A critical examination of the evidences adduced to establish the theory of the Norse discovery of America

:

« ^_jS i

:^

f /A l

A

CRITICAL EXAMINATION

OF THE

EVIDENCES ADDUCED

TO

ESTABLISH THE THEORY

T OF THE

NORSE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

BY

J. P. MacLEAN,

Life Member of the Gaelic Society of Glasgow; Honorary Member of the Gaelic Society
of Inverness ; Corresponding Member of the Davenport Academy of Sciences : Cor-
responding Member of the Western Reserve Historical Society of Ohio ;
Author of a " History of Clan MacLean :" " The Mound Builders ;"
"Antiquity of Man;" "Mastodon, Mammoth and Man;"
" Fingal's Cave : " " Jewish Nature Worship."

CHICAGO, ILL.:

AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN OFFICE.
1892.

89564

The impression of this work is limited to 500 copies, of which this copy is

No.-

E
1 05

M2-Z-

PREFACE.

THE ensuing chapters were written for and appeared in the
American Antiquarian. As will be observed, the design
was to confine the line of argument to the statements of such
books as had been recently published, that advocated the
Norse discovery of America. It was deemed unnecessary to
call particular attention to older works, because those more
recent revamped former arguments and assertions contained
in the previous publications, and had virtually supplanted them
in the market. The value of the statements in previous publi-
cations should not be discredited or obliterated. If presented
side by side with the line of thought adopted by those now
occupying the field, a strange anomaly would appear. The
inconsistencies of recent claimants would be forcibly illustrated.

To array the evidences of the one against the assumptions
of the other — all advocating substantially the same theory-
has not been attempted, because the subject has been treated
with a due regard for the facts bearing on the case. If the
design had been to place the advocates in an unenviable posi-
tion, then the dissertation and notes to Samuel Laing's trans-
lation of Sturlasson's "Heimskringla" could, with propriety, be
introduced. Although an avowed advocate of the Norse
theory, Laing unsparingly points out certain inconsistencies in
the Saga narratives. Such statements as grapes ripening in
the springtime, and causing one to be drunken upon eating
them; the growing of wheat and corn unplanted; the great
number of eggs of the eider duck, etc., he boldly ascribes to
"the fiction of some Saga maker". He has but little patience
with those who would find evidences of Norse occupation in
America, and declares they are poets and not antiquarians.

The so-called American evidences he regards as a hoax, and
speaking of the Newport stone mill, says: "Those sly rogues
of Americans dearly love a quiet hoax. With all gravity they
address a solemn communication to the Royal Society of
Northern Antiquarians at Copenhagen, respecting these inter-
esting remains of 'a structure bearing an antique appearance,'
— 'a building possibly of the ante-Columbian times,'— 'a relic,
it may be, of the Northmen, the first discoverers of Vinland!'
* * * * It must be allowed that these Rhode Island wags
have played off their joke with admirable dexterity." Relying
on the Sagas alone, Laing would confine the discoveries to the
coast of Labrador, "or some places north of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence".

The eight chapters relating to the Norse discovery of
America, which Peringskiold inserted in his Swedish and Latin
translation of the "Heimskringla", Laing reproduces in an
appendix to the third volume. In one of the notes added to
these extra chapters, he animadverts to the statement that
Karlsefne had taken "cattle of all* kind" to Vinland, and
demonstrates that such could not be true; and further remarks:
"It looks as if the Saga-relator was applying his ideas formed
on Iceland, where cattle and food for them are not scarce, to
a country by nature so totally different as Greenland, and that
he did not know of the difference." This goes to confirm the
position taken in the following pages.

September, 1892.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. PAGE.
A General Review I

CHAPTER II.
The Sagas 9

CHAPTER III.
The Sagas and America 17

CHAPTER IV.
Norse Remains in America 33

CHAPTER V.
Odds and Ends 48

PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA,

CHAPTER I.

A GENERAL REVIEW.

It is generally conceded that the greatest achievement re-
corded in the annals of history was the discovery of America
by Columbus. It has been fraught with incalculable benefits to
the human race. To the genius of Columbus must be ascribed
all the honor and glory.

It is unnecessary in this place to narrate the, great difficulties
which Columbus was forced to surmount in order to accomplish
his purpose. These have been so often set forth that all students
of American history have become familiar with them. The
world has deservedly accorded unbounded praise to the Genoese
mariner, having called him the greatest of discoverers, and
inscribed his name among the most illustrious of men.

Men being more or less inclined to theorize, and to a certain
extent governed by race prejudice and religious rancor, it
would not be surprising that there should be those who would
attempt to pluck the laurel from the great explorer's brow. It
is a shame that calumny and strong epithets should be resorted
to in the discussion of a purely historical question. Upon the
face of it there is a countenance of weakness in the cause of
those who resort to such methods. Mere theories will arise
and their associates will demand attention, however much facts
may be distorted in order to substantiate their views. The
weaker the cause the louder the contention.

There is quite an extensive literature relating to the so-called
pre-Columbian discovery of America, and claims have been
put forth in behalf of various persons more or less mythical. It
would be a work of supererogation to enter into a discussion of
all the views that have been proclaimed and the reasons there-
for. When sifted none of them will bear a critical analysis,
although documentary evidence is assumed to support ten or
more of these hypotheses.

The one that takes rank in priority is that ot Hoci-Shin, a
Buddhist monk, who, in the year 499 A. D., returned from an
extensive journey to the east and reported that he had visitedfa
country lying about 6,600 miles to the east of Japan, and an

2 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

equal distance to the east of China. He called the country
Tusango on account of many trees growing there that went by
that name. It has been assumed that this coutry was Mexico
and California. The Irish discovery appears to have been two
fold. First, St. Patrick sent missionaries to the "Isles of
America", which would place the date prior to 460 A. D., thus
ante-dating the purported Chinese discovery ; and, second, at a
time little previous to the Norse discovery or toward the close
of the tenth century. Next in chronological order is the advent
of the Norsemen in America, about 1000 A. D.

Some time previous to 1147 there set sail from Lisbon eigfct
Arabian brothers called Maghrourins, who swore they would
not return till they had penetrated to the, farthest bounds of the
Dark Sea. They came to an island inhabited by a people of
lofty stature and a red skin.

Another story affirms that about the year 1169, Madoc, a son
of Owen Gwywedd, prince of North Wales, left his country on
account of disturbances, and determined to search out some
unknown land and dwell there. With a few ships he embarked
with his followers ana for many months they sailed westward until
they came to a large and fertile country, when they disembarked
and permanently settled. After a time Madoc returned to
Wales, where he fitted out ten ships and prevailed on a large
number of his countrymen to return with him. Both Mexico
and the Californias have been assigned as the place of this
Welsh settlement.

The marvelous tales of the Venetian brothers, Nicolo and
Antonio Zeno, date back to the year 1380. They established a
monastery and church in Greenland. After the death of Nicolo
the other remained for fourteen years in the service of the
chieftan, Earl Tichmni. Antonio heard of a land, a thousand
miles distant, populous and ivilized, ruled by a king, and having
Latin books in the library. Farther to the southwest was a
more civilized region and temperate climate. Antonio set out
in search of this land, but the voyage proved unsuccessful.

An obscure writer of the date of 1717 put forth the claim
that, about the year 1464, John Vaz Casta Cortereal, a gentleman
of the royal household of Portugal, explored the northern seas
by order of Alphonso V, and discovered Terra de Baccalhaos
or land of codfish, afterwards called New Foundland. The dis-
covery by the Poles is placed in the year 1476; that by Martin
Behaim in 1483 ; and that by Cousin of Dieppe in 1488.

These alleged discoveries have not been without their advo-
cates. Any other purported discovery will gather to itself
zealous defenders, however short may be the thread upon which
the evidence depends. If it once gains a foothold, the most
cogent of reasons and the most forcible of facts will fail to
dislodge it. Even intelligent minds will be drawn into the
maelstrom of error.

GENERAL REVIEW. 3

Closely related to the purported pre-Columbian discoveries
are certain accounts of early travelers, who found the native
Indian language to be Welsh and Highland Scotch. The
evidence of this rests upon a more plausible basis than the
former ; and yet it would be difficult to find an anthropologist
who accepted the story of Morgan Jones or the pleasant tale of
Lord Monboddo. As no one has recently championed the
latter, it will be only necessary now to turn the attention to the
former.

Of all the theories propounded, the advocates of the Norse
discovery have been the most pertinacious. They have been
instant in season and out of season. Among those who have
shoved themselves to the front, Mrs. M. A. Shipley, Professor
R. B. Anderson and B. F. DeCosta may be considered to be
the most conspicuous. Of these, the first is the most reckless
in regard to statements, and the last named is the fairest and
most judicious ; whilst all of them are easily detected in trying
to make out a case. Even questions not directly concerned in
the presentation of the case have been dragged into the contro-
versy. Christianity and the Christian Church have come in
for a tirade of abuse.

"The Christian nature is undoubtedly the same all over the
world : hypocritical, canting, secretive, avaricious, deeply
designing and Machiavellian ; each leader makes a tool and a
dupe of his followers ; congregations do their priests' or their
ministers' bidding, and the whole society is permeated with
their spirit and purpose."1 "The North failed and sank into a
decline through accepting Christianity."2 "The Church has
destroyed self-respect."3 "To tear down Christianity, under
present conditions, is in no wise iconoclasm ; neither will it
leave a moral vacuum ; the necessity is not even upon us of
building up something else in its stead, for a structure has stood
for ages, testified to by reliable history, which the Church and
Christianity have obscured and hidden from the gaze."*

Not satisfied with this unprovoked invective against Chris-
tianity, we are also treated to an assault on Columbus, who is
accused of being a thief, " ambitious and unscrupulous," " bigoted
Roman," "Italian adventurer," " needy adventurer," etc. These
epithets, which appear to be so savory to the author of
Icelandic Discoveries, appear to have been inspired by Professor
Anderson, who, quoting with approval from Goodrich, declares
Columbus to have been " a fraud, mean, selfish, perfidious and
cruel."5

Without a blush or qualification it is declared that Columbus
" stole his information " concerning the Western Continent from
the Norsemen ;6 that he made a "secret " visit to Iceland ;7 that

1 Shipley's Icelandic Discoveries, p. 171. 2 Ibid. p. 183. 3 Ibid. 188. 4 Ibid. 192

5 America Not Discovered by Columbus, p. 7.

6 Icelandic Discoveries, p. 9. 7 Ibid. p. 11.

4 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

his discovery was "bogus";1 that the Norse "were the first
Europeans who landed on American shores was pregnant with
good to us ; this made 'the name America the synonym of
wealth, of adventure, of freedom', and not the false tidings borne
by Columbus to Spain of a discovery of which he would have
been incapable but for stolen information ; "2 " Columbus, the
bigoted Roman Catholic adventurer, who fed his ambition and
greed on the narratives of the Norse voyages to America, read
secretly in Iceland, strove to give the New World the opposite
tendency, — the downward tendency";* Columbus, hearing of
the Western World, " went to Iceland in order to pursue the
investigations to which all this had given him a clue. After his
visit to Iceland, he made out to find America, as anv one else
could have found it after obtaining definite directions ;"* he was
guilty of "religious felony", and purloined the knowledge of a
discovery of transcendent value made by men of a pagan race
who were recently and very reluctantly converted to Christian-
ity, for the purpose ot securing princely honors and emoluments
for himself, the greatest conceivable aggrandizement for the
Church. Such an opportunity for universal dominion as could
never, in the nature of things, occur again in the life of the
world ; and last and most important of all, for the purpose of
making the New World, through its entire submission to the
Holy See, the means of crushing out all tendencies to rebellion
against the church that might possibly manifest themselves
again in Europe."5

These severe and uncharitable views would prepare the
reader for an estimate of the character of the Norse as given by
the same pen, for it may be anticipated that one extreme follows
another. If the character be exalted, then the literature created
by that people must also be transcendent. " There was no
stint of historical records in Iceland ; its literature was as rich
and varied as it was copious. The Latin lore (?) of the monks
could in no sense be compared with it ;"6 " free to think and to
act, to follow their impulses, the dearest aim of the Norsemen
was to cultivate character, to attain that degree of excellence
which would make their life a joy to them ; their heaven was
only valuable to them as following upon a valuable life here on
earth, and they were never disposed to resign this life for the
sake of a future one ; if they sought death, or met it bravely, it
was for other reasons, not savoring of sickly renunciation. This
aim of theirs to be great developed a heroic age ; the warriors
and the bards emulated each other ;"7 the literature of Iceland
was vast and "preserved in the retentive memories of its Scalds
and saga men, the annals of what was in many respects an ideal
civilization, describing the life of a race mentallv and physically
sound, whose thoughts, words and acts were strong and

1 Icelandic Discoveries, p. 13. 2 Ibid. p. 22. 3 Ibid p. 34. 4 Ibid. 69. 5 Ibid. 105
6 ibid. 43. 7 Ibid. p. 123.

GENERAL REVIEW. 5

vigorous." " To the supreme good fortune of future generations
this was preserved where the Christian desecrators could not
enter, it was safely guarded behind spiritual bolts and bars, in
the faithful and reverent minds of the people, and long after,
not much before the seventeenth century, when the nations of
Europe, after the first decisive revolt, represented in the
Reformation, had begun to recover from the asphyxia into
which the unnatural and preposterous doctrines the Christian
religion had thrown them, Icelandic history was made known
to them, the revelation of a system of ethics, of a moral code, of
political and social regulations and customs so unlike those
which Christian Europe had adopted and lived after that it
could not at first produce anything but astonishment and very
partial understanding ;* "the value of this literature, this history
of the North, which from all accounts seems to be the only
reliable history we have, is that it describes, with that graphic
force, yielded by truth alone, a state of society founded on
natural principles ;"a " the actual life in Iceland, the intellectual
stature of its people, reveal to us undreamed-of possibilities. In
casting off the incubus of the Church we do not enter unguard-
edly into vague and problematical conditions, but we resume
conditions once found all-sufficient for human welfare, we will
again lead the life of rational beings, and defamed reason will
be our sure guide ;"8 "the evils that the American people are
vainly trying to reform, disabled as they are by the paralyzing
conviction that all human effort is well-nigh unavailing, are not
manifestly derived from Norse ethics. These, on the contrary,
have been the source of infinite good."4

The quotations thus given are not to be passed over slight-
ingly, as the ravings of a disordered mind, for they have not
only been inspired by less irrational writers, but have been
deemed important enough to be published both in England
(Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.) and America (John B.
Alden.)

B. F. DeCosta writes: "We fable in a great measure when
we speak of our Saxon inheritance; it is rather from the North-
men that we have derived our vital energy, our freedom of
thought, and, in a measure we do not yet suspect, our strength
of speech."5 Again, the same writer is moved to say: "The
feature of the Icelandic sagas relating to America is plain. Their
simple, unaffected statements, all uncolored either by personal
vanity or national ambition, will more and more win the confi-
dence of historians, who find in their statements, committed to
writing, as all the testimony proves, in pre-Columbian times,
convincing and unanswerable proof of the fact that Leif Ericson
and other adventurers found America and visited New England

1 Icelandic Discoveries, p. 165. 2 Ibid. 168. 3 Ibid.183. 4 Ibid. 123.
5 Ibid., p. 56.

6 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

during the times and under the circumstances described."1
"Those who imagine that these manuscripts, while of pre-
Columbian origin, have been tampered with and interpolated,
show that thev have not the faintest conception of the state of
the question."2

Prof. Anderson declares "it was the settlement of Iceland by
the Norsemen, and the constant voyages between this island and
Norway, that led to the discovery, first of Greenland and then
of America; and it is due to the high intellectual standing and
fine historical taste of the Icelanders that records of these voy-
ages were kept, first to instruct Columbus how to find America
and afterwards to solve for us the mysteries concerning the dis-
covery of this continent "3

Passing over these statements, for the present, our attention
is called to the confidence expressed in the universal belief in the
Norse discovery. Without limitations or qualifications one
writer boldly declares : "At the present time, historians agree
with great unanimity that the continent of America was visited
during the tenth and eleventh centuries by Icelanders resident
in Greenland ;"4 but elsewhere the same advocate speaks about
" vindicating the Norsemen . . . who not

only gave us the first knowledge possessed of the American
continent, but to whom we are indebted for much beside that
we esteem valuable."5

Another author, whose writings are not less numerous, calls
loudly and vehemently to have the truths established, because
"it is necessary for the truth, as to the discovery of America, to
be established immediately;" that the first duty is obivously to
confirm the fact of the Norse discovery", the history of which
has been "so miraculously preserved in Iceland", and further-
more "the single statement that the discovery of America by
the Norsemen has never been conceded by the world to be a
fact."6

If we proceed upon the assumption that the Norsemen dis-
covered America, that Vinland was in America, the sagas are
" reliable history", then it must be conceded there must be an
agreement among those accepting this reliability, as to the
location of Vinland or any other specified place. Not necessarily
the exact spot should be singled out, but the opinions should
conform to the relative position. But most unfortunately there
is a wide divergence of opinion among historians.

