
Heb. 2 7 - 9 ). But while the general point of the metaphor is clear, 
the exact force of it is uncertain. In the light of v. 2 , however, it 
is probable that Tpfyg means not "to fulfil its course swiftly 
(Ps. I47 4 eW ra^ou?) and without hindrance" (so Riggenbach 
and many others); not "to run, that is, unhindered, and make 
its way quickly through the world" (Dob., who notes the 
hope expressed in Mk. i3 10 Mt. 24"); but to run its race un 
encumbered by obstacles (not self-imposed (cf. Heb. I2 1 ) but) 
superimposed by adversaries, in this context, the Jews (cf. 
Theodoret a/cco\vTco<i ). 

In view of the unique collocation, Tpl^ecv ^ 8oas<j0at, and of 
Paul s fondness for metaphors from the race-course, it is unnecessary 
to see here a literary allusion either to "the faithful and expeditious 
messenger" (Briggs) of Ps. 147*, or to Ps. i8 5 o>g ftjaq Specie iv 6Sbv a j-uoij 
where "the path of the sun in the heavens is conceived as a race-course" 
(Briggs), or to Is. 55". In this phrase, evidently coined by Paul, the 
present tenses (contrast in v. 2 puaOoi^sv) regard the race and victory as 
in constant progress. Each person or group of persons is constantly 
recognising the gospel at its true worth and welcoming it as the word not 
of man but of God. The transition to the complimentary xaGwg XT}.. 
is thus easily made. On 6 Xoyo? TOU xupfou, see I i 8 where x has TOU 
Oeou (cf. I 2") as do GFP, ct al., here. On So^eaOat, see i 10 - 12 . 



teal TTpo? vfjuas. "As it is running and is being glorified 
with you"; or succinctly, "as it does in your case." The praise 
implied in the prayer that the gospel may succeed with all as it 



2 THESSALONIANS 

succeeds with the readers is designed probably as an incentive 
not to their prayers for him but to their obedience to the com 
mand in mind (v. 6 ). Sympathy for Paul is to create a willing 
compliance; if they love him, they will keep his commands, 
vrpo? (I 3 4 ) i s to be construed with both TpextJ an d So^dfyrai,. 

2. /cal iva pvaOoifJiev. The iva (parallel to wa in v. J ) intro 
duces the second object of irpocrev^ea-Oe: "that we may be de 
livered." The aorist (contrast the present tenses in v. J ) regards 
the action of deliverance simply as an event in the past without 
reference to progress. As in 2 Cor. i 11 where the prayer requested 
is for deliverance (pveaOai) from the danger of death, and as 
in Rom. i5 30 ff - where it is for deliverance from those that are 
disobedient in Judaea (wa pvaOco CLTTO r&v aireiOovvTow ), so 
here person and cause are inseparable. 

T&V ardircov teal Trovrjp&v av6pa)7rcov. "From those unright 
eous and evil men." The TWV points to a definite class of ad 
versaries (cf. Rom. i5 31 ) and well known to the readers. That 
persecutions in Corinth are here referred to is likewise sug 
gested by Kal Tra cr^ere in i 4 ; and that the Jews are the insti 
gators of persecution is the natural inference both from ov yap 
irdvrcov TI TTLCTTIS when compared with I 2 15 16 , and from the 
typical instances recorded in Acts i8 5 ff - 

ov yap Trdvrcov f) TTWTTW. "For not for all is the faith"; "it 
is not everybody who is attracted by the faith" (Rutherford). 
"The faith" (Gal. i 23 ) is not "the word of the Lord" (v. *), "the 
truth" (2 10 - 12 ), or "the gospel" (cf. 2 14 ), but the faith which the 
gospel demands, the faith without which the gospel is not effec 
tive as the power of God unto salvation. The ydp explains not 
the prayer for deliverance, as if "only deliverance from them is 
to be requested since their conversion is hopeless" (Schmiedel), 
but the reason why those unrighteous and evil men exist. The 
explanation is set forth not in terms of historical fact, "for not 
all have believed" (cf. Rom. io 16 ov TraWe? irrnj/eova-av TO> evay- 
, but in terms of a general principle based on observation 
iVj which GF, et aL, read, is to be supplied here as often else 
where in Paul), "for not for all is the faith" (TrdvT&v being either 
an objective or a possessive genitive; cf. Acts i 7 2 Cor. 2 3 



in, 1-3 293 

Heb. 5 14 ). In view of the fact that under similar circumstances 
Paul had expressed himself similarly as regards the conversion 
of the Jews (I 2 15 - 16 ) it is quite likely that here too, in spite of 
TTCLVTWV, he has in mind the obstinacy of the Jews. It was their 
rejection of Jesus as the Messiah that raised a serious problem 
not only for Paul (Rom. 9-11) but for others (Mk. 4 1(M2 Acts 
2 g26 a. j n I2 37 ff.^ Here, however, the mystery alone, not its 
solution, is stated. 



is used of persons only here in the Gk. Bib.; elsewhere, chiefly 
in Lk. Acts, Job, it is neuter; e. g. xp&jaetv airoxa (Job 27 6 36 21 ) or 
<5hroxov (Pr. 24 55 2 Mac. i4 23 ; cf. Lk. 23 41 ) and xocecv dkoxoc (Job 34"; 
cf. Polyc. Phil. 5 3 ). "From its original meaning out of place, unbecom 
ing, dnroxoq came in late Greek to be used ethically = improper, un 
righteous ; and it is in this sense that, with the exception of Acts 28", 
it is always used in the Lxx. and N. T." (Milligan, Greek Papyri, 72). 
For other instances of the word, see Wetstein and Loesner, ad loc., 
and on Lk. 23", and the former on Acts 28 6 . The prevailing ethical 
meaning makes unlikely the rendering "unbelieving" which the context 
might suggest (cf. I 2 15 Gey ^ dpeax.6vTo>v). For a conspectus of pro 
posed translations such as "unreasonable," "perverse," "unrighteous" 
(Thayer), etc., see Lillie s note; compare also Hatch-Redpath, Con 
cordance, where under fiioxoq in Job 36 21 both a&txa and avo[i,a are noted 
as variants of dhroxa. On xovrjpog, see I 5 22 ; D in Lk. 23" reads xoviqpdv 
for a-roxov. On pueaGat dx6, see I i 10 . Born. (533), whom Wrede 
follows, finds an almost verbal dependence on Is. 25*: dxb dcvOpoaxov 
puafl aikoug. But Ps. I39 1 would serve as well: IJjeXou yjs xupce e dcv- 
6p<oxou xovrjpoO, dxb dvBpbg dSfoou puaat [xe. Dob. (cf. Harnack, op. 
cit.} sees a reference to i Mac. 14" where Simon e^Yjpev xavTa avo[i,ov 
xal xoviQpdv; cf. Is. g 17 X^VTE? avojxot x,al xovTjpoL However this may 
be, it is evident both that Paul read the Lxx. and that the collocation 
OCTOXO? xocl xovYjp6<; is not found elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. 



3. TTicTTo? Se 0Ta> o Kvpios KT\. "The Lord (Christ) is 
really (2 4 ) faithful (cf. Rom. 3 3 ), and as faithful will surely 
strengthen you and protect you from the evil one." Prompted 
it may be by a passage in their letter to him saying that some of 
the converts, probably the idlers, were disposed to excuse their 
conduct on the ground that the Tempter was too strong for 
them, and being "more anxious about others than about him 
self" (Calvin), Paul turns somewhat abruptly (5e) from the sit 
uation in Corinth and his own trials to the similar situation, so 



294 2 THESSALONIANS 

far as persecution is concerned (i 4 ), in Thessalonica, and the 
moral dangers to which the devil exposed the readers (v/jids, 
not ^as which Bentley and Baljon conjecture). With 777*7709, 
here naturally suggested by TT&TW (v. 2 ), and with an emphatic 
ecrriv (which is unexpected in the phrase Tna-rbs 6 <9eo? or icvpios), 
Paul reminds them that Christ is really to be depended on 
to give them strength sufficient to resist the enticement of the 
devil. Paul assures them not that they will be delivered from 
persecution (cf. I 3 4 ) but rather that they will be strengthened 
both in faith (I f) and conduct (I 3 13 II 2 17 ), and thus be shielded 
from the power of Satan (I 2 18 II 2), that is, from the ethical 
aberrations, perhaps specifically the idleness and meddlesome 
ness to which the Tempter (I 3 2 ), by means of persecution, en 
tices some of them. The similarity of i Cor. io 13 has not escaped 
Calvin s notice : There hath no temptation taken you but such 
as man can bear; Tnarb^ Se 6 9eds } o? OVK edaei 



The usual phrase in Paul is not lutcTb? Be CGTCV 6 xijpto? but simply 
ncrub? 6 Gedg (i Cor. i 3 io 13 2 Cor. i ls ; cf. I 5 24 ). The change from Oe6<; 
to /.upcoq = Christ (v. 5 ) is in keeping with the tendency of II already 
mentioned (v. 2 13 ). In fact, the frequency of 6 xupto? in vv. 1 - 5 (four 
times) has an interesting parallel in another Macedonian letter, Phil. 
4 1 - 5 (where 6 x6ptos occurs four times). The unexpected ecm v (G, ei aL, 
omit, conforming to Paul s usage), which emphasises the reality of the 
faithfulness of Christ, may be due simply to the contrast with the faith 
lessness of the Jews; or it may intimate, as said, that in a letter to 
Paul the converts, perhaps specifically not the faint-hearted (2 17 ) but 
the idle brothers, had expressed the feeling that the evil one was too 
strong for them, thus accounting for their yielding to temptation. Paul s 
reply, emphasising the faithfulness of Christ who is stronger than the 
devil, serves both as a reminder that persecutions are not an excuse for 
idleness and as an incentive to do what Paul is about to command 
(vv. 3 - 4 - 6 - 15 ). 6 xupto? stands in victorious antithesis to 6 -jcovqpo?; for, 
although grammatically -coO TCOVTQPOU may be either masculine (Eph. 6 16 ) 
or neuter (Rom. 12), yet the masculine, in view not only of I 2 18 3 s 
II 2 3 but also of Paul s conception in general of the evil world (cf. 2 Cor. 
6 15 ), is the more probable gender (so Calv. and most modern expositors). 
For supposed allusions in this passage to the Lord s Prayer, see on the 
one side Lft. and Chase (The Lord s Prayer in the Early Church, 1891), 
and on the other Dibelius, ad loc. On <mjp^etv, see I 3 2 . Elsewhere in 
the N. T. the future is a^p^s: (as SADP, ct aL, here); in the Lxx. it is 
regularly oTTjptdi. The reading of B (aTTjpfoeO has a parallel in Jer. 



ni, 3-4 295 

I7 5 ; that of GF (TY]pTQast) is due either to a previous cnqpTjaei (cf. B 
in Sir. 38") or to an approximation to yuXA^ei (Dob.); cf. Sir. 4 2 
auvTYJpTjaov Kacpbv x,al <p6Xaac dxb xovirjpoG. cpuX&aaecv is found apart 
from the Pastorals but twice elsewhere in Paul, Gal. 6 13 Rom. 2 2G (used 
in reference to the law). On the construction here, cf. Ps. i2o 7 . The 
collocation onqpflUiv and cpuX&aaecv is without a parallel in Gk. Bib. 



4. 7re7TOL0a/jLev Se KT\. With Se again, introducing a new 
point, and with the Pauline phrase weTrofflapev ev Kvpiw (Gal. 
5 10 Phil. 2 24 Rom. 14", but not in I), Paul, who is still intent on 
gaining the willing obedience of the converts, avows with tact 
his faith that what he commands they will do as they are doing. 
This confidence is defined as inspired by the indwelling Christ 
(ev fcvpLO)\ and as directed to the readers (e</> v/ia?; cf. 2 Cor. 
2 3 ; also e& ty-ia? Gal. 5 10 ). The insertion of Troielre (cf. I 5 11 ) 
tactfully prepares for Trot^o-ere, as icaOw /cal TrepLirarelre (I 4 1 ) 
prepares for Trepura-cvrjre pa\\ov (I 4 1 ). Though the words 
are general, "what (that is, quae not guaecumque) we com 
mand, both you are doing and will continue to do" (the future 
being progressive; BMT. 60), yet it is natural in view both 
of irapajye\\ofjLv (cf. vv. G - 12 ) and TroLTJaere to find a specific 
reference, namely, not to the faint-hearted (as if vv. 4 - 5 were a 
doublet of 2 15 - 17 ), and not to the request for prayer (vv. 1 - 2 Lft.), 
but to the command in vv. 6 15 (Calvin). 

