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Inttrnatbnal Critiral CcmmnTtarp 

on il^t pioljr Smptitns of i^t #ltr anb 



Rei^us Professor of Hebmv, Oxford; 


Master of University College, Durham ; 


Edward Rohinson Professor of Biblical Theology, 
Union Theological Seminary, New York. 

(irije Inttntational Critiral Cnmmtutarg 

on t^t Jpoly Scriptures oi iht Qiia anb 

There are now before the public many Commentaries, 
written by British and American divines, of a popular or 
homiletical character. The Cambridge Bible for Schools, 
the Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students, The 
Speaker's Commetitary, The Popular Commentary (SchaflF), 
The Expositof's Bible, and other similar series, have their 
special place and importance. But they do not enter into 

I the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such 
series of Commentaries as the Ktirzgefasstes exegetisches 
Handbuch zum A. T.; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches 
Handbuch sum N. T. ; * Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kom- 
mentar ; * Keil and Delitzsch's Biblischer Comm.entar iiber 
das A. T. ; * Lange's Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk ; 
Nowack's Handkommeniar zum. A. T. ; Holtzmann's Iland- 
^ kommeniar zum, N. T. Several of these have been translated, 
edited, and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the 
^ English-speaking public ; others are in process of translation. 
" But no corresponding series by British or American divines 
has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared 
by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch, 
Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others ; and the time has 
come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enterprise, 

I when it is practicable to combine British and American 
scholars in the production of a critical, comprehensive 
Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholar- 
ship, and in a measure lead its van. 

* Authorised Translations published by Messrs. Clark. 


Messrs. T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, Scotland, and 
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of New York, U S.A., 
propose to publish such a series of Commentaries on the 
Old and New Testaments, under the editorship of Prof. S. R. 
Driver, D.D., for the Old Testament, and the Rev. Alfred 
Plummer, D.D., for the New Testament, in Great Britain ; 
and of Prof. C. A. Briggs, D.D., in America. 

The Commentaries will be international and inter-con- 
fessional, and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical 
bias. They will be based upon a thorough critical study of 
the original texts of the Bible, and upon critical methods of 
interpretation. They are designed chiefly for students and 
clergymen, and will be written in a compact style. Each 
book will be preceded by an Introduction, stating the results 
of criticism upon it, and discussing impartially the questions 
still remaining open. The details of criticism will appear 
in their proper place in the body of the Commentary. Each 
section of the Text will be introduced with a paraphrase, 
or summary of contents. Technical details of textual and 
philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept distinct from 
matter of a more general character ; and in the Old Testa- 
ment the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as 
possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted 
with Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books 
will be dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions, 
with critical notices of the most important literature of 
the subject. Historical and Archaeological questions, as 
well as questions of Biblical Theology, are included in the 
plan of the Commentaries, but not Practical or Homiletical 
Exegesis. The Volumes will constitute a uniform series. 

President W. R. HARPER of Chicago University, announcing the Series in "The 
Biblical World," writes: "It is hardly ne-^^sary to say that this Series will stand 
first among all English serial commentaries upon the Bible. It stands with and 
admirably supplements the 'international Theological Library,' to which we haue 
already learned to look for the best and most recent in the historical, literary, and 
linguistic study of the Bible. We arc greatly in need of Just what this Series 
promises to give." 



The following eminent Scholars have contributed, or are 
engaged upon, the Volumes named below : — 


The Rev. T. K. Cheyne, D.D., Oriel Professor of the 
Interpretation of Holy Scripture, Oxford. 

The Rev. A. R. S. Kennedy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, 
University of Edinburgh. 

The Rev. H. A. White, M.A., Fellow of New College, 

G. Buchanan Gray, M.A. , Lecturer in Hebrew, Mans- 
field College, Oxford. 

The Rev. S. R. Driver, D,D., Regius Professor of Hebrew. 
Oxford. . [Ready, i2j. 

The Rev. George Adam Smith, D.D., Professor of 
Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow. 

The Rev. GEORGE MoORE, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, And- 
over Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. [Ready, 12s. 

The Rev. H. P. Smith, D.D., late Professor of Hebrew, 

Lane Theological Seminary, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
The Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., Professor of Hebrew and 

Cognate Languages, Union Theological Seminary, New 

York City. 
The Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D., Professor of 

Hebrew, Free Church College, Edinburgh. 
The Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick, D.D., Regius Professor of 

Hebrew, and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
W. R. Harper, Ph.D., President of the University of 

Chicago, Illinois. 
The Rev. CHARLES A. Briggs, D.D., Edward Robinson 

Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological 

Seminary, New York. 
The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew. Harvard 

University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 
The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, 

The Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D., late Professor of 

Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector 

of St. Michael's Church, New York City. 
The Rev. L. W. Batten, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew, 

P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. 
The Rev. EDWARD L. CuRTis, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, 

Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 










Minor Prophets. 




Ezra and 





Mark. The Rev. E. P. Gould, D.D.. Professor of New Testament 

Exegesis, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. 

[/^eady, los. 6d. 

Luke. ■ The Rev. Alfred Plummek, D,D., Master of University 

College, Durham. [J^eaifv, izs. 

Acts. The Rev. Frederick H. Chase, D.D., Fellow of Christ's 

College, Cambridge. 

Romans. The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., Lady Margaret Pro- 

fessor of Divinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; 
and the Rev. A. C. Headlam, B.D., Fellow of All Souls 
College, Oxford. [J?eatfy, las. 

Corinthians. The Rev. Arch. Robertson, D.D., Principal of Bishop 

Hatfield's Hall, Durham. 

Galatians. The Rev. Ernest D. Burton, A.B., Professor of New- 

Testament Literature, University of Chicago. 

Ephesians and The Rev. T. K. Abbott, B.D., D.Lit., formerly Professor 
Colossians. of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin. 

Philippians and The Rev. Marvin R. Vincent, D.D., Professor of Biblical 
Philemon. Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New York City. 

The Pastoral The Rev. Walter Lock, M.A., Dean Ireland's Professor 

Epistles. of Exegesis, Oxford. 

Hebrews. The Rev. T. C. Edwards, D.D., Principal of the Theo- 

logical College, Bala ; late Principal of University College 
of Wales, Aberystwyth. 

James. The Rev. James H. Ropes, A.B., Instructor in New Testa- 

ment Criticism in Harvard University. 

Revelation. The Rev. Robert H. Charles, M.A., Trinity College, 

Dublin, and Exeter College, Oxford. 

Other engagements will he announced shortly. 

Edinburgh : T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street. 


Rev. S. R. driver, D.D. 







77ie Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Reserved. 

V j:-- 

!/rxT»iE Intern 

ATiONAL Critical Commentary. 





Rev. S. R. driver, D.D., 

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The aim of the present volume (in accordance with the plan 
of the series, of which it forms part) is to supply the English 
reader with a Commentary which, so far as the writer's powers 
permit it, may be abreast of the best scholarship and know- 
ledge of the day. Deuteronomy is one of the most attractive, 
as it is also one of the most important, books of the Old 
Testament ; and a Commentary which may render even 
approximate justice to its many-sided contents has for long 
been a desideratum in English theological literature. Certainly 
the Hebrew text (except in parts of c. 32. 33) is not, as a rule, 
difficult ; nevertheless, even this has frequently afforded me 
the opportunity of illustrating delicacies of Hebrew usage, 
which might escape the attention of some readers. On the 
other hand, the contents of Deuteronomy call for much ex- 
planation and discussion : they raise many difficult and con- 
troverted questions ; and they aiford frequent scop>e for 
interesting and sometimes far-reaching inquiry. Deuteronomy 
stands out conspicuously in the literature of the Old Testa- 
ment : it has important relations, literary, theological, and 
historical, with other parts of the Old Testament ; it pos- 
sesses itself a profound moral and spiritual significance ; it is 
an epoch-making expression of the life and feeling of the 
prophetic nation. I have done my best to give due prominence 
to these and similar characteristic features ; and by pointing 
out both the spiritual and other factors which Deuteronomy 
presupposes, and the spiritual and other influences which 
either originated with it, or received from it a fresh impulse, 
to define the position which it occupies in the national and 
religious history of Israel. Deuteronomy, moreover, by many 


of the observances which it enjoins, bears witness to the fact 
that Israel's civilization, though permeated by a different 
spirit from that of other ancient nations, was nevertheless 
reared upon the same material basis ; and much light may 
often be thrown, both upon the institutions and customs to 
which it alludes, and upon the manner in which they are 
treated by the Hebrew legislator, from the archaeological 
researches of recent years. Nor is this all. The study of 
Deuteronomy carries the reader into the very heart of the 
critical problems which arise in connexion with the Old 
Testament. At almost every step, especially in the central, 
legislative part (c. 12-26), the question of the relation of 
Deuteronomy to other parts of the Pentateuch forces itself 
upon the student's attention. In dealing with the passages 
where this is the case, I have stated the facts as clearly and 
completely as was possible within the limits of space at my dis- 
posal, adding, where necessary, references to authorities who 
treat them at greater length. As a work of the Mosaic age, 
Deuteronomy, I must own, though intelligible, if it stood 
perfectly alone, — i.e. if the history of Israel had been other 
than it was, — does not seem to me to be intelligible, when 
viewed in the light shed upon it by other parts of the Old 
Testament : a study of it in that light reveals too many 
features which are inconsistent with such a supposition. The 
entire secret of its composition, and the full nature of the 
sources of which its author availed himself, we cannot hope to 
discover ; but enough is clear to show that, however regret- 
fully we may abandon it, the traditional view of its origin and 
authorship cannot be maintained. The adoption of this 
verdict of criticism implies no detraction either from the 
inspired authority of Deuteronomy, or from its ethical and 
religious value. Deuteronomy marks a stage in the Divine 
education of the chosen people : but the methods of God's 
spiritual providence are analogous to those of His natural 
providence : the revelation of Himself to man was accom- 
plished not once for all, but through many diverse channels 
(Heb. i^), and by a gradual historical process;) and the stage 
in that process to which Deuteronomy belongs is not the age 


of Moses, but a later age. Deuteronomy gathers up the 
spiritual lessons and experiences not of a single lifetime, but 
of many generations of God-inspired men. It is a nobly- 
conceived endeavour to stir the conscience of the individual 
Israelite, and to infuse Israel's whole national life with new 
spiritual and moral energy. And in virtue of the wonderful 
combination of the national with the universal, which char- 
acterizes the higher teaching of the Old Testament, it fulfils a 
yet wider mission : it speaks in accents which all can still 
understand ; it appeals to motives and principles, which can 
never lose their validity and truth, so long as human nature ' 
remains what it is : it is the bearer of a message to all time.* / 

It is the first duty of a Commentator to explain his text ; 
and this I have striven to do to the best of my ability, partly 
by summaries of the argument, partly by exegetical annota- 
tions. Homiletical comments, it will be borne in mind, are 
purposely excluded from the plan of the series ; but I hope 
that I have not shown myself neglectful of the more distinctive 
features of Biblical theology, which called for explanation. The 
translations have for their aim exactness, rather than elegance 
or literary finish : they are intended to express as fully as pos- 
sible the force of the original Hebrew, which is sometimes very 
inadequately represented by the conventional rendering adopted 
in the English versions.! The illustrative references may in 
some instances appear to be unnecessarily numerous : but the 
force and significance of words, and the motives prompting 
their selection, — especially when they are nearly or entirely 
restricted to a particular group of writings, — can often be only 
properly estimated by copious, or even exhaustive, particulars ; 
and the literary affinities, and influence, of Deuteronomy 
have seemed to me to call for somewhat full illustration. 
Subordinate illustrative matter — such as the discussion of 
special difficulties, archaeological or topographical notes, &c. 
— has been generally distinguished from the Commentary as 
such by being thrown into smaller type. The explanations 
of various technical expressions, legal or theological, occur- 

* Comp, below, pp. xixfF., xjtvf., xxviii, xxxiv, &c. 

t Sec conspicuous examples in 42*- »*• » 6" 12' 20" 22" 32«- "• '«• ■' 33"^. 


ring in the English versions, will, it is hoped, be found 

I have not deemed it desirable to exclude entirely Hebrew 
words from the text of the Commentary ; but I have en- 
deavoured usually to meet the needs of those not conversant 
with Hebrew, by adding translations, or otherwise so framing 
my notes as to render them intelligible to such readers. 
Philological matter of a technical kind has been thrown 
regularly into the notes. Only, sometimes, in citations, where 
I was tempted, by its superior brevity, to quote the Hebrew 
text, and in the Tables of parallel passages (pp. lo, 19, 24, &c.) 
— in using which the reader is supposed to have the Hebrew 
text of Deuteronomy open before him — will the Hebraist have 
an advantage over the non-Hebraist, of which the latter, I trust, 
will not be envious ; in the case of the Tables, had I felt that 
the space at my disposal would permit it, I should have tran- 
scribed both texts in English, as I have done in other instances 
(pp. 157 f., 181 f., &c.). The Tetragrammaton — not without 
hesitation — has been represented by its popular, though 
undoubtedly incorrect, form Jehovah : this, it was felt, marked 
sufficiently the fact that the name was a personal one ; and 
Yahweh, in a volume not designed solely for the use of 
specialists, might be to some readers a distasteful innovation. 
For typographical reasons, Arabic words have usually been 
transliterated in Roman characters,* and Syriac words in 
square Hebrew characters. Distinctions between Hebrew 
sounds, where they can be represented by a breathing, or a 
diacritic point {h, t, k, s or s), I have thought worth pre- 
serving, though I have shrunk from carrying this principle 
out in the case of one or two words of very common occurrence 
(such as Canaan), in which its application might seem to 
savour of pedantry. 

The authorities to which I am principally indebted will be 
usually apparent from the names quoted. A special acknow- 

• J = dh ; ^ —d; i?=t; ^ =h: ^=ch; c= gh. An occasional over- 
sight, or irregularity, in the transliteration of a proper name, the origfinal 
of which I may not have seen, will, I hope, be pardoned. 


ledgment is, however, due to the great philologist and exegete 
of Berlin, August Dillmann, whose death, after a few days* 
illness, in July 1894, cut short a career of exceptional literary 
energy, which even advancing years seemed powerless to 
cripple or impair. Having in his younger and middle life won 
his laurels as an Orientalist by reviving, and placing upon a 
scientific basis, the study of Ethiopic,* he had, since 1869, 
devoted himself largely to the exegesis of the Old Testament, 
and produced commentaries upon Job,t the Hexateuch,+ and 
Isaiah, § which for thoroughness, fine scholarship, and critical 
yet sober judgment, rank among the best that have ever been 
written. Knobel, 30-40 years ago, did much for the exegesis 
of the Hexateuch ; but a comparison of Dillmann's volumes 
is sufficient to show how materially he has contributed to the 
advance of Biblical learning, and how greatly by his labours 
he has raised the ideal of a Biblical Commentary. At the 
same time, the needs of English and German readers are not 
quite the same ; and hence, while I have not felt it incumbent 
upon me to notice all the points touched upon by Dillmann, 
there are others which I have deemed it necessary to treat at 
greater length. 

Deuteronomy, as remarked above, opens many topics of 
archaeological interest ; and when commencing my prepara- 
tions for the present Commentary, I wrote to my friend, 
Professor Robertson Smith (who, as is well known, possessed 
an almost unique knowledge of these subjects), to inquire 
whether there were any particular points on which he could 
supply me with illustration. Unhappily his strength was 
already undermined by the fatal malady to which ere long he 

* His Ethiopic Grammar appeared in 1857, his Ethiopic Lexicon— sl 
mag^nificent folio volume of nearly 800 pages — in 1865 ; he also edited 
the Ethiopic Octateuch (Gn. -Kings), as well as many other Ethiopic texts. 
At the time of his death he had just completed an edition of the Ethiopic 
Apocrypha, which appeared about a month afterwards. See a complete 
list of his publications in the Expository Times, May 1895, P* 35°'''^" 

t 1869; ed. 2, 1891. 

* Genesis, 1875; ed. 4, 1892: Exodiis and Leviticus, 1880; Numbers, 
Deuteronomy, and Joshua, 1886. An English translation of the Com- 
mentary on Genesis is likely, it is understood, to appear before long. 

§ 1890. 


was destined to succumb ; and he was not able to furnish 
me with more than a few isolated notes (see the Index, 
p. 434). A year has now passed since this most brilliant and 
accomplished scholar was taken to his rest ; but in his Old 
Testament in the Jewish Churchy his Prophets of Israel, and his 
Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (not to mention scattered 
articles in the Encyclopcedia Britannica and elsewhere), he has 
bequeathed a legacy to posterity, which will for long continue 
to be prized by students, and to stimulate reflexion and 

The reader is requested, before using the volume, to notice 
the Addenda and Corrigenda (pp. xviii— xxiii), and the list of 
principal abbreviations employed (pp. xxv-xxviii). 

S. R. D. 

April 1895. 

The present edition differs from the first only by the cor- 
rection of a few slight errata, and by the introduction of 
some additional notes in the Addenda and Corrigenda (pp. 


S. R. D. 
October 1896, 




Addenda and Corrigenda ..... xviii 

Principal Abbreviations employed .... xxv 

Introduction ....... i-xcv 

§1. Introductory. Outline of Contents ... i 
§ 2. Relation of Deuteronomy to the preceding Books of the 

Pentateuch . . . . . . iii 

§ 3. Scope and Character of Deuteronomy : its dominant 

Ideas ....... xix 

§4. Authorship, Date, and Structure .... xxxiv 

§ 5, Language and Style . . . . . Ixxvii 

Commentary ....... 1-425 

Additional Note on is? (21*32"'^) .... 425 

Index ... ..... 427 


p. xlii ff. Professor G. A. Smith, in an appreciative and instructive 
notice of the present work (Critical Review, Oct. 1895, P- 339 ffOi supports 
also ver}- strong^ly the post-Mosaic origin of Deuteronomy, pointing in 
particular to the facts "that it nowhere avers to be by Moses; that its 
standpoint is Western Palestine, and that its whole perspective is so 
plainl}- that of some centuries after the events it describes," and also 
endorsing- the argument deduced (p. xlii) from such passages as 23^ '^'. 
He thinks, however, that if it had been written under either Manasseh or 
Josiah, it would have contained traces of the distinction between the 
persecuted servants of Jehovah and the tj^rannical powers of the nation, 
and is inclined consequently to assign it to the close of the reign of 
Hezekiah (cf. p. liv, note\ Certainly it is easier to feel satisfied that 
Deuteronomy is not the work of Moses than it is to fix the decade, or 
even the generation, in which it was actually written. 

jP, xliii. The " mountain(s) of the 'Abarim," or "of the parts across" 
(cf. G. A. Smith, Geogr. p. 262), Dt. 32^" Nu. 2712 33^7. 48^ of the range East 
of Jordan, is another not less significant indication of the country in which 
the Pentateuch was written. 

P. xliv, note. For a detailed criticism of van Hoonacker's position, 
see Kosters in the Th. Tijdschr. Mar. 1896, p. 190 ff. 

P. 8, 1. 6-13. According to Eusebius [Onom. ed. Lagarde, pp. 209, 
213, 268) there were two "Ashtaroths in Bashan, 9 miles apart, between 
Edre'i and Abila, the 'Ashtaroth of 'Og being 6 miles from Edre'i : if, 
therefore, these statements are correct, it seems that Tell 'Ashtera (not 
'Ashtere), which is 15 miles from Edre^i, will be the 'Ashteroth-karnaim of 
Gen. 14'. The site of Og's capital, 'Ashtaroth, is uncertain. About 
9 miles S. of Tell 'Ashtera, and 7 or 8 NW. of Edre'i, there is a large 
village, El-mezeirib, which seems to have been once a strongly fortified 
place : this may well have been the second 'Ashtaroth of Eusebius, and 
may perhaps also have been the 'Ashtaroth of 'Og ; though others identify 
the latter with Tell el-'Ash'ari, 4J miles S. of Tell 'Ashtera, and 1 1 miles 
NW. of Edre'i, a position of great strength, situated on a projecting 
headland, overhanging the deep gorge of the Jarm :k. The supposition 
that there were two 'Ashtaroths depends, it will be seen, upon Eusebius: 
so far as the Biblical data go, 'Ashtaroth, the capital of 'Og, might be 
identical with 'Ashteroth-karnaim, the name being merely abbreviated 



from it. See more fully the writer's art. AsHTAROTH, in the Bil^e 
Dictionary, about to be published by T. & T. Clark. 

P. 1 1 f. Professor J. F. McCurdy, in History, Prophecy, and the Monu- 
ments (1894), pp. 159-161, 406-408, arrives independently at the same con- 
clusion that Amorite and Canaanite (though each may be \x%eA generally 
of the pre-Israelitish population of Canaan) are properly the names of two 
distinct peoples. 

P. 12 top. From the terms in which the " Land .Amurri " is mentioned 
in the Tell el-Amama letters (c. B.C. 1400), it appears that it was in fact 
simply a district, or "canton," in the N. of Palestine, in the neighbour- 
hood of Phoenicia. It was at this time, like Phoenicia and Palestine in 
g-eneral, under Egyptian rule ; and its governor, Aziru, addresses many 
letters to the Pharaoh, Amenophis IV. (see Winckler's translation 
of the letters in Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, v. p. 104 ff.). 
The district bears the same name as late as the- 9th cent. B.C. ; for 
Asshurnazirpal (b.c. 885-860) speaks of receiving the tribute of the kings 
of "Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, Machallat, Mais, Kais, the land of Aviurrai, 
and Arvad, on the great sea of the West " (ib. iii. 109). See Schrader's 
discussion of the name in the Berichte of the Berlin Academy, 20 Dec. 
1894, p. 1302 fF. 

P. 12, 1. 14. See also W. Max Miiller, Asien und Europa nach altagypt- 
ischen Denkmdlem, pp. 205-233. 

P. 34, phil. note on ii. S nc'T : see also p. Ixxi, note*. 

P. 38. On Edom, see further F. Buhl, Gesch. der Edomiter, 1893. 

P. 38, lines 8-7 from bottom. According to the map and description 
given by Mr. Bliss, PEFQuSt. July 1895, pp. 204, 215, the Sail es-Sa'ideh 
flows into the Mojib from the East, the Sail Lejjfln flowing into it from 
S. by E., and a shorter stream, the Wady Balu'a, from the S. The three 
deep gorges formed by these streams unite to form the Wady Mojib, at 
a point slightly to the E. of 'Ara'ir (below, p. 45). 

P. 41, 1. 9. Professor Sayce has since abandoned this view of Caphtor, 
on the ground that a place of that name (Kaptar) is mentioned among- 
the places conquered by Ptolemy Auletes {Academy, Apr. 14, 1894, p. 314). 

P. 45. 'Arair "crowns one of the natural buttresses that round out 
from the cliffs, and aff"ords a capital bird's-eye view of the upper waters 
of the Arnon" (Bliss in PEFQuSt. July 1895, p. 215). 

P. 47, 1. 4 from bottom. The oaks, it should have been stated, are 
found only on the slopes of the Jebel Hauran, or on the West, in J61an : 
the plain of Hauran is destitute either of oaks or of other trees. 

P. 47, last line : for Tristram, Moab, read Tristram, Land of Israel. 

P. 48-49. The identification of the Leja with Argob is rejected also 
(independently), I am glad to see, by G. A. Smith, Geogr. p. 551. 

P. 49, 1. II from bottom, and p. 56, 1. 6-7. Although Kenath is very 
commonly identified with Kanawat, the identification is not, however, 
certain : see Moore on Jud. 8" ; and comp. Wright, Palmyra and Zenobia 

('895). P- 313 f- 

P. 50, middle paragr., 1. 7 : for on read in. 

P. 54, /. 5. The Arabs on Uie east of Jordan still call basalt iron. 
(G. A. Smith). 



P. 64, 1. 7 : /o possess it (nncn*?). On the very common Deut. word | 
rT (p. Ixxviiiff., Nos. 4, 22, 46), it should have been stated that, though 
(for distinction from '?nj, n^q:) it is commonly rendered to possess, it denotes 
properly to take possession of as heir, to succeed to (cf. 2^^- 2^- ^- ; 'mx cnv Gn. 
158 ; nvn the heir, 2 S. 14'' ; ni'-i^ //j^ rrg-^^ q/" inheritance, Jer. 32*) ; and ' 
that this sense of the word gives point to most of the passages in which ( 
it is used, not onlj- in Dt. (i*-^ &c.). but also elsewhere, as i K. 21^' nnnn I 
ncn' D31, Mic. i^" Jer. 8"* 491- - Hab. !« &c. Cf. p. Ixxi, note*. ■ 

P. 67, 1. 5 from bottom : "is found first in JE." See, however, Dt. 33*. I 

P. 68. On the "covenant," see also Smend, Alttest. Religionsgesch. 
p. 294 ff. ; and R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im A.T., 1896. 

P. 'JO top. See also J. Jacobs, Studies in Biblical Archceology (1894), 
pp. xix, 64-103 (where the question whether there are Totem-Clans in the 
OT. is discussed with discrimination). i 

P. 79. The Bo<rop" of i Mace. 5^**, as Professor G. A. Smith points '• 
out, must have been considerably to the N. of Moab, and cannot therefore i 
be the same place as the Moabite Bezer. 

P. 79, 1. 1 1 . On the claims of es-Salt to represent the ancient Ramoth 
of Gile'ad, my friend, the Rev. G. A. Cooke, Fellow of Magdalen College, 
Oxford, who visited the site in 1894, writes: "A survey of the references j 
to Ramoth in the OT. , shows that it must have been a place of adminis- i 
trative and strategic importance with respect to Bashan on the one hand \ 
(i K. 4^^), and Syria and N. Israel on the other (i K. 22^^-), accessible from \ 
Samaria and Jezreel bj' road (i K. 22'''' 2 K. 8"^'* 9^^) ; it must have lain 1 
consequently N., and indeed considerably N., of the Jabbok : its environs, 1 
also, were convenient for chariot warfare (i K. 22^^'''-). It is difficult under j 
these circumstances to understand how it can have been identified with | 
es-Salt, the physical features of which present none of the conditions which ^ 
the Biblical passages require for Ramoth. Any one who has visited 
es-Salt must have been convinced of the impossibility of approaching it j 
with chariots. The town hangs on the steep sides of a narrow gorge, 
entirely shut in on the N., and opening out on a narrow flat of garden-land 
at the other end ; and even this open extremity of the ravine is blocked by 
a high ridge at right angles to the town, closing up the only outlet. The 
descent into the town, and the streets on the two sides of the ravine, are 
so steep that a rider is almost compelled to dismount and lead his horse. 
Es-Salt is, moreover, far too South, — only 18 miles N. of the Dead Sea, 
and 12 miles South of the Jabbok : it is quite off" the road to Bashan, while , 
there is no line of natural highway between it and Samaria or Jezreel. 
El-jal'ud, Dillmann's site, is hardly more suitable : it is still S. of the 
Jabbok. Merrill, East of Jordan, p. 284 ff"., proposes Jerash, about 22 
miles NW. of es-Salt, in nearly the same parallel of latitude as Samaria ; 
and it is true that the rolling plateau on which Jerash stands would be ' 
suitable enough for chariots, and in Graeco-Roman times, at any rate, | 
there must have been easy communication between Jerash ;Gerasa) and ; 
W. Palestine." This suggestion must be admitted to be a plausible one : j 
though Mr. Cooke himself (with G. A. Smith, Geogr. p. 587) would prefer a ] 
site still further North, and nearer to Edre'i (Der'at), whence access would 
be easy to either Jezreel or Samaria, up the broad valley now called the ; 


Wady Jal'ad, leading up from the Jordan to Jezreel (ib. p. 384 f.), Der'at is 
about 25 m. NNE. of Jerash, and 30 m. ESE. of the Lake of Gennesarcth. 

P. 102, footnote. Add Jer. 8^ 16" 31"'' 44*. On the difficult verse Jud. 
1'", see Moore, ad loc, in 1" the suffix (though the pi. would be far more 
natural) might perhaps be taken as referring to p, as in 7* to Dy.i, and in 
20^ to the collective j'D'n p'K of v.*^ (where notice vSy, and the sing, verbs). 

P. 103, 1. 5. Wine, here (7"), and 11" 12" 14® 18* 28«> 33* should 
have been ne-w -wine, or must. PiTn is distinguished from p', and ought 
to be represented by a different word. It is the freshly expressed juice of 
the grape (cf. Pr. 3^" Joel 2^), capable, as Hos. 4" shows, of "taking 
away the understanding," and therefore fermented, but probably with 
the fermentation arrested at an earlier stage than was the case with 
"wine" (f") properly so called (comp. Smith's Z>/r/. of Classical An- 
tiqxiities, s.v. ViNUM, towards the beginning, where it is shown that the 
ancients in making the best wines allowed the fermentation of the grape- 
juice to run its full course of nine days, but that sweet wines were often 
manufactured by its being arrested after two or three days). See more 
fully, on Tirosh, H. A. Wilson, The Wines of the Bible, 1877, p. 301 ff. 

In lines 9-10 of the same page, "if not absolutely" is hardly correct ; 
and can is a lapsus calami for on^. pn is not the raw produce of the 
fields, but corn which has been threshed out (Nu. 18^) ; and nnx*, 
analogously to vn'n, is the freshly expressed juice of the olive. The last- 
named word (7« 11" 12^^ 1423 iS'* 28"), for distinction from pr (S^ 28*» 32" 
33-*), would have been better rendered/r^^A oil; cf. the denom. n'rjjr "make 
fresh oil " in Job 24". 

P. 103, on 7^'. The reference is probably, in particular, to epidemics 
such as the plague, which, starting from the NE. comer of the Delta, 
were apt to pass up the avenues of trade, through Philistia and the Mari- 
time Plaiq, into Israel (cf. G. A. Smith, Geogr. pp. 157-160). 

P. 129, 1. 6 from bottom. The last-named explanation is probably the 
correct one. For purposes of irrigation, each plot of land is divided into 
small squares by ridges of earth a few inches in height ; and the water, 
after it has been raised from the Nile by the Shadt'if or the Sakieh, is 
conducted into these squares by means of small trenches. The cultivator 
uses his feet to regulate the flow of water to each part, by a dexterous 
movement of the toes raising or breaking down small embankments in 
the trenches, and opening or closing apertures in the ridges (Manning, 
The Land of the Pharaohs, 1887, p. 31). 

P. 133 f. Moses being represented as speaking in the plains of 
Moab, just opposite to Gilgal, G. A. Smith points out the great difficulty 
involved in the supposition that the words in front of Gilgal a.Te intended 
to define the position of mountains so far distant as 'Ebal and Gerizim, 
and adopts the punctuation and rendering of Colenso, as given on p. 134. 

P. \2f) footnote. In the Aram, of Dan. 4' pjn is also used fig. of 
Nebuchadrezzar {^flourishing). The verb JJVt occurs Job 15** (of the 

P. 140, xii. 3 : Gratz {Emendd. in plerosque V. T. libros, Fasc. iii. 1894, 
p. 10) may be right in supposing that the verbs pB"urn and pjnin have 
accidentally changed places ; cf. <& and 7'- '■*. 


P. 142, 1. 2 from bottom : comp. also the c"3>n j;"!^ of Neh. 10^ 13** t. 

P. 161. About the Cape, an allied species of the Hyrax (the Hyrax 
Capensis) is called the rock-rabbit, which would be as convenient an 
English name for the shaphiin as could readily be found. 

P. 162, phil. note on v. 15, 1. 5 : it's Ps. 68*^ was accidentalh' over- ' 
looked. After "besides," in 1. 4, "except with nouns formed from n"^ \ 
verbs, as inFj-c," should have been added. ] 

P. 163, 1. 7-8: add {after reptiles), "and small quadrupeds, as the j 
weasel and the mouse (Lev. n^)." I 

P. 180, XY. 9 : '?J"'?3 "C'n ->;2.zh cy .T.T js should perhaps be read (of. Gratz). 

P. 181, 1. 2. So in S (cf. also (5) of Sir. 14310 i8i5 31" 3728; and, con- ! 
verseh', w'x'Cngood, 31"^ 35^'^''- 

P. 196, xyi. 10: for the strange ncc, Gratz suggests nro (better, per- 
haps, nn?? ; notice the preceding 3) ; cf. v.", and Ez. 46'- ^^ (it nno rrnjo). 
Tribute (AV., RV.) comes from a very improbable etymological connexion 
with D? tasi-it<ork (20^^). ' 

P. 206, 1. :- of note on V. 5: add " Dt. 21^2 2221-2^ i K. ai^oi^ Hos. 9"." | 

P. 232, xix. 5: on hc2, see on 7^ (phil. n.) ; and Levy, NHWB. iii. 451 j 
(used in post-Bibl. Heb. of the falling off of limbs). Gratz, however, 1 
suggests ^23 (G iKireffov : cf. 2 K. 6'*). 

P. 234 f., on 19H A high importance was attached in ancient Baby- j 
Ionia also to the landmark ; and many of the stone pillars which once 1 
served as landmarks still exist, inscribed with terrible imprecations ; 
directed against anj' who should disturb them : see Maspero, Dawn of i 
Civilization, p. 762 f., with the references, where also there is a repre- 
sentation of the so-called " Michaux stone," now in the Bibliotheqiie 1 
Nationale at Paris ; the inscription on this is translated in Trumbull, | 
The Threshold Covenant, 1896, pp. 167-9. ' 

P. 255, note*. See also Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant, p. 245 ff. 

P. 269, xxiiL 25 : is -yar a gloss on "irsjD ? | 

P. 276, xxiv. 14 : irp' for T3r GSi' Gratz (cf. Mai. 3*) ; and om. -i-iK- j 
45S Gratz (cf. then 5" 31^). j 

P. 297, on 27". The combination D'D^ ni'np (not D'nan m^p) agrees ] 
with the usage of E, Ex. 20-^ 2)^^, cf. 24^ (Budde, ZATW. 1891, p. 228). | 

P. 310, phil. note on v. 27, 1. 5: It is true the Syr. in? means tenestno \ 
laboravit, and Nima and Kin? mean dysentery ; on the other hand, K"prBp in 
the Pesh. of i S. 6-7 is used of concrete, material objects ; so that cmne ] 
will probably have denoted rather dysenteric tumours. 1 

P. 326, xxix. 19 (20) : Gratz also adopts npa-n for nsani. I 

P. 329, phil. note on xxx. 3 : It should have been explained that rwi^ I 
(Pr. 4^t) from rh is irregular ; and that even rec"; (from en) is a form only 1 
once found from a verb I'j,', in a passage (Ez. 2>^) where the text is (upon 
other grounds) doubtful, while both these forms are common from verbs i 
.n'"? (ffi'?3, r«D3, &c. ). Preuschen, in a long study on the expression {ZA TW. I 
1895, p. I ff.), returns to the old explanation of it, pointing in ^rticular to ' 
the support which this derives from Jer. 48*'-, comp. with Nu. 21^: the < 
more general, metaphorical sense, he finds beginning in Lam. 2" Ps. %^^ \ 
126*, and completed in Job 42'°. { 

P. 3307^^Mo/f. .Add Ez. 1 1^"". 




P. 346 f. G. A. Smith supports Dillm.'s date for the Song- in c. 32, 
observing, among other things, that, if it had been a work of the 
Chaldsean age, some allusion to exile might naturally have been expected 
among the threatened judgments. 

P- 356, 1. 6. So also Oort (in a review of the present work), Th. 
Tijdschr. 1896, p. 300. 

P. 389. On Dt. 33, see also A. van der Flier, Deuterotiomium 33. Een 
exegetisch-historische studie (Leiden, 1895) ; and C. J. Ball in the Proceed- 
ings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., April, 1896, p. ii8ff. 

P. 39S, on 33*. (Er has here Aire Aeuei SriKoiis avrov, koX dXi^^eta;' aiToD 
TV avSpl rifi 6ffl(p, which points to the reading — 

yen iS'? |n 
^non vh'? ynni 

which much improves the poetical symmetry of the verse (corap. the 
Abb^ Loisy in the Bulletin Critique, 1896, No. 15, p. 284 ; Ball, p. 123 f.). 

P. 404, on 33^='. Boklen {Stud. u. Krit. 1894, p. 365 f.) and Oort {I.e. 
p. 298 ff.) argue that the reference here is to the great North-Israelitish 
sanctuary of Bethel (Am. ^lo-is &c.), which also, as it happens, lay on the 
'• shoulder " of a hiU (Jos. iS^). 

P. 404 f., on 33^'^*. Lagarde {Agathangelus, 1887, p. 156, cf. p. 162 f.) 
prints this passage, and Gen. 49®'*, line by line, in parallel columns. The 
comparison is instructive ; it shows that the text of Dt., though not frea 
from corruption, is more correct than that of Gen, nJO, it may be noticed, 
takes in Dt. the place of n3"i3 in Gen. 

P. 409, on 33^. ':12B' must at least be either an error of transcription 
for 'rsii, or an anomalous variation for it (cf. pn'tff by the side of pns:, and 
^nc" 4 times for pns'). (5 /cai e/nropia vapdXiop KaroiKoivTwv appears (Ball, 
p. 130) to have read '"pn 'jjir 'jidoi (see Gen. 49^^, where Za)3oi;X(l>v irapdXun 
KaroiKTiffet stands for JOS'' D'D' ^mh I^i3i). 

P. 411, on 33"^ The difficulties of clauses •*' ' of this verse — especi- 
ally of clause ^ — where reserved is a most questionable paraphrase, since 
JIBO everywhere else means panelled (i K. 7^-' Jer. 22" Hag. i*; cf. i K. 
€"• '') — are removed — if the means adopted are not thought too violent — 
by an ingenious suggestion of Giesebrecht's {ZATW. 1887, p. 292 f.). 
<& for KH'i pED has (rwtjy/ji^vuv a/M, whence Giesebrecht infers that the letters 
have been transposed through some accident from pscKni : the words 
cv 'CKT jiEDKHi, as they connect indifferently with what precedes, he then 
supposes to have been originally a gloss, intended as an allusion to the 
incidents recorded in Nu. 32, and formulated on the basis of the phrase 
in v.* cy 'fkt fjoxrina. 

P. 416, on 33". For nJVD Lagarde (/.c. p. 163) proposes nhyoha; Ball, 
^K?, which is poetically preferable. Either of these words would form 
a good antithesis to nnns in the following clause (cf. Ex. 20*). 

P. 422. On the palm-groves of Jericho, see also the numerous quota- 
tions, principally from the classical writers, given by Schiirer, .Vsg* 
i. 311-313. At present they have all but disappeared; Robinson {I.e.) 
saw in 1838 but one, which in 1888 had become a stump {ZDPV. xi. 98). 


Benzinger . . Benzinger, J., Hebr. Archdologie, 1894. 

An eminently readable, ably-written survey of the 
antiquities of the Old Testament. 

BR. , . . Robinson, Edw., Biblical Researches in Palestine, 
&c., ed. 2 (London, 1856). 

CIS. . . . Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 ff. 

Dav. . . . A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax (Edin. 1894). 

An excellent work, which may be warmly com- 
mended to English Hebraists. It only reached me 
in time to be referred to on c 29 fF. 

DB. or DB.^ . A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by W. Smith, ed. 1 
(1863); or ed. 2 (Aaron-Juttah), 1893. 

Dr. . . . Driver, S. R. , ^4 Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in 
Hebrew (ed. 3, Oxford, 1892). 

Dillm. (or Di.) . DiUmann, Aug., JVumeri, Deuteronomiumundfosua,\n 
the Kitrzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zum. AT., 
1886 (re-written, on the basis of Knobel's Com- 
mentary [Knob, or Kn.] in the same series, 1861). 

Ew. . , . Ewald, H., Lehrbuch der Hebr. Sprache, ed. 7, 1863; 
ed. 8, 1870. 

The Syntax has been translated by J. Kennedy, 
Edin. 1881. 

G.-K. . . . Wilhelm Gesenius' Hebraische GrammcUik, vollig 
umgearbcitet von Ed. Kautzsch, ed. 25, 1889. 

The best grammar for ordinary purposes, the 
present edition being greatly improved, especially 
in the syntax. An English translation will, it is 
hoped, appear before long. 
^WB. or HWB.'- Hand-worterbuch des Bibl. Altertums, ed. by Edw. 

Riehm, ed. i, 1884; or ed. 2, 1893-1894. 
lolzinger . . Holz'mger, H., Einleitung- in den Hexateuch, iS^^. 

A comprehensive discussion of the problems pre- 
sented by the Hexateuch, with a survey of the prin- 
cipal solutions that have been offered of them. The 
tabular synopses of the literary usages of the various 
sources are the most complete, and critical, that 
have been hitherto constructed. 

XXV r 


JBLit. . 
JPh. . 


Kuen. . 

NHB. . 

Oettli . 

Ols. , 
OTJC, or 


Journal of Biblical Literature (Mass. U.S.A.). 
Journal of Philology (Cambridge and London). 
Kleinert, P., Das Deuteronomiutn und der DeuteronO' 

miker, 1872. 
Konig-, F. E., Historisch-kritisches Lehrgebdude der 
Hebr. Sprache, vol. i. 1881 ; vol. ii. part i, 1895. 

Remarkably comprehensive and complete. The 
special value of the work consists in the careful dis- 
cussion of all difficult or anomalous forms, and the 
copious references to other authorities, both ancient 
and modern. Vol. i. comprises the "Lautlehre," 
and the " Formenlehre " of verbs ; vol. ii. i deals 
principally with the " Formenlehre" of nouns ; and 
contains, both on that and on other subjects {e.g. 
p. 207 ff., the order of numerals, classified and 
tabulated ; p. 234 ff., the usage of ad vs., preps., and 
interjections), an abundance of useful and interest- 
ing information. 
Kuenen, A., The Hexateuch (Engl, trans, of the 
corresponding part of the author's Htst.-crit. inquiry 
into the origin of the Books of the OT.), 1886. 
A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the OT., based on 
the Lexicon and Thesaurus of Gesenius, by F. 
Brown, C. A. Briggs, and S. R. Driver, Oxford, 
1 891 ff. (parts 1-4, reaching as far as ann, at present 
[April 1895] published). 
An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 

by S. R. Driver (Edin. 1891 ; ed. 5, 1894). 
Natural History of the Bible, by H. B. Tristram, 

ed. 2, London, 1868. 
Nowack, W., Lehrbuch der Hebr. Archaologie, 1894. 
A manual, similar to that of Benzinger, noted 
above, but larger, and offering more explanation 
and discussion of the subjects dealt with. Both 
these works are valuable aids to the study of the 
OT. ; and from the time when they reached me, I 
have referred to them frequently. 
Oettli, S., Das Deuteronominm u. die Bb. Josita u. 
Jiichter (in Strack and Zockler's " Kurzgefasster 
Kommentar "), 1893. 

Less elaborate and complete than the Commentary 
of Dillmann, but sensible, moderate, and critical. 
Olshausen, Justus, Lehrbuch der Heb. Sprache, i. 

1861. (No syntax.) A masterly work. 
The Old Testament in the Je-wish Church, by W. 

Robertson Smith, ed. i, 1881 ; ed. 2, 1892. 
Gesch. des Jiid. Volkes ivi Zeitalter Jesu Christi, by 
Emil Schurer, 1886, 1890 (ed. 2 of the Lehrbuch der 
Neutest. Zeitgeschichte). 


PEF. . 
PRE.'^ . 

5. & P. 


Samuel, Notes on 
(or "on Sam.") 

Stade . 

ThT. . 
Valeton, Studien 

Wellh. Cotnp. 

Palestine Exploration Fund. 

Quarterly Statement of do. 

Herzog's Real - EncykJopddie fur Protest an tisch* 
Theologie und Kirche, ed. 2, 1877- 1888. 

Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus. 

Sinai and Palestine in connection Toiih their History^ 
by A. P. Stanley, ed. 1864. 

Schultz, F. W., Das Detiteronomium erkldrt, 1859. 

A'otes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, 
■with an Introduction on Hebrew Palceography and 
the Ancient Versions, and Facsimiles of Inscriptions, 
by S. R. Driver (Oxford, 1890). 

Stade, Bemhard, Lehrbuch der Hebr. Grammatik, u 
1879. (No syntax.) Very convenient and useful. 

Theologisch Tijdschrift (Leiden). 

Valeton, J. J. P., six articles on the contents and 
structure of Dt., in the Studien, published in con- 
nexion with the Theol. Ti/dschrift (Leiden), v. (1879), 
parts 2, 3-4; vi. (1880), parts 2-3, 4; vii. (i88i), 
parts I, 3. 

Wellhausen, J., Die Composition des Hexateuchs und 
der historischen Biicher des AT.s, 1889. 

A reprint of the important articles on the com- 
position of the Hexateuch, published by the author 
to the Jahrb. fiir De7ttsche Theologie, 1876, p. 392 ff., 
p. 531 flF., 1877, p. 407 flF. ; and of the matter con- 
tributed by him to the 4th edition of Bleek's Ein- 
leitung in das AT. (1878), on the composition of 
Jud. Sam. and Kings. 

Westphal, Al., Les Sources du Pentateuque, Etude de 
critique et d'histoire. i. (1888) Le probleme litt^raire ; 
ii. (1892) Le probleme historique. 

k Extremely well-written, the author often rising 

to real eloquence. Vol. i. contains an historical 
[ account of the rise and progress of the critical 

I study of the Hexateuch ; vol. ii. a comparative 

; study, literary and historical, of the documents of 

which the Hexateuch is composed. 
'ATW. , . Zi'itschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaff, ed. 
by B. Stade. 
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- 

Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina- Vereins. 
Zeitschrift fiir Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirch- 
liches Leben. 
MT. = Massoretic text. 

(E=the Greek Version of the OT. (the LXX) ; l,= Lucian's recension of 
the LXX; © = Onkelos; S=the Syriac Version (Peshitto); Z= 
Targum ;30'= Vulgate. 







AV. = Authorized Version ; RV. =. Revised Version. 

D = the Deuteronomist ; D-^ Deuteronomic sections of Joshua, or some- 
times (as p. Ixxvif.) secondary parts of Deuteronomy; "Deut,," 
attached to citations from Jud. or Kings, indicates that the passages 
referred to arc the work of the Deuteronomic compilers of the books 
in question (see p. xci f. ). 

The signs JE, H, and P — denoting the other Pentateuchal sources — are 
explained in the Introduction, p. iiif. 

Biblical passages are quoted according to the Hebrew enumeration of 
chapters and verses : where this differs in the English (as in Dt. 1 3. 
23. 29), the reference to the latter has been (usually) appended in a 
parenthesis ; as Dt. 23^^ (^^) ; 28«9 (29I) ; i Ch. 6«3(8«) ; Joel 4(3)'. 

The sign f, following a series of references, indicates that all examples of 
the word or form in question, occurring in the OT., have been quoted. 


§ I . Introductory. Outline of Contents. 

Deuteronomy, the name of the fifth book of the Pentateuch, 
is derived from to Acin-cpovo/iiov touto, the (ungframmatical) 
LXX. rendering of HN^n minn naKSp in 17I8.* Although, how- 
ever, based upon a grammatical error, the name is not an 
inappropriate one ; for Deuteronomy (see 28^^ [AV. 29^]) does 
embody the terms of a second legislative "covenant," and 
includes (by the side of much fresh matter) a repetition of a 
large part of the laws contained in what is sometimes called 
the " First Legislation" of Exodus. t The period covered by 
it is the last month of the wanderings of the Israelites (cf. i^ 
348). The book consists chiefly of three discourses, purporting 
to have been delivered by Moses in the "Steppes" (34^) of 
Moab, setting forth the laws which the Israelites are to obey, 
and the spirit in which they are to obey them, when they are 
settled in the land of promise. More particularly the contents 
of the Book may be exhibited as follows : — 

i^"' Introduction, specifying the place and time at which the following 
discourses were delivered. 

i«_^« Moses' j^rs/, or introductory, discourse, comprising (a) a historical 
retrospect, reviewing the principal incidents of the Israelites' journey from 
Horeb, and exemplifying the providence which had brought them through 
the desert, and past the territory of envious or hostile neighbours to the 

* The Heb. words can only mean "a repetition (i.e. copy) of this 
law," not " this repetition of the law" (which would require njn for niiin, 
besides being inconsistent with the meaning of njBTs). The same mis- 
rendering of mcD recurs Jos. 9* LXX. (=Heb. 8'^). By the Jews the 
book is called, from its opening words, onain hSk, or, more briefly, mai 

t Ex. 2022-2333. See p. iii ; W. R. Smith, OTJC.^ pp. 318, 340 fF. 


border of the Promised Land (1^-3®); and (5) the practical conclusion of ^ 
the preceding retrospect, viz. an appeal to the nation, reminding it of its j 
obligations to its Benefactor, and urging it not to forget the great truths ! 
of the spirituality and sole Godhead of Jehovah, impressed upon it at 
Horeb (4I-*'). ! 

^41-43 Account of the appointment by Moses of three Cities of refuge in ! 
the trans-Jordanic territory. 

^44-49 Superscription to Moses' second discourse, containing the Exposi- \ 
tion of the Law (c. 5-26. 28). | 

C. 5-26. 28 The Exposition of the Law, the central and principal part ' 
of the book, falling naturally into two parts : (a) c. 5-1 1, consisting of a 
hortatory introduction, developing the first commandment of the Deca- 1 
log^e, and inculcating the general theocratic principles by which Israel, J 
as a nation, is to be governed ; {b) c. 12-26. 28, comprising the code of 
special laws, which it is the object of the legislator to "expound" (i''), 
and encourage Israel to obey. 

C. 28, connected closely with 26^', and declaring impressively the bless- 
ings and curses which Israel may expect to follow, according as it observes, 1 
or neglects, the Deuteronomic law, forms the peroration of the central 
discourse (c. 5-26). 1 

C. 27 Instructions (interrupting the discourse of Moses, and narrated 
in the 3rd person) relative to a symbolical acceptance by the nation of the j! 
Deuteronomic Code, after its entrance into Canaan. j 

29^ (2)-30^ Moses' third discourse, of the nature of a supplement, insisting 
afresh upon the fundamental duty of loyalty to Jehovah, and embracing (i) ' 
an appeal to Israel to accept the terms of the Deuteronomic covenant, with \ 
a renewed warning of the disastrous consequences of a lapse into idolatry ■ 
^2gi-28 (2-29)^ . (2) a promisc of restoration, even after the abandonment ] 
threatened in c. 28, provided the nation then sincerely repents (30^'^") ; 
(3) the choice now set before Israel (30^'"^). \ 

31^"^ Moses' last words of encouragement to the people and Joshua. ' 

2j9-i3 Moses' delivery of the Deuteronomic law to the Levitical priests, ' 
with instructions for it to be read publicly every seven years. 

gjM-is. 2! Commission of Joshua by Jehovah. " 

2ji6-22. 24-30 ^2^-43. u fjjg Song of Moscs, with accompanying notices. 

22<5-'7 Moses' final commendation of the Deuteronomic law to Israel. ] 

32^-34^2 Conclusion of the whole book, containing the Blessing of i 
Moses (c. 33), and narrating the circumstances of his death. 

The legislation of Dt., properly so called, is thus included 

in c. 12-26, to which c. 5-1 1 form an introduction, and c. 28 j 

a conclusion. Even here, however, not less than in every , 

other part of his discourses, the author's aim is still essentially ^ 

parenetic't he does not merely collect, or repeat, a series of ' 

laws; he "expounds" them (i^), i.e. he develops them with { 

reference to the moral purposes which they subserve, and " 

the motives by which the Israelite should feel prompted to J 


obey them. In Dt. itself, the expression this lata frequently 
occurs, denoting either the Code of laws, of which it is the 
*' exposition " (i^, with the note), or (more usually) the exposi- 
tion itself (i5 48 (cf. v.'*^) 17I8.19 273.8.26 2858.61 2928(29) 
3i9. 11. 12. 24 32*«; cf. this hook of the law 2920(21) 30I0 3126; go 
Jos. 1^). That this expression refers to Dt., and not to the 
entire Pent., appears (i) from the wording- of i^ 48- ^^^ which 
points to a law on the point of being set forth ; (2) from the 
parallel expressions this commandment , these statutes, these 
judgments, which are often spoken of as inculcated to-day (7^2 
[see v.ii] 155 199 26^^ 30^^)' 

§ 2. Relation of Deuteronomy to the preceding Books of the 

In order to gain a right estimate of Deuteronomy, it is 
necessary to compare it carefully with the books of Genesis to 
Numbers, upon which, in its legislative and historical parts 
alike, it is largely based. In conducting this comparison, it 
must be borne in mind that these books are not homogeneous, 
but are composed of distinct documents, each marked by 
definite literary and other features, peculiar to itself. Of these 
documents, one bears a prophetical character, and, showing 
itself marks of being in turn composed of two sources, in one 
of which the name fehovah is preferred, while the other uses 
generally Elohim, is commonly denoted by the symbol JE ; the 
other bears a priestly character, and may be referred to 
accordingly by the letter P.* Each of these documents con- 
sists in part of laws, which fall into three groups or Codes, 
differing considerably from each other in character and scope. 
The first of these Codes is that contained in JE, viz. Ex. 
20-23, comprising the Decalogue (Ex. 20II"), and the laws in 
Ex. 2022-2333 — commonly known as the "Book of the 
Covenant" (see Ex. 24'^) — consisting chiefly of civil enact- 
ments, designed for the use of a community living under 
simple conditions of society, but partly also of rudimentary 

* See more fully the writer's Introduction to the Literature of the Old 
Testament (cited afterwards as L.O.T.), pp. 6-8, 11-12, 109 ff., iiSfE 



religious regulations (2022-26 22^7. 19 08.20). 28-30(29-31) 2310-19), to : 
which must be added the repetition of many of the latter • 
enactments in Ex. 34^°"2'^, and the kindred regulations (on the ■ 
Feast of Unleavened Cakes, and the Dedication of the First- i 
born) in Ex. 13^-16. The second Code consists of the laws i 
contained in P, and relating in particular to the sacrificial 
system, and other ceremonial institutions of the Hebrews ; ' 
theseoccupy the greater part of Ex. 25-31. 35-40. Lev. 1-16. 27. \ 
Nu. ii-io28. 15. 18-19. 25^^-36, now frequently termed, from ! 
the predominant character of its contents, the " Priests' | 
Code." The third Code, also now incorporated in P, but j 
once distinct from it, and marked by many special features of \ 
its own, is the group of laws — partly moral (c. 18. 19 (largely). 
20), partly ceremonial — contained in Lev. 17-26, often called i 
by modern scholars (from the principle which it strives mainly i 
to enforce) the "Law of Holiness," and denoted for brevity 
by the symbol H.* , 

It will be convenient to consider first the legislative parts 
of Dt. The following synopsis will show immediately which I 
of the laws in Dt, relate to subjects not dealt with in the other i 
Codes, and which are parallel to provisions there contained. | 




P (including H). 

Ex. 20''-" 


cf. 23^=^ 34^2- 15t- 

g6-i8 (21) The Decalog^ue 

i2^-28 (place of sacrifice) 

J 229-31 ^not to imitate Canaanite 

Lev. 17I-9* 
Nu. 33« 

C£ 22"(») 

c 13 (cases of seduction 


2319b 3426b 

14I-2 (disfigurement in mourning-) 
143-20 (clean and unclean animals) 
I42i» (food improperly killed) 
14-^'' (kid in mother's milk) 
1422-29 (tithes) 

Lev. 19^** 

.. 11 2-23 20= 

„ i7«ii« 

n 27*>-» Nu. 


15^"" (year of Release) 

-. 25^-'* 

• L.O.T. pp. 43-55, 141-144, 



Ex. 2l2-"» 

2229(30) 13I234I9 

2314-17 2^18. 20 enti. 


22" W 20^23" 34" 

2217(18) (sorceress 


cf. 2ii»-" 


jgi2-i8 (Hebrew slaves) 

15^9"^ (firstlings of ox and sheep : 

cf. I2«-17-I8i423) 

1 61'^^ (the three annual Pilgrim- 

16^^ (appointment of judges) 

j519-2o (just judgment) 

1621.22 (Ash^rahs and "pillars" 

17^ (sacrifices to be without 
blemish : cf. 15^^) 

iy2-7 (worship of " other gods," 
or of the host of heaven) 

jy8-i3 (supreme tribunal) 

iyi4-20 (law of the king) 

18^"^ (rights and revenues of the 
tribe of Levi) 

1 89-22 (law of the prophet) 

igioa (Molech-worship : cf, 12*^) 

igiob-u (different kinds of divina- 
tion and magic) 

19I-13 (asylum for manslayer: 

19^* (the landmark) 

1915-21 (law of witness) 

c. 20 (military service and war : 
cf. 24«) 

2i^-9 (expiation of an untraced 

21 10-14 (treatment of female cap- 

21 13-17 (primogeniture) 

2 1 18-21 (undutiful son) 

21 22-23 (body of malefactor) 

22I"* (animals straying or fallen : 
lost property) 

22' (sexes not to interchange 

22*-' (bird's nest) 

23^ (battlement) 

229-11 (against non-natural mix- 

22^2 (law of "tassels") 

P (including H). 

Lev. 25*'*'* 

Nu. i8"'-* (cf. Ex. 
1 3"- Lev. 27* 
Nu. 3" 8'7) 

Lev. 23* Nu. 28- 


II 19" 
II 26' 

„ f^* Nu. 


11 !»•" 20^-° 

,1 iq26b. 31 2o''27 

Nu. 359-" Lev. 

Lev. 19^' 

cf. Lev. 2o9 

Lev. 19" 

Nu. 15=^-^ 





P (including H). 

22I3-21 (slander against a newly- 
married maiden) 

Ex. 20'^ 

2222-27 (adultery) 

Lev. 1 820 2010 


22^' (seduction) 

23^(22**) (incest with stepmother) 

II 188 20" 

222-9(1-8) (conditions of admittance 

into the theocratic com- 


2310-15(9-14) (cleanliness in the 

Nu. 5I-** 


22i6(i5)f. (humanity to escaped 


23I8 (i7)f. (against religious prosti- 



2320(19)4. (usury) 

Lev. 2535-3? 

2322-24(21-23) (vows) 

Nu. 30'' 

2325(34)!. (regard for neighbour's 


24^"* (divorce) 

2225 (26)t 

246- 10-13 (pledges) 


24^ (man-stealing) 

24^ (leprosy) 

Lev. 13-14 

2j^^- (wages of hired servant not 

II 19" 

to be detained) 

24!^ (the family of a criminal not 

to suffer with him) 

2230-23 («-«) 238 

24"*" G"stice towards stranger, 
widow, and orphan) 

II I93*'- 

24I9-22 (gleanings) 

II ig*"- 23^ 

2^-^ (moderation in infliction of 

the bastinado) 

25* (threshing ox not to be 


25^10 (levirate-marriage) 

25"'!- (modesty in women) 

25""^^ (just weights) 

11 ig"*- 


25"-i» ('Amalek !) 

Cf. 2228»(23») 23l9» 

26I"" (thanksgiving at the offer- 

cf. Nu. i8i"- 


ing of firstfruits) 

2612-15 (thanksgiving at the pay- 

ment of the triennial tithe) 


c 28 (peroration, presenting 
motives for the observance 
of the Code) 

Lev. 26='-« 




P (including H). 

Ex. 2o<-'»34" 

4I6-18.2S ^25 (against images) 

Lev. i9«'» 2& 


5"^ (philanthropic object of 

cf. 139- 1« 

6^ 11^8 (law of frontlets) 

20' 23I' 34** 

514 jji6 (against "other gods") 

u 19^ 


6^- (instruction to children) 

2^24a. 32f. -.12. 15f. 

^2-4. 16 (jjQ compact with Canaan- 

Nu. 33» 

2324b 3^13 

7®i2^(Canaanite altars, "pillars" 
&c. to be destroyed) 

•1 33°' 


f 142-21 2619 289 (Israel a "holy 

Lev. II*"- 192 2o^- 

people ") (in different con- 

« Nu. i5« 



10^9 (to love the "stranger") 

II 198* 

,2i6. 23 j^23 (blood not to bc eaten) 

.1 i7"-"i92«^cf, 
3I7 yJM. Gn. 


2318a 3425a 

1 6^ (leavened bread not to be 
eaten with Passover) 

Ex. 12^ 

13"" 23''' 34^* 

j53b.4a. 8 (unleavened cakes for 

II i2"-w-20 Lev. 

seven days afterwards) 


2318b 3428b 

16*^ (flesh of Passover not to 
remain till morning) 

1, 12WNU. 912 

i6"-"(feast of "booths"; "seven 

Lev. 23*^-29-'"-" 

days ") 

1^6 jg]5 ("two or three wit- 

Nu. 35«> 

nesses ") 


1921 {lex talionis) (but in a differ- 
ent application in each case) 

Lev. 2419*- 


27'"' (altars of unhewn stones) 

There are also in Ex. 20-23 ^.nd Lev. 17-26 prohibitions corresponding 
to most of the imprecations in 2']'^'^''^ ; see the Table, p. 299.* 

The passages should in all cases be examined individually ; 
for sometimes, especially in the case of those cited from P, the 
parallelism extends only to the subject-matter, the details 
being different, or even actually discrepant. The instances in 
which the divergence is most marked are indicated by an 
asterisk (*) ; for a discussion of the differences the reader is 
referred to the Commentary. 

* On the principle, so far as it is systematic, on which the laws in 
c. 12-26 are arranged, see p. 135 f. 




A detailed study of these parallels leads at once to an im- ' 

portant result : it makes it apparent, viz. that the legislation | 

of Dt. is differently related to each of the three other Codes. \ 

(i) The laws of JE/brw the foundation of the Deuteronomic | 

legislation. This is evident as well from the numerous verbal i 

coincidences,,'^ as from the fact, which is plain from the left- I 

hand column, that nearly the whole ground covered by Ex. 

2022-2333 is included in it, almost the only exception being the | 

special compensations to be paid for various injuries (Ex. 21^^- I 

22i6(i5)j^ which would be less necessary in a manual intended \ 

for the people.! In a few cases the entire law is repeated 

verbati?n,X or nearly so; § elsewhere only particular clauses: || < 

in other cases the older law is expanded, fresh definitions | 

being added, or its principle extended, or parenetic comments j 

attached, or the law is virtually recast in the Deuteronomic , 


Thus c. 13 and 17-"^ may be regarded as expansions, with reference to ' 
particular cases, of the law against idolatry in Ex. 22^^(*'); 15^"^ a new 
institution is attached to the fallow seventh year of Ex. 23^*'-; 15^"-'^* (the | 
law of slavery) is based upon Ex. 21-"^, but with considerable modifications, 
and with parenetic additions (v.i3-i5. isj . j^is-ss (firstlings) specializes, and 
at the same time modifies, Ex. 13^"* 22^ W 34^^ ; 16^"'^ (the three Pilgrim- 
ages) expands Ex. 23^'*"^^ ^ _ ^^.is. 20b. 22-25^^ {jy ^j,g addition of regulations , 
partly new, partly derived from Ex. 13^" ^ and of parenetic comments; 
i6^^- (just judgment) partly repeats, partly expands, Ex. 23®* ^ ; iS^"*" \ 
(against divination and sorcery) extends the principle of Ex. 22^^ f^ ! 
(sorceress alone) to analogous cases ; 19^"^* (asylum for manslaughter ; | 
and murder) is a new and extended application of the principles laid down • 

* Specimens may be seen transcribed in the notes on 15^ ^*"^'' i6^~*" ^ '*'• 

13. 15. 16 22^~*. '■■ 

t The other exceptions are Ex. 20*'- 22» W- «» (»)>». 

% " Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother's milk" (i4*"»=Ex. 23^''= 
Ex. 3426t). 

§ 7^ But thus shall ye do to them : Ex. 34^ But 

their altars ye shall ptdl down, and their altars ye shall pull do-wn, and I 
their obelisks ye shall break in pieces, their obelisks ye shall break in pieces, 
and their Ash&rahs ye shall hew and their Ashdrahs ye shall cut j 
down, and their graven images ye down, 
shall bum with fire (cf. 12'). 

See also i6^-8-i6-J9 25'9'> (pp. ix, 192, i^, 198, 288). j 

II E.g. 6*("forasign upon thine hand, and . . . for frontlets between thine 
eyes ") ; 7^* (" thou shalt not make a covenant with them " : see Ex. 23*2) ; 1 
also 1512- 16-17 163.10 22I-* (pp. iSi f., 192, 196, 249). 


in Ex. 21^^""; ig^*"'^' (the law of witness) of those of Ex. 23* 21**; 22'"' 
while agreeing- substantially with Ex. 23* (a lost ox or ass to be restored 
to its owner), extends in v.'^- ^^ the principle of the older law to cases of 
other lost property ; 22^'^ (seduction) defines with greater precision (v.***-) 
the law of Ex. 22'''- ('"•', and adds provisions {v.^-"") for two other cases of 
the same crime ; 23^* (interest) accentuates, and impresses with a new 
motive, Ex. 22^" P*', as 24** ^°'^^ (pledges) does similarly for Ex. 22*'* f"'*) ; 
the general regard for the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, incul- 
cated in Ex. 22^-^(-^"'^), determines in Dt. the form of an entire series of 
philanthropic regulations (i6"- " 2^'^'^- ^»- ^- -^ 2612- is zf^ ; cf. lo^^). 

The style of the Book of the Covenant is concise, the laws being usually 
formulated in as few words as possible, and parenetic additions being 
rare (222o»'-22-23b.26b(!ab.23-24b.27b) 238). In Dt., on the other hand, even 
where the substance is the same, the law is usually expanded ; and the 
parenetic element is considerable. 

The following parallels will illustrate the manner in which a thought, 
or command, expressed briefly in Ex., is expanded hi Dt. : — 

7" Blessed shalt thou be above all 
peoples : there shalt not be in thee Ex. 23^ There shall not be a 
male or female barren., or in thy female casting her young, or barren, 
cattle. ^^ And Jehovah will remove in thy land. Ex. 15^ If thou 
from thee all sickness ; and none of hearkenest &c. . . ., none of the 
the evil diseases of Egypt, which sicknesses, which I have laid upon 
thou knowest, toill he lay upon thee, the Egyptians, will I lay upon thee. 
but he will put them upon all them 

that hate thee. i« And thou shalt Ex. 23" They shall 

devour all the peoples which Jehovah not dwell in thy land, lest they make 
thy God is giving to thee ; thine thee sin against me ; 
eye shall not pity them ; neither for thou 

shalt thou serve their gods, for that wilt (then) serve their gods, for it 
(will be) a snare to thee. will be a snare to thee. 

16*' Thou shalt not wrest Judg- Ex. 23® Thou shall not wrest the 
ment : thou shalt not acknowledge judgment of thy poor in his cause, 
persons : thou shalt not take a bribe ; ^ And a bribe thou shalt not take ; 
for a bribe blindeth the eyes of the for a bribe blindeth the open-eyed, 
wise, and subverteth the cause of the and subverteth the cause of the Just. 
Just. "^ Justice, justice shalt thou 
pursue ; that thou mayest live, and 
inherit the land which Jehovah thy 
God is giving thee. 

In these additions, the strongly-marked Deuteronomic style (§ 5) is 
nearly always observable (on iG^^ cf. also p. xxxiii, note). 

In some cases the law of Ex. is so modified in Dt. as to 
necessitate the conclusion (p. xxxviii) that in its Deuteronomic 
form it springs from a considerably later, and more developed, 
state of society; but these modifications do not affect the 


truth of the general position that the legislation of Dt. is 
essentially d/JTJC^/ upon that of JE in Exodus. Dt. 5-1 1 is a 
parenetic expansion of the First Commandment of the 
Decalogue ; Dt. 12-26 is an enlarged edition of the "Book of 
the Covenant" (Ex. 20^^23^), and the kindred laws in Ex. 
j^3-i6 3410-26^ characterized by a considerable increase in the 
parenetic element, and containing many new civil and social 
enactments, designed (like the modifications just noted) to 
provide for cases likely to arise in a more complex and highly- 
organized community than is contemplated in the legislation 
of JE in Exodus. 

(2) In the right-hand column, the great majority of 
parallels are with the "Law of Holiness."* If the cases are 
examined individually, it will be found that they are less 
systematic and complete than those with JE, and that in 
particular, even where the substance is similar, the expression 
is nearly always different, and is decidedly less marked than 
in the case of the parallels with JE (where the nucleus of the 
law, however much expanded in Dt., is often to be found 
verbatim in Exodus). 

The following are specimens : the resemblances, it \snll be observed, 
never extend bej-ond one or two common terms, which so belong- to the 
subject-matter of the law, that their occurrence in both could hardly be 
avoided : — 

Dt. 14^ Sons are ye to Jehovah Lev. 19^ And lacerations for a 

your God : ye shall not cut your- (dead) soul ye shall not make in 

selves, nor put baldness between jour flesh ; neither shall ye make 

your eyes, for the dead. tattooing^ in you : I am Jehovah. 

i(P Thou shalt not wrest Judg- 19^' Ye shall not do unrighteous- 

metUi thou shalt not acknowledge ness in judgment; thou shalt not 

(van) persons : thou shalt not take a accept (t«rn) the person of the poor, 

bribe ; for a bribe blindeth the eyes nor honour the person of the g^eat : 
of the wise, and subverteth the 
cause of the just [see Ex. 23']. 

^Justice, justice shalt thou pursue ; mjttstice shalt thou judge thy fellow- 

that thou mayest live, and inherit kinsman ("jn'o;?). 
the land which Jehovah thy God is 

giving thee. * 

24'' When thou reapest thine har- 19^ And when ye reap the harvest 

vest in the field, and forgfettest a of j-our land, thou shalt not wholly 

* \S*hich includes, not only the greater part of Lev. 17-26, but also, 
probably, Lev. ii»-«» Nu. is^^-" 33'«-»'- {L.O.T. p. 54). 


sheaf in the field, thou sbalt not reap the comer of ihy field ; neither 
return to take it : it shall be for the shalt thou pick up the pickings of 
stranger, for the fatherless, and for thine harvest (BjjSn n^ irxp BpSi). 
the widow ; that Jehovah thy God 
may bless thee in all the work of 
thy hands. " When thou beatest 
thine olive-tree, thou shalt not do the 
boughs (again) after thee : it shall 
be for the stranger, for the father- 
less, and for the widow. ^ When 

thou gatherest thy vineyard, thou w And thy vineyard thou shalt not 
shalt not glean (V^jm) it aft«r thee : glean (VViyn) ; neither shalt thou pick 
it shall be fiir the stranger, for the up the fallings of thy vineyard (tran 
fatherless, and for the widow. opVn kV tdto) ; thou shalt leave them 
22 And thou shalt remember that for the poor, and y&r /A4? i/ra»^r : 
thou wast a bondman in the land of i am Jehovah thy God. 
Egypt [5*^ 15" 16^* 24"]; therefore 
I command thee to do this thing 
[v."; cf. 15"]. 

See also Dt. 22*"" and Lev. x^, transcribed on p. 252. 

It follows that the legislation of Dt. cannot be said to be 
based upon this Code, or connected with it organically, as it 
is with the code of JE: the laws of Dt. and H are frequently 
parallel in substance, they must therefore be derived ultimately 
from some common source, but they are formulated without 
reference to each other. There is only one exception to what 
has been stated, viz. the law of clean and unclean animals in 
Dt. 143-20^ which presents undoubtedly, in the main (see 
pp. 157-159), a remarkable verbal parallel with Lev. ii*-** 
(if this be referred rightly to H, rather than to P) : the section, 
it is plain, must have been derived directly either from H, or 
from an older collection of priestly 7or<7/A(pp. 208, 275, 401 f.), 
the immediate source (in this case) of both H and Dt. 

(3) With the other parts of Ex.-Nu., the " Priests' Code" 
properly so called, the parallelism of Dt. is both much less 
frequent, and (where it is present) much less complete, even 
than with the "Law of Holiness." There are no verbal 
parallels between Dt. and P ; much that is of central signifi- 
cance in the system of P is ignored in Dt., while in the laws 
which touch common ground, great, and indeed irreconcilable, 
discrepancies often display themselves : hence the legislation 


of P cannot be considered in any degree to have been one of 
the sources employed by the author of Dt. 

Several of the institutions, or observances, codified in P 
are, it is true, mentioned in Dt. ; but the allusions are of a 
kind resembling" those in JE and other early Heb. writers : * 
they seldom, if ever, presuppose the distinctive regulations of 
P, or, in the light of tJie silence., or contradiction., observable in 
other cases, are such as to establish the writer's use of P, as 
we now have it. The following' are the instances which 
should be noted : — 

Aaron, the founder of a hereditary priesthood (lo®) ; burnt- and peace- 
oflFerings (i2^*"'i3. 14.27 jgs 276.7. go Ex. 20^ 24^ i S. 10^, and constantlj' in 
the early historical books), with a brief notice of the ritual accompanying- 
them (12^: see note); tithes (i2^""'^^ 14—"^ 26^-: Am. 4*); " heave "- 
offerings (i2« [see note] "• " : ? 2 S. i^i) ; vows {12^ "• "• ^ 23"- 22-24 (is. 21-23) . 
2 S. 15^** al.) ; free-will offerings (i2®-^'' 16^"; ? 232* : Am. 4^) ; sanctity of 
firstlings (i2«-i^ 142s 1519: Ex. 22^ iP))', and of firstfruits (18* 262-": Ex. 
23^*); the distinction of "clean" and "unclean," in persons (i 2^^' 22 1522; 
I S. 2o2^), in food (i4*"2<' : Gn. 72 [JE] Jud. 13^ Hos. 9^), produced by par- 
ticular causes (2i23 [Xu. 353^], 23" (i»)'- [Lev. 15"], 24'« [Lev. i82« Nu. s^% 
26" [Nu. 19"-" : Hos. g'*]) ; the prohibition to eat blood (1223 : i S. 14^-) ; 
and to eat nebelah, the flesh of an animal djing of itself (14-^) ; holy, or 
dedicated, things (122^ [see note], 26'^) ; animals offered in sacrifice to be 
without blemish (15^ 17') ; the 'asdreth or " solemn assembly " (16* : cf. Am. 
521 Is. 1^3; and see note); priestly rights of the tribe of Levi (i8^'^ a/.); 
"fire-sacrifices" (18^: i S. 22®); the "avenger of blood" (19®* ^2. 2 S. 
14^^) ; the atoning efficacy of a sacrificial rite, though not of one prescribed 
in P (21^'' t : cf. I S. 3" Is. 22") ; a torah for leprosy (24*). 

Notice also the expressions, to hold (nsyj?) the sabbath (5^^ : so Ex. 
31^^ H), or a feast (16^ [see note] ^'** ^*) ; to do (nrj;), in a sacrificial sense 
(122^ : I K. 8®* 2 K. io2*) ; toprofane \^n) or treat as common, a vineyard, 
of first enjoying its fruit (20* 28^ : so Jer. 31^ ; the Tvord, however, is not 
found, in this application, in P or H, but cf. the opp. holy in Lev. 192* H) ; 
to be forfeited, lit. to become holy (22' : Lev. 2']^^-^^ ; but cf. in JE Jos. 6^) ; 
248 njnin yjj ; 25^^ ^iy ncy to do unrighteousness (an unusual phrase : see 
note): imaro tdp to keep his charge (11^), nax'jo .n»y to do work {16% and 
utterance of the lips {2^-*'^^), are less distinctive (see notes). Perhaps also 
Dillm. is right (pp. 605, 608 f.) in seeing in 122^ ("to eat the soul with the 
flesh), 14^ ("cut yourselves," and "for the dead"), 14' (" abomination "), 
1410-19 ("unclean"), i6*-^ ("in the evening," — P "between the two even- 
ings "), explanations of more technical priestly terms. 

• p. 135 f. 

t In 21** (see note ; also p. 425 f.), 32^ the subject of TB3 ("clear") is 
not (as in P) the priest (annulling the sin by means of an atoning rite) but 
Jehovah : hence a sacrificial rite is not here denoted by the term. 


On the other side, there must be remembered the serious 
contradictions between many of these provisions (especially 
those relating- to the position and privileges of the priestly 
tribe), and the regulations of P (p. xxxix), and the complete 
silence of Dt. respecting some of the principles and institutions, 
which are of fundamental importance in the system of P. 
The "Tent of Meeting," with its appurtenances, which figures 
so largely in P (Ex. 25-31. 35-40, — together with many 
allusions elsewhere) ; the distinction between the priests, the 
sons of Aaron, and the common "Levites," so often and 
emphatically insisted on in the same source ; the Levitical 
cities, and the year of Jubile; the elaborately developed 
sacrificial system of P ; the meal-offering (nnjo), the guilt- 
offering (db^k), and especially the sin-offering (nxon) — all 
these are never mentioned in Dt. : * the atcning efficacy of 
sacrifice, on which such stress is laid in the sacrificial laws of 
P, is alluded to once in Dt. (21^^!), and that in a law for 
which which there is in P no parallel ; the great Day of 
Atonement (Lev. 16), in which the Levitical system of sacrifice 
and purification (Lev. 1-15) culminates, is in Dt. passed by 
in silence. Of course, in a discourse addressed to the people, \ 
and representing the prophetical and spiritual, rather than 
the priestly and ceremonial point of view, detailed references to 
such institutions, or a repetition of the directions for their 
observance, would not be expected : but, even if the document 
describing them existed at the time when Dt. was written, 
— a question with which we are not here concerned, — it is 
clear that the writer did not attach any great importance to it, 
or treat it practically as one of his sources. Had he so treated 
it, and especially if it had possessed in his eyes a recognized 
authority and importance, it is incredible that his references 

* The Tent of Meeting- is mentioned in Dt. 3i^'"-, but in a passage 
belonging not to D, but to JE (p. 337 f.). Nor, even there, does it appear as 
the centre of a great sacrificial organization. The non-mention of the sin- 
offering beside the burnt- and peace-offering in 12*"^^ is very remarkable. 
(That it is not included in the term zebah, " sacrifice," is clear from 12^^ ; 
cf. on V.*.) It is also singular that korban, P's very common, and most 
general term for offering (including sacrifices), never occurs in Dt. 

t On 21** 32**, see p. xii, note. 


to it should not have been more systematic and exact. As it 
is, he moves on, without displaying the smallest concern or 
regard for the system of P : such institutions of P as he refers 
to are mentioned almost incidentally, without any sense of 
the significance attaching to them in the system of which they 
form part ; and many of P's most characteristic and funda- 
mental institutions, if they are not contradicted in Dt., are 
simply ignored in it. There can be no doubt that the author 
of Dt. was acquainted with priestly laws and institutions ; 
but the nature of his allusions shows that his knowledge of 
them was derived, not from the systematic exposition of them 
contained in P, but from his practical acquaintance with the 
form in which they were operative in Israel in his own day ; 
and this in many particulars differed materially from the regu- 
lations laid down in P.* 

The different relation in which Dt. thus stands to the three 
Codes of JE, H, and P, may be described generally as follows : 
it is an expansion of the laws in JE (Ex. 2022-23^3 3410-26 133-16^ j 
it is, in several features, parallel to the Law of Holiness ; it 
contains allusions to laws — not, indeed, always the same as, 
but — similar to the ceremonial institutions and observances 
codified in the rest of P.f 

The dependence of Dt. upon JE, on the one hand, and its 
z'wdependence of P, on the other, which is thus established for 
the legislative sections of the book, is maintained, in exactly 
the same manner, through the historical sections. Dt. con- 
tains two retrospects of the earlier stages of the Israelites' 
wanderings, one (1^-3^^) embracing the period from their 
departure from Horeb to their arrival in the land of Moab ; 
the other (98-10^1), the episode of the Golden Calf, and the 

* In 24^, it may be observed, the reference is not to any wfitten regula- 
tions on leprosy, but to the oral — though authorized (D'n'is nrx3 : p. 275) 
— "direction" of the priests. (Of course, the ceremonial usages alluded 
to by D must not be imagined to be the only ones current in his "fey.) 

+ The real explanation of this apparently anomalous peculiarity in 
the relation of Dt. to the preceding books of the Pent. — its dependence 
upon one set of passages, while it ignores another — is of course to be 
found in the fact that, at the time when Dt. was composed, the two sets of 
passages (JE and P) were not yet combined into a single -worh^ and the 
author only made use of JE. 


events immediately following- it (Ex. 32-34) ; there are also 

several incidental allusions to other occurrences narrated in 

Gn.-Nu. In the retrospects, the narrative of Ex. Nu. is 

followed step by step, and clauses, or sometimes entire verses, 

are transcribed from it verbatim, placing beyond the possibility 

of doubt the use by the writer of the earlier narrative of the 

Pent. All the passages thus followed, or transcribed, belong 

to parts of Ex. Nu. which are referred (upon independent 

grounds) to JE; even where (as is sometimes the case) JE 

and P cross each other repeatedly in the course of a few 

verses, the retrospect in Dt. follows uniformly the parts 

belonging to JE, and avoids those belonging to P.* The case 

is similar with the other historical allusions in Dt. 

Of these the principal are — 

i^ (and frequently) the oath to the patri- Gn. 15^^ 22^®'* 24^ 26^ 


4^ (Ba'al Pe'or) Nu. 25^"' 

^loff, goff. igi6 (delivery 0/ Decalogue &c.) Ex. 19^-20^ 

6i« (MASsah) Ex. 17' 

6^"* r.nd elsewhere (deliverance from Egypt) Ex. 13" 14** 

83- 1« (the manna) Ex. i6'»-'> 

^^ (fiery serpents ; and rock (nis) of flint) Nu. 21' and Ex. 17* f 

9~ (Tab'erah, Massah, Kibroth-hattd'^vah) Nu. 11^"^ Ex. 17' Nu. ii** 

1 1* (passage of the Red Sea) Ex. 14^ 

1 1« (Dathan and Abiram) Nu. \&^' ^' »>• ^ 

2351. (4f.) (Bala'am) Nu. 222-242^ 

24* (Miriam's leprosy) Nu. 12-^° 

25^"'^^ (opposition of Amalek) Ex. 178-16 

26*'^ (affliction and deliverance from Ex. i^*"3'*^ &c. 


29^2 (23) (overthrow of Sodom and Go- Gn. 19^* 


Notice also the use of the name Horeh (not Sinai), i^- *• '^ i^'^- '* 5* 98 i8'^ 

* The Tables in the notes (pp. 10, 19, 24, 29, 33, 42, 46, 51, 112), and 
the extracts printed on pp. 113 f., 117, will, it is hoped, assist the reader 
to appreciate the manner in which the retrospects of Dt. are dependent 
upon JE in Ex. Nu. In order properly to realize the nature and extent of 
the coincidences, he should mark in the margin of his copy of Dt. the 
references, and underline (or, if he uses the Hebrew text, oz'^Hine) the 
words in common : he will then be able to see at a glance both the 
passages of Ex. Nu. passed over in Dt., and the variations and additions 
in Dt. On a clause in i^^, which has been supposed to be an exception to 
the statement in the text, see the note ad loc. 

+ In Nu. 20^-" (P) the term for " rock " is y^D, not "ns. 



28®* (29^), as Ex. 3^ 17^ ss'^ (E) ; i^ the valley of Eshcol as the limit of the ' 
spies' reconnoitring ; i^ the exemption of Caleb alone (without Joshua, i 
who is not mentioned as one of the spies) from the sentence passed on the i 
spies; 11^ the name Terebinths of Moreh (Gn. 12^). The numerous 
passages referred to by the words As Jehovah spake (p. bcxxi), where 
they are not earlier passages of Dt. itself, are also regularly to be found | 
in JE, not in P. (That 18- cannot refer to Nu. 18^ is shown on 10^. i 
The reference is occasionally to a passage not preserved in our existing 1 
Pent. : cf. 10^^ 17^^ 28*®.) On 33*'®, see the notes adloc. \ 

Of the incidents here enumerated, all are narrated in JE ; J 
while in the case of some which are narrated in P as well, the ; 
terms of the allusion in Dt. are such as to show that the i 
Writer followed JE, and not P. Thus, while the promise of 
1 8 is found in both JE and P, the oath is peculiar to JE ; the \ 
name Horeh is used by E, but not by P (who always prefers 
Sinai) ; the spies, as in JE (Nu. i3^''), journey only as far as I 
Eshcol (near Hebron), whereas in P (Nu. 1321) they g^o as far 1 
as Rehob (in the extreme north of Canaan) ; the exemption of 1 
Caleb alone (i^^) agrees with the representation of JE (Nu. ' 
142*) against that of P (Nu. 146- ^^- ^s), where Joshua is men- 
tioned at the same time ; the mention of Dathan and Abiram ' 

. . i 

(without Korah) is in agreement with JE's narrative in Nu. 16, ; 

which also names Dathan and Abiram only (the passages ' 
which speak of Korah belonging to P). There are only three 
facts mentioned in Dt. for which no parallel is to be found in j 
JE: i23 the number (twelve) of the spies (Nu. 132-16 P); 1022 I 
the number of souls (seventy) with which Jacob came down into ; 
Egypt (Gn. 46^7 Ex. i^ P) ; and lo^ acacia- wood as the material 
of the Ark (Ex. 2510 P). These coincidences, however, in view , 
of the constancy with which the historical parts of Dt. are ] 
dependent upon JE, are not sufficient to establish the use of ' 
P: the three facts mentioned would not be invented by P, ; 
but would be elements of tradition, which though they happen 
to be recorded (apart from Dt.) only by P, would naturally be 
known independently to the Writer of Dt. And as regards , 
Dt. lo^, in particular, a comparison of Dt. lo^"^ with Ex-r 
24I. 2. 4 makes it highly probable that the latter passage, at | 
the time when Dt. was composed, still contained a notice of j 
the ark of acacia-wood (see p. 1 17 f.).* ! 

* lo"' the names are (substantially) the same as those in P's itinerary, ' 



The author's method in treating the history of JE is 
analogous to that followed by him in dealing- with the laws. 
His references to it have mostly a didactic aim : hence they are 
accompanied usually by parenetic comments, designed to bring 
home to the Israelite reader the theocratic significance of 
the history, and to arouse in him emotions of becoming grati- 
tude towards the divine Leader and Benefactor of his nation. 
Of the two retrospects, the first illustrates Jehovah's goodness 
in bringing Israel safely from Egypt to the borders of the 
Promised Land ; the second exemplifies His forbearance and 
mercy in restoring it to favour after the sin of the Golden 
Calf. Accordingly, while numerous passages, longer or 
shorter, as the case may be, are incorporated verbatim, as a 
rule the substance of the earlier narrative is reproduced freely, 
with amplificatory additions calculated (in most cases) to 
suggest to the reader the lessons which the author desired it 
to teach.* Of this kind are the comments, summaries, or 
short speeches (such as i^-s- is. 20. 21. 27. 29-33. 43a. 45 2T. 24-25. sob. 31. 
33. 30-37 ^sa. 4-7)^ which havc the effect in different ways of calling 
attention to Jehovah's purposes, or dealings, with Israel, and 
to the manner in which Israel responded to them. But in 
other cases the additions are of a more substantial character, 
and mention incidents of some interest or importance, not 
noticed in the narrative of JE. Thus (including two or three 
from other parts of Dt.) we find of the latter kind — 

i9-)3 ^^Jifoses suggests the appointment of assistant judges) ; i^^'' 
(Moses' counsel to the judges) ; i" (the proposal to send out spies 
emanates from the people) ; i^ (Moses punished for the people's fault ; so 
3^ 4-') ; 2-"^' "• ^^-^^ (Israel forbidden to make war with Edom, Moab, and 

Nu. 33'^"^^ ; but they are mentioned in a different order, and the Jbrm of 
the itinerary differs from that of P (see the notes) : hence the notice (from 
whatever source it may have been taken) will certainly not have been 
derived from P. In ii^-' host (S'n), Jiorses and chariots, a.nd pursued after 
them, are points of contact with P's narrative of the passage of the Red 
Sea in Ex. 14 (see v.'*- 9- 1""- i8b. zsb. 28a) . comp. 16^ trepidation (Ex. 12"), 26« 
hard bondage (see note), 26* stretched out arm (Ex. 6® : cf. on 4**), to be to 
thee for a God (26^^^ 29^- (^')) and to be to Jehovah for a people (27^ ; see on 
2617. 18)^ and the words from c. 4, cited on p. Ixxi : but it may be questioned 
whether these expressions are not too isolated, and too little distinctive, 
to establish dependence upon P (cf. also L.O.T. pp. 138, 143). 

* Notice and, now, 4^ (after the retrospect.c. 1-3), lo^* (after g'-io"). 


the 'Ammonites) ; 2'""^" ^"^ 3^* ". "'' (archseolog^ical notices) ; 2* (mes- 
sengers to Sihon sent out from the wilderness of Kedemoth) ; 2^ (how the 
Edomites and Moabites had furnished the Israelites with food) ; 2'^'' 
(slaughter of Sihon's sons) ; 3^^"^ (description of the region of Argob, taken , 
from 'Og) ; 3^'— (Moses encouragement of Joshua) ; 3^'^ (Moses' entreaty 
to be permitted to enter Canaan) ; 9^^ (Moses' intercession for Aaron, after 
his sin in making the Golden Calf) ; 9^ (the dust of the Golden Calf cast 
into the stream that descended from the mount) ; 10" (death of Aaron at 
Moserah) ; lo^'" (separation of the tribe of Levi for priestly functions) ; 10' 
18- (statement that Jehovah is the " inheritance " of the tribe of Levi) ; 17^ 
28** (promise that Israel should no more return to Egypt) ; 25^* (the fact 
that 'Amalek, when it met Israel at Rephidim, Ex. 17*'^^ cut off helpless 
stragglers in the rear).* 

The graphic minor touches in 1^^ "murmured in your tents," 1*^ "girded 
on every one his weapons," !■" "and pursued you as bees do," i** "wept 
before Jehovah," &c,, are presumably merely elements in the author's 
picturesque presentation of the historj'. 