Torfeus, who awakened interest in the subject in 1705, was
content to place the scene in America, without even attempting
to name the localities. In 1755, Paul Henri Mallet, in h\s

1 Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, p. 59. 2 Ibid, p. 40.

3 America Not Discovered by Columbus, p. 55.

4 DeCosta, in the Popular Science Monthly, Nov. 1880, p. 35.

5 Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, Second Edition, p. 7.

6 Icelandic Discoveries, pp, 14, 194, 195.

GENERAL REVIEW. 7

" Histoire de Dannemarc", locates the scene in Labrador and
Newfoundland. Robertson, in 1778, in his "History of America",
although with misgivings thinks "that the situation of New-
foundland corresponds best with that of the country discovered
by the Norwegians." M. C. Sprengel (1782), in his "Geschichte
der Entdeck Ungen ", thinks they went as far south as Caro-
lina. In 1793, Munoz, in his " Historia del Nuevo Mundo",
puts Vinland in Greenland. Barrow, in his "Voyages to the
Arctic Regions" (1818), places Vinland in Labrador or New-
foundland. Hugh Murray, in "His Discoveries and Travels in
North America", (1829), doubts the assigning of Vinland to
America. Henry Wheaton (1831), in his " History of the
Northmen", thought Vinland should be looked for in New En-
gland. Bancroft, the most eminent of American historians, in
the original third edition (1840), of his history, says "Scandina-
vians may have reached the shores of Labrador; the soil of the
United States has not one vestige of their presence." Wilson
(1862), in his uPrehistonc Man," declares that Markland,"which,
so far as the name or description can guide us, might be any-
where on the American coast," and that Nantucket is referred
to is assumed, because they spoke of the dew upon the grass,
because it tasted sweet. Foster, in his "Prehistoric Races of
the United States" (1873), abruptly dismisses the subject, speak-
ing of it as conjecture and no memorials having been left behind.
Nadaillac (1882) speaks of the Norse discovery as "legends in
which a little truth is mingled with much fiction." Weise, in
his "Discoveries of America," (1884), believes the sea-rovers
did not even pass Davis' Straits. The Massachusetts Historical
Society (1887), through its committee, reports: "There is the
same sort of reason for believing in the existence of Leif Ericson
that there is for believing in the existence of Agamemnon —
they are both traditions accepted by later writers; but there is
no more reason for regarding as true the details related about
his discoveries than there is for accepting as historic truth the
narratives contained in the Homeric poems. It is antecedently
probable that the Northmen discovered America in the early
part of the eleventh century; and this discovery is confirmed
by the same sort of historical tradition, not strong enough to be
called evidence, upon which our belief in many of the accepted
facts of history rests." It is certainly evident that Winsor, in
his "Narrative and Critical History of America," does not de-
pend upon the Norse discovery.

Following the account of the sagas, as given by the astute
editors, it is discovered that the first land made by the Norse
was Helluland, or Newfoundland. Farther to the south, they
came upon a thickly-wooded country, which they termed Mark-
land, or Nova Scotia. After a voyage to the south of several
days, Cape Cod was reached. Vinland comprehends Martha's
Vineyard and surrounding country. In arriving at these loca-

8 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

tions, in order that they might be corroborated, it is not neces-
sary to point out the many "supposes" and adroit changes called
forth by the text, in order to force it to say just what might be
desired. Neither is it found advisable that the "simple and un-
affected sagas," the "only reliable history" we have, should be
allowed to speak for themselves, because a skilled interpreter can
carefully' interpolate and explain, whenever such may be deemed
necessary, which is quite frequent. Nor has it been thought
best to give a succinct account of the sagas by the advocates
of the pre-Columbian theory, and a correct analysis of their
contents, for undoubtedly such an exposure would not add to
the lustre which it has been attempted to cast over them. De-
spoiled of careful editing, the many supposes eliminated, the
facts and contents made known, the record would present itself
in an unenviable light.

It is not the advocating of a theory, the foisting of an idea,
the building up of a clever hypothesis, that is to be desired. If
the sagas give a simple, clear, convincing narrative of a voyage
or voyages to the western world, and if those sagas have been
written by men desiring to speak only the truth although, there
might be a slight tendency to romancing, and the descriptions
of places are accurate enough to be traced out, and if written
before the discovery by Columbus, there can be but one result.
It must then be admitted that the sea-rovers saw the New World.
If so, what then?

This being true, there is no need to abuse Columbus and hold
him up to the scorn of mankind. It will be unnecessary to
traduce Christianity and hold up the ancient Norse as patterns
of excellence, and as having enjoyed an ideal civilization. The
distinguished authors who have expressed doubt and disbelief
will be hoisted on their own petard.

It is not a subject for strong adjectives or loud declamation.
The sagas should receive the same treatment as any other piece
of writing that has been brought to light after having remained
covered for ages. The facts they present should be accepted;
the theories for what they are worth; the romancing r jected;
the marvellous sifted, and the whole analysed.

It must not be assumed that it is here purposed to make an
investigation into every line pointed out in these literary remains,
for now we are interested only in their purported relation to
the discovery of America. Nor is it to be presumed that a
happy conclusion will be reached, for the confusion, as exhibited
by the past, must be expected to be continued in the future.
That same tendency to theorize, already referred to, and desire
to be at variance with rugged facts, will still be the great com-
panion of some — erratic, tempestuous, baneful.

THE SAGAS.

CHAPTER II.

THE SAGAS.

It appears that Iceland had long been inhabited by a small
colony of Irish monks, representing the Culdee form of the
Christian religion. About 874 A. D. a stream of emigration set
in, composed of Scandinavians, which continued for a period of
sixty years, during which time some four thousand homesteads
were established around the habitable fringe along the great
bays and firths. The first authentic successful settlement was
made under Ingolf, a Norwegian, who, after a fruitless attempt
on the south coast in 870, established himstlf at Reikiavik in
874. This tide of emigration was caused by the changes intro-
duced in Norway by Harald Haarfager, for such people as
could not endure them left for other countries, particularly to
the habitable coast districts of Iceland. In the immigrations
into Iceland three distinct streams are traced. The first was
that of four noblemen from Norway — Ingolf, Ketil Haeng,
Skalla-Grim, and Thorolf, who, with their dependents, settled
in the southwest from 870 to 890. The second was that of
Aud, widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin, who came
from the Western Islands of Scotland, followed by a number of
her kinsmen, many, like herself, being Christians, and settled
the best land in the west, northwest and north, and there founded
families that long swayed its destinies, which occurred between
890 and 900. The third was a few more newcomers direct
from Norway, which took place between 900 and 930. These
completed the settlement of the south, northeast and southeast.
In i zoo the population numbered about 50,000 souls, quite a
proportion of which was of Irish blood. The government at
first, in the times of paganism, was hierarchic and aristocratic.
Christianity was not formally introduced until the year 1002, or
about one hundred and twenty-eight years after the first settle-
ment and not even then without much opposition. Schools
were then founded, and two bishoprics in Holar and Skalholt.
Old Icelandic possesses only forty runic monuments, all of them
practically worthless from a philological point of view, the oldest
of which is an inscription on a church door, dating no farther
back than the thirteenth century, and therefore later than some

10 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

of the manuscripts. Hence one author was moved to declare,
"There are no runic inscriptions in Iceland."*

The most flourishing period of their literature and commerce
was from the middle of the twelfth to the close of the thirteenth
century, when, on account of domestic broils, Haco V. of Nor-
way, in 1262, succeeded in reducing the whole island under his
sway. From this time a declension began, which was not
arrested until the outbreak of the Reformation, when the influ-
ence of the latter was felt in Iceland as early as 1540, but not
established until 1551. Unfortunately its necessary complement
— a social and political revolution — never came to Iceland.

Notwithstanding its boasted literature, Iceland has never pro-
duced a poet of the highest order. This has been accounted
tor on the assumption that their energy was lavished upon the
saga, a prose epic. Their poems lack the qualities of high
imagination, deep pathos, fresh love of nature, passionate
dramatic power and noble simplicity of language, so character-
istic of the Western Isles of Scotland.

The saga represents the real strength and power of Icelandic
literature, some thirty-five or forty of which still remain, none
of them dating earlier than the twelfth century.

The father of Icelandic history was Ari Frode, and nearly all
that is now known of the heathen commonwealth may be traced
to him. He secured and put in order the fragmentary tradi-
tions that had begun to die out. He fixed the style in which
Icelandic history should be composed. Some of his writings
have entirely disappeared, and those that remain are only pre-
served in the writings of later compilers. Ari was born in 1066
and died in the year 1148. The most eminent of Icelandic his-
torians, and the most prominent man that country ever produced,
was SnorriSturlasson, born in 1178. • Having married Herdis, a
daughter of a rich priest living at Borg, he thereby laid the
foundation of a large fortune. His methods of acquiring wealth
are more than hinted at as not being legal. The promises he
had made in Norway he did not trouble himself about fulfilling.
He quarreled with his brother, his son, his nephew, his son-in-
law, and his wife, and was continually in a broil. He wanted to
marry Solveig, and promised to increase her wealth. He mar
ried, in 1224, Halveig, a widow, although his wife was still
living. By the Thing he was appointed an expounder of the
laws of Iceland, but disregarded the same laws when they
affected himself. His quarrels and feuds affected the greater part
of Iceland, and in 1232 broke out into civil war. This continued
until about 1259, when his sons-in-law sent back his daughters,
the cause of their quarrel being that their marriage portions
were not paid. He was driven out of the country by his brother
Sighvat, but returned in 1239. He quarreled with the sons of

•Vicary's "Saga Times," p. 163.

THE SAGAS. 11

his wife Halveig about their mother's property. On the night
of September 22d, 1241, he was assassinated by Gissur Thor-
valdsson, accompanied by seventy men, all of whom had sworn
to kill Snorri Sturlasson, his own friends and kinsmen being the
murderers. In this atmosphere of strife he found time to write
his history and traditions. The prominent features of his char-
acter were cunning, ambition and avarice, combined with want
of courage and aversion to effort.

The first sagas were written down on separate scrolls in the
generation succeeding that of Ari, or from about 1140 to 1220.
Then they passed through different phases, edited and com-
pounded from 1 220 to 1260. After this they were padded and
amplified (from 1260 to 1300), and during the fourteenth cen-
tury were collected in large manuscripts. The sagas grew up
in the milder days that immediately succeeded the change of
faith, when the deeds of the principal families were still cher-
ished, and their exploits narrated by the firesides during the
long winters. At all feasts and gatherings there were those
particularly adapted to the reciting of the occurrences of the
past, and who wove their recitations into such a form as would
most readily appeal to the imagination. Each reciter impro-
vised his own comments and injected such statements as best
suited his imagination. The artistic features of the story were
carefully elaborated and the appropriate finishing touches sup-
plied. The Irish characteristics greatly predominated in the
sagas of the west. The best compositions belong to the west,
and the name of nearly every classic writer belongs there — or
in the place where there is the greatest admixture of Irish blood.
But in all the Icelandic sagas there is the same keen grasp of
character, the love of action, and that intense delight in blood,
which almost assumes the garb of religious passion. The ro-
mancing spirit of the south had entered distant Iceland, and the
fireside stories became impregnated more or less by its influ-
ence. Horn has very justly observed that "some of the sagas
were doubtless originally based on facts, but the telling and re-
telling have changed them into pure myths."*

In speaking of "dreams of the Sagas," Vicary remarks: "The
sagas are often so full of periphrase, and the figurative meaning
so dark, and taken at so great a distance from its original sense
that more thought must have been suggested to the mind than
the skald had conceived. This, no doubt, led the imaginations
of people in the saga time to dwell on the nature and import-
ance of dreams, with the result that we have the stories, it not
the histories, of the dreams of persons who lived eight or ten
centuries since. Their strong points are that they are graphic
and with decided color. . . . The real criticism is
that the period of the sagas is short relatively, and, however

* Wlnsor's "Narrative and Critical History," Vol. I, p. 88.

12 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

wonderful for the time, their narration is more poetical than
accurate; while, in comparison, the experience of common sense
is long."*

The sagas delight more or less in the improbable. The
Ynglinga saga contains a description of King Jorund's custom
of harrying the coasts of his neighbors. His son On pursued
the same occupation. At the age of sixty the latter sacrificed
his eldest son to Odin, who therefore extended his lease of life
for another sixty years. He therefore sacrificed other sons, and
for each son was granted ten more years of life, until he reached
two hundred years, and would have offered up his remaining
son had not his subjects interfered.

Accounts are also given of the B&rscerk (supposed to mean
"bare-shirt," and called in Icelandic Ulfrhedin^ or wolf-skin); a
class of men who fought without armor, and wearing only a
shirt of skins, or at times naked. They were of unusual physi-
cal development and savagery, and were liable to a state of ex-
citement in which they displayed superhuman strength, and
they spared neither friend nor foe. They could swallow fire,
go through it naked and fling their bodies on the edges of weap-
ons without injury. They would perform prodigies of valor,
would roar and howl like savage beasts, were the pests of
society, but were occasionally useful for deeds of blood. In the
Knstnisaga, that narrates the introduction of Christianity into
Iceland, it is stated that there were two Basrsserks, who were
brothers, and who were unusually savage; would howl like
wolves, run with bare feet through the fire, and pretended that
swords could not cut them. Bishop Fredrik, who had come to
Iceland from North Germany, was a very holy and sensible
man. He blessed the fire and the sword, with the result that
the Beersaerks were burnt like other people; and when the)^ fell
upon the points of the swords, to their surprise, they were killed
like other people under similar circumstances. It is also related
that King Olav sent Tangbrand from Norway to Iceland to
extend Christianity in the latter country. He was challenged
to a duel by a fierce Basrsaerk, who made the usual boast that
he could pass harmless through fire and no sword could pierce
his skin. Tangbrand suggested that he make his word good.
The Baerscerk fell on his sword, and to the astonishment of all
it penetrated him and he died in consequence. This was owing
to the fact that Tangbrand had made a cross on the sword, which
interfered with the protection afforded by the devil.

It was taught that after an attack of frenzy the superhuman
spirit left the Beersaerk's body, with the result that great ex-
haustion followed. In the Eyrbyggjasaga, an Icelander named
Vernund obtained two Baersasrks of Swedish extraction, one
called Halle and the other Leikner. They were larger and

*Saga Times, p. 16.