The underlying connection betweeifv. 4 and v. 3 is not evident. In 
deed, jceicofOatxev is less obviously dictated by -JUSTO? than xtaToq is 
by xcaTtg. The connecting idea may be that since Christ is really faith 
ful and will surely protect the readers from the wiles of the devil, Paul 
may dare to express his faith in them, prompted by Christ, that they 
(probably the idlers) will no longer seek to excuse their idleness but will 
be willing, as they are able (v. 3 ), to do what he commands. Or it may 
be that v. 4 is suggested by something else said in the letter to Paul. 
In any case, v. 4 prepares for vv. e 15 , as most admit (Liin. Riggenbach, 
Ell. Wohl. Mill, et al.; so Find, who, however, refers xotelTs to vv. 1 - 2 ). 
-juet Oetv is characteristic of Paul, though the word is not confined to 
his writings; the perfect tense here denotes the existing state, "I am 
confident." The specifically Pauline ev xupfcp (see I 3") does not always 
appear in this phrase (xlTuocOoc ex( or efc). While v. 3 hints that the 
readers are "in the Lord," the position of !<? &yia<; intimates only that 
Paul is in the Lord, the one who inspires his confidence in the converts; 
contrast Gal. 5 10 , xsxocOa dq b[iaq ev /.upfrp. xe(8ecv is construed with 



296 2 THESSALONIANS 

e? upias (2 Cor. 2 3 Mt. 27 and often in Lxx.), with efc (Gal. 5" Sap. 
i6 24 ) with ev (Phil. 3 3 ), and with exc and dative (2 Cor. i 9 , etc.). The 
expected u^juv after xapocyYeXXo^ev (I 4 n ; cf. below, vv. 6 - 10 ) is inserted 
by AGFKLP, et al; but KBD, rf a/., omit. On OTC, c/. Gal. 5 Phil. 2 2 * 
2 Cor. 2 3 , etc.; on xapayyeXXecv, see I 4 2 . y.ocl xotelTe xal xoc-fjaeTe 
is read by P and Vulg. and (without the first xcd) by SAD; GF have 
xal exoiTJcaTe xal xocenre; B alone is comprehensive with x.al exoc-rjaocTs 
xal xotelTe xal xociqaeTe. Either B is original with its unexpected aorist 
after the present xocpayyeX^o^ev, or the seat of the trouble is the itacism 
which D preserves. 



5. o e /cvpios KT\. The new point, introduced by Se, 
is slightly adversative. Although Paul has confidence in the 
Lord that they will do what he commands (v. 5 looks not to 
Troielre but to Tro^o-ere), yet he is certain that the help of the 
Lord is indispensable to incline their hearts to keep his com 
mand. What they need especially is a sense of God s love to 
them and a reminder that Christ can give them an endurance 
adequate to face the persecutions. Hence the prayer: "May 
the Lord ( = Christ) direct (I 3 11 ) your hearts (I 3" II 2 17 ) unto 
the love of God and the endurance of Christ." 

In Paul, ?) dyaxT) TOU Geou (Rom. 5 5 8 33 2 Cor. 13") means not our love 
to God but God s love to us, the thought here being that their inner 
life may be directed to a sense of the divine love (see SH. on Rom. 5 5 ). 
With an appreciation of the meaning of God s love, there would be no 
temptation to infringe upon qjcXocSsX^a by the continuance of idle habits 
(cf. I 4 9 12 ). Since elsewhere in Paul uxo^ovrj = "endurance," the ren 
dering patientem exspcctationem (Beza), "patient waiting" (AV), which 
demands the objective genitive, is here improbable (see Vincent); 
see, however, Lft. Schmiedel, and Dob. and compare Ign. Rom. io 3 , ev 
uxo^ovfj LrjaoO XpcaTou, an expression which is "probably derived from 
St. Paul" (Lft.). Taking UXO^OVTQ = "endurance," XptaTou may mean 
either the endurance which Christ possesses and shares (cf. 86a TOU 
xupfou in 2 14 ), or which is characteristic of him, and hence an object 
of imitation as in Polyc. Phil. 8 2 ; or it may mean the endurance which 
Christ inspires, as 6 6ebq TYJ<; &xo[xovfjq (Rom. i5 5 ) suggests (cf. Moff.). 
6 XptaTo? is not found elsewhere in II; cf., however, I 2 6 3 2 4 16 , and see 
Mill. 136. The total phrase rj UXO^OVTJ TOU XpcaTou appears to be found 
only here in the Gk. [Bib. The phrase /.aireuOuvsiv (or eOOuvecv) TO:? 
xapSfaq (or v?)v xapSfav) occurs frequently in the Lxx. (i Ch. 2g 18 
2 Ch. i2 14 i9 3 2o 33 Pr. 2i 2 , etc.); on efe (cf. xpo? in I 3"), see Sir. 5i 20 
Judith 12 s . DE, Vulg. have Tag xapBfa? u(j.6iv (I 2 4 ); but ujjuov referring 
to e<j> u^a? in v. 4 is emphatic (B. Weiss). 



in, 4-5; 6 /. 297 



VI. COMMAND AND EXHORTATION (3 



6-li 



This section contains the second main point of the letter, pre 
pared for in vv. l ~ 5 , "the case of the idlers" (Find.). Word 
has come to Paul (v. n ) orally and by letter to the effect that the 
idle minority, in spite of his oral (v. 10 1 4 11 ) and written (I 4 11 - 12 
5 14 ) instructions are still begging and meddlesome, some of them 
still refusing to obey his epistolary injunctions (I 5 27 and be 
low, v. 14 ). The case having become acute, Paul orders the ma 
jority to take severer measures against the idle minority, to 
add to vovOerelv (v. 15 I 5 14 ), crreXXecr^at (v. 6 ) and /*?) crvvava- 
fjifyvvcrOcu (v. 14 ). Insisting, however, that the delinquents are 
brothers (vv. 6 - 15 ), and surmising that the majority have not 
always dealt tactfully with the excited idlers (vv. 13 - 15 ), Paul is 
careful to explain just why he gives the command (vv. 7 12 ) and 
to have it understood that the discipline, being intended for ref 
ormation, is to be administered in love (vv. 14 15 )- In fact, his 
attitude throughout is not that of an apostle exercising his apos 
tolic authority but that of a brother appealing to brothers in 
the name of a common authority, the Lord Jesus Christ. He 
believes that his word will suffice; but he contemplates the prob 
ability that a few of the idlers will persist in being recalcitrant. 

The connection of thought is clear, the divisions being marked by SI 
( vv . 6. 12. is. H) anc j T p (vv. 7 - 10 - ) Though the brethren as a whole 
are addressed throughout the section (even in v. 12 ), it is really the ma 
jority whom Paul has in mind and upon whom he places the responsi 
bility for the peace of the brotherhood. 

e Now we command you, brothers, using the name of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, to keep away from every brother who walks in idleness 
and not in accordance with the instruction which you received from 
us. 1 For you yourselves know how you ought to imitate us, for we 
were not idle among you, nor did we receive the means of support 
from any one without paying for it; 8 but in toil and hardship, night 
and day we kept at our work in order that we might not put on any 
of you the burden of our maintenance, g not because we have no 
right to free support, but that we might give in ourselves an example 



298 2 THESSALONIANS 

for you to imitate. 10 For also, when we were with you, this we used to 
command you: "If any one refuses to work, neither let him eat" 
n For we are informed that some among you are walking in idleness, 
not working themselves but being busy bodies. 12 Now such as these 
we command and exhort, prompted by the Lord Jesus Christ, that 
with tranquillity of mind they work and earn their own living. 
13 Now as for you, brothers, do not grow tired of doing the right 
thing. u ln case, however, any one is not for obeying our word ex 
pressed in this letter, designate that man; let there be no intimate 
association with him; in order that he may be put to shame; 15 and 
so count him net as an enemy, but warn him as a brother. 

6. TrapayyeXhopev e vfuv KT\. With a particle of transition 
(Se), the point prepared for in vv. 1 - 5 (especially TrapayyeXXo/jiev 
and TTonjcreTe v. 4 ) is introduced, the responsibility of the ma 
jority in reference to the case of the idlers. The command (I 4 11 
and 4 2 ) is addressed by a brother to brothers, and is based on 
the authority not of Paul but of Christ. The phrase "in the 
name of the Lord Jesus Christ" differs from "in the Lord Jesus 
Christ" (with which the idlers are indirectly commanded and 
exhorted in v. 12 ), and from "through the Lord Jesus" (I 4 2 ), 
in that it is not subjective "prompted by the indwelling name 
or person of the Lord Jesus Christ," but objective, "with," that 
is, "using" that name. By the actual naming of the name, Paul 
draws attention not only to the authoritative source of his in 
junction, but also to the responsibility which the recognition of 
that supreme authority entails. 

o-Te\\ecr9ai vpfa KT\. The substance of the command is " that 
you hold aloof from (cf. 1 4 3 aTre^crOaL v^as CLTTO) every brother 
who walks idly (or, with Rutherford, "not to be intimate with 
any of your number who is a loafer") and not according to the 
deliverance which you have received from us." The persons to 
be avoided are not enemies but brothers (v. 15 ). Their fault lies 
in the realm of conduct; they "walk" (cf. I 2 12 4 1 - 12 ), that is, 
"live" (Chrys.), "behave themselves" as idlers (ardfCTcos). The 
reference in TrepiTrareiv aTa/crco? is to the refusal, on the part of 
a small fraction of the converts (v. n TWOS) to work and earn 
their own living, and to the resultant idleness, want, and meddle- 



in, 6 299 

some demand for support from the church, which are mentioned 
in I 4 11 12 and warned against in I 5 14 (vovOerelre TOW 
cf. below, v. 15 ). As the adverbial clause prj /caTa Tr 
KT\. } parallel to and explanatory of ardfCTcos, intimates, this dis 
obedient idleness was contrary to the express instruction given 
when Paul was with them (v. 10 and I 4 11 KaOcos TrapTjyyefaafJLev) 
and reiterated in the first epistle (4 11 " 12 ; cf. 5 14 ). 

On the phrase ev ivdporei, cf. i Cor. s 4 6 11 Col. 3 17 Eph. 5 20 Acts i6 18 
Ign. Polyc. 5 1 ; also i Cor. i 10 (Bca TOO 6v6^,aToq); on the meaning 
of the phrase, see Heitmiiller, Im Namen Jesu, 1903, 73. T^GJV after 
xupfou is to be omitted with BD, d al. t "as a likely interpolation" (Ell). 
aTeXXeaOac is found several times in the Lxx. but only once elsewhere 
in the N. T. (2 Cor. 8 20 ). From the root meaning " set," the further idea, 
"set one s self for," "prepare" (Sap. 7 14 I4 1 2 Mac. 5 1 ), or "set one s 
self from," "withdraw" (cf. 3 Mac. i 19 4", and especially Mai. 2= dxb 
xpouwxou ovo^aTo? [xou cTeXXsaOac au-uov in parallelism with 90^sccOac), 
is easily derived. The meaning, which is somewhat uncertain in 2 
Cor. S 20 , is clear here, "withdraw one s self from," "hold aloof from" 
= xwpt ^sjOac (Theodoret), or dxsxeaOat (which is parallel to aTeXXsaOac 
in Hippocrates, Vet. Med. 10, as quoted by Liddell and Scott); it differs 
little from 5xoarXXscv eautov (Gal. 2 12 ) and OxoareXXsaGat (cf. GF 
in 2 Cor. 8 20 ). On the word, see Loesner, ad loc., and Wetstein on 2 Cor. 
8 20 ; also Mill on our passage. For the subject accusative ujxaq resuming 
u^juv, see Bl. 72 5 . It has already been stated (see I 5 14 ) that dtdxTcoc; 
. may be either general " disorderly" or specific " idly. " That the specific 
sense is intended is evident from vv. 7 9 where -fj xapdoai<; is indirectly 
explained by the reference to Paul s habitual industry (Ipya^o^evoc); 
from v. 10 where YJ xapaSoatq as orally communicated by Paul is quoted: 
"if any one refuses to work (epyd^eaQoct), he shall not eat"; and from 
v. 12 where dTaxTto? is defined as ^Sev Ipya^o^evou?. The fault is not 
idleness but deliberate, disobedient idleness. What was probable in 
I 4 11 - 12 5 14 now becomes certain; the second epistle explains the first. 
D, et al., by reading repcTOruouvTo? aTaxTto? (as in v. ") blunt the em 
phasis on the adverb. On [JLTQ, see BMT. 485. Precisely how much is 
involved in the command to the majority "to hold aloof from" the idle 
brethren is uncertain, even in the light of the further specifications in 
vv. 14 - 15 . The idlers are deprived to some extent of freedom of associa 
tion with the rest of the believers, though to ^ cruvavoqju yvuaOa: (v. 14 ) 
there is not added, as is the case with the incestuous person in i Cor. 5", 
a txTjBs auveffOfeiv. It is not Paul s intention to exclude the idlers from 
the brotherhood, for he insists that the admonitions even to the recalci 
trant among the idlers, being designed to make them ashamed of them- 



300 2 THESSALONIANS 

selves and return to their work, be tempered with love (cf. Chrys.). 
Furthermore, the fact that aireXXeaOac, as interpreted in vv. 14 - 15 , is 
an advance over vouOeretv (v. 15 I 5") and calls for a slightly severer 
attitude to the delinquents suggests that, in the interval between I and 
II, the idlers, influenced both by the belief that the day of the Lord was 
near and by the severity of the persecutions (vv. 1 - & ), had become more 
meddlesome and contumacious than at the time of writing I (see note 
on xpdaaecv T& t Sta I 4 11 ). It is evident that some of them persist 
in refusing to obey Paul s orders as conveyed by letter (v. " I 5"); and 
it is not improbable that some of the more excited idlers were responsible 
for the disquieting assertion that the day of the Lord is present (2 2 ). 
Most recent editors prefer the excellently attested reading xapeXa^oaav 
(SA), which is supported by IXa^oaav (D), and, with corrected orthog 
raphy, by xapifXa^ov (EKLP). On the other hand, this reading puts 
an emphasis upon the idlers which would lead one to expect in the sequel 
not oYSorue (v. 7 ) but oYSaaiv. Hence xapeXa^eTs (BG, et al.), which fits 
both u[xa? and oYSaTe, is the preferable reading, leaving xapsXd^oaocv 
(on the ending, see Bl. 2i 3 ) to be explained either (i) as an emendation 
(Weiss, 57) in accord with the adjacent xavcbg dcBeXyou (Pesh. et al. have 
TCapXoc$e), or (2) as a scribal error arising from "an ocular confusion with 
oatv (xap&Boacv) in the corresponding place of the line above" (WII. 
App. 2 172). For xap Tjrxwv, B reads &? T][AWV (i Cor. n 23 ); cf. G in I 2 13 . 