The number of cases is also remarkable, in which a phrase, 
originally used in the description of one incident, is applied 
in Dt. to the description of another ; in the Tables (pp. 10, 
24, &c.) these are indicated by the passage quoted being 
enclosed in a parenthesis. The cases are — 

Dt. 1^* ("turn you and take your journey," borrowed from Nu. 14^, 
though the occasion is quite a different one) ; i^** (" I cannot bear you 
alone," borrowed, not from Ex. 18, the occasion which is being described, 
but from Nu. 11" "/cannot bear all this people alone" : cf. v." with Nu. 
ijiTb). jsoa (from Ex. 1321 14"); x^ (from Ex. 13-1 Nu. I4"'>) ; v^ (from 
Nu. 10^''); l*6»(Nu. 20'); Dt. 2^^ (from Nu. 21^); a^^-^'' (phrases in the 
message to Sihon, borrowed from Nu. 20^'^* ^^ the message to Edotn) ; 
232.33b (description of Israel's encounter with Sihon, borrowed from Nu. 
2x33.35 jjjg description of the encounter with 'Og : in this case, while Nu. 
mentions only the slaughter of 'Ogs sons, Dt. mentions only the slaughter 
of those of Sihon) ; 9"* (Moses' fasting on the occasion of his Jirst ascent 
of the mountain, from Ex. 34^^ his fasting on the occasion of his ihird 
ascent ; the fasting on the first occasion is not mentioned in Ex.) ; 
g2s. 27» 29b (from Ex. 2)'^^^' ^^ ; though the occasion actually referred to is 
Ex. 34') ; 9^ (from Ex. 32'^ Nu. 14'®) ; 10" (cf. Ex. 33^). — In some instances, 
the passages do not agree throughout verbatim ; but the resemblance is 
always sufficiently close to leave no doubt that the passage quoted is the 
source of the terms used in Dt. 

The bearing of the facts j'ust noted on the authorship of # 
the book will be considered subsequently ; see p. xlviii. 

The general result of the preceding examination of the 
relation of Dt. to the preceding books of the Pentateuch, has 
• Cf. Dillm. p. 610; Westphal, pp. 89 f., 119. 


been to establish this fact : in neither its historical nor its 
legislative sections can Dt. be shown to be dependent upon the 
source which has been termed P ; in both, it is demonstrably 
dependent upon JE. The historical matter being- of secondary 
importance in Dt., and c. 5-11 being a parenetic introduction, 
the legislative kernel of the book (c. 12-26. 28) may be 
described broadly as a revised and enlarged edition of the 
^^ Book of the Covenant.''^ Why such a revision and enlarge- 
ment of the Book of the Covenant was undertaken, and why 
the laws of Israel were thus embedded by the author in a 
homiletic comment, is a question which can only be fully 
answered in § 4, when the date and origin of the book have 
been approximately determined. 

§ 3. Scope and Character of Deuteronomy ; its dominant Ideas. 

The Deuteronomic discourses may be said to comprise 
three elements, an historical^ a legislative, and a parenetic. 
Of these the parenetic element is both the most characteristic 
and the most important ; it is directed to the inculcation of 
certain fundamental religious and moral principles upon which 
the Writer lays great stress : the historical element is all but 
entirely subservient to it (the references to the history, as 
said before, having nearly always a didactic aim) : the legis- 
lative element, though naturally, as the condition of national 
well-being, possessing an independent value of its own, is here 
viewed primarily by the Writer as a vehicle for exemplifying 
the principles which it is the main object of his book to enforce. 
The author wrote, it is evident, under a keen sense of the 
perils of idolatry ; and to guard Israel against this by insisting 
earnestly on the debt of gratitude and obedience which it owes 
to its Sovereign Lord, is the fundamental teaching of the 
book. Accordingly, the truths on which he loves to dwell are 
the sole Godhead of Jehovah, His spirituality (c. 4), His 
choice of Israel, and the love and faithfulness which He has 
shown towards it, by redeeming it from its servitude in Egypt, 
by leading it safely through the desert, and by planting it in 
a land abundantly blessed by nature's bounty; from which 


are deduced the g^reat practical duties of loyaJ and loving- ; 
devotion to Him, an absolute and uncompromisingf repudia- j 
tion of all false gods, a cheerful and ready obedience to His t 
will, a warm-hearted and generous attitude towards man, in i 
all the various relations of life in which the Israelite is likely 
to be brought into contact with his neighbour. Jehovah alone . 
is God ; there is none beside Him (435- 39) ; He is the Almighty j 
ruler of heaven and earth, "the God of gods and Lord of j 
lords" (iqI^-I"), who rewards both the righteous and the evil- 
doer as he deserves, and who governs all men with absolute 
impartiality and justice (7^° lo^''^-). The central and principal 
discourse (c. 5-26. 28) opens with the Decalogue ; and the ' 
First Commandment, "Thou shalt have no other gods before ; 
me," may be said to be the text, which in the rest of c. 5-1 1 } 
is eloquently and movingly expanded. Jehovah is, moreover, a i 
spiritual Being, dissimilar in kind to any and every material 
form : hence no sensible representation can be framed of Him ; , 
still less should Israel worship any other material object, 1 
whether some representation of the human or animal form, or j 
even the host of heaven (4^2. 15-24)^ ^^d Jehovah has chosen ' 
Israel. He has given to other nations the sun, moon, and ' 
stars to adore (4^^, cf. 2925(26)); He has reserved Israel for 1 
Himself; He has chosen it out of all peoples of the earth to ] 
be His own peculiar possession (4^^ 7^ lo^^ 142 26^^)^ t^e unique ' 
recipient of His self-revealing grace. And He has done this, \ 
not on account of Israel's merits, for neither its numbers nor \ 
its righteousness would constitute any claim upon Him for 
His regard {"f <^^'^)\ but from His love for Israel (78 23'' ^^>), \ 
and from the faithfulness with which, in spite of all its back- 
slidings. He would nevertheless be true to the promise sworn j 
to its forefathers {78 ; cf. i^ 431- 37. 712 gis a/.), and forbear from 1 
destroying it (g^-ioii). In fulfilment of that promise, Jehovah j 
has wonderfully delivered Israel from its bondage in Eg>pt j 
(432-38 621-23 ^ist 82ff. ii2-6^ and frequently). He has led it safeU \ 
through the great and terrible wilderness (i^^ 2^ 8^^), He has 
assigned it a home in a bounteous and fertile land, which it is ; 
now on the point of crossing Jordan to take possession of 
(6iof. 87-10. i2r. al.). Jehovah has, in fact, dealt with Israel in 


the manner of a loving- father (S^- 3- 16) : if He has withheld 
aught from it, or subjected it to privations, it has been with a 
view to its ultimate welfare, "As a man disciplines his son, so 
doth Jehovah thy God discipline thee " (S^). In return for all 
these benefits, it is the Israelite's duty to fear and love Jehovah, 
—to fear Him (410526(29) 62. is. 24 ge 1012.20 135(4) 1423 i^io (of 
the king), 28^^ 31^^' ^^)> as the great and mighty God (lo^^j^ 
whose awe-inspiring manifestations strike terror into all be- 
holders (432-36 io2i ii2-7 268) ; and to love Him (65 1012 ui. 13.22 
134(3) jg9 306. 16. 20)^ on account of the affection and constancy 
with which He has condescended to deal with Israel, and the 
privileges, undeserved on its part, which He has vouchsafed 
to confer upon it. The love of God, an all-absorbing sense 
of personal devotion to Him, is propounded in Dt. as the 
primary spring of human action (6^) ; it is the duty which is 
the direct corollary of the character of God, and of Israel's 
relation to Him ; the Israelite is to love Him with undivided 
affection,* to ''cleave" to Him (io20 1122 136(4) 3020)^ to re- 
nounce everything that is in any degree inconsistent with 
loyalty to Him. This brings with it, on the one hand, an 
earnest and emphatic repudiation of all false gods, and of 
every rite or practice connected with idolatry; and, on the 
other hand, a cheerful and willing acquiescence in the positive 
commandments which He has laid down. Again and again is 
the Israelite warned, upon peril of the consequences, not to 
follow after "other gods" (6i4-i5 7* gi^-so 11I6-17.28 30IM8; cf. 
2g24-27 (25-28) 3 1 i6f. 20f. 423f. 25-28) ^ not to be tempted, even by the 
most specious representations, to the practice of idolatry 
(132-12(1-11)). death is the penalty — and it is to be enforced, 
without hesitation or compunction, against even a nearest 
relative or a trusted friend (137-12(6-11)) — for any one who either 
practises idolatry himself, or seeks to induce others to do so 
(136(0). 11(10) j^5^ cf. iS^o) ; even though it be a whole city that 
has sinned by serving strange gods, it is not to be spared 
(1313-19(1218))^ The heathen populations of Canaan are to be 

* "With all the heart and all the soul" (with love & I3*<') 30', serve 
iq12 jj13^ keep and do commandments 26^®, listen to His voice 30^, turn to 
Him 30^^, search after in true penitence 4^). 


laid under the "ban" (see on 72), and exterminated (72-4. 16 
20I6-18) : no truce is to be made with them ; no intermarriage, 
or other intercourse with them, is to be permitted (y^f-) ; their 
places of worship and religfious symbols are to be ruthlessly 
destroyed (7^ 1 2-^-) ; even the metal which formed part of their 
idols is not to be put to any use by Israel (7^*^-). Nor is any 
attempt to be made to resuscitate the abolished religious rites 
(i 229-31), or to introduce features from them into the worship 
of Jehovah (i6-^f). Canaanitish forms of divination and 
magic are not to be tolerated (iS^-^^) ^ an authorized order of 
prophets is to supply in Israel, so far as Jehovah permits it, 
the information and counsel for which other nations resorted 
to augurs and soothsayers (iS^^-^^). Local shrines and altars, 
even though ostensibly dedicated to the worship of the true 
God, were liable to contamination, on the part of the unspiritual 
Israelites, by the admixture of heathen rites : accordingly, the 
three great annual feasts are to be observed, and all sacrifices 
and other religious dues are to be rendered, it is repeatedly 
and strongly insisted, at a single central sanctuary, "the 
place which Jehovah shall choose to set His name there" 
^^ and elsewhere). The Writer is, however, 
conscious of the danger lest, in the enjoyment of the good 
things of Canaan, Israel should be tempted to forget the 
Giver, and yield on this ground, through thoughtlessness and 
neglect, to the seductions_of idolatry: to guard therefore 
against this danger, He "earnestly and emphatically forewarns 
them of the suicidal consequences of disobedience, assuring 
them that it will only end in national ruin and disgrace {&^'^^ 
811-20 iii6f. 3i29), Obedience to Jehovah's commands, on the 
other hand, if it come from the heart and be sincere, will 
be the sure avenue to national prosperity ; it will bring 
with it Jehovah's blessing, and be the unfailing guarantee 
of "life," and "length of days," in the long - continued 
possession of the land of Canaan.* The consequences c?' 
obedience and disobedience respectively, besides being often 
referred to elsewhere, are developed, with great rhetori- 
cal power, in the fine peroration which forms a worthy ter- 
* See the passages quoted on p. xxxiii. 


mination of the Deuteronomic Code (c. 28; comp. also ii28-28 

The practical form which devotion to Jehovah is to take 
is not, however, to be confined to religious duties, strictly so 
called. It is to embrace also the Israelite's social and domestic 
life ; and it is to determine his attitude towards the moral and 
civil ordinances prescribed for his observance. The individual 
laws contained in c. 12-26 are designed for the moral and 
social welfare of the nation ; and it is the Israelite's duty to 
obey them accordingly. Love of God involves the love of 
one's neighbour, and the avoidance of any act which may be 
detrimental to a neighbour's welfare. The Israelite must 
therefore accommodate himself to the constitution under which 
he lives; and, where occasion arises, observe cheerfully the 
various civil ordinances which, in Israel, as in every well- 
ordered community, are necessary for protection against evil- 
doers, and for regulating intercourse between members of the 
same society. The moral purification of the community, 
effected by the punishment of wrong-doers, and its deterrent 
effect upon others, are both vividly realized by the Writer: 
two of his standing phrases in this part of his book are "So 
shalt thou exterminate the evil from thy midst (or from Israel)" 
(136(5) 1^7.12 1^9 2i2i 2221.22.24 247); and "And all Israel {or 
the people, or those that remain) shall hear and fear" (1312(11) 
1^13 ig20 2 1 21). Duties involving directly the application of a 
moral principle are especially insisted on, particularly justice, 
integrity, equity, philanthropy, and generosity ; and the laws 
embodying such principles are manifestly of paramount import- 
ance in the Writer's eyes. Judges are to be appointed in every 
city, who are to administer justice with the strictest imparti- 
ality (16I8-20; cf. ii6f. 2719- 25), Fathers are not to be con- 
demned judicially for the crimes of their children, nor children 
for the crimes of their fathets (24I6). Just weights and 
measures are to be used in all commercial transactions (2513-1C). 
Grave moral offences are visited severely : the malicious witness 
is to be punished according to the lex lalionis (ig^^-^^) ; and 
death is the penalty, not only for murder (19111^), but also for 
incorrigible behaviour in a son, unchastity, adultery, man- 


stealing (2ii8-2i 2220f-22 24"). But humanity is the author's^ 
ruling- motive, wherever considerations of religion or morality^ 
do not force him to repress it. Accordingly great emphasis' 
is laid upon the exercise of philanthropy, promptitude, and' 
liberality towards those in difficulty or want, as the indigent 
in need of a loan (i5'^'^^ 23-0^- (i^^-)), a slave at the time of his! 
manumission (15^^"^^), a neighbour who has lost any of hisj 
property (22^-*), a poor man obliged to borrow on pledge' 
(246- i2J.)j a fugitive slave (24'^), a hired servant (241*^-), and in! 
the law for the disposition of the triennial tithe (i4^^'^') : thei 
landless Levite(i2i2-isf. 1427.29 ^^\\.\4. 2611. i2f.)^ and the "stranger 
— i.e. the unprotected foreigner settled in Israel — the father- 
less and the widow," are repeatedly commended to the Israelite's! 
charity or regard (1429 i6"-i4 2417. is. 20. 21 26i2f- 2719; the; 
stranger alone lo^^ 26^1), especially at the time of the great! 
annual pilgrimages (1212- is 1^27 igii. u 26^^), when he and hisj 
household partook together before God of the bounty of the! 
soil, and might the more readily respond to an appeal fori 
benevolence. Gratitude, and a sense of sympathy, evoked by? 
the recollection of Israel's own past, are frequently appealed^ 
to as the motives by which the Israelite should in such cases 
be actuated (10^^ "For ye were strangers in the land of 
Egypt," cf. 238(7); 1515 1 612 24IS. 22 «« And thou shalt remember 
that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt "). A spirifc 
of forbearance, equity, and regard for the feelings or welfare 
of others underlies the regulations of 5^^^ (the slave to enjoy 
the rest of the sabbath), 20^-9 and 24^ (cases in which exemp- 
tion from military service is to be granted), 20^°'- (offer of 
peace to be formally made before attacking a hostile city), 
2oi9f- (fruit-trees in hostile territory not to be cut down), 2i^*'-i* 
(regard for feelings of a woman taken captive in war), 21^^-^'^ 
(firstborn not to be disinherited in favour of son of favourite^ 
wife), 22^ (battlement on roof), 232^f-(2-»f) (regard for neigh^ 
hour's crops), 2419-22 (gleanings to be left for the poor), 21^ 
(moderation in infliction of corporal punishment) : humanity 
towards animals prompts those in 22^^- 25^. Several of thesQj 
provisions are prompted in particular by the endeavour tc^ 
ameliorate the condition of dependents, and to mitigate theJ 


cruelties of war. Not indeed that similar considerations are 
absent from the older legislation (see e.g. Ex. 2220-23 (21-24). 26r.(27f.) 
o^e- 9- 11- i2jj and (as the Table, p. ivff., will have shown) some 
of the enactments that have been cited are even borrowed 
from it : but they are developed in Dt. with an emphasis and 
distinctness which gfive a character to the entire work. The 
author speaks out of a warm heart himself; and he strives to 
kindle a warm response in the heart of every one whom he 
addresses. Nowhere else in the OT. do we breathe such arif^ 
atmosphere of generous devotion to God, and of large-hearted 
benevolence towards man; nowhere else are duties and motives 
set forth with greater depth and tenderness of feeling, or with 
more winning and persuasive eloquence ; and nowhere else is ' 
it shown with the same fulness of detail how high and noble 
principles may be applied so as to elevate and refine the entire 
life of the community. "^ 

/If after this review of the general scope of Dt., we ask 
which are its fundamental ideas, we shall find them to be the 
following : — * 

1. Jehovah is the only God, a pure and spiritual Being, 
who has loved Israel, and is wrorthy to receive Israel's un- 
divided love in return. It follows as an immediate corollary 
from this, that all false gods, and even all material representa- 
tions of Jehovah, are to be unconditionally discarded. 

2. Israel is to be a holy nation : its members are to recol- 
lect, in every action and moment (6^*^) of their lives, that they 
are the servants of a holy and loving God ; and love is to be 
the determining principle of their conduct, whether towards 
God or man. 

3. There is to be only one legitimate place of public 
worship : the local shrines, which were seats of either un- 
spiritual, or of actually heathen worship, are to be not merely 
reformed, but abolished. 

4. The tribe of Levi is confirmed in its possession of 
priestly rights ; and it alone is to supply ministers for the 

Deuteronomy, it is evident, is far more than a mere code 
* Comp. Duhm, Theologie der Propheten (1875), p. 197 ff. 


of laws. It is the expression of a profound ethical and re- 
ligious spirit, which determines its character in every part, 
and invests the laws contained in it with the significance that 
they possess in the Writer's eyes. They are means which 
may help Israel to realize its ideal. The author would fain 
see his people exhibit to the world the spectacle of a nation 
wisely obeying a just and beneficently designed constitution 
(46-8) : this, he is assured, will bring with it national prosperity 
and greatness. But it is not enough for him that the law is 
obeyed: it must be obeyed also from the right motives. 
Hence the stress which he lays upon the theocratic premises oi 
Israel's national character, the earnestness with which, in c. 
5-1 1, he develops and applies every motive which may touch 
Israel's heart or win its allegiance, and the frequency with 
which, while expounding the laws which Israel is to observe 
(c. 12-26. 28), he dwells upon the moral purposes w'hich they 
subserve, or the temper in which they should be obeyed. To 
fear God is the Israelite's primary duty (6^^ 10^2. 20 2858) ; and 
to generate, and keep alive, in Israel's heart the true religious 
spirit is the aim, not less of the statutes embodied in Dt. (4^'^ 
&' ** ; cf. 14^), and of many particular usages prescribed in 
it {e.^. 6^'- n"t 3ii2*)^ than of the exhortations with which 
the author accompanies them. In so far, however, as Dt. is 
a law-book, it may be described as a manual, addressed to the 
people, and intended for popular use, which, without as a rule 
entering into technical details, would instruct the Israelite in 
the ordinary duties of life. It does not embrace a complete 
corpus of either the civil or the ceremonial statutes that were 
in force when it was written : it excerpts such as were, in the 
author's judgment, most generally necessary for the Israelite 
to know, and best adapted to exemplify the moral and spiritual 
principles which it was his main anxiety to see practically; 
recognized by Israel. Dt. thus combines the spirit of the 
prophet and the spirit of the legislator : it is a prophetical 
Law-book^ a law-book in which civil and ceremonial statutes 
become the expression of a great spiritual and moral ideal,; 
• Notice also the importance attached to the education of children, 4* 


which is designed to comprehend and govern the entire life of 
the community. 

The true significance of Dt. cannot, however, be properly 
understood, until it is viewed in the light of the age which 
called it forth : in the following remarks therefore it will be 
necessary in some respects to anticipate the conclusions of 
§ 4, and to assume that Dt. was composed in the 7th cent. B.C., 
during the reign of either Manasseh or Josiah. If this may 
be here assumed, it will be seen that the author builds upon 
the foundation of the prophets, and that his primary aim is to 
create an effectual moral stimulus for realizing the ideals 
which they had propounded. The prophets had held up 
before their people high conceptions of life and duty ; they 
had taught that Jehovah's favour was conditioned by the 
fulfilment of His moral demands ; they had declared, one after 
another,* that the claims of civil and social justice were 
paramount in His eyes : Isaiah had reaffirmed, with fresh 
emphasis, the old truth (Ex. 19^) that it was Israel's vocation 
to be a "holy nation"; Hosea had traced back both the 
moral and material deterioration of the Northern Kingdom to 
its abandonment of Jehovah, and had forewarned it of the 
bitter consequences which devotion to idolatry would bring in 
its train. These are the truths which, brought home to the 
author, with fresh vividness, by the recent experiences of 
Manasseh's reign, become the informing principles of his 
teaching ; he absorbs them into his own spiritual nature ; he 
shows how they may be systematically applied so as not merely 
to correct palpable abuses, but also to deepen the spiritual life 
of individuals, and to penetrate and transform the whole 
national organization of Israel ; while at the same time he so 
stimulates the individual conscience by new and powerful 
motives, as to provide an effectual moral and spiritual agency, 
capable — if any agency were capable — of moulding the nation 
into conformity with the prophetic ideal. 

In a special degree the author of Dt. is the spiritual heir 
of Hosea. Not only does he join with him in the emphatic 
repudiation of nature-worship, and in acknowledging Jehovah 

* E.g. 2 S. iai-« I K. 2i^'ff- Am. 4I-3 ^^^«- Hos. ^-^ Is. ii"- Mic. 3'-^. 



as the true Giver of nature's bounty,* he agrees with him also 
in the prominence which he assigns to the emotional side of j 
rehgion. With Hosea, love, affection, sympathy are the | 
immediate, and most natural, fruits of the religious temper. | 
Jehovah first ** loved" Israel ; and the true Israelite is he who I 
is infused with the same spirit, and who loves, with the same I 
spontaneity, and the same ungrudging affection, both Jehovah 
and his fellow-Israelites. "This truth is equally set forth in ; 
Deuteronomy, and in the Deuteronomist's great spiritual pre- | 
decessor, Hosea. The primal love of Jehovah to Israel fills 
the foreground of each writer's discourse, and all human i 
relationships within the Israelitish community are rooted in | 
this."t The passages have been already quoted in which! 
Deuteronomy emphasizes Jehovah's love of Israel, and in- j 
culcates a responsive love of Jehovah upon Israel's part as the j 
first of human duties. And in his conduct towards his neigh- 
bour, the Israelite is to be actuated not only by what strict ' 
justice or equity demands ; he is repeatedly exhorted to exercise ' 
towards him offices of affection and kindness. Love is to be 
the presiding genius of his life. And thus Dt. teaches the^ 
great truth that religion is concerned not merely with the | 
intellect and the will, but that it involves equally the exercise ! 
/and right direction of the affections. Of course, however, I 
/ this love, both in Jehovah and in Israel, is a moral love ; it i 
/ must be limited, where the necessity arises, by the demands 
j of righteousness : hence idolatry and immorality cannot be 
I tolerated or condoned by it : the author is conscious of no ' 
inconsistency in propounding the most rigorous repressive \ 
measures against the former ; and he finds no occasion for ; 
mitigating the severity which ancient usage prescribed for i 
dealing with the latter (p. xxiii, bottom). 
I The monotheistic creed of Dt. is another development of the < 
I teaching of the prophets. The original ' * monolatry " of Israel 
became indeed, in the hands of the older prophets (cf. p. gof.)^\ 
almost, if not quite, monotheism: nevertheless, this truth is'« 

• Hos. 2""m«- 13*-«; Dt. S'"- ii"ff- 26'». i 

t Cheync, Jeremiah, his Life and Times, p. 66. See Hos. 3* 9" ii'-* 
1 4» W • 4I 6*- • 1 2^ («) {hesed demanded by God : see p. 102). 


taught more formally and explicitly in Dt. (4^5. 39 54 ^o iqIT) * 
than by earlier writers ; and its vivid realization by the author 
finds expression in the insistence with which he urges Jehovah's 
claim to be the exclusive object of the Israelite's reverence. 
The limitation of the public worship of Jehovah to Jerusalem, 
which Dt. inculcates so strongly (c. 12, &c.), may seem indeed 
to us to be a retrograde step, and inconsistent with the author's 
lofty conception of the Divine nature (lo^*) : but partly it was 
a result of the national feeling of Israel, to which the prophets, 
even in their most exalted moments,! were hardly ever wholly 
superior, and which looked up to the national Temple on Zion 
as specially honoured by Jehovah's presence ; partly it arose 
out of the circumstances of the age, which made the local 
sanctuaries centres of impure or unspiritual rites. Under the 
conditions of the time, the single sanctuary was a corollary of 
the monotheistic idea. Worship at different places would 
tend (as in the case of Ba'al, and many other ancient deities) 
to generate different conceptions of the god worshipped, and 
might even lead to the syncretistic confusion of Jehovah with 
other deities. The concentration of worship in a single spot 
was thus a necessary providential stage in the purification of 
the popular idea of God. In the end, it is true, this exclusive- 
ness, maintained with blind one-sidedness and exaggeration, 
brought with it its own nemesis. The unspiritual Israelites, 
in spite of the warnings of the prophets (comp. Jer. "j^-^^ Is. 
66^-*), viewed the material sanctuary on Zion as the palladium 
of their security, operating irrespectively of their own moral 
worthiness ; and in a later age attachment to the Temple, as 
such, was one of the causes which incapacitated the Jews from 
appropriating the more spiritual teaching of Christ. J But 
long before then, the victory over polytheism had been won ; \ 
and even the destruction of the Temple brought with it no I 
danger of a lapse into the idolatries of the past. / 

The ethical qualities of Jehovah are frequently dwelt upon y 
in Dt. He is emphatically a righteous God ; a hater of siqr 

* Note also 4^^ (where the heathen religions are ^tributed to the 
supreme providence of Israel's God) ; and (in the Song-) 32^. 

t E.g. Is. 2--* 25« Jer. 3" Is. 56'' 6620-23. + Comp. Acts 6^". 


and wrong-; ignoble practices are an "abomination" to 
Him; * yet He is ready to forg-ive the penitent, and shows mercy 
and compassion towards those who deserve it : He has watched 
over, and cherished Israel, with the tenderness and affection 
of a father ; if He has also disciplined it, it has been for its 
ultimate good. Especially does the author emphasize Jehovah's 
fidelity to His promises ; the oath sworn to the patriarchs He 
will never break ; even towards a heathen nation He does not 
rescind what He has once decreed (2^). 

/ Jehovah's relation to Israel originated in His own free 

choice, Israel becomes in consequence His special possession 

/ (p. xx) and inheritance, and the constant object of His 

/ regard. More particularly. His relation to it is represented 

^ under the figure of a covenant — one of the characteristic ideas 

both of Dt. and of the Deuteronomic school (p. 68) — involving 

mutual duties and obligations, binding Jehovah to faithfulness, 

and Israel to obedience. The nature of the duties devolving 

hence upon Israel, and the motives [especially gra^ziude and 

love) which should prompt Israel to respond accordingly, have 

been indicated above (pp. xxi, xxiv). 

With priestly institutions the author has greater sympathy 
than the prophets generally. He evinces a warm regard for 
the priestly tribe; he guards its privileges (18^-^), demands 
obedience for its decisions (24^; cf. 171012), and earnestly 
commends its members to the Israelite's benevolence (i2i8- 19 
i^^27. 29 gjc.). The ceremonial observances current at the time 
he has no desire to see abolished ; the custom of sacrifice, 
though he does not emphasize it in the manner of the Priests' 
Code, he takes for granted, and upon occasion regulates. A 
right heart, instinct with true affections towards God and 
man, is indeed the only religion which has value in his eyes : 
but he is aware that external forms, if properly observed, 
may exercise and keep alive a religious spirit (14^^), may guard 
Israel's "holiness" from profanation, and preserve it from 
contamination with heathen influences (cf. 6^ ii^s 14^'^M also 
225.12 2316(14)). The offerings on which he lays the greatest 

* Idolatrous rites (723.26 ,281 i^wfi-j) jy4 jo^s 27I5) ; mag-ic and divination 
(18'^); immoral customs (22' 23*^ P*) 24*) ; commercial injustice (25''). 


Stress are those expressive of gratitude to God as the Giver of 
the good things of Canaan (1422-27 1519-23 ,610.15.17 26>o): and 
the religious feasts, especially those held in connexion with 
the great annual pilgrimages, he desires to be occasions of 
gladness before Jehovah, and of the display of generous 
hospitality towards the destitute (la^- 1»- w j^Kt. j^n. u 2511). 

In its attitude towards other nations, Dt. shows consider-^' 
able exclusiveness and ** particularism." Jehovah owns indeed ( 
the entire world ; but His favourable regard is limited to the 
people of His choice. The prophetic truth that Jehovah has 
also a care for other nations, and will one day receive them 
into His fold, does not find expression in Dt. (once, perhaps, 
indirectly, in the Song, 32*3), The reason is not far to seek : 
Dt. is a law-book, designed to provide Israel with instruction 
in the duties of life ; and the circumstances of the age natur- 
ally led the author to discourage, rather than to promote, a 
friendly attitude towards the heathen. The Ger, who has 
placed himself under the protection of Israel (p. 126), is indeed-^ 
treated naturally with consideration: but the "foreigner," as I 
such, stands upon a different level, and is excluded from I 
pecuniary advantages permitted to the Israelite (15^23*^^*^). 
Religious motives* sufficiently explain the strongly hostile 
attitude adopted towards the Canaanites ; but only an anti- 
quarian reason is assigned for the antipathy displayed towards 
the 'Ammonites and Moabites (23*-^<3-6)j^ and for the injunction 
to exterminate 'Amalek (25^7-19). a more friendly attitude, 
based upon the recollections of the past, is inculcated towards 
the Edomite and the Egyptian (238'- (^'•>). It is probable that 
all these regulations, as Ex. 1714-16 shows to be the case with 
that relating to 'Amalek, rest upon an ancient traditional 
basis, t and that the author's part in them is limited to the 
form in which they are cast, and the motives with which he 
has enforced them. 

The encroachments of heathenism formed the pressing 
danger of the age ; and these the author strove to resist by 
every means in his power. Not only does he repeatedly 

• See 7«- 20I8 (cf. in D^ Jos. 23'2'-). 

t Comp. Delitzsch, ZKWL, 1880, p. 561 ; Dillm. p. 605. 


declare, in solemn terms, that if allowed to prevail, they will 
ultimately involve Israel in national ruin ; but a larg-e number 
of provisions — much larger than in the Book of the Covenant 
— are aimed directly against them ; and the need of enforcing 
these overrides even those considerations of forbearance and 
humanity, which usually rule supreme in the author's mind.* 
Foremost among these provisions stand the injunctions for 
the extirpation of the Canaanites. These are included in Dt., 
partly, no doubt, because they formed an element in the older 
legislation (Ex. 2331-33), and were ascribed traditionally to 
Moses, but chiefly because by the drastic completeness with 
which they sought to secure Israel against pernicious religious 
influences, they were a significant protest against the fashions 
of the age, and afforded the author a means of expressing 
indirectly his profound abhorrence of practices which he knew 
to be subversive of holiness (cf. la^i). In estimating these 
injunctions, it must, of course, be remembered that in the age 
when Dt. was written, the time when they could be enforced had 
long passed away ; they had consequently only an ideal value ; 
they bear witness by their severity to the intensity of the author's 
convictions on the subject, and to the reality of the dangers 
which he felt threatened Israel's religion from this quarter.! 
It is probable also that many more prohibitive ordinances of 
Dt. than appears on the surface, are directed against the 
encroachments of heathenism, or the assimilation of undesir- 
able foreign customs. "The essential object of the short law 
of the kingdom (171^-20) is to guard against admixture with 
foreigners, and participation in foreign policy." \ And other 
precepts are directed either against popular heathen super- 
stitions, or against the immoralities of Phoenician nature- 
worship, which, as the Books of Kings and the prophets show, 
had deeply tainted the worship of Jehovah. § 

The truth that virtue is rewarded with temporal bless- 
ings, and vice punished with temporal misfortunes, — a truth 

• See especially c. 13. 

t Cf. Ch^yne, Jeremiah, p. 67 ; Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures, p. 185. 

: OTJC" p. 365. 

§ Comp. the notes on \2^^ iV'^'Cp. 164), =i'' i6"-= \f'^ iS^"" 22* z-^^^: 


tenaciously held by the ancient Hebrews, and (as the book of 
Job shows) even treated by them as a universal law of God's 
providence, — is an important paedagogic principle, and, as 
such, is frequently emphasized by the author. The doctrine 
that "righteousness exalteth a nation," while wickedness is 
the sure prelude to national disaster, has been said truly to 
form the essence of his ** philosophy of history," as it is also 
one of the motives to obedience on which he most frequently 
insists: "that thou mayest live," "that it may be well for 
thee," "that thou mayest prolong thy days," "that Jehovah 
may bless thee," or similar phrases, are the recurring formulae, 
which show how assured he was of the general validity of the 
truth which they express.* The same conviction finds hyper- 
bolical expression in the promise that, in the event of 
obedience, Israel will be "set high" above all nations [26^^ 
28^), and enjoy material superiority over them (is^** 28'2b. isj. 
The other aspect of the same doctrine is taught less frequently, 
but not less forcibly.! Retribution, it is said emphatically 
(7^^), overtakes the evil-doer in person ; it is not reserved (as 
was sometimes thought |) for his descendants. 

The religious value of Deuteronomy is very great. True, 
"it is a book of national religion," with the limitations 
incident to age and place stamped upon it; " but it is withal 
a book of personal religion, and so of universal religion." 
The power which gave Israel its cohesion and strength was its 
religion ; if it was untrue to this, as its prophets unanimously 
saw, it must fall in pieces. Religion becomes thus the real 
ground of all moral and social order ; and the aim of Dt. is to 
establish for religion a deeper basis than that of public ritual, 

• The promise is annexed both to the general observance of the Dcut 

law, 4*' 526 (28)- 30 (33) jqIS , ,9 -jqIS. IW. ^2" (cf. alsO 7"-" X !"-"•»«•» 

26i8f. 281-" 29* P) 308), and to particular commands, viz. 5" (hoooar to 
parents), 12^-^ (prohibition to eat blood), 1^^^ (application of triennial 
tithe to relief of the poor), is^"-" (liberality in lending to needy, and in 
treatment of slave), i6«« (impartiality in judgment), 17" (king's obedience 
to Deut. law), 19" (justice on murderer), 22^ (humane treatment of bird), 
2321 Po) (not demanding interest of Israelite), 24" (leaving forgotten sheaf 
for the "stranger, the fatherless, and the widow"), 25" (commercial 
honesty). Comp. Am. 5'* Is. i"*- 3'"- sS"-" &c. 

.j. ^26 2ol7f. . 614f. glSf. I jlSf. .3 28"^' 29" (")^- 31®. X Job »• • 



or legal rules. The author addresses himself, more directly 
and effectively than any previous teacher of Israel had done, to 
the individual soul ; he labours, by appealing to the most 
powerful and generous emotions, to quicken and intensify | 
the religious life of the individual. "Hosea had already 1 
perceived that in our religious life, it is not so much we who 
find God, as God who finds us. Deuteronomy accepted this ' 
truth, and sought to show what forms the religious life thus \ 
quickened would assume among Yahveh's people. It dis- 
cerned that that life must be a life of loyal obedience and of i 
holy affection ; and inasmuch as these are not outward acts ; 
but inward states, it took the first steps towards transferring ; 
the stress of religion from national observance to individual 1 
consciousness, and proposed as its ultimate ideal a community 
which should collectively realize a relationship of reverence - 
and love to its heavenly Lord. These great sentiments | 
could only be comprehended and expressed by the community, 
when they had first been deeply felt by each single soul ; and j 
in enunciating its principles for the government of the < 
traditional Israel, Deuteronomy was therefore, in fact, enunci- 
ating them for the whole human race in every age. It was j 
reserved for the greatest of Israel's sons to discern this com- ■ 
pletely, and to proclaim its highest word as the first law, no 
longer for Judah but for the world (Mark i22S-30; Dt. 6*-5). ! 
And so the teaching of Deuteronomy leads direct to the \ 

supreme thought of Christ." * ( 


§4. Authorship, Date, and Structure. \ 

The relation of Dt. to the preceding books of the Pent., as ; 
indicated in § 2, gives rise to two questions, the consideration 
of which will conveniently open this part of our subject. It , 
will be proper, in order to make our ground secure, to start i 
with the assumption that the traditional view of the authorship 1 

of the first four books of the Pent, is correct. The questions, 


* J. E, Carpenter, " The Book of Deuteronomy," in the Modem \ 

Review, April 1883, p. 281. — In parts of the preceding- pagijs I am ■ 

indebted to Holzinger, Einlettung in den Hexateuch (1893), p. 313 ff. \ 


then which suggest themselves are: (i) Do the variations 
between the narratives of Dt. and Gn.-Nu. ever assume the 
character of discrepancies which cannot be reconciled ? (2) Is 
the relation between them such as to be incompatible with the 
traditional view that the author of both is Moses ? That the 
author of Dt., supposing him to be identical with the author 
of Ex.-Nu., should mention, either in the retrospects (c. 1-3 ; 
9^-10") or allusively elsewhere, incidents not recorded by him 
in his previous narrative, would, of course, not in itself excite 
surprise; accordingly additions such as those in 1O-8.i8f.20f.j9.31 
22if. 23-28 cause no difficulty, they relate to details of a personal 
character, a notice of which would be conformable to the plan 
of the retrospect, but which might well have been passed over 
in the history. There are, however, some other variations, 
which deserve closer consideration. 

1. In i^"^^ the plan of appointing judges to assist Moses is represented 
as originating' with Moses himself, complaining to the people of the diffi- 
culty that he found in dealing personally with the number of cases that 
arose ; the people assent to the proposal, and Moses selects the judges 
accordingly. In Ex. i8'^'^ the plan is referred entirely to the advice of 
Jethro ; no allusion is made to the difficulty felt by Moses ; and Moses 
takes action without at all consulting the people. It might be replied that 
the two accounts are mutually supplementary : what is narrated in Dt. i*"" 
would fall very naturally between Ex. 18^ and Ex. 18^ : the narrative and 
the retrospect are written from different points of view ; and some notice 
of the motives by which Moses was inwardly influenced, and of the manner 
in which the people responded to them, though unnecessary in the narrm> 
five, would be in harmony with the general plan of the retrospect. 

2. I-'-'. Here the mission of the spies is represented as due entirely to 
a suggestion made by the people : in Nu. 13'"* it is referred to a command 
received directly by Moses from Jehovah. No doubt the two representa- 
tions are capable, in the abstract, of being harmonized : Moses, it might 
be supposed, approving personally of the proposal (Dt. i*), desired to 
know if it had Jehovah's sanction ; and the command in Nu. i^^"* is really 
the answer to his inquiry. But in this case, if not in the former as well, 
it remains remarkable, if the two accounts were written by one and the 
same person, that they should be so worded as to suggest to the reader 
iwo different ideas of what had taken place ; and (especially) that Moses, 
while mentioning (Dt. 1^) that the proposal had his own approval, shoold 
not mention that it had Jehovah's also. 

3. i"-=». In Nu. 20I2 (cf. 27"'- Dt. 32*"-) Moses is prohibited to enter 
Canaan on account of his presumption in striking the rock at Kadesh, In 
the 39th year of the Exodus : here the ground of the prohibition is Jcbovah'» 
anger with him on account of the people (so 3=«4*')t "pon *« occasion whkb 


(see the note ad loc.) is plainly fixed by the context for the 2nd year of the ! 
Exodus, 37 years previously. The supposition that Moses, speaking i.i the 
40th year, should have passed, in v.^, from the 2nd to the 39th year, 
returningf in v.^ to the 2nd year, is highly improbable. 

4. i^ 2^"^*. As shown in the notes on pp. 31-33, it seems impossible < 
to harmonize the representation contained in these passages with that of ] 
Numbers ; according to Nu. 14, &c., the 38 years in the wilderness were 
spent at Kadesh : according to Dt. they were spent a-way from Kadesh 
(2"), in wandering about Edom (2^). 

5. 9®. According to Ex. 32-34 Moses was three times in the mount 
(32^*^" ; 32'' ; 34^) ; but it is only on the third occasion that he is recorded ; 
to have fasted (34^) : Dt., in the very words of Ex., describes him as doing 
so on the^r^^ occasion. Obviously, Dt. may relate what is passed by in I 
silence in Ex. ; but the variation is remarkable. j 

6. 9^"^. This, it is plain, must refer either to Ex. 32^"- (Moses' second 
visit to the mountain), or (more probably) to Ex. 34^* ^ (his third visit to j 
it). It is singular, now, that the terms of Moses own intercession, as here , 
reproduced, are borrowed, not from either of these passages, but from i 
32' 1"^^, at the close of his first forty days upon the mountain. 

7. 10^"*. This passage (see p. ii7f.) agrees — to a large extent verbally • 
— with Ex. 34^"*'^, with the difference that in Dt. Moses is directed to 
make, and actually does make, an ark of acacia-wood before ascending ; 
the mount the third time, to receive the Ten Commandments. That j 
Moses should describe as made by himself what was in fact made by I 
Bezalel, acting on his behalf, is, no doubt, natural enough ; but in the 
narrative of Ex. (as it now stands) the command is both given to Bezal'el, 
and executed by him, after Moses' return from the mountain (36-'" 37^). 
The discrepancy in two narratives, so circumstantial as each of these is, is 
difficult to explain, if both are the work of one and the same writer, : 
describing incidents in which he was personally concerned. , 

8. 10®"'. Cf. Nu. 33^"^ (in P's itinerary of the joume)'ings in the wilder- 
ness), relating, however, to a period long subsequent to the episode of the ] 
Golden Calf. In Nu., moreover, the stations Beeroth and Bene-ja'akan i 
are mentioned in the inverse order ; and (v.^) the death of Aaron is stated ; 
to have taken place, not at Moserah, but at Mount Hor, four stations I 
beydnd Jotbathah. As shown in the notes on p. iigf., there is a possible • 
formal reconciliation, though not one that can be called probable. All 
things considered, it seems, however, likely (p. 120) that 10®"^ is not part 
of the original text of Dt. ; if this be the case, Dt. will be relieved of the 
contradiction with Nu. 33^^"^, though the contradiction will still attach to | 
the source from which the notice is derived, and bear witness to the exist- , 
ence of divergent traditions in our present Pentateuch. ' 

9. 10^'. If lo*'^ be an integral part of Dt., as at that time can in that i 
case refer only to the period indicated in those verses, 10^"" will assign the 1 
consecration of the tribe of Levi to a much later date than is done in Ex.j 
28-29 Lev. 8 Nu. 3*-^°. If, however, lo*"' be not original in Dt., at that] 
tiTne will refer to the period of the sojourn at Horeb, 10^"' ; in this case, | 
there ceases to be a contradiction with Ex., but the reference seems to bei 
(see p. 121) to some incident not mentioned in the existing text of Ex. 


Of these discrepancies, i and 2, though they cannot 
be said to be favourable to Moses' authorship, are never- 
theless not absolutely incompatible with it; 5 and 6 
awaken graver doubts — it is surprising that the retrospects 
should afford so many cases (see p. xviii), from the inter- 
cession of Moses to the slaughter of the sons of Si^ion (or 
'Og), in which the reconciliation can only be effected by a 
duplication of the event recorded in the earlier narrative ; 3, 4, 
and 7 cannot be fairly explained upon the hypothesis of Mosaic 

We may pass now to the consideration of the laws in Dt., 
in their relation to those of Ex.-Nu. Let us first compare 
the laws in Ex. 21-23 (JE). Here we observe in certain cases 
modifications which cannot be reasonably accounted for, 
except upon the supposition that the laws of Dt. originated 
in a later stage of society than the laws of Ex. Even the 
greater detail and development (p. viiif.) points in this direc- 
tion, though not, of course, so decisively as the cases of 

1. In Ex. 21^" a Hebrew bondman is to serve for six years, and to 
receive his freedom in the seventh year (v.^) ; a bondwoman who comes into 
servitude with her husband is to receive her freedom at the same time (v.*). 
But a daughter sold by her father as a bondwoman is on a different foot- 
ing ; she is not to go free as the bondmen do (v.^). In Dt. 15'* the law of 
Ex., by the addition of "or an Hebrewess," is pointedly extended so as 
to include bondwomen ; and in v.^^ it is expressly prescribed that the 
bondwoman (without any limitation) is to be subject to the same law of 
manumission as bondmen. Both laws are designed for the land of Canaan, 
as appears from the reference to the door and doorpost. If both laws, 
however, were given in the wilderness for a time of future settlement in 
Canaan, the variation just noted appears arbitrary. It is, however, at 
once explicable upon the supposition that the law of Dt. springs from a 
more advanced stage of society than the law of Ex., and regulates usage 
for an age in which the father's power over his daughter was less absolute 
than it had been in more primitive times, and when it was no longer the 
custom (see Ex. ai^-s) for a Hebrew girl to be bought to be the wife of bcr 
master or his son. Contrast also Dt. 15" and Ex. 21* (p. 184). 

2. In Ex. 21I2 the asylum for manslaughter (as the connexion with v." 
appears to show) is Jehovah's altar (cf. i K. i*" 2») ; in Dt. (c 19) definite 
cities are set apart for the purpose. 

3. In Ex. 22'"-(i6«.) the law of seduction stands at the close of a list of 
cases of pecuniary compensations for injury to property : the offence » 
consequently treated as one of pecuniary loss to the father, who muat M 


compensated by the seducer purchasing the damsel as wife for the full i 
price (77iohar) of a virgin. In Dt. the corresponding law (22^'*) appears ^ 
not among laws of property, but among laws of moral purity ; and though j 
it is still provided that the offender shall marry the damsel and make com- j 
pensation to the father, a fixed fine takes the place of the variable mohar. * 
4. In Ex. 23^*"' the provisions of the sabbatical year have a purely 
agricultural reference ; in Dt. 15^'^ the institution is applied so as to form ; 
a check on the power of the creditor. Had both laws been framed by 
Moses, it is difficult not to think that in formulating Dt. 15^"^ he would have 
made some allusion to the law of Ex. 23^'"*, and mentioned that, in addi- 
tion to the provisions there laid down, the sabbatical year was to receive < 
also this new application. ■ 

Modifications such as these cannot reasonably be attributed ' 
to the altered circumstances or prospects of the nation at the 
close of the 40 years' wanderings: the provisions of Ex., as i 
is plain both from the tenor of z-^^-., and from the various 1 
laws implying- the existence of houses, and the possession of] 
separate holdings of land, are equally designed for the use of* 
the people when settled in Canaan. Those of Dt. differ just 
in being adapted to meet the needs of a more developed state , 
of society, for which the provisions of Ex. were no longer | 

If, however, it is thus difficult to attribute the laws of Dt. , 
and JE (Ex. 21-23) to the same legislator, it is altogether' 
impossible to do this in the case of the laws of P ; for not only ! 
are the variations which the regulations of Dt. present much ' 
graver, but, as shown above (p. xiiif.), it cannot be supposed | 
that P was one of the sources employed by the author of Dt. : | 
laws and institutions of fundamental importance in P are | 
treated in Dt. as if they were either non-existent, or matters | 
of no concern to the Writer ; they are sometimes contradicted, ] 
sometimes ignored. Instances of their being ignored were | 
cited above, p. xiii ; the following are instances of contra- j 
diction : — j 

I. In Lev. Nu. a sharp distinction is drawn — and enforced under i 
stringent penalties (Nu. lei**- ^s. ■«) — between the priests and the common 
Levites: in Dt. it is implied (18^*) that all members of the tribe of Levi are \ 
qualified to exercise priestly functions ; and regulations are laid down j 

* Comp. W. R. Smith, Addit. Answer to the Libel (Edin. 1878), p. 56 f.; I 
OTJC."^ p. 368 f. ( 


(iS*"*) to meet the case of any member coming' from the country to the 
central sanctuary, and claiming to officiate there as priest. 

2. In P particular provision is made for the maintenance of both priests 
and Levites, and in Nu. 35^"* (cf. Jos. 21) 48 cities are appointed for their 
residence. In Dt. , under both heads, the regulations are very different, 
and allow considerably less ample provision for the maintenance of the 
tribe. Thus Dt. 18^ (the shoulder, the cheeks, and the maw to be the 
priest's perquisite in a peace-offering) is in direct contradiction with Lev. 
^32-34 ^the breast and the right thigh to be the priest's due in a peace- 

3. Dt. 18® is inconsistent with the institution of Levitical cities (Nu. 
35*"^ ; it implies that the Levite has no settled residence, but is a 
"sojourner" in one of the cities ("gates," see p. Ixxix) of Israel. As 
remarked on p. 218, the provision of Dt. 18* is not incompatible with such 
an institution, supposing it to have been imperfectly put in force ; but its 
terms are quite general, they are not limited to any such future con- 
tingency as this, and (what is especially noticeable) they harmonize with 
other passages of Dt. in which the country Levite is represented as desti- 
tute of adequate maintenance, and is placed in the same category with 
the "stranger, the fatherless, and the widow" (12^-^*-^ i^^-^ i6"-" 
26". lit.), 

4. In Dt. I2''* ^^ 15^^^ the firstlings of oxen and sheep are to be 
ea/en by the oToner himself at a sacred feast to be held at the central 
sanctuary : in Nu. 18^' they are assigned absolutely and expressly to the 

5. In Nu. 18^"** the tithe is assigned entirely to the Levites, who in 
their turn (v.*^^) pay a tenth to the priests : in Dt. it is, in two years out 
of three, to be consumed by the offerer and his household at a sacred feast 
(14^^), and in the third year to be applied to the relief of the poor (14^**'), 
— in both cases the members of the priestly tribe sharing- only together 
with other destitute persons in the offerer's bounty. 

6. While Lev. 2^'^ enjoins the release of the Hebrew slave in the year 
of jubile, in Dt. 15'-'^ the legislator, without brining his new law into 
relation with the different one of Lev. , prescribes the release of the Hebrew 
slave in the seventh year of his service. 

7. In Lev. 17" the flesh of an animal dying of itself (nebeldh) is not to 
be eaten either by the Israelite or by the "stranger": in Dt. 14-' it is 
prohibited for the Israelite, but permitted to the " stranger." 

8. In Ex. 12^* the paschal sacrifice is limited to a lamb : in Dt. 16^ it 
may be either a sheep or an ox (see also the note on 1^).* 

These differences between the laws of Dt. and those of P 
are greater than could arise, were the legislator the same in 

* For attempts that have been made to harmonize these discrepancies, 
see the notes on the passages quoted. The explanations offered by 
Principal Douglas — whose name I mention with all respect — in Lex 
Mosaica (pp. 80-96) must be regretfully pronounced to be not less strained 
and unsuccessful than those of his predecessors. 


both : they can only be explained by the supposition that the 
two systems of law reflect the usage of two distinct periods i 
of the national life. Of course there is no difficulty in • 
supposing" that Moses may have foreseen the neglect of his own 
institutions and provided for it accordingly : but not one of 
the regulations that have been referred to betrays any indi- ' 
cation whatever that this was the intention of the legislator 
in framing it ; in every case the terms of the provision are 
as unqualified and absolute as are those of P. It is also 
undoubtedly true that the aim of Dt. is very different from I 
that of P : the one is intended (chiefly) for the guidance of j 
the priests, the other is addressed to the people ; the one j 
represents the priestly point of view, the other that of the ! 
prophets ; the one lays down a complete code of ritual observ- j 
ances, which certainly does not fall within the scope of the I 
other. Still, if P were written by Moses, — or even compiled 
by another hand under his direction, — it is inconceivable that 
in recapitulating at the close of his life the laws which he ' 
desired the Israelites to observe, he should have thus held 
himself aloof from a body of law, in the compilation of which ^ 
he had {ex hyp.) been so intimately concerned, ignoring 
institutions which he had represented as of central signifi- ' 
cance in his system,* and contradicting regulations which 
he had declared to be invested with the highest sanctions, t > 
Not only does Dt. not contain (in any sense of the ' 
word) a resume or "recapitulation" of the laws of P, but 
the author does not even do what, supposing him to have , 
been interested in a great ceremonial system, would have ; 
been consonant with the general plan of his work, and at 
the same time of the utmost value to future generations of 
Israelites : he does not, even in general terms, refer to the 
system which (ex hyp.) he had prescribed, for the purpose 
of summarizing its leading principles, or of defining the ; 
place which ceremonial institutions should hold in a spiritual j 

• See p. xiii. The Day of Atonement, it is enjoined in P (Lev. 23^*), is ] 
to be observed by all under penalty of death. I 

t The rights and revenues of the tribe of Levi do fall within the scope i 
of DL (see 18^"*), not less than within that of P, and yet the provisions are I 
altogether different. 


religion.* On the contrary, his attitude towards it shows that 
its most characteristic ideas are alien to his mind, and have no 
place in his scheme of religion. 

The study of the legal sections of Dt. leads thus to the 
same conclusion which resulted from the study of the his- 
torical sections : each, when compared with the corresponding 
sections of Ex.-Nu., presents inconsistencies incompatible with 
the supposition of both being the work of the same author. 
This conclusion follows, even if (as has up to this point been 
assumed) Moses be the author of the preceding books of the 
Pentateuch. It is confirmed by the independent evidence of 
style. The literary styles of Dt. and P, while each has a strongly 
individual character, are cast in two entirely different moulds ; 
if Moses was the author of the one, he cannot have so far 
disowned his own individuality as to be also the author of the 
other. Nor can the Mosaic authorship of Dt. be maintained 
in face of a comparison with JE. That a composite narrative 
of the Exodus should have arisen in the lifetime of Moses, 
and that Moses himself should have drawn upon it in Dt., 
cannot be considered probable. But waiving this point, and 
treating JE as the work of a single hand, the style, though 
not so different from the style of Dt. as P's style is, neverthe- 
less differs from it more than would be consonant with the 
tenacious literary habits of Hebrew authors, were the writer 
in both cases the same : the discourses of Dt. are pervaded 
throughout by a uniform colouring and tone, which are absent 
from JE (comp. p. Ixxvii), and are an indication that we have 
before us the work of another hand.f 

^ In point of fact, however, — though the proof cannot be 
stated here, and must be sought in the Commentaries on the 
books in question, — the Mosaic authorship of the first four 
books of the Pent, cannot be sustained. JE and P were 
composed at two widely different periods of Israelitish history, 

* He does this, to some extent, for the laws of JE (i6^"^'), but not for 
those of P. — Comp., also, Westphal, pp. 172 ff., 231 ff., 241 fF. 

t Similarly Dean (now Bishop) Perowne (Contemp. Rev. Jan. 1888, p. 
144) : " The book is in style quite unlike the other books of the Hexateuch : 
it stands absolutely alone. If it is the work of Moses, the other books 
cannot claim his authorship." On P's style, of. L.O.T. pp. 122-128. 


and both, there are the strongest reasons for supposing", long 
subsequent to Moses. Of course, for those who admit this, 
the post-Mosaic authorship of Dt. follows at once ; for, as 
was shown above (pp. viiif., xvf.), it is dependent upon, and 
consequently later than, JE. 

This conclusion, to which different lines of argument 
independently converge, is supported by other indications. 
There are passages, for instance, in Dt., showing that the 
author lived at a distance from the period which he describes. 
Thus, if i^ ("eleventh month") be compared with Nu. 33^ 
("fifth month "), which fixes the date of Nu. 20^2-28^ jt appears 
that the whole of the events reviewed in 2^-329 had taken 
place during the six months preceding the time when, if Moses 
be the author, the discourse must have been delivered. In 
such a situation, howevei*, the repeated at that time (2^ 
^4. 8. 12. 18. 21. 23j^ as also v7ito this day in 3^*, though suitable 
when a longer interval had elapsed, appears inappropriate. 
C. 5^ and ii2-7 point in the same direction. The writer, 
though aware as a fact (S^*) of the 40 years' wanderings, 
does not appear fully to realize the length of the interval, and 
identifies those whom he addresses with the generation that 
came out of Egypt in a manner which betrays that he is not 
speaking as a contemporary. In 2^2b (<< as Israel did unto the 
land of his possession, which Jehovah gave him ") there is an 
evident anachronism : however, some writers have treated the 
antiquarian notices tS^-^^' 20-23 (though otherwise in the style of 
Dt. and similar to 3^- "• ^^b j jso) as glosses. The expression, 
"when ye came forth out of Egypt," not merely in 24^ 251^^, 
but also in 235(*), of an incident quite at the end of the 40 
years' wanderings (cf. 445b. 46bj^ could not have been used 
naturally by Moses, speaking less than six months afterwards, 
but testifies to the writer of a later age, in which the 40 years 
had dwindled to a point. 

"^ That Dt. is of later origin than the age of Moses may be 
inferred, further, from two other considerations, (i) The use 
of the phrase " beyond Jordan " (i^")'n "I3y2) for the country East 
of Jordan, in Dt. i^- ^ 38 4"- ^' *7. 49 ^as elsewhere in the Pent. : 
comp. Nu. 22^ 34^*). exactly as in Jos. 2^** 7^ 9^° &c. Jud. 5^^ 


lo^, shows that the author was a resident in Western Valest'mc. 
It is indeed sometimes alleged that the expression had a fixed 
geographical sense (like Gallia Transalpina, &c.), and was 
used as a standing designation of the trans-Jordanic territory, 
irrespectively of the actual position of the speaker or writer ; 
but Dt. 320.25 J I so and Jos. 5^ 9I 12^ (where it is used of 
Western Palestine), show that this assumption is incorrect. 
If, now, its meaning was not thus fixed, its employment by a 
writer, whether in E. or W. Palestine, of the side on which he 
himself stood, is difficult to understand, unless the habit had 
arisen of viewing the regions on the two sides of Jordan as 
contrasted with each othe? ; * and this of itself implies residence 
in Palestine. It is,*of course, conceivable that this was a habit 
of the Canaanites ; but it can hardly be considered likely that 
the usage suggested by it passed from them to the Israelites, 
before the latter had set foot in the land, and experienced the 
conditions adapted to naturalize it among them. The use of 
the expression in Dt. (as in the Pent, generally) exactly as in 
Jos. 2^° &c. creates a very strong presumption that the passages 
in question were all written under similar local conditions.! 

(2) The law respecting the place of sacrifice, as formulated 
in Dt., must have arisen at a much later age than that of 
Moses. As shown in the notes on c. 12 (pp. 136-138), while 
Dt. insists with great emphasis that all sacrifices are to be 
offered only at a single sanctuary, the spot chosen by Jehovah 
"out of all the tribes to set His name there," the law of Ex. 
2o2* permits altars to be built, and sacrifice to be offered upon 
them, in any part of the land without distinction ; and with 

* Hence its use in Jos. 5^ 9^ 12^, written (presumably) in W. Palestine. 

t So Dean (now Bishop) Perowne, Contemp. Rev. Jan. 1888, p. 143 f. 
In Dt. 3^' ^ the (assumed) position of the speaker is naturally maintained. 
In v.®, on the contrary, in a phrase of common occurrence (4*^ Jos. 2*" 9'"), 
as in Jos. i^**^', the point of view of the a;r»V^r unconsciously betrays itself. 
Nu. 32^" nmiD pT.T nayo . . . nxSm ynh nayo, where the expression is used 
oi both sides of Jordan, though it has been referred to, has no bearingf on 
the present question : the usage here falls into the category of passages 
in which, in accordance with Heb. idiom, the same expression repeated 
acquires a contrasted meaning in virtue of the juxtaposition (cf. i S. 14* 
2o2i.22 2^). From the use of the term in Nu. 32'" nothing can conse- 
quently be inferred as to its force, when used absolutely, as in Dt. i'*' &c. 


the principle thus laid down the practice of the age from 
Joshua to Solomon (and even later) conforms : during this 
period mention is frequently made of altars being built, or 
sacrifice offered, at places other than that at which the 
Ark was stationed, without any indication (and this is the 
important point), on the part of either the actors or the 
narrator, that an irregularity is being committed (see esp. 
I S. 9^2-14 io3-5j I K. 18'"'). It is, of course, true that the non- 
observance of a law does not of necessity imply its non- 
existence ; nevertheless, when men who might fairly be 
presumed to know of it, if it existed, not only make no attempt 
to put it in force, but disregard it without explanation or 
excuse, such an inference cannot be deemed an extravagant 

The composition of Dt. must thus be placed at a period long 
subsequent to the age of Moses. Is it possible to determine 
its date more precisely ? The teitnimis ad quern is not difficult 
to fix; it must have been written previously to the i8th year 
of King Josiah (b.c. 621), the year in which Hilkiah made his 
memorable discovery of the " book of the law " in the Temple 

• A. van Hoonacker (Z> lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des 
HAreux, 1894) interprets Ex. 20^ oi private altars, and seeks to show 
that the laws of Ex. 21-23 recogfnise only one legitimate public sanctuary, 
so that the law of Dt. 12 is not the innovation that it is commonly sup- 
posed to be. It is true, no doubt, that critics have sometimes unduly 
minimized the importance of the sanctuary at which the Ark was stationed 
— whether at Shiloh or elsewhere, or afterwards at Jerusalem — before the 
Deuteronomic legislation : de facto, the sanctuary which, in a special 
sense, was Jehovah's dwelling-place must always have had the pre- 
eminence (cf. Ex. 23^') ; and the Temple of Solomon, by its splendour, and 
the associations of veneration and regard with which time naturally in- 
vested it, must have tended more and more to throw into the shade the 
minor local sanctuaries ; still, in face of the evidence of the historical 
books, it is difficult to think that sacrifice at other spots was regarded as 
actually illegitimate. The truth seems rather to be that centralizing 
tendencies had manifested themselves long boCore the age of either 
Manasseh or Josiah ; in Dt. they are brought to a head, the preference, 
or pre-eminence, which the Temple had long enjoyed de facto is confirmed 
to it de jure, and that in such a manner as to secure for it at the same 
lime exclusive rights, as against all other sanctuaries. The law of Dt. 
remains an innovation ; but it is an innovation for which the soil had long 
been preparing. 


(2 K. 22^'^-). For the narrative of 2 K. 22-23 makes it plain 
that the book so found must have embraced Deuteronomy ; * 
for although the bare description of its contents, and of .the 
effect produced by it upon those who heard it (22^1- 1^. i9) might 
suit Lev. 26 equally with Dt. 28, yet the allusions to the 
covenant contained in it (232- 8. 21^^ which refer evidently to Dt. 
(2869 (29I) : cf. 298- 20. 24(9. 21. 25))^ and the fact that in the reforma- 
tion based upon it, Josiah carries out, step by step, the funda- 
mental principles of Dt.,t leave no doubt upon the matter. 

How much earlier than B.C. 621 Dt. may be, is more 
difficult to determine. The following considerations, how- 

* Or, at least, c. 5-26. 28 (p. Ixv). It cannot be shown to have included 
more than Dt. (see Schrader, Einl. § 2066, c ; Dillm. p. 613 ; OTJC?^. 258 ; 
Westphal, p. 289 ft'.; &C'); but that is immaterial to the present argument. 

t Viz. the abolition of all heathen rites and superstitions, and the 
centralization of Jehovah's worship at Jerusalem : comp. 2 K. 23** "''• '^ 
(worship of the host of heaven put down) with Dt. 17'; 23*- ^^ (priests and 
sanctuaries of various "other gods") with Dt. 6" n^ 17' &c. ; 23*' ''•^*' 
15. ]9^jhg high-places, with their altars, "pillars," and Ash^rim) with Dt. 
I2-'* ; 23® (the Ash^rah in the Temple) with Dt. 16^ ; 23^ (the Kedeshim) with 
Dt. 23^^ P^) ; 23"'' ^provision made for the support of the disestablished 
priests out of the Temple dues) with Dt. 18^ ; 23^^* (Molech-worship) with 
Dt. 18^°*; 23^^*^ (the passover in Jerusalem) with Dt. i6^'*; 23-'' (consulters 
of ghosts and familiar spirits) with Dt. 18^^ ; v.^ (Josiah's piety) with Dt. 
6^ If the reader will peruse consecutively (cf. Cheyne, Jeremiah, his 
Life and Times, p. 50 f.) Dt. 6^-5- "-16 122-7 1621-22 iS^-^^ 28, he will have an 
idea of the passages which may have principally impressed Josiah. The 
covenant which the king and nation solemnly enter into, to observe the 
newly discovered code, is also described in terms which point unmistak- 
ably to Dt. (2 K. 23' "to keep his commandments, and his testimonies, 
and his statutes, with all the heart and with all the soul " : see p. Ixxxi f., 
Nos. 37, 51). The title book of the law (2 K. 238-") recalls Dt. 28«i 292«(2i) 
20I0 31-6 Jos. 18 8** (all of the Deut. code). Whether any weight is to be 
attached to the reminiscence in 22^^ of Dt. 28'^ is less certain ; for though 
in substance Huldah's prophecy is no doubt authentic, it is pretty clear 
that it owes its form to the Deuteronomic compiler of Kings, so that the 
reminiscence may be due to him rather than to Huldah herself. The 
expression "confirm the words," &c. (2 K. 22'-2'«), recalls Dt. 272^; but it 
is doubtful whether this verse is part of the original Dt. (p. 300). The 
law of Dt. 18^8 was not, however, fully carried out : the disestablished 
priests of the high-places, though they were received by their "brethren" 
at Jerusalem, and allowed a share in the Temple dues, were not permitted 
to minister at the altar (2 K. 23^), — whether Josiah was not able to enforce 
this provision on account .of the opposition of Hilkiah and the other 
Zadokite priests, or whether they were felt to be disqualified for such 
sacred duties by the part they had taken in idolatrous rites. 


ever, tend to fix its date more closely, and to show that it 
belongs, most probably, either to the reign of Manasseh, or to 
the early years of the reign of Josiah. 

1. The differences between the laws of Dt. and those of 
Ex. 21-23 tend to show that the two Codes are separated from 
each other by a considerable interval of time, in the course of 
which the social and political organization of the community 
had materially developed, and the Code of Ex. had ceased to 
be adequate to the nation's needs.* 

2. The law of the kingdom (17^^-20) is coloured by reminis- 
cences of the monarchy of Solomon. The argument does not 
deny that Moses may have made provision for the establish- 
ment of a monarchy in Israel, but affirms that the form in 
which the provision is here cast bears the stamp of a later age. 

3. The terms of Dt. 178-13 ^^f. 19^'^), in which the con- 
stitution of the supreme tribunal is not prescribed, but repre- 
sented as already known (cf. p. 207), appear to presuppose the 
existence of the judicature, instituted (according to 2 Ch. 
198-11) by Jehoshaphat. 

4. The forms of idolatry alluded to, especially the worship 
of the " Host of heaven" (4^^ 17^), point to a date not earlier 
than the 2nd half of the 8th cent. B.C. It is true, the worship 
of the sun and moon is ancient, as is attested even by the 
names of places in Canaan : but in the notices (which are 
frequent) of idolatrous practices in the historical books from 
Judges to Kings, no mention of the " Host of heaven " occurs 
until the reign of Ahaz ; and in the 7th cent, it is alluded to 
frequently.! The temptation to worship "other gods" is the 
pressing danger of the age, both in Dt. and in Jeremiah. 

5. The influence of Dt. upon subsequent writers is clear 

* Cf. Cheyne, Jeremiah, p. 71 : "The Israel of Dt. is separated from 
the Israel of the Exodus by a complete social revolution. The nomad 
tribes have grown into a settled and wealthy community (notice the phrase 
'the elders of the city,' 19'^ &c.), whose organisation needs no longer to 
be constituted, but only to be reformed." Why the new features in the 
legislation of Dt. cannot be accounted for by the altered circumstances of 
the nation at the close of the 40 years' wanderings, is shown on p. xxxviii. 

t2 K. 23" (Ahaz); 2 K. 2i»-», cf. 23«-«-"-i2 (Manasseh); 2 K. if^ 
(Deut.) the reference is vague : Zeph. i* Jer. 8* 19^* ; 7^^ 44'^ ; Ez. 8'* refer 
to a later period. It was introduced, in all probability, from Babylonia. 


and indisputable. It is remarkable, now, that the early 
prophets, Amos, Hosea, and the undisputed portions of Isaiah, 
show no certain traces of this influence; Jeremiah exhibits 
marks of it on nearly every page ; Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah 
are also evidently influenced by it. If Dt. were composed 
between Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts would be exactly 
accounted for. 

6. The language and style of Dt., clear and flowing, free 
from archaisms (see § 5), but purer than that of Jeremiah, 
would suit the same period. Dillm. (p. 611) remarks justly 
that the style of Dt., especially in its rhetorical fulness and 
breadth of diction, implies a long development of the art of 
public oratory, and is not of a character to belong to the first 
age of Hebrew literature. 

7. The prophetic teaching of Dt. , the dominant theological 
ideas, the points of view under which the laws are presented, 
the principles by which conduct is estimated, presuppose a 
relatively advanced stage of theological reflexion, as they also 
approximate to what is found in Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 

8. In Dt. i622 we read, "Thou shalt not set thee up a 
mazzehah (obelisk), which Jehovah thy God hateth." Would 
Isaiah, it is asked, if he had known of such a law, have 
adopted the ma^sebah (19^^) as a symbol of the future con- 
version of Egypt to the true faith ? * Or, if he had known of 

* Cf. OTJC- p. 3SS ; Ryle, Canon of the OT. p. 56 : and comp. below, 
p. 204. The supposition that obelisks connected with heathen places of 
worship are meant in Dt. 16^ is not favoured by the context (v.^*") ; the 
use of these has, moreover, been proscribed before, 7' 12' (repeated from 
Ex. 23^ 34'^). The older leg^islation enjoins the destruction of heathen 
altars and obelisks ; but contains no prohibition corresponding to Dt. 16^: 
in Ex. 24* obelisks are erected beside an altar by Moses. The argument 
is sometimes met by the answer that the obelisk spoken of by Isaiah was 
a commemorative one, intended merely to indicate to the traveller entering 
Eg^pt, that it was a country sacred to Jehovah. But it could not have 
served this purpose, without possessing some religious associations ; and 
these, according to Dt. 16^, were of a character which Jehovah "hated." 
At the same time, the argument does not possess the cogency of those of 
a broader and more general character : for a single, isolated law, in the 
face of opposing custom, might drop out of notice ; and the prophet's 
figure would in that case have been merely suggested to him by prevalent 
popular usage. 


Dt. 14I, would he have said {22^^) that Jehovah "called "to | 

a practice which is there prohibited ? j 

9. The law of Dt. 1820-22 presupposes an age in which the ! 
true prophets found themselves in conflict with numerous and J 
influential false prophets, and it became necessary to supply 
Israel with the means of distinguishing them, i.e. the period j 
from the 8th cent, onwards (Dillm. pp. 331, 612). 1 

10. In general, as Oettli (p. 16) remarks, both the religious 
and the national experiences presupposed by Dt. are much 
wider than those of the Mosaic age can have been. 

So soon as Dt. is recognized as a work of the 7th cent. B.C., 
the phenomena which were so perplexing, upon the hypothesis 

of its Mosaic authorship, are at once readily explicable. For ] 

history, it was dependent (in the main) upon JE : that was the j 

popular narrative of the origines of Israel : the narrative of P ! 

(if indeed it already existed) had not yet been combined with \ 

JE, and was little known. The author, however, not being 1 

the author of JE as well, follows it freely, sometimes perhaps j 

interweaving reminiscences from memory ; hence he now and j 
then inadvertently places a clause in a new setting (p. xviii), 
or is guilty of a slight inconsistency. The incidents mentioned 

by him without the authority of JE (p. xviif.) may have been 1 

derived by him in some cases from an independent source, i 
oral or written : for others, notably those narrated in the 

earlier books at points of juncture between the narratives of | 

JE and P, his source was far more probably JE itself, in parts 1 

which the last compiler of the Hexateuch sacrificed when he I 

combined JE with P, but which, at the time when Dt. was i 

written, were still read by the author in their integrity. In the | 

legal parts of his work, the modifications and additions which ] 

the legislation of Dt. presents, when compared with that of ' 
JE, are simply a consequence of the more varied needs of the 

society for which it was designed. The sparseness of refer- ; 

ences to priestly institutions, and the discrepancies with P : 

(p. xxxix), are explained at once, when it is remembered that , 

many of these institutions had not yet reached the form in | 
which they are systematized in the Priests' Code, and that the 

author, while free from any desire to depreciate ceremonial j 


observances (p. xxx), was nevertheless a man whose interests 
were chiefly centred in the prophetical aspects of religion. 

The question whether Dt. is to be assigned to the reign of 
Manasseh or Josiah is a more difficult one. Let us consider 
the historical conditions of the 7th cent. B.C., and the motives, 
or influences, under which Dt. may have been composed. 

Throughout his long prophetic career, Isaiah had pro- 
claimed the advent, so soon as Syrian or Assyrian troubles 
were over, and Judah was able again to breathe freely, of an 
ideal state of pur ity and bless edness; Judah was then to 
realize i ts ideal character of a " holy nati on. "; her citizens, 
from the king downwards, were to exhibit ideal excellences ; 
a gceat^noral and spiritual regeneration was to be effected, 
and the national character was to be radically transfo rmed.* 
Publicly and privately, this was the teaching which Isaiah 
reiterated : and upon all spiritually minded Israelites, we may 
be sure, his powerful personality, and noble ideas, made a 
profound impression. At the time, one of the chief obstacles 
to purity of religion appears to have been the local shrines, 
or " high-places " (p. 139) : here the worship of Jehovah could 
be despiritualized, and even contaminated with heathen rites, 
more readily than was possible — except under a distinctly 
idolatrous king — at the Temple of Jerusalem. Isaiah, how- 
ever, though he speaks of image s w ith reprobation and dis- 
paragement,t does not (in his extant prophecies) wage_ war 
against the local sanctuaries as such, J and hardly even alludes 
to the worship of ''other gods." § It is the moral shortcomings 
of his contemporaries which stir him most deeply, and fill a 
more prominent place in his writings than the denunciation of 
heathen rites. As yet, notwithstanding the patronage of 
Ahaz (2 K. 16'*, cf. 2312), distinctively heathen influences were 
not apparently so aggressive in Judah as they were destined 
to become shortly afterwards. Hezekiah, however, appears 
to have seen that any serious religious reform must begin at 

• Is. 1^'- 42-6 29^-2* 3020-22 gi? ^2^-8. la-n 338-6, See the writer's Isaiah, 
his Life and Times, pp. 22, 26, 58, 62, iiof. 

t 28- J8. 20 j^8 302a 3i7. + Cf. however, i». 

§ Cf. l7^<'^ This term, so common in Dt., Jer., and other Deutero- 
nomic writers (p. Ixxviii), is not found in Isaiah. 


the local sanctuaries ; and hence (thoug-h the description may 
attribute to him more than he actually accomplished *) he 
removed, it is said, the high-places, and commanded all men 
to worship before the altar in Jerusalem (2 K. i8*-22 218). 
This, we may conclude, was the practical form in which Isaiah's 
teaching took shape in Hezekiah's mind, and in which he 
soug"ht to give effect to Isaiah's ideals. 

But whatever Hezekiah effected by this measure, was very 
soon undone. Under his successor, Manasseh, who occupied 
the throne for nearly 50 years, a violent and determined 
reaction in favour of heathenism set in. Not only were the 
high-places re-established ; but distinctively heathen cults 
were so patronized by the king that they threatened to super- 
sede altogether the service of Jehovah. The worship of Ba'al, 
of the Ash6rah, and of the "host of heaven," was carried on 
in the courts of the Temple itself; the odious rites of Molech 
(p. 222 f.) were revived; various other superstitious or 
immoral practices also became fashionable.! Nor would 
Manasseh brook opposition : the loyal servants of Jehovah, 
who resisted his innovations, were relentlessly persecuted and 
slain ; the "innocent blood," which he shed in Jerusalem, is a 
standing charge against his memory. J The prophecy Mic. 
6^-7^ is an interesting and instructive monument of this reign : 
for, on the one hand, it presents a vivid picture of the moral 
corruption of the age {6^^-^^ T^"*)* and of the infatuated eager- 
ness with which the people pressed forward to propitiate the 
deity even with the sacrifice of their dearest (6^) ; and, on the 
other hand, it supplies evidence that the voice of the prophets 
was not silenced, but that they could still proclaim, in accents 
of calm resignation and trust, that what Jehovah demanded 
of His worshippers was not material offerings, however costly, 
but **to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly 
with thy God" (68). 

With the accession of Josiah (b.c. 639), there came no 
doubt a change. The readiness with which Josiah yielded 
himself to the principles of Deuteronomy, and the terms in 

♦ Cf. OTJC.^ pp. 355, 357 ; Montefiore, Hibb. Led. p. 164. 
t 2 K. 2i2-7 ; cf. 23*-7-"-". + 2 K. 2ii« 24* ; cf. Jer. 2» 


which Jeremiah alludes to him (Jer. 22^5b-i6j^ combine to show 
that his character was that of a religiously-minded, amiable 
prince, who would be the last to follow in the footsteps of 
Manasseh, or willingly be disloyal to Israel's creed. The 
prophetical party, and their adherents, could now therefore 
lift up their heads in peace ; and active persecution ceased. 
But a child of eight could not be expected to inaugurate at 
once a new policy : nor, a^ a matter of fact, for some 18 years 
was any material alteration effected ; the syncretistic and 
idolatrous worship continued ; even the Temple was not 
purged of its heathen disfigurements. These and other 
reforms were only carried out in consequence of the effect 
wrought upon Josiah by Deuteronomy, after its discovery in 
the Temple, in his i8th year (2 K. 22-23). 

Our information respecting the 46 years of Manasseh's 
reign, and the first 17 of Josiah's, is fragmentary: it is only 
by conjecture that we can either picture to ourselves the con- 
dition to which the prophetical party was reduced by the 
persecuting measures of Manasseh, or imagine the steps 
which they may have taken for the purpose of arresting, if 
possible, the downward movement of the nation. But the 
7th century, it is evident, marked a crisis in the religious 
history of Judah : the longer Manasseh's reign continued, the 
more critical must the times have seemed to the true wor- 
shippers of Jehovah : nor, even after Josiah's accession, could 
the crisis have been considered to be past, so long as the 
heathen practices sanctioned by his grandfather maintained 
their hold upon the nation. Deuteronomy represents the first 
serious attempt made to counteract the tendencies of the age. 
It may have been in the dark days of Manasseh, when the 
spiritual energy of prophecy, no longer able, as of yore, to 
make its voice heard openly among the people, nevertheless 
refused to be suppressed, and, hopeful of better times, pro- 
vided in anticipation a spiritual rallying-point, round which 
the disorganized forces of the national religion might under 
happier auspices one day range themselves again. Or it may 
have been later, when the character of the young King Josiah 
afforded promise of speedier success, that the needful stimulus 


was found, and that the prophets, encouraged by the brighter 
prospect, resolved upon putting forward the spiritual require- 
ments of the age, in a shape which, if circumstances favoured, 
might serve more immediately as a basis of reform. 

Such, at any rate, whichever the age to which it belongs, 
was the aim which the prophetic author of Dt. set himself. 
The means which he adopted for giving it practical effect were 
well chosen. His object was to quicken the national con- 
science, and at the same time to bring it into touch with the 
principles which regulated the national life. Accordingly he 
comes forward neither solely as a prophet, nor solely as a 
legalist. The prophet, as such, though he asserted with 
noble eloquence the claims of a spiritual religion and a pure 
morality, was apt to be too abstract and ideal in his teaching 
to influence the masses of his countrymen ; and the mere 
promulgation of a collection of laws would obviously be 
valueless as a stimulus to moral action. The author adopted 
accordingly a method for which, on a smaller scale, there was 
already a precedent in the "Book of the Covenant"; he 
selected such laws as he deemed most important for his 
people to observe, he presented them in a popular dress, and 
he so combined them with homiletic introductions and com- 
ments as to make them the vehicle of a powerful appeal in the 
interests of spiritual religion. If the religious life of the 
nation was to be successfully reformed, there was need, he 
saw, of a reaffirmation in emphatic terms of the old national 
creed, and of the practical . consequences which followed 
logically from it; the principles which Moses had long ago 
proclaimed, as the foundation of national well-being, must be 
reasserted ; the exclusive claims of Jehovah upon the Israel- 
ite's loyalty, and the repudiation of every practice and observ- 
ance inconsistent with them, must be again insisted on ; an 
effort must be made to reinfuse the national life, in the more 
complex form which it had now assumed, with the spirit of 
Moses; the old laws must (where necessary) be so adjusted to 
the needs of the times, as to constitute an efficient safeguard 
against the dangers which threatened the religion of Israel. 
This was the aim of Deuteronomy, viewed in the light of the 



age which gave it birth. It was a great manifesto against 
the dominant tendencies of the time. It was an endeavour to 
realize in practice the ideals of the prophets, especially of 
Hosea and Isaiah, to transform the Judah demoralized by 
Manasseh into the "holy nation " pictured in Isaiah's vision, 
and to awaken in it that devotion to God, and love for man, 
which Hosea had declared to be the first of human duties 
(p. xxviif.). The author exhausts all his eloquence in setting 
forth, as impressively as possible, the truths which he desires 
Israel to lay to heart : in noble and melodious periods he 
dilates upon the goodness of Jehovah, and the claims which 
He has in consequence upon Israel's allegiance ; warm-hearted 
and generous himself, he strives, in works aglow with fervour 
and affection, to evoke corresponding emotions in Israel's 
breast; while now and again, adopting a graver mood, he 
points ominously to the dark background of warning, such as 
the fate of the Northern kingdom brought only too conspicuously 
before him. " Thus were the old laws presented in a popular 
form, as the 'people's book,' combining creed and law, ex- 
hortation and denunciation. It was a prophet's formulation 
of 'the law of Moses,' adapted to the requirements of that 
later time. 'The law,' in the guise of prophecy, this might 
become a spiritual rallying-point for Judah and Jerusalem ; it 
might be the means of upholding spiritual life even in the 
overthrow of national hopes." * 

If Dt. were written under Manasseh, t it is easy to under- 
stand how, after having been deposited for safety in the 
Temple, or taken there by some priest, it might, in the neglect 
and disorder into which during that reign the arrangements 
of the Temple were suffered to fall, have been mislaid and lost ; 
and the surprise occasioned by its discovery, during some 
repairs, by the high priest Hilkiah, is thus readily accounted for. 
By others, on the contrary, the calm and hopeful spirit which 
the author displays, and the absence even of any covert allusion 

* Ryle, Canon of the OT. p. 60. 

t So Ewald, Hist. i. 127, iv. 221 ; Bleek, Introd. § 126; W. R. Smith, 
Add. Answer, p. 78 ; Kittel, Gesch. der Hebr. \. 57-59 ; Ryle, Canon, pp. 
54 f., 56, 60; VVildeboer, Letterkunde des Ouden Verbonds (1893), p. 22a 


to the special troubles of Manasseh's time, are considered to 
be objections to that date : the book, it is argued, is better | 
understood as the direct outcome of the reforming tendencies { 
which the early years of Josiah must have called forth, and as 
designed from the first with the view of promoting the ends 
which its author labours to attain.* Those who assign Dt. 
to this date sometimes suppose, moreover, that the party of ] 
reform not only designed Dt. with this practical aim in view, | 
but also devised the means by which it should be brought \ 
under the notice of the king, whose friendly co-operation was 
essential to the success of their plans. Hilkiah undertook the 
responsibility of doing this. He seems, it is said by those 
who adopt this view, to have so acted as to give the appear- ] 
ance of accident to a long preconcerted design. Shaphan, i 
the "scribe," or chancellor, having been sent to the Temple 
with a message from Josiah, relating to some repairs that ; 
were being executed there, Hilkiah declared that he had 
"found" it in the Temple; he handed it to Shaphan, who in 
his turn laid it before the king. The sequel is well known. 
The king, when he heard it read, was amazed to find how , 
its fundamental principles had been disregarded ; he hastened I 
to secure the co-operation of the people of the land, and at t 
once took active steps to give them practical effect (2 K. ' 

The grounds for referring the_ composition of Dt. to the j 
reign of Josiah in preference to that of Manasseh are not 1 
decisive : from the nature of the case, an exhortation placed J 
in Moses' mouth could not be expected to contain allusions to i 
the special circumstances either of Manasseh's or of Josiah's 
reign ; and the narrative of the discovery certainly supports 
the view that the book which was found was one which had ' 

* So Reuss, La Bible, Traduction nouvelle, &c. (1879) i. 156 fF.; Gesch. | 

der Heil. Schr. AT.s, §§ 286-288; Kuenen, Hex. p. 214; Dillni. (less con- i 

fidently) p. 613 f. ; Cheyne, Jeremiah, p. 75 fF. ; Founders of OT. Crit, \ 

p. 267 fF.; Stade, Gesch. i. 650 fF.; Comill, Einl. § 9. 3 ; Holzinger, Einl. f 

p. 327 f.; Montefiore, Hibb. Led. p. 177 fF, ; &c. Delitzsch {ZKWL. 1880, \ 

p. 509) treats Dt. as anterior to Isaiah: Westphal (p. 269 fF.) and Oettli > 

(p. 19 f.) both argue that it must have given the impulse to Hezekiah's ; 
reform (2 K. iS*-^). Konig, Einl. p. 217, places it "shortly after 722." 


been lost for some time, not one which had just been written. 
Nor, even if Dt. were composed under Josiah, is there sufficient 
reason for supposing that Hilkiah acted as the agent of the 
reformers in the manner suggested. The book, even though 
intended to promote a reform, might well have been written 
while Josiah was yet a child, and placed at once in the Temple 
— perhaps by the side of other legal documents — in hopes that 
the time might come when some practical use could be made 
of it : Hilkiah need have known nothing about it ; his dis- 
covery of it would then have been (as it purports to be) purely 

To this conclusion, that Dt. was written in the age of 
either Manasseh or Josiah, it is objected that the book plainly 
produced its effect on account of the authority which it was 
believed to possess, in other words, on account of its claiming, 
and being supposed, to be the work of Moses : if Josiah had 
not believed the ancient law-book of Israel to have been dis- 
covered, would he have attached any weight to its words ? 
An attempt is indeed made, it is said, to parry this objection by 
the allegation that the authority which lay behind Dt. was the 
power of the prophetic teaching, and that the effect which it 
produced was due to its throwing into a more practical form 
the ends aimed at by Hezekiah and Isaiah ; but if this be the 
case, it is replied, seeing that the prophets themselves were 
the accredited ministers of Jehovah, why was not the appeal 
made directly to the Divine teaching upon their lips ? Why 
should the mere fact of this teaching being presented in the 
form of a Code give it a force which no prophetic utterances 
had ever possessed ? Its force must have been due principally 
to the name of Moses, which it bore ; and if the prophets were 
aware that it did not really possess his authority, then not only 

* That Hilkiah had a hand in the composition of Dt. is not probable : 
for Dt. (as has been often remarked) does not emphasize the interests of 
the Jerusalem priesthood (cf. OTJC.^ p. 363 ; Dillm. p. 614), but tends 
(i8*"8) to place the country Levites, coming to officiate at the central 
sanctuary, upon the same footing- as the priests already resident there. 
It was Hilkiah's merit that he perceived at once the importance of Dt,, and 
co-operated readily with Josiah in carrying out the reformation upon the 
lines which it laid down. 


are they gfuilty of an act questionable morally, but the course 
taken by them is a confession of moral impotence and failure : 
they resort to an external name to accomplish what centuries 
of their own teaching- had failed to effect.* 

In estimating these objections, it must be remembered, 
firstly, that what is essentially new in Dt. is not the matter^ 
but \y\&form. Dt., says Dillmann truly,! " is anything- but an 
orig-inal law-book." The laws which agree with those of the 
Book of the Covenant can be demonstrated to be old : those 
which agree with H have (p. xi) the presumption of being based 
upon some common older source ; the priestly usages alluded 
to are evidently not innovations : the laws peculiar to Dt. 
have, with very few exceptions, the appearance either of being 
taken directly, with unessential modifications of form, from 
older law-books, J or else of being accepted applications of 
long established principles, § or the formulation of ancient 
customs, II expressed in Deuteronomic phraseology. And such 
laws as are really new in Dt., are but the logical and consistent 
development of Mosaic principles. H Even the law for the 
centralization of worship, it is probable (p. xliv), is only 
relatively an innovation : it accentuated, with limitations 
demanded by the dangers of the age, the ancient pre-eminence 
of "Jehovah's house" (Ex. 23^^), focalizing, at the same time, 
tendencies which had long been operative, and which the 
prophets themselves had adopted and approved. All Hebrew 
legislation, both civil and ceremonial, however, was (as a fact) 
derived ultimately from Moses, though a comparison of the 

• Dean (now Bishop) Perowne, Contemp. Rev, Feb. 1888, p. 255 fF. 

t Pref. to Ex. Lev. p. viii. 