THE SAGAS. 13

stronger than other men, and when not under the influence were
tolerably tractable ; but otherwise were dangerous, sparing
neither friend nor foe, man, woman nor child; would howl like
beasts, bite their shields, fall upon sharp weapons and eat fire.
Before leaving for Iceland, they compelled Vernund to bind
himself to supply them with everything they asked for, in re-
turn for their services. They came to Iceland the same year
that Erik the Red sailed for Greenland. Soon after their arrival
Halle demanded of Vernund to procure him a wife of good
Icelandic family. Knowing that no respectable woman would
desire such a husband, Vernund temporized with him, which
Halle's impatient nature brooked only for a short time, and
then gave Vernund sufficient cause to regret that he had brought
them to Iceland. Knowing his brother Styr had a blood feud
in which he wanted to take action he contrived to hand over to
him the two Baersaerks, who proved of great service to him.
Halle made love to Styr's daughter Asdis, who was a proud,
strong and manlike woman. She entertained no thought of
marrying a person of Halle's type. Styr strongly disapproved
of the suit. HaHe threatened to carry her off by force, when,
in order to temporize with him, Styr promised he should marry
her provided he and Leikner should make a road through the
lava to Bjornshavn, and build a fence between the lava and his
lands, and also make an enclosure inside the lava. This work
was at once performed by the exercise of unusual strength.
When it was finished Asdis put on her best dress and met the
Baersaerks on their return home, saying nothing to them, but
simply walked by their side. They were in a state of great
exhaustion as a consequence of the Baersaerkegang, or excite-
ment, having just left them. Styr advised them to have a hot
bath, which he heated to such a pitch that the Baerseerks burst
the door open, when he speared them as they came out.

Sorcery and witchcraft are also important features in some of
the narratives.

In treating of the sagas the extent of those forged must also
be considered, and how far those remaining have been tampered
with. Some of the Icelandic sagas are known to have been
forged. They appear as early as the thirteenth century. All
are quite poor, and appear to be wholly apocryphal or else
worked up on hints given in genuine stories. Some of these
apocryphal writings have been composed within the present
century.

That some of the sagas have been worked over by later
writers, and others interpolated, there is no room for doubt. As
an instance of the former the Nialsaga may serve as an illustra-
tion. In style, contents, legal and historical weight, it is the
foremost of all sagas. It deals especially with law, and contains
the pith and the moral of all early Icelandic history. Its hero
is Nial, a type of the good lawyer, placed in contrast with

14 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

Mord, a villain, the example of cunning, trickery and wrong-
doing. A great part of the saga is taken up with the three
cases and suits of the divorce, the death of Hoskuld. and the
burning of Nial, given with great minuteness and care. The
whole story is an ideal saga-plot, and appears to have been
written by a lawyer, and according to internal evidence it was
composed about 1250. It has been worked over by a later
editor about 1300, who has inserted many spurious verses.

Perhaps no one could be found hardy enough to dispute the
fact that Peringskiold, in his edition of the Heimskringla, edited
in 1697, interpolated eight chapters relating to the so-called
Vinland voyages, which were afterwards discovered to have
been taken from Codex Flatoyensis. It was this that Robert-
son, in his " History of America," relied upon as evidence of
the Norse discovery of America, although he naively remarked,
it "is a very rude, confused tale."* In America this has served
more to spread the tale of this purported discovery than any
other one source. It thereby gained a foothold in American
history, and later compilers, for the most part, have received
and adopted it without inquiry into the facts; just the same as
other purported evidences have been added without critical in-
quiry.

DeCosta, although affirming that "those who imagine that
these manuscripts have been tampered with and interpolated
show that they have not the faintest conception of the state of
the question,"! is forced to admit that Smith, in his "Dialogues,":}:
has suppressed the term "six," and substituted "by a number of
days' sail unknown," in the "Landnama-bok" where it speaks
of Ireland the Great lying opposite of Vinland, six days' sail
west of Ireland.

Such manuscripts as have been preserved might tell a won-
drous tale of changes and perversions should they fall under the
eye of an expert, accustomed to detect, with such glosses as
many an old writing has been subjected to. Until such detec-
tions have been made it is but just to receive them as they are,
with such light as circumstances have surrounded them.

The sagas need not be solely depended upon to prove that
the Norsemen were a hardy band of sea-rovers — or pirates, as
they would have been designated had they lived in more modern
times. Their roving propensities led them to the discovery of
Iceland — as above intimated — in the year 850, and Greenland
was first seen in 876, by Gunnbiorn, who had been driven out
to sea by a storm, but a landing was not effected until about
986, when Erik the Red settled there. This Erik was born in
Norway, but was banished from that country on account of the
crime of murder. He retired to Iceland, where he was again

•Page 241.

tPre-Columblat Discovery, p. 40. Jlbid., p. 161

THE;SAGAS.

15

outlawed on account of manslaughter. Having heard of the
land to the west, he, with some of his followers, embarked for
that region.

It required courage to sail in those days from Norway to Ice-
land, without a compass and in frail boats. Although Iceland
is but six hundred miles distant from Norway and five hundred
miles from the north of Scotland, yet often the voyage required
months; nevertheless it was frequently undertaken with no
other motive than that of restlessness. Greenland, two hun-
dred and fifty miles distant from Iceland, was also reached, as
is witnessed bv the Norse remains still to be observed there.

The ships used by the Vikings have an especial interest. De-
scriptions are not only preserved, but their remains have
been found. Owing to the sea-roving propensities and the
great desire to pillage other lands, ship-building was regarded
as an honorable handicraft, and a great amount of time and

••*LJ '-_

A VIKING SHIP.

thought were given to the subject. Some of the results must
be regarded as extraordinary. These vessels had a good bow,
a clean run alt, and the midship section was like a duck's breast.
Oars were used as well as sails. According to the saga of Olaf
Tryggvesson, that king had a ship built that was long and
broad, with huge sails and strongly timbered. It v as called
the Long Serpent, was shaped like a dragon, and had thirty-
four benches for rowers. The head and arched tail were both
gilt, and the bulwarks were as high as in sea-going ships. It
was declared to have been the best and most costly of any ever
built in Norway. Knud the Great had a dragon ship, with a
dragon's head at the bow, and a dragon's tail at the stern. In
the construction of these ancient vessels the rudder was placed
aft, over the starboard side, and not in a line with the keel, and
thus did not interfere with the dragon's tail. In the time of
Erling. Skakke, about noo, two benches of rowers were intro-

16 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

duced. The vessels were built a little higher aft than amidships,
in order to allow the man at the helm to see well forward. In
a sea-fight the sterns of the ships were lashed together, so that
no ship could be attacked singly, in consequence of which the
fighting was hottest forward of the bows. The sides and rig-
ging were decorated with shields. The sail used was square,
made of woolen cloth, and often striped with broad rows of
color. The mast was stepped in the best place for it, and as
far forward as would admit of the sail doing its work.

Several years ago two ancient vessels were found in Den-
mark, embedded in the sand, one of which was seventy-two
feet long and nine feet wide amidships, and the other iorty-two
feet long, containing two eight-sided spars, twenty-four feet
long.

It must be accorded to the Vikings that they possessed some
nautical skill, and to some extent could calculate the course of
the sun and moon, with some knowledge of measuring time by
the stars. Their methods were necessarily crude, and at times
must have proved very faulty. As the mariner's compass was
unknown in Europe till late in the twelfth century, it could not
have been used among the Scandinavians until some time later.

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 17

CHAPTER III.

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA.

The manuscript in which are the narrations of the discovery
of Vinland — or, as some would have it, America — is known as
the Codex Flatoyensis, written about the year 1400; certainly
not earlier than 1394, because annals are brought down to that
time. The year when Leif Erikson is said to have discovered
America is variously given; but from the various narrations
the time may be approximately fixed at 1000. It would then
appear that the event remained one solely of tradition for a
period of four hundred y ars, kept alive by being repeated dur-
ing the long winter nights by not less than twelve generations
of men.

The Codex Flatoyensis was unknown until the seventeenth
century, when it was tound in the possession of John Finsson,
who dwelt in Flatey, in Breidafirth, and who stated he had
obtained it from his grandfather. It is claimed that the writing
is the work of two priests, John Thordsson and Magnus Thor-
hallsson. It contains a large number of sagas, poems, and
stories, thrown together in strange confusion and wholly with-
out criticism. No other manuscript confuses things on so vast
a scale. In this codex is the saga of Olaf Tryggvesson, wherein
the voyages of Leif Erikson are described. The saga of Erik
the Red, one of the chief narratives depended upon by the
advocates of the Norse discovery, is in the same codex. The
other principal saga on this subject is that of Thorfinn Karlsefne,
which goes over the same ground covered by that of Erik the
Red.

The accounts of these voyages as given in the originals, or
even in the translations, are too numerous and prolix to be re-
produced in this place. In order to present a clear understand-
ing, an abstract of some of the sagas will be necessary.

According to the Codex Flatoyensis, one of Erik's compan-
ions was Heriult Bardson, who had a son Biarne. This Biarne
was absent in Norway at the time his father went to Greenland
with Erik. When he returned to Iceland he resolved to spend
the following winter with his father, and to that end set sail for
Greenland. As neither himself nor any of his companions had
ever navigated these seas before, he became lost in the fog that
had set in. When the weather cleared up they found them-

18 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

selves in sight ot a strange land to larboard. They again
sighted land after two days' sail; and three days still later they
came in sight of land that proved to be an island. They bore
away, and in three days' sailing reached Greenland. The news
of this discovery having come to the ears of Leif, son of Erik
the Red, he determined to explore this newly-found land; so he
purchased Biarne's vessel, and, with thirty-two men, sailed in
the direction that had been indicated. The first land sighted
was that which Biarne had seen last, and here they landed and
called it Helluland. To them it appeared to have no advan-
tages, for in the up-country were large snowy mountains, and
from there down to the sea was one field of snow. They then
put to sea, and soon came to another land, which was flat and
overgrown with wood. This they called Markland. They put
to sea again, with the wind from the northeast, and after two
days made land. They landed upon an island, where they
found the dew upon the grass was sweeter than anything they
had ever tasted. Next they sailed into a sound that was between
the island and a ness that went out northward from the land,
and sailed westward, and thence went on shore at a place where
a river, issuing from a lake, fell into the sea. They brought
their ship into the lake, and resolved to winter there: and for
that purpose erected a large house on the shore. With them
was a south countryman named Tyrker, who had a high fore-
head, sharp eyes, with a small face, and was little in size, and
ugly. This man found grapes during the winter. With this
they loaded their boat, and having loaded the vessel with wood,
they returned to Greenland when spring arrived. The last land
visited they called Vinland.

It will be observed that the narration of this, the first voyage
of Leif, is exceedingly indefinite. To tell what land was re-
ferred to would be an utter impossibility. Practically there is no
description of the coast. The time occupied in the voage be-
tween Greenland and the first point of landing is not given.
The distance between Cape Farewell, the most southerly point
of Greenland, and Newfoundland is about six hundred miles.
According to the saga of Erik the Red twenty-five ships started
for Greenland from Iceland, only fourteen of which reached that
country; the rest were either lost or driven back. No account
of the voyage out or the return is given in this expedition of
Leif. Even if only the coast of Labrador was reached, there
was er.ough there to be seen, with the experience of the voyage,
to have aroused necessary recitations. One might as well
search for Gulliver's Luggnagg. As to the matter of grapes,
these Icelanders did not know what grapes were, for they had
never seen a grape-vine. As to Tyrker, the very description of
him indicates that it was a character thrown in to assist the
tale. Calling the country Vinland, or Wine-land, was no proof
of wine, for Erik the Red boasted that he so named Greenland

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 19

that the people would think it was a good land, and hence
would have a desire to remove there. The sweet dew upon
the grass and the frosts and snows are somewhat incongruous.

The saga contradicts its first narrative by affirming that Leif
discovered Vinland the Good at the time King Olaf sent him to
Greenland to proclaim Christianity, and during his passage from
Iceland to Greenland.

Alter Leif 's return his brother Thorwald, with thirty men,
set out for Vinland. Nothing is related of the voyage until
they came to the booths put up by Leif in Vinland. Here they
wintered. When the spring opened Thorwald sent the long-
boat westward along the coast. They found many islands, but
no abode for man and beast, "but on an island far towards the
west they found a corn barn, constructed of wood. They iound
no other traces of human work." The next spring the ship
proceeded eastward and towards the north, when it was driven
upon the land and broke the keel. While here they killed eight
natives at one time. "Then a great drowsiness came upon
them and they could not keep themselves awake, but all of
them fell asleep. A sudden scream came to them, and they all
awoke; and mixed with the scream they thought they heard
the words: 'Awake, Thorwald, with all thy, comrades, if ye
will save thy lives. Go on board your ship as fast as vou can,
and leave this land without delay'." They were attacked by
innumerable Skraellings, who succeeded in killing Thorwald
with an arrow. The following spring they returned to Green-
land.

In this narrative it will be noticed that they had no difficulty
in finding the booths of Leif. Having found them, they went
•westward and came upon a "corn barn constructed of wood."
Whence came this barn? Our ingenious annotators are ready
with an answer: "A building ot this character would point to
Europeans, who, according to minor narratives, preceded the
Icelanders to America."*

Thorstein, third son of Erik the Red, set out in the same ship
for Vinland, to bring back his brother's body. He was accom-
panied by his wife Gudrid and twenty five men, but after being
tossed about on the ocean the whole summer without knowing
where they were, they finally landed in Greenland, in the west-
ern settlements. In the continuation of the story of Thorstein
we have a narrative of the miraculous. Thorstein dies in the
house of Thorstein Black. "Now Thorstein Erickson's illness
increased upon him, and he died, which Gudrid, his wife, took
with great grief. They were all in the room, and Gudrid had
set herself upon a stool before the bench on which her husband
Thorstein's body lay. Now Thorstein the Goodman took Gud-
rid from the stool in his arms, and set himself with her upon a

*Pre-ColumbIan Discovery, p. 108.

20 PRE COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

bench just opposite to Thorstein's body, and spoke much with
her. He consoled her, and promised to go with her in summer
to Eriksfiord, with her husband Thorstein's corpse, and those of
his crew. 'And,' said he, 'I shall take with me many servants
to console and assist.' She thanked him for this. Thorstein
Ericson then raised himself up and said, 'Where is Gudrid?'
And thrice he said this; but she was silent. Then she said to
Thorstein the Goodman, 'Shall 1 give answer or not?' He told
her not to answer. Then went Thorstein the Goodman across
the room and sat down in a chair, and Gudrid set herselt on
his knee; and Thorstein the Goodman said, 'What wilt thou
make known?' After awhile the corpse replies: 'I wish to tell
Gudrid her fate beforehand, that she may be the better, able to
bear my death; for I have come to a blessed resting place.
This I have now to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou wilt be married
to an Iceland man, and ye will live long together, and from you
will descend many men — brave, gallant and wise, and a well-
pleasing race of posterity. Ye shall go from Greenland to
Norway, and from thence to Iceland, where ye shall dwell.
Long will ye live together, but thou will survive him; and then
thou shalt go abroad, and so southward, and shall return to thy
home in Iceland. And there must a church be built, and thou
must remain there and be consecrated a nun, and there end thy
days.' " All of which came to pass. The face of the story
shows it to be a monkish fiction.

The next voyage to Vinland was made by Thorfinn Karl-
sefne, a trader. In the summer of 1006 he fitted out his ship
in Iceland for a voyage to Greenland, attended by Snorre Thor-
brandson and a crew of forty men. At the same time another
ship was fitted out for the same destination by Biarne Grimolf-
son and Thorhall Gamlason, also with a crew of forty men. In
the autumn of the same year both ships arrived safely at Eriks-
fiord, in Greenland. Here Thorfinn fell in love with Gudrid,
widow of Thorstein, and with Leif 's consent married her that
winter. In the spring of 1007 three ships were fitted out for
an expedition to Vinland. Thorfinn fitted out his, and Biarne
Grimofson and Thorhall Gamlason put their ships into shape,
and the third was commanded by Thorward, on board of which
was an attache of Erik named Thorhall. As this voyage is
recognized to have been the most important of all the Norse
voyages to Vinland, and as the narrative is the most complete,
it is here given in full. In order to be wholly impartial in this
quotation, I have given it as found in De Costa's " Pre-Colum-
bian Discovery."

