The international
Critical Commentary
On the Holy Scriptures of the Old and
New Testaments
EDITORS' PREFACE
THERE are now before the public many Commentaries,
written by British and American divines, of a popular
or homiletical character. The Cambridge Bible for
Schools, the Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students,
The Speaker* s Commentary, The Popular Commentary (Schaff),
The Expositor's Bible, and other similar series, have their
special place and importance. But they do not enter into the
field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such series of
Commentaries as the Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum
A. T. ; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum
N. T. ; Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar ; Keil and
Delitzsch's Biblischer Commentar uber das A. T, ; Lange's
Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk ; Nowack's Handkommentar
zum A. T. ; Holtzmann's Handkommentar zum N. T. Several
of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged
and adapted, for the English-speaking public ; others are in
process of translation. But no corresponding series by British
or American divines has hitherto been produced. The way has
been prepared by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott,
Kalisch, Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others ; and the
time has come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enter-
prise, when it is practicable to combine British and American
scholars in the production of a critical, comprehensive
Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholarship,
and in a measure lead its van.
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of New York, and Messrs.
T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a series
of Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments, under the
editorship of Prof. C. A. BRIGGS, D.D., D.Litt., in America, and
of Prof. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., D.Litt., for the Old Testament, and
the Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D., for the New Testamen*
Great Britain.
The Commentaries will be international and inter-confessio^cti,
and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical bias. They
will be based upon a thorough critical study of the original texts
of the Bible, and upon critical methods of interpretation. They
are designed chiefly for students and clergymen, and will be
written in a compact style. Each book will be preceded by an
Introduction, stating the results of criticism upon it, and discuss-
ing impartially the questions still remaining open. The details
of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the
Commentary. Each section of the Text will be introduced
with a paraphrase, or summary of contents. Technical details
of textual and philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept
distinct from matter of a more general character ; and in the
Old Testament the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as
possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted with
Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books will be
dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions, with critical
notices of the most important literature of the subject. Historical
and Archaeological questions, as well as questions of Biblical
Theology, are included in the plan of the Commentaries, but
not Practical or Homiletical Exegesis. The Volumes will con-
stitute a uniform series.
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY
ST. JOHN. The Very Rev. JOHN HENRY BERNARD, D.D., Dean of St.
Patrick's and Lecturer in Divinity, University of Dublin.
HARMONY OF THE GOSPELS. The Rev. WILLIAM SANDAY, D.D.,
LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Oxford, ana the Rev. WlL-
LOUGHBY C. ALLEN, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer in Divinity and Hebrew,
Exeter College, Oxford.
ACTS. The Rev. C. H. TURNER, D.D., Fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford, and the Rev. H. N. BATE, M.A., Examining Chaplain to the
Bishop of London.
ROMANS. The Rev. WILLIAM SANDAY, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret
Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev.
A. C. HEADLAM, M.A., D.D., Principal of King's College, London.
[Now Ready.
CORINTHIANS. The Right Rev. ARCH. ROBERTSON, D.D., LL.D., Lord
Bishop of Exeter, the Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D., and DAWSON WALKER,
D.D., Theological Tutor in the University of Durham.
GALATIANS. The Rev. ERNEST D. BURTON, D.D., Professor of New
Testament Literature, University of Chicago.
EPHESIANS AND COLOSSIANS. The Rev. T. K. ABBOTT, B.D.,
D.Litt., sometime Professor of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin, now
Librarian of the same. [Now Ready.
PHILIPPIANS AND PHILEMON. The Rev. MARVIN R. VINCENT,
D. D., Professor of Biblical Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New
York City. [Now Ready.
THESSALONIANS. The Rev. JAMES E. FRAME, M.A., Professor of
Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. The Rev. WALTER LOCK, D.D., Warden
of Keble College and Professor of Exegesis, Oxford.
HEBREWS. The Rev. A. NAIRNE, M.A., Professor of Hebrew in King's
College, London.
ST. JAMES. The Rev. JAMES H. ROPES, D.D., Bussey Professor of New
Testament Criticism in Harvard University.
PETER AND JUDE. The Rev. CHARLES BIGG, D.D., sometime Regius
Professor of Ecclesiastical History and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford.
[Now Ready.
THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. The Rev. E. A. BROOKE, B.D., Fellow
and Divinity Lecturer in King's College, Cambridge.
REVELATION. The Rev. ROBERT H. CHARLES, M.A., D.D., sometime
Professor of Biblical Greek in the University of Dublin.
THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY
ON
THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
BY
GEORGE AARON BARTON, PH.D.
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE AND SEMITIC LANGUAGES
BRYN MAWR COLLEGE
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1909
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Published May, 1908
MY BROTHER
JOSHUA LINDLEY BARTON, M.D.
WHOSE GENEROUS ENCOURAGEMENT
AND SELF-SACRIFICE OPENED TO ME
A STUDENT'S CAREER
THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY
DEDICATED
ABBREVIATIONS.
I. TEXTS AND VERSIONS.
A = The Arabic Version.
'A = Version of Aquila.
Aid. = Aldine text of <.
AV, = Authorized Version.
BD. = Baer & Delitzsch, Heb. text.
Chr. = The Chronicler, author of
Ch. Ezr. Ne.
D. = The Deuteronomist in Dt.,
in other books Deuter-
onomic author of Re-
dactor.
E. = Ephraemitic sources of Hex-
ateuch.
EV S = English Versions.
(& = Greek Septuagint Version,
Vatican text of Swete.
<gA = Tjjg Alexandrine text.
<S B = The Vatican text.
<8 C = Codex Ephraemi.
<S N = The Sinaitic text.
( v = Codex Venetus.
If = Hebrew consonantal text.
H. = Code of Holiness of the
Hexateuch.
Elex. = The Hexateuch
J. = Judaic sources of the Hexa-
teuch.
J-C. = Jerome, Commentary.'
2C = The Coptic Version.
Kt. = K e thib, the Hebrew text as
written.
= Old Latin Version.
Mas. = Massora.
MT. = TheMassoreticpointedtext.
NT. = The New Testament.
OT. = The Old Testament.
P. = The priestly sources of the
Hexateuch.
Qr. = Q e re, the Hebrew text as
read.
R. = The Redactor, or editor.
RV. = The Revised Version.
RV. m = The margin of the Revised
Version.
& = The Syriac Peshitto Ver-
sion.
& H = Syriac-Hexaplar Version.
2 = The Version of Symmachus.
= The Targum or Aramaic
Version.
= The Vulgate Version.
Vrss. = Versions, usually ancient.
WL. = The Wisdom Literature of
the OT.
6 = The Version of Theodotian.
ix
ABBREVIATIONS
II. BOOKS OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.
Am. =
Amos.
Jon. =
Jonah.
Bar. =
BS.
Baruch
Ecclesiasticus of Ben Sira.
Jos. =
Ju. =
Joshua.
Judges.
i, 2 Ch. =
i, 2 Chronicles.
I, 2K. =
i, 2 Kings.
Col.
Colossians.
La.
Lamentations.
i, 2 Cor.=
i, 2 Corinthians.
Lk.
Luke.
Ct. =
Canticles = The Song of
Lv.
Leviticus.
Songs.
Mai. =
Malachi.
Dn. =
Daniel.
i,2Mac.=
i, 2 Maccabees.
Dt.
Deuteronomy.
Mi.
Micah.
Mk. =
Mark.
EC. =
Ecclesiastes.
Mt.
Matthew.
Est.
Esther.
Eph. =
Ex.
Ephesians.
Exodus.
Na. =
Ne. =
Nahum.
Nehemiah.
Ez.
Ezekiel.
Nu. =
Numbers.
Ezr. =
Ezra.
Ob. =
Obadiah.
Gn. =
Genesis.
Phil. =
Philippians.
Gal. =
Galatians.
Pr.
Proverbs.
Ps.
Psalms.
Hb.
Habakkuk.
Heb. =
Hebrews.
Q-
Qoheleth or Ecclesiastes.
Hg.
Haggai.
Qoh. =
Qoheleth or Ecclesiastes.
Ho. =
Hosea.
Rev. =
Revelation.
Is.
Is. 2
early parts of Isaiah,
exilic parts of Isaiah.
Rom. =
Ru.
Romans.
Ruth.
Is. 3
post-exilic parts of Isaiah.
I, 2 S.
= i, 2 Samuel.
T^K
i, 2 Thes.
= i, 2 Thessalonians.
1 D
Job.
Je.
Jeremiah.
i, 2 Tim.
= i, 2 Timothy.
Jn-
John.
Zc.
= Zechariah.
Jo. =
Joel.
Zp.
= Zephaniah.
III. AUTHORS AND WRITERS.
AE.
= Aben Ezra.
Briggs. The editor
Aug.
= Augustine.
specially referred to
is designated by
BDB.
= Hebrew and English
BDB. F. Brown,
Lexicon of the OT.,
BZ>B. S. R. Driver,
edited by F. Brown,
BDB. C. A. Briggs.
S. R. Driver, C. A.
Bar Heb.
= Bar Hebrgeus.
CONTENTS
PAGB
ABBREVIATIONS , . ix
NAME OF THE BOOK i
PLACE IN THE HEBREW BIBLE i
CANONICITY 2
TEXT 7
1. HEBREW TEXT 7
2. THE SEPTUAGINT VERSION 8
3. THE GREEK VERSION OF AQUILA n
4. THE VERSION OF THEODOTIAN n
5. THE VERSION OF SYMMACHUS 12
6. THE COPTIC VERSION 13
7. THE SYRIAC PESHITTA 13
8. THE SYRO-HEXAPLAR VERSION 14
9. OLD LATIN VERSION 14
10. THE LATIN VULGATE 15
t
11. THE ARABIC VERSION 15
12. THE TARGUM 15
13. QUOTATIONS IN THE TALMUD 16
14. RECENSIONS OF THE TEXT 17
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION !8
THE RELATION OF " QOHELETH " TO GREEK THOUGHT 32
1. SUPPOSED LINGUISTIC INFLUENCE 32
2. RELATION TO GREEK THOUGHT 34
vii
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
THE INTEGRITY OF ECCLESIASTES 43
QOHELETH'S THOUGHT IN OUTLINE 46
WAS QOHELETH WRITTEN IN METRICAL FORM? . . 50
LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF QOHELETH ... 52
THE RELATION OF ECCLESIASTES TO BEN SIRA ... 53
THE ATTITUDE OF THE BOOK OF WISDOM TO
ECCLESIASTES 57
DATE AND AUTHORSHIP 58
COMMENTARY 67
INDEXES 205
PREFACE
THE following pages are a plain commentary on the Book
of Ecclesiastes. Those who expect to find here the
advocacy of new and startling theories of this fascinat-
ingly perplexing book will be disappointed. In the judgment
of the writer there has been something too much of these
things in the recent literature on Qoheleth. An endeavor is
made in the following pages to examine the important theories
concerning the book, both ancient and modern, in an impartial
spirit, and to go in the formation of judgments, whither the
evidence points. Obviously, in treating a work which has
been studied so many centuries, there is little opportunity for
novel discovery. Occasionally the writer has found himself
differing from all his predecessors, but much more often the
evidence has pointed to a conclusion already anticipated by
some previous worker. He cannot hope that his conclusions
will commend themselves to all his colleagues, but if this com-
mentary shall have a part, however humble, in recalling criti-
cism to regions in which the evidence is sufficiently objective
to give some ultimate promise of a consensus of judgment on
the part of scholars concerning the problems involved, the
labor expended upon it will be more than rewarded.
In conclusion, I desire to express my thanks to Dr. Hans H.
Spoer, of Jerusalem, for placing at my disposal his collation
of some MSS. of the Greek Version of Ecclesiastes in the
Library of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher; to Professor
Paul Haupt, for permitting me, in spite of my disbelief in his
metrical theory, to use, while reading my proofs, advance
VI
PREFACE
sheets of his Hebrew Textof Ecclesiastes; to the Editor, Professor
Charles A. Briggs, for his helpful criticisms and many kind-
nesses while the book has been passing through the press: and
to my wife, for her valuable aid in reading the proofs.
GEORGE A. BARTON.
BRYN MAWR, PA.,
April 2nd, 1908.
\
The International Critical Commentary
ARRANGEMENT OF VOLUMES AND AUTHORS
THE OLD TESTAMENT
GENESIS. The Rev. JOHN SKINNER, D.D., Principal and Professor of
Old Testament Language and Literature, College of Presbyterian Church
of England, Cambridge, England.
EXODUS. The Rev. A. R. S. KENNEDY, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
University of Edinburgh.
LEVITICUS. J. F. STENNING, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford.
NUM BERS. The Rev. G. BUCHANAN GRAY, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
Mansfield College, Oxford. \NffwRcady.
DEUTERONOMY. The Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Pro-
fessor of Hebrew, Oxford. [Now Ready.
JOSHUA. The Rev, GEORGE ADAM SMITH, D.D., LL.D., Professor of
Hebrew, United Free Church College, Glasgow.
JUDGES. The Rev. GEORGE MOORE, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Theol-
ogy, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Now Ready.
SAMUEL. The Rev. H. P. SMITH, D.D., Professor of Old Testament
Literature and History of Religion, Meadville, Pa. \Now Ready.
KINGS. The Rev. FRANCIS BROWN, D.D., D.Litt, LL.D., President
and Professor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, Union Theological
Seminary, New York City.
CHRONICLES. The Rev. EDWARD L. CURTIS, D.D., Professor of
Hebrew, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. The Rev. L.W. BATTEN, Ph.D., D.D., Rector
of St. Mark's Church, New York City, sometime Professor of Hebrew,
P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
PSALMS. The Rev. CHAS. A. BRIGGS, D.D., D.Litt, Graduate Fro*
fessor of Theological Encyclopaedia and Symbolics, Union Theological
Seminary, New York. [2 vols. Now Read"
PROVERBS. The Rev. C. H. TOY, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Now Ready.
JOB. The Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., D.Litt, Regius Professor of He-
brew, Oxford.
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY
ISAIAH. Chaps, a-XXXIX. The Rev. G. BUCHANAN GRAY, D.D.,
Professor of Heorew, Mansfield College, Oxford.
ISAIAH. Chaps. XL-LXVI. The Rev. A. S. PEAKE, M.A., D.D., Dean
of the Theological Faculty of the Victoria University and Professor of
Biblical Exegesis in the University of Manchester, England.
JEREMIAH. The Rev. A. F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D., Dean of Ely, sometime
Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge, England.
EZEKIEL. The Rev. G. A. COOKE, M.A., Oriel Professor of the Inter-
pretation of Holy Scripture, University of Oxford, and the Rev. CHARLES F.
BURNEY, D. Litt, Fellow and Lecturer in Hebrew, St. John's College, Oxford.
DANIEL. The Rev. JOHN P. PETERS, Ph.D., D.D., sometime Professor
of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St.
Michael's Church, New York City.
AMOS AND HOSEA. W. R. HARPER, Ph.D., LL.D., sometime Presi-
dent of the University of Chicago, Illinois. \Now Ready.
MIC AH TO HAGGAI. Prof. JOHN P. SMITH, University of Chicago;
Prof. CHARLES P. FAGNANI, D.D., Union Theological Seminary, New
York; W. HAYES WARD, D.D., LL.p., Editor of The Independent, New
York ; Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER, Union Theological Seminary, New York,
and Prof. H. G. MITCHELL, D.D., Boston University.
ZECHARIAH TO JONAH. Prof. H. G. MITCHELL, D.D., Prof. JOHN
P. SMITH and Prof. J. A. BEWER.
ESTHER. The Rev. L. B. PATON, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew, Hart-
ford Theological Seminary. [Now Ready.
ECCLESIASTES. Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Ph.D., Professor of Bibli-
cal Literature, Bryn Mawr College, Pa. \_Now Ready.
I RUTH, SONG OF SONGS AND LAMENTATIONS. Rev. CHARLES A.
/ BRIGGS, D.D., D. Litt., Professor of Theological Encyclopaedia and Sym-
bolics, Union Theological Seminary, New York.
THE NEW TESTAMENT
ST. MATTHEW. The Rev. WILLOUGHBY C. ALLEN, M.A., Fellow and
Lecturer in Theology and Hebrew, Exeter College, Oxford. f Now Ready.
ST. MARK. Rev. E. P. GOULD, D.D., sometime Professor of New Testa-
ment Literature, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. \^Now Ready.
ST. LUKE. The Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D., sometime Master of
University College, Durham. [Now Re*dy.
ABBREVIATIONS
Be.
Bick.
Bo.
Br.
Br. MA
Br. MG
Br. MP
Br. HEX -
Calv.
Che.
ChWB.
Co.
Da.
Dat.
DB.
Del.
Dod.
Dr.
D r- mtr. =
EB.
Elst.
Eph. Syr.
Eur.
= G. Beer.
Ew.
= G. Bickell, Das Buch
Ew.
Kohelet.
= F. Bottcher.
= C. A. Briggs.
Fii.
= Messiah of the Apos
ties.
Gen.
= Messiah of the Gos
pels.
Ges.
= Messianic Prophecy.
Ges. Bu -
= Study of Holy Script
ure.
Ges. K -
= Higher Criticism of
the Hexateuch.
Ges. L
Gins.
= John Calvin.
Gr.
= T. K. Cheyne.
Grot.
= Levy, Chald. Worter-
buch.
H.
- C. H. Cornill.
= Cuneiform Texts from
Ha.
Babylonian Tablets
in the British Mu-
Heil.
seum.
Davidson, Hebrew
Heng.
Syntax.
Hit.
Dathe, Ecclesiastes.
rloub.
Hastings' Dictionary
of the Bible.
J a -
Franz Delitzsch, Das
Buch Koheleth.
Doderlein, Ecclesiastes
JBL.
S. R. Driver, Ecclesi-
astes in Kittel's
JE.
Biblia Hebraica.
er.
Heb. Tenses.
os> Ant.
Introduction to Litera-
ture of OT.
Jos.BJ.
Encyclopaedia Biblica.
QR.
Elster.
Ephraem Syrus.
Euringer, Masorahtext
Cam.
des Koheleth.
Kau.
= H. Ewald.
= his Lehrb. der Heb.
Sprache.
= J. Fiirst.
= Genung, Words of Ko-
heleth.
= Gesenius, Thesaurus.
= Gesenius, WoHerbuch,
i3th ed.
= his Heb. Gram., ed.
Kautzsch.
= his Lehrgeb'dude.
= Ginsburg, Coheleth.
= Gratz, Kohelet.
= Grotius.
= W. R. Harper, Hebrew
Syntax.
= P. Haupt, Koheleth
and Ecclesiastes.
= Heiligstedt, Ecclesias-
tes.
= Hengstenberg.
= F. Hitzig, Ecclesiastes.
= C. F. Houbigant.
= Jastrow, Diet, of the
Targ., Talm. and
Midrashic Lit.
= Journal of Biblical Lit-
erature.
= Jewish Encyclopaedia.
= Jerome.
= Fl. Josephus, Antiq-
uities.
= Fl. Josephus, Wars of
the Jews.
= Jewish Quarterly Re-
view.
= A. S. Kamenetzky.
= E. Kautzsch.
Xll
ABBREVIATIONS
Kenn. =
Ki.
Kn;. =
K6.
Kue. =
Lag.
Luz.
Marsh.
M.
MA.
McN.
Mich.
Mish.
Benj. Kennicott, Vetus
Testamentum He-
braicum cum variis
lectionibus.
Daniel Kimchi (Qam-
chi).
A. W. Knobel, Das
Buck Qoheleth.
F. E. Konig, Lehrge-
b'dude der Heb.
Sprache.
A. Kuenen.
P. de Lagarde.
: his Bildung der No-
mina.
. S. D. Luzzato.
= Marshall, Ecclesiastes.
- Miiller's Hebrew Syn-
tax.
-- W. Muss- Arnold, As-
syr. Dictionary.
-- A. H. McNeil In-
trod. to Ecclesiastes.
- J. D. Michaelis.
= The Mishna.
R6.
Rob.
NHWB. = Levy, Neuhebr. Wb'r-
terbuch.
= W.Nowack,Pr.5o/ow.
Siev.
Sm.
Sta.
Talm.
Tisch.
Tr.
Van d. P.
VI.
Vaih.
Wang.
We.
Wild.
Wr.
No.
PI.
R.
Ra.
Re.
Ri.
, HIVB
E. H. Plumtre, Eccle-
siastes.
Rawlinson's, Cunei-
form Inscriptions of
Western Asia, IV. R.
= Vol. IV. of it.
= Rashi.
= E. Renan, L'Eccle-
siaste.
Riehm's Handworter-
buch.
Zap.
25.
ZAW.
ZMG.
ZPV.
E. Rodiger
E. Robinson, Biblical
Researches.
Rosenmiiller.
W. Robertson Smith.
D. C. Siegfried, Predi-
ger und Hoheslied.
E. Sievers.
= R. Smend.
= Siegfried and Sta%e's
Heb. Wbrterbuch.
-. B. Stade.
t
= The Talmud.
= C. Tischendorf.
= Tristram, Natural
History of the Bible.
- T. Tyler, Ecclesiastes.
= van der Palm.
= W. Vlock.
= J. C. Vaihinger.
= Dr. Wangemann.
= J. Wellhausen.
= Wildeboer.
= C. H. H. Wright, EC-
clesiastes.
= V. Zapletal, Metrik d.
Kohelet.
= O. Zockler, Prediger
in Lange's Bibel-
iverk.
= Zeitschrift f. alttest.
Wissenschaft.
= Z. d. deutsch. Morgen-
land. Gesellschaft.
= Z. d. deutsch. Pal.
Vereins.
ABBREVIATIONS
xui
IV. GENERAL, ESPECIALLY GRAMMATICAL.
= abbreviation.
= absolute.
= abstract.
= accusative.
= cognate ace.
= ace. of person.
= ace. of thing.
= according to.
= active.
= adjective.
= adverb.
= dirai; \ey6fjLfvov, word
or phr. used once.
= et aliter, and elsw.
= always.
= antithesis, antithetical.
= apodosis.
: Arabic.
: Aramaic,
article.
; Assyrian.
Babylonian.
Biblical Aramaic.
circa, about; also cum,
with.
causative.
codex, codices.
confer, compare.
cognate.
collective.
comm. = commentaries,
comp. = compare,
concr. = concrete,
conj. = conjunction,
consec. = consecutive,
contr. = contract, contracted,
cstr. = construct,
d.f. = daghesh forte,
def. = defective,
del. = dele, strike out.
dittog. -= dittography.
dub. = dubious, doubtful.
abr.
abs.
abstr.
ace.
ace. cog.
ace. pers.
ace. rei
ace. to
act.
adj.
adv.
a.X.
al.
alw.
antith.
apod.
Ar.
Aram.
art.
As.
Bab.
B. Aram.
c.
caus.
cod., codd.
cf.
cog.
coll.
elsw.
= elsewhere.
esp.
= especially.
emph.
= emphasis, emphatic.
Eth.
= Ethiopic.
exc.
= except.
exil.
= exilic.
f.
= feminine.
%.
= figurative.
fpl.
= feminine plural.
fr.
= from.
1 freq.
= frequentative.
fs.
= feminine singular.
gent.
= gentilic.
gl-
= gloss, glossator.
gen.
= genitive.
haplog.
= haplography.
Heb.
= Hebrew.
Hiph.
= Hiphil of verb.
Hithp.
= Hithpael of verb.
impf.
= imperfect.
imv.
= imperative.
indef.
= indefinite.
inf.
= infinitive.
i.p.
= in pause.
i.q.
= id quod, the same with.
intrans.
= intransitive.
J.Ar.
= Jewish Aramaic.
juss.
= jussive.
lit.
= literal, literally.
loc.
= local, locality.
m.
= masculine.
Mand.
= Mandaean.
metaph.
= metaphor, metaphori-
cal.
mng.
= meaning.
mpl.
= masculine plural.
ms.
= masculine singular.
XIV
ABBREVIATIONS
n.
= noun.
qu.
= question.
n. p.
= proper name.
q.v.
= quod vide.
n. pr. loc.
= proper noun of place.
j
i
n. unit.
= noun of unity.
rd.
= read.
Nab.
J
= Nabathean.
refl.
= reflexive.
NH.
= New Hebrew.
rel.
= relative.
Niph.
= Niphal of verb.
Sab.
= Sabaean.
sf.
= suffix.
obj.
opp.
= object.
= opposite, as opposed to
or contrasted with.
sg-
si vera
= singular.
= si vera lectio.
sim.
= simile.
P-
= person.
sq.
= followed by.
par all.
= parallel with.
St.
= status, state, stative.
part.
= particle.
str.
= strophe.
pass.
= passive.
subj.
= subject.
pf.
= perfect.
subst.
= substantive.
Ph.
= Phoenician.
s.v.
= sub voce.
phr.
= phrase.
syn.
= synonymous.
Pi.
= Piel of verb.
synth.
= synthetic.
pi.
= plural.
Syr.
= Syriac.
post-B.
postex.
= post-Biblical.
= postexilic.
t.
= times (folio wing a num
ber).
pred.
= predicate.
tr.
/
= transfer.
preex.
= preexilic.
trans.
= transitive.
preg.
= pregnant.
txt.
= text.
prep.
= preposition.
txt. err.
= textual error.
prob.
= probable.
pron.
= pronoun.
V.
= vide, see.
ptc.
= participle.
vb.
= verb.
Pu.
= Pual of verb.
vs.
= verse.
V. OTHER SIGNS.
|| parallel, of words or clauses chiefly
synonymous.
= equivalent, equals.
+ plus denotes that other passages
might be cited.
[ ] indicates that the form enclosed
is not in the Hebrew, so far as
known.
y = the root, or stem.
' = sign of abbreviation in Hebrew
words.
"* = Yahweh.
( ) = Indicates that Massoretic text
has not been followed, but
either Vrss. or conjectural
emendations.
INTRODUCTION.
I. NAME.
The name Ecclesiastes (Latin, Ecclesiastes, Greek 'E/e/cXe<rm<r-
is apparently a translation of the unique Hebrew word,
Qoheleth. The meaning of this word is uncertain, but it probably
signifies "one who addresses an assembly," or "an official speaker
in an assembly," (see critical note on ch. i 1 , where the various
meanings which have been supposed to attach to the term are
reviewed).
2. PLACE IN THE HEBREW BIBLE.
In the Hebrew Bible Ecclesiastes stands in the third division
of the canon among the K e tubim, or Hagiography, where it now
follows Lamentations and precedes Esther. It forms one of the
so-called Megilloth, or "Rolls," the only parts of the Hagiography
which were publicly read at the Jewish festivals. At what period
Ecclesiastes was admitted to its present position is uncertain.
In the list of books given in Baba Batra, 13, 14, the Megilloth
are not even grouped together. Qoheleth is included, and it im-
mediately follows Proverbs and precedes Canticles, as in our Eng-
lish Bibles. In the Talmudic treatise Soferim, which reached its
final redaction about the middle of the eighth century, Ruth,
Canticles, Lamentations and Esther are mentioned twice (14" 8 ),
but Ecclesiastes is omitted from both passages. (JE., XI, p. 42 7 b
and W. R. Smith, OT. in JC., 2d ed., p. i73n.) In the Mahzor,
edited by Samuel of Vitry at the beginning of the twelfth century,
it is said that at the feast of tabernacles the congregation, seated,
read the "book" Ecclesiastes. It is not here called a "roll" and
was, perhaps, not then included in the Megilloth. (Cf. JE.,
i
2 ECCLESIASTES
VIII, 429.) In the extant MSS. of the Bible the Megilloth are
usually grouped together, though the order varies, especially in
Spanish MSS. (Cf. the table in Kyle's Canon, 281 /.)
Soon after the twelfth century, apparently, the present order
(Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes) was established in French and
German MSS., and has been maintained ever since. Before the
first printed editions of the Hebrew Bible were made, Ecclesiastes
had, at all events, taken its present position as one of the five
Megilloth. This is true of the first printed Hagiography, 1486-
1487, as well as Bomberg's great Biblia Rabbinica of 1517, which
contained three Targums and a Rabbinic commentary.
3. CANONICITY.
Ecclesiastes is not mentioned in any canonical writing of the
Old Testament. Evidence has, however, come to light in recent
years which proves quite conclusively that it was known in an
edited form to the author of Ecclesiasticus , or the Wisdom of
Jesus Son of Sirach, who wrote about 180-175 B.C. This evi-
dence is given in detail below in n; but Noldeke's article in
ZAW., XX, 90 ff., and McNeile's Introduction to Ecclesiastes,
34 Jf., may also be compared. There is no reason to suppose,
however, that Ecclesiastes had been canonized at the time of Ben
Sira; on the contrary, the very opposite would seem to be the fact,
for Ecclesiastes was also known to a later extra-canonical writer, the
author of the Wisdom of Solomon, who probably wrote in the first
century B.C. The author of this last-mentioned book, in his
second chapter, sets himself to correct the sinful utterances of
certain ungodly men, and there can be no question but that in
verses 1-9 he includes among the sayings of the ungodly a number
of the utterances of Qoheleth (for details, see below, 12). Whether
Qoheleth was known to the author of Wisdom in the Hebrew or in
a Greek translation is unknown; and the fact, if known, would
have no bearing on the question of canonicity, for uncanonical
books were often translated. (See, however, below, 4, (2) and (3).
The tone of the attack upon Qoheleth, which is made in Wisdom,
indicates that to him the book was not yet Scripture. The ear-
CANONICTTY 3
nestness of the attack makes rather the impression that the book
was a candidate for canonical regard that it was" so esteemed in
some quarters and that the writer wished to open the eyes of his
readers to the true character of its sentiments.
A Talmudic story, to which McNeile calls attention, Talm.
Jerusalem, Berakoth, nb (vii, 2), would, if any weight can be
attached to it, indicate that in the first century B.C. canonical
authority was by some assigned to the book. The story is con-
cerning an incident in the reign of Alexander Jannaeus (104-79
B.C.). It says, "The king (Jannaeus) said to him (Simon ben
Shetach, the king's brother-in-law), 'Why didst thou mock me by
saying that nine hundred sacrifices were required, when half
would have been sufficient ? ' Simon answered, ' I mocked thee
not; thou hast paid thy share and I mine ... as it is written.
For the protection of wisdom is as the protection of money,'"
thus making a literal quotation from Eccl. y 12 .
Another Talmudic story quoted by Wright (Baba Batra, 4a)
relates to the time of Herod. That monarch, having put to death
members of the Sanhedrin and deprived Baba ben Buta of his
sight, visited the latter in disguise and endeavored to betray him
into some unguarded expression with reference to Herod's own
tyranny. Ben Buta steadily refused to utter an incautious word,
and in his replies he quotes from all three parts of the Biblical
canon from the Pentateuch, Ex. 22", from the Prophets, Isa. 2 2 ,
and from the K e tubim, Pr. 6 23 , and in three different parts Eccl.
io ao introducing each quotation with the formula for quoting
canonical Scripture. The passage from Qoheleth which is thus
quoted is:
Do not even in thy thought curse the king,
Nor in thy bedchamber curse a rich man ;
For the bird of heaven shall carry the voice,
And the owner of wings shall tell a thing.
Wright (p. 21 ff.} also gives in full another Talmudic story,
to which Bloch had called attention a story relating to the great
Rabbi Gamaliel I (c. 44 A.D.). According to this tale (Sab-
bath, 3ob), Gamaliel had a dispute with a brilliant pupil, whom
Bloch believed to be the Apostle Paul, and in the course of the
4 ECCLESIASTES
dispute, the pupil quoted as Scripture twice Eccl. i 9 : "There is
nothing new under the sun."
If these Talmudic tales came from a contemporary source, they
would prove that Ecclesiastes had been admitted into the canon
by the first century B.C. In fact, all that the passages prove is
that the Rabbis o the Talmudic period the third to the fifth
centuries A.D. had traditions which they apparently believed
to be authentic that Qoheleth had been recognized as Scripture
at the dates mentioned.
The New Testament affords us no help in tracing the canonicity
of Ecclesiastes. There is in the NT. no quotation from Eccle-
siastes. When, however, the character of the book is taken into
account, it is not strange that no reference is made to it. This
silence cannot fairly be made an argument against the canonicity
.of our book. (See Br. SHS , pp. 131-132.)
McNeile, however, goes farther than the evidence will warrant
when he argues (op. cit., p. 6 Jf.) from the New Testament use
of the word Scripture (77 7/00^77, al rypa<f>ai), that the canon was
definitely so closed to the writers of the New Testament that
another book could not find its way into it. As is well known the
three divisions of the canon are mentioned in the prologue to the
Greek Ecclesiasticus, proving that they existed when that work
was translated, c. 130 B.C., and are also referred to in the Gospel
of Luke (ch. 24"). There is absolutely nothing, however, to
show us exactly what the New Testament writers had in the third
division of their canon. It is quite possible, as McNeile claims,
that 77 ypa<j)r) meant to them a definite body of writings, but that
that body was so fixed that no additions could be made to it, is an
unproved assumption, and the " impression that 'Scripture' meant
to the Apostolic writers the same body of Old Testament writings
that it means to us," if it is to be understood that their canon could
not have differed from ours by even one book, rests on no ade-
quate evidence whatever. (See Br. SHS , pp. 124 ff., 131.)
Some scholars find quotations from Ecclesiastes in the New Testa-
ment. Thus Plumtre thinks that Paul may have had Qoheleth in mind
when he wrote "The creation was subjected to vanity" (Rom. 8 20 ); and
that the Epistle of James alludes to it: "For ye are a vapor which ap-
CANONICITY 5
peareth for a little time and then vanisheth away" (ch. 4"). Such par-
allels are, however, too vague to be convincing. Neither writer may
have been thinking of Qoheleth at all. Haupt believes that Jesus alludes
to Ecclesiastes with the purpose of combating its sentiments in the par-
able of the rich man who pulled down his barns to build greater,
Lk. I2 16 - 21 . He sees in Lk. i2 18 an allusion to Eccl. 2 4 and in i2 20b , to
Eccl. 2 18b . Again, the allusions are too vague to be convincing. The
view of J. Rendel Harris, that the parable is an elaboration of BS. 5 lff ,
is much more probable. Haupt also holds that Lk. i2 27 =Matt. 6 29 ,
(Solomon in all his glory} is "above all" an allusion to Ecclesiastes, but
again one must say that the likeness is not convincing. It is quite as prob-
able that the account of Solomon in i Kings was in the mind of Jesus.
Philo, like the New Testament, makes no reference to Qoheleth,
but, as in the case of the .New Testament, no argument is to be
drawn from this silence, as he makes no reference to a number of
other books Ezekiel, Daniel, Canticles, Ruth and Lamentations.
The suggestion made above, that Qoheleth was in some quarters
regarded as canonical, but was not universally received, receives
confirmation from one or two famous passages in the Mishna,
which reached its final form about 200 A.D. In the terminology
of the Mishna the way of calling a book canonical is to say that it
''defiles the hands." In the Tract Yadaim, 3*, we read: "All the
Holy Scriptures defile the hands. The Song of Songs and Qohe-
leth defile the hands. Rabbi Judah says, 'The Song of Songs
defiles the hands, but Koheleth is disputed.' Rabbi Jose says,
' Qoheleth does not defile the hands, and the Song of Songs is
disputed.' Rabbi Simeon says, ' Qoheleth belongs to the light
things of the school of Shammai, but to the weighty things of the
school of Hillel.' Rabbi Simeon ben Azzai says, 'I received from
the mouth of the seventy-two elders on the day when they placed
Rabbi Eliezer ben Azariah in the president's chair, that the Song
of Songs and Qoheleth defile the hands.' Rabbi Aqiba said, 'Far
be it and peace! No man of Israel has ever doubted concerning
the Song of Songs that it defiled the hands, for there is not a day
in all the world like the day on which the Song of Songs was given
to Israel, because all the K e tubim are holy, but the Song of Songs
is most holy. And if they had doubts, they only doubted con-
cerning Qoheleth. ,' Rabbi Johanan, son of Joshua, son of the
6 ECCLESIASTES
father-in-law of Rabbi Aqiba says, 'so they differed and so they
concluded."
Again, Eduyoth, 5 s , says: "Qoheleth does not defile the hands
according to the school of Shammai, but according to the school
of Hillel it does defile the hands." These passages are echoed in
the Talmud and in later Jewish writings. Now it seems very clear
from these statements that down to the end of the first century
A.D. Ecclesiastes was among the " Antilegomena " of the Old
Testament canon. Ryle is quite right in saying (Canon, 174),
that it would be difficult after the first century B.C., when the
antipathy between the Pharisees and Sadducees became so
marked and their contentions so virulent, for a new book to be
introduced into the canon. It seems clear that, if Qoheleth had
not begun to gain a foothold before that in some influential quarter,
its chances of canonicity would have been slight, but it seems
equally clear that it was not universally accepted as a part of Script-
ure until after the great council of Jabne (Jamnia), at the end of
the first century A.D. (See Br. SHS , p. 130.)
The book probably won its way at last, because as these pas-
sages show it had a part of the Pharisaical influence in its favor.
It was not a question of Pharisee against Sadducee. The Sad-
ducees would find no fault with the book. The line of cleav-
age was between the schools of Shammai and Hillel, and ulti-
mately, probably because the work passed under the great name
of Solomon, the school of Hillel won and Ecclesiastes became a
part of the Scriptures.
The view arrived at above agrees substantially with that of W. R.
Smith, OT. in J.C., 2d ed., 185 ff. Wildeboer, Origin of the Old Testa-
ment Canon, 1^7 ff.; and McNeile, Ecclesiastes. For attempts to explain
away this evidence, see Ginsburg, Coheleth, i$ff.
The statement of Josephus (Contra Apion, i 22 ) that the Jewish
canon contained 22 books might be significant, if we knew how
the 22 books were reckoned. The same is true of the statement
in 2 (4) Esdras i4 45 - 46 , which, according to the Oriental versions,
makes the Jewish canon consist of 24 books. In neither case
do we know how the number was made up. Different scholars
TEXT 7
have their theories, but, as positive evidence, both passages are too
indefinite either to confirm or to refute the conclusion we have
reached. (See Br. SHS , p. 127 jf.) The canonicity of Qoheleth
was soon accepted by Christians as well as Jews, for Hermas,
Mand., VII, quotes Eccl. i2 13 and Justin Martyr, in his dialogue
with Trypho, ch. 6, seems to recall Qoheleth i2 7 . Clement of
Alex, quotes by name, in Stromata, i 13 , Eccl. i 16 - 18 7 13 ; Tertullian
quotes Eccl. 3 1 three times, (Adv. Marc. 5% De Monog. 3, De
Virg. Vel. 3); while Origen has several quotations from it.
4. TEXT.
(i). HEBREW TEXT.
The text of the book of Ecclesiastes was written in a late form
of the Hebrew language a form which evinces considerable
decay from the earlier tongue, and a considerable approach to the
language of the Mishna. Aramaic must have been largely em-
ployed by the Jews of the period, for there are many Aramaisms
both of vocabulary and construction in Ecclesiastes. (See be-
low, 10.)
We do not know whether Ecclesiastes was written in the older He-
brew character, in the square Aramaic character, or in a modified form
intermediate between the two. The last is probably the fact, for we
know from many documents that the older characters of the Moabite
Stone had undergone much modification. It is possible that the square
character had come in at the time Ecclesiastes was written. The old-
est inscription in the square character is that of Arak-el-Amir, which
dates from about 180 B.C. (Cf. Lidzbarski in JE., I, 443.) This
was probably slightly later than the date of our book (see below $13).
It is possible, therefore, that the square character may have been em-
ployed by the author of Ecclesiastes, but it may have been a form
intermediate between the old Hebrew and the square character , such as
is found in the Jewish papyri recently discovered in Egypt. (See Sayce
and 'Cowley's Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, London, 1906.)
As these papyri are some two hundred years older than Ecclesiastes,
the alphabet used by the Jews had probably during the period under-
gone considerable development towards the square form. (See
Br.SHs^ pp. 172-3.)
A manuscript of the Pentateuch exists in St. Petersburg which
8 ECCLESIASTES
some Jewish scholars think was written before 604 A.D., but so
far as I know no manuscript is known that contains Qoheleth
which is older than the eleventh century. These MSS., of course,
contain the text of the Massorets only. They do, however, ex-
hibit some variations.
The Massorets consulted a number of MSS. which are known by name,
but which have long ago disappeared, such as Codex Muggeh, Codex
Hilleli, Codex Sanbuki, Codex Jerusalami, Codex Jericho, Codex
Sinai, Codex Great Mahzor, Codex Ezra, and Codex Babylon. (For
description, see Broyde in JE., Ill, 473J/"., esp. Br. SHS , pp. 183-4.)
Many of these MSS. exist in the various libraries of Europe,
and have been studied and employed by scholars. Benjamin
Kennicott, in his Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum cum variis lec-
tionibus, Oxford, 1776-1780, noted the variants as they appear in
several hundred MSS. His text of the Megilloth rests on the
collations of 350 of these. Among the texts of Ecclesiastes,
edited in recent years, those of Baer, Ginsburg and Driver (the
last in Kittel's Biblia Hebraica) rest on a collation of vary-
ing numbers of MSS. Driver's text is the fruit of a collation of
a considerable number of these, and the kind of variation which
they exhibit is well illustrated in his notes.
(2). THE SEPTUAGINT VERSION.
Most important for the history of the text of Ecclesiastes is the
Greek version, which, because of the legend that it was trans-
lated by seventy-two men, is commonly called the Septuagint.
This version is in the following pages designated by 0j>.
The Greek translation of the Old Testament was not all made
at one time, or by one hand. The Pentateuch was apparently
translated in the third century B.C., and the other parts at various
later dates. The K e tubim were naturally translated last of all.
It is probable that the Psalter existed in Greek as early as 130 B.C.,
but there is reason to think that the version of Ecclesiastes now
found in (g was not made till the end of the first century A.D.,
and that it was made by Aquila, a native of Pontus, who was a
convert first to Christianity and then to Judaism, and who is said
TEXT 9
by Jerome to have been a pupil of Aqiba. The reasons for this
view are that the version of Qoheleth in (6 exhibits many of the
most marked peculiarities of the style of Aquila's version as pre-
served by Origen in his famous Hexapla peculiarities which
occur to the same extent in the Septuagint version of no other
Old Testament book. This view was set forth by Graetz (Ge-
schichted. Juden, IV, 437, and Kohelet, 173-179). It was opposed
by Dillmann in a characteristically thorough paper in the Sitzungs-
berichte d. kg. preus. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1892, I, 3-16; but
Dillman has been ably and successfully answered by McNeile in
his Introduction to Ecclesiastes, 115-134. (See Br. SHS , p. 192.)
Some of the Aquilan marks of style which appear in the Ecclesiastes
of (& are as follows: the rendering of nx, the sign of the ace., by (fvv\
+ DJ and on by Kat 76; s, with an infinitive, by TOV with an infinitive,
even where it forms simply the complement of a verbal expression as
in i 8 8 17 4 13 io 15 3 12 5" 8 15 n 7 , etc., as in Aquila (cf. Burkitt's
Aquila, 13), where the Hebrew noun is preceded by S, and it would be
inappropriate to render it by et's; it is rendered by the article, e.g. 2 16
TOV trocpov = ODnS, 2 20 TU dv6p6ir<{)= D 7 . > 3 17 T ^ "favri irpdy/jiaTi =
ysn S:p s , 4 11 /cai 6 Its = inNSi, 9* 6 KVWV=^.?^, etc.; p used in com-
parison, rendered by virtp with ace. more than twenty times, as e.g.,
in 2 13 ; the rendering of ways by Ka665ovs, 6 6 f 2 - (23) ; of V:a by irapa,
with a Gen., 5 10 - 12 f 2 - &> 8 8 12"; arc by fryaOufffai, 4 9 5 10 - 17 6 3 - 6 7 U - 15
9 18 . These are but a few of the examples. Many more will be
found in the work of McNeile already cited. Jerome mentions twice
(Opera, V, 32 and 624) Aquila's second edition, which the Hebrews
call KO.T dKpifieiav, and Graetz and McNeile have made it altogether prob-
able that Aquila's first edition is that embodied in (. Thus only can
one account for the marked approach to Aquila's style and peculiarities,
combined with some equally striking differences from the fragments of
Aquila, preserved by Origen. Dillman had urged these differences as
an objection to the theory that Aquila translated our <$, but as Mc-
Neile observes, a second edition presupposes differences, and it is difficult
to think that a later hand adapted <& to Aquila's later work without
doing it in a more thorough-going manner.
Whether there had been an earlier translation of Qoheleth than
Aquila's first edition is uncertain, but on the whole we conclude
that there probably had not been. The work had only recently
been approved as canonical beyond dispute (see above 3), and
10 ECCLESIASTES
it is probable that shortly afterward Aquila undertook its trans-
lation. The translation which we have in (& was at all events
made from a text which differed a good deal from our present
Hebrew, and was therefore made from a text that Aqiba had not
revised. Possibly it was, as McNeile thinks, in part, because his
first edition was made from a text that Aqiba, his teacher, did not
approve, that Aquila undertook his revision which resulted in
his " second edition."
If these views are correct, the translation of Qoheleth which
we have in (g was made in the second quarter of the second
century A.D.
The text of (& for the book of Ecclesiastes has been preserved in
five uncial MSS. and in fifteen cursives, which have been studied, though
of the cursives three contain only a part of the book. The uncial MSS.
are: (i) The famous Codex Vaticanus (<& B ) in the Vatican Library at
Rome, usually cited as B, which dates from the fourth century. The
labors of Westcott and Hort on the New Testament vindicated the text
of this MS. as on the whole the best for that part of the Bible, and the
labors of Swete on the Greek text of the Old Testament tend to confirm
these results for the older part of the Canon. (2) The famous Codex
Sinaitieus (C6 N ), found by Tischendorf on Mount Sinai, 1844-1859,
and now preserved in the Library at St. Petersburg. It is sometimes
cited by scholars as s, sometimes as S. It was also written in the fourth
century and as an authority for the text falls little short of B. (3) The
Codex Alexandrinus ((S A ), written in the fifth century, now in the Brit-
ish Museum cited as A. (4) Codex Ephraemi ((S c ), also of the fifth
century a fine palimpsest MS. now in the National Library at Paris,
cited as C. (5) Codex Venetus ((S v ), written in the eighth or ninth
century, now in St. Mark's- Library, Venice. It is usually cited as v ,
and often allies itself with BS .
Of the cursive MSS., 68, written in the fifteenth century, one of the
treasures of the Library of St. Marks at Venice, deserves especial men-
tion. It often allies itself with B. McNeile considers it especially im-
portant when it differs from B, and holds it to be the most important
Greek MS. of Ecclesiastes extant (see his Ecclesiastes, 136).
For fuller accounts of the MSS., see Swete's Introduction to the Old
Testament in Greek, 122-170; Gregory's Prolegomena to Tischendorf's
Novum Testamentum Greece, also his Textkritik des Neuen Testaments,
and Scrivener's Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testa-
ment, 4th ed. by Miller, Vol. I. Br.s HS , p . I95 /.
It is possible from the extant witnesses to the text of <& to detect in
its text recensions or types, kindred to those which Westcott and Hort
TEXT 1 1
have identified for the New Testament. It is for this reason that often
in citing the evidence of (& the Symbols of MSS. are affixed as (6 B ,
<8 BN , etc. For analyses of the text of <&, see Klostermann's De Libri
Coheleth Versione Alexandrina, Kiel, 1892, and McNeile's Introduction
to Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1904, pp. 115-168.
(3). THE GREEK VERSION OF AQUILA.
Aquila was a native of Pontus, and a connection of the emperor
Hadrian, who employed a relative of Aquila's to build ^lia
Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem. Aquila accompanied him,
and while there was converted to Christianity. As he refused to
abandon the heathen practice of astrology, he was excommuni-
cated, and in disgust joined the Jews. He undertook a translation
of the Scriptures into Greek in order to set aside the renderings
of the Septuagint which seemed to support the Christians. Of
Jerome's testimony to his second edition of his rendering of
Qoheleth, we have already spoken, and have shown that in all
probability the version which Origen preserved as Aquila's was
this second edition. This second edition was probably made from
the text revised by Aquila, for it differs far less widely than < from
the Massoretic Text. If we are right in thinking that there was
no Greek version of Ecclesiastes until Aquila's first edition, then
both his editions have survived, the first entire as (8 and the
second in fragments as A, the symbol by which Aquila is quoted
below. These fragments have been collated by Montfaujon in
his Hexaplorum Originis qua supersunt, 1713, and by Field in his
Originis Hexaplorum qua supersunt, Oxford, 1875, an< ^ cover
practically the whole book.
For fuller accounts of Aquila's version, cf. Swete, op. cit., 31-42
and 55; McNeile, op. cit., 115-134; Burkitt's Fragments of the
Books of Kings according to the Translation of Aquila, 1897;
C. Taylor's Cairo-Genizah Palimpsests, 1900, and Schiirer's Ge-
schichte des judischen Volkes, etc., 3d ed., Vol. Ill, 318-321.
(4). THE VERSION OF THEODOTIAN.
Another version was made in the second century A.D. by Theo-
dotian, who seems to have lived at Ephesus, His work was
1 2 ECCLESIASTES
known to Irenaeus (d. 202 A.D.), who calls him a native of Pontus,
and says that he became a convert to Judaism in mature life.
It is thought that in some of these details Irenaeus confused The-
odotian with Aquila. It is hardly likely that two different men
who learned Hebrew in mature life should make translations of
the Scriptures for the Jews in the same century. Irenaeus is,
however, probably right in saying that Theodotian lived at
Ephesus. Theodotian's version of Daniel seems to have found its
way into the Septuagint, as we have supposed that Aquila 's first
translation of Ecclesiastes did. The work of Theodotian is other-
wise known to us only through the Hexapla of Origen, and that
has survived only in fragments. Theodotian's renderings do not
differ so widely from the Septuagint as do those of Aquila, nor so
often from MT. as those of (. But Dr. Swete says: "He seems to
have produced a free revision of the Septuagint rather than an in-
dependent version." Theodotian's renderings of Qoheleth which
have survived afford interesting variants to every chapter of the
book. They are contained in the works of Montfaucon and
Field cited above.
For a fuller account of Theodotian see Swete, op. cit., pp. 42-49;
Gwynn, "Theodotian," in Smith and Wace's Diet, of Christian
Biog., and Schtirer, Geschichte, etc., Vol. Ill, 321-324.
(5). THE VERSION OF SYMMACHUS.
A fourth translation of the Hebrew into Greek was made by
Symmachus near the end of the second or the beginning of the
third century A.D. Eusebius and Jerome say that Symmachus
was an Ebionite Christian, but according to Epiphanius he was a
Samaritan who embraced Judaism. Epiphanius was a blunderer,
however, and the probability is that even if Symmachus was of
Jewish or Samaritan parentage, he became an Ebionite. Jerome
correctly declares that the aim of Symmachus was to express the
sense of the Hebrew rather than to follow the order of its words.
His version shows that he aimed to set himself free from the in-
fluence of the Septuagint as well as to write good Greek. Swete
thinks that Symmachus had before him the three other Greek
TEXT 13
versions when he made his own, and that he exhibits his indepen-
dence of them all and sometimes of the Hebrew as well. In spite
of this charge it is often true that he has caught the meaning of the
Hebrew and correctly expressed it in Greek. His version was
employed by Origen as early as 228 A.D., and was so highly re-
garded by that ancient scholar, that he gave it a place in his
Hexapla. His translation of Ecclesiastes affords numerous
interesting variants for every chapter of the book. They are
presented by Montfaucon and Field in the works cited above.
For a fuller account of Symmachus see Swete, op. cit., 40-53;
Gwynn, op. cit.; Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Litera-
ture, I, 209 ff., and Chronologic der altchr. Literatur, II, 164 ff., and
Perles, " Symmachus, " in JE., XI, 619.
(6). THE COPTIC VERSION.
The Bible is thought to have been translated into the Egyptian
dialects before the end of the second century. This translation
was made from the Septuagint version, so that the various Egyp-
tian versions Bohairic, Memphitic, and Sahidic are in reality
witnesses for the text of the Septuagint. Accounts of these ver-
sions are given in Swete, op. cit., 104-108, and in the works of
Gregory and Scrivener cited above. In S. Bibliorum Fragmenta
Copto-Sahidica Musei Borgiani, edited by Ciasca, 1880, Vol. II,
pp. 195-254, the whole of Qoheleth in a Sahidic translation, ex-
cept 9 4 -io 3 , is included. This text was collated by Euringer for
his work Der Masorahtext des Koheleth kritisch untersucht, 1890.
These readings usually support the readings of (36. This version
is cited below as 2C.
(7). THE SYRIAC PESHITTA.
The origin of this version is involved in much obscurity. Theo-
dore of Mopsuestia declared that no one knew who the translator
was. (Cf. Migne, P. G., LXVI, 241.) The version was, however,
made during the early centuries of the Christian era. The Pen-
tateuch was translated from the Hebrew, though in Isaiah, the
Minor Prophets, and the Psalms the Septuagint has had consid-
14 ECCLESIASTES
erable influence. A study of the Peshitta text of Qoheleth with
a view of determining its relation to the Massoretic text on the one
hand and the Septuagint on the other was made by Kamenetzky
in ZAW., XXIV (1904), 181-239. Kamenetzky's conclusion, with
which my own use of the Peshitta leads me to agree, is that for
the most part the Syriac was translated from a Hebrew text which
in most places agreed with MT., though in some places it differed
from it and at some points it has been influenced by ($. This
version is represented in the following pages by the symbol &.
Fuller accounts of the Peshitta will b6 found in the works of
Swete, Gregory and Scrivener, already frequently referred to.
(8). THE S-YRO-HEXAPLAR VERSION.
This translation was made by Paul of Telia in 616 and 617 A.D.
from the Septuagint column of Origen's Hexapla. It is in reality,
therefore, a witness for the text of the Septuagint. It is cited
below as & H . For a fuller account of it and the literature see Swete,
op. cit., 112-116. The standard edition of it for Ecclesiastes is
still MiddledorDf's Codex Syraco-Hexaplaris, etc., 1835.
(9). OLD LATIN VERSION.
The origin of the early Latin version or versions of the Bible
is involved in as much obscurity as that of the Syriac or Egyp-
tian versions. It is clear that a translation was made into Latin
at an early date, and that by the end of the fourth century there
were wide variations in its MSS. Samples of these variations are
furnished by Swete, op. cit., pp. 89-91. This early translation
appears to have been made from the Septuagint. Our sources
for the text of this Old Latin are in large part Patristic quotations
of the Old Testament. These were collected with great care
and fulness by Peter Sabatier in his Bibliorum sacrorum Latince
versiones antiqtia, Rheims, 1743, which was employed by Euringer
and is frequently quoted in his Masorahtext des Koheleth. Sa-
batier's work, however, was published more than a century and a
half ago, and his quotations now need to be tested by later editions
of the Fathers. Some readings for Ecclesiastes from a MS. of
TEXT 15
St. Gall may be found in S. Berger's Notices et cxtraits, p.
I have attempted to make little use of this version, but it is cited
below a few times as C. The works of Swete, Gregory and Scriv-
ener contain discussions of this translation.
(lo). THE LATIN VULGATE.
The basis of this translation was made by St. Jerome (Eusebius
Hieronymus) between 383 and 420 A.D. It was Jerome's plan
to translate from the Hebrew, but his version was made with a
full knowledge of the material which Origen had collected in the
Hexapla. His Ecclesiastes was made from a text which generally
agreed with MT., though it sometimes departs from it in most
suggestive ways. Full accounts of Jerome's work are given in
the works of Gregory and Scrivener referred to above, and in
Smith and Wace's Diet, of Christian Biography. This version is
designated by the symbol B.
(ll). THE ARABIC VERSION.
In the commentary which follows the Arabic version is some-
times quoted. This is the Arabic version which was published
in the London Polyglot of 1656 and the Paris Polyglot of 1630.
It is believed to be the translation of Saadia Gaon, who died
in 942.
The Hexateuch seems to have been translated from the Hebrew ;
Judges, Ruth, parts of Kings, Nehemiah and Job from the Pe-
shitta; while the other poetical books and the prophets seem to
be dependent on the Septuagint. In Qoheleth the Arabic, where
it departs from MT., usually allies itself with ($>. It is referred to
* below by the symbol A. Possibly only the Hexateuch was trans-
lated by Saadia, as that was made from the Hebrew text. For
accounts of the Arabic version, see Swete, op. cit., uoj/"., and
Gottheil, in JE., Ill, 189.
(l2). THE TARGUM.
As the K'tubim were not interpreted in the synagogue services,
Targumim of them (i.e., interpretations into the Aramaic spoken
1 6 ECCLESIASTES
by the people) were not written as early as the rest of the Bible.
That on the Psalter was not made in its present form before the
ninth century. No Targum of the Megilloth is mentioned in any
work older than the Aruk (Dictionary) of Nathan ben Jehiel,
which was completed in noi A.D. These Targumim are prob-
ably, therefore, in their present form, not earlier than the tenth
century, though they may go back to oral interpretations which
are much earlier.
The Targum of Qoheleth is a free paraphrase combined with a
midrashic interpretation. Occasionally the text is followed
closely, but more often the interpretation freely departs from it,
for the sake of covering up sceptical expressions which were ob-
noxious to orthodox Jews. These expressions are often turned
so as to commend the study of the law and support the most
orthodox doctrines and devout course of life. Solomon is be-
lieved to be the author of Qoheleth, and many allusions in it are
interpreted to refer to events in his life and that of his son Reho-
boam. Nevertheless, the Targum is frequently an important
witness to the text, and helps us to correct MT. It is cited as OF.
In addition to the publication of the Targum of Qoheleth accessible
in the Polyglots a recension has recently been published from
South Arabic MSS. by Alfred Levy, entitled Das Targum zu
Koheleth nach sudarabischen Handschriften, Breslau, 1905. For
a more complete account of the Targumim and the literature upon
them, see Bacher's article " Targum," in JE., XIII, ff.
(13). QUOTATIONS IN THE TALMUD.
The Jewish writers of the first seven centuries of the Christian
era frequently quoted the OT. These quotations ought to per-
form for the text-criticism of the OT. the same service that pa-
tristic quotations perform for the NT. Euringer in his Masorah-
text, already referred to, has collected these quotations for Qoheleth
from the Mishna, and the parts of the Babylonian and Jerusalem
Talmuds which were made up to the seventh century. Of the
221 verses in Qoheleth, a part or all of 122 are quoted in these
Jewish writings, and some of them many times. These quotations
TEXT 17
have too often been assimilated to MT., to be of much service,
but they sometimes present interesting variations from it. Where
quoted below, they are designated by the name of the Talmudic
tract in which the quotation is made.
An idea of the sort of textual variation presented in these Talmudic
quotations may be seen in the following examples. In Qoh. i 15 fpn 1 ? is
written defectively. The passage is quoted twice in the Mishna,
Khagiga, i 6 , Sukkah, 2 6 , and twice in the Talmud, Yebamoth, 22 b ,
Berakoth, 26*, and in all cases but the last it is written fully, l^nS.
Qoh. 4 17 has T 1 ^, but the Qr. jS.n. Bab. Berakoth, 23', Jer. Berak.,
4 4 , I3 3 , and Megill., yi 3 , all read I^Ji, Tosephta, ly 2 , only supporting
pSjn. In the same verse MT. has law in which it is supported by
Berakoth, 23*, but the other Talmudic quotations of the verse (just
given) read -IEWJ, as do <& and 6. In Qoh. 5 8 the Kt. is NTI, the Qr.
Kin . Sifre 60* reads N>n with Kt.
Qoh. i2 6 hasasKt. prw; as Qr. pm\ Sabbath, i5i b , and Semakhot,
44, support the Qr. pm\
(14). RECENSIONS OF THE TEXT.
There are persistent and probably trustworthy traditions that
Rabbi Aqiba, who had such an influence in systematizing and
perfecting the Jewish oral law and system of hermeneutics, also
with the aid of Aquila, his pupil, attempted to fix the text of the
Bible. He was the creator in a sense of the Rabbinical Bible.
(See Ginsburg's article "Akiba," JE., I, 306.) That the first
Greek translation of Qoheleth, commonly called the Septuagint
version, was probably made by Aquila, has been shown above,
where it also was pointed out that the differences between the
Hebrew underlying the Septuagint and the Hebrew text of later
times indicates that Aquila made the Septuagint version of Qohe-
leth before Aqiba had revised the text. McNeile is, therefore,
right in holding that by a right critical use of (6 we can obtain a
pre-Aqiban recension of Qoheleth.
Some of the readings which Aqiba adopted in the Hebrew
text underwent alterations by later hands, as McNeile has shown
(Ecclesiastes, 153-156). In the history of the text of our book, we
may then discern three recensions. Leaving out of account the
1 8 ECCLESIASTES
eddies and side currents of corruption and transmission which in-
evitably manifest themselves in MSS. and versions, these re-
censions are the pre-Aquilan recension, the Aquilan recension and
the Massoretic recension. A careful study of the text on those
sane principles which Tischendorf and Westcott and Hort have
established for the New Testament, reveals the fact that the text
of Qoheleth has been transmitted, on the whole, with great fidelity.
These recensions differ from one another far less than one would
expect, and affect comparatively few passages.
The best text-critical work hitherto done on Ecclesiastes is that of
McNeile in his Introduction to Ecclesiastes, to which reference has sev-
eral times been made. The more drastic work of Bickell, based on his
theory of dislocations, as well as that of Zapletal and Haupt, based on
a metrical theory of the book, are in most cases conjectures which rest
on unproven premises. A criticism of their metrical theories will be
found in 9. Winckler's emendations (Altorientalische Forschungen,
IV) (1896), 351-355, are also usually too conjectural.
With the exception of a few interpolations and a very little edi-
torial material (see below, 7), the work of Qoheleth has come
down to us modified by design or error far less than is the case
with most of the Old Testament books. This is due, un-
doubtedly, to the fact that it had undergone no long history of
transmission and frequent copying before Aqiba set those forces
to work which made further serious alterations in the text well-
nigh impossible.
5. HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION.
It is possible in the space at our disposal to treat the history of
the interpretation of Ecclesiastes only in outline. We cannot, as
Ginsburg has done in his Coheleth, go into the merits and demerits
of all the commentaries of Qoheleth, that have ever been written,
whether Jewish or Christian. Those who are interested in such
curious details are referred to the " Introduction " of Ginsburg's
work, pp. 30-245. It will be possible here to treat in detail only
a few of the more important works of recent years, the theories
set forth in which are living issues of present-day exegesis.
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 1 9
The earliest commentaries on Ecclesiastes are probably rep-
resented in the Jewish Midrashim, the beginnings of which go
back to the period when the canonicity of the book was first fully
recognized, if not to a date even earlier. These works were com-
posed for the edification of congregations, and while the literal
sense of a passage was not ignored, if that sense was at all edifying,
or would not give offense by its unorthodox character, nevertheless
the greatest liberties were taken with the text when it seemed
necessary to find edification or orthodoxy in a passage which ob-
viously contained none. The general view of these Midrashim
was that Solomon wrote Qoheleth in his old age, when weary of
life, to " expose the emptiness and vanity of all worldly pursuits
and carnal gratifications, and to show that the happiness of man
consists in fearing God and obeying his commands."
As was pointed out above (p. 15 ff.), the Targum of Qoheleth is such a
midrashic interpretation. In it unspiritual passages are treated as
follows :
Ch. 2 24 "There is nothing better for a man than that he should eat
and drink and enjoy himself," etc. runs in the Targum: "There is
nothing that is more beautiful in man than that he should eat and drink
and show his soul good before the children of men, to perform the com-
mandments and to walk in the ways which are right before Him, in order
that he may gain good from his labors."'
Again 5 18 "A good that is beautiful is it to eat and drink and see
good," etc. the Targum converts into: "Good is it for the children of
men and beautiful for them to work in this world that they may eat and
drink from their labor so as not to stretch out a hand in violence or
plunder, but to keep the words of the law and to be merciful to the poor
in order to see good in their labor in this world under the sun."
Similarly g 1 "Go eat thy bread with joy and drink thy wine with a
glad heart, for already God has accepted thy works" is changed into
"Said Solomon by the spirit of prophecy from before Jah, 'The Lord of
the world shall say to all the righteous one by one, Go taste with joy
thy bread which has been given to thee on account of the bread which
thou hast given to the poor and the unfortunate who were hungry, and
drink with good heart thy wine which is hidden for thee in the Garden
of Eden, for the wine which thou hast mingled for the poor and needy
who were thirsty, for already thy good work has been pleasing before
Jah.'"
To men who could read thus into an obnoxious text whatever they
20 ECCLESIASTES
liked, every difficulty disappeared. Under the alchemy of allegory
and spiritualizing all became easy. Nevertheless sometimes these Mid-
rashim found a way of anticipating the theses of modern criticism that
parts of the book refer to the exile or later. Thus the Targum says of
i 2 "Vanity of vanities," etc. "When Solomon, the king of Israel,
saw by the spirit of prophecy, that the kingdom of Rehoboam, his son,
would be divided with Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, and Jerusalem
and the sanctuary would be destroyed and that the people of Israel
would go into captivity, he spoke saying, 'Vanity of vanities is this
world, vanity of vanities is all for which I and David my father have
labored all is vanity."
Meantime, among Christians, the book of Ecclesiastes was
being interpreted by similar methods. The earliest Christian
commentator on Qoheleth was Gregory Thaumaturgus, who died
in 270 A.D., whose Metaphrasis in Ecdesianten Solomonis gives
an interpretative paraphrase of the book. The genuineness of
this work has been questioned, some assigning it to Gregory
Nazianzen, but Harnack still assigns it to Thaumaturgus. (Ge-
schichte der altchristlichen Literatur, I, 430, and Chronologic,
II, 99.) Gregory regards Solomon as a prophet, holding that his
purpose was "to show that all the affairs and pursuits of man
which are undertaken in human things are vain and useless, in
order to lead us to the contemplation of heavenly things." Gregory
of Nyssa and Jerome followed in good time with commentaries
on the book, and each pursued a similar strain. The allegorical
method was employed in its most developed form, especially by
Jerome, who wrote his commentary to induce Basilica, a Roman
lady, to embrace the monastic life. According to him, the purpose
of the book is "to show the utter vanity of every sublunary enjoy-
ment, and hence the necessity of betaking one's self to an ascetic
life, devoted entirely to the service of God!"
Started both among Jews and Christians in such paths as these,
the interpretation of Ecclesiastes meandered with various windings
through the Middle Ages. The Jewish commentators, Tobia
ben Eleazar, Rashi, Rashbam, Ibn Ezra, and others often followed
more sober and sane methods than many, on account of the rise
of a grammatical school of exegesis among the Jews in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, yet even from them allegory and fanciful
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 21
interpretations did not disappear. Sometimes a Jew, sometimes
a Christian, grasped fairly well the purpose of Qoheleth, but most
of those who wrote upon it, followed either in the footsteps of the
Targum or of Jerome.
Martin Luther was the first to perceive that Solomon cannot
have been the author of Ecclesiastes. He says in his "Table
Talk": " Solomon himself did not write the book of Ecclesiastes,
but it was produced by Sirach at the time of the Maccabees. ... It
is a sort of Talmud, compiled from many books, probably from
the library of King Ptolemy Euergetes of Egypt."
This opinion of Luther waited, however, more than a century
before it found corroboration. Hugo de Groot, the father of
international law, better known as Grotius, published, in 1644,
his commentary on the Old Testament. He regarded Ecclesiastes
as a collection of opinions of different sages, originally spoken to
different peoples. He says: "I believe that the book is not the
production of Solomon, but was written in the name of this king,
as being led by repentance to do it. For it contains many words
which cannot be found except in Ezra, Daniel and the Chaldee
paraphrasts."
In the next century the work of Grotius began to produce re-
sults both in Germany and England. Thus, in the former country,
J. D. Michaelis (Poetischer Entwurf der Gedanken des Prediger-
Buchs Solomons}, in 1751, maintained that a prophet who lived
after the exile wrote Ecclesiastes in the name of Solomon, in
order that he might be able, in the person of a king so happy
and wise, to philosophize all the more touchingly about the vanity
of human happiness, while in the latter country, in 1753, Bishop
Lowth declared that in Ecclesiastes "the vanity of the world was
exemplified by the experience of Solomon, who is introduced
in the character of a person investigating a very difficult ques-
tion" (cf. Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, xxiv)
thus practically admitting the non-Solomonic authorship of
the book. *-
After this the belief that Solomon did not write the book found
increasingly abundant expression. Eichhorn, 1779; Doderlein,
1784; Spohn, 1785; Dathe, 1789; Jahn, 1793, and during the nine-
22 ECCLESIASTES
teenth century an increasing number of scholars have maintained
the same view. Doderlein and Dathe dated the book about the
time of the Babylonian exile. Since the dawn of the nineteenth
century scholarly opinion has gradually brought the date of the
book down, first to the Persian, and then to the Greek, period.
The following list is not exhaustive, but it indicates in a general
way how scholars have grouped themselves with regard to date.
Those who hold to the Persian period are Ewald, Knobel, Heng-
stenberg, Heiligstedt, De Wette, Vaihinger, Ginsburg, Zockler,
Moses Stuart (Commentary on Ecclesiastes), Delitzsch, No-
wack, Wright, Cox, Vlock and Driver. On the other hand, the
following have assigned it to the Greek period, varying from 330
B.C. (Noyes, Job, Eccl. and Cant.} to 100 B.C. (Renan), viz.:
Zirkel, Noyes, Hitzig, Tyler, Plumtre, Renan, Kuenen (Poet.
Bucher des A. T.), Strack (Einleitung), Bickell, Cheyne, Dillon,
Wildeboer, Siegfried, Davidson (Eccl. in EB.), Peake (Eccl. in
DB.), Cornill (Einleitung), Bennett (Introduction), Winckler
(Altorientalische Forschungen, 2d ser., 143-159), A. W. Sterne
(Ecclesiastes or the Preacher, London, 1900), Margouliouth
(Eccl. in JE.), Genung, Haupt and McFadyen (Introduction).
Of the nineteenth century commentators whom I have studied,
Wangemann (1856) alone holds to the Solomonic date, although
Dale (1873) is non-committal with reference to it. Two recent
writers, Marshall and McNeile (both 1904), are unable to decide
between the Persian and Greek periods. One scholar, Graetz
(1871), holds that it belongs to the Roman period and was directed
against Herod the Great. Briggs says that it "is the latest writing
in the Old Testament, as shown by its language, style and the-
ology" (SHS. 321).