X Especially many of those in 2i'"-25^^ (cf. p. 244). 

§ As 178-" i9'6-2i (Dillm. p. 604). 

II As 21I-9 2213-21 255-10 (Dillm.) : cf. Oettli, p. 16 ; also Reuss, La Bible, 
&c. i. 160 : " La seiile innovation veritable, que nous sachions, c'^tait la 
defense absolue du culte hors de J(5rusalem." It is this fact which explains 
the ready acceptance of Dt. by tlie king and nation : it was not sprung- 
upon the people as a code of laws unheard of before ; it was felt, as soon 
as it was discovered, to be (in the main) merely the reaffirmation of laws 
and usages which had been long familiar to the nation, though in particular 
cases they might have fallen into neglect. 

IT Oettli, p. 17. 


different Codes in the Pentateuch shows that the laws cannot 
all in their present form be Mosaic : the Mosaic nucleus was 
expanded and developed in various directions, as national life 
became more complex, and religious ideas matured. Never- 
theless, all Hebrew laws are formulated under Moses' name, — 
a fact which shows that there was a continuous Mosaic tradition^ 
embracing- a moral, a ceremdnial, and a civil element: the 
new laws, or extensions of old laws, which as time went on 
were seen to be desirable, were accommodated to this tradition, 
and incorporated into it, being afterwards enforced by the 
priestly or civil authority as the case might be.* Those who 
concede the existence of such a practice, on the part of 
Hebrew legislators, will find it remove difficulties which the 
critical view of Dt. may otherwise present. If it was the 
habit thus to identify the stream with the source, and to con- 
nect old laws, extended or modified, or even new laws, with 
the name of the original lawgiver, then the attribution of the 
laws in Dt. to Moses ceases to be a proceeding out of harmony 
with the ideas and practice of the Hebrew nation. It is no 
fraudulent invocation of the legislator's name : it is simply 
another application of an established custom. 

Nor, in judging of the yij^TW of Dt., should it be forgotten 
that ancient writers permitted themselves much freedom in 
ascribing to historical characters speeches which they could 
not have actually delivered in the shape in which they are 
now assigned to them. The similarity, in many cases, of 
the speeches to the narrative in the OT. is an indication that 

• Comp. Ryle, Canoti of the OT. p. 31 : " The fact, now so clearly estab- 
lished, that the laws of Israel, as of other nations, only reached their final 
literary form by development through gradual stages, must show conclus- 
ively that Moses was not the writer of them in the form in which they have 
come down to us, and in which they were certainly known after the exile. 
But just as, in Dt. 3i®--*, Moses himself is said to have committed to 
writing the law, which formed the nucleus of the Deuteronomic legislation, 
so we understand the legislation which was initiated by Moses to have 
become expanded into the complex system of laws included in the Penta- 
teuch" (cf. also p. 22 fF.). The laws of JE, Dt., H, and P, are codifica- 
tions of the legislative material thus expanded from a Mosaic nucleus, 
which differ from one another partly in the age at which they were made, 
partly in the purposes for which they were designed. 


the Biblical writers followed the same practice : the books of 
Joshua, Kings, and Chronicles, for instance, afford particu- 
larly clear examples of speeches either entirely composed, or 
enlarged, by the respective compilers, — in the Chronicles, 
David, Solomon, and various early prophets even express 
ideas and use idioms which are distinctively late, and are 
mostly peculiar to the compiler of the Chronicles himself.* In 
cases where the narrators are nearly contemporary with the 
events which they describe they may have had information as 
to what was actually said, which they may merely have re-cast 
in their own words ; but very often this was certainly not the 
case, and the speeches simply give imaginative expression to 
thoughts or feelings appropriate to the character and occasion 
to which they are referred. Deuteronomy, upon the critical 
view of its authorship, is merely an example, upon an 
extended scale, of the same practice, which has many and 
admirable precedents in the literature of the world. The 
imaginative revivification of the past, by means of discourses, 
conversations, and even of actions, attributed dramatically to 
characters who have figured upon the stage of history, has 
been abundantly exemplified in literature : the educational 
influence, and moral value, of such creations of human art 
have been universally allowed : the dialogues of Plato, the 
epic of Dante, the tragedies of Shakespeare, the Paradise Lost, 
and even the poem of Job, to name but a few^ of the great 
imaginative creations of genius, have never been condemned 
£is immoral frauds, because the characters introduced in them 
did not always — or ever — use the actual words attributed to 
them. But the author, in each case, having a message to 
deliver, or a lesson to teach, placed it in the mouth of the 
person to whose character it was appropriate, or whose per- 
sonality would give it force, and so presented it to the world. 
Mutatis Tfiutandis, the procedure of the Deuteronomist was 
similar. No elaborate literary machinery was needed by him : a 
single character would suffice. He places Moses on the stage, 
and exhibits him pleading his case with the degenerate Israel 
of Josiah's day. In doing this, he assumes no unjustifiable 
* See, for illustrations, the Expositor, April, 1895, p. 241 ff. 


liberty, and makes no unfair use of Moses' name : he docs not 
invest him with a fictitious character ; he does not claim his 
authority for ends which he would have disavowed ; he merely 
develops, with great moral energy and rhetorical power, and 
in a form adapted to the age m which he lived himself, prin- 
ciples which (as will appear immediately) Moses had beyond 
all question advocated, and arguments which he would have 
cordially accepted as his own. 

Secondly, as regards the motives which induced Josiah to 
carry out his reformation : if Josiah would not have instituted 
his reforms, unless he had believed Dt. to be written by 
Moses, was he led to act as he did act, under false pretences ? 
Here it must be observed that the point of capital importance 
in Dt. is the attitude of the nation to Jehovah : loyalty to Him 
is the basis of the promises, disloyalty to Him brings in its 
train the terrible consequences in which Josiah, when he heard 
them, deemed his people to be already involved. Now, if there 
is one thing which (even upon the most strictly critical 
premises) is certain about Moses, it is that he laid the greatest 
stress upon Jehovah's being Israel's only God, who tolerated 
no other god beside Him, and who claimed to be the sole 
object of the Israelite's allegiance.* But these are just the 
fundamental principles of Deuteronomy. They are expanded 
and emphasized in it with great eloquence and power : but in 
substance they are Mosaic; all that belongs to the post- 
Mosaic author, is the rhetorical form in which they are 
presented. In yielding therefore to the effect which the 
denunciations of Dt. produced upon him, Josiah was not being 
won to the cause of truth by false pretences : he was obeying 
principles and motives v/hich, in the strictest sense of the 
words, were those of Moses. Josiah's reformation was essen- 
tially a religious one : its aim was to purify the worship of 
Jehovah from heathen elements, which, in principle, Moses 
had altogether condemned, though he had not (probably) repro- 
bated in words the precise forms which they assumed in the age 
of Josiah. The law of the single sanctuary is not an end in 
itself, it is but a means, propounded {i-:^^-) for the purpose of 
* Cornill, Der Israelitische Prophetismus (1894), p. 25 f. 


securing' the same end. The denunciations in Dt. are not 
attached to the neglect either of this or of any other particular 
enactment: they are attached to the neglect of the Deuteronomic 
law generally, and especially to the neglect of its primary 
principle, loyalty to Jehovah (425-23 6^3-15 8i9f- iii6f.28 zS^bS. 
30^"''-). The fundamental teaching of Dt., especially that 
which exerted the greatest influence over Josiah, thus did 
possess Mosaic authority ; nor was the legislator's name 
invoked in support of principles which he had not sanctioned, 
and would not have approved. 

Undoubtedly prophetic sanction underlay Deuteronomy. 
The prophetic teaching of the preceding centuries was the 
dominant influence under which it was written : its own pro- 
phetic authority it bears upon its face ; and, as if that might 
not be sufficient, its claims are approved by the prophetess 
Huldah. If, then, it be asked why, if the prophets were thus 
influential, they were not content to appeal directly to the 
Divine word upon their lips, instead of having recourse to 
Moses' name, the answer must be that it was because they 
were desirous of effecting a systematic reform in the observ- 
ance and administration of the law. The prophets, as such, 
were preachers, not practical reformers : they strove by their 
words to win the people to the broad principles of morality and 
civil justice ; but when it became necessary to bring these 
principles into relation with the statutes of the civil and cere- 
monial law, and to show how they should supply motives for 
their observance, then the legal form was the natural one to 
be adopted, and the prophetic teaching was cast into the form 
of a legislative discourse of Moses. Already in the legislation 
of JE, moral and religious motives are suggested for the 
observance of the laws, though not, of course, so copiously as 
in Dt. But the considerations advanced above show that 
Moses' name was not resorted to in any improper or unfair 
way : it was invoked in accordance with a custom sanctioned 
by precedent, and in defence of principles which were no recent 
innovation, but had been promulgated by Moses himself. 

It will now be apparent how little foundation there is for 
the objection, which is not unfrequently heard, that if the 


critical view of Dt. be correct, the book is a "forgery," the 
author of which sought to shelter himself under a great name, 
and to secure by a fiction recognition or authority for a 
number of laws ** invented" Joy himself. The idea that the 
laws are the author's "inventions" is entirely out of the 
question : not only would the fact, if true, have been immedi- 
ately discovered, and have proved fatal to their acceptance by 
the nation ; but (p. Ivi) it is inconsistent with the evidence 
supplied by Dt. itself. Certainly, in particular cases, the 
author may have taken upon himself to give a new application 
to an old established principle : but upon the whole the laws 
of Dt. are unquestionably derived from pre-existent usage. 
Even what has been deemed the Utopian character of some of 
the laws cannot be regarded as sufficient evidence that they 
are the author's own creation : in c. 20, for instance, though 
the form is Deuteronomic, the substance is certainly earlier : 
the law of military service implies a simpler state of society 
than the age of the later kings ; the author of Dt. has merely 
cast into his own phraseology some old usages which had 
perhaps been allowed to fall into neglect, and which, being in 
harmony with his philanthropic nature, he desired to see 
revived. The new element in Dt. is thus not the laws, but 
their pareneiic setting. The author did not seek, by the 
fraudulent use of a great name, either to gain reputation for 
himself, or to obtain recognition for enactments of his own 
creation : his aim was to win obedience to laws, or truths, 
which were already known, but were in danger of being for- 
gotten. His own position, as towards the Code, is thus 
essentially subordinate : he is not an originator, but expounds 
anew old principles. Deuteronomy may be described as the 
prophetic reformulation, and adaptation to new needs, of an 
older legislation. It is probable that there was a tradition, if 
not a written record, of a final legislative address delivered by / 
Moses in the Steppes of Moab: the plan followed by the 
author would rest upon a more obvious motive, if he thus 
worked upon a traditional basis.* But be that as it may, the 
bulk of the laws contained in Dt. is undoubtedly far more 
* So Delitzsch, ZKWL. 1880, p. 505 ; Westphal, pp. 278-281 ; Oettli, p. 17. 


ancient than the time of the author himself; and in dealing 
with them as he has done, in combining them into a manual 
adapted for popular use, and bringing them into close relation 
with moral and religious principle, he cannot, in the light of 
the considerations that have been adduced, be held guilty of 
dishonesty or literary fraud. There is nothing in Dt. implying 
an interested or dishonest motive on the part of the (post- 
Mosaic) author: and this being so, its moral and spiritual 
greatness remains unimpaired ; its inspired authority is in no 
respect less than that of any other part of the Old Testament 
Scriptures which happens to be anonymous. 

It may be worth while here to notice briefly some other objections to 
the critical date of Dt. 

1. Dt. contains, it is said, provisions that would be nugatory and unin- 
telligible in the 7th cent. B.C.; for instance, the injunction to give no 
quarter to the inhabitants of Canaan (7^'^ 20^^"^^). Of course, as the 
creation of that age, such an injunction would be absurd : but it is 
repeated from Ex. 23^^''"^; in a recapitulation of Mosaic principles, 
addressed ex hypothesi to the people when they were about to enter 
Canaan, it would be naturally included ; and so far from being nugatory 
in the age of Manasseh or Josiah, it would (as remarked above, p. xxxii) 
have indirectly a great value as a protest, in the name of the Founder, 
against the idolatrous tendencies of the age. The injunction against 
'Amalek (20^^"^*) is also not original in Dt. : it is repeated from Ex. 17^^, 
and would be suitable in Moses' mouth at the time when the discourses of 
Dt. are represented as having been delivered. The law of the kingdom 
^jyi4-20j jg also, in all probability, the Deuteronomic expansion of an older 
nucleus : as a reaffirmation of the fundamental theocratic principles, which 
the monarchy in Israel should maintain (cf. p. 210), it is in no degree 
inappropriate to the 7th cent. B.C., and contains nothing that would have 
sounded "absurd " to an Israelite reading it then for the first time. 

2. Passages in the early prophets and historical books have been 
pointed to, exhibiting, it is alleged, acquaintance with Dt. These resolve 
themselves into three cases, (i) Passages in which a law codified in Dt. 
is referred to (2 K. 14* : Dt 24^^), or may be presupposed, as Am. 3' 4^ 
oppress (Dt. 241*); 8'" (25") ; Hos. 4" (23^8 P?)) ; 510 (igU) ; g* (26"); Nah. 
2I (i") (23=2(21)); I S. 28»(i8"); I K. 21" (19"). As pointed out above, 
however, Dt. embodies laws of much greater antiquity than itself: a 
statement harmonizing with a law of Dt. is therefore no evidence of the 
existence of Deuteronomy itself.* (2) Passages in which the expression — 

• Censures on practices forbidden in Ex., as well as in Dt. — as Am. 2^ 
Ex- 22»(26) Dt, 24^2*. . Am. 5" Is. 10= 292' (unjust judgment) Ex. 23* Dt i6» ; 
Is. i"-» io2 (fatherless and widow) Ex. 2221(22) Dt 24"; Is. 122523 (bribery) 
Ex. 238 Dt, i6"; Nah. 3* (sorceries) Ex. 33" (i*) Dt 18^"— naturally prove 


or sometimes only the thoug-ht — more or less resembles one occurring in 
Dt., as Am. 4^ blasting and mildew (Dt. 28") ; 4^" (28^) ; 4" overthrow of 
Sodom and Gomorrha (29^ P^)) ; 5^ 6^" wormwood (29" W) ; 5^^ have built 
houses, dfc. (28^* ^) ; 9'* turn the captivity (30') ; Hos. 5" oppressed, 
crushed in judgment (28^) ; 7^" returned, sought (4^* ^) ; 7'^ ransom (7* 
&c.) ; 81 eagle (28^) ; 8" they shall return to Egypt {zS^) ; 9I2 (28*' 31") ; 
11^ Admah and Zeboim{2g''^l^)); Is. 1^(32^; 14^ 32'^''^ children); i* forsaken 
J. (28-" 31^*), despised {2^^) i &c. These are not sufficient to establish an 
acquaintance with Dt. on the part of the author quoted : most of the 
expressions are not peculiar to the passages cited, but are found else- 
where : few, if examined, will be found to be so distinctive that they might 
not readily occur to different writers independently ; * and if now and then 
the case should seem to be otherwise, and to require a fundamental 
passage on which the others are based, there is no reason (apart from 
the assumption that Dt. is the earlier) why this should not be the passage 
in the prophet, with which the author of Dt. (if he lived subsequently) 
would naturally be familiar. Given merely two similar passages, nothing 
is more difficult than to determine, on internal g-rounds only, which is the 
original and which is the imitation, or reminiscence, of the other ; and 
there is nothing in the parallels quoted from Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, &c. — 
even where dependence, on one side or the other, may be reasonably 
assumed — to make it more probable that they depend upon Dt. than that 
Dt. depends upon them. Jeremiah is the earliest prophet who can be 
demonstrated to have been acquainted with Deuteronomy. (3) There are 
numerous passages in Jos., Jud., Kings, in which the phraseology is 
palpably moulded upon that of Dt., and which, therefore, undoubtedly 
presuppose it.f The literary analysis of the books in question shows, how- 
ever, that these passages do not belong to the original sources of which the 
books are composed, but are additions made by the compilers, who cannot 
be shown to have lived before the age in which Dt. was promulgated. 

3. The acquaintance displayed in Dt. with Egyptian customs is said 
to be an indication that the author is Moses. But the references are far 
too insignificant and slight to prove this. Even though it be true — as, at 
least in some of the instances, it probably is true — that the customs alluded 
to in 6^ 25^ * 26^* 27'^*' (see the notes) are derived from Egypt, there is no 
evidence that they were introduced in Moses' time ; and if they were, the 
mention of a custom by a particular author is obviously no proof that he was 
a contemporary of its introduction. The allusions to Egyptian peculiarities 
in 1 1^* and 7^^ 28^* ^ are not more marked than the one in Amos 8^ and 
not so minute as those in Is. 19 : intercourse with Egypt, as many indica- 

nothing as to the existence of Dt. In some cases, also, — where, viz. (as 
Am. 3^ 4I 8^ Hos. 4^^), the prophet's words could be reasonably accounted 
for by his own moral enlightenment, — it is far from clear that a particular 
law is either alluded to or presupposed at all. 

* Wormwood, for instance, occurs also Jer. 9'* 23'* Lam. 3"* ^^ Pr. 5* ; 
turn the captivity repeatedly (see note ad loc.) ; oppress and crush {pvy 
and {"sn) are coupled together in i S. 12'** Am. 4^ (cf. Jer. 22"). 

iL.O.T. pp. 97 ff., 154-158, 17s, 180 f., 190-193. 


tions show, did not cease immediately after the Exodus (comp. e.g. duringf 
the period of the monarchy, i K. 3^ lo^^ 11^''; Hos. 7" 12^'' 2 K. 17^; and 
the many allusions in Isaiah to friendly relations between Judah and 
Egypt, 2o''- soi-s-s-T 31I-3 36« &c.). 

Deuteronomy did not complete its work at once. The 
reformation of Josiah, as Jeremiah witnesses, could not change 
the habits of the people; under the subsequent kings, the 
old idolatries again prevailed. But on all the spiritually- 
minded Israelites Deuteronomy had laid its hold : Jeremiah, 
on nearly every page, bears testimony to its influence ; * the 
compilers of Judges and Kings (who wrote at about the same 
time} show that by the contemporary prophets it was accepted 
as the religious standard of the age. The exile, sealing as it 
did the prophetical verdict on Israel's history, confirmed still 
further the authority of Deuteronomy. An official, written 
document now existed, accessible to all, regulating the life of 
the community, and determining the public standard of belief 
and practice. From the day when Dt. was accepted by king 
and people, Israel became — to borrow Mohammed's expression 
— the "people of a book." In this book the rights of the 
sanctuary and of the priesthood were defined ; the conditions 
which members of the "holy people" must satisfy were pre- 
scribed ; the foundations of a church were thus outlined. The 
movement of which Dt. was the outcome ended, however, in 
consequences which were not foreseen by those who had 
initiated it. It was the intention of Dt. to deepen and 
spiritualize the religious life : but the necessity (p. xxix) of 
centralizing religious rites tended to formalize them, and to 
substitute a fixed routine for spontaneity. Sacrifices, pilgrim- 
ages, and other religious offices, hitherto often performed, as 
occasion required, at the village Bdnidh, were now all trans- 
ferred to the central sanctuary : the Temple and its priesthood 
rose accordingly in importance. Highly as Dt. ranked the 
prophet ( 1820-22) J the step had been taken which in time would 
supersede the need of his living voice: a sacred book, of 
which the priests soon became the natural guardians and 

* Comp. ii^-', where he undertakes a mission "in the cities of Judah 
and in the streets of Jerusalem," with the object of securing obedience to 
a "covenant," which is evidently that of Dt. {Cheyne, Jerem. p. 56), 


exponents, was now there, to become the rule of Israel's life. 
The promulgation of Dt. thus promoted indirectly that 
development of priestly aims and principles which ended in 
the legislation of P, and was one of the steps by which the 
religion of the prophets was transformed gradually into 

The question arises. Is the existing book of Dt. identical 
with the law-book found by Hilkiah? Or has it undergone 
subsequent expansion, in the manner of many other ancient 
Hebrew writings ? And if there are reasons to suppose the 
latter to have been the case, is it possible to determine how 
much the "original Deuteronomy" may have comprised? 

The central and principal discourse of Dt. consists, as 
explained above (p. ii), of c. 5-26. 28 (with perhaps 27^-^" as 
a connecting link),t — c. 5-1 1 being a parenetic introduction, 
c. 12-26 containing the exposition of the law, c. 28 forming 
the peroration and conclusion. There is no sufficient reason 
for doubting that the whole of these chapters formed part of 
the law-book found by Hilkiah : all are written in the same 
style, and all breathe the same spirit, the only material differ- 
ence being that, from the nature of the case, the parenetic 
phraseology is not so exclusively predominant in c. 12-26. 28 
as it is in c. 5-1 1. 

It is true, Wellh. {Comp. p. 193 f.: so Cornill, Einl. § 9. 
2 etid, 6) would limit the original Dt. to c. 12-26; but upon 
grounds which cannot be deemed cogent. The frequent 
inculcation, for instance, in c. 5-n of statutes, the contents 
of which are not stated, but which are referred to as if they 
were familiar to the reader, does not show that c. 12-26 
already lay before the author in a written form ; it is suffi- 
ciently accounted for by the fact that the author ex hypothesi 
has throughout in mind the second part of his discourse, 
which is to follow, and bring with it the requisite explanations. 

* On the historical significance of Deuteronomy, comp. further Wellh. 
Hist. pp. 32 if., 76 fF., 402 fF., 487 f.; Stade, Gesch. i. 661-670; Smend, 
Alttest. Rel.-gesch, pp. 2%\-2<)z,^ 303 5 Westphal, pp. 157 f., 244-246; 
Cornill, Der Isr. Prophetismus, pp. 84-91. See also Ryle, Canon, p. 63 fF. 

t The rest of c. 27 is admittedly misplaced (see p. 294 f.). 



Nor can it be said that c. 5-1 1 is disproportionately long" as 
an introduction to c. 12-26, or that the promise of 5^ 6^ is 
separated by an undue interval from its redemption in c. 1 2-26 : 
as has been pointed out before (p. xix), it is the grounds and 
motives of obedience which are of paramount value in the 
Writer's eye; even in c. 12-26 he constantly reverts to them ; 
and hence it is not more than consistent with his sense of 
their importance that he should develop them systematically 
in a special introduction. In language and style there is 
nothing in c. 5-1 1 to suggest a different author from 12-26: 
as Kuenen has remarked, the two groups of chapters " present 
just that degree of agreement and difference which we should 
be justified in expecting, on the hypothesis of a common 
origin " : naturally, the legislative terminology of c. 1 2-26 
does not occur in c. 5-11 ; but in other respects, while c. 5-1 1 
shows no traces of servile imitation, in tone and style it 
resembles entirely the parenetic parts of c. 12-26, and nearly 
all the distinctive expressions occurring in the latter are found 
in it likewise (see the list, p. Ixxviiiff.).* It is more difficult to 
demonstrate that c. 28 is by the same author as c. 12-26, as 
the argument from phraseology, though strong, is not so cogent 
as in the case of c. 5-1 1 ; but the deviations from the normal 
Deuteronomic style may be safely said to be not greater than 
can be naturally accounted for by the special character of the 

* The common origin of c. 5-1 1 and c. 12-26 is strongly defended by 
Kuenen, Hex. § 7. 5-11; Dillm. p. 263; Westphal, p. 105 ff. One of 
Kuenen's notes (n. 9), on account of the delicate literary feeling which it 
displays, is worthy of transcription : " Especially noteworthy, I think, 
is the resemblance between 18^®"-** and the hortatory introduction. In v.^* 
mna as 5" 9^ ; ^npn cva as 9^" 10*, cf. s^^P") ; rpn »V, cf. s^f^^) ; • this great 
fire,' as 5=2 (^), cf. run iwD 5*- 23 (26) gio j^i. mc^ k^i, cf. 5^2 P); v.^'' TD'n as 
^25(08)^ Yet it cannot be said that the author of c. 5-1 1 is simply borrow- 
ing from iS'*'^-, for he moves quite freely, and never touches upon the 
thesis of the latter passage about prophecy as a substitute for Yahwi's 
immediate revelation. It is the same author who describes the assembly 
at Horeb in c 5, mentions it incidentally in c. 9-10, and makes an inde- 
pendent use of it in c. 18." 

t Comp. Kuenen, § 7. 21 (2), who observes that he "cannot discover a 
single indication of diverse authorship in the chap.," though he allows the 
contents to be of a nature inviting expansion. Dillm. (p. 370), on the 


The following are passages of c. 12-26, which have been deemed by 
some scholars, on various grounds, to be later additions (cf. Wellh. Comp. 
pp. 194 f., 353; Cornill, Einl. § 9. 2) :— 12»-7- >»-!» 141-2.4-20 (the detailed 
enumeration not in the general style of D) "^^ (" for . . . God ") 15*'^ 16'"* 
(in conflict with v.^ and a correction of it introduced on the basis of Ex. 
,210-20 ,361. Lev, 23« Nu. 28^8), 178-" (the priests) ""^^ (v.'s, it is said, pre- 
supposes Dt. to be already written, and in the custody of the priests, 3i*- 20) 
j814-22 20 21" 23*'' (*"^. But the grounds cannot be considered cogent ; and 
the passages demurred to (esp. 17^*''^), with the single exception of 14'*"*', 
which explains itself, harmonize entirely in style and character with the 
rest of Dt. (cf. Kuen. §§7. 11; 14. i). See more fully Holzinger, pp. 262-265, 
292-295 ; also Piepenbring, Revue de THist. des Religions, xxix. (1894) p. 
i23fF. (a criticism of an allied theory of L. Horst's). 

C. 5-26 may thus be concluded, without hesitation, to be 
the work of a single author ; and c. 28 may be included with- 
out serious misgivings. The question becomes more difficult 
when we proceed to consider c. 1-4, and c. 29-34. 

(i) c. 1-4. The majority of recent critics attribute these 

chaps, to a different hand from the body of Dt. (c. 5-26. 28), 

supposing them to have been prefixed, as an introduction, 

shortly after that was completed, by a writer belonging to the 

same school, for the purpose of providing the reader with an 

account of the historical antecedents of the Deut. legislation 

(c. 1-3), and at the same time of inculcating fresh motives for 

obedience (41-^0).* The question was made, a few years ago, 

the subject of a rather interesting discussion. A. van 

Hoonacker (Professor at Louvain) in three articles in Le 

Musdon, vii. (1888) pp. 464-482, viii. (1889) pp. 67-85, 141- 

149,1 subjected the arguments of Reuss and Kuenen to a 

searching criticism, with the view of showing that c. 1-4 were 

by the same author as c. 5-26. 28 ; and his articles were in 

ground of its literary character (repetitions, and points of contact with 
Jer.), considers that this has certainly taken place ; but he admits that it 
is not possible to distinguish now what the additions are. The rhetorical 
completeness and force, and the unity of treatment, which mark the chap., 
as a whole, make it difficult to think that the additions, if any, can extend 
beyond two or three isolated verses (cf. below, p. 303 f.). 

* Klostermann, Stud. u. Kr. 1871, p. 253 fF. {-Der Pent. p. 228 ff.); 
Wellh. Comp. pp. 191, 193, 195 ; Reuss, La Bible (1879), i. 207 ; Valeton, 
Stiidien, vi. 303 f., vii. 225; Kuenen, Hex. % 7. 12-17; Westphal (1892), 
ii. 66-68, 80-90 ; Konig, Einl. p. 212 f. ; Cornill, § 9. 5 ; Wildeboer, §11.3. 

t Published since separately under the title, Lorigine des quatre 
premiers chapitres du Deut^ronome, Louvain, 1889. 


their turn criticized from the opposite point of view by L. 
Horst in the Revue de VHistoire des Religions, xxiii. (1891) 
p. 184 if. The fairness and good temper of both writers are not 
more conspicuous than their ability : the following is an out- 
line of the arguments alleged. 

1. The two superscriptions i^"^ *■" * and 4*^"^^, each stating with some 
circumstantiality the place and occasion of the delivery of the following 
discourse, are mutually exclusive, and cannot both be the work of the 
same author : would the author of \^---*-^ have repeated substantially the 
same particulars in 4**"^? or does 4**"^ read like the words of one who 
had already written the previous title i^-'^-*-^, and just related at length 
(c. 2-3) the details summarized in it ? Van Hoonacker, in reply, contends 
that, if 1^-4*^ were the work of a later author than 4*'-c. 26, he would, if 
he had felt 4*"-^ to be injurious to the unity of the entire book, either 
have cancelled it, or (preferably) have preserved it, as the original title, 
inserting his own introduction (i®-4'") after it ; and urges that the new 
heading, 4'"-^, is rendered necessary by the interruption occasioned by 
^41-43 (cities of refuge) ; its circumstantiality is due to the love of repetition 
(especially on the conquest of the trans-Jordanic territory) which charac- 
terizes the author of Dt. Horst replies that it is more than doubtful if 
4*^"*^ is an original part of Dt. ; t and that if it were, the opening words of 
5I, " And Moses called unto all Israel, and said unto them," would be a 
sufficient introduction to what follows, after the interruption. — It does not 
seem that any definite conclusion as to the authorship of 1^-4*" can be 
drawn from the occurrence of the double title. As the two headings stand, 
in spite of what van Hoonacker urges, they cannot well be both the work 
of the same writer ; but a heading lends itself readily to expansion ; and 
if, as seems to be the case, 4*^ is based upon 3^^, which forms (see note) 
part of an insertion in the original text of c. 1-3, 4*^"*^, in its present form, 
must be of later origin than c i-^- There is nothing unreasonable in the 
supposition that, as formulated by the original author (whether preceded 
by 4*^'^^ or not), this title was considerably briefer than it now is, and not 
longer than was sufficient to mark the commencement of the actual 
" exposition " of the law, promised in i^, as opposed to the introductory 
matter contained in 1^-4**. 

2. Inconsistencies alleged to exist between c 1-4 and c. 5-26: — 

{a) In 2^^"^' it is said that all the generation which rebelled at Kadesh 
had perished in the wilderness ; but in 5^- 1 1^"^ stress is laid on the fact 
that those whom Moses is addressing are witnesses of the Exodus, and 

♦ V.» belongs to P (p. 7). 

t See below, p. 78. Van Hoonacker argues that in c. 19 the Writer 
confines himself to the three cities of refuge to be instituted in Canaan, 
those appointed on the E. of Jordan having been already noticed by him 
In 4*i-" ; but it remains strange, as Horst remarks, that when contem- 
plating their possible future augmentation by three more (v.***), he should 
make no allusion to those which he had mentioned in 4'"'^. 


belong' to the same generation with which Jehovah had made a covenant 
at Horeb. Kuenen argues, "The author of c, 5-1 1 is aware that the 
recipients of the Deut. legislation are not in fact identical with the 
witnesses of the theophany at Horeb (see S'^^* ii"^ &c.), but nevertheless 
he wishes to identify them with them. The author of c. 1-4, on the other 
hand, is particularly anxious to distinguish them. Is it not clear that he 
cannot be also the author of c. 5-1 1 ? " It is replied : (i) the terms of 2""'* 
are limited to the "men of war," i.e. to the adult males ; and a fair pro- 
portion of those under twenty in the 2nd year of the Exodus, would be 
alive still, 38 years afterwards. (2) It is admittedly the practice of Dt. 
to comprehend the past, the present, and the future generations of Israel 
in an ideal unity, and so to treat, for instance, the Israelites addressed by 
Moses as morally identical with those who came out of Egypt, or rebelled 
in the wilderness {e.g. 5^ C^) 7^^ 9'"" ^^* 25^''' : comp. before your eyes, 4*"* 
g22 gi7 2gi (2)) ; the point of 5^ is to insist on the fact that the covenant con- 
cluded at Horeb is not an ancient covenant, made with " our fathers," i.e. 
with the patriarchs, but is one binding on the Israel of to-day, the Israel 
whose separate national existence, and national consciousness, began at 
the Exodus; and in 11^ the allusion to "your children who have not 
known," &c., is merely intended rhetorically, for the purpose of emphasiz- 
ing the appeal to those who stood nearer to the events described, and the 
younger of whom, in the conception of the writer, had actually witnessed 
them. The author of c. r-4 is not more anxious than the author of c. 5- 11 
to distinguish the two generations : in 2^*"^®, speaking' historically, he 
states that the generation which rebelled at Kadesh had perished ; but 
elsewhere he expresses himself in terms similar to those of 5* 1 1'^ : so, for 
instance, not only in the appeal of 4^'^^" ^'■''' ^^* ^''j but also in 1' ("unto 
you") ^'•^•^•^•*'. One who assigns (as Kuenen does) c. 1-4 to a single 
author, cannot therefore (on this ground) argue logically that c 1-3 is by 
a different hand from c. 5-11. 

(d) The Moabites and Edomites, who are placed on the same footing in 
2^, are placed on a different footing in 23'"* ***• P'* ^'-l : in 2^ they are both 
praised for having sold the Israelites bread and water, when they were 
journeying past their territory ; in 23^* P'-' the Moabites are said not to 
have met the Israelites with bread and water, and while the Edomites 
(' (7t)j are commended to the Israelites' favourable regard, the Moabites 
(v.** ' ('• ®)) are expressly excluded from it. 

Van Hoonacker replies that 2^^*^ refers only to the Ammonites (v.*P)) 
— y_5b-6 (4b-5) referring to the Moabites, — an interpretation which Horst (p. 
197) allows may be right. He points out further that the occasion of 
22«- (3f.) cannot have been the one alluded to in 2^ : the unfriendly action of 
the Moabites in hiring Balaam (Nu. 22-24) must have been after the 
message to Sihon (Dt. 2^ : Nu. 21^^), and ti fortiori after the friendliness 
alluded to in Dt. 2'^*', which must have been at the time of Nu. 2i"-^. And 
the injunctions in 23®'- ("•' are based, not upon Edom's treatment of Israel 
in the wilderness, but upon its being Israel's "brother," — a relationship 
not subsisting in the case of Moab. 

3. As regards 4^'^*, it is urged that the connexion with c. 1-3 is loose : 
4"'' is in no way the sequel of c. 3 : " rien, dans la partie historique [c. 1-3], 


qui prepare au discours [V***] ; rien, dans le discours, qui rappelle la partie 
historique. Celui-ci tire bien plfitot ses d^veloppements des portions du 
Deut^ronome qui viennent apr^s lui."* C. 1-3 are historical, and not 
parenetic : c. 4 is parenetic ; and the motives appealed to, in so far as 
they are drawn from the history (v.^'- ^- -'• ^•'^•), are derived, not from the 
retrospect of c. 1-3, but from incidents not there noticed. The main theme 
of c. 4 is an expansion of the second commandment of the Decalogue (with 
4^"^, cf. s^** ; with 4^-"^, 5^) : the author thus takes a special point in c. 5, 
which he develops in the form of an introduction to it. He thus wrote with 
c. 5 if. before him (as is shown also by the expression have taught in v.®). 

C. 4, however (as van Hoonacker points out), does begin just where 
c. 3 breaks off (cf. 4^ with 3^) ; and the statement that c. 1-3 is not 
parenetic is exagg-erated : indirectly, and so far as is consistent with the 
character of a retrospect, it is parenetic (p. xvii). If, as is probable, the 
Deut. leg-islation was published originally as a separate manual, it would 
not be more than natural for it to be provided with an historical introduc- 
tion, recapitulating^ the events which brought Israel to the spot (3^) at 
which its promulgation by Moses is located, and setting- before the people 
the lessons and warnings which the history suggested (cf. Oettli, p. 10). 
It is true that the historical incidents noticed in c. 1-3 are not utilized in 
^^1-40 . tjyj js jj necessary that they should be ? The writer, in view of 
Israel's having been led safely by Jehovah to the borders of the Promised 
Land, exhorts the people to lay to heart the practical duties devolving in 
consequence upon them ("And now," 4^: cf. 10^^); and imperfect con- 
ceptions of the spiritual nature of God being the obstacle most likely to 
impede Israel in doing this, he dwells upon such incidents of the history — 
notably the theophany at Horeb — as seemed to him best adapted to correct 
them. No doubt this is an expansion of 5^'^° ; but it does not show that 
c. 5 ff. lay before him in a written form : the Decalogue he would of course 
be acquainted with independently, and the fact that it follows immediately 
afterwards may be taken as an indication that it was already in his mind 
as he wrote. 

As regards have taught in 4*, van Hoonacker adopts the same view 
that is taken in the present commentary (p. 64 : so Kon. Einl. p. 213 ».), 
that the reference is to prior, less formal and systematic announcements 
of the Deut. laws, which (in the conception of the writer) Moses had made 
from time to time to the people ; Dt. being the final and comprehensive 
summary of them. Horst (p. 187 f.) indeed objects (cf. Reuss, i. 165 f., ii. 
289 «.; Kuen. §§3. 11 ; 13. 32, r) that Dt. never mentions or implies that 
anything beyond the Decalogue had been previously communicated by 
Moses to the people : the aim of 5^* (~)^' is to show that the laws received 
by Israel through Moses came with the same authority as those spoken 
by God Himself; these laws, however, are intended only to come into 
force in Canaan (4'- " 528(31) gi jj^) ; and 5-8 P') 6^ imply that they are now, 

* Westphal, p. 67, who cites, as illustrations (amongst other passages), 
v.i ("Hear, O Israel"), cf. 5I 6* &c.; v. 2, alluding to \f{\2^*); v." ("/ 
have taught you," &c.), alluding to c. 5-26; v."*, cf. 6^'^** 11'^; v.'^ cf. 9' 
&c.; v.'® ("with all thy heart," &c.), cf. & 10" &c. 


when the people are on the point of entering Canaan, placed before them 
for the first time. It may be doubted whether this interpretation does not 
unduly strain the terms of 5^1'*) 6^ : the alternative view, which is not un- 
reasonable in itself, can hardly be said to be excluded by the language of 
Dt., while 5--*(2')b (cf. i^^) — to say nothing of Ex. 24^ — supports it. 

4. While the general similarity of style between c. 1-4 (esp. c. 4) and 
c. 5-26. 28, is not denied, there are expressions in c. 1-4 not occurring 
elsewhere in Dt., which, it is said, confirm the view that it is the work of 
a different hand. Kuen. (§ 7. 15) instances rtf n; possession 2^' ^- ^- ^^ "• ^^ 3* 
(hence Jos. 1". The word occurs also Jos. 12*''^ Jud. 21^'' Jer. 32' Ps. 6i' 
2 Ch. 2o"t) ; 'Tunn to provoke a'-^-^^-^^ (not elsewhere in the Hex.) ; }:nnn to 
supplicate 3^ (also i Ki. 8^-*^-^ [Deut.] al.) ; najmn to be enraged 3'*; -na 
^jnan iron-furnace 4^ ; nSm DJ? people of inheritance 4^ ; 3^ for 33"? (the 
usual Deut. word: p. Ixxxvii) 4": there are also some points of contact with 
the phraseology of Ez. and P {ib. § 16. 12 a), viz. Sdd 4'®, n3p:i nsi 4^^, tibs 
133 4", n'33n 41'- >*, e-DT 4^8^ tIji.t 423, jcnj 4^5, cn^K vra. 4^2. Amorite in i'- ^• 
30.27. 44 ^9 is said also to be used in a different application from 7^ 20". 

The literary features thus noted as distinguishing c. 1-4 from c 5-26, 
are, it must be owned, relatively slight. The most remarkable one is 
certainly ny-j^, — the more so, as the verb ct is particularly frequent in 
c. 5-26 (p. IxxviiifF., Nos. 4, 22, 46).* In the case of the rest, it may be 
reasonably said of some that there was no occasion for their use in c. 5-26, 
and of others (notably those in i^''-^^^ that they occur in connexion with the 
subject-matter : while others again are not more indicative of the separate 
authorship of c. 1-4 than those found only in c. 5-1 1 (as \yo &, ps3 8*, itt 
6^ 9*) are — as Kuen. also allows (above, p. Ixix) — of the separate authorship 
of these chapters, t On the other hand, the general style of 4^"** is indis- 
tinguishable from that of c. 5-26 ; and it includes, not merely the broader 
features of the Deuteronomic style J (which, it is true, lend themselves 
readily to adoption by different writers), but also minuter features : notice, 
for example :— i" tij (18^2) ; i"^ hkjc (9*) ; i^'' d'cp3 nni« (9^) ; i^ pj; (721 
20' 31') ; i3i'«rf even unto (ij?) this place (9' 1 1° ; cf. with "jk to 26^ 29^) ; i** 
Ti.- (17^2 1 82°); 2^ hi-\ p,3 ynn (cf. ii^'*); 2" to: changed to mo, the Deut 

* ntrv may, however, have been chosen as suggesting (agreeably with 
the context) more distinctly than rhm (which is rather an inheritance as 
held) the idea of an inheritance as succeeded to (Jer. 32* : cf. tnvn the heir). 

t With n'?n) cj;, cf. Tn^nai Toy g^- ^. It is true (p. Ixxxvii), Dt. greatly 
prefers 33*? to 3*? : but 3^ is generally used by preference in the metaph. 
sense of 4^^ (2 S. 18" ; and in the phrase d' 3V3 Ex. 15* Pr. 23^* 30^', or 3^3 
D'O' Ez. 27*- '^' ^- ^ 28" 8 Ps. 46^ ; D'D' 33'?3 only Jon. 2*). And 33^ occurs 
Dt. 2^4*-^''^. It is not clear that the use oi Amorite in i' &c. is incon- 
sistent with its use in the rhetorical enumerations 7^ 20^^ : see pp. iif.,97. 

t In the list, p. Ixxviii ff., see (for c. 1-3) Nos. 17, 19, 25, 29, 47, 52, 53, 
55 ; (for c. 4) Nos. ib, 3d, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 22, 23, 28, 37, 41, 42, 45, 49, 51, 
62, 684, 69; (for both) Nos. 4, 11, 13, 15, 16, 21, 38, 40, 46, 58, 60, 65. — In 
4*", six of these are found together, forming almost the entire verse. In 
4^"*° the sustained oratorical style — notice esp. v.'"^ ^^'^^ ''^'^ — is also 
thoroughly Deuteronomic (comp. p. Ixxxvii). 


word (p. Ixxxii, No. 53) ; 2^ aa"? fDn (15') ; 3^ ^iJ {^ 9^ 11 2) ; 48 n>yy ikt itk 
(p. Ixxxiii, No. 59) ; 4i«»' (cf. 12^") . ^19 ^j (136. 11. u goH . and cf. 173) ; 427b (cf. 
2837b) . 432 (cf. 138 2^) ; 4=^ niDD and D'NniD (719 268). The combination of 
minuter and broader features constitutes an argument of some weight, in 
favour of the unity of authorship.* 

Except for those who hold that Dt. is the work of Moses, 
the question of the authorship of 11-4*^ is of subordinate 
importance. Even if it be rightly assigned to a different hand 
from c. 5-26. 28, the conclusion does not rest upon a multitude 
of convergent indications, such as give cogency to all the 
broader and important results of the critical study of the Old 
Testament. Nor, in any case, can it have been written more 
than a few years after the body of Dt. To the present writer 
there appears to be no conclusive reason why c. 1-3 should 
not be by the same hand as c. 5 fF. ; and the only reason of 
any weight for doubting whether /^-^^ is by the same hand also, 
seems to him to be one which after all may not be conclusive 
either, viz. that the author of c. 5-26, desiring to say what 
now forms 4^"**', might have been expected, instead of inserting 
it between c. 1-3 and the body of his discourse (c. sff.), to 
have incorporated it, with his other similar exhortations, in 
the latter. 

Dillm., for the purpose of explaining the phenomena presented by these 
chapters, makes the clever and original suggestion that 1^-3^ was in the 
first instance written as an historical introduction to c. 5-26. 28 by the 
author himself (in the third person) : this introduction the redactor who 
incorporated Dt in the Pent, was unable to retain in that shape (for it 

* H. G. Mitchell {JBLit. 1888, p. 156 ff.) adds, as characteristic of the 
Deut style, and found also in c. 1-4 : nax perish (esp. with the inf. abs.*), 
426* 720 8"-*20 1 1 17 (Jos. 23"- 18 D2), 2820-22 30I8* ; "jnj great, either alone or 
with other attributives, for rhetorical effect ; alone — 2J 4** ''^ ^' ^' "• ^- " 5^^ (-)• 
22 (26) yi9. 23 g29 1 ,7 jg" 26* 292- 2- 23. 27 3412. ;„ guch phrascs as great and tall (or 
man;y, &c.), i'*- 28 z^o- 21 488 e". 22 ^21 gw gi. 1. 2 iqIT. 21 , jSS 26' 28'9 ; D'V^nn ni 
mo 2^ 82- * ; Horeb (p. xv bottom) ; Jjjn.'i introducing a solemn declaration, 4^ 
70 8' 9'-8 ; so Dnjn'i ir^ (Jos. 23" D2) ; inn adv. 426 >]*• ^ 93.12a.12b (from Ex. 
328 ; so v."), 2820 ; K'nn nya at that time i»- 1"- ^8 2** 3*- 8- 1"- w. 21. 23 ^u gS ^20 
iqI- 8 : nK-i see I as an excl., i8- 21 224- si ^ j i26 30I5 (but also in D= Jos. (y- 8^ ; 
Ex. f al.) ; '' 'fl m .TiDn i26.43 923 (but cf. Jos. i" D2 ; i S. 12" Deut.), sq. 
Qj; g7. 24 3j27^ Some other expressions cited ibid., as nnx iVn 4', cion (42* 
9I8 ; but see 2 K. 17I'), are too little distinctive to be really evidence of a 
single author. And, in general, expressions used by other Detiteronomic 
-writers have not the full cogency of those confined to Dt. 5-26. 28 itself. 


would then have read too much like a repetition of parts of Ex. Nu.), but 
being- unwilling to sacrifice it (for it contained many notices not to be found 
in the existing Ex. Nu.), he altered its form, changing the third person 
into the first, or second, and so preserved it as a discourse of Moses. 
This hjpothesis accounts for both the resemblances between i'-3^ and 
c. 5-26, and the differences : the resemblances are due to the fact that the 
original author is the same ; the differences are due to additions, or 
changes, introduced by the redactor, in the process of transforming the 
narrative into a discourse. As regards 4^"*' Dillm. considers that this 
resembles (in style and tone) c. 5-26 too closely to be the work of a 
different hand ; he conjectures therefore that it is the work of D, but that 
it formed originally (with portions of c. 29-30 : p. Ixxiv) part of a closing 
hortatory discourse (following c. 5-26. 28 : hence have taught in v.'), and 
was transferred here, as a conclusion to c. 1-3, by the same redactor who 
incorporated Dt. in the Pent. 

Westphal (pp. 87-103) adopts a similar view ; but he thinks (on the 
ground of the double introduction i^'^- *"' and 4*^-*^) that the author of i'- 
3^ in its original form was not the author of c. 5-26, but z somewhat later 
Deuteronomic writer, who composed a separate, independent narrative, 
describing briefly the Exodus and the conquest of Canaan ; the final 
redactor of the Hexateuch, sacrificing the individuality of his sources to 
chronological order, transferred the first part of this narrative (changing 
at the same time the 3rd person into the first) to its proper chronological 
position, before c. 5-26. 28, and worked up the second part into c. 27. 31. 
34, and the Book of Joshua (the Deuteronomic sections). 

It may be doubted whether such complicated hypotheses are required 
by the facts ; that of Dillm. is criticized by van Hoonacker in Le Mus^on, 
viii. (1889) p. 141 ff. Both, in the view taken of 4^'*', are connected with 
theories of the original arrangement of c. 29-31, which will be considered 
directly. The proper position of 4^"* — with its allusions to Horeb, and its 
treatment of a /undamental principle of Dt., viz. the spirituality of God — 
seems certainly to be before c. 5-26. 28, rather than after it. 

(2) c. 29-34. The parts of these chapters which have 
chiefly to be considered are c. 29-30. 31I-13. 24-30 ^^^-^"^ — the 
rest being admittedly derived from other sources. The follow- 
ing are the principal grounds upon which it is questioned 
whether these passages formed part of the original Deuter- 
onomy : — 

1. Though Deuteronomic words and phrases abound,* the tone on the 
whole (except in 30^^'^) is not quite that of Dt. itself, and several expres- 
sions occur, which are not found elsewhere in Dt. (see p. 320). 

2. The connexion is sometimes imperfect, not only between 29^*-^ P'-'> 
(an individual), and 29^^")^- (the entire nation), but especially between 
30'"^" and 30^'*^- (see p. 331), making it next to impossible that 30^"" can 
have stood originall)' in its present place. 

* See the citations from these chapters, p. Ixxviii i£ 


3. 29^"' * (^' 27) 30^" speak of Dt. as already "written," anticipating 
thereby 31^* 

4. The standpoint is in parts of c. 29-30 different from what it is in 
the body of Dt. In the body of Dt. (c. 5-26. 28), the two alternatives — 
obedience, resulting in national prosperity, and disobedience, resulting- in 
national disaster — are balanced one against the other ; one is not repre- 
sented as more likely to follow than the other (cf. 28^^- ^^^•) ; in 29-^ (-)-3o^*' 
the latter is tacitly assumed to have been realized, and the fulfilment of 
the curse (29-^"^ (~"^>) is made the point of departure for the hopes of 
penitence and promise of restoration afterwards (30^'^°). This is the 
capital difference which distingoxishes c. 29-30 from c. 28. What en- 
couragement, then, or inducement to obedience, it is asked, would it be 
to the people, " to assure it thus distinctly that its apostasy was inevitable, 
to hold out to it beforehand the picture of its ruin, and to announce to it, 
before even it has deserved the punishment, the conditions upon which it 
might be again received into God's favour ? " + 

5. From the terms of 32**"^, taken in conjunction with 31^'^ (in both of 
which, it is said, the Song 32^"*' is ignored, and the expression "(all) these 
words," at least in 32**, must refer to some commendation of the Deut. 
law), it is argued by Dillm. that there followed originally in Dt., after the 
account of Moses' writing the Deuteronomic law, and delivering it to the 
priests (31®'^^), a final hortatory discourse, addressed to the people, and 
commending it to their observance. This discourse Dillm. considers is to 
be found in parts of c. 29-30, and c. 4 (which has several points of contact 
with c. 29-30 : Westphal, pp. 69-73) ; the redactor, who combined Dt. with 
JE and the Song (32^"**), having before him both this final discourse and 
the Song, conceived the idea of treating the two as parallel ; hence he 
remodelled the discourse, with such changes and additions as to transform 
it into a " witness " (3i^*'") against Israel in the event of its future apostasy. 
Upon Dillm. 's view, the main discourse of Dt. (c. 5-26. 28) was followed 
originally, first by 318-13.24-268 ^jj,g writing of Dt., and its delivery to the 
priests), then by the directions contained in 27^"* and i i^s-so ; after this by 
the final hortatory address, comprising 3128-29 ^^g ^n introduction), parts 
of c. 4 and c. 29, 3o^''2*',:J: and 32*'-*'^ (as a conclusion) ; and by the notices 
221-28 311-8^ ending with D's account of Moses' death, contained in parts of 
c. 34. The additions introduced by the redactor into Moses' final discourse 
were especially 30*"^**, and parts of 4^"**, which harmonize imperfectly with 
D's usual style (as expressions in y.^^-^^.si^ a^^j y 25. 2s. si^ g 

Westphal, developing this theory in greater detail, reconstructs the 
supposed final discourse as follows : — 29^"" P-i*) 4I-2 2ci^^'-^ P^"^^) 4S-3o» 2^'^ 

* Strictly, of course, "which I have spoken" should have been said. 
But the argument is hardly cogent; for, if Dt. was, from the first, a 
"written book, the Writer, forgetful of his role (cf. 2^^ 38 |^p^ xliii]), might 
easily have used the expression. Cf. 28'*' *^, which there is thus no need, 
with Dillm., to consider altered by the redactor. 

t Westphal, p. 71 f. : cf. Wellh. Comp. p. 191 ; Kuen. § 7. 22 (4). 

X 30'' being the appeal to heaven and earth, announced in 31**. 

§ Cf. Dillm. pp. 230 f. 251, 379, 386, 387, 390, 600 f. 


(23-29) ^Mb-si 30I-10 ^32-40 go"'!* 32*^-^^ ; hc attributes it, however, not to D 
himself, but to a follower, who he thinks attached it (with ^i^-ia. 24-29 ji^ ^^ 
introduction) to c. 5-26. 28, for the purpose of commending' the Deut. law 
to the observance of Israel (pp. 60 f. , 69). 

Oettli (pp. 11-12) thinks that the original arrangement may have 
been :— c. 5-26. 28. 27i-»-"-" 319-13. i«-29 aSSS-zg^? (29I-28) so'"'" 29»(») 3o"-»» 
32«-47 31I-8, with 31"- "-23 (the parallel, from JE, to v.^-*), and 3116-23 321-43.4*, 

The transpositions and alterations, postulated by the 
theories of Dillm. and Westphal, are intrinsically improbable ; 
and it is impossible to think that sufficient cause has been 
shown for having recourse to them. The explanation of 3128 
32^^, suggested in the Commentary, is surely easier: it is 
hardly likely that a prose passage, such as 30^^ would be 
specially announced by the words 3128 ; and a reference in 3128 
to the Song 32^-*3 is after all more probable. 30^1-20 has the 
genuine Deuteronomic ring; but 30I-10 (the passage which 
speaks of Israel's penitence after apostasy) connects so 
imperfectly with 30^^*''-, that no doubt it is either (if written by 
D) misplaced, or is to be attributed to a different hand. As 
regards c. 29, it is in any case of the nature of a supplement 
— for the *' Exposition of the Law," promised in i^ (cf. 5I 12^) 
is completed in c. 5-26. 28; v. 21-28 (22-29) appear to go with 
30I-10 ; and as even in the rest of the chapter the phraseology 
is not altogether the same as in the body of Dt., it is not 
impossible that it is the work of a later Deuteronomic writer. 
This writer, it may be conjectured, partly with the view of 
insisting afresh upon the duty of observing the Deuteronomic 
law, partly for the purpose of completing the history of 
Moses, combined into a whole, with such additions as 
seemed to him to be needful, whatever concluding notices the 
author himself had attached to c. 5-26. 28, together with the 
excerpts from the narrative of JE, which belonged here.* 

The structure of Dt. may be exhibited in a tabular form as 
follows : — 

* The line dividing D and D^ in c. 29-34 cannot be fixed with con- 
fidence : Jos. I. 23 show how closely the style of Dt. may be imitated ; 
and possibly most, or even all, of the Deut. parts of c. 29-34 should be 
assigned to D^ The Deuteronomic sections of Joshua, it is observable 
(Hollenberg, Sfud. m. A>»V. 1874, pp. 472-506), display specially close 
affinities with Dt. 1-4, and the Deut. parts of c. 29-34. Cf. on 29'* 8-"> 31 «••. 


rJE 27»- 

J. D 1^-2 i*-3" 3'*-428 4'"-*' si-26^» 

[d2 3I4-I-* 429-311 441-J3. 44-49 37 Jl"* 


P l» 

rJE 31'*-'' 

D 279-" C 28(28^-29") 29^-8(2-9) 30"-20 31I-" 

f JE 31^ (c. 33il) 1134^ 

I D 3124-27 3245-47 

I D2 (3ll6-22§) 3128-30 (32I-43. 44§) 


fJE 34''>-»" 



* On the grounds for assigning' this to D^, see p. 54 ff. 

f 4.29-31 -^n(j 30I-10 are the only two passages of Dt. in which the ultimate 
repentance and restoration of Israel a/ier its apostasy and exile are con- 
templated. They are assigfned here — not without hesitation — to D^, not on 
account of the incompatibility of such a prospect with the general point of 
view of Dt., — for the author writes not merely as a legislator, but also as a 
prophet, announcing like other prophets {e.g: Jer. 29^*'-") Jehovah's counsels 
for His people's welfare ; and the promise of ultimate restoration would 
not neutralize the motive to obedience which the prospect of such a disaster 
as antecedent exile would bring with it, — but on account of their imperfect 
connexion with the context : in each case, the paragraph which follows 
(432-40 . 3o"-20) introduces the motive for a present duty (see ^-^ ; 
3^14. 16b. 20^ , ;jj each case also it is introduced by " For," which accordingly 
must assign the ground, not for Jehovah's mercy in a distant future (4*^ ; 
3o'-9), but for His claims upon Israel's obedience in the present. Unless 
therefore it may be supposed that the For of 4^2 introduces the motive, not 
for v.29-'^, but for listening in general to the preceding exhortations and 
warnings, v."'2'*, and that 3o^-^*', though written by D, has been misplaced, 
it seems that the promises contained in these two passages must be 
insertions in the original text of Dt., parallel in thought to Jer. 29^''-" 
336-13 &c., introduced by a later Deuteronomic hand (cf. Konig, Einl. 
p. 213. The explanation of For in 4'^, attempted in the Commentary, 
conceals the difficulty, and is not satisfactory). 

X On the analysis of this chapter, see p. 294 flF. 

§ Incorporated from an independent source. See pp. 338, 347. 

II Incorporated into Dt. at an uncertain stage in the history of the text. 

IT On the grounds for the analysis of c. 34, see the notes ad loc. In 
v.^ the part belonging to JE is "And Moses went up to the top of 
Pisgah " ; the rest {\o Jericho) is inserted from P. 

*• On the distinction of D and D2 in c. 29-34, see p. Ixxv, note. The 
style of 29^"' 31^"* is rather that of D' in Jos. than of Dt itself. 


The stages by which Dt. assumed its present form will 
thus have been (approximately) as follows : — Chronologically, 
the parts first written were the Blessing (c. 33), and the 
excerpts from JE (of course, in the original form of this 
document, with intermediate passages, completing the narra- 
tive, which have now been superseded by, or absorbed in, 
Dt.). The kernel of Dt. consists undoubtedly of c. 5-26. 28; 
and this, with short historical notices at the beginning (viz. 
^44-49 in a briefer form) and end, constituted the law-book of 
Josiah. It was probably preceded by the parts of c. 1-4 noted 
in the Table ; though most recent critics are of opinion that 
these chapters were prefixed to it afterwards. Some little 
time after the kernel of Dt. was composed, it was enlarged 
by a second Deuteronomic writer (or writers), D^, who (i) 
supplemented the work of D by adding the passages indicated ; 
(2) incorporated, with additions of his (or their) own, the 
excerpts from JE, and (taking it probably from a separate 
source) the Song 32^-^3^ with the historical notices belonging 
to it, 31I6-22 22^. Finally, at a still later date, the whole thus 
constituted was brought formally into relation with the literary 
framework of the Hexateuch as a whole by the addition of the 
extracts from P. 

§ 5. Language and Style. 

The literary style of Dt. is very marked and individual. 
In vocabulary, indeed, it presents comparatively few exceptional 
words (p. Ixxxiv) ; but particular words, and phrases, consist- 
ing sometimes of entire clauses, recur with extraordinary 
frequency, giving a distinctive colouring to every part of 
the work. In its predominant features, the style of Dt. is 
strongly original, entirely unlike that of P, and very dis- 
similar to the normal style of JE. There are, however, 
certain sections of JE (in particular, Gn. 26^ Ex. 133-I8 1520 
193-6, parts of 2o2-i7, 2320-33 3410-20)^ in which the author 
(or compiler) adopts a parenetic tone, and where his style 
displays what may be termed an approximation to the 
style of Dt. ; and these sections appear to have been the 


source from which the author of Dt. adopted some of the 
expressions currently used by him.* 

In the following" list of the most noticeable words or 
phrases characteristic of Dt., the first i6 may have been 
suggested to the author by these sections of JE ; t those 
which follow are original in Dt., or occur so rarely in JE, that 
there is no ground for supposing them to have been borrowed 
thence. The occurrences in the Deuteronomic sections of 
Joshtia are also noted (for the purpose of illustrating- their 
affinity with Dt.); as well as, where necessary, those in other 
parts of the OT. (especially those written under the influence 
of Dt.). 

1. anx to love:— {a) with God as obj. ; 6' f lo" iii-"-22 134(8) ,^9 
306. 16. 20 jos^ 22* 23". So Ex. 2o« ( = Dt. 51"). Also Jud. s'l (Deborah); 
1 K. 3^ (DeuL), of Solomon ; Ne. 1* Dan, 9* (both from Dt. f) ; Ps. 31^ 
9710 i45=«. 

{b) Of God's love to His people : ^ 10^^ (the patriarchs), lo^^ (the nj), 
y8. 13 236(5). Not so elsewhere in the Hex. Otherwise first in Hos. (3^ 9" 
11^** X4'**')» i'^ whose theology it is a fundamental and (apparently) original 
element (of. the note on 7*). Also i K. lo^ once in Jer. (31'), and in later 
writers. Cf. the syn. pvn in the same connexion, Dt. 'f 10^' (otherwise 
21*) ; and 33n 33^ 

2. onnx D'n'?i« other gods: 6" 7* 8« 11I6.28 ,38. 7. up. 6. H) ,^3 igso 28"-36.« 
2g25(26) 3q17 (always, except 18*, with either serve, or go after) ; 31I8. 20 (not 
D; see p. 337) with turn to (*?»< n:s) ; Jos. 23^®. So Ex. 20' ( = Dt. 5'), 
23"; cf. 34" (inK hn). Otherwise first in E (Jos. 24-' ^^ and perh. Jud. 
10" I S. 8»t), I S. 2619 2 K. 5!^ and (with !?»< njs) Hos. 3^. Very frequent 
in Jer. and compilers of Jud. Kings (but not usually with the same verbs 
as in Dt. itself): Jud. 2'^^^"'-^^ i K. 9«-9 ( = 2 Ch. 719-' 22), ii*-i» 149 2 K. if- 

J5.37.38 22" ( = 2 Ch. 34=5), Jer. il6y6.9.18 ijlO ,310 i6"-13 194-13 229 256 32» 
3^15 443. 6. 8. U 2 Ch. 28*5t. 

3. TTK.T to be long, or to prolong, of daj's (the Deut. promise upon 
obedience; cf. p. xxxiii) : — (a) to be long 5'^ ( = Ex. 20^-), 6^ 25"; (6) to 
prolong 426.40 ^30 (33) ji9 1^20 22? 30^8 32^ Elscwhcre, only (5) i K. 3" 
(Deut.) Is. 53^0 Pr. 28'« Eccl. S'^ ; and differenUy (nnw d«c' inxn) Jos. 24^= 
Jud. 2'. 

4. Which Jehovah thy {pur, &c.) God is giving thee {tis, &c), attached 

• Some of the expressions in Ex. 20^"" are, however, so strikingly 
Deuteronomic as to suggest another explanation, viz. that the text of the 
Decalogue was originally briefer than it now is, and that it has been 
amplified with explanatory additions by an author dependent upon Dt., 
and using the Deuteronomic style. Comp. p. Ixxxvi, note. 

t On Nos. I, 3, 4, 5, 6, comp., however, the last note. 

ZL.O.T. pp. 156 f., 167 f. 


mostly to the land (pK-i), sometimes to the ground {Tia'\\K:^, the gates, the 
cities, &c. : v^-"^ 2^ 3«» 41- "o iii'-" i2» 13" (^2) 15' ,6»-i8.20 ,72.14 ,39 251a 26= 
2f-'^ 288. So Ex. 2o'2 ( = Dt. 5I6) ; of. Jos. i-u-w With the addition of 
as an inheritance 4^^ 19'" 20^® 21*^' 24* 26^ ; of to possess it 5* W 19'' " 21* ; 
of as an inheritance to possess it 15* 25^®. 

5. onay n'a house of bondage (lit. of slaves): 6" 78 8" 13'*" ('•'<•) Jos. 
24" (E). So Jud. 68 (prob. E*) Mic. 6* Jer. 34". From Ex. 13'-" 202 
( = Dt.s6)t. 

6. Thy {your) gates (of the cities of Israel): 12i2.15.17.J8.aj 14n.27.28.a8 

,g7.22 ,65. U. 14. 18 ,^3. 8 ,86 23" (l^) 24" 26^2 28«2. 05. 67 3,12. So Ex. 20'<' ( = Dt. 

5"). Hence i K. %^ (Deut.)=2 Ch. 6^8+, Cf. (perhaps) Jer. 142. 

7a. rhiD Dy a people of special possession: 7' 14^ 26*8+. Cf. Ex. 19" 
rhio '*? Dn"."n. 

'jb. tmp cy a holy people : 7^ 142- 21 26^9 28^1. Varied from Ex. 19" a holy 
nation (cf. 22'°). 

8. The covenant (nna), either with the patriarchs, or with Israel (ex- 
pressing- a fundamental theological idea of Dt. : see on 4^'): 413- 28. si ^2.3 

-2.9.12 glS q9. 11. 15 jq8 i>j2 2869 (29!) 298' "• l'- 20. 2* (9. 12. 14. 21. 25\ »,9. 28, 26. g^Jgjj 

33* (with Levi). Cf. in JE Ex. ig^ 2^^- » 2A^'>' ""• ^ ; also Dt. 3i'«- » (p. 337). 

9. Which I am commanding thee this day : 4^ 6' 7^^ 8^' ^^ 10" 1 18 i3i»(i8) 
155 199 27'" 28J-'i3. 15 302. 8. 11. 16 (and without to-day 6^ 12"- 28). So Ex. 34". 
With you for thee 11^^- ^"^'^ 2f-* 28^* ; and without to-day ^''■^ Ii22 ,2" 13I 

10. cmn to cause (others) to possess, i.e. to dispossess (Jehovah the 
Canaanites from before Israel): 43894.* 1,23 ,812 Jqs. 31" 138 23'* '"^^ Jud. 
221.23 1,23.24 I K. 142* 2i28 2 K. iG^ 178 2i2 (mostly, if not all, Deut.). So 
Ex. 342* Nu. 3221. Hence Ps. 443(2). 

11. iS TDE'n (oa"? MDvn) take heed to thyself {yourselves), lest &c. : 42^ 6'2 
8" ii^** 12I3. 19. 30 ,^9. sq^ ^KD !ȣ!] TDCi, 4^ : cf. iKD DrnDcji 2* 4" Jos. 23". 
So Ex. 34^2^ (Also Gn. 24* 312*, and absolutely Ex. io28, but without anj 
special force.) 

12. A mighty hand and a stretched out arm: 4^* 51^ 7I* ii2 268; hence 
Jer. 2i5 (in inverted order), 3221 (ymx), i K. 8*2 ( = 2 Ch. 632), g^, 2o33-3^ 
Ps. 136^2, The combination occurs first in Dt. Mighty hand alone Dt. 
324 621 78 g26 3412 (cf. Jos. 4"). So Ex. 319 61 13I9 (cf. T, pjh might of hand 
v..3.i4.i6)^ 32"; and (of Edom) Nu. 2o2«. Hence Neh. i^" Dan. 91=. 
Stretched out arm alone Dt. (^. So Ex. 6® (P or H). Hence Jer. 27" 32^^ 
2 K. i73«t. 

13. yairj to swear, of Jehovah's oath to the patriarchs : 18. S8 ^^si 610-18.23 

78-12.13 81.18 98 iqU 1,9.21 ,318(17) ig8 263-15 28" 29^2(13) 3o2» 31? Jos. 1« S« 

2,411. (43f.), So in JE, Gn. 502* Ex. I3»- " 32" 33^ Nu. 1 1" i4'«- ■' 32" Dt. 31" 
34*; alsoDt. 3i2"-2i(p. 337). 

14. To hearken to His {Jehovah's) voice (i^V^ ^^) '• 4** (see note) 8*" 9° 

,35.19 1^5 26"- 17 2710 281- 2- 15. 45. 62 302.8.10.20. So Ex. 152* (S), 19' 2-f-^ 

Nu. 14M 

15. Jehovah, thy {our, your) God, very freq. (esp. with thy), altogether 
more than 300 times (,«• 19-20.21 &o.). So Ex. 3" 5' 8«-2a-23 io25'» {our); 

* Budde, ZATW. 1888, p. 232 {=Sichteru. Sam. pp. 107 f., 181 «.). 


15=6 202-»-7.W.12 (=Dt. 56. 9. 11- "• 16) 23I9 32^-8 3424.28 (^^^) . §24 iqS. 6. 17 2325 

(your). Also in other books, though far less frequently than in Dt. : cf. 
pp. II, 21. In the formula " I {'3K, not '338* [p. Ixxxvii]) am Jehovah your 
God," occasionally also in P, and frequently in H : viz. Ex. 6^ i6'- Lev. ii** 
Nu. io^° iS'^^'*^, and esp. in Lev. 17-26 (see L.O.T. pp. 45, 54, 143). 

16. Jehovah, the God of thy {our, your, their) fathers : i"* -^ 4^ 6^ 12^ 26^ 
273 2924(25). So in E, Ex. 3^5. 16 Iwithout Jehovah, v.^ [thy father], ") 4'. 

17. n3K to be willing: (sq. inf.) i^* 2^ 10^" 23® 25'' 29^^ ; (sq. \h) 13^ 

18. [ijiiTSJ n\H h2'2 ivith all the desire of his {thy) soul: 12^5.20.21 jge^ 
So with ■? for 3 I S. 2320 ; and 'i njK? Jer. 2^\. 

19. n3'N how? i^- 7'' 12^ 18^^ Not elsewhere in the Hex. ; and rare in 
other books, TK being generally preferred. 

20. To eat before Jehovah : 12^" ^^ 1423*^ 15™. 

21. r^iHm to be angered: i^ ^^ g^-^ i K. 11'' 2 K. 17^ (both Deut.)t. 

22. The land whither thou goest in to possess it: 4" {ye), 7^ iiio.29 
2321 m 2821- «3 30I8 ; cf. (without a rel.) 9"^ I229. Similarly the land whither 
thou passest {ye pass) over {Jordan) to possess it: /^^*'^ 6^ ii*-" 30^^ 31^ 
32^'' : cf. (without a rel.) 4^^ 9I ii^i Jos. i" ; also Dt. 3^1. 

23. nna to choose (with God as subj., in a theocratic sense): of Israel 
^37^6.7 jq15 j^^2. Qf jjje Levitical priests 18' 21^ [i S. 2^*] ; of the future 
king 17^ ; and esp. in the phrase " the place which Jehovah shall choose to 
place (or set) His name there" {i2^'^^-^ 1423.24 jg20 J52.6.11 252, or "the place 
which Jehovah shall choose" 12"- 18-26 1^25 i(;! j^ i8« 31" Jos. g^ -, 
the latter phrase, also, with a human subj., 23^^ W. Very characteristic 
of Dt. : not applied before to God's choice of Israel ; often used by the 
Deut. compiler of Kings, of Jerusalem, i K. iii3-32.36 84»-48 (cf. v.i«), 142^ 
2 K. 21' 232^; in Jer. once, 33^4, of Israel. Also charact. of II Isaiah 
(418. 9 43I0 441. 2 . cf. my chosen one, also of Israel, 432" 454. Qf God's 
again favouring Israel by restoring it to Palestine, Is. 14^ ; my chosen 
ones, of the true Israelites of the future, 65^' ^5* 22. And applied to 
Jehovah's ideal servant, the individualized nation, 42^ 49^)» Twice in P 
(of the priests, to the exclusion of the common Levites), Nu. 16'* '. 

24. (^KTf'D) impD yin myyi so thou shalt exterminate the evil from thy 
midst {from Israel), at the end of the description of a judicial procedure : 
138(5) 177.12 1919 2i2i 2221- 22. 24 24?. This phrasc is peculiar to Dt. ; but 
"and we will exterminate evil (^in) from Israel" occurs Jud. 20". "ii'3 to 
exterminate occurs also Dt. 191* 21^ 26'3. i4 . 2 S. 4" i K. 14^° 224' 2 K. 23*4 
2 Ch. 19*; and in the pregn. constr. nnx nya i K. 14^" 16* (tjod) 2121. 

25. In order that Jehovah may bless thee : 1429 2321 (20) 24!* ; with because, 
since, &c. 12' 1424 154. 6. 10. i4 jgio. 15 . f^^ ^jjg emph. laid on Jehovah's blessing, 
comp. also i" 2' (see note), 7" 15" 288- 12 30^^ ; cf. 2615. Cf. in JE, Ex. 2o24 

26. ^^l greatness (of God): 3*4 521 g26 nS^ go elsewhere only 32' Ps. 

27. The stranger, the fatherless, and the widow {nxhwn dw.ti n:n), as 
types of the needy and unprotected: lo'^ 2417.19.20.21 271*; and, with the 
Levite, 1429 i6"-" 26^2. ". Cf. Ex. 2220'- (2i'.) (in two different sentences). 
Hence Jer. 7* 22' Ez. 22'. 

28. 3 p3T to cleave to, of devotion to God: io2o 1122 135(4) 3020 Jqs. 22' 


23* ; the corresponding- adj. 4*. So 2 K. 18^ (of Hezekiah) ; of devotion to 
false gods i K. ii^ to sin 2 K. 3' (all Deut.). Not elsewhere in this 

29. ni.T nan ttjo as Jehovah hath spoken (I.e. promised) : i^^ 6" 26" 
31^; +/o me, you, &c. (cd"?, '"? : not D3''?k, '"jk) : v^ 6' 9'; 10* (of Levi: so 
i82 ; cf. in D^ Jos. 13"- ^); 1 1^* 1 2«> I5« 26^8 2f 29^2 (is). cf^ Jqs. ,410. 12 22* 
23»- 10 ; Jud. 2» I K. 526 (12) 820- «« (all Deut.). Comp. above, p. xvi. 

30. Thy com, and thy new wine, and thine oil : 7" 1 1" 12" \i^ 18*. 

31. To walk in Jehovah's ways : 8* lo^^ n^a j^fl 26" 28' 30^' Jos. 22' ; so 
Jud. 223 I K. 28 3" 8*8 I1S3.38 (all Deut.). Cf. s^'^'^ Ex. 1820 (E). 

32. Who shall be in those days : 17^ 19I' 26^ Jos. 20*t> 

33. And remember that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt : 

glS i^is i612 24l8-22. 

34. Vy T3'y Dinn k^ thine eye shall not pity him {them) : 7I' 139(8) 19I3. 21 
2512. The same idiom Gn. 452" Is. 13I8 ; and frequently in Ez. (5" 7^- ^ a/.). 

35. |"DNi pjn (li'DKi iptn) ie (_ye) courageous and strong: 3i8-7. 23 jQg^ j6.7. 
9.18 io25. cf, Dt. 328 inssKi inf«n. The expression may seem to be an 
ordinary one ; but it occurs besides only i Ch. 22^* 28^ 2 Ch. 32^ (reminis- 
cences from Dt. : notice the following nnn hm NTn h«, comp. with Dt. i^ 
318, and in D2 Jos. i^ 8^ io25). 

36. Ken 13 .T.Ti and it be sin in thee : 15^ 2322(21) 241", cf. 2122 : with 7wt, 
2323 (22)-j-_ jn H and P the phrase used is to bear sin, Lev. 19" 22" Nu. i822- ^2. 

37. Statutes and judgments (c'EErDi D'pn) : 4i-5-8." ^ ii32 12I 26^* i K. 
9* 2 K. 17^ ; + commandment{s) 528(81) 6I 7" 26" i K. 8*8; -{-testimonies ^ 
62"; cf. commandments and statutes 6" {-{-testimonies), 271" Ex. 1528, in the 
opp. order <f> 1 K. 3" 8^ ; statutes alone 48 6^ 1612, cf. 1719. And with 
nipn, commandments and statutes 10I8 28i''*^ 301° 1 K. 98 11^ 2 K. 17I8; 
statutes and commandments 6^ i K. 11^; -{-judgments 8" 11^ 30!' 1 K. 2^ 
{-{■testimonies) : cf. i K. 3^612 11'' 2 K. 17** 23^ The passages from Kings 
are all Deuteronomic. 

38. naiB.T \-\Hn the good land, of Canaan : i^^ 325 421- 22 g" gio (v.' a good 
land), 98 1 1" Jos. 23I8 (v.i^* i' a good ground). So i Ch. 288 (a reminiscence). 
Cf. Ex. 38 (JE) a good and broad land ; also Nu. 14' (P) ; Dt. i25. 

39. Which thou {ye) knowest (or knewest) not : (a) of the manna, 8'* i* ; 
(6) of strange gods, 11 28 i^.i.\iifi.6.i3) 28'" 292* (28) ; {c) of a foreign people 
2833- 36. {b) also 32" (the Song), Jer. f 19^ 44=* ; and {c) Jer. 9"(i6) : in Jer., 
also, of a land (in the threat of exile), 14I8 {RV. m., reading kS for vh\), 

15" l613 I7'» 2228. 

40. r\^ry DV3 as at this day: 2*' 420. S8 524 ^Jnn ovna), 8" ioi» 29" (28). See 
the note on 2^, where the other occurrences of the phrase are quoted, and 
it is shown that it gives expression to a favourite Deuteronomic thought. 

41. D^o^rrh^= continually (lit. all the days) : 4* 528(28) 6^ 11^ i42» i8» 19" 
2829- 33 Jos. 424. Cf. on 4« ; and add i K. 5" (i) 8« 9* 1 1^^- =» 12' i4«> 2 K. 8" 
133 1737 (nearly all Deut.). 

42. "i"? at3" (irx) jyn^ that it may be well for thee : 4*' 5i8' » (») fi*- " 1 2*- * 
22^. Similarly (dsS) "^ 3im ^1?^) 1^ ; (u"?) iV aia*? 6^ 10". A character- 
istic Deuteronomic principle (p. xxxiii). 

43. 3'o''n inf. abs., used adverbially = /'Aoro//^A/y; c^^ i2^^(^*) 17* 19" 
278. Elsewhere, in this application, only 2 K. iii*t. 


44. (Vav) ^3in h'? thou (he) canst not, in the sense ofmayestnot: 7^ 12*^ 
16® 17^^ 21^* 22'' ^' ^^ 24*. A very uncommon use : cf. Gn. 43^. 

45. The duty oi fearing God inculcated: 6^-^ 10^ 13''^* 31^^; esp. in ' 
the inf. hnt!?, often with that they may learn prefixed, 4^" ^ (^s) 6^ 8® 10" , 

1423 17I9 2858 31W 

46. w to possess, esp. in the inf. r\v;-h, Tintrh to possess it, at the end of 
a sentence, sometimes even pleonastically : see above Nos. 4, 22, and add 
231 gis g6 j2^. Followed by a, personal obj. (peoples), see 9^ (phil. n.). 

47. All Israel: i^ (see note), 5I 1312 2121 27^ 29^ gii.v.ii.u ga^ 3412 Jos. 
3' 4" 232 al. 

48. 7b £fo that -which is right (ne"n) in the eyes 0/ Jehovah : 12^ 1319(18) 
21* ; + 3it3m and that which isgood6^^ 12^. So Ex. 152^ (JE) Jer. 341" ; and 
in the estimates of the kings (all due to the compiler), i K. n^s-ss j^8 1^6.11 

22«( = 2 Ch. 2032), 2 K. IqS" 123(2) (^2 Ch. 242), I4S ( = 2 Ch. 252), 158 (= | 

2 Ch. 26*), M (=2 Ch. 272), i62 (=2 Ch. 28I), i83 (=2 Ch. 292), 222 (^2 Ch. I 

49. To do that -which is evil {vvi) in the eyes of Jehovah : 42^* 9I8* 172 1 
3i29*. So Nu. 32I3 ; often in the Deut. framework of Judges (2" r^- '^' 12 4I 6^ \ 
10^ 13I) and Kings [e.g. i K. n® 1422 1^) ; Jer. ']^ i8i° 32*" ; and occasionally 
elsewhere (as i S. i^^ 2 S. 12^ Is. 6512 66*). Both this and No. 48 gained j 
currency through Dt., and are rare, except in passages written under its I 
influence. i 

50. The priests the Levites {i.e. the Levitical priests): 17^ 18^ 24^27' j 
Jos. 3* 833; the priests the sons of Levi Dt. 21^ 31^ So Jer. 33I* Ez. 43I* 
4415 2 Ch. 5" [prob. also in the || i K. 8*], 23^^20271. P's expression, "sons 
of Aaron," is never used in Dt. (see pp. 214, 219). 1 

51. With all thy {your) heart and -with all thy {yoicr) soul, i.e. with the ' 
devotion of the whole being (cf. p. xxi) : 42^ 6» 10^2 „i3 j^^p) 26I6 302.6.10 j 
Jos. 22' 23". Only besides (in the third person) i K. 2* 8^ ( = 2 Ch. 638) , 
2 K 233 (=2 Ch. 3431)25 2 Ch. 1512; and (in the first person, of God) Jer. ' 

52. ':b^ \n to give {deliver) up before (of a conquered land or foe) : i^* 21 
231.83.86^2.23 2318(14) gjS^ and (with r^i smitten) 28^- 2«. So Jos. 1012 116. 
Elsewhere, only Jud. 11^ i K. 8'" (Deut.) Is. 412. The usual syn. is give 
into the hand of, which also occurs several times in Dt. : see on 32. 1 

53. To turn (mo) neither to the right hand nor to the left : 2^ lit. (altered '■ 
from Nu. 20", which has nuj to incline) : so iS. 612 (of the kine). Metaph. ' 
529 (32) i7ii. 20 28" Jos. 1' 23« ; so 2 K. 222 (=2 Ch. 342). 

54. py to he affrighted'. i29 721 2o3 31^ Jos. i^. Not elsewhere in prose. 1 

55. DT nryo the work of the hands { = enterprise) : J \i^ 16" 241* 28^2 30?. j 
in a bad sense, 3129. In the neutral sense of enterprise, not very common I 
elsewhere. Hag. 2i** ^ Ps. 90I'' Job i" Eccl. 5* (*) ; in a bad sense, 1 K. \G j 
2 K. 22I7 (both Deut., and in both + ^ vex with, as Dt. yp), Jer. 25*-' 323» ^ 
(also + /o vex with), Ps. 28'' La. 3". ' 

56. ma to ransom, fig. of the deliverance from Egypt : 7^ (with from i 
the house of bondage, as Mic. 6*), 92* i3«(') 151" 21^ 24^*. Not so elsewhere ' 

* +iD»VDn^ to vex him (viz. by the undeserved dishonour, involved in 
idolatry), as 1 K. 16' 2 K. 17" 2i« (=2 Ch. 33«). 


in the Hex. : Ex. 15" (the Song of Moses) uses h»i {to reclaim : sec the 
note on 7*). 

57. . . . 71SD '3:k p hy therefore I command thee . . . : i^"-" i9''24^*-". 

58. 3"ii3 midst, in various connexions, esp. in or /rom thy (or IsraeTs) 
midst: 1*3 (Nu. 14*2) 4' 6« 'j^ ii^ 132. 12. w {!•"•") 16" 172-20 iff" igW.M ji* 

231a. 17 (14. 16) 26" 28^ 29^"- ^ P^* ^^l ; 2^*- ^'- ^^ 4'- ** 13*' " ('• ^^ 15^1 I'f' ^ iS"" " 

19I* 21^-21 222''** 24'. The word is a common one, and naturally occurs in 
JE (as also elsewhere), though with nothing like the same frequency as in 
Dt. P, with not less frequency, uses the syn. iii? {e.g. of Israel, 32" Ex. 
258 29** Nu. 3^2 ^2.18 &c.), which occurs also in Dt., but only in the phrase 
noted below, No. 69 (cf. 52"), in the combination Tin Sk into the midst 13" 
21I2 222 23"- ^ (as 2 S. 3^7 al. : anp "?« is not generally said, in Gn. ^1°^ anp 
denoting specially the interior of an animal), and in 3^* 11' 19'. 

59. Which thine eyes have seen (emph. for the normal thou hast seen) : 

4»7"l02l292(3)(cf. 21^). 

60. Thy {your) eyes are those that have seen (another emph. formula) : 

61. To eat and be satisfied: 6" (see note), 8i»-" 11" 14® 26"; also 31" 

(P- 337)- 

62. The caution not to forget : 49- ^ 6^ 8"- "• "^ 9' 2^^^^ ; cf. 26"^ 

63. cv TDB* \3xih, ]'2V to make His name dwell there (viz. in the central 
sanctuary): 12^^ 142^ le^-^-^i 262. Only besides Jer. 7^2 E2r. 6^2 Neh. if. 
With Dib^ {to set) 12' (see note) 21 142*. This occurs also in Kings,* viz. 
I K. 93 ii36 1421 2 K. 2i<-'' ( = 2 Ch. 33'') ; also 2 Ch. 620 (varied from i K. 

64. (c3T) Ti' n^B'D that to which thou puttest thine {ye put your) hand 
<=enterprise) : 12'- ^ i5"> 2321 288-20+. 

65. -vryon to destroy, ^os'3 to he destroyed : r" 2^2- 21. 22. 23 ^^s gia ^4. 24 gS. s. 14. 

1». 20. 25 28«- 63 3i3. 4 Jog, g24 j jW. 20 23I5 ; Dt. 426 728 I2«) 28^0- 2<- «- «• 61. The 

word is not an uncommon one ; but it occurs elsewhere in the Hex. only 
Gn. 34«' (J) Jos. 712 (JE) 248 (E) ; Lev. 2^^ Nu. 3352 (H) ; and Dt. 332? (the 

66. '^Kir' por Hear, O Israel : 5^ 6* 9^ 20' ; cf. 27^, also 4^ 

67. And . . . shall hear and fear (of the deterrent effects of punish- 
ment) ; 1312(11)171319202121. 

68a. mpv!? ice to observe to do : 51- 29 (32) 68- as ^u gi n 22,32 ^^\ ,31 (^a^a) 158 
1710 199 2i«^ 28i-«-M 31I2 32*6 Jos. i7-8 22' : so 2 K. 1737 218 ( = 2 Ch. 33*; 
hence also i Ch. 22i3). 

685. To observe and do : 48 712 1612 232* (2S) 248» 26i« 28" (cf. 298 «) Jos. 238. 

69. PK.T TWO out of the midst of the fire : 412- is- ^- "^ 5*- w- "- 23 9" ,o«. 

70. (a) '' nzvv\ Jehovah' s abominatio7i, esp. as the final ground of a pro- 
hibition : 725 1231 17I i8i2» 22* 23I8 25I8 2715 ; cf. 24* : {b) nayw alone, chiefly 
of heathen or idolatrous customs, 728 (an idol, or idolatrous relic) 13" 14* 
(forbidden kinds of food), 17* ; of customs of the Canaanites, 18*" 12'' 20" 
(cf. I K. 142* 2 K. i63 2i2-"). So 32I8; and often in Jer., and (esp.) Ez. 

♦ Together with Twrh to be, .t.t shall be, which are not in Dt. : viz. i K. 
8" (=2 Ch. 6^)29 2 K. 232^ : so 2 Ch. 68 33* (varied from 1 K. 9* 2 K. 21* 
set) ; cf. 2o^ 


a is an expression that occurs often in the Proverbs (as ii'*™ 12** i 
j^8.9.26). ^vith b comp. in H Lev. 1822. 20" (but only of sins ofl 
unchastity). — Cf. p. Ixxi f. Other expressions, recurring less frequently, ' 
are noted in the Commentary. 