"They sailed to the west district and thence to Biarney;
hence they sailed south a night and a day. Then land was
seen, and they launched a boat and explored the land; they found
great flat stones, many of which were twelve ells broad. There
were a great number of foxes there. They called the land

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 21

Hclluland. Then they sailed a day and a night in a southerly
course, and came to a land covered with woods, in which there
were many wild animals. Beyond this land, to the southeast,
lay an island, on which they slew a bear. They called the
island Bear Island, and the land Markland. Thence they sailed
long south by the land and came to a cape. The land lay on
the right side of the ship, and there were long shores of sand.
They came to land, and found on the cape the keel of a ship,
from which they called the place Kiarlarness, and the shores
Wonderstrand, because it seemed so long sailing by. Then
the land became indented with coves, and thev ran the ship into
a bay, whither they directed their course. King Olat Trygg-
vesson had given Leif two Scots, a man named Haki and a
woman named Hekia; they were swifter of foot than wild ani-
mals. These were in Karlsefne'sship. When they had passed
beyond Wonderstrand, they put these Scots ashore, and told
them to run over the land to the southwest three days, and dis-
cover the nature of the land, and then return. They had a kind
of garment that they called Kiafal, that was so made that a hat
was on top, and it was open at the sides, and no arms; fastened
between the legs with a button and strap; otherwise they were
naked. When they returned one had in his hand a bunch of
grapes, and the other a spear of wheat. They went on board,
and afterward the course was obstructed by another bay. Be-
yond this bay was an island, on each side of which was a rapid
current, that they called the Isle of Currrents. There was so
great a number of eider ducks there that they could hardly step
without treading on iheir eggs. They called this place Stream
Bay. Here they brought their ships to land, and prepared to
stay. They had with them all kinds of cattle. The situation
of the place was pleasant, but they did not care for anything
except to explore the land. Here they wintered without suffi-
cient food. The next summer, failing to catch fish, they began
to want food. Then Thorhall the hunter disappeared. They
found Thorhall, whom they sought three days, on the top of a
rock, where he lay breathing, blowing through his nose and
mouth, and muttering. They asked why he had gone there.
He replied that this was nothing that concerned them. They
said that he should go home with them, which he did. After-
ward a whale was cast ashore in that place; and they assembled
and cut it up, not knowing what kind of a whale it was. They
boiled it with water and ate it, and were taken sick. Then
Thorhall said: 'Now you see that Thor is more prompt to give
aid than your Christ. This was cast ashore as a reward for the
hymn which I composed to my patron Thor, who rarely for-
sakes me.' When they knew this, they cast all the remains of
the whale into the sea, and commended their affairs to God.
After which the air became milder, and opportunities were
given for fishing. From that time there was an abundance of

22 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

food; and there were beasts on the land, eggs in the island and
fish in the sea.

"They say that Thorhall desired to go northward around
Wonderstrand to explore Vinland, but Karlsefne wished to go
along the shore south. Then Thorhall prepared himself at the
island, but did not have more than nine men is his whole com-
pany, and all the others went in the company of Karlsefne.
Thorhall sailed north to go around Wonderstrand and Kiarlar-
ness, but when he wished to sail westward, they were met by a
storm from the west and driven to Ireland, where they were
beaten and made slaves. As merchants reported, there Thor-
hall died. It is said that Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and
his comrades, sailed along the coast south. They sailed long
until the)' came to a river flowing down from the land through
a lake into the sea, where there were sandy shoals, where it
was impossible to pass up, except with the highest tide. Karl-
sefne sailed up to the mouth of the river with his folk, and
called the place Hop. Having come to the land, they saw that
where it was low corn grew; and where it was higher, vines
were found. Every river was full of fish. They dug pits were
the land began, and where the land was higher; and when the
tide went down there were sacred fish in the pits. There were
a great number of all kinds of wild beasts in the woods. They
stayed there half a month and enjoyed themselves, and did not
notice anything; they had their cattle with them. Early one
morning, when they looked around, they saw a great many
skin boats, and poles were swung upon them, and it sounded
like reeds shaken by the wind, and they pointed to the sun.
Then said Karlsefne, 'What may this mean?' Snorre Thor-
brandson replied, 'It may be that this is a sign of peace, so let
us take a white shield and hold it toward them.' They did so.
Thereupon they rowed toward them, wondering at them, and
came to land, These people were swarthy and fierce, and had
bushy hair upon their heads; they had very large eyes and
broad cheeks. They staid there for a time, and gazed upon
those they met, and afterward rowed away southward around
the ness.

"Karlsefne and his people had made their houses above the
lake, and some of their houses were near the lake, and others
more distant. They wintered there, and there was no snow,
and all their cattle fed themselves on the grass. But when
spring came they saw, early one morning, that a number of
canoes rowed from the south around the ness; so many, as if
the sea were sown with coal; poles were also swung on each
boat. Karlsefne and his people then raised up the shield, and
when they came together they began to trade. These people
would rather have red cloth; for this they offered skins and
real furs. They would also buy swords and spears, but this
Karlsefne and Snorre forbade. For a whole fur skin, the

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 23

Skraellings took a piece of red cloth a span long, and bound it
round their heads. Thus went on their traffic for a time. Next
the cloth began to be scarce with Karlsefne and his people, and
they cut it up into small pieces, which were not wider than a
finger's breadth, and yet the Skraellings gave just as much as
before, and more. It happened that a bull which Karlsefne had
ran out of the wood and roared aloud; this frightened the
Skraellings, and they rushed to their canoes and rowed away
toward the south. After that they were not seen for three
whole weeks. But at the end of that time a great number of
Skraellings' ships were seen coming from the south like a rush-
ing torrent, all the poles turned from the sun, and they all yelled
very loud. Then Karlsefne took a red shield and held it toward
them. The Skraellings leaped out of their vessels, and after
this they went against each other and fought. There was a hot
shower of weapons, because the Skraellings had slings. Karl-
sefne's people saw that they raised upon a pole a very large
ball, something like a sheep's paunch, and of a blue color; this
they swung from the pole over Karlselne's men upon the ground,
and it made a great noise as it fell down. This caused great
fear with Karlsefne and his men, so that they only thought of
running away; and they retreated along the river, for it seemed
to them that the Skraellings pressed them on all sides. They
did not stop until they came to some rocks, where they made a
bold stand. Freydis came out and saw that Karlsefne's people
fell back, and she cried out, 'Why do you run, strong men as
you are, before those miserable creatures whom I thought you
would knock down like cattle? If I had arms, melhinks I could
fight better than you.' They gave no heed to her words. Freydis
would go with them, but she was slower because she was preg-
nant; still she followed after them in the woods. She found a
dead man in the woods; it was Thorbrand Snorreson, and there
stood a flat stone stuck in his head; the sword lay naked by
his side. This she took up and made ready to defend herself.
Then came the Skraellings toward her; she drew out her breasts
from under her clothes, and dashed them against the naked
sword. By this the Skraellings became frightened, and ran off
to their ships and rowed away. Karlsefne and his men then
came up and praised her courage. Two men fell on Karlsefne's
side, but a number of the Skraellings. Karlsefne's band was
overmatched. Next they went home to their dwellings and
bound up their wounds, and considered what crowd that was
that pressed upon them from the land side. It now seemed to
them that it could have hardly been real people from the
ships, but that there must have been optical illusions. The
Skraellings also found a dead man, and an axe lay by him;
one ot them took up the axe and cut wood with it, and then
one after another did the same, and thought it was a fine thing
and cut well. After that, one took it and cut at a stone, so that

24 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

the axe broke, and then they thought that the axe was of no
use, because it would not cut a stone, and they cast it away.
Karlsefne and his people now thought thev saw that, although
the land had many good qualities, they still would always be
exposed to the tear ot attacks from the original dwellers. They
decided, therefore, to go away and to return to their own land.
They sailed northward along the shore, and found five Skrael-
lings, clad in skins, sleeping near the sea. They had with them
vessels containing animal marrow mixed with blood. Karl-
sefne's people thought that these men had been banished from
the land; they killed them. After that they came to a ness, and
many wild beasts were there, and the ness was covered all over
with dung from the beasts, which had lain there during the
night. Now they came back to Straumfiord, and there was a
plenty of everything that they wanted to have. [It is thus that
some men say that Biarne and Gudrid stayed behind, and one
hundred men with them, and did not go farther; but that Karl-
sefne and Snorre went south ward, and forty men with them, and
were no longer in Hop than barely two months, and the same
summer came back.] Karlsefne then went with one ship to
seek Thorhall the hunter, but the rest remained' behind, and
they sailed northward past Kiarlarness, and thence westward,
and the land was upon their larboard hand. There were wild
woods over all, as far as the eye could see, and scarcely any
open places. When they had sailed long a river ran out of
the land east and west. They sailed into the mouth of the river
and lay by its bank.

"It chanced one morning that Karlsefne and his people saw
opposite, in an open place in the woods, a speck which glittered
in their sight, and they called out towards it, and it was a Uniped,
which thereupon hurried down to the bank of the river where
they lay. Thorwald Erikson stood at the helm, and the Uniped
shot an arrow into his bowels. Thorwald drew out the arrow
and said: 'It has killed me! To a rich land we have come, but
hardly shall we enjoy any benefit from it.' Thorwald soon after
died of his wound. Upon this the Uniped ran away to the
northward. Karlsefne and his people went after him, and saw
him now and then, and the last time they saw him he ran into
a bay. They drew off to the northward, and saw the country
of the Unipeds, but they would not then expose their men any
longer. They locked upon the mountain range that was at
Hop and that which they now found as all one, and it also ap-
peared to be of equal length from Straumfiord to both places.
The third winter they were in Straumfiord. They now became
much divided by party feeling, and the women were the cause
of it, for those who were unmarried would injure those who
were married, and hence arose great disturbance. There was
born the first autumn, Snorre, Karlsefne's son, and he was three
years old when they went away. When they sailed from Vm-

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 25

land they had a south wind, and then came to Markland, and
found there five Skrasllings, and one was bearded; two were
females and two were boys; they took the boys, but the others
escaped, and the Skraellings sank down in the ground. These
boys they took with them; they taught them the language, and
they were baptized. They called their mother Vathelldi, and
their father Uvaege. They said that two kings ruled over the
Skrsellings, and that one was named Avalldania, but the other
Valldidia. They said that no houses were there. People lived
in caves or in holes They said there was a land on the other
side, just opposite their country, where people lived who wore
white clothes and carried poles before them, and to these were
fastened flags; and they shouted loud, and the people think that
this was White-man's land, or Great Ireland.

"Biarne Grimolfson was driven with his ship into the Irish
ocean, and they came into a worm sea, and soon the ship began
to sink under them. They had a boat which was smeared with
sea oil, for the worms* do not attack that. They went into the
boat, and then saw that it would not hold them all. Then said
Biarne: 'As the boat will not hold more than half of our men,
it is my counsel that lots should be drawn for those to go in the
boat, for it shall not be according to rank.' This they all
thought so generous an offer that no one would oppose it. They
then did so, that lots were drawn, and it fell to Biarne to go in
the boat, and the half of the' men with him, for the boat had
not room for more. But when they had gotten into the boat,
an Icelandic man that was in the ship, and had come with Biarne
from Iceland said: 'Dost thou mean, Biarne, to leave me here?'
Biarne said: 'So it seems.' Then said the other: 'Very different
was the promise to my father when I went with thee from Ice-
land, than thus to leave me, for thou said that we should both
share the same fate.' Biarne said: 'It shall not be thus; go
down into the boat, and I will go up into the ship, since I see
that thou art so anxious to live.' Then Biarne went up into the
ship and this man down into the boat, and after that they went
on their voyage until they came to Dublin, in Ireland, and there
told these things; but it is most people's belief that Biarne and
his companions were lost in the worm sea, for nothing was heard
cf them after that time."f

Another account of this expedition differs somewhat from the
one just given. According to the second, the expedition, carry-
ing one hundred and forty men, first sailed to Westbygd and
Biarney Isle. They left the latter place with a north wind, and
after a day and a night came to Helluland. After another day

*It Is but just here to remark that'Vicary uses the word snakes, and says: "The
story of Biarne sailing into a sea on the coast of Ireland so full of snakes that the
ship sank, while half the people on board the ship were saved in a small boat, is not
credible". — Saga Times, p. £0i.

tPp. 121-137.

26 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

and a nights' sail they reached Bear Island. Another sail, occu-
pying the same length of time, brought them to Kiarlarness,
and called the shore Wonderstrand; and here they put the two
Scots — Hake and Hekia — and told them to run southward and
explore the country. Three days later they returned with a
vine and self-sown wheat. Thence the ships proceeded to
Straumfiord, where they landed and prepared habitations, and
here they wintered. They were in want of food, and failed to
catch fish, as the winter was severe. They sailed over the
island, hoping to obtain subsistence, but only found little better
fare. They prayed to God to send food, without answer. Then
Thorhall disappeared, but after three days was found by Karl-
sefne and Biarne lying on top of a rock, and having asked him
to go home with them he complied. After that a whale was
cast up, and they partook of it, and all were made sick. Thor-
hall boasted the whale was given in answer to a hymn he had
composed to Thor. When they heard this they would not par-
take any more, but threw what was left from the rock and
committed themselves to God; then there was no lack of food.
The company now parted, Thorhall, with nine men, going
northward to explore Vinland, and Karlsefne, with the rest,
went south. "Thereupon Thorhall sailed northward around
Wonderstrand and Kiarlarness, but when they wished to cruise
westward a storm came against them and drove them to Ireland,
where they were beaten and nfa.de slaves. There Thorhall
passed his life." Karlsefne and his party sailed south. "They
sailed long until they came to a river which flowed from the
land through a lake, and passed into the sea. Before the mouth
of the river were great islands, and they were not able to enter
the river except at the highest tide " They called the land
Hop, and there found wild corn and vines. Here they spent
the winter, when no snow fell. Here they caught the two
Skraelling boys. Thence they went to Greenland and passed
the winter with Leif Erikson.

In this second account the distance from Greenland to Vin-
land is definitely given as three days' sail. While the two
accounts are substantially the same, yet there is some material
difference. The winter they were pressed for food, the second
account narrates, "they sailed over the island, hoping that they
might find means of subsistence," while in the first this import-
ant event is entirely omitted. The battle with the Skrasllings,
the most striking of all the events in the three narratives, is
entirely omitted in the second and differs materially in the third.
That no snow should fall in the Eastern United States would be
a remarkable event. A like occurrence is not mentioned since
the landing of the Pilgrims. It must have been very striking
even to a Norsemen, and yet entirely omitted in the first and
third Narratives. The second account declares that Biarne was
carried into the Greenland Sea, where he came into the "worm

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 27

sea;" but does not state where the ship's crew landed, but allows
us to suppose they landed in Greenland.

The third narrative does not mention Biarne and Thorhall.but
says that Karlsefne was pursuaded by Gudrid and others, and
the expedition set out with sixty men and five women, with the
agreement that all should share alike in what they gained. "They
put to sea and came to Leif's houses safe and carried up their
goods." Soon after a whale was driven ashore, and they had
plenty of food. No account of its having made them sick is
given. No account of their starving is given. The Skraellings
came, and when they saw the milk and dairy products they
would buy nothing else, and the trade was such that the Skrael-
lings " carried away their winnings in their stomachs." When
they became frightened at the bellowing of the bull they sought
refuge in the houses, but were prevented entering by Karlsefne.
The house was now strengthened for defense by building around
it a strong fence. In the beginning of the following winter the
Skraellings, in greater numbers, returned and threw their bun-
dles over the fence, for which they received the same as before.
While Gudrid sat in the door, "there came a shadow to the
door, and a woman went in with a black kirtle on, rather short,
with a snood around her head; clear, yellow hair; pale, with
large eyes, so large that none ever saw such eyes in a human
head. She went to where Gudrid was sitting, and said : ' What
art thou called?' 'I am called Gudrid; and what art thou
called?' 'I am called Gudrid,' said she. Then the good wife
Gudrid put out her hand to her, that she might sit down beside
her. At the same time Gudrid heard a great noise, and the
woman had vanished." No one else saw this strange woman.
At the same time one of Karlsefne's men killed one of the Skrael-
lings. Soon after they had a battle, in which many of the
Skraellings fell. Here Karlsefne stayed the whole winter, and in
the spring returned to Greenland. In this narrative the third
year of their stay is entirely omitted.