It is clear from the above sketch that an increasing consensus
of opinion places our book in the Greek period. The linguistic
argument for the non-Solomonic authorship, which Grotius began
to appreciate, has been worked out to a complete demonstration
by the masterly hand of the late Franz Delitzsch.
The disconnected character of the book of Ecclesiastes impressed
Martin Luther, as we have seen, and led him to regard the work
as a compilation. This fact was taken up and advanced by others
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 23
and, finally, in the hands of Yeard (A Paraphrase upon Ecclesi-
astes, London), (1701), Herder (1778) and Eichhorn (1779), led
to the view that Qoheleth is a dialogue between a refined sensual-
ist and a sensual worldling, : wHo interrupts him, or between a teacher
"and' pupil. A similar view was entertained by Kuenen. Doder-
lein explained these inconcinnities as the record of the discussions
of an "Academy," or group of learned men. Bickell explains
them by the supposition that the leaves of an early MS. became
disarranged, while Siegfried, McNeile and Haupt explain them
on the supposition of later interpolations. Some of these views
will be examined more in detail below.
On the other hand, the unity of the book has been strenuously
maintained by such scholars as Ginsburg, Zockler, Delitzsch,
Plumtre, Wright, Briggs, Wildeboer, Cornill and Genung. Briggs
classes Koheleth with Job as a type of moral heroism wrestling
with foes to the soul, and winning moral victories over doubt
and error (SHS., pp. 425-426). Cornill declares that "Old
Testament piety nowhere enjoys a greater triumph than in the
book of Qoheleth" (Introduction to Can. Bks. of OT., 1907,
p. 451). Plumtre, Briggs, Cornill et al. before them, regard the
contradictory expressions of the book as the varying moods of the
writer, as his childhood's faith struggles with the mass of doubt
and pessimism which fills his mind.
Zirkel, in 1792, Untersuchungen uber den Prediger, propounded
the theory that Qoheleth evinces the formative influence of Greek
thought and the Greek language that its idiom betrays the
presence of Greek forms of speech, and that the influence of Stoic
philosophy is no less evident.
Zirkel's view was revived and maintained by Hitzig (Comm.,
1847), Kleinert (Der Prediger Solomo, 1864), and by Thomas
Tyler in his Ecclesiastes A Contribution to its Interpretation,
London, 1874, who finds in the book evidences of Greek linguistic
influence, as well as the traces both of Stoic and Epicurean
thought. Tyler maintained that the Sadducees represented Epi-
curean influence, and the Pharisees Stoic influence, that the Tal-
mud gives proof of the existence of Jewish schools, or academies,
and that the mingling of contradictory ideas in the book is
24 ECCLESIASTES
#
accounted for by supposing that the work is a record of the discus-
sions of one of these academies.
Plumtre maintains (Ecclesiastes in Cambridge Bible, 1881),
as does Tyler, that there are two streams of Greek Philosophical
influence, one Stoic and one Epicurean, but, as previously re-
marked, attributes the contradictions to the varying moods of
the author, whose mind gives house-room now to one set of
opinions and now to another. Pfleiderer (Die Philosophic des
Heraklit von *Eph., nebst Koheleth und besonders im Buck der
Weisheit, 1886) maintained the existence of traces of Greek in-
fluence in Qoheleth, but traced them to Heraclitus.
Siegfried (Prediger und Hoheslied, in Nowack's Handkom-
mentar, 1898) and Haupt (Koheleth, oder Weltschmerz in der
Bible, Leipzig, 1905, the Book of Ecclesiastes, Baltimore, 1905)
both hold to this Greek influence (though Haupt confines it to the
thought, denying any linguistic influence from Greek), but both
account for the different philosophic strains by supposing that
different parts of the work are from different writers. These
theories will be set forth in greater detail below. From this
general view of the course of the criticism of Ecclesiastes we pass
to examine in detail some of the more important theories concern-
ing it, which have been produced within the last forty years.
Graetz, in his Koheleth (1871), notes that Qoheleth directs his
remarks in several instances against a tyrannical king, whom he
also calls a slave (so Graetz understood IJN). Graetz remarks
that none of the Asmonasans were tyrants, and argues that these
characteristics suit Herod the Great alone, whom the Talmud
(Baba Bathra, 3b, and Ketuboth, 24) called the " slave of the
Asmonaeans." To this period he thought the language of the
book, with its mingling of late Hebrew and Aramaic forms, also
pointed. The book on this view is a kind of political satire.
Graetz denies that the author was a Sadducee, and regards him
as a young Jew of the mild, strenuosity-abjuring school of Hillel.
Graetz did regard the author, however, as an out and out sen-
sualist, and finds as he interprets Qoheleth many allusions to the
gratifications of desire. These interpretations have been shown
by many later commentators to be in most cases unwarranted.
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 25
Qoheleth was no advocate of debauchery, as is proven by an in-
telligent interpretation of his utterances in detail. As to Graetz's
Herodian date for Koheleth recent commentators find it too late.
The external evidence, as is shown below (13), makes it impossible
that the book should be so late.
The contradictions of the book Graetz sought to soften by a
theory of dislocations. Such a theory had first been suggested
by J. G. van der Palm, in his Ecclesiastes philologice et critice
illustratus, Leyden, 1784. Graetz placed ch. 7"- 12 after ch. 5",
removing ch. 5 7 to take their place after ch. 7 10 ; io 4 he removed
to come after 8 4 , and 7 19 he placed after 9 17 . Later commentators,
however, have not found these changes sufficient to harmonize the
contents of the book.
Graetz denied that the last six verses of the book (i 2 9 - 14 ), formed
a part of the original work. Moreover, he held that these were to
be divided between two hands. Vv. 12 - 14 were, Graetz held, a col-
ophon to the whole Hagiography, written at the time Qoheleth
was received into the canon, as Krochmal had previously suggested.
How much of this position is right, and what part of it is untenable,
will appear as we proceed.
A more radical theory of dislocations was put forth by the late
Professor Bickell of Vienna in 1884 in his little book, Der Prediger
uber den Wert des Daseins, also set forth in more popular form in
1886 in his Koheleth' s Untersuchung uber den Wert des Daseins.
Bickell declared that the book is unintelligible as it stands, and
that this lack of clearness was produced in the following way.
Qoheleth was written in book form on fascicles consisting of four
leaves once folded, or four double leaves. Each single leaf con-
tained about 525 letters. Qoheleth was a part of a book which
contained other works written on an unknown number of such
fascicles.
Qoheleth began on the sixth leaf of one fascicle and ended on the third
leaf of the fourth succeeding fascicle. On the first three leaves (the end
of the first fascicle) stood ch. iz-a 11 , on the fourth and fifth leaves, 5 9 -6 7 ;
on the sixth and seventh leaves, 3 9 ~4 8 ; on the eighth and ninth leaves,
2 12 _3 8 ; on the tenth and eleventh leaves (the end of the second fascicle),
8 8 ~9 3 and 8 15 ; on the twelfth leaf, g n -io l ; on the thirteenth and fourteenth
26 ECCLESIASTES
leaves, 6 8 ~7 22 and 2C ; on the fifteenth and sixteenth, 4 9 ~5 8 ; on the seven-
teenth, io 16 -n 6 and 5 ; on the eighteenth, 7 23 -8 5a ; on the nineteenth (end
of the third fascicle), io 2 ' 15 and i4 b ; on the twentieth, p 3 - 10 ; on the twenty-
first and probably the twenty-second, n 7 -i2 8 .
The string which held these fascicles together broke and the middle
fascicle fell out. The leaves were found by some one not qualified to put
them together, who took the inner half of the second fascicle, folded it
inside out, and then laid it in the new order immediately after the first
fascicle. Next came the inner sheet of the third fascicle, followed by
the outside half of the second, into the middle of which the two double
leaves, 13, 18, 14, 17 had already been inserted. Although the fourth
fascicle kept its place, it did not escape confusion, for between its leaves
the first two leaves of the remaining sheet of the third fascicle found a
place. Finally, leaf 17, becoming separated from its new environment,
found a resting place between 19 and 21. This dislocation removed
from the work all traces of its plan.
In the new form it frequently happened that some of the edges did
not join properly a fact which led in time to the insertion of glosses.
From this dislocated archetype all extant texts of Qoheleth have de-
scended.
If now the original order of the leaves be restored and the glosses re-
moved, the work falls into two distinct halves, a speculative and a practi-
cal, each distinguished from the other by its own appropriate character-
istics. According to Bickell this first half consisted of the following:
Ch. i 1 -2 11 5 9 -6 7 3 9 ~4 8 2 12b - 18 - 26 - 12a - l3 - 17 3 1 - 8 8 6 - 14 - 16a - 17a - I6b - 17b o 1 - 3 8 15
Qii-is I0 i 6 8 - 10 -i 2 . In this part it is demonstrated that life is an
empty round, and that wisdom only serves to make its possessor modest,
so that he does not get on as well as the vainly boasting fool.
Part two consisted of the following: Ch. 7 la lo 1 7 lb - 6 6 9 7 7 - 10 - 18 - 19 -
11. 12. 21. 2J. 20. 49-17 ct-8 IO 16-20 j^l-3. 6. 4. 5 *23-29 gl-4 JQ2-13 n!5 f(g\
jO 14a - 15 - 14b Q3-10 ij7-10a I2 la ijlOb I2 lb-6. 8_
In this part the advice of Qoheleth is, in view of the fact that life offers
no positive good, to make the best of such advantages as we have, to
live modestly before the ruler and before God, and to expect everything
to be vanity.
The epilogue Bickell thought was from a later hand. This
elaborate theory, rejected by most scholars, as too ingenious and
improbable, has been accepted in full by Dillon, who sought in his
Skeptics of the Old Testament, 1895, to commend it to English
readers. The theory is not only intricate and elaborate to a de-
gree which creates doubts that, if it were true, a modern scholar
would ever have divined it, but it breaks down archaeologically in
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 27
its fundamental assumption that the book form had succeeded
the roll form in literary libraries at a date sufficiently early for it
to have played the part in the history of Qoheleth supposed by
Bickell.
If an accident, such as Bickell supposed, had happened to the
exemplar of Ecclesiastes, it must have been earlier than the Greek
translation of the book, for the same confusion which Bickell sup-
poses is present in the Greek as well as in the Hebrew text. Even
if the Greek translation were made as late as we have supposed
above, that was at a date in all probability too early for a literary
work to have been written in book form. An examination of the
published papyri, found in such large numbers in Egypt by Gren-
fell and Hunt in recent years, tends to prove that literary works
were written in roll form until after the first century A.D., and
that the book form did not supersede the roll for more than an-
other hundred years. For evidence, see e.g., the Archaological
Report of the Egypt Exploration Fund, 1905-1906, p. ioj/"., where
literary rolls written in the second and third centuries A.D. are
described. See also Gregory, Canon and Text of the New Testa-
ment, 1907, p. 317 ff., who holds that the book form did not
come in until 300 A.D. The fundamental assumption of
Bickell's theory is accordingly improbable.
In presenting this theory to English readers, Dillon has added
a new element to the study of the book. Being an Aryan scholar,
he declares (op. cit., 122 jf.) that Buddhism is the only one of the
world-religions in which such practical fruits as we see exhibited
in Qoheleth are manifested. Instead of going to Epicureanism
to explain these, he accordingly declares that they are due to
Buddhistic influence. King Afoka tells us (see V. A. Smith's
Acoka, the Buddhist Emperor oj India, Oxford, 1901) in one of
his inscriptions, that in the early part of the third century B.C.
he had sent Buddhistic missionaries to the court of the Seleucidae
at Antioch and the court of the Ptolemies at Alexandria. Dillon,
accordingly, declares that by 205 B.C. Qoheleth, even if he
lived in Jerusalem, might have known Buddhism, though Dillon
thinks it more probable that he lived in Alexandria.
In 1894 Professor Paul Haupt, in a paper entitled "The Book
2 8 ECCLESIASTES
of Ecclesiastes," published in the Oriental Studies of the Oriental
Club of Philadelphia, declared, " There is no author to the book of
Ecclesiastes, at any rate not of the book in the form in which it
has come down to us. ... It reminds me of the remains of a daring
explorer, who has met with some terrible accident, leaving his
shattered form exposed to the encroachments of all sorts of foul
vermin. ... In some cases there are half a dozen parallel strata
of glosses."
This hint of Haupt's was taken up by D. C. Siegfried, who in
his Prediger und Hoheslied, 1898, in Nowack's Handkommentar
elaborated it into the theory that five different hands contributed
to the contents of Qoheleth, and two different epilogists and two
different editors in addition have taken part in bringing the work
into its present form.
According to Siegfried the original work was composed by a man who
was imbued with an un-Hebraic spirit of pessimism, but who cannot
be shown to have been influenced by Stoic philosophy. To this writer
(Q 1 ) belong the following sections: Eccl. i 3 -2 12 2 14b - 24 3 1 - 9 - 12 - * "
18-21 41-4. 6-8. 13-16 elO-12. 13-17 51 -7 ylb-4. 15. 26-28 g9. 10. 14. 16. 17 g2. 3. '5. 6
jo 5 - 7 . To this work a Sadducee (Q 2 ), who had come under the in-
fluence of Epicureanism added the following: Ch. 3 22 518-20 yu gis
4. 7-10. 12 I0 i9 n7. sa. 9a I2 n>-7a. Another hand (Q 3 ), a Hokma glossa-
tor, contributed the following: 2 13 - 14a 4* 6 8 9a ; 12 - 19 8 1 g 13 -' 8
I0 i-s. 12-15. still another writer (Q 4 ), the Chasid glossator, added:
2 24b-26a 7!!. 13. U. 17 rl-2. 4-6. 7b-8 10-12 y!3. 17. 23-25. 29 g2-8. 11-13 gl jj5. 9b
I2 ia. 7b_ Under Q 5 Siegfried classifies the work of glossators whose
work cannot be individualized, assigning to them the following: 4 9 - 12
r3. 7a. 9. 12 yla. 5. 6a. 7-10. 18. 20-22 git IO 4. 8-11. 16-18. 20 ijl-4. 6. ^Q J-^jg
compound work the first epilogist (E 1 ), added ch. i2 9 - 10 , a second epil-
ogist (E 2 ), I2 11 - 12 . A first editor (R 1 ) prefixed i 1 and added i2 8 , while
a second editor (R 2 ) added ch. i2 13 - 14 . Thus Siegfried thinks he can
discern nine different hands in the composition of the book, and one of
these stands for an indefinite number more.
This theory of Siegfried greatly overworks an undoubted fact,
viz.: that different hands have had a part in making the book
of Ecclesiastes. It is built upon the supposition that absolutely
but one type of thought can be harbored by a human mind while
it is composing a book. In periods of transition, on the contrary,
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 29
one can give house-room to widely divergent thoughts. While
this fact should not lead us to think that a writer who has penned
a sentence is likely flatly to contradict himself in the next, it should
prevent us from carrying analysis to the extent which Siegfried
has done.
Zapletal, in 1904, in his little book, Die Metrik des Buches
Kohelet, maintained the thesis that Qoheleth is (or was) metrical
throughout, and that this fact enables the critic to reject a number
of later glosses, which mar the metrical form.
In 1905 Haupt, in two publications, Koheleth, published in
Leipzig, and The Book of Ecclesiastes, published in Baltimore,
developed still further the view that he had set forth in 1894.
Independently of Zapletal, he also set forth the theory that the
book was written in metrical form, and in a way much more
thorough-going than Zapletal has revised the text to make it con-
form to metre.
Haupt has in these works carried out the idea expressed eleven
years before that the original work of Qoheleth has been piled with
glosses. Of the 222 verses of the book, he retains but 124 as genu-
ine barely more than half and even from these many small
glosses have been subtracted. The most radical feature of
Haupt's work is, however, his ^arrangement of the material which
he regards as genuine. The material is transposed and rejoined
in an even more radical way than Bickell had done, and without
Bickell's palaeographical reason for it. Few verses are left in
the connection in which we find them in our Bibles, so that an
index becomes necessary to find a passage in the book. On any
theory (except Haupt's), no ancient editor took such liberties with
the text as Haupt himself has taken. He has practically rewritten
the book, basing his changes partly on his metrical theory, but in
larger measure on his own inner sense of what the connections
ought to be.
As to the date, Haupt believes that the original Ecclesiastes
was written by a prominent Sadducaean physician in Jerusalem,
who was born at the beginning of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes
(175-164) and died in the first decade of the reign of Alexander
Jannaeus (104-79 B.C.). The author may have been a king in
30 ECCLESIASTES
Jerusalem, if king be taken as in Gittin, 62%, and Berakoth, 643,, to
mean the head of a school. The genuine portions of Ecclesiastes
are Epicurean, while in the Pharisaic interpolations Stoic doc-
trines are found. The original writer may have completed the
book about 100 B.C., when he was 75 years old.
This view of the date ignores the important testimony of the
book of Ecclesiasticus, which will be presented in detail below.
Its testimony makes the interpretation of ch. 4 13 - 16 , which Haupt
applies to Alexander Balas, and on which he mainly relies for his
date, impossible, tempting as that interpretation is. The idea that
Qoheleth was a physician, rests upon no more substantial basis
than the anatomical interpretation of ch. i2 2 - 6 , and to freeze the
poetic metaphors of that passage into anatomy, is no more justified
than to freeze the poetic metaphors of the Psalms into theology.
Ingenious and brilliant as Haupt's work is, it contributes little
to the real understanding of Qoheleth, as in almost every feature
it rests, as it seems to me, on assumptions which are incapable of
proof and do not commend themselves. Meantime, in 1904,
the Cambridge University Press had issued McNeile's Intro-
duction to Ecclesiastes, to which reference has already been made.
This work is important from the higher critical as well as from
the text-critical point of view. McNeile recognizes with Haupt
and Siegfried that the book has been interpolated, but in his view
the interpolated portions are far smaller than they suppose, and the
process of interpolation much simpler.
McNeile recognizes two glossators, a Chasid glossator and a Hokma
glossator. To the former he assigns ch. 2 26 (exc. last clause), 3 14b - 17
4 17 51-6 ylSb. 26b. 29 g2b. 3a. 5. 6a. 11-13 j j 9b I2 la. 13. 14. To the latter, ch.
46. 9-12 gT. 9 Ma. 4-6a. 7-12. 19 gl gl7. 18 jo 1 ' 3 - 8-Ua. 18. 18. 19 J2 11 ' 12 . To
an editor he assigns: i 1 - 2 2 26 (last clause), 7 6b i2 8 - 10 . While reasons
will be given below for dissenting from, this analysis in a few points, the
present writer has again and again found himself in agreement with
McNeile. The reasons for this agreement will be set forth below.
McNeile also differs radically from Haupt and Siegfried as regards
the influence of Greek philosophical thought on Qoheleth, main-
taining that there is no clear trace of it. McNeile adduces strong
reasons for supposing that the point of view expressed in the book of
HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION 31
Ecclesiastes is the natural product of Semitic, or, more specifically,
of Jewish thought, in the conditions which prevailed in late post-
exilic time, that this thought resembles Stoicism in a general way
because Stoicism was a similar product of Semitic thought, Zeno,
the founder of the Stoics, being a Phoenician born at Kition in
Cyprus.
In the same year, 1904 Professor Genung of Amherst published
his Words of Koheleth, in which he essays an interpretation more
from the point of view of a student of literature than from that of
a text-critic or an ordinary exegete. Genung argues earnestly
for the unity of Ecclesiastes and exhibits little patience with any
divisive theory. He regards Qoheleth as the first in Hebrew thought
to follow the inductive method, and explains many of the seeming
contradictions of the book by the supposition that the grafting of
the inductive method onto the ordinary forms of expression em-
ployed by the "Wisdom" writers would necessarily in its first
attempt betray the " prentice" hand and leave much in the way
of literary harmony to be desired. Qoheleth, says Genung, " fre-
quently reverts to a mashal to clinch his argument." Genung
overlooks the fact that the larger part of the proverbs in the book
do not clinch, but interrupt the argument.
In Genung's view the purpose of Qoheleth was to recall the re-
ligious spirit of the time back to reality, and that the result of his
reasoning is to make life issue, not in religiosity, but in character.
There is an element of truth in this, but Genung has greatly over-
worked it.
On one point Genung speaks with the authority of a literary
expert. He declares that Qoheleth is essentially a prose book,
having the prose temper and the prose work to do. "It contains
little, if any, of that lyric intensity which riots in imagery or im-
passioned eloquence." He also justly observes that the form of
Hebrew poetry is largely absent from the book, declaring that for
the sake of continuity of thought the writer has abandoned the
hampering form of poetry, which would compel returns of the
thought to former utterances. In this it must appear even to a
superficial reader of the book that, with some exceptions, Genung
is right.
32 ECCLESIASTES
6. THE RELATION OF " QOHELETH " TO GREEK THOUGHT.
There are two regions in which traces of Greek influence might
conceivably be detected in Qoheleth, viz.: its language and its
thought.
1. The contention of Zirkel, Tyler, Plumtre, Siegfried and
Wildeboer that Graecisms are to be found in the language of
Qoheleth, has been ably answered by Delitzsch, Nowack, McNeile
and others. Not more than one such linguistic characteristic can
be detected in the book, and that belongs to the language of com-
mon life, and might be employed by anyone living in Palestine
after the Macedonian conquest.
In ch. i 3 the phrase I?DEVI nnn occurs. It is found also 28 times else-
where in the book. Plumtre and Wildeboer (the latter hesitatingly)
regard it as= i0 ij\liD. Kleinert and McNeile rightly hold that this
is unnecessary. It alternates with D-Dtfn nnn, i 13 2 3 3 1 and HNH ^y, 8 14 - 16
ii 2 . The phrase also occurs in two Phoenician inscriptions dating
from about 300 B.C. those of Tabnith and Eshmunazer (cf. CIS., I, 3
and G. A. Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 26, 30). It may
easily have been a phrase characteristic of the period without any refer-
ence to the Greeks. ZirkePs claim that N-in in the phrase jn pp Nin (ch.
i 13 ) corresponds to the Homeric use of the article as a demonstrative
pronoun, has been deemed by none of his successors worthy of serious
consideration. D-no in ch. 2 6 , although the same as irapd5ei<Tos } is not
derived from it. Both are derived from the Persian pairi-dieza, which
furnished the word to Semitic-Babylonian, Aramaic, Arabic and Ar-
menian as well. (See BDB.) It is also found in Cant. 4 13 and Ne.
2 8 . mpc, ch. 2 14 3 19 9 2 - 3 , was by van der Palm connected with ffv^op-fj^
but it occurs in a kindred sense in i Sam. 6 9 , where no Greek influence
can be suspected. -u-p TN, ch. 2 15 , Zirkel renders en /j.a\\ov, but as
rightly taken by Ginsburg, Wildeboer and McNeile TN="then," "under
those circumstances," as in Jer. 22 15 . aita nifrj?, ch. 3 12 , is regarded by
Kleinert, Tyler and Siegfried as a literal translation of e5 irpdrreiv. It
is true that the context excludes an ethical meaning, and shows that it
means "be prosperous," or "fare well," but since njn nirp occurs in the
opposite meaning of "vex one's self" or "be in a bad way" in 2 S.
i2 18 , Greek influence is not necessary to account for the usage. Mtfn tSn,
ch. 4 15 , was explained by Zirkel from the Greek phrase Serfrepos roO
BcurtMcos, and by Delitzsch and Wright from frepos rGtv MadijTuv
(Mt. 8 21 ). Bickell and Siegfried, however, regard >Jt?n as a gloss.
RELATION OF QOHELETH TO GREEK THOUGHT 33
If genuine, it is used in a straightforward way to refer to a second youth
who became king. t]D3 3HN, 5', was regarded by Zirkel as = <f>t\dpyvpos,
but as McNeile has said one could as well take neon anx (Pr. 29*) aa a
Graecism=0iX6<ro0os. nrp -\vx 3itO, ch. 5", is taken by Graetz, Plumtre,
Pfleiderer, Siegfried and Wildeboer as a translation of Ka\6v Kdya66v.
That, however, would be neii aia. Del., who is followed by Wr., McN.,
K6. (4i4n, 393a), pointed to a parallel in Ntpn -IE>.N p.?, Ho. 12'. There
can be no suspicion of Greek influence in Hosea. njpc, ch. 5 19 , has,
according to Zirkel, the sense of remunerari. The use of njy in this
sense he explained through the Gr. d/ue/3e<r0cu, which can mean both re-
munerari and respondere. njj; is, however, an Aramaic loan word =" to
occupy" (BDB., see note); but even if it were from njy, "answer,"
McN. points to a parallel usage in i K. iS 24 , for which Greek in-
fluence could not be responsible. i?flj "]Sn, ch. 6 9 , Zirkel compares with
O/O/ATJ TJJS ^i^x^s in Marc. Aurelius 3 16 . If there were influence here, it
must have been from the Hebrew to the Greek. McN. has called at-
tention to the fact that Ez. u 21 and Job 3' use iSn in the same sense as
Qoh. Dtrjm, ch. 6 12 , is the one instance wherein Zirkel was right, explain-
ing it by the Greek iroieiv xp^ vov - McN. would alter the text to avoid
this explanation, but on the whole it seems most probable. See notes.
raita oi>, ch. 7 14 , Kleinert declared was connected with evijfjiepia, but others,
even those who hold to Graecisms in Qoh., regard it as doubtful. McN.
pertinently asks: "What other expression could possibly be chosen as a
contrast to r\y-\ or ? oSo nx w, Zirkel claims, is equal to the Greek ^fftjv
/Sa5/fetv, but as Del. and others point out HP has here the sense of "be
quit from" or "guiltless of," as in Mishna, Berakoth, a 1 , Sabbath, i*.
This is, then, not a Greek idiom, but NH. mm? nn Kleinert explains as
rb rl e<rru>= " the essence of the thing," but, as McN. notes, the expression
is found in i 9 3 15 6 9 , in all of which such a meaning is impossible. It
means simply "that which is." DIN, ch. y 28 , Graetz takes as equal to
E^N, owing to the influence of the Greek AvOpwrros, but as McN. notes
it is simply opposed to nsr'N as in Gen. 2 22 - 23 - M 3 8 - 12 - 17 - 20 - 2 >, and does
not correspond to Greek usage at all. OJHfl, ch. 8 11 , which Zirkel takes
for the Gr. <pd{y/j.a and others for tiriTayfjia, is, as Delitzsch pointed out,
a Persian word; see notes. Son, ch. i2 13 , Tyler, who is followed by Sieg.,
compares with the formula of the Mishna, SSan ni=" this is the gen-
eral rule," and thinks there is "a pretty clear trace of the influence of
Greek philosophical terminology." He compares r6 Ka66\oi> or rb
$\ov, which in Plato is used in the sense of "the Universal." Such a
view imports into the phrase a meaning foreign to the context. The
word simply means "all," and means that either the whole book, or all
that the editor wished to say, has been heard. These points are more
fully discussed by McNeile, op. cit., pp. 30-43.
34 ECCLESIASTES
2. As to the possibility that Qoheleth was influenced by Greek
philosophical thought, it can be shown that there is even less trace
in Qoheleth of Greek philosophical, than of Greek linguistic, in-
fluence. Renan and McNeile are right in thinking that everything
in Qoheleth can be accounted for as a development of Semitic
thought, and that the expressions which have been seized upon to
prove that its writer came under the influence of Greek schools
of philosophy only prove at most that Qoheleth was a Jew who had
in him the making of a Greek philosopher. (Cf. McNeile, op.
cit., p. 44-)
Many attempts have been made to prove the contrary. Pflei-
derer (Cf. Jahrbucher fur protestantische Theologie, 1887, 177-180,
and his Die Philosophic des Heraklit von Eph.,nebst einemAnhang
'iiber heraklitische Einflusse im alttestamentlichen Koheleth, und
besonders im Buck der Weisheit, 1886) tries to show that ch. 3 1 - 9
is dependent upon Heraclitus, not only for its thought, but for
many of its expressions; but this view has been justly discarded
by others. Friedlander (Griechische Philosophic im alien Testa-
ment, 1904) seeks to prove that Qoheleth was written in the
Greek period, assuming that in that case Greek philosophy in-
fluenced it. He makes no specific argument for such influence
beyond the contention that ch. 7 19 (= Pr. 21" 24 5 ) is an echo
of Euripides. Sellin (Spuren griechischer Philosophic im alten
Testament, 1905) has answered him.
The attempt of Tyler, which is followed by Plumtre, Siegfried,
and Haupt, to prove that Qoheleth was influenced by the
Stoics, deserves more serious attention. Tyler (Ecclesiastes,
p. ii Jf.) finds in the catalogue of times and seasons in ch. 3 1 -, 9 a
setting forth of the great principle of Stoic ethics, that one should
live according to nature. He thinks that in vv. 2-8 we have a
compendious statement that for every event of human life " Nat-
ure" has an appointed season. He finds confirmation of this in
ch. 3 17 where the word "there" according to the Massoretic point-
ing seems to him to refer to nature. With reference to this last
point it may be observed that ch. 3 17 in all probability is one of the
Chasid glossator's interpolations to Qoheleth's work, and that the
word "there" is a Massoretic mistake (see Commentary, ad loc.,
RELATION OF QOHELETH TO GREEK THOUGHT 35
for reasons). The Stoic ethics, too, which Tyler sees in ch. 3 2 -*,
do not appear, on a close examination, to be there. Qoheleth
is not in these verses expressing an ethical standard, but is rather
breathing a sigh (see vv. 9, n) over the fact that all human life
with its varied activities is caught in the meshes of an inexorable
fate. This consciousness of the iron grip of fate Qoheleth possesses
in common with the Stoics, it must be confessed, but, as Zeller
(Stoics, Epicureans and Sceptics, London, 1892, p. 332 jf.) per-
ceived, the Stoics did not invent this conception, but shared it
with nearly ^ll_the thinkers of the period. In an age when first
the Persian, then the Macedonian, and finally the Roman con-
querer quenched all over the civilized world the torch of freedom,
and powerful nations were crushed like egg-shells, it is no wonder
that the fact that man is powerless before the onward sweep of
things should have impressed the thoughtful minds of the time
regardless of nationality. The fact that this conception appears
in Qoheleth is, therefore, a mark of date, rather than evidence of
Stoic influence. Ch. 3 13 - 15 , upon which Tyler relies for confirma-
tion of his argument, is obviously open to the same explanation.
The writer is simply saying: Man is powerless in the presence of
God.
Tyler then argues (op. cit., p. i^jf.) that the picture which Qo-
heleth draws in ch. i of the endless repetitions of nature clearly be-
trays the influence of the Stoic theory of cycles. Tyler overlooks,
however, the fact that the differences between the Stoics and Qo-
heleth are really greater than their agreements. Qoheleth (ch. i 4 - 11 )
alludes only to the fact that the generations of men, the sun, the
winds, the rivers, and all- human affairs, run again and again the
same course. He betrays no consciousness of the Stoic theory of
larger world-cycles, at the end of which everything would be de-
stroyed by flood or fire only to be recreated and to start upon a new
world-course, in which every detail of its former history would be
repeated. (See Zeller, op. cit., ch. viii.) Indeed, it is clear that
Qoheleth did not hold this view, for his constant plaint is that "man
cannot find out what will be after him," or "know what God hath
done from the beginning to the end" (cf. 3" 6 12 7 M n 5 ). Qo-
heleth's confession of ignorance is in striking contrast to the dog-
ECCLESIASTES
matic_ogrtaintv of the_Stoics. When one notes these contrasts, it
isliardly possible longer to maintain that Qoheleth betrays in ch. i
any Stoic influence. He appears rather as an acute observer of
life, whose bitter experiences have led him to look beneath the sur-
face, and who has thus become conscious of the seemingly futile
repetitions of life, and whose thirst for knowledge of life's mystery
refuses, though baffled, to be satisfied by dogmatism.
Tyler further urges (op. cit., i$ff-) that Qoheleth's oft repeated
. dictum "all is vanity" is best explained by Stoic influence, because
Marcus Aurelius declares that " worldly things are but as smoke,
as very nothingness." On any theory of the date of Ecclesiastes,
however, it might with greater plausibility be urged that the stream
of influence, if influence there was, was in the other direction.
The coincidence that both Qoheleth and the Stoics regarded folly
as madness is also to Tyler an argument for his theory. If, how-
ever, his other arguments are invalid, this fact can be regarded as
no more than a coincidence.
Not only do these alleged evidences of Stoic influence appear to
be unreal, but on many other points the positions of Qoheleth and
the Stoics are in such striking contrast as to render the theory of
Stoic influence most improbable. The Stoics were materialists,
and most dogmatic in their materialism (Zeller, op. cit., ch. vi),
but there is no trace in Ecclesiastes either of their materialism or
their dogmatism. The Stoics regarded God as pure reason, and
were as positive and dogmatic about the divine nature as about
the universe; Qoheleth, on the other hand, regarded both God and
his works as unknowable. God is infinitely above man (cf. 5 2 ),
and even what he does man cannot hope to understand (cf. n 8 ).
The Stoics thought they understood how the soul was formed in
the unborn child (Zeller, op. cit., pp. 212-213); Qoheleth, on
the other hand, declared that the formation even of the bones
of the unborn infant was a mystery the secret of which is undis-
coverable (ch. 8 17 n 5 ). There is a great contrast, too, between
the idea of good as presented by Qoheleth and the Stoics respec-
tively. To Qoheleth there is no absolute good. A good is a
relative thing; it consists of the satisfaction of the animal appetites
during the period of life when such satisfaction gives enjoyment.
I
RELATION OF QOHELETH TO GREEK THOUGHT 37
It has no absolute value, but there is in life nothing better (cf.
ch. 2 24 3 12 1S 5 18 19 9 7 - 10 n 9a 10 ). To the Stoics, on the contrary,
nothing could be considered a good which did not have an abso-
lute value. (Zeller, op. cit., pp. 231-233.) A similar contrast
exists between Qoheleth's idea of the relative position of wise
and foolish men and that entertained by the Stoics. Qoheleth
has an innate liking for wisdom; he admires it, and at times
follows it (ch. i 13 7 25 - 116 9 16 ), but, on the other hand, he cannot rid
himself of the feeling that the wise man toils in vain (9 18 ), that his
labor is a fruitless endeavor, and that a foetus born dead is in re-
ality happier than the wise man (ch. 6 3b - 8 ). It is true that in
another mood he declares that it is better to know that one will
die than to know nothing (ch. 9 5 ); but on the whole Qoheleth's
verdict is that wisdom, like all other things mundane, is vanity.
The wise man has no real advantage, except that he suffers what
he suffers with his eyes open; in the end he dies like the fool, and
goes to the same place (cf. 9 lff ). The Stoics, on the other hand,
regarded the wise man as the only perfect man, free from passion
and want and absolutely happy, falling short in no respect of the
happiness of Zeus. (Zeller. op. cit.. pp. 270-271.)
Again, the Stoics made distinctions between degrees of goodness.
Virtue was an absolute good; other goods were secondary, and
certain things were indifferent. (Zeller, op. cit., ch. XI.) Of
such distinctions we find no trace in Ecclesiastes. The one kind
of good which he knows is to eat and drink and enjoy the full
round of physical life while it lasts. This is not an absolute good
Qoheleth knows none but it is to him the only good within the
reach of man. The Stoics also developed theories of applied
morals, in which political theories and the duties of the individual
were set forth. These culminated in the Roman period in the
conception of a citizenship of the world. (Zeller, op. cit., ch.
XII.) None of these ideas finds expression in Qoheleth, though
it would, of course, be unfair to look for some of them, as they were
later developments of Stoicism. The Stoics, too, were great alle-
gorizers (cf. Zeller, op. cit., p. 355 ^.)> and made much of divina-
tion (cf. Zeller, op. cit., p. 370 f.), traces of neither of which
appear anywhere in Ecclesiastes.
!.
38 ECCLESIASTES
Upon a candid comparison of the thought of Ecclesiastes, then,
with the philosophy of the Stoics, the supposed dependence of the
one on the other turns out to be unreal. The resemblances are
not really likenesses but surface coincidences, and the differences
are fundamental.
Tyler (op. cit., i&jf.) endeavors to show that Qoheleth also ex-
hibits traces of Epicurean thought. In this argument he relies
mainly upon two passages: 3 18 - 22 and 518-20. The former of
these teaches, he holds, the Epicurean doctrine of the mortality
of the soul, and the latter the Epicurean doctrine of pleas-
ure, or tranquillity, as the essential principle of life. With refer-
ence to the first of these points it should be noted that Qoheleth's
denial of immortality differs from the Epicurean denial. His is
but a passing doubt: it is not dogmatically expressed, and at the end
(i2 7 ) his doubt has vanished and he reasserts the older Jewish
view (Gn. 2 7 ). This older view was not an assertion of im-
mortality, but the primitive conception that the breath comes
from God and goes back to him. The Epicureans, on the other
hand, dogmatically argued for the non-immortality of the soul,
and possessed well-assured theories about it. (Cf. Zeller, op. cit.,
pp. 453-456.) As to Tyler's second point, it will be presently
shown that this is a Semitic point of view older than Epicurus
by many centuries.
Siegfried confesses that neither thorough-going Stoicism nor
Epicureanism can be found in the book, but he, nevertheless,
distinguishes two authors in the book, the one of whom shows, he
thinks, kinship to the Stoics, and the other to the Epicureans.
Haupt, on the other hand, believes that the original Qoheleth
was strongly imbued with the Epicurean philosophy. He says
(The Book of Ecclesiastes, 1905, p. 6), " Like Epicurus (341-270
B.C.), Ecclesiastes commends companionship (4 9 ), and cheerful-
ness (g 7 ), but also contentment (6 9 ), and moderation in sensual
pleasures to avoid painful consequences (n 10 ). He warns against
wrong-doing, since it entails punishment (y 17 , 5"). He does not
deny the existence of God (5 2 ), but he disbelieves a moral order
of the universe: divine influence on this world where there is so
much imperfection and evil seems to him impossible. In the
RELATION OF QOHELETH TO GREEK THOUGHT 39
same way he doubts the immortality of the soul (3 21 ); death ends
all consciousness (9 10 )- He by no means commends nothing but
eating and drinking and pleasure (8 15 2 24 5 18 , cf. 3"); he also
preaches the gospel of work (3" p 10 )."
The part of this argument which relates to immortality has
already been considered. Unfortunately for the Epicurean theory,
an old Babylonian parallel to Eccl. 9 7 - 9 a parallel which contains
the heart of this supposed Epicurean philosophy has been dis-
covered. It occurs in a fragment of the Gilgamesh epic found
on a tablet written in the script of the Hammurabi dynasty (about
2000 B.C.), and was published by Meissner in the Mitteilungen
der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1902, Heft i. On p. 8, col.
iii, 1. 3, we read:
OINCE the gods created man,
Death they ordained for man,
Life in their hands they hold,
Thou, O Gilgamesh, fill indeed thy belly,
Day and night be thou joyful,
Daily ordain gladness,
Day and night rage and make merry,
Let thy garments be bright,
Thy head purify, wash with water,
Desire thy children which thy hand possesses,
A wife enjoy in thy bosom,
Peaceably thy work (?)...
As Hubert Grimme pointed out (Orientalische Literaturzeitung,
Vol. VIII, col. 432^".), this is a most striking parallel to Eccl. 9 6 - 9 .
Also their (the dead's) love as well a* their hate and their jealousy
have already perished, and they have again no portion in all that is
done under the sun. Come eat thy bread with joy and drink thy wine
with a glad heart, for already God hath accepted thy works. At all
times let thy garments be white, and let not oil be lacking on thy head.
Enjoy life with a woman whom thou lovest all the days of thy vain life
which he gives thee under the sun, for it is thy lot in life and thy toil which
thou toilest under the sun.
These passages are not only strikingly similar, but in parts the
Hebrew seems to be a translation of the Babylonian (see Com-
/40 ECCLESIASTES
mentary). The existence of the influential Jewish colony called
the "Gouliouth" in Babylonia and its great influence on the Jews
of Palestine is well known. There can be little doubt that it was
through this channel that this Babylonian philosophy of life be-
came known to Qoheleth and influenced him.
This old Babylonian philosophy, too, it should be noted, con-
tains the heart of all that has been considered Epicurean in
Qoheleth. The eating and drinking, the enjoyment of one's labor,
the cheerfulness, the delight in pleasure, the feeling that death
ends all all these are contained in it. The script in which it is
written attests the existence of these sentiments as early as 2000
B.C., at a time when there is no reason to doubt that they are
a product of purely Semitic thought. Qoheleth was, in all prob-
ability, acquainted with the Babylonian poem. It is not likely that
his whole point of view came from Babylonia, but he adopted the
sentiment of the poem, because it expressed a point of view which
he had himself reached, while his own thought was made possible
by some phases of Jewish thought in the particular period when
he lived. Semitic thought in Babylonia had, almost two millennia
before Qoheleth, traversed the cycle which Jewish thought was
in his person treading.
The point of immediate interest is that the discovery of this
parallelism effectually disposes of the theory that Qoheleth was
indebted to the thought of Epicurus. Epicurean influence was
exceedingly problematical even before this discovery, for Epicu-
reanism was in its way as dogmatic and austere as Stoicism.
Qoheleth betrays no trace of the Epicurean dogma that all
knowledge comes from sensation, no trace of Epicurean canonic,
or natural science, or theology, or morals. Such likenesses as
may be discovered are cast in a thoroughly Semitic mould of
thought, and are mere coincidences. It may, of course, be urged
that it would not be necessary for Qoheleth to adopt the peculiarly
Greek characteristics of either Stoicism or Epicureanism in order
to be influenced by some of the fundamental conceptions of these
systems; but it may be said in reply that no Hebrew could probably
be influenced by them without adopting on some points their
peculiar methods or dogmatism. St. Paul, Philo, and Justin
RELATION OF QOHELETH TO GREEK THOUGHT 41
Martyr, for example, adopted the allegorizing method, and prob-
ably Qoheleth would betray some non-Semitic trait were such
influence real.
McNeile (Ecclesiastes, pp. 44 jf.) has pointed out that Zeno,
the founder of Stoicism, was of Phoenician stock, and that, though
Ecclesiastes contains some of the seed-thoughts of Stoicism, it
only means that another Semite under the influences of the same
period in the world's history developed under a somewhat different
environment some of the same ideas. Our present knowledge
makes it possible to contend concerning the resemblances between
Qoheleth and Epicurus, not that the former borrowed from the
latter, but that Epicurus was indebted for his seed-thought to
Qoheleth's great forerunner, the Babylonian poet, and that this
thought he worked up metaphysically and dogmatically, thus giving
it a setting in accordance with the prevailing genius of the Greek
philosophy of the period. In favor of such a thesis a strong argu-
ment could be made without harboring any of the extravagant
fancies of the contemporary pan-Babylonian school of Germany,
but the problem belongs rather to the history of Greek philosophy
than to a commentary on Ecclesiastes.
For full descriptions of the teachings and influence of Epicurus,
see Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans, and Skeptics, London, 1892; Wallace,
Epicureanism, London, 1880; and Guyan, La Morale d 1 Epicure,
Paris, 1878. The name Epicurus appears in the Talmud as Apikoros.
It is equivalent to "free-thinker" and is used in a way which shows that
the writers of the Talmud had only the vaguest notions of his philosophy.
Cf. Jewish Encyc. I, 665 ff.
The fact that the Babylonian influence reached some Greek
philosophical thinkers has been made evident by the discovery that the
mystic number of Plato's Republic, Book viii, is of Babylonian origin.
This was first shown by Aures, Recueil de Travaux, XV, 69-80, who,
after examining the interpretations which Le Clerc in 1819, Vincent
in 1839, Martin in 1857, and Tannery in 1870, had put upon Plato's
language, finally adopted the explanation of Dupuis (1881) that the
number was 21,600 and claimed that in the mathematical tablet of
Senkereh this number represented 6 shars=^o US. = i kasbu. James
Adam, in his Republic of Plato, Cambridge, 1902, Vol. II, p. 206 ff.,
argued with great acuteness that the number contemplated by Plato
was 12,960,000. The factors of this number Hilprecht (Babylonian
42 ECCLESIASTES
Expedition of the University 0} Pennsylvania, Series A, Vol. XX, Pt. i)
found on Babylonian exercise tablets in such a way as to show that it
was regarded by the Babylonians as a mystic number. He holds this
to be a confirmation of Adam's calculation and also of the Babylonian
origin of the numbers. Even Georg Albert admits (Die Platonische
Zahl als Pr'dzessionszahl, Leipzig and Wien, 1907), that the Babylonian
origin is possible, although he differs from Dupuis and Adam in
the interpretation of the Greek, reiterating a view which he set forth in
1896 (Die Platonische Zahl) that the number intended is 2592, one of
the factors of 12,960,000, and referred to the procession of the equinoxes.
Epicurus lived through the period of the conquests of Alexander
the Great. He began teaching in Athens in the year 306 B.C., seventeen
years after the death of Alexander, at a time when the channels through
which Babylonian influences might pour into Greece were all open.
It is scarcely necessary to refute Dillon's statement that Qoheleth
was influenced by Buddhism (see above, p. 27). Dillon supports his
statement by no extended argument, and it seems clear that such par-
allels between Ecclesiastes and Buddhistic teaching as might be cited
are in all probability due to independent, though parallel, develop-
ments of thought.
The fact is, as Edward Caird (Lectures on the Evolution of Re-
ligion; Vol. I, ch. vii, x, xiii, xiv) observed, that in various centres
positive and theoretical religions have been developed out of prim-
itive nature religions, and that wherever this has been the case, a
similar course of evolution, independent though parallel, may be
observed. The instances noted by Caird are Buddhism, Judaism,
and Stoicism. That the primitive, and, to some extent, the pro-
phetic conceptions of religion were to Israel's thinking minds prov-
ing inadequate, even before Qoheleth, the Book of Job attests.
McNeile (op. cit., p. 44 jf.) has already made good use of Caird's
principle in showing that Qoheleth represents a stage in the de-
velopment of Jewish religious thought parallel in some respects to
Stoicism, though independent of it.
The principle may be applied with justice, though in a less ex-
tended way, to the likenesses between Ecclesiastes and Epicurus.
Where primitive types of religious conception were beginning to
be regarded as inadequate, it was natural for men to find a kind
of satisfaction for a time in the effort to make the most out of the
present life and its temporary pleasures. We have already seen
THE INTEGRITY OF ECCLESIASTES 43
how Babylonian thought passed through this phase, and Herodotus
tells us (Bk. 2 78 ) that Egyptian thought passed through a similar
phase, which gave birth to the custom of carrying a mummy
around the table at a feast and exhorting each guest to make the
most of his opportunity, for one day he would, like the mummy,
be unable to participate in such joys. This point of view is also
exhibited in native Egyptian poetry. See W. Max Miiller's
Liebespoesie der alien Agypter, 30-35. .
Qoheleth represents such a stage in Hebrew thought. He did
not invent the conception of Shed, which appears in his book, as a
place of dismal half-consciousness. It is the old Semitic concep-
tion, set forth in the Babylonian poem of Ishtar's Descent (KB., VI),
and in the OT. in Is. i4 aff Ez. 32 18 - 31 , and is even reiterated by
some late Psalmists (cf. Ps. 88 10 ii5 17 )- Qoheleth's point of
view is a natural evolution, therefore, from Israel's earlier thought
as natural as that which took place in Babylonia or in Egypt.
The evolution of thought in Greece may as naturally have produced
Epicurus. If either Qoheleth or Epicurus was in any way in-
debted to the Babylonian poet, it was because the development of
thought in their respective countries made his conceptions of life
welcome to many Hebrew and Greek minds.
The book of Ecclesiastes represents, then, an original develop-
ment of Hebrew thought, thoroughly Semitic in its point of view,
and quite independent of Greek influences.
McNeile has pointed out (Ecclesiastes, pp. 45 ff., 50 ff.) that more
real affinity of thought exists between Qoheleth and Xenophanes of
Colophon, or Qoheleth and Pyrrho and the Sceptics, than between
Qoheleth and the Stoics. McNeile, however, rightly declares that no
conta.ct on the part of Qoheleth with either of these philosophies can
be maintained. The Sceptics were in their way as dogmatic and as
Greek as the Stoics or Epicureans (cf. Zeller, op. cit., 514-563), while
Qoheleth is thoroughly Semitic.
7. THE INTEGRITY OF ECCLESIASTES.
It is clear from what has been said in 5 that the most diverse
opinions upon this point exist among scholars. Cornill and Ge-
nung, on the one hand, maintaining vigorously the entire unity
44 ECCLESIASTES
of the work as it stands (Cornill counting the work one of the
greatest triumphs of Hebrew faith), while Siegfried and Haupt,
at the other extreme, regard the book as the product of so many
hands that its original features are entirely obscured. The truth
will be found to lie somewhere between these two extremes, and
somewhat nearer the former than the latter.
The title, ch. i 1 , "The words of Qoheleth, son of David, king
in Jerusalem," may readily be granted without controversy to be
the work of an editor. The analogy of the titles to the prophetic
books makes this probable. To this same editor we probably
owe the words " says Qoheleth" in i 2 7" and i2 8 . The writer
of the book usually speaks of himself in the first person (see i 12
2l. 13. 18 o!2. 16 A\. 4. 7 -18 fol <-rl5. 25 - 26 8 10 ' 16 O 1 ' 11- 13 IO 5 V The
words "says Qoheleth" interrupt the rhythm in i 2 and 12", while
in 7" they actually interrupt a discourse in the first person; we
conclude, therefore, that they are probably editorial. Further,
ch. i2 9 - 10 , which speaks of Qoheleth in the third person and praises
his work, is, as a number of recent interpreters have seen, doubtless
the work of the editor also. Ch. i2 u - 12 , which praises the work of
Israel's wise men in general, and utters a warning against reading
other books (i.e., probably books outside the OT. canon), is
also from the hand of an editor or glossator. McNeile assigns it
to the Hokma glossator, but it seems to me probable that the two
are really one. I can see no reason for calling in the aid of
another writer at this point. To these we must add the words,
a End of discourse all has been heard," at the beginning of i2 13 ,
which marked the conclusion of the book as the Hokma editor
left it. (For reasons, see crit. note on i2 13 ).
If now we remove these editorial words and sentences, is the
rest of the book a unity? Are there any utterances so contradic-
tory that they could not have been uttered by the same mind ? In
answer we must examine the book. Through the first two chap-
ters the thought flows on connectedly, as most interpreters have
recognized, until we come to 2 26 , when we suddenly come upon a
sentiment which is in direct contradiction to most of the statements
which have preceded it in the chapter, and which contains the or-
thodox Jewish doctrine of rewards and punishments. It is incon-
THE INTEGRITY OF ECCLESIASTES 45
ceivable that a writer should say in the same chapter, that the wise
man and the fool have the same fate (2 15 - 16 ) and that there is no
good but eating and drinking and enjoying one's self (2 24 ), and
also say that God punishes the sinner and rewards the good (2 M ).
We accordingly are compelled to conclude that 2 26 comes from the
hand of a Chasid or Jewish orthodox glossator, whose philosophy
of life was that of the Pharisees.
Did this glossator add any other passages to the book ? If we
find any similar sentiments which interrupt and contradict their
context, we must conclude that he did. McNeile holds that ch.
3 14b , "God hath done it that men may fear before him," is such a
gloss, but in this he seems to me mistaken. That the mysterious
and inexplicable being whom Qoheleth considered God to be
should wish men to fear before him, is as consonant to the thought
of Qoheleth, as in a different sense to that of the Chasid. Senti-
ments similar to those of ch. 2 26 are, however, found in 3 17 7 18b -
26b. 29 g2b. 3a . 5. 6a. ii-is Il9 b I2 ia. 13 (f ro m the words " f ear God")
and 14 . All these breathe the same sentiments and either
interrupt or contradict the chief teachings of the book, and in
most cases do both. As the last of these glosses forms the conclu-
sion of the book, coming after the concluding words of the editor,
we conclude that the Chasid glossator's was the last hand to anno-
tate Ecclesiastes as it stands in our canon. To the Chasid glosses
thus enumerated, McNeile would add 5 1 - 7 , the passage on rash
vows. I see no reason, however, why the whole of this passage,
except the two allusions to dreams, may not belong to Qoheleth.
His views did not exclude the worship of God altogether, and they V
would naturally lead him to denounce sham and insincerity in re- I
ligion. The only real argument against the genuineness of this
section is that it interrupts Qoheleth's reflections on political affairs,
to which the preceding and following sections are devoted. No
ancient Jew, however (except possibly the Priestly Writers in the
Pentateuch), least of all Qoheleth, is sufficiently systematic in the
arrangement of his sections, so that this argument can really be of
weight where, as here, not a single verse but a whole section inter-
venes, and that section is not on the whole out of harmony with
Qoheleth's position. Vv. 3 and y a , however, interrupt Qoheleth's
46 ECCLESIASTES
thought, and are cast more in the form of the mashal proverbs. We
conclude, therefore, that they were introduced by some writer who
was especially interested in wisdom sayings cast in a poetic form.
We must next inquire whether there may not be other proverbial
sayings in Ecclesiastes which so interrupt the argument of the
book as to make it impossible that they should have been inserted
by Qoheleth himself. A careful study of the work convinces us
that there are, and that the following passages are such wisdom or
Hokma glosses: 4 5 5 3 - 7a 7 la - 3 - 5 - 6 - 9 - u - 12 - 19 8 1 g 17 - 18 lo 1 - 8 - 8 - 14a -
is. is. 19. Xo these passages McNeile would add 4 9 - 12 , which Sieg-
fried and Haupt also regard as glosses; but the verses, though
proverbs, are so appropriate to the context that I cannot persuade
myself that Qoheleth did not quote them. As we have seen above,
the editor of the book was much interested in the work of the wise,
and it is quite possible that the proverbial glosses just enumerated
were introduced by him. There is no necessity, therefore, of sup-
posing that more than two hands have made additions to Eccle-
siastes since it left the hands of Qoheleth. One was an editor
deeply interested in the Wisdom Literature, and the other who
came after him, was deeply imbued with the spirit of the Phari-
sees. The first edited the book because it formed an important
addition to the Wisdom Literature, and possibly, too, because he
thought it a work of Solomon (see on i2 9 ). The second, finding
such a work attributed, as he supposed, to Solomon, added his
glosses, because he thought it wrong that the great name of Solo-
mon should not support the orthodox doctrines of the time.
The material, added by these glossators as catalogued above, is,
however, but a small part of the material in the book.
8. QOHELETH'S THOUGHT IN OUTLINE.
The book opens with an introduction or preface (ch. i 1 - 11 ) in
which Qoheleth sets forth his conviction that everything is vain.
Life and the processes of nature are an endless and meaningless
repetition. Men are unconscious of the repetition, because each
generation is ignorant of the experiences of the generations which
have gone before it,
QOHELETH'S THOUGHT IN OUTLINE 47
As though to give a demonstration of the thesis of the preface
Qoheleth, in the next section of the book (i 12 -2 26 ), narrates his ex-
periments, under the assumed character of King Solomon, in seek-
ing satisfaction first in wisdom (i 12 - 16 ), then, in material and sen-
sual things (2 1 - 11 ), next, in the virtues of folly (2 12 - 17 ), and lastly, he
states (2 18 - 26 ) the conclusions to which his various experiments
have led. These conclusions are that there is no permanent satis-
faction in any kind of earthly activity. All labor is alike vain.
There is nothing better than to eat and drink and gain such animal
satisfaction as one can while life lasts. This is, it is true, vain,
i.e., fleeting, but it is the only ray of satisfaction in a world of vain
toil and transient phenomena.
Qoheleth then proceeds (3 1 - 15 ) to exhibit man's helplessness in
the grip of those laws which God has established. Human activi-
ties are limited to certain times and seasons in which man goes his
little round doing only what other men have done before. His
nature cries out for complete knowledge of the works of God, but
God has doomed him to ignorance, so that the best he can do is to
eat and drink and ignorantly get what little enjoyment he can
within these limitations. The philosophy which is for the second
time repeated here, bears a striking resemblance to that of the
Gilgamesh fragment quoted above.
A section then follows (3 16 - 22 ) which is but loosely connected
with the preceding, in which Qoheleth argues that the oppressions
of human government and the injustices of human courts prove
that men are like beasts, and the fact that both experience the same
death, and return to the same dust, confirms this. Immortality is
such a questionable thing, that another argument is found for the
Semitic theory which the Babylonian poet had formulated long
before Qoheleth, that the bast one ra.r| dn is to make; the most of
t{ie present.
From the general reflections suggested by oppression and injus-
tice, Qoheleth passes in the next section (4*-^) to a closer examina-
tion of man's inhumanity to man, speaking first of the pathos of
the oppression of the weak by the powerful, then, of the envy
created by rivalry, and, lastly, of the lonely miser's inhumanity to
himself. He contents himself here with a statement of facts; the
48 ECCLESIASTES
conclusion to be drawn from them had been stated at the end of
ch. 3. Ch. 4 13 - 16 sets forth the vanity or transient nature of popu-
larity as exhibited in the history of two young unnamed kings.
The statement suggests that the acme of human glory is even more
vain than other forms of human activity.
In ch. 5 1 - 7 Qoheleth offers us his most extended remarks upon re-
ligion. The two glosses (5" and 7j_) on dreams do not seriously
interrupt the flow of his thought. He had in ch. 3 revealed his
conception of God as a powerful being, who keeps man in ignorance
(3 11 emended text), and who has circumscribed man in the inex-
orable meshes of fate, so that man may fear him. Now Qoheleth
goes on to counsel obedience, reverence, and a faithful perform-
ance of one's covenants with God. His conception of God is dark,
but such religion as he has is sincere. Qoheleth has no tolerance
for shams, nor sympathy with the glib worshipper who in a mo-
ment of fright will covenant with God for anything, if only he may
escape the impending danger, and then go his way and forget it
when the danger is past. What in his view the real function of re-
ligion was, he does not tell us, but he does insist that such religious
practices as one engages in should be reverent and sincere.
In ch. 5 8 -6 9 Qoheleth returns again to the subject of oppression,
which in every Oriental country, as in every despotism, is so pain-
ful an element in life. He first observes that in a country ruled by
a hierarchy of officers oppression is to be expected, though a king
is on the whole an advantage, and then passes to the consideration
of the various kinds of oppression which grow out of the love of
money. In the course of this discussion he more than once (5 18 19
6 2 3 ) reiterates his theory, that the one ray of light on life is to eat
and drink and gain what enjoyment one can, without wearing one's
self out in useless labor. This is transient (vain, 6 9 ), but there is
nothing better.
These thoughts lead Qoheleth in ch. 6 10 - 12 to revert to the theme
of ch. 3, the contrast between puny man and fate. In ch^ y 1 - 14 Qo-
heleth introduced a few proverbs which enforced his point of view.
These the Hokma glossator has considerably amplified with prov-
erbs which have no bearing on the question in hand.
Then, as though the indictment against the order of the world
QOHELETH'S THOUGHT IN OUTLINE 49
were not sufficiently strong, Qoheleth in the next section (y
enters upon a second arraignment of life. He sets forth, excluding
interpolations, in 7 15 - 22 the uselessness of going to extremes, in 7 M -*
his judgment of women, in 8 1 - 9 he reflects once more upon despot-
ism, in 8 10 - 15 he reiterates his conviction that the results of right-
eousness and godlessness are the same, in S 16 ^ 1 he describes an-
other fruitless experiment to fathom the world by wisdom, and in
9 2 - 6 the hopelessness of humanity's end; while in 9 7 - 16 he, in view of
this argument, restates again more fully that Semitic philosophy
of life, which he holds in common with the Babylonian poet, and
at one point, as we have seen, almost quotes that poet's words.
Ch. 9 17 -io 3 are glosses added by the Hokma editor.
In the next section (io 4 - 20 ) a section greatly interpolated by the
Hokma editor Qoheleth offers still further advice as to the proper
conduct to be observed toward rulers.
Lastly, in the final section, ch. n 1 -i2 8 , Qoheleth utters his final
counsels. He has probed life and the world relentlessly. He has
stated his conclusions frankly, undeterred by any sentimental rea-
sons. He has been compelled to find the older religious concep-
tions of his people inadequate, and the newer conceptions, which
some about him were adopting, unproven. His outlook has forced
him to pessimism, but, nevertheless, his concluding advice, in ac-
cordance with the Semitic philosophy, which more than once dur-
ing his writing has come to the surface, is manly and healthy, if
not inspiring. Enter into life heartily, be kindly, venture to sow
and reap and fill the whole round of life's duties while you can.
Let the young man, therefore, make the most of his youth, for the
inevitable decay of bodily powers will come with advancing age,
and the cheerlessness of Sheol will terminate all.
Such are Qoheleth's thoughts and such is his advice. His phi-
losophy of life, though in a sense hopeless, is not immoral. He
nowhere counsels debauchery or sensuality; he rather shows that
in these there is no permanent enjoyment. Though a sceptic, he
had not abandoned his belief in God. It is true that God is for
him no longer a warm personality or a being intimately interested
in human welfare. The ancestral faith of Israel in Yahweh has
been outgrown; Qoheleth never uses the name. God is an in-
50 ECCLESIASTES
scrutable being. It is vain to seek to understand his works. All
we can know is that he holds men in the iron vice of fate. Never-
theless Qoheleth preaches a gospel of healthy work and the full
enjoyment of life's round of duties and opportunities. Let a man
fulfil these while he bravely faces the real facts of life this is the
sum of Qoheleth's teaching.
It is a teaching which is to a Christian chilling and disappoint-
ing, but Qoheleth's negative work had, no doubt, a function to
perform in clearing away outworn conceptions before a new,
larger, truer, and more inspiring faith could have its birth.
His book probably owes its presence in the canon to the fact that
he had impersonated Solomon in the early part of it. This was
taken literally by the unimaginative. Orthodoxy afterward added,
as we have seen, some sentences, to soften the teaching of the
book for Pharisaical ears.
9. WAS QOHELETH WRITTEN IN METRICAL FORM?
Two different scholars, Zapletal (Die Metrik des Buches Kohelet,
Freiburg, Schweiz, 1904) and Haupt (Koheleth, Leipzig: his
views were set forth in 1905 in English in his Ecclesiastes, Balti-
more), propounded quite independently of each other the theory
that the whole of the original work of Qoheleth was composed
in metrical form. Both scholars have naturally proceeded to
make this theory a guide in the textual criticism of the book,
though the metrical criterion in the hands of Zapletal leads to far
less radical results than in the hands of Haupt.
A candid study of the book leads, however, to the conclusion
that, as applied to the whole book, this metrical theory is a mistake,
however true it may be for parts of it. Clear, too, as some of the
characteristics of Hebrew poetry are, our knowledge of Hebrew
metre is still in too uncertain a state to enable any scholar to make
it a basis for textual criticism with any hope of convincing any
* considerable number of his colleagues of the validity of his results.
(See Cobb's Criticism of Systems of Hebrew Metre, 1905.) To
bring any Hebrew text into conformity to the metrical rules of
one of our modern schools requires the excision of many words and
WAS QOHELETH WRITTEN IN METRICAL FORM 51
phrases. Such excision may, in a work clearly poetical, be often
obviously right, though in many cases it seems probable that a He-
brew poet varied the length of his lines to the despair of modern
students of metre. But to go through a book large parts of which
are in prose and turn it into metrical form by cutting out much
of its material seems unwarranted. Such methods are calculated
to create doubts as to the validity of metrical criteria generally,
and to cast unjust suspicion upon them even for real poetry.
The real form of Ecclesiastes was recognized as long ago as the
middle of the eighteenth century. Bishop Lowth, in his Lectures
on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, Lect. xxiv, says: "The style
of this book (Ecclesiastes) . . . possesses very little of poetical
character, even in the composition and structure of the periods."
He adds in a footnote: " It is the opinion of a very ingenious writer
that the greater part of this book was written in prose, but that it
contains many scraps of poetry, introduced as occasion served,
and to this opinion I am inclined to assent." He refers to
Desvceux, Tent. Phil, and Crit. in Eccles., lib. ii, cap. i. (Cf.
also J. D. Michaelis, Poetischer Entwurf der Gedanken des Pre~
diger-Buchs Solomon, 1751). The correctness of this view was
recognized by Ewald, who in his Dichter des alien Bundes trans-
lated parts of the book as poetry and the rest as prose. Driver
has recently in his edition of the text of Qoheleth (in Kittel's Biblia
Hebraica, 1905) arranged all the material metrically which will at
all lend itself to metrical arrangement, but treats large portions of
it as prose. Briggs holds the same opinion, although he regards
the conception of the book as poetic fiction belonging with Job to
the Wisdom Literature. Ewald's method is followed in the transla-
tion given below, where an attempt has been made to give in He-
brew parallelism all the parts which can justly be regarded as
metrical. To suppose that the whole book was of necessity poeti-
cal in form because parts of it are, is to forget the analogy of the
prophetical books, in which the degree of liberty which Hebrew
writers might allow themselves in alternating between prose and
poetry is amply illustrated. The thought of Qoheleth, as Genung
has well said, is prosaic. It is a prose book; the writer, in spite of
occasional parallelism, "has the prose temper and the prose work
52 ECCLESIASTES
to do." This is true, on the whole, in spite of the fine poetical
passage in ch. 12 with which the book originally closed.
10. THE LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF QOHELETH.
The Hebrew in which the book of Ecclesiastes is written exhibits
some of the latest developments of that language which appear in
the Old Testament. The decadent character of the tongue, as
here employed, appears in the use of Aramaic and Persian words,
the employment of late words used elsewhere only in the Mishna;
in the use of late developments and mixtures of Hebrew forms, the
absence or infrequent use of characteristic constructions, such as
the waw consecutive, and the frequent employment of syntactical
constructions rare in the older books.
Proof of the statement just made may be offered as follows. (This
list of linguistic peculiarities is by no means exhaustive) :
A. Aramaic words, forms and constructions. ^an as cstr. in i 2 ;
"iao, i 10 2 16 3 15 4 2 6 10 9 6 - 7 ; pjj?, i 13 2 23 - 26 3 l 4 s 5 2 - 13 ; jpn, i 15 7 13 i2 9 ;
njnp, 2 8 5 7 ; natr 4 2 ; -^ nsjJ-Sj?, 5 15 ; D^DJ, 5 18 6 2 ; njj?o 5 19 ; -i 1 ?^, 6 6 ; Ti?0,
nag 9 l ; anp, 9 18 ; pp-ia, io 8 ; po, io 9 ; omn p, io 17 ; jns, io 20 ; nnS, n 9 - 10 ;
Saa, i2 3 ; nua-n, 12".
B. Persian words. Dins, 2 5 ; oans, 8 11 .
C. Forms and words identical with those of the Mishna. >N= " woe,"
4 10 - io 16 , cf. Mish. Yebamoth, i3 7 , and the references in Ja. 43b; njiaN =
"caper-berry," i2 5 , cf. Ma'aseroth, 4*, etc., and Ja. $b; rir = nsr, 2 2 - 24 -
gis ^23 gis } c f, "i^ Erub. 4 6 , Yom. 3 3 ; -N-tn HT, where N-in is a copula as in the
Mishnic abbreviated inr, i 17 , etc., c/". Xe/. 5 10 , etc., also Dr. 201 (3);
Da. 106, rem. 2; the use of n with nouns without the article, as n? VD,
8 9 9 1 , like the Mishnic ni ^N, and n? nT = "this" . . . "that," also
without the art., 3 19 6 5 7 14 - 1S n 6 ; nr >N = " what" or "what then," 2 3 u 6
cf. Peak, 7 8 , and K6. 70, 414111; N^;="be guiltless" or "quit from,"
7 18 , cf. Berakoth, 2 l ; rt>no="the power of seeing" or "enjoying," 6 9 n 9 ,
cf. Yoma, j^b, BDB. gogb and Ja. 834b; >, 5 9 and "isiy T, 9 4 =" who-
ever," c/". Sheb. 9 s - 9 ; -^ used instead of II^N as a relative 89 times. It
occurs a few times in the older literature from the song of Deborah down
(see, on i 3 ); in Cant, and Eccl. it occurs side by side with IITN, marking
a transition period; in the Mishna it displaces "it?N entirely.
D. Late developments of Hebrew forms. Here may be noted the
RELATION OF ECCLESIASTES TO BEN SIRA 53
omission of syncope in writing the article after prepositions, as
8 1 ; the fondness for abstracts in p as in.ni, j 13 {jri, pto^tf, etc.; fondness
also for abstracts in ni, as ni>n, i 14 , etc.; n-iSsir, i 17 , n-i^sD, 2 3 , n-iSSvi, ic 11 ,
niSfltf, io 18 , n-nS\ n 9 ; the confusion of stems "N 1 ? and "nS, e.g., NJpin, 2**,
8 12 9 2 - 18 , see also Q.'s treatment of the forms of NX% y 2 * io 5 , N?^, 8 l ,
and cf. Ges. K - 7500; the confusion of forms yy with forms "y, as cnn;
from tt'jrn, 2 25 , TW from i'XJ, i2 5 , written with N like asp from Dp (in Hos.
io 4 ); the pron. 'OJN never appears, it is always "UN; HSDN, i2 n , found
only i Chr. 26" 17 , Ne. i2 25 , where it forms its plural differently.
E. Late syntactical developments. Waw consecutive with the imperf.
occurs but three times, i 17 4 1 - 7 . On the other hand, the participial con-
struction is most frequent i 4 - 8 2 14 - 19 3 20 - 21 4 5 5 7 6 12 8 12 - 14 - 16 9 5 io 19 ,
etc. The part, is frequently accompanied by a personal pronoun as
its subject, as Nin rn'iT, i 5 , ootf on, i 7 , -ox xsin. y 26 . -ON jnr, 8 12 , cf.
the Mishna, Nedarlm, u 7 . These participial sentences are frequently
negatived with fx, as o^jni'' orx, 4 17 , ngf -i:.rN, 9 2 , y_n^ ^N, n 5 , c/".
Mish., ATaz., 2 4 . A similar construction often occurs with verbal ad-
jectives, cf. Spj? ->JN, 2 18 , Spj? N-in, 2 22 , ion -UIPN, 6 2 , N^D -la^N, i 7 . ^JN is
often used pleonastically with the first person of the verb, as 'js >mDN,
2 i, is^ > JN -.niN-i, 2 13 - 24 5 17 ; c/. also i 16 2 11 - 12 - 1S - 14 - 18 - 20 - 24 3 17 4 1 - 7 8 16 , etc.,
and Ges. K - i3$b. ~^a = "because," 2 16 and itt ! N3 = " because," 7 2 - 8 4 ,
as in NH., c/". K6. 3896. xS "\irx ij*=" while not," I2 1 - 5 , like the
Mishnic xSc ; -9, Berakoth, 3 5 ; c/. Ko. 387 o.