The following" is a list of noticeable words or expressions 
found only in Dt. (c. 32. 33 excluded ; see pp. 348, 389) : — 

jm 23"; TDNH 26"- ^8; D'P13D 25"; mpD 282"; |13KT 28^; nmD 7^' 28*;; 

nph 2822; pnn i4i. t,pn 28^8; pmn i69 2326; -vrin 2822; mn 282^; Vrn (D''?rm)j 
25"; mn basket 2&-* iS^-^T ; n^?2832; 0^34''; rh^hn 23^; nsa le^" ; D'na vy 
2^ 3® (but read so in Jud. 20* as well) ; Wj (=Arab. nasala) 19' 28** (see 
on 7'); n»DCD &; nDD (nspri) 27^; tsay, B"3j'n 15*- 824^°; Bi3y 24^0-^ (cf. o-o^V' 
Hab. 2*) ; Dn3T ml^'Vy 22"-"; Toynn 21" 24^ ; p'jyn 15" (cf. pjj; Ps. 73^) ; npyoi 
22^ ; 13KS nnncj; 7^^ 28-*' ^^' ^ ; -at niiK 23^ 24^ ; ^><9 242" (denom. from tjks) ; 
■ysljs 28^ (as name of insect) ; 'rp 92s ; n-\ 2^ ; tsVk "ur 7I' 28^ ^** " [."ona -ur' 
Ex. i3^t]; ■T^B' 28"; TOO^ release is^-''-* 31"; Jl?' 6^; also ipK, {bn, tdi,, 
and nxT (but read nxi, as Lev. 1 1"), i4'*' ". I 

The following is a list of unusual words or expressions,! 
occurring in Dt. (creatures named in c. 14 excluded; also^ 
c. 32. 33) ; fuller particulars respecting most of them will bei 
found in the notes : — 

3'3Kn nn the month of Abib \G ; ccx 28^ Pr. 3^"+ ; imPK slopes (of 
Pisgah) 3" 4^; -m i» 278 Hab. 22t ; p»; 8^ (cited Neh. 921)!; O'l^nj 22";: 
•nj i" i822 (cf. 3227), and li; 9^^ 28«o, to be in dread (sq. 'JSa); 3"U 282^; 'Vaai 
njn 4*2 19* Jos. 20»-« ; fji.T 6^9 9* Jos. 23= ; Tin i« 17" 18=0 ; t3i i6»« 2o1» ; 3itl 
25^^ Jos. lo^t; ^^ 2921 ; '3 pen 7^ 10^' 21"; niEoiB 6^ 11^* Ex. i3^*t; cpj 
118 ; Snj KTiD (d'^j d'ktid) 4** 2& 34^2 (jer. 3221) ; \vm 425 ; Vnan -113 420 ; d'h!?3! 
22^ Lev. 19^ ; iv!?3 28® ; nkD (as subst.) 6' 2 K. 2325t ; ••nxD 2820 ; ntOD 23*;: 
niK^D 28'* " ; m: ^o impel (of an axe, or hand wielding one) 19' 20^ ; of 
being driven into idolatry 4^ 30" ; so nnn x3^-"-i* 2 K. 1721 Qre, 2 Ch. 21" 
(not elsewhere in this sense); DOS ts.t 1" 16^^; no: 28*^; Svi (=Arab.i 
nashala) 7^- 22 ; ^do 4" ; nio defection 13" 19^' ; }TRJ? 282^ ; »]'sn 1 1* ; nmp 282* \ 
p,Dp 2328 (Job, Ez.); jru i"; nsjnr 28"; jjoyr 22" Lev. ig^t; ^■'sn 28*; "WJ 
Dan2"3i2*-». I 

The following expressions, occurring mostly once only in! 
Dt., are more or less frequent in subsequent writers, esp.j 

those of the Deuteronomic school (see notes) : — i 

D'ViVj and D'sipp 29" (^^ ; ."nyi 28®; D'ysn to vex (esp. by idolatry) 42" 9"; 
3129 32^^ (cf. DE? v.2^) ; 01" to expel (from Canaan) 30^, cf. v.* ; the name to\ 
be called over 28^" ; I'VH'O jn 282" ; nor, nyxr 28" ; nnnr 29^^ P"' ; ctu 292'. 

The general literary style of Dt. is singularly pure and. 
beautiful; with the fewest possible exceptions,* the diction isi 
• Comp. on i" 3" II* 12* 24*. 


classical, and the syntax idiomatic and regular. Dt. abounds, 
for instance, with classical examples for the construction, in 
different connexions, of the perfect with JVaw consecutive. 

The parenetic tone of Dt. bears a superficial resemblance 
to that of H {e.g: Lev. 26) ; but when the two styles are 
compared more closely, numerous differences at once reveal 
themselves, that of Dt. presenting" affinities with Jeremiah, 
while H displays affinities with Ezekiel. The only noticeable 
point of contact in the style of Dt. with that of H is the use 
of the term thy brother (see the passages quoted in the note on 
152). With P, Dt. shows no phraseological resemblance 
whatever. In the laws touching common ground (whether 
with H or P) identical terms occur (as c. 14 po ; 22^ D"'sf'3; 22^^ 
ViCiWt 248 nyivn VJJ) ; but these either (as those in c. 14) form 
part of a quotation, or are technical expressions (cf. p. xii) ; 
they are not recurrent in Dt., and do not therefore constitute 
any real phraseological similarity between the two writings. 

The majority of the expressions noted above (p. Ixxviiiff.) 
occur seldom or never besides ; others occur only in passages 
modelled upon the style of Dt., and representing the same 
point of view. Of course a tabulated list of idioms cannot 
adequately characterize the style of an author; there is an 
effect produced by the manner in which phrases are combined, 
and by the structure and rhythm of sentences, which defies 
tabulation, or even description, and which can only be properly 
appreciated by repeated perusal of the work in question. 
Those who have by this course familiarized themselves with 
the style of the Deuteronomic discourses, will be conscious 
how greatly it differs from that of any other part of the Pent., 
— even the parenetic sections of JE (p. Ixxvii), which show a 
tendency to approach it, not exhibiting the complete Deutero- 
nomic rhythm or expression.* The style of Dt. could not 

• Thus in Gn. 26" the rhythm is not that of Dt., nor the plural nrnn. In 
Ex. 15^ D would say "jipa for Sip"?, and would not use 'JK, and hardly pJK.T 
(i'^); nor would vmsD and vpn be distributed into two clauses. By some 
scholars (e.g. Bacon, Triple Tradition), large parts of these sections, as 
also various other passages in Ex. Nu. (as Ex. s'* 9^'"*^ lo^'''^ 12***" 
2220b-3. 26 (2ib-iM. 27) 230. ub. 12b 2213), ^re thought to be additions due to a 
Deuteronomic band. It is true, they are largely didactic in tone, and 


have been formed without precedents ; and it is probable that 
these parts of JE (and perhaps other writings not now extant, , 
the style of which was similar) formed the basis upon which * 
the Deuteronomist developed his own literary style, and 
supplied elements which, in moulding- it, he assimilated. 
Another of his literary models may have been the hortatory, 1 
or prophetic, sections of E, or (in Judges and Sam.) of a \ 
document (or documents) allied to E.* It is evident, however, 
that the original features of his style preponderate decidedly - 
above those that are derived. The strong individuality of the , 
author colours everything that he writes ; and even a sentence, i 
borrowed from elsewhere, assumes by the new setting in I 
which it is placed a fresh character, and impresses the reader 

This may often be observed in the retrospects, c. 1-3. g'-io^^. Notice, ' 
for instance, the fine effect of aiS in i^" lo'^ 28^, and how by its addition | 
D'crn '3:i33 of Gn. 22^" is adapted to the oratorical style of Dt. The varia- 1 
lions in i^, as compared with Ex. 13^, have a similar effect (observe esp. j 
the sustained rhythm, produced by connecting v.^ with v.^ by i^inn). In I 
I** notice the force of the addition of lon'^n xSi (as in 9^ of "in'?n:i and irK j 
l^ii ma), and in i** of nnann nj'ryn -wkd c^m isnm ; in 2^ ('jTasri rpjz ^2h | 
'Vjna m3PN pn 'niien -h jnn fjoaa d'ci -rhDKt) the superior rhythm to Nu. 20** ; 
(.ToyK "hi-a nsT pit pn man 'nnai 'jpm ':k nr.m -"cs cni r^hvi n^rca). Nu. 13" ■ 
iHD mVni nmsa onym pna apTn ci'n ty 'a cbn is ordinary prose ; Dt i^ op I 
DTsra nmsai mVna ony udd a-n hni is oratory. Comp. similarly Nu. I4*'"'*" 
»• *o^ with Dt i^-^- ®' *^ (in v.« notice na rn for ncv Na). 

\ In Deuteronomy, a new style of flowing and impressive ; 
» 1 

have, as Wellh. recognized {Comp. pp. 76, 81, 88, 97 n., 208), points of | 
contact with Dt.; but the later Deuteronomic writers usually display the ; 
Deut. phraseologfy as decidedly as Dt. itself, if not more so ; and the fact | 
that in these passages of JE it is less marked than in Dt. is a reason for | 
referring them — except perhaps parts of Ex. 20^"" (p. Ixxviii n.) — to a pre- I 
Deuteronomic hand (either J, or the compiler of JE : comp. L.O.T. p. | 
116). Cf. Kuen. /Tej:. §§ 9 n. 2, 4; i3n. 21, 29, 31, 32 (5), who takes an ^ 
intermediate view. 

* Compare the /r^-Deuteronomic parts of Jos. 24^"^ (Z. O. T. p. 106), j 
of Jud. 6^-" 108-1" {ib. pp. 156, 158) ; i S. 2"-»', parts of i S. 7-8 io"-27» 12 I 
{ib. p. 167 f.; and below, p. 213), 2 S. 7. All these passages show some 
affinity in thought and expression to Dt. ; and all (except i S. 2"-*, — j 
which ought probably to be included, — and a few isolated phrases in the 
other passages) are characterized rightly by Budde {Richter u. Samuel, \ 
1890, pp. 108, 128, 180 ff. 244 f.; and in The Books of Samuel, in Haupt's i 
Sacred Books of the Old Testament) as prc-Deuteronomic j 


oratory was introduced into Hebrew literature, by means of 
which the author strove to move and influence his readers. 
Hence (quite apart from the matter of his discourse) he differs 
from the most classical writers of historical narrative, by 
developing his /thought into long and rolling periods, which 
have the effect of bearing the reader with them, and holding 
him enthralled by their oratorical power. The beauty and 
effectiveness of Dt. are indeed chiefly due to the skill with 
which the author amplifies his thoughts, and casts them into 
well-balanced clauses, varied individually in expression and 
form,* but all bound together by a sustained rhythmical flow.f 
The author's fondness for the pathetic reflexive dative J may 
mark his sympathy with the people whom he is addressing ; 
but his love of asyndeta,\ and of the emphatic form p- in the 
and and 3rd persons plural of the impf., as also his preference 
for 337 (47 times) above 37,|| and for ''^j^|t (56 times) above V*?>f 
are probably due to his sense of what harmonized best with 
the oratorical rhythm of his discourse. It is another char- 
acteristic of the elevated prose of Dt., that it not unfrequently 
uses rare or choice words, not found in ordinary prose.** The 
rhetorical breadth and fulness of the Deuteronomic style, and 
the copiousness of its diction, are manifest even in a trans- 
lation. The practical aims of the author, and the parenetic 
treatment, which as a rule his subject demands, oblige him 
* Notice, as one mode of expansion, which adds a measured dignity 
to the Deuteronomic style, the clauses attached kautliruiy 426b. 36 (after 

y 35\ ,30 (33) (afler V.^ CT) 72b. Sb. lOb. 22b. 24b. 26b gTb j jUb. 12b j ,19b j«15b jg^b. 24b_ 

t E.g. 4^-19- 32-3« (P-^ 7"-^ 8"-" 1 1^-'- ^0-" I2«-'- 10-" is'-" 2^«: Comp. 
the series of clauses introduced ifuiViTm by n'jan ^^•'^, by pK 8'"'"*, by 

1J 28*9''"^ • also 4'"*' 32b-34 gUb-ie 2^-^' ^"^. 

t See the phil. notes on i^- '^. § Cf. on 178 i8^ 

II Which occurs only 4^^ (see p. Ixxi n.), 28® 29'- **. 

IT Only 12** 29^ (for the reason of these exceptions, see the notes). The 
other occurrences of ':k in Dt. — 32^- ^' ^- ^' ^ in the Song, and yP- ^ in P 
— are not from the pen of the author of the discourses. 

•* E.g. nu i" 18^ ; nnn in the phrase nnn Svc\ kth S\h (i** 31^ : hence in 
D* Jos. 1^ 8^ \cP, and as a reminiscence i Ch. 22" 28^^ 2 Ch. 20"* " 32' : 
otherwise only i S. 17", and in the prophets) ; pv (p. Ixxxii) ; T\^ (1^ 1 1*** " ; 
cf. Jos. 1^ 14": in 2l purely literal sense, i S. 5' Jud. 9": otherwise poet); 
IJKnn (p. Ixxx) ; piKH (i*5) ; «]N (2" : see note) ; !?in be in anguish (2* : i S. 
31' lit.) ; a:e' be lofty {2^) ; laynn {f^) ; nm.T (8») ; };?T {2P) ; li; (9" 28«); 
ODi (1919); nm (28*") ; tnsf (28*2 30^) ; yunn (28«). 


naturally to expand and reiterate more than is usually the 
case with Hebrew writers ; nevertheless, his discourse, while 
never (in the bad sense of the term) rhetorical, always main- 
tains its freshness, and is never monotonous or prolix. The 
oratory of the prophets is frequently more ornate and diversi- 
fied : in his command of a chaste, yet warm and persuasive 
eloquence, the author of Deuteronomy stands unique among 
the writers of the Old Testament. 

The linguistic character of Dt. is entirely consistent with 
the date assigned to it by critics (cf. p. xlvii, No. 6) : on the 
one hand, it contains nothing rugged, or otherwise suggestive 
of antiquity; on the other hand, it exhibits none of those 
marks of a deteriorated style which begin to show themselves 
in Hebrew shortly afterwards. In its broader literary features 
Dt. resembles closely the prose parts of Jeremiah (p. xcii f.). 

There are no "archaisms," either in Dt., or in the Pentateuch gener- 
ally, of a character to establish its antiquity, (i) The epicene Kin is not 
an archaism : for the fact that Arab. Eth. Aram. — to say nothing of 
Assyrian — all have a fern, with yod, is proof that the distinction between 
the two genders must have existed already in the original language 
spoken by the Semitic nations, when they lived together in a common 
home, and that Hebrew consequently, even in its earliest stage, must have 
possessed a fern, hf* In Phoen. Moab. and old Aramaic Inscriptions 
the pron. of the 3rd pers. sing, is written regfularly Kn,f which, as the 
evidence of the cognate languages just referred to shows, will have been 
pronounced hu or ht, as the sense required. G shows that in the older 
Heb. MSS. the scriptio plena was not generally introduced ; and in the 
light of the facts just adduced, it may be safely inferred that the 1 of Kin in 
the Pent., and the 1 and ' of mn and K"n in other parts of the OT. (except 
possibly in the very latest), formed no part of the original autographs. The 
epicene kw will thus not have been introduced into the Pent, until a com- 
paratively late epoch in the transmission of the text — perhaps in connexion 
with the assumption, which is partly borne out by facts (Del. ZKWJL 
1880, p. 396 f.), that in the older language fem. forms were used more 

•Noldeke, ZDMG. 1866, p. 458 f.. 1878, p. 594; Delitzsch, ZA'fFZ. 
1880, p. 395 f., and Comm. on Gen. (Engl, tr.) i. 42 f., 50; Wright, 
Compar. Gramnt. pp. 103-105. 

+ As CIS. I. i. i» KH pns i^D, i" K.T nznho, 3^ nn naSco.i, and frequently ; 
in Mesha"s Inscription, line 6 «n DJ tdk'i, line 27 k.t [i.e. D-jn] avt '3 ; and 
in the recently discovered Aramaic (Nold. ZDMG. 1893, p. 99) inscriptions 
of Zinjirli, near Antioch in Syria (8 cent. B.C.), as Panammu, line 11 Vya 
ita »)D3 (D. H. Miiller, Die allsem. Inschriften von Sendschirli, 1893, pp. 6, 
18, 44). Comp. Notes on Samuel, p. xxxiii. 


sparingly than subsequently. The peculiarity is not, in fact, confined to 
the Pent It is found in the MS. of the " Later Prophets," exhibiting- the 
Oriental text, and superlinear punctuation, now at St. Petersburg, and 
dated a.d. 916 : see the passages cited on Ez. 30" in the Adnoiationes 
Criticce prefixed to Strack's facsimile edition. 

(2) On "jXH for rh^n (3 times in Dt., 8 in the Pent., and Sk i Ch. 20^ see 
the note on 4*^. Dr. Sinker, in his note on this form {Lex Mosaica, p. 472), 
omits to mention — what surely is an element in judging of these 8 exceptional 
passages — that the usual forms in the Pent, (some 260 times) are n^Kn and 
nVx, exactly as in other books. 

(3) On the epicene ly: {young person, — the sex being indicated by the 
context), see on 22^' (p. 245); comp. Kuen. Hex. pp. 318 f., 321 f., 342, 
G.-K. § 2. 5 (who are inclined to regard the distinction as merely ortho- 
graphical : see, however, Konig, Einl. p. 152 f.). No doubt, this is the 
older usage ; but we possess no independent knowledge how long it con- 
tinued, or when the distinctive form for the fem. came into use ; and it is 
unreasonable to allow a single phenomenon, of which the explanation is 
doubtful, to outweigh the evidence of a multitude of indications pointing 
convergently in an opposite direction. Hence until the supposition made 
on p. 225 can be shown to be an improbable one, the epicene np cannot be 
used in proof of the antiquity of the Pentateuch. Both this distinction and 
No. I imply that, when they arose, the Pent, had been formally separated 
from Joshua (in spite of the fact that the same documents are continued in 
■it) and the following historical books, and stood (in some respects) upon a 
different footing from them ; but nothing obliges us to suppose that this 
separation was effected until considerably after the return of the Jews 
from Babylon. 

(4) On the term, jv, in the 2nd and 3rd pers. pi. of the impf. (56 times), 
see the note on i^'' (p. 19) ; and on the same form — very anomalously — in the 
per/, pjn' (twice), see on 8^ 

(5) On 'WB' Dt. 33I', see the note ad loc. 

(6) The 3 fem. sing. perf. has its original form (preserved also in 
Aram.) with n Dt. 32^ (the only case with the strong vevh), 31®, as in Gn. 
33^^ Ex. 5^* Lev. 25^^ 26**. But the same form is found also 2 K. 9" Kt. 
Is. 7" Jer. 13" 4423 Ez. 24^2 46" Ps. iiS**,— none of which can be said 
exactly to be early passages. 

(7) iniDT in 16^^ is derived from the older law of Ex. 2^"'=^^; fruaj 
occurs independently in 20^'. Elsewhere (including more than 50 times in 
the Pent.) nji is always used : why T3i occurs these four times we do not 
know ; — it may be an isolated collective form — corresponding to the Arabic 
" broken plural " dhukur"" (Konig, Lehrgeb. ii. i. 436) — preserved before a 
suffix ("OT never occurs with a suffix). 

(8) "Jericho" is spelt in Dt. 32*^ 34'"' as uniformly (12 times) in the 
Pent, irn; (*' Yer^cho"): it is spelt in Jos. (28 times) inn^ (so 2 K. 2*-*-'* 
»5-i8 . ^rn^ (Baer) Jos. 18^1 2 S. io» Jer. 39" 528! ; nhn^ 1 K. i6»t) ; and Mr. 
Girdlestonc {Lex Mas. p. 1 19) thinks that the variation is only naturally to 
be explained by the supposition that " Israel picked up a new pronunciation, 
after they came to the place." How comes it, then, that the supposed 
older pronunciation {Yerecho) recurs 2 K. 25'' Ezr. 2** Neh. 3* i* i Ch. 


563(78) igS 2 Ch. 28^'t? Were these books also written by Moses? The 
same writer's statement {Foundations of the Bible, p. 177), that "the 
Chronicler gives an extract from a document which retains the oldest 
spelling," is incorrect r i Ch. 6^(^' corresponds to Jos. 21^, where the 
clause with Jericho has fallen out ; but throughout Jos. the word is spelt 
with i (comp., in the same phrase, Jos. 20^) ; and i Ch. 19^ is from 2 S. 10^, 
where it is also spelt with i. Even if the distinction were original, there- 
fore, no argument could be founded upon it for the antiquity of the Pent. : 
but in point of fact — comp. esp. 2 K. 25' with Jer. 39^ 52*, where in one 
and the same sentence it is pointed differently in the two books — it can 
scarcely be doubted that it is one which grew up arbitrarily at a very late 

(9) Other words peculiar to Dt (or the Pent.), collected by Keil and 
others — most recently in Lex Mosaica, p. 473 f. — as evidence of its 
antiquity, are altogether inconclusive : there is nothing connected with the 
words themselves suggestive of antiquity, except their occurrence in books 
reputed to be ancient : the argument founded upon them is consequently 
circular. Every book of the OT. has words and expressions peculiar to 
itself; and it would be as reasonable to collect those occurring in Sam. or 
Isaiah, and to argue from them that they belong to the Mosaic age. — Nos. 
4 (in the impf.), 5, 6 are no doubt genuine examples of older forms ; hut 
(i) they are too isolated, and (2) they occur too frequently in books other 
than the Pent., to be any evidence of the superior antiquity of the latter. 
Were the occurrence of these — and of two or three similar forms (see 
L.O.T. ed. 5, Appendix, p. 527 f.) — really due to antiquity, it would be 
more uniform, and the general literary style of the Pent, would display a 
perceptibly archaic flavour, instead of being (as it is) virtually indis- 
tinguishable from that of books written confessedly under the monarchy. 

Particular words or forms (apart from more general literary 
features), harmonizing with a date in the 7th cent. B.C., are — 
the Nithp. conj. "133? 218 (see note); the Aramaism riDO i6^° ; 
the form n«3DD 8^ (derived from an adj. \2p^ poor, which is 
not found in classical Hebrew, though common in Aram., and 
hence in late Heb., Eccl. 4^3 gis. icj . perhaps also yow 10^ (see 
note). The form liNSy 8^5 (go ptsn 16^; psnB', ppT 28^2; pyrkJ*, 
^^1J?, prion 28^8 ; p>^3 28^5^ is not very common in early writings 
(though instances occur: see Konig, Lehrgeh. ii. i. 129 f.). 
The fem. form of the inf. — viz. nxi^ and nans 4^'* 7^ lo^^ ^nd 
frequently; rmjO 12T928; 7\^'^'^^ 1 122 3020 (so Jos. 228)— has also 
been cited in the same connexion ; and it is true that most 
examples of this belong to the later language {Journal of 
Philol. xi. 235 f.): but nsn^ and nanK can both be shown 
independently to have been in use early (2 S. 3^^ Is. 29^3 j Qn. 
2920 2 S. 18^ 19^ 20^7) J so that only two are added by Dt. 


(Hos. 52 — if the text be sound (of. Wellh. Die Klemen Propheteriy 
adloc.)—hsiS nDH^, and 7^ nvon : Is. 30^8 nw). 

The influence of Dt. is very perceptible in the literature of 
the OT. Upon its promulgation, it speedily became the book 
which both gave the religious ideal of the age, and moulded 
the phraseology in which it was expressed. The style of 
Deuteronomy, when once it had been formed, lent itself 
readily to adoption ; and thus a school of writers, imbued with 
its spirit, quickly arose, who have stamped their mark upon 
many parts of the OT. Even the original Deuteronomy 
appears (p. Ixxv) in places to have received expansion at the 
hands of a Deuteronomic editor (or editors). In the historical 
books, long sections of Joshua — e.g: c. i 22^-^ 23 — besides 
many shorter passages elsewhere,* are constructed all but 
entirely of Deuteronomic phrases : in the books of Judges and 
Kings, passages constantly occur, distinguished from the 
general current of the narrative by their strongly marked 
Deuteronomic style, and evidently either entirely composed, 
or (in some cases) expanded from a narrative originally briefer, 
by a distinct writer, viz. the compiler or editor.! The Deutero- 
nomic passages in the historical books do not usually contain 
much incident ; they consist mostly either of speeches (or 
additions to speeches), placed in the mouths of prominent 
historical characters, and reflecting in various ways the 
Deuteronomic point of view, or else of comments passed by 
the compiler upon the religious aspects of the history : in the 
book of Joshua, for instance, the Deuteronomic additions (in 
harmony with the spirit of Dt. 31^"^) have chiefly the aim of 
illustrating the zeal shown by Joshua in fulfilling Mosaic 

* Insertions in, or expansions of, the original narrative ; as 2^""^^ 3' 4"* 
21-24 gi 31-2 ^jn parts), ^'^ &c. ; and the generalizing summaries lo*"** 
„ 10-15 131-12 &c. {Z.O.T. p. 97 ff.). 

t Asjud. 2"-23 34-e; and (in their present form) 37-11.12-isa ^1-3 (,1 ,06-18 
{L.O. T. p. 154 flF.) ; I K. z^'* f-^- " S^^-si gi-" 1 1'-" (in its present form), ='--=«' 

,419-20.21-24 1^3-5 &c., 2l20b-26. 2 K. 97-10* 1^7-23. 34b-40 ,815-19 &c. (ib. pp. lysfF., 

190-193). The references in Kings to the "law" (with or without the 
name of Moses) are all, as either the context or the phraseology shows, 
specifically to Dt. : see i K. 2^ 8» (Dt. io« 29^) ; 8» (4=" f); 8«(i2«' 25"*; 
cf. also Jos. 21^- «(«•«) 23" in D^) ; 2 K. loS' ; 148 (Dt. 24") ; i88-" 2i« 23" 
2321. 28 . and comp. the passages cited p. Ixxxi, No. 37. 


ordinances ; in the books of Kings, they are largely estimates 
of the character of the kings, or reflexions on the national 
history.* Differences should, however, be noted, as well as 
resemblances : many of these passages, for instance, contain 
?tew phrases not found in Dt. itself; f and it is interesting to 
note what is on the whole an increasing accumulation of 
deviations from the original Deuteronomic type, till in (e.^^.) 
2 K. 17 it is mingled with phrases derived from the Book of 
Kings itself, Judges, and Jer. It is but seldom, moreover, 
that the writers who thus fell under the Deuteronomic spell 
show the same delicate sense of symmetry and balance; Jer., 
especially, instead of rounding off his sentences at the right 
point, is apt to throw into them more than the rhythm will 
properly bear. The prayers in Neh. i^-^^ 9^^- Dan. g^-^^ are 
likewise largely moulded in the Deuteronomic phraseology — 
under its influence even the author of Daniel (whose Hebrew, 
as a rule, is laboured and uncouth) becomes fluent. The 
Chronicler, also, though his general style is as unlike that of 
Dt. as can well be imagined, sometimes lets his thoughts run 
in Deuteronomic phrases. J Among the prophets, Jeremiah, 
as is well known, especially in his prose passages, shows most 
prominently the influence of Dt. : reminiscences from Dt., 
consisting often of whole clauses, are interwoven with phrases 
peculiar to Jer. himself; and even where the words are not 
actually the same, the thought, and the oratorical form — 
the copious diction, and sustained periods — are frequently 

* In the books of Samuel there are no parts with the same strongly 
marked character. On passages in these books which display a partial 
affinity to Dt. , see p. Ixxxvi, noie. 

t As I K. 2* observe their way, and waJi before me in faithfulness (of. 3' 
2 K. 20*) ; a "whole {or perfect) heart, i K. 8®^ 11* is'*" 2 K. 20* ; to dismiss 
(nW), cast away (T^p^)! or remove (Ton), from before my {his) face, 1 K. 9' ; 
2 K. 13^° 17" 24*'; 2 K. 1718-23 23=" 24' (also in Jer.); to bring evil upon, 
I K. 9® 14'" 2i2i-2» 2 K. 21^1 22i^''" (and often in Jer.) ; to turn from one's 
evil way {ways) 1 K. 13'' 2 K- 17" Jer. 18" 25^ 2& 35" 36'' ' (cf. 23-), Ez. 
33" (cf. 13'°), Zech. I* Jon. 3* ; CKD to reject (Jehovah, His people) 2 K. 17^ 
23^ Jer. 7* 14" 31" ; nao to sell (fig.) Jud. 2" 3^ 4^ 10^ (so only in the Song, 
Dt. 32*) ; rnj of Jehovah's forsaking His people, Jud. 6" i S. 12*^ (=Ps. 
94»), I K. 8" 2 K. 21" (also Is. 2« Jer. 7» 12' zf^-'^). 

X Comp. p. Ixxxi, Nos. 35, 38; p. Ixxxiii, No. 68a; 1 Ch. 29^^ 


Comp., for instance, Jer. ^^'^ ii^'^ i6i-" 21'-" 26 27'-" 29»» 32"" 
348-22 44. Zunz {ZDMG. 1873, pp. 6'ji-6']z=GesatnmeUe Schri/ten, j. 
219-222) has transcribed in parallel columns 66 passages of Dt., of which 
there are echoes in not less than 86 of Jen; and he certainly has not 
exhausted all that could be found. A few specimens are here given : — 


32'' urh yxh D'D'n Va 'mx nwvh 


410 D'D'n ^3 'niK nKT*? 

onsDD Vnan mao oanx ksti ii* tidd d'imd pno oniK 

429 -3 

HNSDi TnVie '' nK dcd onrpai 

1«?B3 ^331 133^ ^33 Mtmn 

4** nptn T31 nDnVD3i D'nsiD3i mnK3 

D'^nj D'«niD31 D'lBJ imi3i 

5^ oanx D3'n'?K '' ms ncK Tnn ^33 

03^ 31B1 p'nn jyoV isSn 

528 Da"? 3»" lyD"? 

8" omsyi onnn dtiVn nnit ns'jm 

on^ ninntsrn 

18* vn'is kV ncN njt 'DB'3 -m 131'? 

28* pKn ni3'?DD ^3^ myiV n"m 

2^ D'DBTI fjiy "jS^ ^3ND^ Tn!?33 .TTI'm 

nnno pt«i x^nn rans^i 

2858 Tm3Ki .TTiK r)n' «^ ib-x '« ^« 

pm py D"inn dmVk db- in3yi 

28«* (cf. ^^) D'oyn ^33 ni.T is'sni 

28^ .iKT ncKS pxn nspD pmo 'u T^y 

28^2 nB3 nnK ttk nnis3m mn33n Tmoin 


28** . . . TTU31 T33 -\V1 13B3 '"Ifl nS3K1 
n3'1K 1^ p'S' TB'N piSD31 11X03 

28^3 3'B'a^ D3'^y mn' bb ■rK3 n'm 


29^3 nxtn pK^ .133 '' ne-y no ^y* 



'K'Sia DV3 

1^* ^33 'oiPTin '3 DflKsm »iiK Dne'p3i 


.T1B3 yni»«3i npm t31 D'nsiD3i mnj«3 
Vn: K-nD3i 
723 D3rK nisK TTM Tn.T ^33 cnD^m 

D3^ 3D" jyoS 



m3yS DnnM o'n^K nnx laVn Vki 

(cf. 13^" 16") Dn"? ninneri^ 

D'n'w Ki"? n^K npc 'Dr3 nan )n3Ti 

15* 248 29^8 pun ni3^DD S3V nyij^ o-nnji 
(similarly 34") 

783 f]iy^ ^^»rh mn oyn nS33 nn'.-n 

nnno pt«i p»»n nDrt3Si d'dc.t 

(similarly 16* 19'') 

16^ D3'ni3Ki DrK nnyr k"? nt^K pien hy 

t\Vt\ cdv D'nnK cn^K nx dc Dfliayi 

9^'' non lyr k"? nsK d'133 D'ms'aai 


5I' ur'? yin tt!? 1J . . . pmoo 'u oa'Vy 

n3T no yopn kSi 

5" njn3 nB3 nriK -iptt Tns3D 'ny 

198 D.Twa n»3 nKi d.t:3 ni?3 nn o'n'?3Kni 

nn'3i« arh ip'x' ipk pisD3i mxD3 . , . 

32*^ DfliK 3'B'n^ Da'i>y 'nt-fc-i 

22^ nttin rhnin TyS .133 '' rwy no ^y 
(cf. 161" I K. 98) 

Such parallels (the number of which might be readily 
increased f) are remarkable. They are to be explained, how- 

• Comp. also v.^^- ^ with Jer. i6"- " 228 i K. 98. 

+ E.g. 10" (Jer. 3222) ; ii28 (^9) . 122 pyn py '?3 nnn (2» 3»-") j 12" lor |3P^ 
D8'(7i2); i2«(73i); 136 '' Vy .-no nai (28I8 2^); 1318(42"); 15^" (34"-"); 
268f. (322"-); 26^9 (13" 33«); 2918(23" 1310 118); 2927 (12") ; 29" nonai 1*3 
^n; »)sp3i (21" ; cf. 3237) ; 3o3- » (29" 30' 2Z^) ; 30" (218). 


ever, by the influence, theological and literary, which (as has 
been remarked above) Dt., after its promulgation, speedily 
acquired. The opinion that Jer. was the author oi Dt., though 
advocated formerly by Colenso,* rests upon a superficial com- 
parison of style, and has been rightly rejected by all subsequent 
critics. For when the style of the prophet is compared closely 
with that of Dt., differences disclose themselves, which more 
than outweigh the similarities, and place identity of authorship 
out of the question. On the one hand, terms and expressions 
which are characteristic of Dt., occur rarely in Jer. — e.g. to 
love (Jehovah His people), once only, Jer. 31^, (Israel Jehovah) 
only Jer. 2^ (in a fig., never found in Dt.) ; to choose (Jer. 332* 
only) ; to possess (of Canaan), only 302 32^3 ; to observe ("IDK') 
the law, &c., only 16" 35^^; or never, as "j^xn {prolong or be 
long, of days), to observe to do, to observe and do, gates, repre- 
senting cities (possibly once, Jer. 14^) : Dt. moreover has 
characteristic epithets of God, which Jer. avoids, as K3p 4-^ 5^ 
615, Q-in-i 48!^ pj^j y9^ {^-i^j ^2\ loU^ nbx K'N 42* gs. Further, 
in Dt. an^ is greatly preferred to 'ih (p. Ixxxvii) ; Jer. prefers :h 
(57 times +Jer. 51^) to 33^' (7 times); in Dt. the term, p- of 
the 2nd and 3rd pi. impf. is very frequent (56 times), in Jer. it is 
rare (5 times) : in Dt. ojn preponderates almost to the ex- 
clusion of *JS (p. Ixxxvii), in Jer. *3X (54 times) is more frequent 
than ^33X (37 times). On the other hand, Jer. shows a fondness 
for many expressions not found in Dt., as hv "ipS lo visit upon 
{punish), incline the ear {L.O.T. p. 258), Jehovah of Hosts, the 
sword, the pestilence, and the famine {ib. ; not so even in Dt. 
28), &c. Jeremiah's style is moreover less chaste and correct 
than that of Dt. : he also frequently adopts a lyric strain, 
which is never the case in Dt. As Jer.'s authorship of Dt. is 
not maintained by critics, further illustrations of the difference 
of his style will be superfluous : the reader who is interested in 
the subject may refer to Kleinert, pp. 185-190, 235 ; Cheyne, 
Jeremiah, p. 81 f. ; and esp. to J. L. Konig's Alttest. Studien 
(ii), 1839 (whose painstaking collection of materials contains, 
however, much that is irrelevant, and needs careful sifting). 

* The Pentateuch, &c., iii. 618, vii. 225-227, and App. pp. 85-110 
(where a large number of parallels are transcribed). 


The text of Deuteronomy, except in a few passages of 
C' 32. 33, has been preserved in remarkable purity, and 
presents none of the problems which arise, for instance, in 
connexion with the books of Samuel, Jeremiah, or Ezekiel. 
It admits, however, occasionally of correction by the aid of 
the Ancient Versions : the passages in which this is the case 
will be found noted in the Commentary. 


I. 1-5. Historical Introduction. 

1. 1-5. Introduction, specifying the place and time at which 
the discourses following were delivered. — 1. All Israel] an 
expression much used in Dt., and the Deuteronomic sections 
of Joshua. It occurs, as here, after a verb of addressing, 5^ 
27^ 29^ 31I 32^5 Jqs_ 232; with before the eyes of (or before^ 
^jT. n 2412 Jos. 3'^ 4I* ; as subject of a verb 13^^ 2121 31I1 Jqs. 
317 y24. 25 815. 21. 24. 33 iqIS. 29. 31. 34. 36. 38. 43 ; rather differently (with 
from or in the midst of) Dt. ii^ i8^. It is not so used besides 
in the Hex., Ex. iS^s (with /nw?) Nu. 16^'* (followed by the 
limiting clause Dn^n3''2D "lEJ'x) being both different. — Beyond 
Jordan] i.e. on the E. side of Jordan, from the standpoint of 
W. Palestine. So i^ 38 441- 46. 47. 49. See more fully on this 
expression in the Introduction, § 4. — In the •wilderness^ in the 
'Ardbahf in front of Suph, between Paran (on the one hand) 
and Tophel and Laban and Hazeroth and Di-zahab (on the 
other)] these words occasion difficulty. On the one hand, 
from the position which they occupy, it seems natural to sup- 
pose that they are intended to define more particularly the 
exact spot "beyond Jordan" where Moses delivered the dis- 
courses which follow ; on the other hand, the names are other- 

1. 1. ^to] only here, for the normal ^?D, perhaps for the sake of dissimila- 
tion from the following fjiD. — . . . i . . . 1 . . . 1 !?2n pai jnxB j'a] the rend, g-iven 
above is the only one which accords with Hebrew usage, "between . . . 
and " being expressed regularly by pai ... pa (or ^ . . . pa), but not by 
1 . . . pa. The supposition that a in is to be carried on in thought from 
aa^l•3, and understood before ant-m mnsm ja"? is not probable ; Hebrew 
idiom, in such cases, repeats the preposition. 


wise unknown as those of places situated in that locality, 
while at least three of them occur in connexion with the earlier 
period of the Israelites' wanderings (Suph in the Heb. name 
of the Red Sea, "Sea of Suph," Paran Nu. lo^-aL, Hazdroth 
Nu. n^^ 33^^')' Accordingly many efforts have been made by 
commentators to refer the names to the earlier period of the 
forty years' journeyings. 

Knobel supposed that the verse was retrospective, referring- to the various 
communications made by Moses to the people, and recorded in Ex.-Nu. 
This interpretation is possible, so far as the usage of nS« these is concerned 
(which may point indifferently backwards, Nu. 36", or forwards, Dt. 12^), 
but improbable, in view of the position which the verse occupies at the 
beginning of a new book, and in view also of the fact that none of the 
places mentioned are named in the preceding narrative in connexion with 
the promulgation of laws to the people. It is indeed insisted by Klost. 
{Pent. p. 131) that Knobel's view of n'?K is the only one consistent with the 
context ; but this opinion depends upon a very questionable explanation 
of the v. as a whole {ib. p. 130). Schultz and Keil, treating likewise the 
names as those of places passed by the Israelites in the earlier stages of 
their wanderings, supposed that the words were meant to describe the 
country on the opposite side of Jordan, in contrast to the land of promise, 
as part of the same great wilderness, conceived as a kind of ideal unity, 
which the Israelites entered after crossing the Red Sea (Ex. 15--) ; but 
this explanation is very forced and artificial : it is not credible that the 
writer, if such a thought had been in his mind, would have so expressed him- 
self as to identify localities altogether distinct. Nor was Hengstenberg's 
explanation {Bileam, p. 221 fF.) more probable. Di. conjectures that v.^''"^ 
is a fragment of D's itinerary of the Israelites, prefixed by the compiler of 
Dt. to the discourses of Moses, and afterwards, as further changes were 
introduced into the text, abbreviated by the omission of what was already 
known from the narrative of Ex.-Nu. But it does not seem probable that 
the description of a route would be so altered as to become (what v.*** 
manifestly is) the description of a locality. None of these explanations 
can therefore be said to be satisfactory. 

In the wilderness] an indeterminate expression, which may 
denote either the wilderness of the wanderings, between the 
Sinaitic peninsula and the South of Canaan, or the wilderness 
on the East of Moab (Nu. 2iii-i3 Dt. a^" cf. 4«). But the 
term must be used somewhat inexactly, if it be applied to 
a locality in the **'Aribah" (see the next note) on the West 
of Moab. — The 'Arddah] this geographical term occurs here in 
the OT. for the first time. It denotes (cf. RV. marg.) the deep 
depression through which the Jordan flows, in which the Dead 

I- « 3 

Sea is situate, and which is prolonged S. of this to the Gulf 
of 'Akabah. At present the northern part of this valle)* is 

called el-Ghdr ( ,»i]l), i.e. the Holloto or Depression ; but the 
southern part, from a line of chalk cliffs which sweep across it 
about 6 miles S. of the lower end of the Dead Sea, still retains 
the ancient name of the whole, the Wady (or Valley : see on 

2\^) el- Arahah (Jtj •!!)• Those who refer v.'*' to the earlier 
stages of the Israelites' wanderings, suppose naturally this 
southern part of the 'Ardbah to be here meant (as is 
certainly the case in 2^) ; but the term may denote with 
equal propriety the Jordan-valley North of the Dead Sea 
(as i7 ii30 I s. 2324 a/.). 

See further on the 'Ardbah, Robinson, BR. ii. ii3flF., 183 fF., iii, 333-5; 
Ges. Thes. s.v. rain ; Smith, DB. s.v. ; S. & P. pp. 84f.,487f.; Tristram, 
Land of Israel (ed. 4), pp. 217 f., 234, 320-4, 446; J. W. Dawson, Egypt 
and Syria, chap, v.; and esp. Prof. Edw. Hull's Mount Seir, Smai, and 
W. Palestine (1889), pp. ysflF,, 104 fF., 108 fF., 178 fF. The Gh6r is a valley, 
the floor of which consists largely of alluvial deposit, flanked on each side 
by ranges of hills, 2000 feet or more in elevation, and varying in breadth 
from 2-3 to 14 miles across (Conder, Tent Work in Palestine, chap. xiv.). 
The floor of the Gh6r, in the plain of Jericho, consists of a series of 
plateaux, descending by stages to the Jordan, which can only have been 
deposited by the agency of water ; they are thus an indication that the 
Jordan was once a much larger and deeper stream than it is at present, 
and, in fact, that during the glacial period it formed a great inland sea, 
extending from Lake Huleh on the N. to the ridge of Samrat Fiddan 
(Hull, pp. 100 f., 180-3), which crosses the present Wady-el-'Arabah about 
30 miles S. of the Dead Sea (but not communicating with the Red Sea). 
The general character of the Wady-el-'Arabah is that of a desolate and 
arid valley, from 4 to 15 miles across, bounded on the E. by ranges of 
porphyry and granite (in the midst of which are nestled the fertile glens 
and valleys which formed the ancient Edom), and on the W. by the sterile 
cliffs of sandstone and limestone, rising to a height of some 1500 feet above 
the floor of the depression, which form the abrupt margin of the Tih (pp. 
4, 20) plateau. See the excellent geological map in Prof. Hull's Geology 
and Geography of Palestine (Pal. Expl. Society), 1886. 

In front of Suph\ perhaps the same as Suphah Nu. 21^*, 
which must have been in the neighbourhood of Moab, though 
the exact site is unknown. CttU© treat Suph as abbreviated 
for " the Sea of Suph," i.e. the Red Sea; but this abbreviation 
is not found elsewhere; nor, as the name "Sea of Suph" 
appears to be derived, not from a locality "Suph," but from 


the reedy growth, called by the Hebrews siiph, with which the 
Red Sea abounded, can it be said to be a probable one. The 
pass, Nakb-es-Safa, some 25 miles WSW. of the Dead Sea, 
suggested by Knob., is unsuitably situated; nor does the 
name agree phonetically (for ^ corresponds to S, not to d). — 
Between Paran a7id Tophel, &cJ\ the "wilderness of Paran" 
(Gn. 2i2i Nu. 1012 12^6 133.26 I s. 25I [MT.]t), so far as can 
be judged, corresponds generally with what is now called the 
wilderness of et-Tih, the bare and elevated table-land of lime- 
stone, bounded on the S. by the mountains of the Sinaitic 
peninsula, on the E. by the 'Arabah and the north end of the 
Gulf of 'Akabah, on the W. by the wilderness of Shur, and on 
the N. by the wilderness of Zin (iV) and the south of Judah 
{S. &' P. p. 7); Rob. BR. i. 177 f.; Palmer, Desert of the 
Exodus, p. 284 ff.). The site of Paran (i K. li^^: cf. pXD in 
Dt. 332 Hab. 33), from which this wilderness derives its name, 
is, however, unknown : the Wady Feiran, near Jebel Serbal, 
which has been suggested, seems to be too much secluded by 
intervening mountains from the great plateau itself to have 
given it its name. From i K. ii^"*^ it may be inferred that 
Paran lay between Midian and Egypt. If, however, the 
present verse describes the scene of Moses' discourse in the 
territory of Moab, a different Paran altogether, not othersvise 
known, will, of course, be intended. — Tophel^ this has been 
generally identified with et-Taftle, a large village situated in 
a well-watered valley on the route from Kerak to Petra, about 
15 miles SSE. of the Dead Sea (Rob. BR. ii. 167; Bad. 191). 
But the t (t) does not correspond phonetically ; and the identi- 
fication depends upon the assumption that some halting-place 
belonging to the period of the forty years' wanderings is 
referred to. — Lahan and Hasdrot1i\ if places in the Israelites' 
wanderings are meant, these may be identical with Libnah and 
Haz^roth, Nu. 3320-17. Xhe site of Libnah is not known. 
Hazdroth (also Nu. ii^s) is usually identified with 'Ain-el- 
Hudra, about half-way between Sinai and 'Akabah (Rob. i. 
151 ; Ew. ii. 191 ; &c.). Otherwise the names will denote 
localities, not elsewhere mentioned, in Moab. — Di-zahab\ 
the name suggests some place productive of gold (hence (5 

''^ 5 

KaTttxpvo-ea). It has been identified by Burckhardt, Syria 
(1822), p. 523, Knobel, and others with Mina-ed-Dhahab, '*as 
Vollers tells me from local information, the third of seven 
boat-harbours between the Ras Muhammad and 'Akaba " (W. 
R, Smith, MS. note), nearly due E. of Jebel M(isa. It is 
objected by Keil that Mina-ed-Dhahab is too inaccessible on 
the side of Sinai for the Israelites to have made it one of their 
halting--places ; he consequently considers the name to be that 
of a place, otherwise unknown, in the desert of the wanderings. 
Upon the view that the verse is descriptive of a locality in Moab, 
the name will, of course, be that of an undetermined site in 
that neighbourhood. — It results from what has been said that 
v.i'' presents difficulties which, in the present state of our 
knowledge, do not admit of a satisfactory solution. Inter- 
preted in their obvious sense, the words define (otherwise than 
is done in 32^ 4*6) the locality East of Jordan in which the 
following discourses were delivered. It is some objection to 
this view that, as has been said, the names are not otherwise 
known as belonging to this neighbourhood, while at least 
some of them do occur as those of places passed by the 
Israelites during their wanderings. But in the position in 
which the clause now stands it seems impossible, if the latter 
reference be adopted, to interpret it, as a whole, in any 
satisfactory or intelligible sense. It is not improbable that 
the words, from some cause or other, have been transplanted 
from their original context. 

2. li is eleven days, (Sr'c.] the words convey an approxim- 
ate idea of the distance from Horeb, the scene of the delivery 
of the Law, to Kadesh-barnea', on the S. border of the 
Promised Land. The time specified agrees with the narra- 
tives of modern travellers : Robinson, for instance, travelling 
in 1838 from Jebel MCisa to 'Akabah, and hence across the 
desert to the neighbourhood of 'Ain Kadis, occupied exactly 

2. am n] the name is curious. The '^ (if correct) sug-gests at once the 
oblique case of , j possessor of {piien in names of both persons and places); 
but it is not apparent how an Arabic L_^ii "li should be expressed in 
Hebrew by 3nJ n, the j being represented differently in the two parts of 
the name. 


1 1 days on the journey [BR. ii. 565-7). The distance would 
be about 160-70 miles. — Horeh] the name g-iven uniformly in 
Dt. (except in the Blessing 332) to Sinai (Dt. i2. c. 10 ^10.15 52 
98 igie 28<'9; comp. i K. 8^ = 2 Ch. 510, in a Deuteronomic 
passage) : elsewhere only Ex. 3I 17^ 33^ (all apparently E) ; 
I K. 198 Mai. 3^2 Ps. 106^91. No topographical distinction 
is traceable between Horeb and Sinai; they are "different 
names of the same locality, interchanging only according to 
different writers, or, as in Sir. 48", in the parallel members of 
the same verse " (Dillm. on Ex. 3I). — by way of Mount Seir\ 
or, perhaps, by the Mount Seir Road. The words define the 
particular route from Horeb to Kadesh intended by the writer. 
There are three main roads leading from Sinai to Palestine ; 
and the easternmost of these, passing by el-'Ain and the well 
el-Themed, and approaching the mountains of Se'ir, might 
well be called the "Mount Se'ir Road" (Trumbull, Kadesh- 
baniea, 76 ff.; Rob. BR. i. 198 f., 601 ff.). The expression 
Mount Seir — or rather (collectively) tfie Mountains of Seir — is 
a common one (2^-5 Gn. 32^ 36' a/.): it denotes the moun- 
tainous region, E. of the 'Ardbah, in which Edom proper lay 
{DB. s.v.^. — Kadesh-bamed\ v.^^ 2^^ 9^3 Nu. 32^ 34^ Jos. 10^^ 
\^-f \^\\ the fuller name of the place elsewhere called simply 
Kadesh (v.^ 32^1 Nu. 1326 20^- 1*- '^^- 22 a/,). Kadesh-barnea' was 
placed by Rob. (ii. 175, 194) at 'Ain-el-Wcibeh, on the W. 
edge of the 'Ardbah, 35 miles S. of the Dead Sea, and 22-3 
miles NW. of Mount Hor; the Rev. J. Rowlands, how- 
ever, in 1842 (Williams, Holy City, i. 464 ff.), identified it 
with 'Ain-Kadis, about 45 miles W. of 'Ain-el-Weibeh, and 
50 miles S. of Beer-sheba'. The site was lost for many 
years, till it was rediscovered by Trumbull in 1881 {Kadesh- 
barnea, pp. 238-275), and the identification is now generally 

The spring (cf. Nu. 20") lies in a recess of a low limestone hill-range, in 
the midst of the arid stone-covered waste. At the foot of a large mass of 
rock standing out from this range, flows an abundant stream, fertilising 
the soil around, and forming a veritable oasis in the desert, until after 
running 300-400 yards it loses itself in the sand. About the stream 
fig-trees, shrubs, and flowers flourish in profusion ; and a carpet of grass 
covers the ground (Trumbull, 272-5). 

I- 3-4 7 

3. In tlie fortieth year, dr'c] this verse fixes the date when the 
following discourses were delivered. Originally, as can hardly 
be doubted, it formed part of the narrative of P (who alone, 
of the Pentateuchal writers, reckons by months and days, or 
uses the expression "itj^ ''Vfi?^ [see below]), being designed as 
an introduction to the summary account which that narrative 
appears once to have contained of Moses' final communications 
to the people, and being followed, almost immediately, by 
Dt. 32*8-52 (notice "on this self-same day," v.^s i.e. on the day 
specified in i^). It will have been adapted here, by the final 
redactor of the Pent., for the purpose of adjusting Dt. to the 
scheme of P (Wellh. Hist. 384 f.). For the general reference 
of the Deut. legislation to Jehovah, cf. 528(31)51. — 4. After he had 
smitten Sihon., iSr'c.] Nu. 2121-22I (JE). The victories of Israel 
over Sihon and 'Og are a favourite subject of reference with 
the Deuteronomic writers : cf. not only 2^'^^- 3^"^^, but also 4^*'- 
29'f 31* Jos. 2^0 9^0 122-6 1310-12 (all D2). The phrase n^pn^D 
patrna 3ttn' iK'N ^iioxn (so 32 4*6), as Nu. 21 3*. Heshbon, the capital 
of Sihon (now Hesban), was about 14 miles E. of the north end 
of the Dead Sea : it was afterwards one of the cities assigned 
to Reuben (Jos. 13^"). See further on 22^. *Og in Nu. 2\^ 
is styled simply the "king of Bashan"; but in Jos. 12* (D2) 
he is described further as '>j;->lS31 nnnC'ya 3En^n, "who dwelt 
in 'Ashtaroth and'xn Edre'i" (cf. 13^2 << who reigned in 'A. and 
E."; 13^^). As the text stands, in Edre i mxasX. be construed 
with smote (iman), and the sense thus obtained would be in 
agreement with the fact (Nu. 2123'' = Dt. 3^''): at the same 
time, in view of Jos. 12*, it is very possible that (5iJ are right 
in reading "who dwelt in 'A. and in E." Edre'i appears to 
have been the second royal city of Bashan ; 'Ashtaroth is 
named also as the residence of 'Og in Jos. 9^°. 

3. "ipy 'nry (not nry nnx, as v.^) for "eleven," as Ex. 26^- • ( = 36'**") 
Nu. 7"2 29** (all P). 'niPV is a word used chiefly in the later Hebrew : 
2 K. 252 (=Jer. 525) jg^. jS 392 Ez. 26^ 40^ Zech. i' i Ch. 12" 24" 25" 
27"-»f._inK '' ms ns-x ^zz\ as Ex. z'^-*"- 40'®; and without '?3 Nu. 3*" 
17* 27-2, and often with nro nu for mx, as Nu. i^' 2»» 3" 8»-2» &c. (all P). 
For the addition Dn'?K unto them, cf. Ex. 6" 25^2 (both P).— 4. '"i nnx] 
it is best to understand a colon at the end of v.', and to construe v.* 
with V.'. 


The modem name of Edre'i is Edre'dt — abbreviated to Derdt and Derd 
— on the Southern border of Bashan (3'' ^"), about 30 miles E, of the Sea of 
Tiberias, and 30 miles W. of the Hauran range (the Jebel Hauran). For a 
description of the ruins, and of the remarkable underground dwellings 
beneath them, see Wetzstein, Reisebericht uber Hauran und die TracJwnen, 
i860, p. 47 f.; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, pp. 121-147. 'Ashtaroth (in 
form, the plural of 'Ashtoreth, the name of the Canaanitish goddess) was 
no doubt an ancient and prominent seat of 'Ashtoreth worship. It is gener- 
ally identified with Tell 'Ashtere, a mound or hill about 15 miles NW. of 
Der'at, with remains of walls, built of massive unhewn stones (Schumacher, 
l.c. 209f.; Merrill, East of Jordan, 329flF.; Riehm, HWB."^ 148; Dillm. on 
Gn. 14'; &c.), though according to Eusebius {Onom. ed. Lagarde, p. 213) 
its distance from Edre'i was not more than 6 miles. 

5. In the land of Moah\ so zS^^ 32^9 345- 6. p says always 
3S1D nmy (see on 34I). — Set himself to expound (1N3 7Sin)] on 
both these words see below. Declare (AV., RV.) is used in the 
old and etymological sense of the word, to make clear, i.e. to 
explain or expound (© 8Laxra<}>rj<Tai, "B explanare). "The title 
of Pilking-ton's Commentary on Haggai (1560) is *Aggeus 
the Prophete, declared by a large Commentarye '" (W. A. 
Wright, Bible Word-Book, s.v.). — This law] the supposition 
that this expression refers to the laws contained in Ex.-Nu. 
stands on the same footing with the false idea that Dt. is a 
"recapitulation" of the three preceding books of the Penta- 
teuch. In point of fact, not only cannot the greater part of 
the laws contained in these books be said, in any sense, to be 
"declared" or "expounded" in Dt., but the legislation of Dt, 
includes many provisions not found in these books at all. The 
expression recurs 48 (cf. **) 1718- !» 273- 8. 26 aS^s- " 2928(29) 319. n- 
12.24 32« (cf. this book of the law 2920(21) 30^0 3126 jos. i«), and 
regularly denotes the code of law embodied in Dt., the exposition 
of which is the primary object of the discourses which follow. 
The laws of which this code consists are not, as a rule, stated 
with abstract, naked brevity; they are accompanied with 

5. ^'xinj the idea expressed by the word is to resolve, take upon oneself, 
set oneself, — whether as opposed to internal reluctance cr diffidence (Gn. 
i8^-''), or to external opposition (Jud. i^'**). The rend, "began" (AV., 
RV.) is weak and inadequate. The constr. TX3 S'Kin, exactly as Hos. 5^^ : 
see G-K. § 120. 2^ Ew. § 285^ or the Writer's note on i S. 2^. — in?] cf. 27' 
Hab. 2- (to "make plain," of writing). In post-Biblical Hebrew, tx3 is 
common in the sense explain, "iiK'3 being an exposition, or commentary. 

1.5 9 

hortatory introductions and comments; i.e. they are "ex- 
pounded" or "explained," 

I. 6-1 V. 40. Moses' First Discourse. 

This discourse consist of two parts, the first (i^-s^^) com- 
prising" a review of the principal incidents which had taken 
place between the Israelites' departure from Horeb and their 
arrival at "the ravine in front of Beth-Pe'or," in the land of 
Moab ; and the second (4^"^^) consisting- of an eloquent practical 
appeal addressed to the nation, urging it, as the condition of 
its prosperity, not to forget the great truths of the spirituality 
of Jehovah, and of His sole and exclusive Godhead, impressed 
upon it at Horeb. — On the question whether this discourse 
is by the same hand as the body of Dt. (c. 5-26. 28), see the 
Introduction, § 4. 

(i.) I. 6-III. 29. Introductory Retrospect. — The retrospect 
begins by recalling to the Israelites' memory how they had 
been divinely commanded to break up from Horeb, and 
advance to take possession of the Promised Land (i^"^); how 
thereupon, the arrangements for the administration of justice 
having been first of all, at Moses' suggestion, remodelled and 
improved (i*"'^^), the nation crossed the desert and arrived at 
Kadesh-barnea' (i^^) ; and how, in consequence of the events 
which there took place, the Israelites were condemned to 
wander for an entire generation in the wilderness (i^o-^oj. 
After this, the narrative recounts the Israelites' circuit of the 
lands of Edom and Moab {2^'^^), their conquest of Sihon and 
'Og-, and the division of their territory among" the 2^ tribes 
(226-317)^ the obligation laid upon these tribes to assist their 
brethren in the conquest of Canaan (s^^'^^), and the confirma- 
tion of Joshua's nomination (i^s) as Moses' successor in the 
leadership of the people (3^^"^^). The narrative is so told as 
to explain, in particular, how it happened (i) that Israel did 
not effect an entrance into Canaan from the South ; (2) that 
Edom, Moab, and the 'Ammonites remained as neighbours of 
the Israelites, while the territory of Sihon and 'Ogf was occupied 
by them. In this retrospect the narrative is throughout 


dependent upon that of JE in Exodus and Numbers, and 
phrases are frequently borrowed verbatim from it. The follow- 
ing tables will, it is hoped, assist the reader to understand the 
relation in which the retrospect of Dt. stands to the earlier 
narrative of JE. The number of cases is remarkable in which, 
while there is a coincidence in lang^uage, the passage quoted 
does not describe the same event, but is borrowed yn?w another 
part of tJie narrative ; these are indicated in the tables by a 
parenthesis. In the passages to which "Cf." is prefixed, the 
correspondence is not verbal. 

Dt. l"* . . . . (Nu. 14^ Dd"? U'DI 132.) 

* . . . . (Nu. ii"nin Dvn !?3 nx nxB-'? naV 'aax ^3ix k"?.) 
'2 .... (Nu. 11^'^ Ti^*? nnx Hsn n'^i cyn Ncsa tbk iktii.) 
i»» . . . . Cf. Ex. i82i«. 
^ .... Ex. 18^^ D'csn nz' niKD np d'bSk ns? cyn ^y d^b-ni cnK jm 

nnpy nci. 
*^ . . . . Ex. iS^' ^ nsD Sk px'D' r\vp:\ -mn nu, 
18 . . . . Cf. Ex. 243-7. 

6-8. How the Israelites, having completed the purpose of 
their sojourn at Horeb, were commanded to advance and take 
possession of the land promised to their fathers. — 6. Jeliovah, 
our God] 23 times in Dt. (c. 1-6, and c. 29) ; elsewhere in the 
Pent, only Ex. 3IS 53 8<^- 22- 23 io25. 2c (all JE). The same ex- 
pression with other pronouns {t/iy, your) is still more frequent 
in Dt. (on i2i). It is intended to emphasize the close relation- 
ship subsisting between Israel and its God, — a relationship 
sealed by the covenant concluded at Horeb (52), and forming 
the ground on which the claim to Israel's obedience is specially 
rested. — 7. Turn you, and take your jourtiey]eyiSici[ydLS "tin. 142^, 
though there in a different connexion, viz. in the command 
to turn back from Kadesh, and re-enter the wilderness. — The 
hill- country of the Amorites] v.i*-20 (comp. v.'** Nu. 132^). 
Anwrite is here used as the general designation in D (as 
in E) of the pre-Israelitish population of Canaan, and of the 

6. nin nna vad oaS m] lit. "the dwelling- in this mountain is much for you," 
idiom, for " is too much, is enough " ; so 2*. Elsewhere an inf. with ja follows 
{"than that ye should . . .") i K. 12^8, cf. Ez. 44* (in both these cases, 
however, the a after caS is possibly due to dittography) Ex. 9^. Comp. 
oaV 3T (absolutely) 3^ Nu. i6''' Ez. 45^; and 3t alone 2 S. 24^^ (=i Ch. 
21") I K. 19*. — 7. 03"? lyoi «b] v.*" ij'2i 03"? us, 2' s^'' 03"? I3ir. The reflexive 

I. 6-7 II 

territory E. of Jordan occupied by the Israelites. The "hill- 
country " meant (as v.^o shows) is more particularly the S. part 
of the high ground of Canaan. 

Amorite is used (i) Nu. 2i^'* -', and frequently, of the peoples ruled 
by Sihon and 'Og, E. of Jordan, conquered by the Israelites ; (2) as the 
general designation of the pre-Israelitish population of the territory* W. of 
Jordan, especially in the Pent, writers, E and D, and occasionally besides: 
as thus applied, the term, though possessing a general connotation, may 
naturally be used with reference to the inhabitants of a particular district : 
Gn. 15I8 482^ Dt. i^' (* nna) is*. 20«. 27. 44' jog, ^7 ('Ai) io» (Jerusalem, Hebron, 
Jarmuth, Lachish, 'Eglon) "''^^ 24^ (read with G t-welve for two, of the 
kings W. of Jordan) ^"-^^ (cf. Am. 2^-'^^) Jud. i34r.a6 (unless 'TDK be here an 
error for 'Dnn) 6^" i S. 7'* 2 S. 21^ {-naKn in', of the Gibe'onites) i K. 21^ 
2 K. 21^' ; cf. Gn. i^' '■* ; and beside the Canaanites, in passages where the 
latter term seems used specially of the inhabitants of the sea-coast, or the 
Jordan-valley, Nu. \^^^ Jos. 5^ 13* (text dub.; see Di.), perhaps also here ; 
(3) in enumerations of the nations of Canaan (W. of Jordan) dispossessed 
by the Israelites, by the side of the Canaanite, Hittite, &c. (see on 7^). 

Canaanite, on the other hand, is the general designation of the pre- 
Israelitish population of the territory W. of Jordan preferred by J : D and 
D- (in Jos.), using "Amorite" in the wider sense noticed above, show 
a tendency to limit "Canaanite" to the inhabitants of the sea-coast 
and of the Jordan-valley : (1) Gn. 10^' (extending from ijidon on the N. to 
Gaza on the SW., and to Lesha' — i.e. ace. to tradition, Kallirrhoe, E. of 
the Dead Sea — on the SE. : comp. the tribes named as "sons" of 
Canaan, in v.^'-^^) 12" 24''-3'' 50'^ Ex. 13I1 Nu. i:f> 14^ (near Kadesh) *^'*^ 
2ii'3 (=33^0; in the Negeb) Dt. i^ (see p. 13 f.) 11^ (in the 'Aribah) Jos. 5^ 
11' ("on the east," i.e. in the 'Ardbah ; "on the west," i.e. on the Medit, 
Sea) i3»-'» 161" (;„ Gezer, of Ephraim : so Jud. i^ i K. 9^6) 1712^. '6- (in the 
"land of the vale" pcyn pK3, about Beth-Shean and Jezreel) ^^ Jud. ji-s-o- 
10. 17. 27f. 29. 30. 32. 33 38. ^f. 2 S. 24? Nch. 9^* ; (2) it occurs, together with 
Amorite, Hittite, &c., in enumerations of the nations of Canaan (on 7^). 
If the passages here cited be examined in detail, they will be found, it is 
believed, to support the distinction laid down above, which is accepted 
generally by modern writers (cf. Wellh. Comp. p. 341 f.; E. Meyer, ZATW. 
1881, 121 flF., 139 flF.; Budde, Bibl. Urgesch. pp. 344-8; Dillm. on Gn. lo'^ 
Dt. i' and pp. 617 f., 626 ; Delitzsch on Gn. 48^2). 

S, throwing back the action denoted by the verb upon the subject, and 
referring it, as it were, to the pleasure or option of the agent, gives more 
or less pathetic expression to the personal feelings — the satisfaction, or the 
interest, or the promptitude — with which the action in question is (or is to 
be) accomplished. The idiom is most common with the ist or 2nd person 
(esp. in the imper.), but is found also with the 3rd pers. It is used not 
only with verbs of motion (Gn. 12^ 22- 27**), but also with trans, verbs (see 
on v.i^: cf. Lex. "? 5 h ; G-K. § 1 19. 3c-). VDJ is properly to pluck up (the pegs 
of a tent), hence io journey by stages : cf. VP? stage (of a journey), Gn. ij* 
Ex. 17^ al. — v:3B' '?3] all his neighbours, viz. of naxn. 


According to Sayce {Races of the OT. 1891, pp. 55 f,, loi f.: of. 110-117), 
the Tel-el-Amama tablets show, that in the 15th cent. B.C. Amurra {i.e. 
Amorite) denotes exclusively the inhabitants on the North of Canaan 
(including Kadesh on the Orontes), while Kinahhkhi, which is said to 
correspond to (J?J3, denotes the region between Gebal on the N. and the 
Philistines on the S. This, however, relates to a period long anterior to 
that at which the Biblical records were composed ; and in the interval, the 
Amorites, it seems, must have extended themselves Southwards, and 
secured a footing in " Canaan " beside the Canaanites, as also on the E. 
of Jordan, in the territory ruled by Sihon and 'Og. From the Inscriptions 
of Seti I. and Ramses III. (Brugsch, Hist, of Eg.- ii. 14 f., 154), it may even 
perhaps be inferred (Budde, I.e. p. 346 f.) that in the 14th cent. B.C. (see 
on the date RP.^ vi. 148) the names land of Amur and land of Kajiana 
were already used interchangeably as designations of Palestine. 

It would thus seem, so far as can be judged from the 
Biblical and other data at present at our disposal, that 
"Canaan," before it came into the possession of the Israelites, 
must have been occupied principally by two tribes, the 
Amorites and the Canaanites, each sufficiently numerous 
and prominent to supply a designation of the entire country ; 
the former, it may perhaps be inferred, resident chiefly in the 
high central ground of Palestine, the latter chiefly in the lower 
districts on the W. and E.* From a sur\^ey of the passages 
quoted, it appears, further, that, as Wellh. {Comp. p. 341) 
remarks, while the Canaanites are often alluded to as still 
resident in the land in the age of the Biblical writers, especially 
in the cities of the plains not conquered by the Israelites, the 
Amorites are usually referred to as the past population of 
Canaan, expelled by the Israelites, and as such are invested 
with semi-mythical attributes, and described as giants (cf. 
Am. 2^ Dt. i28). — The 'Ardbah] see on v.^. The northern 
part, the modern Ghor, the depression containing the Jordan 
and the Dead Sea, is, of course, here meant. — The hill-couniry\ 
the elevated ground in the centre of Palestine, especially 
Ephraim, Benjamin, and Judah (cf. 325). — The loivland\ the 
Shephclah (fem. of ?S*^ loia), the technical designation of the 
low hills and flat valley land (G. A. Smith, Historical Geography 

* The idea, however, which is often put forward, that " Canaan " means 
etymolog^cally " lowlander," is destitute of philological support, in either 
Hebrew or Arabic; see G. F. Moore, American Or. Sac. Proc. 1890, pp. 

I. 7 13 

of the Holy Land, p, 201 ff.), which formed the W. and SW. 
portion of Judah, sloping- down towards the Mediterranean 
Sea, and extending from Ajalon and Gimzo (near Lydda) on 
the N. to Lachish (Tell-el-Hesy) on the S. The extent of the 
Sheph^lah may be inferred from the cities of Judah enumerated 
as belonging to it, Jos. 1523-44. Xhe soil is fertile; and it has 
been called "the corn-field of Palestine." The term is found, 
as here, in descriptive summaries of Palestine (or Judah), Jos. 
9I io40 128 Jer. 1726 3244 al. Cf. S. & P. pp. 255 f., 485 f., 
DB. s.v. Judah. — And in the South] Heb. the "Negeb," i.e. 
the southern tract of Judah, which the term always denotes 
when printed in RV. with a capital S (see Gn. 12^ RV. marg.) ; 
this is another technical geographical designation, denoting 
"the undulating pasture country, which intervened between 
the hills i^\}y}), and the deserts which encompass the lower 
part of Palestine" {S. & P. iSQf. ; DB. s.v. Judah). 

The Heb. word Negeh is derived from a root preserved in Aram, and 
signifying to he dry ; and the district so named, though not entirely 
unprovided with water, has, speaking generally, that character. The 
" negeb " or " dry land " of Palestine being on the South, the term acquired 
(comp. W. R. Smith, OTJC."^ p. 326) the general sense of "south" (Gn. 
13^^, &c.) ; but when provided with the art. it always (except Dan. S' 
1 1'^") denotes the special locality just described. The cities reckoned as 
belonging to the Negeb are enumerated in Jos. 15"^'^ (comp. the expression 
" cities of the South," Jer. 13^* 32" 33'^ Ob.^). The sites of many of these 
cities are uncertain, or unknown ; but it is difficult not to think that 
Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 359 ff., is disposed unduly to extend the 
Southern limits of the Negeb. The term in its geographical sense occurs 
frequently, e.g. Gn. 20^ 24*^ Nu. i3^^* ^* ^ Jos. lo*" 1 1" 15'^ ('Achsah's request 
of Caleb, illustrating the general aridity of the region). 

And on the sea-shore] cf. Jos. 9^. The term is added for the 
purpose of embracing in the description the whole of the 
country between the Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea. But, 
no doubt, the part of the coast specially intended is that 
extending from the N. end of the Shephdlah towards 'Acco 
and the Ladder of Tyre. — The land of the Canaanite] ii^" Jos. 
5I ii3 134 appear to show that D and D^ limited the term 
** Canaanite " to the inhabitants of the 'Ardbah, and of the N. 
part of the Mediterranean coast : it seems probable, therefore, 
that the * ' land of the Canaanite " is intended here not to be 


synonymous with the "land of Canaan" generally, but to be 
epexegetical of the preceding "sea-shore" (cf. Jos. 13*). — 
Lebation\ included similarly, ii^* Jos. i* (D-). — Even unto the 
great river., the river Euphrates^ : the same ideal limit is 
assigned to the territory of Israel in ii^^ Jos. i*, as also 
Gn. 15I8 Ex. 2331 (both JE) I K. 5I (421), cf. Is. 2712.-8. See, 
I have set the land before you] to set before ("lisb irii), in this 
connexion, means to place at the disposal of to give over to ; it 
is a favourite expression in Dt., being used often of the 
delivering up of foes before any one (see below). The land is 
free for the occupation of the Israelites ; and they are bidden 
to enter and take possession of it. Which Jehovah sware, 
^c.] the oath to the forefathers is referred to often in JE 
(Gn. 5o2i Ex. 135-11 32I3 33I Nu. 1112 14K3.23 3211 c. 3i2of. 23 3^4)^ 
and with particular frequency by D (i^^ 510.18.23^13 gi q5 iqU 
ii9.2i igs 263-15 28I1 3020 3i7: cf. in D2 Jos. i^ 56 2i4i(43)f. ; 
also Jud. 2I). The promise is recorded Gn. 12^ 131^^- i5isff"- 
(Abraham) ; 263^- 2* (Isaac) ; 28i3f- (Jacob) ; the oath is speci- 
fied expressly only Gn. 22i''f-, cf. 263^- (both JE). — And to tJieir 
seed after them] so 43^ iqIs^ and often in P (Gn. 9*^ j^r. s. 9. 10. 19 
3512 48* Ex. 28^3 Nu. 2513) ; also I S. 2422 2 S. 712 (= i Ch. 17"). 
The addition emphasizes the perpetuity of a promise or 

9-18. The appointment of officers to assist Moses in the 
labour of judging the people (see Ex. 18). The numbers of the 
Israelites were so great as to render it impossible for Moses 
to adjudicate personally upon all the differences arising among 
them : hence, at his suggestion, they consented to the selection 
of competent men out of all their tribes, who should relieve 
him as far as possible of this burden. In instituting these men 
to their office, he had impressed upon them the duty of equity 
and impartiality in the discharge of it. Moses' action in the 

8. n X-)] see/ slightly more emphatic than the more common mn: cf. i-** ^ " 
30" Jos. 62 8' (D2) ; also Gn. 2^^ 41^ Ez. 4" al. As the imper., by long 
usage, came to be employed as a mere exclamation, it is here treated as 
indeclinable (in spite of D3'Jb'?) : so 4' 11-* (the pi. ?«"], however, occurs 
similarly; e.g. Gn. 39").— 'w"? jn:] so 1-1 2»i- 33-36 ^2.23 23I5 28^-25 3i«; else- 
where (in the sense of delivering up before) only Jos. 10^' 11" (D-) Jud. 11" 
I K. 8^' (Dcut.) Is. 41" : cf. 'JB*? alone in Gn. 13" 20^' 34^° 47® ; also 24" Jer. 40*. 

I. 8-10 15 

appointment of these officers is attributed in Ex. (iS^^-ssj to 
the advice of Jethro, who, however, is not referred to here, as 
the stress lies less on the originator of the suggestion than 
on the fact of the organization having been established by 
Moses, and on the need for it in the numbers of the people. 

9. And I spake] the tense in the Heb. p^^)) suggests rather 
strongly a date subsequent to the command described v.^'^ — or 
at least a date at the close of the sojourn at Horeb — instead of 
(as required by the existing narrative of Ex.) a date prior to 
it, and indeed prior to the arrival at Horeb (Ex. 18: cf. 19^'^); 
either, therefore, the retrospect was written at a time when 
the interval between Jethro's visit (Ex. 18) and the departure 
from Horeb (Nu. lo^^j had so dwindled that both could be 
included in the expression "at that time," or, as is not im- 
probable even on independent grounds (cf. Dillm. on Ex. 18; 
Klost. Pent. 138, 143 ; Bsicon, JBLit. xii. 24), Ex. 18 stood once 
in JE beside^s-se, and was still read there by the author 
of Dt. — At that time] the same expression occurs frequently in 
the retrospects, 23434- ^u ^20 iqI-s (rather 
differently 5^), — in c. 2-3, even with reference to occasions, 
which, if the discourse was delivered by Moses, must have 
happened less than six months previously (i^ compared with 
Nu. 2o22'^- 33^^). — I amnot able to bear you alone] the reference 
is to the appointment of judicial assessors to assist Moses, 
Ex. i824; but the expression is borrowed from the terms of 
Moses' complaint in the narrative of the 70 elders, Nu. ii^* 
(mn Dyn ba ns ns::6 nab ^D3N bait? N^)- As has already been 
remarked, the same rather peculiar phenomenon may be noticed 
frequently in the retrospects. — 10. As the stars of heaven\ 10^ 

9. 15 ki can only be interpreted naturally as stating, if not the sequel to 
v.*'8 (Dr. § 67), yet something either really or, from the point of view of 
the speaker, substantially contemporaneous with it {ib. § 75). Had the 
author intended to disconnect the incident here narrated from what pre- 
cedes, so as to leave scope for its being anterior, we should have expected 
him to avoid the construction with ! (see ib. § 76 Obs.), and to say K'nn nya 
'HTDK or «'';\T\ nya 'max '3:ki. The cases in which \ expresses a sequence in 
thought, not in time (Keil), are different {ib. § 75, 76), and do not afford a 
precedent for the interpretation of the present passage. — 10. 3T(J "«« 
respect o/" multitude " : Anglic^, "ybr multitude." The h defines the tcrtium 
comparationis ; so often, as Jud. 7'- Gn. 3^ njn^ in respect of knowing, 


28*'-: so in the promise (JE) Gn. 22^7 26* Ex. 32" (each time 
with " multiply") : of. Gn. 15^. — 11—12. In order to remove any 
misapprehension as to the motive of his protestation (v."^), 
Moses adds that it was not the increase of the people which 
prompted it (for this his only desire was to see continued 
indefinitely), but simply his inability to cope with the practical 
difficulties which their numbers occasioned. — 11. Jehovah, the 
God of your fathers, add to you the like of you a thousand times^ 
Moses' wish is expressed with characteristic generosity and 
largeness of heart (cf. Nu. ii^^). For the phrase employed, cf. 
2 S. 243. — TJie God of your fathers] the title gives expression to 
the continuity of the relationship subsisting between Jehovah 
and His people: the God who now takes Israel under His 
care is the same who formerly showed His faithfulness to 
their ancestors, and was known of them. So Ex. 313.16 Y>t. 4^ 
Jos. iS^: and with thy Dt. i2i 6^ 12I 27^, our 26^, their 29^^ 
Jud. 2i2_ — jIs lie promised (lit. spake) to you] a standing formula 
in Dt. (i2i 6^93 (cf. 28) io9 1 125 j 220 156 i82 26^8 27^ 2912 ; cf. with- 
out ^ 619 2619313), as of D2 in Jos. (1314.33 22^ 235-10). The refer- 
ence is to Gn. 12^ 2217 263-24. — 12. II070 can I bear alone ?\ the 
verse repeats more emphatically the thought of v.^, for the pur- 
pose of stating more distinctly the ground of Moses' proposal. 
— Your cumbrance (D^niC)] cf. Is. i^* n^b? h"^ ^^n. — Your burden 
(D3XBP)] cf. Nu. n"-i7 "««the burden of this (the) people."— 13. 
Get you men (that are) "voisey and understanding, and known] 

41" h't^, Ex. 24!** ^^B^. Notice the fine rhythmical close produced here 
by the addition of m^ (which is not in itself necessary, and in a sentence 
such as Gn. 22P would have been heavy and inelegant). — 11. 03*7 Tn] to 
promise is the general sense of la'n with 7 ; comp., besides the passages 
quoted above, i K. S^*- »• » Gn. 24^ 28I' Ex. 32" a/.— 13. Ds"? un] lit. give 
for yourselves, i.e. provide for yourselves, get you ; so Jos. 18^. The ^ is 
the reflexive or "ethical" \, explained on v.', and used also (as there 
mentioned) with trans, verbs; comp. D3^ 139 Ex. 7^ Jos. 20". Similarly 
1^ ns'lt, 1^ np, D3^ inp, 03^ ID'S?, ^ nij?, &c., Gn. &*--^ Ex. 5'^ Jud. 
19** Jer. 32', and often, esp. in the imp. : in other tenses, Dt. 2" 3^ 7^ 9^^ 
(from Ex. 32*: often also elsewhere with ns'j;)" lo^** 15^, and in injunctions 

,6?.lJ.18.M.!e 1^16.17.18 1^ 30" 22*2 if', cf. LeX. '? 5 h. — C3'a3ff^'] 

the 7 has a distributive force, according to your tribes, tribe by tribe : cf. 
Jos. 7"-^* 18* I S. 10'^ &c. — D3'FKT3] the 3 is the " Beth essentiae," — "will 
appoint them as your heads " : cf. Nu. 36- rhniz jno to give as an inherit- 
ance, Jos. 23* Ps. 78"; and see Lex. 3 I. 7. The expression in v." is 

I. 11-15 1 7 

"known," i.e. of proved character and ability (IT quorum 
conversatio sit probata). In Ex. 18^^ the choice is to be 
determined by the moral qualities of the men to be selected 
("men of worth, fearers of God, men of faithfulness, hating 
unjust g-ain"): here, though the terms used (esp. "known") 
imply moral qualifications, the emphasis rests rather on their in- 
tellectual fitness for the post to which they are to be appointed. 
— 15. Moses took action accordingly, and selected men suit- 
able for the purpose. — The heads of your tribes\ 5^0. The words 
are, however, omitted in (5 (which has in place of them simply 
ii v/Awv) ; and as they agree indifferently with v. ^^' ^-^ (accord- 
ing to which, not heads of the tribes, as such, but men of 
discretion selected from each tribe indiscriminately, were to 
be chosen), Dillm. may be right in supposing them to be a 
gloss. Otherwise it must be supposed that the men who 
approved themselves to Moses' choice were also those who 
were already distinguished as the leading representatives of 
their tribes. — And made them heads over you, captains of 
thousands, dye] exactly as Ex. iS^s (see the Table, p. 10). — And 
officers according to your tribes\ the duties and position of the 
"officers" {Shoterim) are not distinctly indicated. 

In Arab, safara is to nde (a book), to write ; satr is a row (of buildings, 
trees, &c.), a line (of writing). The primary sense of the root seems thus 
to have been to range in order (Noldeke, Gesch. d. Qorans, p. 13) ; and 
Shoter vi'iW have denoted properly a/raw^^r, organizer {ci np^'O Job 38^t» 
ordered arrangemetit, i.e. nde). Shoterim are named immediately after 
the "elders" of the people in Nu. ii^" Dt. 29^1^*') 31^ Jos. 8^ 23^^ 24^ by 
the side of the "judges" in Jos. 8^^ 23^ 24^ Dt. 16'^; cf. Pr. 6' (the ant 
has no hm> nnb' J'sp) : the duty of making proclamations or conveying orders 
to the people in time of war is assigned to them (Dt. 20'* ^'^ Jos. i'" 3") : in 
Egfypt the officials appointed by Pharaoh's taskmasters for the purpose 
of superintending the labour of the Israelites bear the same name (Ex. 
S«- !«• "• 15. 19). In the late passages 1 Ch. 23* 26-9 27I 2 Ch. 19" 26" 34" 
the term appears likewise to be used of subordinate military or judicial 
officials, who once (2 Ch. 34''^) took part in superintending the repairs of the 
Temple. (& in Ex. \&^- "^ Dt. 1" 16^8 29^ dO) 3128 renders by the curious term 
— perhaps the title of some law-officer at Alexandria — 

The Shoterim, it thus seems, were subordinate officials, who 

were employed partly in the administration of justice, partly in 

the maintenance of civil order and of military discipline, and 

different. — 11. nmn aio] the same formula of approval (though without a 



whose duty it was to put in force the mandates issued by their 
superiors. Except here and Ex. iS^^ the "captain of ten" is 
not mentioned in the OT,: the captains of 50, 100, and 1000 
are mentioned frequently in connexion with the army {e.g. 
I S. 8^2 1^18 22'^ 2 K. i9-ii-i3 Is. 33^^ though not elsewhere as 
concerned with the administration of justice. The passage 
does not state that the whole people was divided systematically 
into thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, but only that chiefs 
commanding these numbers were appointed, who exercised 
judicial authority, not necessarily over those only who were 
under their immediate command, but over the people at large. 
Men were appointed with military rank, and entrusted for the 
time with a share in the administration of justice. The 
arrangements in later days seem to have been out of relation 
with this institution. See more fully on Ex. 18. 

16. And I charged your judges, 6^c.] Moses availed himself 
of the occasion for the purpose of impressing upon the judges 
the duties of their office, viz. to hear all impartially, to decide 
fearlessly, and to refer cases too hard for themselves to him. 
^—Hear between your brethren'] i.e. listen patiently to all that is 
said on both sides. — And judge righteously (or Hghteo2iS7iess)\ 
cf. i6^^-20. — Aiidhis stranger] i.e. the stranger who has to deal 
with him. The "stranger" (Ger), or foreigner settled in 
Israel (see on lo^^ and 14-^), is to have equal rights, in such 
matters, with the native Israelite (24^7 27^^, and elsewhere). — 
17. Ve shall not respect persoiis in judgment] cf. 16^^, where see 
note. — For the judgment is Gods] it belongs to Him ; you are 
acting in His name, and as His representatives (cf. Ex. 18^5.16 
21*5 2 Ch. 19^); and you must accordingly be superior to worldly 
considerations. And the matter which is too hard for you ye 
shall bring unto me] Ex. 18^6 (cf.22) nCTD bs PN''3'' ^t^'pn "I3nn flK. 
The reference is probably to cases which were not provided 
for by existing regulations or precedents, or which were in some 

rel. clause following-) i K. 2*^*^ i824_ — jg^ yfa;^] the inf. abs. with the force 
of the imperative: see G-K. § 113. 4'' (a). — 17. d'JS iT2n Kh] d'j^ T?n, lit, 
io recognise the presence or person of any one {sc. unjustly), as 16^' Pr. 24^ 
28^+. The more usual expression is d':b ncj. — jij-as-n ^nJ3 jepD] ^nja jopa 
is (implicitly) an accus. of manner (G-K. § 118. 5), defining the circum- 
stances under which the hearing is to take place : lit. " ye shall hear 

I. 16-19 19 

respect complicated, as opposed to such as could be decided 
readily by existing laws. — 18. And I commanded you at that 
time all the things which ye should do] the reference (cf. 4^^ 
523(31)) appears to be to Ex. 243 (cf. v.^^-S" 2ii ; also 1820). The 
repeated at that time (cf. v. ^- 1^) seems intended to emphasize 
the fact that Moses, before the departure of the people from 
Horeb (v.^^), had done all that was in his power to provide 
for their civic welfare. 

19-28. Departure of the Israelites from Horeb, and journey 
to Eadesh-barnea'. Mission of the spies. Disappointment of 
the people upon receiving their report. 

DL i» .... Cf. Nu. 132^. 

Nu. 13'' "nn "jN nn'Vp, ^3 Szv^*. ^n: ij; ik31. 
Nu. 13™ \ynr\ 'TED cnnp'?!. 
Nu. 13^ T31 cnx u'c'i. 

Cf. Nu. 1421>-3a. 

Nu. 13^ C8' i:'Kn pjyn t"?' dji tkd niViJ nrflsn onj^m. 

19. That great and terrible toildemess] so 8^^^ where it is 
further described as the abode of fiery serpents and scorpions, 

(them), the like of the small (being) the like of the great " = " ye shall hear 
(them), ^0 /Aa/ the small he as the great"; in English idiom, "Ye shall 
hear the small and the great alike." On ? (properly, an undeveloped 
subst.) see more fully the luminous explanation of Fleischer, Kleinere 
Schrtften, i. p. 376 fF,, or ap. Bottcher, Lehrbuch der Hehr. Spr. ii. p. 64f. ; 
more briefly G-K. § 1 18. 6 ; and Lex. s.v. |, at the beginning, and 3. — pyoBr] 
the more original form of the termination of the 2nd and 3rd pi. impf., 
preserved in classical Arabic (in the indicative mood), in Aramaic (usually), 
Ethiopic, and Phoenician, but in Hebrew only occurring sporadically 
(altogether 305 times in the OT. ; the passages are enumerated by J. L. 
Konig, Alttest. Studien, i. (1839) P* 165 fF., and Bottcher, § 930), not, 
however, as an archaism (for those books in which it is most frequent are 
not, upon any view of their authorship, the most ancient), but as a more 
emphatic form than that in ordinary use, adapted to round off a sentence, 
and accordingly sometimes preferred in an elevated or rhetorical style. 
It is peculiarly frequent in Dt., occurring in it 56 times. In other books it 
occurs {e.g.") 12 times in On., 28 times in Ex. (9 times in the Laws, 
c. 20-23), never in Lev., 7 times in Nu., 9 times in Jos., 8 times each in 
Jud. and i S., 15 times in 1-2 K., 21 times in Is. 1-39, 16 times in Is. 
40-66, 53 times in the Psalms (of which 15 are in Ps. 104), 23 times in Job. 
— ni:n] 18--*. The word is rare, and mostly poetical, occurring besides in 
prose only Nu. 22^ (JE) i S. i8".— Kin d'h'jk'? bscd.t '3] lit. " For the 
judgment, it is God's "=(Anglic^) " For the judgment is God's." See 
Dr. § 198 ; Lex. vm 3 b. — 19. Tannn-nx] nu is used (very exceptionally) with 
iVn to denote the space traversed : so 2' ; cf. Nu. 13^^ (•"'^y)* 


and as waterless (cf. also 32^*' Jer. 2*'). The wilderness meant 
is the desert of et-Tih (cf. p. 4), between the Peninsula of 
Sinai and the S. border of Palestine. Modern travellers 
describe its barrenness and ** blanched desolation." 

Thus E. H. Palmer, Desert of the Exodus (1871), pp. 284-288, writes: 
" The desert of et-Ti'h is a limestone plateau of irregfular surface, the 
southern portion of which projects wedge-wise into the Sinaitic peninsula." 
The distance across from Suez to 'Akabah is about 150 miles, and from 
the southernmost part of the wedge just mentioned to Beersheba', about 
170 miles. " The surface of the plateau is an arid featureless waste, its 
monotony relieved only by a few isolated mountain groups, amongst which 
the most conspicuous are Jebels Yeleg, Ikhrimm, and Heidi. It is drained 
for the most part by the Wddy-el-'arish, which takes its rise in the highest 
portion of the southern cliflF [where the plateau approaches the mountains of 
the Sinaitic peninsula], and flows northwards towards the Mediterranean. 
. . . The country is nearly waterless, with the exception of a few springs 
situated in the larger wadys ; but even here water can onlj' be obtained 
by scraping small holes or pits (called themdlT) in the ground, and baling 
it out with the hand. All that is obtained by the process is a yellowish 
solution which baffles all attempts at filtering. . . . The ground is for the 
most part hard and unyielding, and is covered in many places with a 
carpet of small flints. ... In spite of the utterly arid nature of the soil, 
a quantity of brown parched herbage is scattered over the surface, and 
affords excellent fuel for the camp-fire. During the greater part of the 
year this remains to all appearance burnt up and dead, but it bursts into 
sudden life with the spring and winter rains. ... In the larger wadys, 
draining as they do so extensive an area, a very considerable amount of 
moisture infiltrates through the soil, producing much more vegetation than 
in the plains, and even here and there permitting cultivation." 