In addition to the above it should be remarked that the follow-
ing items must appear to be conspicuous in the narratives of
Karlsefne's expedition : a. There is that same indefiniteness about
the coast and description of the land characteristic of all the
other narratives, and which might apply almost as well to one
country as another. It is an exhibition of fictitious land, in-
tended to help out the picture which the reciter finds necessary
to create, not intended to be located or regarded as veritable his-
tory, b. The number of men engaged in the expedition in one
account is given at one hundred and forty, and in the third it is
reduced to sixty. So the ships fall off from three to one. c. The
time of sailing in the first narrative — not regarding the modern
punctuation — is given at one day and a night to Helluland, the
same to Markland; but the time to Wonderstrand is that "they

28 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

sailed long south by the land." In the second account the whole
time occupied in sailing is but three days. The last version does
not give the time, showing that the distance must have been
considered to be insignificant, d. The first account declares that
Thorwald Erikson was slain by an arrow shot by a Uniped. The
same Codex Flatoyensis declares that Thorwald was killed by a
Skraelling in a previous expedition. As both accounts give bat-
tles with the Skraellings, it is probable these stories were gradu-
ally evolved out and developed from the same source, e. The
story of the Uniped, and the yellow-haired woman visiting Gud-
rid, belong to the mythological and miraculous, f. The account
of the five Skraellings in Markland is very doubtful. The boys
were seized and taken to Greenland, but the bearded man and
two women sank into the earth and disappeared. The names of
the boys' father and mother — Vathelldi, or Vethilde, and Uvsege
— are decidedly Northern, while the kings' names — Avalldania
and Valldidia, or Valdidida — are fragments of Northern names
thrown together to constitute fictitious ones. Why these Skrael-
lings should have white neighbors, who 'carried banners on
sticks, must be left solely to the creative fancy of the reciter.
That it was borrowed from the European nations no one would
desire to question. The names of the Scots — Hakiand Hekia —
are by no means Gaelic, but are decidedly Scandinavian, g. The
story makes the eider-duck lay eggs where, during the same
week, the grapes ripen and intoxicate when fresh, and the wheat
forms in the ear ; an incongruity which could only happen among
a people not familiar with the things treated, h. The story of
the punishing of Thorhall the hunter for his impiety, and the
rewarding of Karlsefne for throwing away the meat of the whale
brought thither by the god Thor, indicates that the first legend
had passed through monkish hands. It is exceedingly crude,
and perhaps told to show the inferiority of the Norse god. i. The
ship driven into Dublin, Ireland, with no account of the sail,
proves that the story of Vinland is laid at no great distance
from Ireland. But why they were driven upon the east instead
of the west coast must remain an inexplicable mystery.

The next voyage in the series relied on to establish the Norse
theory is the so-called narrative of Freydis, Helge and Finboge.
It starts out by declaring "the conversation began again to turn
upon a Vinland voyage, as the expedition was both gainful and
honorable." In the summer of 1010 two brothers, Helge and
Finboge arrived in Greenland from Norway. Freydis, she who
had so successfully frightened the Skraellings in Vinland, pro-
posed to these brothers that they should make a voyage to Vin-
land, and offered to go with them on condition that an equal
share should be allowed her; which was agreed to. It was
further agreed that each should have thirty fighting men, besides
women. Freydis secretly brought away five more than the al-

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 29

lotted number. Having spent the winter in Vinland, Freydis
prevailed upon her husband to slay Helge and Finboge, with all
their men ; the women with them she killed with her own hand.
She returned to Greenland in the ship owned by the two brothers
with all the goods the vessel could carry.

This story says nothing of the voyage from Greenland to
Vinland, nor any account of the country ; but apparently had
no difficulty in finding the houses erected by Leif Erikson. They
left Vinland in the spring, but what time is not stated, although
the ship was made ready early in the spring. They "had a
good voyage and the ship came early in the summer to Eriks-
fiord."

Human credulity, in many cases, can not be overtaxed. It
has been gravely put forth* that in the year 1312 Bishop Arne,
of Gardar, preached the crusades, not only in Iceland and Green-
land, but also in America! That a ship arrived from Greenland
in 1325, bringing "the tithes from the American colonies, con-
sisting of one hundred and twenty-seven pounds of walrus-teeth,,
which were sold to Jean du Pre, a Flemish merchant, who paid
for them twelve livres and fourteen sous." As the narrations do
not record any permanent settlements in Vinland, just what par-
ticular object the worthy bishop hoped to obtain, it would be
difficult to conjecture. The donation of two dollars and thirty-
five cents' worth of walrus-teeth, and that given after a delay
of thirteen years, would appear to be an ironical appreciation of
the energies of the bishop. As the habitat of the walrus is con-
fined to the northern circumpolar regions of the globe, and as
the contribution consisted in the remains of this animal, it would
be but fair to conclude that it was the principal product, and
hence Vinland must be sought in the far north.'

Having presented the special character of the sagas, and given
something of a detailed account, in the next place the general
features must attract our attention.

As has already been observed, the evidence of the reputed
Norse discovery of America rests solely on the statement of the
Codex Flatoyensis. A discovery so great would have found its
way into the other sagas, and yet they are silent on the subject.
In the Heimskringla.Snorri Sturlasson is made to say, "Leif also
found Vinland the good." If Leif had made a discovery of a
continent like that of America it is not probable that Snorri
would have dismissed the subject in so abrupt a manner. He
would have seized upon it, and magnified the achievement, and
graced it with the power of his pen, as has been exhibited in his
Edda. We would have been treated to other Thucydidean
speeches, similar to those that mark his productions.

As a constant communication was kept up between Iceland

*John B. Shipley's "English Rediscovery of America," p. 6.

30 PRE COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

and Ireland, it would be but reasonable to infer that the national
records of the Irish would contain some account of the import-
ant discovery. The Irish annals have been relied on so much
to solve historical problems, and have been of untold advantage,
yet they are entirely silent upon this subject ; although the Irish
character entered into the very life of the. western sagamen.

Saxo-Grammaticus, the most celebrated of early Danish chron-
iclers, who, according to his own statement, derived his knowl-
edge of the remoter period of Danish history from old songs,
runic inscriptions and the historical narratives and traditions of
the Icelanders, makes no mention of this story, although he lived
as late as the year 1 204.

Although the Codex Flatoyensis gives a graphic and terrible
picture of shipwrecked colonists in Greenland, yet is utterly
silent on what must have been the sufferings of Biarne Grimolf-
son and his companions when driven from the coast of America
to Dublin. And yet that stormy passage of nearly three thousand
miles was made as though it was but a pleasant day's sail.

The ease with which the houses of Leif in Vinland were found
on each succeeding voyage must be a matter of surprise to every
one who has read the narratives. The ships seem to have been
attracted to the spot as readily as the needle points to the pole.

Why so much space in the sagas should be taken up with end-
less genealogies, and the discovery of a vast continent passed
over without description — vague, it is true, is given, uncertain,
indefinite — as to surface, coast line, climate, or the wonders in
the wilderness, must serve to dumbfound even its most voluble
advocates. The animal life that existed in the forests of Massa-
chusetts, Maine and Connecticut did not call forth any notice.
True, they saw a bear, but its color or size elicited no attention,
though they must have seen the polar and the Norwegian bears.
Can it be possible that they were so dumb to nature as to allow
its wonders to escape their attention? Minute the sagas are in
minor things, is it possible the greater things caused them not
to wonder?

If they landed in Massachusetts, or on any part of the eastern
coast, the advantage of the situation over that of Greenland or
Iceland must have been so patent as to cause a wave of immi-
gration to have set in as would have depopulated Greenland,
materially have affected Iceland, and even felt in Norway.

Norway abandoned the Greenland settlement, but did not for-
get there was such a place. Vinland was forgotten and the Norse*
discovery was not resurrected until 1570, when Ortelius, cos-
mographer to Philip II. of Spain, resurrected it. If the Norse
discovered America, and made one or more voyages to it, and
then forgot that discovery, or hid the report, then it must be to
them a shame which time will fail to eradicate. To claim that
the Norsemen discovered America is an impeachment of their

THE SAGAS AND AMERICA. 31

intelligence. That there was a Leif Erikson, and that he was the
son of Erik the Red, and made his home in Greenland, perhaps
no one would desire to deny ; that he came uptm a land which
he gave various names to, is not only possible but also probable.
That the land he discovered was not so well situated or attractive
as the home of Erik is proved from the fact that he abandoned
his houses in Vinland and returned to his former home. All
the facts in the case, would point to Western Greenland as the
scene of the achievement of Leif Erikson. The Skraellings
were Eskimos, as may be learned from the descriptions given:
"These people were swarthy and fierce, and had bushy hair on
their heads; they had very large eyes and broad cheeks." In
1342 the Eskimo so imperilled the western colonies ot Greenland
that they were abandoned. These settlements could not have
been strong, and probably were made after the death of Leif.

How much dependence can be placed in certain statements
must be left to conjecture. No reliance can be placed in the
points of the compass, for with that instrument they had no ac-
quaintance. /It must be regarded as comparative, when the direc-
tion of the sfnp's sailing is given. In Leif's voyage the shortest
day in Vinland was from " dagmaal til non," that is, from nine
to three.

In the legends of Greenland and Iceland sufficient data had
been preserved upon which such a narrative could be built as
would tickle the ear of those whose ancestors were lauded. As
has been seen, these narratives are crude and poorly constructed,
but clearly represent the beginning of fiction, which might have
been better adorned had they fallen into more competent hands.
The mighty ocean stretching out itself beyond the Pillars of
Hercules, Ireland and the Western Isles, afforded food for the
imaginations of men. The influence was felt by the sagamen,
who pictured a body of land west' of Ireland and within easy
sail. Tales grew out of this pictured land, which have been pre-
served in their writings. One of these is the story of Gudleif
Gudlaugson, preserved in the Eyrbyggia saga. Near the end of
the reign oi King Olaf, Gudleif went on a trading voyage to the
west of Dublin. On his return to Iceland, sailing west from
Ireland, he was driven far into the ccean by northeast winds. At
length they saw land of great extent, and finding a good harbor
they went on shore, where a number of men met them, and from
their language took them to be Irish. Soon after many hun-
dreds surrounded them, who seized Gudleif and his companions,
bound and drove them inland, where they were brought before
an assembly which decided what should be done with them.
There was a division in the council; some were for killing them,
and others were for reducing them to slavery. "While this was
going on, they saw a great number of men riding towards them
with a banner lifted up, whence they inferred that some great

32 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

man was among them. When the company drew near, they saw
a man riding under the banner." To this man their case was
referred. He commanded them to be brought to him, and ad-
dressed them in the Norse tongue. When he discovered they
were Icelanders, he declared he was from Bogafiord, and made
many inquiries concerning certain people. He refused to dis-
close his name, and, although the summer was nearly gone, he
advised them to leave, and looked to the fitting out of their ship.
Gudleif, with his companions, put to sea, and the same autumn
reached Ireland, and passed the winter in Dublin.

According to the Landnamabok, Are Marson, about 928, was
driven by a storm to White-man's land, which some call Ireland
the Great, which lies in the western ocean, opposite Vinland, six
days' sail west of Ireland. Here he was baptized, not allowed
to leave, and was held in great honor.

In presenting these tales the reciters do not get rid of their
conceptions of European customs. In the fabulous land, men
continue to ride on horseback and follow banners. Even the
Christian religion early reaches out its arm there; but what saint
propogated the new doctrine deponeth saith not.

The idea of superstition must not be lost sight of in this dis-
cussion. It had a bearing on these narratives, as has already
been intimated. In saga time it is impossible to draw a line be-
tween superstition and religion. Their superstitions were rude
in shape and vigorous in imagery. The composers of the sagas,
although supposed to be Christians, were swayed by the super-
stitions of their age. As an illustration of this fact, the follow-
ing may be given from the saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne: There
was a witch named Thorborg, who was called upon during a time
of evil in Greenland. She was accorded the seat of honor, wore
a blue cloak, laced in front and covered with precious stones.
On her head was a black lambskin, trimmed with white cat's fur,
while in her hand was a staff, the top of which was brass inlaid
with precious stones. Around her waist was a belt, from which
hung a bag containing materials for fire, and the articles used in
sorcery. After making the witches' broth, some other woman
must sing the witches' chant. The women of the house were
placed around the caldron, and Gudrid sang so sweetly that the
spirits revealed that as the winter passed away so would the bad
times and the pestilence should decline. These superstitions
gave a coloring to what was written ; and the sagas bearing on
the Norse discovery should be read in their entirety, and not
solely that part relating directly on the subject.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 33

CHAPTER IV.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA.

The records concerning the Icelandic colony in Greenland
are meager, uncertain and fragmentary. What finally became
of the colony is unknown. Communication ceased with Green-
land some time during the fifteenth century. However, it was
not wholly forgotten. Many expeditions set out to undertake
its rediscovery, which was not effected until 1721, when Hans
Egede succeeded in re-opening communication; but he found no
descendants of the Norsemen there.

Ancient ruins in Greenland do not appear to be either numer-
ous or extensive. It is probable the colony never was a large
one. Near Igaliko, which is situated on an isthmus formed by
two fjords, there can be traced the walls of about seventeen
dwellings, and opposite the Moravian settlement ot Frederiksdal
there have been found tombs containing wooden coffins, with
skeletons wrapped in hairy cloth, and both pagan and Christian
tomb-stones, with runic inscriptions.

With these evidences before them the Copenhagen antiquar-
ians felt assured that remains of the Norsemen could also be
found in the eastern part of the United States, and in order to
establish their conclusions they sent out letters of inquiry to
societies and individuals for information. Thus having been put
on the trail the evidence was forthcoming. The Historical
Society of Rhode Island was quick to respond, and procured
such data as must have not only delighted but astonished the
Copenhagen sages The Dighton Rock Inscription, the Old
Stone Mill at Newport and the Skeleton in Armor constitute
the array of evidence. That these purported evidences had
much to do with giving the exact location of the so-called Norse
settlements there can be no question. The Icelandic manu-
scripts at once pointed to the exact spot where the Dighton
Rock is placed. The inscription on the rock was carefully
studied by the Danish antiquarians, from the lines and figures
carefully drawn by the authority of the Rhode Island Society.
The result of the labors of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Copenhagen was published in 1837, in a book entitled "Anti-
quitates Americanas," to which a supplement was added in
1841. This work, with the American array of purported facts,
gave zest to the subject of the Norse discovery. With confi-
dence the route of the Norsemen along the shore of New Eng-

34 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

land and the positions they occupied were pointed out. So
great was the elation of feeling that it could scarcely be confined
within reasonable limits, and soon, under this inspiration, the
Scandinavians penetrated into the southern portions of the
United States. How much farther they would have gone it is
impossible to say had not the tide been checked by a more
sober and rational view of the American monuments.