F. Hebrew used in Greek idiom. The one instance of this, ofc7^=
"he passes them," i.e., "days," 6 12 , where the idiom of iroieiv xP^ vov
is reproduced, has already been noted above, 6 (i).
II. THE RELATION OF ECCLESIASTES TO BEN SIRA.
Wright (Ecclesiastes , pp. 41-46), Schechter (The Wisdom of Ben
Sira, by S. Schechter and C. Taylor, Cambridge, 1899), and
McNeile (Ecclesiastes, pp. 34-37) have proved that the book of
Ecclesiastes was known to Ben Sira and influenced him to such a
degree that the book of Ecclesiasticus clearly betrays its depend-
ence upon Qoheleth's work. The evidence is so strong that
Noldeke (ZAW. XX, 90 ff.) declares that contrary to his expecta-
tion he has been led to the same conclusion. Noldeke and McNeile
agree that Ben Sira used Qoheleth in its completed form, and
this is clearly proved by the evidence. I quite agree with Nol-
deke, op. cit., 93, that DS. Margouliouth in his Origin of the
" Original Hebrew" of Ecclesiasticus, London, 1899, has failed to
54
ECCLESIASTES
show that the Hebrew of BS. is not original but dependent on
the Greek.
The proof of the priority of Qoheleth is of three kinds : (i) Passages
extant in the Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus, which show depend-
ence upon the Hebrew of Qoheleth ; (2) Passages not yet recovered
in the Hebrew, but the Greek of which is clearly a translation of
Hebrew practically identical with that of Qoheleth, and (3) Pas-
sages in which Ben Sira has paraphrased the thought of Qoheleth,
though clearly dependent upon it.
1. Passages of the first class are as follows:
BS. 3Q 16 and 33 , noita D 1 ?^ ^N i&yn Qoh. 3":
BS. 5 3 : DIOTU trpan "> o Qoh. 3 15 :
BS. 40": anr> px hx y~\xn SD Qoh. 3 20 - 21 :
:onn SN onan T^NI
(<& read this last clause, cb-6
vddrujv eis 6d\acrJ'a.v) = ~\'&X
01 SN DIDD.
BS. 32* (35 4 ): oannn nn np Sai.
BS. 6 5 : oian vni JDI I ?B' >^JN
^VND nnx -j-no S^ai
BS. i3 24 : VJD wieM Bhw a 1 ? Qoh. 8 1 : vjis
non 1 ? ion
p n>n
nn yii> >D
nonan
Qoh. 7 16 : inv oonnn Sxi
Qoh. 7": 'nttro qtao.nrtM CHM
DIN
BS. 37 12 :
BS. 14"- 12 :
ijn? DNl JltO? DN
nncn B^N ox -js
pin
I 1 ?
Qoh. i2 14 : :
Qoh. 8 5 : pn nan jrv
Qoh. 9 10 :
DXI a its
mxn
I 1 ?
BS. 37 23 :
BS. 43":
:nonon> DID xi
jn N 1 ? Six^S pirn
no
N 1 ? nS
xo
Qoh. i2 9 : oon n^np n>
D;VI PN npi nn 1 ? ii>'
Qoh. is 13 : nx PCK'J San -\ai PJID
vnixn nxi NII DTiS^-i
H?
If we were to accept Schechter's conjectural emendation of ija
pnn np (BS. 4 20 ) to IDJ^ pn np >j^, we should then have a parallel
to Qoh. 3 1 : pnnpW?. Noldeke and McN. regard the conjecture as
probable, but Peters and Levi retain pan.
An unbiased examination of these coincidences makes upon me the
same impression that it does upon Noldeke and McN., viz.: that Ben
RELATION OF ECCLESIASTES TO BEN SIRA 55
Sira knew the work of Qoheleth and used his words as a modern
writer might weave into his work the words of Browning or Tennyson
or any other well-known author. In at least one case (the toc^ of
Qoh. 8 1 , employed by Ben Sira, 13") it is probable that Ben Sira, as
Noldeke suggests, misunderstood Qoheleth. BS. 43" is also clearly
built on Qoh. i2 13 . As the parts of these two passages in Qoheleth,
which are referred to, are from the Hokma glossator, and one of them
forms his conclusion of the book, it is clear that Qoheleth had been
touched by the editor before Ben Sira used it.
2. The passages of the second class indicated above are as fol-
lows:
Qoh. 3 14 : p-u 1 ? ps UDDI i^oin*? fn v^y
(where vVj? refers to "all that God said").
Qoh. 8 17 : D-INTI STP vh vj OTV?Nn nfrpn Va rw *jv*ni
irct^n nnn
Cf. BS. i8 8 : O$K%<TTIV t\a.TTu>ffaio>u8 irpo<r6e'ivai
TCL 0a.Vfj.d<ria TOV Kvplov.
Qoh. 5 3 : TO^tyS nnxn Ss D-riSs 1 ? mj Tin
Cf. BS. i8 22 : fJ.T] tfJ-TToSurdris TOV airodovvai eu^V evicalpws.
Qoh. 8 12 : o-in^Nn ^N-V*? 210 n\T> nt^N ^js yiv 0)
Cf. BS. I 13 : ry <f>opv/j.tv<p TOV ictpi
Qoh. io 8 :
C/. BS. 27 26 : 6 bpvvffuv fibdpov e/s
(This may have been suggested to Ben Sira, however, by Pr.26 27 *,
as BS. 27" was apparently suggested by Pr. 26 27b .)
These parallels are as striking in their way as those given under class i.
One of the quotations (8 12 ) is from the hand of the Chasid glossator, but
it is probable that both the glossator and Ben Sira here quote an ortho-
dox sentiment of the day, for there is reason to think that BS. used
Qoheleth before the Chasid expanded it. See below on i2 13 .
3. Instances in which Ben Sira has paraphrased the words of Qo-
heleth:
Qoh. i 4 :
"Generation comes and generation goes,
But the world forever stands-"
Cf. BS. u 18 (Heb.):
"As leaves grow upon a green tree,
Of which one withers and another springs up,
So the generations of flesh and blood,
One perishes and another ripens."
Qoh. 3 7 :
"A time to keep silence,
And a time to speak,"
56 ECCLESIASTES
Cf. BS. 208-6 (Heb.):
"There is one who is silent for want of an answer,
And there is one who is silent because he sees the time."
"A wise man is silent until the time,
But a fool does not observe the time."
Qoh. 4 8b : "For whom do I toil and deprive myself of good?"
Cf. BS. i4 4 (Heb.):
"He who deprives his soul gathers for another,
And in his goods a stranger shall revel."
Qoh. 5 2b (Heb. lb ): "Therefore let thy words be few."
Cf. BS. 7 14b (Heb.): "And repeat not a word in prayer."
Qoh. 5 12b (Heb. llb ): "The satiety of the rich does not permit him to
sleep."
Cf. BS. 34 1 (Heb.):
"The wakefulness of the rich wastes his flesh,
The care of living dissipates slumber."
Qoh. 7 8b : "Better is patience than pride."
Cf. BS. 5 llb (Heb.): "In patience of spirit return answer."
Qoh. 7 14 : "In the day of prosperity be joyful; and in the day of ad-
versity, consider; even this God has made to correspond to that."
Cf. BS. 33 14 ' 15 (<): "Good is set against evil and life against death;
so is the godly against the sinner. So look upon all the works of the
Most High; there are two and two, one against another."
Also BS. 42 24 :
"All things are double one against another,
And he has made nothing imperfect."
Qoh. 9 16 : "Wisdom is better than might, but the wisdom of the poor
man is despised and his words are not heard."
Cf. BS. i3 22 cd (Heb.):
"The poor man speaks and they say 'who is this?'
Though he be weighty also they give him no place."
Qoh. ii 10 :
"Put away vexation from thy heart
And remove misery from thy flesh."
Cf. BS. 3o 2 ' (Heb.):
"Rejoice thy soul and make glad thy heart
And put vexation far from thee."
These three classes of parallels make it clear that the book of
Ecclesiastes was known to Ben Sira, and that he regarded its
teachings with favor. The Chasid glosses were probably added
after his time. (See below on i2 13 .)
ATTITUDE OF BOOK OF WISDOM TO ECCLESIASTES 57
12. THE ATTITUDE OF THE BOOK O.\ WISDOM TO ECCLESIASTES.
As Wright and McNeile have clearly proved, the author of the
Book of Wisdom, like Ben Sira, knew the work of Qoheleth, but,
unlike him, did not approve of it. In ch. 2 1 - 9 ,'ie sets himself to
correct various sayings of the ungodly, and palpably quotes as such
several of the sayings of Qoheleth. The parallelism i:? as follows:
WISDOM.
2 1 . For they (the ungodly, see
i 16 ) said within themselves, rea-
soning not rightly: Short and sor-
rowful is our life, and there is no
healing at a man's end, and none
was ever known who returned
from Hades.
2 2 . For by mere chance are we
born, and hereafter we shall be as
though we had never been; be-
cause a smoke is the breath in our
nostrils, and reason is a spark in
the beating of our hearts.
2 3 . Which being quenched, the
body shall be turned to ashes, and
the spirit shall be dispersed as thin
air.
2 4 . And our name shall be for-
gotten in time, and no one shall re-
member our works; and our life
shall pass away like the track of a
cloud, and shall be scattered as a
mist chased by the beams of the
sun and by its heat overcome.
2 s . For our life is the passing of
a shadow, and there is no retreat-
ing of our end, because it is sealed
and none turneth it back.
2 6 . Come then let us enjoy the
good things that exist, and let us
use the created things eagerly as in
youth.
QOHELETH. 'V
2 23 . For all his days are pains,
and his task is vexation, also . i
night his heart does not rest.
518 (in. The (small) number of
the days of his life.
Si'. For the fate of the sons of
men and the fate of the beasts
one fate is theirs. As is the death
of one, so is the death of the other,
and all have one spirit. Cf. also
Qoh. 9".
12 7 . And the dust shall return
to the earth as it was,
And the spirit shall return to
God who gave it.
I 11 . There is no remembrance
of former men.
2 16 . For the wise like the fool
has no remembrance forever.
9 s . Their memory is forgotten.
2 11 . The whole was vanity and
a desire of wind.
6 12 . The number of the days of
his vain life, for he spends them
like a shadow.
. 8 8 . Nor is he ruler in the day of
death.
2 24 . There is nothing better for
a man than that he should eat
and drink and enjoy himself.
58 ECCLESIASTES
WISDOM. QOHELETH.
2 7 . Let us fill ourselves with 9 7 . Drink thy wine with a glad
costly wine and ointments, and let heart,
no flowers of spring pass us by.
2. Let us crown/ourselves with 9. At all times let thy garments
rosebuds before they be withered. be white, and let not oil be lacking
for thy head.
2 9 . Let none of us be without a 3 22 . For that is his portion,
share in ^ur wanton revelry, every- 5 18 . For that is his lot.
whepe let us leave tokens of our 9 8 . For it is thy lot in life,
mifth, for this is our portion and
this is our lot.
As Qoheleth is the only Jewish writer known to us who cham-
pions such sentiments, there can be little doubt that this polemic
is directed against him. It is true that in the following verses the
author of Wisdom denounces oppressions which Qoheleth nowhere
countenances and couples them with these false doctrines; that
does not, however, prove that his shafts are not aimed at Qoheleth,
for it has in all ages been one of the methods of theological warfare
to hold the opinions of heretics responsible for the most immoral
practices.
13. DATE AND AUTHORSHIP.
It has been shown above (5) that the Solomonic authorship of
Ecclesiastes, denied by Luther in the sixteenth century, and by
Grotius in the seventeenth, was in the nineteenth century demon-
strated by scholarly interpreters to be impossible. The fact that
Solomon is not the author, but is introduced in a literary figure, has
become such an axiom of the present-day interpretation of the
book, that no extended argument is necessary to prove it. No one
at all familiar with the course of religious thought in Israel, as sci-
entific historical study has accurately portrayed it, could for a
moment ascribe the work to Solomon. The language of the book
also strongly reinforces the argument drawn from the thought. It
belongs to the latest stage of linguistic development represented in
the Old Testament. As shown above (10) not only are older
Hebrew forms and constructions changed or confused, but late
developments kindred to those of the Mishna are present, Aramaic
DATE AND AUTHORSHIP 59
words and constructions are found, at least two Persian words are
employed, while in one instance the influence of Greek, usage can
be traced. If we compare the language of Qoheleth with that of
the earliest prophetic document of the Pentateuch (J.), we shall
find that they stand at the two extremes of Hebrew linguistic de-
velopment, the former representing the latest, and the latter the
earliest. Under such circumstances the Solomonic authorship of
Ecclesiastes is unthinkable.
It has also been shown above (5) that recent interpreters are
divided as to whether Qoheleth wrote in the Persian or the Greek
period; though most of those writing in the last few years hold to
the latter era. If our recognition of a Greek idiom in Ecclesiastes
is valid, it points to a date posterior to the conquest of Alexander
the Great, for we must agree with the almost unanimous opinion
of recent interpreters that the author lived in Palestine. The ab-
sence from his work of any important Greek influence (see above,
6) is sufficient, to mention no other feature, to make a non-Pales-
tinian residence on his part out of the question.
It has long been thought that in Qoh. 5 8 there is a reference to
the Satrapial system which the Persians invented. If this be true,
it does not prove that the work is not later than the Persian period,
for, as is well known, practically the same system was continued
by Alexander and his successors. We may take the conquest of
Alexander, then, as a terminus a quo^ for the composition of our
book. We should note, however, that some little period of contact
with the Greeks should be allowed for before the writing of Eccle-
siastes, in order to account for the use of a Greek idiom. We are
thus brought down to_the_thircL.century B.C.
A terminus ad quern for Ecclesiastes is, on the other hand, fixed
for us by the book of Ecclesiasticus. As has been shown above
(11) Qoheleth, lacking the Chasid glosses, was known and
used by Ben Sira a fact which has been recognized by Tyler,
Kuenen, Margouliouth, Noldeke, A. B. Davidson, Wright, Peake,
Cornill, and McNeile. The date of Ben Sira can be pretty accu-
rately determined. His work was translated into Greek by his
grandson, who in his prologue states that he translated it soon after
he went to Egypt, and that he went thither in the thirty-eighth
60 ECCLESIASTES
year of Euergetes. As has long been recognized, this statement
can only apply to Ptolemy Euergetes II (Physcon), and is probably
reckoned from the time when he first assumed the regal dignity in
170 B.C., and not from his second assumption of it on the death of
his brother Philometor in 146 B.C., for his reign, terminating in 117
B.C., did not last thirty-eight years after that event. It could not
refer to Euergetes I (247-222 B.C.) as he reigned but twenty-five
years. We are thus brought to the year 132 (so most scholars,
e.g., Tyler, Ecdesiastes, 30; Wright, Ecclesiastes 35 jf." Sanday,
Inspiration, 98; Toy, Ecclesiasticus in EB.; K.&utzsch,Apokryphen,
I, 234-235) for the migration of the younger Ben Sira to
Egypt, soon after which he translated the work of his grandfather.
If we allow fifty years as the probable time which elapsed between
the composition of the book by the grandfather and its translation
by the grandson, we reach about i8o-776B70. as the date of the
composition of Ecclesiasticus. iFrflUsT Have been written before
the Maccabaean revolt broke out in 168 B.C., for there is no allu-
sion to Antiochus IV and his oppression of the Jews. This date
seems to be confirmed by the reference to the high priest, Simon
son of Onias in BS., ch. 50, for while there were two high priests of
that name (cf. Jos. Ant. xii, 2' and 4 l ), the second of them, to
whom reference is probably made here, lived late enough so that
Ben Sira, if he witnessed the scene which he so vividly describes in
ch. 5o u ^f., would have written about 180-175 B.C. The date of
Ecclesiasticus is thus in the opinion of most modern scholars pretty
definitely fixed.
As Ben Sira quotes Ecclesiastes after it had once been glossed
(see above 7, n), Qoheleth must have written at least twenty
years earlier. We are thus brought to about the year 200-195
B.C. as the terminus ad quern for our book. These indications
leave the whole of the third century B.C., or the very first years of
the second, open for it.
Can we define the date more closely within these limits ? Our
answer to this will depend upon our interpretation of two pas-
sages, 4 13 - 16 and io 16 - 17 . The first of these passages reads:
13 . Better is a youth poor and wise than a king old and foolish, who no
longer knows how to be admonished, ". though from the house of the re-
DATE AND AUTHORSHIP 6 1
bellious he came forth, although even in his kingdom he was born poor.
16 . I saw all the living who walk under the sun with the (second) youth
who shall stand in his stead.
lfl . There was no end to all the people all whose leader he was; more-
over those who came after could not delight in him; for this also is
vanity and a desire after wind."
Many are the interpretations which this passage has received
(see notes on 4 13 ). One of the most attractive has recently been
put forth by Haupt (Ecdesiastes}, according to which the "old and
foolish king" is Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164), and the "poor and
wise youth" Alexander Balas (150-145 B.C.). This view I for a
time adopted, but the external evidence just passed in review com-
pelled me to abandon it. Like the theory of Winckler that the
contrast intended is between Antiochus Epiphanes and Deme-
trius I it is rendered impossible by the clear proof that Qoheleth
lived before Ben Sira.
If, with the date indicated by the external evidence in mind, we
carry the book back to the verge of the third century, remembering
that in that century Palestine was under the control of Egypt, we
shall find that Hitzig was on the right track in his interpretation of
the passage. The "old and foolish king" would be Ptolemy IV
(Philopator), who died in 205 B.C., and to whom from the Jewish
point of view the description very well applies, for according to
3 Mac. he greatly persecuted the Jews, both in Palestine and
Egypt. The "poor and wise youth " would be Ptolemy V (Epiph-
anes), who was but five years old when he came to the throne.
He is perhaps called "poor and wise" because of the Jewish sym-
pathy with him and hopes from him. The "rebellious house"
probably refers to his father's persecution of the Jews. The 1 1 second
youth" (if the word "second" is genuine) would then be Antiochus
III of Syria, who had succeeded to the throne of that country at an
early age, and who, within seven years after the succession of
Ptolemy V, was warmly welcomed as sovereign of Judaea (Jos.
Ant. xii, 3 3 ). These are the only reigns in the history of the period
which at all correspond to Qoheleth's words, and it seems prob-
able that he refers to these kings. This view receives confirmation
from the second passage cited above, To 16 - 17 . It is as follows:
62 ECCLESIASTES
Woe unto thee, O land, whose king is a child,
And whose princes feast in the morning.
Happy art thou, O land, whose king is well-born
And whose princes feast at the proper time,.
As Hitzig has seen, v. 16 probably refers to the years after the
reign of Ptolemy V had begun, when Agathoclea and her brother
were the favorites in power (Justin, XXX, i), when revelry flour-
ished, and when Antiochus III (the Great) at the height of his
power was prosecuting those wars which, after inflicting much
suffering upon them, robbed Egypt of her Palestinian dominions.
Possibly, though it is by no means probable (see notes on 9 14 ff ), the
reference to the city delivered by a wise man from the siege of a
powerful king (Q 14 - 16 ) is a- reference to some incident of the wars of
Antiochus with Egypt. Probably " Happy art thou, O land,
whose king is well-born and whose princes feast at the proper time,"
is Qoheleth's welcome of the strong rule of Antiochus III. Jose-
phus tells us (Ant. xii, 3") that the Jews of their own accord went
over to him, and welcomed him to Jerusalem, assisting him to take
the citadel from the Egyptians. This passage apparently reflects
the sentiments of that welcome. Qoheleth was, then, not com-
pleted before 198 B.C. Its use by Ben Sira, on the other hand,
makes it impossible that it should have been written much later
than that year.
On the whole, vague as these historical allusions are, they make
it probable that Qoheleth did not finish his book until after the
conquest of Antiochus III, about 198 B.C. Slight as the data are,
they lead us with considerable confidence to place this work just
at the end of the period which above we held open for it, if not to
name the very year in which it was composed. This agrees with
the judgment of Hitzig, Tyler, Cornill and Genung.
The last of the third and the beginning of the second century
/B.C. forms a fitting background for such a work as Ecclesiastes.
The century which followed the death of Alexander was a trying
century for the whole East, but especially so for Palestine. Pos-
sessed by the Ptolemies, but claimed by the Seleucidae, Palestine
found herself in the precarious position of an apple of discord.
The gratitude which Seleucus I felt toward Ptolemy I for the aid
DATE AND AUTHORSHIP 63
rendered him in obtaining his empire (see Bevan, House of Seleu-
cus, I), at first secured peace between Egypt and Syria. As the
century advanced, however, the Seleucid claims were pressed and
Palestine first had to pay taxes to both (Jos. Ant. xii, 4') and then,
toward its close, became the unhappy bone of contention between
her two powerful neighbors, suffering severely. Then, too, her
internal organization must have been such as to bear heavily upon
the poor. Ptolemy III had deputed Joseph, son of Tobias, to
collect the taxes of the country (Jos. Ant. xii, 4*), and Joseph had,
in true Oriental fashion, grown rich by farming out the taxes to
subordinates, and founded a powerful house. (The ruins of the
palace of Joseph's son, Hyrcanus, may still be seen at Arakal-Emir,
east of the Jordan.) Oppressed by the tax collectors, a prey to
their rich and powerful neighbors, suffering increasingly as time
went on from the ravages of war, oppressed during the later years
of the century by the drunken favorites of a king who was a help-
less child, what more fitting theatre than the Palestine of this time
could be sought for a book like Ecclesiastes ?
To our scanty knowledge of the history of this period, Qoheleth
adds some valuable items. He tells us that both in the court and
in the temple wickedness reigned (3 16 ). In both politics and re-
ligion men were striving for selfish and sordid ends, to which the
claims of justice and righteousness were made to bend. The
populace generally groaned and wept under the oppressions of the
powerful (4 1 ) and had no redress. This oppression was aggra-
vated by the hierarchy of officials who, rising one above another,
culminated in a far-off king (5 8 m). The land is controlled by an
arbitrary despot, who often puts fools and slaves in office, degrad-
ing the rich and noble to subordinate places, but it is useless to
oppose him (io 5 - 7 ). Should one be entrusted with an official
position and incur the displeasure of his despotic master, it is bet-
ter to be conciliatory and submissive than to abandon one's post
and opportunity. The espionage of the despot is so complete that
it is unsafe even to whisper one's discontent to one's self, lest it
shall be borne to the ears of one who will regard it as treason (io 20 ).
Moreover, the king is a child, and his nobles, who exercised the power
in his name, devoted even the mornings to drunken feasting (io u ).
64 ECCLESIASTES
While the book of Ecclesiastes makes us well acquainted with
Qoheleth's thoughts and character, it throws little light upon his
circumstances and life. Some gleams of light even here are, how-
ever, not altogether wanting. We learn from 5 1 that Qoheleth
lived near the temple, and this fact is confirmed by 8 10 , in which
the connection between "the holy place" and the "city" makes it
clear that his home was Jerusalem. Some infer from n 1 , taking
it to refer to corn-trade, that he lived in Alexandria. Even if the
passage referred to trade, which is doubtful (see notes ad loc.),
it would not prove an Alexandrine residence. He was a man of
wealth who could gratify every appetite for pleasure (2 4 - 8 ). At the
time of writing Qoheleth was an old man, for he had begun keenly
to appreciate that breaking up of the physical powers and that loss
of enjoyment in the pleasures of youth which age inevitably brings
(n 9 -i2 7 ). Further confirmation of this is found in the fact
that his many experiments to find the summum bonum in pleasure,
in wisdom, and even in folly, implies fhe lapse of years. Appar-
ently, too, he had lived long enough to find himself alone with-
out son or brother (4 8 ). His life had also been embittered by an
unhappy domestic alliance, for his declaration that he had found
more bitter than death u a woman who is snares and nets her heart"
(7 26 ), as well as his declaration that one man in a thousand might
be true, but in all these he had not found one woman (y 28 ), has the
ring of an expression of bitter experience.
Only this little can we clearly make out as to the private life of
Qoheleth. Plumtre (Ecclesiastes, 35-52) draws an elaborate but
altogether fanciful picture of Qoheleth's life, while Winckler
(Altorientalische Forschungen, 2 Ser., 143-159) thinks that he was
either a king or a high priest. He argues that had he not been, so
unorthodox a writing as his would not have been preserved.
Haupt (Ecclesiastes, iff.) would interpret the wordiSn (="king")
to mean the u head of a school," as in the Talmud (Gitt. 62a, Ber.
64a), and holds that Qoheleth was a Sudducaean physician, who
presided over such a school. It is unthinkable that Qoheleth could
have been a king in the literal sense and write as he does about
government, and proof is altogether wanting that, at the time when
he wrote, schools such as Haupt contemplates had arisen. It is
DATE AND AUTHORSHIP 65
more probable that the word "king" is a part of his literary arti-
fice. It must be said also, that there is no proof that Qoheleth was
a physician. As already remarked (5) the supposition rests upon
metaphors which are exceedingly indefinite, and which are open
to quite other than anatomical interpretations. In reality Qoheleth
betrays no more knowledge of either medicine or anatomy than any
other intelligent man. To call him a Sadducee is also to anticipate
history. He belonged undoubtedly to that wealthy sceptical
aristocracy out of which the Sadducees were developed, but we
cannot trace the Sadducees before the Maccabaean time. As
McNeile (Ecclesiastes, 10) suggests, Qoheleth may have been of the
high-priestly family, and himself a religious official, as this would
account for the care with which his unorthodox book was adapted
and preserved. Qoheleth, a pseudonym which probably desig-
nates the name of an office, points in the same direction. More
than this we cannot say.
COMMENTARY.
TITLE, P. THE WORDS OF QOHELETH, SON OF DAVID,
KING IN JERUSALEM.
(This title was prefixed by the editor. Cf. Introduction, 7, and note on ia.)
The term king in Jerusalem] is an appositive of Qoheleth, not of
David. Qoheleth (<g, 'EtftfXecrtacrT???; 'A, Ka>\e'#) is a crux. It
has been variously interpreted, but probably means " an official
speaker in an assembly." See critical note below. Son of
David.] These words were intended to designate Solomon.
They were added by the editor who, on account of a hasty
inference from i l2 ff., regarded Solomon as the author. As Solo-
mon had the greatest reputation for wisdom, wealth, splendor,
and voluptuousness, the author chose him as a character through
which to set forth in literary fashion his observations on life and
his convictions concerning it. This the prosaically minded editor
mistook for authorship. For reasons why Solomon could not be
he author, see Introduction, 13.
nSnpj. Tobiah ben Eleazar, in the eleventh century, explained it as
"One who collects, assembles, and expounds, among rabbis" (rvntf nSnp
DO-Q Bhrn rnSnp Wipe), cf. Feinberg's Tobia benElieser's Commentar zu
Koheleth, Berlin, 1904.
In Midrash Rabba nSnp is explained as "Preacher, " because it is said
that Solomon delivered these discourses before the congregation
(Snp). This meaning was defended by Luther and, among present-day
scholars, by Wildeboer. Many take it to mean "Assembler" or "Col-
lector," but opinions differ greatly as to what was collected. Ra. thought
of Qoheleth as "Gatherer of wisdom," Grot, as a "Collector of experi-
ences," Wang, as "Collector of the court," Dale as "Collector of
aphorisms " which formed an address, and so "deliverer of an address";
Heng. and Gins., "An assembler of people into the presence of God."
Jer. rendered it by " Concionator," "One who addresses an assembly "
67
68 ECCLESIASTES
a meaning which is followed by Dat., De W., Kn., Heil., Del., Wr., K6.,
Strack^ McN. and Ha. This meaning comes in the end to be practically
synonymous with "Preacher." To pass by many fanciful explanations,
see Ginsburg's Coheleth, p. $ff., Dod. took it to mean "Assembly" or
"Academy," and compared German and French royal academies.
Hit. interprets it "Narrator," PL renders it "Debater," while Che.
(1893) thought it might mean "The ideal teacher." Margouliouth,
Jewish Encyc., V, 32, takes it to mean "member of an assembly."
The 05, 'E/ocXeo-iatmJs from 'E/c/cX^tr/a, "assembly," is an imitation of
n|?np. It throws little light on the meaning, as we do not know the sig-
nificance attached to it.
nSnp is found in the book as follows: ch. i 1 - 2 - t2 7" i2 8 - 9 - l . It has
the article (nVnpn) in i2 8 . In 7 37 it is construed with a fern, verb, unless,
as is probable, we are to read there nSnpn IDN. Probably, therefore, it
is an appellative. The verb Vnp, from which it comes, occurs in Hebrew
only in Ni., "to be summoned" or "assembled" (cf. Ex. 32 1 Je. 26"
Ez. 38' Est. 8 11 o 2 - 16 - 18 ), or Hi., "to collect" or "assemble" (cf. Ex.
35 1 Lev. 8 3 Nu. 20* Dt. 4 10 Ez. 38 13 Job n 10 , etc.).
The root Snp in Aram, is used in Ni. and Hi. in the same meanings
asinHeb. (cf.Ja,. 1322), Syr. = q e hal=" congregate," "collect"; Sab. Snp
nSnp=" assembly," "congregation" (D. H. Miiller, ZDMG., XXX, 685,
and Hommel, Chrest., 127). The root also survives in Saho, a south
Hamitic language, in which kahal="come together," "assemble"
(Reinsch, Saho Sprache, 210). In Ar. qahala="be dry," "shrivelled,"
"shrunk," the meaning of the root has developed in a different direction.
In form nSnp is a fern, segholate part, of the Kal. The use of the fern,
here has received different explanations. 1. Ra., AE., Ew., Hit.,
Heng. and Kue. have explained the fern, on the ground that nSnp" agrees
with or stands for wisdom (-"loan). 2. Ty. (Ecclesiastes, 57) suggests
that it denotes "one who is an assembly," i.e., it is a personification of
the assemblies of men. The fact that r^.?.P is usually construed with a
masc. verb, renders both these explanations improbable. 3. Wm.
Wright, Arab. Gram. 3d ed., 233, rem. c, explains it on the analogy of
Ar. formations as an intensive fern, formation, an opinion with which
Wr. (Ecclesiastes, 279) agrees. 4. Del., Che., No., Strack, McN. and others
explain nSnp as the designation of an office, on the ground that the fern,
ending is so used in rn.HD "scribe," Ezr. 2 55 , and oo-xn rnp/a "binder of the
gazelles," Ezr. 2". BDZJ. and Driver are undecided between 3 and 4.
This last (4) is probably the right understanding of the form; r^np
would mean, then, "an official speaker in an assembly." Another
solution of the word should be noted. Re., L' Ecclesiastes, 13, suggests
that it is a cryptogram, as Rambam is for Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon,
or Rashi for Rabbi Solomon Isaac. This is not so probable.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, OR PREFACE [Cn. !-" 69
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, OR PREFACE.
Ch. i 211 . The thesis of this preface is that everything is vanity.
Life and the processes of nature are an endless and meaningless
repetition. Men do not perceive the repetition because each genera-
tion is ignorant of the experiences of those which have gone before it.
of vanities, (says Qoheleth}
Vanity of vanities,
All is vanity.
8 . What gain has a man of his whole toil,
Which under the sun he toils ?
4 . Generation comes and generation goes,
But the world forever stands.
B . The sun rises and the sun sets,
Panting to his place he rises there.
. Going to the south and circling to the north,
Circling, circling goes the wind,
And on its circuits the wind returns.
7 . All the streams flow to the sea,
But the sea is not full ;
Unto the place whence the streams flow,
There they flow again.
s. All things are wearied,
No one is able to utter it,
The eye is not satisfied to see,
Nor the ear filled with hearing.
*. That which has been is what shall be, and that which has been
done is what shall be done, and there is nothing new under the sun.
10 . There is a thing of which one may say: see this is new! Already
was it in the ages which were before us. u . There is no remembrance
of former men, and also the men who shall be later shall have no re-
membrance with those who shall be later (still).
Vv. 2-8, as Ewald and Driver have recognized, are poetical in
form. 2. Vanity of vanities]. "Vanity" the word meant
"breath," "vapor," and then "nothingness," "vanity." It is
used of the past (Job 7 16 ) and the worthless (Lam. 4 17 ). It is a
favorite word with Qoheleth. He employs it 40 times, while in
all the rest of the OT. it is used but 33 times. As Vaih. and Re.
observe, this is the theme of the book. It is repeated in 12', the
concluding words of the original writer. Says Qoheleth], these
words were inserted by the editor. Qoheleth always speaks of
70 ECCLESIASTES
himself in the first person, see Introduction, 7. All], as has
often been noted, does not refer to the universe, but to all the
activities of life "that which is done under the sun." This the
latter context proves. Gain], found in this book nine times
(i s 2 11 - 3 twice, 3 9 5 8 15 7 12 and io 10 ) in the meaning of "surplusage,"
"advantage," "profit." 3. Under the sun]. This phrase is pe-
culiar to Qoheleth among OT. writers. It is found in EC. 25
times. It is used to denote all sublunary things, and is paralleled
by the expressions under heaven (ch. i 13 2 3 3 1 ) and "upon the
earth" (ch. 8 14 - 16 u 2 ). These latter phrases are used by other
writers, the former occurring in Ex. ly 14 Dt. 7-' 4 9" 2 K. 14", etc.,
the latter in Gn. 8 17 , etc.
4. The world forever stands]. The thought which oppresses
Qoheleth is that the earth, man's workshop, should continue,
while man himself is so short-lived. Jer. correctly perceived that
this is the meaning. A part of the thought of this vs. is paraphrased
in BS. I4 18 : " As leaves grow upon a green tree, of which one withers
and another springs up, so are the generations of flesh and blood,
one perishes and another ripens."
5. The sun rises and the sun sets]. From man Qoheleth passes
to nature, noting first that the sun continually goes his wearisome
round without accomplishing anything. Possibly as Gins, sug-
gests, Qoheleth means to hint that the sun has a little advantage
over man, for though the sun goes, he comes again, while man
passes away to return no more. Panting}. It is a question whether
the writer means to say that the sun continually pants from weari-
ness (Gins, and Cox), or whether he pants from eagerness to start
upon his course again (Wr.). Wr. adduces in favor of the latter
view the fact that the Hebrew word (n^tr) is ordinarily used in
the sense of panting for something (cf. Am. 2 7 8 4 , Job 5 5 , Ps. 56*
5 7 4 , etc.). It should be noted, however, that *\xv also has the
meaning of "panting" from exhaustion (cf. Is. 42" Jer. i4 6 and
perhaps, 2 24 ). As the latter meaning better fits the thought, it is
doubtless the one intended by Qoheleth. His conception of the
universe, as the QT and Ra. note, is that of a stationary flat earth
resting on an abyss through which there is a subterranean passage
by which the sun finds its way at night from the west to the east.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, OR PREFACE [Cn. !- 71
The word for " panting" in Heb. is used of the panting or snorting
of animals. Cleric long ago perceived that Qoheleth was thinking
of the chariot of the sun as drawn by panting steeds, as in Ovid,
Metam. XV, 418^". and Virgil, Georg. I, 250. Kn. and Wr. object
that such an idea is entirely un-Hebraic and consequently impos-
sible. Ha. has, however, pointed out that 2 K. 23" shows that
even before the exile the Israelites were familiar with it. The
comparison of Ps. 19* (Kn. and Heng.) is inapt. Qoheleth 's
mood is very different from that of the psalmist.
6. Circling, circling goes the wind]. The movements of the wind,
as well as of the sun, present a similar series of endless, wearisome
repetitions. North and south only are mentioned probably be-
cause east and west were mentioned in the preceding vs. (so
Gins.). PL's suggestion that they are alone mentioned because
north and south winds are the prevailing currents of air in Pales-
tine is erroneous. The Palestinian winds are mostly from the
west, and are quite as likely to be from the east as from the north
or south.
7. All the streams]. As a third example from nature, Qoheleth
takes the fact that the streams all continually^^ into the sea with-
out filling it. Their ceaseless work accomplishes nothing.
8. All things are wearied]. The wKole universe groans with man
because of its useless and monotonous activity. The last two
lines of the verse may be interpreted in two different ways,
(i) With Gr., PL, No. and Ha. it may be taken to mean that neither
the eye nor the ear of man is able to take in all this weariness.
This interpretation ignores, however, the literal meaning of the
words, and gives them a sense derived from the context. (2) Wr.
takes the words in their natural sense, understanding them to
mean that the meaningless rounds of nature communicate them-
selves to the spirit of man, so that eye and ear enter upon endless
courses of seeing and hearing that never satisfy. This last seems
the more probable interpretation.
9. What has been is that which shall be]. This is a general state-
ment of the fact that all things move in constant cycles. The
fact has been illustrated in preceding verses by a few striking ex-
amples. 10. Already was it]. This anticipates and answers an ob-
72 ECCLESIASTE3
jection which may be urged against the sweeping statement of v. 9.
11. There is no remembrance]. This is a strong statement of the
transitoriness of fame. As Hit., Gins., Del. and Wr. have seen,
it is not a restatement of vs. 10 that things seem new because of
ignorance of history, but is a summing up of the whole prologue.
Q. asks at the beginning: "What advantage has a man of all his
labor?" Here he returns to say in substance that even the
most famous is soon forgotten. PL and Wr. note the parallelism
of the thought to utterances of Marcus Aurelius (Lib, ii, 17; iv,
34, 35), the burden of which is that posthumous fame is oblivion.
The vs. is quoted and opposed in Wisd. 2 4 - The phrase, There is
no remembrance, as Hit. observes, corresponds to "what gain?"
The thought has completed a cycle.
2. p^nn San is the gen. expressive of the superlative idea. Cf.
O>CH|} EHp Ex. 29", o^ag -ay Gn. 9 25 , -a^y^n -pp ; Ct. i l , D^pipn *gv i K.
8 27 . Cf, M. 8ia and H. 9, 43.. The repetition of the phrase makes it
emphatic (cf. Da. 29, rem. 8, and Ko. 309111). Wr. notes that the
phrase is an ace. of exclamation (cf. Ko. 355q r). Q. means that every-
thing is fruitless, ineffectual, unavailing. The use of Sp.n as constr.
instead of Van is peculiar. Hit., followed by Zo., compares S:I_N in Ps.
35 14 , observing that owing to the kinship of 7 and 3 the chief vocal is
pressed forward. As Wr. notes, however, SJN is not a segholate. Ew.,
Del., Wr. and Wild, rightly regard it as an Aramaizing form. n;:]
Kleinert renders "nothing" or "not," comparing Ar. ma. This is in-
correct. As Wr. observes, the negative idea grows out of the interroga-
tion. *
3. fnn?], from a root which appears as ini in As., Ar., Sab. and Eth.,
but as "ini in Aram., Syr. and Heb. In north Sem. it means "to be
abundant," "remain over." SDJ?], in the earlier language, means " sor-
row," "suffering," "trouble" (cf. Gn. 41" Nu. 23 21 (both E.) and Job
3 10 4 8 , etc.). In the later lit. it means "toil," "labor" (cf. Ps. 107" EC.
2 n. 20 44. 6). AS Sieg. notes, Q. employs it of toilsome labor. In Aram.
*?DJ? also has the latter meaning (cf. Ja., sub voce). In Samaritan the
stem means "make," "do," as it does also in Ar. Perhaps Sry has
that force here
#]. This relative is kindred to the As. sa and Ph. trx. It is a demon-
strative root quite distinct from - ; N. The two existed side by side,
though -i? is but little used in the earlier literary language. It does,
however, occur in various periods, e.g., Ju. 5 7 , in what is, perhaps, the
oldest bit of Heb, in the OT., in Ju. 7 2 (J.) Ju. 6" (JE.) and Ju. 8 2S
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, OR PREFACE [Cn. !*- 73
(a late annotator). In Ct. and EC. it occurs frequently side by side with
. Herzfeld, Del. and Wr. note that in EC. ~v occurs 68 times, and
89 times. In the Mishna it has quite 'displaced ^IPN. -v here does
not denote ace. of manner, but the object (Del., Wr.). tpntfn nnn]. PI.
confidently, and Wild, hesitatingly, explain this phrase as a Graecism=
v(f>'rj\ld). Kleinert and McN. hold that this is unnecessary; it may be
simply a peculiarity of this writer. It is interesting to note that it
occurs in two Phoen. inscriptions, those of Tabnith and Eshmunazer,
c. 250 B.C. (cf. G. A. Cooke, North Semitic Inscr., pp. 26, 30), in just
the way in which Q. uses it.
4. ^Sn N3]. These words are participles, denoting the continuity
of the action, cf. Da. 100 (f), Ko. 412. Q. frequently puts these words
in contrast (cf. ch. 5 16 6 4 8 10 ). -]Sn="to die" is found in ch. 5'* Ps.
39" Job io 21 i4 20 . NO = "to be born" occurs ch. 5" Ps. yi 18 . Q^y]
denotes here, as often, simply a long, unknown period of time, BDB.
The misunderstanding of this by certain mediaeval Jews occasioned the
comment of Maimonides quoted by Gins., Coheleth, 526, 527. rncj?],
fern. part, of inp, the part, again denoting duration. Umbreit, Vaih.
and Zo. bring into connection with the use of ID? here the fact that, in
common with others of the ancients, some Hebrews believed that the
earth rested upon pillars (cf. Ps. 75 4 104* Job 9 6 38 6 ), and hold that Q.'s
language shows that he shared that belief. This is, however, a mistake.
"icy is often used simply to signify continuance (cf. ch. 2 9 Ps. ig 10 Lv.
I3 5 Dn. io 17 ). It is thus that Q. uses it here. His form of statement
throws no light upon his belief or non-belief in the pillar-theory of the
earth's support. In the Talmud, Shabbath, 3ob, it is said that vs. 4
was quoted by Gamaliel in a discussion with an unnamed disciple,
whom Bloch believes to have been the apostle Paul. Cf. Wright,
Ecclesiastes, 22 ff.
6. N:I] = " set, " cf. the As. irib^samsi= te sun setting," and sit sam$i=
11 sun rising." Ha., for metrical reasons, regards Btoirn after xu and *on be-
fore Dtf as glosses. Zap., for similar reasons, expunges the phrase N-in rny
DIP. The metrical form of the book, as a whole, is, however, too unsubstan-
tial a theory on which to base textual" criticism (see Introd. 9). *\wv and
ITVT are participles denoting continuity of action. impD SN], according
to the accentuation, is separated from HN'itf and connected with the first
part of the verse. Many interpreters endeavor to adhere to this punctu-
ation, but the results of the efforts are unsatisfactory. Del. has clearly
shown that this accentuation must be disregarded, and ID\*D taken with
*)NIB>. Many render the phrase "to his place where he rises," supposing
that IK'N has been omitted before cir. (So Ko. 38od). This seems
needlessly to obscure the thought. The force pf the participles justifies the
rendering given above. The whole phrase is omitted in a small group
of MSS. (cf. Dr.). The ancient translators, with the exception of 'A
74
ECCLESIASTES
i
(who renders f Iff IT vet), have missed the meaning. ( renders ?\K, ^
and 6 t-jravaffTptyei, Jer. "revititur," & /a'e&, "he returns," and the
21 *Vna> "to crawl." Gr., despairing of finding in t]K~\v a satisfactory
meaning, emends the text to IN 3E>, rendering "returns to its place, again
it rises." This is, however, unnecessary.
6. The repetition of SS'ID] strengthens the idea of continuance ex-
pressed by the part. C/. Da. 29, rem. 8. C/. also Dt. 2" i4 22 i6 20
a8 43 and Ex. 23 30 . In the last clause the same effect is accomplished by
combining T|Vin with 22'D. CJ. Ko. 36iq. (8, , & and U wrongly take
the first clause with the preceding verse, as applying to the sun.
pox]="The hidden," and so "north," from jo* "to hide," cf. BDB.
.and Ges. Bu oni], from -rn="to flow," "give light" (cf. BD5.
204b and Ko., Vol. II, i, 77), is regularly used for "south" in contrast
to psx, cf. Ez. 4o 24 - 27 - 28 42 18 . It is a poetical and late word. Cf.
Job 37 17 . ^y] is to be taken with the following verb (Del., Zo. , Wr.).
Sieg. changes it to SN because 6 reads 'Eirl. Zap., p. 10, omits the first
clause of the vs. from "fjrttl to pcx for metrical reasons a change which
the metrical theory seems too insecure to support.
7. As Kn., Del. and Wild, point out, ait? with S and an inf. means
"to do a thing again," cf. Gn. so 31 Ho. n 9 Job f Ezr. g u . See Ko.
399v. The idea is not that the streams return from the abyss by sub-
terranean channels (21 and Gins, and Cox), nor to the return of water in
vapor to fall as rain, as in Job 36"- 29 (Heng.). As Zo. and PI. note, the
thought, as in Aristophanes, Clouds, 1248,
(The sea though all the rivers flow to it,
Increaseth not in volume,)
is confined to the fact that the flowing rivers accomplish nothing. The
participles, as in the preceding verses, denote the continuity of the
action. Sru] is a more general term than inj. o^] is not = ncr
(Sieg.), but to be taken with $ =" where," like oy itfN (Wr.).
0>pp is in the const, state before the rel. sentence, ip o'ipp being equiva-
lent to nirN OipD, cf. Gn. 39 20 Lv. 4" and Ko. 277v, so, Hit., Zo., Wr.
N^D] in Jos. 3 1B is= "overflow," so, perhaps, here (Sieg.).
8. on:n] Kn., Heng., Heil., Ew. and Gins, take as equal to "words,"
and think the first clause means that speech is wearied in telling of the
ceaseless activities of nature. Most commentators Wang., Vaih.,
Zo., Del., PL, Wr., No., Gr., Wild., Sieg., VI., Cox, McN., Gen. and
Ha. rightly take it in the sense of "things." The meaning then is that
all things the sun, the winds, the streams and a*ll natural objects are
weary with their ceaseless round of activities. This view is altogether
to be approved. Re.'s rendering: "Tout est difficile a expliquer,"
misses the point. jn;] as an adj. occurs but twice in the OT. outside
of this passage, Dt. 2$ 18 2 S. 17", and in both of these passages it has
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION, OR PREFACE [CH. !-> 75
the passive sense, "weary," not the active, "wearisome" (Dale): it ac-
cordingly means "weary" here. "P. If], as Wr. observes, the object
to be supplied is VD. ;'CirD] Hit. and Zo. render: " so that I will not
longer hear." This, as Wr. notes, is unnecessary, for pair is constructed
with p of the thing satisfied, cf. ch. 6 3 , Ps. 104" Job 19". Ko. 399 i
notes that p might have stood before mso instead of -, cf. Is. 53".
9. V? n c] is a late expression. <j& and U wrongly render it as an in-
terrogative. It is used by Q. in the following passages: 3'* 6 l 7" 8 r
io 14 , in all of which it signifies "that which," or "whatever." It is
parallel to Aram, -n p, cf. Kau., GBA. 22 2 ; but -\vtt *v is used in a
similar way in earlier Heb., cf. Ex. 32 33 . run] as Del. and Wr. note,
is used of the phenomena of nature, which occur without human inter-
vention (cf. 3 16 - 22 6 10 12 8 7 io 14 ii 2 ), and ntrj? of occurrences which re-
sult from human action (cf. i 13 - 14 2 17 4 3 g 3 6 ). chn So PN] is a universal
negative in Heb., cf. Nu. n Dt. 8 9 Dn. i 4 and Ko. 352s-w. The
construction has passed into NT. idiom, cf. ov iras, Mt. 24" Lk. i"
2 1 27 . Zap. and Ha. omit on metrical grounds the phrase Btetrn J*NV
Although it is a striking coincidence that the two advocates of the metri-
cal theory agree at this point, the fact does not overbalance the un-
certainty of the metrical theory (see Introd. 9). The discarded phrase
materially strengthens the statement, and it is difficult to believe that
the original writer did not pen it.
10. u^], philologically equivalent toAs. isw, is different from rvn in that
it assumes existence as a fact. Its use is equivalent to saying: "There.
really are things" (cf. Ko. 325 i-m, 338 1-n). 12^], if the present
MT. stands =" thing," cf. on v. 8. MT. is supported by &, S and the
Tal., <&, ffi, 2C and & support the reading ^ENM -\2T>tr, "there is one who
speaks and says." McN., p. 138, thinks this reading is older than
Aqiba, and that the present reading of MT. was introduced in Aqiba's
recension. The testimony of the Versions would support this view.
See the collected testimony, Euringer, Masorahtext, 35. nr] follows
njo in 7 27 - 29 , in both of which cases it is connected with the following
word by a conjunctive accent. Here, on the other hand, there is a dis-
junctive Tiphkha. Wr. observes that the accent gives the clause the
force of "See this, new it is." McN. regards ni as=Mishnic vv (cf.
Kelim, 5 10 ), not as the obj. of nto. N-in nt is one of Q.'s favorite ex-
pressions, cf. 2 23 4 8 6 2 and N^n nr in 5 18 . n2r] occurs in Biblical He-
brew only in EC. (cf. ch. i 10 2 16 3 1S 4 2 6 l 9 6 7 ), though common in J.Ar.
It is connected with the Ar. kabara and Eth. kabra, "to be great." Its
meaning seems to be "already," SDB. Ja. 'assigns it also the meaning
"long ago," but none of the passages from the Mishna, which he quotes,
substantiates this meaning. The word constitutes one of the Aramaisms
of our book. n^n -I^N mDSjjVj, the verb in the phrase, should strictly be vn.
as five MSS. actually read (cf. Ken.), but Heb. is not always careful about
76 ECCLESIASTES
the agreement of subj. and pred., cf. ch. io 15 Je. 48 15 Zc. n s Dn. Q M .
Some regard o^cSj? as a pi. of eminence (K6. 26ok), and such plurals
regularly take a sing. vb. (cf. Da. 116, rem. 4). WJO^p] is a strength-
ened form of iTJoS, c/. Ju. i 10 . 11. p^?j] is usually regarded as cstr
before the prep. S; so, Kn., Heil., Zo., Ew. and K6. 336z. Del. ob-
serves that such refinements of syntax are not to be expected in our
writer, and that jnoT is to be taken as a variant spelling of jnsT- He
compares fnn^ and fnp:>, but adduces no example where pn?r is an
abs. Wr. repeats Del., adding that jnp; may be regarded as a form more
common in later Heb., but still adduces no example. Sieg. agrees with
them. There is in reality no parallel, so far as I know, which sub-
stantiates this view. In the OT., wherever fnpr occurs, except here arid
in ch. 2 18 , it is in the cstr. state (cf. Lv. 23^ Is. 57*). It is better
here to regard the word as cstr. before s, especially since such construc-
tion finds parallels in the Mishna (cf. noS ^Vin Aboth, 5", -g^S Otfv,
ibid., 5 15 , cf. also 5" and Ko. 336z). D-wtn] and D^nns] were for-
merly incorrectly understood to refer to things, but modern writers, except
Gr. and Ha., take it rightly to refer to persons. The masc. forms
refer to persons (cf. Gn. 33* Dt. 19" Job i8 20 ), and the fern, forms to
things (cf. Is. 42' 43'- 18 46 9 ). D>jDip and nvjmp are similarly used,
the former of persons, the latter adverbially (cf. i S. 24 13 Is. 43 18 ).
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS IN THE CHARACTER OF THE
SON OF DAVID.
Qoheleth represents himself in the character of Solomon as seek-
ing wisdom more than anyone else, but finding in it no permanent
satisfaction (i 12 ' 18 ); then, as seeking joy in material and sensual
things, with the same result U 1 ' 11 ); next, as trying the virtues of
folly and finding them no better (2 12 ' 17 ) ; and lastly, he states the con-
clusion to which his various experiments have led him (2 18 ' 26 ).
13 I Qoheleth was king over Israel in Jerusalem. l3 - And I gave
my heart to search and to explore with wisdom concerning all that is
done under the heavens it is a bad business God has given the children
of men in which to toil. " I saw all the works which are done under
the sun and behold the whole is vanity and desire of wind.
18 The crooked cannot be straightened,
And the wanting cannot be numbered.
16 - And I spake with my heart, saying: Behold I have greatly in-
creased wisdom above all who were before me over Jerusalem, and my
heart has abundantly beheld wisdom and knowledge. " And I gave
my heart to know wisdom and knowledge, madness and folly, I know that
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l'*-2 77
this also is desire of wind. 18 - For in much wisdom is much vex-
ation, and he who increases knowledge increases pain.
2 1 I said in my heart: "Come now, I will test thee with joy, so look
upon good," and behold also it was vanity. 2 - Of laughter I said it is
mad, and of joy, what does this accomplish ? I searched out in my
heart how to stimulate my flesh with wine, while my heart was acting
with wisdom, and to lay hold on folly until I should .see what good there
is for the children of men to practise under the heavens the few days of
their life. 4 - I undertook great works; I built me houses, I planted me
vineyards. 5 - I made me gardens and parks and planted in them every
kind of fruit tree. 6 I made me pools of water in order to water a
plantation springing up with trees. t>7 - I bought bondmen and bond-
maids and had slaves born in my house; also I had many possessions
of cattle and sheep more than all who were before me in Jerusalem.
I collected for myself silver and gold, the treasures of kings and
provinces; I provided me male and female musicians and the luxuries
of the sons of men all sorts of concubines (?). 9 - And I became con-
tinually more wealthy above all who were before me in Jerusalem; also
my wisdom remained with me. 10 - And nothing which my eyes asked
did I withhold from them; I did not deny my heart any joy, for my heart
rejoiced in all my toil, and this was my portion of all my toil. " And
I turned (to look) at all my works which my hands had wrought and at
the toil which I had toiled to accomplish and behold the whole was vanity
and desire of wind and there is no gain under the sun. 12 - And I turned
to observe wisdom and madness and folly, for what (can) the man (do)
that comes after the king ? That which he (the king) hath done. 13 - And
I saw that wisdom has an advantage over folly like the advantage of
light over darkness. 14 As for the wise man his eyes are in his head,
but the fool walks in darkness. But I know also that the same event
will happen to both of them. 16 - And I said in my heart according to
the fate of the fool thus will it happen to me, so why have I then been
wise overmuch? So I said in my heart: this also is vanity. 16 - For the
wise, like the fool, has no remembrance forever, inasmuch as in days to
come both will have been already forgotten. And how does the wise die
like the fool! " And I hated life, for evil unto me was the work which is
done under the sun, for all is vanity and desire of wind. 18 - And I hated
all my toil which I toiled under the sun because I shall leave it to the
man who shall come after me. 19 - And who knows whether he will be
a wise man or a fool ? And he shall rule over all my toil on which I have
toiled and exercised wisdom under the sun. This also is vanity. I0 And
I turned about to give my heart up to despair concerning all the toil
which I had toiled under the sun. For there is a man whose toil is
with wisdom and intelligence and success, and to a man who has not
toiled for it he will leave his portion. This also is vanity and a great
78 ECCLESIASTES
evil. M - For what shall be to a man for all his toil and the striving of
his heart in which he toils under the sun. 23 - For all his days are pains,
and his task vexation, also at night his heart does not rest, moreover this
is vanity. u - For there is nothing better for a man than that he should
eat and drink and enjoy himself in his toil. Also this I saw that it is
from the hand of God. 25 - For who can eat and who can enjoy apart
from him? 26 - FOR TO A MAN WHO is GOOD BEFORE HIM HE GIVES
WISDOM AND KNOWLEDGE AND JOY, BUT TO THE SINNER HE GIVES
AS A TASK TO GATHER AND AMASS TO GIVE TO ONE WHO IS GOOD
BEFORE GOD. Also this is vanity and a desire of wind.
12. Was king over Israel m Jerusalem]. The author indicates
that he proposes to speak in the character of Solomon. It is his
aim to offer proof of the general position taken in the prologue by
adducing the concrete experiences of Solomon. Solomon had
had wealth, wisdom and opportunities for sensual enjoyment.
He had drawn upon every source of "profit." To adduce these
concrete experiences would be the most powerful literary form in
which to couch his argument, so in this verse he assumes that
mask. He mentions the fact of kingship as a claim to especial
opportunities for experience in these matters, since "the wisdom
of a learned man cometh by opportunity" (BS. 38 24 ). The words:
"over Israel in Jerusalem" exclude any king of the northern
kingdom and sufficiently indicate Solomon. 13. Gave my heart].
This is not an uncommon idiom for turning the attention (cf. ch.
jn 721 39.10 Dn. io 12 i Ch. 22 19 ). It is parallel to "set one's
heart (or mind)" (Job y 17 Ps. 48 13 62' 2 Ch. i2 14 3o 19 ). It is
used mainly in late Biblical Heb. "Search" and "explore" are
synonyms. They do not refer to higher and lower forms of in-
vestigation (Z6.), but to different methods. "Search " means to in-
vestigate the roots of a matter, and "explore" to investigate a
subject on all sides (Del., Wr.). Is Done]. This is, as in v. 9,
employed of human activities.
14. Works] refers also to human actions. Desire of Wind],
i.e., an unsatisfying desire. The word for desire has occasioned
much discussion. The peculiar phrase occurs in Biblical Heb.
only in this book, where it occurs seven times altogether (i 14 2 n -
17. 26 44. s 6 9 ). See critical note. 15. The crooked cannot be
straightened], Re., PL, Wr. and Gen. are probably right in re-
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [On. l-2 79
garding this as an aphorism quoted by Qoheleth because appli-
cable to his theme. The wanting cannot be numbered], i.e., an
untold number of things are lacking.
16. All who were before me over Jerusalem], it is difficult for the
writer to maintain the mask which he has assumed, and as Del.,
Wr., Wild, and McN. have noted, he falls into an anachronism
here in this phrase, since Solomon had but one predecessor, David.
It is hardly possible with Heng., Zo., No. and PL, to think of Jeb-
usite kings, or Melchisedek (Gn. i4 18 ), and Adonizedek (Jos. io,
cj. also, 2 S 5- 7 ), or Ethan, Heman, and Calcol (i K. 4 31 ). It is
more likely the phrase of one who was familiar with some set for-
mula, like the Assyrian "the kings my predecessors," which he sup-
posed it appropriate for kings to use. After letting the mask slip
once more in 2 7 9 , he finally throws it aside altogether in 2 12 . 17.
Madness and folly], "Contrariis contraria intelliguntur ." Qohe-
leth determined to know not only wisdom but the opposite. 18. In
much wisdom is much vexation]. The burden of the verse is blessed
be ignorance! It reminds one of the point of view of J. in Gn. 3,
where toil and pain in child-bearing are attributed to knowledge.
2 l . / will test thee with joy]. Having proved the futility of wis-
dom (i 12 - 18 ), Qoheleth now tries material pleasures (2 1 - 11 ). In this
introductory verse he expresses his resolution. The context shows
that joy is used of the pleasure derived from the possession of
wealth and the excitements of sensual pleasure. 2. Of laughter],
unrestrained merriment is represented by laughter and pleasure
in general by "joy." To the beholder both often seem folly or
delirium. Scholars differ as to whether we should translate "of "
or, "to." Gins., Ew. and Wild, advocate the latter view and ren-
der as though the sentence were a direct address. Heil., Vaih.,
Del., Sieg., and most recent interpreters take the former view,
which the above rendering follows. Parallel examples are found
in Ps. 3 2 22 31 4i 5 . Kn. remarks that laughter means "lusty re-
joicing," cf. y 6 io 19 . 3. Searched], as Del. notes, this is, as in
Nu. io 33 , equivalent to "explore." Combined with "heart" it
denotes discovery by mental processes (so Wr.). Stimulate],
literally to "draw" (cf. Dt. 2i 3 i K. 22" 2 Ch. i8 33 Job 24"),
but here used figuratively, either in the sense of "stimulate,"
8o ECCLESIASTES
"give pleasure to,'' or " refresh." It resembles Talmudic usage
as Del., No. and Wild, have observed. My heart was acting
with]. This is, as several interpreters have noted, in the nature
of a parenthesis. 4. / built houses, I planted vineyards]. From
the excitements of wine Qoheleth turns to the more healthy
pleasures of a country gentleman's enterprises. As he is speak-
ing in the character of Solomon, probably he had in mind Solo-
mon's buildings (cf. i K. 7 9 1 - 13 io 18ff ). Near these buildings
there were vineyards (cf. Je. 52? Ct. 6 2 8 11 ). Works] is used by
metonomy for the gains of work, wealth, riches, possessions (cf. i
S. 25').
5. Gardens and Parks]. To the vineyards, gardens and parks
were added. The former were perhaps devoted to practical vege-
tables (cf. Dt. ii 10 ), and the latter to trees, though in older Hebrew
"garden" stood for both. Frequent allusion is made in the OT.
to the "King's gardens" (Je. 394 52? 2 K. 25* and Ne. 3 15 ). Such
enclosures, constructed by the wealthy, contained refreshing
streams, cool shade and all manner of fruit trees (cf. Jos. Antiq.
viii, 7 s and Qur'an, i3 35 and 55 46ff ). Sometimes they also con-
tained wild animals (Xen. Anab. i, 2 7 ). How in the hot and thirsty
east such scenes attracted the imagination may be seen in the ex-
aggerated description in Qur'an, 47 16ff . 6. Pools of water]. In
Palestine, where the rainfall of the winter has to be stored for the
long drought of summer, rock-cut reservoirs or cisterns are of
such importance that their structure was a worthy boast for a king
(cf. Mesha of Moab, Moabite Stone, 11. 9 and 23-25). Ne.tfe 14 3 15 ,
as well as the Siloam inscription and Jos., BJ., v. 4 2 , testify to
the existence of an important reservoir near Jerusalem, while Ct
1 s alludes to one in Heshbon and 2 S. 4 12 to one in Hebron. There
may be seen to-day near ancient Etam three such reservoirs,
which are attributed by tradition to Solomon. The importance
of such reservoirs to gardens is alluded to in Is. i 30 and 58 11 .
7. Bondmen and bondmaids]. Slaves formed a large percentage
of the population in all the civilized countries of antiquity. How
frequently they were bought and sold may be seen by consulting
any body of Babylonian contracts such as Keilinschrifiliche Bib-
liothek, Vol. IV. The purchase of new slaves was probably an
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l lz -2 8l
experience in the life of every wealthy man. About 750 B.C.,
when the "Book of the Covenant" was written, a slave was valued
at 30 shekels (Ex. 2i 32 ), while after the exile they were valued at
50 shekels (Lv. 27"). For Solomon's slaves, see i K. 9 20 - 21 and io 5 .
Slaves are associated with flocks and herds as evidences of wealth
(cf. Gn. i2 16 30 48 ). All who were before me], the author permits
his Solomonic mask to slip, for this implies that he had had many
predecessors in Jerusalem. 8. Treasures of kings]. To the de-
lights of rural possessions, Qoheleth added the treasures of a
monarch who controls the taxes of large provinces, and the luxuries
of sensual gratification. He is still posing as the "Son of David,"
and these details were no doubt suggested by i K. 4 7 9 28 io 14 7 15 - "
ii 1 - 3 . 9. Continually more wealthy], in i 16 Qoheleth claims to
have surpassed others in wisdom, so here he claims to have sur-
passed them in wealth. In the last clause of the vs. there is prob-
ably a reference to vs. 3. He means that in spite of his folly in the
pursuit of wealth and sensual delights his wisdom remained with
him. It suggests that this clause about wisdom has also a for-
ward look, and refers in part to the next verse. 10. Not deny my
heart any joy]. Still drawing on the accounts of Solomon's splen-
dor for his illustration, Qoheleth represents himself as able to
gratify every desire. He denied himself no material possession or
pleasure, and, like the man in the parable of Jesus (Lk. i6 25 ), he
obtained enjoyment a real good for a time. This was his ad-
vantage, or gain from his toil. The passage was suggested by the
statements of Solomon's wealth in i K. 4 26ff (Heb. 5 6ff ), and io 5ff .
The eyes are used by metonomy for desire which is not sensual,
cf. i K. 2o 6 Ps. I45 15 EC. i 8 4 8 and Pr. 27 20 . Similarly we have
in i Jn. 2 16 "lust" (literally, "desire") of the eyes, which, though
closely associated with "lust (i.e., desire) of the flesh," is not iden-
tical with it. Withhold], for the meaning cf. Gn. 27 36 Nu. n 17 - 25 ,
where the word is rendered "take away," "take of." Portion] is
here equivalent to gain or reward. 11. And I turned]. This is as
Del. and others have noted a pregnant construction, meaning "I
turned to look," cf. Job 6 28 . It implies that Qoheleth turned from
the absorption of his active material labors and his sensual pleas-
ures to consider the meaning of them all, and finds that, like the
82 ECCLESIASTES
delights of wisdom, the delights of possession are but vanity.
From v. 3b to this point a cycle is completed an experiment has
been carried through and a result reached.
12. Qoheleth is now led to make a comparison between wisdom
and folly, to discover, if possible, whether wisdom had any real
advantage. The last clause of the verse is difficult of interpreta-
tion because the text is corrupt. It is rendered above from an
emended text. For reasons and the opinions of interpreters, see
critical note. 13. Sieg. assigns this verse and i4a to his Q 3 , or
Hokma annotator, on the ground that it contradicts Q.'s thought,
but the objection does not seem well taken. As PL suggests Qo-
heleth might believe that all is vanity, and yet hold that it is better
to face the reality intelligently than to be carried into the vortex of
oblivion while absorbed in senseless folly. A line from the Iliad
(i7 647 ) is apposite: " And if our fate be death, give light, and let us
die." It is the attitude of a strong, though agnostic rnind. The
comparison of wisdom to light is kindred to the use of light in Is.
5i n Ps. 36 9 43 3 up 105 Pr. 6 23 . For "darkness" in the sense of
"folly," cf. Job 37 ia . Cf. also Job i2 2S .
14. His eyes are in his head}. The wise man has this advantage,
he can see. The expression, as Gins, notes, is equivalent to "his
eyes are open." The fool goes on in unconscious darkness.
Nevertheless the same death overtakes both. The wise ought to
have some advantage, but experience shows that he does not.
The fact that death relentlessly claims both wise and foolish, op-
pressed others. Cf. Ps. 49 10 Job 2i 26 and Horace's
Sed omnes una manet nox
Et calcanda semel via leti. Od. I, 28 15ff .
15. According to the fate of the fool} The fact that death buries
the wise and the foolish in the same oblivion, makes Qoheleth pro-
nounce great wisdom vanity, in spite of the fact that he has just
seen in wisdom the advantage of reality. / said in my heart], see
on i 16 . On Vanity, see on i 2 .
16. The wise die like the jool]. Wild, has noted that Qoheleth
contradicts here Pr. io 7 and Ps. ii2 6 . This vs. is quoted and op-
posed in Wisdom i 4a . Has no remembrance forever]. Cf. on i 11 .
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l>*-2* 83
The discovery that at death both are alike strikes Qoheleth as a
painful surprise. It is not what one would expect. 17. And I hated
life]. This expresses a strong revulsion of feeling from something,
cf. 2 S. i3 15 Is. i 14 Am. 5 21 Mai. i 3 . The fact that the wise are
swallowed up by the same oblivion as the fool caused this revul-
*ion of feeling. As Plumtre remarks, the only logical out-
come of such pessimism is suicide, but from Qoheleth to Hart-
mann it has never produced suicide. A pessimist who is able to
vent his feelings in literary expression continues to enjoy life. Evil
unto me was the work], i.e., it was evil in my eyes. Vanity and
desire of wind], see on i 14 .
18. / hated all my toil . . . because I shall leave it]. Qoheleth
not only loathed life, but also his toil. This latter revulsion was
produced by the thought that he must leave all the results of his
labor to some one else. Probably the reference is to such works
as were described in vv. 4, 10, n. As Plumtre points out others
have been oppressed by the same thought. Mazarin walked
through his palace and said to himself : // faut quitter tout cela,
while Frederic William IV of Prussia, looking at his garden at
Potsdam, said to his friend Bunsen : Das auch, das soil ich lassen.
And I hated] is the repetition of a formula. Qoheleth is fond of
such repetition. 19. Who knows whether he shall be a wise man
or a fool?} One must not only leave his possessions, but he does
not know into whose hands they will fall after he is gone, or
whether his own wise policies concerning them will be pursued or
not. This added to Qoheleth's bitterness. The thought is simi-
lar to that of Ps. 39 6 and Lk. i2 20 . The Targ. takes this and the
preceding vs. to refer to Rehoboam, but Qoheleth's statement is
entirely general. As No. and Sieg. have noted, Rehoboam was
forty-one years old when Solomon died (i K. i4 21 ), and Solomon
must have known whether he was a fool or not. 20. Give my
heart up to despair]. The facts stated in the preceding verses dried
up the springs of Qoheleth's impulse to active labor. 21. To a
man who has not toiled he will leave his portion]. Qoheleth broods
over a fact and views it from different aspects. This vs. is not a
repetition of vs. 19; the thought which tortures him here is not that
his heir may be a fool, but the mere idea that that upon which one
84 ECCLESIASTES
toils with so much care should go into the possession of one who
has never worked for it at all. 22. What shall be to a man], as Gins,
suggests, this corresponds to "what advantage to a man," of
ch. i 3 . The thought has nearly completed a great cycle, and
Qoheleth now comes back to sum up his reasons for pessimism.
23. All his days are pains]. This verse echoes the experi-
ence of those who follow pursuits which cannot satisfy the heart.
They obtain no real pleasure even in the performance of their
chosen occupations. One phrase of it "his days are pain" is
in substance quoted and opposed in Wisd. 2 1 . 24, 25. There is
nothing better for a man]. The rendering of these verses given
above rests on an emended text, the authority for which is given
in the critical notes below. Qoheleth here states the conclusions
to which his various investigations had led. The best thing for
man is to get the most physical pleasure he can out of life. This
is not stated from the Epicurean standpoint, but from the point
of view of Hebrew monotheism. Qoheleth, as a Hebrew, believes
that this would not be the order of life, if God had not so ordained
it. The sentiment of this verse is quoted and denied in Wisd. 2 6 .