As the Northern part of the plateau is reached, the char- 
acter of the country changes, the soil becomes more fertile, 
the fields and terraces are covered with corn and vines, until 
finally the wilderness gives place to the "Negeb" (see p. 13) 
of Judah. "Waterless" (8^^), provided the expression be not 
interpreted with prosaic literalness, is substantially accurate ; 
for though wells and springs (as stated above) are met with, 
the water is mostly scanty and poor, except after rain (cf. 
Robinson, i. pp. 179, 180, 182, 184, 189, &c.; Palmer, pp. 304, 
319, 326, 342, 345) : in the Wady Lussdn, however, and 
especially to the N. of 'Ain Kadi's, as the Negeb is approached, 
water becomes more abundant, and the remains of dams 
and other devices for irrigation are discernible in the wadys 
(Palmer, pp. 347, 350, 354, &c.). — Which ye saw\ and so gained 

I, 20— 21 21 

a practical acquaintance with its character. — By the way to the 
hill-country of the Atnorites] i.e. by the route leading across the 
desert to the S. of Palestine (on v.'') : if a definite road be meant, 
perhaps one branching- off from the Mount Se'ir Road (v. 2) a 
little NW. of 'Akabah, and circling round the base of Jebel 'Araif 
en-Nakah (Trumbull, K.-B. pp. 80-3). — Commanded us\ v.^. 

20-21. Upon their arrival at Kadesh, Moses bade the people 
proceed to take possession of their promised inheritance. — 
20. Which Jehovah our God is giving to us\ i.e. is in course of 
giving us (viz. at the present moment). AV. giveth obscures 
the true force of the original. The phrase (attached mostly to 
laTid or ground) is extremely common in Dt.: \^ 2"^^ 320 440 5I6 
( = Ex. 20^2j, &c. (some 25 times) ; and followed by n^nj 4^^ 15* 
20I6 2i23 244 2519 26^ Comp. in D2 Jos. i^- ii- 1^.— 21. Jehovah 
thy God\ so upwards of 200 times in Dt. ; in Jos. (D^) i^- '^^ 9^- 24 j 
in earlier books of the Pent., only Ex. 1526 2o2- 5- 7. 10. 12 2319 
( = 34'*') 34^^ (^1 parts of JE showing affinity with Dt. : Intr. 
§ 5). So Jehovah your God{y.^^) occurs nearly 50 times in Dt., 
and 28 times in Jos., mostly, if not entirely, in passages 
belonging to D2 (^e.g. 13 times in c. 23). Both expressions 
occur occasionally in the other hist, books and the prophets, 
but very much less frequently than in Dt. and D2. Cf. on v.* 
("J. our God"). Thy . . . t/iee] Israel is addressed in Dt. 
(i) in the 2nd pers. plur. (as in the preceding verses) ; (2) as a 
whole, collectively, in the 2nd pers. singular, as here, v.^^ 2"- 
i8f. 24 a,nd frequently ; (3) in the persons of its individual 
members, also in the 2nd pers. sing., 4^^ ("thy children") ^ 
6cf. 1 36 (7). 9 (10) 157ff.12.10 22iff-6 &c. In particular cases it may 
sometimes be uncertain whether the 2nd pers. sing, is to be 
understood as (2) or (3) ; but there seem to be clear instances 
in which it is intended as an appeal to the individual Israelite. 
The change (as here) from the plural to the singular (or vice 
versa) is very frequent, sometimes taking place even within 
the limits of a single sentence (i3i 27-24 ^s-ii. 10. 20. 23b. 25. 29. 34 
6U. 8"- 125-7.9 8ic.).— Neither he dismayed (:nnn fjs^)] a word 
confined mostly to poetry, and the higher prose style ; see below. 

21. nun] V.8.— nnn Ski] so 318 Jos. 8^ ia» Jer. 30^" (=46^) Ez. 2^f(yh) Is. 51' 
(in all, II (i)KTn (k'?)'?k) ; Jos. 1' (|1 pj/n Sk). In Hex. used only by D and D» ; 


— 22—25. The people, however, in the first instance proposed 
that spies should be sent out to reconnoitre the land, and 
report upon the best way of approaching it ; and Moses agreed 
to the proposal. — 22. And ye came near unto me and said] 
in Nu. 131^- Moses sends out the spies in consequence of a 
command received by him from God : here the initiative 
appears to be taken wholly by the people. The two repre- 
sentatives are capable of at least a formal reconciliation : the 
people, it might be supposed, having (as Dt. states) preferred 
their request, Moses refers it to God, who then gives it 
His sanction, at which point the narrative in Numbers opens. 
At the same time, the variation is a remarkable one ; and in 
view of the fact that the retrospect follows consistently the 
narrative of JE, which is defective in Numbers for the 
beginning of the episode of the spies (for Nu. i3i-i7a belongs 
to P), it is highly probable that it follows it here also, and 
that the representation referring the proposal to the people 
(v.22f) is based upon the narrative of JE, which the writer of 
Dt. had still before him intact. — 23. Twelve men, one man 
for- every tribe] Nu. 13^"^^ (P). In the existing narrative of 
Nu. 13, the appointment of one spy from each of the tribes is 
recorded only in P ; but it is probable that JE, when complete, 
described the selection similarly, and that this, as in other 
cases, is the source of the representation in Dt. Tribe is 
denoted in Dt. by ^'^^, which is used also by JE, not by P's 
characteristic term HtSO (Nu. 132 ; L.O.T. p. 127). — 24. And 
went up hito the mountain] or hill-country, i.e. the high ground 
of Judah (v.^-^^). Cf. Nu. 13^'', — Unto the torrent-valley (2^^) 
ofEshcol] near Hebron (Nu. i322.23)._25. And they took of the 
fruit of the land, &c.] Nu. i323f. 26b. 27._26_28. But in spite of 
the favourable report of the spies, the people refused to move, 
and murmured discontentedly in their tents. — 26. But ye would 

elsewhere, in prose, only i S. 17^^, and, as reminiscences of Dt., i Ch. 22" 
282» 2 Ch. 2o"-*^ 32^ (in all, || (i)xTn "^ki).— 22. ^^^'^ rix] most probably the 
accus. is attached loosely to nai i:nN u'8"i, xara av^iati : cf. G-K. § 117. i R.'' ; 
Lex. I rn 1 c, 3 a,— 26. on'SN n^i) a favourite word in Dt. : 2*" 10^" 23"* 
(Jos. 24^»)2s7 29'»; 139(1"? nann n"?).— " 's m nnni) i^g^sjos. i^^ijfi) \ S. 
12" (Deut,)t ; the same idiom, in Qal, Nu. 20-* (P) 2.f^ (P) i S. i2^« i K. 
1321. S6 Lam. i^t ; '' oy Dn"rT D'TDD Dt. f^' 2* 3i"t- The word sig^nifies to resist 

I. 22-28 23 

not go up, and defied tJie mouth (commandnieni) of Jehovah your 
God] cf. Nu. 143-*; and see below. — 27. And ye mummred in 
your tents (Da^fjnsa)] hence Ps. 1062^. Geiger, Urschrift {x^i^j), 
p. 290 f., supposed that Da^irisa was an intentional alteration 
of D3M^N3 against your God, made for the purpose of removing 
a statement disparaging to Israel : but the supposition is 
unnecessary; in your tents means "among yourselves," and 
suggests at the same time the reproach that the people refused 
to bestir themselves, and advance to the conquest of Canaan. 
— Through JehovaKs Jiating us, ^c] cf. g^^b. — To deliver us, 
&'€.] Jos. 7'''. — The Amorite] vJ. — 28. IV/iit/ier are we going 
upp] i.e. to a land full of what unknown perils? — Our brethren 
have caused our heart to melt\ the idiom as 20^ Jos. 2^1 5I 7^ 
(all D2) ; also, with reference to the same incident, Jos. 14^ 
(Caleb speaks) Dyn a^-DK vppn '»y hv IB'X ^HKI. The expres- 
sion in Jos. 14S may be borrowed from here ; but it is possible 
that in both passages it is derived from a part of JE's original 
narrative of the spies, not retained in Nu. 13. — A people 
greater and taller than we (i30JD D"i1 ^13 DJ?)] rhetorically varied 
from Nu. i32Sa.3i. the phrasing is that of D (cf. 210-21 43s 7I 
end 9i-2a ii23j_ — Cities great and fenced into heaven] so g^^. 
Varied from Nu. 1328 nxo ni^nj nmV3 D^ynv Cf. Sayce, Monu- 
ments, p. 288 (Lachish). — And, moreover, we have seen sons of 
the 'Atiakim there] as Nu. 1328, except that P3.V'7 '^TT. "children 
of the 'Anak" (collect.) is changed into D'pjy ''J3 (so 92a). 

The three p:y.T tS', Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai, who dwelt in Hebron, 
and were expelled by Caleb, are named in JE, Nu. 13" Jos. is"*" ; p3V 'J3 
are mentioned in Nu. 13^ ("of the Nephilim"), Dt. g^^ ; pjJ'.T '33 ("sons 
of the 'Anak") in Jos. is'*'(=:Jud. i^*") ; a'piy ':3 in Dt. 1^9-*; the more 
general designation U'piVi,^) occurs Dt. a^"*^**^^ (in a comparison), and 
Jos. 11-^"— (D-), where it is stated that they were cut off by Joshua out of 
Hebron, Debir, 'Anak, and all the hill-country of Judah and Israel, and 
left only in the Philistine cities of Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod (cf. Jer. 47*'' (G 
(see Graf) ; also the Philistine nsnn t"?' 2 S. 2ii6-i8 (cf. v.^"-^--), and Goliath, 
the giant of Gath). In Jos. 14'' (JE or D-) Arba' (whence the old name of 

contumaciously, to defy or (intrans.) be defiant. — 27. ijhk '' ru«2C3] G-K. 
§ 1 15. 2 R.^ : cf. 78 9^ Gn. 29^. — i^tdbtiS] tdct naco is a favourite word 
with D (27 times) ; elsewhere in the Hex only Gn. 34** (J) Lev. 26^ Nu. 
33=2 (both H) Dt. 3327 (the Blessing); Jos. f^ g'» i !»*•«• 23'5 (mostly D») 
248(E). — 28. c'cra] in heaven: so 9', cf. Gn. 11* D'Dr3 wk-v. d^p, not of 
any far distant region, but of the heights of the air, in which, for instance, 


Hebron, Kiriath (city of) ArbcC) is described as D'pjya I?n3n Dnxn ; and in 
Jos. 15" 21'^ (P) he is called the father of the 'Anak. Most of these 
passages (including the oldest) connect the 'Anakim only with Hebron : 
that they were spread generally over the hill-country of Judah and Israel 
is stated only in Jos. 1 1-"', which belongs to D-, and may be one of the 
generalizations to which this Deuteronomic author is prone {L.O.T. pp. 
97, loi). It is, however, implied that there were more " giants " in Hebron 
than the three, Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai ; and perhaps indeed these 
three names are meant as those, not of individuals, but of families or clans. 

29-40. Moses' vain endeavour to reassure the people. 
Jehovah's oath that none of that generation, save Caleb, 
should enter the Promised Land. Designation of Joshua, as 
Moses' successor. 

Dt. i^"* . . . . (Ex. 1321 Dn'js!? -^^n mm ; 141-* dd"? en"?' m.T.) 
i^ . . . . Cf. Nu. i4t^\ 

r^ .... (Ex. 13^ 11DV3 nV'^i inn onh^^ py mcjra ddv Dn'js"? -^Vin mm 
urh TNn"? ex. 
Nu. 14"'' rh-h VK niDvai ddv ctjeS -jSin nnn py nisyai.) 
i'*' . . . . (Nu. 10^'' nmiD nn'? mnV.) 

jS6-38 _ _ _ f^y_ 1^23-24 -^^y 31,3 ^^^ _ _ ^ cm3NV 'nyac: nrx \^Kn t\h int cn 
nDc N3 TCK I'nNn "?« vnx'am nnx N^a'i icy mnx mn wn 
r''-«8 ... * • « 

i^** (om. (Hf) Nu. 14^^ .T.T 13"? crnoK ttk ddsoi ; cf. Nu. 14" usoi u'w 

I** .... Nu. 14-^ fjiD D' xn nanon C3^ iyai ub nna. 

29-33. Moses encouraged the people by reminding' them 
Who it was that went before them, and what He had done for 
them in the past. — 29. Dread not] py, as 721 20^ 31*'* Jos. i^ 
(D^). Not elsewhere in prose, and not frequent even in 
poetry. — 30. Who goeth before you] 316b. Sj see Ex. 1321 (JE). 
— Will fight for you] Ex. 141* (JE) ; also Ex. 1425 Dt. 322 Jos. 
iQi4b. 42 233. 10 (all D2). — Before your eyes] a point which the 
Writer loves to emphasize (in different connexions) 4*5- 34 522 gi7 
2-3.9 2831 29I 3i7 3412: cf. Jos. 1012 2417 (both D2) I S. 12I6. 
(The expression is also charact. of Ezek.) " Omitted here by 
(&, evidently because Moses is addressing the new generation ; 
but in v.22ff, and indeed through the entire discourse, the 
present generation is conceived by the speaker as identical 
with the past" (Dillm.). — 31. Which thou sawest]y.^^.—As a 

the birds fly (4'^ Pr. 30'^). — 30. na*? cn^' kw] on the emphatic resumptive 
Kirt, see Dr. § 123 Obs. ; Lex. Kin 2 a. — cdrk nte]:] for "to do with" cf. 10"^ 
I S. 12^; Jud. 11-^ — 31. "xr: nrx] ^^ -where J. bare thee." After a word 
denoting' place, time, or manner, the pron. or adv. complement of net* (ia, 

I. 29-35 25 

vian doth hear his soii\ comp. for the simile :'♦'♦ 8'^ (iD''"' "IK'S3 
132 ns tr\s) 2829- 4^. The use of similes is not unfrequent in the 
more picturesque style of Hebrew prose {e.g. Ex. 33^1 Nu. ii^^ 
22* 27^7 Jud. 65 712 140 1514 i69 2 S. 1417.20 &c.): 
those occurring in Dt. have been strangely supposed to be a 
mark of the Mosaic authorship of the book. For the thought 
of Jehovah's "bearing" His people, comp. Ex. 19* ("on 
eagles' wings"); Dt. 32" (the Song); also Hos. ii^ Is. 46'"-. 
—Even unto this place] 9^ ii^; {^^) 26^ 29'5.— 32-33. But in 
spite of this word of encouragement the Israelites remained 
disbelieving (cf. Nu. 14^^). — In this thing (RV.)] rather in spite 
of this word [i.e. of Moses' speech, just ended) : the 3 as Lev. 
2627 Nu. 14I1 ninisn ^^2 for (i.e. in spite of) all the signs, Ps. 
273. — Ye continued not believing {^''V"0\f,'0 Da^s)] the ptcp. with 
px indicates the endurance of the state of unbelief (cf. ^lOp 
^^Vn 9^^)- — 33. WJiich went before you, &c.] resumed from 
v.^oa, and further developed ("to spy out for you a place," &c.) 
for the purpose of marking more emphatically the gravity of 
the unbelief. — To spy outforyo7i, Gr'c. ('31 D3^ "iri?)] apparently 
a reminiscence of Nu. lo^^ (of the ark) nniiO Uih "iinb- The 
rest of the verse consists of reminiscences, with slight varia- 
tions, of Ex. 1321 and Nu. 14^* (quoted in the Table), Daninp 
being perhaps suggested by Onhip (Ex. 132^), and T)J}'^ "^^O^^"?? 
("to cause you to look upon the way ") being seemingly a para- 
phrase of ^\b TSn^ ("to give them light"). 

34-36. Jehovah's wrath ; and His oath sentencing all the 
men of that generation, with the exception of Caleb, to exclu- 
sion from the Promised Land. Cf. Nu. 1422-24. — 34, Was wroth 
(ciVp)] Gn. 402 Ex. i62o i S. 294^/.: of God, c. jg. 470 
5710.17^/. — 35. Surely there shall not one of these meuy (even) 
this evil generation, see, S^c] a terse and forcible condensation 
of the terms of the oath contained in Nu. 1422'- (comp. esp. 
v,23a). — (Even) this evil generation] these words correspond to 

or D^) is often dispensed with, so that ncK alone becomes equivalent to 
•where, Tc/ieti, how {Lex. nrw 4 b; or on i S. 24'). — KB" ncKs] the impf., 
denoting custom or habit, is the tense regularly used in comparisons ; cf. 
V." Is. 298 658 &c. (Dr. § 33&; G-K. § 107. 26).— 33. DDrnx-i^] contracted 
for D^niNnnV (G-K. § 53. 3 R.7 ; or on i S. 2^). The contraction is, however, 
unusual ; and perhaps DsniK"]^ thai ye might look was meant by the writer. 


nothing" in Nu. 14, they are not expressed in ffir, and, by the 
somewhat awkward apposition which they form, they impede 
the flow of the sentence ; hence they are perhaps a gloss, added 
(as Dillm. suggests) for the purpose of precluding the mis- 
conception that "these men" referred solely to the spies. — 
The good land] so often in Dt.: 325 421. 22 e^s gio 96 niT; Jqs. 
23!^ (D2), and with ground (nonx), ib. \?^- ^^ : cf. a good land, 
c. 8'' Ex. 3^ (JE). — 36. Save Caleb, tJie son of Jephunneh] only 
in favour of Caleb was an exception made: see Nu. 142*. 
The representation, according to which Caleb alone is directly 
mentioned as exempted from the sentence, agrees with that of 
JE (Nu. 14^*), as against that of P (Nu. 14^), according to 
which Joshua is named together with Caleb (cf. Z. O. T. pp. 58, 
77, 103). — IVJiich he hath trodden upon (T?'^)] Nu. 14-^ has 
simply "whither he came"; Dt., in harmony with its more 
elevated style, uses the choicer and more expressive word 
^ii24. 25 Jos. i3 149). The reference is specially to Hebron 
(Jos. 14123.13. 14)^ — Hath gone fully after JehovaK\ so '^\x. 142*. 

37-38. Also with me toas Jehovah angered on your account, 
saying. Thou also shall twt go in thither\ Moses also (as well as 
the rest) incurred God's anger, and was included consequently 
in the same sentence : another leader, Joshua, should bring 
Israel into its promised inheritance. The reference is generally 
supposed to be to Moses' act of presumption in striking the 
rock, Nu. 2oi<>-ii (P), which, according to P (both ib. v.^- and 
27i3f. Dt. 325of.), was the occasion of his exclusion from Canaan. 
Two independent grounds, however, each confirming the other, 
combine to render this view improbable. 

(i) Theposition of the two verses, in the midst of a continuous narrative of 
what happened at Kadesh in the second year of the Exodus. Moses' act of 
presumption, narrated in Nu. 20, took place in the 39th year of the Exodus, 
some 37 years after the incident of the spies ; and though it is true, as 
Keil obserx'es, that the object of the retrospect is not to teach the people 
chronology and history, still the order followed in it is chronological, v.® 
carries on the thread of v.^"*, and v.^'** are in no way marked, either by 

— 36. 'nViT) 4^^ Jos. 1 1^^ Not elsewhere in the Hex. — vaaSi] on the position 
of this word, see Samtiel, p. 292, and on i S. 6". — nnx ttVa] lit. to Jill up 
after, pregn. for to go ftilly after, to ftjllow with undivided allegiance. 
Repeated from Nu. 14" (JE), here and Nu. 32"* " Jos. 14*' •• ". Only once 
besides, i K. 11* V3K "ma '« 'thk k^d kS. 

!• 36-37 27 

their fonn or by their contents, as parenthetical, or as referring to an 
occasion that took place 37 years subsequently ; hence a strong pre- 
sumption arises that they allude, like the context, to what occurred 
immediately after the return of the spies. (2) The expression "was angry 
with me on your account" (comp. the synonyms in the parallel notices 3* 
4-') is very insufficiently explained, if the allusion be to the incident narrated 
in Nu. ao'"'^*. By those who suppose this to be the case, the expression is 
accounted for by the fact that the sin of Moses was occasioned by the 
unbelief of the people ; but the terms used imply naturally that God's 
anger with Moses was an immediate consequence of the people's mis- 
behaviour, not that it only resulted from it, accidentally and indirectly, 
through the intervening cause of Moses' own sin : it is singular, if Nu. 
20IO-12 |jg jjjg occasion referred to, that Moses' own fault should be 
unnoticed, and that each time, 3^® 4^^ as well as here, it should be emphatic- 
ally said that Moses incurred Jehovah's displeasure on account of the 
people. But this expression would be exactly explained if it could be 
supposed to describe how Moses had been implicated in the consequences 
of the people's disobedience after the return of the spies, — for instance, 
through his being included formally, in spite of the fact that he was 
personally innocent, in the terms of the sentence passed upon the dis- 
obedient Israelites. 

Dillm., observing that v.^ is the natural sequel of v.^ (rather than of 
v.^), and considering that the direction for Joshua's appointment is first 
given, according to Dt., in 3-®, supposes the verses to be an insertion in 
the original text of Dt., made by the Redactor, on the basis of S""'^, for 
the purpose of supplying a notice, which seemed to be here desiderated, of 
Joshua's exemption from the sentence of exclusion from Canaan. This 
hypothesis meets the first of the two difficulties mentioned above, but 
leaves the second as it was. 

It thus appears that, as they stand, neither the position of 
these two verses, nor their contents, can be properly explained 
unless they are held to refer to some incident which took place 
immediately after the return of the spies. If that be the case 
they will present another (cf. v.^'') of the many examples which 
the Pent, contains of a double tradition : according to Dt. Moses 
was forbidden to enter Canaan in consequence of the people's 
disobedience at Kadesh in the second year of the Exodus ; 
according to P (Nu. 20^2 271^^ Dt. 32^0^) it was on account of 
his presumption at the same spot, but on a different occasion, 
37 years afterwards. — 37. Was angered (^3Nnn)] 421 gS. 20 j k. 
11^ 2 K. 17^8 (both Deut.).t An uncommon and forcible word. 
— On your account (DDpp33)] the force of ^^33 may be learnt from 
Gn. 12^3 3027 3C)5: cf. the synonyms in 320 (23^VP^) 4-^ (^V 
Mn3"n). — Thou nlso\ mcluding Moses in the same sentence with 


the rest.— 38. WTio stan(kth before thee ^'33^ "^PVn)] to stand 
before, in Heb. idiom, is to inait or attend upon, as a servant, 
courtier, &c. (i K. lo^; cf. on lo^). The phrase employed 
here is a synonym of the term used elsewhere of Joshua, niE'p 
HE'D "Moses' minister" (Ex. 24^2 23I1 Nu. ii^s Jos. i^t). — 
He sliall go in thither, 6^c.] in accordance with the representa- 
tion which connected Moses' exclusion from Canaan with the 
people's disobedience after the return of the spies, the nomina- 
tion of Joshua as his successor is assigned to the same time : 
in P this is referred consistently to an occasion (Nu. 27^5-23^ 
arising- directly out of Moses' presumption at the waters of 
Meribah (Nu. 2712-14), 37-38 years afterwards. 

39-40. Only the next generation of Israelites shall enter the 
Promised Land. — 39. And your little ones, which ye said sJiould 
be a prey] in verbal agreement with Nu. 1421, which in its turn 
is based upon Nu. 14^ (JE) "our wives and our little ones 
shall be a prey," with the omission (from the nature of the 
case) of "our wives." The clause cannot be cited as an 
example of the retrospect presupposing the narrative of P ; for 
the verses Nu. i^^^-^^ (cf. B. W. Bacon, The Triple Tradition 
of the Exodus, p. 188) are referred most probably to JE 
(attaching originally to v. 2-*) : it is, moreover, remarkable 
that it is not expressed by Cr, and as "little ones" is almost 
tautologous by the side of "children" following, it is very 
possible that it is a comparatively late insertion from Nu. 14^^ 
(so Kuen. Theol. T. xi. 557 f., Dillm.). — Who this day know 
iwt good or evil] cf. Is. 715-16. Here the meaning is, who are 
morally irresponsible, and consequently no parties in the guilt 
of their fathers. — 40. But as for you, turn you, and take your 
journey into tJie wilderness by the way to the Red Sea] almost 
exactly as Nu. 1425 (see the Table). Whether a definite road 
is meant, is uncertain; Trumbull identifies the "Red Sea 
Road" with the modern pilgrim track across the Tih from 
Suez to 'Akabah [Kadesh-Bamea, pp. 81, 134, 360 f.). 

38a. Kin) as v.**. So v.^ n^n. — p»n \nk] notice the emph. position of 
the pron. ; cf. 10^ yapn i3i lavn mx Jos. 5' Gn. 37* 42*^ Jud. 14' i S. 
15' 18^; and similarly with preps., as Gn. 15' 30" 43'^ Ex. 21^ i S. 19** 
2 K. 5". — PI13] strengtiien, encourage: 3^, cf. Is. 41^. — 40. dd*? us] v.^ — 

I. 38-44 49 

41-46. Ineffectual attempt of the people to force a way into 
the mountains of the Amorites. Their subsequent sojourn at 

Dt. i«» 

J 43b 

. Nu. 14'""* i:KBn '3 '' TCN niTK Dipa.T hn ir^vi 133•^. 

. Nu. 14** DD'anx ':s^ isj:n kSi oaanpa '' ptt '3 iSyn Vk. 

. Nu. 14*^ '' 's riK D'lay cnx ni na*?, ■'^ inn sf»-i Vk m"?!?*? i!?"!!^!. 

. Nu. 14** nonnn ij? oms'i didt Kinn nna arrn 'jyjDni •'p^oyn irt^. 

. (Nu. 20^ Bnpa Dyn 3b"1.) 

41. Pf^ have sinticd against Jehovah : we (emph.) will go up 
and fight, &c.\ we (ijnJN) will go up — not our descendants — 
and perform all that Jehovah requires of us. Cf. Nu. 14*01'. 
Notice how the retrospect passes from Nu. 1425 to Nu. 14*^, 
without any reference to v.^^-so, which belongs, in the main, 
to P. — Go up] as V.21. — Deemed it a light thing to go up\ i.e. 
went up heedlessly, attempted it as something to be lightly 
undertaken. — 42. Go not up, &c.\ the terms of the prohibition 
are taken nearly verbally from Nu. 14^2 (see the Table), though 
it is not there expressly described as proceeding from God. — 
Among you (DD3">p3)] cf. Ex. 17" 34*^ Nu. ii^o yo^^^-^"- Dt. 31^7 
Jos. 3!'^. The same thought also in P, but always there ex- 
pressed by the syn. "|in2 Ex. 29'*5 Lev. 26^^- ^2 (H) Nu. 5^ 16^ 
353*. — 43. But ye defied the mouth of Jehovah, <SrY.] Nu. \^^^-^. 
— 44. And the Amorite, who dwelt in that hill-country, came 
forth . . . and heat you down in Se'ir even unto HormaK\ the 
italicised words, as Nu. 14^^, — The Amorite] in Nu. the foe is 
termed "the 'Amalekite and the Canaanite": the change is 
probably to be attributed to D's use of "Amorite " in v.''- ^^- ^o- 27. 
— As bees do\ Ps. iiS^^j jg. ^is^ An effective comparison: 
swarming about you, as pertinaciously, as ferociously, and as 
numerously as bees. — Even unto Hormah] the former name of 

41. 13'niji] a ar. Xiy., to be explained from the Arab, hana, to be light 
or easy, conj. iv to slight (Qor. 22^®) ; hence in Hif. to deal lightly or heed- 
lessly in respect of going up (constr. exactly as Nu. 14" mhyh i'?'£j;i ; G-K, 
§ 114. 2 R.*). The meaning of the word was unknown to the ancient 
translators, who accordingly merely conjectured from the context ; © 
ffuya6foi(r6iyTi{, Aq. i/iovoK(rayrtf, 'B instructi armis, ST began (iin'Tr"), S incited 
^yourselves (iin3i:nx). The Rabb. Commentators derived it fancifully from 
jn, as though it meant to say Lot (cf. Nu. I4*'*' ^i^n = here we arc); and 
Rashi paraphrases accordingly DB^g^ij, whence AV. "were ready." 


Hormah was Zephath (Jud. i^") : the origin of the name 
Hormah is related ib.^ and Nu. 2\^. According to one tradi- 
tion it was so called because the Israelites under Moses, in 
fulfilment of a vow, devoted it to the Jiereyn or ban (on 72) ; 
according to another tradition, it received its name somewhat 
later, when the tribes of Judah and Simeon devoted it similarly 
in the course of their conquests. Hormah is mentioned besides 
Jos. 12* \^^ (a city of Judah, in the Negeb, on the border of 
Edom) I S. 30^0 : Jos. 19* i Ch. c^^ it is reckoned to Simeon. 
The site is uncertain. Es-Sebaita (Seetzen, iii. 44 ; Palmer, 
Desert of the Exodus, 374-380, cf. 512 f.), in a plain in the 
Wady-el-Abyad, about 25 miles NNE. of 'Ain-Kadis (Kadesh), 
has been suggested. As Dillm. remarks, the situation would 
be suitable, though Sebaita does not correspond phonetically 
to Zephath (nsv), as it should do. The existing ruins of es- 
Sebaita date from Christian times. The town lay in the centre 
of a well-cultivated district ; and the hills around show traces 
of former orchards, and terraces of vineyards. If this be the 
site of Hormah, the Israelites, on the occasion in question, 
will have attempted to force their way into Canaan by one of 
the passes about 30 miles N. of Kadesh, — probably, if the 
view of Se'ir taken below be the true one, the Wady Murreh, 
which runs from SW. to NE., and which would bring 
them towards es-Seer. — In Seir\ cf. Jos. ii^^ 12", where 
"mount Halak [or the bare mountain], that goeth up to 
Se'ir," is mentioned as part of the Southern limit of Canaan. 
Trumbull {K.-B. pp. 91-102) has made it probable that this is 
the elevated plain of es-Seer, N. of the Wady Fekreh, which 
runs in a South-Westerly direction SW. of the Dead Sea, and 
forms the natural boundary line between Canaan and the 
mountains W. of the Wady-el-'Arabah (the Jebel Mukrah). As 
Kadesh is described (Nu. 20^^) as on the border of Edom 
(Se'ir), if it be rightly placed at *Ain-Kadis, the Edomite 
territory will not have been confined to the region E. of the 
'Ardbah, but will have embraced more or less of the moun- 
tainous district on the other side, to the S. and SE. of 
Judah. €r<SF express "/wm Se'ir to Hormah" {ysz*Q for 
Tyca), which, if the locality just suggested for "Se'ir" 

I- 45-46 31 

be right, Is probably the true reading-: for, though the 
sense is not materially different, the combination "from 
. . . to" is common and natural (see below). — 45. And 
•wept before JehovaK\ in penitence: Jud. 20^3 (cf. 2i2) 2 K. 
22^^. — Nor gave ear (ptxn)] the word is common in poetry ; 
but in prose it occurs besides only Ex. 1526 (|| ^ jnot^), and in 
late authors (Ne. 9^° 2 Ch. 241^). — 46. And ye abode in 
Kadesk] the phrase refers here to the period immediately 
following the defeat at Hormah ; but in Nu. 20^ (JE) it is 
used of the period just before the message sent by Israel to 
the Edomites, 38 years subsequently, craving permission to 
cross their territory, in order to reach the E. side of the Dead 
Sea. See further the next note but one. — According to the 
days that ye abode there] an example of the *' idem per idem " 
idiom, often employed in the Semitic languages, when a writer 
is either unable or has no occasion to speak explicitly. Comp. 
2^15 (10) <<how we passed through the midst of the nations 
through which ye passed," i S. 231^ "and they went about 
where they went about," 2 S. 1520 2 K. 8^ Zech. lo^. The 
idiom is copiously illustrated, especially from Arabic, by 
Lagarde in a note at the end of the Psalterium. Hieronymi 
(1874), P' iS^f., from whose examples some specimens are 
cited in the writer's note on i S. 23". — Many days\ the same 
expression, applied here to the sojourn at Kadesh, is applied 
in 2I to the wanderings about Edom. The expression is, how- 
ever, a vague one, and need not necessarily in both passages 
designate a period of similar length. In tS (see note) it must 
denote a period of 37-38 years, so that, unless the present 
passage be inconsistent (Wellh. Comp. no, 200) with 2i-^*, it 
cannot here embrace more than a few months. In point of fact, 
however, two different representations of the course taken by 
the Israelites after the incident of the spies at Kadesh are to be 

44. Tj'rn] the substitution of 3 for D is palaeographically easy ; for the 
Heb. alphabet passed through a stage in which the two letters resembled 
each other far more closely than they do either in the archaic or in the 
modern square character, and the versions supply many instances of 
their being confused ; Samuel, p. Ixviii. ny . . . JD, as Jud. 11^ 2 S. ^^ al. 
Tyro is accepted by Kn., Kosters (De Hist.-BeschouTuing van den Deut. 
p. 53), Kohler {Bibl. Gesch. AT.s i. 305), Dillm., Oettli. 


found in the OT., which it seems impossible in some respects 
to harmonize. 

According to JE in Numbers, the Israelites, after the incident of the 
spies, are commanded to "turn back into the wilderness by the way to the 
Red Sea " (Nu. 14^). Whether they did this, is not stated : after the 
defeat at Hormah (Nu. 14**"**) we next read of them that they "abode in 
Kadesh " on the [western] border of Edom (Nu. 20'* ^®), — ^as seems clear, 
in the fortieth year of the Exodus ; hence they send to crave permission to 
pass through the Edomite territory, which being refused, they turn aside, 
and proceed "by the way to the Red Sea," in order to "compass" the 
land of Edom on the south (20^*"-^ 21^), and so to reach the wilderness on 
the E. of Moab (21''). (Similarly Jud. 11'®"^*, which is based evidently 
upon JE.) In Dt., after the repulse at Hormah (i*"'"*®), the Israelites, it is 
said, "abode in Kadesh " many days (i^) : after this, in obedience to the 
injunction of i*** (Xu. 14^'), they " turn back to the wilderness by the way 
to the Red Sea," and "compass Mount Se'ir many days" (2^), until at 
length they are told (2') that they have done this long enough, and are to 
" turn northward " : accordingly, proceeding in this direction along the E. 
border of Edom, they arrive, 38 years after leaving Kadesh-bamea*, at the 
torrent Zered, on the border of Moab (2^* '^ ^*). 

These two narratives imply two different conceptions of Israel's wander- 
ings. The rather remarkable use of the same phrases " abode in Kadesh," 
and "compassing" the land of Edom, to denote in the two narratives 
different periods of the 38 years (cf. p. 31, and on 2'), is indeed, in itself, 
a literary peculiarity, which may be explained as before (pp. 10, 15, &c.) ; 
but in the present case the difference is more than a merely literary 
one. In estimating it, two alternatives have to be considered, (i) If 
the present narrative of JE in Numbers be complete, the 38 years 
in the wilderness will have been spent at Kadesh : nothing is said of 
the Israelites moving elsewhere ; and the circuit round Edom (Nu. 21*) 
will have taken place at the close of this period, merely in order to 
enable the Israelites to reach the E. side of Jordan. In this case the 
representation in Dt. 2'*", according to which the 38 years of the 
wanderings are occupied entirely with circling about Mount Se'ir, will be 
irreconcilable with JE. (2) If it could be assumed that the narrative of 
JE between Nu. 14 and Nu. 20 is incomplete, and that it once told how 
the Israelites, after remaining — perhaps a few months — at Kadesh, 
afterwards wandered southwards, in obedience to the command, Nu. 14^, 
then the sojourn at Kadesh, related by JE in Nu. 20^, would be a second 
visit of the Israelites to the same place, after the wanderings in the 
wilderness had been completed, some 38 years after the first. The 
supposition that JE's narrative in Numbers has been preserved incom- 
pletely is not in the abstract an unreasonable one ; and the assumption 
that Nu. 20' speaks of a second visit of the Israelites to Kadesh has been 
generally made by commentators : but even so the two narratives do not 
harmonize ; for although the silence of Dt. (in 2') would not in itself be 
conclusive against a second visit to Kadesh, such a visit appears to be 
inconsistent with 3'*, which alludes to the Israelites' departure from 

"• ' 33 

Kadesh-Barnea', 38 years previously, in terms implying that Ihcy had 
not visited it since. Dt. 2'* " thus supports the view that the Israelites 
visited Kadesh once only, and that Nu. 13-14 and Nu. 20 relate, 
respectively, the beginning and the close of one and the same sojourn 

The discrepancy is acknowledged by Dillm., not less than 
by Wellh., and is attributed by him, no doubt rightly, to the 
fact that no fixed or distinct tradition existed respecting the 
journeyings of the Israelites in the wilderness. According to 
JE the 38 years in the wilderness were spent at Kadesh; 
according to Dt. they were spent away from Kadesh {2^*), in 
wandering about Edom (2^). The discrepancy is lessened, 
though not removed, by the consideration that Kadesh was 
situated on the border of Edom (Nu. 20^^). The endeavour to 
solve it by the hypothesis that part of the Israelites remained 
in Kadesh, while the rest wandered in the wilderness with 
Moses (Schultz and others), as Dillm. observes, is inconsistent 
with the text of Dt.; in the Hebrew the pronouns are unex- 
pressed, so that there is no antithesis between jj/e of i*^ and 
we of 2I (cf. 29i5(i6)b^ quoted on p. 31). 

Dt. 2^ 

22-8a . 

28b . 

29-J2 . 

~18. 24a 

(Resumption of 1^.) 

(Nu. 21* cnx pn nx 330'? fjia q' tti-) 

* i^ * 

Cf. Nu. 21". 

Cf. Nu. 21I2. 

Nu. 32^*^ nnn hz on ij?. 

Cf. Nu. 21" (the Arnon). 

II. 1-8*. How the Israelites, having turned back into the 
wilderness, and having spent much time in circling about 
Mount Se'ir, were at length directed to turn Northwards, so 
as to skirt the Eastern border of Edom. — As Jehovah spake unto 
me] 1^0 Nu. 1425. — And we compassed the Tnountains of Seir 
(i2) many days] cf. Nu. 21^ (JE) *' . . . by the way to the Red 
Sea, to compass the land of Edom " (viz. after permission to 
pass through the Edomite territory had been refused). There 
the expression is applied in its natural sense to the final 
passage of the Israelites round the S. of Edom ; in Dt. it is 
applied differently to their wanderings during 37-38 years — 
for v.7-1* show that this is what the "many days" must 


embrace — about the W. and SW. borders of Edom (cf. Wellh. 
Comp. p. 200). (The supposition that the journey into the 
wilderness, 2^*, includes the 37-38 years, and that the circuit of 
Mount Se'ir, 2^^, is the same final stage that is referred to in 
Nu. 21*, is hardly probable; for then the longer period would 
be passed by without any hint of its duration, while the few 
months at its beginning and end would each be characterized 
as "many days," i^ 2^.) — 3. Turn yon northwards\ the Israel- 
ites must be imagined by this time to have made their way 
along the SW. and S. border of Edom, as far as the SE. end 
of the 'Ardbah, so that a turn northwards would at once lead 
them along the E. border of Edom in the direction of Moab. 
— 4-7. The Israelites, in crossing the Eastern frontier of 
the Edomites, were not to molest them in any way. The 
passage stands in no connexion with Nu. 20^*"2i, which narrates 
the application made by Israel from Kadesh, on the Western 
border of Edom, for permission to pass through the Edomite 
territory, which was refused. That incident belongs to an 
earlier stage of the Israelites' wanderings, and is not noticed in 
Dt.— 4. Your brethren^ cf. 238(7) Am. 1" Ob. i"- 12 Mai. \^.— 
Which dwell in Seir\ i^. — Will he afraid of yori\ the intentions 
of the Israelites being imperfectly known : cf. Nu. 2.0^^-^. — So 
take good heed {^^'Q DmOK^l)]on4^ — 5. ^Jt 5)3 *]"no] cf. ii^^Jos. 
i^. — 6. Ye sJmll purchase food, fi^c] the same spirit had been 
shown by the Israelites previously (Nu. 20^^-1*); but it had 
failed to evoke a favourable response on the part of Edom. — 
7. They are able to treat Edom on these terms, inasmuch as 
Grod has abundantly blessed them, and even in the wilderness 

II. 3. D3^ m] 1*. — DD^ 13B] i'. — i. D'Tay] are passing, — are on the point to 
pass. The ptcp. expresses the imminent future (the so-called fut. 
instans), as frequently, esp. in this book: cf. jpi is giving-, i^o-^s 229 gW 
4'-* 5" &c. (Dr. § 135. 3). — Vuja] through, not by {hy, or nx v.'^) : 3 "uj? as 
Nu. 20^ '3 "njii nh thou shalt not pass through me {i.e. through my 
territory), 21^ 1 S. 9* &c.— 5. D3 iiain hn] n-ia (Piel), with ]\ts, is to excite 
strife (Pr. 15^') ; hence in the Hithp., with 3, to excite oneself against, 
engage in strife -with, provoke: cf. v.^*^*'-** 2 K. 14'*' fig. (see RV. marg.). 
— nf"i;] an uncommon word, mostly confined to D and D* (v.***- '-'*•" 
350 Jos. 1" 12'''): only besides Jud. 21" Jer. 32^ Ps. 61^ 2 Ch. 20". The 
usual synon. is •T^'n^, or (in P) njn{«. — 6. d^kd] idiom, with verbs of buying : 
Gn. 17^ Jos. 24^* &c. — 7. ■■"] used as an indeclin. adv. " now, already, forty 

"• 3-8 35 

permitted them to lack nothing-. — Hath blessed f/iee] the bless- 
ing of God, as resting upon His people, or promised to it, is 
frequently emphasized in Dt. (i^i yi^ 12^ 1424.29 1^4. 6.10.14. is 
1 610. 15 2321 24I9 288- 12 30I6, cf. 2615) ; it is here affirmed, even 
for the years spent in the wilderness. — T/te work of thy hand\ 
thy undertakings, enterprises, — a common Deut. expression 
(with "bless," as here, 1429 \&^ 24" 28^2; also 309). Usually, 
as the context of the passages quoted shows, it has reference 
to the operations of agriculture (cf. Is. 6522 Hag. 2^^ Job 
i^9)j but it is also used more generally (Hag. 2^* Ps. 90^"^), 
and even in a bad sense (see on 428 3129). (Differently, of the 
works of God, Ps. 192 28^ «/.) — Hath kncwn thy "walkings (SrT.] 
i.e. hath taken notice of ity concerned Himself about it: cf. the 
same verb in Gn. 39^ Ps. i^ 31" Pr. 2723. 

8*. Accordingly, the Israelites passed by from, the vicinity of 
(nsiD) their brethren the children of *Esau^ away from the "way of 
the 'Ardbahf away from, Elath and from ' Ezion-Geber, towards 
the wilderness of Moab. The 'Ardbah is here, of course, the 
modern Wady-el-'Arabah (p. 3), S. of the Dead Sea ; and the 
"way of the 'Ardbah " is no doubt the road leading through 
it — still the route from 'Akabah to Hebron {BR. i. 198; cf. 
Hull, Mount Seir, pp. 75, 79, &c.), the part here particularly 
meant being its S. end, where, starting from 'Akabah 
on the Red Sea, it would (probably) pass shortly afterwards 
by 'Ezion-Geber. The Israelites, turning off from the neigh- 
bourhood of 'Akabah, in a North-easterly direction, would 
naturally leave this "way of the 'Ardbah," as well as Elath 
and 'Ezion-Geber, behind them. The precise site of 'Ezion- 
Geber is uncertain ; but it must have lain on the Red Sea, 
very near (ns) to Elath (i K. 92'', cf. 22^9j ; upon the supposi- 
tion that the "mud flats," which now appear to constitute 
the lower end of the Wady-el-'Arabah {DB.^ i. 854a), were 
formerly covered by the sea, it was identified by Robinson (i. 
169 f.), not improbably, with 'Ain-el-Ghudyan, some 15 miles 

years": so 8--'* Gn. 27^ &c. {Lex. t\\ 4h).— 8. r\Hi$\ from beside, from 
proximity to, Jos. 22^ Jer. 9^. — 9. nonte] ace, defining the manner in wliich 
the action of n^nn takes place : "excite not thyself against them as regards 
(or in) battle" (G-K. § 1 18. 5). So v.=«. 


N. of the present extremity of the Gulf. Elath, called by the 
Greeks and Romans AtXava, Aelana, is frequently mentioned 
by classical writers : it is the modern 'Akabah (Rob. i. 171). 
The Israelites, after leaving Elath, may have ascended by the 
larg^e and steep Wady-el-Ithm (Rob. i. 174; Palmer, Desert of 
the Exodus, p. 523), which runs through the mountains in a 
NE. direction, and forms the main passage from 'Akabah to 
the Eastern desert ; they would then join the road, correspond- 
ing to the route of the modern Syrian Haj (pilgrimage) from 
Damascus to Mecca, at Ma'an, a little E. of Petra, and so 
would be on the way to their destination in the steppes of 

8^-15. How the Israelites, upon approaching the Moabite 
territory, were warned not to encroach upon it, and how they 
reached the torrent of Zered. — 8^. The way to the wilderness of 
Moab] i.e. to the great rolling plains of grass or scrub 
(Tristram, Land of Moab, pp. 148, 169), stretching out 
"before"— z.e. to the East of— "Moab" (Nu. 21I1) Midbar, 
"wilderness," — properly a driving-place (for cattle), — denotes 
often an expanse of uncultivated pasture-ground, not neces- 
sarily a desert. — 9. The children of Lot\ Gn. 19^' Ps. 83^. — ' Ar\ 
V.I8. 29 Nu_ 21^5. 2s (cf, 2236) jg, i-i. fhc Capital city of Moab, 
situate on its N. or NE. border (cf. v.^^), in the valley of 
the Arnon. Its exact site is uncertain : for a conjecture, see on 
v.36. 'Ar is perhaps specified here, as being the point at 
which the Israelites would approach most closely the Moabite 
territory on their left (Dillm.) : comp. on v. ^8. 

It is sometimes wrongly identified with Rabbah (probably through a 
confusion arising from the fact that ' KfiitoXts, the name given by Jerome to 
'Ar, is given to Rabbah by Eusebius). Rabbah, however, which lies 
almost in the centre of Moab, some 10 miles S. of the Arnon, does not 
answer to the Biblical description of 'Ar as situate on the "border" of 
Moab, and (cf. Nu. 22*^) on the Arnon (see Dietrich, in Merx' ArcJiiv, i. 
1869, p. 325 If., Delitzsch on Is. 15S Dillm. on Nu. 21^^ and HWB." s.v.). 

10-12. An antiquarian notice, relating to the previous 
occupants of the lands of Moab and Edom. — 10. The Emim 
dwelt tJierein aforetime] cf. v.^^ Gn. 14^1, where the Emim are 
mentioned as dwelling in Shaveh-Kiriathaim, i.e. (probably) 
the plain of Kiriathaim, a city 5-O miles N. of the Arnon (Nu. 

II. 8-12 37 

32^7 Jos. 13^^). The territory of Moab once extended N. of 
the Arnon (Nu. 2i2'J) ; and the Emim must have been the pre- 
historic population of this region, reputed to have been a 
powerful race, of giant stature, who were afterwards expelled 
by the immigrant Moabites, as the Horites were expelled from 
Edom and the Canaanites from Palestine. — As the 'Atiaktm] 
cited as the most familiar example of a giant race (i-^). — 11. 
The}' also, like the 'Anakim, are counted as Rephaini\ i.e. the 
Emim were popularly spoken of as "Rephaim"; but the 
Moabites gave them the special name of "Emim." The 
Rephaim were a giant aboriginal race, inhabiting parts of 
Palestine, from whom (presumably) the names of certain 
localities were derived, and whose descendants — or reputed 
descendants — are alluded to in historical times. 

They are named beside the Perizzjtes, Gn. 15-* Jos. 17" (the pre- 
cise region here meant is, however, uncertain): the "vale (pjy) of 
Rephaim," near Jerusalem, is mentioned Jos. 15^ iS'" 2 S. 5'^*^^ 
23''* Is. 17'; 2 S. 2 1 '"• '*•-"•" various doughty warriors of Gath are 
described as "children of the Rapha" (xsjin n'"?'), or as "bom to the 
Rapha" ("the Rapha" being meant collectively = " the Rephaim") ; here 
and v.^ they are said to have dwelt once in the territory E. of the Dead 
Sea, occupied afterwards by the Moabites and the 'Ammonites : 3'* (cf. ^^) 
Jos. 12* 13'- 'Og, king of Bashan, is described as "of the remnant of the 
Rephaim " (□'N2-in tti'd) ; and Gn. 14' the Rephaim in 'Ashteroth-Karnaim 
are stated to have been smitten by Chedorla'omer. From these notices, 
it would seem that the Rephaim were specially associated with the region 
E. of Jordan, though traces of their former presence were also to be found 
here and there in Canaan as well. 

12. And in Seir dwelt the Horites aforetime, &'c.\ the 
Horites were the primitive population of the hill-country of 
Se'ir, but were dispossessed by the descendants of 'Esau. The 
note, though attached to the similar remark about the Moab- 
ites, is -teally intended as an antiquarian illustration of v.-'*. 
The Horites are mentioned besides v. 22 Gn. 14*' 3620-30. 

11, larn'] are counted : the impf. with a frequentative force, of a custom : 
cf. v.*" Gn. 10" 22" nox: it is said (i.e. it is commonly said), Ex. 13" 18'* 
&c. (Dr. § 33a ; G-K. § 107. 2).— en r,j{] so v.^o (n'h r^x) : cf. 15", and (poet.) 
2^:i.20.28^ Except in the sense of ho-w much more (or less\ »]»< is very rare 
in ordinary prose (d3 being the usual syn. ; cf. 3^) : v. Lex. — 12. cicn"] the 
impf. is unusual, but hardly (Dillm.) "impossible" : cf. 2 S. 15^ i K. 7* 
20*^ 2 K. 1320 (Dr. §§ 27 y, 85 n.). Lit. ^^ proceeded to possess them." 


The name 'ih means probablj' cave-diveller, Troglodyte (from "ifiPt hole, 
Arab, hawr, cave : for another view, see Sayce, Moiiu7nents, p. 204) ; and 
high up in the rocks (of. Ob.*'^), both those forming- the amphitheatre in 
which Petra lies, and those lining the defiles by which it is approached, 
there are still to be seen innumerable caves and grottoes, hewn in the soft 
sandstone strata, the form and arrangements of which show that in most 
cases they were originally intended for habitations {DB.^ s.v. Edomites). 
Jerome [Comm. on Ob.*) attests the habit of living in caves as prevalent in 
Edom in his day. The custom, originated by the primitive inhabitants of 
Edom, was suited no doubt to the physical character and climate ("propter 
nimios calores soils," Jerome) of the country, and was accordingly adhered 
to by those who succeeded them. For a description of the remarkable situa- 
tion and antiquities of Petra, the ancient capital of Edom (the Heb. Sela', 
Jud. i3« 2 K. 147 Is. 16I), see Rob. BR. ii. 128 ff. ; S. & P. p. 87 if. ; BSd. 
p. 183 fF. ; Palmer, Desert of the Ex. p. 429 fF. ; or Hull, Mount Seir, p. 85 ff. 

As Israel did unto the land of his possession^ the words could 
clearly not have been penned until after the Israelites had 
taken possession of Canaan. They cannot be referred (Keil 
al.) to the occupation of the trans- Jordanic territory by the 
2| tribes (Nu. 32); for the subject of the verb is "Israel," 
without qualification or restriction, so that the limitation 
sugfgested is not admissible. 

13. No-w rise tip, and get you over the torrent Zered\ the 
verse connects directly with v.^. The torrent Zered is named 
also in the fragment of E's itinerary preserved in Nu. 2ii2ff., as 
marking the station of the Israelites immediately before their 
passage of the Arnon. It has been often identified with the 
Wady-el-Ahsa, which runs from the SE. into the S. end of the 
Dead Sea (Wetzstein in Del. Gen.'^ p. 567 f. ; Tristram, Moab, 
p. 49 f.) ; but inasmuch as this must have formed the S. border 
of Moab on the side of Edom, and 'lye-'abarim, the station 
prior to the torrent Zered, is described in Nu. 21^^ as being in 
the wilderness on the E. of Moab, some Wady further to the 
N. appears to be denoted by it, — either the Sail Sa'ideh (Kn.), 
the principal confluent of the Arnon from the SE. (Fischer 
and Guthe's Map), or more probably, perhaps, the Wady 
Kerak (Ges. Hitz. Keil, Di.) — in the upper part of its course 
called the Wady-el-Franji — a deep and narrow gorge (Tristram, 
pp. 65-69) running past Kerak in a NW. direction into the 
Dead Sea- Arrived at this spot, the Israelites are directed to 
cross the Wady — with the implication, probably (cf. v.isf), that 

II. I3-I8 39 

they are to advance straight forwards, without trespassing on 
the Moabite territory upon their left. — Torrent (^DP)] "brook" 
is not an adequate rendering ; but Pn? has, in fact, no proper 
English equivalent. The term which really corresponds is 
the Arabic Wddy, so frequently occurring in descriptions of 
travel in Palestine, ^ru "signifies the hollow or valley of a 
mountain-torrent, which, while in rainy seasons it may fill the 
whole width of the depression, in summer is reduced to a mere 
brook, or thread of water, and is often entirely dry " [S. & P. 
App. § 38). Nahal denotes indifferently the "torrent" or 
the "torrent-valley": thus i K. 173 Elijah hides "in" the 
" torrent- valley " of Kerith, and v.* drinks of the "torrent" 
(the word in both verses being the same). — 14. The journey 
from Kadesh-barnea' to the torrent Zered had been protracted 
for 38 years, until all the generation which had rebelled at 
Kadesh had passed away. The oath, as i^s Nu. 1421-23 (JE). — 
Until all the generation, (even) the men of "war, were consumed\ 
cf. V.16.35NU. 32" (JE) Jos. 56 (D2). By the addition "the 
men of war " the terms of the sentence are limited somewhat 
more distinctly than in 1^5 Nu. 1421-23 to the adult males : 
comp. the still more precise limitation of P, Nu. 142* 32II 
(middle clause) "from 20 years old and upwards." — 15. More- 
over JeJwvah's hand was against them, 6^c.] cf. Ex. 9^ Jud. 2^^ 
I S. 58 713 1215. Not natural causes only, but the special 
action of God's hand as well, co-operated to accomplish their 
destruction (cf. Nu. iG^i^- 21^ 25^-5 in JE). — To discomfit them 
{^^\P)/rom the midst of the camp] or rout them in confusion: 
Ex."i424 2327 Dt. 723 I S. 710 Ps. r8i5(i-*). 

16-25. How the Israelites, upon finding themselves in front 
of the 'Ammonites, were commanded not to molest them, but 
to cross the Arnon, and pass on to the territory of Sihon. — To 
these verses nothing corresponds in the narrative of Numbers. 
— 18. To pass by the border of Moah, (even) *Ar\ it would seem, 
then, that 'Ar lay in the NE. corner of Moab, near the route 

15. can-nr] 31^-^ Jos. 8" lo^ojer. 24", "lanny i K. 14" (not all in the same 
application). — 16. niD^ . . . ion] lit. "had ended . . . in respect o/" dyings " = 
had finislied dying (cf, Nu. ly^s Jos. 3" a/.) : constr. as i«.— 18. ijy] the 
ptcp., as v.^ ; cf. 3-1 4"-22 6i &c., 9*-'. 


along which the Israelites would pass. — '\^. In front of ^rS) the 
children of 'Amfnon] the 'Ammonites occupied the territory 
between the Arnon on the S. and the Jabbok on the N., on 
the East of the district which was allotted afterwards to 
Reuben and Gad, but which, at the time of the Exodus, formed 
the dominion of Sihon king" of the Amorites (cf. Nu. 21-* [see 
Dillm.] Jud. 11^3 [where the addition unto Jordan expresses the 
false claim preferred by the 'Ammonites against Jephthah]). 
The Israelites, upon reaching the Arnon, would thus have 
the land of the 'Ammonites immediately in front of them : 
they were not, however, to trespass upon it, but, leaving it 
on their right, to pass on through the territory of Sihon, king 
of Heshbon. 

20-23. An antiquarian notice (cf. v.'^^-^'^), respecting the 
former occupants of the 'Ammonite territory. This also, like 
the land of Moab (v.^^), had once been inhabited by Rephaim, 
who were called, however, by the 'Ammonites Zamzunimini. 
Of the Zamzummim (G Zoxofifuv, cod. F. Zofifxciv) nothing is 
known beyond what is here stated, viz. that they were reputed 
to have been a giant race, dispossessed by the 'Ammonites : 
they have been supposed to be the same as the " Zuzim in 
Ham," who are mentioned (Gn. 14^) between the ** Rephaim in 
'Ashteroth-Karnaim " and the "Emim in Shaveh-Kiriathaim," 
and who therefore, apparently, had their home in a corre- 
sponding locality. For the expressions in v.20-22^ cf. v.^°i2. 

The names Rephaim, Emim, and Zamzummim are all somewhat 
curious, and provoke speculation as to their possible origin and signifi- 
cance. Rephaim is also the Heb. (Is. 14® al.) and Phcenician {CIS. I. i. 3*) 
name for the shades, or ghosts of the departed ; ns'K is a Heb. word mean- 
ing' terror; the Arab, zamzamah is a distant, confused sound ; zizim is the 
low or faint sound of the Jinn, heard by night in the deserts (Lane, Arab. 
Lex. 1248-49). Prof. W. R. Smith writes (MS. note): "Antioch and the 
country about it also claimed to have been inhabited of old by giants 
(Malalas, ed. Bonn, p. 202). The giant-legends no doubt arose in part 
from the contemplation of ancient ruins of great works and supposed 
gigantic tombs ; but I think that Schwally, Das Leben nach dem 7b^(p (1892), 
p. 64 f., is not wrong in supposing a connexion between C'kst ghosts, and 
D'KBT extinct giants, and also in connecting C"0k with hd'k terror. So again 
Zamzummim are doubtless, as he says, tvhisperers, niurmurers ; and the 
name might have been illustrated by him from the Arabic 'aztf, the eerie 
sound of the Jinn in the wilderness (Wellh. Heste Arab. Heidentumes, 

n. 19-25 41 

p. 136). I take it that the old giants were still thought to haunt the ruins 
and deserts of East Canaan." 

21. Destroyed them from before them] cf. Jos. 248 Am. 2^' 
(where the same phrase is used of the Amorites destroyed 
before Israel). — Even unto this day\ cf. on 3^*. — 23. A further 
illustration of the manner in which, under God, an immigrant 
race might expel the previous possessors of a country. The 
'Awim are mentioned elsewhere only Jos. 133-4 (beside the 
Philistines); Caphtor, i.e. Crete, — or (Ebers, Sayce, Races, p. 
53 : see on Gn. lo^^) the coast-land of the Delta, — was the 
home of the Philistines (Am. 9^ Jer. 47*). The verse thus states 
that the 'Awim, the original occupants of SW. Palestine, were 
expelled from their homes by Philistine immigrants from 

24. Rise ye up, take your jourtiey, and pass over the torrent 
Arnoii\ the continuation, after the parenthesis, of v.^^, as v.^^ 
of v.^. The Israelites, standing on the S. bank of the Arnon, 
were thereupon commanded to cross it, and received permis- 
sion to commence hostilities with the Amorites, who occupied 
the territory between the 'Ammonites and the Jordan. The 
Amorites, unlike Edom, Moab, and 'Ammon, were not allied by 
blood with the Israelites. The Southern part of the Amorite 
territory, according to Nu. 21^6, had formerly been in the 
occupation of the Moabites, but Sihon wrested it from them, 
and forced them to withdraw S. of the Arnon. — 25. This day] 
the day, viz. on which the Arnon is crossed, and the territory 
to be conquered entered. — To put the fear of thee and the 
dread of thee] cf. ii^s. — That are under the ixhole heaven] 
a rhetorical hyperbole (4^° Job 37^ 41^); in ii^^ Ex. 15H-10 

23. '31 D'3B"n D'lvm] the casus pendens, as 7'" 14" Gn. 28" Is. 9' &c. 
(G-K. § X43 ; Dr. § 197. i). — 24. \y^ ^Dijj] the daghesh in D is "euphonic," 
being probably designed to secure the distinct articulation of the con- 
sonant : cf. Gn. 19- Ex. 12^^ ixy iDijp, i S. 15® iTn no, Jer. 49^ Hos. 8'". 
On this and similar exceptional uses of daghesh forte, see further Baer, 
Preface to Liber Proverhiorum, p. xiv, G-K. § 20. 2flr(2)R., Delitzsch on 
Ps. 94'*; most fully Konig, i. p. 54ff.— 25. 'W ^v] 1 1^^ Ex. 20="''.— Te'>«]=50 
that, as 4io-*' 6' al. (Lex, icK 8 b). — "ll'Si? jiyoe"] the same idiom, Gn. 29'* 
Nu. 14^^ Na. 3*^ al. — '^ni] from h^n (with tone milra', on account of the 1 
consec), to be in anguish (used often of a woman in travail), — a strong 
word, rare in prose (i S. 31') ; with ':£a, as Jer. 5-- Ps. 96* al., cf. Is. 23*. 



2327 only the Canaanltes, or other neighbours of Israel, are 

26-37. Refusal of Sihon to permit Israel to pass through 
his land. His defeat ; and the seizure of his territory by the 



. Nu. 21" tdk'? 'Toxn i?a pn'D hit d'dn^d Vntis" n^ci, 

. Nu. 21''* i'?3 iSon -^12 . . . m33i ma-a ,na: xS i^nxn maj'N. 

. (Nu. 20^^ 'jixDci pD' na: n*?.) 

. (Nu. 2o^^'> mayx ''^jna nm J'n pn.) 

. Nu. 21^^ i"?aJ3 "lay "jxnE'' nt< jn'o jn: nVi. 

. (Nu. 21^'' 'jmN nan'jD'? lay "^ai Nin onNnp"? jtyan ■i!?d iij; xsi.) 

. Nu. 2i23b ni-rr. 

. (Nu. 2i55aioy ij3 rixi v:3 nm inx i3'i [of 'Og].) 

. Nu. 21^^ n^K,"i onyn Vd nx "^xnts" np'i. 

. Cf. Nu. 2l2^-25. 

26. And I sent messengers^ &c.\ Nu. 2i2i. — From the wilder- 
ness of KedemotK\ Kedemoth is mentioned as belonging- to 
Reuben, and as a Levitical city (Jos. 13I8; i Ch. G^*^''^)). The 
precise site is unknown; but from a comparison of Nu. 2121 
it seems probable that it lay somewhere on or near the upper 
course of the Arnon, perhaps on the N. edge of the "wilder- 
ness " on the East of Moab (Nu. 21I1, cf. Dt. 2^^) : had it been 
much to the West of the position here indicated, it would have 
been within the territory of Moab, which the Israelites did not 
enter. Heshhon is frequently mentioned as the capital of 
Sihon (Nu. 2126.34 jud. ni9 &c.) : it was situate on a low hill 
rising out of the elevated table-land (3^^^ about 16 miles E. of 
the Jordan, where its ruins (of the Roman period) are still 
visible. Though assigned by the Israelites to Reuben (Jos. 
I3^^)> it was afterwards occupied by the Moabites (who re- 
gained their territory N. of the Arnon), and is alluded to as 
being in their possession (Is. 15* iS^-^ Jer. 482). Comp. 
Tristram, Land of Israel ^ p. 528 f.; more fully, Survey of E. 

26. mw nan] appended loosely, as an apposition xara ffuvstnt, to don^o. — 
27-29. 'Ji iVx . . . mavx] the first person sing-ular, the nation being- conceived 
as a unity, and the words being spoken accordingly in the name of the people 
as a whole. So frequently, as Ex. 14^ 17' Nu. 2o^**'®'' 21^^ Jos. 9'' 17'* 
&c. : in the prophets, Is. la^ 25^ 26^ Jer. io'»-2o &c. : cf. L.O.T. p. 366 f. 
In the English version the Hebrew idiom is sometimes concealed, by the 
plural being substituted {e.g. Ex. 14^). The 2nd and 3rd persons singular 

11. 26-30 42 

Palestine, pp. 104-9. — ^7. Let vie pass throiigh thy land\ exactly 
as Nu. 21--". — In the "way, in the way, will I go\ varied from 
Nu. 2i22b (in the king's way will we go). — I will not turn either 
to the right hand or to the left\ from Nu. 20^7, in the application 
to Edam, with "iiDN / will turn, the word used elsewhere in the 
same phrase by D (5^^), for ntSJ we will incline. — 28. Thou shall 
sell me food, cSr'c.] cf. v.^. — Only let me pass through on my feet\ 
as Nu. 2cP (in the application to Edom). — 29. As the children 
of 'Esau . . . and the Moabites . . . did unto 7ne] it is not dis- 
tinctly stated in v. 2-8 whether the Edomites acceded to the 
request of the Israelites, though there is nothing to suggest 
that they did not do so. The statement here is not incom- 
patible with what is related Nu. 2oi8-2i : though the Edomites 
may have opposed the proposal of the Israelites, when on 
their Western border, to pass through their territory, they may 
not have regarded them with the same unfriendliness, or have 
been unwilling to assist them, while journeying Northwards, 
away from them, on their Eastern border. The Moabites, in 
235(4), are censured for not having "met Israel with bread or 
water on the way": the expression used, however, suggests 
that the Moabites were not forward in offering them food in a 
friendly spirit (cf. Is. 21^*), and is not necessarily inconsistent 
with their having sold it to them, perhaps under compulsion, 
in return for money payment. — 30. But Sihon, (Sr'c.] varied 
from Nu. 2i23 (see the Table). — As at this day {^)J\ Di'2)] i.e. as 
is now the case. The phrase is mostly used for the purpose 
of calling attention to the fulfilment of a promise (or threat) in 
are used analogously. — 27. iSn inn inna] the repetition expresses emphasis, 
" in the way (and nowhere else) will I go " : comp. 16^ i S. Q? (Ew. 
§ 313*; G-K. § \22,d'^).—2%. 'nSpxi] the tone is mirel, with 1 consec, on 
account of the disj. ace. (Dr. § 104). — 30. 13 mayn] "to let us pass through 
him," i.e. through his dominion : cf. Nu. 20'^ '3 ■i3yn kV. — inn riK npp.i] 
the usual phrase is 3'? nirpn, Ex. 7^ (P), 13'^ (JE), Ps. 95^ Pr. 28".— j'SKi 
133*? nx] 3V j'sx has usually a good sense, to strengthen the heart=to 
encourage : as here, only 15'' 2 Ch. 36'''. On 1 (not consec.) used to connect 
synonyms, see Dr. § 132. — mn DV3] as (at) this day. So 4^"- ^ 8'^ 10" 29" Gn. 
5o2« I S. 228-13 I K. 38 82^ (=2 Ch. 615) 61 Jer. ri« 2^^^ 32* 448-== Dan. 9' 
(from Ezr. 9^) '« (from Jer. 32'™) i Ch. 28^t : in the form mn Dvna Dt. 6« 
Jer. 4422 Ezr. 97" Neh. 9'" (Jer. ^2"^), and (diflFerently) Gn. 39"t. In Jer. 
25!"* it is not expressed by (&, and must, as the context shows, be a gloss, 
inserted after the fulfilment of the prophecy : see, against Grafs view of 


the event : as the occurrences (see below) show, it g^ives ex- 
pression to a thought which is particularly common in Dt., 
and in writers reflecting the Deuteronomic point of view : the 
prayers in i K. 8, Ezr. Neh. Dan. are all moulded largely in 
the Deut. phraseology. — 31. BeJwld, I have begun, dr'c.] with 
Sihon's refusal to accede to Israel's request, Jehovah has 
already "begun" the execution of His purpose, and Israel 
is now free to invade his territory. — Deliver tip hefore\ comp. 
on i^. — Begin, possess^ t^^ ^^'^, as v.^*, but strengthened by the 
addition of lyiX ns T\'Srh- — 32. And Sihon came forth to meet us, 
he and all his people, for battle unto Ja}iaz\ Nu. 2 1 23. The phras- 
ing, however, agrees with that used Nu. 2i"^^of'0^. Jahaz 
is often mentioned as a city in the territory N. of the Arnon, 
belonging to Reuben (Jos. 13^^, beside Dibon, Beth-ba'al-me'on, 
and Kedemoth), or as in the possession of the Moabites (Is. 15^ 
Jer. 483*: cf. the Moabite stone, 1. 18-21), situated (Jer. 48-1) on 
the "Mishor," or high table-land (310), and (Nu. 21^3) in the 
direction of the "wilderness," i.e. the open plains on the East 
(2Si>). Euseb. [Onom. ed. Lag. p. 264) states that it was 
shown between Dibon and Medabah — a situation which satisfies 
the conditions of the narrative, according to which Sihon 
sallied forth from his capital, Heshbon, to meet the advancing 
Israelites. The site has not, however, been recovered. — 33. 
And we stnote him, and his sons, and all his people\ as Nu. 
2i3oa (pi^Og), "And they smote him, and his sons, and all his 
people."* The expression used of Sihon's defeat in Nu. 21-* is 
different; and neither there nor in Jud. ii^i is any mention 
made of the slaughter of Sihon's sons. — 34. And we took all his 
cities at that time (i^)] cf. Nu. 21-^. — And we devoted, &c.\ or 

the meaning- of the expression, Kuenen, Onderzoek, ii. § 56. i. — 34. "I'i" 
D'OO] city of men, i.e. a city so far as it consisted of men, nearly = 
city male-population. So 3®, and (though not so pointed by the Massorites) 
Jud. 20*®, where it is opposed to cattle and property generally (cf. here 
v."" 3"). — D'/id] chiefly poetical, the only prose-phrases being DTiD Ty, 
19?!? 'Pi? Gn. 2A^ (J) Dt. 4" Jer. 44=8 Vs. \o^' (=1 Ch. *i6'9)t, and 
oyo '09 Dt. 26* 28*-t. The word is also preserved in the ancient pr. 

* If the view stated on 3^"' be adopted, the phrasing of v.^^ (which 
corresponds to that of 3"*) will of course be original in Dt., and the relation 
Qf 233b tQ fju, ^-(Sa yyin be rcvcrscd. 

n. 31-36 45 

treated as hdrcm (on 72), the inhabitants being slain, and the 
cattle and property retained as spoil. This fact is not men- 
tioned in Nu. 21. The observance of the hdrem, in the con- 
quests of the Israelites, is often noted specially by D and D^ 
(see ib.). — Every city of men] see below. — Le/i no survivor] 
nn{j> "I'NKTI is a phrase esp. used by Deut. writers 3^ ( = Nu.. 
2i35: see on 3I-3) Jos. 822 io28. so. 33. 87. 39. 4o ^s (all D2) 2 K. 
lo^^t. — 36. Erom 'Aroer, which is on the edge of the torrent- 
valley of Amori] the same description in 3^2 ^48 Jqs^ 122 i^o. i<J 
2 K. io33 (without nsb'): 'Aro'er, alone, also Nu. 323* Jud. ii28 
2 S. 245 (see 3L) Jer. 4819 i Ch. 58 (on Is. 172 see Dillm.), and 
on the Moabite stone, line 26 (as built by Mesha'). 

The Amon, which formed the N. border of Moab (Nu. 21"), now the 
Wady Mojib, is a remarkably clearly-defined boundary line. The country 
N. and S. of it is a far-reaching plain : it is suddenly broken by a deep rift, 
with precipitous sides, — at a point some 10 miles E. of the Dead Sea, 
about 3 miles broad and 2000 feet deep ; at the bottom of this valley the 
Amon flows, amid rich tropical vegetation, — for the air at such a great 
depth has a genial warmth ; at the point where it enters the Dead Sea, 
the current has a width of some 80 feet, and is 4 feet in depth (Tristram, 
Moab, pp. 125-130). A desolate heap of ruins, 'Ara'ir, on the N. edge of 
this ravine, "just overhanging the brow," and about a mile from the stream 
(ib. pp. 129-131), marks the site of the ancient 'Aro'er. 

The city which is in the torrent (or torrent-valley)] so Jos. 
i^o. 16 2 S. 245 (read with 3L : "and they began from 'Aro'er, and 
from [)pi for p]] the city that is in the middle of the torrent- 
valley, towards Gad, and on to Ja'zer"), — each time immedi- 
ately after 'Aro'er. The city meant is not altogether certain ; 
but it is a reasonable conjecture that it may be *Ar (Knob., 
Dietrich, in MerK Arc hiv, i. 334 fF., Keil, Dillm.). Nor is it 
certain in what part of the course of the Arnon the city 
referred to lay ; a site at its confluence with the Lejjum, where 
there is **a piece of pasture ground, in the midst of which stands 
a hill with ruins on it," has been suggested (Sir G. Grove, 
DB.^ 1862, s.v. Arnon ; Dietrich, p. 335 f.). — Even unto Gile'ad] 

names VxcwD and nSttnno. Otherwise, it fell out of use in Hebrew. In 
Ethiopic, it is an ordinary word for man, husband (e.g. Mark 10'^ Luke 
2^®). Of course it has no etym. connexion with n?D, no, D'iid. — ttd] 
fugitive, survivor (from a defeat) : Arab, sharada is to take fright and run 
away (of an animal).— 35. u"? WI3] 3^ 20" Jos. 8--^ 11"; S as i".— 36. 
.13 31?] only here in prose; and only once besides at all in Qal, 


Sihon's territory was bounded on the N. by the Jabbok (Nu. 
2i24 Jos. 122), which Separated the N. "half" of Gile'ad 
from the S. "half" (on 3^°). The limit assig^ned is therefore 
a vagTie one : it cannot be said definitely that either the S. 
half (inclusively) or the N. half (exclusively) is in the writer's 
mind. — 37. Only the land of the 'Ammonites they did not 
encroach upon (v.^^), even the whole side of the torrent of 
fabbok, and the cities of the hill-country — i.e. the reg^ion lying- 
along the upper course of the Jabbok (the Wady Zerka) on 
the East, and the neighbouring hill-country inhabited by the 
'Ammonites. The country taken by the Israelites from the 
Amorites, and occupied afterwards by Reuben and Gad, lay 
wholly to the West of this. Cf. Nu. 212* ("And Israel 
possessed the land of Sihon, from Arnon to Jabbok, even \sc. 
eastwards] unto the children of 'Ammon ") ; Jud. ii^s. In 
Dt. 3^^ Jos. 12^ the Jabbok is called the "border of the 
children of 'Ammon " : in the upper part of its course, the 
Jabbok runs S. to N. in a semicircle, passing- Rabbath- 
'Ammon; and the 'Ammonite territory, according to these 
passages, lay to the East of this. 

With the description of the territory taken by the Israelites, and of its 
limits, in 2^'* ^'^^' '-"^' 4**'^ should be compared those in Jos. 13, — viz. a. 
(generally) v.^'^^ (supplying-, in v.^ at the beginning, after G \For the half- 
tribe of Manasseh, and\ -with it the Reubenites, &c.); b. (Reuben) v.^®-'* 
(to Heshbon) ^ ; c. (Gad) v.^-^ ; d. (half of Manasseh) v.^o-^J. Cf. also 
Jos. 12'"*. The passages quoted appear all to belong to D- (or to a Deut. 
hand) ; many of the expressions used are similar to those occurring here 
in Dt 

III. 1-7. Defeat of 'Og, the king of Bashan, and conquest of 
his territory. 

Dt. 3^"* .... Nu. 2 1 5^" (the entire verses). 

3* . . . . Nu. 2135* TTB- i"? Turn TiSa nj; 1D» ^3 nw v:3 nxi tnx idi. 
3*-' . . . . Cf. Nu. 2iS5>> (ii-iN nx im). 

1-3. V.^-2 agrees verbally with Nu. 2\^-^ — the only differ- 
ence being the substitution of the first person for the third. 

Job 5".— 37. t] fig. =5«rf'^: cf. Nu. x-^ prn r Vp; Jud. 11^ "WJt onpn 
pjTK T ^p. — 'v\ nPK hz-\\ and all that J. commanded us {sc. not to approach) ; 
cf. 4^3. But (S {»a.(i>Tt) expresses 'Ji n^^K-^j^ according to all that J. 
commanded us, which may be the true reading-. 

II. 37 — ni. I 47 

V.2 also agrees in substance with Nu. 21^, the characteristic 
phrase in 3b i^-^jj* ^^ -i-'xsyn *n^3 nj; being common to both. 

The prima facie view of the three verses in Dt. would be that they were 
based upon the passage in Numbers. Several of the expressions common 
to the two passages are, however, Deuteronomic (see the notes), while 
they are alien to the general style of JE's narrative in Numbers : it is 
remarkable also that in Nu. 22^, while the conquest of Sihon (Nu. 21^"^) is 
referred to, that of 'Og is unnoticed ; hence Dillm. may be right in suppos- 
ing that the passage belonged originally to Dt., and that Nu. 21^"^ is an 
insertion, based upon Dt. 3^"^ (or in v.^^ upon Dt. 2^''), and introduced 
into the text of Numbers for the purpose of supplying what seemed to be 
an omission. So also Bacon, Triple Tradition of the £xodus {18^), p. 211. 

1. And we turned (IS31)] cf. i7. 24.40 2^-'^'^.— By the way to 
Basha'n\m the Heb. usually with the article, "the Bashan," 
— not improbably (see Wetzstein in Del. Hiob,"^ pp. 556-558) 

G- o- 

corresponding to aJub, and signifying properly j<?/lf and fertile 
ground. From the notices contained in the OT., it appears 
that Bashan embraced the region lying N. and NE. of "Gile'ad" 
(see on v.^^), and bounded on the S. by the Jarmuk, and a line 
passing through Edre'i to Salchah, on the W. by Geshur and 
Ma'acah, on the N. stretching out towards Hermon (cf. Jos. 
i2^b. 5j^ and on the E. extending as far as the great range of 
extinct volcanoes called the Jebel Hauran {i.e. mountain of 
the Hauran), about 40 miles ESE. of the Sea of Galilee. From 
the fact that Salchah (v.i°) is mentioned as a frontier city of 
Bashan, it seems that the eastern and southern declivities of 
Jebel Hauran were not included in it (cf. Wetzstein, Hauran, 
pp. 39-42, 83-86; Guthe, ZDPV. 1890, p. 230 flF.). 

Bashan was noted in antiquity for its rich pastures and its extensive 
forests of oak, especially abundant on the W. slopes of Jebel Hauran 
(comp. the allusions to its pastures Mic. 7^* Jer. 50^^, to its herds of cattle 
Dt. 32^* Ps. 22^^ Ez. 39'8 Am. 4^, to its oaks Is. 2^^ Zech. 11^ Ez. 27^ cf. 
Is. 33^ Nah. I*). With the exception of the Leja (see on v.^"'), the soil of 
the corresponding region is described still as being singfularly fertile — the 
Hauran has been called the granary of Damascus ; and its oak forests are 
frequently alluded to by travellers (J. L. Porter, Five Years in DamasatSy 
chap. xi. ed. 2, pp. 186, 190, 200, 202 ; chap. xii. pp. 218, 227 ; chap. xiii. 
pp. 260, 261, &c. ; Tristram, Moab, pp. 448, 453, &c.). 

III. 1. 'ymx] to Edre'i, after the verb of motion ksi ; not "a/ Edre'i" 
(RV.), except as an accommodation to English idiom (similarly 1 S. i** 


Edrei\ on his S. frontier i*.— 2. Fear not\ i2i-29 322. Jqs. 8^ 
lo^ (D2). Both this and 1^3^ are more in the Deut. style than 
in that of l^.— Given into thy hand\ v.3 i27 224-30 ^24 20I3 2110 

Ex. 2331 Nu. 2l2-34 Jos. 224 62 77 81-7.18 iqS. 19. 30. 32 nS 2l42(44) 

248.11. — Unto Sihon\ i^^-. — 3. No survivor\ on 2^*. — 4. At that 
time] so ^-.8-12.21.23. ^f^ on i^ — 4-5. Threescore cities^ all the 
region of Argob, the kingdom of'Og in Bashan : all these (being-) 
fenced cities, (with) high walls, gates, and bars, besides very many 
cities of the country-folk] the "region of Argob" (33"|X ?3n) is 
mentioned also v.^^-i* i K. 4^^ (<<the region of Argob, which is 
in Bashan, even threescore great cities, (with) walls and brazen 
bars "). What locality, however, is denoted by it is uncertain. 

The Targums represent "Argfob" by K313"ib, i.e. Trachonilis, now eJ- 
Lefa, a district about 30 miles S. of Damascus, and 40 miles E. of the Sea of 
Galilee ; and this identification has been acquiesced in by many modern 
commentators. The Leja is a remarkable volcanic formation, of irregular 

2 S. 20^ &c.). Comp. on i S. 2^. — 2. 'nn:] the pf., of an act which, in the 
intention of the speaker, is completed (G-K. § 106. 3* ; Dr. § 13). — 3. 'nVa ny 
TIC 1'? TK^n] so Nu. 21^^ Jos. 8^ 10^ ii^ 2 K. 10". It is disputed whether 
1'NSPn be (a) a perfect (G-K. §53 R.2 ; W. R. Smith, /owm. of Phil. xvi. 72), 
the subject being- the implicit •\''^v^^ (cf. on i S. 16*), or (i) the inf. const, 
with anomalous hireq (Ols. § 191'' ; Ew. § 238"* ; Konig, p. 276, cf. 212). 
Against (a) is the fact that TiSa is not used elsewhere with a finite verb to 
express a categorical negative, except in the doubtful passages Ez. 13' 
Dan. 11^^ (cf. Dr. § 41 Obs., and Lex. s.v.); {b) has accordingly pre- 
sumption in its favour. The hireq in the inf. is however very much opposed 
to analogy (comp. on 7^) ; and it may be legitimately doubted whether 
the Massorites have preserved truly the original pronunciation, and 
whether Tx^n should not be read. — 4. ninx] the supposition that this 
signifies stony is a mere conjecture, based upon the questionable assumption 
that the root 3JT is cognate with djt. 3J1«< would be more naturally con- 
nected with 3JT clods of earth. Job 21^ 38^ ; in which case it would denote 
a rich and earthy soil, rather than a stony one (3 31^ i S. 2o^'''*^ Cr will 
mean correspondingly, not a cairn of stones, but a mound of earth). '?2n is 
a cord (Jos. 2"), or measuring-line (Am. 7-^ Mic. 2*), used fig. of a measured 
portion, or allotment (Jos. 17^* 19®)' there is no reason whatever for 
supposing it either to have been specially adapted to denote, or to have 
actually denoted, the rocky border of the Leja. — 5. nn3i D'n'n nn3J nam] in 
loose appos. with n"is3 cny (the sing, having a collective force) : cf. i K. 
4"^ 2 Ch. 8'; also, for the combin. '31 '^, i S. 23^^ nn3i DTi*?! Tp Ez. 38' ^ 
Job 38'° Jer. 49'* 2 Ch. 14^. — ^\sn\ countryman (coll. = country-folk), 1 S. 6'^ 
Est. 9"*t ; cf. n"in? open country-districts, Ez. 38" Zech. 2» Est. g^^t- Ez. 
38" shows how the n'iJ"j9n ^iJi were opposed to cities protected by walls 
and barred gpates. 

III. 4-5 . 49 

oval shape, about 22 miles from N. to S., and 14 miles from W. to E., the 
rug^ged surface of which consists of innumerable rocks or boulders of 
black basalt, intermingled with fissures and crevices in every direction 
{DB. s.v. Argob). In point of fact it owes its origin (Wetzstein, Hauran, 
p. 25 f.) to streams of lava emitted from the volcanoes — the "conical 
peaks" of which (Porter, Damasais, pp. 183, 186, 190, 227, &c.) are alluded 
to in Ps. 68'"' (see RV.w.) — forming the range of Jebel Hauran, a little 
SW. of the Leja. The surface of the Leja is elevated some 20-30 feet 
above the surrounding plain, and "its border is as clearly defined as a 
rocky coast, which it very much resembles " (Porter, p. 282). The Leja 
contains the remains of several ancient cities ; and the labyrinthine gullies 
and ravines, with lofty overhanging rocks, form a natural fortress, 
which a small body of defenders can hold against even a determined 
invader (hence the name Leja, i.e. laj'a'ah, refug-e, retreat) : in 1838, 6000 
Druses defended it successfully against Ibrahim Pasha, who lost 20,000 
men in the attempt to force it. The natural border of the Leja, just 
referred to, is regarded, by those who identify it with the ancient Argob, 
as being denoted by the term ^an (i.e. cord, or boundary-line) ; and 
"Argob" itself has been supposed to signify stony. The identification is 
however extremely doubtful. Not only (see p. 48) is its philological basis 
highly questionable ; but, though the apparent identification of Argob in 
y 4. 13 ^.jth the entire kingdom of Bashan ought not perhaps to be pressed 
(the terms of the description being rhetorical rather than scientific, and in 
I K. 4^'' the region being mentioned as a district in Bashan), in v.^* it is 
described as extending, like Bashan itself in Jos. 12', as far W. as Geshur 
and Ma'acah, which must have been considerably beyond the limits of 
the Leja. Moreover, as Wetzstein remarks (p. 83), the physical character 
of the Leja, while presenting formidable obstacles to an assailant, could 
have had little to attract a people in need of rich pasture for its flocks and 

Nor does this identification derive any support from the notice of the 
"threescore cities," with "high walls, gates, and bars," belonging to the 
region of Argob (Dt. 3* i K. 4'^). The remains of ancient cities are by no 
means confined to the Leja : indeed, they are much more numerous on the 
slopes of the Jebel Hauran itself and in the country to the S. and E. of it, 
— the latter forming no part of the ancient Bashan : according to Wetzstein 
(p. 42), "the E. and S. slopes of the Jebel Hauran contain some 300 
deserted cities and villages." (Comp. the notice in i Ch. 2^' of the 60 
dependent towns of K6nith [Nu. 32*-], i.e. Kanawat, on the W. declivity 
of the Jebel Hauran, Porter, pp. 204-216.) The dwellings in these deserted 
cities are of a remarkable character (see Wetzstein, pp. 44-62). Some arc 
the habitations of Troglodytes, being caverns hollowed out in the rock, 
and so arranged within as to form two, three, or more chambers (for cattle, 
stores, &c.) : others are for purposes of concealment in warfare, being pits 
sunk in the earth, with shafts, invisible from above, leading horizontally 
into subterranean chambers — a large underground residence at Edre'i of 
this kind was explored by Wetzstein (p. 47) ; others consist of dwelling- 
houses, built solidly of massive blocks of basalt, with heavy doors of the 
same material, moving on pivots, the cities themselves being protected by 



walls and lofty towers, and in such good preservation that it is difficult for 
the traveller not to believe that they must still be inhabited (p. 49). 
(Comp. the descriptions by Porter of the ruins of Burak, p. 164 f., 
Sauwarah, p. 169, Bathani)eh, p. 184 f., Shuka, p. 188 f., Shuhba, pp. 194- 
196, Kanawat, pp. 204-215, Suweideh, pp. 220-226, Bosra, pp. 231-239, 
Salchad, pp. 248-250, &c.) To what extent, however, these remains are 
those of the ancient cities of 'Og, must be considered doubtful. As 
Wetzstein points out (p. 103), the architecture, the sculptures, and the 
Greek inscriptions (which are original, and not later additions to the stones 
on which they are found) show that in the majority of cases these trans- 
Jordanic towns arose in post-Christian times : but in some instances the 
remains are more ancient ; the Troglodyte dwellings are of remote 
antiquity; the ruins of Hibikke (p. 48 f.) are also ancient; and very old 
building materials have probably been preserved in such cities as Bosra 
and Salchad. On the whole it may be concluded that among the numerous 
remains of villages and cities in the Hauran are some which may, at least 
in part, be reasonably referred to the ancient kingdom of 'Og, though it is 
difficult to determine definitely which these are, and there are no sufficient 
grounds for limiting them to those contained in the Leja. 

The precise locality denoted by the "region of Argfob" can 
thus be determined only by conjecture. Wetzstein concluded 
(p. 82) in favour of the district between Jordan and the Zumleh 
range, about 15 miles to the East ; Dillmann thinks it may have 
lain more to the E. than this, between Gerasa Edre'i and 'Ash- 
taroth on the W., and Jebel Hauran on the E.; Guthe [ZDPV. 
1890, p. 237 f.) places it on the E. of the present Jolan (cf. 
v.i*, where Geshur and Ma'acah are mentioned as forming" its 
W. border), between Edre'i and Nawa. 

"Whether the name Argob be connected with'E^ya, a village 15 miles 
W. of Gerasa, which the Onomasticon (ed. Lagarde, pp. 88 f., 216) identifies 
with 'Apyafi, or with the 'Pa,yap,a. of Josephus {Ant. xiii. 15. 5), or with the 
modem Rajib, a place on the Wady R^jib, which enters the Jordan 
between W. Zerka and W. 'Ajlun, cannot be determined" (Dillm.). 