7-11. In these verses, Paul gives the reasons why he com 
mands the readers to hold aloof from the idle brethren among 
them, the separate points being introduced respectively by yap 
(v. 7 ), K( ti V a P (v. 10 ), and yap (v. 11 ). (i) First with yap (v. 7 ), 
he reminds them of himself as an example of industry, how he 
worked to support himself when he was with them, so as to free 
them from any financial burden on his account, strengthening 
the reminder by referring to the fact that though he, as an apos 
tle, was entitled to a stipend, yet he waived that right in order 
that his self-sacrificing labour might serve as an example to them 
of industry (w. 7 - 9 ). (2) Next with fcal yap (v. 10 ), he justifies the 
present command (v. 6 ) by stating that the instruction to the 
idlers referred to in v. 6 (n 7rapdSo<ris) is but a repetition of what 
he had repeatedly commanded when he was with them, namely, 
"if any one refuses to work, neither let him eat" (v. 10 ). (3) Fi 
nally with yap (v. n ), he wishes it to be understood distinctly 
that he issues the command because he is informed that some 
among them are idle and meddlesome. 



m, 6-7 301 

In reminding the converts both of himself as a visible example of in 
dustry (vv. 7 " 9 ) and of his repeated oral teaching in reference to idleness 
(v. 10 ), it would appear that Paul intends not only to arouse the majority 
to a sense of their own responsibility in the matter, but also to furnish 
them with arguments that would have weight even with those who 
might persist in refusing to obey this command as conveyed by letter 
(v. H I 5 57 ). At all events, this latter consideration helps to explain why 
Paul refers them not to what he had written in I, but to what he had 
said and done when he was yet with them. To be sure v. 8 is an exact 
reminiscence of I 2, and v. 12 recalls what was written in I 4 11 - 12 ; but 
both the example of Paul (vv. 7 -) and the precept in v. 10 (cf. 
, I 4 11 ) hark back to the time of the first visit. 



7. avrol yap oiSare KT\. With an appeal to the knowledge of 
the readers quite in the manner of I (2* 3 3 5 2 ; cf. i 5 2 2 - 5 , etc.), 
Paul advances the first reason (7^/0) for commanding the readers 
to hold aloof from every brother who walks idly and not in ac 
cordance with the specific instruction received. The reason is 
that they themselves know, without his telling them, the man 
ner in which they ought to imitate him, namely, by working and 
supporting themselves. Though addressed to all, the appeal is 
intended for the idlers. On the analogy of I 4 1 , we expect 
7TO)? Bel vjJias Tre PITT are iv coare (JUjJielcrOai fads (Lft.); but the 
abridged expression puts an "emphasis on pipdaQai and gives 
the whole appeal more point and force" (Ell.). 

OTL OVK rfTaKTrjo-a/jLev . . . ov$e KT\. The on, is not "that" 
(I 3 3 ) resuming TTW?, but "for," explaining why they know how 
to imitate Paul. The explanation is stated (i) negatively, and 
in two co-ordinated clauses (OVK . . . ouSe), namely, (a) "be 
cause we were no loafers when we lived among you" (Ruther 
ford), and (b) because "we did not receive our maintenance from 
anyone for nothing"; and (2) positively (v. 8 ), "but we worked 
toiling and moiling night and day rather than become a burden 
to any of you" (Rutherford). That ara/cTelv (only here in the 
Gk. Bib.) is not general "to be disorderly" but specific "to be 
idle," "to be a loafer" (Rutherford) has already been pointed 
out (see on row arci/crow in I 5 14 ). ea-Qteiv aprov is apparently 
a Hebraism for evOieiv (v. 10 ). In view of irapd TWOS (not fivi 
as in Tobit 8 20 tf), it means not "take a meal," and not simply 



302 2 THESSALONIANS 

"get food," but more broadly "receive the means of support," 
"get a living." Paul received maintenance, lodging probably 
with Jason; but unlike the idle brothers who were begging sup 
port from the church, he did not receive it "gratis," that is, 
without paying for it (cf. 2 Cor. n 7 ff -; also Exod. 2i n 
avev apyvptov). 



On x&sBsc, cf. I 4 1 , and Col. 4 6 e?8lvae xw? 8el ujxa?; fjuyiscaOat, here 
and v. 9 in Paul, is rare in Gk. Bib. (Heb. 13 7 3 Jn. n 4 Mac. g z3 , etc.); 
on pujjuynqg, a word found chiefly in Paul, see I i. The phrase eaOtetv 
apTov, only here and v. 12 in Paul (cf. Mk. 3 20 7 5 , etc., and Lxx. passim), 
represents the Hebrew nnS SJN (see BDB. sub we. and Briggs, ICC. on 
Ps. i4 4 ), which, like the simple Snx, denotes "take a meal," "get food," 
and, by a further extension of meaning "to spend one s life" (or, "to 
earn a livelihood"; see Skinner, ICC. on Gen. 3 19 ); so Amos 7 12 where 
Lxx. has xaToc^touv. But the total phrase IsOfecv fip-cov xap& TIVO? 
seems to be unique in Gk. Bib., Lev. io 12 (A) Lk. io 7 Phil. 4 18 not being 
exact parallels. A few minuscules, bothered with etpdcyopiev xapa, read 
sXd(3o^v xapa. For the adverbial accusative Scopeav, which is common 
in Lxx., cf. in N. T. Rom. 3 24 Gal. 2 21 . For o6x . . . ouoe . . . dXXa, 
see I 2 3 . The fact that Paul states not only that he was not idle but also 
that he did not beg is doubtless due to the consideration that the idlers 
were begging support from the church (cf. the emphatic ICCUTWV in v. 12 ) ; 
the reference in I 5 12 to ^Ssvbg %psav now becomes definite. 



8. aXX ev K07TO) KT\. " We were not idle (OVK) , and we did not 
receive support from any one without paying for it (ovSe) } but 
on the contrary (a\\d } this strong adversative being antithetical 
here as in I 2 3 to both the negative clauses) we were working," 
etc. But instead of proceeding "working in order that we might 
give ourselves as an example for you to imitate us" (v. 9b ), and 
thus coming directly to the point introduced by ^i^daQai (v. 7 ), 
Paul interjects two considerations designed to increase enor 
mously the value of his example, (i) First, he calls attention to 
the fact, with which the readers are already acquainted and to 
which he had alluded in another connection in his first epistle 
(2 9 ), that his labour was (a) exacting, "in toil and hardship," (b) 
incessant, "by night and by day," and (c) solely in their inter 
ests, "so as not to put on any one of you a financial burden"; 
and secondly (2), he observes characteristically that he worked 



ni, 7-9 33 

to support himself, not because he had no right to demand, as 
an apostle of Christ, support from the church, but worked, waiv 
ing his right to maintenance, in order that he might give in him 
self a visible and constant example of self-sacrificing industry 
for them to imitate. 

The participle Ipya^ojJLSvoc is loosely attached to both Y]TOOCTTQ(JOCEJ.V 
and e?&Y^ ev > a construction not uncommon in Paul (see I 2 12 2 Cor. 7 s ). 
Some expositors separate the adverbial clauses, putting ev xoxq> y.cd 
p.6xOa> in sharp opposition to Scope&v, and taking vuxTb? . . . epya- 
6[xevoc as an explanatory parallel of ev x.6xco xal ^o^Oy, "more remotely 
dependent on the foregoing lydeyonev" (Ell.; so also De W. Wohl. 
Schmiedel, et al.}. But as Lillie, who inclines to the separation, re 
marks: "Grammatically, however, the words ev /.drop . . . lpya^6[xevoc 
may just as well be taken together in one antithetical clause," antithet 
ical we may repeat, in the light of I 2 3 , to both oux, Y^ax/rTJcyajjisv and 
oOSe ecp&yojjiev. The reference to the manner and purpose of his work 
is evidently advised. But whether the reminiscence of I 2 9 , which is 
almost verbal (except that ev jtdxtp xocl ^6^0 w is closer to 2 Cor. n 27 
than to I 2 9 ), is likewise conscious is not certain. frsBG read here VUXTOC; 
xod faipctq as in I 2 9 ; ADEKLP, et aL, emphasise the duration of the 
labour by reading the accusative. On the repeated phrase as a whole, see 
on I 2 9 . 

9. ov% on KT\. Using a common ellipsis (ov% STL . . . aXXo), 
Paul qualifies the preceding statement with a view not simply 
to asserting his apostolic right to support from the church, but 
also to strengthening the force of his example by reminding the 
readers that he waived that right. Both the assertion and the 
waiving of rights are characteristic of Paul, especially as regards 
the right to receive remuneration for his missionary labour. In 

1 Cor. 9 14 , he fortifies his contention by quoting the point of a 
word of the Lord (Mt. io 10 =Lk. io 7 ). The language in which he 
expresses here his right differs from that in I (2 6 ; see notes on 

2 s-s. 9) w here the same claim is made and waived, and agrees 
with that in i Cor. 9* ff - M OVK e%o/>tez> e^ovcriav Qayeiv Kal 
Tret^; fjirj OVK e^o^ev e^ovaiav aSe\(f>r)V yvvalxa Trepidyeiv 
(even the wives of missionaries being entitled to support), and 
especially ^ iwvas eyoo KOI Ba/o^aySa? OVK efto/JLev efowLav fjirj 
Ipydecr0cu. In the light of the latter citation, we may supply 
here after the absolute egovviav a M epyd&<r0cu. 



304 2 THESSALONIANS 



iva KT\. " But (we worked, waiving our rights) in order 
that we might give ourselves as an example to you with a view to 
your imitating us." Since Paul says not O"%^T (cf. Phil. 3 17 
e^ere TVTTOV ^a?) but Svpev vfuv, it is likely that he intends to 
emphasise the self-sacrifice involved in this waiving of his rights, 
an emphasis which is conspicuous in a similar connection in 
the first epistle (2 8 peTabovvai, . . . T? eavT&v T/ri/^a?). The 
eavrovs here is likewise more emphatic than the ^a? just cited 
from Phil. 3 17 ; Paul gives not simply the command to work 
(v. 10 ), but also himself as an example of industry. 

On the ellipsis o5% OTC (cf. 2 Cor. i 24 3 8 7 9 Phil. 4"), whose origin is 
forgotten in usage (cf. Phil. 4"), see Bl. Si 1 ; and on the ellipsis after 
dXXcfc, see Bl. 77". In the first case we may supply "we worked," in 
the second, "we worked, waiving the right," or simply "we did it." 
For dcXX* Yva, cf. 2 Cor. 2 4 13 7 Eph. 5 27 . l^ouacav is here not potestatem 
but ius, not "liberty of action" but moral "right" or authority; see 
Mill, and cf. e xetv e^ouafav in Rom. 9 21 i Cor. 7" g 4 6 n 10 . On T&XOV, 
see 1 1 7 ; on the use of BtBovat here, cf. Eph. 4" ff - 

10. xal yap ore KT\. "For also when we were with you (cf. 
I 3 4 II 2 5 ) this (that follows, TOVTO being resumed by the on 
recitative as in I 4 15 ) we were wont to command you (Traprjy- 
yeXXo/Jiev; contrast 7rapr)yyei\aiJLev in 1 4 11 ), namely," etc. The 
yap is parallel to yap in v. 7 , and the tcai co-ordinates the first 
reason for the command of v. 6 , that is, the example of industry 
(w. 7 9 ), with the second reason, namely, the oral precept re 
peatedly given when he was with them (v. 10 ). The TrapdSoo-ft 
of v. 6 , which is now stated (et TIS ov 0e\ei ACT\.), is not a truism: 
"if any one does not work, he has nothing to eat," but an ethical 
imperative: "if any one refuses to work, he shall not eat"; 
"nolle vitium est" (Bengel). In characterising as Christian this 
"golden rule of labour" (Dob.), Paul is true to the traditions of 
his Jewish teachers and to the example of the Master himself 
(Mk. 6 3 ). The very phrase itself may well be the coinage of Paul, 
for the Thessalonians were mainly working people. 