26 a . To a man who is good He gives wisdom]. Recent interpre-
ters have, with some differences in detail, regarded the verse as a
gloss; so Wild., Sieg., McN., and Ha. Sieg. and McN. divide it
into two glosses, regarding: "This also is vanity and a desire of
wind," as a touch of a late hand. That the verse with the excep-
tion of the last clause is the work of a Chasid glossator, must be
granted. It contradicts Q.'s fundamental philosophy. The
doctrine that all the good things of life come to the morally good,
finds expression in many parts of the OT., and the thought that
the good finally receive the fruits of the toil of the wicked is also
not lacking (cf. Job 27" Pr. 13" 28*). Such a cheerful view of
the moral order of the universe is, however, totally opposed to
Q.'s whole thought, and justifies us in seeing here the work of
another hand. I cannot agree with Sieg. and McN., though, in
seeing the hand of an annotator in the last clause. If it originally
followed vs. 25, it expressed, as pointed out above, an intelligible
thought, and one thoroughly consonant with Q.'s point of view.
26 b . Desire of wind} originally followed vs. 25. Q.'s declaration
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l ll -2 85
was, that there is nothing better for a man than to eat and drink
and enjoy life, that God had ordained that this is man's destiny,
but that there is no real satisfaction even in this this also being
vanity and a desire of wind. This is a note of profound pessimism.
112. ij-i"n]. The tense has occasioned a curious amount of discussion
among commentators. It is in fact a perfect denoting a state, whether
mental or physical (cf. Dr. 11, Da. 40, Ko. 124 and Ex. 2 Gn.
42" Ps. i5 6 ). The Talmud (Gittin, 68b), Midrash Yalkut, AE., and Ra.,
thinking in accordance with later Hebrew that it could be used only of
past events, adopted the legend that in his old age Solomon was deposed
by Asmodaeus, king of the demons, and then wrote, "I "was king."
Gins, agrees that the writer was no longer king. Gr., who believes that
Herod the Great was referred to, falls back on the theory that run means
here "became," not "was." Bullock quotes Louis XIV, who toward
the end of his life used to say: "Quand fetois roi," and supposes that
Solomon, like Louis, had become weary of kingship. Of course Q. is
using the character as a mask, but the indefiniteness of the tense in
Heb. suits his purpose well, as it would be right if Solomon were really
writing. *?&nt^ Sp l^c], the more usual expression is Vm^ iSn (cf. i S.
26 20 i K. i5 9 Ho. i 1 io 15 Am. i l 5 10 , etc.), but SNIB SfT^B alsooccurs
(2 S. iQ 23 i K. 4 1 ii 37 ). Ha.'s statement that iSo may mean "head of
a school," while substantiated by Gittin, 620., and Berakoth, 643., does not
fit the mask which Q. was wearing throughout the passage.
13. mn] has been claimed as a Graecism=(7K<:7rTe(r0cu, a Gr. philosophi-
cal term, but it is good Heb., being used of the spies in Nu. 13*- " "
(cf. McN., p. 40). pj?] = " business," "occupation," occurs in OT.
only in EC. (cf. 2 23 - 26 3 10 4* 5 2 - 13 ). It is an Aramaic loan word, occur-
ring in the Targ. on Ps. ip 5 4i 2 Ct. i 1 . Ha. curiously regards this vs.
as a gloss, even though, according to his own rendering, it conforms to a
metrical standard. 14. itrjw]. In the Mishna the usage of nvy is similar,
cf. Berakoth, 2 5 , Baba Batra, io 8 . n-ijn.], a very ancient rendering de-
rived from yjn=p:n "to break," makes it mean "breaking," "affliction,"
or "vexation of spirit." Thus, &, , T&, Ra., and AV. Another old
interpretation derived it from njn to feed. So 'A, 0, S, AE., Mich.,
Ros., PL, Re. and RV. m . Others, as No. and Wild., take it from
njn "to be behind" (cf. Gn. 32 19 - 20 ). Most recent interpreters derive
it from njn "to wish," "desire," "strive for," so <g, Kn., Hit., Eur.,
Heil., Wang., Vaih., Gins., Ty., Za, Gr., Del., Wr., VI., Sieg., McN., Ha.,
RV., BDB., Ges. Bu - These scholars differ, however, as to whether
it is or is not an Aramaism, and some, as McN., who so render it, derive
it from the stem njn "to feed." Ges. Bu calls it an Aramaism, and it is
true that it occurs in the Aram, portion of Ezr. (5" 7 18 ). It occurs
86 ECCLESIASTES
twice, however, in the form njn in Ph. inscriptions where there is no
reason to suspect Aram, influence, one coming from the Piraeus and the
other from N. Africa (cf. G. A. Cooke, No. Sem. Ins., 97; 150). Prob-
ably the root is njn, which occurs in Ps. 37 3 Pr. 15" Hos. i2 2 15. rwr],
Pu. part, from my used only in Pi. and Pu., "to be perverse, crooked."
The figurative uses in Ps. ii9 78 and Lam. 3 36 - 69 are no objection to this
general meaning (cf. ch. 7 13 i2 3 Job 8 3 ig s 34" Am. 8 5 Ps. I46 9 ).
Gins.'s inference from this latter passage that the word means "de-
pressed" is unfounded. Bick. (10, 47) erases the second "wj, but such
repetitions are characteristic of Q. (cf. 4* 6 3 8 12 ). IpnV] is rendered
as a passive by several of the versions (<& tiriKoff/ji'rjdrivai, J. C. ador-
nari, H lemestabatu, NJpnxS, B corriguntur, Ar. yuzayyana) . This leads
Del. to observe that we should have the intrans. fgnS instead of the
trans. IPpV; Gr. says fpnS must be a passive= fpnnS. Sieg., McN. and
Dr. would emend to Ni. fBFiT> A passive sense is necessary to corre-
spond with mjan'r The root occurs in BH. only in Qoh. (cf. i 15 7 13
I2 9 ). It is found in Aram. (cf. Dn. 4 33 and Targ. to Jer. 7 3 i8 u and
frequently elsewhere and in Tal. (see references in Ja.), and must be
regarded as an Aramaism. Cf. As. takana. fncn] is, as Wr. observes,
a et.X. in BH. ~f?n occurs, however, in Dt. 28 48 - 57 , in the sense of "want,"
"destitution." "iiDnn from the same root, is the word usually em-
ployed (cf. Pr. 6 11 ). p*vpn is often employed in Mish. and Tal. for
"deficit" in money matters, see 5DB. and Ja., ad loc. nucn^] from
HOD, "to count," "number," occurs often in BH. Cf. As. manu, Ar.
mana. Ew., who is followed by No., Wild, and Dr., suggested that
rvuon is corrupted from n'^on, from NSpn, "to be filled up," or "supplied."
16. 'JN >man], 'JS, as Gins, and Wr. have perceived, is not emphatic,
but pleonastic, seech. 2 1 ll 14 - 15 18 - 20 - 24 ,also K6. i8,andDa. io7,rem. i.
aS DJ? ^mai] = " commune with myself." Generally another preposition
is employed as 3^3, ch. 2 1 - 15 Ps. 14' i5 2 ; or ^ SN, Gn. 24", or ^S ^', i S.
i 13 . Probably OJ? is employed to personify the heart, c}. D^D^ nin> 131,
Dt. 5 4 . \iflDini ^riV-un]. Gr. thinks, from the form ^rh^s 2 9 , that the
rr is a dittograph from the preceding run. The two perfects are coor-
dinated when in reality one modifies the other, as Gins., Wr. and McN.
have seen (cf. 2 9 , 8 3 ). The combination means "I greatly multiplied"
(cf. Da. 83, Dr. 157). Sa S?], the prep., as Sieg., VI. and Ko.
(3o8d) note, is equivalent to a comparative "more than" (cf. Gn. 48"
49 26 Ps. i6 2 89 9 I37 6 and also virtp 7roXXoi>s, Gal. i 14 ). n^n] is sing.,
although "\w** refers to pi. subject, perhaps as Gins, suggests because the
plural is taken distributively in the writer's thought. Cf. Da. 116,
rem. i. nktfmVp]. 140 MSS. read oStfno (cf. Dr.). n;nn,as Kn.,Heil.,
Gins., Wr. and Wild, note, is a Hiph. inf. use*d adverbially (cf. H. 28,
zb, rem. g). It is a favorite word with our author (cf. 2 T 5 6 - ll - ie - I9 -
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l-2 87
yi. 17 Qi8 I2 9). noon nN-\], as Sieg. observes, is a phrase peculiar to
Qoh., cf. 2 12 9 13 and nw 15-1 DNI, Je. 2 31 . PL observes that noon and njn
correspond respectively to ethical and speculative knowledge. 17. McN.
(pp. 57, 156) suspects njn 1 ? njnto to be a corruption introduced into
the text from (6. It is omitted in a number of MSS. of <K, but that
seems a slender basis on which to discard it. Its omission, as he admits,
may have been accidental. ^rwj is one of the three instances of waw
consecutive with imper., which occur in this book. The others are
ch. 4 1 - 7 (cf. Dr. 133). Del. notes that the ending ft., as in Gn. 32*
41 ", expresses the writer's purpose (cf. Ko. 2Oob). Zap. and Ha.
omit PiSjfri mSSn njm on metrical grounds. Gins, omits nV?3fen niV"i.
believing that they crept in through a transcriber's carelessness, because
in the next vs. only njni neon are mentioned. Gr. emends rvhhn to
mSc'2, "proverbs," on the ground that & and Targ. so render it. (It
might be added that (& and K also so translate.) He then takes mS3iP=
"intelligence," comparing Pr. i 6 Ps. 78* and BS. 3 29 39*. The omis-
sions of Zap., Ha. and Gins, are not justified by the reasons urged, while
Gr.'s emendation is unnecessary. All tke versions, as Eur. has pointed
out, go back to MT. Most recent interpreters have rightly taken rnSot?
to be a variant spelling of mS.DD=" folly," which occurs in 2 3 - 12 - " 7 M
ioi i 3 ( so Dat., Kn., Del., Wr., Wild., VI., McN. BDB. Ges. Bu ) a
variant which is parallelled by nnoirD for the usual nncon in ch.i2 n .
This spelling antedated the versions and was misunderstood by them,
though many MSS. actually have n-iSqo (cf. Ken.). njni]. Del. and VI.
regard njn as an inf. for njnS, h being omitted because expressed with
the preceding inf., and so the Massorets took it, but as Gins, and McN.
note, it should with (& and be taken as a noun and pointed n>nv
"Wisdom and knowledge" balance "madness and folly." rnSSnj.
Probably to be read n-iSSn (cf. ch. io 13 , also BDB. and Ko. 262d), is
from SSn, Ar. halla, to "shout," "rage" (so Del. and BDB.), is peculiar
in BH. to Q.'s vocabulary (cf. 2 12 7 25 9' io 13 ) = " folly." Probably as
io 13 , and the fact that in 2 12 and 7^ <S renders it in the sing., shows the
ending is m, an abstract, and not n\ a plural of intensity (VI.). Ty.
and Sieg. contend that it is a Graecism=Auij'/a, but such an assumption
seems unwarranted. vw is not necessarily a late expression. Cf.
DjBb in J., Gn. 6 3 . Nin nr], wn is used frequently in Q. as a copula.
In Mishna it is frequently abbreviated to in; (cf. Dr. 201 (3), and
Da. 106, rem. 2). W~*] is a variant formation to rnjn (cf. v. 14), with
the same meaning. Cf. ff>rn and niD'-i from the stem nsx 18. DJ?D].
<S, 2C, & H , A, read Fy_i=yv&<ris, instead. This fact has caused some
discussion among scholars, but probably all of the three latter versions
are dependent upon (&, and its reading as Eur. suggests was a lapsus
calami. Dj3=" vexation," a word in Heb. found from the D. literature
onward. It also occurs frequently in the Mishna (cf. Ja.). It occurs
ECCLESIASTES
several times in Q. (cf. 2 28 7 9 n 10 ). In the book of Job it is spelled
frjtt (see Job 5* 6 2 io 17 i; 7 )- T D ^] Hit., Wr., No., VI. and Ko. 3440
take it as a part. Some regard it as a pure Kal., misspelled for *}p\
others as a Hiph., "returning to a Kal." Del., however, regards it as
a regular imperf. The latter is the preferable view. The sentence is
similar to Pro v. 12 17 iS 22 .
2 l . ^JN 'mow]. The 'JN is pleonastic, as was the ^N of i 16 . Heng.
claims that it is emphatic, but most scholars take the opposite view
(cf. Gins., Zo., and Da. 107, rem. i). oSa] is a variant of the expression
a 1 ? oy, i 16 . For parallel usage see the citations made there. The rest
of the vs. shows that Q. was not saying in his heart, but talking to his
heart, for he addresses to it an exhortation. (See BDB.) HJDJN] has oc-
casioned much discussion. The Targ. and Mid., which Bick. follows,
evidently read njpjN = "I will test it;" Iff made it a Ni. of 1W, "to pour
out." AE. took it from "pj and supposed that "wine" was to be sup-
plied as an object. Most modern interpreters follow (& and take it
from <~iDj = "to test," regarding the no as a strengthened form of n ?
Wr. observes that the verb is used with 3 of instrumentality (cf. ch. y 23
i K. io 1 ). Wr. also observes with justice that the longer DD is used (i)
to make the suffix more distinct in words ending in "l as ns^s (2 S. 2 212 );
(2) to lengthen in writing shorter words, as ruso (Gn. io 19 ); and (3)
less frequently in longer words, as here, where the usage perhaps marks
a later date. 3 nso] the Hebrews used words which describe the action
of the primary senses in a figurative way. nan means in such uses "to
experience," and is applied to the whole gamut of experiences from
life (o"n, ch. 9 9 ) to death (HID, Ps. Sp 4 "). For some of these see ch. 2 24
3 is s i? gie 9 9 p s . X 6io 858 89 49 Job 9 25 Is. 44 16 La. 3*. 'Idetv and its
synonyms are similarly used in the NT. (cf. Lk. 2 28 Jn. 3^ 8 51 ). Fre-
quently, as here, 3 follows n*n (cf. Gn. 2i 16 44^ Je. 2g 32 Job 3 9 ). An
examination of these passages will confirm the justice of the observa-
tion of Kn. and Wr. that those who hold that '3 nxi denotes enjoyment, are
quite mistaken. It is \ised for any experience, pleasurable or otherwise.
2. SSihD] is a Poal part.="mad," cf. Ps. IO2 9 . The Hithpoal means
"to act like a madman," cf. i S. 2i 14 Je. 25 16 46' 5o 38 51" Na. 2 s .
The versions, except H, render incorrectly. rir is a fern., a snorter way
of writing PN>; so Heil., Zo., Del., Wr., No. and Ko. 44, 45/3. It is
also found in 5 15 7 23 9 13 . As Del. noted, the use of nr in Q. resembles
that of the Mishna (cf. also Introduction, 10). This form occurs,
however, in earlier Heb., c). 2 K. 6 19 , and Ez. 40". The form of the
question is identical with that in Gn. 3 13 . nfefy] is fern. part. Kal agree-
ing with PIT, which represents nriDfc'. Hit. supposed that some word like
nc should be supplied after it, but it seems to be used as in Dn. 8 24
in the meaning of "accomplish a purpose." Kn. compared it with
Ju. 13" and Ez. 28 4 , where definite objects follow it. 3. IIPD]. In
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. 1 14 -2 M 89
favor of taking this to mean "refresh," Del. recalls Khagiga, I4a:
t^D3 OIK *?iy 13 1 ? pstfiD NTIX ^ya. The reading of (&, Kareo-xei/'d/xTjc e 17
Kapdta fjjov t\Ktffci, may, as McN. has noted, indicate that the original
Heb. read "piPD o"?3 ^N Tnni, the ">: becoming corrupted to ON. <&'s
reading may, however, be a corruption of 'A, S and 6's tv T^ KapSLq, etc.
The unanimity of reading in MSS. of (& is in favor of the former view.
p a] (& and 9 read pa. Ha., for metrical reasons, regards it as a gloss.
noaro jnj aSl] is, for the same reason, rejected by him as a gloss. JHJ]
ordinarily means " lead " or " drive," as in i S. 302 Is. 1 1 6 Ps. 8o 2 La. 3 2 Ct.
8 2 , but here, as McN. has pointed out, the meaning is much more nearly
akin to the Mishna (cf. Aboda Zara, 3*). It means (BDB.) "behaving
itself," to "be practised in" (Ja.), or "act." THN^I] like iitfn 1 ? is an in-
direct object of "(in. ni^ao] describes a course which seems reasonable,
but which turns out to be unwise (cf. Gn. 3i 28 i S. I3 13 2 S. 24 10 ' Is.
44 25 ), not absolute folly. The root, spelled with a z, occurs in this sense
in the code of Hammurabi (cf. Zikilta, Code XXIII, 39). In late Heb.
the Hith. means "be confused" (cf. Ja. 99i a ). Q. determined to ex-
plore the courses of life which men counted foolish, to see whether there
might not be some good there. -nr ->N] here means "what" (K6. 70
and 4 1 4m). It introduces an indirect question. IDDD] is an ace. of time
(K6. 33 1 a). It denotes what one can number and so comes to mean
"few" (cf. Gn. 34 30 Dt. 4 27 Is. io 19 Ps. io5 12 Job i6). nt? *<y
is in one MS. pointed ii n;?, cf. Baer, rnSjo, p. 61. a MO], 9 renders
rb <rvn,<f)opov. Ty. notes that "good" was the great object of the search
of both Stoicism and Epicureanism, and finds in this expression evi-
dence of Greek influence upon Q. But see Introduction, 6 (2).
o^Dtyn]<5, Hand Spread tfcirn. 4. o^na] battim,no\.bottfin. It is frequently
pointed with Metheg, as Baer and Dr. point it in this passage, to insure
the pronunciation. Cf. Ges. K - 16, 2f. 5. p] is derived from the ">'",
stem pj, "to protect" (cf. Is. 3i 5 ). D~na] occurs but twice outside Qoh.
in BH., Ct. 4 13 , where we have the sing. D"ns and Ne. 2 8 , where we have
Dvian. It is Persian and occurs, my colleague, Professor Collitz, in-
forms me, in the Avesta (Vendidad, 3, 18 (58), and 5, 49 (145), as pairi-
dieza, composed of pairi=Gr. irepl, and dieza=Gr. roixos, "wall."
In Pers. it means, according to Bartholomae (Altiranisches V/6rter-
buch, col. 865), "Umwallung," or "circumvallation," according to
Darmsteter, "enclosure." It came into Gr. as irapdSeiffos and into Heb.
as D!")?- It also found its way into Semitic Babylonian (cf. Strass-
maier*s Cyrus, No. 212, 3), into Aramaic, Arabic and Armenian. In
the Mishna (Arakin, 3 2 ), the pi. is rno-no instead of 0>DTD as here.
6. ri>ana] is constr. of ^3??, which in BH. is frequently used for "pool"
or " reservoir." It also occurs in the Siloam inscr., 1. 5. n)37.a is different
in form from mrna, the constr. of '"irns, "blessing." Graetz, recalling
the facts that Solomon and Herod were the two great builders among
90 ECCLESIASTES
Israel's kings, and that Herod built reservoirs, uses this allusion as an
argument for the Herodian date of the book. DT] is omitted by Ha.
on account of the metrical exigency. "i:na is, it is true, usually not fol-
lowed by D^D in BH., but Nah. 2 9 presents a parallel in favor of the pres-
ent reading. DHL] is used after nona for pa. There is considerable
inaccuracy in BH. as to the agreement in gender in such cases. Cf.
Ges. K - i45u. See also below on 2 10 . &v;\ is ace. after the intrans.
npix. Cf. Ges. K - nyy. 7. njp], " to gain possession of ," was used with
IDDa for "buying" (e.g., Am. 8 6 Is. 43 24 ), and then came to mean "buy"
when used without ion (cf. Gn. 39! 47 23 Ex. 2i l 2 S. i2 3 , etc.). no ->ja]
are slaves born of slaves already in the master's possession (cf. Gn.
i5 2 ). The usual expression for this is no n>S^ See Gn. 14" i7 12 - 13 -
23 - 27 and Je. 2 14 . n\-i no ^a] is a phrase with a pi. sub. and a sing. pred.
Ty. thought the expression a collective, but Ges. K (i45u) and K6.
(349g) explain it better as a case where the sing, dependent gen. has
attracted the verb to its number. One MS. has corrected to -vn (cf.
Dr.). n^pp] was read as a const, njpp by <&, 6, 1C and &. On the
pointing njpD, see Baer, Mg., p. 61. Buxtorf and Dr., in their
editions, point is as a constr., and Wild, so regards it. The analogy
of Gn. 26" and 2 Ch. 32" favors this view. No., Wr., VI. and K6.
(333) explain njpp as absol. and ipa and |NX as appositives of
nearer definition. Cf. Ges. K - i2yh. ^3nn] is in one source pointed
na-v-i. See Baer, Mg., p. 61. vn#] is read n;n^ ; by 87 MSS. Cf. Dr.
oVtfno Saa] Bick. and Zap. omit for metrical reasons. Ha. goes
still further, arbitrarily reducing the original verse to 7a. The reference
to cattle and predecessors was in his view a gloss which reached its present
form by the addition of two glosses. 8. ^noja]. Kn.'s contention that Dja
means "collect" only in late Heb. will hardly stand. Even its mean-
ing in Is. 28 20 may be explained as a derivative of this meaning, as also
the derived noun in Lv. i6 4 . The root is found in all the Semitic lan-
guages. In Heb., Aram., Syr. and Eth. it means to "collect," "assemble,"
etc., while the meanings in Ar. ("to lie down in a lair") and As.
("submit") probably go back to this primitive meaning. (8 BA reads
KO.I 7e xpfoiov. McN. suggests that the original text may have been
anr DJ. ^D] denotes a "treasure," or "precious treasure" (cf. Ex.
19* Mai. 3 17 ). In the Targ. it denotes "investments," "heirlooms,"
"treasures" (cf. Ja.). In As. its pi. suguUati means "herds." Hit.
compares the Ar. shaghl, "work," holding that rnjp means that which
is worked upon, and so "valuable," "precious." It is doubtful, how-
ever, whether Chain is an equivalent of x nunon], the article here is
peculiar in view of the fact that DoSo is undefined. Gr. thought that
some word had fallen out of the text adducing njnp >jpf p (Dn. n 24 )
as a suggestive parallel, but as Ty. long ago noted, ch. 7 25 affords an
example of the introduction of an article in a somewhat similar way, and
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l 12 -^ 2 * 91
makes it probable that nirtn is gen. after n^JD in spite of the article.
njinn itself, although it occurs once as early as i K. 20", is an Aram,
word, from ft. Its primary meaning is "place of judgment," but it
is used in the sense of "province" (cf. EDB. Esi. j 1 - 3 - 22 3 12 - " La. i>-
Ne. i 3 ii 3 Dn. 8 2 n 24 , etc.). Bick. (p. 10) rejects the words nSjoi
nunnn as a gloss, because the exigencies of his metrical theory de-
mand it. nijuyn] occurs in Mi. 2 9 Pr. ig 10 and BS. 4I 1 in the sense of
" pleasures," "luxuries." With this the Talmudic usage corresponds, cf.
BDE., Ja., sub -voce. nn^i mir] the sing, of a word followed by its pi.
or masc. followed by fern, is used to denote totality, cf. Ges. K - i22v and
Ko. 91. As to the meaning of these words the greatest diversity of
opinion has prevailed. (& and 6 read olvo-^bov Kal o^o%6as, "male
and female cupbearers" (i.e., rVnfcn rnir, cf. sub. voce) a reading sup-
ported by 32, & and K. 'A. read KV\IKIOV Kal Kv\litia, "a cup and cups."
Similarly H rendered "scyphos et urceos in ministerio ad vina fun-
denda." \ccording to Jer., S read "mensarum species et apposi-
tiones." 51 rendered D'-Dn N>O inch jonni mate *OD pian pann, i.e.,
"tubes (siphons?) which pour forth cold water and tubes which pour
forth hot water." The ancients accordingly understood the word to
refer to the pleasures of the table in some way. Among modern in-
terpreters Dat. supports this view. According to Gins., Ibn Melech
interpreted the words to mean "ip.T. ^D, in which he was followed by Luther
and AV. in: "musical instruments and that of all sorts." Dale, among
recent interpreters, still holds to this. Ew. and Z6. derive the root from
a word meaning "mass," "heap," and render "a heap and heaps."
Heng. and Re. connect it with Ar. root shadda, robur, vehementia, and
render "plenty of all sorts." Ra., whom Gr. follows, makes it refer to
sedan-chairs. Most modern scholars take the words to refer to a harem
and as completing the meaning rnjujrn, which is thought to refer to
sexual pleasures (so Dod., Mic., Kn., Hit., Heil., Vaih., Wang.,
Ty., Gins., No., VI., Wr., PL. Eur., Wild., Sieg., McN., Gen., Marsh,
and Ha.), though they differ as to the root from which it should be
derived. Some connect it with sadda, "to hide," supposing it to be an
appropriate reference to oriental women. Others, as Hit., derive it
from sanada, "to lean upon"; so they suppose it to mean "bed," and
hence "concubine." Others (e.g., Olshausen) derive it from std (Heb.
TIP, "demon," As. "sidu, "bull-deity"), which in Ar. not only means
"demon" (Spanish Cid), but also "lord," and sayyidat, "lady" (modern
Ar. sitti). (In Talmud Babli, Gittin, y8a, it is said that in Palestine
the word was understood to mean chests, or sedan-chairs, but in Baby-
lon, demons, both male and female.) Ros. and Marsh, connect it with
1E', "the breast," and so reached the meaning "female," while Wr. and
others derive it with more probability from -ntr, As. 'sadddu, "to love."
Pr. (Kittel's Bib. Heb., p. 113711) supposes the original reading to ha,ve
92 ECCLESIASTES
been ninin rnfr, "a princess and princesses," a view which BDB.
also shares. Though the etymology is obscure, the connection demands
the meaning -if' mistress " or "concubine." In picturing the life of one
who, like Solomon, tasted all pleasures to the full, the luxuries of the
harem would surely not be omitted. Zap. and Ha. omit nnin m^ on
metrical grounds, without sufficient reason. 9. TiflDim ^nS-ui], see
comment on i 16 and cf. K6. 37of and 37ib, d, and Ges. K - i2od.
Sieg. emends the text to wyn >ncD)m ^nS-ui, supposing that TIODH
must have an object, but as Del. had observed its object is an implied
n^j understood from TiS-u. Sij] is used of one who increases in
wealth, cf. Gn. 24 26 13 i K. io 23 and Job i 3 . On *lKl="also 5 " cf.
K6. 37id. icy] has the meaning "remain," see Is. 47 12 Je. 48"
Ps. IO2 27 . Most modern exegetes so render it here. Herz, Ew., Elst.
and Gins, follow an explanation of Ra.'s which takes the word in the
sense of " assist." This is not so probable. 10. V?NE>] S happily renders
tiri8v/j.i?i<Tav. Cf. for similar meaning Dt. i4 26 . Dno] occurs instead of
po. As Del. noted this has resulted from the transfer of the inaccuracies
of the common spoken language to literature, cf. Gn. s6 15 31 9 32 16
Job i" Ges. K 1350 and K6. 14. Cases of faulty agreement not
strictly parallel to this also occur in Zc. 4 10 and Ct. 4. J?JD] frequently
takes the ace. of the thing and the gen. ( p) of the person, but that con-
struction is reversed here as in Gn. 3o 2 and Nu. 24". net'] is rarely used
with p; when it is, p denotes the source of the joy, cf. Pi. 5 18 2 Ch. 20".
Gr. believed that the original reading was nntP'', the ^ being omitted
because of the "* of ^3*?. <B1> B l56 - 253 - K4 and 2% reads v(j>oijvt)s /j.ov=
"my mirth" for nop. The IMV is probably a corruption, introduced
because it occurs so many times in the passage. fSn], cf. on 3 22 . Ha.
omits ^ny SOD HDE> vaS ^ and SD before the last ^ny on account of the
supposed exigencies of his metrical arrangement. 11. njs] is usually
followed by SN, but here and in Job 6 28 by a. In Is. 8 21 nSj?nS njs is used
for "look upward." Hit. urges that the analogy of vs. 12 would lead us
to supply niao 1 ? after njc here. ^N], the pleonastic use of this pron.
after verbs is peculiar to Qoh. Cf. Da. 107, rem. i. On the phrases
H "vyu> frj?D and nSoy^ Sny, cf. Ko. 329d. On the inf. rnfrpS,
cf. Gn. 2 3 Jo. 2 20 and K6. 4020. Ha. omits n 1 * Saa and
n-n n^m for his metrical arrangement.
12. OiNnno]. 05 has r Is <x'0pw7ro5=0-ix <o; McN. thinks this was
the reading before Aqiba, and to which Gr. would emend the text.
Most of the Vrss. favor DD, which makes better sense. "l^on]. /SouX^
in (& and S is a rendering of the Aram. "jSn for I 1 ?.'?, cf. Dn. 4 24 . The
clause has been variously understood and rendered. Ty. and PI. re-
gard the expression as proverbial, which Ty. thinks would account for
the elliptical omission of r\vy after oixn. Hit. and Heng. take the ques-
tion to refer to the king's successor, and Hit. emends in-ife^ to the inf.
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. l'2-2" 93
In substance the question on this view becomes "What can
the king's successor do? That which he (the king) already is doing."
Del., Wr., and Ha. render: "What shall the man do who comes after
the king whom they long ago made?" believing on the basis of i Ch.
29" that Israelites could believe that Solomon had been made king by
the people. This rendering seems harsh and unnatural. Sieg. trans-
poses the two halves of the vs., so as to connect the question: "What
can the man do," etc., with the statement of vs. n that all is vanity.
02] is omitted by (8, & H , &, and H, and should probably be dropped
from the text. and Biresh. Rob. are the only ancient authori-
ties which support MT. Dr. notes that for wtoy, 68 MSS., <& B ,
& and U read -infrj;. The text adopted in the above rendering is, there-
fore, intrp nips nx i^nn nnx XID^ nirp onxn HD. Ha. omits 0"iNn and
imirj? iSon for metrical reasons. 13. J^n^] of Walton's Pol. and of
Hahn is pointed t'nn?! by Baer and Dr. For the reasons, see Baer,
Megilloth, p. 61, and for analogies, Je. 25 36 Ps. 45 13 and Pr. 30". See
also Ges. K - 246. Zap. and Ha., in view of their conceptions of the
metre, reject "j^nn jnn>3 as a gloss a view which we cannot share.
p]on | D in comparisons, see Ges. K - i33b. 14. That Sieg. regards i4a
as a gloss n"as been treatecT under vs. 13. DJ]. Kn., Gins, and Zo. take this
in an adversative sense, but as Del., Wr., and VI. note, if it were ad-
versative, it should come at the beginning of the sentence. The real
adv. particle here is ]. ins] is used, as several times in Qoh., in the
sense of "the same," cf. 3 19 - 20 6 6 g 2 - 3 12". mpc] from mp, "to hap-
pen," "befall" (cf. Gn. 44 29 ), means "chance" or "accident," as in
i S. 2o 26 Ru. 2 3 , and then passes to the meaning of "fate," SDB. (i S.
6 9 Qoh. 2 14 - 15 3 19 9 2 - 3 ). Vv. 15-17 show that it refers to death or
oblivion. Sieg. considers it a Grascism, but, as McN. notes* its use in
i S. 6 9 proves that it has good Hebrew precedent. Son], literally, "the
whole," but used of two things, it is equivalent to "both," cf. ch. 3 19 - 20
66 ylS pi. 2 JQ19.
15. rnpp;p]. Baer points this as though in st. abs., claiming (p. 61)
that the authority of the Massorafor this is quite clear. But most mod-
ern editors, including BDE., Dr., point as constr. rnj?D. ^ DJ], this is
an emphatic expression. The emphasis is obtained by the anticipation
of the suffix in 'jx, cf. Gn. 24" Ez. 33" 2 Ch. 28 10 , and for a kindred
use, Nu. i4 and i K. 2i 19 ; also -Ges. K 1356 and Ko. 19. "vYi IN],
the phrase has occasioned much difficulty both in ancient and modern
times. TX is omitted by (8 BCS * (and several cursives). &, II and K,
followed by Gr., omit it as without meaning. <$ANa.cV supports MT.,
and most modern scholars adhere to MT., although Kn. changed it to ^.
They differ, however, in their interpretations of it. Zo. and No. take it to
refer to the moment of death; then wisdom will avail nothing Del. says
it may be either a temporal or a logical "then," Wild, takes it in the
94 ECCLESIASTES
logical sense, while Gins, regards it as introducing the apodosis. K6.
373! takes it temporally, citing as parallels Ju. 5 8 i K. 9" Mi. 3*
Ps. 40 8 56 10 Ct. 8". Our passage seems to differ from these, and I in-
cline to agree with Gins, and Wild., and take it as a logical " then," intro-
ducing a conclusion. nn\) has also been variously treated. 5DB.,
and most recent interpreters, take it as an adverb as in y 16 i2 9 . This
is probably right, though Dale would correct to ^\ and Winckler (AOF.
IV, 351), who is followed by Sieg. and Dr., would correct to <| fnn rx,
comparing vs. 3. HD 4 ?]. Del. and Wr. point out that nnS in a question asks
after the object or design, while JNID asks for the reason of the object.
Ha., for metrical reasons, omits ^x DJ and oSa as glosses. 16. fnat]
for the form, see on i. TX]. Winckler (AOF., IV, 351) corrects to
IN, but as McN. has said, it is unnecessary. A better sense is obtained
as the text stands. a>], lit. "with," is used in comparisons; so, Hit.,
Heil., Gr., Del., Wr., Gins., No., VI. Compare ch. 7" Job 9 37"
Ps. 88 5 , also BDB. 768a, and Ko. 375!. "O3$a is a compound ex-
pression. -^3] is equivalent to nirxa, "inasmuch" or "because," BDB.,
cf. Gn. 39 9 - M and K6. 3896. tfa is compounded as in post-Bib.
Heb. (cf. above Introd. io). 122] means "already," see on i 10 .
As McN. remarks, Q. puts himself at the point of view of future days and
looks backward. o^xan O'D^n] is ace. of time, cf. Ges. K 1181, and Je.
aS 16 . S3n] refers here to persons, as in Ps. i4 3 . For the meaning
"both," see on 2 14 . rotfj] may in form be either the perf. or a part.
Gins, takes it as a part., but it is better to regard it as a perf. used to
express the future perfect, cf. Da. 41 (c). -px], though sometimes
interrogative as in i S. i6 2 , is here exclamatory as in Is. 14* Ez. 26"
La. i 1 , etc. 17. Sj? jn], as Delitzsch pointed out, is a late expression
parallel to Sy 210 of Es. 3* and the similar expression in Ps. i6 6 . It is
an idiom found in the Mishna, see Pirke Aboth, 2 l - 12 and 4 12 . Hit.
endeavors to explain the prep, in Sjr jn as "unto," and Gins, as "upon,"
denoting the resting of a burden upon one. Hit. cites Job lo 1 and Ps.
42 B - 6 in support of his view, and Gins., Is. i 14 Job 7 20 Qoh. 6 1 8 in
support of his. Possibly it originated in the view Gins, advocates, but
it has become simply a late usage. nirpo] may refer to cosmic activity
as in i 9 , or to human activities as in i 14 . nn rnjni]. Gr. would emend
to nn ny\\ on the ground that the verse refers to the world-order, and
it is unfitting to say that it is desiring wind. This is unnecessary, how-
ever, since Q.'s complaint is that the cosmic order, which dooms the wise
to oblivion like the fool, renders the efforts of man toward wisdom a de-
sire of wind. 18. rjnax] Kn. derived from nj\ but most recent inter-
preters have correctly observed that it is from n-u. Cf. rmpn from n-io,
Je. 38". nnx], cf. K6. 410 b. 19. oann], the -n is the interrogative par-
ticle. It is used with ^x in double questions. The more common par-
ticles for such questions are ox -n, but the combination ^x -n.
QOHELETH'S EXPERIMENTS [Cn. 1^2 95
which we have here, occurs several times, once in the J. document.
Cf. Ju. i8 10 2 K. 6" Ma. i 8 Job i6 3 38" and Qoh. n. For the more
usual form see Gn. 24" 27", etc. Cf. Ges. K - i5og and K6. 379)3.
SDD ]. The root, spelled with a z, occurs, as noted above, in this sense
in the form Zakalu in the code of Hammurabi, col. XXIII, 40. oSir]
occurs in BH. only in late compositions, Ne. Es. Ps. iiQ 133 and Qoh.
It is frequent in the Aram, portions of Daniel. (g B AXV re ad el ti-ov-
ffidferai, which represents taVtpn in Heb. Perhaps as McN. thinks this
was a reading before the time of Aqiba. It is an unnatural reading,
and may have arisen through some mistake. SDD IN]. Ha. regards this as
a gloss, and both he and Zap. reject San ni DJ as a stereotyped insertion.
These supposed glosses are in the interest of their metrical arrangement.
TiDDrwi inSaj:tJ>] is, as Zo. and Del. have noted, a hendiadys for "upon
which I toiled wisely." 20. ^niiDi]. Some scholars maintain that there
is a distinction between 2 3D and njs that the former means "turn to
do," the latter "turn to see." Del. has pointed out, however, that in
Lv. 26 9 njfl means "turn to do," while in Qoh. 7 25 220 signifies "turn to
see." t^], according to Baer, should be pointed #so. Dr. so points it,
and the reading is accepted by Ges. K 646. The form is a Piel inf.
The root occurs outside of this passage but five times in the OT. (i S.
27! Is. 57 10 Je. 2 25 18 12 Job 6 26 ), and always in the Niphal. The Mishna
has the Hithpael of the root, thus vouching for its use in the Piel, see
Aboth, i 7 , and Kelim, 26 8 . Soyn So hy]. A number of MSS. of (& read iv
/j.6x0<>> fJ-ov = iSnya. Btoipn nnn]. Ha. rejects this as a gloss, which spoils the
symmetry of his metrical arrangement. 21. DIN DIN] is a balanced
rhetorical expression, cf. Ko. 34. fH^?] occurs only in Qoh., here,
and in 4* and 5 10 . Its root -\BO occurs in Es. 8 s Qoh. io l and n,
also in NH. Aram, and Syr. (BDE. 5o6b and Ja. 677b). The root
means "to go well," "prosper;" and the noun, "success." ipSn] is taken
by No. as the second object of pj, cf. Ps. 2 8 , Ges. K - (13101) takes it
as an appositive to the preceding suffix, Kb. (3400) regards it as a
predicate ace. ipSn and nan njn Ha. excises so that the verse shall
conform to his metrical conception.
22. nirvj, the part, of nin, occurs elsewhere in Ne. 6 6 . The root, Job 37',
has the meaning "fall;" in Gn. 27" Is.i 6 4 Ne. 6 6 and Qoh. nHhe sense
of n->n, "be," which it has here. Ges. Bu - (i3th ed.) regards nin, "to
fall," and nin, "to be," as different roots, butBDB. is probably right in
connecting them, that "which occurs" or "falls out, " being that which is.
In Aramaic nin and nin occur side by side in the sense of "be" (see
Dalman, Aram. Gram. 73, and Ja., p. 338). nin is found in the Aram,
inscr. of Panammu of Zendjirli, which is from the 8th cent. (cf. G. A.
Cooke, North Sem. Inscr., pp. 172, 176). Its occurrence in Aram, led
Hit., No. and others to regard it as an Aramaism, but its occurrence
in an old poem in Gn. 27" indicates that in Heb. as in Aram, it was at
ECCLESIASTES
every period a synonym of nin- This usage occurs in NH. also, cf.
Aboth, i 4 and 2 s , and for the idiom Ja. sub voce. See also Ko. 326h.
For DINS] (& has tv T< avOpdiry. Probably there was a pre-Aqiban read-
ing DINS. jvjn] is not nijn, but probably comes from the same root.
BDB. renders it "longing," "striving." In the Tal. it means "desire,"
"ambition," "greed" (cf. Ja. sub voce). Nina;] was read Nin^ by Ki.
(cf. Ges. K - 36), and is so read by Baer, Del., No. and VI. Cf. Drip,
ch. 3 18 . SD and >Dts>n N-intp] Ha.'s metrical arrangement leads him
to reject as glosses. 23. vo^ SD] is regarded by AE., Hit., Gr., Gins,
and McN. as ace. of time, OOJOD being taken like Dj?a as a pred. of pjp.
This is a possible construction. Del., Wr., Sieg., Ha. and Ko. (cf.
3o6r) take it as the subj. of a nominal sentence, of which DOXDD is the
predicate. D'O&OD]. Gins, remarks that this is a plural used to express
an abstract idea. 0^51], see the comment on i 18 and for py, on i 13 . Del.
and Wr. note that the pointing of waiv with kamec before DJJD is done be-
cause D}72 is a segholate, having its accent on the first syllable, thus bring-
ing the vowel of i into an open syl. before the tone. For similar cases see
Lv. i8 B Is. 65" and Pr. 25'. The sentence which begins here is nom-
inal and its pred. is for emphasis placed first. Cf. Ko. 3380 33^],
literally "lie down," is used for "sleep" (Gn. 28 13 Ju. i6 3 and i S. 3").
The rendering "rest" is a little free, but gives the sense. DJ]. U read
a ~i before the last DJ, but this is unsupported by the other versions.
S^n nt DJ] Zap. erases as a stereotyped gloss, which disturbs the
metre, but Ha. finds it necessary to the metre here.
24. Sieg., with no good reason, denies the last clause of the vs. to
Q. It is thoroughly consistent with the point of view of such a
Jew as Q. Sieg. is right in saying that in Q. 210 and raw rarely
denote ethical good (as in 7 20 i2 14 ), but "convenience," "satisfaction,"
as in 2 1 - 2 3 12 - 13 - 22 4 6 - 8 5" 6 3 12 7"- 2 8 12 - ii?. BDE. show that
they seldom have ethical meaning in OT. 01x2] is a corruption from
DixS, for that is the reading of (& BAC , & and TJ, and the construction
in 6 12 and 8 15 . SsN'tf], before this word a D has fallen out. Gins., Gr., Del.,
Wr., Eur., Wild., McN., Kit. and Ko. (3igh) have taken this view.
SDSO'^D is supported by <& c , &, H, (&, ?K, and by the analogy of 3 12 - 22 and
8 15 . njnm nrcn]. Instead the pre-Aqiban reading seems to have been
rwveh nntf'Bh, for so read CS BCS 161 - 248 - 254 - 298 and &. Perhaps as McN.
suggests the relative v was dropped by mistake from nnB>>a>i because of
its proximity to another a>, after which n&nn was changed so as to make
the tense conform. rir], fern.; an apocopation of rw. Cf. BDB., Ges. K
34b and Ko. 45. The form occurs also in 2 K. 6 19 Ez. 40" Qoh. 2 s 2
515. is 723 gis. ov^ND T>D], i.e., God's gift (Del.). NTI is replaced by
N-in in some MSS. Cf. Baer, p. 62. DINS and iSnya] Ha. rejects as
glosses for his metrical arrangement. The whole of vs. 24b (on DJ)
he, like Sieg., regards as a gloss, although he finds it in metrical form.
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS [Cn. 3'-'* 97
25. Sieg. and Ha. reject the vs. as a gloss along with vs. 240. That this is un-
necessary has been shown under vs. 24. znrp]. For this (6, 6 and & read
nnts*, as in vs. 24. 'A, 2 and & H read i?in>, or Dim, "to suffer," "feel
pity," etc., like Syr. hus. The authorities last cited prove that the reading
of (& and Q is not primitive, for no one would change in that case to the
more difficult reading of 'A and S. Modern interpreters since Del.
connect it with the Ar. hassa, "to feel, have sensation, perceive,"
Aram, ti'i'n, As. asasu, "to feel pain." Thus we have the Syr. has, "per-
ceive," "understand," and Eth. hawas, "understanding." Thus Del-,
Wr., No., BDB. and Ges. Bu take it correctly for "perceive," "feel,"
"enjoy." p xin] does not occur elsewhere in BH., but occurs in Tal-
mud, e.g., Berakot, 33b, and Niddah, i6b. It is the equivalent of the
Aram, p "n, cf. e.g., Targ. to Isa. 43" 45", etc. ^cc], instead (6,
1C, 2C and g> read UDC. Of modern scholars, Gr., Zo., Dale, Del., Wr.,
Bick., Eur., Sieg., Wild., McN., Ha. and Dr. have followed this reading.
In this they are undoubtedly right. >3DD gives no intelligible meaning.
26. pj]. Ty.'s notion that the perf. is used to indicate the unalterable
character of God's decrees, is foreign to Heb. thought. The perf. is
the perf. of actions, which experience proves to be customary, cf. Da.
40 (c), Ges. K io6k. -"^in] is in Q., except in 7 16 , pointed like the
part, of verbs. "n"S (c}. 8 12 p 2 - 18 ). On the kinship of verbs 'V"? and
"n", S, cf. Ges. K 7500. San m Di] Zap. erases as a gloss, which destroys
his metre, while Ha. regards the vs. metrically perfect as it stands.
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS IN COMPARISON WITH
GOD ( 3 >-).
The burden of this section is that man's activities are limited to
certain times and seasons, in which he goes his little round doing
what has been done before him ; his nature cries out for complete
knowledge of the works of God, but the best he can do is ignorantly
to rejoice and get good within these limitations.
l . Everything has a fixed season, and there is a time for every busi-
ness under the sun.
*. A time to be born;
And a time to die;
A time to plant,
And a time to uproot what is planted.
. A time to kill
And a time to heal;
A time to break down
And a time to build.
98 KCCLES1ASTES
. A time to weep
And a time to laugh;
A time to mourn
And a time to dance.
6. A time to scatter stones,
And a time to pick up stones;
A time to embrace,
And a time to refrain from embracing.
8. A time to seek
And a time to lose,
A time to keep
And a time to throw away.
*. A time to rend
And a time to sew;
A time to keep silence,
And a time to speak.
s. A time to love
And a time to hate;
A time of war
And a time of peace.
9 . What profit has a worker in that in which he toils? 10 . 1 saw the
toil which God has given the sons of men to toil in. u . He has made
everything appropriate in its time; also he has put ignorance in man's
heart, so that he cannot find out the work that God does from be-
ginning to end. 12 . 1 know that there is no good for them except to
rejoice and to do good in their life. 13 . And also every man that he
should eat and drink and see good in all his toil, is the gift of God. u . I
know that all which God does it shall be forever; unto it, it is not possible
to add, and from it, it is not possible to take away, and God has done it
that men may fear before him. 15 . What is that which is ? Already it
has been, and what is to be already is, for God shall seek that which is
driven away.
1. Everything has a fixed season]. In this ch. Qoheleth reverts
to the thought of ch. i, but treats the application of the thought to
human activities in a somewhat different way. His point is that
there is a proper or divinely ordered time for all human activities,
and that these go on over and over again. Ha. interprets the
word "time" here as a "short space of time," and so obtains the
meaning for verses 1-9, that all is transient. This gives, how-
ever, an unwarranted meaning to the passage. Compare the Ara-
bic proverb: "Everything has its proper time" (Jewett, in JAOS.
XV, 92). Verse i is probably alluded to in the last clause of
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS [CH.3'-" 99
Wisdom, 8 8 . 2. A time to be born]. Ty. and Sieg. hold that this
table (vv. 1-8), of times and seasons, when various actions are
appropriate, betrays Stoic influence, since Marcus Aurelius (IV,
32) makes a somewhat similar contrast. They believe this table
shows a knowledge of the Stoic principle of living in accord with
nature. The proof is, however, not convincing. A Hebrew, by
reflecting on life, might have given expression to sentiments like
these, though untouched by Stoic teaching. Cf . Introduction, 6 (2).
Ha. transposes many of the clauses of this table so as to secure
a more symmetrical grouping of events. Other transpositions
have been suggested (e.g., the transposition of 2b and 3a, and
placing 5a before 4a),so as to secure a logical sequence of thought,
the order thus obtained being: i, treatment of landed property;
2, emotions of joy and sorrow; 3, preservation and loss of prop-
erty in general; 4, emotions of friendship and enmity. (Cf. McN.,
p. 61.) Such artificial arrangements are, however, as McN.
well says, foreign to the book. Many suggestions have been made
as to the meaning of "be born" and "to die." The former of
these is here to be taken in an intransitive sense (see crit. note).
Ty. thought it referred to the fact that pregnancy has its fixed
period before birth, and that this fact is made parallel to the fact
that life has its fixed period before it is terminated by death. Ha.
believes that Qoheleth observed that there are periods in human
history when the race exhibits great fecundity, as it did after the
Black Death (1348-1351), and that there are other periods, like
that of the Black Death, when dying prevails. It is doubtful
whether Qoheleth 's thought is as abstruse as either of these would
imply. It is more probable that he simply meant that in every
life there is a time to be born and a time to die, and that every
agriculturist has a time of planting and a time of uprooting, i.e.,
life is full of contrasts. At one period we undo what at another
period we have done. 3. A time to kill and a time to heal]. The
antitheses of life are illustrated by further examples. There are
times when man destroys life, and times when he tries to save it;
times when he breaks down old walls, and times when he builds
new ones. 4. A time to weep and a time to laugh]. In illustration
of the mourning referred to, cf. Zc. i2 10 , and in illustration of the
100 ECCLESIASTES
meaning of "times of mourning and of rejoicing," cf. Mt. 9"
ii 16 - 17 Lk. 6 21 and Jn. i6 20 . 5. A time to scatter stones]. The
interpretation of the first clause is difficult. The and AE. took it
to refer to scattering the stones of an old building, and collecting
stones for a new structure. Several modern scholars (Kn., Hit.,
HeiL, Wr., No., VI., Wild., and McN.) take it to refer to scatter-
ing stones to render fields unproductive (cf. 2 K. 3 19 25 ), and pick-
ing up stones to render a field cultivable (cf. Is. 5'). PL, taking
a hint from a suggestion of Del., is inclined to regard it as a refer-
ence to the Jewish custom, which survives among Christians, of
throwing stones or earth into the grave at a burial. Although he
confesses that this leaves the "gathering" of stones unexplained,
it would refer to the severance of human ties, as "embracing" in
the last clause refers to the opposite. Probably the second inter-
pretation, which refers to fields, is to be preferred, though in that
case there is no logical connection between the two halves of
the verse. A time to embrace and a time to refrain from embracing].
Gr. and Wr. take the last clause to refer to the embraces of men
in cordial friendly greeting. It is true that the word is so used in
Gn. 2Q 13 33 4 2 K. 4 16 . Ty., No. and Sieg. take it to refer to erotic
embraces, comparing Prov. 5 20 , and Ct. 2 6 , where the word un-
doubtedly has that significance. On this interpretation the time
"to refrain from embracing" is that mentioned in Lv. i5 23 24 .
This latter view is to be preferred. 6. A time to seek and a time
to lose, a time to keep and a time to throw away]. The two clauses
of the verse are not exactly synonymous. The first refers to the
acquisition of property as contrasted with losing it; the second,
to guarding what one has in contrast with throwing it away.
7. A time to rend]. Most interpreters see in this verse a reference
to rending garments as a sign of mourning (cf. Gn. 37 29 44"
2 S. i 11 3 31 Job i 20 2 12 ), and sewing them up after the sadness
is past, also to keeping silence in sorrow (cf. 2 K. i8 36 Job 2 13
Ps. 39 2 9 ), and to utterance as a sign of joy (cf. Is. 58 1 Ps. 26'
i26 2 ). PL, however, prefers to see in it a reference to rending a
garment as a sign of schism or division, as in the case of Ahijah
(i K. ii 30 ), in which case the sewing would be figurative for the
restoration of unity. He compares the words of Jesus (Mt. io 34 35 )
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS [CH.3'- IOI
to show that there are occasions when schism is necessary, and
Is. 58' 2 to show that there are times when the opposite is in place.
While Qoheleth's principle might be figuratively extended to cover
such cases as PL supposes, it is far more likely that he had the uni-
versal customs of mourning in mind. On silence and speech com-
pare BS. 2o 6 7 in the Heb. 8. A time to love]. Qoheleth declares
here that love and hate as well as their expression in war and peace
have their appointed times. Wr. recalls with reference to vv. 2-8
the words of Marcus Aurelius (xii, 23), rov Se tccupov, Kal rov opov
Si8o)(nv TI <f)V(ns "both the opportunity and the limit nature
gives." As was noted above, Ty. and Sieg. regard these verses
as the result of Stoic influence. Pfleiderer (Jahrbuch fur prot.
Theol., 1887, 178-182) finds in them traces of the influence of
the Trdvra /act, or universal flux, of Heraclitus. As Wild, well ob-
serves, the fundamental thought of these verses in its connec-
tion differs from every known philosophy. It is, as Cox says,
when man thinks himself most free that he is subject to divine
law.
9. What profit, etc]. After his extended survey, Qoheleth returns
to the crying question of ch. i 3 . The positive question is a neg-
ative assertion. His position is that there has been ordained a
time for all these activities, but that no substantial advantage ac-
crues from them to man, though he must go through them. 10. /
saw the toil}. Qoheleth reverts here to the very word which he
had used in i 13b . The verse gives the reason for the denial made
in vs. 9. 11. Everything appropriate]. For a justification of the
rendering "appropriate" and "ignorance," see critical notes be-
low. The verse continues Qoh.'s observations about times and
seasons. Everything, he declares, is suitable to its season, but
God has so veiled man's vision that he cannot discover God's work
from beginning to end, i.e., its purpose and meaning. He has put
ignorance in man's heart gives us a glimpse of Qoheleth's con-
ception of God. He thinks of him as a being jealous lest man
should become his equal. It is a Semitic thought. Cf. Gn. 3 22ff ,
and the story of Adapa, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, VI, 92 ff.
The first clause of this verse is recalled in the Heb. text of Sirach,
39 1 * s. 12. There is no good for them]. This verse reiterates the
102 ECCLESIASTES
pessimistic conclusion previously drawn in 2 24 . Qoheleth comes
back to it here after passing in review the activities of human life
in their appropriate times and their futility. Do good}. Ew.,
Heng., Zo., PL, and Wr. maintain that this means to do good in
an ethical sense. Wherever the phrase occurs in Qoh., however,
it is denned by the context to mean " enjoy life." Del. is probably
right in claiming that it is here equivalent to "see good" of the
next verse. 13. And also]. The verse continues and completes
the thought of vs. 12. Ginsburg is quite right in maintaining that
"and also" is dependent upon " I know." It is not to be rendered
as an adversative, as Wr. and VI. maintain. The thought is the
same as that of 2 24 , but Qoh. approaches it here from a some-
what different line of reasoning. Every man] or "each man"
stands for "all humanity," though the phrase takes each in-
dividual man singly. Cf. ch. 5 18 and Ps. n6 u . Is the gift of
God}. In Qoheleth's view, God's one good gift to man is the bit of
healthy animal life which comes with the years of vigor. See
below, ch. 1 1 9 -i 2 6 . 14. All which God does shall be forever]. This
vs., introduced like vs. 12 by / know, contains a second conviction
of Qoheleth, based on vv. 2-3. This conviction is that man is
caught in the world-order and cannot escape from it. This much
can be seen that the world-order is the work of God, and is
ordained to produce in men the fear of God. As the context
shows, however, this is to Qoheleth not a sufficient explanation.
He longs for some vision of a permanent gain from man's pre-
scribed activities, whereas all that he can see is that man should
eat and drink and enjoy himself. It is probable that he does not
put into the word "fear" a meaning so religious as it often bears in
other passages, as Mai. i 6 . On the permanence of God's works,
cf. Ps. 33 ll . The first half of this vs. is quoted and elaborated
in BS. i8 6 . 15. What is that which is? Already it has been]. Qo-
heleth now reverts, approaching it from another point of view,
to the thought expressed in i 9 . Here it is the immutability
of the divine order in which man is caught that oppresses him.
Everything has its time. Nothing can be put out of existence.
Acts and events recur continually, each pursuing the other in a
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS [CH.3i-> 5 103
revolving circle. Tyler compares Ovid, Metamorphoses, XV,
179 /-'
Even time itself glides on with constant progress
No otherwise than a river. For neither can the river pause,
Nor the fleeting hour; but as wave is urged by wave,
The earlier pushed by the one approaching, and it pushes the former,
So the moments similarly fly on and similarly follow,
And ever are renewed.
Qoheleth's figure is not, however, a river, but a circle. In this he
conceives of event as chased by event, until it is itself brought back
by God. Already], see on i 10 .
I 1 , pr] occurs in Heb.only in late books (Ne. 2 6 Es. 9" 3I and here).
It is used frequently in the Mishna (see e.g., Erub., 6 7 , and Zebakhim,
i 1 and 2 3 . The participle occurs in Ezr. io 14 , Ne. lo 35 and i3 31 , in the
sense of fixing calendar dates. The noun means a "fixed or appointed
time." Schechter conjectures that in the Heb. of BS. 4 20 , pnn nj; M3
should be pn ny ^3 (see above Introd. 11, i). The Greek of
BS., however, translates simply by Katpov. The root pt, having the
same general meaning, is found in Ar., Eth. and Aram. In some of
the dialects of the latter (Syr., Mand., Palmy rene and Samaritan), it is
zabna, or zibna. In As. it occurs as simanu. In the Aram, of
Daniel it occurs several times in the sense of "appointed time," see
Dn. 2 16 - 21 3 7 - 8 , etc. <&'s reading, f> xpt> vo *> indicates the pre-Aqiban
reading was pin. Cf. McN., p. 141. VDn],from a root meaning " be
pleased" or "take delight," originally meant "pleasure," see e.g., Is.
44 28 46 10 53 10 and Job 2i 21 . Sometimes in Qoh. this earlier meaning
survives (e.g., in 5 3 I2 1 - 10 ). Here, however, it means "matter," or
"business," i.e., "that in which one is occupied, or takes delight," a
meaning which it also has in ch. 5 7 and 8 6 . The (8 rendered it by
irpdy/j-a. In the Talmud it meant the same, see Ja. 492b. Cf. also on
the word Ko. 8oc.
2. mVS]. Hit., Z6. and Sieg. maintain that this is not equivalent
to iSjn, but that it is an act. inf. and is connected with yon of the pre-
ceding vs., and refers to the act of begetting. With this in part Ko.
(2i5b) agrees. The TOV reicetv of (&, as Wr. observes, refers it to the
labor of the mother, though from this Ko. (/. c.) dissents. Heil., Gins.,
Del., Wr., Wild., VI., No., McN. and Ha. rightly take it as having an
intransitive or passive sense, as the opposite of rw. Similarly iSp is
used for "birth" in Ho. 9" and naa^ for naanS in Je. 25 34 . The S i
this and the following expressions seems to express the genitive relation ,
cf. Ko. 40ob. njysS] is in some authorities pointed njraS, see Baer,
104 ECCLESIASTES
p. 62, and cf. r^o 1 ?, Ps. 66 9 . This form of this inf. occurs only here in
BH. The usual form is P03 1 ? or yi^S, see Is. 5i 16 Je. i 10 i8 9 3i 28 .
The form without the J occurs in the Mishna, but as paS, see She-
bi'ith, 2 l . ~\\>y] is a verb which occurs in the Kal once only elsewhere
in BH. (Zp. 2 4 ), meaning to uproot. It occurs in the Mishna, see
Aboth, 3 17 , and the references in Ja., p. no8a. The root also occurs in
Aram., Syr., Ar. and Eth., cf. BDB., sub voce. The Piel is used in
BH. in the sense of "hough," "cut the ham-strings," cf. Gn. 496 Jos
ii 6 - 9 2 S. 8 4 , i Ch. i8 4 . JMOJ] Ha. erases as a gloss, to secure a more
evenly balanced metre. 3. rvi]. AE., who is followed by Hit., Gins.
and Sieg., thought it unfitting to take this in its ordinary sense of "kill,"
because that did not seem to him a natural antithesis to "heal," he ac-
cordingly rendered it "wound." Most recent commentators (Gr., Del.,
No., Wr., PL, VI., Wild., McN. and Ha.) rightly regard the contrast
between killing and healing i.e., destroying life and saving it as nat-
ural and forceful. The restricts the word Jin to killing in war, but
as Wr. observes, it more probably refers to the execution of individual
offenders. flTB^J. The root means to "break through," "to break
down," and is particularly appropriate as an antithesis of nja in a coun-
try like Palestine, where buildings are uniformly constructed of stone.
In Is. 5 5 it is used of breaking down a vineyard- wall. 4. "noD and Tip-*].
There is a striking paranomasia between these, nso is used of mourn-
ing, whether public or private, see Gn. 23* i S. 25 1 28' 2 S. 3 31 Je. i6 4
Zc. i2 10 - l2 . The root occurs in As. as sapadu (derivatives sipdu and
sipittu) in the same meaning. It also occurs in Christian Palestinian
Aram. (Schwally , Idioticon, 64) , and in Amharic with transposed radicals,
as "dirge" (cf. ZDMG., XXXV, 762). ifn] means "to leap," "dance."
The root occurs in Aram., Syr. and As. with the same meaning. In
Ar. in gth stem it means "to hasten greatly," "to run with leaps and
bounds." Probably, as Gins, suggests, the root is used here instead of
nnir, "to rejoice," on account of the similarity in sound to^DD. 5. "]**>-'].
For the use of this in the sense of scatter or throw away, cf. 2 K. 3 25 7 1S
Ez. 20 s , Ps. 2 3 . pan] is used in Kal and Piel without apparent dis-
tinction in meaning. ~p pfTW], for another example of the use of pm
with }D, see Ex. 23 7 . D^3] and pan?:]. Ha., to secure his metre, re-
jects as glosses. 6. tr'pa], literally "seek," is here apparently used of the
acquisition of property, cf. Mt. i3 45 - 46 . i3s] ordinarily means "de-
stroy," a meaning which it has even in this book in ch. 7 7 . Here, how-
ever, it is used in the weaker sense of "lose," BDB., in which it appears
in the Mishna, Teharoth, 8 3 . This meaning also appears in Ps. up 178 ,
where "QNn^ is "a lost sheep." T^'" 1 ], see note on previous verse.
7. ">on], "to sew," is a comparatively rare word. It occurs in Gn. 3 7
Ez. i3 18 Job i6 15 and here. It is also found in NH., see Sabbath, 13*,
and Kelim, 20 6 , 8, ncnVn] and tfVtfJ, The change in 8b from infini-
MAN'S HELPLESSNESS [Cn. 3>-' 105
lives to the nouns denotes, as PI. has noted, that the series is completed.
9. fnn>], see on i 3 . nfetyn] Bick. emends to SDJ?H, but as Sieg. re-
marks, Q. may well have written nir;n. Ha., who practically rewrites
the book, regards this vs. as originally a gloss to i 3 , but there is no evi-
dence whatever to justify us in transferring it thither. It is a refrain
which well expresses Q.'s mood, and has a genuine ring. 10. p:;'], see
on i 13 . Ha. counts the verse a gloss as he does vs. 9, and with as little
cause. 11. no'], in BH. usually means "fair," "beautiful,"c/. BOB.,
sub voce, but in NH. it has a much wider meaning. E.g., in Zabim,
2 2 , Makshirin, 5 10 , Mikwa'oth, io 6 , no 1 " signifies "good." It is interest-
ing to note that whenBS. paraphrases our passage (ch. 39 16 33 ), he renders
nc' by a'tffl. In Zabim, 3', np> J^N means "a strong tree." In Nazir,
7, -^DX Dei means "to speak very well." In Zebachim, 8 2 , Shebi'ith, i 1 ,
and Terumoth, 2 4 6 , <~i:r means the "best" (animal for sacrifice), while in
Keritoth, 6 6 , o^t? ^nr rrv means "worth two Sela's," and NT n-rrv. n^
means "worth ten zuzim." That this later usage had begun as early
as Qoheleth is shown by ch. 5", where no- means "befitting" (so Ha.).
The context in the verse before us demands such a meaning here.
aSj?] should probably be pointed oSj?. To say that "God has put
eternity in their heart, so that they cannot find out the work of God from
beginning to end," makes no sense. Ko. (3Q2g) would render "vrx *?30
"only that not," but that makes the thought of doubtful lucidity, and
so far as I have observed gives to *?3D an unwarranted meaning. Gaab,
Kn., Hit., and Heil. derived the word from the Ar. 'aloma, and took it to
mean "knowledge," or "Weltsinn." This, however, makes no better
sense of the passage. Wang., Vaih., Z6., Del., Wr., Cox, No., Gins.,
Wild, and McN. cling to the meaning "eternity," or notion of eternity.
It is true that in Qoh. the word has the meaning "forever," "of old,"
and "eternal" in i 4 - 10 2 16 3 14 Q 6 and i2 5 , but that is no reason why in
an unpointed text it might not have another meaning here. Dale and
Sieg. take it to mean "future," while Re. takes it in the later meaning
of oSj? for "world." Dod., more than a century ago, pointed toward
the right interpretation when he rendered it "hidden," or "unknown."
Gr. saw that it meant "ignorance," while PL hesitatingly, and Ha.
more positively, have followed this lead. The root oSy means " hidden,"
"unknown," oSjy, the unknown of time, hence "of old," "forever,"
"eternity." From this same root oSp, frequently used in the Talmud
(cf. Ja. io84b), means "that which is concealed," "secret," etc. The
context in our verse compels us to render it "ignorance." (& BCV 88 -
253. 254 indicate that an early reading was oS? SD DN. sS . ... >San], the
two negatives strengthen the negation. They do not destroy each
other as in Latin and English (cf. Ko. 3$2x and Ges. K - i52y). ^oj is
a late synonym of IT., cf. BDB., 6g3a. Sieg. assigns this vs. to the Chasid
glossator. Ha., although he translates it as poetry, also regards it as a
106 ECCLESIASTES
gloss. When its real thought is perceived, however, the vs. fits ad
mirably into Q.'s system of thought. The activities of life may be suited
to their seasons, but they are vain and give no proper return, for man
cannot understand them. 12. Sieg. claims that this verse draws the
pessimistic conclusion to vs. 10, and contradicts vs. n. This view rests
on a misunderstanding of vs. n. Both are parts of Q.'s pessimistic
conclusion. Ha., for a reason, too, so subjective that I do not appreci-
ate it, regards the verse as a gloss. 02]. It is probable from the analogy
of DINS in 2 24 (which is a corruption of DixS, see crit. note on 2 24 ) and
0"\NS in 8 15 , which occur in similar expressions to this, that D3 is equiva-
lent to aS (possibly a corruption of it), and refers to mankind. So Gins.,
Z6., Gr., Del., Sieg. and most recent interpreters. Rashbam, Luther,
Coverdale, the Bishops Bible, and Ty. took it as "in them," and re-
ferred it to the times and seasons of vv. 2-8. This view is less probable.
arc nifrpS]. Zirkel, Kleinert, Ty., Sieg. and Wild, regard arc r\i?y as a
Graecism=e5 irpdrreiv. Del., Wr., McN. and others declare that it is
not necessary to regard the idiom as influenced by Greek, and they are
probably right, since in 2 S. i2 18 we have the opposite jnnB7="do
badly," or "vex one's self," in a book where no Greek influence can be
suspected. DN ^D], "but," cf. Ko. 372!. niDir 1 ?] expresses a subject
clause in a shortened form, cf. Ko. 397a. 13. HNTI nrnrVJis, as it stands,
two instances of waw consecutive with the perfect. The same ex-
pression occurs in 2 24 , where the pre-Aqiban reading was ~t?> with the
imperf. The Versions give no hint of a similar original here. Sieg.
regards this and the following vs. as the work of the Chasid interpolator,
but when one sees the sequence of the thought as outlined above, that,
so far as this vs. is concerned, is unnecessary. Ha. rejects the vs. as a
gloss apparently because the thought is strongly expressed in ch. 8 15 ,
but surely an Oriental could express the same thought more than once
in a writing of this length. 14. Sieg. and Ha. regard the whole vs. as the
work of the Chasid glossator, and McN. so regards the last clause, re-
marking that the mystery of the inexorable world-order, over which
Q. broods, was no mystery to the glossator. If our view of the preceding
context be correct, Sieg. and Ha. err in denying to Q. the whole vs.
McN. has probably needlessly beheld the hand of a glossator too. To
Q.'s mood God might make a. world -order to cause men to fear him,
but this would not constitute a satisfactory explanation of the limita-
tions of human life any more than it did to Job in certain of his moods
(cf. Job 712-20), Kin] takes up the subject again like the Gr. ai/rds or
Latin idem, cf. Ges. K - i4ih. n\-p] is, as Del. remarks, "will be."
hy], on the use of this, in additions, cf. Gn. 28 9 . For PN] with an inf.
to deny a possibility, see 2 Ch. 20 6 . jruS and rpDrnS], on the inf. as ind.
obj., cf. Ko. 397f. >HJ], cf. Dt. 4 2 13' and, for a Gr. equivalent, Rev.
22 ig. i, -p r\ivy\ the -B> expresses purpose, introducing an objective sen-
HUMAN OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE [CH.S 1 *-" 107
tence, cf. Ko. 3841, Ges. K i65b. Such Heb. is the original of iroietv iW,
Rev. i3 16 - 16 . As Gins, noted the subj. of IN-P is DIN, which must be sup-
plied from the preceding vs. 15. PWTJ I^N], as Del. notes, is equivalent
to the Gr. rb ^\\ov t cf. Gn. 15" Jos. 2 5 Ho. 9 13 i2 3 ; also Ges. K 1141
and Ko. 3992. s^Ssm], the clause has usually been interpreted as
though *l"nj, "that which is pursued," were to be rendered "that which
is driven away," and so simply referred to that which is past. Some,
as Gr. and Ha., have noted, however, that the Niph. ITU usually means
" persecuted." It certainly has this meaning in the Talmud (cf. Ja. and
Levy, sub voce), they accordingly render e>p3> by "looks after," i.e.,
"God looks after him who is persecuted." These scholars accordingly
believe that the clause is out of place, and that it probably belonged
originally to vs. 17. If, however, we recognize that Q. is thinking of
events as chasing one another around in a circle, and take ^-n in its
original sense of "pursue," as in Jos. 8 16 Je. 2g ia , the difficulty vanishes
and the clause fits into its context. The phrase is quoted in the Heb.
of Sir. 5 3 . Ben Sira, like (&, 'A, S, & and , regards 1"nj as masc.
That, however, is not a decisive objection to the view advocated above,
for the masc. may be used to express such concepts. Cf. Ko. 244a.
After nN we should expect rp-un. The article is similarly omitted in
sS PN, ch. 7 7 . On these cases, see Ko. 288g. Ha. regards this verse
as two glosses, apparently on the principle that Q. could say a thing but
once. Sieg., on the other hand, recognizes it as a part of the work of Q 1 .