For further particulars regarding the Leja, the Hauran range, and 
surrounding neighbourhood, see Burckhardt, Travels in Syria (1822), 
p. 51 flF. ; Porter, Damascus, chaps, xi.-xiv. ; Cyril C. Graham, " Explora- 
tions in the Desert East of the Hauran, and in the ancient Land of 
Bashan," in \he Journal of the Royal Geogr. Soc. 1858, p. 226 ff. ; more 
briefly, in the Cambridge Essays, 1858, pp. 155-162 ; Burton and Drake, 
Unexplored Syria (1871), i. 159-196; and especially J. G. Wetzstein (for 
many years Prussian Consul at Damascus), Reisebericht iiber Hauran und 
die Trachonen (i860). Porter hardly did more than skirt the E. and W. 
sides of the Leja, visiting only a few towns quite on the border; 
Burckhardt and Wetzstein explored the interior more fully, the latter in 
particular reaching D^lma (p. 25 f.), the highest point of the Leja, whence 


38-10 . 

312.13 . 

3" . 

3" . 

318b , 

3.9a . 

319a . 

321-a. . 

III. 6-10 51 

its geological formation became at once apparent to him. Graham also 
penetrated as far as DSma, but his narrative {Journal, p. 260) is brief. 
Comp. the description of Trachonitis ( = the Leja) in Josephus, Ant. xv. i, 
and Strabo xvi. 2 (cf. Wetzstein, pp. 36-38). The best and most recent 
map of the district is that published in the ZDPV. Heft 4, 1890, on the 
basis of Dr. A. Stiibel's observations and measurements in 1882, accom- 
panied by copious bibliographical and topographical notes, by Guthe and 
others, pp. 225-302. See also Noldeke, ZDMG. 1875, p. 419 ff. 

6-7. And we devoted them, cSr'c.] the cities of 'Og were 

treated in the same manner as those of Si^on (a^^-^s). 

, Cf. NU. 2I="-25-35("«0. 
, Cf. Nu. 32» 

, Nu. 32*^ TN' nin jnnN xnp'i cmiin nu la^i i^n nriD p tk'i. 

. Nu. 32*° rwixi \i TDD*? y^yn rx neo jnn. 

. Nu. 32^ mn' 'js'? pTn nx '{hn hz dd'? navi. 

, Nu. 32^* yiSvx nj'2 db' v.t lanana S21 ujpo i:'r3 mbb. 

. Nu. 32^ nj 'jaSi piNT '32^ n'rt 21 n:pai. 

, « * * 

8-13. Particulars respecting the country taken from Sihon 
(2^2-36) and 'Og (3^"''), and its allotment to the tribes of 
Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh. — 8. Beyond 
Jordati] on i^. — From the torrent-valley of Anion unto Mount 
Hermo?i\ the same limits that are specified Jos. 12^'>. — 9. 
The Zidonians call Hermon Sirion ; and the Amorites call it 
Senir\ a parenthetic notice, like those in ■zS^- ^o. The name 
Sirion (ri^) for Hermon occurs also poetically in Ps. 29^: 
S6nir (">^3f ) is found Ez. 27^ Song 48 i Ch. 523 ; from the last 
two passages (where it is named beside Hermon) it appears 
that it must have been the designation of a particular part of 
the Hermon-range, probably the part N. of Damascus between 
Ba'albek and Horns [Emesa], known to the Arabs by the 
same name, jJt-j (Abulfeda, Tah. Syrice, p. 68, quoted by 
Ges. ; Mardsid {]uynh.), ii. 61, iii. 5, quoted by Knob. ; Ibn 
Haukal, ed. de Goeje, p. 114, quoted by Dillm.). The name 
Senir was also known to the Assyrians {KAT.^ p. 159), if not 
to the Egyptians as well (Sayce, J^P.^ vi. 41, Monuments, 
p. 341). For a fourth name of Hermon (I^T), see 4^^. — 10. All 

6. Dinn] Ew. § 280*, G-K. § 113. 2; cf. c/^ 13^^ 278.— D'no ry] 2«.— 
9. iKip'] the impf. as 2". — 'Tann] with a collective force, such as is peculiarly 
frequent with gentile adjectives, or patronymics {e.g: v.^""), and hence 
joined with a pi. verb. The pi. D"TDt« or D'tdk does not occur. 


the cities of the tahle-land\ RV. plain or plain-country^ with 
marg-. Or, table-land. The term "lic^p means smooth or level 
land, and is sometimes used gfenerally (Is. 40* 42^^), or in a 
figurative appHcation (Ps. 26^2 27^^) ; but when provided with 
the art., and used in connexion with the East of Jordan, it 
has a special g'eog'raphical sense, and denotes the elevated 
plateau, or table-land, on which the territory of Moab (or 
Reuben) lay ; cf. 4« (of Bezer) Jos. 139- lo. n. 21 jgr. 488. 21. 

" The uplands of Moab consist of a rolling- plateau, about 3200 feet 
above the sea-level \i.e. 4500 feet above the Dead Sea], the western edge 
being cut up into deep valleys, and descending by a series of sloping hills, 
at angles of 45 and 50 degrees, into the Dead Sea. These uplands are 
naturally divided into two districts by the great chasm of Wady Mojib, 
the Amon of Scripture ; of these the northern portion is called by the 
modem Arabs El Belg^ [spelt Belka, but pronounced by the Bedawin, 
Belga], and extends as far north as the mountains of Gilead ; while the 
southern part is known as El Kerek, and reaches southward to the Wady 
of that name" (Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 472). "The uplands are 
very fertile and productive, and although the soil is badly tended by the 
few and scattered Arab tribes who inhabit it, large tracts of pasture-land 
and extensive corn-fields meet the eye at every turn. Ruined villages and 
towns, broken walls that once enclosed gardens and vineyards, remains of 
ancient roads — everything in Moab tells of the immense wealth and 
population which that country must have once enjoyed " {ib. p. 473 f. ; 
comp. Sir. G. Grove, DB^ s.v. Moab). 

And all Gile'ad] Gile'ad was the rough and rugged, yet 
picturesque, hill-country, bounded on the W. by the Jordan, 
on the N. by the deep glen of the Jarmuk (Hieromax), on the 
S. by the valley of Heshbon, on the E. melting away gradually 
into the high plateau of Arabia. It is divided naturally into 
two parts by the Jabbok, the N. part corresponding generally 
to the modern Jebel 'Ajlun, and the S. part to the northern 
half of el-Belga (which extends from the Amon to the Jabbok). 
The two halves of Gile'ad are sometimes spoken of separately 
in the OT. ; cf. v.12 Jos. 122-5 (the S. half), Jos. 1321 (the N. 
half); and the term "Gile'ad" itself may be used, according 
to the context, to designate one of these halves alone, to the 
exclusion of the other. — And all Bashan] on v.^ Here Salchah 
and Edrei are indicated as two points marking its southern 
frontier. Salchah is named besides Jos. 1 2^, and (as a border 
city of Bashan) 13^^ i Ch. 5^^ It is usually identified with the 

I". " 53 

place called in^ by the Nabataans, in an Inscription of a.d. 
66 (De Vogud, Syrie Centrales p. 107, of. p. inf.), and by the 
modern Arabs, Jci--^ by the Arabic geographers. Salchad 
is situated on what must have been the extreme SE. corner of 
Bashan, on an eminence forming one of the southernmost 
heights of the Jebel Hauran. It occupies a commanding 
position, and is well adapted to form a frontier fortress. The 
ruins include a castle, situated on the top of a conical hill, 
the crater of an extinct volcano, from 300 to 400 feet above 
the city (Porter, Damasctcs, pp. 248-253). On Edre'i, see on 
I*. The view (Knob., Keil, Porter, p. 271 f.) that here a 
different Edre'i is intended, the ^ora'of the Arabic geographers, 
is not a probable one, being opposed by philological as well as 
other considerations ; and it is now generally abandoned. — 
11. For only 'Og, the king of Bashdn, was left of the retnnant 
of the Rephaini\ the verse states the reason why the Israelites 
were able (v.^°) to take possession of Bashan and the country 
just named : after the defeat of 'Og, none of his race remained 
to contest with them the possession of his domain. — Of the 
remnant of the Rephaini\]os. 12* 13^2^ also of 'Og: cf. on 2^^. 
In proof of 'Og's giant stature, the Writer appeals to his ^V, 
still to be seen in Rabbah the capital city of the 'Ammonites. 
Whether by this term is meant a bedor a sarcopha^is^ is disputed. 

Elsewhere in Hebrew fc'nj; means always a couch : in Aram, it sig-nifics 
also a 6«Vr (Luke 7" S ; Levy, NHWB. p. 703) ; and as 33S7D, usually bed, is 
used likewise of a resting-place in a tomb (2 Ch. \(^*\ it is thought by 
many that bnv may have been similarly applied, and that it denotes here a 
sarcophagus (J. D. Mich., Knob., Riehm, HWB.^ p. 1109, Dillm., Oettli). 
jnx {ark or chest) is however the word which is so used in Heb. (Gn. 50"), 
as in Phoenician {CIS. I. i. 3^'"') ; so also the Aram. K3"ij» {CIS. IL i. iii ; 
De Vogii^, Syrie Centrale, p. 102, in the inscription on a sarcophagus of 
black basalt found at Bosra), so that the supposed meaning of ir\y is little 
more than conjectural. At the same time, it is true that ancient sarcophagi of 
black basalt are found in great numbers in the country E. of Jordan, — Knob, 
refers to Seetzen, Reisen (1854), i. 360 f., 364, 368 f. ; Burckhardt, Syria 
(1822), pp. 269, 271 ; Buckingham, Travels in Palestine (1821), pp. 359, 41 1, 
416 f. (nearly 200 perfect ones), &c., — and are often used now as drinking- 
troughs : they are sometimes of large size, — Robinson, for instance (ii. 456), 
saw a large one near Tyre, 12 feet long by 6 feet broad and high, with a 

il. nSrr a scribe's error for il^q. 


massive lid, commonly known as the " Tomb of Hiram." Thus it is not 
impossible that the giant relic shown at Rabbah was a sarcophagus ; 
though, as this meaning of ai}} Is uncertain, it is better to suppose that 
what was really a sarcophagus was popularly called a "bed." 

By tron is meant probably the black basalt of the country, 
which actually contains a proportion of iron (about 20 per 
cent.), and, as Pliny remarked, has the colour and hardness 
of iron. — T/ie cubit of a inari\ i.e. an ordinary cubit, of full 
measure (cf. Is. 8^ Rev. 21^''). Rabbah, the capital city of the 
'Ammonites, afterward called Philadelphia, now 'Amman, is 
mentioned Jos. 1325 2 S. iii (i Ch. 20^) 1226.27.29 1727 jgr. 492.3 
Ez. 2i25(20) 255 Am. i^*: it lay on the upper course of the 
Jabbok, about 25 miles NE. of the upper end of the Dead Sea : 
for a fuller description of its site, see Bad. p. 196 ff. ; Survey 
of Eastern Palestine, pp. 19-64. — 12-13. The land thus con- 
quered was afterwards assigned by Moses to the 2| tribes. — 
From 'Arder, which is by the torrent-valley of Amon {2^^), and 
half the hill-country of Gilead {i.e. the half S. of the Jabbok, 
cf. on v.^°), and the cities thereof, being allotted to the Retibenites 
and to the Gadites; the rest of Gilead [i.e. the half N. of the 
Jabbok), arid all Bashan, to the half-tribe of Manasseh, (even) 
all the region of the Argob, — the last words being epexegetical 
of ** all Bashan " (cf. on v.*). — All that Bashan is called a land 
of the Rephaim\ i.e. the kingdom of 'Og, just mentioned, is 
considered a land where Rephaim {tS^- 20) once dwelt ; a notice 
analogous to those in t}^- 20. On the rendering, see below. 

14-17. A supplementary notice of the territory allotted to 
the half-tribe of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad. — These verses 
repeat (in part) what has been said before, in a manner which 

13. wmn] with the article, as Jos. 1^2 ^12 jj* 137 18^ 22'- »• i"- "• "f. 
The article with the name of a tribe (not its gentile adjective) is very 
unusual : ':3iNnn, ^yn, &c. are said regularly, but not pixai, nan. 'iVn is 
used similarly (e.g. Ex. 6^8 Ps. 135^) ; but this is to be regarded as a 
patronymic (for ""^Sr^. 'lyj^n occurs only c. 4'*^ 29^ 2 K. 10^ i Ch. 26-"-. — 
Nnp' Kinn jcnn VaS] the Massorites, by placing the chief break after the 
athnah at jB'an, imply the rend, of RV. But Kinn without a preceding 
subst. is unparalleled : the athnah must be placed at aanxn, and the saqef 
at Kwrt, "all that Bashan is called," &c. (RV.w.). h xnpj "there is called 
to . . ." = ". . . is called," as regularly (Gn. 223 2 S. 18" Is. i'^ &c. ; cf. 
S wip' v.^). 

III. 12-14 55 

appears to show that they are not an original part of the text 
of Dt,, but have been inserted by a later hand, partly (v.^*') 
for the purpose of harmonizing it with statements in the Book 
of Numbers and elsewhere, partly (v.^*') to supplement it with 
fuller particulars. — 14. Jair the son of Manasseh took all the 
region of Argob unto the border of the Geshurites and the 
Mdacathites; and called them^ (&\eT\) Bashan, HaTrvoth-jair unto 
this day\ it has just been said that the Israelites under Moses 
conquered the territory here specified (v.*-*'), and that Moses 
had given it to the half-tribe of Manasseh (v.**). The state- 
ment about Jair, therefore, to say the least, is in an unsuitable 
place. It is based evidently upon Nu. 32*1 "And Jair, the 
son of Manasseh, went and took their tent-villages (the tent- 
villages of the Amorites in Gile'ad, named in v.^^), and called 
them Havvoth-jair." Whereas, however, there, as in i K. ^^ 
(where they are expressly distinguished from the 60 cities of 
the Argob) — to say nothing of Jud. 10* — the "Havvoth-jair" 
are stated to have been in Gile'ad, they are here localized in 
Bashan. The intention of v.^* appears to have been to 
harmonize v.^^ (which mentions Bashan) with Nu. ^2^'*'^ 
(which is silent as to Bashan) by the assumption that the 
district stated in Nu. 32*^ to have been conquered by Jair was 
in Bashan. This incorrect localization of Jair's conquest in 
Bashan, instead of in Gile'ad, is followed by D- in Jos. 13^. 

That the verse represents an attempt to harmonize, appears further 
from the terms in which it is expressed, "and called them, (even) Bashan, 
Hawoth-jair : " the pronoun '* them " has no antecedent, and is explained 
veryawkwardly by "Bashan"; inNu.32" "them" has its proper antecedent, 
"their tent-villages," occurring just before: it seems therefore that the 
clause, in being- transferred here, has been accommodated to its present 
position by this addition ; the result being that just stated, viz. that what 

H. x» hi] hy here is on the model of, after: Gn. 48* Ex. 28" 2 S. 18" 
I K. 16^. — jrsrt riK] epexeg. of cjik. There are parallels for the con- 
struction, though it is not genuinely idiomatic in Hebrew (as it is in 
Aramaic) : e.g. Lev. 6^ Nu. 32^ Jos. i-'' (^k-jt -iz^ not in G), Jud. 21'' Jer. 
41' {prhii jw not in ©), 48** 51** i Ch. 4*2 ; see also on i S. 21" (and p. 291 f.). 
Here, however, the sg. jm after the pi. cniK renders it pecidlarly harsh ; 
and probably (as in some of the other instances) the explicit object (iPzrmu) 
is not original, but has been added as a gloss on the pronoun : cf. the note 


referred properly to a conquest made by Jair in Gile'ad, is applied 
incorrectly to one made by him in Bashan. Keil harmonizes the passages 
by taking- "Gile'ad" in Nu. 32^ i Ch. 2-- in the wider sense of the trans- 
Jordanic territory generally (and so as including Bashan), and by identify- 
ing the 60 strong cities of the Argob mentioned in v.*, with the 23 " cities " 
of Jair, and the 37 (?) "daughters" {i.e. dependent towns) of Ken^th (in 
the Hauran-range), mentioned in i Ch. 2^^*-, the colonization of which by 
Nobah is narrated Nu. 32*^. This view saves the accuracy of one passage 
at the expense of another; for not only is the wider sense of "Gile'ad" 
improbable in a geographical description, but whereas Nu. 32^ expressly 
says that Kenath and its dependent towns were called by the name of 
Nobah, this argument implies that they were called by the name of Jair. 

In the expression "Jair, the son of Manasseh," son is used 
in the sense of descendant : Jair, even if he lived in the Mosaic 
age, could not be literally a " son " of Manasseh. In i Ch. 2"''- 
he is made the great-grandson of Manasseh's son Machir, the 
" father of Gile'ad " (cf. Jos. 17^) : and it is further stated that 
he had 23 cities in Gile'ad, which are apparently identified (v.^) 
with the "tent-villages of Jair." 

In Jud. 10^"' mention is made of Jair, a Gile'adite, one of the Judges, 
whose thirty sons had thirty cities, " which are called the tent-villages of 
Jair unto this day, in the land of Gile'ad." Though the notices of the 
"tent-villages of Jair " are not all perfectly clear or consistent, it is evident, 
in view of the amount of resemblance between them, that the same group 
of villages is throughout referred to. Nor is it open to reasonable doubt 
that it is one and the same Jair after whom they are named, and who was 
localized by one tradition in the age of Moses, and by another (Jud. lo*'*) 
in the age of the Judges : had the author of Jud. 10* intended to imply 
(Keil) that the old name of Hawoth-jair was merely revived in the days 
of Jair the judge, he surely would have indicated this more distinctfy than 
he has done. 

Unto the border of the GesJitirites and the Md acathites\ 
named also as forming the (Western) border of Bashan Jos. 
125 i^ii (both D^). Geshur and Ma'acah were two Aramaean 
tribes (Gn. 22^*; 2S. 15^; i Ch. 19^), which continued to be ruled 
by independent kings in David's time (2 S. 3^ 10^ 1337- 38 j <;omp. 
Jos. 13^^) : I Ch. 2^3 Geshur and Aram are mentioned as having 
taken the "tent-villages" of Jair from the Israelites. Their 
territory appears to have been on the W. of Bashan, between 
Gile'ad and Hermon, so that it will nearly have corresponded 
to the present ycJ/rtw : in Fischer and Guthe's Map of Palestine 
(Leipzig, 1890) Geshur is placed immediately on the E. of the 

III. 1S-17 57 

Seaof Gennesareth, and Ma'acah to the N. of Geshur (cf. Guthe, 
ZDPV. 1890, p. 233). — The tent-villages ofJair\ Nu. 32*1 (cited 
o" P- 55) Jos. \'^^ Jud. 10* I K. 4^3 I ch. 223t. The precise 

meaning of H^H is uncertain. s.\v^ means a collection of tents 

near together (Lane) ; and upon the assumption that rtn js 
connected with this word, it is usually rendered tent-villages. 
The term occurs only in this expression. — Unto this day] 2^ 
iqS ii* 293(4) 346 (also Jos. 49 59 625 ^^20 828.29 ^27 1313 j^u j^es 
1 610 223 239 Jud. i2i- 26 62* iQ* is^^ 18^2 1980 al.). The expres- 
sion, as used in this and similar passages, implies a much 
longer interval of time from the event recorded than a few 
months (i^ comp. with Nu. 333^). — 15. And unto Machir I gave 
Gilead] Nu. 32^0, The "Gile'ad" meant is the Northern half 
(on V.19J. The verse must be, like v.^^, an insertion in the 
original narrative: as Dillm. remarks, "the same narrator 
who in V. 12-13 represents Moses as giving half- Gile'ad to 
Reuben and Gad, and the rest of Gile'ad to half-Manasseh, 
cannot immediately afterwards have said that he gave Gile'ad 
(absolutely) to Machir, whether by Machir be meant the whole 
of Manasseh (Nu. 262^), or only a part of it (Jos. 17I-2)." 

16-17. These verses repeat the substance of v. 12 with closer 
definitions. — To the Reuhenites and the Gadites Moses gave from 
Gilead, i.e. from Northern Gile'ad (exclusively), even unto the 
torrent of Amon, the middle of the torrent-valley (being) also a 
border {i.e. the stream itself forming the dividing line), and 
unto fabbok the torrent, the border of the children of 'Amman, 
i.e. to the upper part of the Jabbok, where circling round (on 
237) it formed the W. border of the 'Ammonites, and the 
'Ardbah, -with the Jordan as a border, i.e. the Eastern half of 
the Gh6r (i^), as far as the Jordan, from Kinndreth unto the 
Sea of the 'Ardbah, the Salt Sea, under the slopes of Pisgah, i.e. 
along its whole course, from Kinn^reth, the city (Jos. \\^ 193^) 
which gave its name to the Sea of Kinn^reth (Nu. 34I1), better 
known as the Lake of Gennesareth, to the North end of the 

16. !?nji] cf. V." Nu. 34* Jos. 1323.27 151-47^ A peculiar use of \ appar- 
ently = a^ the same time {zugleich), also {Lex. lid). — Vnjn pa'] the same 
unusual order Jos. 12^ (in the same phrase). May v.^^'^^ have been inserted 
here on the basis of Jos. 122-3? — j^y^ pTm] the 1 introduces a circ. clause 


Dead Sea, where it is overlooked by Pisg'ah, eastivard, i.e. on 
the Eastern side of the Jordan. Kinnereth (spelt sometimes 
Kinaroth or Kineroth) was called by the later Jews Vewrjo-ap 
(i Mace. 11^'' al.) or rewT^o-aper (Mt. 14^^ rt/.): it lay probably 
in the fertile and beautiful plain of Tevvrja-ap (cf. i K. 15^), on 
the NW. of the lake, described by Josephus {B./. iii. 10. 8), now 
el-Ghuwer. — The Sea of the 'Ardbah, the Salt Sed\ the Biblical 
names of what is now known as the Dead Sea : for the former, 
see 4*9 2 K. 1425; for the latter. Gen. 14^ Nu. 34^-^2 Jqs. 152.5 
18^^; the two in combination, as here, Jos. 3^** 12^. (For a 
third name, see ii^*.) The name *' Dead Sea" is not a Jewish 
appellation ; it appears to have been first used by the classical 
authors of 1-2 cent. a.d. (cf. DB.^ iii. 1173d). — The slopes of 
Pisgah (i^apSili J^iTr'i:?)] the same expression 4^3 Jos. 12^ 1320 ; 
nnK'Xn absolutely Jos. 10*0 12^: comp. lE'J? Nu. 2i^5|, Qn 
the rendering", see below. The term is applied specially to 
the slopes of Pisgah overlooking the Dead Sea. — Pisgah (in 
Heb. always with the art. nspsn ; see below), with " slopes," as 
here, 4« Jos. xz^ 1320!; the "top of Pisgah" Nu. 2120 2^^ Dt. 
327 34^1. The name, as a geog'raphical term, has not sur- 

(Dr. § 157-9), — " *^s Jordan being at the same time a border." — n3D2.T nnrx] 
there is no derivation for nrx in Heb. ; but nrx to pour out (a liquid), is 
common in Aramaic ; in 2u also xniyN (i K. 7*-'- 10^*) are supports (the axle- 
tree of a wheel, or the stay of a throne). Upon the assumption that the 
root is nPK to pour, the word is generally explained as meaning a place 
•where water is poured down, i.e. either a declivity or sloping side of a 
mountain (Ew. Kn. Ke. Di.), or the bottom, foot oi a mountain (Ges. : cf. 
Ar. sa/h, id., from sa/aka, to pour). "B {in Dt.) radices. By others the word 
has been held to signify torrents ; and the reference has been supposed to 
be to the 'Ayun Musa, or "springs of Moses," a series of cascades, burst- 
ing out of the limestone rock in the ravine forming the northern boundarj' 
of Mt. Neba (Conder, Heth and Moab^ p. 131 f. ; Survey of E. Palestine, 
p. 89 f. ; Wilson, DB^- s.v.). The former explanation is preferable ; in an 
enumeration like those of Jos. 10*" 12®, cascades, however picturesque, are 
less likely to have been specified than natural features of a more general 
kind. As between the two renderings of slope and foot, Dillm. remarks 
that the terms of Nu. 21" (notice jyc'J) favour the former. — ruDEn] the art. 
shows that the appellative sense of the word was still felt. In the Aram, 
of the Jems. Targums, JDS is to cleave, and kjdb is a cleft piece (e.g. Gn. 
151") : the ridge may have been called the cloven on account of the natural 
features by which it was marked (Cr in 3^ Nu. 21^ 23" (tdZ) XiXa.\\uitu»u, 
4''" Tni X»gn/Tiif : elsewhere ieuryai). 

III. 18-22 


vived ; but it is plain that it must have denoted some part of 
the rang-e of hills to which Nebo (32*^) belonged, and which, 
broken by numerous wadys, slopes down into the Southern 
part of the 'Ardbah, E. and NE. of the Dead Sea (cf. on 34I). 
18-22. How Moses had, at the same time, bound the 2^ 
trans-Jordanic tribes to assist their brethren in the conquest 
of Canaan, and had also encouraged Joshua in view of the 
office devolving upon him. — 18. I commanded you] "you" is 
said here inexactly for **the 2^ tribes amongst you." — A i that 
time] v.*. — Ye shall pass over armed, ^c.] see Nu. 32i7.20b.21. 
26f. (JE),28-32 (P) ; also Jos. i" 4^2 (both D2)._19. Only your 
wives, &€,] Nu. 32I6. 17b. 24, 26 (jE) ; jos. i^^.—Much cattle] 
Nu. 32I.— Which I have given you] v.i2f- : Nu. 3216- 1'". 24. 34-38. 39. 
^i"^2, — 20. Until Jehovah give rest unto] the same expression, 
1210 2519 Jos. lis. 15 2142 224 23I (all T>'^).—Beyond Jordan] of 
the territory W. of Jordan, the standpoint of the speaker being 
maintained, as v. 25. Comp. the Introd. § 4. — 21-22. Moses 
bids Joshua take courage for the future (cf. the direction given 
in i38) by the thought of Israel's recent successes. This en- 
couragement of Joshua is not mentioned in Nu. 32. — 21. Thine 
eyes are those that saw (nxhn ^'^y)] cf. 4^ 1 1". — 22. Ye shall not 
fear them] cf. v. 2 : the Writer's thought passes from Joshua to 
the people generally. — That Jighteth for yoti] \^. — Dillm. feels 
a difficulty in regard to v. 21-22 on the ground that they unduly 
anticipate v. 28 317.23; b^t — at least if i^s be allowed to belong 
to the original text of Dt. — they do but exemplify how the 
injunction there given might have been carried out, when a 
suitable occasion arose; and v. 28 the formal institution of 

18. Toyn D'siVn] on the constr. of D'si'?n (an implicit accus.), see Dr. 
§ 161. 2, 3 ; G-K. 118. 5 : cf. 427 93 Ex. \f^ Is. 33^—19. D3jpD] for C3«ipD 
(Gn. 47'* a/.) : the form may be either sgf. (the ^ being contr. from the orig'. 
-ai of njpD), for the usual DD;pD (cf. Is. 30^ T^pO with a sg. verb), or pi. (cf. 
the pi. verb, i Ch. 5^) ; G-K. § 93. 3 R.* The term being a collective one, 
the former view is the more probable. — 20. nnaen , . . icni] pff. with 1 
consec. in contin. of n'r ttk ny : Dr. § 115 {s.v. ny).— 21. mtcn Ti'J'l 
emphatic : "thine eyes have seen " (RV.) would correspond to the ordinary 
Try 1K1 (48 719 al.) : cf. 4^ ii'" : similarly 8^8 20* Is. 142^ al. (Dr. § 135. 7).— 
22. cd"? DnVj.T H^n cs-n'^K ''] "J. your God, he is the one that fightelh for 
you" : cnVan with the art., as niKvi \r^. On the emph. kw, v. Dr. § 199, 
Lex. s.v. : cf. 9' 3i«- ^ ; 4'' (cn^nn Kin .ti,t) ; io» (mVn: KW mn') i8^ ; 12"-=' (wn onn 


Joshua is enjoined, to which a renewed command for his 
encouragement is not more than naturally attached. 

23-29. Moses' entreaty to be permitted to enter Canaan 
refused by Jehovah. He is directed to institute Joshua formally 
as his successor. — This supplication of Moses is mentioned 
only here. — At that time] i.e. immediately after the successes 
ag-ainst Sihon and'Og: so — 34, Q Lord Jehovah (^jns 
mn^)] 9^^; not very common in the historical books (Gn. i^^-^ 

Jos. 77 Jud. 622 i628 2 S. 7IS. 19. 19. 20. 28. 29 j K. 226 8^3) ; morC 

frequent in the prophets, especially Amos and Ezekiel. — Tho7i 
(emph.) hast begun to show thy servant thy greatness^ &c.] the 
ground of Moses' petition : he has been permitted to see the 
beginning of Jehovah's mighty acts on behalf of His people ; 
may he not also, in view of Jehovah's power, be allowed to 
witness their continuation ? — Begun\ 2^^- ^- ^i. — Thy greatness 
(l^na)] 521 926 I i2^—And thy mighty hand] 621 78 92c 3412, cf. Jos. 
421 (D2) ; comp. in JE Ex. 3" 6^ 13^ 32II Nu. 2020 (of Edom) : 
see also on 42*. — W7iat god is there, &c.] Ex. 15^1 (the Song). 
— 25. The good land] \^^. — Beyotid Jordati] v.20. — This goodly 
ttiountaiii] rather hill-country, the reference being generally to 
the elevated land, of which the territory W. of Jordan largely 
consists (i^- 20). — 26. But Jehovah -was enraged with 7ne for your 

sakes (d33j;id^)] see on i^^ (aabijjn); and cf. 421 (nanan bv)- — 
Was enraged (nayjT'l)] the word is an uncommon one, and 
stronger even than the ci3snn of i^'' 421, expressing properly, it 
seems, the idea oi going beyond due bounds : Ps. 'jS-^- ^^- ^~ 89^^ 
Pr. 14^^ (see Delitzsch) 202 26^"^^. Cf. the cognate subst. 
rri:}.V, used often of God (Hos. 510 Is. gi^ao) &c.).— 27. Moses 
may only view the Promised Land from afar. This permission 
is not mentioned in JE. To judge, however, from the notice 
in 34^-* (JE) of Moses having acted in accordance with it, it 
may well have been contained in the original narrative of JE, 
before this was curtailed in parts in the process of combination 

rsjn).— IJnnxj] G-K. § 29. 4 (Dr. § io3),and § 54. 3 R.^— 24. tpn] = since 
{Lex. "iTK, 8c). — irmaa] defect, for :i'rni3J: cf. laT^ (Ex. 33" Jos. i*), 
l^nk (Jud. 19®).— 28. najm'i] SchrSder and Di. conjecture that the un- 
common word may have been sugg^ested to the writer by his use of mnyn 
v.''*. — -^ y<\ on 1®. — fiDi^-*?*] mirel, on account of '?k : cf. 2^ ns^-^K, Ex. 
23^ 2 S. \f^ (Dr. § 70).— -una] 3 = about {G n^^ i S. i^^) : Lex. nai Ic 

III. 23-29 61 

with P. — Go lip unto the top of Pisgah\ on 34^. — Lift up thine 
eyes, &c.]cL Gen. 13I* {]E).—This /ort/an] 312 Jos. i2-h 422 
Gn. 32^^ — 28. But command (Vi) foshua] i.e. commission him, 
appoint him to his office: n^V, as Is. 10^; i S. 13^* 2520 (RV. 
"appoint"). The formal execution of the present direction is 
not narrated in Dt. (unless si*^^", where Moses "encourages" 
Joshua, be intended as such) : in 31^*" ^3 (which belongs, more- 
over, to JE) it is Jehovah, not Moses, who *' appoints " him to 
his office. — Encourage him, (i^^), and strengtJien him] cf. 31^ 
** Be courageous and strong" (addressed by Moses to Joshua) ; 
also 3123 Jos. i<5-7.9. 18 io25 (all D^).— Cause to inherit]cL (of 
Joshua) t38 317 Jos. i^; also c. 12^0 i^s 21I6 ^28 (the Song). 

In P, Nu. 27'2-" is parallel to v.-'^ here, and Nu. 27"-2i to v.'*. The two 
narratives are, however, in the case of each incident, very differently con- 
ceived ; and it is manifest that the one in Dt. is written without reference 
to that of Nu., the only word of any note common to both beingf 
"command" (v.^s Nu. 27"- 5»). P also— at least if Dt. 318.21,23.29 be 
interpreted, in what seems to be their intended sense, as describing' a 
series of events in chronological sequence — assigns both incidents to a 
different occasion, placing them, viz. before Nu. 32 (which corresponds to 
y_i2-20 here), instead of after it. It is true, in view of the somewhat vague 
expression at that time in v.^, v.''^"^ might (in spite of the tense pnriKi ; see 
phil. n. on i®) be referred not unreasonably to an occasion a month or two 
earlier (i' comp. with Nu. 20^''''^ 3Z^) than \.^^''^. But considering the 
relation which prevails in other cases between the narrative of P and those 
of Dt. and JE, a difference both in representation and occasion is not 
improbable. Comp. on 31I*. 

29. A?id we abode in the ravine in front of (tid) Beth-Peor\ 

the verse closes the retrospect which began with i^, and 

specifies, more closely than had been done in i^, the spot which 

the Israelites had now reached, and at which the discourses of 

Dt. were delivered (cf. a,^% On "ravine" (n;?), see S. & P. 

App. § 2. The "ravine" intended can hardly be the broad 

Jordan-valley (p. 3) : it must rather have been one of the glens 

or defiles of the 'Abarim-range (32*^). Exactly the same terms 

are used in 34^ to describe the locality of Moses' grave. — 

Beth-Peor] 4^6 346 Jos. 1320, cf. Nu. 2328. 

The site is uncertain. Euseb. {Onom. p. 233) states that Bit^aynp [on 
y=j;, see below] was near mount *oyop, opposite to Jericho, 6 miles above 

28. K1.T '3] Lex. Kin la (Jud. 14^ &c.).— 29. mys] (S *>y»f: cf. TttmtiX^ 
Ta%(t, Tai ( ='»n), Tai^aX ( =^3'j;), &c. (see on I S. 16^). 


Livias ( = Tell-el-Rameh : Survey of East, Pal. p. 238) ; and mount ioyuf 
{Onom. p. 213) is placed opposite to Jericho, on the road leading up from 
Livias to Heshbon. If these statements are correct, Pe'or will have been 
one of the summits of the 'Abarim rang-e, very near to the Wady Hesban. 
Conder {PEFSt. 1882, p. 85 f.; cf. Heth and Moab,^ p. 146 f.) suggests a 
site further to the south, viz. the crest of a hill above 'Ain-el-Minyeh, 8 miles 
SW. of Nebo, commanding an extensive view of the lower valley of the 
Jordan {cf. Nu. 23^ 24^ 25^). But Jos. 13^**, and Nu. 23^ compared with 
v.^*, both favour a site nearer Pisgah ; and Nu. 25^'^ makes it probable 
that Pe'or was more readily accessible from the plain of Shittim (the Ghor 
es-Seiseban) than 'Ain-el-Minyeh would be. Cf. on 34®. 

(2.) IV. 1-40. Second part of Moses' first discourse. — 
Exhortation to Israel, as the condition of its prosperity and 
national greatness, not to forget the great truths impressed 
upon it at Horeb, especially the spirituality of Jehovah, and 
His sole and exclusive Godhead. 

1-8. Exhortation to Israel to observe diligently the law 
now about to be set before it, as the condition of its greatness 
and wisdom in the eyes of the world. — 1. And now] intro- 
ducing the practical conclusion which the Writer desires to be 
drawn from the preceding retrospect : Israel, having been 
brought by Jehovah through the wilderness to the borders of 
the Promised Land (i^S^), must now, on its part, respond to 
the duties laid upon it, if success and happiness are to attend 
it in its future home. — Statutes and judgments] the same com- 
bination (occasionally with testimonies or commandments pre- 
fixed), V.5. 8. 14. 45 gl. 28(31) 61. 20 7II 1 132 12I 2^^^- ^7 (also, with HIpH 

for D^pn, 8^1 11^ 30^^), as well as sometimes in other books, 
especially those dependent on Dt., as i K. 8^8 9* 2 K. 17^7, 
and (with nipn for D''pn) i K. 2^ ii^s. It is found also (with 
nipn) in H and Ez., but usually otherwise construed: Lev. 

l84. 5. 26 ig37 2o22 25I8 2615- 43 Ez. 56- ^ Il20 ig^ &C. 

The idea in pn is properly that of a statute, fixed by being engraven 
(ppn : Ez. 23^* Is. 49^* Job 19^ ; Is. 10^), or inscribed, on some durable 
surface ; the idea in Dfiro is that of a. judicial decision, made authoritatively 
once, and constituting a rule, or precedent, applicable to other similar 
cases in the future (cf. Ex. 21^ ; Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 1892, pp. 29- 
34). "Judgments" being thus a term denoting primarily the provisions 
of the civil and criminal law, " statutes " may be taken to refer more par- 
ticularly to positive institutions or enactments, whether moral, ceremonial, 
or civil (for instance, 7^"'; c. 12; c. 14; c. 16; c. 17; &c.). 

IV. 1-3 63 

Israel] as a vocative; comp. on 5^. — 2'each pBpO)] lit. am 
teaching, viz. in the present series of discourses. For the 
term, cf. v.s-io.w 528(81)51 iiV>.—That ye may live, dfc] life, 
coupled with the secure possession of the Promised Land, is 
constantly held out in Dt. as the reward for obedience to God's 
commandments : cf. 5^0 6^^ 306- i5-i9 32*7*, esp. 8^ 1620 ; also 4*<> . 
52 ij2i 2515 32*7b. — Which Jehovah, the God of your fathers, is 
giving you] on i^^* 20. — 2. Ye shall not add unto the word which 
I am commanding you, neither shall ye diminish from it] so 13^ 
(i232): cf. Jer. 26^ Prov. 30*5 Rev. 22i8'"-. The faithful observ- 
ance of a body of precepts implies, on the one hand, that 
nothing" is added to it, such as might for instance possess 
inferior authority, or have the effect of weakening or neutral- 
izing any of the provisions contained in it ; and, on the other, 
that nothing is taken from it for the purpose of accommodating 
it to the wilfulness, or infirmity, of human nature. — Am com- 
manding] so v.*° & 7I1 8^1 10^3 and often. — 3-4. In proof of the 
assertion that obedience brings with it life, the Writer appeals 
to Israel's recent experience at Ba'al-Pe'or. — 3. Your eyes are 
those that saw] z^^.—In Bdal-Peor] Nu. 251-5 (JE). On the 
rendering see below ; and cf. Hos. 9^°. — That went afterBdal 
of Peor] named besides Nu. 2^-^ (hence Ps. loC^s) ; cf. Nu. 
25I8 21I6 Jos. 22^7 (all P). As there was a mountain named 
Pe'or (Nu. 2328), and a locality Beth-Pe'or (on -f^), Ba'al of 
Pe'or was no doubt the Ba'al worshipped on Pe'or with 
local rites. 

Ba'als with local or other special attributes (cf. the pi. " the Ba'als," i S. 7* 
Hos. 2^^) are often mentioned, both on Phoenician inscriptions (Ba'al of 
Zidon, Ba'al of Lebanon, Ba'al of Tarsus, Ba'al of heaven, JDn "7^2 the solar 
Ba'al, &c. : vid. on i S. 7* ; W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem. i. 93) and in the OT. 
(as Ba'al-zebub = Ba'al of flies, nna Sya Jud. 8^ C)*), sometimes even forming 
names of places (as Ba'al-Gad= Ba'al of fortune, Ba'al-Zephon, Ba'al-Me'on, 
Ba'al-Tamar). Ba'al of Pe'or appears to have been a deity worshipped by 
the Moabites (cf. Nu. 2^^'^) : but of the special attributes belonging to him, 

lY. 1. Dnxai . . . vnn po"?] Dr. § 115 {s.v. ]vrh) ; G-K. § 112. 3c, «.— cnri'i] 
G-K. § 44. 2 R.2— 3. niya !?V33] ''in" rather than ''because o/B." (the cases 
Lex. 3 III. 5 being hardly parallel) : "did because of" would have been 
rather '390 nry (Jer. 7^2 g« ^1.). Hos. 9'° the syntax shows that mys Sya 
(after a verb of motion) must be likewise the name of a locality. — P'H.t 73] 
a casus pendens : cf. on 2^, and G-K. § 116. 5 R.^, Dr. § 121 n. 


or the nature of the rites observed in his honour, nothing is really known. 
It is possible that he was a god of fruitfulness and fertility, though the 
terms of Nu. 25^"* are hardly such as to authorize the definite conclu- 
sion that the whoredom with the daughters of Moab was connected with 
his rites (v.* "For," RV., should be simply "And"). The Christian 
Fathers and Jewish Rabbis have both much to say respecting the repuls- 
ive character of his worship (see the passages collected by Selden, De Dis 
Syriis, i. 5) ; their statements, how-ever, do not appear to rest upon independ- 
ent tradition, but are based upon questionable etjmologies of the name 
Pe'or, or uncertain inferences either from the text of Nu. 25^^- or from ffi's 
rendering inxU^n for "iSM Nu. 25^. The idea that Ba'al of Pe'or was the 
Priapus of Moab is thus very insufficiently established (so Selden). The 
derivation of "iiJ'S is unknown : in Hebrew, nys means fo open wide (of the 
mouth, Is. 5'* Job 16"* 29^ Ps. 119'^^t) ; K"ij'9 in Syriac is a hollo-w or cavern 
of the earth (Heb. ii"®=o!rai); and the place ni>2 may have received its 
name from some circumstance connected with its position or geographical 
character (note mys^ CRi, with the art., Nu. 23^). See further Kautzsch 
und Socin, Die Aechtheit der Moab. Alterthilmer geprilft (1876), pp. 71-75 ; 
Baethgen, Sem. Rel.-gesch. p. 14 f. ; Dillm. on Nu. 25^. 

4. But ye that did cleave, &c.^ the duty of "cleaving" to 
God, in loyal and close devotion, is elsewhere insisted on in 
Dt. : io2o ii22 135(4)3020; hence in D2Jos. 22^ 2f: cf. 2 K. iS^ 
(of devotion to idolatry, ib. 3^). — 5-6. The statutes which 
Moses has taught the people have God as their author : hence, 
if they are followed obediently, the heathen themselves will be 
constrained to confess that Israel is a nation of singular insight 
and wisdom. — 5. See ('"•??"!)] i^- — / have taught you, &c.^ the 
systematic "exposition" (i^) of the body of law contained in 
Dt. was not the beginning of Moses' legislative work ; already 
at Horeb he had received "statutes and judgments," which, 
during the years that had since elapsed, he had, as occasion 
arose, impressed upon his people (cf. v.^*, and on c^^i^)). — 
Wliither ye are gomg in to possess it] 7^ ijio. 29 2321(20) 282!' 63 
30I6, cf. 1229.— 6. Observe and do] 712 1612 2324(23) 248 26^^ 28^3, 
cf. 29^ (^) Jos. 23° (D2) ; the more usual expression in Dt. is 
" observe to do " ; see Intr. § 5. — For that is your toisdom, &■'€.] 
obedience to such laws will be public evidence of your wisdom 
in the eyes of the world. — JVhich shall hear of all these statutes, 
and say. Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding 
people !] the sight of Israel's national greatness will attract the 
attention of heathen nations, and combined with a knowledge 
of the laws to which it is due, will evoke their admiration of 

IV. 4-9 65 

the wisdom which has secured Israel's cheerful obedience to 
them. — 7-8. Israel's wisdom in obeying its laws, and at the 
same time the admiration of the nations, are further justified 
by two additional considerations: (i) no other great nation 
has so nearly risen to the religious ideal of humanity, no other 
nation has the consciousness which Israel enjoys, of having its 
God ever nigh at hand, and ready to succour it ; (2) no other 
great nation possesses a body of law in itself so righteous^ i.e. 
so conformable to the requirements of justice and right, and 
consequently so adapted to command the admiration of man- 
kind at large, as Israel has. — 7. That hath gods (or God) so nigh 
unto it, &€.] the Heb. is ambiguous: but the rendering gods 
appears to be the most probable : comp. below. — Nigh unto 
it] cf. Ps. 34^^ 145^^- — 8. All this law] on i^. — Set before you 
(D3"'JQ7 in^)] i.e. oflFer for your acceptance or choice; so ii26. 82 
30^- ^^- ^^ : in a different sense from i^. — 8. To-day] of the day 
on which the Deut. legislation is expounded : so v.*° 5I 6^ 7I1 
81-11 n8, and often. 

9-24. The primary and fundamental principle of the entire 
law, viz. the spirituality of Jehovah and His transcendence 
above all created objects ; and the correlative duty of resisting 
steadily every temptation to idolatry. — 9-12. The spirituality 
of Jehovah. — 9. Only] the restrictive particle introduces with 
emphasis the particular precept of the law on which the legis- 
lator desires to lay especial stress. — Take heed to thyself] 
(^: ??''^)] ^ favourite Deuteronomic expression, v.23 612 gn 
11I6 1^9 (cf. 248); comp. ISl? DPinOK'Jl 2* 415 Jos. 23" 
(D2). So in JE, in a similar connexion, Ex. 3412 (also, though 

7. D'3"ip] D'n'^K, construed with a plur. adj. (or verb) may (i) be a true 
numerical plural, sig^ifyingf gods (6^* and often) ; or (2) may (chiefly in 
the mouth of, or in conversation with, heathen) be a vague designation 
of supernatural beings — whether the true God be meant by the speaker or 
not (as Gen. 20" Ex. 32^ {v. Dillm.] i S. 48 i K. 19^ ; Ew. § 3i8» ; G-K. § 145. 
3 R.); or (3) may denote Jehovah, the pi. being a "plural of majesty" 
(G-K. § 124. lO R.), as 5^ (2 and 3 are both rare). There is nothing to 
suggest the use of the plur. of majesty here ; hence (the reference being to 
heathen nations) gods is probably the correct rendering (though, naturally, 
the proximity to a nation of a deity other than Jehovah would, in the eyes 
of the Writer, have had no significance, or indeed reality). — i:»tnp 733] 73 
with the inf. is rare : i K. 8=2 (Deut.) t!?k DKija !?33 ; Gen. 30" i Ch. 23^^ 



less characteristically, Gn. 24^ 3124.29 gx. lo^s 19^2^. — Keep thy 
soui\ pathetically for keep thyself, with the implication of 
avoiding- some personal danger or misfortune: cf. Pr. 13^ 16^''^ 
19I6 where the Vw'Sp "i^b*, " he that keepeth his soul," is opposed 
to one who incurs ruin or even death. — Which thine eyes saio\ 
the same emphatic expression 7^9 lo^i 29^. — Depart from thy 
heart] i.e. vanish from thy mind and memory. The heart, in 
Hebrew psychologfy, is the seat of intellig-ence (on v.^^) ; here, 
in particular, of intelligent memory. — All the days of thy life] 
6^ 16^ 17^^. — And make them known U7ito thy children, &r'c.] cf. 
67.20f. 11193113 3246. also Ex. i226f. 138. 14 Jqs. 42if-._10. The day 
i that thou stoodest, &'c.\ in loose apposition to the things, v.^: 
the memory of that eventful occasion is to be kept alive 
throug'h successive generations. — That they may learn to fear 
me] comp. Ex. 19^ 2020 (JE) : for the phrase, cf. 14^3 1719 31I3. 
'—All the days, &'c.] 12^ 31^^- — And that they may teach their 
children] viz. to fear me likewise. — 11. And ye came near, Gfc] 
Ex. 19^'^''. — And the mountain burned with fire, &c.] Ex. 19^^ 
2oi8.2ib (E); cf. 24i6f- (P).— 12. And Jehovah spake] Ex. 19I9 
2oi-i9; also Dt. s^f-. — Out of the midst of the fire] the same 
fact is emphasized, in the same words, v.^^. 33. S6 ^4. 21. 23 gio 
10*. — Ye saw no form, save (that there was) a voice] the stress 
lies on the fact that, though God revealed Himself by the 
sound of words, no form, no material, or even quasi-material, 
fig-ure was seen : there was nothing- to sug^gest a material 
presence of the Almighty, njion (see below) is form, semblance, 
shape, even one of the most impalpable kind. Men of spiritual 
mind, who are under no temptation to conceive, or represent, 

10. ncK DV] on i^.— jnoS' -wvi\ see on v.^.— pic!?' cn'ja nxi] the change of 
order introduces variety, and forms a more forcible termination to the 
sentence than the plain c.Tja nx ng^i : cf. Lev. 25'*^'' 26^. — 11. n^crn a!? ij?] 
aV hearty fig-, for centre, midst: Ex. 15^ Ez. 27^ 2 S. 18". — Vsip pv -,pn] 
'^ {\s\th) darkness, cloud," &c. Implicit accusatives, defining the manner, 
or attendant circumstances, of the mountain's burning : cf. Ew. § 300*=, Ges. 
§ 118. 5°. — 12. D'NT D3rK . . . D'yor dun] the participles represent the scene 
as continuing, and depict it more graphically and vividly than the mere 
perfects would have done (Dr. § 135. i). — njian] form, semblance, iT5«j, 
species (the root is preserved apparently in the Arab, mdna, mentitus fuit, 
Eth. mena, dolo uti, prop, falsam speciem prae se ferre) ; as here, v.''; 
Job 4^* of a nocturnal apparition, whose presence could be felt, but whose 

IV. 10-13 67 

the Deity as material, may enjoy (Nu. 12^), or hope to enjoy 
(Ps. 17^^), the privilege of beholding Jehovah's "form": but 
no "form" was seen by the Israelites at Horeb; there was 
nothing, therefore, as is drawn out more fully v.^^^", to justify 
them in constructing a material representation of the Godhead. 
13-14. A brief notice of the commands then laid upon 
the people by Jehovah. These verses, speaking strictly, are 
of the nature of a digression : for the subject of this part of 
the chapter is not the substance, but the 7node, of the revelation 
at Horeb. — 13. His cove7iant\ the most formal and, so to say, 
official expression of the gracious relation subsisting between 
Jehovah and His people Israel. 

The term is borrowed from the popular lang^ag^e. The maintenance 
of friendly relations between nations, or individuals, is guaranteed by the 
establishment of a solemn compact, or agreement between them, called 
technically a covenant (Gn. 21^ i S. i8^'* 20^ i K. 20**). The conclusion 
of a covenant, at least on important occasions, was accompanied by 
religious ceremonies : a sacrificial feast was held (Gn. 26^*^ 2j46. mj . ^^j 
a calf or other animal having been slain, and its divided parts placed 
opposite to each other, the contracting parties passed between them, 
invoking upon themselves, in case either should violate the terms of the 
agreement, a fate similar to that of the slaughtered victim (Gn. i^s-"-"; 
Jer. 34'*'* : cf. //. iii. 298) : hence the idiom, common to Hebrew with the 
classical languages, to cut or strike a covenant (nna ma ; opicix ri/i.tuf ; tcere 
foedus). The terms, or conditions, on the basis of which the covenant is 
concluded, consist naturally of mutual promises and obligations : these 
are called in Ex. 24^ 34^'" " the words of the covenant," the document 
reciting them being "the book of the covenant," Ex. 24''. The theocratic 
application of the term is found first in JE (Ex. \<f^ 24'*^; cf. 34'°*^), 
where the thought is expressed that if Israel, on its part, observes the 
conditions laid down in the terms of the covenant, Jehovah, on His part, 
will bestow certain specified blessings (Ex. 19*^' ; 23--"^) upon it. This 
theological sense is rare in early writers (Hos. (P 8^ : never in Amos or 

contour could not be distinctly descried (wkto T3K k^i) ; Nu. 12* (.Tin' n:icni 
B'3'), of the intangible, yet quasi-sensual manifestation of the Godhead 
vouchsafed to Moses, as contrasted with the less distinct manifestation by 
the vision, or the dream (v.^), which might need interpretation (cf. nn'na vh 
v.^), granted to other prophets ; Ps. 17^^ (7i3iDn f'pna nyaPK) of the 
immaterial, yet real and objectively perceptible, presence of Jehovah, to 
which the Psalmist aspires to be admitted (i| T33 mnn). In Dt. 4^'- ^- ^ 5^ 
(= Ex. 20*) 'n denotes that in which the copy of an object resembles the 
original, i.e. its shape, Jigure\. — 12. Ti*?!?] i K. 3^^ : v. Lex. — 13. D':3K mm^] 
the same double plural 5" ^^- 1»- " lo'- ^ (= Ex. 341-*') i K. 8» Ex. 34*'' : v. 
G-K. § 124. 2b. 


Isaiah) ; but it is prominent in Dt. and writers influenced by it (D' in 
Jos. ; compilers of Judges and Kings ; Jeremiah) ; it occurs also not 
unfrequently in later prophets {e.g. Ezek. and II Isaiah) ; and it is used 
characteristically in several special applications by P. In references to 
the covenant, the stress may naturally lie, according to the context and 
the purpose of the writer, either on the Divine promise, or the human 
obligation, of which it is the guarantee. In JE Jehovah concludes a 
solemn covenant with Abraham (Gn. 15^*), promising his descendants the 
possession of Canaan. The covenant most frequently referred to in the 
OT. is, however, that concluded with Israel at Sinai (Ex. 2/^-^ 34^'''")» 
The terms of this covenant, in so far as they are obligatory upon Israel, are 
embodied most succinctly in the Decalogue, which is accordingly in the 
present passage (and perhaps already in Ex. 34^) identified with it ; the 
stones on which the Decalogue was engraved are "the tables of the 
covenant " (Dt. 9'- ^^' ^^ i K. 8^ G) ; and the ark which contained them is 
"the ark of Jehovah's covenant," 10* (see note), cf. i K. 8^^ (Deut.). 

The other references in Dt. to the covenant of Horeb are : (as imposing 
obligations upon Israel) 4^ 5"^ (followed by the Decalogue) 17- 29^'' 
31^®"^, cf. 33^; (as involving on Jehovah's part the obser\'ance of His 
promise) 7^ ; in 4^^ 7^^ 8^* the covenant with Abraham (Gn. 15^^), extended, 
on the basis of Gn. 22^^'* 26^'* &c., to the other patriarchs, is appealed to 
as a guarantee of God's faithfulness. In 29^** ^-^-"-^ the legislation of 
Dt. is made the basis of a covenant, entered into by Jehovah with Israel 
in the land of Moab, a renewal, as it were, of that concluded at ^oreb. 
The particular duty on which the observance or neglect of the covenant is 
in Dt. principally made to turn, is (in accordance with what is a primary 
aim of the book) loyalty to Jehovah, as opposed to all false gods (notice 
the context of the passages cited). Later prophets and historical writers 
(esp. those influenced by Dt.) often recall Israel to the duty of observing 
the covenant, and declare the consequences of neglecting it ; as Jos. 7^^* ^ 
23i« Jud. 2» I K. 11" 1910-" 2 K. 1715- 35- 38 j812 23!!. 3. 21 (t^e basis of Josiah's 
reformation), Jer. ii^-io 22' 3i32»> ^izt. (ggg -q^ j^]2j . ^g a motive of God's 
favour or clemency, i K. 8^ 2 K. 13^ Jer. 14-'. And in pictures of the 
ideal, or Messianic, future, the establishment of a new covenant between 
Jehovah and His people is promised, Jer. ^\^^-^ ^2'^ 50' Ez. i6**'^ 34^ 37-* 
Is. 541" 553 5921 618 (cf. 428 498). In the Priests' Code, the idea of the 
covenant is extended, and it is applied to many particular institutions of 
the theocracy ; but a further discussion of this subject would be out of 
place here, and it must suffice to refer to Schultz, OT. Theology, p. 401 ff". 
(E.T. ii. I ff".) ; and J. J. P. Valeton's elaborate study on the usage of nna 
in different parts of the OT., ZATW. 1892, pp. 1 ff'., 224 ff"., 1893, p. 245 ff". 

(Even) the ten words] i.e. the "Decalogue" (Ex. 20^''^-). So 
ID*, and (perhaps) Ex. -^i^^. — Upon two tables of stone] Ex. 24^2 
31^8^: cf. Dt. 910 10*. — 14. And me (emph.) did Jehovah com- 
mandy Gfc] Moses was commissioned further at the same time 

14. 'HKi] and me (emph.), opp. to you, v?^. Cf. for the position conxi 
v.*" (opp. to the nations, v."), 6^ Lev. i \^^ (opp. to 13W3 -a». "ja), 26^ Ez. 

IV. 14-17 6g 

to instruct the people in the laws which were to regulate their 
life in Canaan: cf. v.^ i^^ 528(31)^ The reference, it seems, is 
partly to the body of law comprised in the ** Book of the 
Covenant," Ex. 2022-2333 (cf. Ex. 2^^-''^-^), partly (above, v.^) 
to the laws constituting the code of Dt. — Whither ye are going 
over to possess it\ 6^ 1 1^- ^^ : cf. on v. 2*5. 

15-19. Let Israel, then, take to heart the lesson of 
Horeb, and resist strenuously the temptation to worship any 
material or created object, in particular either [a) any repre- 
sentation of the human or animal form, or [b) the host of 
heaven. — 15. Take good heed, then, to yourselves (ind DmOB'Jl 
Da'TiEJ'QJ^)] so Jos. 23^1 (D2) : comp. on v.^. — For ye saw no 
manner of form, (SrT.] resumption of v.12 (after the digression 
of v.^3-i4jj as the foundation of the following exhortation. — 
16. Lest ye deal corruptly (pmO^'^)] v. 25 3129; cf. nw 912 (from 
Ex. 32''). — A graven image, (even) a form of- — i.e. constituted 
by — any statue (^'P?)] "^PP Ez. S^- ^ 2 Ch. 33''^t : in Phoenician 
(see below) = dvSpias, statue. — The likeness (n^ji3n) of male or 
female^ with allusion to male and female deities. n^33n model 
or likeness (lit. constnwtion, from njD to build), as Ps. 10620, and 
esp. Ez. 81°. — 17-18. The likeness of any beast that is in the 
earth, &c.^ the prohibition is worded as generally as possible : 
no representation of beast, bird, reptile, or fish is to be made 
for purposes of worship (comp. Ez. S^^). 

j2i3b 2310 nniNi (opp. to .Tnum .T33) ; cf. on i^^. — 15. Dmciyji] the pf. with the 
"waw consec. with the force of an imper., "take heed, then," "so take 
heed" (Dr. § iigJ), as often in this book, e.g. f & io^«-^» ii^ 30".— n^'j] a 
rel. clause, with nis'N unexpressed, after dv3 (in the st. c); so Ex. 6^ Lev. 
7=» Nu. 3I 2 S. 22^ (=Ps. 18^), cf. Hos. i2 (. . . na^ n^nn); G-K. § 130. 4. 
The supposition (Konig, i. 191, 212, 309) that "iS'i &c. are anomalous forms 
of the inf. c, is not necessary or probable, in view of passages such as Ps. 
gQi5 J 333 JqIj 292^ where this explanation is evidently not admissible. At 
the same time, as DV3 is construed far more frequently with an inf. (Gn. 2* 
5^ Lev. ^ifi-scss &c,), it is very possible that the Mass. punctuation is not 
correct, and that the original pronunciation was ng'!!, a'Tj??, ^'VC- Comp. 
on 33 7^.-16. Dn'tyyi prrntyn |b] so v.^" S^^-n j^o &c. (Dr. § 115, s.v. js ; G-K. 
§ 112. 3c a). —'31 '?os] cf. on 58.— Vdd] in Phoen. cf. CIS. L i. 41^ 88- « gi^ 
'HD iVd in'3'?D jn' CN IK "^DD this statuc, which Milkyathon, king of Kiti 
(Kition, in Cyprus), gave, 93'' Vnn dVodh these statues (D^!?!?n) ; and nVna 
(fem.) ii2.— 17. qjD niBs] "fowl of wing" : so Gn. 7" (P) Ps. 148'": cf. (Va) 
»]33 "73 mss Ez. 17^3 39*-". — »)iyn] the impf. as 2^™. 


On the worship of animals, comp. Ez. S'"*' ; W. R. Smith, " Animal 
Worship and Animal Tribes among the Arabs and in the OT. " in the 
Journal of Philology, ix. (1880), p. 75 ff., s^nd Kinship and Marriage in 
Early Arabia (1885), chap. vii. (on Totemism, and tribes named from 
animals), with the criticisms of Noldeke, ZDMG. 1886, pp. 157-169, and 
Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heideiitumes, p. I76f. ; the same writer's 
Religion of the Semites, i. pp. 160, 270-293; J. G. Frazer, Totemism (1887). 

18. Of anything thai creepeth in the ground\ i.e. reptiles, 
quadrupeds being- denoted by nora (of. Gn. & S^^ i K. 5I3). 
So Gn. 1 30 pxn ^y bph h^, ise ^^,—That is in the water under 
the earth\ so Ex. 20* { = Dt, 5^). The subterranean waters, on 
which the land was supposed to rest, the source of springs 
and rivers, are intended : Gn. 7^1 Ez. 31* Ps. 242 136^. — 19. The 
sun and the moon and the stars, (even) all the host of heaven^ cf. 
173. Next to imag-e- worship, the veneration of the host of 
heaven is mentioned as that form of idolatry into which the 
Israelite of the Writer's day might most readily fall. It is 
alluded to frequently in the period of the later kings : 2 K. 17^^ 
2i3.5 234.5.12 zeph. i5 Jer. 82 1913 ; 7I84417; Ez. S^^. "The 
seductive character of this worship, the influence exerted upon 
the ancient mind by the beauty of the heavenly bodies, by 
their wonderful but inexplicable movements, and by their 
varied effects upon the world, is picturesquely indicated by the 
phrase employed by the Writer, * Lest thou lift vp thine eyes to 
heaven^ and see the sun, &c., and be drawn away, and worship 
them ' : cf. Job 3126^- " (Dillm.). — Drawn away (n^j?)] so 30^^ ; and 
(actively) 136- n- 1* (s. 10.13) 2 K. 1721 Qre 2 Ch. zi^^.—Bow down 
[worship) and serve] 5^ ( = Ex. 20^) 30^7 ; (in inverted order) 8^^ 1 1^'^ 
173 2925. — Which fehovah thy God hath allotted to all the peoples] 
viz. to be worshipped by them; cf. 292^(26) << other gods. . . . 
whom He had not allotted to them (the Israelites)." So Just. 
Mart. c. Tryph. §§ 55, 121; Clem. Al. Strom, vi. 14, iiof. ; 
Schultz, Keil, Dillm. &c. The God of Israel is supreme : He 
assigns to every nation its objects of worship ; and the venera- 
tion of the heavenly bodies by the nations (other than Israel) 
forms part of His providential order of the world. Natural 
religion, though it may become depraved (Rom. i2iff), is a 
witness to some of the deepest needs and instincts of humanity : 
in default of a purer and higher faith, the yearnings of mankind 

IV. 18-23 71 

after a power hig-her than themselves find legitimate satis- 
faction in it. Clem. Al. (I.e.) even views the worship of the 
heavenly bodies as granted to the nations u'a (jltj riXeov a^coi 
ytv6fji€voi TcAcojs Kot Sia^^apukrtv ; and as the appointed means of 
enabling them to rise ultimately to something better (68os yap 
avTT] BoOelcra rots (.Ovccriv dvaKvij/ai tt/sos dtov). The explanation 
(F; Rashi, al. ; cf. Geiger, Urschrifi, p. 444), according to 
which the heavenly bodies were "allotted" to the nations, to 
minister to their needs and comforts, is inconsistent with the 
context, besides being inapplicable to the parallel passage 
2g25(26)_ — Under the whole heaven] 2^5. — 20. But you (emph.) 
hath Jehovah taken, &€.] Israel, however, unlike the heathen 
nations, has no share in such deities : it has been chosen by 
Jehovah as His peculiar possession ; and it is accordingly 
bound to render Him exclusive service. — Iron-furnace] i.e. 
furnace for smelting iron, fig. of a severe and searching ordeal 
(cf. Vi? "^^3 furtiace of affliction, Is. 48^^) : of Egypt, as here, 
I K. 8^1 (Deut.) Jer. n*t. — A people of inheritance] cf. "to be 
a people of special possession," 7^ 14^, where, as here, the 
special relation subsisting between Israel and Jehovah is made 
a ground for Israel's discarding all heathen rites and practices, 
and reserving its exclusive allegiance for Jehovah. — As at this 
day] 230. — 2i_ But Jehovah was angered with me, &'c.] y^"^ (g-v.) 
326. Moses himself, however, had incurred Jehovah's dis- 
pleasure, and had been forbidden in consequence to enter the 
Promised Land, so that he could not participate fully in the 
privileges of the n^m DV : let Israel, then, take heed, lest by 
lapsing into idolatry they kindle God's wrath against them, 
and move Him to withdraw His favour. — The good land] 1^^. 
— Which Jehovah thy God is giving to thee as an inheritaiwe] 
154 1910 20I8 2i23 244 2519 261.— 23. The exhortation of v.^^*^- is 
reiterated, after the fresh considerations advanced in v.20-22, 

21. N3 'nVaVi] perh. (in view of nay just before) 'xi should be restored ; 
yet gf. 17^. Other isolated cases occur of the omission of a suff. with 
the inf., where it might be expected, not only where the subj. is indef. 
(as I S. \\"\ but also besides, as Gn. iq'-^^ 24^ 2520 Ex. la"'" Jos. S'* i K. 
20I2 Jer. 7--' Kt. 2710 (contrast ") 4i'*-^ i Ch. 21^^— 22. no '3Jk] idiom., as 
Gn. 48-1 50^-^, nnx no Is. 38'. The ptcp., as i* &c., of the imminent future 
(G-K. § 116. 5c; Dr. § 135. 3) : so T3iV 'Jrx (cf. Ex. 5'" ; Gn. 20^ 43'). 


— A graven image, (even) the form of anything ivhich Jehovah 
thy God hath cojnmanded thee (not to make)] cf. v.^*'- 25. njx 
commanded, in a negative sense, as oP. — 24. An emphatic 
declaration of the ultimate ground of the preceding warnings : 
Jehovah is a devouring fire, consuming and destroying those 
who set themselves to dishonour Him or thwart His will (9^ ; 
cf. Is. 29^ 3o27- 30 J also Ex. 24^^) j He is likewise a jealous God, 
who will not endure that the honour which is His due should 
be rendered to a false god (cf. 32^1 Is. 42^), and who visits 
those who slight Him with the fire of His vengeance (cf. Zeph. 
1I8 38 Ez. 365 Ps. 'j^^).— A jealous God (N|i? ^N), as 5^ ( = Ex. 2o5) 
615 Ex. 34!^ : cf. Ni3i5 ^X Jos. 2419 Nah. x^. 

25-31. Israel, in after-times, if it lapses into idolatry, will 
find itself exiled from its land ; though even then God's mercy 
will not forsake His people, if it turns to Him in true peni- 
tence. — 25. And ye he grvwn old (DPlJCiJ^) in the land] the word 
(which is a rare one) implies *'the loss of spiritual freshness, 
and the blunting of original impressions, produced by force of 
custom, or long residence in the same spot" (Dillm.): comp. 
the use of the root. Lev. 13^^ 2522 26^". — A graven image, (even) 
theforvi of anything] v.23. — And do that which is evil in the eyes 
of Jehovah] 9^8 iy2 3129; ^f. on 6^^. — To vex him, (lD^J?3n!?)] so 
gi8 3129 32I6. 2ia (Dyp), Not " to provoke Him to anger" (AV., 
RV.) : D^pn, and the cognate substantive Dy3 (in Job b-ys), 
express always the idea, not of anger, but of chagrin, or 
vexation (Job 52 6^), caused by some unmerited treatment, — 
here, by deserting Jehovah, after the gracious and condescend- 
ing regard which He had manifested towards Israel (v.^*)), in 
favour of other gods. The word is used frequently in the same 
connexion by Deut. writers, as Jud. 2^°, and especially by the 
compiler of Kings (i K. 149-15 1530 162.7. 13.26.33 2122 22^ 2 K. 
lyii. 17 216. 15 2217 2319- 26) and Jeremiah (718- " 8^9 11" 256- 7 3229. 
so. 32 ^^. 8J J and occurs occasionally besides. — 26. I call heaven 
and earth to 'witness, &€.] heaven and earth, representing the 
unchangeable and ever-present fabric of the universe, are 
solemnly appealed to (30^9 312s) as witnesses of the fact that the 

21. vm nV^k fk thSk '' 'a] contrast the different position of Kin 3^^ ; and 
see on i". — 27. tboo 'no] constr. as onnVn 3'^ — j.^j,^ 28" Gn. 31". 

IV. 24-29 73 

consequences of Israel's disobedience have thus been foretold to 
it (cf. 819 3oi7f).— PemA gmckly] cf. 7* ii^^ 2820 Jos. 23" (D2). 
— WheretintOy jSt'c] 31^2 32*^ cf. 30^^. — Ye shall not prolong 
days (d''0^ p"'"iNn n!?) upon it\ a favourite Deuteronomic expres- 
sion : v.*° 530(33) ii9 jy20 22^ 30I8 32*7 (rare besides) : cf. that thy 
days may be prolonged (i^C* (})13>-IK^ jyofj) 5^^ { = Ex. 20^2) 6^ 
25i5f. — 27-28. They will be scattered among the nations, 
and dwindle in numbers ; there also they will sink deeper in 
heathenism, until they become abandoned entirely to the 
worship of dumb idols. — 28. The work of merU s hands\ 2 K. 19^8 
( = Is. 37^^ cf. 2 Ch. 32^9) Ps. 1 154 135I5. similarly c. 27^5 jgr. 
io3 (enn '•T' HB^Vd) ; Hos. 14* (^) Is. 28 178 Mic. 5i2(i3)_ Wood and 
stone, as 283*'- ^* 29^^ Ez. 20^2 ; a.s here, both phrases together, 
2 K. 19I8 (Deut.) = Is. 37^9. — Which see not, and hearnot, &-c.\ 
hence (with variations) Ps. 115^"'^ iSS^^'^"^- The same sarcasm on 
idols, made by the hands of men, and not even capable of the 
functions of animal life, also Hos. 8^ 132 Is. 28-20 j^s ^022 Hab. 
2i8f- Jer. iQi-io. 14-15 ( = 5ii7-i8) Is. 449-20 46*5f- (cf. 4oi9'- 417486): 
elsewhere in the Pent, only Lev. 26^0 (the D3"'S^3 ''IJQ). 

29-31. But Israel's alienation from its God will not be 
permanent. Tribulation will work a change in the heart of 
the nation ; it will turn sincerely to Jehovah, and its penitence 
being accepted, will receive again the tokens of His favour. — 
29. But from thence ye will seek Jehovah thy God; and thou shall 
find him\ i.e. experience again His grace and help: cf. Ps. 
32G Is. 556 65I I Ch. 28^^ 2 Ch. 152-4, and esp. Jer. 29^3 (where 
the agreement is almost verbal). — Provided thou search after 
him with all thy heart, &c.\ the words express the condition 
of Jehovah's being "found," His being sought for, viz. not 
from superficial or interested motives, such as the desire to 
escape from misfortune, but with a radical change of heart (v.^ 
" return "), and the devotion of the whole being. The phrase 
"with all the heart, and with all the soul," is characteristic of 
Dt. (see on 6^), and a genuine expression of the spirit which 
animates the Writer. It denotes (substantially) the entire 
spiritual being of man, the ** heart " being, in the psychology of 
the ancient Hebrews, the organ of intellect (see Jer. 521 Hos. 7^^ 
28. Notice the fourfold emphatic \r (1"). 


RV. ;«.; Job 12-*, &c.), and the "soul" being the organ of 
the desires or affections (on 24^^). — 30. All these things^ i.e. the 
tribulation just referred to, and implied v.-*'*-. — In the latter 
days] lit. in the end of the days (D>io\n n''inS3), an expression of 
rather frequent occurrence in the prophetical books, and 
denoting the final period of the future so far as it falls within 
the range of the speaker's perspective. The sense attaching 
to it is thus relative, not absolute, varying with the context. 
Here it is used of the period of Israel's return to God, forming 
the close of its history so far as contemplated by the writer ; 
3129 it is used of the antecedent period of Israel's rebellion : in 
Gn. 49I of the period of Israel's possession of Canaan ; in Nu. 
24^* of the period of Israel's future conquest of Moab and 
Edom (see v.^'-i^) ; in Ez. 381*' of the imagined period of Gog's 
attack upon restored Israel ; in Dan. lo^* of the age of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. Elsewhere it is used of the ideal, or Messianic 
age, conceived as following at the close of the existing order of 
things, Hos. 3^ Is. 2^ ( = Mic. 4^) ; comp. Jer. 2320 ( = 302*) 
48^'^ 49^9 Dan. 2^^\. — Return even unto (ny) Jehovah] 30- Hos. 
142 0) Am. 46 Is. 912(13) 1^22 al. ; with bs i S. 7^ i K. 833- 'is «/._ 
And hearken to his voice {inpl nyocn)] so 82" 923 135.19 j^s 

2614.17 27IO 281- ^^O^.S.XO.ifi .^ Gn. 2218 2&> Ex. 52 1526 

(?) 195 2321-22 Nu. 1422 (all JE); Jos. 56 222 (Joshua's) 242^: 
elsewhere chiefly in Jer., and other writers influenced by Dt. 
(not Is. or Ez.). — 31. For Jehovah thy God is a compassionate 
God] who is ready, therefore, to accept Israel's penitence, pro- 
vided it be sincere (30^). ^W\ 7K, as Ex. 34^ (JE). — He will 
not let thee drop (l^ll ^)] or, leave thee to sink down slack 

80. 1) i¥3] ^ IS, \ is: are both frequent ; but this phrase recurs only 
Hos. 51* Is. 25* Ps. i87 (=2 S. 22^) 66" io6« 1076-13.19.28 2 Ch. 15*. 
No doubt originally 1S3 was intended as the infinitive of ns, and pro- 
nounced therefore "ii'3 (cf. "VS Jer. 5^) or ni-3 (cf. h 31?, \ aia? Hos. lo^ 
> a-itJ^ Dt. (^ al., \ v-i^ Jer. f al., ) nu? Neh. 9^8, \ ch) Hag. i«) ; but 
as pointed (with the art.), it can hardly be anything but the subst. n», 
'V ■'XS being regarded as a poetical variation of the more prosaic Til?? 
(cf. the late expressions Ps. 120^ "•) nti"3V3> Jon. 2" -h -tjv?)- — T<^2i] the 
pf. with 1 consec, carrying on "^ ns3 (G-K. § 112. 301; Dr. § 118). — 
naen D'D'n nnnKa] here the 1 consec. introduces the pred., nan being the 
syntactical equivalent of aien : Gn. 3' Ex. 16® Dnjni aiV at even — then ye 
shall know, i K. if^ ^m nmapi 'niD3, &c. (G-K. § 112. 5^; Dr. § 123/3). 

IV. 30-34 75 

and feeble (cf. of the hands, Jer. 6^* al.), opp. to holdfast (Job 
27'^ Song 3^ al.)\ so 31^- 8 Jos. i^ i Ch. 28-0. — Nor forget the 
covenant which he sware, dr'c] see on v.^^ and i^; and comp. 
Lev. 26^'^-'*^ (in the peroration of the " Law of Holiness"). 

32-40. Israel has grounds for knowing that Jehovah is 
God alone, who will not permanently abandon His people 
^^32-36^^ and who has a claim upon Israel for its obedience 
^y 37-40^ — 32. For\ introducing- the considerations, tending to 
show that Jehovah will not forget His covenant (v.^^) : nothing 
so marvellous has ever happened at any time, or in any place, 
since man appeared upon earth, as the wonders which Israel 
has witnessed at Horeb [v.^) and in Egypt (v.^^). — 33. Did 
ever people hear the voice of God?\ rather a god. The point is 
not whether any other nation ever so heard the voice of (the 
true) God, but whether any other god had ever given such evi- 
dence of his existence as Jehovah had done. — Out of the midst 
ofthefire\ w^^. — And live] in accordance with the thought, 
often expressed, that no man can "see God and live" (523(26) 
Gn. i6i3 3231 Ex. 20" 3320 Jud. 622f- 1322; cf. Ex. 36 i92i)._34. 
Or hath a god attempted (nD3) &r'c.?\ has a god ever even 
attempted, or ventured (285''), to come and take to himself a 
nation out of the midst of another nation, as Jehovah has done 
in the case of Israel? — Trials (nbp)] or provings {p\\ b^^'), i.e. 
testings of the character and disposition of Phara'oh, effected 
by the display of Jehovah's might (7^9 292). — War\ Ex. 141^- 25. 
— With signs and with portents] Ex. iQi.z (^ix) ; 
421 ^9 ii9. 10 (nsiD) ; both, as here, Ex. ^^ Dt. 622 7" 268 292 34" 
(all with allusion to the marvels wrought in Egypt), 132-3 
(as well as in other books). DSio is a portent, an occurrence 
regarded merely as something extraordinary : nis is a sign, i.e. 
something, ordinary (Ex. 1213 31I3 Is. 20^ &c.) or extraordinary, 
as the case may be, regarded as significant of a truth beyond 
itself, or impressed with a Divine purpose. — A mighty hand] 
on 32^. — A stretched out arm] g^ (with "great power," as 

32. pS] a syn. of jp, used esp. in designations of the terminus a quo, 
whether of time or place : e.g. 9^ 2 S. 7"- ", c'crn n%^:T:h just below, Jud. 20* ; 
Ex. 11^ 2 S. 6^9 {Lex. s.v. JD, sub fin.).— nw] the nif., as i K. i^' 12^^ Jud. 19* 
(II iWKTj) 20* al., in the sense oi come to pass, happen. 


2 K. 1736 [compiler] Jer. 2f 32^7); Ex. 6^ (P or H). The 
combination with mighty hand, first in Dt. 4^* 515 71^ ii^ 26^; 
and (derived hence) Jer. 3221 (cf. 2i5) i K. 8*2 ( = 2 Ch. 6^2) Ez. 
2o33. 34 Ps. 136127. — And with great terrors (D^X"iiO)], i.e. awe- 
inspiring" manifestations. So 26^ 34^2. ^ renders bpa^iara (as 
though CXIO), which is weaker, though the reading- is 
defended by Geiger, Urschrift, p. 339 f. — Before thine eyes] on 
i30_ — 35^ Thou (emph.) wast Tnade to see, so as to know that 
Jehovah, he is God: there is none else beside him] this was the 
ultimate aim of the wonders wrought in Egj'pt : cf, Ex. io2. 
The truth, that Jehovah is not only God, but sole God, is 
emphasized again, v.^^, cf. 7^ lo^^: see on 6*. — 36. Jehovah's 
manifestations had been made alike from heaven and upon 
earth, with the intention of impressing vividly upon Israel 
the truth and reality of His words. Out of heaven had Israel 
heard the thunderings of God (Ex. 19^^), that he might discipline 
thee, i.e. that the people might be brought to a temper of 
becoming reverence; and upon earth (Ex. 19^^) had they seen 
his great fire, and heard his words out of the midst of the fire, 
embodying (cf. v.^"^) the fear of Him in a concrete form. — To 
discipline thee (^T!'?^;')] comp. 8^, and the cognate subst. ID^D nS. 

"Instruct" (RV.) is not an adequate rendering-. iP! denotes not 
the instruction of the intellect (K*7in, ^?^), but the discipline or education of 
the moral nature : the spectacle was one adapted to quell waj-wardness 
and pride, and to generate in Israel's heart a temper of submissiveness 
and reverence. Ts: is the word used to denote the discipline with which 
a parent trains his child (8* Pr. 19^^ 29") ; it is used also of other corrective 
dealings, sometimes severe ones, whether on the part of God or man 
{e.g. I K. 12"-" Lev. 26^8 jgr. lo^^ 30" Ps. 6- 3912). 

37-40. And because he loved thy fathers, and chose, &c. . . ., 
(39) Know this day, and call to mind, that, &c. . . ., (^°) And 
keep, €^c.\ because is lit. in place of, i.e. in return for (the fact) 
that ('3 nnri ; cf. 21^* 2229 28*^), which shows (Dillm.) that the 
construction here given is the correct one, and that the 
apodosis cannot be (RV.) at chose. — Loved thy fathers] God's 
love of the patriarchs is emphasized again in lo^^ ; comp. His 

35. D'n"?Kn mn rm<\ v.» 7' i K. 8«> i8»-»: ion as 3=2.-37-39. ... '3 nnm 
liyri] the pf. with 1 consec, as 2 K. 22^' Is, 60^', and in response to JP' Is. 
jief. 3y»^ 3pp Nu. 14" &c. (Dr. § 123 y ; G-K. § 112. 5*). 

IV. 35-40 77 

love of Israel, 7* (where see note) ^^ 23^. Neither is taught 
elsewhere in the Pent. Jehovah's regard for the patriarchs is, 
of course, frequently exemplified in the narratives of Genesis 
(both JE and P) ; comp. Ex. («<the God of your 
fathers'') 32^^ 33^ : and it is also referred to often elsewhere in 
Dt., as the ground of His care for their descendants (on i^) ; 
but His love of them is mentioned only in the passages quoted. 
— A7id chose his seed after him\ if the text be correct, the 
reference will be specially to Abraham. The parallel passage 
10^5 has, however, their and them, which here also would 
harmonize better with the context, and which is expressed by all 
the ancient versions. — And brought thee out with his presence 
(VJQ3)] cf. Ex. 331^ 13^^ \JS, Is. 639 '*and the angel of his 
presence (VJS HX^o)] saved them " ; also, for the general sense 
of 0*^3, 2 S. 17^^ (of a human person). — With his great power 
(i'lUn inaa)] 9^^ Neh. i^o ; Jer. 275 32^7 (both of creation) ; Ex. 
32" (hnj n32), 2 K. 1736: cf. Nu. I4i3-i7._38. To dispossess 
{^^yjh) ■ . . from before thee] g^-s u^s igia (cf. 717 gS) gx. 
342* (JE). — Greater and mightier than thoti\ cf. 7i«'«* 9I ii23. — 
As at this day] 220. The reference may be either to the 
territory East of Jordan, or (by an anachronism) to Palestine 
generally: the similar language of y'^^^ gi ii23 favours the 
latter interpretation. — 39. The thought of v.^s repeated. — And 
call to mind] i.e. consider, reflect; see below. — He is God in 
heaven above, &c.] Jos. 2^1 (D2) i K. 823 (Deut.).— niy ps] Is. 
455- 6. 14. 18. 21. 22 ^69. Comp. on 6*.— 40. That it may be well 
for thee {^ 2t3^^)] S^^- 26(29) 63- is 1225. 28 22^; cf. 530(33) 19I3 (^ niDl). 
— After thee] cf. on i^. — Prolong days (n"'D^ 1"'isri)] on v.26. — 
Forever] lit. all the days, a Heb. expression for co7ititnially, 
esp. frequent in Dt. (526 m iii 1423 iS^ i9» 2833 Jos. 42^ [D2]) ; 
though found also elsewhere, as Gen. 43® 4432 i S. 23'-- 35 jS^o 
Jer. 3i36 2239 33I8 3519 al. 

39. ^33^ Sk naBTTi] lit. "bring- back to thy heart," i.e. recall to mind, 
consider : so 30^ i K. 8*'' Is. 44^^ 46* (W) Lam. 3^1. " Bethink themselves " 
(AV. I K. 8") is a good paraphrase.— 40. ih 2B" ipk] tpk, as often (cf. on 
3-* 1 1^^), a link relating two sentences to each other ; here resolvable into 
so thai : so v.i" 6^ (cf. the li ]ilDh s"^ 6^% aS^^-si Gn. 11' al. (Lex. tpk 8 b.). 


IV. 41 43, The Appointment by Moses of th^ee Cities 
of Refuge in the trans f or danic Territory. 

41^3. Bezer, Ramoth, and Golan appointed as Cities of 
Refuge. — The Deuteronomic law respecting the Cities of Refuge 
is contained in iq^-^^ ^q ^^g notes on which the reader is 
referred for fuller explanations) ; and all the characteristic 
expressions in v.*^-*^ here agree with those found there. 

The verses mark a pause in the narrative, and seem designed to 
separate the introductory discourse 1^-4*** from c. 5flF. (Di. Oe.). Their 
origin is uncertain. It is possible, no doubt, that they may have formed 
an original part of Dt. (Di.). In 19^^", however, the Cities of Refuge 
appear to be introduced for the first time, as a new institution : had the 
writer of 19^'^^ already described the appointment of three cities for the 
same purpose, it is difficult not to think that he wouH have framed his 
law so as to contain some allusion to the fact. It seems more probable, 
therefore (esp. if 1^-4*' be not by the same hand as c. 5-26. 28), that 4^"^ 
was added by a later Deut. writer (perhaps R'l), who desiderated an 
express notice in Dt. of the trans-Jordanic Cities of Refuge, and, in 
accordance with a tradition w'hich referred their appointment to Moses, 
supplied the omission by the insertion of these verses (Konig, Einh p. 213 ; 
Oettli, adloc: comp. Kuen. § 7. 17c?; Wellh. Comp. 207 ; Westphal, ii. 83). 
The phraseology is throughout Deuteronomic (like that of the additions 
in Jos. 20^'^; L.O.T, p. 105), and has no affinity with that of P's law in 
Nu. 35^- ^"**. According to P, also (Jos. 20^ cf. Nu. 35^""^*), the Cities of 
Refuge on the East of Jordan, as well as those on the West, were 
appointed, not by Moses, but hy Joshua. 

Separated (^^2^)] so ig^- 7. The word implies not so much 
physical separation, as separation for a particular purpose or 
object, lo^ 2920(21); Q.i. JPh. xi. p. 219. — Beyond Jordan] on i^. 
— 42. Thai the nianslayer . . . in time past] agreeing nearly 

41. '?n3' ik] Dr.§27/3; G-K.§ 107. i* R.^ — 42. 'm. . . Dji . . . nsn nsr Oi)] 
,i9(p? DJ? is corrected, as the sentence proceeds, by the more precise nnn ^k 
Vkh onyn |d, and this necessitates the repetition of the idea of fleeing: Dih 
is accordingly resumed by Dji — " That he might flee thither . . . , and 
(=yea) that he might flee . . . and live." The inf. OiV, with a final conj., 
is continued by the pff. ;'p) . . . Dji, with waw consec, as regularly {e.g. 
Gn. 18^; Dr. § 118); for the resumptive D}i, cf. 18* K31, 20" T\'m, 2^ itdki 
(Dr. § 118 n.). On : 'Clj, see G-K. § 104. 2e. — iS wr k*? Kim] lit. "and he 
being a not-hater to him aforetime " : so ig*- " Jos. 20' ; Nu. 35^ aix vh ki.ti 
\S (Dr. § 135. 7 Obs.). The ptcp. with kS is unusual [ib. § 162 n.); and K}b 
is best construed as a subst. — Sxn] as 7" 19" (but not ') Gn. 198-25 2&-^ 
Lev. 18-^ (against .iVkh some 80 times in the Pent., and nSx t8o times), 

IV. 41-43 79 

verbally with ig^i*- 4b. 5b. — 43. Bezer{yi:i) in the table-land] Bezer 
is mentioned besides Jos. 20^ 2i3<5 [see RV. w.] (=1 Ch. 6*'8 
("s)) ; also on the Moabite Stone, 1. 27, as one of the cities 
which Mesha' rebuilt after his revolt. Its site is unknown ; 
but being" in the "wilderness" (2^''), it was probably situ- 
ated towards the eastern border of the Moabite table-land 
{Z^%—Ramoth in Gilead\ Jos. 20^ 2i38(3C)(=i Ch. 6C5(£0)), or 
Ramoth of Gile'ad, 1 K. 4^3 223^- 2 K. S^s 9^**^^, according to 
Eusebius {Onom., ed. Lag. p. 287) 15 Roman miles W. of 
Philadelphia (Rabbath Bne'Ammon). It is generally identified 
with es-Salt (see Bad. p. 287); but Dillmann (on Gn. 31^^), 
following Hitzig and Langer {Ausland, 1882, p. i8i), prefers 
a site 6 miles to the North of es-Salt, at the ruins of el-JarOd. 
— Golan] Jos. 20^ 21^7 ( = 1 Ch. 65*^ ("i)), named by Eusebius 
{Onom. p. 242) as a KOi/xr] fxeyioTrj, but not at present known. 
Golan gave its name to the province Gaulanitis, often men- 
tioned by Josephus (cf. Schiirer, JV. Zg.'^ i. 354). On the 
modern district Jolan (or Jaulan)^ see Bad. p. 285 ; and 
Schumacher, Survey of the Jauldn, 1888. 

IV. 44-49. Superscription to the Expositiofi of the 

Law, contained in c. 5-26. 28. 