With all the light that has been thrown upon the Dighton
Rock, it would be reasonable to suppose that no one would de-
sire to bring it forth as proof of the Norse expeditions. Certain
subjects, similar to certain men, die hard. One man — Professor
R. B. Anderson — thus announces his undying faith: "Until
sufficient proof of some other origin of the Newport Tower
and the Dighton Rock inscription are given, we shall persist in
claiming them as relics of the Norsemen."* In his chapter on
Thorfinn Karlsefne he is moved to say: "In the next place, at-
tention is invited to an inscription on a rock, situated on the
right bank of the Taunton River, in Bristol County, Mass. It is
familiarly called the Dighton Writing Rock Inscription. It stands
in the very region which the Norsemen frequented. It is written
in characters which the natives have never used nor sculptured.
This inscription was copied by Dr. Danforth as early as 1680,
by Cotton Mather in 1712; it was copied by Dr. Greenwood in
1730, by Stephen Se well 'in 1768, by James Winthrop in 1788,
and has been copied at least four times in the present century.
The rock was seen and talked of by the first settlers in New
England long before anything was said about the Norsemen
discovering America before Columbus. Near the center of the
inscription we read distinctly, in Roman characters, CXXXI,
which is 151, the exact number of Thorfinn's party. Then we
find an N, a boat, and the Runic character for M, which may
be interpreted, 'N(orse) sea-faring M(en).' Besides we have the
word NAM — took (took possession), and the whole of Thor-
finn's name, with the exception of the first letter. Repeating
these characters we have, ORFIN, CXXXI, N (picture of a
boat), M, NAM, which has been interpreted by Prof. Rafn as
follows: 'Thorfinn, with one hundred and fifty-one Norse sea-
faring men, took possession of this land (landnam).' In the
lower left corner of the inscription is a figure of a woman and
a child, near the latter of which is the letter S, reminding us
most forcibly of Gudrid and her son, Snorre. Upon the whole,
the Dighton Writing Rock, if Prof. Rafn's plates and interpre-
tations can be relied upon, removes all doubt concerning the
presence of Thorfinn, Karlsefne and the Norsemen at Taunton
River, in the beginning of the eleventh century." f

Prof. Anderson appears to be utterly oblivious to the fact
that investigations have been made concerning this rock, since

*Amerlca Not Discovered by Columbus, p. 22.
t America Not Discovered by Columbus, pp. 82, 83.

36 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

Prof. Rafn's opinions were published. It is but charitable to
assume that Prof. Anderson never heard ot the results of this
inquiry, although they have repeatedly been published. It will
be noticed that Prof. Anderson indirectly admits that if the
Dighton Rock does not confirm the Norse discoveries, then
there is doubt concerning the presence of Norsemen at Taun-
ton river.

The more judicious and better informed De Costa, in his
chapterless volume, entitled Pre-Columbian Discoveries of
America, although, apparently he has exhausted the evidences
bearing on his theme, devotes but little space in the body of his
work to the American monument, but his references, where
made, are mostly in the form of foot notes. In one ot these
notes, concerning Dighton Rock, he affirms that "whoever
compares this inscription with those of undeniably Indian origin
found elsewhere, cannot fail to be impressed with the similarity.
* * Just over these letters is a character, supposed to be Roman
also, which may signify NA, or MA, the letter A being formed
by the last branch of M. Now MA in Icelandic is used as an
abbreviation of Madr^ which signifies the original settler of a
country." f

By competent observers the Dighton Rock has been de-
scribed as a large angular block of greenstone trap, presenting
a smooth inclined line of structure, or natural face towards the
channel. It lies on a large flat in the bend of the river, and is
exposed or laid bare at ebb-tide, but covered with several feet of
water at the flow, submerging the rock, with its inscription.
The action of the tide, thus diurnally assailing the inscription,
which has continued for a great length of years, has tended
to obliterate the traces of all pigments and stains, which the
aborigines are known to have employed to eke out their rock-
writings or drawings. The effect of disintegration from atmos-
pheric causes have been probably less, under this action of the
water, than is usual in dry situations. But as the tide deposits
upon its surface a light marine scum, which necessarily renders
any scientific examination of the inscription unsatisfactory with-
out a thorough removal of all recremental or deposited matter.

Washington, who was well versed in Indian matters, on being
shown a delineation of the rock, pronounced the drawings
aboriginal. In 1839, Mr. Schoolcraft employed Ching Wauk,
an intelligent Algonkin chief, well versed in Indian pictography,
to descipher the inscription from the engravings of the rock
that appeared in "Antiquities Americanos," one of which was
made in 1790, and the other in 1830. Selecting the former he
pronounced it Indian, that it related to two nations, and con-
sisted of two parts. All the figures to the left of a line drawn
through it which would not touch any part of the figures related

tPre-Columblan Discovery ; p. 66.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 37

to the acts and exploits of the chief, represented by the key-
figure, No i, and all the devices to the right of it had reference
to his enemies and their acts. There was nothing depicted in
eithtr of the figures to denote a foreigner. There was no figure
of, or sign for, a gun, sword, axe, or other implement, such as
were brought by white men beyond the sea.

One engraving, taken from Schoolcraft's "Indian Tribes,"
"presents unity of original drawing corresponding to the Indian
system, which cannot fail to strike the observer. It is entirely
Indian, and is executed in the symbolic character which the Al-
gonkins call Kekeewin, *. e., teachings. The fancied resem-
blances to old forms of the Roman letters or figures, which
appear on the Copenhagen copies, wholly disappear. The only
apparent exception to this remark is the upright rhomboidal
figure resembling some forms of the ancient ^ , but which ap-
pears to be an accidental resemblance. No trace appears, or
could be found by the several searches of the assumed Runic
letter Thor, which holds a place on former copies. Rock in-
scriptions of a similar character have within a few years been
found in other parts of the country, which denote the prevalence
of this system among the aboriginal tribes from the Atlantic to
the Mississippi. It is more particularly an Algonkin trait, and
tne inscriptions are called by them Muzzinabiks, or rock-teach-
ing, while the elements of the system itself are called, as above
stated, Kekeewin and Kekeenowin."

The great dissimilarity in the different delineations of the
forms of the marks on the Dighton stone, in which no two
would appear to be intended for the same design, must neces-
sarily shake confidence in the possibility of assigning it to a
oositive significance in linguistics. In speaking of this rock,
Dr. Wilson says : "At the meeting of the American Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Science, at Albany, in 1856, I had
an opportunity of inspecting a cast of the Rock. No more con-
fused and indistinct scrawl ever tried the eyes of antiquarian
seer. Mine proved wholly unable to discern the invaluable
holograph of the ancient Norse Columbus. Indeed, the indis-
tinctness of the half-obliterated design, and the rough natural
surface of the weathered rock on which the figures have been
scratched with the imperfect tools of some Indian artist, abun-
dantly account for the variations in successive copies, as well as
for the fanciful additions which enthusiastic copyists have made
out of its obscure lines." f

The question of the Runic letters found on the rock should
not be passed lightly over. Prof. Rafn attempted to show that
there were positively two or three of these characters on it.
In the quotation from Schoolcraft, above given, it will be noticed
that he expressly declares that "no trace appears, or could be

*See Schoolcraft's Dissertation In his "Indian Tribes," Vol. IV, p. 120.
t Prehistoric Man; p. 406.

89564

38 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

found by the several searches, of the assumed Runic letter
Thor, which holds a place on former copies." Now, whether
or not Prof. Rafn found what he specially was in search of, or
else some one purposely deceived him by injecting Runic char-
acters into the copy, cannot be determined at this late date.
Bitter experience has taught the antiquarian to weigh Runic
well before arriving at a decision. As an illustration, the case
of Prof. Finn Magnusen may be cited with profit. In the Swe-
dish province of Bleking is a rock (called "Runamo") wiih a
so-called Runic inscription relating to the battle between king
Harold Hildetand, of Denmark, and the Swedish king Sigurd
Ring, fought about the year 700 of our era. Under the auspices
of the Royal Danish Academy of Science, in the year 1833, a
committee of scientists were sent to visit the rock, and carefully
investigate, and make a complete report in regard to it. Prof.
Finn Magnusen, a member of the committee, in 1841, published
an illustrated quarto work of 742 pages relating to the inscrip-
tion, under the title Runamo og Runerne. The following is the
rendering of the inscription :

" Hildekind occupied the empire

Gard cut in (the runes)

Ole gave "ath (oath of allegiance)

(May) Odin hallow the runes

(May) Ring fall

On this earth

Alfs, love gods

(Hate) Ole

Odin and Freja

And Aser's descendants

(May) Destroy our enemies

Grant Harold

A great victory."

In 1842 and 1844, the eminent Danish archaeologist, J. J. A.
Worses, visited the Runamo Rock, and after having carefully
examinee it, came to the following conclusion : "There is no
Runic inscription whatever on Runamo Rock, and that the
marks considered as runes by Finn Magnusen are simply the
natural cracks on the decayed surface of a trap dyke filling up
a rent in a granitic formation." It is probable that there are
some still living who will continue to believe that these natural
markings are runes.

The discussion of the Dighton Rock cannot be more fitly
closed than in the interesting summary made by Dr. Wilson :

"The history of this inscription is scarcely surpassed, in the
interest it has excited or the novel phases it has exhibited at
successive epochs ot theoretical speculation, by any Perusinian,
Eugubine, or Nilotic riddle. When the taste of American
antiquaries inclined towards Phoenician relics, the Dighton in-
scription conformed to their opinions ; and with changing
tastes it has proved equally compliant. In 1783, the Rev. Ezra
Stiles, D. D., President of Yale College, when preaching before

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 39

the governor of the state of Connecticut, appealed to the Digh-
ton Rock, graven, as he believed, in the old Punic or Phoenician
character and language; in proof that the Indians were of the
accursed seed of Canaan, and were to be displaced and rooted
out by the European descendants of Japhet. 'The Phoenicians,'
he affirms, 'charged the Dighton and other rocks in Narragan-
set Bay with Punic inscriptions remaining to this day, which
last I myself have repeatedly seen and taken off at large, as did
Prof. Sewell. He has lately transmitted a copy of this inscrip-
tion to Mr. Gebelin, of the Parisian Academy of Sciences,
who, comparing them with the Punic palaeography, judges them
to be Punic, and has interpreted them as denoting that the
ancient Carthaginians once visited these distant regions' * * *
Here, then, we perceive the very materials we stand in need of.
Change but this Punic into a Runic inscription, and the winds
of the north will fit the Scandinavian Icelanders far better than
voyagers from the Mediterranean Sea * * * So early as
1680, Dr. Danforth executed what he characterized as a 'faith-
ful and accurate representation of the inscription' on Dighton
Rock. In 1712, the celebrated Cotton Mather procured draw-
ings of the same, and transmitted them to the Secretary of the
Royal Society of London, with a description, printed in the
Philosophical Transactions for 1714, referring to it as 'an in-
scription in which are seven or eight lines, about seven or eight
feet long, and about a foot wide, each of them engraven with
unaccountable characters, not like any known character? In 1730,
Dr. Isaac Greenwood, Hollisian Professor at Cambridge, New
England, communicated to the Society of Antiquaries of Lon-
don a drawing of the same inscription, accompanied with a
description which proves the great care with which his copy,
was executed. In 1768, Mr. Stephen Sewall, Professor of Ori-
ental Languages at Cambridge, New England, took a careful
copy, the size of the original, and deposited it in the Museum of
Harvard University; and a transcript of this was forwarded to
the Royal Society of London, six years later, by Mr. James Win-
throp, Hollisian Professor of Mathematics. In 1786, the Rev.
Michael Lort, D. D., one of the vice-presidents of the Society of
Antiquaries of London, again brought the subject, with all its
accumulated illustrations, before that society: and Col. Vallency
undertook to prove that the inscription was neither Phoenician
nor Punic, but Siberian. Subsequently, Judge Winthrop exe-
cuted a drawing in 1788 ; and again we have others by Judge
Baylies and Mr. Joseph Gooding in 1790, by Mr. Kendall in
1807, by Mr. Job Gardner in 1812, and finally, in 1830, by a
commission appointed by the Rhode Island Historical Society,
and communicated to the 'Antiquaries of Copenhagen with
elaborate descriptions: which duly appear in their Antiquitaties
Americana, in proof of novel and very remarkable deductions.
Surely no inscription, ancient or modern, not even the Behistun

40 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

cuneatics, or the trilingual Rosetta Stone, ever received more
faithful study. After inspecting the rude scrawls of which it
chiefly consists, it is pleasant to feel assured of this, at least :
that when learned divines, professors and linguists thus perse-
veringly questioned this New England sphinx for upwards of a
century and a half, we have good proof that no more valuable
inscriptions have been allowed to perish unrecorded. But the
most curious matter relating to this written rock is, that after
being thus put to the question by learned inquisitors for a hun-
dred and fifty years, it did at length yield a most surprising
response.

The description given by Prof. Greenwood of his own process
of copying, and by Prof. Winthrop of the method pursued by
his colleague, Mr. Sewall — as well as the assiduity and zeal of
other copyists — would, under all ordinary circumstances, have
seemed to render any further reference to the stone itself super-
fluous. But no sooner do the Danish antiquaries write to their
Rhode Island correspondents, with a hint of Leif Erikson and
other old Norsemen's New England explorations than the
Dighton Rock grows luminous; and the Rhode Island Com-
mission sends -a new drawing to Copenhagen, duly engraved,
with all the others, in the Antiquitates Americana, from which
the learned Danes, Finn Magnusen and Charles C. Rafn — as
indeed the most unlearned of English or American readers
may — discern the name of Thorfinn, with an exact, though by
no means equally manifest enumeration of the associates who,
according to the saga, accompanied Karlsefne's expedition to
Vinland in A. D. 1007. The annals of antiquarian exploration
record many marvellous disclosures, but few more surprising
than this."*

The Dighton Rock inscription having been so well received
in Copenhagen, Dr. Webb, the Secretary of the Rhode Island
Society, again essayed to enlighten the Danes, so sent them a
drawing of the circular stone mill at Newport, along with some
metallic implements found in conjunction with a skeleton at Fall
River. These new evidences were published in the Supplement
to Anttquitates Americana, which appeared in 1841. Much
learning was employed to prove by analogies that these also
were of Norse origin. That the Round Tower at Newport,
Rhode Island, is of Scandinavian origin rests on no other foun-
dation than that of bold assertion. And yet the idea has found
its way into our school books, and a picture of it is given, in
attestation of the early visit of the Icelanders. This structure,
which has so forcibly been pressed into service to do duty in
substantiating an unhappy theory, stands on an eminence in the
center of the town of Newport, being about twenty-four feet
high and twenty-three feet in diameter, circular in form. It

•Prehistoric Man, pp. 408-406.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 41

rests upon eight piers, connected by arches : has four small
windows, and, high up the wall, above the arches, was a small
fire-place. The columns are about ten feet high; the height of
the center of the arches from the ground is twelve feet six inches,
and the foundation extends to the depth of four or five feet.
The stones composing the structure are irregular in size and not
placed in regular layers.

If this tower was standing when Rhode Island was first set-
tled, it would have been a work ofso great wonder as to have
attracted general attention. Newport was founded in 1639,

QLD STONE MILL

in none of the early documents is there any mention of the Old
Mill. There was no tradition concerning it among the people,
but was universally referred to as a -wind-mill, showing for what
purpose it had been used, and is positively known to have served
during the eighteenth century, both as a mill and powder-house.
It is first distinctly mentioned in the will of governor Benedict
Arnold, of Newport, where it is called "my stone-built wind-
mill." Had it been an ancient monument, Dr. Danforth, in 1680,
or Cotton Mather, in 1712, would not have failed to mention it.

The first house in Newport was built by Nicholas Easton, but
he makes no mention of the Old Stone Mill. In 1663, Peter
Easton wrote, "this year we built the first wind-mill," and in
1675, he again wrote, "a storm blew down our wind-mill."

Benedict Arnold must have been a very popular man in Rhode
Island, for he was several times governor, the last time from
1677 to 1678. He came from Providence to Newport in 1653.
He built a house upon a lot of sixteen acres, the eastern part of

42 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

which includes the mill. Gov. Arnold died in 1678, aged sixty-
three years. His will is dated December 20, 1677, in which he
enjoins.: "My body I desire and appoint to be buried at ye
northeast corner of a parcel of ground containing three rods
square, being of, and lying in, my land, in or near the line or
path trom my dwelling house, leading to my stone-built wind-
mill, in ye town of Newport above mentioned." Edward
Pelham, son-in-law of above, in his will dated May 21, 1741, in
his bequest to his daughter, Hermseoine, says: "Also one other
piece or parcel of land situated, lying and being in Newport
aforesaid, containing eight acres or thereabouts, with an old
stone wind-mill thereon standing, and being and commonly
called and known by the name of the mill field, or upper field."
In 1834, Joseph Mumford, then being eighty years old, stated
that his lather was born in 1699, and always spoke of the build-
ing as a powder-mill, and he himself remembered that 'in his
boyhood, or about 1760, it was used as a hay mow. Another
octogenarian, John Langley, remembered hearing his father say,
that when he was a boy, which must have been early in the
eighteenth century, he carried corn to the mill to be ground.