HUMAN OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE PROVE MEN
TO BE NO BETTER THAN ANIMALS. 3"-".
16. And again I saw under the sun the place of judgment there was
wickedness, and the place of righteousness there was wickedness.
17. I SAID IN MY HEART THE RIGHTEOUS AND THE WICKED GOD
WILL JUDGE, FOR A TIME FOR EVERY MATTER AND FOR EVERY WORK
HE HAS APPOINTED.
18. I said in my heart (it is) on account of the sons of men, for God
to prove them and to show that they are beasts. ... 19. For the fate of
the sons of men and the fate of the beasts one fate is theirs. As is the
death of one, so is the death of the other, and all have one spirit. Man
has no advantage over beasts, for both are vanity. 20. Both are going
to the same place; both were from the dust, and both are going to return
to the dust. 21. Who knows the spirit of the sons of men, whether it
ascends upward, and the spirit of beasts, whether it descends downward
to the earth. 22. And I saw that there is nothing better than that man
should rejoice in his work, for that is his portion, for who can bring him
to see what shall be after him ?
108 ECCLESIASTES
16. Again I saw]. This vs. begins a new section, which is but
loosely connected with the survey of times and seasons. In it
Qoheleth expresses his views on the wickedness of men and their
lack of superiority to animals. The vs. pictures the corrupt ad-
ministration of Qoheleth's time. The opening of the vs. is similar
to ch. 2 12 - u and 4 1 , but contains the word again, which is unusual
in such connections. Zo. maintains that this refers back to vs. 12,
but it seems rather loosely to connect some independent observa-
tions of the writer with the preceding. The place of judgment-
there was wickedness}. "Place" has been regarded by Hit., Gins.,
Zo., Del., Sieg. and K6. (33ok) not as the object of "saw," but
as ace. of place or pred. ace., the former being the favorite view.
Gins, urges that it cannot be the obj. of "saw" on account of the
accent, but, as Wr. points out in Gn. i 1 , we have the ace. occurring
in spite of this accent. I agree with Wr. and No. that the simplest
construction is to regard it as an ace. here. Place of judgment] is
the place of the administration of justice. Place of righteousness]
is probably "the place of piety," "righteousness," as Gr. has sug-
gested, being, as in y 15 - 16 - 20 9% equivalent to piety. On this view
Qoheleth maintains that wickedness prevails in the administration
of government and in the practice of religion. See also critical
note.
17. The righteous and the wicked God will judge]. This verse
interrupts the thought. It is, no doubt, the work of the Chasid
glossator (see critical note). Del. notes that "judge" has a double
meaning, referring to the vindication of the righteous as in Ps,
7 8 26* , and to the punishment of the wicked. The idea that the
righteous are vindicated is entirely out of harmony with the con-
text. This is a strong reason for regarding it as the work of a
glossator. On the emendation which underlies our rendering,
see critical note. A time for every matter] is a distinct allusion
in the verse to vv. 2-8.
18. // is on account of the sons of men]. As Graetz observed, this
verse connects directly with vs. 16, vs. 17 being, as already noted, an
interpolation. Qoheleth's view is that the corruption in civil and
religious affairs is God's way of demonstrating that men are, for
all their intelligence and assumed superiority, really on a level with
HUMAN OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE [Cn.3"-* 109
animals. For the phrase, " I said in my heart," see critical note on
i 16 . Before on account of, it is, is to be supplied. After beasts the
Hebrew has some words which were added through a mistake.
The reasons for this view and discussions of particular words are
given in the critical notes. 19. Sons of men beasts one fate is
theirs]. The thought of vs. 18, that men are the same as beasts,
is here more fully developed. For a similar thought, cf. Ps. 49 20 .
On "fate," see critical note 2 14 . It is further defined in this very
verse as death. Spirit] is here the breath of life as in 12* and Ps.
io4 30 . Men and animals are said to possess the same spirit. In
Job i2 10 man is said to have a spirit and animals a soul, but the
distinction is there largely a matter of phraseology on account of
poetic parallelism. For the rendering both, see 2 14 . The thought
of this vs. is opposed in Wisd. 2 2 . 20. Both are going to the same
place]. The thought of the preceding verse is here made more
definite. Men and beasts came from the same dust (Gn. 2 7 - 19 ),
and to the same dust they will return (Gn. 3 19 ). It is a thought
which finds an echo in Job io 9 34" Ps. io4 29 146% and is quoted
in BS. 40 11 (Heb.) and 4i 10 (Gr.). Siegfried refers to Gn. 6 13 7" to
prove it equivalent to "all flesh," but this is contrary to the context.
As Del. observes, the "one place" is the earth, which, as in ch. 6,
is conceived as the great cemetery. Qoheleth is not thinking of
Sheol, but of the common sepulchre. PL finds the same thought in
Lucretius:
Omniparens eadem rerum commune sepulchrum.
(The mother and the sepulchre of all.)
Ginsburg's claim that this verse refers only to the body, because
Qoheleth treats the spirit in the next verse, can hardly be main-
tained. What Qoheleth says of the spirit indicates that he in-
cluded it with the body. Genung's claim that Qoheleth was
thinking simply of the present phenomenal life, is probably true,
but at the moment the phenomenal life seemed to Qoheleth to be
the whole. Siegfried's claim, however, that ch. 9' must be from
another writer, because it recognizes the existence of Sheol which
this denies, will hardly convince one who knows from experience
to what seemingly contradictory ideas one may, in passing through
110 ECCLESIASTES
transitions in thought, give room. 21. Who knows]. The inter-
rogative is in reality a strong negation, cf. ch. 6 12 Am. 5" Ps.
go 11 Is. 53 1 . Apparently, Qoheleth's contemporaries held that
as the breath of man came from God (Gn. 2 7 ), so it went back to
God, while the breath of animals went to the earth. This Qohe-
leth combats. That Qoheleth really held the view that the
spirit (or breath) of man returns to God is shown by i2 7 , though
in his mood of despondent pessimism he seems here to deny it.
He uses ''spirit" to mean " the breath of life," BD.B.,and not in the
sense of "soul." The latter was expressed by a different Heb.
word (see Schwally, Leben nach dem Tode, 87 jf., 161, 180 Jf., and
Frey, Tod, Seelenglaube und Seelenkult, 18). This is true, although
in the Talmud it was supposed that Qoheleth was referring to the
souls of men (cf. Weber, Jiid. Theol., 1897, 338 f.). Qoheleth
follows up his statement that "both return to dust," by the claim
that no one can make good the assertion that the breath of one has
a different destination than that of the other. 22. There is nothing
better, etc.]. Qoheleth's train of thought, starting from the cor-
ruption in civil and religious life, has, at least for the moment,
convinced him that man is no more immortal than an animal.
From this he draws in this verse the conclusion that man's only
good is to have as good a time as he can in the present life. This
is a fundamental thought of the book, to which Qoh. frequently
reverts (cf. 2" 3 12 5 17 - 18 8 15 9 7 - 9 ), Here he adds as a reason for it
that no man can know what will happen after him, a thought
shared by other OT. writers (cf. Ps. 30 9 88 10 - 12 Is. 38 18 ). It is too
great a refinement to try to determine, as some have done, whether
Qoheleth refers to man's ignorance of what will happen on the
earth after him, or to an entire lack of knowledge after death.
The language of some of the Psalmists is as strong as his. In
Qoh.'s mood a complete negation of all knowledge is most fitting,
and grew naturally out of the old Hebrew point of view as to the
future life. Although no reference is made here to eating, or to the
pleasures of the appetites as in 2 24 , we should not conclude with
Genung that Qoh.'s thought is now centred on work in its nobler
creative aspects. Qoheleth has plainly shown that man's "work"
(what he can do) includes the sensual side. His thought is "Let
HUMAN OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE [CH.3">- III
a man live to the full the round of life's occupations in every de-
partment, for this is his fated lot his profit for his toil and he
has no higher possibility."
16. no::'] is an emphatic form of D^. Ordinarily the HT is used only
after verbs of motion with a locative signification, but in Je. i8 2 Ps.
1 22 5 and here it is an emphatic form of or, cf. Ko. 33oh. ?&n]. Gr.
noted that in the two halves of the vs. it is tautological, and conjectured
that instead of the second we should read yvs, transgression, a con-
jecture which Dr. also makes. This is probably right. Had it any
MS. authority I should introduce it into the text. (6 curiously reads
cvjef3-/is for dcre/3^s in all copies. Eur. regards it as an early mistake, but
McN. as an early dogmatic correction ia the interest of orthodoxy.
17. Sieg., McN. and Ha. regard this vs. as an interpolation of the Chasid
glossator. In this they are right, for the thought is out of harmony with
its context. The opinion of Del. as to the double meaning of t3oa is
reinforced by EDS. p. io47b. The opinions of such Hebraists cannot
lightly be rejected. Moreover, vs. 18 joins directly on to vs. 16. TOON].
(gB es. 248. 298 an d g, rea( i >niDNi. Sp] is used as in late Heb. in the
same meaning as S, so BDB., Del., Wild. 01?] has been variously
interpreted. Hit., Heil., Ty., Gins., Zo., Del., PL, and Wr. take it as
"there," interpreting it as "in that place" (Heil.), "in the ap-
pointed course of things" (Ty.), or apud Deum (Del. and Wr.). On
the other hand, Houb., Dat., Van d. P., Luz., Kn., Gr., Re., No., VI.,
Wild., Ha. and Dr. emend to ofr, as I have done above. (8 B 68 - omits
it. This has led Sieg. and McN. to do the same. McN. regards it as
a possible corruption of the last two letters of na>j?D or the first two of
the fol. \~HDN. As (& puts it at the beginning of the next verse, it may,
on the other hand, have been omitted for the sake of smoothness.
McN. opposes the emendation air on the ground of awkwardness of
style, but the verb in the first half of the vs. is near the end, and this
clause may well have been inverted in like manner. On the whole, I
prefer the conjectural emendation of the commentators quoted.
18. mai ^y] is late. Apart from this passage it occurs only in BH. in
Qoh. 7" 8 2 and Ps. no 4 . The usual form is -on Sj7 (cf. Gn. so 11 - 18
12" 43 18 Ex. 8 8 ), or nsn Sj? (cf. Dt. 4" Je. I4 1 ). It means "for the sake
of." Cf. BOB. o-o 1 ?] is, as BD5., Gins., Del, McN. and Ges. K (6yp)
have noted, from *na, the inf. being formed like "n from "ni, Is. 45',
and ir from *ptf, Je. 5 26 . It is connected with the As. bararu, " to be
bright." <8's diaKpivei takes it in the secondary meaning of "choose,"
"select," in which the part, of the stem is used in i Ch. y 40 p 22 i6 41 and
Ne. 5 18 . It has in NH. the meaning "single out," "choose," and "sift"
also, cf. Kil., 2", Maasr., 2", Sab., ; 2 , and Gitt., 5'. "Probaret" (C), and
112 ECCLESIASTES
the similar reading of , presupposes a Piel, as in NH. the stem has this
meaning only in the Piel (cf. Ja. 1970). The meaning "sift" fits here
admirably. &'s reading x"O is an error (cf. Eur. p. 58, and Kame-
netzky in ZA W., XXIV, 215). ni>nS]. Instead (&, & and read niNiS.
Hiph. "to show," which is undoubtedly the true reading. So, Wr.,
No., Eur. and McN. The clause introduced by ^ is a clause of pur-
pose, see Ko. 407c. "?']. On the pointing for the relative, see Ges. K
36. anS nnn]. These words have been very differently treated by
different interpreters. Del. and Wr. take them to mean "they in refer-
ence to themselves," believing that nnn was introduced because of its
alliteration to nnna. Ko. (36) interprets on 1 ? similarly. Sieg. believes
that neither word belongs to the text, holding that nnn arose by dit-
tography with ncru, and that onS was afterward added as an explana-
tory gloss. With reference to the origin of nnn, Gr. had anticipated
him. McN. agrees as to nnn, but holds that, because <8 begins the fol-
lowing vs. with Kal ye avrois, the ending of this verse was onS DJ.
Del. admitted that the last clause contained an unusual fulness. In
reality it is most awkward Heb., and I agree with Sieg. that both these
words are an intrusion in the text. 19. DnS] (&, & and & H bring over
from vs. 18 to the beginning of vs. 19. <8 B reads ov crvvdvT-r)/j.a, but
the oi> is probably a corruption of on, a translation of "O. Sieg. would
emend "o to -7 and make the comparison begin here, nnp_p] MT.
points as though in the absol. state, which would compel us to read
"fate are the sons of men, and fate are the beasts," a reading which
Heil., Gins., Del. and Wr. follow. <g, g>, 31 and , however, read
n-ipp, stat. constr., and this is undoubtedly right. -irno] occurs no-
where else in Qoh., who uses fnrn or in>. <g, 2 and 6 read nn> >D,
making the clause a question, to which f N was the answer. McN.
adopts this reading, and it has much in its favor. Zap. and Ha. erase
San SDH -o, and Ha. also mpm onsn -ua mpn -3 ncnan, and nnna p on
metrical grounds with great arbitrariness. 20. <& BN * V "7-157-159. <
omit n^n. McN. accordingly believes that it was absent from the
pre-Aqiban text. Other MSS. of (8 as well as the other ancient versions
support it. Ha., for metrical reasons, omits as a gloss -*?N "jSin Son
"inx DipD, and suggests the improbable explanation that it was based
on Horace's "Omnes eodem cogimur," which was written about
23 B.C. atr] instead <g B 68 - 159 - 254 - 261 - 296 & H read apparently ri".
Whether this was a pre-Aqiban reading, or has resulted from a cor-
ruption in Gr. MSS., is uncertain. 21. -n], before nSp and rrw, is
rightly taken by (&, ^, H and and by most modern interpreters (Kn.,
Gins., Gr., Zo., Del., Wr., No., VI., McN. and Ko. 379aa, 4i4d)
as interrogative. Geiger, Sieg. and Ges. K - (ioom) hold that the text
here was intended to be interrogative, but that it cannot be so considered
as at present pointed, and that the n has been in both cases changed
MAN'S INHUMANITY [CH.4'- 113
for dogmatic reasons. This seems to be a mistake, as in some cases
the interrogative particle takes kamec before gutturals (see B"Nn, Nu.
i6 22 ), and in some cases daghesh forte before other letters (see anan Job
23', oxan Is. 27 6 , and 3?"n Lv. io 19 ).
(g, & and 60 MSS. (so Dr.) read ^Di at the beginning of the verse.
22. -I>ND 3110], in the sense of " better than," cf. K.5. 3926. onN.-i], the
art. is used to denote a class of beings (cf. Da. 22 (c)). pSn]. The
context shows that here and in 2 10 5 17 - l8 and g 9 it has the meaning of
"reward," "profit" (cf. BDB. 324a). woanc], like jn^n of the
preceding vs., is really a strong denial. 3 run], see crit. note on 2 1 .
VIHN] Ko. (4oib) seems to be right in saying that this is equivalent
to HID nriN. VI. 's interpretation, which limits the lack of knowledge
to what goes on among men on the earth, seems forced. >JNO^]
Winckler (AOF., 351) emends to ura% "cause him to perceive."
This is unnecessary. nc]. Hit., Del., and No. note that the pointing,
seghol, here is due to the influence of the following ~tt>. Cf. also Ges. K -
iO2k. Baer notes (p. 63) that two authorities favor the reading np.
Sieg. assigns this vs. and its kindred passages cited above to an epicurean
interpolator, claiming that Q 1 knew no joy in work. In support of
this he cites i 3 - u 2 u " 17f - 20 - 22f - This result is reached only by excising
in each part of the context a process which can be necessary only to
one who is convinced that both Stoic and Epicurean thought mingle
in the book. Against this view, see above, Introduction, 6 (2). Ha.
rejects as an unmetrical gloss all of the verse after vtrpD. His basis
is, however, too doubtful.
MAN'S INHUMANITY.
4 1 - 12 is a section treating of man's inhumanity to man, and the re-
flections which it caused in the mind of Qoheleth. The subject is
divided into three parts: (i) The oppressions of men by men; (2) The
vanity of rivalry; and (3) The lonely miser's inhumanity to himself.
4 1 . And again, I saw all the oppressions which are practised under
the sun, and behold the tears of the oppressed! And they had no
comforter. And from the hand of the oppressors (went forth) power,
but they had no comforter. 2 . And I congratulated the dead, who have
already died, more than the living who are yet alive. 3 . And (I regarded)
as happier than both of them him who had never been born, who has
not seen the evil work which is done under the sun. 4 . And I saw all
the toil and all the 'skilful work, that it was jealousy of one towards an-
other, also this is vanity and a desire of wind.
8 . The fool folds his hands and eats his own flesh.
'. Better is a palm of the hand full of rest than the hollow of two hands
full of toil and the desire of wind. 7 . Again I saw a vanity under the
114 ECCLESIASTES
sun. 8 . There is a lone man, without a second, he has neither son nor
brother, but there is no end to all his toil, yea his eye is not sated with
wealth. And for whom do I toil and deprive myself of good? This
also is vanity and an evil task.
9 . Two are better than one, for they have a good reward in their toil.
10 . For, if one shall fall, the other can raise up his companion, but woe
to the solitary man who shall fall, when there is none to raise him up.
11 . Also, if two lie together, then they have warmth, but the solitary
man how shall he be warm? 12 . And if (a man) should attack one,
two could stand against him, and a threefold cord is not easily broken.
4 1 . / saw all the oppressions]. The observation contained in
this verse is kindred to that in 3 16 , though different from it. Tears].
The deep emotion which the tears of the oppressed excited in
Qoheleth is evidence of his profound sympathies with the lower
classes. Power] is taken by several commentators to mean
violence. Such a meaning would fit the context admirably, but
the word bears such a significance in no other passage. Undoubt-
edly the context shows, however, that it means an oppressive use
of power. The iteration of the phrase they had no comforter is for
rhetorical effect. It heightens the impression of the helplessness
of the oppressed. 2. / congratulated the dead}. The oppressions
which men suffer make Qoheleth feel that the only happy men are
those who are dead. This was, however, not his settled opinion
(cf. Q 4 ). It was rather a transitory mood, though intense in feel-
ing while it lasted. For similar expressions, see ch. 7 1 Job 3 1S
and Herodotus i 31 . 3. Happier than both, him who had never
been born]. The thought of Qoh. here surges onward to the as-
sertion that better even than the dead are those who have never
been born. For similar sentiments, see ch. 6 3 - 5 y 1 Job 3 13 - 16
Je. 2o 18 , and among classical authors, Theognis, 425-428, Sopho-
cles, (Edipus, col. 1225-1228, and Cicero, Tusc. i 48 . Seen] is here
not so much "seen" as "experienced." 4. That it was jealousy
of one towards another]. It springs from jealousy or rivalry.
Qoheleth here passes from consideration of the inhumanity of
oppressors to the inhumanity of competition. He finds in this
the motive of toil and the arts.
5. Folds his hands], a synonym for idleness, cf. Pr. 6 10 ip 24 24".
Eats his own flesh], devours his substance through idleness.
MAN'S INHUMANITY [Cn.4 1 -' 1 11$
This is no doubt a current proverb, which is here quoted. It is
out of harmony with the context, however, and was probably added
by the Hokma glossator.
6. Palm of the hand], the slight hollow of the flat up-turned
hand. Rest], an Oriental's ideal of enjoyment, cf. Job 3".
The hollow of two hands], both hands so curved as to hold as
much as possible. This, too, is no doubt a current proverb, but
it is so in accord with the thought of the context, that it was prob-
ably inserted by Qoheleth himself. The thought is similar to
that of Pr. i5 17 . 7. Again I saw], Qoheleth now turns from
rivalry to consider avarice. 8. Without a second]. This is ex-
plained by the words son nor brother. Qoh. means a man with-
out helper or heir, though second can hardly mean "wife," as AE.
thought. No end to all his toil], activity has become a disease.
His eyes]. The eye is frequently used as the organ of desire, cf.
2 10 and note. Sated]. An avaricious soul is never satisfied. For
whom do I toil ?] Qoheleth suddenly drops the indirect discourse
and transfers us to the soul of the miser, perhaps to his own soul,
for this may be a bit of personal experience. See above, Intro-
duction, 13. This also is vanity]. Here Qoheleth reverts again
to his own reflections. The sentiment of this verse is repeated in
BS. 14'.
912 are evidently current proverbs. It is an open question
whether the proverbs were introduced by Qoheleth himself, or by
glossators. See critical note. 9. Two are better than one]. Cf.
Gn. 2 18 . Jewish and classic lore contain similar sentiments, e.g.,
Iliad, io 224 - 226 . A good reward]. The nature of this is explained in
the next vs. It is that they help each other in time of need. 10. //
the one shall fall the other can raise up his companion]. The thought
of the vs. is that comradeship is the reward of united toil. 11. If
two lie together]. The reference is not to husband and wife, but
to two travellers. The nights of Palestine are cold, especially in
the colder months, and a lone traveller sleeps sometimes close to
his donkey for warmth in lieu of other companionship (see Barton,
A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, p. 167 ff.)\ Del. observes
that in the Aboth of R. Nathan, ch. 8, sleeping together is a sign
of friendship. 12. A man], the Heb. leaves the reader to gather
Il6 ECCLESIASTES
the subject of the verb from the sentence, but it is clear that a
robber is intended. Two could stand against him]. This and the
preceding vs. present further proofs of the advantages of com-
panionship. A threefold cord], one of the best-known passages
in the book. Genung thinks the phrase means that if two are
better than one, three are better still. Probably this is right.
The other suggestions that have been made seem fanciful.
4 1 . njoNi ..... TOt^i]. This is an instance of waw consecutive with the im-
perf. An earlier instance occurs in ch. i 17 . Instances of its use with the
perf. have been noted in 2 24 and 3 13 , though it is rare in Qoh. >n:jti>\ like
TU'.y in 9", is, as several interpreters have noted, a Heb. idiom for an
adverb. It is equal to "again," see Ko. 369^ D^?a>]. The first oc-
currence is, as most recent commentators agree, an abstract, as in
Am. 3 9 Job 35 9 . Ko.'s limitation of this usage to the last two passages
quoted (K6. 26id) seems arbitrary. The second D^piB>' is the passive
part. Cf. "Vic, Is. 35 10 . PJJOt], though sing, in form, is collective in
sense, as in Is. 25" Ps. 39" 42 4 . D>irj?j -CN]. Ha. excises this Niph. part
as a gloss; it does not fit his metrical theory. U inserts fN before "PC,
which gives the sentence quite a different turn. There is no other au-
thority for this, however, and it is probably a mistake. ro Dmptry -PC],
RV. renders "on the side of their oppressors there was power," making
"PD equal to ~P S;\ As McN. observes it is simpler to supply some
verb like "went forth." on 1 ? ..... on?]. Ha. claims that the first refers
to the oppressed, and the second time to the oppressors; DHJD] he also
takes the first time as "comforter," the second as "avenger." In that
case the last clause should be rendered, "there was no avenger (for the
wrongs done, by them) " a view which is probably right. Sieg. holds
that the last Drun onS px is a mistake, that the words are unsuited to
the context, and must have arisen from dittography. On Ha.'s inter-
pretation, adopted above, this objection falls to the ground. 2. ngtiM]
has caused the commentators much trouble, and has occasioned some
emendations of the text. AE., Herzfeld and Gins, regarded it as a
verbal adjective. Ges., Kn., HeiL, Elst., Del. (hesitatingly) and others
regarded it as a participle Piel, from which the had been accidentally
dropped, "np in Zeph. i 14 a form which made Del. hesitate to call
P2B> an inf. is, as Wr. has pointed out, a verbal adjective. Among
more recent commentators Eur. and Sieg. hold that it is a part. They
explain the accidental loss of the c through its similarity to w in the old
alphabet. Dr. suggests that possibly the original reading was Tiraza
Both these suggestions, however, lack evidence. Rashbam, Mendels-
"sohn, Ew., Z6., Wr., Heng., Gr., Hit., VI., Wild., McN., Ko. (2i8b
MAN'S INHUMANITY [CH.4'-' 117
and 2256) and Ges. K (ii3gg) regard it as an inf. abs. With this
view I agree. For similar constructions, cf. Gn. 41" Ex. 8 11 and Ju. y 19 .
The word in the sense of "praise," "congratulate," is an Aramaism,
and occurs in late books only. It appears in Ps. 63* i Ch. i6 36 , and often
in Aram, as in Dn. 2 23 4 31 - M 5*- 23 , and in the Targum on Koh. 4 2 Ex. 15'
Ps. 4 1 , etc. -03], see note on i 10 . D'PD PN]. As <& read Qipcn SD-PN in-
stead, McN. properly regards this as the pre-Aqiban reading. Ha.
regards IPD "ODa> and the second O^n as glosses. Of course it is be-
cause of his arrangement of the metre. n J"?X] (pointed thus by Baer
and Dr., but n:^ by Hahn) is composed of njn ij? or pij?. In vs. 3
it is shortened to ]?%. It occurs nowhere else in BH., butcf. the NH.
jjnj;^ 3. T^N PN]. Scholars have differed in their interpretation of the
government of this. Kn., Wr., VI., Wild., Sieg. and K6. (27ob) hold
that it is governed by ratJ> of the preceding verse, Gins, and McN. by
n_3B>, to be supplied in thought from the preceding vs. As Del. ob-
served, however, 2ito follows n?e> very unnaturally, and neither 05,
nor U takes it as the object of such a verb. Del. accordingly suggested
that PN may be the equivalent of the Ar. 'ayya, a sign of the nom. case,
as <& and & render it. He also suggests that ^PN"ip is, perhaps, to be
supplied, since H renders judicavi. In that case PN would be the sign
of the ace. as usual. This is the view taken by No. and, apparently,
by Ges. K (117!). It seems to me the most probable view. pj?.], see
note on vs. 2. rvn] is happily rendered dyew^d-rj by S. niryrn] refers
here to human oppressions. jnn nrynn PN]. (g, 'A and read ^a-PN
nirjrEn ynn, which was probably the reading in Aqiba's time. Ha.
omits J?^T on metrical grounds. 4. fnc>a] = "skill," though in 5 10 it is
equivalent to jvw, see note on 2 21 . (& renders it in all three passages by
dvdpeia, which does not give quite the thought. <i D]= u that" as in Gn. i 4
Job 22 12 , cf. Ko. 4i4c. PNjp], "jealousy" is often used with S, as in
i K. iQ 10 Nu. ii 29 , etc., and with a as in Dt. 32" Pr. 3", etc. p.
injnD tt'^N PNJP], in this expression the p is used to express the re-
ciprocal idea, cf. Ko. 3o8b. From <& B ' S reading STI rb 77X05 dvSpl,
which Swete adopts in his text, McN. concludes that the true reading
was C^N PNJ,I >3, omitting N^n. The point is uncertain, however, since
NTI is here a copula and might not be represented in (&.
5. Sieg., McN. and Ha. rightly consider this vs. a proverb inserted by
some glossator. It was probably introduced because the context seemed to
encourage sloth. pin] generally in BH. means "to embrace," cf. ch.
3 s Gn. 2Q 13 48 10 , etc. It is connected with Aram, pan and similar
Mand., Syr. and Ar. stems. The root means "to embrace," except
in Ar., but the Ar. ii stem means to "gather together." Here it
is used figuratively for folding the hands. nfc'a SoN]="to destroy
one's self," cf. Ps. 27 2 Mi. 3" Is. 4Q 26 Pr. 30". So, correctly, Ty., Kn.,
Hit., Wr., Wild. Gins.'s explanation, "to enjoy a delicate repast,"
Ii8 ECCLESIASTES
which he bases on the analogy of Ex. i6 18 2i 28 Is. 22 13 and Ez. 39 18 , is
wrong. The sentiment of the verse is that laziness is suicide.
6. X^D], after this nnj, and ^vy are the ace. expressive of the material,
cf. Ko. 333d. D'osn] means the "two hollow hands full." It occurs
elsewhere only in Ex. 9* Lv. i6 12 Ez. io 2 - 7 Pr. 30*. It is found also in NH.
(Yoma, 5 1 ), and is kindred to Syr. huphna and Eth. hafan. 7. TOBM
nxixi ^jx], a repetition of the phrase of 4 1 , in which waw consecutives
occur, see note on 4 1 . 8. ~<nx], on the use of this, cf. Ez. 33 24 and Ko.
3i5n. DJ], according to Ko. 3716, means "neither." nxi p DJ] (&
and & H read nx DJI p DJ, which was probably the pre-Aqiban read-
ing. The pointing nxi with the accent Munah is unusual. In Pr.
17" we find nxi with Merka. Cf. jxjri (a 7 ) with byy\ (2 23 ). vry],
the Kt. is supported by and U and is defended by Hit., Heil., Zo.,
Eur., Ty. and VI. It has in its favor the fact that the members of the
body are frequently mentioned in pairs (cf. Mi. 4" and i K. i4 6 - 12 ).
The Qr. is supported by (g, 1C, and g>. As the latter is the reading
hardest to account for, it is probably original. Bick., p. 12, regards
this verse as the work of a clumsy editor. Zap. rejects Vsn n? DJ as a
stereotyped gloss, Ha. regards xin jn pjjn Ssn nr DJ as a gloss. These
opinions are only convincing to those who hold the peculiar views of
their authors. The Hebrew text of BS. (i4 4 ) expresses the thought
of this passage thus:
:ir jnyam iro^i nnx 1 ? p
9-12. Sieg., McN. and Ha. regard these vvs. as proverbial additions
made by glossators. There can be no doubt as to the proverbial char-
acter of the material, but it is an open question whether Qoh. himself
may not have introduced them. They explain and give definiteness
to vs. 8, but possibly may be epexegetical glosses introduced by others.
9. inxn and Jirn], the art. in these words, as Ty., Del., Wr. and Ko.
(31311) hold, is used because the writer individualizes two persons and
one person. i!J'N]= "because," or "for," cf. ch. 6 12 io 15 Gn. 30"
34 27 Dt. 3 24 Jos. 4 7 and Dn. i 10 , also Ges. K - i57a. 10. iSjp]. The
plural here denotes an indefinite sing., cf. Ges. K - i57a. Kn. com-
pares rijn SN ti"N nnxn in Gn. n 3 and Ju. 6 29 . Dr. suggests that the
original text may have been oif^ jtfn nnxn ho\ This is the reading
of &, H, and , and seems probably correct. If so, the corruption of
MT. antedates (S, for it is supported by it. I^N] is taken by <8> and
and many Heb. MSS. as= ^ "ox. So, among interpreters, Kn., Gr.,
Del., VI. and Ko. (32ic). 'ix is regularly "woe," cf. Nu. 2i 29 i S. 4 7
Is. 3 9 and Ez. i3 18 (where it is spelled m). takes it as the Aram.
l^x=Heb. -I 1 ?, "if." The former view is correct. ^x]="woe" occurs
in BH. only here and ch. io 18 , but in NH. it appears as "X, cf. Ja.,
p. 43b. "inxn )V], the inxn is in apposition with the suffix, and the
POPULARITY OF YOUNG KING [CH.4 13 -' 1 19
suffix is anticipatory, the prep, logically governing TIN, so, Hit., Gins.,
Del., No., Eur., McN. and Ko. (340 o, 343a and 4o6a). ^fl^'], as
Del. remarks, may be "who falls," or "when he falls." iD-'pn 1 '] Del.
and No. regard as potential. 11. DJ] is often used to introduce a new
thought. 33>] is used regularly for lying down to sleep, see e.g., Gn.
28 11 . orn], the conjunction introduces the apodosis, and the construc-
tion of the verb is impersonal. T N ] is here interrogative; not so in 2 16 .
12. iDpn'] has an impersonal subject, i.e., the reader has to supply
it from the context, cf. Ko. 323c. The suffix ^ is instead of the more
common vir,, see e.g., Job i5 24 . The verb itself occurs only in late
Heb., though also common in NH., Aram. (Biblical, Nab. and Syr.),
and in Sabsean. Its ordinary meaning is to "overpower," and Zo.,
Del., Sieg., Wild., McN. and BDB. so take it here. The context, however,
requires here the meaning "attack," so correctly Kn., Wr., Ha. and
Ges. Bu - < read li?.rn, making insn the subject a reading which Kn.
regarded as right. "n-JA], the suffix refers to the implied robber, the
subject of 1pn\ The prep, following toy is more often in such con-
structions, ^02 as in Jos. io 8 , or nj^ in Dn. io 13 . s>Sa>nn], on the use
of v*rv and deriv. in BH. and NH., cf. Ko. 3i2c. rvvjpa] is late Heb.
for !"nnp. It is parallel to the late expression nnnn i in Ps. i47 18 .
413-16 set forth the vanity of the popularity of certain young kings
who are not named.
13 . Better is a youth poor and wise than a king old and foolish, who
no longer knows how to be admonished. 14 . Though from the house
of the rebellious he came forth although even in his kingdom he was
born poor. 15 . I saw all the living who walk under the sun with [the
second] youth, who shall stand in his stead. 16 . There was no end to all
the people all whose leader he was moreover those who come after
could not delight in him. For this also is vanity and a desire of wind.
13. Better is a youth poor and wise}. The word youth is applied
to children (i S. 3 1 ) and to men at least forty years of age (i K.
i2 8 ). In the East great deference has always been paid to age.
This vagueness presents a difficulty in the interpretation of this
vs. Many theories as to whom Qoheleth refers, have been put
forth. The Targum makes it a contrast between Abraham and
Nimrod; the Midrash, between Joseph and Pharaoh, or David
and Saul. Joash and Amaziah, Cyrus and Astyages, the high
priest Onias and his nephew Joseph, have also been suggested.
Graetz believed that the reference was to Herod the Great and
his son Alexander; Hitzig, to Ptolemy Philipator, who, weak and
1 20 ECCLESIASTES
headstrong, had been beaten by Antiochus III, and Ptolemy
Epiphanes, who came to the Egyptian throne in 205 B.C. at the
age of five ; Winckler believes the contrast to be between Antiochus
Epiphanes and Demetrius I; Haupt, between Antiochus Epiph-
anes and Alexander Balas a view which would be tempting, if
one could bring the book down as late as Haupt does. Alexander
Balas was a youth of humble origin (cf. Justin, xxxv, i), who pre-
tended to be the son of Antiochus. Balas was friendly to the Jews
(i Mac. io 47 ). This would seem very tempting, if the external
evidence did not make it certain that the book was written before
175 B.C. (See Introduction, n, 15). This evidence makes it
probable that Hitzig was right and that the "wise youth" is one
of the Ptolemies, perhaps Ptolemy V, who in 205 B.C. succeeded
his aged father Ptolemy IV. Ptolemy V was but five years old
when he came to the throne. 14. House of the rebellious] prob-
ably refers to the Ptolemaic dynasty. It is so designated because
Ptolemy IV persecuted the Jews; see 3 Mace. Symmachus, the
Targum, Wang., Del., Wr. and VI. take the last clause of the
verse to refer to the old king, but it is better with McN. and Haupt
to take the whole verse as referring to the youth. 15. All the living
who walk under the sun], an hyperbolical expression of popular
enthusiasm upon the young king's succession. Second youth.]
Second is here a difficulty and has been variously explained.
Ewald, whom Marshall follows, thought it analogous to " second"
in Gn. 41 43 , i.e., it designated a youth who held the second place
in the kingdom and who usurped the throne. Kn., Del. and Wr.
held that the youth is "second," the old king, his predecessor,
being first. Del. cites as analogies the use of "other," Mt.
8", and "others," Lk. 23 32 . The expression and interpretation are,
however, unnatural. As McN. declares it can only mean a second
youth. Bick., Sieg., Ha. and Dr. (the -last hesitatingly) regard
second as a disturbing gloss. Erase this, and we have, on Hitzig's
view, a picture of the enthusiasm with which Ptolemy V was
greeted. If second is genuine, it would, on our view, be a reference
to the enthusiasm which greeted Antiochus III when he conquered
Jerusalem in 198 B.C. (cf. Jos. Ant. xii, 3"). Who shall stand],
future, because spoken from the point of view of the moment when
POPULARITY OF YOUNG KING [CH.4 13 -' S 121
the enthusiasm burst out. In his stead], i.e., if "second" is genu-
ine, in place of the first youth. 16. No end of all the people], hyper-
bole again, referring to the young king's accession. Those who
came after], in a short time the popularity of Epiphanes
waned because of the corruption of his advisers. Then Anti-
ochus III (200-198) attached Palestine to Syria, and was gladly
received by the Jews. See Bevan, House of Seleucus, II, 37, and
Jos. Ant. xii, 3 3 . This also is vanity], the old refrain. Specific
cases have demonstrated the fleeting character even of royal
prestige. If these are not the real instances of which Qoheleth
was thinking, he had similar ones in mind.
13. 210], i.e., better suited to govern, cf. what is said of a high priest,
Horayoth, 3*. I-D-J, poor, occurs in BH. only here and in ch. p 15 16 .
It is not uncommon in Aram., see e.g., the of this passage, and to Dt.
8 9 . In Babylonian (Code of Hammurabi) the word occurs as miskenu
and designates the lowest class of citizens above slaves (cf. Code, col.
vi, 65, and CT., XII, 16, 42b). The root pD, "to be poor," occurs in
Is. 4o 20 , and HJ^Dp, "poverty," in Dt. 8 9 . Just why it should be applied
to Ptolemy V, we know too little of the history of the times to tell.
Possibly the word is an early gloss added by some one who did not per-
ceive that the reference was to a royal youth. iS;.] is used not only of
boys, but of Joseph when 17 years old (Gn. 37 30 ),and of the companions
of Jeroboam who were about 40 years old (i K. i2 8 ). Here, however,
the reference is to a real boy. nnn] is usually explained as from
V-IT, "to be bright," but this is doubtful (cf. BDB. 264a). In Niph.
and Hiph. it means "warn," or "admonish," cf. ch. i2 12 Ez. 3 20 33 4 ' 6 and
Ps. iQ 12 . 'A, S, and render rov <f>v\d!;ej6ai, "to be on one's guard,"
but this destroys the parallelism. 14. oniD"i], some MSS. and (&, Iff,
read oniDNn (see Baer and Dr.). AE., Kn., Heil., Gins., Heng.,
Del., Wr., No., VI., Eur., McN., Kam. and Ges. K - (35d) hold this to
be the true rendering on the ground that in late Heb. N is often dropped.
& and 51 give the word a different interpretation, and Ew., Hit., Dale and
Ha. take it from VD, "to turn," the derivatives of which may mean
"rebels," or "outcasts" (cf. Je. 2 21 i; 13 ). This I believe to be nearer
the truth. N^] is perf. Gr.'s contention that it is imperf., was but a tour
de force to fit his theory. DJ >D], it is better to take this as "although"
with most interpreters (cf. Ko. 394f) than as "for" with McN. For
the sake of consistency, however, the first "O should be rendered
"though." inioSci], the suffix probably refers to the "youth," not
to the old king as S, 21, Wang., Del., Wr. and VI. held. nSy] prob-
ably has here its usual meaning. It is true, as Ty., Gins, and Gr hold,
122 ECCLESIASTES
that in the Mishna it means "arise" or "become" (cf. Terumoth, 8 8 ,
Ned., 9 3 , and Temurah, 3 5 ), but a more natural meaning is obtained
by taking it in its ordinary sense. It then means that the "youth"
was born poor in the kingdom which he afterward ruled. Possibly
this last clause, like poo, is a gloss, though it may possibly refer
to the impoverished state of Egypt at Ptolemy V's accession on
account of political disorders in the preceding reign. Cf. Poly-
bius, V, 107, and XIV, 12. 15. ooSnan], the Piel part. The Kal is
more common, cf. Is. 42 5 . ^Jf'] is supported by all the Versions, and
is probably not a gloss, as Bick., Sieg., Ha. and Kit. hold. D> ? ],
"with," in the sense of "on the side of," cf. Gn. 2i 22 26 3 . ^y], in the
sense of " reign" or " arise," see BDB. y64a. Its imperf . tense is paralleled
2 K. 3 27 and Job is 25 , nnn is often used of a successor to a throne, see
e.g., 2 S. io l and 2 Ch. i 8 . 16. o^nnxn] often means "posterity"
(cf. i 11 and Is. 4i 4 ), but here probably simply "those who come after."
If we are right in our interpretation of the passage, but seven years had
passed. bn'10? n^n 12>N]=" before whom he was," i.e., whose leader
he was, cf: Ps. 68 8 and 2 Ch. i 10 , thus Ros., Ges., Gins., Del. and Wr.
Ew. misunderstood it and made on- refer to the two preceding kings.
&, Tt and SI changed on- to v, misunderstanding it also. 01] is ad-
versative, cf. K6. 373n.
5 1 - 7 (Heb. 4 l7 -5 6 ) treats of shams in religion.
6 1 (4 17 ). Guard thy foot when thou goest to the house of God, and
to draw near to obey is better than that fools should give sacrifice, for
they do not know (except) to do evil. 2 < l >. Do not be rash with thy
mouth and let not thy heart be hasty to utter a word before God, for
God is in heaven and thou on the earth, therefore let thy words be few.
3 < 2 >. For dreams come through a multitude of business,
And the voice of a fool through a multitude of words.
>. When thou vowest a vow to God, do not delay to fulfil it, for there
is no delight in fools, what thou vowest fulfil. 5 < 4 >. Better is it that
thou shouldst not vow than that thou shouldst vow and not fulfil.
6 < 5 >. Do not permit thy mouth to make thy flesh to sin, and do not
speak in the presence of the angel, for it is an error, Why should God
be angry at thy voice and destroy the work of thy hands, 7(6 >. (For in
a multitude of dreams and words are many vanities'), but fear thou God.
5 1 (4 17 ). Guard, thy foot]. Do not run to the place of worship
thoughtlessly, or because it is the fashion to go frequently, but con-
sider the nature of the place and thy purpose in going. Inter-
preted by what follows, this is the meaning. The house of God],
SHAMS IN RELIGION [Cn.5 1 -' 123
often used in the OT. for the temple, cf. 2 S. i2 20 Is. 37'. It
probably means that here, though some think it the synagogue.
Whether it is to be regarded as temple or synagogue depends upon
how we interpret the next clause. To obey is better than that fools
should give sacrifice}. The sentiment recalls i S. 15" Am. 5"- "
Mi. 6 7 - 8 . If this sacrifice is to be taken literally, Qoh. was think-
ing of the temple; if it is to be interpreted by the following verse as
figurative for words, he may have referred to the synagogue. On
the whole, it is more probable that this verse refers to the well-
known contrast between literal sacrifice and obedience, and that
the next verse takes up a new topic, unless we interpret vows as
votive sacrifices. Know except to do evil}. They go from their
sacrifices with an easy conscience to plunge again into evil. 2 (1) .
Rash with thy mouth . . . utter a word}. This is explained in vs. 4
to refer to vows. God is in heaven}. The belief in the transcen-
dence and aloofness of God, Qoheleth shared with his age, cf. Ps.
ii5 3 . The verse is paraphrased in BS. 7 14 .
3 (2) . Sieg. and Ha. are right in regarding this verse as a gloss.
It is a proverb, kindred to 5 5 and in reality breaks the connection
of the thought here. It was probably introduced because the
reference to a fool's multitude of words seemed kindred in mean-
ing to vs. 4< 3 ). It has a proverbial form and is apparently the
work of the Hokma glossator. The sentiment of the first part of
the vs. is expressed in BS. 3i 1 - 4 . Dreams come through a multitude
of business}. The words apparently mean that one who is worried
with cares cannot sleep, but in that case there is little connection
with the next clause. Tyler thought the " multitude of business"
referred to the multiplicity of images and the confused action of a
troubled dream. This would make the parallel with the " words
of a fool " closer. If this is the meaning it is not clearly expressed,
but not all popular proverbs are clear.
4 (3) . When thou vowest a vow}. This is taken with as little
change as possible from Dt. 23". For other statements about
vows, cf. Nu. 30' Ps. 5o 14 . Do not delay to fulfil}. Hasty vows
were not infrequent in later Judaism, and many evasions were at-
tempted, as the Talmudic tract Nedarim shows. On vows of
the sort here referred to, see Gn. 2S 20 Lv. 27 Ju. n 30 Jos., BJ.
124 ECCLESIASTES
ii, I5 1 ; cf. also Mk. y 11 Acts i8 18 2i 23 . There is no delight in fools'].
God has no delight in them. Vows are the favorite resort of the
foolish. They think to bribe Providence. What thou vowest ful-
fil]. This expresses in another way the meaning of Dt. 23" 23 . The
verse is quoted in BS. i8 22 . 5 (4) . Better not to vow], for one is then
at least honest. Qoheleth's point of view on this point is similar
to that of Acts 5 4 . 6 (5) . Do not permit thy mouth} by rash vows.
Thy Flesh]. Flesh here stands for the whole personality; perhaps
it is used here because the Jews thought of punishment as corporal.
In the presence of the angel]. This has been variously interpreted :
(i) It has been held that angel is a later and more reverent way of
alluding to God. This view has in its favor the fact that (8 and
& actually read "God" here. (2) That angel (literally messenger)
is God's representative either prophet as in Hg. i 13 Mai. 3 1 , or
a priest as in Mai. 2 7 here, of course, a priest. (3) That we
should translate " messenger," and regard it as a temple messenger
who recorded vows and collected the dues. Probably the first in-
terpretation is right. Error], a sin of inadvertence. Why should
God be angry]. Qoheleth has much the same idea of God as that
which underlies our expression, " tempting Providence. "--7 (6) . For
in a multitude of dreams and words are many vanities]. This is an-
other interpolated proverb, corresponding to vs. 3. It interrupts
the connection. But fear thou God]. This is the conclusion to
vs. 6.
1-7. McN. regards these verses as the work of the Chasid glossator,
and Sieg. assigns vvs. i and 2 to Q 6 a term which covers a mass of glosses.
One with so keen an eye for glosses as Ha. has, however, regarded
vvs. i and 2 as genuine. Really the whole section, except vvs. 3 and ya,
is Q.'s work. Because he held a Sadducaean point of view, he was not
prevented from speaking of religion. 1 (4 17 ). T7JH] is, according to
Qr., "1^"% a reading which is supported by 160 MSS. and (8, &, and H,
and is probably right. Analogies can be adduced for the plural (e.g.,
Ps. ng 59 ) and for the sing. (Ps. ng 105 Pr. i 15 4 26 ). So far as the meaning
goes, it is a matter of indifference which reading is followed. ia > 'ND]=
"when," as in Gn. i8 33 . <&, 9 and Tal., Jer., Berak., 4*, 7i 3 ,and Megill.,
7 ic, Tosephta, i; 2 , read T.PN3 by mistake. 2 TV] was taken by Ros.,De W.
and others as an inf. continuing the imperative construction, but recent
interpreters (Kn., Del., Wr., No., Zoa, VI., Ha. and Ko. (223a) rightly
regard it as an inf. used as the subject. nnc], zvo is to be supplied
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [Cn.S 8 -^ 9 125
in thought before this, as in 9", cf. Ges. K 1336, and Ko. 3080. <B,
&, and Iff take the word as a noun = " gift," but this is an error.
TOT o-'SoDn] & read oS'Dsn rat. y\ rwj? 1 ? o^jnv orx] has occasioned
much trouble. It naturally seems to mean "they do not know (how)
to do evil," which is obviously contrary to Q.'s thought. Kn. under-
stood it "they do not know when they do evil," Del. and Eur. "ignor-
ance makes for evil doing," Re. supplied ON >D before nifcrjn, while
Sieg., whom McN. follows, emends to mfeT^B. One of these emenda-
tions has to be made, the last is the simplest, as the o may easily have fallen
out after D>jnv. The error is older than any of the Vrss., for they all
support MT. 2 <*>. ''fl ^y] is a not uncommon expression, see Ex. 23'*
Ps. so 16 Pr. i6 10 . Parallel expressions are ^irS hy Ps. 15', and \-iflfr hy
Pr. i6 10 . OTiS^n >JoS], i.e., where God is, in his house; cf. Ex. i6 9
i8 12 Dt. i4 25 is 20 Is. 37". D'opo], as a plural predicate (cf. Ko. 334b),
occurs elsewhere only in Ps. log 8 . It is a late and rare usage. This
verse is paraphrased in BS. 7", see Heb. text. 3 < 2 >. DiSnn], the art. is
used to make the sing, stand for a class, cf. Ges. K - ia6r. pjp], see
on i 13 . S read avo/j,ias=]'\y (iniquity). 3"iu] 3 is instrumental, cf.
Hb. 2 4 and Ps. ip 12 . 4 < 3 >. nti>XD] corresponds to -o of Dt. 23 22 . nnxn SN]
to nnxn xS of the same passage. Ha., for metrical reasons, erases
OTiSxS] as a gloss. pon] means usually "delight," "pleasure." As
the "delight" of Yahweh is his "will," also PI. takes it to mean "fixed
purpose," i.e., "there is no fixed purpose in fools" not enough to fulfil
a vow. Such a meaning would be attractive, if it had lexical authority,
but it has none. Cf. Is. 62 4 . oSa> Tin "\&* nx]. Zap. erases this as a
gloss for metrical reasons. 6 < 5 >. jnj], in the sense of "permit," takes
an ace. of the object and dat. of the end, cf. Gn. 2o 6 3i 7 Ex. 3 19 Nu. 22 13
Ju. i 34 Job 3 1 30 . Sometimes S is omitted as in Job g 18 . ^tpn 1 ?] is for
N'BnnS, cf. Ges. K - 53q. 1^], instead <& and > read D^n^N, which
was probably the original reading. ruj>] is often used in Lv. and Nu.
for sins of error or inadvertence, BD5., cf., e.g., Lv. 4 2 - 22 - 27 and Nu.
jijM. 27. 28. 29. Such sins were readily atoned by offerings. nnS] is used
in Heb. idiom as we would use "lest," cf. Ko. 3546. 7 < 6 >. The first
part of the vs. is a proverbial interpolation, but its text is evidently cor-
rupt. It is probably a variant of vs. 3, and was written on the
margin, afterward creeping into the text. The simplest emendation
is to suppose that o^an and onan have been accidentally transposed.
It is thus translated above. OS, 0, Iff, 1C, read nriN for nx, which reading
is to be followed.
5 (7). 59 treats of oppression: (i) Of despotic government, 5 8 , ;
(2) Of riches, 5 10 -6 9 .
5 s < 7 >. If thou seest oppression of a poor man and the wresting of
justice and right in a province, do not look in astonishment at the
126 ECCLESIASTES
matter, for one high officer is watching above another, and there are
higher ones above them. 9 < 8 >. But an advantage to a country on the
whole is a king (i.e.) an agricultural land.
10 o). jje who loves silver will not be satisfied with silver, nor who
loves riches, with gain; also this is vanity. u < 10 >. When goods in-
crease, eaters of them increase, and what profit has their owner except
the sight of his eyes? 12 < u >. Sweet is the sleep of the laborer, whether
he eat little or much, but the satiety of the rich does not permit him
to sleep. 13 (12) . There is a sore evil which I have seen under the
sun, wealth guarded by its owner to his hurt. 14 < 13 >. And that wealth
perished in an unlucky adventure, and he begat a son and there
was nothing in his hand. 15 < 14 >. As he came naked from the womb
of his mother, he shall go again as he came; and nothing shall he re-
ceive through his labor, which he can carry in his hand. 16 < I5 >. Also
this is a sore evil exactly as he came so shall he go, and what ad-
vantage is it to him that he toiled for wind. < 16 >. Also all his days
he is in darkness and mourning and much vexation and sickness and
anger.
is a?). Behold what I saw, a good that is beautiful is it to eat and
drink and to see good in all one's toil which he toils under the sun the
number of the days of his life which God gives him, for that is his lot.
19 us). Also every man to whom God has given riches and wealth and
has empowered him to eat of it and to take up his lot and to rejoice in
his work this is the gift of God. 20 < 19 >. For he will not much think
on the days of his life, for God occupies him with the joy of his heart.
6 1 . There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, and it is heavy
upon mankind; 2 . A man to whom God has given riches and wealth
and honor and he lacks nothing for himself of all that he desires, but
God has not empowered him to eat of it, but a stranger eats of it this
is vanity and an evil disease. 3 . Though a man beget a hundred (chil-
dren), and live many years and multiplied are the days of his years, but
his soul is not satisfied with good, and also he has no burial, I have seen
that an untimely birth is better than he. 4 . For into vanity it came and
into darkness it shall go and with darkness shall its name be covered.
6 . Yea the sun it saw not, nor had knowledge. This has more rest than
the other. 6 . And if he live a thousand years twice over and good he
does not see, are not both going unto the same place ?
7. All the toil of man is for his mouth,
And yet his appetite is not satisfied.
8 . For what advantage has the wise man over the fool, and what the
poor who knows how to walk before the living ? 9 . Better is the sight
of the eyes than the wandering of desire. This also is vanity and a de-
sire of wind.
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [CH.5-6 9 127
5 8 (7) . Oppression]. The unequal oppressions of life may lead
one to pessimism (cf. ch. 4 lff ), but when he considers how an
Oriental state is organized and governed he does not marvel at it.
Wresting of justice and right]. The constant complaint against
Oriental rule, where each official looks out for his own interests,
from time immemorial to the present day. One high officer is
watching above another], an excellent description of a satrapial
system. The appropriateness of this remark to Qoheleth's line
of thought lies in the fact that these officials were watching, not,
as a rule, that justice might be done to the poor, but to squeeze
revenue out of the petty officials under them. As each officer was
an oppressor, no wonder that the poor peasant the lowest stratum
of the heap should be squeezed. Higher ones above them].
This is perhaps an impersonal allusion to the king. 9 < 8 >. An ad-
vantage to a country on the whole is a king]. Qoheleth thinks that,
after all, monarchy has some advantages. Others have thought
that even kings like Herod had some good points (cf. Jos. Ant.
xvi, Q 1 ), in that they prevented plundering raids and rendered
agriculture secure.
10 (9) . He who loves silver], perhaps this reflection was
suggested by the rapacity of the officials referred to in vs. 8. It
serves as the starting-point for some reflections upon the vanity
of riches. Will not be satisfied]. The miser is always poor, be-
cause his desire is not satisfied. 11 < IO >. What profit has their
owner except the sight of his eyes?]. One can really enjoy but a
limited amount of wealth, he who has more, has only the pleasure
of seeing others consume it. For similar sentiments, cf. Herod.,
I, 32; Horace, Satires, I, i 70ff -, and Xenophon, Cyroped., VIII, 3"-".
A part of the last passage (40) is particularly in harmony with
our text: "Do you think, Sacian, that I live with more pleasure
the more I possess? Do you not know that I neither eat, nor
drink, nor sleep, with a particle more pleasure than when I was
poor? But by having this abundance I gain merely this, that I
have to guard more, to distribute more to others, and to have the
trouble of taking care of more." 12 (11) . Sweet is the sleep of the
laborer]. Qoheleth recognizes that the healthy out-door life of
the peasant has some blessings which money not only cannot buy,
128 ECCLESIASTES
but which it destroys. 13 (12) . Wealth guarded by its owner to his
hurt], i.e., guarded at the expense of anxiety and sleeplessness.
14 (13) . Unlucky adventure], such as speculation in a caravan which
robbers capture. He begat a son and there was nothing in his
hand]. After all his anxiety he has nothing to leave his offspring.
15 (14) . As he came naked]. Probably, as Del. remarked, Qoheleth
has Job i 21 in mind. For similar thoughts, see Ps. 49' and
i Tim. 6 7 . 16 (15) . Both this vs. and the preceding were suggested
by "father" in vs. 14. What advantage], perhaps, refers back to
the father, as Graetz thought. Toiled for wind], a figurative
expression for nothingness, only in late writings. Cf. Is. 26 18 Pr.
ii 29 . 17 (16) . All his days he is in darkness]. The vs. refers to the
self-denial and mental distresses of those who are bent upon the
accumulation of wealth. Qoheleth's thought reminds us of that
in i Tim. 6 9 , "They that desire to be rich fall into a temptation
and a snare and many foolish and hurtful lusts."
18 (17) . A good that is beautiful is to eat]. In contrast to the
evils incident to the accumulation of wealth given in vs. 17, Qoheleth
advocates the enjoyment of life as one goes along, claiming that
this is the order of life appointed man by God. It is an iteration
of his fundamental philosophy. The sentiment probably refers
to rational enjoyment of present good, in contrast to miserly self-
denial for the sake of hoarding. 19 (18) . This is the gift of God].
This expresses the same thought as vs. 18 in a different way.
The way in which Qoheleth dwells upon the idea shows how heart-
ily he was in favor of getting rational enjoyment as one goes along.
The vs. is quoted and opposed in Wisdom 2 9 . 20 (19) . Will not
much think]. One will not brood over life's brevity, if it is full of
proper enjoyment. Qoheleth sees no very bright ray illuminating
life, but believes in being content with such satisfactions as God
has allotted to man. On the sentiment, cf. Hor. Epist. I, 4, 7 :
Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendL
6 1 . There is an evil]. The phrase introduces the following
verse. 2. Has given riches and wealth and honor]. This descrip-
tion is almost identical with that in 5 19 , where Qoheleth described
what he regarded as the right course of life for a prosperous man.
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [CH.5-6 9 1 29
The description is purposely repeated here in order to set forth
what in Qoheleth's judgment is one of life's greatest misfortunes. >-
God has not empowered him to eat of it]. "To eat" is used in the
sense of "enjoy," cf. Is. 3' Je. i5 16 . Perhaps he does not enjoy
it through worry, or because in the hard processes of obtaining it
he has lost the power of enjoyment. A stranger eats of it]. He has
not even a son to inherit it, its real enjoyment is obtained by an-
other. 3. Though a man beget a hundred children]. A numerous
offspring was to the ancient Hebrew an object of great desire, and
its possession regarded as a great blessing, cf., e.g., Gn. 24 60 and
Ps. i27 3 - 5 . A hundred] is simply a round number, cf. Gn. 26 l2
2 S. 24 3 and Pr. i7 10 . And live many years]. Long life was also
regarded as one of the most desirable blessings, cf. Ex. 2o 12 Dt.
n 9 21 and Pr. 28 16 . Soul is not satisfied with good], i.e., he does
not obtain that enjoyment praised in 5 19 . Also he has no burial].
The ancient Semites, like the ancient Greeks, attached great im-
portance to proper burial. At the end of the Gilgamesh epic are
the following lines (cf. KB., VI, 265):
He whose dead body is thrown on the field,
Thou hast seen, I see,
His spirit rests not in the earth.
He whose spirit has no caretaker
Thou hast seen, I see,
The dregs of the pot, the remnants of food,
What is thrown in the street, must eat.
This idea prevailed widely among the Greeks. Much of the plot
of the Antigone of Sophocles turns upon it. It also prevailed
among the Hebrews, cf. Is. i4 19 - 20 Je. i6 4 5 Job 2i 32 - 33 Tobit i 18 2 4 6
i Mac. y 17 2 Mac. 5 10 13 7 , see also Schwally , Leben nach dem Tode,
48-51, and 54-59. Plumtre's idea that the importance attached
to burial here is due to Greek influence, is quite wrong.
Untimely birth], cf. Job 3 18 Ps. 58 8 . 4. Into vanity it came], i.e.,
into a lifeless existence. With darkness shall its name be covered].
As Delitzsch observes, it really has no name. The Hebrew way
of saying this is the above. As in Job 3 16 and Ps. 58*, the untimely
birth is an example of something that has no sensations either of
good or evil, and whi< h leaves no memory behind it. It can be
130 ECCLESIASTES
conscious of no loss or suffering, hence in comparison with the un-
fortunate in question, Qoheleth regards it fortunate. 5. Yea the
sun it saw not]. The lifeless foetus escaped all sensation. Nor
had knowledge], did not come to consciousness. This has more
rest than the other], freedom from the toil and worry of life. Rest
is an Oriental ideal, and Qoheleth in this expression approaches
the Buddhistic appreciation of Nirvana. 6. A thousand years
twice over], twice the length of an antedeluvian patriarch's life.
And good he does not see], misses the one redeeming feature of
mortal existence, which in 5 18 Qoheleth has recognized to be such.
Are not both going unto the same place?]. Both the lifeless foetus
and the man whose life has been long but wretched, are destined
to Sheol, and the lifeless foetus is to be congratulated because it
reaches the goal by a shorter and less agonizing way. 7. The
man], here the long-lived individual referred to in vs. 6. Mouth
and appetite] are probably used symbolically. One toils all his
life for a satisfaction which he never attains. 8. What advantage
has the wise man over the fool?]. The idea that the lifeless foetus
has an advantage over a prosperous man prompts a repetition of
the thought of ch. 2 l4ff . What, the poor who knows how to walk
before the living?]. This evidently means, as McN. has seen,
"what advantage has the poor man, who has got on in the world
by knowing how to walk prudently and successfully, before his
fellow-men?" This, like the question about the wise and fools, is
suggested by the comparison of the prosperous, long-lived man
with the lifeless foetus. 9. Better is the sight of the eyes]. The
last clause shows that this expression means " better is the enjoy-
ment of what one has." Wandering of desire], desires for various
unattainable things.
5 8 (7 >. Sieg. and Ha. regard this verse as the work of a glossator -
Sieg., of Q 4 , his Chasid glossator. Sieg. misinterprets the text, however,
taking nsn in the sense of ffKavda\le<r6ai in Mt. i3 21 , emending ^pi?
to "intrj, and following Kn., Heil., Zo., BDB. and Ges. K - (i24h), in
taking o^rnj, plural majestatis, referring to God. It is better with Hit.,
Ew., Del., Wr., Wild., Gins., PL, VI. and McN. to interpret it of a
hierarchy of officials, as we have done above. It then becomes thor-
oughly harmonious with Q.'s point of view. tOfltP'D Vn], cf. BfltPD *?n,
Is. io 2 . rune], in the sense of "Province," occurs frequently in the
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [CH.5-6 131
late books, Ezr., Neh., Est., Dn., La., and Qoh. Outside of these
books, only in i K. 2O 14 15 - 17 - l9 and Ez. ip 8 . nonn] on nnn, in the sense
of "look with astonishment," see Is. 13* 29* Je. 4 9 .Ps. 48* Job 26".
^on=" business" in Is. s8 13 and Pr. 3i 13 , it has here passed from that
to mean "matter," or "thing," EDB., as in the Talmud, cf. Ja. 492b.
9 w. This verse has been a crux to interpreters. The various render-
ings from that of Dod. to that of Sieg. are, when compared, an eloquent
testimony to the difficulty of the verse. nit'] Dod. emended to HtP t
rendering, "Superior land, whose king is a servant of the Almighty."
Ewald and Zo. rendered, "A king set over a land"; Kn., Ges., Vain.,
"A king who is served by the land"; , Ra. and AE., "A king who is
subject to the land"; Del., Heng., Wr., "A king devoted to arable
land," and Wild., "King of a kingdom which is served." McN. and
Ha. have correctly rendered substantially as it is rendered above. Ha.
alone seems to have correctly seen that mi? is epexegetical of TIN. McN.
and K6. (286d) hold that they cannot refer to the same thing. McN.
correctly observes, however, that the accents show that "iapj is to be
construed with mir and not with I^D. The article in Ssa expresses
totality, cf. Gn. i6 12 2 S. 23 5 i Ch. 7* and Ko. 3oia. (& and S read
tirl iravri. Perhaps, as McN. suggests, the scribe thought it referred to
the hierarchy of officials in vs. 8. mfc'], literally "field," i.e., land for
pasturage or tillage. iapj]. This Niphal occurs only in Dt. 21* and
Ez. 36 9 - 34 , and always means "till."
10 < 9 >. I 1 " ans] was regarded by Zirkel as a Graecism=0tX</J7upos,
a view which McN., p. 41, has sufficiently refuted. See above, Intro-
duction, 6 (i). 'iDa was among the ancient Semites the specific word
for money. 2 anx. -3 occurs with anx only here. It strengthens the
idea. It is parallel to ~a TOD in Nu. i4 8 2 S. is 26 , etc. T] is used in
the sense "whoever," cf. Ex. 24" 32 26 Ju. 7 3 Is. 44 10 Pr. 9*- ", also
Ko. 382b. pnn] usually means "multitude," being derived from a
root, "to roar," or "murmur." Sometimes it has as here the meaning
"wealth," cf. Is. 6o 5 Ps. 37 16 i Ch. 29 16 . Dr. thinks the original reading
may have been JIDD, since that is the reading of & and . The a be-
fore pon he regards as due to dittography. San n? DJ] Zap. regards
as a stereotyped gloss, while Ha. refers the whole verse to a glossator.
11 < IO >. ma-\a] affords an example of acommon Sem. method of denoting
time by a prep, and an infinitive. Cf. the As. ina kasadisa="'when. she
approached," IV, R., 31, 12; KB., VI, 80, and also cf. Ges. K - 1146.
nattDn] is another way of referring to pen of the preceding vs. l^Pa],
see on 4*. It primarily means skill, but is here equivalent to jnnv
rrSpa]. Spa is frequently used in the pi. form with a sing, sense, but
always before a suffix,^., e.g., Ex. 2i 29 Is. i 3 and Ko. 263^ PIN-)] is
probably to be read with Qr., though Eur. takes the opposite view.
Cf. Dr., in loco, and BDB. p. 909. 12 <>. iajr] (6, S, 6 and 1C read
132 ECCLESIASTES
"Qy, "slave." MT. is, however, supported by &, U, SF, and is probably
right. As AE. noted, Gn. 4* and Pr. 12" make it probable that the ex-
pression is shortened from rims "gj?, and refers to an agricultural worker.
ON DN], usually without }, mean " either". . . "or"; cf. Ko.
37ir. For j?3fe', in the sense of " satiety," cf. Dt. 33 23 . The construction
of the word is a case of casus pendens, cf. Da. 106. TJD], Hiph. part,
of nu, followed by *?, and meaning "permit." The inf. is usually used
in such constructions, see K6. 289d. p^^], from ]&\ is one of the
rare forms of the inf. made after the analogy of the strong verb, cf.
Ges. K - 6pn. 13 ( 12 >. nSm njn]. nSin is part, of nSn, used adjectively.
It means "sore," or "deep-seated" (so Del., Wr. and BDB.). (6
reads dppd)crrla=" sickness," in which it is followed by &, which leads
McN. to conjecture that the pre-Aqiban reading was ^n jn e% "there
is an evil sickness." H and SI support MT., however, and its reading
is so much more intelligible that it can but be regarded as the original.
Then, as Kn. long ago observed, in Qo. the adj. regularly follows the
noun. The Niph. of nSn has a similar meaning, cf. Je. 14" Na. 3 19 .
For the use of the passive followed by S to express agency, see Gn. i4 19
and K6. 104. 1>Sp3] see on vs. 12. Ha., on account of his metrical
theory, erases tpbp'n nnn and injnS as glosses. 14 < 13 >. njn p/J, most
interpreters agree that the phrase means "a bad business," or "venture."
p>'] see on i 13 . W3]. Interpreters differ as to whether the suffix 'i-
refers to the father or the son. Kn., Gins., Heil. and PI. hold that it
refers to the former, while Gr., VI., No. and Sieg. refer it to the latter.
Wild, rightly remarks that it may refer to either. Ha., for his usual
reason, regards Ninn iKtyn and NDINE as glosses. 15 < 14 >. itr'No] is fre-
quently used in comparisons, cf. Ges. K - i6ib and Ko. 388h.
roSS 3i8]= "go again." On account of its poverty in adverbs, 3MB
is often used to express an adverbial idea, cf. Ges. K - i2od. Ni" 1 ],
literally "take up," "carry," is here used in the sense of "receive," as
in Dt. 33 3 i K. 5 23 Ps. 24 5 . iSnyaJ the 2 expresses instrumentality.
^?V was read by <3S and S t|Vef. K6. (ig4b) regards ^ here as prob-
ably a Kal, but it is better to regard it as a Hiph. Jussive. Wr. notes
that it is one of the few Jussives in the book. Other instances he be-
lieves occur in io 20 ("P.r) and i2 4 (air'' 1 ). 16 < 15 >. nVin njn], on this,
see on 5 13 < 12 >. -IP nny-So] is variously regarded by different scholars.
Geiger, who is followed by Wild., McN., and Ges. Bu -, regarded it as a
compound of D, S, and PDJ?, comparing i Ch. 25 8 . Ko. (277!, 33Qr
and 37in) seems to favor this view. On the other hand, Del., who is
followed by Wr., Sieg. and BDB., regards the expression as an imitation
of the Aram. i n3p hi (Dan. 2 40 ), and accordingly as an Aramaism.
This view is correct. fnrpl (& read njnn < >=7re/)to-(rea dirroC. 17 < 16) . The
MT. of the verse is obviously corrupt; a translation of the present text
is impossible. Many attempts have been made to explain V^
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [CH.5*-6' 133
Some, as Del., taking it literally; others, as Wr., taking it figuratively
like 3tt>> in Mi. 7*. (6, however, reads Kal tv ir^vdL=h^vt\ the preposi-
tion being carried over from lora. This is the best solution of the
difficulty, and with Gr., Kn., Sieg., McN., and Ha. we adopt it. Dj?3]
is to be corrected to oyj?, and taken as a noun with No., Eur., Sieg.,
McN. and Ha. The i of vVn is untranslatable. It should be omitted
as an error (cf. 6 2 ), (so Kn., Gr., No., Eur., Wild., Sieg. and McN.),
which, as Kn. and McN. have observed, arose by an accidental doubling
of the following i. We thus obtain a verse which by supplying a copula
at the beginning contains a series of nouns all governed by 3 in ~\vn2.
Ha. regards n*p) vSn as a gloss to the rest of the vs. because it spoils
the metre. He unnecessarily denies the whole vs. to Q 1 .
18 ( 17 >. This verse contains no Athnah. As Del. notes, it is to be
compared in that respect with Gn. 2i 9 Nu. 9 1 Is. 36' Je. 13" 51" Ez. 42 10
Am. 5 1 i Ch. 26 2 2& l 2 Ch. 23 1 . The phrase nc> ~\tf aus is difficult.
In interpreting it, the Massoretic accents must be disregarded. Gr.,
PI., Wild, and Sieg. regard this as a translation of the Greek K&\OV
Kdya66v. That, however, would be no-i aito. Del., who is followed
by Wr., McN. and Ko. (4i4m, 383a), noted that the one parallel is in
Ho. i2 9 , NtarfWN V=" iniquity which is sin." As there can be no
suspicion of Greek influence in Hosea, the phrase is not a Graecism.