Many parallels to this word of Paul, both Jewish and Greek, have 
been suggested (see Wetstein) ; but the closest is that found in Bereshilh 
Rabba on Gen. i 2 (a midrash "redacted according to Zunz in Palestine 



Ill, 9-11 305 

in the sixth century"; see Schiirer, 1, 140): "if they do not work, they 
have nothing to eat." But, as Dob. rightly urges, both in the passage 
cited and in other parallels that have been adduced, " the full valuation 
of labour as a moral duty" (Dob.), which is the point of Paul s words, 
is absent. Deissmann would have it (Light, 318) that Paul was "prob 
ably borrowing a bit of good old workshop morality, a maxim coined 
perhaps by some industrious workman as he forbade his lazy apprentice 
to sit down to dinner." Be that as it may, it is the industrious workman 
Paul who introduces this phrase, with its significant emphasis on 6Xec, 
into the realm of Christian ethics. On the imperative in the apodosis, 
cf. i Cor. 3 18 7 12 , etc. For 06 which negates OdXet, instead of [JITJ (which 
D reads) in conditional sentences, see BMT. 370 /. The presence of 
(Lr$i instead of jjnfj (i Cor. y 12 ) is due to ou (cf. i Cor. io 7 ff - Eph. 5 3 , and 
Bl. 77 10 ). B* and N* read Ipy^ecjOe; L reads 



11. afcovo/jLev yap tcr\. With yap (parallel to yap in vv. 7 - 10 ), 
Paul explains (just why we do not know) that he is giving the 
command of v. 6 on the basis of information received orally or 
by letter, or both. "For we are informed that some among you 
are living in idleness." In saying "some (rivd?) among them" 
(ev V/JLLV, not v^&v v. 8 , or e V/JLCOP^ cf. Rom. n 14 ), Paul speaks 
indefinitely (cf. Gal. i 7 2 12 2 Cor. io 2 - 12 , etc.); but he has in mind 
definite persons whose names may have been known to him from 
his source of information. Idleness is an affair of the brother 
hood (I 4 9 12 5 12 " 14 ), and the brethren as a whole are responsible 
for the few among them who a do nothing but fetch frisks and 
vagaries" (Leigh). 

fjirjBev epya&fjievovs a\\a Trepiepya&fAevovs. In a paronoma 
sia elegans (Wetstein), common to both Greek and Roman writ 
ers, Paul defines irepnraTelv ardfCTCos (cf. v. 6 ) both negatively 
" working not at all," and positively "being busybodies." The 
point is not simply that some of the brethren are living in idle 
ness, but also that these idlers, instead of minding their own 
business (I 4 11 ), are meddling in the affairs of the brotherhood 
(ev vfuv), seeking in their poverty and want to exact funds from 
the treasury of the group (see on Trpdcrcreiv ra tSia I 4 11 ), instead 
of working to support themselves as they are able and as they 
ought to do. 



The present tense (fccoiSo^ev (cf. i Cor. n 18 , and contrast the aorist 
in Col. i 4 Eph. i 15 ) indicates not "we have just heard," but either "we 

20 



306 2 THESSALONIANS 

keep hearing," a progressive present, or "we hear, are told, are informed," 
a present for the perfect (BMT. 16; Vulg. has audivimus). dxouetv 
may refer to hearsay (Find. Dob.; cf. i Cor. 5 1 n 18 ); but it may just 
as well indicate information received by letter, by word of mouth, or 
both (cf. Lk. 4 23 Acts 7 12 3 Jn. 4); note in P. Oxy. 294 dvTicpwvYjats of 
a "reply" to a letter, and dxouetv y&aiv, "to get word" by letter. If 
there is a distinction (cf. Bl. 73 5 ) between dxoueiv with an infinitive 
(i Cor. ii 18 ) and dxouecv with the participle, the former construction 
will refer simply to the fact that they walk, the latter, to the continuous 
state of walking. In the light of TQTax.T-rjaayi.sv Iv uyicv (v. 7 ), the xepc- 
xaTouvTaq aTaxTox; may be joined directly with Iv u^tv; since, however, 
Paul does not elsewhere use xeptxccTsZv Iv in the sense of "walk among," 
it may be better to connect Iv u^xlv with Ttvag, the separation being 
emphatic; cf. i Cor. io 27 (possibly also 3 18 15 12 ), and Schmiedel, Moff. 
Dob. Rutherford. D, et al., obscure the emphasis by reading Ttva? Iv 
u[juv xeptxaTouvTag; Vulg. has inter vos quosdam ambulare. To illus 
trate the "elegant paronomasia," commentators refer among others to 
Demosthenes (Phil. IV, 72) lpydn y.ot.1 xepiepyd^fl, and to Quintilian 
(VI, 3 54 ) non agere dixit sed satagere. Various translations have been at 
tempted (see Lillie); e. g. "keine Arbeit treibcnd sondern sick herum- 
trcibend" (Ewald); "doing nothing, but overdoing; not busy in work, 
but busybodies" (Edward Robinson, Lex. 1850); "working at no bus 
iness, but being busybodies" (Ell.). For other instances in Paul of 
this play on words, Lft. refers to Phil. 3 3 1 Cor. 7 31 2 Cor. i 13 3 2 6 10 io 12 ; 
see also Bl. 82 4 . xspcepyd^saOac is found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only 
Sir. 3 23 (cf. Sap. 8 5 x); cf. Test, xii, Reub. 3 10 and Hermas, Sim. IX, 2 7 ; 
it is sometimes equivalent to xoXuxpay^ovstv (2 Mac. 2 30 ). See fur 
ther, Deissmann, NBS. 52, and cf. xepfepyoq in i Tim. 5 13 . 



12. Tot? Se TOIOVTOLS KT\. Having explained in w. 7 - n why 
he commands the brothers to hold aloof from every brother who 
lives in idleness, Paul now turns (Se) to command the idlers to 
work and earn their own living in tranquillity of mind, the TCH? 
TOIOVTOIS being in contrast with vpiv (v. 6 ). Paul, however, says 
not a we command you idlers," or even "those idlers," but in 
directly and impersonally " such as these." Furthermore, though 
he uses Trapa^eXkojjiev as in v. 6 , he adds to it a f jrapaica\ovi^ev t 
tempering the command with an exhortation. And still further, 
wishing it to be understood that he speaks on the authority not 
of himself but of the indwelling Christ, he adds "in the Lord 
Jesus Christ." The tone of the verse is obviously tactful. Paul 
speaks as one of them, not as an apostle but as a babe (I 2 7 ); 



Ill, 11-13 307 

and he is confident that this word from him will suffice for most 
of the idlers, though in v. 14 he faces the contingency that a few 
of them will continue to be disobedient (I 5 27 ). 

iva pera ^crf^ta? KT\. Not without reference to his own ex 
ample, Paul commands and exhorts them (iva introducing the 
object) to work and earn their own living, and that too with 
tranquillity of spirit. They are to depend for their maintenance 
not upon others (1 4 12 ) but upon their own exertions (Chrys. notes 
the emphatic eavrwv). In the light of ^(Jv^d^iv (I 4" q. v.), 
a r)o-v%ias is to be understood as the opposite not of irepiep- 
cu, as if "without meddlesomeness " were meant, but of 
the feverish excitement of mind stimulated by the belief that 
the Parousia was at hand, or, in its new and erroneous form 
(2 2 ), was actually present, a belief which together with the per 
secutions (vv. J - 5 ) accounts for the increase of idleness and 
meddlesomeness since the writing of I. 

On TotouToc, which defines the TCV&<; with reference to them indi 
vidually or as a class, see Bl. 47 9 and cf. Rom. i6 ls i Cor. i6 16 e -, etc. 
xapayyeXXscv (I 4") and xocpocxocXelv (I 2") are not combined else 
where in Paul; on the Yva with xapocxaXecv, cf. I 4"; with xapayY^XXecv 
Paul elsewhere employs the infinitive (v. 6 1 Cor. y 10 ; contrast i Tim. 5 7 ). 
After xapaxaXoO[Av, supply afoouc; or Tod? TocouTouq. On the divine 
name with ev, see I i 1 ; P omits Xpcairw; KL, et al, read the logically 
synonymous Sta TOU xupfou Tjyuov I. X. with Rom. is 30 (see on I4 2 ). 
On Tjauxfct, cf. Acts 22 2 i Tim. 2 11 f - Sir. 28 16 ; ^-r& marks the quality 
of mind with which working and earning their own living are to be 
associated. On eaOt etv a pirov, see v. 8 . 

13. v/itet? Be, aSe\(j)Oi KT\. "O brothers, do not tire of doing 
the right" (Rutherford). With 3e and an affectionate a^eX^oi, 
Paul turns from the idlers (v. 12 ) to the brethren addressed in 
v. 6 . The new point, general in form (since KaKoiroieiv is 
applicable to all) but specific in reference (as v. 14 intimates), is 
e. direct hint to the majority, perhaps definitely to "those that 
labour among you" (I 5 12 ), that they keep on trying to do the 
right thing for the delinquents. The words may imply that in 
warning the idlers (I 5 14 ) the brethren had become impatient 
and tactless. 



308 2 THESSALONIANS 

Chrys., however, thinks that the majority are here reminded that they 
are not to permit the idlers to perish with hunger. Calv., taking the 
words generally, interprets Paul as fearing that their experience of the 
abuse of liberality will tend to make the leaders uncharitable, even to 
the deserving members of the church. With the exception of Lk. iS 1 , the 
verb evx.ez/.slv is found elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only in Paul; cf. Gal. 6 9 , 
cb Be x.aXbv xotouvTeg \}$i evx.ax.(o[ji,ev. On the spelling evx.ax.etv (BD), 
eyx.ax.etv (tf A; cf. Sym. Pr. 3" Is. 7 16 , etc.), or exxaxetv (GFKLP; cf. 
Sym. Jer. i8 2 ), see WH. App. z 157 /. From the literal meaning "to be 
have badly in" (Thayer), lvx,axelv comes to mean also "flag," "falter," 
"tire," "be weary." On the [JITJ here, see BMT. 162. x,aXoxotetv, a 
word found elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. only Lev. 5* (F), is equivalent to 
xaXw? Tcotelv (Lev. 5 4 i Cor. 7" f - Phil. 4 14 , etc.); it means probably 
not "to confer benefits" (Chrys. Calv. Dob. et al.) but, as most take 
it, "to do the right." Elsewhere Paul uses not x;aVov xotecv (GF; cf. 
Jas. 4 17 ) but tb xaXbv -rcocetv (Gal. 6 9 Rom. 7 21 2 Cor. 13 7 ). 

14. el Se Tt? KT\. Anticipating the probability (cf. I 5 27 ) 
that some of the idlers would refuse to obey his evangelic utter 
ance (TQ> Xcfyft) rj/jL&v referring especially to v. 12 ) expressed in this 
letter, he orders the brethren, if the case should arise, to proceed 
to discipline, not with a view to excluding the disobedient among 
the idlers from the brotherhood, but in the hope of inducing them 
to repent and amend their idle ways, (i) First of all, he com 
mands: o-rjpeiovo-Oe, "designate that man." Just how they are 
to note him, whether in writing or by naming him publicly at 
a meeting, is not explained. (2) Then with an infinitive for an 
imperative (Rom. i2 15 Phil. 3 16 ), he continues, interpreting the 
(TTeXkeaOai of v. 6 : M awavafdywaBai avru), "let there be no 
intimate association with him." The advance from vovOerelv 
(1 5 14 ) to "hold aloof from," "do not associate with," is necessary, 
and the severer measures are justified. It will be remembered 
that Paul had given orders to the idlers when he was present 
(v. 10 I 4 11 ), had repeated them in the first epistle (I 4 11 - 12 ; cf. 
5 14 ), and has just reiterated them in a conciliatory manner in 
w. 6 - 12 (cf. w. 1 - 5 ), hinting at the same time (v. 13 ) that the ma 
jority must be tactful in their treatment of their delinquent 
brothers. If, however (<el e), in spite of all this, some of the idle 
brothers persist in disobeying his orders as conveyed by letter 
(I 5 27 ), then they must be deprived of intimate association with 



in, 13-15 309 

the rest of their fellows (cf. i Cor. 5 9 - u ). But even so, absolute 
separation from the companionship of the brethren is not in 
mind; for Paul does not add here, as he does in i Cor. 5", the 
fjLrjSe G-vveo-6ew, and above all he does add here the significant 
v. 15 . (3) Finally, the purpose of the discipline is explicitly men 
tioned, f iva evrpairr) "that he may be shamed." Reformation, 
not exclusion from the brotherhood, is intended. 