IV. 44-49. This superscription first (v.*^'^') characterizes the 
substance of the following discourse; it then specifies the 
place (v.^*''*), and (indirectly) the time (v.^^^^^j^ at which it was 

More than one difficulty arises in connexion with it. Not only does it 
appear to be superfluous after i^"", which is plainly intended to refer, not 
to c. 1-4 only, but to the Deut. discourses generally (v.® : "to expound 
this law "), but even supposing that a special superscription were deemed 

and I Ch. 20^ (Sx)t. The word is written similarly in Phoen. {CIS. I. i. 3^ 
Vk D'enpn cjVk "these holy gods," 14' 93' [cited on v.'"]), though it was 
pronounced prob. as a dissyllable (Schroder, Phon. Gr. §61). The kindred 
dialects have generally a dissyllabic form (cf. DB.^ i. 774 «.; Wright, 
Comp. Gramm. of Sent. Lang. p. io8f.), which is an indication that the 
pron. terminated originally in a vowel sound. The variation is thus not 
an "archaism," but is purely orthographical: no doubt ^k.t should be 
vocalized Vxn (cf. Phoen. t, i.e. j), just as nK, ry, when they occur for 
nriK, nnv, are vocalized ^s, ^ly. 


deaarafaJe for c 5^26, tiie minute particulars contained in v.'*"'" seem tn 
be uimecessary when the cdrcumstances there noted have been ah-eady 
described in detiul in c z-j ; moreover, v.^ is itself tautoiagxjus by the 
side of v.^. The circumHtantiaJity of the heading appears, in particular, to 
point ta its being the work of a writer who either (a) was not acquainted 
with i:^-4** or (b) disregarded it. By those («) who hold the original Dt. 
to have been limited to c 5^26. 28, 4.**"* — or (Konig, who thinks v,^~" 
added subsequently) ^**-'* — is accnrdingiy considered to have been the 
aoperscriptian to that disccurse, to which 1^-4** was prdixed afterward* 
as an introduction, wh^her by the original writer {Graf, Gesch. Butter, 
pp^ 6^. Ej; EQeinert, pp. 33, i63), or by a somewhat later hand(WeiIh. 
Camp. p. rgz ; Kuenen, ^ 7, «. r2 ; Valeton, Studieiu, vi. p. 225 ; Westphal, 
pp. Sz, 37; K3nig, Einl. p. 2r2£), v.** being inserted at the same time as 
a. connecting link. Dillmann (U) cMLthe contrary, who observes that the 
verses include laiight pfaraseologicai traits which are not diose of D (see 
the notes), and that v.* appears to be borrow^ed fi-om 3*", which forms 
(see note) part of an insertion in the original narrative of c 3, considers 
the aaperscriptian not to be original, but to have been added here by the 
ELedactor of Dt. on the basis of material derived from c r-3, for the pur- 
pose of marking the distinctive character of the discourse which follows 
(c 5—26), and declaring that the " exposition " of " the law," promised in 
I?,, now begins. Dillm.'s attempt, however, to show that v-^ is not tauto- 
B^ii ia with v.**^cannat be pronounced succes^d : the supposition that the 
•*iiBw" of V.** refers to c 5-11, and the " testimonies, statutes, and judg- 
OBBBtigb'* of v.* to c Ez— 26, implying a forced distinction b^rween the tWQ 
SEgn^abnsj which is not aistained by usage (see v.^. 

44 A:ndthis\ ffiFS omit and. — The law] r^. — Laddhefore (nr 
TS^] Ex. it^ zr^ : edsewhere Dt. has ns^ ;m (oa v.^). — The 
chUdreTt af Israel\ sufl^cientiy common in most books of the 
OT., but contrary to tiie general usage of Dt., which, even in 
the narrative parts, prefe Israel" (on r^^) ; fiar r^ 3:^ 

J4f are derived from P, 31 from JE, icfi from Er else^ 

Tvtere in the book only 3^ z"^ ("sons" as distinguished froas 
daughters), 24'', tiie heading' z^^-^, and the subscription 
2m (29I).— 45. Testmwmes] &^-^: ct iK. ^ zK. i-j^ z-f (aH 
Ekmt.) ; and see below. The idea of a "testimony" (<. 
**' wil a ie a»") is that of an attestation^ or formal affirmation; 
fiance, as referred to God, a solemn declaration of EGa will on. 

9L rtr^X &'^- ^. Elsewhere (in this form) only Ps- 25^ 78" 93* 99'^ ti2», 
an£c4. times in Pa. ng. When written piene (nrry), the word is v 
ftmOiBd niTH (r K. 2» 2.K. 17" 2.3* Jer- 44?* i Ch. 29» 2 Ch. 34^ Ne. <, 
9 times in Ps. tiqt), which wonUi be: tbe pL cstr. of nrrs (Stade, § 320"). 
J^etHnpanson of the two grougm of fsaaagBs ( of t K. 2^ with Dt. 6^^ 
makes it tfwwfcntT, . towwawi; that the words,, thwgjfe dMt k mnttf vocaiizcr: 
do not' I 





Israel, as a nation, is to be governed. The second part (c. 
12-26. 28) includes the code of special laws, which it is the 
object of the legislator to "expound" (i^), with reference, in 
particular, to the purposes which they subserve, and to the 
motives which should prompt their observance. 

V.-XI. Hortatory Introduction. 
C. 5-1 1 consists essentially of a development of the first 
Commandment of the Decalogue. With warm and persuasive 
eloquence, the legislator sets before Israel its primary duty of 
loyalty to Jehovah, urging upon it the motives to obedience 
by which it ought to be impelled, and warning it against the 
manifold temptations to neglectfulness by which it might be 
assailed. He begins by reminding Israel of the covenant 
concluded with it at Horeb on the basis of the Decalogue, and 
of the promise which the nation had then given that it would 
obey whatever future commands Jehovah might lay upon it 
(c. 5). The Israelite's fundamental duty is to love Jehovah, to 
be devoted to Him with intense and undivided affection, not 
to forget Him in the enjoyment of material prosperity, or to 
forsake Him for false gods, but to serve Him loyally himself, 
and to teach his children to serve Him loyally afterwards (c. 
6). Upon entering Canaan, no truce is to be made with the 
Canaanites, no intercourse with them is to be tolerated : Israel 
is holy to Jehovah ; and motives of fear, not less than of grati- 
tude, should prompt it to give effect to His will : in its crusade 
against heathenism, it may rest assured of His ever present 
aid and succour (c. 7). Let Israel recollect the lessons of the 
wilderness, and take to heart its dependence upon Jehovah, 
lest it be tempted, in the midst of the good things of Canaan, 
to forget the Giver, and perish like the nations whom God is 
casting out before it (c. 8). Let Israel, further, beware of self- 
righteousness ; let it remember how from the beginning it 
has shown a wilful and rebellious nature, and how its present 
existence as a nation is due solely to Jehovah's forbearance 
(9^-10^^). For these and other mercies, the only return which 
Jehovah demands is loving and ready obedience (lo^^^). And 
this obedience should be prompted by the thought of the favour 

V. i-s 83 

with which the Lord of heaven and earth had visited Israel 
(1014-22), of the deeds wrought by Him on its behalf at the 
Exodus (ii^-^), and of its dependence upon Him for its future 
prosperity in Canaan {11IO-25J. The Writer ends this part of 
his discourse by solemnly reminding Israel of the two 
alternatives, the blessing and the curse, now offered for its 
acceptance (ii^^-ssj. 

V. 1-18. The covenant concluded by Jehovah with Israel 
at Horeb, on the basis of the Decalogue. — 1. The aim of the 
discourse (c. 5-26. 28) here beginning, viz. that Israel may 
learn, and obey, Jehovah's commands. — All Israel] i^. — Hear, 
O Israel] 6*91 20^: cf. 4I 6^1. — This day] 4^0. — Observe to do] 
on 4^. — 2-18 (21). The Writer begins by reminding Israel of the 
fundamental principles of the covenant, as embodied in the 
Decalogue (4^^). — 3. Not with our fathers] this covenant was 
made not with our forefathers, the patriarchs {^^- ^7 78. 12 318)^ 
but with us (4^^), who are here alive to-day (cf. 4*) : it is w^, 
therefore, who are bound by the terms of it. The fact that 
the greater part of those who stood at Horeb, 40 years before, 
had passed away, is disregarded : cf. ii^-^, and on i^o. — 4. Face 
to face spake Jehovah] thus solemnly and impressively was the 
covenant inaugurated. — D''3D2 D^3S] cf. D^3D bs D*3Q 34^° Ex. 33I1 
(both of Moses), Gn. 32^1 Jud. 622; pya py Nu. 141* jg. 528. — 
Out of the midst of the fire] on 4I2, — 5. I standing between Jehovah 
and you, &'c.] the words, to mount, are parenthetical (see RV.), 
describing the part taken by Moses as mediator between God 
and the people — of course, as the terms used imply, at the 
time when the Decalogue was promulgated, not in the com- 
munication of commands received by him subsequently, 520-28 
(23-31) ^14^ Thg representation of Moses as mediator, for the 
purpose of "declaring" or "reporting" (see below) the words 
of the Decalogue, is apparently at variance with v.^- ^^- 21 (22. 24) 
4^2. 15. 16 io4, in which Jehovah seems to be described as having 
spoken them audibly to the people. It appears, however, 
Y. 3. wmn] emphasizing the suff. in unn (G-K. § 135. 2° ; i S. \<^ 25**), 
and then further strengthened by 'Ji ns nVx, in appos. — "but with us, us, 
these here to-day," &c. — 4. D'osn d':b] "(with) face in face," — an implicit 
accus. of closer definition (G-K. § 156. 2). — 5. "lOV '^^kJ a circ. cl. (Dr. 
§ 161). — Tjn"?] to declare, " Show " (AV. RV.) is used here in the old sense 


that according- to the conception of D, the people heard the j 
"voice" of God, but not distinct words: the latter Moses 1 
declared p^?"?) to them afterwards. And in fact this repre- 
sentation is not inconsistent with Ex. 19^- ^^ — both verses 
belonging- to E, and followed orig^inally by 2oi-^''' (the inter- 
mediate verses 1920-25 forming part of the parallel narrative of j 
J) : according to these passages God speaks with Moses, and \ 
the people overhear the thunder of His voice, but they do not ! 
necessarily hear distinctly the actual words spoken. — The \ 
word of Jehovah] (KSJIIJ, "words": so Kuen. Th. T. 1881, ; 
p. 180. j 
6-18(21). The Decalogue, repeated from Ex. 20^-17, with ] 
verbal differences, sometimes slight, in other cases more con- j 
siderable. The longer variations are mostly in agreement ' 
with the style of Dt., and the Writer's hand is recognizable in 
them. On the Decalogue in general, see the notes on Ex. | 
20^-i^ : only the variations which the text of Dt. exhibits will be j 
noticed here. — 8. A graven image, (even) any form, &cJ] Ex. j 
20^ **a graven image, or (^) any form, &c." Comp. 4I6. 23. 25j 
and see below. — 9. W^^ Syil Ex. D''tJ'!;K' hv- — 12. Observe \ 

of the word, to report or tell : see AV. Gn. 46^^ Ex. 138 i S. 9^ &c. (RV. ] 
telt), RV. Dt. 179- 10-" 32^ I S. 3" al.—%. 'i^ -wk njion !?3 '?cb] the con- 
struction is difficult, and uncertain. In view of Ex. 20^ (as it stands), and 

of the fondness of D for apposition (on 18^), the rend, adopted above is j 
at least the most obvious (so 4^®- ^' ^). It is true, njicn denotes nothing 

material ; and hence it might be objected that a n:iDn could not be • 

"made": but the direct obj. of nsryn is hos; and njinn may signify not ( 

only "that in an object which may be imitated," but also "that wherein : 

an object made resembles its model " : in making a has, therefore, a njiDn is j 

at the same time produced. This "form " is then, by an inexactness of I 
language, identified with the corresponding "form" ("that is in heaven," 
&c.) upon which it was modelled (RV. eases the sentence by inserting 
"the likeness of"). Ewald (Hist. ii. 160), W. A. Wright, //%. iv. 156, 

Di., divide the verses Dt. ^'^ (=Ex. 20*"^) differently, treating 'n Sa as a ' 
casus pendens, and construing : " Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven 
image : (and) every form that is in heaven above, &c., thou shalt not bow 

down to them, or worship them." Others assimilate the text of Ex. to 1 

that of Dt., omitting 1 in n:iDn ^3i, and rendering, "a graven image of a.ny j 

form," &c. (so also 4^"' ^- ^) ; but the combination naicn Vdb seems a doubt- " 
'ful one, and it is peculiarly hard when followed, as in 4^®, by another 

genitive.— 9. DT3yp] so Ex. 20' 23^^; Dt. 13^ dt?J?}- The impf. Qal is I 

ordinarily Tij;,: 'JT?^: (Ex. 4^ &c.) ; and it is a question how these four j 

anomalous forms are to be explained. Ols. § 261, Stade, §§ 549P, sSS^, ] 

V. 6-15 85 

(liDE*)] i6^ In Ex. 2o» *' remember "—As /c/iova/i thy God 
commanded thce\ so v.^^ 20^^; cf. 6^5 24^, and the frequent 
"As Jehovah spake unto thee" (on i^i). A comment on 
the words spoken, which is of course not strictly appropriate 
in what purports to be a report of them. — 14. And thy man- 
servant] Ex. 2oi<' without "and." — And thtne ox, and thine 
ass, and all thy cattle] Ex. 20^" has for these words simply 
** and thy cattle." — That thy man-servant and thy maid-servant 
may rest as well as thoti] this clause is not found in Ex. 20^°, 
though it expresses the thought of Ex. 22^-^ (in the ** Book of 
the Covenant"). The philanthropic motive assigned for the 
observance of the sabbath is in accordance with the spirit 
which prevails elsewhere in Dt. [e.g: 12^2. is i^2Gb J511J — 15 
And thou shall remember that than wast a servant in the land 
of Egypt, and Jehovah thy God brought thee out theiu:e, ^'c] 
this verse is not in Ex., the corresponding place (Ex. 20^^) 
being occupied by the words, " For in six days Jehovah made 
heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested 
on the seventh day : therefore Jehovah blessed the sabbath 
day, and hallowed it." The recollection of the servitude in 
Egypt is made a motive for kindliness towards others placed 
in a similar position in \^^ 16^2 24^8.22 ^each time in almost 
the same words), — in \^'^ 24^8 coupled, as here, with the in- 
junction to remember gratefully the deliverance thence. It 
might accordingly seem (cf. v.^''^) as if the observance of the 
sabbath were inculcated upon a similar ground ; but the 
words which follow, "Therefore Jehovah thy God commanded 
thee to hold the sabbath day," show that the sabbath is viewed 
here as a periodical memorial of Israel's deliverance from Egypt, 

Kon. i. p. 259 f., treat them as Hofal forms, as though the meaning were, 
" Thou shalt not be made to serve them " (pass, of T3j;n to make to serve, 
Jer. 17^) ; Ew. §§ 66°, Sg^*, 251^ regards them as irregular forms of Qal, 
but fails to explain satisfactorily the two o sounds. If the forms are Hof., 
the idea of compulsory idolatry, whether resulting (Gcs.) from external 
pressure, or (Konig) from an irresistible inward impulse, is artificial, and 
not favoured by the context ; if they arc Qal, the o sounds are unaccounted 
for. Under the circumstances, the most probable view is that of G-K. 
(§ 60 R. i), that the punctuators intended the forms to be understood 
.is Hof., but that the original pronunciation was (as regularly elsewhere, 
e.g. Jer. 16") DTaye, DT?yj. — 12. n^D?*] on i*^ 


and of its relation to Jehovah, which was sealed thereby {^^- ^ 
7^-s &c.). — To Ao/^(nVk^*j;)] rather a technical expression, used of 
the sabbath only once besides, in Ex. 3ii<' (P). Comp. on i6^. 
— 16. Honour thy father and thy mother, as Jehovah thy God 
commanded thee ; that thy days may be long", and that it Tnay 
he 'well for thee, upon the land which Jehovah thy Grod is giving 
thee] the two italicized clauses are not in Ex. 20^2^ "With the 
first clause, comp. v.^^; the second clause as v.26(29) 6^8 1225- 2s 
227.— 17 (AV. 17-20). In Ex. 2013-16 the 6th to the 9th Com- 
mandments form each an independent sentence: in Dt. they 
are connected by the conjunction (^<'^), producing a more 
flowing period. Similarly in v.^^^-^). — 17(20). And thou shall 
not answer against (19^*^) thy neighbour, as a vain 'iioitncss\ ^y 
S}K' i.e. a hollow, insincere witness: in Ex. 20^^ li??' ^V i.e. 
definitely a false witness, the more common " expression (Dt. 
19^8 Ps. 2712 pr. 619 145 25is)._18 (21). And thou shalt not 
desire thy neighbour's wife, and thou shalt not long for thy 
thy neighbour's house, his field, or his man-servant, or his 
maid-servant, his ox, &c.] in Ex. 20^7 "Thou shalt not desire 
thy neighbour's house, thou shalt not desire thy neighbour's 
wife, or his man-servant, or his maid-servant, or his ox," &c. 
In Ex. "house" appears to be used in a comprehensive sense, 
embracing- not only the actual dwelling, but also w^fe, servant, 
ox, ass, and other possessions constituting" a domestic estab- 
lishment (cf. Gn. 152 Job 8^5), examples of which are after- 
wards specified separately ; in Dt. the wife, as the dearest and 
closest of a man's possessions, is named separately in the first 
place, and "house" is limited to ordinary domestic property, 
land, servant, ox, and ass being the illustrations chosen. For 
"desire" ("'P'7) in the second place, Dt. has ^?.^<J?'?i, apparently 
merely as a rhetorical variation ; for ~J^»0'?. though a some- 
what stronger term than non, and rarer, especially in prose, 
does not express a substantially different idea, non, express- 
ing in itself a perfectly lawful affection (Is. 53^ Ps. GS^" (!">), 
acquires from the context the sense of sinful coveting (cf. Mic. 
22 Ex. 342*): for mwin, comp. 2 S. 23" (RV. "longed") Pr. 
13* 233 Ps. 45^2 01). 

19-30 (22-33). Request of the people that Jehovah's future 

V. 16-25(28) 87 

commands might be conveyed to them by Moses. — 19 (22). pyn 
i^aiynij 4^^ — And he added no more (ciD^ sS)] as we should say, 
** and he then stopped " : cf. Nu. i i^s. — And he "wrote them, &'c.\ 
the statement anticipates what, according to g^-^^ Ex. 32^^^, 
only took place subsequently: it is introduced here for the 
purpose of completing the narrative respecting the Decalogue. 
—20-24(23-27). The people request (comp. Ex. 20^8-21) that 
in future Moses may speak with them as God's representative. 
— 20 (23). ""^N paipni] i^^. — The heads of your tribes] i^^ (cf. on 
2^%— Elders] cf. 271 29^ 3i9-28._21 (24). His greatness] 32*.— 
We have heard his voice, ^'c.] 4^2. 33_ — That God doth speak with 
man, and he liveth] contrary to general experience : comp. 4^3, 
with note. — 'il2-%^ (25-27). Nevertheless the spectacle is such 
a terrible one, and it can so little be expected that the verdict 
of experience will again be reversed, that they dread to witness 
it any further. — 23 (26). — All flesh] the expression sometimes 
embraces all living beings (as Gn. 6^''- ^^ Nu. 18^^): more 
commonly it denotes mankind alone (Gn. 6^2.13 Nu. 16^2 = 27^^ 
Is. 4o5-^ «/.) : cf. Lex. "i^^3 6. The expression characterizes 
living creatures, in tacit contrast to God, as frail, unsub- 
stantial, and dependent (Is. 3i8Jer. i75Job 10*). — That hath 
heard, &c. and lived] cf. 4^3, — The living God (D'^TI D''nbK)] this 
"significant and moving name" (Sanday, Bampton Lectures, 
1893, p. 124, cf. 153) recurs i S. 1726.30 jer. iqIo 2386!; (>n '«) 
2 K. 194- ic( = 15.374. 17)1; (>n bx) Jos. 3ioHos.2i(iio)Ps. 4238431. 
— 24 (27). And thou (emph.) shall speak unto us, &€.; and we 
will hear, and do] comp. Ex. 2q\^ ^^^, "?V "^^ ""^'l-— 25 f. 
(28 f.). Jehovah declares Himself graciously pleased to accede 
to the entreaty of the people ; and gives warm expression to the 
hope that their present obedient frame of mind may be main- 
tained perpetually. — And Jehovah heard the voice of your words] 
19. Vnj "jip] "(with) a loud voice" (2 S. 19* i K. S^^),— the accus., 
as v.*. — 20. rK3 nj?^ "vm^^" -while the mount burned with fire," — a circ. 
clause (G-K. § 141. 2 ; Dr. § 159).— 21. rm . . . nai'] Dr. §§ 38 a; 113. 
4«t; G-K. § 112. 3ia.^-22. umx d'BD' cx] Dr. § 135. 4. — i:nci] introducing 
the apod. (ib. § 137 «; G-K. § 112. 5*). — 24. nipNi 3Tp] "draw thou near" 
(emph.): cf. Ex. 2oi» (above), Jud. 8-^ nr^^ Dip, i S. 17"^ n^tj \^^, 20* 22" 
ni?!J ab, Is. 43-" nns nsp. — pxi] so (in the masc.) Nu. 11" Ez. 28"! 
(G-K. § 32 R.*), as in the Aram, of E. No doubt ^H should be read (as 
Ps. 6* I S. 2419 al. / V. Lex. p. 61). 


SO i^*. The words addressed to Moses, as in i^* those spoken 
in the privacy of Israel's tents, were (so to speak) overheard 
by Jehovah. — They have •well said, (Sr'c] so iS^^. — 26 (29). O 
that this their heart were theirs continually, to fear me, iSr'c] O 
that their present temper might continue, and not pass away, 
when the impressions to which it is due have been obliterated 
and forgotten. — That it may be well for them^ ^^^ 5^*^, cf. v.^^C^s), 
27 f. (30 f.). Moses is to receive from God, and afterwards to 
communicate to Israel, the commandments to be observed by 
them, when they are settled in Canaan. — 28 (31). All the com.- 
m,andment, fr'c.] "the {or this) commandment" recurs 6^7^^ 
30^1 ; with "all," &^ 8^ 118-22 j^s j^g 27I (of a special injunc- 
tion, 31^). As n22 199 show, it denotes the Deut. legislation 
generally (esp. on its moral and religious side), viewed as the 
expression of a single principle, the fundamental duty of 6^. 
Westphal (pp. 36, iii) supposes that here it refers particularly 
to the development of 6^ contained in c. 6-1 1 (cf. 6^ 7^^), while 
the "statutes and judgments " (on 4I) embrace the laws com- 
prehended in c. 12-26 (cf. 12^ 26^^). — Which thou shalt teach 
them, that they m,ay do them, fir'c] cf. 4^' ^- 1* (see note), 6^ 12I. — 
Which I am giving them to possess it] cf. 12^ (1^3) 15* 192- 14 2ii 
2519. — The verse, as a whole, appears to be parallel with Ex. 
24I2 E (where "which I have written," it is probable, origin- 
ally followed "tables of stone"; see Kuenen, Th. T. 1881, p. 
194 f.; Budde, ZATW. 1891, p. 225; Bacon, JBLit. 1893, pp. 
31? 33)- — 29 f, (32 f.). Upon Jehovah's gracious response Moses 
founds an exhortation to obedience. — 29 (32). Observe, then, 
to do] on 4". — I/ath commanded] the past tense as v.^^^^^) 6^^. 
According to these passages (cf. 4^) the laws received by 
Moses on Horeb had already been made known to the people ; 
the aim of the discourses in Dt. is to recapitulate and re- 
inforce them, immediately before the Israelites' entrance into 
the land in which they are designed to come into operation 
(v.28(3i) ^5. 14 51 J2I). — Ye shall not turn aside, <5r'c.] so (metaph.) 
17I1.20 28^4 Jos. i7 23« (both D2) 2 K. 222 (Deut.) = 2 Ch. 342; 

26. frm IIT 'D] Dr. § 115 {s.v. 'P).— ht oaaV] m (not nin) in accordance 
with rule, after a noun defined by a suffix {Lex. s.v. ni 2 b ; Dr. § 209 Obs.) : 
2i20 Jud. 6" al. So with rhn, ii^s Ex. lo^ ii^ &c.— 27. diV 13w] on i^. 

V. 26(29)— VI. 4 89 

(lit.) Dt. 2-'7 (see note) i S. eizf.— 30 (33). The way -which 
Jehovah your God hath commaiukd yoii\ 9^2 (from Ex. 32^) ^^ 
1 1 28 136(5) 2,\'^<i,—Live\ ^^.— Prolong days, <Sr'c.] 426- 40. 

VI. 1-3. The benefits which Israel may hope to receive, if it 
is obedient to the commandments now about to be laid before 
it. — 1. And this is the commandment, dir'c.] promised in 528(31); 
of. 7I1.— Tb teach you, (Sr'c.]4i-" 528(31). cf. on 529(32)._2, That 
thou mightest fear, &c.\ cf. 4^" 526(29)^ Tq implant in Israel the 
spirit of true religion and dutiful obedience to Jehovah's will, 
is the aim and scope of Moses' instruction. — WJiich I am. com- 
manding thee\ 42. — Thou, and thy son, &'c.\ the Writer's thought 
passes from the nation to the individual Israelite : cf. on i2i. — 
All the days of thy life] 4^ 16^, cf. 17^^. — Be prolonged] cf. on 
42". — 3. That it may be well for thee] on 4*". — As fehovah spake 
{promised) unto thee] Gn. 15^ 22^7 26* 28^* Ex. 32^3 (^u je) . ^f. 
on 1^1. — A land flowing with milk and honey] Ex. 3^-^^ 13^ 33' 
Nu. 1327 148 1613.14 (all JE), Lev. 202* (H), Dt. ii^ 269-15 273 
3120 Jos. 5*5 (D2), Jer. 11^3222 Ez. 2o6-i5f. The words, how- 
ever, stand here out of construction, the rendering " z» a 
land " being illegitimate. It seems either that the clause has 
been misplaced, perhaps (Dillm.) from the end of v.^, or that 
words have dropped out after "unto thee," such as **in the 
land which Jehovah thy God is giving thee " (cf. 27^). 

4-5. The fundamental truth of Israel's religion, the unique- 
ness and unity of Jehovah ; and the fundamental duty founded 
upon it, viz. the devotion to Him of the Israelite's entire being. 
— 4. Hear, O Israel] 5I. — -Jehovah our God is one fehovah] the 
question here is in what sense the pred. ** one " is to be under- 

30. D3^ 3iBi] aits is here not the adj., but the 3 pers. perf. of the 
verb to be well, with 1 consec. (constr. as 4^). So 19^ i S. i6'®* ^ : cf. Nu. 
11**. For the impf., 30'! (from [aa;], cf. 3'D'n) is used: 4*" 5^* &c. — YI.3. 
ib'n] 4^". — 4. nnx mn' u^nVt* mn'] the words have been variously rendered. 
{a) "J. our God, (even) J., is one" (Ew. Bihl. Theol. ii. i. 243; Oehlcr, 
or. Theol. § 43 ; RV. ist m.) ; {b) "J. is our God, J. is one " (RV. 2nd m.) ; 
(c) "J. is our God, J. alone" (Ibn 'Ezra, RV. 3rd m.) ; (d) "J. our God is 
one J." (Schultz, Keil, Baudissin, Sem. Rel.-Gesch. i. 167, Di. Oe. AV. 
RV., and most). In meaning', a and b do not differ materially from d; 
but as against a, no sufficient reason appears for the resumption of the 
subject by the second "Jehovah" ; b is less forcible rhetorically than d\ 
c assigns a dub. sense to nnx ("alone" is na!? 2 K. 19" Ps. 86'"); rf thus 


stood. Does it express the unity of Jehovah, declaring that 
He is in His essence indivisible, cannot — like Ba'al and 
'Ashtoreth, for instance, who are often spoken of in the plural 
number i^e.g. i S. 7* : comp. on 4^) — assume different phases 
or attributes, as presiding over different localities, or different 
departments of nature, and cannot further be united syn- 
cretistically (as was done sometimes by the less spiritual 
Israelites) with heathen deities ; but is only known under 
the one character by which He has revealed Himself to 
Israel (Ewald, F. W. Schultz) ? Or does it denote the unique- 
ness of Jehovah (see for this sense of " one " Zech. 14^ Song 6^ 
Job 33-^), representing Him as God in a unique sense, as the 
God with whom no other "Elohim" can be compared, as the 
only Deity to whom the true attributes of the Godhead really 
belong (Keil, Oehler, Baudissin, E. Konig, Hauptprobleme, p. 
38, Oettli) ? The second interpretation gives the higher and 
fuller meaning to the term, and forms also a more adequate 
basis for the practical duty inculcated in v.^ (for a God, who 
was "one," but not at the same time "unique," might not 
necessarily be a worthy object of human love). The first inter- 
pretation is not however excluded by it: for the unity of 
Jehovah is almost a necessary corollary of His uniqueness. 
The verse is thus a great declaration of Monotheism (in the 
sense both that there is only one God, and also that the God 
who exists is truly one). Comp. Zech. 14^. 

The truth is one which in its full significance was only gradually 
brought home to the Israelites ; and it can hardly be said to be explicitly 
enunciated much before the age of Dt. and Jer. It is often indeed implied 
that Jehovah is superior to " other gods," or that " other gods " cannot be 
compared to Him {e.g. Ex. 15^^ Ps. 18^ (^^* Dt. 3^); and expressions 

remains the most prob. rend. — In the Mas. text of this verse, the first and 
last words (ihk . . . pes') each end with a litera majuscula. Various explana- 
tions of the peculiarity have been proposed (see Buxtorf, Tiberias, ch. xiv. ; 
or C. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (ni3K 'pis), p. 131). Of course 
it did not originate with the author of Dt. ; the intention of the scribes who 
introduced it may have been to mark the importance of the verse, as 
embodying the fundamental article of tlie Jewish faith, or to warn the 
scribe (or reader) that the words must be distinctly written (or pronounced). 
It is said in the TaXmud {Berachoth \^) that " Gehenna is cooled for who- 
ever pronounces the SJi^ma distinctly" (pjjiso .TnvniKa p-\p-iS\ c"p irnp Sa 
tuau iV). 

VI. 5 91 

respecting His supremacy over nature or the heathen world, and His 
relation to "other gods," are used (as by Amos), which logically leave no 
room for heathen gods beside Him: still, the real existence of "other 
gods " does not seem to be actually denied ; and it is only gradually seen 
distinctly, and taught explicitly, not only that Jehovah is unique among 
"other gods," but that "other gods" have no real existence whatever 
beside Him (Dt. i^^-^ Z'^^ (the Song), Is. 446 455. 459. ^^ ..^;,^ 
God " (cnVKn) Dt. 435-39 7* 2 S. 728 i K. 8«o al}). The truth is emphasized 
and illustrated with the greatest eloquence and power by II Isaiah (esp. 
c. 40-48). See further on this subject, Baudissin, Rel.-Gesch. i^o-iTj ; 
Kuenen, Theol. Rev. 1874, p. 329 ft'.; Hibbert Lectjtres, 1882, pp. 119, 
317 ft". ; Onderzoek, § 71. 6; Konig, Hauptprobleme, 38 ff. ; Schultz, AT. 
Theol.* 159 ff"., 205-207, 275-277 (E.T. i. 175-184, 226-229, 304) ! Montefiore, 
Hibbert Lectures, 1892, pp. 134-137, 214-216, 268ff. ; Smend, AT. Theol. 
1893, pp. 356-360. 

5. And thou shall love Jehovah thy God with all thine heart, 
attd with all thy soul, and with all thy force\ the primary duty 
of the Israelite, not to serve different gods indiscriminately, 
but to devote himself, with undivided allegiance, and with the 
pure and intense affection denoted by the term "love," to the 
service of the one Jehovah. The love of God, while alluded to 
as characterizing Jehovah's true worshippers in the Decalogue 
(Ex. 20*5 = Dt. 5^°, cf. 7^), is set forth in Dt. with peculiar 
emphasis as the fundamental motive of human action (iqI^ hL 
13.22 134(3) ig9 306- 16. 20; SO Jos. 22^ 23" (both D2) : not else- 
where in the Hex.) : comp. in other books Jud. 5^1 i K. 3^ 
Neh. i5 Dan. 9* (both from Dt. f), Ps. 312* 9710 14520. «« it is 
a duty which follows naturally as the grateful response to 
Jehovah for the many undeserved mercies received at His 
hands (v. 12 ioi2ff.) ; it involves the fear and the service of God 
(v. 13 1012 iii3); it impels those who are filled with it to the 
conscientious observance of all God's commands (iii-22 i^o 
30I6) : it thus appears as the most inward and the most com- 
prehensive of all religious duties, and as the chief command- 
ment of all (Mk. i22&f)" {D\\\m.).— With all thy heart, and 
with all thy soul] a specially Deuteronomic expression, imply- 
ing the devotion of the whole being to God (see on 42^). It 
occurs besides 42^ 1012 ijis 13* 26!'' 302.C. lO; jos. 22^ 23I* (both 
D2); I K. 2*8^8 (^2 Ch. 638) 2 K. 233 ( = 2 Ch. 3431)25 (all 
Deut.); 2 Ch. 1512: Jer. uses it once, of God, 32^1!. It is 
strengthened here by the addition of and with all thy force 


(lisr^ h^yi) ; hence 2 K. 23^^ (of Josiah)t, — the only passages 
in which "lX>p occurs in this sense (elsewhere always in adv. 
phrases, with force = greatly). — The passage, Dt. 6^"^, is a 
great one ; and it was a true instinct which led the Jews of a 
later time to select it for recitation twice daily by every Israelite 
(the ShSftia). It is further significant that our Lord, when 
questioned as to the "first commandment of all" (Mt. 22^''''-; 
Mk. \2^^^-), and as to the primary condition for the inheritance 
of eternal life (Lk. lo^'^f), should have referred both His ques- 
tioners to the same text, with which daily use must have 
already made them familiar. 

6-9. The words embodying this truth, and this duty, are 
to be ever in the Israelite's memory, and to be visibly in- 
scribed before his eyes. — 6. These words\ i.e. v.^-^, regarded as 
the quintessence of the entire teaching of the book. — Shall be 
upon thy heart] as it were, imprinted there (Jer. 31^^) : cf. ii^^* 
("And ye shall lay these my words upon your heart and np07i 
your soul"), where the reference seems to be in particular to 
the truths expressed in io^2_jii7 (see esp. ii^^, which is parallel 
to 65 here, as i i^sb is to 6^ and 1 1^^^- to 6^- ^). — 7. Afid t/ioti shall 
impress them, upon thy children] |3B' (only here) is properly, as it 
seems, to prick in, inculcate, impress. Comp. 11^^ (teach); 
also 4^^ 620-25. — And shall talk of them when thou sittest, &c.] in 
order that they may not be forgotten, they are to be a subject 
of conversation at all times (cf. 11^^). — 8. And thou shall hind 
them for a sign (niS?) upon thy hand, and they shall be for 
frontlets (niSDlob) between thine eyes] so ii^^; see Ex. 13^, and 
esp. 13^'', where the dedication of the first-born is to be " for a 
sign upon thine hand, and for frontlets between thine eyes," 
i.e. it is to serve as an ever-present memorial to the Israelite 
of his relationship to Jehovah and of the debt of gratitude 
which he owes Him. In Ex., the reference being to sacred 

7. D3 ma-n] on 3**. — 8. msmo] ii" Ex. i3'®t« The form is generally 
supposed to be abbreviated for msafia (cf. Ew. § 158*=; Stade, § 116. 3). 
The etym. is uncertain. The Arab, /a/a is to walk round about, make a 
clraiit ; so perhaps msaiB may have denoted properly bands goi"& round 
the head, a circle, or head-tire. In 2 S. i^" © Knsmo denotes a bracelet ( = 
Hcb. mysn) ; Ez. 24^^- ■" 21 it has its techn. sense of phylactery (">KB being 
interpreted in that sense) ; so Est. 8'* C 

VI. 6-9 93 

observances, the expressions are evidently meant figuratix cly 
(cf. Pr. 1^ 3^ 621 ^3) ; here, where the reference is to words only 
(v.*-5), though the parallelism of Ex. 13^-1^ would favour the 
same interpretation, it seems on the whole to be more probable 
that the injunction is intended to be carried out literally, and 
that some material, visible expression of the Israelite's creed 
is referred to ; comp. v.^, the terms of which support some- 
what strongly the literal interpretation of x.^. -^Between thine 
eyes] i.e. on thy forehead : cf. 14^. — 9. And thou shalt •write 
thetn upon the door-posts of thy house, and on thy gates] so 
ii20. Probably an Egyptian custom, accommodated to the 
religious creed of the Hebrews. 

"The ancient Egyptians sometimes wrote a lucky sentence over the 
entrance of the house, for a favourable omen, as ' the good abode,' the 
miitizel mobdrak of the modern Arabs, or something- similar ; and the 
lintels and imposts of the doors, in the royal mansions, were frequently 
covered with hieroglyphics, containing the ovals and titles of the monarch." 
. . . We find *' even the store-rooms, vineyards, and gardens, placed 
under the protection of a tutelary deity " (Wilkinson-Birch, Anc. Egyptians,^ 
1878, i. p. 361 f.). Similarly it is a common practice to the present day, 
in Mohammedan countries, to inscribe verses from the Qor'an, or pious 
invocations, upon (or over) the door (Lane, Modem Egyptians,^ 1871, 
i. pp. 7f,, 319 f.). 

The later Jews carried out the injunction in v.^ by inscribing Ex. is^'^"* 
^'"^^ and Dt. 6*"^ 11I3-21 q^ small scrolls of parchment, which were then 
enclosed in cases, with leathern thongs attached, and bound on the forehead 
.ind left arm, at the time when the Sh^ma was recited. These are the 
(pvXaKTYifia of the NT., called p^sn by the Jews : cf. Edersheim, Life and 
Times of Jesus, i. 76. The antiquity of this custom is attested by the 
references to it in the Mishnah {e.g. Berachoth 1. ; Pesahitn iv. 8 ; 
Taanith iv. 3 : Schiirer, NZg."^ ii. p. 383) : it can hardly be doubted also 
that it is alluded to by Josephus, Ant. iv. 8. 13 (quoted ih.). Its observance 
is still regarded as obligatory by all orthodox Jews. V.* gave rise to the 
institution of the Mezuzah {Berachoth iii. 3 ; Megillah \. 8, &c. ; Jos. 
Ant. iv. 8. 13 ; Buxtorf, Synag. Jud."^ p. 581 ff. ; Edersheim, I.e. p. 76). 
"Mezuzah" properly signifies ^door-post; but among the Jews it is the 
name given to the small metal cylinder enclosing a square piece of parch- 
ment, inscribed with Dt. 6'*"^ and 11^^"^, which is affixed to the upper 
part of the right hand door-post in every Jewish house, and regarded as an 
amulet ; the pious Jew, as he passes it, touches it, or kisses his finger, 
reciting at the same time Ps. 121^ (Kitto's Cyclopedia, s.v. Mezuza). 

10-15. Let Israel beware lest, in the enjoyment of material 
blessings, provided without exertion on its part, it forget 
Jehovah, its Deliverer, and desert Him for other gods. — The 


same thought is drawn out more fully in S"^'"^^ : cf. 32^2-15 Hos. 
13^. — 10. Which he sware, ^c] i^. — 11. Cisterns hewn out\\'xz. 
for the storage of water during the hot season, such as are 
still common in Palestine: cf. Neh. 9^5 (a quotation), 2 Ch. 
26^0 Is. 36^^, and Mesha"s inscription, 1. 24-25, "And there 
was no cistern in Kereho : and I said to all the people, Make 
you each a cistern ("13) in his own house." — Eat and be fult\ 

810.12 11I5 1429 26I2 3i20 Joel 226 Ps. 2227 7828 Ru. 2\^ 2 Ch. 31IO 

Neh. 925, — sometimes referred to purely as a blessing, some- 
times as tending to elation of heart, and consequently a source 
of spiritual danger {&^ 8^2 nis 3120 Neh. 925).— 12. Beware 
(^^»k^^^)] 4^. — The house of bondage (onny n^a)] lit. house of 
slaves, i.e. place where slaves were kept in confinement, like 
the Latin ergastulum. So 78 8^* 136- 11 Jos. 2417 (D2) Jud. 68 
(Deut.) Mic. 6* Jer. 34^3, fhe expression occurs first in Ex. 
133- 1^ (JE), 2o2 ( = Dt. 5^)1. It is always used with reference 
to Egypt. — 13-15. Israel's duty is to cleave steadfastly to 
Jehovah ; and not to forsake Him for other gods, lest His 
jealousy be roused, and He be moved to destroy His people. — 
13. Jehovah thy God shalt thou fear\ the fundamental element 
of the religious temper and the basis of other religious 
emotions {e.g. of devotion and love, 10^2)^ often inculcated in 

Dt. (4IO 526(29) 62. 24 86 10I2. 20 135 1^23 17I9 2858 31I2. 13). «« The 

fear of Jehovah " and '* one that feareth Jehovah " or " God " 
ijm'^ nxT; (DM^X) niH' sn^ : Job ii 2828 Ex. 1821 &c.) are thus 
the Hebrew equivalents of "religion," and "religious." — And 
him shalt thou serve] viz. in acts of public devotion, the 
spontaneous outcome, and the natural expression, of religious 
reverence (10^2.20 nis 135(4) 28^7 Ex. 2325 Is. 1923 &c). 

No doubt the word was also used more widely, so as to include the 
performance of other duties belong-ing to a religious life ; but its primary 
sense of executing definite and formal acts of worship is apparent from 
such passages as Ex. 3^^ 4^ 7^* 10^ 13'* ("to serve this service," of the 
Feast of Unleavened Cakes) : cf. c. 1 2^' ^. In the Priests' Code, both the 
verb and the subst. {i^JJ, ^^'jS) are used technically of the performance of 
sacred duties by priests and Levites {e.g: Nu. 4*^ 16*). 

And by his name shalt thou swear] so lo^^. A person taking 

11. ify^ifi] in contin. of 1K'3' '3 (v.") : Dr. § 115. — nyan] Dr. § 104 ; G-K. 
§ 49. 3c. — 13. Notice (thrice) the emph. position of the obj. (cf. i'*). 

VI. I0-I8 95 

an oath invokes naturally the name of the God whom he 
reveres ; an oath is accordingly a peculiarly solemn confession 
of faith. The Israelite is to swear by Jehovah Himself, not 
by Ba'al (Jer. 12^") or even by idolatrous representations of 
Jehovah (Am. 8^^) : a blessing is promised by Jeremiah to 
those who swear by Him faithfully (Jer. 42 12^^). "He that 
sweareth by Jehovah" (Ps. 63^2 (n)j jg thus a synonym of 
Jehovah's true worshipper: cf. Is. 48^^-14. Go after\ 4^ 8^^ 
ii28 i^s (of following Jehovah, v.^) 28^*. — Other gods] Ex. 20^ 

( = Dt. 57) 23I3 Dt. 74 819 I1I6.28 133.7.14 1^3 i820 2814- 36. M 

2^25(26)20^7 31I8. 20j Jqs. 23^3 2/^^-^^. The cxprcssion, though 
found occasionally elsewhere, is specially characteristic of 
writers of the Deuteronomic school (in particular, compiler of 
Kings, and Jer. : not in Is., or other prophets. Comp. the 
Introd. § 5). — 15. A jealous God] on 42*. — In the midst of thee] 
on 1^2 : cf. 721 2315(14) Jos. 310 Hos. ii^ Jer. 149 al.— Destroy 
(n^Dtj'n)] 127. 

16-19. Israel is not to put Jehovah to the test, but rather 
to obey His commandments, in order that prosperity may 
attend it. — 16. Ye shall not put Jehovah to the proof , &c.] by 
calling in question, for instance. His presence amongst them, 
as they had done formerly at Massah (Ex. 172- 7; cf. Dt. 922 338 
Ps. 95^), or by doubting His word. 

Tempt is a misleading rendering ; for to tempt has, in modern English, 
acquired the sense oi provoking or enticing a. person in order that he may 
act in a particular way (=Heb. n'pn) : npj is a neutral word, and means to 
test or prove a person, to see whether he will act in a particular way (Ex. 
16'* Jud. 2^ 3*), or whether the character he bears is well established (i K. 
10^). God thus proves a person, or puts him to the test, to see if his fidelity 
or affection is sincere, Gn. 22^ Ex. 20-" Dt. 8^ {q-v.), 13* (^', cf. Ps. 26^; and 
men test, or prove, Jehovah when they act as if doubting whether His 
promise be true, or whether He is faithful to His revealed character, 
Ex. 172-7 Nu. 1422 Ps. 78I8 (see v.^^)- «• 08 958 106", cf. Is. 7^2. So massoih 
^34 yi9 292(3) are not "temptations," but trials, provings (see note on 4**). 

Massah] i.e. Proving (Ex. 177). — 17. Testimonies] 4*^. — Hath 
commanded thee] on 4^ 529(^2)^ — \^ Shalt do that which is right 
and good in JehovaKs eyes] so 1228 2 Ch. 14I 3i2<>. Usually 
without "and good " ; and in that form, a phrase used frequently 
by Deut. writers, esp. the compiler of Kings: see 1225 j^wos) 
15. "p'OBTn . . . mn' js] on 41".— 18. ^in.'i nKai] on 4' ; and Dr. § 1 10. 4. 


21^ Ex. 1526 I K. ii33. 38 &c. (Introd. § 5). The correlative, 
To do tliat "which is evil in the eyes of Jehovah^ is yet more 
frequent in writers of the same school: Dt. 4^5 9^8 j*^2 ^iSO 
Jud. 2P- 3"^' ^2 &c. (see ibid.). — That it may he well for thee^ 5^^. 
— That thou Tnayest go in, &'c.\ 4^. — The good land\ i^^. — 19. 
To thrust out (s]in)] a rare word, occurring- besides in this 
application only 9* Jos. 23^ (D^)- — ^^ Jehovah hath spoken\ cf. 
Ex. 2327 ff., 

20-25. The children of successive generations are to be 
instructed in the origin and scope of the law now set before 
Israel. — 20. When thy son asketh thee in time to co?ne (lit. to- 
morrow), saying] verbatim as Ex. 13^*, in a similar inquiry. 
— Testimofties] 4*5_ — 2I, Brought tis forth, cSr'c.] cf. Ex. 13^^. 
Mighty hand] 32*. — 22. Signs and portents] 4^^. — Before our eyes] 
434.-23. But us (emph.) he brought out] cf. 420.— 24. To fear, 
&€.] Jehovah, that He might complete His redemptive work 
towards Israel, g"ave it this law, to keep alive in it the spirit 
of true religion, and to secure in perpetuity its national welfare. 
— For good to us continually] lo^^ (cf. on 4^°). — To keep us alive] 
cf. on 4^. — As at this day] on 2^^. — 25. And if we are careful 
to observe this law, we shall have done all that we are re- 
quired to do, and shall be accounted righteous before Him. — 
It shall be righteousness unto us\ cf. 24^2 (which makes it not 
improbable that the words "before Jehovah our God" have 
here been accidentally misplaced, and that they ought to follow 
" unto us ") ; also Gn. 15^ Ps. loS^i. 

VII. 1-5. In the land of Canaan, the Israelites are not to 
mingle with the native inhabitants, but to extirpate them 
completely, and to destroy all their religious symbols. — 1. 
When Jehovah thy God shall bring thee into the land] so 6^" 
ii29. — And shall clear away] see below. — The Hittite (i), and 

20. •inD]=m time to come, as Ex. 13" Jos. ^'^ al. — 23. unixi] emph. : 
4"- 20. —24. 1:^ 31bS] 10" Jer. 32*9; cf. \ vh, Jer. f 25'.— mn nvna] the art., 
exceptionally, not elided after 3, as happens 6 times (on 2^) in this 
phrase, and occasionally besides (see on 2 S. 21^ ; G-K. § 35. 2 R.^). 

YII. 1. Sm\ so v.- ; 2 K. 16* (Piel) ; in Ex. 3' Jos. 5^'t of drawing off a 
sandal. Arab, nashala is extraxit {e.g. camem ex lebete) : in Ex. 2^" Saad. 
= Heb. vn'PO. hm in 19*28^" is a different word, corresponding to the 
Arab, nasala, to drop off {pi s^ hair, feathers, &c). 

VI. 19— VII. I 97 

the Girgashite (2), and the Amorite (3), and the Canaanite (4), 
and the Periszite (5), and the Hivite (6), and the Jebtisite (7)] 
such enumerations of the nations of Canaan are common, esp. 
in JE (in many cases probably — ^Jos. 24^1 is one that is very 
clear — introduced by the compiler) and Deut. writers. 

Thus (representing the several nations, for brevity, by the figures just 
attached to them) we have Ex. 3^ and "(413567). 13' (4 i 3 6 7). 22i^ 
(31546 7). 23=8 (6 4 i). 33- (4 3 1 5 6 7)- 34" (341567)- Dt. 20" (i 3 4 5 
6 7)- Jos. 3^0 (4 I 6 5 2 3 7). 9I and 128 (i 3 4 5 6 7). 11^4 3 i 5 7 6). 24" 
(3541267). Jud. 3« (4 I 3 5 6 7). I K. 9^ (3 I 5 6 7)=2 Ch. 87 (I 3 5 6 7). 
Sec also Ezr. 9^ Nch. 9^. The fullest enumeration is Gn. 15'^"'^ (153427, 
-|-the Kenite, the Kenizzite, the Kadmonite, and the Rephaim). Nu. 13** 
is somewhat different, on account of the topographical character of the 
notices contained in it (cf. p. 11). Seven nations are enumerated only 
Dt. 7^ Jos. 3^" 24" (both D-) : but (& often completes the same number by 
inserting 2 before 6 7. In Gn. 13^ 34'"' (both J) Jud. i"*-' (?lso perhaps J) 
4 5 are specified alone. Five of the nations here named (viz. 17326), 
together with some others, are also included in J's ethnographical table in 
Gn. 10'^"^*, where they are described as "begotten" by Canaan; i.e. 
being tribes inhabiting in common the country of Canaan, their relationship 
to each other is expressed by their being represented as the children of an 
eponymous ancestor, "Canaan." Cf. Budde, Die Bibl. Urgesch. p. 344 ff. 

The intention of these enumerations is obviously rhetorical, 

rather than geographical or historical ; they are designed for 

the purpose of presenting an impressive picture of the number 

and variety of the nations dispossessed by the Israelites. 

Elsewhere (see p. ii) the Amorite and Canaanite, the two 

principal tribes which once occupied Palestine, stand alone as 

representing the pre-Israelitish population : in the present lists, 

the minor tribes, living beside them in particular localities, are 

included as well. 

The Hittites will have been a branch or offshoot of the great nation 
of Hatti, whose capital city was Kadesh on the Orontes, N. of Canaan 
(cf. 2 S. 24^ IL XiTTiuf* Kahs for "Tahtim Hodshi), and the extent of 
whose empire (cf. i K. 10^ 11^ 2 K. 7^) is attested by notices in the 
Assyrian and Egyptian Inscriptions, and by their own monuments (at 
present undecyphered) ; the reference is probably in particular to parts in 
the extreme N. of Canaan, under Lebanon and Hermon, which are alluded 
to elsewhere as having been in their occupation ; comp. Jud. 1* 3' Ct 
(HittUe for Hivite) Jos. ii^ (S {Hivite for pittite, and then "the Hittiie 
under Hermon "). The Girgashites are named besides only in the lists Gn. 
10" (=1 Ch. 1") 15^^ Jos. 3'" 24" Neh. <f\, without any indication of the 
locality which they inhabited. On the Amorite, and the Canaanite, see 
p. 1 1. The Perizzites are mentioned (apart from the lists quoted above) in 



Gn. 13' 34^ Jud. !*•' (in each case beside the Canaanite), Jos. 17'' (beside 
the Rephaim), apparently as living in the centre of Palestine, in the 
neighbourhood of Bethel and Shechem. The name is derived possibly 
from the same root as 'lis (on 3^), in which case it will signifj' properly 
d-wellers in the open country. From the Perizzites not being named among 
the descendants of Canaan in Gn. lo^"'^^ it has been conjectured (Riehm, 
HWB.^ p. 1 193; Dillm. on Gn. 10^') that they were the survivors of the 
pre-Canaanitish population of Palestine, expelled from their strongholds 
by the Canaanite invaders, but maintaining themselves beside their 
conquerors in the open country. The Hivites appear in Shechem and 
Gibe'on (Gn. 34^ Jos. 9'' 11^ ; cf. 2 S. 24'') : thejebusites are well known as 
the tribe whose stronghold was the fortress J6bus, afterwards Jerusalem 
(Jos. i828 Jud. 1^ 2 S. 5« a/.). 

Greater and mightier than thoii\ cf. v.^^ 4^^ 9^ ii^^. — 2. 
Deliver up before^ 1^. — Thou shalt devote theni\ or ban them. 
An archaic institution often alluded to in the OT. As Arabic 
shows, the term used means properly to separate or seclude ; 
in Heb. (as in Moabitish) it was applied in particular to denote 
separation to a deity. Mesha* in his Inscription, 1. 16-18, tells 
how, after he had succeeded in carrying off the "vessels of 
Yahweh" from Nebo (Nu. 32^^), and '* dragged " them before 
Chemosh, he "devoted" 7000 Israelitish prisoners to 'Ashtor- 
Chemosh ('noinn ^^"2 "inJJ'i/'b ''O). In Israel, the usage was 
utilized so as to harmonize with^the principles of their religion 
and to satisfy its needs. It became a mode of secluding, or 
rendering harmless, anything imperilling the religious life of 
the nation, such objects being withdrawn from society at 
large, and presented to the sanctuary, which had power, if 
necessary, to authorize their destruction. It was thus applied, 
in particular, for the purpose of checking idolatry. It is 
mentioned first in the Book of the Covenant, Ex. 22^^ ('^\ of 
the disloyal Israelite, i^?^ nin^^ ^rib nnn^^ Q'^^^J' n2f. More 
commonly the '^')J}. is prescribed for the case of those outside 
the community of Israel : here and v.^**^ 2oi^-^8 for the idola- 
trous Canaanites: in 1313-19(12-18) ^^g idolatrous Israelite city 
is to be treated similarly. The "devotion" of a city involved 
the death of all human beings resident in it : the cattle and 
spoil were destroyed, or not, at the same time, according to 
the gravity of the occasion (contrast Dt. 2^^^- and 1 S. 15^). 

Instances of the h^rem being put in force (which is referred to with 
esp. frequency bj' D and D') arc : Nu. 21^- (JE), after a vow ; Dt. 2^"* 3"" 

VII. 2-6 99 

Jos. 210 , 39. 40 „ 11.12. 20. 21 (^11 D^), 6"-"- « (cf. 7"-") g^- »« ; Jud. 

2ii"'' ; I S. i5'" *• *• 1' (the whole spoil was here made h^rem, or " devoted " : 
a part of it was afterwards reserved by Saul, as it was secreted by 'Achan 
on a similar occasion, Jos. 'f^' ""^). In AV. dHD'T is usually rendered 
"utterly destroy," and D"in "accursed thing"; but these terms both 
express secondary ideas, besides being apparently unrelated to each 
other ; in RV. "utterly destroy" has been mostly retained for onn.i, with 
" Heb. devote" on the margin, and mn being rendered "devoted thing," 
the connexion between the two cognate terms is preserved. For fig. uses 
of both, see Is. 1 1^' (unless annn should here be read) 34^ Jer. 25® Mic. 4^^ 
Mai. 3^* (4^) ; i K. ao''^ ('onn b-'k) Is. 34' ('mn Dj;). — The root is the Arab. 
harama, to shut off, prohibit, whence the harim or sacred Ttfityos of the 
Temple at Mecca, and the hanm, the secluded apartment of the women, 
applied also to its occupants, i.e. the "harem." 

Thou shall make no covenant with them] so Ex. 2322, cf. 34^2 
(both JE). — 3. Nor Join thyself in marriage 'with them] lit. 
make thyself inn, or son-in-law : so Jos. 23^2 ^£)2j • Qf_ q^. ^4^ 
I S. 18^1. — Nor his daughter shalt thou take unto thy soii] cf. 
Ex. 34^^*. — 4. For he will turn away thy son from following me] 
Ex. 34^^^. — Me] the discourse of Moses passing insensibly 
into that of God, as very often in the prophets: so ii^*'- 17' 
2820 29^^-. — Quickly] cf. 426 2820. — 5. All objects worshipped, or 
held sacred, by the Canaanites are to be destroyed. — Their 
altars ye shall break down, and their pillars ye shall dash in 
pieces, and their Asherim ye -shall hew down] repeated verbally 
from Ex. 34^2 ^cf. 232*), with the single change of cut into hew ; 
cf. Dt. 123. On the "pillars" or ♦« obelisks" (ni25fD), and 
"Ashdrim" (Q'l.t^^'^f), see on 1621-22. 

6-11. The ground of the preceding prohibitions : Israel is 
sacred to Jehovah, and motives of gratitude, not less than of 
fear, should impel it to obedience. — 6. For thou art an holy 
people, ^c] based, with rhetorical variations, upon Ex. k^'^ 
(**ye shall be unto me a peculiar possession out of all the 
peoples, . . . 2iVi holy nation"), the classical passage defining 
the terms of the covenant between Jehovah and His people. — 
An holy people] so 142- 21 26i», cf. 28^ Comp. Ex. 2280 enp "'B'JNI 

i. nnxo . . . TD'] cf. " nnxD to i S. 12^. — S. pyilJp . . . ishp] notice the 
emphatic pausal form, with the smaller distinctive accent Zaqef, at points 
at which the voice would naturally rest : cf. Gn. 15" nby,!, Jer. 35'' 
'yao . • 'yjp, Hos. 4" nap^, 8^ 'yj'!; and frequently.— aTTPK] with 
', as Mic. 5^3 3 K. 17^4.-6. '' nna la] for the position of 13, cf. 14' 18* 
2x5 ; also Gn. 2^ Ex. 23" 2 K. 5^ Ps. 28' zf^ 63^ 91" 104'". 


'b '{friT] (see on 14^^). The holiness of Israel, partly ceremonial, 
partly moral, as a quality demanded of Israel by Jehovah the 
Holy One, is insisted on with great emphasis in the Code of 
laws contained in Lev. 17-26, often now termed, in conse- 
quence of this characteristic, the "Law of Holiness" {L.O.T. 
p. 43 ff.) — Chosen\ first used as a theological term, denoting 
God's choice of Israel (though the idea, expressed more gener- 
ally, occurs before, e.g. Am. 32 Ex. 19^"^), in Dt. (4^7 77 iq^s 
14^) : so Jer. 332*, and in II Isaiah, Is. 418- ^ 43^0- 20 44I. 2 ^-4^ also 
(of the future) Is. 14I 659- ^^- 22, and of Jehovah's ideal servant, 
42^497. Comp. on 125. — ji peculiar people] '^Yt^ '-■^j ^•^- "^ 
people of special possession," a people specially treasured, and 
prized, by Jehovah ("peculiar" being used in the sense of the 
Lat. peculiars, from peculium, a technical term denoting the 
private property which a child or slave was allowed by parent 
or master to possess) : so 142 26^^. The force of "jiap appears 
from I Ch. 29^ Eccl. 2^, where it is used of a private treasure 
(of gold, silver, &c.) belonging to kings. It is applied to 
Israel in the fundamental passage Ex. 19^ (n^JD 'h Dn^'ni) ; 
whence also Ps. 135^, and (of the faithful Israelites in the future) 
Mai. 317 (see RV.). — 7-8. Jehovah has thus chosen and re- 
deemed Israel, not on account of its numbers, but because He 
loved it and would not forget His promise to its forefathers. — 
7. The smallest of all the peoples] cf. v.^ 4^^ gi ii23. contrast 
iio iq22 («<as the stars of heaven"), 4^ 26^ ("great nation"). 
The representation of Israel's numbers and power appears to 
vary, in different passages, according to the thought which 
the Writer at the time desires to impress. — 8. Loved you] so 
y 13 236 (cf. the love for the patriarchs 4^7 lo^^). The doctrine of 
Jehovah's love of Israel is not expressed elsewhere in the Pent. ; 
and if the date assigned to Dt. by critics be correct, it is first 
taught by the prophet Hosea, who conceives the relation of 
Jehovah to His people as a moral union^ marked by love and 
affection on the one side, and demanding a corresponding love 
and affiection on the other. In Hos. 1-3 the figure of the 

7. prn] ioi» 21". Rare (Gn. 348 Ps. 91" ; Is. 38" i K. 9^=2 Ch. ^\ 
— ayan] the art. gives to ej-d the force of a superlative, — "the fewest" 
{Lex, n lb).— 8. cshk '• na.iKO] cf. i^^. p as y.' 9=» Ez. 35". 

VII. 7-9 lOI 

marriage-tie is effectively applied for the purpose of symboliz- 
ing this: in Hos. ii^-* Jehovah is represented as cherishing 
towards His people the love and affection of a father; comp. 
3I 9^5^ and (in the promise for the future) i4^<*>. In later 
prophets the idea recurs Jer. 313 Is. 43* 63^ Mai. i^, and (of 
the future) Zeph. 3^''. See further W. R. Smith, Prophets of 
Israel, p. i54ff.; Cheyne's Hosea (in the Cambridge Bible for 
Schools), pp. 15 ff., 22 ff.; and the author's Sermons on the O.T. 
(1892), p. 222 f. — The oath which he sware, &c.\ cf. 9-^^ ; see on 
i^. — A mighty hand] 3^^. — Ransomed thee (llQ^)] here used fig. 
of deliverance from the "house of bondage" (6^^). 

In its technical sense ms means to ransom a person, or animal, from 
death, either by a substitute, or by payment of a sum of money (Ex. 
j^is. 15 2^20 fju^ 17^ Qf ransoming- the firstborn), comp. Ex. 21^ Lev. 
19*^ of ransoming- a woman, who has been betrothed : it is then often 
applied figuratively to deliverance from trouble, danger, death, &c, (2 S. 
49 1 K. i» Is. 2922 Hos. 13" Ps. 26" 78*2 Job 520 a/.); as here, of the 
deliverance from Egjpt, 92*' 13^ 15^* 21^ 24^* (not so elsewhere in the Pent.) ; 
comp. 2 S. 72*, and esp. Mic. 6* (I'ms may r'3Di). The primary sense of 
the synonym hxi, Ex. 6" (P), 15^^ (the Song), is different : hta is properly to 
resume a claim, or right which has lapsed, to reclaim, re-vindicate ; it is 
thus used Lev. 2525^- of the redemption of a house or field, after it has been 
sold (cf. Jer. 32''- ®) ; Dt. 19* al. (see note), in the expression D^n Vxli, it 
denotes the person who vindicates the rights of a murdered man, i.e. the 
"avenger of blood." Like ms, Snj is then also used metaphorically of 
release from trouble of various kinds {e.g. Gn. 48'^ Hos. 13'^ || ma, Jer. 31*' 
II id., Ps. 69'^ 72^* 103* ; and esp. in II Isaiah, of Jehovah's reclaiming His 
people from exile in Babylon, Is. 41" 43^ 44-- &c.). The fig. use of the 
two words varies, however, in different books ; thus in the Psalms .Tifl is 
more common than Sk3, in II Isaiah ^kj is the usual term. 

9-10. And Israel's God is one Who rewardeth with equal 
justice both those who love Him, and those that hate Him. 
Vv. 9-10 are an exposition of the 2nd Commandment of the 
Decalogue.— 9. He is the God {^^rh'^T\)\ 435.39; cf. io^t.— The 
faithful God] cf. v.^ Is. 49^ : also Ex. 34^ (n!:si IDn m). J^^N 
faithfulness (not truth) — i.e. fidelity to His promise, or revealed 
character — is an attribute which is frequently mentioned as 
characterizing Jehovah, Gn. 24^^ Ps. 3010 31^ 43^ «/• — Which 
keepeth the covenant and the loving-kindness] i.e. the covenant 
and the loving-kindness, which He has promised before, and 
which are familiarly known. 
9. nyi;i] on 4'*. So v.".— tnn] 322,— d'.i^kh] h^ 2 K. 19'° Is. 45^8 (p. 91). 


ion IS a wider and more comprehensive term than "mercy": "mercy" 
is properly the quality by which a person renounces, out of motives of 
benevolence or compassion, his legitimate rights against one, for instance, 
who has oflFended or injured him ; but ton is a quality exercised mutually 
amongst equals ; it is the kindliness of feeling, consideration, and courtesy, 
which adds a grace and softness to the relations subsisting between 
members of the same society (comp. the common expression, "to do ion 
and faithfulness with a person," Gn. 24^ 47^ Jos. 2" &c., i.e. to show 
towards one the kindness and faithfulness of a true friend). The force 
of non is most adequately represented by kindness (Hos. 4^ 6^*® i2"(®)), or 
when applied to God — for the term is too strong to be used generally of 
men — loving-kiTidtiess. Cf. W. R. Smith, Prophets, pp. i6ofF., 406 f. 

To them that love him (6^), &€., to a thousand generations] 
Ex. 20^ ** doing loving-kindness unto thousands, related to 
(^) them that love me, and keep my commandments." The 
"thousands" of the 2nd Commandment does not mean 
definitely to the thousandth descendant of the godly man, but, 
in virtue of the solidarity of the family or the tribe (which was 
much more strongly felt in antiquity than in modern times : 
comp. e.g. Jos. 7-*^ 2 S. 2ii-i^ c. 24), it denotes thousands 
of those belonging to, or connected with, him, whether by 
domestic, or social, or national ties : those who love God, and 
in virtue of th^t love, experience the tokens of His favour, 
form, as it were, centres, whence, upon thousands brought 
within range of their influence, the blessings of His mercy are 
diffused abroad. The in fj^S of Dt. 7^ is thus a rhetorical 
amplification, rather than an exact interpretation, of the D^Q^S 
of Ex. 20*5. — 10. Repaying them that hate him to their face ; he 
deferreth (it) not, &€.] stress is laid on the fact that the evil- 
doer, whether or not his descendants suffer likewise (Ex. 20^), 
is requited in person for h-s misdeeds : cf. 24^^ (see note), Job 
2119 jn^i \^\^ xb^\_ (Job's wish : see RV.).— 11. The practical 
duty based upon Jehovah's moral dealings with men, the 
obligation, viz. upon Israel's part, of obeying the command- 
ments now laid before it. — The commandment, &'c.\ 528(31) 51^ 

12-16. The reward of Israel's obedience will be prosperity 
and health. — The passage in general character resembles the 
exhortation, Ex. 2325-27^ at the end of the "Book of the 
10. VJB !?«] cf. Job 13". 1\i&sing. sufF. (cf. nONnV), after vnjp'?, individual- 
izing: cf. (if the text be always sound) 7^'' Lev. 21^ 25"^ Jud. ii6''.34b ^4 jjS 
8o32b.« ps. ,28 iyi2f. (see 10'-) 358 41^ 552". 736b jgr. 22^" (G-K. § 145. 5 R.). 

VII. io-r6 103 

Covenant," and contains reminiscences from It. — 12. Because] 
see below. — Will keep for thee] v.^-^. — The covenant, Crc] 
431. — 13. And bless thee and multiply thee] Gn. 22^'' 26^^- 2*. — 
The fruit of thy womb (l3t53)] 284- "• i8- 5i. 53 ^o^ : of. Gn. 302 
Mic. 6^ Is. 13^8 Ps. 1321^1. — CoT^i . . ., wine . . ., oil] the 
three chief products of the soil of Palestine, often named 
together in similar passages: n^* 12^'^ 1422 18* 28^1 Hos. 
210.24(8. 22) jgj._ 3112 al. The terms used denote these pro- 
ducts in an unmanufactured state, — relatively (t^'iT'Jji), if not 
absolutely (I", irj]*'^)— |J"n not D^t?n, B^l^n not I)!, IW not ^f. 
m^n, though not entirely unfermented, or harmless (Hos. 4^1), 
was nevertheless a much fresher extract of the grape than p^ 
(cf. Mic. 6^5 Is. 658 Jud. 9^3). — Increase . . . young] on the 
rare words thus rendered, see below. — Upon the ground which 
he sware, ^c] ii9-2i 28^^ 302" 3120. — 14. Or female barren] Ex. 
2326. — In thee] on 15*. — 15. Will remove from, thee all sickness] 
Ex. 2325 "impo ri^n» Tin^Dni. — Will put none, ^c] cf. Ex. 1526 
(JE) l^^y n^E'N sb DnVD3 TlOtJ' IK'K n^ncn !>3. — Evil diseases of 
Egypt] cf. 282"- 35 (the D^VO pnK') ®°. — Wliich thou knowest] cf. 
.TXI "it^X i^^. The climate of Egypt is unhealthy, especially 
at certain seasons of the year, elephantiasis and other skin 
complaints, dysentery, and ophthalmia being particularly 
prevalent (cf. Hengstenberg, Die Bb. Mose^ s und Aeg. p. 225 f.; 
and Pruner, Krankheiten des Orients, p. 460 ff., referred to 
by Dillm.). All such diseases, it is promised, if Israel be 
obedient, will be laid by Jehovah upon its foes. — 16. The para- 
graph ends (cf. Ex. 2322f) with a renewed inculcation of what 
12. pysB'n i-pv\ in reward for (the fact) that ye hearken = because ye 
hearken : so 8-". Cf. Am. 4^^ ('3 apj?). More often of past time, Gn. 22" 
al. — Dnxin] with a frequent, force : Dr. § 115 (s.v. apy). — lS]_/&rthee, on thy 
behoof: so S naj Lev. 2&^ al.— 13. Tb'jk •)i^] so zS*-^^-^* ; nona "^i^ Ex. 13" 
(JE)t. The root is preserved in the Aram, ty^ to drop, e.g. tears Jer. 13", 
•\\^ to cast forth (a coi-pse) c. 28*, to drop (young) Ex. 13^^ Ps.-Jon. On 
the St. c. -wq, V. G-K. § 93 R.^ B ; Stade, § 191°.— iJKs mncy] so 28^-i»-«t. 
The expression is peculiar (lit. " the 'As/ttoreths of thy flock"); it must 
have its origin in the name of the goddess 'Ashtoreth, and appears to 
show that this deity, under one of her types, had the form of a sheep {v. 
W. R. Smith, I^el. Sent. 457 f., cf. 292).— H. inonaai r\^py\ ipy 13 n-.T k"?] 
'yi 'y inan33i 13 n",T nV might seem to be a neater and more logical sentence ; 
but there are many examples of a similar order in Heb. : e.g. 1^ (see 
note), 28'"»-5«» Gn. 2^^ 12"* 28"»' 41^7 43"- is Ex. 342^^—15. inc] 28«'t. 


is here foremost In the Writer's thought (v.^^), the destruction 
of the Canaanites. — Shalt devour] lit. cat {^3S), a semi-poetical 
usage, Jer. lo-^ 30^^ 50^: cf. "our bread," Nu. 14^. — TJiine 
eye shall not pity them] 139 (s) igis. 21 25^2. ^j^g same idiom 
also Gn. 4520 Is. 13^^, and often in Ez. Cf. v.2 D3nri \h. — 
Neither shall thou serve their gods, (Sr'c] varied from Ex. 23^2 
E'pio^ lS n\n^ ^3 Dn\-i^x nayn "3 : cf. 34^2. 

17-24. In its struggle with the nations of Canaan, let 
Israel rest assured that Jehovah will still be present with 
His aid. — 17. If thou shall say in thine heart] iS^i; cf. 9^ — 18. 
What Jehovah thy God did, &c.] cf. 4^* 62if-.— 19. Provhigs] s^. 
— Which thine eyes saw] 4^. — 20. And the hornet also] Ex. 23^8 
1^3S> ny-ivn-ns Tin^^in, cf. Jos. 24^2 (E or D^). The hornet is 
named (**and also") as a specially terrible plague, by which 
Israel was to be aided in the expulsion of the Canaanites ; it 
would penetrate even into the hiding-places in which "those 
who were left " of the Canaanites had taken refuge, and force 
them to relinquish them. Two of the four species of hornet 
found in Palestine construct their nests underground or in 
cavities of rocks : and should a horse tread on a nest, it is 
necessary to fly with all speed ; for the combined attack from 
such a swarm has been known to be fatal {DB.^ s.v.). — 21. In 
the midst of thee] 6^^.— Terrible] iqIs cf. 285S.— 22. Shall clear 
away (v.^) these nations by little and little, ^fc] varied from 
Ex. 2330- 29b^ Quickly is of course a relative term, and must 
be understood here of a shorter period than in 9^ (cf. a similar 
divergence of representation in the note on v.''') : it corresponds 
to "in one year" in Ex. 2329. — 23-24. The destruction of the 
Canaanites will be complete. — 23. Deliver up before thee] 

19. ^K'!n.^ ttr] an extreme case of tpk used as a mere link of con- 
nexion between two sentences : = wherewith ; cf. 28"" i S. 2^- Jud. 
8'* {Lex. TCK 4 c).— 21. pyn k"?] i=*.— 22. f?Nn] 4^2._ryo eye] so Ex. 
23^; cf. c. 28^. The repetition expresses gradual prog^ress ; G-K. § 133. 
3 R.' — ^3in vh\ expressing a moral possibility = " thou mayest not," 
— a usage of Ss' almost confined to Dt. (12" 16* 17" 21^" 22'-^^'^ 24'*; 
Gen. 43*^). — 23. oon)] "pointed as though from oi.n on account of rtmno" 
(Dillm.). Elsewhere the verb in use is c;n (2''-' al.\ of which, however, in 
the pf. only the uncontracted form occurs before suffixes (Je. 51** '^sct;; 
2 Ch. 15' CD^jq); perhaps cyn was avoided as a solcecism (cf.'Konig, i. 
p. 486). — morn ny] cf. "vcxn ij; 2820- **• «• »• «>. — TJsa «'"»« as«n' k^] so 11^; 

VII. 17-26 I05 

varied from Ex. 23^^: see on i^. — Discomfit\ Ex. 23-"". — A 
great discomfiturc\ i S. 5^ 1420. — 24. Their kings\}QS. lo--^- 11^2 
12"^-. — Make their name to perish from under heaven\ cf. with 
blot out {jWKi) 9^* 251^ 29I3. — Stand in thy face\ 1 1^5 ; see below. 
25-26. But in the hour of victory, let not Israel be 
tempted to make truce with the idolatry of Canaan. — 25. 
Their graven images ye shall hum withfire^ repeated from v.^. 
— The silver and the gold upon them] i.e. the precious metal 
with which the wooden core, or framework of the idol, was 
overlaid : cf. Is. 30^2 40^9 Hab. 2^^. — Lest thou be snared 
by it] i.e. (the reference being- not to the images, but to the 
precious metal upon them) not "be seduced into idolatry," 
but "be brought into misfortune," through God's judgment 
being- provoked by the idolatrous relic. — An abomination of 
fehovah thy God (l^n!;x nin^ nnjnn)] similarly, as the final 
ground of a prohibition, 17I 18^2 22^ 23^^ 24^ 25!^: cf. 7^^ \2^^ 
i-jis Y^ 1^4 2715 32^^. Never so in JE; in the "Law of 
Holiness" (Lev. 17-26), comp. Lev. 1822. 20^3 (but 
only of sins of unchastity). The expression fehovah' s abomina- 
tion also occurs frequently in the Book of Proverbs (n20 1222 
158 al.). — 26. And become a devoted thing (D^n) like it] the 

with nDy Jos. 10^ 21*2 23^!: cf. '3S^ as'nn 9^ Jos. i*. 'Jea is stronger than 
'3sS, expressing not merely before, but in the face of, against, in a hostile 
sense: cf. 'Jsa njy to answer against, Job 16^ Hos. 5'; ':S3 pT to spit 
against or in one's face, c. 25^ — Dnx TTOe'n nj;] similarly 28^ Jos. 11". Of 
course in these passages, and most probably also in i K. 15^ 2 K. 10", 
the suffix, as in Lev. i/s^^^ {T\'\'i\>^ nnx) the form, and in Jer. 50^ (V'JTn \V^ 
ranni . . .) the syntax, shows that the punctuators must have recognized 
an inf. Hif. with liireq (cf. on 3*). Such a form of the inf. is however 
highly anomalous, and very insufficiently explained by the suggestion 
(Konig, p. 212) that it is due to the analogy of the perfect ; for though it is 
true (Ew. § 238^) that it is usually found after a noun or a nounal prep, 
(not 3, 3, \>), and so in a position which would readily admit of a finite verb, 
yet the syntax could not in such cases have actually permitted it ; the 
motive, therefore, though it is one which might have influenced the 
punctuators, is hardly one that could have determined the pronunciation 
in the living language. In all probability the punctuation, in these cases, 
does not represent an original and true tradition ; and -n should be 
throughout restored for -rt. Comp. on 3' 28**. In Lev. 14*®'' TJori "O' Va 
mx, Jer. 51^ a3mn riy, the syntax will permit Taori and T'lnn to be treated, 
as they stand, as perfects (see i S. 25^' Jer. 49^ 50^) : so also Lev. 14*^ nr<< 
f Vn (see Jer. 40'). — 25. ^'? nnpSi] under the government of \ih in ncnn vh (Dr. 
§ 115, s.v. kV). So V.26 igi* 22'-* 23". On iS see on i". 


tainted metal is to be "devoted" (v.^) : the Israelite is to 
abstain even from bring-ing it into his house, lest he contract 
the same taint himself (Jos. e^sb ^12 ; cf. Jos. 6i9- 2* 7U. 21. fny__ 
Thou shalt -utterly detest it\ Ki^r? here rendered "detest," is 
used specially with reference to prohibited kinds of food (Lev. 
iiii.i3.43 2o25). and the subst. IW is used similarly (Lev. 721 
I jio-is. 20. 23. 41. 42 Ez. 810 Is. 661" f). pp-j; detestable thing often 
denotes false gods or idols (agi^, with the note). Both these 
words are commonly represented in AV., RV., by abomination, 
though this rather corresponds to the more general and 
ordinary word '""^Vin (v.^s). It is to be regretted that in the 
English versions the distinction between the two roots has 
not been more uniformly preserved. 

VIII. The lessons of the wilderness. — 1-5. Let Israel 
remember how their life in the wilderness had been a period 
of discipline, in which God had taught the infant nation its 
dependence upon Him. — 1. All the commandment, -which, &c.\ 
n8.22 155 ig9 27I, cf. 625: comp. on 528(31). The -aohole of the 
Deut. law — the principle of ii^-^, tog-ether with all that is 
involved in it — is to be obeyed by the Israelite. The ex- 
hortation of 529f- (32f.) 62f 17-19 7I1. 12 is repeated, for the purpose 
of enforcing it by a fresh motive, w.-'^-. — Observe to do\ 5I. — 
That ye may live, dr'c.J cf. 4I 530(33) 53_ — Qq {^ and possess, 
S^c] i^. — 2-6. The new motive : the recollection of the years 
spent in the wilderness, and the evidence which they afforded 
of the loving, yet searching^ and testing, providence of God. 
— H. Led thee forty years in the wilderness] Am. 21". — To 
humble thee] by teaching- thee, viz., thy dependence upon 
Him ; cf. v.^- 1^. — To prove thee] cf. on 6i^. Hunger (v.^), or 
other privations, according to the spirit in which they are 
received, are a test of the temper of those who experience 
them. — To know what was in thhie heart] i.e. to discover thy 
real purposes and disposition: cf. i S. 147 2 K. lo^*' 2 Ch. 
3231 (133^3 ba njn^ iniDJ^). — WJiether thou wouldest keep, &c.] 
cf. esp. Ex. 16* JE (of the manna); Jud. 3^. — 3. In particular 
the manna is pointed to, as illustrating the discipline of the 

YIII. \. Dn'3-n] pf., as 4I.— 2. ni] 2''.— «*> ok ... q] Ex. i6i Nu. ii" oL 
{Lex. a 2b).— 3. IU'T:] so v. 'H- The j- in the 3rd pi. perf.—yinX\V.G. the }- in 

VIII. 1-3 lo; 

wilderness: Israel's self-sufficiency was "humbled," first by 
its beingf suffered to feel a want, and afterwards by the manner 
in which its want was supplied ; it was thus taught how, for 
its very existence, it was daily (Ex. iG'') dependent on the 
(creative) word of God. On the manna, see Ex. i6 (JE and 
P), Nu. 11^-9 2i5 (both JE); and comp. Bsicon, J B Lit. 1892, 
p. 185 ff.; Triple Tradition, pp. 83-86. Further, the manna 
"proved" Israel (v.^^: Ex. iS*), by showing-, viz. whether or 
not Israel would accommodate itself, trustfully and con- 
tentedly (Nu. 21^), to this state of continued dependence upon 
God, and whether therefore it could be trusted to obey 
properly any other laws which might in future be laid upon 
it. Thus the manna (i) taught Israel its dependence upon 
Jehovah, and (2) operated as a test of Israel's disposition. 
— Which thou knewest not, &€.] cf. 137(6) 28^'»-^*. It was a 
food unknown before (Ex. 16^^) ; and consequently a signal 
evidence of God's sustaining providence. — That man doth not 
live on bread alone, hut on every utterance of Jehovah! s mouth 
doth man live] the didactic treatment of the history continues, 
a further lesson being based on the narrative of the manna. 
The narrative showed that the natural products of the earth 
are not uniformly sufficient for the support of life : the creative 
will of God, in whatever other way it may, upon occasion, speci- 
ally exert itself, is also a sustaining power, on which man may 
find himself obliged to rely. But the words, though originally 
suggested by the history of the manna, are not limited in their 
import to that particular occasion : they are of wider appli- 
cation ; and they are accordingly quoted by our Lord, in His 
answer to the tempter (Mt. 4*), for the purpose of showing 
that needs of sense do not exhaust the requirements of human 
nature, that man leads a spiritual life as well as a physical 

the 2nd and 3rd ps. pi. imp/, (on i^') — is both anomalous, and phllologically 
questionable. The only other example in the OT. is Is. 26'" I'py. The 
form is met with occasionally in Syriac and other late dialects (as the 
Palest. Targfums and the Jerus. Talmud) ; but it is difficult to think that 
the three isolated cases in the OT. are original : had the form been in 
actual use in ancient Hebrew, the occasions for its employment would 
surely have been more numerous (v. Dr. § 6 Obs. 2, p. 6f., with the reff.). 
—3. hn] Gen. 27^ Is. 38^^ 


life, and that by yielding' inopportunely to physical necessity, 
higher spiritual needs may be neglected or frustrated. — 
Utterance (N^VO)] on 23^*. — 4. Thy raiment wore not away from 
off thee, neither did thy foot blister, these forty year s\ a further 
illustration of God's sustaining providence during the years 
passed in the wilderness. The terms of the description are 
rhetorical, and are not of course to be understood literally, as 
was done, for instance, by the Jews, who even fabled {v. 
Rashi: cf. Just. c. Tryph. § 131) that the clothes of the 
Israelite children grew with their bodies, "like the shell of 
a snail"! Cf. 294(5) Neh. 921 (a quotation).— 5. Know (439), 
then, with thine heart, that like as a man disciplines his son, 
Jehovah thy God is disciplining thee] in the wilderness, 
Jehovah had been as a father discipliniiig his child (see on 4"^ ; 
and cf. Pr. 4I 19I8 29^'''), and educating him with a view to his 
ultimate good (v.-^). Cf. Hos. tS^^^^ (the wilderness a place 
of discipline for renegade Ephraim). — 6. Let Israel, then, 
respond with filial obedience. — And keep] see below. — To 
walk in his ways] i.e. in the ways which He approves, and 
which He directs men to follow (Ex. iS^o) : so 19^ 26^'^ 28^ 30^^, 
with all 1012 ii22 Jos. 225 (D2) I K. 23 314 858 ii33.38 (all Dcut.), 
and occasionally besides. With other verbs, both way and 
ways are frequent in the same moral application : e.g. Gen. 
i8i9 QE) Ps. i822(2i); of. On s^'^.—To fear him] 6^3-24. 

7-20. Let Israel take heed lest, in the enjoyment of the 
good things of Canaan, it be tempted to forget the Giver, and 
ascribe its prosperity to its own natural powers, — 7. For] 
the preceding admonition is needful : for Israel is about to 
enter into conditions of life in which the lessons of the past 
may be only too readily forgotten. The Writer begins by an 
eloquent and glowing description of the richly-blessed soil of 
Canaan. — A good land] i^s. — A land of streams — properly 
Wadys (on 2^3) — of water, of springs and deeps, issuing forth 
in vale and hill] an attractive and faithful description of the 

4. t'^J'O nnSa] a pregnant constr., "wear away (and drop) from upon 
thee": so 29*, cf. Job 30"-^. — nps3 Neh. g^f. — 8. JiyTJi] know, then, 
as 7*. — 5. 133^ oy] for this idiom, use of cy, cf. 15" Jos. 14^ i K. S'"-" 
lo- (=1 Ch. 6^-8 2 Ch. 9I) I Ch. 22^ 282 2 Ch. i" 24* 2910.— io"] the impf., 
as I**. — 6. nnDB'i] and keep (as an imper.), carrying on njm. 

VIII. 4-xo 109 

Palestinian landscape. For "deeps" (nbnn), i,e. the "waters 
under the earth," see on 4^'*. f^yi?? is a vale, or plain, — pro- 
perly a wide valley (different from N'3 a ravine), or plain 
between mountains (from yp2 to cleave or rend), level (Is. 40*) 
and broad (as Jos. ii^'^the "^Vi?? of Lebanon, i.e. Coele-Syria, 
the broad sweep between Lebanon and Hermon) : cf. ii^^ 34^. 
— 8. A land of "wheat, and barley, &c.\ the various products 
are enumerated, for which the soil of Palestine was principally 
celebrated, and which contributed to make it an object of envy 
to its neighbours. — Oil-olives] V^^ H"! lit. the olive of oil, i.e. 
the cultivated olive (Tristram, NHB. 375, 377) as opposed to 
the wild olive: cf. 2 K. 1822 "in^^ n'T. — 9. A land whose stones 
are iron] i.e. whose stones contain iron. 

The hot springs at Tiberias contain iron ; and further north, at 
Hasbeyah, "the g-round and springs are strongly impregnated with iron" 
(Burckh. p. 33 f.). Iron-works, and iron-mines, are frequently mentioned 
in the Lebanon, at Zahle and other places (Seetzen, i. 145, 187-190, 237); 
and horse-shoes made at Der-el-Kamar are used throughout Palestine 
(Schwarz, Das Heil. Land, 1852, p. 323) ; but it seems doubtful whether 
iron was ever obtained in Canaan itself. Perhaps, however, what is 
meant is the hard iron-like basalt, a volcanic product, which contains 
about \ of iron (p. 54), and which was used for various domestic pur- 
poses (p. 49) : this extends over a large area E. and NE. of the Sea of 
Tiberias (including the Leja, p. 49), it occurs also about Safed, NW. of the 
same sea, in parts of Moab (cf. the aihrifoZv epos of Jos. BJ. iv. 8. 2), and 
here and there W. of Jordan: see RItter, Erdhxmde, xv. 294-300= C^ogr. 
of Pal. (transl.) ii. 241-246; Rob. ii. 388, 409, 411, 416 f. (about Tiberias); 
and esp. Hull, Geology and Geography of Pal. 1886, pp. 93-99, with the 
geological map at the beginning. (The reff. are partly from Kn.) 