-\DDD] is ace. of time, cf. Ko. 33 la. vn is an accidental misspelling
of vn. Cf. Dr., ad loc. Sieg. holds that the vs. is the work of the
Epicurean glossator. Ha. also regards it as the work of a secondary
hand, but as we have interpreted it, it belongs naturally in the sequence
of the thought. 19 < 18 >. Dixn SD]. <& iras &v0p(t)Tros=D"ix So. The pre-
Aqiban reading apparently lacked the article. O-'DDJ] is an As. or
Aram, loan word, cf. As. nikasu, "possessions," "treasure," Syr. nekse.
It occurs in Heb. only in late works (Jos. 22" < p > 2 Ch. I 11 - and Qoh.
6 Z ), though common in Aram., see e.g., Ezr. 6 8 7 M . o>'?^n]="to em-
power," has an Aramaic coloring, cf. Dn. 2 38 - 48 . The only Heb. passage
in which the meaning approximates is Ps. iiQ 183 . N^n] is a good ex-
ample of the copula, cf. Ges. K - i4ih. Sieg. and Ha. regard the verse
as the work of the later hand. There is little convincing reason for this.
The only ground would be that it might be regarded as a doublette of
the preceding verse, but that is not in this case convincing. 20 <>. njpo]
has caused interpreters much difficulty, and Dr. would emend to n$.
The root njj? may be (i) njj f "occupy" (Ar. 'ana, Syr. v na), or (2)
njp, "answer." Ew., Del., No., Wr., and McN. take it from the
latter root, Dejong, Sieg., Wild, and Ha. (cf. JBL., XIX, 71) from the
former. McN. notes that the reading of (& irepiffira a^T6v=injyD,
which was the pre-Aqiban reading, but fails to see that this supplies the
desired object of the verb, so that if we teke the verb Jrom njy (i) as
$ and B both do, we need to make no further change in the text and
134 ECCLESIASTES
obtain the most satisfactory sense. In that case !"W is probably an
Aram, loan word (BD5.). Ha., in JBL., XIX, 71, proposed to amend
in accord with H to la 1 ? nnnip:), so that aS could be the object, but (&
is a much older authority, its reading is simpler and gives the better
sense. It is also supported by & and A. If vs. 17 is genuine, as I be-
lieve, it carries with it this vs. Ha. and Sieg. wrongly make this a gloss.
6 1 . it"] is several times used by Q. (4 8 5 12 8 14 and io 5 ) to introduce a
new topic or example, but not always so used; cf. 8 6 , and perhaps a 21 .
Dr. notes that 20 MSS. add after njn], nSin, as in 5 12 . -Sy n:n]=
"be great," i.e., "heavy upon"; cf. its use in 8. 2. D^DDJ], see on
51* as). >jj>x]. The suffix is pleonastic as in Gn. 3o 33 . "\pn] may in form
be either as a vb. or an adj. Del. takes it here rightly as an adj. and
compares i S. 2i 19 i K. n 22 Pr. i2 9 . p is partitive after "iDn, cf.
Gn. 6 2 and K6. 81. itfw] "himself," cf. 2 24 BDS. naj] ordinarily
"foreigner," but as Gins., Wr., VI. and Sieg., it here signifies one of an-
other family not a regular heir. jn ^n]= " evil disease," is peculiar. If
the reading is genuine, Q. must have varied the text from 5 12 purposely,
perhaps because he regarded the thing in his mind as an incurable dis-
ease in human affairs (cf. i Ch. 2i 12ff , which may have been in his mind).
Ha., for metrical reasons, regards DTi^n] in both its occurrences in
this vs. as glosses; also Nin jn <Sm San nr. 3. DN]= "although," cf. Is.
I' 8 . HNC] carries with it after -vSr the idea of D>J3, cf. i S. 2 5 . (&, &
and A support MT. in its reading, while U, W and 1C supply D>JJ.
Hit. follows the latter, but most recent interpreters take it as above.
nm cr JB>], as Del. observes, is interchangeable with navi o w'; cf.
ii 8 and Ne. g 30 . -&] seems, as Wr. noted, pleonastic, but K6. (387^
regards it as an iterative of os. Dr. thinks the original reading may
have been vn> oon. One is tempted with Ha. to regard vrvit* an)
VJBMD^ as a gloss, it seems such a repetition, but as McN. observes,
it may have been inserted by Q. for emphasis. In late Heb. this would
not be strange. pafc*], with fp, cf. Is. 66". xS nn-ri N 1 ? inp DJI], Ha.
regards it as a gloss. By eliminating this and the gloss mentioned
above, he makes poetry of it. Del. and PI. think that the vs. refers in
part to Artaxerxes Memnon, who had, according to Justin (X, i), 115
' sons by various concubines, besides three begotten in lawful marriage,
and in pnrt to Artaxerxes Ochus, who had no burial, his body being
thrown to the cats. Possibly some such tales floating through the cen-
turies, influenced Q.'s expression. Gr. takes the last clause to refer to
Hyrcanus II (cf. Jos. Ant. xv, 6 2 ), but this is an idle fancy. 4. ID;?], Dt?
is frequently = TO, cf. Dt. Q 14 i S. 24" 2 S. i4 7 Ps. 72". 5. tt>pi] else-
where in Qoh. has the article, but is frequently used in BH. without it,
cf. Je. 3i 35 43" Ez. 32 7 Jo. 2 10 4 15 , etc. HNT e>'DaO=i)N nso of Job
3 16 . yv] is construed by several interpreters like nxi, as governing tP'DtP'.
S makes it govern nru, but Wild, is right in taking it in the sense of the
OPPRESSION, DESPOTISM, RICHES [CH.5"^' 135
Lat. sap$re="to have knowledge" or "discernment," cf. Is. 44' 45"
56 10 Ps. 73 22 82 8 and Job 132. nnj], a segholate noun from nu, is held by
some to be used here as in the sense of " better," as it is in two passages
in the Talmud (cf. Ja. 886b), but as McN. observes it must have the
same meaning as in Job 3 17 as well as Qoh. 4 8 and 9". ~n nr, cf. ch.
3 19 and Ko. 48. HID]. This use of |D is very common, cf. i S. 24" Ps. 52*
Hb. 2 16 . 6. V?N (=iS lN=iS pN) is an Aramaism (cf. Ja. 48b). It
occurs elsewhere in BH. only in Est. 7*. Cf. V ON, Ez. 3* and Ko.
39oy. D^ppc], the dual="two times," is usually understood to double
the preceding numeral, but in Is. 3O 26 we have the analogous expression,
> r^? t ?'} which explains as equal to 343, i.e., 7x7x7- Ha., who
strangely assigns the verse to a glossator, rejects xS] after raio as
a still later gloss, but he misses the point of Qoheleth's thought. It is
only the man who has had no enjoyment in life, whose lot is worse than
that of a lifeless foetus. There is a limit to Q.'s pessimism. naito]
refers to the enjoyment of life, cf. 5". Dif?D= Sixty, cf. g 10 and n 8 .
S:>n]="both," see on 2 U . 7. McN. and Ha. regard this verse as a gloss,
but it can so easily be interpreted to fit admirably into the context, that
I think we should so interpret it. It is true the poetical form of the
saying suggests a proverb, but it is a proverb so appropriate that it may
well be introduced by Q. himself. ami]. The article is by most inter-
preters taken to be the generic art., but Gins, is right in regarding it as
the art. which refers to a subject recently introduced (Da. 21 (a)).
Here it refers to the man mentioned in vvs. 3 and 6, the N^nn S if'ejn]
corresponding to j?3i?n S HPDJ of vs. 3. weS], 'not to be taken with
Z6. and No. in contrast with tf, nor, as some have thought, =" accord-
ing to his measure," or "proportion" (cf. Ex. i2 4 Gn. 47 12 ), but in its
ordinary meaning. It is used to represent all the consumptive desires
of an individual. The reading of &, U and wea is a corruption.
DJI] is concessive, cf. Ko. . 373n. t?flj]= "appetite," cf. Is. 5 1 *
2Q 8 Pr. i6 26 , also Hullin, 4 7 . In this latter passage no\n 8^53= "good
appetite," see BD5. 8. Sieg. assigns this verse to his Hokma glos-
sator, and Ha. breaks it up into two glosses, but both seem to lack suffi-
cient warrant. It fits well into the development of Qoheleth's theme.
Gins., whom Dr. follows, would supply fp before pii" 1 ] from the first
clause, and make the meaning, "what advantage has the poor man over
one who knows," etc. Del., Wr. and McN., however, take jnv as
an attributive without the art.- Del. compares Ps. I43 10 (n:nt9 *]nn),
but as Br. points out (Psalms, ad loc.), the words are taken from Neh.
9 20 , where naito has the art. It is easier to disregard the pointing of
MT. and suppose that 'jyS] is without the art., then jnv can be attribu-
tive without the art. also (cf. Ko. 41 ic). l 1 ?^ 1 ?], for the strong inf.
instead of roSS, cf. Ex. 3 19 Nu. 22 13 - 14 Job 34 23 . D"n] isnot="life" (Kn.,
Hit., Wild.), but "living" (so Gins., Del, Wr., McN., Ha.). 9. Schol-
136 ECCLESIASTES
ars differ as to the genuineness of this vs. Ha. regards it as Q.'s, except
the words San n? OJ]. Sieg. attributes the couplet to Q 3 his Hokma
glossator and the last clause to his R 1 . McN. assigns it to his pro-
verbial glossator the part which Sieg. attributes to Q 3 , but regards
the last clause as genuine. As in the case of vs. 7, if vs. pa is a proverb,
why may not Q. have introduced it himself? 'y njoo] has been com-
pared by many scholars to Ps. 35" Gn. 3", etc., but the comparisons are
really inapt. njoD] is here used to denote the power of seeing and en-
joying a meaning which is found in late Heb. only (cf. BDB. pogb).
It occurs again in ch. n 9 and in Yoma, 74b (cf. Ja. 834^1) in this sense.
"jSn], again the strong form of the inf. as in the preceding vs. tPOJ ~|Sn]
= " wandering of desire." Compare pe/i/focr/ids ttri6vfj.las=" roving of
desire," in Wisd. 4 12 . San ni DJ], etc. is, if the first part of the vs.
be assigned to a glossator, said of vs. 8. If, however, the first part of the
vs. Q. inserted himself, it applies to the roaming of desire.
6 10 - 12 . Puny man against Fate.
10 . That which is, its name has already been called, and it has been
known what man is, and he will not be able to contend with Him who
is stronger than he. n . For there are many words which increase vanity.
What advantage has man ? 12 . For who knows what is good for man in
life, the number of the days of his vain life, for he spends them like a
shadow: for who shall tell man what shall be after him under the sun?
6 10 . Its name has already been called]. It has already existed.
The phrase is perhaps influenced by the Babylonian, in which
"to name a name" is equivalent to saying that the thing named
exists. When, at the opening of the Babylonian Creation
epic, the poet wishes to refer to a time before the existence
of the heavens and the earth, he says (see King's Seven Tablets
of Creation, I, i):
When in the height heaven was not named,
And the earth beneath did not yet bear a name.
Cf. also Is. 4o 26 . // has been known], i.e., foreknown, and so
foreordained. He will not be able to contend with Him], with his
Creator, who ordained his fate. The thought of the vs. is similar
to that of Is. 45 9 46 10 and Rom. 9 20 . 11. Many words which in-
crease vanity]. As Del. saw, this refers to the "contention " spoken
of in vs. 10. Delitzsch and Wright held that the verse contained
a reference to the disputes between the Pharisees, Sadducees and
PUNY MAN AGAINST FATE [Cn. 6 10 -" 137
Essenes, as to how far fate controls the actions of men, the Phari-
sees contending that it controls some of their actions, the Sadducees
that it controls none of them, and the Essenes that it controls all
(see Jos. Ant. xiii, 5"; xviii, i 3 4 and BJ. ii, 8 14 ). To what ex-
tent these disputes were carried on as early as the time of Qoheleth,
however, we do not know. We cannot clearly trace the sects
mentioned in his time. Qoheleth maintains that man is so power-
less against his Creator that discussion of the matter is futile.
What advantage has man], in his powerless position. 12.
Who knows what is good for man]. The positive question is a
negative assertion. No one knows what is really good, for power,
possessions, sensual enjoyment, and wisdom have been shown to
be vanity. The number of the days of his vain life]. This reminds
the reader of the verdict on life which Qoheleth has repeatedly
reached. Like a shadow]. The thought that human life is as
unsubstantial as a shadow finds expression several times in the
OT., as i Ch. 2Q 15 Job 8 9 Ps. io2 n and I44 4 . PL cites an
expression of the same sentiment from Sophocles:
In this I see that we, all we that live,
Are but vain shadows, unsubstantial dreams.
(Ajax, 127 /.}
The thought expressed by Qoheleth is rather that human life flits
like a shadow. It is more nearly akin to ch. 8 13 Job 14* Ps.
log 23 . What shall be after him]. The uncertainty of the future
creates a part of the difficulty of telling what is good for man.
6 10 . *VJ>N], i.e., what sort of creature man is, cf. Ex. i4 13 . Perhaps, as
Ty. thought, the words were shaped by a reminiscence of Gn. 6 3 , NVi OJBO
-ifca. Dy jnS], used in the sense of an, occurs only here (cf. EDB.
I92b), though fi"U="be at strife," occurs in 2 S. 19' . The nearest
parallel is in Gn. 6 3 , though there probably the original reading did not
contain fi'T (cf. BDS. i92b). Ty. thought this text an allusion to
Gn. If that had been corrupted into its present form by the time Q.
wrote, perhaps Ty. was right. *^pnnip], Qr. *i>pna> is probably, as
Dr. conjectures (in Kit.'s BH.), a corruption of rppn Nine*, cf. hny mr\&
ch. 2 M . Some have taken the Kt. as a Hiph., but that is not so probable,
as elsewhere its Hiph. does not occur in Heb. *VP, n] is an Aramaism,
cf. Dn. 2 40 - 42 3 33 and the cognate Syr. 11. onai] was taken by Kn.
and Gins, as "things," as (I takes it, but d, &, U and A, which render it
138 ECCLESIASTES
"words," are rightly followed by most recent interpreters. On
cf. K6. 3186. H adds after the words of MT. in this vs. majora
se querere (=l|5.ri tfpaS? C/. Est. 9"). Zap. (Kohelet, p. 14) thinks
that the metre makes it necessary to adopt an equivalent for these words
of H, to fill out the line. The words are an ancient gloss supplied to
relieve a supposed abruptness in the sentence, but their absence from
all other versions attests that they were a late addition to the text.
12. iflDs], an ace. oMime, cf. K6. 33 la, also ch. 5". )San "n], an
attrib. gen., cf. Da. 24 (c). O^M]; nfpp, in the sense of "spend time,"
is without parallel in BH., but occurs in Midrash Tillim (cf. Ja. ii25a).
<8, in Pr. i3 23 , shows that the LXX had before them some such reading
there, while Troi^ffavres dt XP^ VOV (Acts i5 33 i8 23 ) and Trot^o/ie? ^/cet
iviavrbv (Jas. 4 13 ) preserve the same idiom (cf. also Acts 2O 3 2 Cor.
ii 2 * Tob. io 7 Jos. Ant. vi, i 4 ). The idiom is found in both Greek and
Latin, and is claimed by Zirkel and Gr. as a Graecism. McN. would
avoid this conclusion by making SXD complete the meaning of the verb,
thus, " seeing that he makes them like a shadow." It seems more natural
to take the words as a Graecism. Such an idiom may have been bor-
rowed after a few years of Macedonian rule, even if Q. was not influ-
enced by Greek philosophy. -\VN]=" because"; does not differ from
^ when 'n follows, cf. Dt. 3 24 . It is causal in Q., also in ch. 4 9 8 11 and
io 15 , cf. Ko. 389a. Sieg. makes the verse a gloss, Ha. four separate
glosses, but I see no reason for so doing.
7 1 - 14 . A Variety of Proverbs.
1. A good name is better than good ointment,
And the death-day, than the birth-day.
2. It is better to go to the house of mourning
Than to the house of feasting,
For that is the end of every man,
And the living will lay it to heart.
. Better is grief than laughter,
For through sadness of countenance it is well with the heart.
4. The hearts of wise men are in the house of mourning,
But the hearts of fools, in the house of mirth.
6. It is better to hear the rebuke of a wise man
Than for a man to list to songs of fools.
. As the crackling of nettles under kettles,
So is the laughter of fools.
[This also is vanity. ]
i. For oppression makes mad a wise man,
And a bribe corrupts the heart.
. Better is the end of a thing than its beginning;
Better is patience than pride.
. Do not hasten in thy spirit to be angry,
For anger lodges in the bosom of fools.
VARIETY OF PROVERBS [Cn. 7 1 " 139
10 . Do not say: "Why is it that the former days were better than
these?" For thou dost not ask in wisdom concerning this.
11. Wisdom is good with an inheritance,
And an advantage to those who behold the sun.
n. For the protection of wisdom is as the protection of money,
And the advantage of knowledge is, wisdom makes its possessor to live.
i. Consider the work of God ;
For who is able to straighten
What he has made crooked ?
". In the day of prosperity be joyful, and in the day of adversity
consider; even this God has made to correspond to that in order that
man should not find anything (that is to be) after him.
7 1 . A good name is better than good ointment]. This is a pro-
verbial phrase which has no relation to the context. Sieg. and
McN. believe it to have been added by a glossator. This may be
right, but it is difficult to divine what motive can have induced a
glossator to add it. Ointment is, in hot climates, highly valued,
cf. 2 S. i2 2 Am. 6 6 Ps. 45 7 Pr. y 17 Ru. 3" Dn. io 3 . In Ct. i 3 it
is a simile for a good reputation. The thought of this line, how-
ever, is " honor is better than vanity."- The death day]. This has
the true ring of Qoheleth, cf. 6 4ff . 2. House of mourning]. The
mourning at a death lasted seven days, see Gn. 5o 10 BS. 22 12 , those
who sat round about sought to comfort the mourners, see Je. i6 7
Jn. ii 19 - 31 . The living will lay it to heart]. The thought is sim-
ilar to Ps. go 12 . 3. Better grief than laughter], i.e., sorrow than
wanton mirth. // is well with the heart]. The idea is similar to
the Greek proverb, "to suffer is to learn." A similar thought is
expressed in Job 33 19 - 23 . The thought is, however, foreign to
Qoheleth, who never seems to grasp a moral purpose in suffering.
The verse as Ha. has seen is a proverb added by a glossator.
4. House of mourning . . . house of mirth]. The vs. reverts to and
enforces the thought of vs. 2. McN. and Ha. are wrong in regard-
ing it a gloss. Its thought is "like attracts like." 6. Hear the
rebuke], cf. Pr. 13 8 , from which the expression is borrowed.
Songs of fools], probably mirthful drinking songs, such as are
mentioned in Am. 6 5 . This proverb is probably also a gloss. Its
thought is out of harmony with Qoheleth, as Sieg., McN. and Ha.
have perceived. 6. This vs., like several which follow, is a proverb
140 ECCLESIASTES
added by a glossator. The crackling of nettles]. There is a word-
play in the original, which our English rendering imitates. In the
original, however, the word rendered nettles means " thorns." In
the East charcoal was commonly used for fires (cf. Ps. i8 8 120*
Is.- 47" Jn. i8 18 ), as it is to-day. It burns slowly in a brasier
(cf. Je. 36 22 - 23 ), and gives out considerable heat. Thorns (Ps.
58 9 ), or even stubble (Is. 47 14 )> might be burned by the hasty, but
the result was noise, not heat. The laughter of fools] is alike
noisy, but valueless. This also is vanity]. This clause spoils the
symmetry of a poetic couplet, and as Sieg.,McN. and Haupt agree,
is a still later gloss. 7. For oppression makes mad a wise man].
This clause has no connection with the preceding. Del. supposed
that two lines had fallen out, and proposed to supply them from
Pr. i6 8 . As Sieg., McN. and Ha. have noted, the vs. is a gloss,
introduced by the hand which inserted so many of these proverbs;
it is vain, therefore, to seek for connection of thought, or to sup-
pose that another couplet is necessary. A bribe corrupts the
heart]. This is an echo of Ex. 238 and Dt. i6 19 . Heart in Heb.
includes " understanding " (Ho. 4 11 ), and the moral nature also.
In Hebrew thought, wisdom and goodness go together, and folly
and wickedness. 8. Better is the end of a thing]. This is a proverb
quite in Qoheleth's mood. Sieg. and McN. regard it as a gloss,
but Haupt is right in seeing in it Q.'s hand. It is too pessimistic
to be true without qualifications, as Pr. 5* 23" show. Better is
patience than pride]. This last has no connection with Q.'s
theme, but it belonged to the proverb which he quoted, so he in-
troduced it. Its presence led a glossator to add the next verse.
9. Do not hasten . . . to be angry]. This is a proverb out of har-
mony with Q.'s thought, it was introduced because of the suggestion
of vs. 8b. Anger lodges in the bosom of fools]: a sentiment set forth
in Pr. i2 16 and Job 5*.
10. Why is it that the former days were better?]. This is
always the plaint of an old man. Sieg. and McN. regard this
also as a gloss, but it is not in the form of a proverb, and is in
thorough harmony with Qoheleth's thought, see ch. i 9 10 . 11. Wis-
dom is good with an inheritance]. Compare the saying in Aboth,
2 2 , "Beautiful is knowledge of the law with a secular occupation";
VARIETY OF PROVERBS [Cn. 7-"
141
also i Tim. 6 6 . It does not imply that wisdom without an in-
heritance is of no value, but that with an inheritance it makes an
especially happy combination. The vs. is, as Gr., Sieg., McN.
and Ha. have seen, a proverbial gloss. Those who behold the sun],
the living, cf. Ps. 58 8 . 12. For the protection of wisdom is as
the protection of money]. Money ransoms a life (Pr. 13"), while
wisdom may deliver a city (Ec. 9"). The verse is a gloss by the
same hand as the last, and gives a reason for it. 13. Consider the
work of God]. Qoheleth has not given up belief in God, though he
is a pessimist. This vs. followed vs. 10. Vvs. n and 12 have been
interpolated. Who is able to straighten what He has made crooked?].
This is an iteration in other words of the thought of i 15 . Sieg.
and Ha. unnecessarily regard it as a gloss. It is certainly Qohe-
leth's thought, and he could as easily repeat himself as a modern
writer. 14. This God has made to correspond to that]. He has
made good and evil correspond to each other. Not find, any-
thing that is to be after him]. God has so mingled good and evil
that man cannot tell what the future will be. Cf. 3". Here, as
there, " after him" refers to what will be in this world.
7 1 . aito] is best regarded as pred. adj. with Gins, and Del., not as
attributive (Kn. and Hit.). oa>] is used in the sense of aito DS> as in Ez.
39 13 Zp. 3 19 - 20 Pr. 22 1 . VnSjn] (| NB and & omit the suffix, which is
here meaningless. EC. 5" 8 16 'and Is. I7 6 are sometimes cited to show
that i~ here means "one's," but they are really not parallel, as in each
case the accompanying verb implies an agent. Probably the original
reading was iS-jn (McN. and Dr.), or rnSn (Bick.). 2. nntfo], lit. "drink-
ing bouts." In vs. 4 we have nnDi? ma. In Est. g 17 we find nruFD o 1 "
nnniri, which shows the close association of the words. T^Vo]=" be-
cause," cf. K6. 3896. xin]= " that." nr would have been inappropriate,
for it refers to the thing first mentioned. Del. remarks that Nin follows
the gender of TID. inn], the art. here is rightly pointed with bef. n.
Exceptions to this rule occur in Gn. 6 19 and Is. i; 8 . aS SN frn]=SN otr>
aS, 2 S. i3 33 . aS hy occurs with onr in Is. 42" 47 7 57 1 - " and aSa in
i S. 2i 13 . All these expressions are syn. 3. DJ?D], cf. on i 18 . jn], an
inf., so Del. D>JO jn], cf. Ne. 2 2 , and the expression aS jn = "sad heart,"
which it contains. aS ato^], if used in the meaning attaching to it in
ch. ii 9 , makes no sense; if used with a moral signification, it contra-
dicts Q.'s whole thought. As the first half of the vs. makes a moral
signification imperative, the vs. must be a late gloss late, because the
142 ECCLESIASTES
expression everywhere else in the OT. has the non-moral meaning, cf.
Ju. i8 2 i9- 9 1 K. 2i 7 Ru. 3 7 EC. 1 1 9 . 4. SaN]. Del. remarks that the Zakef
Katon on SaN divides the vs. instead of Athnah, because none of the
words after SaN are tri-syllabic. Cf. for the opposite vs. 7. 5. mjjj],
"rebuke," occurs in Q. only here, but is used in Ps., Job, Is. and Pr.
frequently. Cf. the Targ. on Zc. 3 2 . J7DB> BNO]. Gins, held that the
normal form of expression would be yctPto ycipS C"NS a IB, but
Del., Wild, and McN. maintain that e*N is introduced before yDB> be-
cause the two hearings are supposed to be the acts of different individ-
uals. 6. on>D], a rare word for "thorns." It occurs in Is. 34" Ho. 2
and Na. i 10 , also with plural in rn- in Am. 4 2 in the sense of "hook." In
Sabaean it is found as a proper name (cf. Hommel, ZMG. xlvi, 532). It is
used here for the sake of the paranomasia. Sip] stands for all sorts of
sounds. 7. pti'7] is connected with the As. esku, "strong," the same stem
in Ar. means " roughness," " injustice," and in Syr., " slander." It often
means "extortion," cf. Ps. 62" Is. 30" 59 18 . Ew. emended to ~\vy and Gr.
to o>py, but later comm. have realized that no emendation is necessary.
none] disagrees with its vb. "0*0 in gender, cf. Ges. K - i45a. SSlsvJj
Polel of SSn, "to shout," "boast." It occurs in Is. 44 Job 12" in
the sense it has here. Cf. the noun mSSm in i" 2 12 , etc. njna] is here=
"infer, so Del., cf. i Mac. 2 18 . Some of the Vrss. had a different reading,
but there seems no reason to change the MT., cf. Eur., p. 82. nx] is
interpretative of another's words ace. to K6. 288g. 8. nnnx] oc-
curs also in Pr. 25* in the sense of "end." Sieg. takes the word as
evidence that this mashal is not from Q 1 , since he has used IID for
"end" in 3". In so small a work, however, arguments from mere vo-
cabulary have little weight. nai], <j onai. Perhaps the final 3 was
accidentally dropped before the following D. nn TIN]. T is usually
coupled with D^CN in the sense of " long suffering " or "patience," cf.
Ex. 34 6 Pr. i4 29 i5 18 i6 32 . With this the Talmudic usage agrees, cf.
Ja. i2ia. In Pr. i4 29 , however, nn "\xp is used for the opposite, and
in i6 32 , vina S#D, as a parallel. naj], constr. of naa (cf. BDB. i4ya),
not naj (Bo.). 9. oya DiyaS], cf. on i 18 . Sieg. notes that oya has a
different meaning than in vs. 3, and makes the difference an argument
for difference of authorship. I agree as to difference of authorship, but
this word is no argument for it, since the Semites naturally employ the
same word to express "anger" and "sorrow," both of which are ex-
pressed in the modern dialect of Jerusalem by za'lan. nw P^a],
cf. nun aVa, Pr. i4 33 . 10. nn] used in the sense of nsS, as in Ct.
8 4 . nnann]. <S, & and A read nnnnj, which was probably the original
reading. ^y Wtf] is a late idiom, cf. Ne. i 2 . In earlier Heb. it was
-S SNP, cf. Gn. 43 7 , and i S. 22 13 . 11. oy], with the use of this
prep., cf. Aboth, 2 2 , ]ns -p"< OP ^^ ninSn no>. onSnj]. ^ has ap-
parently connected it mistakenly with the root
USELESSNESS OF EXTREMES [Cn.7 15 - 22 143
cf. Botf irn *?:> rw'N SDJ Ps. s8 9 , and -IIN nx-* Ps. 4Q 20 Job 3 l . 12. Vxs . . .
Sx3] is a corrupt text. <g, &, S, C, If, 1C, , all support the read-
ing SXD in the second instance, while in the first instance all, except (6,
support the same reading. The text, therefore, was S*D Sx3, anal-
ogous to Gn. iS 28 and Ho. 4 9 . If MT. be retained, 3 must be regarded
as 3 essentice, cf. Ges. K - ugl On Sx=" protection," cf. Nu. 14*
Je. 48" and Ps. gi l . 13. n*n], as Del. observes, is not=njn, but means
"thoughtfully consider," cf. ch. i 10 ; 29 9 9 . pn], an Aramaism, cf.
on jis. nip], see also on i 15 . 14. 21103 rvn]. Del. notes that when 3ito is
used of persons, it carries with it the idea of 37, cf. Je. 44" Ps. 25 18 .
<&, 'A, 0, 1C, and & H read rpn for rvn, an easy corruption of the text.
np^]=" corresponding to," cf. i Ch. 24" 26 12 . ' man Sy], an Ara-
maism (c/. n man "?]?, Dn. 2 30 4") for the Heb. 1PD 1 ? or n^K ipS. See
K6. 396p. HDIND] was mistakenly resolved into two words by S and H.
7 i 8 _ Io3 ._ANOTHER ARRAIGNMENT OF LIFE.
715.22. Uselessness of going to extremes.
7 15 . Both have I seen in my vain life,
There is a righteous man who perishes in his righteousness,
And there is a wicked man who prolongs his life in his wickedness.
18 . Be not greatly righteous and do not show thyself excessively wise;
why shouldst thou ruin thyself ? 17 . Be not excessively wicked, nor be a
fool; why shouldst thou die before thy time? 18 . It is good that thou
take hold of this, and that thou refrain not thy hand from that.
FOR HE THAT FEARS GOD SHALL BE QUIT IN REGARD TO BOTH.
19 . Wisdom strengthens the wise more than ten rulers who are in a city.
20 . For there is not a righteous man in the earth who does good and
sins not. 21 . Also to all the words which they speak do not give heed,
lest thou hear thy servant curse thee. 22 . For even many times thy heart
knows that thou also thyself hast cursed others.
7 15 . Both have I seen]. Qoheleth here drops the Solomonic
mask. Vain life] is equivalent to " short life." Righteous man
who perishes in his righteousness . . . a wicked man who prolongs
his life in his wickedness]. Qoheleth here takes issue with two
orthodox OT. doctrines (i) That the righteous have a long
life (Ex. 2o 12 Dt. 4 40 Ps. Qi 16 Pr. 3 2 - 16 4'), and (2) That the wicked
shall not live out half their days(Ps. 37 l 55 23 58 3 - 9 73 18 ). 16. Be not
greatly righteous], probably a reproof of the excessive legal ob-
servances of the Chasidim. Do not show thyself excessively wise].
144 ECCLESIASTES
The world often hates its greatest men and makes marks of them.
In one sense it is not good to be ahead of one's time. 17. Be not
excessively wicked}. Some interpreters, as Del., hesitate to admit
that Qoheleth really implies that one may sin to a moderate degree.
That, however, is what he undoubtedly implies. It is true that
he was led into this statement by the necessity of an antithesis,
but there is no reason to believe that the thought was repugnant
to him. Nor be a fool]. Righteousness and wisdom are to Qo-
heleth kindred terms, while wickedness and folly form a counter-
balancing couplet. Why shouldst thou die before thy time?}. In
spite of the fact that Qoheleth had seen many men prolong their
lives in their wickedness (vs. 15), he recognizes that debauchery
ends in premature death. 18 a . This . . . thai refer to " righteous-
ness" and ''wickedness" of the two preceding verses. Qoheleth
here sums up his thought, advising the avoidance of extremes in
either righteousness or wickedness. Cf. Horace, Virtus est
medium viatorum et utrimque reductum (Epist. I, 18, 9), and
Ovid, Medio tutissimus ibis (Met. II, 137).
18 b . For he thatf&rs God shall be quit in regard to both}. This is
a gloss added by some orthodox Jew, probably a Chasid. 19. Wis-
dom strengthens the wise]. It is impossible to find any intelligent
connection for this verse with the preceding context. It is un-
doubtedly an interpolation by the glossator who was interested
in proverbs (so Gr., Sieg., McN. and Ha.). Ten rulers]. Gins.,
Ty. and Plumtre took " ten" as a round number, Delitzsch thought
it referred to some definite situation, such as the archons at Athens.
Wright, with more probability, compares the Mishna (Megilla, i 3 ),
which says that " every city is great in which there are ten men of
leisure." The idea here is similar, 'only the "men of leisure" are
represented as "rulers."
20. For there is not a righteous man in the earth}. This connects
with vs. i8a, from which it is now separated by two interpolations,
and gives the reason for it. It is a quotation from i K. 8 46 . There
is -no good reason for regarding the vs. as a gloss, as Siegfried and
Haupt do. 21. The words which they speak}. "They" is indefi-
nite, referring to men in general. The way in which men talk about
one another is further proof that all sin. Lest thou hear thy servant
USELESSNESS OF EXTREMES [Cn.7 lfr - Z2 145
curse thee]. One loses peace of mind and often gains nothing
by seeing "oursel's.as ithers see us." 22. Many times]. The
words are placed in the first part of the sentence for sake of em-
phasis. Thy heart]. The Hebrew had no word for conscience,
and so used " heart," which stood for the whole inner nature.
Conscience (o-vve'iSrja-Lty occurs first in the Wisdom of Solomon, 17' .
Thou also thyself hast cursed others]. The verse is an appeal to
one's conscience to enforce the maxim of the preceding verse.
One knows how little meaning attaches to many of his own idle
words, and should not, therefore, listen to the idle words of others.
7 15 . *?3n]="both," cf. on 2 14 . ^3n 10*3], cf. 6 12 and Job 27".
is to be supplied in thought as in Pr. 28 2 . It is often expressed,
as in Dt. 4 26 - 40 5 30 Jos. 24" and Pr. 28 16 . 16. D3nnn]="to show one's
self wise," cf. Ex. i'. See also similar use of Hith. in prnnn, 2 S. io 12 ,
2 Ch. i3 7 ; in pxnn, Dt. i 37 4", and Sajnn, Ps. io5 25 . Sieg. would render
it "play the Rabbi," citing N3jnn, Ez. 13", "play the prophet," as a
parallel. in-p], cf. on 2 15 . Dpitfn], a Hithpolel. The n is assimilated
as in ji^n, Nu. 2i 27 , and PD-tn, Is. i 16 . Cf. Ges. K - 54d. 17. ~\r\y N 1 ?]. ny
with suffix means the proper or fitting time for a thing, cf. Ps. i 3 104"
Pr. i5 23 , hence rp S means "untimely," or an unfitting time. DV is
frequently used like ny in such expressions, cf. Is. i3 22 Ps. 37 Job i8 20 .
18. -w' 310], cf. on 5*. -3 man], cf. Dt. 32". wr], as Del. has pointed
out, is used as in the Mishna in the sense of " be quit from," or " guiltless
of," cf. Berakoth, 2 1 : xS wS ON, NX-* laS j-p ON, &npnn JDT yjrn rnina snip rpn
NS\ & renders NP, n'qeph, "to adhere" or "follow closely," but this
is an accidental error for n e phaq. 19. "S ?yn] probably = "be strong
for the wise." Ps. 68 29 proves that TTJ? may be used transitively. If it
has a transitive force here, S would be used as in Aram, as sign of the
direct object. Since Try, like As. ezezu, usually means simply "be
strong," it is unnecessary to assume an Aramaism. mtyp] is taken
by Gins, and PL as a round number="many," but the parallels cited
(Gn. 3i 7 Nu. i4 12 Job iQ 3 ) do not bear out the interpretation. Wild.
takes the word in the sense of "wealth," but the versions are all against
this. 20. pn* PN DIN], cf. fru f>N pn, Ex. 5 16 . 21. ro-n -\K>N] is re-
garded by Zap. and Ha. as a gloss for metrical reasons. nai>] is im-
personal, cf. Ges. K - i44f. (g, &, A and add wyv-), but this is
really an unnecessary interpretation. ^*? pn], cf. on i 13 . SSpc]
S = Xot5o0oOfTes, "revile," \vhich is a happy rendering. On the mean-
ing, cf. Lv. 19" 2 S. i6 5 . The part is used here after a vb. of hearing,
cf. K6. 4iod. sS IBN] (c/. KS' of 7 14 ) = |? of earlier Heb. Cf. Est.
i" 2 l . 22. DJ]. Gins, held that this belongs to nnN r but because so far
146 ECCLESIASTES
removed, another was inserted. Sieg. regards it as a dittograph. It is
better with Wr. to take it with "pV, cf. Ho. 6 11 Zc. 9" Job 2 10 . D^Dyo
mai], the ace. of time. The construction has been inverted for sake
of emphasis as in vs. 20, also 3 13 5 18 . m:n] Ha., for metrical reasons,
regards a gl. ;?T]. <8> and 'A read >rv here, which is evidently a blunder,
for it makes no sense. The present reading of (& is conflate, that of 'A
having been combined with it (so Montfaufon and Wr.). TIN], Qr.
N, correct.
723-29. The search for wisdom leads to a severe judgment of
women.
23 . All this I have tested by wisdom. I said "I will be wise," but it was
far from me. 24 . Far off is that which exists and deep, deep; who can
find it? 25 . I turned in my heart to know, to search and to seek out
wisdom and (its) sum, and to know that wickedness is foolishness; and
folly, madness. 26 . And I found a thing more bitter than death a
woman who is snares and nets are her heart, and her hands fetters.
HE THAT IS GOOD BEFORE GOD SHALL ESCAPE FROM HER, BUT A
SINNER SHALL BE CAUGHT BY HER. 27 . See this I have found, says
Qoheleth, (adding) one to one to find the sum. 28 . Which again and
again my soul has sought and I have not found. One man out of a
thousand I have found, but a woman among all these I have not found.
29 . ONLY SEE WHAT I HAVE FOUND, THAT GOD MADE MEN UPRIGHT,
BUT THEY HAVE SOUGHT OUT MANY CONTRIVANCES.
7 23 . All this I have tested by wisdom]. "All this" refers to the
preceding. The writer, as he passes to a new theme, assures us
that the preceding maxims have been tested. I said "/ will be
wise," but it was far from me]. Though Qoheleth could by wis-
dom test some things, he declares that he had found it impossible
to become actually wise. The verse really forms a transition to a
new topic. 24. Far off is that which exists], "That which exists"
seems here to refer to the true inwardness of things, the reality
below all changing phenomena. This is "far off," man can never
grasp it. Deep, deep]. The repetition is for emphasis. Who
can find it?]. On the thought of the verse, compare Job n 7 8
28 12 - 28 BS. 24 28 - 29 Bar. 3 14 - 23 29 - 31 and Rom. n 8S . 25. To search and
seek out], cf. i 13 . To know that wickedness is foolishness; and
folly, madness]. Although it is impossible to find out the ultimate
reality, as Qoheleth has just said, he could ascertain that wicked-
ness is folly, and that folly is madness. 26. More bitter than death].
SEVERE JUDGMENT OF WOMEN [Cn. 7 23 -" 147
Death is frequently thus spoken oi,cf. i S. 15" Pr. 5' BS. 28" 41*.
A woman who is snares and nets are her heart, and her hands fetters].
The Hebrews held that the sin and wretchedness of man entered
the world through woman (cf. Gn. 3 6 1 - 5 BS. 25"), but Gins, is
wrong in thinking that is the thought here. Qoheleth is inveigh-
ing against bad women in the vein of Pr. 5 4 - 22 23 7 22 - 23 22 14 . He
does not mean to say that all women are destructive, for in 9'
he encourages honorable marriage as a source of happiness. He
that is good before God}. This and all that follows to the end of vs.
McNeile regards a Chasid gloss. 27. Adding one to one to find
the sum]. This is an expression which impresses the reader with
Qoheleth's laborious and thorough process of investigation. Per-
haps Qoheleth was thinking of the experience of Solomon as de-
scribed in i K. n lff . Cf. BS. 47 19 . 28. Again and again my soul
has sought]. He does not say simply "I have sought." It was no
mere curious inquiry of the intellect, but a heart search. One
man out of a thousand]. Possibly the number was suggested by
the number in Solomon's harem (cf. i K. i 3 ), but this is uncertain,
as "a thousand" is often used as a round number, see Ex. 20*
34 7 Dt. i 11 Job 9 3 33 23 Ps. 5o 10 84 10 90* 105 8 Is. 30" 6o 22 . A woman
among all these I have not found}. This implies that Qoheleth
was something of a misogynist. He had apparently had some
bitter experience with a member of the opposite sex. He is more
than reflecting the Oriental view that women are more prone to
sin than men. Chrysostom, Horn. Ad. Cor. 28, represents the
Oriental view when he says, ''Satan left Job his wife, thinking she
would further his purposes." Qoheleth is saying "perfect men
are rare, perfect women are non-existent."
29. Sieg. and McN. are right in regarding this verse as the work
of a Chasid glossator. God made men upright}, probably a refer-
ence to Gn. i 26 - 27 . They have sought out many contrivances}.
The point of view here is that of the writer J. in Gn. 4 21ff 6 4ff .
Perhaps the Chasid intended to suggest that the harem was one of
man's wicked contrivances.
23. nnora rvoj], cf. riDDro -nn, i". HDDHN >mDvX] is omitted as a gl.
by Zap. and Ha. for metrical reasons. nnnriN is the only instance
of a cohortative in the ;>ook. It expresses strong resolve. 24. mntf no]
148 ECCLESIASTES
was misinterpreted by <& and &. Probablv their text had been cor-
rupted to rpntsto. rpnt] usually means events or phenomena which
exist (i 9 3 16 6 10 ), but the context makes it necessary to understand it
here as that which underlies phenomena. PDJ; PDJ?], an ancient ex-
pression of the superlative by means of repetition, cf. Ges. K - i33k and
K6. 309m. 25. -oSi] is difficult. Gins, renders "I and my heart,"
taking it as a separate subj. AE., Herz., Moses, Stuart, Del. and Wr.
construe with what follows: "I turned and my heart was to know."
79 MSS., S, 21, and it, however, read oSa, and as Winckler and
McN. have seen, this must have been the original text, cf. 2 l . patfn],
an Aram, word =" reckoning," "sum," cf. Ja. Soya. It occurs in BH.
only here, in vvs. 27 and g 10 . On its formation, cf. Earth, Nominal-
bildung, 2O2a. *?D3 >'"*]. McN., on account of and a reading of
Jer. and some peculiarities of (&, holds that the original reading was
J?tsh SDD. MT., as it stands, gives, however, a more climactic and clearer
thought, and should be followed. niSSin mSaon], cf. on i 17 . Sieg.
and Ha. regard the vs. as a gl., the latter as a double gl. 26. NSID], in
late Heb. the part, is used instead of various forms of the verb, and here
is equivalent to a perfect, cf. K6. 23Qg. In late Heb. verbs " ^ are
often confused with verbs "nS, as here (cf. Ges. K - 75rr). Del. points
out that in the Talmud (Yebamoth, 63b) it is said to have been common
in Palestine to. inquire after a wedding xxin IN NSD "happy or un-
happy?" One ref. was to Pr. iS 22 , the other to this passage. N-n] is
here the copula, cf. Gn. 7 2 . o-mxn] <g read TIXD (sing.). ia>x riB>Nn
onrcn NTi]="the woman who is nets." Cf. nSon -ON), Ps. 109*.
Sieg. regards the vs. as genuine, while Ha. looks upon it as a double
gloss. Ha. declares that Qoh. was no misogynist, but favored happy
marriage, and refers for proof to ch. 9 10 . It is difficult to escape the
conclusion, however, that the words here employed are sharpened by
a bitter personal experience with some woman. The passage referred
to (ch. 9 10 ) urges enjoyment with a woman, not the placing of trust in
her. 27. nSnp mox] is the only place where nVnp occurs with a fem.
vb. Cf. i 2 i2 8 i2 10 . In i2 8 we have nVnpn nnx, and the majority of
scholars so take it here (Grot., Houb., Mich., Durell, Van der P., Stuart,
Elst., Heil., Wr., Wild., Ges. K - i22r, K6. 25id, and Dr.). 28. -WN]
Perles would change to HB>N, but nothing in the versions supports this.
K6. (383a) regards "VPN far more effective. T>>] as in Ru. i 14 here=
"again and again." DIN] is explained by Gr. and Sieg. as a Graecism
for &vdp(j)iros, but as McN. has noted DIN is opposed to ns>N in Gn,
2 22. 23. 25 38. 12. n. zo. 21 Q.) } w here there can be no Greek influence. HB'N].
Perhaps Q. is thinking of the VTI nirx of Pr. 31'. 29. naS], ''alone,"
then "only," occurs here in an unusual sense. Its occurrence in Is. 26"
is kindred, but not quite parallel. SIKH], generic =" mankind," as nnn
shows. 1C"] =" honorable," "morally upright," cf. i S. 29 6 . nuatfnj
REFLECTIONS ON DESPOTISM [Cn.8- 149
a rare word, occurring only here and in 2 Ch. 26 15 . It means "contriv-
ances," "devices." In Ch. it is applied to engines of war.
8 1 - 9 . Reflections on despotism.
8 1 . Who is like the wise man ?
And who knows the interpretation of a matter f
The wisdom of a man illumines his face
And the coarseness of his countenance is changed.
*. Observe the command of a king, EVEN ON ACCOUNT OF THE OATH
OF GOD. 3 . DO NOT RASHLY GO FROM BEFORE HIM, NOR STAND IN AN
EVIL MATTER, for what he will he does. 4 . For the word of a king is
supreme, and who shall say to him: what doest thou?
5 . A COMMANDMENT-KEEPER SHALL KNOW NO HARM
AND TIME AND JUDGMENT A WISE HEART KNOWS.
e . FOR EVERY MATTER HAS A TIME AND JUDGMENT.
For the misery of man is great upon him.
7 . For there is no one who knows that which shall be, for when it
shall be, who shall tell him ? 8 . No man has mastery over the wind, to
restrain the wind, nor is he ruler in the day of death, nor is there a
furlough in war, nor will wickedness effect an escape for its owners.
'. All this I have seen and have applied my heart to all the work that
is done under the sun, at a time when man has power over man to his hurt.
8 1 . Who is like the wise man]. This verse which consists of two
gnomic sayings, has been rightly regarded by Sieg. and McN. as
from the hand of the Hokma glossator. Illumines his face],
gives it graciousness and power to inspire (cf. Nu. 6 25 Ps. 4'),
enables it to express courage (cf. Job 2Q 24 ), and intelligence (cf.
Ps. 19*). The coarseness of his countenance is changed], such
is the transforming power of character.
2. On account of the oath of God], probably the oath of allegiance
taken at the king's coronation, 'cf. i Ch. n 3 29" Jos. Ant. xv,
io 4 ; xvii, 2 4 . McN. rightly assigns this clause to the Chasid
glossator. Qoheleth's statements are greatly strengthened when
the glosses are removed. Sieg. and Ha. needlessly assign the
whole section to glossators. 3. Do not rashly go from before him],
rebel against him or renounce his service. Stand in an evil matter].
This is ambiguous. It may mean (i) " Linger not in," (2)
"Enter not in" (cf. Ps. i 1 io6 23 Je. 23 18 ), or (3) "Stand" (as king)
150 ECCLESIASTES
(cf. Dn. 8 23 ii 20 ). Probably the second meaning is nearer the writ-
er's thought, at least the context favors the interpretation "enter
not into opposition to him." See, however, crit. note. For what
he will he does]. It is accordingly folly for a puny subject to op-
pose him. This bears out the interpretation we have given to the
preceding clause. 4. For the word of a king is supreme}. This is
given as an additional reason for the preceding exhortation. Who
shall say to him, what doest thou?], a thought which is several
times expressed concerning God (cf. Is. 45 9 Job 9 12 Wisd. i2 12 ),
but is here purposely used to describe the autocratic power of a
king.
5. A commandment-keeper shall know no harm]. This statement
is brought in in such a way that the "commandment " seems to be
that of the king previously referred to a fact which has led many
interpreters to compare it to Rom. I3 1 - 5 . The word for command
is usually applied to commands of Yahweh (see crit. note), and
the thought contradicts vvs. 6b and 7. McNeile is accordingly
right in regarding the vs. as from the Chasid glossator. Know no
harm], "know" is used in the sense of "experience," as in Ez.
25 14 Ho. 9 7 . Time and judgment], i.e., the final end and de-
termination. T^e wise heart knows], cf. Ps. go 12 . 6 a . For every
matter has a time and judgment]. This remark is also from the
Chasid annotator, and gives his reason for the preceding remark.
6 b . For the misery of man is great upon him]. This, except the
word "for" which is editorial, is a remark of Qoheleth himself,
and connects immediately with the statement of vs. 4, concern-
ing the irresponsible character of the king, though it has now been
removed from it by the glossator's interpolations. It is the be-
ginning of Qoheleth's reflections upon the evils of tyranny. 7. No
one who knows that which shall be]. This is not as in 3" and 6 12
simply a reference to the fact that the future is unknown, but to
the fact that one never knows what an irresponsible despot will
do. The writer blends, however, his statement of the impossi-
bility of knowing what a despot will do with a statement of the
inscrutable character of the future. When it shall be]. Neither
can one tell when the despot will choose to do it. The uncertainty
causes misery. 8. No man has mastery over the winds], cf. ch. n 6 .
REFLECTIONS ON DESPOTISM [CH.8'- 151
Qoheleth illustrates the powerlessness of man to know the future
by examples of his powerlessness in other respects. He cannot
control the winds. The wind is one of God's grandest creations
(Am. 4 13 ), and a symbol of his power (Na. i 3 ), the control of
which is in his own hands (Pr. 3o 4 ). Nor is he ruler in the day of
death}, a second example of man's powerlessness. Nor is there
furlough in war]. This statement seems to contradict Dt. 2o 6 - 8
25*. According to i Mac. 3 58 Judas Maccabseus conformed to
one of these laws. John Hyrcanus (135-104 B.C.) employed
foreign mercenaries (cf. Jos. Ant. xiii, 8 4 ). No soldier in such
ranks could obtain a discharge when his employer had a war on
hand. Such mercenaries had been employed freely in Egypt
from the time of the XXVIth dynasty (cf. Breasted's History
of Egypt, p. 569 ff.}, and by the Persians in all periods of their
history; so that it was in Qoheleth's day no new thing. The
allusion is probably to such soldiers, and thus becomes a third
illustration of Qoheleth's point. 9. All this I have seeri\,t\\e power
of the despot described in vvs. 1-8. Applied my heart to all the
work], thoughtfully considered, or investigated. When man has
power over man to his hurt]. This is an apt description of the in-
justices of an Oriental despotism. Such injustice has existed
under every Oriental monarchy, the allusion accordingly affords
no clue to the date. " To his hurt " is ambiguous. (&, & and ,
which are followed by Kn., Gins., Z6., Del. and Wild., make it
refer to the second man. 2 and Hitzig and Ha. take it to refer
to the first man. The first of these views is the correct one. The
retribution to which allusion is made at the end of vs. 9 is often
delayed, and meantime the subjects of the tyrant suffer.
8 l . oonna] for the more common DSHD. The full writing of the article
occurs not infrequently in later Hebrew, cf. Ges. K - 3Sn. ~^o], an
Aram, loan word, occurring only here in BH., but frequently in Aram.
(cf. Dn. 2 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 9 - 16 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 30 - 36 45 A 4 - 6 - 15 - 16 - 21 s 12 - 16 , etc. "'3"'] here
= " thing," "matter," as in i 8 and 7 8 . I^D "^n], cf. Nu. 6 25 Ps. 4*
Job 29 2 < Pr. i6 15 and BS. I3 25 (Heb.) for -\w with O'rp, Ps. 199. D'JD Tj?].
The Versions read T>? the adj., not tj? the noun. This should be
adopted. It is used of "shamelessness," "impudence," or "coarse-
ness," cf. Dt. 28 50 Pr. 7 13 2i Dn. 8 23 . N.4&"] for n:\ N"S and n'">
verbs are often confused in the later books, cf. Ges. K - 75rr and 2 K.
152 ECCLESIASTES
25" with Je. 52 33 and La. 4'. Some of the Rabbis interpreted this as
fr. rw=" change," others fr. ':>=" hate" (so <& and &), see the dis-
cussions cited by Del. and Wr. from the Talmud, Shabbath, 3ob, and
Taanith, ;b. 2, >jx] is difficult. Heil., Gins., Del., Wr., Sieg. and
Ha. supply THDN as in 2 l - 15 , etc. These passages are, however, not
parallel, for in the nine cases in which Q. uses this expression he presents
the products of his observations, which is not the case here. Wild,
conjectures that the reading was ^a, as so often in Prov. 1-9, but
this is purely conjectural. <g, &, SI and A, which Eur. follows, read
PN, which is probably the correct reading. ^D] by metonomy for "com-
mand," of. Gn. 45" Ex. 17' Lv. 24 12 Nu. 3 16 Job 39". "I*?.!?], Sieg. con-
tends, is used in Qoh., without the art., in a definite sense like /ScurtXetfs,
but it does not seem necessary so to regard it. maT hy], cf. on 3 18 .
D>nSx rnjntf]= nin> nipatf of Ex. 22 10 2 S. 2i 7 i K. 2. The genitive rela-
tion is used instead of a, cf. Ko. 336t . 3. *?nan], is taken by <8, & and
A, which Dale, Sieg. and McN. follow, with the preceding verse. Two
verbs may be combined, however, in a single idea, as is frequent in Heb.,
cf. Gn. I9 22 i S. 2 3 3 5 Zc. 8 15 , etc., one of them having an adverbial force.
Wild.'s objection that one of them must be in the inf. with V, does not
hold for all cases. Cf. Da. 83 (c). y\ nan] Dt. i; 1 2 K. 4", etc.
4. -\^sa]="for," "because," cf. on 2 16 (-??a). poSir], a noun, mean-
ing "master," "ruler." It occurs in BH. only here and vs. 8. It is an
Aram, loan word, occurring frequently in Jewish Aram., cf. Ja. i58ib^".
It is here used adjectively. 5. mxn] may be used either of a king, as
i K. 2< 3 2 K. i8 36 , or a man, as Je. 35"- 16 - 18 , or of God, as Ezr. io 3 , and
frequently in D., e.g., Dt. 8 1 - 2 . Cf. also Ps. i9 9 . The Chasid intro-
duced here a phrase coined concerning God, and made it apply ambigu-
ously to a king. y\ iai], if this has the same meaning as in vs. 3, it
means he will "know no wrong," i.e., will be innocent, but Zo. and
Sieg. are right in taking it in the sense of jn of Ps. ioi 4 . 6. pon]=
"matter," "business," cf. on 3 1 , also K6. 80. n>n], <g, and A read
njn, but this gives no intelligible thought here, and must be an early
corruption. 7. rvrrc^ & an( j g; a dd c-oa or oioS, but it is clearly
an explanatory addition and not original. T^N::] was interpreted by
Kn., Hit., Heil. and Z6. as "how," but Gins, and Del. rightly oppose
this. It always means "when," even in Qoheleth, cf. 4 17 5 3 and 8 16 .
8. B'W], an adj., cf. BDB. io2ob and Barth, NB. 35. Elsewhere the
word is a noun. On the root CHIP, see on 2 19 . -L) ] points to a conse-
quence, cf. K6. 4o6a. nnn PN NSn 1 ?] is regarded by Zap. and Ha. as
a gl., on account of their metrical theory. ptoSir], see on vs. 4. nrrwcj,
a late word, occurring elsewhere in BH. only in Ps. 78 49 . It is found in
Aram, in the Midrash to Numbers, cf. Ja. 855b. nnnSna], (g read
nonSn ova. Possibly this is the correct reading, though as McN.
suggests, it may be a corruption arising from an accidental doubling of
RESULTS OF RIGHTEOUSNESS [Cn.8 1 *- 1 ' 153
the E in ncnSnn. vSya], see on 5 10 . 9. fi"^], an inf. abs. used as a
finite verb, cf. ch. 9" Gn. 41", also Ges. K - 1132, Da. 88(a), and
Ko. 2i8b. aS pro], c/. on i 13 . ny], ace. of time, cf. Je. 5i 33 and K6.
33ib. Others, as McN., take it as the beginning of a new sentence=
"there is a time."
Bio-is. Results of righteousness and godlessness the same.
8 10 . And then I saw wicked men buried, carried even from the holy
place, and they used to go about and be praised in the city because they,
had done so. This also is vanfctfrx^^V J^JUUJ^<
". BECAUSE THE SENTENCE AS TOAN EVIL DEED IS NOT ACCOMPLISHED
QUICKLY, THEREFORE THE HEART OF THE SONS OF MEN IN THEM IS
FULLY (GIVEN) TO DO EVIL. l -. ALTHOUGH A SINNER DOES EVIL EX-
CEEDINGLY, AND PROLONGS HIS DAYS, NEVERTHELESS I KNOW THAT IT
SHALL BE WELL WITH THOSE WHO FEAR GOD, WHO FEAR BEFORE HIM.
13 . AND IT SHALL NOT BE WELL WITH THE WICKED, NOR SHALL HE PRO-
LONG HIS DAYS LIKE A SHADOW, BECAUSE HE DOES NOT FEAR BEFORE GOD.
14 . There is a vanity which is done upon the earth, that there are
righteous men to whom it happens according to the work of the wicked,
and there are wicked men to whom it happens according to the work
of the righteous, I say that this also is vanity. 15 . And I praised glad-
ness, because there is no good for a man under the sun, but to eat and
to drink and to rejoice, and it shall attend him in his toil the days of
his life, which God gives to him under the sun.
10. Wicked men buried], i.e., pass away in honor. Not to be
buried was to be greatly dishonored, cf. Je. i6 4 5 22 19 . See also
on 6 3 . Carried even from the holy place]. For the reasons for this
rendering, see critical note. These wicked men had passed their
lives even in the temple, where they ought never to have been toler-
ated. The holy place is the sanctuary, cf. Lv. y 6 . They used to
go about and be praised], for the justification of this rendering,
see critical note. In the city], probably Jerusalem. Because they
had done so], i.e., had ruled over others to their hurt, cf. vs. 9, the
end. The verse is a further confirmation of the fact that retribution
does not always quickly overtake the ''possessors of wickedness."
11. Sentence as to an evil deed is not accomplished quickly]. The
Chasid glossator here takes up the thought of Qoheleth that retri-
bution is sometimes delayed. So correctly, Sieg., Ha. and McN.
The heart of the sons of men is fully given to do evil], i.e., men are
governed by childish evasions of penalty, cf. Ps. 73 9 - 11 . 12.
154 ECCLESIASTES
Although a sinner does evil exceedingly and prolongs his days], is
not prematurely cut off from those blessings which that age re-
garded as the peculiar rewards of the righteous, cf. on 6 s . For
the basis of the rendering " exceedingly," see critical note. This
vs. is also a comment of the Chasid glossator. / know that it shall
be well with them that fear God]. The sinner, in the view of this
annotator, runs the risk of disastrous retribution, but the religious
man, although his actual lot may be no more prosperous than that
of some rich men, is nevertheless free from this risk. Who fear
before him]. This is, for metrical reasons, regarded by Zap. and
Ha. as a gloss. It is probably simply a tautology of the late period
of the language, cf.ch.tf- 8 and 6 3 . 13. // shall not be well with the
wicked]. This reflects the orthodox Jewish doctrine, see Pr.
io 25 27 14" i6 31 Job 5 26 15 32 2o 5 - 7 22 16 Is. 652 Ps. 39 6 102" Wisd. 4".
Nor shall he prolong his days]. This seems to contradict vs. 12.
Probably the Chasid glossator (for the verse clearly reflects his
hand, so Sieg., Na. and McN.) meant to state his conviction that,
generally speaking, the wicked man did not prolong his days, and
that the concession made in the preceding vs. represents the ex-
ception rather than the rule. Like a shadow]. There are three
ways of explaining these words: (i) With RV. and McN. we
may take them as an emblem of transitoriness, expressive of the
rapidly fleeting life of the sinner, cf. RV., "His days which are
as a shadow." This interpretation has in its favor the fact that
the figure elsewhere in the OT. has this force, cf. on 6 1 *. (2) (8,
&, H, followed by Hit. and others, divide the vs. differently, render-
ing "like a shadow are those who do not fear God," taking the
figure to indicate the transitoriness of the sinners themselves.
(3) The rendering we have followed takes the figure differently,
and makes the point of the illustration the fact that at evening the
shadows become long, and implies that sinners never reach the
evening of life. Although not used in that sense elsewhere, there
is no good reason why it may not be so used here.
14. Righteous men to whom it happens according to the work of
the wicked]. In Job 2i 7 this fact is stated as in passionate grief,
here with a calmness which indicates that it had become a part of
the recognized order of things, though one of the proofs of the
RESULTS OF RIGHTEOUSNESS [CH.8 l <^* 155
"vanity " of life. Or is the difference one of artistic expression,
the poet in Job speaking in the character of an acute sufferer, while
Qoheleth speaks as a reflecting thinker? " Work " is used as the
fruits of work, or "wages." 15. / praised gladness}. The re-
flections 01 Qoheleth bring him back to the thought expressed in
3 22 and5 18 . It runs like a refrain through the book. It is a mate-
rialistic point of view, but it kept the writer from despair. Life
is out of joint, the rewards of goodness and wickedness are often
reversed, no ray of light falls on the future, but make the most of
the present; eat, drink and have a good time while one can, per-
haps on the ground that God even could not rob one of pleasures
actually enjoyed.
10. pa made up of a and p, a combination which occurs besides in
BH. only in Est. 4 16 , but is common in Aram. (cf. BZ)B. 4863., and Ja.
lyoa, 647b). It is an Aramaism. <8> correctly renders it r6re. isai]
should be emended on the authority of (&, K and & H to D>&OID. The
text of M. is here meaningless, as the various renderings which ixai has
received at the hands of interpreters prove some having taken it to
mean "entering into the world" (Kn., Gins, and Wr.); others, "enter
into life" (Ew.), and still others, "enter into rest" (Z6., Wild., Sieg.,
Ha.). The emendation makes a translation possible. On the construc-
tion of D^aiD, cf. Ko. 41 la. cnp Oipc] naturally means temple (cf.
Lv. 7 6 Mt. 24 15 ). This natural meaning suits our emended text. The
difficulty of rendering it with isa has led some to render "grave" (Ew.,
Marsh.), others "Jerusalem" (Hit., Wild.), while Del. and Ko. (3O5d)
rightly take it as "holy place." W^T,] is, as the text stands, difficult.
To take it as=a Hiph., as many do, is also unsatisfactory. Elsewhere
the Piel is not used for the Kal. On the basis of (&, & H , 'A and 6 we
should emend to iaSn>i. For the force of the Piel, cf. ch. 4 15 u 9 and
Job 24 10 . ironirM] is difficult. It, too, should be emended, according
to <S, 'A, 0, 2C, H, B, & H and 20 MSS., to inanc"i (so Kn., Winck.,
Marsh.), which is here pass, and not reflexive, cf. Ko. 101. ~p] is
to be taken in its ordinary sense of "thus." The difficulties of trans-
lating MT. as it stands led Kn., Gins., Del. and Ha. to take i&y p=
"to do right," and to suppose that two classes are referred to in the
verse, p has this meaning in 2 K. 7 9 , but here it should be akin to pa
in some way. The original text, as the versions testify, made allusion
to but one class, S alone taking this as Del. does. 11. nfrgj], Z6., Wild,
and Albrecht (ZAW. XVI, 115) would point nirgj, but Del. and Wr.
take it as fern. part, (not 3d sing, fem.) as it stands, regarding DJno
a fem. as well as masc. in gender. This is probably right. OJPO]
156 ECCLESIASTES
is a Persian word, in old Persian patigama, late Pers. paigam, Armenian
patgam. In BH. it occurs elsewhere only in Est. i 20 , but frequently
in Aram., cf. Dn. 3 16 4" Ezr. 4" 5 7 - 6 U . In post-BH. it occurs in BS.
5" 8 9 . njnn H^J?D], <&, H, & and A read njnn ^J?D. The analogy
of 5 5 La. 4 2 and Ct. 7^ is in favor of MT. as it stands. nnnn] here,
as usually in BH., an adverbial ace., cf. Nu. ly 11 Dt. n 17 Jos. 8 19 io 6
23 16 , etc. ^ xVn] is a late Heb. expression, cf. ch. 9' Est. 7 5 and Ex.
35 35 (P s -). In Aram. (Targ. of On.) it means "comfort the heart,"
cf. Ja. jSgb. Here it means that the thoughts (jS) are fully occupied
with evil plans. on:i] is a pleonasm, not uncommon in late writing.
12. NBri] for NBh. On the mixture of verbs *"* and n"S, c/. on 7 26 . nKO],
21 supplies D>JC J . One has to supply this, or O^D* 1 or D^ope. The last
is favored by Zo., Del., Wr. and McN. The omission of the noun is
harsh and unusual. The Vers. had different readings, showing the text
to be corrupt. (&, & H and 3C read TND {airo r6re). 'A, 2 and read
airtdavev=D'C) or me, while 1C has a conflate of both readings. 19,
and 51 support MT. As McN. observes (p. 148), none of these are
satisfactory. It is necessary to presuppose an original which will ac-
count for all readings. McN. suggests two possibilities: (i) A scribe
began to write "jnNEi, but having accidentally omitted i, discovered
his mistake when he had written INC and wrote the word again. Then
T>-\NDnND became 'on TJO, and later 'ci nxs and 'ri nc. (2) The
original text had "ixc, which would similarly give rise to the variants.
The latter seems the more probable and has been adopted -above in the
translation. T^**c]; D>D<I is to be understood in thought, cf. on 7 15 .
DJ o]. Ko.'s " wenn auch" (394^ does not suit the context. Heil.'s
; 'tamen" or McN.'s "surely also" is much more probable. 3)B n\- ].
The thought is similar to the D. point of view (cf. Dt. 6 24 ) and the Chasid
(Ps. 37 37 )- Zap. and Ha. for metrical reasons regard VJB^O INI" -C % N]
as a gloss. It is tautological, but not more so than the book is elsewhere.
13. Sxs], (& read SXD. Sxj makes much better sense, and the variant
is probably due to an early corruption. 14. inxn *??], a variant for ruin
U'Dtt'n, which is more common. -C'N] Ha. regards asagloss. ~*?N > n Jc]=
"to happen to," cf. Est. 9 26 Ps. 32", also K6. 3 23d. <S B read -Sj? ym
here. n\?yr.], for the peculiar use of this word, cf. i S. 252. 3)c ; ], cf. on
i 17 . 15. Nini] begins a new clause. "U^'], "cling to" or "accompany"
one, cf. BDB. 53ob. It takes an ace. like p3"i in Gn. i9 19 . For metri-
cal reasons, Ha. regards rDirn rnn and D^n^xn iS pj as glosses.
DN 13 = "but," cf. Kb. 3721.
> 16 ~9'. Knowledge cannot be obtained, yet Qoheleth, knowing this,
the effort.
8 16 . When I gave my heart to know wisdom and to see the toil that is
done upon the earth for both day and night he sees no sleep with his
KNOWLEDGE CANNOT BE OBTAINED [Cn.S 1 ^ 1 157
eyes 17 . then I saw all the work of God, that man is not able to fathom
the work that is done under the sun; for as: much as man may toil to
search, but he will not fathom it, and even if the wise man think he is
about to know, he will not be able to fathom it. 9 l . For all this I took to
heart, and my heart saw all this, that the righteous and the wise and
their works are in the hand of God; also men do not know love or hate;
all before them is vanity.
16. When I gave my heart]. This is the protasis, the apodosis
of which occurs in vs. 17, the last part of vs. 16 being a parenthesis.
Toil that is done upon the earth]. This recalls ch. i 13 , in which the
toil of men is described by the same graphic Hebrew word. He
sees no sleep]. "He" refers to man. In i 13 the toil is called the
toil of man, and the writer here presupposes that man as the
victim of the toil is lying in the background of the reader's thought
as in his own. "To see sleep" is an unusual figure, but is used
by Cicero, Ad Familiares, vii, 30: "Fuit enim mirifica vigilantia,
qui suo toto consulatusomnumnonviderit"; also Terence, Heautonti-
morumenos, 1 1 1, i, 8 2 : "Somnum hercle ego hac node oculis non vidi
meis." Ordinarily in the Bible the thought is expressed differently,
cf. Gn. 3 1 40 Ps. 132* Pr. 6 4 . It is, however, simply a bold metaphor
which anyone might employ, and no dependence on extra Hebrew
sources need be suspected. 17. He may toil to search, but he will
not fathom it]. This is a stronger expression of the thought than
that in 7 24 . The unsearchable nature of divine things is similarly
proclaimed also in Job n 6 - 9 and Rom. n 33 . Even if the wise man-
think he is about to know, he will not be able to fathom it]. Qohe-
leth had seen, apparently, the inutility of many systems and the
inemcacy of many universal panaceas. 9 l . / gave my heart].
The heart, as so often, is used for the whole inner nature including
the mind. And my heart saw]. For the justification of the text
on which this translation rests, see critical notes. The righteous
and the wise and their works are in the hand of God]. Qoheleth,
as so often, recognizes God's supreme sovereignty over human
affairs. Men do not know love or hate], probably God's love or
hate, i.e., they can never tell, from what they do, whether God is
going to treat them as though he loved them or hated them. The
occurrences of life accord so ill with character, that whether God
1 58 ECCLESIASTES
loves or hates an individual is one of the inscrutable things men-
tioned in the preceding vs., which man cannot fathom. All before
them is vanity]. For the text of this rendering, see crit. note to
vs. 2. The meaning is, all before men is a blank, they can gain
no knowledge of God's attitude toward them or of the future.
16. ^No]="when," cf. Gn. 12" i8 33 , etc. 'a 1 ? nx Tiro], cf. on i 13 .
Ptfn], cf. on i 13 . ai >a], as RV., Wild., Sieg., McN., etc., have noted,
begins a parenthesis. njty] is the object of the act. part. nxn. vrjn] is
regarded by Ha. as a gl., because of his metrical theory. 17. TP&nVj.
1 introduces the apodosis. DTiSxn nirj?c], as Wild, notes this is =
ni^pj Tirx and shows that Q. ascribes all activities to God. Ha.
erases the words as a gl. xi^oS] is used in an intellectual sense, cf. ch.
3" 7 29 Job ii 7 and Je. 2 B . -KTN Stfa], Kn., Ew., Hit., Heil. and Dr.