6 X6yo<; YJ^&V (2 Cor. i 18 ) could be the equivalent of Tb eflayyXiov 
rjtxtov (2 1 ); here, however, it refers most probably to that element of the 
message of the gospel which is specified in v. 12 . The obedience required 
(cf. Phil. 2 12 ) is not to Paul s word as such but to his word as inspired by 
Christ (sv xupfo> v. 12 ). B, ct al., read uyuov for Tjyuov; cf. Bfrs in 2 Cor. 6 11 
(/.ocpBt a u^oiv). Sid: TV^ lOTSToXijc; refers naturally to the present letter 
(so most from Chrys. and Th. Mops, to Dob.); but the presence of the 
article (TY^) is not conclusive for this interpretation, as i Cor. 5 10 shows. 
However, were Paul alluding to a letter that the converts are to send 
him (Erasmus, Calv. Grot, et al.}, there would be no point in specifying 
the procedure to be followed (Liin.); and furthermore in that case we 
should expect cnpsiouaGe TOUTOV Si sxtaToXYJ? (GF omit Tijs). The 
phrase Sid: TTJ<; IxcaToXyjc; is to be joined closely with TW X6y<p -fj^aiv, the 
article Ttp being supplied on the analogy of I i 1 IxxXqaf? (TTJ) ev Osy. 
On e SJ Tig, cf. v. 10 ; for the condition, see BMT. 242. aTjEAsiouaOai 
(BA have the imperative; tfDGFP the infinitive) is found elsewhere in 
Gk. Bib. only Ps. 4 7 ; it occurs in Polybius and Philo; and frequently 
in papyri, of the signature in writing (e. g. P. Oxy. 42, 5 8 (A.D. 323) 
ceaTpeta^ai qxfj x t ?0- See further, i Clem. 43 1 , and Sophocles, Lex. 
sub we. auvava[At Yvua8ac is found elsewhere in the Gk. Bib. only 
i Cor. 5 9 - " Hos. 7 8 (A) Ezek. 2o 18 (A). The command is not direct 
"don t you associate," but indirect "let there be no intimate associa 
tion with him." Btf A, et al., read the infinitive (not of purpose, but 
equivalent to an imperative); EKLP, et al., have the imperative. 
To relieve the asyndeton, GFKLP, et al., insert x.a before ^,1(3. In Hos. 7 8 
Ezek. 2o 18 , B has the imperative, AQ the infinitive. Ivrplxetv occurs 
in Gk Bib. only i Cor. 4 14 ; the more common ivrp&csoOae is used 
either absolutely or with the accus. (Mk. i2 6 Lk. iS 2 Sap. 2 10 7 6 , etc.); 
for the passive here, compare the refrain in Ps. 34 4 6Q 2 (39 15 ) cucrxuv- 



15. fcal /JLTJ a)? e xOpov KT\. Even the disobedient idler is a 
brother, and to do the right thing (v. 13 ) for him means that the 
warning is to be administered in the spirit not of hate but of love. 
"And so" (/cat), that is, "that the moral result aimed at (iva 



310 2 THESSALONIANS 



may not be hindered, this of course must be the spirit 
and style of your discipline" (Lillie), " regard him not as an 
enemy, but on the contrary warn him as a brother" (cf. I 5 14 
vovderelTe row ara/eTou?). This significant sentence is so 
formed that the stress is laid not on the vovOeTeire but on the 
yyelcrOe, as if the majority needed a warning as well as the mi 
nority. Evidently Paul wishes the majority to see as he sees 
that the idlers, even the recalcitrant among them, are brothers, 
not enemies; and to have a care that the discipline be adminis 
tered in love and with the sole purpose of repentance and reform. 
Furthermore, it now becomes clear that "to keep away from" 
(v. 6 ), and "not to associate with" (v. 14 ) are far from suggesting 
the removal of the disobedient idlers from the influence of their 
brothers. It is noteworthy that the last word is not oreXXeo-tfat 
and GwavaiLiryvvcrOai) but vovOerelre as in I 5 14 , the advance 
here being in the words rjyelade <w? aSeXc^oV, a point which the 
brethren appear to have been in danger of forgetting (v. 13 ; see 
on elprjvevere I 5 13 ). 

Chrys., who sees the fatherly heart of Paul manifested in vv. 13 - 15 , is 
inclined to suppose that the admonition is to be given not publicly but 
privately. On YjyscaOai, see I 5 13 ; on s^po?, cf. Rom. i2 20 . The wq, if 
not a Hebraism (Bl. 34 5 ; cf. Job 19" YjYTJaa-ro Si [LS ware? e^Opov, 33 10 
4i 22 ), is at least pleonastic, marking "the aspect in which he is not to 
be regarded" (Ell.). D, et d., omit the K<zi before ^. 



VH. PRAYER (3^). 

; Now may the Lord of peace himself give you peace continually, 
in every circumstance. The Lord be with you all. 

16. avro5 &e KT\. The prayer for peace addressed to Christ, 
the Lord of peace, is prompted by the situation which the com 
mand (w. 6 15 ) is designed to meet. The command alone, how 
ever, without the assistance of the indwelling Christ, will not 
suffice to restore harmony within the brotherhood; hence, to 
insure this concord, the Lord of peace himself must give them 
a sense of inward religious peace, and that too continually, in 
every circumstance of life. In the added prayer: "May the 



Ill, 15-17 311 

Lord ( = Christ) be (sc. <rrto or elrf) with you all," the irdvrow 
may be intentional (cf. I 5 26 II i 3 - 10 3 18 ; but note also Rom. i5 33 ) ; 
both the majority and the idlers need the personal presence as 
well as the peace of Christ as a surety for harmony and concord 
within the brotherhood. 

A similar situation evokes a similar prayer to the God of peace in 
I 5 23 - 24 , following the exhortations of 4 J -5 22 . On e?pr)v*J, see 1 1 1 and 5 23 ; 
on xupcoq = Christ, see 2 13 . GFL, et al., read 0e6<; conforming to Paul s 
regular usage (see on I 5 23 ). On Swfl, cf. Rom. 15 5 and the note of SH.; 
on SiSovai etpriviqv, cf. Num. 6 26 Is. 26 12 . Stdb xavroq occurs elsewhere 
in Paul only Rom. n 10 = Ps. 68 24 ; it is equivalent to dBcaXei xTwt;, def, 
X&VTOTS, ev xavtrl xatpcp (cf. the parallelism in Ps. 33 2 ); see on I 5 16 ff -. 
Iv xavxl Tp6xtj> (SBEKLP, et al.) is used elsewhere in Gk. Bib. only 
3 Mac. 7 8 (A); cf. xoevrt Tp6xa> (Phil, i 18 i Mac. i4 35 ) and Kara X&VTOC 
Tpoxov (Rom. 3 2 Num. i8 7 )- As Yen. in 3 Mac. 7 8 , so ADGF, the Latins, 
Chrys. and Ambst. here have the more common expression ev xavil 
t6xcp (I i 8 ). 

VIII. SALUTATION ( 3 17 ). 

The greeting by the hand of me Paul; this fact is a token of genu 
ineness in every letter ; this is the way I write. 

17. o ao-TraoT-to? KT\. It would appear that Paul, like his con 
temporaries, occasionally wrote (Phil. 19) but regularly dictated 
(Rom. i6 22 ) his letters; and that, again like his contemporaries, 
he was in the habit of adding to every dictated letter a few 
concluding words in his own handwriting. Sometimes, and for 
varying reasons, he calls attention to the autographic conclusion, 
thus purposely authenticating his letter; so for example in i 
Cor. i6 21 Col. 4 18 where as here we have o ao-irae /*o5 rfj e^y yeipl 
Hav\ov (the genitive being in apposition with efiov implied in 
<W); see also Gal. 6 11 = Phile. 19 eypatya ry e^y %ip{. It is 
not at all necessary to assume in any of these instances that a 
particular suspicion of forgery prompted the summons to atten 
tion, though it is not inconceivable in our passage that men 
tion is made of the autographic conclusion in view of the fact 
that some of the idle brethren (I 5" II 3 14 ) may have excused 
their intention to disregard Paul s epistolary injunctions on the 
score that the letter to be read was not genuine. 



312 2 THESSALONIANS 

o ecrnv crrjijielov KT\. "Not which salutation, nor which 
hand/ as if o were attracted by crrj^elov^ but l which auto 
graphic way of giving the salutation " (Lillie). The crrmdov 
"token" refers to what Paul has written in his own hand; it is 
a proof of authenticity. In view of the ancient habit of writing, 
or at least of signing a letter, just as we sign with our pen a letter 
written or typewritten by the stenographer, it is quite unneces 
sary to limit the scope of the phrase "in every letter." The 
ovTG)? ypd^co refers not to the fact but to the manner of the 
autographic conclusion; " mark the handwriting " (Rutherford). 
The Thessalonians had already received a letter from Paul, in 
which, according to epistolary custom, he had himself written 
a few closing words (I 5 28 or 26 -28). His handwriting, which was 
characteristic (Gal. 6 11 ), is assumed to be known. In case of 
necessity, the majority could direct the attention of the recalci 
trant among the idlers to the same hand in I and II. 

Deissmann (Light, 153, i58/.) calls attention to ancient procedure in 
the matter of writing autographic conclusions in evidence of authen 
ticity, and properly urges that it is a begging of the question to assume 
that Paul "only finished off with his own hand those letters in which he 
expressly says that he did." In a very brief letter from Mystarion to a 
priest, dated September 13, 50 (BGU, 37), a reproduction of which is 
given by Deissmann (ibid, 157), the eppwao and the date are written in 
another hand, that is, "in Mystarion s own hand," a circumstance that 
"proves that somebody at that date (about the time of our letter) closed 
a letter in his own hand without expressly saying so." In the Passa- 
lacqua papyrus (Deissmann, BS. 212 /., Witk. 35), a au^oXov = cnpetov 
is given, as a token of genuineness, to the messenger along with the letter: 
dcxs60Tj TOCO GCUTG) xal Tb aujjL^oXov TWV if. (Deissmann, Ipitov); on the 
other hand, there is no parallel for a au^oXov = arpeTov as contained 
in the letter itself. The extent of the autographic writing here and else 
where is uncertain, naturally enough, for we do not possess the original. 
In our passage, Th. Mops. Chrys. Wohl. and others restrict it to v. 18 ; 
Ell. Lft. Mill, and others include vv. 17 18 ; Schmiedel, Dob. and others 
include vv. 16 - 18 : and Dibelius includes both v. 18 and the date now lost. 



m, 17-18 313 



IX. BENEDICTION ( 3 18 ). 

18. rj xdpn KT\. " The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with 
you all." The benediction is the same as I 5 28 with the exception 
that TrdvTcov is inserted, as in v. 16 , to include "the censured as 
well as the steady members" (Moffatt). 



Most codices add a liturgical dfjujv after u^uov; IBS and a few others 
omit. The subscription xpbc, GeaaaXovixst? (J (KB), to which GF pre 
fix iT>^a9ir), and to which AKL, et al., add eyp&cp-r] dicb AQTjVGiv, is late, 
and forms no part of the original letter; see on I 5 28 . 



INDEXES. 



I. SUBJECTS AND AUTHORS. 



ABBOTT, T. K., 98. 

Achaia, 85. 

Agrapha, 171, 183, 209. 

Ambrosiaster, 58 /., 65, 82, and 

passim. 

Angels, 139, 174, 232. 
Anomos, origin and significance of 

the, 273. 

Antichrist; see Anomos. 
Apostasy, the, 250. 
Apostle, 68, 99. 

Aquila and Priscilla (Prisca), 69. 
Aristarchus, 5. 

Askwith, E. H., 42, 172, 248. 
Auberlen and Riggenbach, 42, 63 f. 
Augustine, 60, 260, 262. 
Authenticity of the epistles, 37-54- 

BACON, B. W., 9, 27, 42, and passim. 

Baur, F. C., 37, 4, 115. 

Belial, 253. 

Bengel, 62 /., 65, 92, and passim. 

Bernard, J. H., 249. 

Bercea, 8, 84, no. 

Beza, 61, 81, and passim. 

Bigg, C., 149- 

Blass, 72, 74, and passim. 

Bornemann, W., 40, 42, 59 /., 63, 

65, 74, and passim. 
Bousset, 41, 42, 70, and passim. 
Briggs, C. A., 42, 44, 45, 6o/., 90, 

140, 175, 197, 205, 231, 2S3/., 256, 

276, 291, 302. 
Brother, 78. 



Burkitt, F. C., 58, 115, "6. 
Burton, E. D., 2, 96, and passim. 

CABIRI, 9S/., 167. 

Call of God, 105, 154, 214, 282. 

Calvin, 6o/., 65, 77, and passim. 

Charles, R. H., 4i/., 115, and passim. 

Chrysostom, 59, 65, 69, and passim. 

Church, 4ff., 109, 224. 

Clemen, C., 7, 10, 42, 45, 115, and 

passim. 
Commentaries on the epistles, 59- 

65- 

Consecration, 138, 145 Jf., 281. 
Contents of the epistles, 12-17, 2O ~ 

24. 
Conybeare, F. C., 58, 116, 119, 216. 

DALMAN, G., 225, 235. 