In these citations it will be observed that Arnold does not call
it an "old" mill, but my "stone-built wind-mill." At the time
that Pelham made his will the mill had been standing not less
than sixty-five years, and hence he very properly designates it
"an old stone wind-mill."

Besides the historical testimony there is the evidence derived
from the mill itself. The composition of the mortar is shells,
sand and gravel. In the year 1848 some mortar taken from an
old stone house in Spring street, built by Henry Bull, in 1639,
some from the tomb of Governor Arnold, and some from various
other buildings, was compared with the mortar of the old mill,
and proved to be identical in quality and character.

The object of constructing the mill on pillars was, that the
wind having a free passage through, there was no eddy wind
caused to make a back sail and thus lessen the power. The
form is that of English mills of the same period. A similar
mill was erected, in 1652, in Chesterton Parish, three miles from
Leamington. Whether or not Arnold came from Leamington,
it might be difficult to determine, yet, it is well known he had a
farm which he called "Leamington Farm." Having come trom
England he was acquainted with the forms of mills then in use.

The poet has very fittingly spoken of the attempt to Norseize
this mill in the following words:

"Alas ! the antiquarian's dream is o'er,

Thou art an old stone wind-mill, nothing more !"

A skeleton discovered near Fall River, in 1831, has been im-
pressed into the service of the Northmen. Had it been discov-

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 43

ered after the contents of Indian graves were fully known, it
would have excited but little comment, and the knowledge of it
would have been largely confined among archaeologists. But
its having been unearthed about the time when Norse remains
were particularly searched out, it became at once either the
skeleton of Thorwald Ericson, or else one of his companions,
notwithstanding the fart that no implements peculiarly Norse
were found in conjunction with it. The Danish authorities were
very much interested in it, and chemical tests were brought for-
ward to substantiate the claims made for it.

As might well be anticipated, Prof. R. B. Anderson seizes
upon this skeleton as an evidence of his theory. Two pages of
his bock are devoted to it, under the caption "Thorvald Erik-
son." No doubt appears to rankle in his bosom. He intro-
duces the subject by saying, "His (Thorwald's) death and burial
also gains interest in another respect, for in the year 1831 there
was found in the vicinity of Fall River, Massachusetts, a skeleton
n armor, and many of the circumstances connected with it are
so wonderful that it might indeed seem almost as though it
were the skeleton of this very Thorwald Erikson!"*

Much having been written and said about this discovery, it
finally caught the eye of Longfellow, who attempted to immor-
talize it in verse. From his notes, and the language employed,
he seems to have no doubt that he is dealing with a veritable
Viking. Undoubtedly the poet is an authority in the field he has
chosen, but when he attempts "archaeological rhythm," his words
must be taken with allowance. He njakes the skeleton say:

"I was a Viking old! "Far in the Northern Land,

My deeds, though manifold, By the wild Baltic's strand,

No skald in song has told, I, with my childish hand,

No saga taught thee! Tamed the gerfalkon;

Take need, that in thy verse And, with my skates fast bound,

Thou dost the tale rehearse, Skimmed the half-frozen sound.

Else dread a dead man's curse; That the poor, whimpering hound

For this I sought thee." Trembled to walk on!"

This skeleton was destroyed by fire in 1843. The skull was
of ordinary size, the forehead low, beginning to retreat at not
more than an inch from the nose; the head conical, and larger
behind the ears than in front. The bones of the feet were
missing, but the hands and arms were small, and the body was
apparently that of a person below the middle size. With it was
found a piece of copper plate, rather thicker than sheathing
copper, which had been suspended from the neck. Probably
this was not its original position, for there were no marks on
the breast of the green carbonate with which parts of the cop-
per were covered. In shape it was like a carpenter's saw, but
wanting serrated edges; it was ten inches in length, six or seven
inches wide at the top, and four at the bottom; the lower part
was broken, indicating it had been still longer. The edges were

•America Not Discovered by Columbus, p. 75.

44 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

smooth, and a hole was pierced in the top, by which it would
appear to have been suspended to the body with a thong.
Several arrow-heads of copper were also found, about an inch
and a half long by an inch in breadth at the base, and having a
hole in the center. They were flat, quite sharp, the sides con-
cave, the base square, and of the same thickness of the breast-
plate. Pieces of a shaft were also found. What,caused particular
interest was a belt, composed of parallel copper tubes, about one
hundred in number, four inches in length, and of the thickness
of an ordinary drawing pencil. These tubes were thin and
exterior to others of wood, through each of which passed a
leather thong and tied at the ends to a long thong encircling the
body. This belt or thong was fastened under the left arm by
tying the ends of the long string together, and passed round the
breast and back a little below the shoulder-blades. The copper
was much decayed, and in some places was gone; the thongs
and wooden tubes were preserved. Nothing else was found
but a piece of coarse cloth or matting a few inches square, of
the thickness of sail-cloth. The flesh was preserved wherever
any of the copper touched it.

Illustrative of this skeleton with its accompanying implements,
Haven has cited a particular narration given in Brereton's Brief
and True Relation of the Discovery of the North Part of Vir-
ginia (New England),' by Gosnold, in 1602. It is there stated
that while they were at an island, which has since been identi-
fied, and lying oft the coast nearest to Fall River, the natives
came to them from the mainland, and the articles they brought
are thus described: "They have great stores of copper, some
very red and some of a paler color; none of them but have
chains, ear-rings, or collars of this metal; they head some of the
arrows herewith, much like our broad arrow-heads, very work-
manly made. Their chains are many hollow pieces cemented
together, each piece of the bigness of one of our reeds, a finger
in length, ten or twelve of them together on a string, which they
wear about their necks; these collars they wear about their
bodies like bandeliers, a handful broad, all hollow pieces like the
others, but somewhat shorter, four hundred pieces in a collar,
very fine and evenly set together. Besides these, they have
large drinking cups, made like skulls, and other thin plates of
copper made much like our boar-spear blades, all which they
so little esteem, as they offered their fairest collars or chains for
a knife or such like trifle."*

The "Proceedings of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science," for 1856, contains an account of
alleged runic letters appearing on a ledge of hornblende, on the
island of Monhegan, off the coast of Maine. Dr. A. E. Hamlin,
of Bangor, who presented the paper, suggested that the inscrip-

* Archaeology of the United States, p. 108.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 45

tion is the work of "some illiterate Scandinavian, whose knowl-
edge of the runic form was very imperfect." A copy of the
inscription was forwarded to Copenhagen, but the Danish anti-
quaries gave no interpretation, but contented themselves by
observing: "The Indians have, without doubt, profited in various
ways by their intercourse with the Northmen, to whom they
were probably indebted for much knowledge; and it is ap-
parently to their instruction, acquired in this manner, that we
owe several of their sculptures on the rocks which are met
within their regions."

As Prof. Anderson does not vouch for the authenticity of this
inscription, and as De Costa* thinks it may be classed with the
"Runamo Rock," it is not necessary to pursue the investigation
any further. The rejection of this evidence may be owing to
the thoughtless suggestion of Dr. Hamlin that it was the work
of "some illiterate Scandinavian." The term applied was too
offensive. Had he declared that it was the work of "some
intelligent Scandinavian, and the characters are undoubted
runes," then Mohegan Rock would have occupied a conspicuous
place alongside the Dighton Rock, the Round Tower and the
Skeleton in Armor.

Human credulity might further be illustrated, in this matter,
in the purported discovery ot the site of the houses built by Lief
Ericson. Up to date this may be recorded as the latest of the
finds. So delighted were the advocates over this purported
find that they presented to the discoverer a picture in colors of
Liet's house in process of building, on the banks of Charles
River, at flood-tide; surmounting an inscription, followed by
the names of fifty-four Scandinavian societies, supported on one
side by a figure of Lief, and on the other by an Indian maiden,
with the surroundings of the New World; the whole set in a
frame of pear-wood, elaborately carved in illustration of the
Sagas and Scandinavian mythology. To use the language of
this new discoverer, Prof. Horsford, the ship of the Norse
adventurers "grounded in ebb-tide, on soft bottom, against Fort
Point, opposite Noddle's Island (East Boston), as one sees on
the pilot chart of Boston Harbor," and from this point, at flood-
tide the ship floated oft" itself into "the ancient Boston Back
Bay-"f The houses he locates on the eastern slope of Mount
Auburn. Accompanying the pamphlet is a map showing the
exact course of Liet's ship. The d.scovery is based solely on
the relation of the Vineland Sagas, which we have given
in Chapter III. Our author boldly declares that he expected to
find there sites, and had located them before he set out in the
search for them. He found what he was looking for, and what
he had determined on finding. Having found them, he looks
into the past and goes into rhapsody and exclaims: "What a

*Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 67.

tHorsford'B "Norse Discovery of America," p. 13.

46 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

fortunate circumstance that there were so many of Norse blood
and habits, residents, successively in the same houses."* Very
fortunate indeed! It has been of incalculable benefit to the
whole Norse and English speaking race!

The author treats us to a picture of a tablet, preserved in the
Museum of the Essex Institute at Salem, and declares his belief
that it is to "be regarded as a pictorial record of the repairs of
Thorwald's ship at the extemporized ship yard on Cape Cod, in
the year 1004. It exhibits the lines ot skids and other con-
veniences for hauling up the vessel, to make the bottom accessi-
ble, and the old keel set upon the neck."f This tablet is a
piece of slate about four inches long, found in conjunction with
a human skeleton, a brass shield, and what appeared to be a
fragment of a sword — all taken from a grave on the north shore
of Massachusetts Bay. There are no runes on the slate. The
markings bear no resemblance to anything known. To say
that it represents a ship being hauled up in^order to perfect its
keel is an exceedingly extravagant stretch of the imagination,
to say the least.

Our author, in the last place, turns philologist and proves satis-
factorily— to his own mind — that the word "America" is Norse.
"The utterance of Norse forms of the name, as Eirikr, ^Erekr,
Eyrikur, suggests to a listner, Erika, which needs only the prefix
?#, one of the features of speech due to imperfect vocal develop-
ment, remarked among American aboriginal races, and especially
among the Indian tribes of the region of Norumbega (Vineland),
to become Em-erika, or not remotely America, the name which
the continent, as I conceive, has appropriately borne.";};

This method of treating philology is enough to cause the bones
of Sir William Jones to turn over in their grave. It appears to
have been inspired by an article from the pen of Jules Marcou,
published in the Smithsonian Report for 1888. This article
attempts to prove that the word "America" is a name indigenous
to the New World, and derived from a tribe of Indians called
"Amerriques," inhabiting the mountains Sierra Amerrique, which
form the cordillera between Lake Nicaragua and the Mosquito
coast, in the province of Chontales, Nicaragua.

Speaking of this article, Mr. Horsford says: "How the name
America came to be adopted has been consummately treated by
Professor Jules Marcon."§ That the name America "perpetuates
the claims of Erik as discoverer when he landed on Greenland
in 982."!) In other words, the name America is but another
term for Erik the Red; that Erik the Red's name has been per-
petuated in a tribe of American Indians.

One cannot help but admire the ease with which all problems
are solved! In order to sustain the Norse discovery ot America,
the Eskimo must be brought down from their high northern

•Horsford's "Norse Discovery of America," p. 15. ilbid, p. 17. llbid, p 29.
Ubid, p, 27. |1 Ibid, p. 28.

NORSE REMAINS IN AMERICA. 47

latitude to Cape Cod in Massachusetts, and a tribe of Indians
dwelling in the mountains of Nicaragua must be transplanted to
the same point, that due notice and reverence might be given
to Leif Ericson! It is a beautiful theory! It is a transcendant
fact! With the facts so clearly set forth and so satisfactorily
proved, "it is necessary for the truth, as to the (Norse) discov-
ery of America, to be established immediately."*

A candid view of the matter would lead an intelligent mind
to the conclusion that the Norse advocates, in their great zeal,
have trifled entirely too much with the subject, in placing stress
on these so-called American evidences. However, they are
acute enough to know that -if the Norse had been in America,
made settlements, and continued for a period of three hundred
or more years, as has been claimed, corroborative proof
would be forthcoming. Greenland affords it, and America
must not be deficient. If it fails to yield evidence, then the
whole theory must be changed. In lieu of better testimony,
that which has been seized upon must continue to do service.

*Shipley's "Icelandic Discoverers," p. 14.

48 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

CHAPTER V.

ODDS AND ENDS.

Insuperable difficulties attend every step in the demands pilt
forth by the Norse claimants. One asserts the Norse were the
original discoverers and should immediately be recognized as
such, while another admits there were prior discoveries of the
'continent. When the briefs of the claimants are compared, one
with the other, contradictions and gross assumptions are seen
to predominate. One will declare the Sagas to be simple and
unaffected, and the only reliable histories the earth has fallen
heir to, while another seeks to edit and twist them into the re-
quired shape — thus reminding one of the famous robber Pro-
crustes.

Admitting that the Sagas teach all that is claimed for them,
what advantage was it to the human race? Is it not a fact that
the discovery amounted to nothing? Is it not also a fact that
when Queen Margaret prohibited trade with Greenland, it
would have stimulated commerce between that colony and the
one in America? To offset the worthlessness of the alleged
Norse discovery, it is asserted that without it Columbus would
have known nothing of the New World. Even if this be ad-
mitted, then more is due to the Irish than to the Norse. De
Costa declares that the Icelandic chronicles distinctly affirm that
"half a century before the voyage of Erik, a great country was
known at the west, being called Ireland the Great.' It would
seem that this country was first reached by the Irish, whose
prior discovery was concealed by the Icelanders. The Irish
had described it, evidently, as a land of verdure, while the Saga
says that Erik applied the name of 'Greenland' to the part he
visited, not from any particular fitness, but from motives of
policy, saying that 'men would be persuaded to go to a land
with so good a name.' Possibly the term 'Greenland' was orig-
inally applied to the whole of North America, as were often
names that finally came to have a locaUmeaning."* In the
mutual admiration society the Irish should not be crowded out.
Give them a chance. Let them help fight this battle as well as
the battles of all countries except their own !

Unfortunately the reference to Ireland the Great involves us
in another difficulty. In the above quotation De Costa would
have us believe it was Greenland, while Prof. Rafn held it was

*Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 33.

ODDS AND ENDS. 49

America.* This disagreement between the two editors would
throw great doubt on the Norse theory. It Prof. Rafn is cor-
rect, then the Norse did not discover the continent, but took
advantage of the achievement of the Irish. II we argue after
the same methods, then the honor' must be accorded to the Irish,
while the Norse are shorn of all the glory there was in it.