(hesitatingly) emend to Soa following (&. Del., Wr., Eur. and others
hold that ^3 is due to an early correction, S^a being parallel to the
Aram. -" i Sna, which occurs in Targ., Onk., Gn. 6 3 . In Jonah i 7 we
find 'oWa, and i 12 *7Bto. Such compounds are late and influenced by
Aramaic. Cf. Ja. i4oa and Ko. 3896 and 2846. nx DJ] corresponds
to Ph. DX ex, CIS. No. 3 6 , cf. Ko. 394f. -^ "IDS] applies to
thought, cf. Ex. 2 14 and 2 S. 2i 16 . 9 1 . ii^i] is taken differently by
different scholars. Hit., Heil., Gins, and Z6. take it as from "03,
which in the Mishna is used as "prove," etc. (cf. Ja. iQ7b), and re-
gard it as an inf. used instead of the finite verb, cf. i S. 8 12 , Je. zy 10 ig 12
2 Ch. 7 17 (cf. for constr. Ko. 4135). Del., Wr. and Wild, take it from
the same root, but supply >min with it, as rnn is used in 3 15 with nvnS.
Gr. and Ko. (4135) emend with B, <H and A to -nnSi. <&, 2C and 0,
which are followed by Bick., Sieg., McN. and Ha., read m So nx nxn -oSi,
which is probably right. This reading has been adopted above. -c ; x =
"that" as in 8 12 , cf. BDB. 83a. -nay.], a.X. in BH. It is an Aramaism,
cf. Syr. <e bada and BDB. 7i4b. Ha.'s theory of the book leads him to
break this vs. into four glosses and scatter it to different parts of the work.
^3^], vs. 2, was read San by (&, 2C, & and A, and attached to vs. i.
This is rightly followed by Dale, Sieg. and McN., and has been
adopted above.
9 2 - 6 . The hopelessness of humanity's end.
9 2 . Inasmuch as to all is one event, to the righteous and to the wicked,
to the clean and to the unclean, to the sacrificer and to him who does not
sacrifice; as is the good, so is the sinner; he who swears is as he who
fears an oath. 3 . This is an evil in all that is done under the sun, that
one fate is to all, and also the hearts of the sons of men are full of evil,
and madness is in their hearts while they live, and after it, to the dead !
*. For whoever is joined to all the living, there is hope (for him), for
HOPELESSNESS OF HUMANITY'S END [Cn.9 2 -* 159
verily a living dog is better than a dead lion. 5 . For the living know
that they shall die, but the dead know not anything; they have no longer
a reward, for their memory is forgotten. 6 . Also their love as well as
their hate and their jealousy have already perished, and they have again
no portion forever in all that is done under the sun.
2. Inasmuch as]. For justification of this text, see critical note.
To all is one event], death, cf. 2 14 3 19 . As Qoheleth had no faith
in anything beyond death, this seemed to him to reduce good and
bad to one level regardless of moral distinctions. To the clean and
to the unclean]. The words might have either a moral or ceremonial
content, but as righteous and wicked have disposed of the moral
class, it is probable that reference is now made to ceremonial clean-
ness and uncleanness. He who swears]. The analogy of the series,
jn which the bad character uniformly comes first, compels us to
take this of profane swearing which was prohibited (Ex. 2o 7 , cf.
Mt. 5 34 ),and not with Plumtre, of that judicial swearing which was
commended (Dt. 6 13 ). He who fears an oath], he who observes
his oath by God as in Is. 65" Ps. 63". 3. This is an evil in all].
Many scholars regard this as equivalent to a superlative, i.e., "the
greatest evil among all," cf. Ob. 2 and La. i 1 . For details, see the
critical note. Whatever determination one may reach about the
Hebrew method of expressing the superlative, the writer surely
means to say that the evil which he is about to mention, is of special
.prominence. Hearts of the sons of men are full of evil], full of dis-
content and unsatisfied longing. Madness is in their hearts]. Life,
according to Qoheleth, consists of vain strivings, fond hopes and
wild desires, cf. i 17 2 12 . To the dead]. The broken construction
gives dramatic vividness to Qoheleth's gloomy outlook. 4. Who-
ever is joined to all the living]. The peculiar introduction of "all "
gives emphasis to Qoheleth's lack of belief in a future life. There
is hope from him], hope that he may eat and drink and get some
enjoyment out of life, cf. 2 24 5 18 . A living dog]. The dog is an
object of contempt in the East, see i S. 24" 2 S. 3" i6 9 Mt. 15"
Rev. 22 15 . A dead lion]. The lion was a symbol of regal power,
and is used metaphorically of Jacob (Gn. 49 9 ) and of God (Job
io 16 Is. 38 13 La. 3 10 and Ho. i3 7 ). Death reduces the kingly lion
to a level below that of the living dog, because it reduces him to a
l6o ECCLESIASTES
state of nothingness. 5. For the living know that they shall die].
The clause presents a reason for the statement of the preceding
verse, but the reason betrays a strange mood of pessimism. The
dead know not anything. To have power to perceive that one
must die is to be greater than the dead, who have no knowledge.
Qoheleth's eschatology is that of Ps. 88 10 and ii5 17 . For their
memory is forgotten]. That a dead man would be forgotten seems
to have been taken for granted by the Hebrews, cf. Ps. 9 6 3i 12 41 5 .
This fact constitutes for Qoheleth one of the great tragedies of
life, cf. i 11 2 16 . This verse is quoted and opposed in Wisd. 2 4 .
6. Their love as well as their hate and their jealousy have already
perished]. The strongest passions are hushed in the calm of death.
No portion forever . . . under the sun]. The dead are denied
participation in the only world of which Qoheleth knows, this to
his mind makes the pathos of death a tragedy.
9 2 . SDH]. See on vs. i. iirw], (&, S and U apparently read i^ao (cf.
McN. 149). This is rightly followed by Zap. and McN., and has been
adopted above. aitoS] is a supernumerary in the text. Gins, held that
it was introduced before "nnaV and NEB 1 ? to show that these referred to
moral, not ceremonial, qualities; it not only makes awkward Heb., but the
moral qualities have been included in the preceding pair. &, H and A
added jnS to make another balanced pair, but < omits JiaV altogether, and
is rightly followed by Bick., Wild, and Sieg. (& has apparently preserved
many pre-Aqiban readings in this passage, and this one has been adopted
above. &n> ..... 21t3 ^], for rhetorical effect the structure of the last
two pairs is varied. 3. Soa jn]. Kn., Hit., Gins., Ew. and Del. take this
as a way of expressing the superlative, comparing Jos. I4 15 Ju. 6 15 and
Ct. i 8 . Wr. points out, however, that in these cases the adj. is accom-
panied by the article, and that this is really parallel to Ob. 2 and La. i 1 ,
where the adjs. do not have the art., and where it is doubtful whether
the writers intended to express a superlative or not. ins mpn], cf.
on 2 14 and 9 2 . xSn] may, as Del. and Wr. note, be either an adj. or a
verb, but is probably a verb. Everywhere, except in Je. 6", it takes an
ace. of material as here, cf. Dt. 6 U 33 23 34 s . mSSm], cf. on i 17 . Perhaps
to be pointed rnSSin. innx], <g read onnnN, using the pi. suf. to refer
to D"N. S read on-onx. The suffix of MT. need not, however, be
altered. DTID *?N], Gins, insists that in translation D'jSn must be added,
but it is better with McN. to regard the expression as an abbreviated
and forceful exclamation. 4. T^N ^o] is, as Del. observed, = "whoever."
Cf. Ex. 32 33 2 S. 20". K6. (3906) regards it as="when." -ww]
PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE [Cn.9^-10 3 161
does not fit the context. The Qr., 20 MSS. and <, 0, U, 31, read 13PP,
which should undoubtedly be adopted into the text, as has been done
above. pnsa], an }'- formation from noa, occurring elsewhere in
BH. only in 2 K. i8 19 = Is. 36*, but found also in the Mishna and Talmud,
cf. Ja., is6b. ^J" 7 ], ? may be taken as the prep, standing before the
casus pendens (Ko. 27ib), or as an emphatic particle=Ar. "la,"
As. "lu" (cf. Haupt, Johns Hopkins Circular, XIII, 107; Budde, ZAW.,
IX, 156; Ges. K 1436 and K6. 35id). The analogies are very evenly
balanced, but seem to me slightly to preponderate in favor of the latter
view. 5. "or] forms a paronomasia with nor. 6. DJ 0.1 DJ], cf.
Is. 48 8 .^j]=" already," cf. on i.
T-ie. A restatement of Qoheleth's philosophy of life.
9 7 . Come eat thy bread with joy and drink thy wine with a glad heart,
for already God has accepted thy works. 8 . At all times let thy garments
be white, and let not oil be lacking for thy head. 9 . Enjoy life with a
woman whom thou lovest all the days of thy vain life which he gives
thee under the sun, for it is thy lot in life and in thy toil which thou toilest
under the sun. 10 . All that thy hand finds to do, do with thy might, for
there is no work nor reckoning, nor knowledge nor wisdom in She'ol
whither thou art going. ". And again I saw under the sun, that the
race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the valiant; also there is no bread
for the wise as well as no wealth for the intelligent and no favor for those
who have knowledge; for time and chance shall happen to them all.
12 . For even man knows not his time; like fish which are caught in an
evil net, or like birds taken in a snare, like them are the sons of men
taken at an evil time, when it falls upon them suddenly. 13 . Also this
I have seen as wise under the sun and it appeared great unto me. 14 . There
was a small city and few men in it, and there came against it a great king
and surrounded it and built siege-works against it. 15 . And one found
in it a poor, wise man and he delivered the city by his wisdom, but no
man remembered that poor man. l6 . And I said wisdom is better than
might, but the wisdom of the poor man is despised and his words are
not heard.
17 . The words of the wise heard in quiet (are better) than the cry of a
prince among fools.
18 . Wisdom is better than implements of war, but one sinner greatly
destroys good.
10 1 . Dead flies corrupt the perfumer s ointment ;
More valued is a little wisdom than the great glory of folly.
2. The heart of a wise man is for his right hand,
But the heart of a fool is for his left.
*. Also when a fool walks in the way his heart is lacking and he says
of every one, he is a fool.
1 62 ECCLESIASTES
9 7 . Come eat thy bread with joy]. The sudden transition leads
Siegfried to find the hand of another author here. That, how-
ever, seems unnecessary. Qoheleth, like other men, could come
under the influence of various moods or various systems of thought.
Each could possess him in turn without preventing the return of
the other. Life has no outlook, its problems are insoluble, death
will end all, but enjoy sensation and the sunshine while it lasts,
this is his philosophy, cf, 2 24 3 12 - 22 5 18 8 15 . When a modern man
realizes how many different conceptions and moods he can
entertain, he finds fewer authors in a book like Qoheleth. Bread
. . . and wine]. These are often taken as the means of subsistence
or of hospitality, cf. Gn. i4 18 2y 28 Dt. 33 28 i S. i6 20 25 18 Neh. 5 6
La. 2 12 Tobit 4 15 - 17 . Already God has accepted thy works]. The
thought apparently is, God, by the constitution of the world, has
left this as the only source of enjoyment, and this is evidence that
such a course is acceptable to Him. As Hubert Grimme pointed
out (Orient. Liter aturzeitung, VIII, col. 432^".), vvs. 7-9 are strik-
ingly paralleled in a fragment of the Gilgamesh epic, published by
Meissner in the Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellscha/t,
1902, Heft i. The passage (col. Ill, 3^".) reads:
Since the gods created man,
Death they ordained for man,
Life in their hands they hold,
Thou, O Gilgamesh, fill indeed thy belly,
Day and night be thou joyful,
Daily ordain gladness,
Day and night rage and make merry.
Let thy garments be bright,
Thy head purify, wash with water;
Desire thy children, which thy hand possesses,
A wife enjoy in thy bosom,
Peaceably thy work (?)....
The argument here is so closely parallel to that of Qoheleth that
one can scarcely doubt but that he was influenced by the passage.
The Gilgamesh epic can have been influenced neither by Stoic
nor Greek thought. This passage shows that the combination of
pessimism and brightness which we find in Qoheleth, is thoroughly
Semitic, and, to the Semitic mind, congruous. See further above,
Introduction, 6 (2).
PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE [Cu.9-10 3 163
8. Let thy garments be white}. " White" corresponds to
1 i bright " of the Babylonian epic. Bright colors and white were the
colors for the clothing of courts, cf. Est. 8 16 , and of festivals (see
the Gilgamesh fragment above). Horace (Sat. II, 2 69 -' 1 ) shows
that white garments were also in Rome the attire for enjoyment:
llle repotia, natales, aliosve dierum
Festos albatus celebret.
(Clothed in white he celebrates banquets,
Birthdays or any other festal days.)
The Talmud (Sabbath i i4a) lays a similar stress on white garments.
Oil . . .for thy head}. This takes the place of " thy head purify "
in the Babylonian epic. Among the Hebrews oil was also a symbol
of joy, cf. Ps. 23 5 45 7 io4 15 Pr. 27" Am. 6 6 . The verse is quoted
and opposed in Wisd. 2 7 - 8 . 9. Enjoy life with a woman whom thou
lovest}. Interpreters have noticed the absence of the definite
article before " woman" and have drawn various inferences from
it. Gins, saw in it a command to embrace whatever woman
pleased one, and so gain the "delights of the sons of men" alluded
to in 2 s a view which Plumtre opposes. The analogy of the
Babylonian, which seems to be freely reproduced here, tends to
confirm Ginsburg's view (see crit. note). Moreover, the passage
was quoted and opposed in Wisd. 2 9 , where it seems to have been
understood of voluptuousness (cf. Wisd. 3 14 4 1 ). Viewed thus, the
passage presents no contradiction of ch. 726-23. // i s thy lot], cf.
5 18 8 15 . The author of Wisdom was, however, a fierce opponent
of Qoheleth (see above, Introd. 12), and possibly found in his
words a more sinister meaning than Qoheleth intended. 10. All
that thy hand finds to do}. This context refers to methods of en-
joyment. Do with thy might}, earnestly, or to the extent of thy
ability, cf. Gn. 3i 6 . -For there is no work . . . in Sheol], cf. Is.
I4 9 - 11 Ez. 32 18 - 32 , and the Babylonian poem of "Ishtar's Descent
to the Underworld." This last describes it as:
A place where dust is their food, their sustenance, clay,
Light they do not see, in darkness they dwell,
Its clothing, like birds', is a covering of wings;
Over door and bolt dust is spread.
For the full poem, see Babylonian and Assyr. Lit., Aldine ed., p.
408 jf. t or KB., VI, p. 80^"., or Dhorme, Choix de textes religieux t
164 ECCLESIASTES
p. 326^. 11. Again I saw]. This introduces a new phase of the
subject. In vs. i Qoheleth declared that righteous and wise are
subject to the same fate as the wicked. He has proved it for the
righteous, and now turns to take it up for the wise. Under the
sun], in this writer a frequent synonym of "in this world. "-The
race is not to the swift]. Here are examples of the fact that the re-
wards of this life are not given in accordance with ability or merit.
Plumtre believes that this illustration indicates a late date, when
Greek exercises had been introduced into Jerusalem. This was
done in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, 174-164 B.C. (cf.
i Mac. i 14 2 Mac. 4 9 - 14 )- He forgets, however, that there were
occasions in every age for competition in running, cf. 2 S. i8 19ff .
No bread for the wise]. Three terms are used to describe intel-
lectual power, "wise," "intelligent," and "those who have knowl-
edge." Time], a reference to 3 1 - 8 . The seasons appointed by
God roll over humanity relentlessly, among them the time of death.
Chance] is here "evil chance" or "misfortune." It is not quite
the thought of 2 14 - 15 3 19 and 9', for a different Hebrew word is used
(see crit. note), but it borders closely upon it. 12. Knows not his
time]. "Time" is here ambiguous, it may mean the time of mis-
fortune or the time of death. For similar uses, see Ct. 2 12 Ez. 30".
The similes of fish caught in a net and birds taken in a snare make
it probable that the time of death is meant. 13. / saw as wise].
"I noted as an instance of wisdom." " Wisdom "=" wise act,"
just as" vanity "=" vain pursuit."
14. A small city and a few men in it, and there came against it a
great king]. Various conjectures have been made concerning this
city. Hit. thought the siege of Dor by Antiochus III in 218 B.C.
(Polybius, V, 66) was meant; PL, the siege of Dor by Antiochus
VII (Sidetes), (Jos. Ant. xiii, 7 2 ); Wr., the siege of Abel-Beth-
Maacah (2 S. 2o 15 - 22 ); and Ha., the siege of Beth-sura by Antiochus V
(i Mac. 6 31 2 Mac. i3 9 ). Ewald thought reference was made to
Athens and Themistocles, and Friedlander to the siege of Syra-
cuse by the Romans in 212 B.C. There is no certainty that any
of these conjectures is right, and the conjectures of PL and Ha. are
ruled out by the dates, and that of Friedlander by the fact that
Syracuse was taken ; but more can be said in favor of Abel-Beth-
PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE [CH.9'-10' 165
Maacah than of any of the others, for we do not know why the
other sieges were raised, but Abel-Beth-Maacah was relieved be-
cause of the action of a wise woman. Wr. believes the "wise
woman" was changed to "poor man," because it fitted better the
sentiment of vs. 1 1 . Siege-works]. For the reasons of this rendering,
see critical note. 15. One found in it],lor "there was found in it."
He delivered the city by his wisdom]. PL admits that the parallel
to Abel-Beth-Maacah (2 S. 20) is particularly strong, but the
"poor wise man" instead of the "wise woman" strangely seems to
him an insuperable objection to the identification. No man re-
membered that poor man]. The popular fancy is fickle, and public
servants, then as now, were often unrewarded. 16. The wisdom of
the poor man is despised and his words are not heard]. McN. holds
that this contradicts vs. 15 if that is rendered as we have trans-
lated it, and consequently takes the preceding vs. to mean "he
would have delivered the city by his wisdom." Such a view at-
tributes to Qoheleth too exact a use of language. In vs. 15 he
was describing some actual, though to us unknown, incident; here
he is stating the ordinary attitude of the world toward words of
wisdom. See also critical note. The writer has established his
assertion (9 1 ) that the wise as well as the righteous meet an un-
worthy fate.
9 17 -10 3 are interpolations of the Hokma glossator, suggested
by the "wise man" of the closing incident of the section.
17. The verse is, as Sieg., Ha. and McN. have perceived, clearly a
proverb. Words of the wise heard in quiet are better than the cry of
a prince among fools], a strong contrast between the quiet strength
of wisdom and the loud pretense of sham. PI. is reminded of the
English proverb, * ' Great cry and little wool." 18. Wisdom is better
than implements of war], a proverb suggested by the anecdote
with which the preceding section closed. One sinner greatly de-
stroys good]. "Sinner" comes from a root which means "to
miss" or "go wrong," and probably refers here to intellectual or
moral slips. It is the contrary of the Hebrew ideal of "wisdom."
Perhaps Qoheleth thought of some incident like that of Acjian
in Jos. 7. Many illustrations of the principle will readily occur
to any one. Often the brilliant plans of a leader, faithfully fol-
1 66 ECCLESIASTES
lowed by many, have been brought to nothing by the stupid in-
competence of one man. 10 1 . Dead flies corrupt the perfumer's
ointment]. Flies in the East are a great pest, they penetrate every-
where. Entangled in oil, they would of course die, and decaying
would spoil the ointment's odor. The proverb continues the idea
of the preceding utterance. More valued is a little wisdom].
The connection of this with the preceding aphorism is not very
obvious. If the reading adopted is right, a contrast with the
first part of the verse is presented. Perhaps, however, the text is
corrupt; see critical note. The verse is to be regarded with Sieg.
and McN. as from the hand of the Hokma glossator. 2. The
verse is another proverb introduced as a gloss. The heart of a
wise man]. " Heart" is used for " intelligence," "moral percep-
tion" or "will." Perhaps it includes all three. Is for his right
hand], i.e., tends toward the right or fortunate direction or issue.
"Right hand" has this moral meaning in the Talmud. See crit-
ical note. Heart of a fool is for his left], i.e., tends in the wrong
direction. 3. When a fool walks in the way], i.e., when he goes
out for a walk. His heart is lacking], i.e., his sound intelligence
or right judgment. He says of everyone, he is a fool]. In his
jaundiced view all other men are wrong.
7. 3ico:)S]="glad heart," cf. Est. 5 9 and cf. 3 1 ? ato\ ch. 7' i K. 2i T .
It is the opposite of jn aV, Pr. 26. It is probable, from the contrast
with this last expression, that there is an element of "good conscience"
in the phrase.
9. Dn njo]=" enjoy life," cf. 2 1 . D"n is left indefinite as in Ps.
34 13 . nanx mrx ntrs] seems like a translation of the Bab. mar-hi-tum,
"wife," perhaps from rihu, "to love" (cf. MA. 588a). The line of
the Babylonian epic runs: mar-hi-tum li-ih-ta-ad-da-am i-na su-ni-ka,
"A wife enjoy in thy loins," which favors Ginsburg's understanding of
the passage. It does not indicate that Qoh. was more sensual than other
Semites of antiquity, that with such frankness he alludes to such things.
I^N], after l^an, probably refers to w as its antecedent, as in 5" and
8 15 . If, as some have supposed, it refers back to nc ; N, Gn. a 22 was in the
writer's mind. That is not so probable. "jVan ^ SD], where it oc-
curs the second time, is omitted by &, and is with Eur., Sieg., McN. and
Ha. to be regarded as an accidental gloss. xin >:>]. Oriental MSS.
read son -o, which might make it refer back to HITS. Cf. on the point
K6. 35ob. 10. TV], cf. on its use, Ju. 9" i S. io 7 258. IPOS] <$ read
PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE [Cn. Q'-IO 3 167
but the reading is not so good, "|ro3 is best construed with
contrary to the Massoretic accents. ?wirn], cf. on y 28 .
nD3m njni] is for metrical reasons regarded by Zap. as a gloss. ^
on its use as a proper name, cf. K6. 293^ oir ^Sn nn T^N] Ha. re-
gards as gl., for metrical reasons. On the vs. as a whole, cf. Heb. text
of Ben Sira 14"- 12 . 11. n*ni ^natf], a Heb. idiom for "again I saw," cf.
on 4 1 and also K6. 369^ njni] is an inf. absol. used instead of the
finite verb, cf. K6. 2i8b. So most interpreters. Sieg. would emend
on the analogy of 4 1 to n^nao. pnr], this rnasc. form is used only
here. The usual form is nxnn, cf. 2 S. iS 27 Je. 8 6 22 17 . Wr. thought
that the masc. form might indicate a late date, but the fern, form is
used in NH. (see Ja. 839). P*Jfi.]=" accident," occurs in BH. only
here and in i K. 5 18 , though found in NH. (cf. Ja. 1135). It may rep-
resent either a good or bad occurrence. In i K. 5 18 , jn is added to it
to express the meaning " misfortune." Here it has that meaning without
jn. mp\] is masc. to agree with jus. 12. D^irp-v] is generally taken
as a Pual part., the D being omitted, and the vowel lengthened to com-
pensate the absence of the doubled consonant (cf. Ges. K - 523 and
K6., Vol. I, p. 408). Other examples are ^ Ex. 3 2 , iVv Ju. 138, and
n^S 2 K. 2 10 . Dr. suggests D v i?pu as the original reading. VIDHEO]
= l ?i3n T^ND. njnn-mDJ. Sieg. regards n;n as a dittograph from the
succeeding njn. Ha. regards the same njn, as well as '3 at the be-
ginning of the verse and ONPB at the end, as glosses, which mar the
metrical form of the vs., but see above, Introd. 9. With reference to
the vs. Rabbi Aqiba remarks (Aboth, 3 15 ), Vp nono mixci p:nj?a pnj Ssn
:D"nn 73, i.e., "All is given on pledge, and a net is spread over all the liv-
ing." 13. ru], fern. Put in the same gender as nDDn, cf. 5 15 . nS'nj
iSs NTI], cf. OTiSx 1 ? nSv-u Jon. 3 3 , and anvr>S nSnj Est. io 3 . S
correctly renders fj-eydXr) 8oKet fjtol. 14. njtop T>y], ' or nnxi must be
supplied in thought. *?nj I'D], Del. thinks this a reference to the
king of Persia. The phraseology is that used of Persian kings, but it
lasted on into the Greek period. It might be used by the writer to desig-
nate king David or any other powerful monarch. 3 3D] means "sur-
round" as in 2 K. 6 15 , not "walk around" as in Jos. 6 4 . D*nttD] evi-
dently means "siege- works," a meaning which it has nowhere else in
BH. Two MSS. read arnxo, and this reading is supported by (6, &,
S, H, A. This reading we adopt with Winck., Dr. and McN. 15. NXD]
is here 'impersonal, so Kn., Hit., Heil., Wild., and Sieg., cf. also K6.
323c. Wr.'s contention that VnJiVn of the preceding vs. must be
the subject, does not commend itself. It is not grammatically necessary,
and does not give good sense. PDE], see on 4 13 . Dale's contention
that it means a wage-worker and not a beggar does not seem well
founded, for it occurs in BH. only here, in the fol. vs. and in 4 13 , but often
in Aram., and in the Sin. Syr. of Lk. i6 20 is used of Lazarus. Nin-toVci],
1 68 ECCLESIASTES
as Del. observes, - of the Piel reverts to its original on account of the
following Maqqef. Another instance occurs in i2 9 . Del. also notes
that in the earlier language this would have been toSp.^. McN.
would render this "would deliver" on the analogy of Ex. 9 15 and i S.
I3 13 , taking the clause as an apodosis with protasis suppressed. The
contradiction which seems to him to render this necessary, does not
seem to me to exist. See above. DIN], as Del. says, would in the older
language have been c ;<i x. Perhaps it is used here because C"N im-
mediately precedes, but in 7 20 we find DIN. Zap., for metrical reasons,
would follow H and supply ins after DIN. 16. mira] and O'pee'j]
are participles of continuous or customary action, cf. Da. 97, rem. i.
Ha. regards naia ^s % ] and all that comes after m-iaj] as glosses. On
the sentiment, cf. BS. (Heb.) i3 22cd .q u \ e f ?
17. nnja], not ("heard) in wisdom," but ("uttered) in wisdom," the
reference being to the speaker, so Wr. and Wild. D^Dtrj] is erased
by Bick., who renders:
Der Weisen Wort ist ruhig ;
Die Thoren iiberschrei'n es.
This is arbitrary. MT. is supported by all the versions. npjnc].
D'Oia is understood before p as in 4", cf. Ges. K - i33b and K6.
3o8c. a si ?*DD2 Stric]="an arch fool," wrongly considered by some
a Graecism. Cf. 2 S. 23' Job 4i 26 and Pr. 3o 30 . 18. aip], in the older
language, would have been nrnSc. The word occurs in Zc. 14' Ps. 55 19
68 31 78 9 I44 1 Job 38 23 . It is found in Aram., Dn. 7" and frequently
in the Talmud, cf. Ja. 1411. Cf. also the Syr. stem and As. qarabu,
all with the same meaning. The substitution of anp for nnnSn was
probably due to Aramaic influence. N'^n] is pointed like a "nV stem,
as in other parts of Q. & read Nan, which better corresponds to
This reading is favored by Kn., Del., Sieg., Winck. and Dr.
used adverbially, cf. K6. 3i8e. Ha. regards a*v? ^30 nnon] as a
genuine phrase of Q., and all the rest of the verse as a gloss. This is
arbitrary, and spoils a good proverb. 1. mn ^aiar] is taken by <& (un-
less that is corrupt, as McN. thinks) and by Del. and Wr. as=" death
bringing" or "poisonous flies." The last claims "dead flies" would
be DTID D-oiar. nin iSan in Ps. i8 5 n6 3 shows by analogy that this
can="dead flies," which suits the context much better. c ;<i xa>], a
sing, with a pi. subject has been explained in various ways. AE., whom
Gins, and Del. follow, held that the vb. was sing, because Qoheleth
thought of each fly. Winck., McN. and Dr. emend to N^Na% while
Ko. (349g) holds that the sing, nin makes the idea sing. Each of
these solutions is possible. It is also possible that Qoheleth was careless
and wrote bad grammar. y^] is omitted by (&, &, S, U, and should,
as McN. and Dr. have seen, be erased. npn], on the meaning, cf.
Ex. 3o 38 37 29 . Beginning with ^p-*], the text is probably corrupt.
ATTITUDE TOWARD RULERS [Cn. 10 4 - 20 169
(& suggests that the original reading was an niSao niaan nnon BJ?D n,i\
This was transformed in & into J3J7D rnSao 21 iiaani noDnn np\
Iff read the same except that it omitted a~\, while MT. went a step
further and omitted i. The original reading of (8 presented an antithe-
sis to the first half of the verse, the Rabbinic revisers present in &, If
and MT. a thought in harmony with the first half verse. (Cf. McN.,
p. 150^"., who has worked this out). 2. a 1 ?] was taken by Mich, in an
anatomical sense. He held the verse to mean that wisdom is as rare
as a man with the heart on the right side of the body. It is better with
Del. to take aS="thought" or "will" (cf. ch. f and Ho. 4"). r']
is taken by Del., Wr. and Wild, correctly to have a moral significance
kindred to that in the Talmud, where p 11 is used as a vb., which in
some forms means "to do the right thing," cf. Ja. 58ob. There is no
need with PL to call in Greek influence to explain the figure. s NDr]
is similarly used with a moral significance =" errors." Cf. Ja. iSQib
for kindred Talmudic usage. 3. "|Sn SaDira -pia o:n] is inverted for
emphasis from iSin -pta Vro^a DJI, cf. 3 13 . *pi] is rightly taken
by Kn., Hit., Gins., McN., etc., in the literal sense="when the fool
takes a walk." Wr., with less probability, takes it to mean "the com-
mon path of life." -c i o]=nrN3, a temporal particle, cf. 8 7 and Ko.
387f. ion] is a verb (so Del., Wr., McN.), and not an adj. (Gins.).
It occurs with 3^ eleven times outside of this passage, cf. Pr. 6 32 7 7 .
"*EN] is taken by Del. and No. to mean "he (the fool) says to every
one by his actions that he is a fool." This gives to IEN an unusual
meaning. This renders Vn^] "to every one." It is better with McN.
to take SaS=" concerning every one," and so give to "\CN its usual
meaning. Sro], a noun, not an adj.
io<- 20 . Advice concerning one's attitude toward rulers. (Largely
interpolated.) The genuine portions are io 4 - 7 - 14b - 16 - 17 and 20 .
10 4 . If the anger of the ruler rise against thee, do not leave thy place,
for soothing pacifies great sins. 5 . There is an evil that I have seen under
the sun like an unintentional error which proceeds from the ruler.
6 . He places the fool in high positions often,
But the nobles dwell in low estate.
7 . I have seen slaves upon horses,
And princes, like slaves, walking on the ground.
8 . He who digs a pit shall fall into it,
And he who breaks through a wall, a serpent shall bite him.
9 . He who quarries stones shall be hurt by them.
And he who cleaves wood shall be endangered thereby.
10 . If the iron be dull,
And he do not sharpen its edge,
Then he must strengthen his force ;
But the advantage of wisdom is to give success.
1 70 ECCLESIASTES
n . If the serpent bite for lack of enchantment,
Then there is no advantage to the charmer.
12 . The words of the mouth of the wise are favor,
But the lips of the fool shall devour him.
13 . The beginning of the words of his mouth is folly,
And the end of his speech is wicked madness.
14 . The fool multiplies words:
[Man does not know that which shall be, and what shall be after him
who can tell him ?]
15 . The toil of fools shall weary him
Who knows not how to go to town.
16 . Woe to thee, O land, whose king is a child,
And whose princes feast in the morning !
". Happy art thou, O land, whose king is well born,
And whose princes feast at the (proper) time,
For strength, and not for drinking!
18 . Through great idleness the beam-work sinks,
And through falling of hands the house drips.
19 . For laughter they make bread,
And wine to make life glad ;
And money answers both.
20 . Do not even in thy thought curse the king,
Nor in thy bed-chamber curse a rich man ;
For the bird of heaven shall carry the voice,
And the owner of wings shall tell a thing.
10 4 . The section begins with genuine words of Qoheleth. It
is the beginning of his advice concerning one's conduct before
rulers. The anger of the ruler], an oft recurring calamity under
a despotic government. Do not leave thy place], i.e., throw up
thy post. Soothing pacifies great sins], pacifies the anger aroused
by great errors. The cause is here put for the effect. Qoheleth's
advice is the wisdom of the under man, but, as Genung says, it
nevertheless has the virtue of the idea, " Blessed are the meek."-
5. There is an evil], a favorite expression of Qoheleth's, cf. 5 13 6 1 .
Like an unintentional error], as if it were an unintentional error.
Qoheleth here exhibits some of the pacifying spirit which he has
just advised. He does not excite the anger of a despot by suggest-
ing that his errors are intentional. Underneath his expression we
detect a deeper note, it is revealed in the word "evil." One must
bow to the despot, but the despot is not always right. This is a
blot on the government of the world. 6. He places the fool in high
ATTITUDE TOWARD RULERS [Cn. 10<- 20 171
positions], another example of the evils of despotic government.
Plumtre thinks it a reference to Agathoclea and her brother, who
were favorites of Ptolemy Philopator (B.C. 222-205), (J us tin,
XXX, i); Haupt, of the officers appointed by Antiochus IV and
his successors, who betrayed Jewish interests (i Mac. 7" 9" 2 Mac.
48. is. 19. 25) NO doubt, many examples of this fault could be found
in every period of Oriental government, but the date of the book
(see Introduction, 13) makes Plumtre's view probable. Often],
is a free rendering of the Hebrew, see crit. note. The nobles], lit-
erally "the rich," i.e., men of ancestral wealth, who were regarded
as the natural associates of kings, and the holders of offices.
7. Slaves upon horses], another example of the way a despot often
reverses the natural positions of his subjects. Justin (XLI, 3)
tells how, among the Parthians, one could distinguish freemen
from slaves by the fact that the former rode on horses, and the
latter ran on foot. An instance of the exercise of such arbitrary
power in later times is found in the decree of the Fatimite Caliph
Hakim, that Christians and Jews should not ride horses, but only
mules or asses (see Chronicle of Bar Hebraeus, p. 215). As
Siegfried points out, the mention of horses here is an index of late
date, as in early Israel kings and princes rode on asses or mules,
cf. Ju. 5 10 io 4 2 S. i8 9 i K. i 38 Zc. g 9 . The sentiment corresponds
to that of Pr. iQ 10 . Such a result of tyranny reminds Del. (Hohes-
lied und Koheleth, 222) of the career of the Persian Bagoas, in the
mind of Graetz it points to the reign of Herod (cf. Jos. Ant. xvi,
7 and io), but almost any period of Oriental history must have
afforded such examples.
8. He who digs a pit shall fall into it]. This is clearly, as Sieg-
fried and McNeile have seen, a proverb introduced by a glossator.
It has no connection with the preceding, and occurs in varying
forms in Pr. 26" and BS. 27 26 . The thought of the first half is
that a man who digs a pit for another shall fall into it himself,
cf. Ps. 7 16 57 6 BS. 27 29 . He who breaks through a wall], to rob a
garden or a house. A serpent shall bite him]. Serpents in Pales-
tine often lurk in the crannies of a wall, cf. Am. 5 19 . 9. He who
quarries stones'] . This is a proverb which has no reference to the
preceding. As Sieg. and McN. have seen, it is a gloss introduced
172 ECCLESIASTES
by the Hokma glossator. Plumtre, in order to find a connection
with the preceding, makes the " stones" the stones of landmarks,
as he had made the "wall" of the preceding verse, but this arbi-
trarily reads a meaning into it. It is clearly a common proverbial
saying on the danger of the homely occupations of quarrying and
wood-cutting. It is perhaps the same proverb which underlies
the. saying attributed to Jesus in the Oxyrhynchus papyrus,
Raise the stone and there thou shalt find me,
Cleave the wood and there am I.
(See Grenfell and Hunt's Sayings of our Lord, 1897, p. 12.) The
proverb was probably introduced here because, with its mate
which follows, it illustrates the value of wisdom. He who cleaves
wood]. This may be fire-wood, cf. Lv. i 7 4 12 . Shall be endangered
thereby]. For an illustration of the danger, cf. Dt. i9 5 . 10. If
the iron be dull], the axe be dull, cf. 2 K. 6 5 , where RV. translates
"iron" by "axe-head." And he do not sharpen]. The "he" is
no doubt intended to refer to the wood-chopper of the preceding
verse. This gnomic saying was probably introduced by the hand
which introduced the preceding. Then he must strengthen his
force]. He must accomplish by brute strength what he might
have done more easily by the exercise of intelligence. The ad-
vantage of wisdom is to give success]. Wisdom, by enabling a man
properly to prepare his tools, helps to ensure a successful issue to
his work. For the basis of this rendering, see critical note.
11. If the serpent bite for lack of enchantment]. This is another
proverb, introduced by the Hokma glossator, because it has a
bearing on wisdom, or the use of wisdom. Plumtre thinks that
it was suggested by the serpents mentioned in vs. 8. There is no
advantage. to the charmer]. A charm, in order to protect from a
serpent's bite, must be exercised before he bites. If it is not, it is
of no value to its owner. The proverb strikes the same note as
that of vs. 10. Success depends upon foresight. Wisdom that
comes afterward is useless in producing results. Snake-charming
is not uncommon in the East, as in ancient Israel, cf. Je. 8 17
Ps. 58* BS. i2 13 . 12. The words of the mouth of the wise are favor].
As Hit., Gins., and Z6. have noted, they obtain favor (cf. Pr. 22").
This proverbial gloss begins by praising the results of effectual
ATTITUDE TOWARD RULERS [Cn. 10*-" 173
wisdom. It teaches positively what the preceding vs. taught
negatively. The lips of the fool shall destroy him]. This presents
the antithesis. Ineffectual wisdom is equal to folly. Him], the
fool. 13. The vs. is another proverbial gloss, which interrupts
Qoheleth's reflections on rulers. The beginning of the words.]
11 Beginning" contrasts with "end" in the next clause. The ex-
pression is kindred to the English "from beginning to end." Of
his mouth], the fool's. The proverbs continue to treat of him.
Folly . . . wicked madness]. There is progression even in fool-
ishness, that which begins as mere folly may end in criminal mad-
ness. Possibly Qoheleth meant simply grievous madness, for the
word employed by him is ambiguous, see critical note. 14 a . The
fool multiplies words]. Empty talk is a characteristic of folly.
This is a fragment of another proverb whicfc was introduced by the
Hokma glossator. The rest of the verse has no connection with
it, and evidently the concluding member of the parallelism is lost.
14 b . Man does not know that which shall be]. McN. is right in
seeing in this a genuine fragment of the thought of Qoheleth, it is
so like 6 12 y 14 and 8 7 . He is also right in regarding it as out of place
here, for it interrupts the reflections on the evils of despotic gov-
ernment. Rashi, Ginsburg and Wright take the verse to mean
that the fool talks a great deal about the most unknown of sub-
jects the future; but Ginsburg and Delitzsch are then puzzled
to know why an equivalent to "although" is omitted. The so-
lution of McNeile already presented is far more probable. Some
glossator clumsily brought disjecta membra together here.
15. The toil of fools shall weary him, who knows not how to go
to town]. Another proverbial gloss which is very obscure. Gins-
burg rendered "because he does not know," and took it to mean
that in his doings as well as in his sayings the folly of the fool mani-
fests itself. Ewald thought it a reference to bad government, in which
the toil of fools (i.e., heathen rulers) wearied the poor countryman
who did not know how to go to the city. Graetz, whom Renan
followed, thought it a reference to the Essenes, who lived by them-
selves, and avoided cities (Jos. Ant. xviii, i 5 ). Wildeboer thinks
the meaning to be "he who asks the fool the way to the city will
be disappointed," and similarly Genung, "one cannot make out of
174 ECCLESIASTES
a fool's voluble talk the way to the nearest town." These varieties
of opinion serve to illustrate the difficulty of the passage. The
rendering adopted above makes it mean the folly of fools wearies
the most ignorant. The expression, "does not know the way to
town," was no doubt proverbial like the English, "He doesn't know
enough to come in when it rains," which is frequently applied to
one whom the speaker wishes to stigmatize as especially stupid.
Perhaps the mutilation of the preceding proverb has made this more
obscure. For other ways of rendering parts of it, see critical note.
16. Woe to thee, O land]. This verse should follow io 5 . The
original remarks of Qoheleth upon rulers, which the glossator
has interrupted by his interpolations, are now resumed. Whose
king is a child]. This is an expression which was probably called
forth by some bitter experience in Qoheleth's own time. Hitzig
and Genung think of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who came to the throne
of Egypt in 205 B.C., at the age of five years. The word used
does not necessarily mean child (see critical note), but was ap-
plied to Solomon at his accession (i K. 3 7 ). It primarily, how-
ever, has that meaning as in i S. 3 1 , etc., and no doubt has it here.
Haupt thinks it refers to Alexander Balas. See above, on 4 13ff .
The considerations there adduced lead us to agree with Hitzig.
Whose princes feast in the morning], an act which both Hebrew
and Roman condemned. Cf. Is. 5". Cicero, Phil, ii, 41, says,
Ab hora tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, vomebatur. Juvenal, Satire ,
i, 49> 5o:
Exul ab octavo. Marius bibit et fruitur dis
Iratis.
Catullus, Carmen, xlvii, 5, 6:
Vos convivia Vauta sumtuose
De die facitis.
That it was not common to feast in the morning, AQjtsjz 15 , where
it is argued that the Apostles cannot be drunk because it is only
the third hour, shows. This implication that the "youth" who
is king is given to revelry, strengthens, in Haupt's opinion, the
view that the writer has Alexander Balas in mind, for Justin says
of him, quern insperatce opes et alienee felicitatis ornamenta velut
captum inter scortorum greges desidem in regia tenabant. It could,
ATTITUDE TOWARD RULERS [On. 10<- 20
175
however, as well apply to courtiers of Ptolemy Epiphanes. 17.
Happy art thou . . . whose king is well born]. The prevailing
regime is not only negatively condemned, but by way of contrast
an ideal government is pictured. "Well born" is used here as
a compliment to the able king in Qoheleth's mind. It does not
necessarily imply an ignoble birth for him who is condemned.
Perhaps Qoheleth is paying a compliment to Antiochus III, who
gained Palestine in 198 B.C., and was enthusiastically received by
the Jews. See Jos. Ant. xii, 3 3 . Feast at the (proper) time]. This
reminds us of ch. 3 1 - 8 , where everything is said to have its time.
For strength and not for drinking], that they may be real heroes,
and not "heroes for mingling strong drink," such as are described
in Is. 5 22 .
18. Through great idleness the beam-work sinks]. As Sieg.,
Ha. and McN. have seen, this is a proverb introduced as a gloss.
Doubtless, the glossator intended to hint by it that when the
princes of a state gave themselves to revelry, the structure of gov-
ernment would fall into ruin. "Beam-work" is equivalent to
"roof," for Palestinian houses are made of stone and, if they con-
tain any wood at all, it is in the roof. Falling of hands], a syno-
nym for idleness, cf. Pr. io 4 . The house drips], the roof leaks.
19. For laughter they make bread]. McNeile attributes this to the
same Hokma glossator, but it does not seem like a proverb. It
probably comes, however, from the hand of this glossator. "They
make bread," seems to refer back to the feasting princes of vs. 16.
The phrase is probably not a part of Qoheleth's works, for he
would have introduced it immediately after that vs. "Make
bread" means to prepare a meal, cf. Ez. 4 18 . And wine to make
life glad]. Many commentators have seen in this the influence of
Ps. io4 15 . As Delitzsch noted, however, the thought is not like
that of the psalm. It is rather similar to vs. 17; they use eating
and drinking not to gain strength, but for sport and revelry.
Money answers both]. Money is squandered to secure both. The
glossator probably intended to suggest that the feasting of the
princes of vs. 16 dissipated public funds.
20. Do not even in thy thought curse the king]. The genuine words
of Qoheleth reappear once more. He counsels caution and self-
176 ECCLESIASTES
control as in vvs. 4, 5. His thought is "treason will out." Nor
in thy bed-chamber], in thy most private moments. One is re-
minded of the proverb " walls have ears." Curse a rich man]. It
is taken for granted, as in vs. 6, that the wealthy are natural rulers.
The bird of heaven]. As in the English saying, " a little bird told
me"; the mysterious paths by which secrets travel, are attributed
to the agency of birds.
10 4 . nn]=" anger" sometimes, cf. Ju. 8 3 Is. 25* 33" Zc. 6 8 . nSj?]
is regularly used of anger, cf. 2 S. n 20 Ez. 38 18 and Ps. 78"- ". -|Dipc]=
"place" in the sense of "post," cf. i S. 20". run], fr. mj=" leave,"
cf. 5DB. 62ga. Nnn] means "healing." McN. rightly renders it
"soothing." SDB.'s "composure" (p. 95 ib) does not suit so well.
The root is used in Ju. 8 3 of assuaging anger. n^]=" quiets" or
"relaxes," cf. 7 18 n 6 . 5. ^n>ao], -urx is implied before it. ~s] was
called by the older grammarians " Kaf veritatis." It is in reality = " as,"
cf. Neh. 7 2 and Ges. K - n8x. ~c ; ] is omitted by (&, but as Eur. ob-
serves, this is probably accidental. Its omission in one authority would
be more likely due to accident than its insertion in all the others, to
design. rm:r]=" unintentional error," cf. Lv. 5 18 Nu. I5 25 . NP],
fern, part., instead of nN3f another example of a N"S verb, treated by
Qoheleth as n //L >. 6. jru], as often means "set," "place," cf. Dt. 17"
Est. 6 8 . Spp], <g, &, A, 'A, S, all read Sao. They, no doubt, had an
unpointed text before them. Ra M Gins., Del., and Wr. read Sp.D, and
explained the abstr. as used for the concrete, but it is better with Eur.
and Dr. to read VDD. D <i nnD]=" exalted positions" or "posts," cf.
Is. 24* Job 5 11 . 0^1] is an appositive to D <i Dna="high positions
many of them." It is rendered freely above to preserve more nearly
the metrical form. D^vVjf] was thought by Houb. and Spohn not to
form a good contrast, they accordingly emended the text; but, as explained
above, it fits both the literary form and the historical fact. Gins, and
Del. compare jw in the sense of "liberal" in Job 36 19 and Is. 32*.
7. n*n Sp] is equal, as Del. noted, to Srra.
8. pa-u], an Aramaic loan word, cf. Earth, Nominalbildung, 45n i,and
Noldeke, Mandcean Gram. 44. ' The word is used in the Targ. on
Pr. 22 14 for the Heb. nmis>. It occurs in the same form in Targ. on
Pr. 26"; in Targ. to Is. 24"- 18 and Je. 48 42 - 43 it is written V D<| 3, while
the Targ. on 2 S. i8 17 writes it ?Dip. "m] is not a hedge, it is built of
stones, cf. Pr. 24". Ha. arbitrarily regards the word as a gl. Not even
his metrical theory demands it. "|ir'j] is used of the bite of a serpent,
cf. Gn. 49". Wr. and Wild, held that the imperfects here implied
simply possibility, but to render "may fall" and "may bite" would rob
the couplet of force. 9. JTt?p]="to break up" or "quarry," cf. i K.
ATTITUDE TOWARD RULERS [Cn. 10<-
I 77
5 S1 and BDB. 65 ab. axr] frequently means "be grieved," as in Gn.
45 s i S. 2o 3 , but it also means "be pained," as in i S. 2O 34 2 S. 19', then
as here "be hurt," cf. BDB. ySob. IDcr] was a great perplexity to the
commentators of the first half of the nineteenth century, but as Del.
pointed out, it is a NH. word= " be in danger" (cf. Berakoth, i 3 ). It also
occurs in Aram, and is no doubt an Aramaism, cf. BDB. 698 and Ja.
991 b. 10. This is, as Wr. observed, linguistically the most difficult verse
in the book. nnp] occurs here as Piel the only instance in BH., it
is found as Kal in Je. 3i 29 - 30 Ez. i8 2 . The Kal is common in NH.,
cf. Ja. i32ib. <8 read SDJ, but that gives no sense. 0^0]= "face"
or "forepart," here used instead of no or >) for "edge," cf. BDE. 8i6a.
In Ez. 2i 21 it is also used for the "edge" of a sword.- ^pVp], Pilpel of
SSp. Cf. SSp ntt>'m]=" polished bronze," Ez. i 7 Dn. io 6 . A "polished
edge" is a "sharpened edge." "OP 0^0]= "to make mighty (one's)
power," see Job 2i 7 and cf. i Ch. 7 5 - 7 - and 40 . HDDH -v^'an], should
probably with Winck., Ha. and Dr. be transposed, as we have done
above in translating. McN. follows <&, & and If in reading "N$>3n =
"the successful man." This has better textual authority, but gives
doubtful sense. -paon], is Hiph. Inf., cf. BDB. 5o6b. Zap. omits ncnn,
to make the metre more symmetrical. 11. ^rt 1 ?] "to whisper," used in
Is. 26 16 of a whispered prayer, elsewhere in BH. is used of the whispered
utterances which charm a serpent, cf. Je. 8 17 Is. 3 3 Ps. 58 6 . The root
has the same meaning in the Talmud, cf. Ja. 704 (i.e., J.Ar.), and in
Syr. N'lVa] is used before nouns in the sense of "for lack of," "without"
and in kindred meanings. Cf. Is. 55 1 2 Job i5 32 and Ko. 4O2r. Vjn
\v.:S-i]="lord of the tongue," was taken by Hit., on the analogy of Sj?3
1JD="bird," to mean "a human being," but o^nSo SipS J?ca" in
Ps. 58 6 shows that in "charming" stress was laid on the use of language,
and this, taken in connection with the context here, makes it clear that
Gins., Del. and Wr. were justified in rendering it "enchanter," "wiz-
ard." 12. jn], cf. Ps. 45 3 Pr. 22". The metaphorical statement makes
the sentence emphatic. ni.ior], instead of OV-ICST, is poetical and late,
cf. Is. 59 3 Ps. 45 3 59 8 Ct. 4 3 - " 5 13 . njjjSan], fern, imperf., the subj.
is mnoir. The suffix refers to S^DD. 13. n'jnn] occurs only here in
Qo. In 3" he has JP'JO and in 7" rntPN'x nSnn is, however, good BH.,
cf. Gn. i3 3 (RJE.) and Ho. i 2 . in>o] in i3b is used by metonomy for
IIP, or some synonym of it as in Is. 29 13 Ps. 49". Gins, and Sieg. are
wrong in thinking it necessary to supply "H^-i before it. Q. varied the
expression for the sake of variety. niWin], cf. on i 17 . n;n], as Del.
suggests, may have only the force which it has in njn >Sn (6 2 ) and
nSin njn (5 12 ), where it means "disagreeable" or "serious," but it
may also stand for ethical evil as in Dt. 30" 2 S. 14" Is. 5 20 Am. 5".
14. rprvty]. The versions, except, read rpnts>, but this was probably be-
cause the passage was obscure, and a contrast of tenses seemed to help
178 ECCLESIASTES
it. Analogy of other passages in Q., where the sentiment occurs, supports
MT. 15. iJiMTi] seems to take ^Dj? as a fern., which is without parallel.
This has caused scholars much discussion. The true solution has, how-
ever, been found by Albrecht (ZAW., XVI, 113), who emends the verb
to uj?J". This is supported by Ko. (249111) and Sieg. The suffix
1J~ is ambiguous. Does it refer to D'Soyi, a sing, to a pi., as so often
happens in Deut. ? So, Hit., Gins, and Wr. Does it refer back to
OtN in vs. 14? So, Ko. (348v). It seems better to make it point for-
ward to the relative. "i !>.<<] is taken by Kn. and Gins, and Gr.= " be-
cause." It seems better with Heil. to make it a rel. pro. referring to
1J-. "vy-Stf], a colloquial expression, like the English "to town,"
for "vj?n SK. PI. thinks that it points to a boyhood near Jerusalem.
It is probably, however, a proverbial expression, with no local reference.
16. "'NJ, a late form used in the Talm. In BH. usually "ON, as in Is.
6 5 ; sometimes ^n, as in Ez. 2 10 . ip pSntr], as Del. observes, would in
earlier Heb. be roSn ijn T^'N. nyj] was held by Dod., Van der P.,
Spohn and Gr. to= "slave." Gr. believed it to be a reference to Herod
the Great, who is called in the Talm. (Baba Batra, 3b, and Ketuboth, 24)
"the slave of the Hasmonaeans." If slave had been intended, probably
"Oj? would have been used. i?j is not necessarily a child; it is used
of Solomon at his accession (i K. 3 7 ) and of Ziba, who had sons and
slaves (2 S. i9 18 ), but nevertheless is often used to mean "child,"
cf. Ex. 2 6 Ju. i3 5 - 7 i S. 4 21 . L> DN %> ]="eat," but here in the sense of
feast, cf. Is. 5". 17. T"UPN] varies from the ordinary pointing nyvPN.
Ko. (32if) says the variation is because it is used here as an inter-
jection. amn p], an Aramaism=nn -\3=" freeman" (cf. S. A. Cook,
Glos. of Aram. Inscr., 56). Driver (Introd. signi) says onn is an
Aram, word used in northern Israel, but never applied to the nobles
of Judah except in Je. 27 20 39 6 , passages which are not in (& and are later
than Je.'s time. rni3J3], on 3, cf. Ges. K - 1191. VIB>]=" drinking" or
"drinking-bout." It is a ct.X. in BH.
18. DTiSxj;], dual of nSxj?. AE., Hit., Ew., Heil., Gins, and Zo. take
the dual to refer to a pair of hands. Del., Wr., BDE. (p. y82a) and
Ko. (275c) take the dual form as intensive. Bick. emends to niSxj?,
after Pr. 31", Sieg. and McN. emend to on> nSxj;. Dr. hesitates be-
tween the two emendations. In the text, we have followed Del., Wr.,
BDB. and Ko. The last cites as parallel O'.njjtsn Ju. 3 8 - 10 and o^rnn Je.
50". To these might, perhaps, be added onnx = " midday," though Ges. K -
(88c) casts doubt on the reality of such duals, and it may be better to adopt
one of the emendations. "|D"], Niph. of "JDD. The verb occurs but twice
elsewhere in BH., Ps. io6 43 in Kal, and Job 24 24 in Hoph. The stem occurs
in Aram., Syr., and Ar. It is to be regarded as an Aramaism. n^pn]
is a a.X. The word is usually rnp, cf. Gn. 198 and Ct. i 17 , cf. also
BDB. 90oa. Baer, p. 68, observes that the D is here pointed with
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 1H-12" 179
Daghesh to distinguish the noun from the part, which occurs in Ps.
104'. n>fltt>] is also a.X., cf. BDE. io5ob. It is used for slackness of
hand like on^ jron, Je. 47'. It is the opposite of n->D-> *}!, Pr. io 4 .
^v], 1 > 7i="to drip" and so "to leak." It occurs but twice besides
in BH., Job i6 20 and Ps. ng 28 , where it is used figuratively for weeping.
In Aram, it is found in the Targ. to Pr. ig 13 and also in the Talm. In
the latter it is more often *|S?, cf. Ja. 4O2a. 19. fviirS], as Del. and Wr.
observe, S denotes purpose. DnS D^j;]="to prepare a meal" (cf. Ez.
4 14 ), as on 1 ? ^DN means "to eat a meal" (cf. Gn. 31" Ex. i8 12 Je. 4i l ).
nDB">] is difficult. It is better, as McN. has proposed, to follow (&
and emend to noirV, making it parallel to pinir"?. ID^n], silver stood for
money throughout the ancient world, except in Egypt in early periods
of its history. The ordinary man saw no gold. njy]. As Del. and Wr.
observe, there is no reason with Gins, to regard this as a Hiph. "Money
can procure (answer) to both," is the thought. ??]. For this in the sense
of "both," see on 2". 20. ^N OJ]=wg quidem,cf. Ko. 34iu. jno],
"knowledge" is here used for "mind" or "thought." It is a late Ara-
maized form occurring elsewhere in BH. only in 2 Ch. i 10 " 12 and Dn.
i 4 ". It occurs in the Targ. on Je. 3 15 Ps. 34' and Pr. i 6 . In Aram.
it frequently appears J?"UC; cf. Dn. 2 21 4 31 M 5 12 and Targ. to Job 33*.
is in Q. definite without the art., cf. 5" 8 2 - 4 9" and K6. 2Q4d.
mra], cf. 2 K. 6 12 . "n i\\y] is not individualized, cf. Ko. 254!
O?DJD Vyj], syn. for a bird, cf. *p:> ^yz, Pr. i 17 . Cf. also cmp Sjn, in
Dn. 8 6 20 . "^ J is one of the few jussives in the book. Why a jussive
should appear here is a puzzle. Ko. (1910) says the reading is uncer-
tain, and Dr. does not hesitate to read TO\ Probably this is right,
though Baer (p. 68) adduces a parallel to "iT_ (the jussive with cere
followed by ') in "v^ni, Ex. 19'. Ges. K -, however (53n), declares
v^l both here and in Ex. 19' to be an error. This is probably correct.
11 1 -12 8 . Qoheleth's final advice.
II 1 . Cast thy bread on the face of the waters,
For in many days thou shalt find it.
*. Give a portion to seven and also to eight,
For thou knowest not what evil shall be on the earth.
*. If the clouds are filled with rain,
They empty it over the earth ;
If wood fall southward or northward,
The place where wood falls there it shall be.
*. A wind-observer will not sow,
And a cloud-watcher will not reap.
B . As thou knowest not what the path of the wind is,
Nor the bones in the womb of a pregnant woman,
So thou mayest not know the work of God,
Who makes the whole.
180 ECCLESIASTES
8 . In the morning sow thy seed,
And till evening rest not thy hand,
For thou knowest not which shall succeed, this or that,
Or both alike shall be good.
7 . The light is sweet, and it is good for the eyes to see the sun. 8 . For
if a man shall live many years and rejoice in them all, yet let him re-
member the days of darkness, for they will be many. All that is coming
is vanity.
9 . Rejoice, O young man, in thy youth,
And let thy heart cheer thee in the days of thy prime,
And walk in the ways of thy heart and the sight of thy eyes,
BUT KNOW THAT FOR ALL THESE THINGS GOD WILL BRING THEE
INTO JUDGMENT.
10 . Put away vexation from thy heart
And remove misery from thy flesh,
For youth and prime are vanity.
12 1 . BUT REMEMBER THY CREATOR IN THE DAYS OF THY PRIME.
While the evil days come not,
Nor approach the years of which thou shalt say
I have in them no pleasure;
*. While the sun be not darkened,
Nor the light and moon and stars,
Nor the clouds return after rain,
s. In the day when the keepers of the house shall tremble
And the men of valor bend themselves,
And the grinding-maids cease because they are few,
And the ladies who look out of the windows are darkened,
4 . And the doors on the street are shut
When the sound of the mill is low,
And he shall rise at the voice of the bird,
And all the daughters of song are prostrate,
6. Also he is afraid of a height,
And terror is on the road,
And the almond-tree blooms,
And the grasshopper is burdensome,
And the caper-berry is made ineffectual,
For the man goes to his eternal house,
And the mourners go around the street;
e. While the silver cord is not severed,
Nor the golden bowl broken,
Nor the water-jar be shattered at the spring,
Nor the wheel broken at the cistern,
7 . And the dust shall return to the earth as it was,
And the spirit shall return unto God who gave it.
8 . Vanity of vanities, says Qoheleth, all is vanity.
FINAL ADVICE [CH.lli-12* 181
ll l -12 8 contains Qoheleth's final advice. This he utters in full
consideration of all that he has said before. The discourse is
often enigmatical, but with the exception of two glesses from the
hand of the Chasid (n gb . and i2 la ), which have given much trouble
to interpreters, it flows on uninterruptedly. He urges prudent
kindliness and industry, combined with pleasure, before old age
makes all impossible.
II 1 . Cast thy bread on the waters}. This is evidently a figurative
expression, but what does the figure mean? At least four inter-
pretations have been suggested, (i) It has been taken by Geier,
Mich., Dod., Mendelssohn, Hit., Del., Wild., Ha. and McN. to
apply to trading. " Commit your goods to the sea and wait for
your returns until long voyages are over." (2) Van der P. and
Bauer took it to refer to agriculture, meaning "Sow thy seed on
moist places near water, and thou wilt obtain a rich harvest."
(3) Graetz, in the same way, takes "bread" as equivalent to
"seed," but interprets it of the "seed" of human life, and so finds
in the verse a maxim bordering on the licentious. (4) It is taken
by Kn., Gins., Zo., Wr., No., Sieg. and Marsh, as an exhortation
to liberality. Of these interpretations the second and third are
undoubtedly wrong, for "bread" never means "seed." The first
seems, on the whole, less probable than the fourth, for "bread"
does not mean "merchandise." In favor of the fourth expla-
nation is an Arabic proverb, which Heiligstedt, Ginsburg, Plumtre
and Wright quote from Diaz' Denkwilrdigkeiten von Asien. The
proverb forms the culmination of a story which relates how Mo-
hammed, son of Hassan, had been daily in the habit of throwing
loaves into a river, how the life of an adopted son of Caliph Mu-
tewekkel, who had escaped drowning by climbing upon a rock,
was thus preserved, and how Mohammed saw in it the proof of
the truth of a proverb he had learned as a boy, "Do good, cast
thy bread upon the waters, and one day thou shalt be rewarded."
The story suggests that this proverb may be an echo of Qohe-
leth himself. One may compare another Arabic saying (see
Jewett's "Arabic Proverbs," JAOS., XV, p. 68):
The generous man is always lucky.
If this be the meaning of the verse, its thought is kindred to the
182 ECCLESIASTES
exhortation of Jesus, "Make to yourselves friends by means of
the mammon of unrighteousness," Lk. i6 9 . 2. Give a portion to
seven and also to eight]. There has naturally been given to this
verse the same variety of interpretations as to vs. i, each inter-
preter explaining the vs. as completing his view of that. The two
most popular explanations, however, are (i) that which makes
it refer to merchandise, and (2) that which makes it refer to liber-
ality. According to (i), the verse advises the merchant to divide
his venture between seven or eight ships, because he does not know
which may be overtaken by disaster. According to (2), the giver
is advised to give to seven or eight people, because he does not
know what evil may overtake him or whom he may need as friends.
Cf. Lk. i6 9 , last clause. According to the meaning which we found
in the first verse, the second of these interpretations seems most
probable. Such an arrangement of numbers in a literary figure
is frequent in BH. Thus "once" and "twice" occur in Job 33'*
Ps. 62", "twice" and "thrice" Job 33", "two" and "three"
Is. i7 6 , "three" and "four" Am. i 3 - 6 - 9 - 13 2 1 * 6 Pr. 3o 15 18 - 21
Ex. 20 5 34 7 , "four" and "five" Is. iy 6 , "seven" and "eight"
Mi. 5 5 . Such figures are vivid ways of conveying the idea of "a
few," or "some" or "many."
3. This verse is loosely connected with the closing words of vs.
2, since it shows man's powerlessness in the presence of the laws
of fate. Human helplessness is illustrated by two examples,
If the clouds are filled with rain,
They empty it over the earth,
i.e., man is powerless to prevent it. Nature goes on in accordance
with inflexible laws, which man cannot alter. This is one ex-
ample. The other is,
If wood falls southward or northward,
The place where wood falls there it shall be.
The word here rendered "wood" has usually been rendered
"tree." It has both meanings. If we understand that a tree is
meant, the illustration as McNeile has noticed is a weak one. Man
cannot prevent the rain, but, though a tree felled by a tempest may
be unable to move itself, man can move it. If this were the
meaning, the illustration is inapt, and the verse forms an anti-
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. ll'-12 183
climax. McNeile's suggestion that the clause refers to divination
by means of a rod or staff, such as that to which Ho. 4 12 alludes,
has accordingly much to commend it. The half verse would then
mean, "If a stick is tossed up in the air, that a man may guide his
action by the direction in which it comes to rest, he has no control
over the result." This meaning gives a climax and is probably
correct. 4. A wind-observer will not sow]. One who waits till
there is no wind to disturb the even scattering of his seed. A
cloud-watcher will not reap]. One who wants to be sure that his
grain, when cut, will not get wet. The thought of the verse is/ 'If
one waits for ideal conditions, he will lose his opportunity and ac-
complish nothing." Siegfried objects that this verse could not have
been written in Palestine, because it never rains there in harvest-
time, and he cites i S. i2 17 as proof. The passage in Samuel,
however, proves, not that it never rained in harvest, but, that rain
was sufficiently rare at that time to make people think that when
it came, it was sent as a punishment for wickedness. In later times
it was regarded as out of place, though not impossible, see Pr. 26'.
Seasons vary greatly, but in years of exceptionally heavy rains it
often happens that rain continues to fall well into April, and inter-
feres with the cutting of the earlier-ripening grain. Cf. Barton,
A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, 185; Bacon, Amer. Jour, of
Arch., Supplement to Vol. X, p. 34 Jf., and Ewing, Arab and
Druze at Home, 1907, p. 127, cf. p. iff. and toff. 5. Thou knowest
not what the path of the wind is]. Qoheleth now passes on to point
out that man does not know and cannot know the ways and works
of God. The "path of the wind" reminds one of Jn. 3". This
last passage is perhaps a reminiscence of Qoheleth, though the
resemblance is too vague to make the reminiscence certain. Nor
the bones in the womb]. The mystery of birth filled, also a Psalmist
probably of the Maccabaean period with awe,*/. Ps. I39 13 - 18 .
So thou mayest not know the work of God]. Man's inability to
penetrate the works of God is a favorite topic with this writer (cf.
3 11 8 17 9 12 ). Qoheleth is, however, a theistic agnostic, though his
idea of God's goodness is not exalted (cf. 3"). The whole]. Ac-
cording to Delitzsch, this does not mean "the universe," but all
such things as have been mentioned. The phrase might be
1 84 ECCLESIASTES
rendered/' who makes both," i.e., the way of the wind and the bones
in the womb, cf. critical note on 2 14 .
. 6. In the morning sow thy seed]. It is clear that the verse is
figurative, but what does the figure mean? Like verse i it has
received widely different interpretations, (i) Graetz, following
a Jewish Midrash and a Talmudic passage (Yebamoth, 62b), takes
it to mean " Beget children in youth and even to old age, whether
in or out of wedlock." Indeed, it is from this verse that he obtains
the meaning for vs. i noted above. There is no reason, however,
for taking "seed" in this sense in either vs. Qoheleth was not
averse to such pleasures of sense (cf. 2 8 9 9 ), but he never revels
in filth. He is thoroughly healthy-minded. (2) Plumtre takes it
to mean that one is to sow the seed of good and kindly deeds, and
await the harvest which is hidden from him. This, it is true,
would harmonize with the meaning which we have found in vs. i,
but the context indicates that the writer has now passed away
from that topic. (3) Most recent interpreters rightly take it to
mean that from youth till the evening of life, one is manfully to
perform the full round" of life's tasks, that he is not to hesitate be-
cause of the uncertainties which were set forth in vs. 5, and that he
is to take the losses which come in a philosophical spirit. Thou
knowest not which shall succeed]. Try your hand at every right task,
for you cannot tell in advance which will bring success. As Genung
observes, the verse is evidence of Q.'s sturdy sense and manliness.
7. Light is sweet]. The pessimistic mood of ch. 4', which had
passed away from Qoheleth when he wrote 9*, has not returned.
He recognizes in this verse the primal delight of mere living.
8. If a man live many years and rejoice]. Life is good to behold
the sun is sweet, but Qoheleth is oppressed by its brevity and the
dread of death, as Horace was (cf. Odes, I, 4 1 ; 5 ; IV, y 16 ). Re-
member], if used of future things, is equivalent to "ponder,"
"reflect upon."- The days of darkness], i.e., the days in Sheol,
which is several times described as the land of darkness, cf. Ps.
88 12 i43 3 Job io 21 22 . All that is coming is vanity], the whole
future the days in Sheol is an unsubstantial reality. No positive
joy can be counted on there. 9 a . Rejoice, O young man, in thy
youth]. As a result of the brevity of life and the darkness of the
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 11-12<> 185
future, Qoheleth urges young men to make the most of youth and
of manhood's prime. It is a natural argument which has occurred
to others also. Herodotus (2) tells how the Egyptians at their
feasts had the image of a dead body in a coffin carried about and
shown to each of the company who was addressed thus, "Look on
this, then drink and enjoy yourself, for when dead you will be like
this." That it had also been used by the Babylonians has been
shown in the notes on 9 7ff . Walk in the ways of thy heart}. Grat-
ify thy desires. From these come all the pleasures man is ever
to receive, so self-denial is self-destruction. Cf. i Cor. 15".
This verse is controverted in Wisdom, 2 6 . 9 b . But know that for
all these things God will bring thee into judgment}. This is so out
of harmony with the context, but so in accord with the Chasid point
of view, and especially with 3 17 , which we have already recognized
as a Chasid gloss, that there is no doubt but that McNeile is right
in regarding this phrase here as the work of the Chasid glossator.
10. Put away vexation from thy heart}. Take the easiest course
both mentally and physically. For youth and prime are vanity}.
Youth and the prime quickly flee. The vs. is a restatement of the
thought of vs. ga. If we are right in seeing in i2 la another Chasid
gloss, the argument to make the most of swiftly passing youth is
continued in i2 lb - 7 .
12 Ia . Remember now thy creator in the days of thy prime}. This
is as McNeile has pointed out an insertion of the Chasid glossator.
As Cheyne has suggested, it contains exhortation based on psy-
chological principles, for as age advances it is less easy to remem-
ber one's creator unless it has been done in youth. It is needless
to point out how unlike Qoheleth it is. For efforts to bring it into
harmony with his prevailing thought, see critical note.
l b . While the evil days come not}. This is the continuation n 18 ,
from which it has been severed by the gloss inserted in i2 la . Qohe-
leth urged:
Put away vexation from thy heart
And remove misery from thy flesh,
For youth and prime are vanity,
While the evil days come not, etc.
"The evil days" do not refer to the days of darkness in Sheol
mentioned in 1 1 8 , but to the period of old age which he now goes
1 86 ECCLESIASTES
on to describe. They are "evil" in the sense of "miserable"
because less full of pleasure than youth and prime. This is the
meaning of I have no pleasure in them.