Date of the epistles, 9, 19-20. 

Day of the Lord, 77, 180 /., 236, 

248. 
Death of Christ, in, 168 /., 189, 

286. 
Deissmann, A., 9, 43, 53, 67, 70, and 

passim. 
Demas, 5. 
Denney, James, 64 f., 173, 278, 281, 

283. 

Destruction, 182, 234, 270. 
De Wette, 40, 63, 65, 94, and passim. 
Dibelius, M., 42, 54, 63, 75, and 

passim. 
Dichotomy and trichotomy, 2i2/. 



316 



INDEXES 



Disposition of the epistles, 17, 27- 

28. 
Dobschiitz, E. von, 7, 38, 42, 45, 47, 

55, 59, 63, 65, 68, 71, and passim. 
Drummond, James, 39, 63, 99, 171. 

ELECTION, 77/., 279. 
Ellicott, 63, 65, 79, and passim. 
Endurance, 76, no, 224, 296. 
Ephraem, Syrus, 59, 75, and passim. 
Epictetus, 141, 155, 163, 200, 202. 
Epistolary literature, 67. 
Eschatology, 43/., 88/., 122 /., 139, 

163 /-, 178 /., 243 /. 
Estius, 6i/., 140, 160, 210. 
Everling, i2i/., 175. 
Ewald, P., 121. 

FAITH, 76, 86, 131, 168, 187, 222, 236, 

240, 292. 
Findlay, G. G., 42, 45, 55, 6s/., 75, 

and passim. 
Flatt, 62, 99, and passim. 

GALLIC, 9. 
Gardner, Percy, 70. 
Gilbert, G. H., 59. 
Glory, 105, 236, 241, 282, 291. 
Good, the, 200. 

Goodwin, W. W., 89, 125, 152, 288. 
Gospel of God, 79 /. 
Grace, 71, 218 /., 242, 286. 
Gregory, C. R., 55/., 69, 261. 
Gressmann, H., 276. 
Grotius, 43, 6 if., 65, 99, and passim. 
Gunkel, 41, 70, 105, 205, 250, 260, 
276. 

HAMMOND, H., 61 /., 65, 81, and 
passim. 

Harnack, 42/., 53/., 78, and passim. 
Harris, Rendel, 67, 87, 107. 
Hatch, E., 86, 213, 264. 
Heart, 96, 118, 138, 287. 



Heaven, 89, 174, 232. 
Heitmiiller, 299. 
Hollmann, 4i/., 45, 52. 
Holtzmann, H. J., 37, 4o/., 45, 63, 

64, 109, and passim. 
Hope, 76, 167 /., 187, 286. 
Howson, J. S., 2. 

IDLENESS, 159 /., 197, 297 /. 
Impurity, 11,95, i45/ 

JASON, 4f. 

Jesus Christ, death of, in, 168 /., 

189, 286; resurrection of, 168 /.; 

indwelling of, 69 /., 144 /., 169, 

188. 

Jews, the, 73, 90, 105 /., ny/., 292. 
Jowett, B., 63, 151, 213, 222, 232. 
Joy, 83, 123, i33/., 201. 
Judasa, 105 /. 
Judgment, the final, 89, 113^"., 188, 

228, 233 /., 272. 
Julicher, 37, 42. 

KABISCH, 121, 174, 176. 

XXTSXIOV apirc, 6, the meaning of, 259. 

Kennedy, H. A. A., 58, 102, and 

passim. 

Kern, 4o/., 52, 247, 249. 
Kingdom of God, 105, 226 /. 
Kiss, the holy, 216. 
Klausner, J., 260, 276. 
Knowling, R. J., 4, 42. 

LAKE, K., 7, 27, 42, and passim. 
Language of the epistles, 28-34. 
Lex talionis, 227 JJ. 
Lightfoot, J. B., 42, 47, 63, 65, 76, 

and passim. 
Lillie, John, 42, 59, 64 /., 76, arid 

passim. 
Literary resemblances between II 

and I, 45-5 1. 
Lock, W., 42, 116. 



INDEXES 



317 



Lord = Christ, 279. 

Lord Jesus Christ, significance of the 

name, 71. 
Love, 76, 131, 137, 157 /., 187, 195, 

198 /., 222, 270, 296, 309. 
Lueken, 43, 63, 175. 
Liinemann, 37/., 42, 63, 65, 85, and 

passim. 

MACEDONIA, 86, 157. 

McGiffert, 8, 27, 38, 42 /., 43, 45, 

52, 68, 100, 107, 121, 145, 159, 193, 

205, 230. 

Man of lawlessness; see Anomos. 
Mathews, S., 5, 172, 276. 
Mayor, J. B., 108, 122. 
Michael, i74/. 
Milligan, George, 42 /., 45, 63, 65, 

67/., and passim. 
Moffatt, James, 37 jf., 42/., 45, 53, 

64, 67/., and passim. 
Moore, G. F., 88, 189, 253, 254. 
Moulton, J. H., 75, and passim. 
Mystery of lawlessness, 263. 

NAGELI, 32. 

Name of Christ, in the, 298 /. 

Nestle, 58, 72, 128. 

(ECUMENIUS, 60, 142, 214, 232, 249. 

290. 

Parousia, of Christ, 88, 122 /., 139, 

173, 212, 231, 244; of the Anomos, 

265, 268 /. 

Peace, 71, 195, 210, 219, 310. 
Pelagius, 59 /., 142, 212, 214, 228, 

237, 240. 

Pelt, 59, 62, 99, and passim. 
Persecutions, 82, io8/., 127 Jf., 225, 

294. 
Personal equation of the epistles, 

34-37- 
Pfleiderer, 37, 40, 



Place of writing of the epistles, 9, 

19-20. 

Plummer, A., 116. 
Plural, epistolary, 68. 
Politarchs, 2, 4, 121. 
Poole, M., 6i/., 65, 115, and passim. 
Prayer, 75, 134 /., 201, 209 /., 215, 

238 /., 285 /., 289 /., 296 /., 

310. 

Priority of II, 38-39. 
Prophesying, gift of, 204 Jf. 

RABINSOHN, M., 260, 276. 
Ramsay, W. M., 2/., 121. 
Reinach, Th., 112. 
Reitzenstein, R., 70, 208, 268. 
Religious convictions of II, 24-27. 
Resch, A., 172, 209. 
Resurrection of Christ, 168 /.; of 

believers, i68/. 
Retaliation, 200, 227^". 
Robinson, J. A., 67, 72, and passim. 
Ropes, J. H., 172, 189, 209. 
Rutherford, W. G., 93, and passim. 

SALVATION, 112, 188, 270, 281. 
Sanday and Headlam, 58, 71, and 

passim. 

Sanders, H. A., 56. 
Satan, 121 /., 127 /., 268, 293 /. 
Schaefer, A., 64, 261 /. 
Schettler, A., 145, 170. 
Schmiedel, 37, 39 /., 45, 63, 65, 68, 

85, and passim. 

Schott, 62, 137, 161, 195, 226, 282 /. 
Schurer, 24.5, 276, 305. 
Schweitzer, A., 70. 
Secundus, 5. 
Silvanus, 68, 219. 
Soden, H. von, 40, 55, 67, 69, and 

passim. 

Soderblom, N., 276. 
Sophocles, E. A., 94, 99, and passim. 
Souter, A., 55 /., and passim. 



3 i8 



INDEXES 



Spirit, the Holy, 81, 83, 155 f., 203^., 
246. 

Spitta, F., 43, 45, 126, 148, 258 /. 

Swete, H. B., 59, 64, 80, and pas 
sim. 

Synagogue, 109. 

TAFEL, 2. 

Teichmann, E., 174. 
Temple of God, 256. 
Text of the epistles, 55-58. 
Thackeray, H. St. John, 101, 114. 
Thayer, J. H., 245, 247, 293, 308. 
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 59, 65, 108, 

and passim. 

Theodoret, 59, 99, and passim. 
Theophylact, 60, 93, and passim. 
Thessalonians, founding of the 

Church of the, 1-5; character of 

the Church of the, 5-7. 
Thessalonica, the city of, 2. 
Timothy, 68, 126, 131, 219. 
Tischendorf, 55 jf., 82, and passim. 
Titius, A., 172. 
Toy, C. H., 109, 216. 
Tradition, 143, 284, 304. 
Turner, C. H., 9, sg/., 173. 



VERSIONS, 58. 

Vincent, M. R., 42, 140, 148 /., 153, 

208, 226, 233, 235, 238, 245, 296. 
Viteau, 101. 

Volz, P., 70, 166, and passim. 
Vorstius, 62, 147, 163. 
Vos, 178. 

WEISS, B., 42, 55, 63, 78, and passim. 

Weiss, J., 38, 81, 122, 205, 231, 284. 

Weizsacker, 40/., 52. 

Wendland, P., 88. 

Wernle, P., 42, 45- 

Westcott and Hort, 28, 55, 82, and 

passim. 

Wetstein, 62, 101, and passim. 
Will of God, 146, 202. 
Witkowski, S., 67, 72, and passim. 
Wohlenberg, G., 42, 63, 65, 75, and 

passim. 

Work, 102, 162, 191 /., 302 /. 
Wrath, 8g/., ii3/-, 188. 
Wrede, W., 40, and passim. 

ZAHN, TH., 27, 42, 45, 53, 68, 71, and 

passim. 
Zimmer, F., 55, 82, and passim. 



II. GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES. 



dya06q, I 3 II 2 18 - "; Tb dya06v, 1 5". 
dyaOtoauvT], II i". 

dyax<?v, I 4 9 II 2 16 ; dSsXtpol TjyaxiQ- 
yi.voc uxb TOU 0soG (I i 4 ), xupt ou 

(II 2"). 

dydxiq, 1 1 3 3 6 5 8 - "; dq dXX^Xou?, I 
3 12 II i 3 ; TTJC; dXTQ0cag, II 2 10 ; TOU 
OeoO, II 3 5 . 

dyaxiQTo, I 2 8 . 

d yyeXoc 8uvd(i(i>?, II i 7 . 

ayetv, I 4". 

dycd^ecv, I 5 23 . 



dyccca[Ji6<;, I 4 3 - 4 - 7 ; Iv dycacrpup xvsu- 

(xaToq, II 2 13 . 

aycoi auTou, I 3" II i 10 ; aytov with 
1 1 5 - 6 4 8 ; with 9t\TQ^a, 1 5 20 . 
, I 3 13 . 
dyvoetv, ou 6eXo[XV &^aq, I 4 13 . 



, I 3 2 and passim; 
i 4 and passim. 

, I i 3 2" 5". 
c, II 2 10 - 12 . 
d-^p, I 4". 
dOstelv, I 4 8 . 
AGf^vat, I 3 1 . 
alpecaOat, II 2". 
ai9v(Stoq, I 5 3 . 
a^wvcog, oXeOpoq, II i 9 ; x 

atwvc a, II 2 16 . 
dxaOapafa, I 2 3 4 7 . 
dx.ofjq, X6yo?, I 2 13 . 
dxouetv, II 3". 
, I 52. 
, -fj, II 2 12 ; TJ dydxr] 



, 0e6g, I 



dXiq- 



, I 2 13 . 
dXXd, I i 8 and passim; dXX<i xa(, I 

I 5 2 8 . 

dXX-rjXoug, I 4 9 - ^ 5"; elq dXXtjXouq 

I 3 12 5 15 II i 3 . 
d XXot, I 2 . 
a txa auv, I 4" 5". 
d[xapTca<;, Td?, I 2 16 . 
, I 3 13 . 

2 10 5 23 . 

, I 5". 
dvdyxTj, I 3 7 . 



vacpetv TW xveu[xaTt TOU 

II 2 8 . 

dva^vetv, I i 10 . 

dvaxXTQpouv, I 2 16 . 

aveatg, II i 7 . 

dv^x^Qat, II i 4 . 

av0po)xog, I 2 4 and passim; 6 5v0po>- 

xo? Tfjq dvoyu ocq, II 2 3 . 
dvtaTdvat, I 4 14 - 16 . 

2 3 - 7 . 
, II 2 8 . 
dvTaxoSiSdvac, I 3 9 II i 6 . 
fanfyeaQM, I 5 14 . 
dvTf, I 5 15 ; dv0 wv, II 2 10 . 
dvTcxe^evog, II 2 4 . 
a^cov lartv, II I 3 . 
dcoOv, II i 11 . 

d^t ox; TOU 0sou, xsptxaTelv, I 2 12 . 
dxayyIXXetv, I i 9 . 
dxdvTTjacv, elq, I 4 17 . 

xal 8(5, I 2 18 ; cf. Phil. 4". 

dSt/.fa?, II 2 1 ". 
dxsxea0at dxo, I 4 3 5". 
dx6, I i 8 and passim; dxb xpoffwxou, 

Hi 9 . 