Those who have presumed to edit the sagas must also edit
the letter of Columbus, so as to make it appear that he was
acquainted with the voyages of Erik, Leif and Thorfinn Karl-
sefne. Prof. R. B. Anderson teaches that Columbus obtained
from the writings of Adam ot Bremen the Norse discovery of
America, and this information induced him to go to Iceland,
where the "Icelanders must have told him, as they state in their
Sagas, that far to the south of Vinland was Irland-it-Mikla, or
Great Ireland; that this Great Ireland extended certainly as far
south as the present Florida, and hence his shortest and most
pleasant route would be to sail about due west from Spain. "f
DeCosta says that "Columbus knew of the westward voyages
of the Icelanders is sufficiently evident. He clearly believed, as
the Norsemen did, namely, that Greenland was an extension ot
Norway, and that Vinland lay contiguous, while what he de-
sired was to reach the eastern coast of Asia.":}: Mrs. Shipley
emphatically says: "The fact that the rumors of these vast
discoveries in the west reached every seaport in Southern
Europe, as well as the Eternal City; the fact that Gudrid, the
wife of Karlsefne, visited Rome after her three years' sojourn
in Vinland ; the fact that she narrated these experiences at
length to the holy fathers; the fact that Rome had appointed
bishops to both Greenland and Vinland; the fact that Columbus,
an Italian by birth, and naturally aware of these important
events, went to Iceland in order to pursue the investigations, to
which all this had given him the clue. After his visit to Iceland
he made out to find America, as any one else could have found
it, after obtaining definite directions. "§

The following is quoted from Beamish: "Having had access
to the archives of the island, and ample opportunity of convers-
ing with the learned there through the medium of the Latin
language, he might easily have obtained a complete knowledge
of the discoveries of the Northmen — sufficient, at least, to con-
firm his belief in the existence of a western continent."!

Quotations to the same purport could be greatly extended,
but these are sufficient. On what basis do these affirmations,
declarations and assumptions rest? There is none other than
the solitary letter of Columbus himself, which was preserved
by his son. This vague letter the son cites in the biography of
his father: "In the month of February, in the year 1477, 1 sailed

*Pre Columbian Discovery, p. 160.

1 America Not Discovered by Columbus, pp. 13 15.

JPre-Columbian Discovery, p. 56.

((Icelandic Discoveries, p. 69. |Ibid., 106.

50 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

one hundred leagues beyond the island of Tile, the southern
portion of which is seventy-three degrees removed from the
equinoctial, and not sixty-three, as some will have it; nor is it
situated within the line which includes Ptolemy's west, but is
much further to the westward; and to this island, which is as
large as England, the English come with their wares, especially
those from Bristol. And at the time I went thither the sea was
not trozen, although the tides there are so great that in some
places they rose twenty-six fathoms, and fell as much. It is,
indeed, the fact that that Tile, of which Ptolemy makes men-
tion, is situated where he describes it, and by the moderns this
is called Frislanda."

If Tile is Iceland, and Columbus sailed one hundred leagues
beyond, he must have entered Greenland a distance of not less
than fifty miles. But of this there is no mention. Friesland is
one of the most northern provinces of the Netherlands. He
went farther north, and it is more than probable to the northern
part of Norway. Having sailed west three hundred miles he
covered half the distance to Iceland. But upon supposition he
went to Iceland, what proof is there he saw the Sagas ? The
evidence of the sagas need not be rehearsed; for as has been
seen the Codex Flatoyensis was discovered in private hands and
did not belong to the State. There is not a scintilla of evidence
that this Codex, in 1477, was known beyond the actual limits of
its possessor, or even that it had a possessor at that time. Even
if the manuscripts were in the archives of the country, it is not
at all likely that the attention of a stranger, more especially one
speaking a foreign language, would be called to these fireside
tijrfes and legends.

/ As has been noticed, the assertion is made that Gudrid nar-
/rated her experiences to the holy fathers, and that rumors of
these discoveries had reached every seaport in Southern
Europe. The saga says she "went to the South." On this De
Costa has an extended note. "It is understood she (Gudrid)
went to Rome. It may be asked why she did not spread the
news of her son's voyage in those parts of Europe whither she
went, and make known the discovery of the New World. To
this it may again be replied, that the Icelanders had no idea that
they had found a New World, and did not appreciate the value
of their geographical knowledge. Besides, there is nothing to
prove that Gudrid and others who went to Europe at this
period, did not make known the Icelandic discoveries. At that
time no interest was taken in such subjects, and therefore we
have little right to expect to, find traces of discussion in relation
to what, among a very small class, would be regarded, at the
best, as a curious story."*'

Columbus fitted himself thoroughly for the great undertak-

Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 156.

ODDS AND ENDS. 51

ing he was destined to perform. From his studies he arrived
at the conclusion that the world was a sphere, but underesti-
mated its size, while over-estimating the extent of Asia. He
believed there was a western route to India, and determined to
discover it. He first applied to the Senate of Genoa, his native
city. His proposals were rejected. He next turned to John II
of Portugal, but that monarch, through the advice of the Bishop
of Ceuta, dealt treacherously wiih him. Upon discovering the
dishonorable transaction, he secretly left Lisbon, and dispatched
his brother, Bartholomew, to England with letters for Henry
VII, to whom he had communicated his idea. He next proposed
his plans to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who deemed them
impractical and visionary- He then presented his plans to the
Duke of Medina Celi, who gave him great encouragement, en-
tertained him for two years, and even determined to furnish him
with three or lour caravals; but was finally deterred through
the belief that such an expedition should be under the patronage
of a sovereign. He wrote to Isabella, and at her bidding Co-
lumbus repaired to the court at Cordova. Here he was kindly
received, but neither Isabella nor Ferdinand had time to listen
to him, owing to the struggle then going on with the Moors.
He followed the court to Salamanca, and after surmounting
many difficulties obtained an audience with the king. The mat-
ter was referred to Fernando de Talavera, who, in 1487, sum-
moned a junta mostly composed of ecclesiastics, prejudiced and
loth to abandon their pretensions to knowledge, which decided
that his project was vain and impractical and that the sover-
eigns should abandon it. After encountering many other dis-
couragements, an agreement was entered into with the Spanish
sovereigns, which was signed on April 17, 1492.

In presenting his plans and arguments before the different
courts and those high in authority, not once did he allude to the
discovery of Leif Ericson. When before the junta, Columbus
presented his arguments, and the ecclesiastics overwhelmed
him with biblical texts, there was a great opportunity to present
the conclusive evidence of L/ief's discovery, and the fact that
the pope of Rome had appointed a bishop for Vinland. Most
certainly would Columbus have thus availed himself, had he
possessed the knowledge. Again, the fact of his route across
the Atlantic cannot be reconciled with a previous knowledge of
the one from Greenland to Vinland. His route would have
borne greatly to the northwest.

Much irrelative matter has been dragged into the discussion
by the Norse advocates. It should here be touched upon in
order to show the true animus of these erratic theorists. It will
be an illustration of their ability to weigh evidence in other
matters as well as in that which they have particularly chosen.

The Norse character has been pompously set forth and its
pagan ethics extolled. Great benefits would result in "accord-

52 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

ing to Iceland its full due, of emulating its ireedom and enlight-
ment during the days when it was a flourishing republic, and
before it became christianized."* Norse ethics "have been the
source of infinite good."f The literature of Iceland presents
"in many respects an ideal civilization. ";{: The Scandinavian
North has "individually and collectively sustained the most
brilliant role that has ever been acted in Europe, or in the
world. The assumption of Christian humility and

weakness so completely destroyed their ancient pride that they
were not capable of reasserting themselves and gaining their
former rank." § These exalted ideas are supposed to be culled
from the sagas. If the sagas were actually silent as to the
moral character of the people in pagan times, the red-handed
Erik and .the treacherous Freydis, who not only caused the
death of so many innocent men, but with her own hand butch-
ered five women, solely for the sake of gain, should put to shame
such declarations. The sagas are not silent on the moral char-
acteristics of the people, and whosoever reads the accounts
therein contained must wonder if they had within U em the di-
vine image. The feuds of the Icelanders were notorious. The
degree of a man's civilization may be measured according to
his ideas of woman. Saxo Grammaticus, the ablest of all the
sagamen, says : "Thus you will see the worth of a woman's
word. They are chaff before the wind, and change like the
billows of the sea. Who can rely on a woman's heart that al-
ters like a flower shedding its leaves, or as the seasons change,
obliterating each other's traces ?" In matters of marriage there
was little love-making. The wishes of the women were seldom
consulted, and they were disposed of to the best of advantage
by their fathers or guardians. Even the very word (brud-kaup)
means "wife-deal," in the sense of a sale. On the marriage
day it was bad taste not to be drunk and find a bed on the
rushes on the floor. Solid drinking continued from Wednesday
until Saturday. Polygamy was also practiced. Divorce was
frequent. In the Laxdaeler's saga — one of the complex sagas
of West Iceland — examples are given showing on what slight
grounds divorce could be obtained. Gudrun, in 989, at the age
of fifteen, was married to the Thorwald of Garpsdolen. Be-
cause she was not consulted in regard to certain personal orna-
ments she formed an acquaintance with Thord Ingunsson, and
through his advice she made her husband a shirt with a large
opening in the neck Now it was the law if a woman dressed
as a man, or vice versa, it was a reasonable ground for a di-
vorce. Thorwald wore the shirt, which was so low as to ex-
pose the nipples of his breast. A divorce was declared. This
same Thorwald Ingunsson had a wife nicknamed Brok Aude,
because she wore breeches like a man. So Thorwald declared
himself divorced, and shortly after married Gudrun.

'Icelandic Discoverers, p. 188. flbid., p. 192. ilbid., p. 165. glbid., p. 195.

ODDS AND ENDS. 53

The Vikings were lawless in a bad sense, and their expedi-
tions by land and sea in quest of plunder were characterized by
a bloodthirsty savagery of a vicious type. The women who
accompanied these expeditions distinguished themselves by a
fierce cruelty. They adopted a mode of life and a diet which
suited few men, or even beasts of prey. The older the records
the darker the picture. They ate nothing but raw cured meat
and slept out of doors. The most atrocious cruelties were
practiced by them, and they spared neither man, woman nor
child. After awhile they applied a certain code of laws in which
it was^agreed'that they should not plunder their own coasts or
merchant-ships belonging to their countrymen, unless it was in
a case of a family feud. They would start out in their piratical
expeditions when the cuckoo was first heard and return as late
as the autumnal storms. The Hebrides were a favorite cruis-
ing-ground. Their merciless ravages along the coasts of Scot-
land have been given by Skene* and need not be here repeated.
Their irruption into Ireland has been frequently retold. In 794,
when paganism must have been in its purity, they utterly laid
waste the Western Isles of Scotland and plundered the church
of lona.* They were not finally expelled until the crushing de-
feat they suffered at the hands of the Scots, under Alexander
III, at the battle of Largs, fought in 1263, when king Haco's
broken army and fleet were forced to retire.

Recuring again to the sagas, we find the Volsungasaga —
probably written in Iceland about the close of the thirteenth
century — among many other things gives an extended account
of king Atle and Gudrun, his wife, which is a story abounding
in atrocities. Among other things the record tells that Gudrun
cuts the throats of her own sons, then takes their skulls and fills
them with wine mixed with their blood, and gives the same to
Atle to drink. She also takes their hearts and covered the
same with honey and gave it to her husband to eat. Not con-
tent with this atrocity she set fire to the hall and destroyed King
Atle and his men. The records of history nowhere recite a
crime so fearful as that practiced by the wife of King Atle. The
sagas abound in stories of implacable hate, and thirst for re-
venge. A thirst for blood was an attribute of the people. A
man was murdered in cold blood for a slight provocation. It
was proper and fit to waylay or stab a foe in his bed, or burn
him to death in his house. In the saga of Halfred it was re-
lated that Sokke, a Viking, burnt the house of Thorwald, a man
living in Norway. The latter demanded to know why he was
injured. Sokke replied that his intention was to burn him and
his alive, and to annex his goods after Viking rules. According
to the saga, this appears to have been a sufficient answer.

One of the principal amusements of this people was horse-

*Celtic, Scotland, Vol I, pp. 302, 311, 327, 339, 347; also Chronicles of the Picts and
Scots, pp. 8, 9, 330, 361, 363. *lbid., Vol. I, p. 304.

54 PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

fighting. Horses were reared purposely for fighting, and foals
having long teeth were specially selected. The places selected
for such exhibitions were flat meadows, with some rising ground
near, on which spectators, and in particular the women, could
sit and see what passed. When the horses rose on their hind
legs and began to bite, each trainer was allowed to use a staft
to encourage his horse. Often bloody affrays grew out of these
sports. In xthe Njal saga it is related that Starkad, who owned
a good fighting-horse, had three quarrelsome sons. These
sons challenged Gunnar to a horse fight in order to involve him
in a bloody feud, which they accomplished. The Gretti and
the Vigaglum sagas give accounts of blood feuds growing out
of horse fighting.

It is neither necessary nor pleasant to carry these citations
any farther. Their natures were more savage than that of any
North American Indian at the time of the discovery. Into this
mass ot savagery Christianity was introduced by two really
pagan kings, who thought they had become Christians. They
propagated it with a vengeance. Olav Tryggveson and Olav
Haraldson, when kings of Norway, suppressed heathenism
with a strong hand. They sought to convince the stiff-necked
heathens by either cutting off their heads or gouging out their
eyes, and both kings sowed priests broadcast over their domin-
ions. Christianity had a long and patient struggle with these
people. Their wild and barbarous natures were subdued. Their
better natures have been called into activity. The Norwegians
and Icelanders of to-day fare far better than their ancestors did
in saga or pre-saga times. They pursue the paths of peace,
cultivate knowledge and build up their homes with the reason-
able assurance they will remain protected. Instead of gaining
renown as a pirate, the Norseman becomes ot great advantage
in the progress of science and art.

The next and last point to be considered in these papers is
the extravagant claim of our debt of gratitude to the Northmen.
We have already quoted, in Chapter I, from DeCosta. It is
here repeated: "In vindicating the Northmen we honor those
who not only gave us the first knowledge possessed ot the
American continent, but to whom we are indebted for much
beside that we esteem valuable. In reality, we fable in a great
measure when we speak of our 'Saxon inheritance.' It is rather
from the Northmen that we have derived our vital energy, our
freedom of thought, and, in a measure we do not yet suspect,
our strength of speech."* This was probably inspired by
Samuel Lang, the translator of the Heimskringla. What he
says is given at length by Prof. R. B. Anderson.f "All that
men hope for of good government and future improvement in
their physical and moral condition — all that civilized men enjoy

*Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 7, taken from "Heimskringla," Vol. I , p. 7.
tAmerica Not Discovered by Columbus, pp. 98-100.

ODDS AND ENDS. 55

at this day of civil, religious and political liberty — the British
constitution, representative legislature, the trial by jury, security •
of property, freedom oi mind and person, the influence of pub-
lic opinion over the conduct of public affairs, the Reformation,
the liberty of the press, the spirit of the age — all that is or has
been of value to man in modern times as a member of society,
either in Europe or in America, may be traced to the spark
left burning upon our shores by the Norwegian barbarians."*
This is a most astonishing declaration to be made by a sane
man. No one would make it who was acquainted with history,
unless he had an utter disregard for the truth. Any man com-
petent to trace "all that civilized men enjoy at this day of civil,
religious and political liberty" to a "spark left burning" by a
band of pirates, deserves to be classed as a greater discoverer
than Christopher Columbus. The world, its teachings, the
improvements and the civilization, prior to that time, outside of
Scandinavia, is a blank so far as our present welfare is con-
cerned ! The struggle of the ages resulted in nothing. Man-
kind owes no debt of gratitude save to the spark left burning by
a band of northern sea-rovers. It must have inspired Martin
Luther, for the reformation was due to it. What is the proof of
this extravagant claim ? Exactly the same as the great bulk of
declarations put forth in behalf of this Norse theory. Simply
Nothing. There is not a single subject discussed during the
last twenty-five years that so abounds in unwarranted assertions,
unsupported declarations, and the making of mountains out of
mole-hills, as this Norse business. But the zeal thrown into the
subject seems to have made them blind to the facts and the
teachings of history. If the same methods were resorted to in
order to show the contrary on this subject, invective would be
called forth and harsh epithets applied. The charge of being
unscrupulous would be hurled without any qualification. It is
not to be implied that the intent is here to cast opprobrious
words upon the advocates; for it is fully recognized that their
zeal has outstripped their judgement.

*No wonder the mandate has gone forth that "Americans are to put on the Norse
armor and seal the glorious work for universal liberty that their ancestors have be-
queathed to them ! '' Icelandic Discoverers, p. 57.

-~-1

UNIVERSITY OF

3 1158 01016 6303