Vvs. 26 have been variously interpreted. All have agreed that
the passage is allegorical, but as to the details of the allegory there
are wide differences of opinion. These opinions may be grouped in
seven divisions, (i) The verses are believed to describe the failing
of an old man's physical powers, the various figures referring to
anatomical details. This was the view of early Jewish commen-
tators beginning with Tobia ben Eliezer, and of many modern
ones. (2) The verses represent under the figure of a storm an
old man's approaching death. So, Umbreit, Ginsburg and Plum-
tre. (3) The approach of death is here pictured under the fall of
night. Thus, Michaelis, Spohn, Nachtigal and Delitzsch. (4) Mar-
shall thinks it the closing of a house at the approach of a sirocco.
(5) The passage is a literal picture of the gloom in a household
when the master has just died. So Taylor. (6) The verses are
to be explained by the "seven days of death," or days of cold
wintry weather, which immediately precede a Palestinian spring-
time. These days are thus named because they are peculiarly
dangerous to aged and sickly persons. This is the view of Wetz-
stein and Wright. (7) The verses are in general a picture of old
age, but one line of thought is not followed throughout. The
metaphors change and intermingle in accord with the richness of
an Oriental imagination. This is the view of McNeile. The
last of these explanations is but a slight modification of the first.
It seeks to avoid, by the exercise of a little plain sense, the vagaries
to which excessive zeal for anatomical identification has led, and
in so doing strikes the right path. Green, Expositor (1895),
p. fj f. t points out that in Icelandic poetry the parts of the body
are often alluded to under similar figures, and that such allusions
are known as kennings.
2. While the sun be not darkened, nor the light and moon and
stars}. This may be taken in two ways: it may either refer to
failing eye-sight, so that the lights of all sorts become dim, or it
may refer to the fact that, as age advances, the brightness (i.e., the
enjoyment) of life becomes less. The context both before and
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. ll'-12 187
after the phrase favors the latter view. The speaker says, " I have
no pleasure in them," because the brightness of his joy is decreas-
ing. The Talmud (Sabbath, i52a) explained the "sun" as fore-
head, "light" as nose, "moon" as soul, and "stars" as cheeks.
Haupt explains them thus, "the sun is the sunshine of childhood
when everything seems bright and happy, the moon is symbolical
of the more tempered light of boyhood and early manhood, while
the stars indicate the sporadic moments of happiness in mature
age." The anatomical application is so far-fetched as to be ab-
surd, Haupt's explanation seems too esoteric to be probable, and
it has the disadvantage of leaving "light" (which Haupt does not
erase from the text) unexplained. Earlier interpreters explained
this "light" to be "twilight" or "dawn" a period of light when
none of the orbs of light were visible. Such detailed explanations
are, however, unnecessary. The poet is describing the lessening
brightness of advancing life. Its characteristic is fading light.
To express his thought, he has with Oriental richness of imagi-
nation and carelessness in exact use of metaphor mingled "light"
and the various orbs of light in one figure. For the clouds
return after rain]. When clouds follow rain they cut off brightness.
The frequency of gloomy storms happily figures the increasing
gloom of age. Vaihinger thought it referred to winter, as the rainy
time or time of gloom, Palestine having but two seasons, winter
and summer. In Palestine the "winter of life" might well be
opposed to our "springtime of life."
3. In the day when], a fuller way of saying "when," cf. Ct. 8 8 .
From a general description of the darkening of life's joys in ad-
vancing age, the poet now passes on to picture the decay of the
body under the picture of a house. The figure is loosely used,
perhaps with no thought that all its details were to be literally
applied to the members of the body, though the figure itself is, as
a whole, appropriate and forcible. Whether the house is portrayed
as undergoing the changes described, because of an approaching
storm, or because night has come, is open to discussion. Those
who favor the storm, find an argument for it in the "clouds" and
the obscuring of all the heavenly bodies in vs. 2. It is really un-
wise to press the figure too far, either as a description of the decay
1 88 ECCLESIASTES
^>f the body, or the closing of a house. In speaking of the former
m terms of the latter, the poet has mingled the features of the two in
pleasing and suggestive imagery, which, though poetically vague
in details, does not mislead. The keepers of the house shall
tremble}. The "keepers" correspond, as Ginsburg saw, to the me-
nials or guards of a palace. When we come to applications to
definite parts of the body, there is more difficulty. Rashi thought
it meant "ribs" and "loins," Plumtre the "legs," Delitzsch the
"arms," Haupt the "hands." The last is probably right. The
men of valor bend themselves]. In the figure, as Ginsburg saw,
"men of valor" are the superiors of the house, each palace con-
taining masters and servants. In applying the figure to the body,
there are again differences. The Targum and Plumtre think of
the "arms," Ra., Rashbam, AE., Knobel, Hitzig, Zockler, De-
litzsch, Wright and McNeile of the "legs," "knees," or "feet,"
Haupt of the "bones," especially the spinal column. The refer-
ence is probably to the legs. See the description of the feet of old
men in 3 Mac. 4 s . The grinding maids shall cease because they
are few]. It is generally agreed that this refers to the teeth, which
are called "maids," because grinding in the East is usually done
by women (cf. Is. 472 Job 3i 10 Mt. 24" Odyssey 2o 106 - 106 ). The
ladies who look out of the windows]. These are with much una-
nimity taken to be the eyes. For the figure, cf. Ju. 5 28ff . The
figures represent the two classes of women in a house ladies and
serving maids just as the two classes of men were represented.
Are darkened], that is, the eyes lose their lustre and their sight.
4. The doors on the street are shut]. In applying this part of
the figure, there are again diversities of opinion. The Talmud,
Ra. and Rashbam thought the pores of the skin were referred to,
the Targum the feet, AE., Dod., Ros., Kn., Ew., Hit., Vaih., Zo.,
Wr. and Sieg. the lips, which, when the teeth are gone, shut
more closely; Kimchi, Grotius and Cleric thought of the literal
shutting of the street door, so that the old man could not go out;
Hengstenberg of the eyes, Lewis of the eyes and ears, Wildeboer
of the ears, Haupt of the anus and bladder, the man beginning to
suffer from retention (ischuria) and intestinal stenosis. It is
probable that the reference is to the lips, the figure of a door being
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 11>-12 189
elsewhere applied to them (see Mi. 7 s Ps. i4i 3 ). When the sound
of the mill is low]. Again there are differences of opinion. The
Talmud, Ra., Rashbam and AE. and Haupt hold it to refer to
the impaired digestion; the Targum, to the appetite; Grotius,
Doderlein, Knobel and Hitzig to the voice of age, which is broken
and quavering; Zockler and Delitzsch to the rustle of the toothless
mouth. The last is, perhaps, right. And he shall rise at the voice
of the bird]. This phrase has been variously translated, and even
more variously interpreted. Kn., Wr., Wild, and Ha. think that
it means that the old man awakes early just as the birds begin to
twitter, and so refers to the loss of sleep in old age; Ew., Hit., Heil.,
Z6., Del. and PL hold it to refer to the childish treble of age.
Probably the first of these interpretations is the right one. The
daughters of song are prostrate}. Kn. and Heil. thought that this
refers to the failure of the old man's singing voice, which is lost,
though Kn. held that possibly it might refer to the notes of birds,
which the old man could not hear. Del., who is followed by Wr.,
Wild., McN. and Ha., interprets it by 2 S. ig 35 , where the aged
Barzillai can no longer hear the voice of singing men and singing
women, and so takes the line to refer to the deafness of age. With
this Ges. K - and K6. seem to agree, for they show that " daughters
of song" mean the various notes of music, these all seem low to
the old man. The line accordingly refers to deafness.
5. Also he is afraid of a height]. The figure of the house is now
dropped, and four additional statements of growing incapacity are
added. Interpreters generally agree that the reference here is
to the shortness of breath which comes in old age, and makes the
ascent of a height difficult. For the rendering "he fears" instead
of "they fear," see critical note. And terror is on the road]. This
is almost a synonym of the previous clause. A walk is full of
terrors, because the old man's limbs are stiff and his breath short.
And the almond-tree blooms}. According to Kn., Ew., Zo., Wr.,
Marsh., Gen., and Ha., it is a poetical reference to the white hair
of old age. The almond-tree blooms in January, and at the time
it has no leaves. The blooms are pink at the base, but soon turn
white at the tips, giving the tree a beautiful white appearance,
which makes the landscape in January and February most
I go ECCLESIASTES
attractive (see Post, in Hastings' DB., I, 6ya). This, then, is a
natural symbol of the gray-haired man. It is used allegorically
by Philo, Life of Moses, 3 22 . Probably this is the correct interpre-
tation, though others are urged by some. Since the Hebrew word
for almond-tree is derived from a stem which means "to waken,"
and that is the use made of it in Jer. i uff ,Hengstenberg and Plumtre
take it to mean that " sleeplessness flourishes." De Jong, Wilde-
boer and McNeile render the verb "despised," and take it to refer
to the old man's failing appetite, because "the almond is rejected"
(see critical note). This view is not so probable. The grass-
hopper is burdensome}. The rendering "grasshopper" is disputed
by some. Delitzsch and Wildeboer, following the Talmud, render
it "hips" and the verb "drag themselves along," thinking the
phrase a reference to an old man's walk. Kn. rendered "breath,"
making it refer to labored breathings. Graetz thought it a poetical
reference to coitus, while Moore (JBL., X, 64) thinks that a melon
instead of a grasshopper was intended. Of the interpreters who
translate "grasshopper," Heiligstedt understands it to mean that
the old man is too weak to cook and masticate the grasshopper for
food (cf. Mt. 3 4 ), Zockler that the old man's form is emaciated
like that of a grasshopper, Plumtre that the grasshopper is an
emblem of smallness (Is. 40" Nu. i3 33 ), so that the smallest thing
becomes burdensome; Wetzstein and Wright, that the grasshopper
springs up in the days when spring begins, i.e., just after the seven
days of death (see above, after vs. i), and Genung takes it to
refer to the halting walk of age the old man like a grasshopper
halts along. Biblical analogy would lead one to agree with Plum-
tre and take it as a symbol of smallness, though there is no reason
to regard it, as he does, as a Greek symbol, and so to find an ex-
ample of Greek influence here. The passage then means that the
smallest weight is a burden, which the old man drags along. The
caper -berry is made ineffectual}. The caper-berry was a plant
used to excite sexual appetite. There can be little doubt that the
Hebrew word here used refers to it, since it is the singular of the
word which designates the same product in the Talmud (see
Moore, JBL., X, 55 jf., and Ja. 5b). Most interpreters rightly
take it to mean that stimulants to appetite are rendered ineffectual
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 1H-128 191
by the failing of vital power. Graetz, however, takes " caper-
berry" as a figure for the glans penis, but, as Renan remarks,
Qoheleth is never obscene. Wetzstein and Haupt, taking a hint
. from 2, connect the word rendered " caper-berry " with the Hebrew
root for "poor," and think it a figurative expression for the soul.
Haupt renders the word for "grasshopper" "chrysalis," making
"inert lies the chrysalis, till the soul emerges." This is very im-
probable, though beautiful. For the rendering "is made inef-
fectual," see critical note. The man goes to his eternal house],
Here first the writer speaks of death itself. "Eternal house"
is a reference to the tomb; cf. Tobit 3" and the Talmudic and
Coranic usage cited in crit. note. Mourners go around the street}.
According to Hebrew custom, cf. Am. 5 16 Je. 916-20.
6. While} is a repetition of the opening word of vs. ib, and like
it connects the thought with n 10 , urging the young man to enjoy
himself. While the silver cord is not severed, nor the golden bowl
broken}. This last is a poetic picture of death, to which the thought
was led in vs. 5b. The imagery by which this is expressed is, as
several critics have seen (PL, No., Wr., Wild, and McN.), borrowed
from Zc. 4 2 - 3 , where a golden bowl fed oil to the seven lamps.
Here, however, the golden bowl is, with that richness of imagery
common to the Orient (cf. Pr. 25"), represented as hanging by a
silver cord. The cord is severed, the lamp falls, the bowl is broken
(or more literally crushed, the objection that a golden bowl cannot
be broken, is without force), the oil lost and the light goes out a
fit emblem of the sudden dissolution of the body and the escape of
the spirit. Probably Qoheleth used this imagery with poetic
freedom without thinking of special applications of details, but it
has been otherwise with his commentators. The Targum makes
the silver cord, the tongue; the gofden bowl, the head; Del. makes
them, respectively, the soul and the head; Haupt, the spinal column
and the brain. And the water-jar be shattered at the spring}. By
another common figure life is likened to a fountain (cf. Ps. 36 9 ).
That figure is now employed. The individual body is made the
water-jar, such as women in the East still use in carrying water
home (cf. Gn. 24"- 17 - " 3 Ju. 7 16 19 20 ); when the jar is broken it can
contain no more water, and so the life ends. While this meaning
1 92 ECCLESIASTES
is clear, some contend that the bucket does not represent the whole
body, but some special organ, Del., Sieg. and Ha. think of the heart.
The wheel broken at the cistern]. This is another application of
the same figure. Some wells are fitted up with a wheel to assist in
drawing water. Sometimes this is small and can be worked by
hand, as that seen to-day at " Jacob s well," near Nablous, or on
one of the wells at Beersheba, sometimes large enough to be
worked by a camel or a donkey, like that pictured in Barton's
A Year's Wanderings in Bible Lands, p. 205. When the wheel is
broken, the water can no longer be drawn. The " wheel" in this
line is again a metaphor for the whole body. Some, however,
make a special application of the " wheel," Del. and Sieg. regard-
ing it as symbolizing the breathing process. Haupt thinks its
" breaking" refers to paralysis of the heart. All the symbols of
the verse picture death as coming suddenly the lamp is crushed,
the jar shattered, or the wheel broken. 7. The dust shall return
to the earth as it was, and the spirit shall return to God who gave it].
As Tobia Ben Eleazar in the eleventh century and, in modern
times, Plumtre and Wildeboer have noted, this is a definite refer-
ence to Gn. 2 7 . Qoheleth pictures death as undoing what the
creative act of God had accomplished. Siegfried holds that the
first clause cannot come from Q l , the pessimist, for he believed
the spirit of a man to be no more immortal than that of a beast
(3 19 20 ); he therefore assigns 7a to Q 2 ; yb he denies to Q 2 because
that writer did not trouble himself about the dead, but rejoiced
in life (5 17 9* 7 - 12 n 7ff ), and assigns it to Q 4 , the Chasid glossator.
Such an analysis makes no allowance, however, for the moods of
human nature. No man's thought especially the thought of an
Oriental is as clear-cut as Siegfried supposes. One may have
his pessimistic moods in which he questions whether anybody
knows whether a man's spirit differs from a beast's; he may hold
that man's only good comes from enjoying the sunshine of this
physical existence, brief though it be, and still, holding Qoheleth's
idea of God (see e.g., on 9 1 ), write "the spirit shall return to God
who gave it." Even a pessimist may quote Scripture without read-
ing into it all the hopes of an optimist. Qoheleth's thought is not
out of harmony with the later development of OT. Judaism on
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 11 '-12" 193
this subject (see Schwally, Leben nach dem Tode, 104 Jf.). 8. Van-
ity of vanities]. The book concludes with the dirge with which
it opened. Qoheleth's concluding sentence reiterates his opening
declaration. He has, from his point of view, proved his thesis and
closes by reiterating the sad words with which he began: All
is vanity. Saith Qoheleth] is probably an insertion of the late
editor, who added vvs. 9, 10, and who praises Qoheleth.
II 1 . Sieg. arbitrarily denies the vs., as he does those which follow, to Q.
The appropriateness of the whole passage, with the exception of n b
and i2 la toQ.'s thought, is too evident to need demonstration. 2. P?n],
probably ?? is to be supplied, cf. BDB. 3243.. rmctrS DJI nj'afrVJ,
on such rhetorical use of numbers, cf. Ges. K - 1343. njn rprp nc], on
the form of expression, cf. Ko. 4i4q.
3. i^9l], Niph., cf. 5DB. syoa. OSM] is to be taken with IN^D> as
ace. of material (so Wild.), not with ijw (Ha.). D>aj?n], the mistake
in the accent of this word in the older printed Bibles, to which Del. called
attention, has been corrected in the texts of Baer, Kittel (Driver), and
Ginsburg. am], cf. on i 6 . &\pr.]=loco, cf. Ko. 33oky and 337g.
--sy'oipc], cf. -0K Dipo, Ez. 6 13 Est. 4 3 8 17 . Nim], on the root, see
above on 2 22 . The root is mn, used here as a synonym of run. The N
has caused trouble. Wr. regarded it as an orthographic addition such
as in certain cases is found in Arabic, Ges. K - (755) would emend to
* ' v l<j( ==vv ) wnu<e Bick. and Sieg. would emend to Nin. One of
these emendations appears to be necessary. It will be noticed that in
both the conditional sentences in this vs. the imperf. is employed in both
protasis and apodosis. This points to in-> rather than sin as the true
reading of the final word. Del. notes that in the earlier language such
conditions would have employed the perfect in both clauses, cf. Dr. 12.
4. "iDtt>], this part, and <~ijn express the continuity of the action = 'he
who habitually watches" ... "he who habitually looks." 5. itP'Na]
begins a correlative sentence as in Je. 19", cf. Ko. 37 if. 05 and & read
-itt'xa, but that is evidently a mistake. nxSDn paa D'DSpa] is an
abbreviated comparison =" as thou art ignorant of the formation of the
bones in the womb," etc. For a fully expressed comparison, see Dt.
32 2 . n^Son], in the sense of pregnant woman, occurs nowhere else in
BH., though found once in the Mishna (Yebamoth, 16'). Assyrian had
the same usage, thus iltt I star kima maliti="Ishtar like a pregnant
woman" (cf. Haupt, Nimrod Epos, p. 139, line 117, variant). In Latin
Plena was sometimes used in the same sense, see Ovid, Metam. x, 465.
Zap., for metrical reasons, would erase the word as a gloss. jnn jnv],
note the delicate use of the part, and imperf. = " as thou continuously
dost not know ... so thou mayest not know." DID^D], 40 MSS. and
1 94 ECCLESIASTES
read O'cxjra, but that is an error. SD TN nir>" ntrx] reminds one
of Am. 3 6 , but the context shows that the thought is not so general as
that of Amos. 6. "V33] is not used with :ny as Kn. thought poetically to
include all time, but figuratively for youth. si^i], not 21P3, as some
MSS. of (&. Q. does not advise working "in evening," for that was
resting-time (cf. Ps. IO4 23 ), but rather "till evening," cf. Job 4 20 . run],
cf. the use of this verb in y 9 . Cf. also T 1 ?.} T?.D ^ i n Jos. io 6 . nr ->N]=
"which of two" or more a late usage confined to Q. (a 3 only besides
this vs.), cf. BDB. 3aa. n? IN PITH], on this disjunctive question, cf.
K6. 379b. Ha., for metrical reasons, erases the words as a gloss. It
is here a tempting emendation. inso] occurs only in late books, as
Is. 65 25 a Ch. 5 13 Ezr. a 64 3 9 6 20 Ne. 7 66 . It is an Aramaism, occurring
in Dn. 2 35 , 31 on Gn. i3 6 and on Job 3i 38 .
7. pine] is used -of material substances like honey (Ju. 14" Pr. 24")
and then figuratively as here and 5", where it is applied to sleep.
iiN'-i], not the "light of life" as Kn. held, but the ordinary light of day.
The expression is almost identical with rjdi> yap rb 0ws (Euripides,
Iphig. in Aulis, 1219). o^j], > is here (as in i S. i6 7 ) pointed with
as though y received Daghesh forte implicitum, but in Gn. 3 6 and Pr.
io 26 it is pointed with T, cf. Baer, p. 68. 8. o] is not here to be con-
strued with as, as in 3 12 and 8 15 , but is ="for," and gives the reason for
the preceding statement (so Hit. and Del.). "137?], an adv. See on
i 16 and cf. Ko. 3i8e. frOi^'-So], Del. compares the expression NDnSi JX^D
= "from the present even to the future" (Sanhedrin, aya), used for the
more frequent N3 1 ? -pnj?S. 9. mna]=" chosen one," regularly used for
a young man in the prime of manhood, cf. BDB. io4b. nnS>], a late
form which occurs but three times in BH., here, in vs. io, and in Ps.
no 3 . It occurs also several times in the Talm., cf. Ja. 578b. Accord-
ing to its etymology it should mean "childhood," but it is clearly here
employed of the time of life called linn, and accordingly =" youth."
"pS "iiPE" 1 )], Del. observes that "pV 3^M would have expressed the
thought. The pleonastic expression is a sign of lateness. nmna],
for the ordinary omm. The ending m- is found in BH. only here
and in la 1 . Has it not been approximated to the Aram. rvnna =
"youth" (cf. Dalman, Aram.-Neuhebr. Worterbuch, 490) ? Perhaps it
should be pointed rvniro. "J 1 ?^], the Piel is not uncommon, cf. Ps.
i3i l . 'fcOM], the Qr. and some 100 MSS. read nx-ras. It is difficult
to decide between the two readings. n ?<">D occurs in 6 9 , and it may be
argued with Gins, that it has been changed to a plural here to make
it conform to 'O'n. On the other hand, the plural occurs in Ct. 2 14 and
Dn. i 15 , and it maybe-argued with Eur. that that was the original reading,
because -"INID is so natural that, if that had stood there, no one would
have thought of changing it.
10. Dp], see on i 18 . n;n], here not ethical, but physical evil, hence
FINAL ADVICE [Cn. 1H-12* 195
"misery" or "wretchedness." nnntt>], not as Kn. and Hit. held from
ina j , dawn (cf, in8>D=" morning," Ps. no 3 ), but a NH. word, from "vw,
"be black." Such a root occurs in Job 3o 30 and in BS. 25 16 . It occurs
in the Talm. (cf. Ja. 1551), in Syr. with the meaning =" coal," and in
As. as swrtt="coal." This view is probably represented by (&, &,
S, was held by Ra., Rashbam, and AE., and among recent interpreters
is upheld by Gins., Del., Wr., Eur., Wild., Ha. and McN. nnntf on
this view="time of black hair," as opposed to !"i^t', "the time of gray
hair" or "old age." Wild, compares the Ar. sarih= "youth," in which
the last two radicals are reversed. ^2n], cf. on i 2 .
12 1 . TNIO], many interpreters Kn., Hit., Gins., Del., PL and Wr.
held this to be a pi. majestatis like DTI^N, a^Bhp, etc. The Versions read
it as sing., and Baer, Eur., Ges. K - (i24k) and Sieg. so read it, though
Dr. and Gins, still keep the pi. in their editions of -the text. The sing,
is to be preferred. Gr., who is followed by Bick., Che. and Haupt,
emends "|ton to "pu=" cistern," and by comparison with Pr. 5 18
takes it to refer to one's wife. On this view the exhortation is "Do not
neglect thy lawful wife." The emendation, however, reads into the
book a lower note, Davidson has observed (Eccl. in EB.), than any
which the book touches. The one passage (9 9 ) which seems to con-
tradict Davidson's view, was influenced by the Babylonian epic. Gr.'s
theory does not commend itself.
2. xS ntfN iy], cf. S iy, Pr. 8 26 . The phrase of Q. borders on the
idiom of the Mishna, cf. xVtr' -\y, Berakoth, 3 5 . Cf. Ko. 3870. 3. jw]
= "tremble," "shake," occurs but twice beside this in BH., Est. 5 9 and
Hb. 2 7 . It occurs frequently in Aram., cf. Dn. 5 19 6 27 . For Talmudic
references, see Ja. 388a. irnjjnn], cf. on y 13 . Son], a pure Aram,
word occurring nowhere else in BH. It is found in the Mishna (Botah,
9 9 ), in the Aram, of Ezr. 4 23 - u 5 5 . For Talmudic references, see Ja.
X 57- Of- a l so S. A. Cook, Glos. of Aram. Inscr., p. 29, and G. A.
Cooke, North Sem. Inscr., p. 335. TOj?n], Bick. and Sieg. erase with-
out sufficient reason. The Piel occurs only here, but with an intransitive
force, cf. Ges. K - 5 2k. 4. S D^2], the inf. with 3, is taken by Gins, and
Wr. as temporal, but Ko. (4O3a) regards it as causal. Either gives a
good meaning. Dip 11 )], a jussive form without a jussive force, cf.
Ges. K - 721. L> ip L ']> ^ is temporal="at the time of the bird's voice,"
cf. Ko. 33 if. is*n], the particular for the general, cf. Ko. 254!.
ptp'n mja], probably the "notes of song." For many examples of the
figurative uses of p and na, see Ges. K - i28vand Ko. 306111. 5. n:n]
is a noun, cf. i S. i6 7 (so Del.). wv^j, the pi. is unexpected. Kn. re-
garded it as an example of the ease with which the Heb. passes from
the sing, to the pi. Dr. and McN. suggest that the -i is a dittograph of
the following i - a probable explanation. o^nnnm], this noun is re-
duplicated from the stem nnn. The formation is similar to D>DJ;DJ;=
196
ECCLESIASTES
eyelids. n^D L 'D = baskets, D^nSn = palm-branches, D'K'piPp = scales.
^NJM], the stem V^^" reject," does not, in the opinion of most in-
terpreters, give a satisfactory meaning. Ki. regarded the N as quiescent
(see Baer, p. 69). Del. held it to be an orthographic variation for
Y^\ as ONp is for -op in Ho. io 14 and v**"\ for Eh Pr. i3 23 , and in this
he is followed by Ges. K 73g and BDB., 6650.. Dr. would correct the
reading to p^i. 2Jn], Kn. connected with the Ar. hagaba, " to breathe,"
Del. and Wild., following the Talm., with the Ar. hagabat=caputfemoris,
or hip; Moore (JBL., X, 64) connects with Ar. hagb, a " kind of
melon," but most interpreters take it for grasshopper, as in Is. 40".
SanD-n], 28 MSS. read VarDM. Cf. Dr. torn], some emendation is
necessary. The simplest is to follow the Versions, and make it a
Hophal, as BDB. (p. 83ob), Dr. and McN. do. This has been done
above. Moore objects that ~no in BH. is always used of making cov-
enants or judgments ineffectual, and never, in a physical sense; he would
accordingly follow 'A and take it from the root ms. In a late writer, like
Q., however, earlier usage may have been violated. n /'"?*f7]=" caper-
berry," the sing, of nijiON, which occurs in the Mishna and Talmud
(see e.g., Ma'aseroth, 4 6 ). So Moore, JBL., X, 55^". and Ja. 5b. For
a description of the fruit, see Moore. Wetz. and Ha. point nroN =
"poor" and understand it as an epithet of rsj. Vrss., with the possible
exception of S, , support "caper-berry." aSip no], cf. Sanhedrin,
iga, where a cemetery is plAj> no and dar ul-huldi, Qur'an, 4i 28 .
onoion] might be men as in Am. 5 16 , or women as in Je. 9 16-2 .
6. sS n^'N ip], cf. on i2. pn^?J, the Kt. = "be put far away." pm>, the
Qr. = "to close up," or "bind," neither of which gives a satisfactory
meaning. <&, &, H, S, read pnr, which is adopted by Ges., Ew., Eur.,
Sieg., Wild, and McN., and has been adopted in the rendering given
above. r"!#]> ace. to Del., a metaplastic form of the imperf. of TP =
"break" (cf. Ges. K - 67q, 6;t and BDB. 954^. Sieg., Wild, and McN.
emend to xnn\ nVl), the very word used in Zc. 4* 3 . Gins, and Zo.
would make it mean fountain (cf. rhi Jos. is 19 Ju. i 15 , and Sj Ct. 4"),
but later interpreters have rightly rejected this. ID], a fern, sing., with
pi. in D 1 *", cf. K6. 252k. yi2D]="a fountain opened in the desert" a
rare word occurring, besides in BH., only in Is. 35 7 and 49 10 . It is found
also in J.Ar., cf. Ja. 725a. 7. 3 *>)], a jussive form, according to
Del. it is suited to S -C ; N iy of vs. 6 as a subjunctive, according to
Ges. K - io9k and Ko. 366u it does not differ in force from the ordinary
imperf. rmn]=tpiu or nsco, cf. Gn. 2 7 Is. 42 s Job 33*. SN hy] in
late writing are used interchangeably. Vs. 6 furnished an example of
this also. 8. D>San San], cf. on i 2 . nSnpn IDN] some would emend
to nSnp H-IDN after 7", but probably that passage should be emended
to this. On nSnp, see on i 1 .
PRAISE OF QOHELETH [Cn. 12-'
197
I2 9-i2 A late editor's praise of Qoheleth, and of Hebrew Wisdom,
to which is added a Chasid's last gloss (i2 13 ").
i
12 9 . And besides that Qoheleth was wise, he still taught the people
knowledge, and tested and examined and arranged many proverbs. l . Qohe-
leth sought to find pleasant words, but he wrote uprightly words of truth.
u . The words of the wise are as goads, and as driven nails are the members
of collections; they are given by one shepherd. 12 . And besides these, my
son, be warned. Of making many books there is no end, and much study
is a weariness of the flesh. 13 . End of discourse. All has been heard.
FEAR GOD AND KEEP HIS COMMANDMENTS, FOR THIS IS EVERY MAN.
14 . FOR EVERY WORK GOD WILL BRING INTO THE JUDGMENT CONCERNING
EVERY SECRET THING, WHETHER GOOD OR BAD.
12 9 . Besides that Qoheleth was wise}. This praise of Qoheleth
is unlike anything in the book, and sounds as many interpreters,
from Doderlein down, have noted, like a later editor. The
language in which this editorial addition is written differs, if possible,
even more widely from Biblical Hebrew (see critical notes) than
the language of Qoheleth. Still taught the people knowledge],
through his wise writings. And tested and examined and arranged
many proverbs]. Probably, as Hitzig and Wildeboer say, this is a
reference to our book of Proverbs, which the editor attributed to
Qoheleth, whom he identified with Solomon. 10. Qoheleth sought
to find pleasant words]. He tried to give his composition a pleas-
ing or elegant form. This is also a part of the editor's testimony
to Qoheleth-Solomon. He claims that Qoheleth sought to give
literary finish to his compositions. But he wrote uprightly words
of truth]. He never sacrificed matter to form. Perhaps this is the
editor's apology for some of the statements in the book before us.
For a justification of the above translation, see critical note.
11. The words of the wise are as goads}. They prick and stimulate
to activity. Plumtre recalls that the words of Pericles were said
to have a sting. As driven nails]. It is difficult to tell whether
the editor is thinking of the appearance of written words in a row,
like a row of driven nails, as Delitzsch suggests, or wb^^r he is
thinking of the permanent effect of a written word erflBRd in a
collection in comparison with the goad-like effect of a spoken
word. The latter seems the more probable. Haupt contends that
198 ECCLESIASTES
the contrast here is between disjointed sayings, such as the book
of Proverbs, and more connected thought such as is contained in
Qoheleth's book a less probable view. Members of collections].
Utterances that have been embodied in a collection of sayings. For
the translation and for different renderings, see the crit. note.
They are given by one shepherd]. Haupt, for metrical reasons, re-
gards these words as a gloss, but there is no proof that the editor
attempted to write poetry, and the words seem a natural part, of his
thought. The ' ' one shepherd " was thought by Heiligstedt to refer
to Qoheleth, and by Delitzsch and McNeile to Solomon. This
makes it an assertion that all the contents of the preceding book (or
books) come really from Solomon. As Knobel, Ginsburg, Plumtre,
Wright and Wildeboerhave seen, "Shepherd" in the OT. is usually
an epithet of God (Ps. 23! So 1 95', cf. Is. 40 11 Ez. 33 l5 ), and is prob-
ably so here. On this view the editor means to say, the words of
the wise may be uttered by different men, but they all come
from God. Krochmal, who is followed by Graetz, thought that
the last three verses of the book applied not to Qoheleth alone, but
were the closing words of the whole Hagiographa, dating from the
council of Jabne, A.D. 90. If this were true, one would be tempted
to include the book of Job in the "words of the wise," to which
allusion is made here, but external evidence proves Krochmal's
view to be impossible, see above, Introduction, i i, 13. 12. And
besides these]. Besides these inspired words of the wise, just re-
ferred to in the preceding vs. My son], a common address to a
pupil in the Wisdom literature, see Pr. i 8 - ^- 15 2 1 3 1 - " 2l 4 1 . Be
warned]. This refers, as the following clause proves, to other col-
lections of books than "the words of the wise," described in the
preceding vs. Interpreters differ as to whether the editor was
warning against heathen writings (so Plumtre), or against rival
Jewish w T ritings, such as Ecclesiasticus (so Wright), or the Wis-
dom of Solomon. If our view of the history of Qoheleth's writing
be true (see above, Introduction, 7, n), references to BS. and
Wisdom* would be here impossible. Of making many books there
is no end]?. & continuation of the warning against other literature.
Possibly the writer was thinking of heathen libraries when he com-
posed this hyperbolical statement. Much study is a weariness
PRAISE OF QOHELETH [Cn. 12-
199
of the flesh}. This is, perhaps, suggested by Qoheleth's own words
in i 18 . The editor would deter his pupil from unorthodox or
heathen literature by the thought of the weariness of study.
13 a . End of discourse], the end of the book. All has been heard}.
These words probably formed the conclusion of the editor's
work, and once formed the end of the book.
13 b . Fear God and keep his commandments}. These begin the
Chasid glossator's final addition. It is in harmony with his pre-
vious insertions, cf. 3 17 8 8 n 9b . This is every man}. A Hebrew
metaphorical way of saying, "this is what every man is destined
for and should be wholly absorbed in." For parallels, see crit.
note. 14. For every work God will bring into the judgment concern-
ing every secret thing]. This echoes the words of the Chasid in 1 1 .
With this note of judgment the book, as the Chasid left it, closes.
The Massorets thought the ending too harsh, and accordingly re-
peated vs. 13 after it, to make the book close with a more pleasant
thought. They made similar repetitions at the end of Isaiah,
the Minor Prophets and Lamentations.
12 9 . in>] was taken by Heil., Z6. and Dale to mean "as to the rest,"
or "it remains" (to speak of). The word is, however, an adv. as in
2 is 716. j n those passages it means "excessively," here, "besides,"
cf. 5DB. 45 2b. This approaches the Mishnic meaning of "additional,"
given to a kindred form, see Ja. 6o5a. ID 1 ?] Piel with causative force
of nnV= "to learn," cf. BD. It takes two objects, cf. Ko. 327^ oyn].
(6, A, read DINH, which Gr. preferred. ft 5 ?] was connected by the Ver-
sions with f;.N = "ear," either as noun or verb. It is in reality the only
survival in BH. of fTN="to weigh" (cf. Ar. wazari), from which comes
O' I J?ND=" scales." Here it seems to mean "weigh" in the sense of
"test" (cf. Ges. Bu - p. 23a and DB. 24b). -ij5n]="to search out,"
occurs in Piel only here. Zap. would erase it on metrical grounds as a
gl. fiP.ri] is used by Q. only in the sense of "making straight the
crooked," cf. i 15 7 13 . Here it means "set in order," "arranged," as in
the Targ. and Tal. (cf. Ja. 1692). This difference from the usage of
Qoheleth confirms our suspicion that the verse is from a later editor.
nain], on the use of this word with nouns, see Ko. 3i8e. (6 takes
it with the following vs. 10. pen <l "^n]=" words of pleasure," i.e., that
give pleasure. Ha. is right in thinking that it refers to elegance of form.
Marsh. 's rendering, "words of fact," on the ground that pon in Q.=
"matter," "business," overlooks the fact that in this very chap. (12')
yon =" pleasure." 3-iro.i] (&=Ko.i yeypaptvov, supports this reading.
200 ECCLESIASTES
Ginsburg held that the pass, part., when it follows a finite vb., has the
distinction of that vb. implied. Del., PL, Wr., held to the text, taking it
in the sense of "writing" as in 2 Ch. 30*, but this makes a harsh and
awkward sentence. Hit. emended to 3'ins, and thought the inf. abs.
was used like inf. const, after -c'pj; Bick. and Sieg. emend to=3 i n:r7|,
making it parallel to sxn? in form as Hit. did in thought. McN.
emends to ainp-t, taking it as "writing." &, 01, 'A, Tf, read a'^ns (hist,
inf.) or, as 5 MSS. read, 2np, to one of which we should, with Dr., emend
the text. T^'], as Wr. and Wild, have seen, is an adverbial ace., cf.
Ges. K - n8m. "'EN], cf. for the "meaning Ps. 132". 11. rvuj-n] oc-
curs only once besides in BH., that in i S. i3 21 , a hopelessly corrupt
passage (cf. Budde, SBOT., and Smith, Inter. Crit. Com.}. As this
last occurrence may be due to late editing in S., and as the word is fairly
common in Aram. (cf. Ja. 32ob), and the formation is an Aram, one,
the word is probably an Aram, loan word (see BDB. aoib). It is from
3-n= "to train" (cf. Ar. dariba, Eth. darbaya). nrVn, from inS, is often
used in Heb. for " goad." nnDfc'D] is spelled elsewhere nncDD, cf. Je. io 4
2 Ch. 3 9 and oncools. 4i 7 i Ch. 22 3 ,sing. -rcpc, see Sabbath, 6 l , Kelim,
i2 4 , and the references in Ja. Sopa. Wild, regards it as an Aram, loan
word, but inasmuch as it is found in Je. and Is. 2 , that can hardly be.
jntw], usually "plant," as of trees, etc., but in Dn. n 45 of tent-pegs,
as here of nails. ^J?3], not "masters (of assemblies)," nor "masters
(of collections)," but as Del. pointed out="a participant of," as in Gn.
i4 13 and Ne. 6 18 , cf. K6. 3o6g. As. has the same use of the word, cf.
bel adi u mamit sa maltt Assur* i = " participator in the covenant and oath
of Assyria," Sennacherib, Taylor, Cyl. II. 70. ." 1 ' 1 flp**] J a late word found
elsewhere only in Ne. I2 25 and i Ch. 26 15 17 , and there masc. In those
passages it refers to collections of people; here, according to Heil., Del.,
Wr., Gen., Ha. and McN., to a collection of sayings or a written work.
Sieg. still holds to the older and less probable view that it refers to an
assembly of people. 12. i:v], adv. as in vs. 9, but here with the addition
of p= English: "in addition to these." According to Ko. (3o8f) it is
= plus quant. -ivi'y], with its object, is the subject of the sentence, cf.
K6. 233d. < apparently read mryS. xp ps] is virtually an adj.=
"endless," like Vip px in Dt. 32 4 , so Del. :nS]=with n:nn, to "de-
vote oneself to prolonged study," is a.X. Analogy is found only in the
Ar. lahiga=" be devoted (or attached) to a thing." Cf. No., ad. loc. and
BDE. 52pb. 13a. -an IID] is an Aramaism. Cf. PIDD qio. 1 1D oc-
curs in a few late writings Jo. (2 20 ), Chronicles and Qoheleth in the
sense of xp (cf. BDE. 6g3a), but is the regular word in J.Ar. (cf. Dn.
4 8 - 19 7 28 , and for post-Biblical references, Ja. 968a). The use of -on
without the art. shows that we cannot here translate "the end (or con-
clusion) of the matter." It is probably a technical expression like ^ID
P>DC, with which the editor marked the end of his work. This.
PRAISE OF QOHELETH [Cn. 12 2OI
expression makes the impression that when these words were penned, the
Chasid's gloss had not been added, and these words formed the con-
clusion of Qoheleth. Cf. K6. 277v. ?Dtfj]. Gr. and Sieg. hold that
(& read >'pc ; , and Sieg. would so emend the text, but Eur. points out
that &KOVC may be an itacism for d/coi/erai, so that no other reading is
necessarily pre-supposed. J7DC ; J is taken by Gins., Del., Wr., Marsh.,
and McN. as perf. Niph., Kamef being due to the Athnah. Wild,
and Ha., among recent interpreters, still regard it as an imperf. first pers.
cohortative. There is an evident reference to this final word of Qo.'s
editor in BS. 43 27 : *?:>n NVTOI *p) pu xh nS*O -n>?. This quotation
confirms our view that when it was made the Chasid gl. had not yet
been added.
13 b . D-INH So nr], as Del., No., Wr. and McN. have seen, can only mean
"this is every man." As Del. pointed out, it is a bold metaphor like
na-u ^j?="thy people are a free-will offering," Ps. no*, n^cn >JN =
"I am prayer," Ps. 109* , and D-NH >j2 rnpc="fate are the children of
men," Qo. 3 19 . 3~sn So can only mean "every man," cf. 3" 5 18 7*.
14. acBtoa N3'] are the very words used by the Chasid in n 9 . aotfDa],
without the article, as Gins, saw, is further defined by 'jS3S>?="the
judgment concerning every secret thing." (So Del., Wr. and McN.)
Cf. Je. a 35 . 3 1 ??. 1 .], McN. observes, has Daghesh in S to insure the pro-
nunciation of the quiescent guttural; it occurs, however, in i K. io j
without Daghesh. On ON ON], cf. Ko. 37 ir.
INDEXES.
INDEXES.
I. HEBREW INDEX.
n3N, 104.
PON, 200.
Spa, 131, 132, 177, 179,
73N,I42.
'JK, 86, 88, 92, 152.
200.
njioN, 52, 196.
DmDN, 121.
7J73, 200.
a, 33, US, 167.
D^SDN, 2OO.
Sxa, 143.
1D3 3HN, 33, 131.
IN, 92.
I^p3, 104.
nix, 194.
mn -]nx, 142.
npa, 194.
TN, 02.
> yo
D^D^ T^> 145.
ni3n3, 89.
nn> TN, 32.
n ^ N ,53>89, 117, i37!38,
"? 3 , 53, 94-
?! 199-
150, 166, 178.
nirN 7^3, 158.
nnx, 93, n8.
N7 nt^N, I4C.
J ~*TJ*
D^na, 89.
THN, 89.
nvn? n^ ; N, 107.
-a THN, 144.
ni^N, 178.
H33, 142.
nnoriN, 147.
o^naj, 130.
nnnN, 142.
-a, 125, 131, 132, 143,
n3J, 178.
D^jnnN, 76, 122.
178, 196.
nnj, 176.
'N, 52, I 7 8.
y t o*
Vp-tJ, 52, 176.
n? ^N, 194.
^N3, 168.
7.U, 130.
TN, 94-
n^N3, 141, 152, 160.
nS.j, 196.
rK, 118.
Sna, 152.
DJ, 93, 118, 122, 135,
p, 106, 145.
Khn 73 pN, 75.
N13, 113, 201.
"7^V^*^ T r\r*
145, 169.
*?N DJ 179
i f i \j
I> ^9S*
VP pN, 200.
HMT3, 168.
DNDJ, 158.
nr t^N, 53.
mn3, 194.
W DJ, 93.
T^rn 73N, 132.
pnea, 161.
P, 89.
ntfa SDN, 117.
7M3, 195.
nnp, 142.
iX i3S-
071J? H^3, 196.
jrvi, 1 06.
37 SN, 141.
n>y7N, 178.
K > L. >. o O
nan, 75, 142.
i
^373, oo.
nnxn 7N, 125.
i
nan, 75, 145.
OlpD 7N, 73.
N^3, 177.
Ten n3-, 199.
o^nn SN, 160.
J773, 177.
onan, 137.
ON, 134.
n^n nu3, 195.
yn nan, 152.
nDN, 88, in, 148.
omn p, 178.
37 DJ? nn3n, 86.
-7 nDN, 158, 169, 196.
no >ja, 90.
r"% 137-
205
206
INDEX
*lSi, 179.
^, S3, 9 6 l6 7-
^% 95-
nj?m, 116.
IT IN nT, 194.
pa% 168.
njn, 87.
ni . , . . ni. i^t;.
1^.:, 179-
nua-n, 52, 200.
, 53-
p, 178.
om, 74.
onN Sa nT, 201.
nan>, 145.
^/
1-n, 169.
jw, 195-
IT 1 , 166.
p-DT, 76.
jn% 134, 146.
-n, 112 /.
JDT, 103.
SSin% 142.
IN . . ~n, 04.
o^pv, 167.
DiNn, 113, 135.
inxn, 118.
?an, 104, 117.
pS na^Bi, JQ^.
310^, 141.
San, 52, 72, 158.
ajn, 196.
iS}, 121, 141.
^neDini >nS-un, 86.
mn, 179.
NMin ifiS
nS^, 103, 121.
Nin, 32, 87, 96, 106, 141,
SNLrHI 1* J.VJC/*
nnS% 52, 53, 194.
166.
np.'in, 97.
wS% 155.
, 95, 193-
nSin, 132.
San ^D% 145.
nSin, 141.
niSSin, 54, 87.
]~o yin, 97.
omn, 52, 178.
K'ln, 97*
pDi, 169.
10% 178.
^nn, 141.
xton, 125.
no 1 ", 106.
>n , 17, *33, 148, 166.
7 *l
n^n, 168.
"B% 105.
, 75, 9>, Io6 > I0 7,
'n, 141.
% 53, US-
117, 177.
o"n, 135, 166.
_L.._ *~i v* WS *7 ^
073 DN NX>, 33.
^rnin, 85.
o^S^n. 177.
Dlp>, 195.
wn nS^n, 32.
, * / /
D3n, 145, 147, iS 1 -
np% 168.
7^,33, 93, J 45 158, i79-
nD3n, 177.
^% 195-
vebn, 177.
niSn, 125.
tf% 75, 134.
iSn, 73, 135, J 36, 155-
ta iSn, 33, 168.
SSn, 88, 142.
yi >Sn, 134.
jSn, 113, 193.
?n, 177.
N A^.% I 5 I ff'
IB'^, 2OO.
in\ 94, 199, 200.
onS nnn, 112.
i , * / /
^5!?, 134.
pim, 54, 72, 105, i3 2 '
ion, 169.
jnon, 86.
nain, 86, 90, 168, 199.
o^jon, 118.
-3, 143, 151, 152, 156,
Jin, 104.
Vfln, 103, 125, 131.
158, 160, 193, 194-
tjtpn, 118.
nnN3 104-
osnnn, 145.
ipn, 199.
ntain. c^.
V W 9rW
-\^N3, 17, 152, 158, l60,
i, in apodosis, 158.
pat^n, 52, 53, 149-
193-
-\33, 52, 75, 93.
y*W), 196.
nuatfn, I 48^".
13, 196.
S3nD*'i, 196.
ainnnn, 195.
D3nH3, 151.
ofrjpi, 33, 138.
na, i66/.
nani5"i, 155-
HN") nna'i, 106.
310,89,96,121, 131, 143-
ON u, 106, 156.
ns> -i^s aiB, 33, 52, 132.
DJ^3, 121, 156, 158-
nio OUT, 168.
naio, 135, 141.
Ss, 33, 93, i45> r 5 8 l6 9,
"Ji 75, 87, J 35, 201
iB'ND a IB, 113.
179.
INDEX
207
cm Sa, 133.
SSino, 88.
yno, 167.
-tf noy Sa, 132.
o^aVno, 122.
NB1D, 176.
Mtf Sa, 194.
ono, 92.
nnofcro, 2oa
y P, 155-
n-no, no.
"|tfo, 8S,/.
oja, 90.
NXID, i5a
aa^D, 179.
D>BJ3, 179.
o^aio, 155.
lyWo, no.
nar D>SDD, 124.
o^oaa WID, 168.
nnSc^o, 152.
1D3, 131.
nnio, 112.
JJDB'D, 75*
op, 87, 96, 133, 142.
noano, 142.
tODI^O, 130, 2OI.
Sxa, 143, IS 6 -
>D S3, !3!-
nnato, 141.
-B/a 169.
u?s ID, 53, i6o/.
njno, 142.
TO, 177.
o>nWr -vo, 96.
PIHD. 104*
inab, 95, 117, 131.
o-iaNao, 96.
SwnBb, 167.
^^D, 178.
njj, 179.
aina, 199 /.
tfSo, 74, 118, 160.
jnj, 89.
aS N^D, 156.
nu, 142, 176.
-S, 161, 169, 179.
nVu, 121.
ns/o, io^.
37, 86, 87, 169.
, *-yj*
*iv^r> T OP*
-nu, 121.
arc aS, 166.
naV, 148.
jn 1 ?, 200.
]J\7O, I2S*
B^D, 167.
nVo, 152, 178, 179.
noam, 142.
Sru, 74.
V?p ncru, 177.
rmon 1 ?, 86.
Vnj ^ l 7D, 167.
nro j-- j^
Lj^t..;**^ L^ ^S)^ RC
9 OJ9
NVpn?, 125.
inaSo, 121.
ytoj, io3jf, 200.
D'DDJ, 52, 133, 134.
j
njo. 86.
^ n ' 177-
J
>naj, 134.
PJJJO/, 103 ff*
VhlfiTD, 76.
noj, 88.
m 1 ? 1 ?, 103.
P, 75, 9 6 , 142.
J7DJ, 176.
no 1 ?, 94.
jno, 92.
^
oVj^., 201.
JIB" 1 ?, 132.
^ipo, 176.
pi, 178.
no 1 ?, 199.
pDD, 121, 167.
nfc'p, 155.
npj?}, 143.
IwS, 177.
neon, 89, 133, 137.
nipo, 86.
Bta, 135, 156.
T^J, 196.
IpnS, 17, 86.
tajjo, 195.
innj, 107.
n ^n 33, 52, 133-
n^j, 176.
nap, 134.
niryD, 117, 156 bis -
yotfj 201.
noiND, 143.
NXD, 167.
D^yDlI'J, l68.
J7Dl^ tyND, 142.
omxo, 149, 167.
?nj, 86, 97, 124, 142.
SN JJUD, 156.
nxixo, 167.
pnj, 153.
yino, 94.
"", 53, i3 6 194-
njno, 52, 90, 130.
nipD, 74, i35> 192-
aao, 95, 167.
jno, 52, 179.
B'lp D^""2) I55-
nSjo, 90.
no, 113, 142, 193-
SSpo, 145.
Sao, 196.
DIN no, 92.
n?i?P, 32, 90, 93, "2.
331D, 74.
~l7 HD. 7H.
y i \j
rnfjp, 178.
IID, 105, 2oa
nvitf no, 33, 147 /.
o^ono, 176.
nan HID, 200.
208
INDEX
D^nciD, 196.
alto nirp, 32, 1 06.
P"S 141.
omo, 121.
D">XP, 90.
Soa pn, 160.
on^D, 142.
D>nS-sp, 178.
Sp pn, 94 .
SDD, 95, 169, 176, 196.
pc'p, 142.
npn, 132, 177, 193, i 94 /.
S3D, 53, 89.
D^p.lTg, 1 1 6.
y">, S3, 85.
?3B, 52, 177-
nna'p, 145.
fvpn, 96.
nsD, 104.
on^p, 176.
VXn, 196.
np, 144-
npn, 104.
nap, 158.
PJD, 167.
pnn, 196.
n ?y I 3 i /'-
^B, 135, 152, 177.
>Bta np, 89.
njo, 92.
pair, 134.
xS ntf* np, 53, I9S .
D^JO, 177.
nn.ir, 131.
njnp, 117.
0>DPD, 135, 146.
pnl^, 179.
IIP, 179.
D "'"> fl , 32, S 2 , 89.
D" 1 ^, III.
nip, 86, 143.
^ns, 104.
ni S^', 53, 87.
V, 145-
^^s, S 2 IS*-
SND&', 169.
D>JB TP, 151.
, 33, 52, 154.
nnir, 92, 179.
O^P, 194-
ninDfr, 177.
n>p, 167, 178.
S*, 143-
Sp, 86, 106, in.
pox, 74.
SN . . . . Sp 196
nsx, 195.
"?, 53, 7 2 /-, 9 6 , 1 06,
nnanSp, m.
112,119,134,169,176,
-^nnanSp, 52, 143.
o^jonp, 76.
177, 178, 194.
>3 SM 12^.
n Snp, 67^"., 148, 196.
*?NC ; , 92.
-B* nrp SP, 52, 132.
oSp, 105.
Sip, 142.
Dip, 195.
Sp SNU J , 142.
SlNB ! , 167.
oSp, 72, 105.
o^Sp, 75 /.
n ?5, 177-
pop, 167.
1N1B 4 , 73.
natf, 52, 94, n6.
DJU*. 87.
op, 93, 122.
nwp, 117.
) ^ /
s
mjc', 176.
ivy* 73, 92, 122.
njp, 90.
/ i
nncp, 73.
anp, 52, 124, 168.
npac', 193.
pOP, 148.
nipaB', 152.
n #, 33, 133, 179-
nn, 87, 88, 113, 116,
rjnjB/, 91^.
pjp, 52, 85.
134, 142, 167, 176.
^^pnnjj' 137.
axp, 177.
nsn, 167, 176.
ninnir, 195.
D^DXP, 193.
D^tfJO, 76.
SD^, 119.
anp, 194.
nan, 134.
ptaV^, 52, 53, 151.
y, 32, 33, 75, 85, 88,
D>an, 176.
CD^/tr I? 2.
93, 105, 106, 116, 155,
?jn, 17, 124.
n.Str, 104.
200.
inn, 107.
0^,74, in, 134, 141.
onS nc'p, 179.
nn, 85, 176, 196.
nDB\ in.
inifcrp, 93.
npn, 168.
njiDir. IO7.
t 7\J
nic'p, 200.
pnn, 196.
yvv, 75, 168, 201.
INDEX
209
^ : > 193-
tfcir, 134.
ruir (noun), 134.
(verb), 15 if.
, 32, Il8, 122.
'jtf, 134.
Serf, 195.
HDD, 131.
mSfltf, 53, 179.
nuupn, 91.
ton, 104, 196.
-nn, 85.
o ^
|pn, 17, 52, 86,
nSnn, 176.
Tpn, 52, i37-
tfntfn nan, 32, 73.
DDitt'n, 145.
199-
II. INDEX OF PERSONS.
AC.OKA, 27.
Adam, James, 42.
Albert, Georg, 42.
Albrecht, K., 155, 178.
Alexander Balas, 30, 61, H9jf., 174-
Alexander Jannaeus, 3, 29.
Alexander the Great, 43, 59.
Antiochus III, 6i/., 120 ff., 164.
Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), 29, 61.
Antiochus V, 164.
Antiochus VII, 164.
Aqiba, Rabbi, 5, 17, 167
Aquila, n, 17.
Aristophanes, 74.
Aures, A., 42.
BACON, B. W., 183.
Baer, S., 8, and Comm. passim.
Ben Buta, 3.
Ben Sira, 2, 53, 59 /., and Comm.
passim.
Bennett, W. H., 22.
Berger, S., 15.
Bevan, E., R., 63, 121.
Bickell, G., 22, 2$/., 32, and Comm.
passim.
Bloch, J. S., 3.
Bomberg, Daniel, 2.
Breasted, J. H., 151.
Briggs, C. A., 6, 7, 22/., and Comm.
passim.
Burkitt, F. C., 9, n.
CAIRD, EDWARD, 42.
Catullus, 174.
Cheyne, T. K., 22, 185.
Ciasca, A., 13.
Cicero, 114, 174-
Clement of Alexandria, 7.
Collitz, Hermann, 89.
Cook, S. A., 178, 195.
Cooke, G. A., 32, 86, 195.
Cornill, H., 22 /.^ 44, 59> 6l -
Cowley, A. E., 7.
Cox, Samuel, 22.
DATHE, J. A., 21, and Comm. pas-
sim.
Davidson, A. B., 22, 59, and Comm.
passim.
De Jong, P., 190.
Delitzsch, Franz, 22, and Comm.
passim.
Desvoeux, A. V., 50.
De Wette, W. M. L., 22.
Dhorme, Paul, 163.
Dillmann, A., 9.
Dillon, E. J., 22, 26, 27.
Doderlein, J. C., 21, and Comm.
passim.
Driver, S. R., 8, 22, 51, and Comm.
passim.
Dupuis, J., 42.
ElCHHORN, J. G., 21, 23.
Eleazar ben Azariah, 5.
Epicurus, 38 ff.
Eshmunazer, 32.
Euringer, Sebastian, 14, and Comm.
passim.
Euripides, 34.
Ewald, H., 22, 51, and Comm.
passim.
Ewing, William, 183.
FIELD, F., n, 13.
Frederick William IV, 83.
Frey, J., 109.
Friedlander, M., 34, 164.
GAMALIEL, 3.
Genung, J. F., 22, 31, 61, and
Comm. passim.
2IO
INDEX
Ginsburg, C. D., 6, 8, 17, 22/., 32,
and Comm. passim.
Gottheil, R. J. H., 15.
Graetz, H., 9, 22, 24 /., 33, and
Comm. passim.
Gregory, C. R., 10, 27.
Gregory bar Hebraeus, 171.
Gregory of Nyssa, 20.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, 20.
Grenfell, B. P., 27, 172.
Grimme, Hubert, 39, 162.
Grotius, Hugo, 21, 22.
Guyan, M., 42.
HARNACK, ADOLF, 13, 20.
Harris, J. R., 5.
Haupt, Paul, 5, 22 /., 27 /., 29 /.,
34 /., 44, 49 /., and Comm.
passim.
Heiligstedt, A., 22, and Comm.
passim.
Hengstenberg, E. W., 22, and Comm.
passim.
Heraclitus, 34, 101.
Herder, J. G., 23.
Hermas, 7.
Herod the Great, 3, 178.
Herodotus, 43, 127.
Hillel, 5, 6.
Hilprecht, H. V., 42.
Hitzig, F., 22, 61 jf., and Comm.
passim.
Hommel, F., 68.
Horace, 81, 112, 127, 163, 184.
Hunt, A. S., 27, 172.
IBN EZRA, 27, and Comm. passim.
JAHN, H., 21.
Jerome, 15, and Comm. passim.
Jesus, son of Sirach, see Ben Sira.
Jewett, J. R., 98, 181.
Johanan ben Joshua, 5.
John Hyrcanus, 151.
Jose, Rabbi, 5.
Joseph, son of Tobias, 63.
Judah, Rabbi, 5.
Judas Maccabseus, 151
Justin, 120, 174.
Justin Martyr, 7, 40.
Juvenal, 174.
KAUTZSCH, E., 60.
Kennicott, Benjamin, 8.
King, L. W., 135.
Kittel, R., 8, 50.
Kleinert, P., 23 jf.,
Knobel, August, 22, and Comm.
passim.
Kuenen, A., 22, 59.
LECLERC, V., 42.
Levy, Alfred, 15.
Lidzbarski, Mark., 7.
Louis XIV, 85.
Lowth, Bishop, 15, 50.
Lucretius, 108.
Luther, Martin, 21.
McFADYEN, J. E., 22.
McNeile, A. H., 2 /., 4, 6, 17, 18,
22/., so/., 32/., 4i/., 53/., 59,
65, and Comm. passim.
Marcus Aurelius, 36, 99, 101.
Margouliouth, D. S., 22, 53, 59, 67.
Marshall, J. T., 22.
Martin, T. H., 42.
Mazarin, Jules, 82.
Meissner, Bruno, 39.
Mendelssohn, Moses, 181.
Middledorpf, H., 14.
Montfaucon, B., n, 13.
Moore, G. F., 194.
Miiller, W. M., 43.
NACHTIGAL, J. C. C., 186.
Nathan, Rabbi, 115.
Nathan ben Jehiel, 16.
Noldeke, T., 2, 53, 59.
Noyes, G. R., 22.
ORIGEN, 7, 13.
Ovid, 103, 144.
PAUL, SAINT, 3, 40.
Peake, A. S., 22, 59.
Pericles, 197.
Pfleiderer, Otto, 24, 33, 34, 101.
Philo Judaeus, 5, 40.
Plato, 42.
Plumtre, E. H., 4, 22/., 24, 32/.,
34/-
Polybius, 122.
Ptolemy IV (Philopator), 61, 120.
Ptolemy V (Epiphanes), 61, 120 ff.,
122, 174.
Ptolemy IX (Euergetes II), 60.
Pyrrho, 43.
RASHBAM (RABBI SAMUEL BEN
MEIR), 20.
INDEX
211
Rashi (Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac),
20.
Reinsch, Leo, 68.
Renan, E., 22, 34, and Comm.
passim.
Ryle, H. E., 2, 6.
SABATIER, PETER, 14.
Samuel of Vitry, i.
Sanday, Wm., 60.
Sayce, A. H., 7.
Schechter, S., 53.
Schiirer, E., n, 12, 13.
Schwally, F., 104, no, 130, 193.
Scrivener, F. H. A., 10.
Sellin, E., 34.
Shammai, 5, 6.
Siegfried, C., 22 ff., 24, 2&/., 32 ff.
34 ff., 44 ff., and Comm. passim.
Simeon, Rabbi, 5.
Simeon ben Onias, 60.
Simeon ben Shetach, 3.
Smith, V. A., 27.
Smith, W., 12.
Smith, W. R., i, 6.
Solomon, 19, 21, 46, 47, 58, and
Comm. passim.
Sophocles, 114, 129, 137.
Spohn, G. L., 21, 186.
Strack, H., 22, 68.
Swete, H. B., 10, n.
Symmachus, 1 2, and Comm. passim.
TABNITH, 32.
Tannery, Paul, 42.
Taylor, C., 11, 53.
Tertullian, 7.
Themistocles, 164.
Theodotian, n, and Comm. passim.
Theognis, 114.
Tobia ben Eleazar, 20, 67, 186.
Toy, C. H., 60.
Tyler, Thomas, 22 ff., 24, 32 ff.,
34 ff., 59, and Comm. passim.
UMBREIT, F. W. C., 73, 186.
VAIHINGER, J. C., 22, and Comm.
passim.
Van der Palm, J. G., 25, and Comm.
passim.
Vincent, A. J., 42.
Vlock, W., 22, and Comm. passim.
WAGE, HENRY, 12.
Wallace, J., 42.
Wangemann, Dr., 22, and Comm.
passim.
Weber, F., no.
Wetzstein, J. G., 186.
Wildeboer, D. G., 6, 22 /., 32 /.,
and Comm. passim.
Winckler, Hugo, 22, 61, 119, and
Comm. passim.
Wright, C. H. H., 3, 22/., 3 2/., 59,
and Comm. passim.
Wright, Wm., 68.
XENOPHON, 127.
Xenophanes of Colophon, 43.
YEARD, F., 23.
ZAPLETAL, V., 29, 49^"., and Comm.
passim.
Zeller, E., 35/., 43/-
Zeno, the Stoic, 41.
Zirkel, G., 22 ff., 32 ff., and Comm.
passim.
Zockler, Otto, 22 ff., and Comm.
passim.
III. INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
ABORTION, advantages of an, 126,
130.
Abstract nouns, 53.
Additions, Editor's, 46, 197.
Advice, Qoheleth's, i79jf.
Arabic Version, 15.
Aramaic words in Qoh., 52.
BABYLONIAN INFLUENCE ON Qo-
HELETH, 40 ff.
on Epicurus, 41 ff.
Books, when they supplanted rolls,
27.
Buddhism, supposed influence on
Qoh., 27, 42.
212
INDEX
CANONICITY OF EC., zff.
Chasid glossator, 45 ff.
Confusion of verb N" 1 ? and n" 1 ?, 53.
- of N" 1 ? and yy, 53.
Coptic Version, 13.
Coran (Qu'ran), 80, 197.
DATE or EC.,
Despotic government, 124 ff., 148 ff.
Dislocations, theories of, 25 jf.
Documentary theory of EC., 28 ff.
ECCLESIASTES, the name, i, 67 ff.
Ecclesiasticus and EC., S3ff-
End, humanity's, 158 ff.
Epicurean influence on EC., 38^".
Experiments of Qoh. in character of
Solomon, j6ff.
Extremes, uselessness of, 143^".
FATE, 35, 109, 112, 136.
GlLGAMESH EPIC AND EC., 39, 129,
and 162.
Greek influence on Qoh., 23^".
- linguistic, 32 ff.
- philosophical, 34 ff.
- idiom in Qoh., 53.
HAGIOGRAPHY, i, 198.
Helplessness of man, 97 ff.
Hendiadys, 95.
Hokma editor, 44^".,
INHUMANITY, MAN'S, 113 ff.
Integrity of EC., 43 /.
Interpretation, history of,
Ishtar's Descent, 163.
KINGSHIP, ADVANTAGES OF, 126,
127.
Knowledge, Qoh.'s efforts for,
LATIN, OLD, VERSION,
Latin Vulgate, 15.
Linguistic character of Qoh., 52.
MANUSCRIPTS, HEBREW, 7 ff.
of Septuagint, loff.
Megilloth, -iff.
Metrical theories of EC., 29, 49^".
Midrashim, 19.
Midrash Yalkut, 85.
Mishna, Eccl. in,
NEW TESTAMENT, 4.
OLD AGE LIKE A STORM, 186^".
Oppression, 124 ff.
PARKS, 80^".
Participial constructions, 53.
Persian words in Qoh., 52.
Personal pronouns in EC., 53.
Peshitta Version, i^ff.
Pharisees, 6.
Philosophy, Greek, 34^".
of life, Qoheleth's, i6i/.
Platonic number, Bab. origin of,
4i /
Polyglots, 15.
Popularity, transitory, H9jf.
Praise of Qoheleth, Editor's, 197.
Private life of Qoh., 64.
Proof of man's equality with ani-
mals, 107 ff.
Proverbs, variety of, 37 ff., 138 /.,
169 /
RELIGION, SINCERITY IN, 122^".
Riches, 124 ff.
Righteousness, same as godlessness,
Rulers, advice concerning, i6gjf.
SADDUCEES, 6, 65.
Septuagint, 8ff.
- MSS. of, 10.
Shams in religion, 122^".
Sheol, 161, 163.
Stoic influence in EC., 34^".
Syncope, 53.
Syntax, late developments, 53.
Syriac Versions, 13 ff.
Syro-Hexaplar Version, 14.
TALMUD, i6Jf.
Targum, i$ff., 19.
Text of EC., 7/.
- recensions of, 17.
Thought, outline of Qoh.'s, 46 ff.
Title of EC., 67 ff.
VERBAL ADJECTIVES, 53.
Versions, 8jf.
Vows, 122 ff.
Vulgate, Latin, 15.
WAW CONSECUTIVE, 53, 87, 116, 118
Wisdom, relation to EC., SI ff-
Women, Qoh.'s judgment of, 146.
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CANON AND TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By CASPAR RENE
GREGORY, D.D., LL.D., Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the
University of Leipzig. [Now Ready.
THE LIFE OF CHRIST. By WILLIAM SANDAY, D.D., LL.D., Lady
Margaret Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford.
A HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE. By
ARTHUR C. MCGIFFERT, D.D., Professor of Church History, Union Theo-
logical Seminary, New York. [Now Ready.
CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By
FRANK C. PORTER, D.D., Professor of Biblical Theology, Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.
THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By GEORGE B STEVENS,
D.D., sometime Professor of Systematic Theology, Yale University, New
Haven, Conn. [Now Ready.
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. By G. BUCHANAN GRAY, D.D., Professor
of Hebrew, Mansfield College, Oxford.
THE ANCIENT CATHOLIC CHURCH. By ROBERT RAINY, D.D.,
LL.D., sometime Principal of New College, Edinburgh. [Now Ready.
THE EARLY LATIN CHURCH. [Author to be announced iater.
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THE LATER LATIN CHURCH. {Author to be announced later.
THE GREEK AND EASTERN CHURCHES. By W. F. ADENEY, D.D.,
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THE REFORMATION. By T. M. LINDSAY, D.D., Principal of the United
Free College, Glasgow. [2 vols. Now Ready.
CHRISTIANITY IN LATIN COUNTRIES SINCE THE COUNCIL OF
TRENT. By PAUL SARATIER, D.Litt.
SYMBOLICS. By CHARLES A. BRIGGS, D.D., D.Litt., Professor of
Theological Encyclopaedia and Symbolics, Union Theological Seminary,
New York.
'HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. By G. P. FISHER, D.D.,
LL D , sometime Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Yale University,
New Haven, Conn. \_Revised and Enlarged Edition.
CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS. By A. V. G. Allen, D.D., sometime
Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Protestant Episcopal Divinity School,
Cambridge, Mass. [Now Ready.
PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION. By ROBERT FLINT, D.D., LL.D., some-
time Professor of Divinity in the Unirersity of Edinburgh.
THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS. By GEORGE F. MOORE, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor in Harvard University.
APOLOGETICS. By A. B. BRUCE, D.D., sometime Professor of New
Testament Exegesis, Free Church College, Glasgow.
[Revised aJid Enlarged Edition.
THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRIN E OF GOD. By WILLIAM N. CLARKE, D. D.,
Professor of Systematic Theology, Hamilton Theological Seminary.
[Now Ready.
THE DOCTRINE OF MAN. By WILLIAM P. PATERSON, D.D., Professor
of Divinity, University of Edinburgh.
THE DOCTRINE OF CHRIST. By H. R. MACKINTOSH, Ph.D., Professor
of Systematic Theology, New College, Edinburgh.
THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF SALVATION. By GEORGE B. STE-
VENS, D.D., sometime Professor of Systematic Theology, Yale University.
[Now Ready.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHRISTIAN LIFE. By WILLIAM ADAMS
BROWN, D.D., Professor of Systematic Theology, Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
CHRISTIAN ETHICS. By NEWMAN SMYTH, D.D., Pastor of Congrega-
tional Church, New Haven. [Revised and Enlarged Edition.
THE CHRISTIAN PASTOR AND THE WORKING CHURCH. By
WASHINGTON GLADDEN, D.D., Pastor of Congregational Church, Columbus,
Ohio. [Now Ready.
THE CHRISTIAN PREACHER. The Rev. A. E. GARVIE, M.A., D.D.,
Principal of New College, London, England.
RABBINICAL LITERATURE. By S. ScHECHTER, M.A , President of
the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York City.
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ment. By Professor S. R. DRIVER, D.D., D.Litt.
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student who desires to understand what the modern criticism thinks
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A History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age.
By ARTHUR C. MCGIFFERT, Ph.D., D.D.
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Christian Ethics. By NEWMAN SMYTHE, D.D.
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Apologetics ; or, Christianity Defensively Stated.
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Old Testament History. BY HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, D.D.
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The Theology of the New Testament. By GEORGE B.
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History of Christian Doctrine. By GEORGE p. FISHER,
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Christian Institutions. By ALEXANDER V. B. ALLEN, D.D.
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The Theology of the Old Testament. By A. B. DAVIDSON,
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The Ancient Catholic Church. By ROBERT RAINY, D.D., LL.D.
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Canon and Text of the New Testament. By CASPER RENE
GREGORY, D.D., LL.D.
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The Christian Doctrine of God. By WILLIAM N.CLARKE, D.D.
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