3 20 



INDEXES 



dxoSeixviivoct, II 2*. 

axoScSovocc, I 5 15 . 

dxo0yfaxtv, I 4 14 5 10 , of Christ. 

dxoxaX6xTea0ai, II 2 s - 6 - 8 , of the 

Anomos. 
dxoxdXutJnc;, f), II i 7 ; of Christ. 

dxOXTclVSCV, I 2 15 . 
dxoXX6[JlVOt, Ol, II 2 10 . 

dxopcpavcT,a0ac dxo, I 2 17 . 

dxoaTaji a, Y), II 2 3 . 

dxoaToXoc XptaToO, I 2 6 . 

dxwXEiocq, 6 ulbs TTJq, II 2 3 . 

apa ouv, I 5 6 II 2 15 . 

dpJXECV 0w, I 2 4 - 15 4 1 ; dv0pa>xocg, 

I 2". 

i, I 4 17 - 
i, I 3 6 II 2 . 



4 16 - 

, II 2". 

, ol, I 5 14 . 
daxd^ea0ai ev fiXfjixaTi ayta, I 5 26 . 

Tfj ![Afl %etpl IlauXou, II 3". 
, I 5 3 . 

, II 3 7 . 

OCTtZXTOt, Ol, I 5 14 . 

dTcxxTox;, xsptxaTelv, II 3 6 - u . 

aToxot xal xovrjpot, II 3 2 . 

auToq, passim; auTbq Ss 6 Oeoq, I 3" 

523; 6 xupto?, II 2 15 3 16 ; c/. I 4 16 . 

Ta auTti xa0wq, I 2 14 . 
, I i 7 - 8 . 



elvat, Iv, I 2 6 . 

, fj lauTou, I 2 12 ; f) 

TOU 0OU, II I 5 . 



ydp, I i 8 and passim; auTol ydp 01- 
SaTe, I 2 1 3 3 5 2 II 3 7 ; ** 7*P, I 4 10 ; 
xal ydp OTE, I 3 4 II 3 10 - 



ytvcoaxscv, I 3 5 . 
ypacptv, I 4 9 5 1 II 3". 
lv, I 5 6 - 10 . 



yacrpt, 



5 3 - 



\fvea6at, passim; with dat. I i 5 - 
2 s - 10 ; with ??, 1 1 5 3 5 ; with e 

OOU, II 2 7 . 



<, I 2 16 and passim. 
Set, xwq, I 4 1 II 3 7 . 

Sla0at EC? TO, I 3 10 . 

(TOV) Xoyov, I i 6 2 13 ; T-? O V 
T^q dXY}0tag, II 2 10 . 
Bid with gen., I 3 7 and passim; TOIJ 
iTjaou, 1 4 14 ; TOU xupt ou IirjaoD, I 4- , 

TOU XUptOU TJ ^WV I. X., I 5 9 ; XVU- 

txa-uoq, II 2 2 . With accus., I i 5 3* 
5"; Bta TOUTO, I 2 13 3 5 - 7 II 2". 

, I 4. 
Tt, II 2 15 . 
, I 4 2 II i 8 2 16 3 9 - 16 ; eY? ttva, 



xpc atg, II i 5 ; B^xatov, II i 8 . 
Btxat coq, I 2 10 . 
StXT]v, Ttvetv, II I 9 . 
Bc6, I 3 1 5 11 - 
SCOT:, I 2 8 - 18 4 6 . 
StwytAol xal 0X^et?, II i*. 
Btwxetv Tb dyaOdv, I 5 15 . 
Soxt^dt,tv, I 2 4 5 21 . 
ooXw, Iv, I 2 3 . 
S6^a, I 2- 20 ; I 2^ 2 , of God; II 2 

of Christ; TYJ? 

i 9 . 



II 



0t7), I I 9 . 

II i 7 2 9 ; ev 
II i. 

S6vao6ai,I 2 6 3 9 . 
Swpdv, II 3 s . 



edv, I 2 8 ; with W, II 2 3 ; with indie., 

I3 8 - 

u, I 2 7 and passim. 



Iye(petv ex TOJV vexpwv, I i 10 . 
eyw, I 2 18 . 

0VT), Td, I 2 16 4 5 - 

el, I 4 14 ; ei TC? ou, II 3 10 - ". 



INDEXES 



321 



e!Sov, I 3 6 ; Tb xp6awxov, I 2 17 3 10 . 



I 



, TGC, I i 9 . 

elvai, I 2 13 and passim. 
eTxep, II i 6 . 
elpTjveueiv, I 5 1J . 
ecpTJvrj, I 53 II 3 18 ; with 

II i 2 ; 6 6ebq (6 xuptoq) TYJ<; 

I S 23 II 3 16 . 
dq, I i 5 and passim; dq 8, II i- 14 ; 

el? t6 with infill., I 2 12 - 18 3 2 - 5 - 10 - 13 

9 n I 5 2 2 - " 3 9 . 



dq 



, I 2 11 II i 3 ; dq rbv eva, 



I 5". 

e c aoSo?, I i 2 1 . 

eiTe, I 5 10 II 2 15 . 

ex., 1 1 10 2 3 - 6 ; ex ^e*aou yfveaOac, II 2 7 . 

IxaaTO?, I 4 4 ; with elg, I 2 11 II i 3 . 

i v TCVC, BcBovat, II I s . 

xuptoq, I 4". 
exBtcoxetv, I 2 15 . 

), ev ^ -fj^pa, II i". 

c Oeaaa^ovcxewv, TJ, I i 1 II i 1 ; 
a\ IxxXTjat at TOU OeoO, I 2 14 II i 4 . 
exXoy?) u^wv, TJ, I i 4 . 
ex^euyetv, I 5 3 . 

i 3 2 19 4 13 5 8 II 2 16 . 

, II 3". 

ev, with God I i 3 3- 13 ; with 
Christ, I 2 13 . 
ev, passim; ev Oew xaxpl (7)[jLwv), I i 1 



II i 1 ; ev 



Oetp 



xupftp, I 3 8 5 12 ; ev xupuo Iigaoj 
(XptaT(p), I 4 1 ; I i 1 II i 1 3 12 ; ev 
XptoTw ( lYjaoO), I 4 1B ; 2 14 5 18 ; ev 
ayfw, I i 5 ; ev Buv^xet, 



Ivavrfoq, I 2 15 . 
, II i 5 . 

t, II i 10 - 12 . 
t, I 5 8 . 

ev^pyeta TOO Saxava, H 2 9 ; 

II 2". 

evepyetaOai, I 2 13 II 2 7 . 

21 



-f) -rpepa TOU xup(ou, II 2 2 . 
evxaxecv, II 3". 
evxauxa<J0at, II i 4 . 
evxdxretv, I 2 18 . 
evopxi%w u[L&q Tbv xuptov, I 5". 
eVupe xeaGac, II 3 14 . 
e^axarav, II 2 3 . 

t, I i 8 . 

t, I i 8 . 
eou6eveiv, I 5 20 . 
e^oua^av, e xetv, II 3 . 
e ^to, ol, I 4 12 . 
Iicetra, I 4 17 . 

ex with gen., I i 2 ; with dat., I 3 - 

4 7 ; with accus., I 2 18 II i 10 2 1 - 4 3*. 

exc(3apTJaoc{ Ttva ujxwv, xpb? Tb ^TQ, I 2 

II 3 8 - 

extOupLt a, I 2 17 4 5 . 
IxtxoOetv Ketv, I 3". 
exiaToMj, I 5 27 II 2 2 - 15 3"- ". 
extaTps^ecv xpb? trbv 6eov, I i 9 . 
extauvaywyf] xpbq CZUTOV, -^ -fj^tov, II 2 1 . 



ext^cxvetoc T^q xapouat aq, ^, II 2 s . 



t, I 2 9 4", II 3 8 - 10 - 12 . 
epyov, I 5 13 ; (TO) epyov (^q) xcarew?, 
I i 3 II i"; e pyy xal Xoyw, II 2 17 . 
epxeaOat, I i 10 2 18 and passim. 
epo)T(I>[jLv y.ot.1 xapaxa7.ou[xev, I 4 1 ; 
oe ujxag aoeX9of, I 5 12 



eaOcetv, II 3 10 ; with aptov, II 38- . 
etc, II 2 5 . 



-ut, I 3 6 . 

, TO, I 2 4 ; with YJ^-WV, I i 5 
II 2 14 ; with TOU OeoO, I 2 2 - 8 - 9 ; with 
TOU xupt ou Tj[xcov Irjaou, II i 8 ; with 
TOU XpcaTou I 3 2 . 
euSoxetv, with infin., I 2 s 3 ; with 

dat., II 2 12 . 

euSoxt a dyaOtoaiviQ?, II I 11 . 
> I 4 12 - 
, I i 2 2 13 5 13 ; with 6<pe(Xo- 

[JLGV, II I 3 2 13 . 

, I 3. 



322 



INDEXES 



, I i 9 3 4 13 5 3 II 3 9 ; with 
I i 8 4 9 - 5 . 
I x 0p6s, II 3 15 - 
ecos (conj.), II 2 7 . 



i? ol ^ 



, 1 4 1 



2 C . 



2" II 2 4 . 

, I 5"; with wq, II 3". 

2 7 . 



Tj[j.spa, I 5 8 ; YJ Yxxspa, I 5*; XE(VIQ, 
II i 10 ; TOU xupc ou, I 5 2 II 2 2 ; ucot 



, I 5 5 ; VUXTO<; xal 
I 2 9 3 10 II 3 8 . 
, I 4". 
, II 3 12 . 



OaXxCV, I 2 7 . 

Oau[j.a 4EaOocc, II i 10 . 

8e"Xeiy, I 2 18 4" II 3 10 . 

O"XY][J.CC (TOU) 6eou, I 4 s 5 18 . 

OeoocoaxToq, I 4 9 . 

Oeoq, passim; Oeb? ^wv, I i 9 ; 6 Osb<; 



I I 1 II I 2 (i 1 ); 6 Osbq xal XOCT-OP 
flixfiv, I i 3 3 11 - 13 (II 2 1G ); sv OsO 
xxrpl (TJ^-WV), I i 1 II i 1 ; ev TOJ Oeto 
fjyLwv, I 2 2 . 

eaaaXovtxeuq, I i 1 II i 1 . 

OX^eiv, I 3 4 II i 6 - 7 . 

1 6 3 - 7 n i 4 - 6 . 



, I 2 14 4". 

uq, I i 10 4 14 ; (o) x6ptoq (YJI 
uq, I 2 15 4 1 - 2 II i 7 2 8 ; I 2 



3 18 ; ev 



aouq XptaT6q, I I 1 II 1 
I z s s o. 23. 28 n 2 1 - 

XptCTTW IlQaOU, I 2 14 5 18 . 

Tva, I 2 1G and passim. 
, I 2 14 . 



louSatot, I 2 14 . 
, II I 9 . 



xaOdncep, I 2"; with xaf, I 3 - 12 4 5 - 



q, I i 5 and often in I; II i 3 ; 
xaOox; xaf, I 2 14 3 4 4 1 - 6 - 13 5 11 II 3 . 
xaf, passim; xal yap, I 3 4 4 II 3 10 . 
xatp6q, II 2 6 ; xatpot, I 5 1 ; xpb? xat- 

pbv wpaq, I 2 17 . 
xaxbv dvTl xaxou, I 5". 
xaXelv, of God, I 2 12 4 7 5 24 II 2 14 . 
y.aXoicocelv, II 3". 
y.aX6v, -c6, I 5 21 . 
xapSca, I 2 4 - 17 ; U[JLO>V TO: 

I 3" II 2" 3. 

xoredt with accus., II i 12 2 3 - 9 
dcic oupavou, I 4 16 . 
cv, I 5 4 . 

xaTocXetxeaOat, I 3*. 
t, II i 5 . 
, II 2 8 . 
, I 3 10 . 



/.aTSuOivetv TTJV oobv xpoq, I 3"; T^S 

xapBfaq eEq, II 3 5 . 
xaT^xetv, I 5 21 ; 6 X.OCTSXWV ap-rt, II 2 7 ; 

TO xaTexov, II 2 6 . 
/.aux^asto?, GT^avoq, I 2 10 . 
xecaOat els, I 3 3 . 
xeXsua^a, I 4 16 . 

xev6s, I 2 1 ; yivsaOat e?s xevov, I 3 5 . 
y.-rjp6aatv eis u^aq Tb euayy^Xtov TOU 

Oeou, I 2 9 . 

, I 5 2 . 

q, II i". 

, ol, I 4 15 ; Bca TOL Lqaou, 
I 4 14 ; ol xoctJL(0[JLVot, I 4 13 . 
xoXaxta, I 2 5 . 

XOTttWVT<; V U^JLCV, ol, I 5 12 . 

x6xoq, I 3 5 ; 6 xoxos Ttjq dydxiQc;, 1 1 3 ; 
xoxoq xal [J.6xOoq, I 2 9 II 3 8 . 

xpaTEtv Taq xapaS6atc, II 2 15 . 
xptvetv, II 2 12 . 



INDEXES 



TOU OeoG, TJ otxou a, II i 5 . 
c, I 4 4 . 

xuptog, I i 6 - 8 3 8 - 4 6 15 16 17 5 2 12 " 27 
II i 9 2 2 - 13 3 1 - 3 - 4 - 5 3 16 - See also 
above under Iv and Iijaouq. 
, I 2 16 . 



, I i 8 2 4 - 1G ; with eu 



Xlyeiv, I 4 15 5 3 II 2 5 ; T^^EVoq, II 2". 
, I i 5 2 5 - 4 18 II 2 2 - 15 - 17 ; 6 
, I i 6 II 3" (fafiv); 



, I 2 12 ; 6 X6yo<; TOU Oeou, 
I 2 13 ; TOO x-upfou, I i 8 (4 16 ) II 3 1 - 
.<po(, (rd), I 4 1 II 3 1 ; ol 
4 13 5. 
XuicetaGat, I 4 13 . 

MaxeSovfa, I i 7 - 8 4 10 . 

5 14 . 

, Tcepcaaeuetv, I 4 1 - 10 . 
t, I 2 12 . 

^^JLWV, T6, II I 10 . 

eo<;, I 2 5 - 10 . 
, I 5 7 . 
ixe0ucx6yi.evot, ol, I 5 7 . 
tv, I 3. 

, I 2 18 . 

ou, yfvsaOat ex., II 2 7 ; Iv ^ay 
uy.cov, I 2 7 . 

with gen., I i 6 3 13 5 23 II I? 

i. 16. 18. 

2 8 . 

H.TJ, I i 8 and passim; oO y-t), I 4 15 5 3 ; 
li/fj Tox;, I 3 5 . 



3 4 12 2 3 3 
P.TQX|TC, I 3 1 - B . 

^T, II 2 2 . 

I 3 7 - 9 . 

;, I I 6 2 14 . 

, I i 2 3. 
txvTf)pi.oveuecv, I i 3 2 9 II 2 6 t 

tXOVOV, I I 6 8 2 8 II 2 7 . 



xa(, I 2 II 3*. 

? dcvo^^a^, TO, II z 7 , 



vabq TOU Osou, 6, II 2 . 

vexpo<;, I i 10 ; ol vexpol ev Xpc 



, I 4 17 . 

, I 2 7 . 
VTJ ? tV, I 5- 8 . 

vouOezetv, I 5 12 - 14 II 3". 
vou<;, II 2 2 . 
vuv, I 3 8 II 2 6 . 



, I 



i" 52 



6o6q, I 3". 

o!Sa, I i 4 ; dSevoa = "appreciate," 
I4 4 5 12 ; eBevaiOeov, I4 5 II i 8 ; ot- 
Sazs, I 4 2 II 2; aurol yap o tSare, 
I 2 1 3 3 5 2 II 3 7 ; xaOaxsp ocSaTe, 
I 2"; xaOws oYSorce, I 2 2 - B 3 4 ; i 5 . 
otxoSojxelv, I 5". 
oloq, I I 5 . 

^vfStoq, I 5 3 ; afcuvtoq, II 
I 9 . 

t > ot, I 5 14 . 



, I 4 10 . 
-fj?, I 5 23 . 
I 2 8 . 

, of Christ, II i 12 3". 
oxoloq, I i 9 . 
, II i 12 . 



6pav, I 5". 



J, I i 10 2 15 s 9 . 

, I i 10 and passim. 

fa>q, I 2 10 . 
, II I 9 . 
o-uav, I 5 3 II i 10 . 
ot, I 3 4 II 3". 
ofi&S, I 2 3 s 5 II 3 8 . 
OTC, I i 5 and passim; wq OTC, II 2*. 
o5, I i 5 and passim. 
o5v, apa, I 5 6 II 2 15 . 



3 2 4 



INDEXES 



otjpavdt, ot, I i 10 ; ax oupavou, I 4 16 

Hi 7 . 

oOre, I 2 s - 6 . 
OUTO<;, passim. 
OUTOX;, I 2 4 - 8 4 14 - 5 2 II 3 17 . 
o$x, I 2 19 . 
6<pe(Xetv with eu%apcaTeZv, II i 3 2 13 . 



, I 46. 

, I I 2 2 16 



" 5 15 - 16 II I 3 - 



2". 



xapi with gen., I 2 13 4 II 3 6 - 8 ; xapa 

6ecp, II i 6 . 
xapayyeXta, I 4 2 . 
xapayye"XXetv, I 4" II 3*- 6 - 10 - 12 . 
xacpdBoait;, II 2 15 3 8 . 
xapaxaXelv, I 2" 3 2 - 7 4 1 - 10 - 13 5"- 14 

II 2" 3 12 . 

xapdcxX-rjacq, I 2 3 II 2 16 . 
7capaXati(}<4vecv, I 2 13 4 1 II 3. 
xapa^iuOecaOat, I 2" 5 14 . 
xapouafa, fj, of Christ, I 2 19 3 13 4 15 5" 

II 2 1 - 8 ; of the Anomos, II 2 9 . 
xappTrjacd,eaOa:, I 2 2 . 
ica<;, I i 2 and passim; ev XOCVTI, I 5 18 ; 

ev xavTl T6x(j>, 1 1 8 ; ev XOCVT! rpoxcp, 



II 3"; 8c& xavrd?, II 3 16 . 
x&a%ecv, I 2 14 II i 5 . 
rca-ufa, of God, I i 1 - 3 3 11 - 13 II i 1 -" 

2 16 ; figuratively of Paul, I 2". 
IlauXog, I i 1 2 18 II i 1 3 17 . 
xetpd^etv, I 3 B ; 6 xetp^ov, I 3 5 ; c/. 
Mt. 4 3 . 

, I 3 2 - 6 II 2". 

ev x.upc (p, II 3 4 . 
xepC with gen., I i 3 and passim. 
xepcepyd^eaOat, II 3". 
xeptxecpaXafa, I 5 8 . 
xeptXetx6[Aevo{, ol, I 4 17 ; etq, I 4 1B . 

, I 4 1 ; d^ax; TOU Oeou, I 2 12 ; 



4". 

pix 

is . 



2 14 ; 



xeptaaeuetv, I 3 12 ; {xaXXov, I 4 1 - 10 . 

xepicaoTepox;, I 2 17 . 

xia-ueuetv T(p <pe6Bet, II 2"; Tfj dXiQ- 
Get qc, II 2 12 ; with OTC, I 4"; ol xta- 
TsuovTeq, 1 1 7 2 10 - 13 ; ol xtaTsuaavTe?, 
II i 10 ; xtareueaOat, I 2 4 II i 10 . 

, Y), II 3 2 ; f] Xt<JTt? U[XWV, I I 8 

xpbq Tbv 6e6v) 3 2 - B - s. 7. 10 n i 3 - 4 ; 
dXYjOe^aq, II 2 13 ; (T^) epyov 
xtaTewq, I I 3 II i 11 ; 
xal dydxTQ, I 3 G 5 8 

, II i 4 . 

6 y.aXwv ujxaq oq, I 5 24 ; xtatb? 
eaTcv 6 xupto? og, II 3 3 . 

J, I 2 3 II 2 11 . 

, I 3 12 II i 3 . 

xXeovex/uecv, I 4 6 . 
xXeove^ a, I 2 5 . 
xX^pocpopca, I i 5 . 
xXifjpouv, II i 11 . 



TO aytov, I 4 8 ; Tb xveO[xa, I 5 1D ; 
xvsujxa, II 2 2 - 13 ; xvsOtxa, 
, I 5 23 ; TO xveu^xa TOU 
, II 2 8 . 



xotetv, I i 2 4 10 5- 24 II 3 4 . 

xoXX^, ev, I i 5 - 6 2 17 ; ev xoXXy, I 

2 2 . 

xovTjpo?, I 5 22 II 3 2 ; 6 xovTjp6<;, II 3 3 . 
xopvefa, Jj, I 4 3 . 
, I 2 5 . 

, T6, I 4 6 . 
xpdaaeiv TO c Bca, I 4". 
xpoecxov, I 4 6 . 
icpoiardefxevot 5^wv, ol, I 5". 
, I 3 4 . 

, I 2 2 . 
with accus., I i 8 and passim; 

[J.TQ with infin., I 2 9 II 3 8 . 
xpoaeu%oc(, al, I i 2 . 



i, I 5" II i; I 5 It s 1 . 

xp6atoxov, I 2 17 ; ?Setv Tb xp6aa)xov 
u^uov, I 2 n 3 10 ; dxb xpoatuxou xu- 
pou, II i 9 . 



INDEXES 



325 



icpocpact?, I 2 s . 

Xp09TQTecat, I 5 20 . 
7ip09Y}Tai, I 2 15 . 

xporuov, I 4 16 II 2 3 . 

TO pi 9X076?, Iv, II I 8 . 

icws, I i 9 ; (Tb) xws Set, I 4 II 



ex, I i 10 ; dx6, II 3 2 . 



acu veaOac, I 3 3 . 

aaXeueaOac dxb TOU vo6<;, II 2 2 . 

6eoG, I 4 16 . 

, 6, I 2 18 II 2 9 . 
c^evvuvat, I 5 19 . 

II 2 4 . 

.al Te*paT<z, II 2 9 ; 
II 3 17 - 

OTQ[X8tOUO0at, II 3 14 . 

ScXouav6?, I i 1 II i 1 . 
axeOoq, TO, I 4 4 . 
CXOTOS, I 5 4 - 5 . 

, I 2 17 . 
, I 3 1 - 5 . 

c, II 3 5 . 

aTe?avo? xauxTQ-cog, I 2 19 . 
CTY]XIV, II 2 15 ; ev xuptop, I 3 8 . 
OTTjpR^eiv xapBt as, 1 3 13 (II 2 17 ) ; 

^eiv with icapaxaXecv, I 3 2 II 2 17 

with 9uXaaaetv, II 3 3 . 
otoyia, II 2 8 . 
auyLyuldTTQq, I 2 14 . 
auv auT(p, I 4 14 ; aiv x,upt (p, I 4 17 J a^ 

auv, I 4 17 5 10 . 
auvavafJuyvucrOoa, II 3 14 . 
auvepybq TOU Oeou, I 3 2 . 
ato^eaOac, I 2 16 II 2 10 . 
atoyia, I 5 23 . 
aa)Tf]p(a, I 5 8 - 9 II 2 13 . 

Taxewq, I 2 2 . 

Te"x.va, I 2 7 - u . 

T^Xos, e?s, I 2 16 . 

T^paTa, cr^ela xaf, II 2 9 C 

njpeiv, I 5 23 . 



s?s, I 5 9 . 
c:^, I 4 4 . 

TtpL66eo<;, I n 32- 6 II i. 
, II i 9 . 



TtS, I I 8 2 3 5^ II 2 3 3- " ". 

Totyapouv, I 4 s . 

TOtOUTO?, II 3 12 . 
TOTCO?, I I 8 . 
TOTS, I 5 3 II 2 8 . 

Tpe^etv xal So^eaOac, II 3*. 
Tpoxoq, II 2 3 3 16 . 

, I 2 7 . 
oq, I I 7 II 3 9 . 



t, I 2 2 . 

auToO, 6, I i 10 ; 6 utbq TTJ<; dx- 
2 3 ; ulol fj^pa?, 90)To<;, 

is 5 - 

uxaxxtuecv TW euayYeXfy, II i 8 ; T<p 

X6vq) Jjfj.cov, II 3 14 . 
uxlp with gen., I 3 2 II i 4 - 5 2 1 . 

uxepaipeaOac, II 2 4 . 
uxepau^avetv, II I 3 . 
uxep^aivetv, I 4 6 . 
uxepexxeptaaou, I 3 10 5 13 . 
ux6 with gen., I i 4 2 4 - " II 2 13 . 

TTJS IXxt Sos, TJ, I I 3 ; ixo- 
r] y.ocl xtarcq, II I 4 ; ^ uxo[xovJj 
TOU XpcaTou, II 3 5 . 
, TCZ, I 3 10 . 



96avetv, I 2 16 4 15 . 
t a, I 4". 
ay to), ev, I 5 2S . 
I 2 2 . 

t, I 4". 
, ev xup(, II I 8 . 

I 3 3 . 

9<i>vY) dpxayylXou, I 4 18 . 
90)T6<;, ulof, I 5 B . 



, I 3 9 5 16 - 
, I i" 2 19 - 20 3". 



3 26 



INDEXES 



, I ii 5=8 II !* 12 2 16 3 18 . 
yjilp, I 4" II 3". 
Xpsc av, e xstv, I i 49- 12 51. 

, I i 1 and passim; see under 



; Iv XpiaTw, I 4 16 ; ev Xptarw 
Irjaou, I 2 14 5 18 ; sv 
XptaTco, II 3 12 . 
ovot /.al xatpot, I 5 . 



, II 2 9 - 

i, ^, i s 23 ; 

, I 53. 



1 28. 



wpaq, xpb? xatp6v, I 2 17 . 

o><;, I 2 4 - 7 - II 2 2 3 15 . 

wq, conj., I 2 10 - ; w? OTC, II 2 2 . 

waxsp, I 5 3 . 

, 1 4"; with infin., 1 1 7 - 8 II i* 2*. 



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. a is.