And out of whose hills thou may est dig copper] according to 
Schwarz {I.e.) copper is not found nearer to Palestine than at 
Aleppo, though he adds that it is said to occur in N. Galilee 
and Lebanon. Ritter, xvii. 1063 (Kn.), mentions traces of 
former copper-works near Hama (Hamath). Copper-mines 
were also formerly worked at Punon (Gn. 32*1) in Edom. — 10. 
And thou shalt eat and he fill (6^^), and shall bless Jehovah, ^c] 
it will be Israel's duty to praise God, with a grateful heart, 

9. n:3pp3 r"?] notice the emph. position in which this idea is placed, im- 
mediately after ntfN. — n:DDD] only here : isop^oor (common in Aram.) is not 
found till Eccl. 4" gis-iS; of. J^pn Is. 40^. — nm,i] this plur. is elsewhere 
only poet. 331^ Nu. 23^, &c. (9 times). — 10. nyan] G-K. § 49. 3". So. v.". 


for the abundance of good things which He has provided for 
it. — 11-17. The caution lest, elated by such affluence and 
prosperity, Israel forgets its Benefactor and Deliverer. — 11. 
Beware, &'c.\ so 6^-. — 14. Thine heart be lifted up\ 1720: 
Hos. 136 Q3p D")'1 IV^V^'. — Which brought tJiee forth . . . bondage] 
6^: of. 13^. The descriptive clauses, v i*i>-i6^ each introduced 
by a participle with the art. (as often in II Isaiah, e.g. Is. 
43!^- 17 44-"- 28 63I1-12), are effectively designed to remind the 
Israelite of the benefits which he had successively received 
at Jehovah's hands. — 15. The great and terrible wildef^ess] 1^^ 
(with note). — Fiery serpents and scorpions] cf. Is. 30^ (of the 
same region) ; Nu. 21^. — Out of the rock of flint] cf. ^2^^: Ex. 
176.— 16. With manna, &=€.] v.^-'^'°.—To do thee good (28^3 
30^) in thy latter end] i.e. in the later period of Israel's history, 
— here, of the period of the occupation of Canaan. Israel is 
represented as an individual (Hos. ii^ Jer. 2^ Ez. 16 Ps. 129^ 
&c.), whose training in early life has been severe for the pur- 
pose of fitting him better for the position which he has to fill 
in riper years (n"'"ins as Job S'" 42^^^^ — 13 gut Israel must 
remember that Jehovah is the author of their prosperity, — 
though He grants it to them, not for any merit on their part, 
but in order that He may be faithful to the promises given to 
the fathers (4^778). — His covenant, &'c.]ap^\ cf. i^ — As at this 
day] 2^. — 19-20. If Israel neglects the warning, and follows 
after ''other gods," its fate will be that of the nations whicl 

12-17. 132^3 rnoyi {^"^ . . . nnapi 133^ cni . . . n3c"i . . . ni'sn h^nn ]s]] 
an example, of a kind not very frequent in Heb., of a long sentence 
under the g-ovemment of a single conjunction : cf. Ex. 34^*''. The 
principal verbs are those in v.^®- ", those in v.^^- being subordinate : 
English idiom (which expresses such distinctions more readily than 
Hebrew), instead of " Lest thou eat and be full . . ., and thine heart be 
lifled up," has accordingly " Lest, when thou hast eaten and art full . . ., 
then thine heart be lifted up." But . . . "vthz |s or ... JD would in 
Hebrew be thoroughly unidiomatic. — 14. iK'incn] the suff., as the art. 
shows, is an accus. (G-K. § 127 R. 4''): so v."*" 13^^^. — IS. puss] Is. 
35' Ps. I07**t- — •«;H]=where (i^). — 16. pri'] v.^ — 17. T osy] cf. Job 30-' 
(in bad sense). — 17. rnn S-nn m "h n^j?] Ez. 28^ will illustrate both .iry {/o 
make, achieve, ^ain: Gn. 12') and S'n (substance, wealth'. Is. 8* al.). So 
v.^^ Elsewhere S'n ney (without the reflexive ^) means to make might, i.e. 
to exhibit prowess, do valiantly, Nu. 24*^ i S. 14*^ Ps. 60" ii8''*^^ — 
18. fiai^] remember, then (v.^). — |nin Kin] on 3^. — 19. narn nar ck] the inf. 


Jehovah is now expelling before it (cf. ^^^- 6^*'). — Go after 
other gods, iSr'c.] 6^^. — I testify against you^ &'c.\ cf. 4^^. 

IX. 1-X. 11. A warning against self-righteousness. Israel's 
successes against the Canaanites are to be attributed not to 
any exceptional virtue or merit of its own, but to the wicked- 
ness of those nations (9*'^). Proof, from the history, of Israel's 
rebellious disposition (9^-10"). — IX. 1-2. The formidable char- 
acter of the inhabitants of Canaan. — 1. Hear, O Israel] 5^. — 
Thou art passing over this day] 2^^ : cf. ii^i. — Greater and 
mightier than thyself] 4^^ 7^ 11^3 (also with possess). — Cities 
great . . . 'Anakim]i'^^. — 2. Who7n thotc [en\^\\.) knowest {'j'^^), 
and of whom thou (emph.) hast heard, &€.] viz. from the report 
of the spies, i^s (Nu. 13^^). — 3. Nevertheless, with Jehovah's 
aid, Israel will be victorious against them: cf. i^o 313. — Is he 
which goeth over before thee] 31^. — A devouring fire] 4^*. — He 
shall destroy them,, and he shall subdue them] both the pronouns 
are emphatic, — he (and not another). Cf. 721-24. j;^33n (sub- 
due), as Jud. 330 423 828 ii33 I s. 713 2 S. &:— Quickly] comp. 
on 722. — As Jehovah hath spoken unto thee] Ex. 2323- 27, 3ib (cf. 
i2i). — 4-6. But it is not for any merit on Israel's part that 
Jehovah thus gives victory to its hosts : He drives out these 
nations on account of their wickedness, and that He may be 
faithful to the promise given to the patriarchs. — 4. Say not in 
thine heart] cf. 7^''. — Whereas for the wickedness . . . before 
thee] the clause is not expressed in (S ; and is very probably 
a gloss borrowed from v. 5, and improperly anticipating it 
(Valeton, vi. 166; Dillm.; Oettli). — 5. For the wickedness of 
these nations] cf. Gn. 15I6 Lev. 1 83- 24-30 2o23 Dt. 18^2 20^8 , k. 
1424 2 1 26 2 K. i63 178 2 1 2. — Is dispossessing them [n'^y^'d) from 
before thee] Ex. 3424 y^fi'o W'\i K'niN ""a (JE) : so also Dt. 428 li^ 
Jos. 3^'' 235- 9 (all D2) Jud. 221- 23 (Deut.) ; and in the passages of 
Kings (all Deut.) just quoted. — That he may establish, dr'c.] the 

abs. emphasizing the terms of a condition, as Ex. 15^ 19* 21" 22'* ^* Nu. 21' 
I S. 1" 1225 i4«) 2o«-'-»-2i &c.— npy] 7". 

IX. 1. ntrh] en\ with a personal object, as z^--"^-^ ii^s i22-» 18" i9» 
31': cf. Nu. 21^ Kt. Jud. 1x23- M xhe obj. is usu. a place.— 3. nSsk pk] 
an implicit accus. (G-K. § 118. 5 ; Dr. § 161. 3). — i. »]in] G'".— ccmo] the 
ptcp., as 2*. — 5. "in.T nx D'pn] lit. to raise up, i.e. to maintain, confirm, 
fulfil : so 1 K. 829 12" a/. 5 opp. "j'sn to let fall i S. 3'» (cf. hai Jos. ai^ 



same motive as 7^, cf. 8^^. — 6. Israel has never yielded itself 
readily to God's will.— ^ stiff {hard)-necked people (STi.V nc'p)] 
Ex. 32^ 333- 5 3497 (all from the narrative which the Writer is 
about to recapitulate): cf. hard neck Dt. 3127, to harden the 
neck Dt. lo^^ and hence Jer. 726 1723 jgis 3 K. 171^ (Deut.) 
Neh. gi6. 17. 29 (by the side of other reminiscences from Dt.), 
2 Ch. 30^ 36^3. The fig^ure underlying- the expression is of 
course the unyielding neck of an obstinate, intractable animal 

(cf. Is. 48^ iD-iy bnn Tii). 

IX. 7-X, 11. Proof, from the history, and especially from 
the episode of the Golden Calf, of Israel's rebellious temper, 
which, but for Moses' intercession, and Jehovah's forbearance, 
had cost them their national existence. — The proof is given in 
the form of a retrospect, similar in general style to c. 1-3, and 
based like that upon the narrative of JE, of which it is a free 
reproduction, many passages being repeated verbatim, while 
others are expanded or otherwise varied, in accordance with 
the Writer's manner, as exemplified in c. 1-3. The following 
Table will show how the two narratives run parallel to each 
other (in explanation of the parentheses, see p. 10) : — 

Dt. 9? (to nights) . Ex. 2412a. isb. 

^^ (Ex. 34^). 

9»»» Ex. 31^8^. 

9I2 Ex. 32'-8*. 

9'^ Ex. 32^ 

9"" Ex. 32'»»' (cf. Nu. 

9I' Ex. 32^'. 

9I6 Cf. Ex. 32i9». 

9" Ex. 32"". 

9»8-"> Ex. 34» (cf. 9). 

9« (Ex. 32"*'). 

927' (Ex. 32"). 

928 (Xu, i4i« ; cf. Ex. 

9»»' (Ex, 32II''). 

iqI* Ex. y^. 

lo^'* Ex. 34^ 

lo^' (the ark) . * * • 

io2» Ex. 341". 

ia«'-*'(thear>6) ♦ * ♦ 

io3«> Ex. 34*. 

10* Ex. 3428b. 

jq5. 0-9 ^ ^ ^ 

Iol0( = gl8».l»b) Cf. Ex. 349'- 28». 

10" (Cf. Ex. 33I). 

7. Remember, forget not] comp. 25^"- ^^ '^.^—Madest wroth] 
v.8.19.22: cf. \^.—From the day, ^c] cf. Ex. 152* 172-7 Nu. 

I K. 8" dU). — 7. }D^] 4*".— cn"n onco] the ptcp. with .Tn emphasizes the 
continuance of the action : cf. v. 22- 2^ 31^ 2 S. 3" (Dr. § 135, 5 ; G-K. 

9a Ex. 3220. 

9^2 See Nu. ii^-^ Ex. 

177 Nu. ii*-». 
923 [Seei"-»-«]. 

Dt. 92* [Resumption 


IX. 6-II 113 

II. t^^-*- "-25.4if. 2o3a-5 ai^''- 2^'-> .—Uilto this place\ i^^.—Been 
defiant with] on i^^. — 8. And (in particular) in Horeb, &€.] 
Ex. 32-34. — Was angered] v.^o i37. — 9. When I went up, dr^c.] 
Ex. 2412. 18b. ♦_ 7-^^ lables of the covenant] v.^i-" i K. S^ ffi 
(Deut.). Cf. 4^^ (see note), e^"^^-. — Forty days and forty nights] 
Ex. 24^^''.* — / neither ate bread nor drank water] this clause 
agrees with Ex. 34^8, which relates, however, to a diflferent 
occasion, viz. Moses' third ascent of the mountain. Unless it 
may be supposed that such a clause, describing- Moses' fast- 
ing, once stood in E after Ex. 24^^^, and was still read there by 
the author of Dt. (being afterwards omitted when the narrative 
of E was combined with that of P), it will be another example of 
the peculiarity which was several times referred to in the notes 
on c. 1-3, and which will meet us again in the retrospect here, 
an expression, viz., used in the description of one incident, or 
occasion, in Ex., being applied somewhat singularly in the 
description of another in Dt. — 10. Tables of stone, written with 
the finger of God] exactly as Ex. 3118b (£). — Spake with you in 
the mount out of the midst of the fire] 5^ 10*. — In the day of the 
assembly] i!}T\^r\)] lo* 18^^ : comp. the verb in 410. This desig- 
nation of the day on which the law was given at Horeb is 
peculiar to Dt. — 11. The v. repeats v.^°^ with the additional 
statement that it was at the end of the 40 days that the tables 
were given to Moses. 

^^ And Jehovah said unto me, Ex. 32' And Jehovah spake unto 

saying, Arise, get thee down quickly Moses, sayingf, Go, get thee down ; 
from here ;^r/A_j//^o/;^, -which thou for thy people, which thou 

hast brought forth out of Egypt, hath hast brought up out of Egypt, hath 
done corruptly: they are quickly done corruptly: ^ they are quickly 
turned aside out of the way which I turned aside out of the way which I 
commanded them : they have made commanded them : they have made 
them a molten image. them a molten image ; they have 

§ ir6. 5 R.2— D5?] i.e. in dealing with ; so v.'^ 31^7 : cf. oy a'p'n Nu. 11^ al.; 
uy niry Ps. 86^^ a/.— 9. 3pki . . . 'nVya] either (a) as G-K. § 114. 3, Dr. § 117, 
defining the occasion of v.*; or {b) as G-K. § iii. i, Dr. § 127 /S, — prob. 
the latter (so RV.) : cf. Gn. 22* 27** Is. & &c.— d'33k.t mm!?] 4".— 'Ji onV] a 
circumst. clause (Dr. § 163). 

* Ex. 24**-"- '8'' (from and he went up) belong closely to Ex. si'**" 
" [And J. gave him] the tables of stone," &c., forming a continuous narra- 
tive of E : the intermediate passages, Ex. 24^'"'* 31^** (to testimony) belong 
to P, and are not referred to in Dt. 


bowed down to it, and sacrificed to 
it, and have said, Tliese be thy 
g-ods, &c. 

^^ And Jelwvdh said unto me, " And Jehovah said unto Moses, 

saying, / have seen this people, and I have seen this people, and 

behold it is a stiff-necked people. behold it is a stiff-necked people. 

1^ Desist from me (^"in ^<* And now, let me alone (nn'jn 
'jdd), that I may destroy them, and '^), that mine anger may kindle 
blot out their name from under against them, and that I may con- 
heaven ; and I will make thee into sume them; and I will make thee into 

a nation mightier and larger (an) a great ("jiij) nation 

than it. ^^ And I turned, and came ^^ And Moses turned, and 

down frotn the m^oiint, and the came down from the mount, 

mount burned with fire ; and the and the 

two tables of the covenant were on two tables of the testimony were in 

my two hands his hand 

" And I took hold of the two ^'"' And Moses' anger kindled ; 

tables, and I flung them from on my and he flung the tables yrow 

two hands, and I brake them before his hand, and he brake them under 

your eyes the mount. 

-^ And your sin, which ye had 2*' And he took the calf which they 

made, even the calf, I took, and I had made, and he 

burnt it with fire, and beat it in burnt it with fire, and 

pieces, grinding it well, until it was he ground it, until it was 

crushed fine into dust ; and I cast crushed fine ; and he strewed 

its dust into the stream (wady) that it upon the water, and made the 

descended out of the mount. children of Israel drink of it. 

The variations will be apparent from the synopsis : as in 
other cases, they generally exhibit the characteristic style of I 
D.— 14. Destroy (TOIJ'n) v.s- 19- 20. 25 ; see on i27 (phil. n.).—Blot \ 
om/, iSr'c] 29^9(20)5 also 724 2519 (Ex. 17^^). — Mightier and larger i 
(3-1) than it] Nu. 14^2 <«And I will make thee into a nation | 
greater (imj) and mightier than it": cf. c. 7^ ("nations larger j 
and mightier than thou"). — 15. And the mount, dr'c] as 4^^ | 
g20(23\ — Of the covenant] v.^. — Ex. 32"-^^ describing Moses' ] 
first intercession for the people while he was still on the mount, , 
and Jehovah's consequent repentance, it will be seen, is passed ] 
over in Dt. — 16. As Moses came down, he perceived what 
Israel had done : substantially, but not verbally, as Ex. 32^^, 1 
**ye had turned aside," &c. being repeated from v. ^2, — 17, , 
Before your eyes] one of D's phrases (on i^o). — 18-20. Moses' j 

12. on^ iry] on i". — 14. 'jdd fp!\\ lit. " relax, slacken (sc. thy hand) from 
me" : Jud. 11^ '300 ng-in, i S. ii' n^ fj-jn {for us, — the dat. commodi), i S. 
15I* rpn alone, Ps. 46" ^S'v^. — 17. T 'np hso] the correlative of t 'nff hy 

v.". Cf. Lev. 828 03-33 if^^ (v. 27 l,y), i 

IX. 13-23 115 

intercession : for 40 days he fell down fastrng- before God, on 
behalf of the people and Aaron, and obtained their forgiveness. 
The reference is not, as might appear at first sight, to Ex. 
2 231-33^ but to the same 40 days mentioned in 10^" (comp. csp. 
lo^** with 9I8*, and lo^ob vvith g^'-*^), i.e. with the second period 
of 40 days spent by Moses on the mount (Ex. 34^"^^), when, 
according to Ex. 34^, he also interceded for the people. No 
doubt this intercession is mentioned here, in anticipation of its 
true chronological position (for v.21 corresponds to Ex. 3220), 
on account of its significance in the argument: it signally 
illustrated how much the people owed to the merciful forbear- 
ance of Jehovah. — 18. As at the first] so 10^*^. The reference 
can be only to the forty days mentioned in 9®. The compari- 
son {uvAg^ss fell do7on be used of fasting and humiliation gener- 
ally) must relate to the period of time only. — That which was 
evil, &c.] on 6^^. — To vex him (iD^yjDn^)] viz. by requiting Him 
with ingratitude. Not ** to provoke him to anger " ; see on 42^. 
— 19. For I was in dread {^n^y)] a rare word : 28'^*' Job 3^5 928 pg. 
1 1939. — That time also] the other occasions, implicitly alluded 
to, on which Jehovah listened to Moses' intercession may (as 
the whole period of the 40 years is in the Writer's mind, v.''^- 22'-, 
and the occasion of the Golden Calf seems to be specially dwelt 
upon as being the gravest of all) be subsequent ones, as Nu. 
jjS i2i3f. 1^13-20 21^-9 : Ex. is^s 174^- are iustanccs of response to 
petitions for help, not to intercessory prayer. — 20. And I inter- 
ceded for Aaron also at that time] the intercession for Aaron 
is not mentioned in Ex. — 21. See the synopsis above. This, of 
course, according to Ex., was before the intercession of v.^^-^O; 
and the Heb. idiom employed (see below) perfectly admits this. 
— The stream that descended, fy'c] cf. (of Jebel Musa) Ordnance 
Stirvey of Sinai {iS6<^), pp. 113, 115, 148; (of Serbal) p. 144, 
and Ebers, Gosen, p. 388. — 22-23. Other instances of Israel's 
disobedience. — 22. Tab'erah] 5lu. ii^-^. — Massah] 6^^ Ex. 172-". 
—Kibroth-hatta dvah] Nu. ii4-34._23. Kadesh-bamea] iiob.21 
18. hsinn] v.^- ^ Ezr. lo^ ; differently, Gn. 43^8!.— 21. 'nnp!? ... 1] not 
npxi; see on 10^". — Jina] inf. abs., as 3®. — 3B*n] "doing- it weU" = 
thoroughly (the inf. abs. used adverbially: G-K. § 113. 2 R.^) : so 13" 17* 
jgi8 2^8^ Elsewhere, in this application, only 2 K, 1 1'^ — 22. Dr."rt c'S'spo] ye 
were making -wroih (on vJ). — 23. nom , . . nVcai] constr. as v.® {b). 


(^. ^k), ^^ ("defied Jehovah's mouth"), 32 ("believed him not"). 
— 24. The indictment of v. '', repeated in terms of keener reproach 
('* from the day that I knew you"). For " I," Sam. G have 
" he" {Sl^n for 'r^f[), i.e. Jehovah (Hos. 135). 

25-29. The Writer reverts here to the occasion mentioned 
v.i^ [i.e. Ex. 34^- 28a)j for the purpose of emphasizing- (in accord- 
ance with the g"eneral design of the retrospect) the indebted- 
ness of Israel to Moses' intercession. It is remarkable however 
that the terms of the intercession, as here quoted, do not 
agree with those of Ex. 34^, but include many reminiscences 
of the earlier intercession in Ex. 3211-13 (as also some from 
Nu. 14!^) : comp. p. 10. (Vv.25-29 cannot refer actually to Ex. 
32"-i3, because the intercession there recorded was made before 
Moses' first descent from the mount (see v.i^ = Dt. 9!^), whereas 
V.25, in virtue of the terms used, points back to v.i^, which 
clearly narrates what took place after it, and is parallel with 
Ex. 34^- 28a.) — 25. The forty days and the forty iiights^ ivhich I 
fell down] v.i^ : for the form of sentence, cf. i*^ 2915(16). — That 
he would destroy you] v.i*. 26-29. Moses' intercession. — 26. 

Lord fehovah] 32^. — Which thou hast brought forth out of 
Egypt with a mighty hand] Ex. 3211^ << which thou hast brought 
forth out of the land of Egypt with great power, and with a 
mighty hand." The preceding clause, "which thou hast re- 
deemed through thy g-reatness," contains two Deut. expres- 
sions ; see on 32* 78. — 27. Remember thy servants, Abraham, 6^c.] 
cf. Ex. 3213. — 28. Lest the land whence thotibroughtest us out say i 
From JelurvaK s not being able to bring them into tJie land which 
he promised to them., and from his hating them, he hath brought 
them out to put them to death (DH^on^) in the wilderness] based 
on Ex. 3212 ("Wherefore should the Egyptians speak, saying, 

25. Dvn D';?3"iK nx] nx, marking- duration of time, is very rare (Ex. 13^ 
Lev. 25**). Dvn, nV'^n (with the art.), because " the 40 days " are intended : 
so Jud. 17' tpzn riKDi ^Vk. i K. ii^ DTjam .ticj; '^the ten tribes," &c.— 
27. ^ 131] so Ex. 32^'. Otherwise S naj is rare (Jer. 31" Ps. 25^ 136^ 2 Cb. 
6-*^). — Vr na] turn to, i.e. regard, usu. in a favourable sense, as Lev. 26* 

1 K. 8^. — ';??] not elsewhere. — ^28. px.T ncK' jb] the plur. xara. rStfir, as 

2 S. 15^: so with ytH = ear/h, Gn. 41" i S. 17**, and in late Psalms, as 
651.4 ggi.g jog'. But (as Di. remarks) Sam. has p«<n DV; and (5&WS 
express ymn '3en\ — '^ao] lit. Jhom want of, in the original passage Nu. 
14" 'nVoD : cf. 28** (see note) ; also Is. 5" Hos. 4* Ez. 34'.— n^3:] Nu. 14^^. 

IX. 24— X. 3 117 

In mischief did he bring them forth, to slay {nTh) them in the 
mountains, and to consume them from the face of the earth "), 
with reminiscences of Nu. 14^'' {" From Jehovah's not being 
able to bring this people into the land which he sware unto 
them, therefore he hath slaughtered them (Dl3nB'"'i) in the 
wilderness "). — 29. T/iy people and thy inheritance\ i K. 8^^ 
(Deut.); cf. c. ^^'^. — Which thou broughiestforth, (Sr'c] Ex. 32^^. 
X. 1-5. Moses narrates how, at Jehovah's direction, he 
hewed out two other tables of stone, like the first, and prepared 
an ark of acacia-wood in which to deposit them ; Jehovah having 
rewritten upon these tables the ten commandments, they were 
placed by Moses in the ark, or chest, prepared for their 
reception. The intention of this part of the retrospect is 
doubtless to show how the people were finally restored com- 
pletely to Jehovah's favour; the rewriting of the ten com- 
mandments, on which the "covenant" was based (9^), and 
the formal order for their permanent preservation, sealed, as 
it were, Israel's forgiveness, and was an assurance that the 
breach between Jehovah and His people was healed. 

^ At that time Jehovah said unto Ex. 34^ And Jehovah said unto 

me, He7v thee two tables of stone Moses, Hew thee two tables of stone 

like utito the first, and come up unto like unto the first ; 
me to the mount, and make thee 

an ark of wood ; ^ that I may and I will 

write upon the tables the words that write upon the tables the words that 

were on the first tables, which thou were on the first tables, which thou 

brakest, and thou shalt put them in brakest. ^ And be ready by the 

the ark. ^ And I made an ark of morning, and thou shalt come up in 

acacia-wood ; the morning into mount Sinai, and 

present thyself there unto me on 

and I the top of the mount. * And he 

hewed two tables of stone like unto hewed two tables of stone like unto 

the first, the first ; and Moses rose up early 

and I went up to the in the morning, and he went up into 

mount ; mount Sinai, as Jehovah commanded 

and the two him, and took in his hand two tables 

tables were in my hand, of stone. 

It is evident that v.^"^ is based upon Ex. 34^- 2- *. There 
is only one material difference between the two accounts, but it 
is a» important one : in Ex. 34^"* there is no mention of the 
ark, which according to Dt. Moses made at this time for the 


reception of the two tables, and in which (v. 5) he placed them 
after coming- down from the mount. This difference between 
Dt. and Ex. does not admit of reconciliation. In Ex. in- 
structions respecting the ark are given in 25^^-^ ; and 
Bezalel, having been commissioned to execute the work of the 
sanctuary (31^"- 35^^-36^), makes the ark, 37^"^. There is of 
course no difficulty in supposing- that Moses may have been 
described as making himself what was in fact made, under his 
direction, by Bezalel : but in Dt. Moses is instructed to make, 
and actually does make, the ark of acacia-wood, before ascend- 
ing- the mount the third time to receive the tables of stone ; 
whereas in Ex. the command to make the ark is both given to 
Bezalel, and executed by him, after Moses' return from the 
mountain (35^°'''^- 36^ 37^). Ex. 25-31 and 342^-40^^, however, 
belong to P, while Ex. 32^-342^ belong to JE. The consistency 
with which the retrospects of Dt. are based upon JE's narra- 
tive in Ex. Nu., renders it highly probable that the text of Ex. 
34^-5 once told how Moses made the ark of acacia-wood, and 
deposited the tables in it, agreeably with Dt. io^*>- ^^-^a. 5 . but 
that when JE was combined (after the composition of Dt.) with 
P, the passages containing these statements were omitted by 
the compiler, as inconsistent with the more detailed particulars, 
which he preferred, contained in the narrative of P (Ex. 25- 
31 ; 3429-40^8)^ Comp. above, on 1^2 327. — 4. And he wrote, 
^cJ] cf. Ex. 342^^, — at least, as understood by the author of 
Ex. 34 in its present form (cf. v.^**; and see ad loc). — In the 
mount, &cJ\ exactly as 9^0^ — 5_ And I turned, &'c.\ as 9^^ 
(after \}\& first sojourn in the mount). — And I put, &'c.\ see on 
v.i"3. — And there they are] cf. i K. 8^^. — Commanded mc\ v. 2. 

6-7. A fragment of an itinerary, narrating the journey ings 
of the Israelites from Beeroth Bene-ja'akan to Moserah (where 
Aaron died), Gudgodah, and Jotbathah, — The passage occasions 
difficulty. It interrupts the discourse of Moses (the 3rd person 
being- used instead of the 2nd, as uniformly elsewhere in 
the retrospects) ; it interrupts the chronology (relating the 
death of Aaron, which — see Nu. 20^- 1** 2o22fi"- (both P) — cannot 
have taken place till long- after the sojourn at Horeb) ; and it 
disagrees with at least P's account of the journeyings of the 

X. 4-5 119 

Israelites, contained in Nu. 33. In Nu. 33 there occur four 
names differing so slightly that it cannot be doubted that they 
are the same, viz. v.^" Moseroth (pi. of Moserah), v.^i Bene- 
ja'akan, v.32 Hor-hag-Gidgad ("the Hollow of Gidgad"), v.83 
Jotbathah (followed, v.s* by 'Abronah, v.^s 'Ezion-Geber, v.^ 
the Wilderness of Zin (py), or Kadesh, v.^'^ Mount Hor, where 
Aaron dies, v.*^ Zalmonah, &c.). The order is, however, 
different; and Aaron dies on Mount Hor (cf. Nu, 2022-29 p), not 
at Moserah. It is most in accordance with other phenomena 
presented by the Pent, to suppose that this difference between 
the two itineraries is due to their expressing divergent tradi- 
tions respecting the order of the stations passed by the Israelites. 

By Keil and other harmonists the assumption usually made is that Dt. 
10^''' is parallel, not with Nu. 33^^"^ but with Nu. 33^ : the Israelites, it is 
supposed, towards the close of their wandering's, journeying- Southwards, 
passed successively (Nu. 33'^'*^) Moseroth, Bene-ja'akan, Hor-hag-Gidgad, 
Jotbathah, 'Abronah, and 'Efion-Geber (at the N. end of the Gulf of 
'Akabah), hence, turning back, they revisit Kadesh (Nu. 33'^), without 
making any formal stoppage on the route, after which, retracing their 
steps Southwards (Nu. 33^'''*'), in order to accomplish the journey round 
the S. border of Edom, they pass some of the same stations as before, 
though not in the same order (Beeroth Bene-ja'akan, Moserah, Gudgodah, 
Jotbathah), their second visits to the same spots not being mentioned in 
the itinerary in Nu. 33, and being only recorded in Dt. lo""'' ; the variation 
as regards the place of Aaron's death is further explained by the assump- 
tion (which in our entire ignorance of the actual position of Moserah may 
not be illegitimate) that Moserah was in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Mount Hor, perhaps the desert at its foot. The explanation, though 
formally possible, is artificial ; and the reason assigned for the omission 
in Numbers of the four stations in Dt., viz. because their names had been 
given before, seems a very insufficient one. The discrepancy is diminished, 
but not removed, by the conjecture of Evvald, Gesch. ii. 285 (ET. ii. 201), 
that in Nu. 33, v. **"•""* has been transposed from its original position, 
and that it once stood after v.^". If this conjecture be correct, the 
original order of the stations will have been Wilderness of Zin (Kadesh), 
Mount Hor, Moseroth, Bene-ja'akan, Hor-hag-Gidgad, Jotbathah, 
'Abronah, 'Ezion-Geber, Zalmonah, &c. : Moserah will now be actually 
the next station to Mount Hor ; and 'Ezion-Geber (see Dt. 2*) will come 
in a more natural place, 4 stages before the border of Moab is reached 
(v.**), instead of being followed by the long march back across the desert 
to Kadesh (with no mention of any intermediate stations) : the v.nriations 
in the order of Bene-ja'akan and Moserah, and of Gudgodah and Jotbathah, 
remain, however, still as before. 

The source of the itinerary in Dt. is probably E. The discrepancy, 
just noticed, is conclusive against its being borrowed from P ; moreover 


it differs in form from the stereotyped formula of P ("And they journeyed 
from . . ., and pitched in . . ." : Nu. 2i^'''^^, Nu. 33 passim), but 
resembles that of E (cf. Nu. . the note in v.«^ also, is 
analogous (Bacon) to that of E in Jos. 24^. 

The purport of the notice remains to be considered. By some (Heng- 
stenberg, Keil), its aim has been supposed to be to show that Aaron was 
not only forgiven at Moses' intercession, but was even honoured by the 
priesthood being confirmed to his descendants. It is true, as has been 
already observed, that the general design of the retrospect in c. 9-10 is to 
illustrate the grace of Jehovah in bestowing anew upon His disobedient 
people the tokens of His favour ; but it is difficult to think that, had such 
been the aim of the present notice, it would have been expressed so 
indirectly : Aaron's own institution to the priesthood, which would be the 
important point, is passed over in silence. If it forms an integral part of 
the narrative (so Graf, Gesch. B. 112, Kayser, p. 131, Kuen. Th. T. 1881, 
201 f., Delitzsch, ZKWL. 1880, 565), it cannot be reasonably explained, 
except as introductory to v.®'-, and as intended to specify the occasion, viz. 
the sojourn at Jotbathah or at least the period of Aaron's death, at which 
the tribe of Levi were set apart for sacred purposes. But the introduction 
here of a piece of the itinerary, belonging to almost the close of the 40 
years' wanderings, while the people, both before and after (v.^""^^), are 
represented as still at Horeb, and the late period in the 40 years, which 
in opposition to the other sources it would assign for the consecration 
of the tribe of Levi, constitute serious objections to this view. 

The interruption, both in the chronolog"y and in the dis- 
course of Moses, must be admitted to make it probable that 
the notice is no original part of the text of Dt., but either a 
subsequent insertion (Wellh. Hist. 371 ; Reuss, La Bible, ii. 
297 (with v.®*^) ; Cornill, Einl. § 9. 8 ; Dillm.), introduced from a 
part of E, which still survived independently, perhaps with the 
view of illustrating- (v.^^) the manner in which priestly duties 
(v.8f) were provided for after Aaron's death ; or (Bacon, Triple 
Tradition, 207 f., 257 f., 343 f.) a fragment of E's original 
narrative of Israel's final journeyings, and of Moses' final dis- 
course, which retained its position after the latter (as a whole) 
was replaced by our present Dt. — Beeroth Bene-ja akati] i.e. 
the "Wells of the children of Ja'akan." The site is unknown : 
but, as Gn. 36^7 mentions 'Akan as the name of a Horite 
family or clan, for which i Ch. i'*2 has Ja'akan (and ffi in Gen. 
lovKa/t), it is not improbable that the two are to be identified, 
in which case the site of the "wells" referred to would be in 
or near the 'Ar^bah (i^), not far from Edom. The sites of 
the other three places named are also unknown : the addition 

X. 6-8 121 

"a land of streams (wadys) of water" to Jotbathah would 
seem to characterize it as some specially fertile spot in one of 
Wadys leading- down into the 'Ardbah. The identification of 
Gudgodah with the Wady Ghudaghid (j^iiUii), which runs 
down from the Tih plateau (p. 20) into the Wady Jerafeh, 
and so into the 'Ardbah, nearly opposite to Petra (Rob. i. 181), 
is not probable on phonetic grounds : for c does not corre- 
spond to the Heb. 3, nor ^^ to 1. — And Eleazar his son was 
priest in his stead] Ele'azar is mentioned frequently in P (Ex. 
623 Nu. 2o25-28 22^-28 Jos. 14I &c.), but not elscwherc in JE, 
except Jos. 24^3 ^gj, xhe passage is important, as showing 
that in the tradition of JE, not less than in P, Aaron was the 
founder of a hereditary priesthood. 

8-9. Separation of the tribe of Levi for the exercise of 
priestly functions.- — As the contents and phraseology show 
(see the references, and note "thy God" in v.^), these two 
verses are a genuine continuation of the discourse of Moses, 
which was interrupted by v."*'^. — 8. At that time] if v.^"^ be 
an original part of the text of Dt., the reference must be to 
the period indicated in these verses, i.e. to the period immedi- 
ately following the death of Aaron, towards the close of the 
40 years' wanderings. If, on the other hand, v.^'^ be a later 
addition, the words will refer, of course, to the occasion 
described in v.^-^, during the sojourn at Horeb. In the 
existing" Pent, the institution of the priesthood is narrated in 
Ex. 28-29, Lev. 8 (both P), and the Levites (the inferior 
members of the tribe, as distinguished from the priests) are 
consecrated to their duties in Nu. 3^''^- (also P) : but the 
expression at that time is much more significant, if the view 
of Dillmann [Ex.-Lev. p. 342) and others be accepted, that 
JE's narrative in Ex. 32-34 contained originally an account of 
the consecration of the tribe of Levi — in connexion, presumably, 
with their display of zeal on Jehovah's behalf, narrated in Ex. 
3226-29 — to which reference is here made, but which the com- 
piler of Exodus did not deem it necessary to retain by the side 
of the more detailed particulars of P (Ex. 28-29, Lev. 8 ; Nu. 

X. 8. !?n3n] 4^1 192- 7 2920 (nyn"?),— 'i"?,!] collect. =the Levites (on 3»- "). 


3). — To hear the ark of JehovaKs covenant, to stand before 
Jehovah to Tninister to him, arid to bless in his name unto this 
day] three principal functions of the tribe of Levi, all, properly 
speaking-, priestly ones, are described in these words, (i) To 
bear the ark. In P (Nu. 3^^ 4^^) the duty of carrying- the ark 
is assigned to the " Levites," in the narrower sense of the 
word (as disting-uished from the priests), in particular to the 
family of the Kohathites ; and the same view is expressed in 
the Chronicles (i Ch. 152.15.26 &c.). But in Dt., as in other 
earlier books, this is consistently represented as the duty of 
the priests. Dt. 31^ (on v.^^ see note) Jos. 8^^ "the priests 
the Levites," i.e. the Levitical priests (see on 18^), receive the 
title " bearers of the ark of Jehovah's covenant " ; and in Jos. 
^sff. 56. 12 J K. 83- ^ the priests are represented as bearing it : 
see also i K. 2^^.* (In 2 Ch. 5*, which corresponds to i K. 8^, 
"Levites" is substituted for "priests," to bring the passage 
into conformity with later usag-e : 2 Ch. 5^ has "the priests 
the Levites," where i K. 8^ has "the priests and the Levites," 
preserving- probably the original reading- of King-s: 2 Ch. 5''^ 
(=1 K. 8^) "priests" has been permitted to remain.) — The 
ark of JehovaK s covenant] i.e. the ark containing the Decalog-ue, 
the embodiment of Jehovah's covenant (on 4^^^^ xhe desig-- 
nation is one which gives prominence to one of the leading 
Deuteronomic ideas (4!^) ; and it is accordingly frequently used 
by writers belonging to the Deuteronomic school, or influenced 
by its phraseology. 

It occurs besides 319.25.26 jQg_ ^3. 14.17 ^7.18 58 gss^ ^nd without "of 
Jehovah " (nna.T {-nx) 3^- ^ (cf.^^) 4^ 6" (mostly Deut. passages) ; also (some- 
times with God for Jehovah) Nu. 10*^ 14^ (both JE), Jud. 20^ (in an ex- 
planatory gloss) I S. 43.*.4.5 2 S. 15=^ I K. 3« 619 81-8 (= 2 Ch. 52- ?) Jer. 
3'8 I Ch. 1525.26.28.29 166.37 jyi 22!" 282-18. The usual expression in the 
earlier hist, books is, however, simply "the ark of Jehovah (or of God)" : 
as Jos. 3" 4'- " 6 s-'- "-13 76 I s. 3^ 46- ik"-22, c. 5-6 passim, f {bis), 2 S. 6 
passim, i^^' ^- ^. The fuller title " ark of the covenant of Jehovah," even 
if, in view of Nu. lo*' 14-", it be too much to maintain that it actually 
originated with Dt., certainly acquired increased currency through its 
influence (cf. p. 68) ; and it is probable that there are passages in the 
Massoretic text in which the expression originally used has been sub- 

* Which shows that the part taken by the " Levites" in 2 S. 15** (unless 
meant in D's sense: cf. on 18*) must have been either a subordinate one 
(cf. v.^* **), or exceptional. (Baudissin, Priesterthum, 209, reads ephod.) 

X. 9 123 

sequently expanded by the addition of "the covenant of" : thus it is plain 
that nna did not stand in (5's text of i S. 4^'^ ; and a comparison of i Ch. 
15^- 26- 28- 29 with 2 S. 6J-'- 13. 15- 18, and of I Ch. if with 2 S. f sufficiently 
shows what the tendency of a later age was. In Jos. 3"'^' the extra- 
ordinary syntax (inxn with the art. in the st. c.) makes it all but certain 
that the original text had simply /he ark (as 3" 4^") : Jos. 3^^ rt-an (see 
Dillin.) appears to have usurped the place of an original .ti.t (as v."). 

1 K. 3" 6'® 8''* (cf. 21) the expression may well be due to the Deut. 
compiler of Kings. See further the ^ATW. 1891, p. 114 if. 

(2) To stand before Jehovah, to minister unto him (cf. 18* 
"to stand to minister in Jehovah's name"). To stand before 
(i^s) is a Heb. idiom meaning to wait tipo7i, to serve (i K. 10^ of 
Solomon's courtiers, 12^ Jer. 52^2; i K. 17^ iS^^ 2 K. 3^* ^^ of 
Elijah and Elisha, as the servants of God), and is used dis- 
tinctively of the priest, as God's minister, Dt. 17^2 jgr (gee 
note) Jud. 2o28 Ez. 4415 2 Ch. 29I1 (cf. v.^-ie ''priests"). 

The Levites, as distinguished from the priests, "stand before" the 
congregation, i.e. perform menial offices for the worshippers, Nu. 16' (P) 
Ez. 44^'*'. To minister (nig') is a less distinctive term, being used not only 
of priests, but also of Levites (Nu. 82*) and other subordinate attendants, 
as I S. 2"' '* 3I (of Samuel) : at the same time, " to minister to Jehovah " is 
an expression used regularly of priests (21^ Ez. 40''^ 43^^ 44"- '^ 45'' Joel i'- " 
2''' I Ch. 23^' 2 Ch. 131" 29" : cf. be/ore J. Dt. 17^2^ in the name of J. iB^-'') ; 
the Levites are said rather "to minister to the priests" (Nu. 38 182, cf. 

2 Ch. 8^*), or to the people (Nu. 16® Ez. 44"''), i.e. to discharge menial 
services for them (see e.g. i Ch. 92'-2''- 31-2 . 2 Ch. 35"). 

(3) To bless in his name \ so (of priests) 21 5, and (repeated 
from the present passage, but limited expressly to the de- 
scendants of Aaron) i Ch. 23^^^ — a priestly duty, Nu. 6^3 Lev. 
9^2, though performed sometimes, on solemn occasions, by 
kings (2 S. 6^8; cf. i K. 8"-55). A fourth duty of the priestly 
tribe, that of burning incense, is mentioned 33^*^ {(u. note). 
See more fully, on the position assigned in Dt. to the tribe of 
Levi, the notes on iS**. — Unto this day] 2^. — 9. Therefore 
Levi Jiath no portion nor inheritance "with his brethren : Jehovah 
is his inheritance] so I2^2b 1427b. 29 jgi ^^o portion, &c.), cf. Jos. 
13I4.33 i87 (all D2); Dt. 182 Jos. 13"- 33 (Jehovah his inherit- 
ance) : by the latter expression is meant that the inheritance 
by which the tribe of Levi was maintained was its share in 
the sacred dues and other oflferings made to Jehovah by the 
people (cf. on iS^-^). — As feJwvah thy God spake tinto him] this is 
not recorded in our present Pent.: Nu. 1820 (P), which is 


usually quoted, cannot be referred to, for there the promise is 
made expressly to thepriesis{Aa.ron) alone, as distinguished from 
the Levites (v.21-24), whose "inheritance "is specified separately, 
v.2^ ; here it is given to the whole tribe, without distinction. 
The words may well have been contained in a part of JE — 
probably the same (see on v. 8) that narrated the consecration of 
the tribe of Levi — which was still read by the author of Dt., but 
not retained by the compiler, when JE was combined with P. 

10-11. Conclusion of the narrative of Moses' intercession 
for the people. Jehovah finally gave still more substantial 
proof of His complete forgiveness of the nation, by bidding 
Moses arise, and conduct Israel to the land which He had 
promised to the patriarchs. — 10. And I stayed in the mojint, as 
at the first time, forty days and forty nights\ the verse (see 
below) does not describe the sequel of vJ", but something con- 
temporaneous with the transactions of which v.^ narrates the 
close : it repeats in fact what had been stated before in 9^8 
(of. 9^5), emphasizing again the earnestness of Moses' interces- 
sion, and the success which attended it, with the view of 
showing that the present existence of the nation was due to 
Jehovah's grace. — Hearkened unto me that time als6\ repeated 
from 9^9 : cf. 925-29. — n. Arise, go to journey, dfc.^ varied from 
Ex. 33I (though the occasion is not the same). 

12-22. Such, then, having been Jehovah's gracious dealings 
with His people, gratitude, not less than awe, should prompt 
Israel to yield ready and loving obedience to His holy will. — 
12. And, now] introducing, as 4^, the practical inference to 
be deduced from the preceding retrospect. — WJiat is fchovah 
thy God asking of thee, &c.?\ no arduous or complex task is 
laid upon Israel: only obedience, which though it may be 
difficult in view of the sinful propensities of human nature, 
nevertheless involves the observance of no intricate or burden- 

10. 'HTDV '33K1] permitting (as inyKj would not have done) a refer- 
ence to an occasion prior to v." (Dr. § 76 Ohs.'). — 11. VDdS] for journey- 
ing, — one of the rare instances in Heb. of a subst. formed with D having 
(as in certain cases in Aram, and Arabic) the force of an inf. : cf. Nu. lo* 
xmnan t» j;??^? (with trans, force), ib. rrsyrx KnpD^, Gen. 30^^ l^riCj and 
zro nK D'n'?K nssnoa Am. 4" al. (cf. Ew. § 239* ; G-K. § 45. i" 1 15. 1 R.'). 
—12. lovD ^m\ Ex. 22" I S. i"-". 

X. IO-I7 125 

some rules, and should be facilitated in the case of Israel 
by the recollection of Jehovah's gracious assistance and 
presence in its midst. Comp. Mic. 6^. — But to fear Jehovah 
thy God, &'c.\ as in 6^3, the foundation of the religious temper 
is theyi'«?'of God ; this brings with it a natural disposition to 
nvalk in all his ways (8*^), and ends with the devotion of the 
entire being to His love and service (see, on the expressions 
used, 65-i3)._13. To keep, dr'c.] "j^^.— For good to thee] this is 
the ultimate scope of the duties imposed by Jehovah upon 
Israel. So 624; cf. 530 (33)._i4_i5. The fear of God should be 
promoted by the thought that He is the Sovereign of heaven 
and earth ; the love of Him by the reflection that this august, 
all-sufficient Being has nevertheless, of His own free love, chosen 
first the patriarchs and afterwards their descendants, for the 
purpose of manifesting Himself to them. — The heaven of 
heavens] i.e. the highest heavens ; so (a reminiscence from this 
passage) i K. 827 ( = 2 Ch. e^s) 2 Ch. 2^ Neh. 96 Ps. 6834 i^s^f. 
— 15. Set his love (ptfn)] 7". — Chose their seed after them, &€.] 
^7. 6b, — jis at this day] 2^^. — 16. Let Israel therefore exert itself 
to acquire an open and receptive heart, and yield itself cheer- 
fully to the guidance of its God. — Circumcise, then, the foreskin 
of yotir heart] 30^; and similarly Jer. 4*: cf. uncircumcised 
v})i)i of the heart, Lev. 26^1 Jer. 925 Ez. 44'"- ^. An uncircum- 
cised heart is one which is, as it were, closed in, and so 
impervious to good influences and good impressions, just as 
an uncircumcised ear (Jer. 6^°) is an ear which, from the same 
cause, hears imperfectly, and uncircumcised lips (cf. Ex. 6^2. 
30) are lips which open and speak with difficulty. The Israelite's 
heart is not to be unreceptive of godlike affections, just as he 
is not to be any longer (see 9^- ^3- 27) stiff'-necked, or unamen- 
able to guidance. 17-19. The majesty, and awful justice, of 
Jehovah should constitute further motives to obedience. — 17. 
Titles are accumulated, for the purpose of expressing the 
absolute sovereignty and supremacy of Jehovah. — God of gods, 
and Lord of lords] hence Ps. 1362-3; cf. Dan. 2*7. — The great, 
the mighty, and the terrible] hence Neh. 932. Mighty (">^33) 

13. -b 310^] 62^.-14. Qvavn >ov] G-K. § 133. 3 R."— 17. kw] 3«.— 'jnn] the 
«'plur. of majesty," as Gn. 4230 (G-K. § 124. i R.c). 


suggests one who possesses might such as that of a warrior 
(cf. Ps. 24S Is. 42^3 jei-. 20I1 ; also Is. 9^^^') lo^i). — IV/io regardeth 
not persons, nor taketh a bribe] i.e. whom no consideration will 
deter from taking vengeance on the wrong-doer : cf. 28^'^, also 
1 17 1519 J and i6i^ 27^5 Ex. 23^. — 18. Who executeth the judg- 
ment of the fatherless and the widow, and loveth the stranger] 
i.e. who does not permit the helpless to be oppressed ; for the 
combination, see on 14^9, and cf. 2417. Justice, often so tardy 
and uncertain in the East, and hence inculcated so earnestly 
by Hebrew legislators and prophets, is meted out by Jehovah 
with absolute impartiality and strictness. — 19. Love, then, the 
stranger {sojourner) : for ye were strangers {sojourners) in the 
la7id of Egypt] in your attitude towards the dependent foreigner 
imitate Jehovah, by not only treating him with justice (i^'^), 
but also befriending him with the warmer affection of love. 
" Stranger " is the conventional rendering of 12 ; but the sense 
of the Hebrew word would be better represented by ' ' so- 
journer," which would also preserve the connexion with the 
corresponding verb in such passages as Gn. 12^0 19^ 47* Is. 
52*. The term is really a technical one, and denotes the pro- 
tected or dependent foreigner, settled for the time in Israel. 

The social position of the Hebrew gSr may be illustrated from that 
enjoyed by the corresponding- Arabic jar (pi. jiran). " From an early 
date, the Semitic communities embraced, in addition to the free tribesmen 
of pure blood (Heb. ezrah, Arab, sarih) with their families and slaves, a 
class of men who were personally free, but had no political rights, viz. the 
protected strangers, of whom mention is so often made in the OT. and in 
early Arabic literature. The ger was a man of another tribe or district 
who, coming to sojourn in a place where he was not strengthened by the 
presence of his own kin, put himself under the protection of a clan or of a 
powerful chief" (Smith, Rel. Sei7i. ,75 f. ; cf. Kinship, 41-43). In Israel, 
as is apparent from numerous allusions, the gir was liable to be the victim 
of injustice and oppression ; in JE the injunction not to oppress him is 
repeated twice, Ex. 22^ 23^ ; he is to enjoy the rest of the Sabbath, 23^", 
as he is also to observe it, 20". In Dt., it is again insisted, kindness and 
justice are to be dealt out to him (i^* lo^" 24"* ^^ 27^^) ; and he is repeatedly 
commended, by the side of the fatherless and the widow, to the Israelite's 
charity (14-^ i6"- " 24i9-»>.2i 26'i-i2.i3). in zgi"!"), cf. Jos. 8'»-s5 (D^), and 
31^^, he is included with the Israelites g-enerally among- those who enter 
into Jehovah's covenant, and are under the oblig-ation of observing the 
Deut. law ; i6"' " 26'^ he may share in the joy of a sacred meal at a festival ; 
28" if Israel is disobedient, he will increase in importance, and acquire 
supremacy over it. See further on 14-^ 

X. i8— XI. 2 


The motive of the injunction, the recollection of the feelings 
of a sojourner, derived from the experiences of Egypt, agrees 
verbatim with Ex. 2220(21) 238 (JE), Lev. 1^^ (H).— 20f. A God 
owning such august attributes it is Israel's duty to regard with 
reverence, devotion, and praise. — -Jehovah thy God thou shall 
fear, isfcJ] repeated from 6^3 : the duty of " cleaving" to Him, 
as 1 1 22 135(4) oqSO (cf. on4*). — 21. He is thy praise]i.e. the oh^^ci 
of thy praise : cf. Jer. 17I* (nnx Tl^nn ^2). — Who hath done with 
thee, iSr'c] the relative clause suggests the reason why Jehovah 
is worthily Israel's praise and Israel's God. Cf. Ex. 15" 
(poet.) n?nn S^ij ; and the expansion of the theme in Dt. ii2-7. 
— Which thine eyes have seen] 4^ y^^ 292(3). — 22. The crowning 
evidence of Jehovah's claim for Israel's gratitude and regard 
(cf. 26^). — Threescore and ten persons] so Gn. 462' Ex. i^ (P). 
— As the stars of heaven for multitude] i^o. 

XI. 1-9. Appeal to Israel to call to mind the wonders 
wrought by Jehovah on its behalf, as a motive to love and 
obedience. — Love, therefore] the enclitic "therefore" (Heb. 1), 
not the emphatic "therefore" (|3 ^V or )?S) : so v. 8- is 4^5 (2,. 
phil. note) & and often. Motives for the fear erf" God have 
been sufficiently indicated ioi*-2i : the Writer now proceeds to 
emphasize more particularly the duty of loving Him (cf. on 6^). 
— And keep his charge] (imotro m!2Cn)] only here in Dt.: often 
in P (esp. Numbers), but usually in a technical sense, with 
genitive of the object to be kept, as Nu. 1^3 328: <« Jehovah's 
charge " (of a specific duty), Lev. 8^5 iS^o 22^ Nu. gi^- 23 ; in a 
more general sense, as here, Gn. 26^ (JE), Jos. 223 (D2), i K. 2^ 
(Deut.). — 2-7. Let Israel (who has seen it) know, and take to 
heart, the discipline of Jehovah, i.e. (as v. 2''-*' explains) His 
great deeds in Egypt and the wilderness. — 2. And know ye 
this day [for (I speak) not with your children which have not 
known, and which have not seen) the discipline of Jehovah your 
God] 1W0 denotes neither instruction (see on 43^), nor chastise- 

21. -bk] cf. on I**; and c]} <^. — 22. D'j'3C2] the 3 is the Beth essentia = 
"as" : cf. 26'>-" (Kcaa) 28«- :i3^, and on i".— an"?] i^". 

XI. 2. The words ikt . . . vh '3 are treated above (with Keil, Di., Oettii) 
as a parenth. : but possibly AV., RV., are right ; afler the series of 
clauses (v.'-^^) dependent on 's\ tri' «V nrK, the words at the beginning- 
D3'J3 riK nh '3 being forgotten, and left without a verb. Understand in 


ment (though this may be included), but moral education, or 
discipline (fflr TraiSta), attended with greater (Pr. 3^^ Job 5^^) or 
less severity (Pr. 1^-84^), as the case may be: the sight of 
Jehovah's wonders, it is meant, ought to have exerted upon 
the Israelites a disciplinary influence, subduing waywardness 
and pride, promoting humility and reverence, and educating 
generally their moral and religious nature. — His greatness] 3-^. 
— His mighty hand, (Sr'c] 4^*. — 3. Sights] ^^^. — His works, cSr'c.] 
cf. 4^* 6^2 yisf. : the thought of these passages is here drawn 
out in greater detail. — 4. The passage of the Red Sea (Ex. 
14). — Unto this day] 2^^. — 5. The acts of mingled judgment 
and mercy wrought for Israel in the wilderness. — Urito this 
place] i^^. — 6. In particular, the Writer reminds Israel of the 
judgment upon Dathan and Abiram (Nu. 16). — Hoio the earth 
opened her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their households] 
almost verbally as Nu. iG^^a ^^<^ nnVD, not nnns, as Nu. \&^, for 
" opened ").—And their tents] cf. Nu. \&^- ^"^^.—All the (living) 
substance that followed them] cf. Nu. i630- ^^ Qpib "IK'K ^3 (ns)l. 
The silence respecting Korah, and the fate of his companions 
and sympathizers (Nu. i6^^-^), is remarkable and significant. 
Nu. 16 is of composite authorship, JE mentioning only Dathan 
and Abiram, P only Korah. The passages referred to all 
belong to JE ; and the fact is a fresh corroboration of what 
has been said before, that the historical references of Dt. are 
based uniformly upon the narrative of JE, and do not pre- 
suppose that of P. — 7. Your eyes are those that saw] 3^1. — All 
the great work of Jehovah] Jud. 2" (Deut.). — 8-9. The practical 
inference founded upon the preceding description of Jehovah's 
ID^D, the duty, viz. of obedience to His commands. — 8. That 
ye may be strong, and go in, ^c] cf. 4^. — Whither ye are pass- 
ing over, &'c.]6^. — 9. And that ye may prolong days, ^c] cf. 
4*°. — Flowing with milk and honey] 6^. 

10-17. A new motive to obedience : Canaan, unlike Egypt, 

either case "do I speak." — 6. CTna nxi oyVam] Nu. 16** cn'na nw duk vhin\, 
which is more elegant and classical : the present type of sentence does not 
occur more than 11 or 12 times in the OT., as Dt. 15^® i S. 5'° nxi ':n'DnS 
'Dy (see note), 2 K. 20'. — D?p^] Gn. 7**^(J)t' A rare and peculiar word, 
denoting properly that which subsists, (living) substance. — oa'Vjia] at their 
feet, idiom, {ov foUoTving them : Ex. 11* i S. 25" al. 

XI. 3-IO 129 

is dependent for its fertility upon the rain of heaven, which 
God will grant or withhold according as Israel is faithful or 
the reverse. — 10. Is not as the -land of Egypt, whence ye came 
out., "where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredst it with thy foot\ 
the allusion is to the method by which the soil of Egypt was 
cultivated. In Egypt, as is well known, rain is exceedingly 
rare ; and the crops are dependent, for their necessary 
moisture, upon the annual inundation of the Nile, and the 
system of artificial irrigation by which the waters of the river 
are stored, and distributed by canals, as occasion arises, over 
the fields. At present machines of various kinds are in use in 
Egypt for the purpose of raising water from the river or canals 
(Lane, Modem Egyptians, chap, xiv., ed. 187 1, ii. pp. 25-27), 
though none (according to Robinson, BR. i. 581 f.) which illus- 
trates the practice of * * watering with the foot " here alluded to. 

One of the commonest of these machines is the Sakieh, or water-wheel ; 
this is usually turned by an ox, and raises the water by means of jars 
fastened to a circular or endless rope, which hangs over the wheel. 
"Possibly," writes Robinson, "in more ancient times the water-wheel 
may have been smaller, and turned, not by oxen, but by men pressing upon 
it with the foot, in the same way that water is still often drawn from wells 
in Palestine, as we afterwards saw [see ii. pp. 22, 226]. Niebuhr 
describes one such machine in Cairo, where it was called Sakieh tedur bir- 
rijl, 'a watering-machine that turns by the foot,' a view of which he also 
subjoins [Reisebeschreibung, I'jy^, i. p. 149, with plate xv., reproduced 
in Riehm, HWB. p. 19]. The labourer sits on a level with the axis of the 
wheel or reel, and turns it by drawing the upper part towards him with 
his hands, pushing the rounds of the under part at the same time with his 
feet one after another. In Palestine the wheel or reel is more rude ; and 
a single rope is used, which is wound up around it by the same process." 
It is possible, however, that the reference may be to the mode of dis- 
tributing water from the canals over a field, by making or breaking down 
with the foot the small ridges which regulate its flow (see, of Egypt, 
Shaw, Travels in Barbary, Algiers, &c., 1738, p. 431), or by using the foot 
for the purpose of opening and closing sluices. Conder {Tent Work, 1877, 
p. 328) speaks of vegetable gardens in Palestine as irrigated "by means 
of small ditches trodden by the foot." 

Asa garden of herbs\ i K. 21^ Pr. 15'. The comparison 
seems intended to suggest that Egypt generally was irrigated 
by a method which in Palestine would be applied only to a 

IC. '«!Vi\='w1iere (i^^). — mTppm . , . jn'i] " usedst to sow . . . and 
water " ; Gn. 2« 6* 292-2 Ex. 33^-" &c. (Dr. § 1 13. 4/3 ; G-K. § 1 12. ^a a). 



small garden of veg'etables. — 11. According to the rain of 
heaven it dHnketh water] i.e. the supply of water is reg'ulated 
by the rain. It is true that Canaan is also ** a land of streams 
of water, of spring's and deeps, issuing- forth in vale and 
hill " (8") ; but water from these sources would be far from 
sufficient for the general irrigation of the country; and the 
crops are essentially dependent for their proper growth upon 
the two annual periods of rain referred to in v.^*. — 12. Careth 
/or] lit. seeketh after (em), viz. with interest and care : cf. Job 
3* Jer. 30^'' Is. 62^2 Ez, 24". — The eyes of Jehovah are contiitu- 
alLy upon it] it is ever the object of His protecting regard : cf. 
(with ^x) Ps. 33^^ 34^^. — 13-17. The enjoyment of this natural 
bounty of Palestine is dependent, however, upon the fidelity 
with which Israel remains devoted to the service of its God. — 
To love and to serve, dr'c] lo^^, — 14_ / ^/// giije] on the first 
pers., see on 7*. — The former rain (■^7.^"')] i.e. the autumnal 
rains, which begin in Oct. -Nov., at first intermittently, and 
allowing the husbandman time to sow his crops of wheat or 
barley, afterwards, till the end of December, falling heavily, 
and continuing at intervals through the winter. — Tlie latter 
rain {^V?d^ i.e. the showers of March-April, which refresh 
and advance the ripening crops (the wheat-harvest beginning, 
in the plains, during the first half of May, and on the 
mountains in the first weeks of June : barley is ripe, in each 
case, a week or a fortnight earlier than the wheat). Upon the 
regularity of the autumnal and vernal rains the proper ripen- 
ing of the crops depends. Comp. Jer. 5^* Joel 2^3 ; and for 
allusions, in particular, to^the refreshing nature of the "latter 
rain," see Pr. i6i5Job 2923 Hos. 63; Jer. 33 (withheld).— 7%)' 
com and thy wine and thine oil] 7^3, — 15_ j^^t and be full] as 
&^ (see note) 8^2 3120^ a source of spiritual danger, and pro- 
vocative of idolatry. — 16 f. The admonition not to follow false 
gods is repeated (see 6^*'- 8^^^), accompanied by a warning 
suited to the present connexion, viz. that, if the temptation be 
11. D'Dcn tod"?] rather an extreme case of the h of norm, or rule : comp. 
32* (. . . tsbd!?); Is. n' 32^ (pis^ eBm"?) ; i S. 23^ 2 S. 15"; Job 42^ Ez. 
12^* yy^ {i.e. "as the eye sees it " ; so here, " as the rain of heaven permits 
it "). See Lex. h i. b. — pTn pa] the art. after 3 is generic : Lex. n f. — 15. 
nyan] on 8^". — 16-17. 'jiDmm] the tenses as4".— nVu' rut jnn] Lev. 26*-^ 

XL 11-25 131 

indulged in, drought and famine may be expected as the con- 
sequences. — Lest your heart be deceived] J oh 3127 (in a similar 
connexion). — And Jehovah! s anger be kindled against you\ 6'^. 
And he shut up the heavens, and there be no rain] cf. 28-^'- 
Lev. 26i»'"- ; also i K. 8^^ (Deut.).— Perish quickly, &c.] 420, 
cf. 2820 : also, with v-i^b. i7b^ Jqs. 23I6 (D^).— The good land] i^. 

18—25. Let Israel have these commandments in perpetual 
remembrance : the observance of them vnll be rewarded by 
national prosperity. — V.18-20 are repeated, with slight varia- 
tions of expression, from 6^-^ (where see notes). — 18. Lay, 
then, upon your heart, Csfc] cf. G** "shall be upon thy heart." 
— 21. That your days, &fc.] comp. 4*° 62 ii^. — As the days of 
the heavens above the earth] i.e. as long as the heaven endures 
above (or resting on : Job 26^^) the earth, in other words, 
perpetually : cf. Ps. 8930 Job 1412 ; also Ps. 726- 7. 17,_22. All 
this commandment, &c.] cf. 8^. — To love, <Sr'c.] v.^^. — To "walk 
in all his 'ways\ 8^ 10^2, — Xo cleave to him] lo^o, — 23. Dispossess 
(B'^iini)] 9**'-^^(Ex. 342^). — Ve shall possess nations greater, &'c.] 
cf. 9^. — 24-25. Israel's reward shall be the complete and 
undisputed possession of the land of promise. — 24. Whereon 
the sole of your feet shall tread] cf. 2^ Jos. i^ (D2) 149. — From 
the wilderness, and Lebanon] i.e. from the wilderness of et-Tih 
(p. 20), on the South of Palestine, and from Lebanon on the 
North. "One might be tempted to conjecture ^ even unto 
Lebanon' (pja^n njn) ; see, however, Jos. i^" (Dillm.). — The 
river Euphrates] this is named as the ideal limit of Israel's 
dominion on the East : see on i^. — The hinder sea] i.e. the 
Mediterranean Sea, as 342 Zech. 14^ Joel 220t. Opp. is "the 
front sea" ("-jonpn DM), i.e. the Dead Sea (Ez. 47^8 Zech. 148 
Joel 220). On the ground of the designation, see on \.^. — 25. 
There shall not a man stand in your face (d3''JD3)] 7^^. — The 
fear of you, and the dread of you shall Jehovah put, ^c] cf. 225. 
Whereon ye shall tread (lann)] cf. on i^^. — As he spake unto 
you] Ex. 2327 (-T^jsij n^jj»K ^riD-'S ns) : cf. Jos. 2^. 

26-32. The alternatives offered for Israel's choice : a bless- 

Ez. 3427 Zech. 8^2 Ps. 677 85'^.— 18. n!?x] so (not nVKrr), as regularly after 
a noun with a sufF., 1 K. 8^ lo^ al. (Dr. § 209) ; cf. s=« (ni).— 19. ca] €.— 
Dipon Va] collect. = " every place" : Ex. 2^ Lev. is^-^s &c.— 25. '» Vp] 2* 


ing if it obeys the commandments of Jehovah, and a curse if it 
refuses them. — The verses form a suitable conclusion to the 
first part of Moses' discourse (c. 5-1 1), stating more concisely 
and emphatically than before the two alternatives set before 
Israel. The contents of both the blessing- and the curse are 
drawn out at length in c. 28, which forms the solemn close of 
the entire Deuteronomic legislation. — 26. See ("^^l)] 1®. — /se/ 
be/ore you] for your choice (on 4^): so v.32. — 27. IVJiich I am 
commanding, &€.] 4^''. — 28. And turn aside from the -voay] 9^2. is 
3 1 23. — To go after oilier gods\&^. — Which ye have not knoian] 
of which ye have had no experience, and which have conse- 
quently no claims upon your regard: so 133. 7. 14 28''^ 29^5(26) 
32^''^ (the Song). — 29-32. When Israel has entered into Canaan, 
the blessing and the curse are, respectively, to be set symbolic- 
ally upon Mount Gerizim, and Mount 'Ebal, in the heart of the 
country (cf. 27^2f. j and see Jos. S^^f.), — 29, When Jehovah thy 
God shall bring tJiee into the land\&^ "j^'. cf. Ex. 135- n. — TJie 
blessing upon Mount Gerisitn, and the curse upon Mount 'Ebal] 
Gerizim and 'Ebal are, respectively, on the S. and the N. side 
of the fertile valley in which Shechem (the modern Nabulus) 
lay : they were thus in the very centre of the land, close to an 
ancient sanctuary (Gn. 12^ SS^^*-), the burial-place of Joshua 
(Jos. 24^2^^ often mentioned as a place of national gathering 
and political importance (Jos. 24I ; Jud. 9; i K. 12^-25). The 
ground why Gerizim is selected for the blessing, and 'Ebal for 
the curse, is probably (Schultz, Keil, Dillm.) that, from the 
point of view of the Hebrews, who conceived themselves as 
naturally looking Eastwards, in fixing the quarters of the 
heavens (cf. )0'n, Pp^, the right hand, of the South, D^i^ and 
\3S bv, in front, of the East), Gerizim was on the right-hand 
side, which was regarded as the side of good fortune (cf. Gn. 
35I8; Mt. 2533). On the manner in which the ceremony is 
conceived by the Writer, see 27^21 _ — 3q^ fhe position of the 
two mountains more closely defined. — Beyond Jordan] from the 
standpoint of the speaker, as 320- 25. — Behind the way of the 
going down of the sui{\ i.e. on the other side of the great 

27. ttk] nearly = if (cf. CK \.^). A rare usage {J^x. ttk 8 d) : Lev. 
422 Jos. 4".— 30. Vtd] in front 0/(3" Ex. 34' i S. 17* a/.),— the position 

XL 26-30 133 

westerly road, leading through Palestine from N. to S., which 
must have passed formerly, as it passes still, through the 
plain E. of Shechem: cf. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 658 f. (Knob.) 
= Gcogr. of Palestine (transl.) iv. 293 ff. In the land of the 
Canaanite, that d-voelleth hi the'Ardbah^ the 'Arabah, or Jordan- 
valley (p. 3), is at a considerable distance from 'Ebal and 
Gerizim : but it seems that it is named here, partly as being a 
district of Palestine specially associated with the "Canaanite " 
(Nu. 1329 Jos. 11^: cf. pp. II, 13 f.), partly as being immedi- 
ately in view of "the ravine in front of Beth-Pe'or" (3^^), 
the assumed position of the speaker. — In front of Gilgal (hfO 
i'jSjn)] the words are difficult; and the locality intended is uncer- 
tain. From its being named for the purpose of defining the 
position of 'Ebal and Gerizim, it would seem to be some well- 
known place ; and hence it is natural, in the first instance, to 
think of the Gilgal near Jericho (Jos. 4"f- s^f- i S. 7I6 &c.). In 
spite of the objection that this lies too far from 'Ebal and 
Gerizim — some 28 miles to the SSE. — to be chosen as a land- 
mark, it seems most probable, on the whole, that it is the 
place intended ; the words, it may be supposed, being meant 
to indicate, that, speaking loosely and generally, from the 
point of view of one looking Westwards, from a site at the 
foot of Nebo, 'Ebal and Gerizim would be "in front of" this 
well-known spot in the Jordan-valley opposite. 

The word Gilgal (cf. Vj?? wheel) means a round or circle, viz, of stones, 
or (in modern parlance) a cromlech : the art. ("rj^vii) shows (see Lex. n 2) 
that the appellative sense of the word was still felt. The popular etymology 
in Jos. 5*, connecting it with hhi to roll {away), does not express the real 
origin of the word. Such stone-circles (which were no doubt esteemed 
sacred) might naturally be found in different parts of the country, though 
the most celebrated was the one near Jericho ; and one or other of these 
has been thought by some commentators to be intended here. 

Thus Knob, supposes that the place meant is either the VaXyouXis of Euseb. 
{Onom. p. 245), 6 miles W. of Antipatris (which he identifies with Kilkilia, 
a village a little E.-NE. of Kefr Saba, about 18 miles W. of 'Ebal and 
Gerizim), or a village still called Jiljuleh, some 2 miles to the S. of 
Kilkilia. Keil (and so HWB., and Schenkel, BL. s.v.) thinks of Jiljilia, 
a large village lying on a ridge 2441 feet above the level of the sea, and 
commanding an extensive prospect towards both the Mediterranean and 

indicated in any particular case depending, of course, upon the direction 
in which the determining object is viewed or approached. 


the mountains of Gile'ad (Rob. ii. 265), about 13 miles S. of Gerizim, and 
3 miles to the W. of the great road leading from Jerusalem through Bethel 
to the North of Palestine, in the latitude of Sinjil (perhaps the "Gilgal" 
meant in 2 K. 2^ 4^®), Though the present writer understood on the spot 
that Jiljilia was visible on a clear day from the top of Gerizim, yet the 
heights of the intervening mountains (as exhibited in the large map of the 
Palestine Exploration Society) show that it can have formed no particularly 
conspicuous landmark ; and as it is certainly not visible from the plain at 
the foot of 'Ebal and Gerizim, it is not easy to understand why it should 
have been selected for the purpose of defining the position of these 
mountains, nor is it clear in what sense two mountains, situated 13 miles 
N. of Jiljilia, should be described, especially from a standpoint E. of 
Jordan, as "in front of it." Knobel's and Keil's proposed sites have also 
the disadvantage of being (so far as appears) places of no importance or 
note. Others have sought to relieve the difficulty of the verse by 
punctuating differently: thus (i) "the Canaanite that dwelleth in the 
'Ardbah in front of Gilgal" (Colenso, The New Bible Comm. [the 
" Speaker's Comm."] critically examined, 1873, v. 67), the words being 
taken to define the part of the 'Ardbah inhabited by the "Canaanites" ; 
(2) "in front of the stone-circle beside the terebinths of Moreh" (suggested 
by Dillm.), the words being supposed to denote a spot close to Shechem. 
If this "stone-circle beside the terebinths of Moreh " could be supposed to 
have been located in the plain E. of 'Ebal and Gerizim, through which 
the highway mentioned just before still runs, the words would define very 
suitably the position of the two mountains. But it is an objection to this 
view, that it makes the defining landmark, not the well-known " terebinths 
of Moreh " itself, but an otherwise unmentioned stone-circle beside it. 

Beside the terebinths of Moreh (miD "•Ji^x ^^*^<)] ox ^^ of (the) 
director, ^^ mentioned also (with terebinth, for terebinths, as is 
read also by Sam. fflr here) in Gen. 12^ as close to Shechem 
(of. also 35^ ['''^??V'])' The name, it is probable, is that of 
an oracular tree (or grove) ; and if Moreh be rightly taken not 
as a proper name, but as an appellative, as the verb min is 
used of the authoritative "direction" given by priests (on 
17^°), it will denote the priest (or company of priests) who 
gave answers to those who came to consult the oracle. 

Perhaps the same tree is meant by the " Soothsayers' Terebinth " (pSx 
D'ojvd) of Jud. ^, likewise near Shechem, if not also by the n^x — as it is now 
pointed, though the original pronunciation may have been n^N — "in the 
sanctuary of Jehovah," at Shechem, mentioned Jos. 24**. On sacred trees 
among Semitic peoples (who in some cases treated them as actual gods, 
and paid them divine honours), and on the methods of divination from 
them, see W. R. Smith, Rel. Sent. pp. 169 if., 178 f. ; and Baudissin, Sent. 
Rel.-Gesch. 1878, ii. p. 184 flf. (among the Hebrews, pp. 223-230). 

31. The reason why this injunction has now been given to 

XII. 135 

them : the Israelites are about to enter upon the permanent 
occupation of Canaan. — 32. Concluding exhortation to obedi- 
ence. — Observe to do] on 4*^. 

XII.-XXVI. XXVIII. The Code of special Laws. 

These chapters form the second part of the principal dis- 
course of Deuteronomy (c. 5-26. 28), embracing, under its 
more practical aspects, the exposition of Israelitish law, 
promised in i^, and particularizing in detail the "statutes and 
judgments " (4^ 5^), ceremonial, civil, and criminal, by which 
the daily life of the Israelite was to be regulated. So far as 
the more technical nature of the subject admits, the treatment 
and style continue the same as in c. 5-1 1 ; the same theocratic 
principles are insisted on, the same parenetic tone prevails, 
the same stress is laid upon the motives of devotion to God, 
and large-hearted benevolence towards man, by which the 
Israelite is to be actuated. The laws, as a rule, are not (as 
is mostly the case, for instance, in Ex. 21-23) promulgated, 
merely as such : they are generally enforced by hortatory com- 
ments and explanations, and sometimes they are developed 
at considerable length. The arrangement is not throughout 
entirely systematic, and here and there some displacement 
may have occurred : but on the whole the principles determin- 
ing the order followed by the Writer are tolerably plain. The 
following is an outline of the subjects embraced * : — 

1. Sacred observances (12^-16'^) : — 

a. Law of the single sanctuary (12^"^). 

b. Repression of idolatry (12^-13^^ ('^'). 

c. Holiness of the laity (14^"-^). 

d. Sacred dues and sacred seasons (i4---i6'^). 

2. Office-bearers of the theocracy : — 

a. Judges (16I8-20 lyS-is).-]- 

b. King (i7"-20). 

c. Priests (iS^-**). 

d. Prophets (iSS-), 

3. Criminal law (c. 19; 2i^"^*t) : — 

a. Homicide and murder (ig'""*). 

* Comp. Wellh. Comp. p. 205 f. ; Westphal, p. 38 f. 

t 16^-17^ belong to No. ib. %Q. 20 belongs to No. 4. 


b. Encroachment on property (19"). 

c. False witness (19^""-!). 

d. Expiation of an uncertain murder (21^"^). 

4. Miscellaneous laws, relating- (mostly) to civil and domestic life (21^'- 
c. 25), not systematically arranged, but embracing such subjects as — the 
conduct of war 21^"'^* (with c. 20); family law (primogeniture, seduction, 
divorce, &c.), 21^^-^ 22"-»' 24I-5 255-1%- interest and loans 2Z^^-^^^-) 24«-i«-i3; 
just weights 25*^"'®. 

5. Parenetic conclusion (c. 26), and peroration (c. 28). 

C. 27 interrupts the discourse of Moses with a piece of narrative, 
containing injunctions foreign to the context on both sides (see 
the notes ad loc). 

For a detailed synopsis of the laws, arranged in tabular 
form, with the parallels in Ex.-Nu., as well as for a discussion 
of the relation in which the Deuteronomic legislation, viewed 
generally, stands to the other Codes of the Pentateuch, the 
reader is referred to the Introduction {§§ i, 2). 

XII -XIII, Laws designed to secure the Purity of 
Religious Worship. 
XXL In Canaan, the places at which the native Canaanites 
served their gods are to be destroyed, and Jehovah is to be 
worshipped publicly at one place only, to be selected by Him- 
self. — The Code of special laws (c. 12-26) begins, like the 
"Book of the Covenant" and the "Law of Holiness" (Ex. 
2o23-26j Lev. 17^'^), with injunctions respecting the place, and 
the character, of the public worship of Jehovah. — Of the two 
main topics dealt with in c. 12, viz. (i) the destruction of the 
Canaanitish places of worship, (2) the limitation of the public 
worship of Jehovah tcf* a single sanctuar}', the parallels in 
the other Codes are, for (i) — though with reference only to 
the religious symbols of the Canaanites, not to the places, as 
such, at which their rites were observed — Ex. 232^- ^sf- 34^2-16 
(JE), comp. also (more generally) 20^3 22^^(-<*) 34^'^; Nu. 33^2f. 
(H) ; and for (2) Ex. 2o24f- (JE), Lev. 17I-9 (H). The relation 
of the last two passages to the law of Dt. gives rise, however, 
to difficulty, and needs discussion. Ex. izo^^f- lays no stress 
upon sacrifice being confined to a single spot, but directs it to 
be offered upon an altar built, in simple fashion, of earth or 
unhewn stone, and attaches to such worship the promise, " In 

xii. 137 

whatever place I cause my name to be remembered (or com- 
memorated), I will come unto thee, and bless thee." The 
reference here cannot, for many reasons (see ad loc), be to the 
altar of burnt-oflfering" before the Tabernacle, as described in 
P (Ex. 27^-8 &c.): not only, for instance, is a far simpler 
structure manifestly in the writer's mind, but the alternatives 
offered (earth or unhewn stone) are an indication that the law 
is meant quite generally, and that its intention is to authorize 
the erection of altars, built in the manner prescribed, in any 
part of the land. With the plurality of altars, thus sanctioned, 
agrees not merely, in pre-Mosaic times, the practice of the 
patriarchs, who are often in JE stated to have built altars, 
and worshipped, especially at spots where Jehovah had mani- 
fested Himself to them (Gn. 127-8 134. is 22^-'^^ 2(y^^ 3320 35!- 3- 7 
46^: cf. Ex. 17^''), but also the usage of the Israelites generally, 
between the ages of Moses and Solomon. 

During this period the historical books imply the existence of 
sanctuaries (other than that at which the Ark was stationed), and speak 
frequently of the erection of altars, and of sacrifice, not only on occasion 
of a theophany, or in obedience to an express command (as Jos. S**"* Jud. 
2' 6'^ 1316.19 2 S. 24««), but also independently, Jos. 241-^ i S. y^'-'' 9'--" 
(at a high-place), lo^'*-^ 13^'* 11'" 14^ {i\iG first of the altars built by Saul to 
Jehovah), 20^28. ig^f. 12. 32 ("where men used to -worship God"), i K. 3* 
("the great high-place" at Gibe'on, at which Solomon was accustomed 
(n^j;') to sacrifice). In none of these notices is there any mark of dis- 
approval, or any intimation, on the part of either the actors or the 
narrator, that a law such as that of Dt. is being infringed : in i S. 9'^"" 
10*"* it is especially evident that ordinary and regular customs arc 
described. Although, therefore, in the earlier centuries of Israelitish 
history, the sanctuary at which the Ark was stationed had naturally the 
pre-eminence, and was the centre to which annual pilgrimages were made 
(cf. Ex. 23'*"^^'^ ffirst-fruits to be brought to "the house of Jehovah"]; 
Jud. 21"; I S. i**^'^), it cannot be doubted that other local sanctuaries 
existed in different parts of the land, and that sacrifice offered at them was 
considered perfectly legitimate. (Cf. Ex. 22® W, which also presupposes 
local sanctuaries : sec on i^.) 

The local sanctuaries, in spite of the splendour and ^clai of 
the Temple built by Solomon, retained their popularity through 
the period of the Kings : the Deuteronomic compiler of the 
Books of Kings notes repeatedly how the people continued to 
sacrifice at them, and even the good kings did not remove 
them (i K. 32. 3 1423 j-h 2243 2 K. i24(3) 14* 15*- 35 16*). Comp. 



also I K. 18^°'' igio-i*. Time however showed how impossible 
it was to secure them against abuse, and to preserve the 
worship conducted at them from contamination with Canaan- 
itish idolatry (cf. i K. 1423?- ; ii7 2 K. 23^3; Jer. 7^1 17^ 19^) ; 
the abolition of them was attempted, though with only tem- 
porary success, by Hezekiah (2 K. 18^-22 21^): in Dt. they are 
formally declared illegal, legitimate sacrifice being expressly 
restricted to the single sanctuary ; and to the Deuteronomic 
ideal Josiah gave practical effect in his reforms (2 K. 23^- ^). 
The law of Dt. thus marks an epoch in the history of Israelitish 
religion : it springs from an age when the old law (Ex. 20-*), 
sanctioning an indefinite number of local sanctuaries, had been 
proved to be incompatible with purity of worship ; it marks 
the final, and most systematic, effort made by the prophets to 
free the public worship of Jehovah from heathen accretions. 

The gist of Lev. 17^"^ is (i) to prohibit the slaughter, even for purposes 
of food, of any animal of a kind that might be offered in sacrifice, without 
its being presented to Jehovah at the Tabernacle, in the manner of a 
peace-offering, v.^"''; and (2) to forbid burnt-offering or sacrifice being 
offered except at the same place, v.*'*. The principle on which the first 
of these prohibitions depends is explained below, on v.^^'* : the aim of the 
second is to insure sacrifice in general being offered exclusively to Jehovah. 
In view of Ex. 20^, and of the other passages, just quoted, illustrating the 
practice of the period from Moses to Solomon, it is extremely difficult to 
think that Lev. 17^'^ (accepting it, in substance, as pre-Deuteronomic) can 
still be in its original form. The full discussion of this subject belongs to 
a Commentary on Leviticus ; but the most probable opinion is that, as 
originally formulated (as part of the "Law of Holiness"), Lev. 17'"* had 
no reference to a central sanctuary (the "Tent of Meeting"), but pre- 
supposed a //i^z-rt/^'ify of legitimate sanctuaries, and was only accommodated 
to the single sanctuary, by £ modification in its phraseology, when it was 
incorporated in P. In its more original form, the law will have harmonized 
of course with Ex. 20^ ; and its special aim will have been to insist on 
sacrifices being offered to Jehovah alone instead of to the imaginary 
demons of the desert, to whom (v.') the Israelites were prone to offer them. 
This view of the passage is taken by Kittel, Theol. Studten aus Wiiritem- 
bergf 1881, p. 42 if., Gesch. d. Hebrder, i. 99; Dillm. on Lev. 17'; Baudis- 
sin, Gesch. des AT.HchenPriesterthumes, p. 47 : comp. W. R. Smith, Addit. 
Answ. to the Libel, Edinb. 1878, pp. 61-64 5 ^^^ Leviticus, by H. A. White 
and the present writer, in Haupt's " Sacred Books of the OT." (1894). 

1. These are the statutes, ^c] the words are of the nature 
of a superscription toe. 12-26: cf. 5^ 6^. — All the days, &c.\ 

XIL 1. JO}] hath given, viz. in effect (3°). Usu. in Dt. JOi; but the 

XII. 1-2 139 

_^io 2 1 13, — 2_.3. All Canaanitish places of worship are to be 
destroyed. — A fundamental and necessary condition for the 
pure and uncontaminated worship of Jehovah (v.^^). — Upon 
the high mountains^ and upon the hills, and under every spread- 
ing tree] the favourite sites chosen by the Canaanites for their 
idolatrous observances. Worship at these spots, accompanied 
often by licentious rites, is frequently alluded to in the period 
of the Kings. Thus Hosea {c. 750) writes (41^) : ** They sacri- 
fice upon the tops of the mountains, and burn incense upon 
the hills, under the oak, and the poplar, and the terebinth, 
because the shade thereof is good : therefore your daughters 
commit whoredom, and your brides commit adultery " : Isaiah, 
shortly afterwards, speaks of the terebinths, and gardens, in 
which the idolatrous Judahites delighted (i^^) ; in the age of 
Jeremiah, the standing phrase, in connexion with idolatrous 
observances, is " upon every high hill, and under every spread- 
ing tree," Jer. 220 (cf. 36 172) ; i K. 1423 2 K. 1710, cf. 16* (all 
Deut.) ; Ez. 6^3 (cf. 2028) ; " upon the mountains," Ez. i8«- ii- is 
22^ Is. 65''^; '* under every spreading tree," Is. 57^ Jer. 3^3, The 
fact that such spots were selected by the Canaanites for their 
idolatrous rites, and often, it is probable, adopted from them 
by the immigrant Israelites, caused them naturally to be re- 
garded with strong disfavour by Hebrew legislators and 
prophets. The "places " alluded to are no doubt the ni03, or 
artificial mounds (AV. "high-places"), with accompanying 
shrine, or chapel (n'3: i K. 1221 1332^ cf. Ez. 16^6), altar, &c., 
erected ("built" 2 K. 21^ al.; "made," id. 22^^ al.) in such 
localities {e.g. 1 K. ii^ 1423 Ez. 6^3 2o2Sf) : see more fully on 
Nu. 3352 (H) n''D::'n nn^on ^53 nxv 

Why the sites referred to were chosen for religious purposes, is not 
definitely stated, and can only be inferred by conjecture. Trees may have 

position {before the subj.) shows that the punct. is correct. — 2. nwipon] 
the word may possibly, like the Arab, makam, have acquired in Heb. 
the sense of " sacred place" ; Gn. 12^ 28^^ i S. 7" (cf. (ffi) Jer. 7^^. — D'cn'] 
on 9^. — pj?"i] not green, but spreading, luxuriant, — always, except Ps. 92" 
{\i]ri pc) '" (of the righteous, under the fig. of a tree), of trees or leaves. 
The etym. is not certain. Arab, ra'una is to be (mentally) lax, flaccid, 
weak : possibly, therefore, the primary meaning of the root may have been 
to fall abroad loosely, in Heb. used lit. of trees, in Arab, applied fig. to the 
mind. (& ^aait, uXffuirif, tSerxia;, KariffKto;, ffufiiiiS, 


been selected, partly for the reason assigned by Hosea, viz. on account of 
their shade, but partly also because they were often regarded as sacred 
(on 11^); and hill tops, it is generally supposed, were chosen as being 
open to heaven, and nearer than other points of earth to the heavenly 
gods (for another conjecture, see W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem. pp. 352, 356, 
358, 470 f.). Among the Israelites, also, sacred associations gathered 
round the same spots ; and both religious ceremonies, and theophanies, 
are described as taking place on mountain-tops, or other eminences {e.g. 
Gn. 22^ Jud. 6-6 I S. 913. 14. 19 io5 2 S. 1532 1 K. iS'S-^O; cf. the "mount of 
God," of Horeb, Ex. 3^ 4^ 24^^ i K. 19*), and under sacred trees (Gn. I2^'- 
13'^ 18^ 21^ Jos. 24^ Jud. 6"'^^'^). — See further, on sacred trees, on 11^"; 
and on sacred hills, Baudissin, Sem. Rel.-Gesch. ii. 231 ff., 252 fF. 

3. Ye shall break down, S^c] nearly as 7^ (Ex. 23^* 34^^)- 
The command is naturally repeated here, as giving complete- 
ness to the injunction of v.^. On the "pillars" (obelisks) 
and "Ash^rim," see on 1621-22. — Cause their name to perish 
(72*) out of that place\ the very names of the deities once 
venerated at it are to be forgotten (Zeph. i* Zech. 132). 

4-7. Only at one spot, to be chosen by Himself, are sacri- 
fices, and other sacred dues, to be presented to Jehovah. — 
4. Ye sliall not do so, &c.^ i.e. not worship Him, at every spot 
without distinction, and with idolatrous rites. — 5. Ufito the 
place which JeJwvah your God shall choose\ the standing phrase 
in Dt. for the central sanctuary \2^^- is- 26 1425 ,520 ^^1. 15. le j^s. 
10 186 31I1 Jos. 927 (D2), with the addition (as here) "to set 
(DVlJ'P) his name there" 1221 1424, and "to cause his name to 
dwell (ISB'"^) there " 12I1 1422 i62- 6- n 262. The expression occurs 
nowhere else in the Hex., though the idea that the place of 
sacrifice is to be appointed by God, not by man, agrees with 
Ex. 2o2*^. Of course the place tacitly designated by the ex- 
pression is Jerusalem, which is described similarly in passages 
of Kings due to the Deut. compiler, as the city which Jehovah 
has "chosen," i K. 8"-48 (cf. v.") iii3.32.36 1^21 2 K. 21^ 232^. 

3. DDr nK cmaxil cf. Is. 26" ; c. 7-* (T3Kn). — 5. . . . "wn cipni ^k ck '3 
TOP nxm WTin ^J??*?] the construction is uncertain, (i) The Massorites, 
by placing the athnah at cj?, perh. also by vocalizing ?• (not xf, as Ex. 
29-^: yet cf. D-j^p, "i^Si by the side of a-ijD, ^Ssj, Ols. § 245'', G-K. §61. 
R.') show that they treat udc as a subst., dwelling, connecting 1J3C7 
with icTin, and regarding it as resumptive of cipa.T Vk : in this case 
there will be an anacoluthon, Sx at the beginning being governed 
by the verb of motion, which is implicitly in the writer's mind, but the 
construction being broken by the insertion of vcm\ Mzvh. A subst. \^V 


XII. 3-6 141 

On the theological application of the word choose^ see further 
on 4^7 : the idea is a favourite one with writers of the Deut. 
school. — Oiit of all your tribes] comp. i K. 8^^ 11^2 j^^ai 2 K. 
21^ (all Deut.). — To set his name there] so v. 21 142^ i K. 9^ iiso 
2 K. 21^-'^; comp. the parallel phrases "to cause his name to 
dwell (i3K'^) there," v." 1423 i62-6.ii 262 Jer. 712 (of Shiloh) 
Ezra 6^2 Neh. i^t (cf. Ps. 74^), and "that my name may be 
there " i K. S^o- 29 2 K. 2327. 

The name, with the Hebrews, is the expression of the nature — hence 
the prophets, when they wish to describe a person or place by its real 
character, often say that it will be called or named accordingly, Is. i''® 4' 
30^ 62'*'^- Ez. 48^^ &c. : "the 'name of Jehovah' is thus the compendious 
expression of His character and attributes, as He has revealed them to 
men " (Kirkpatrick on Ps. 5") : to act " for His name's sake " (Ps. 23^ 31* 
143'^ Is. 48* Jer. I4'''-' al.) is to act in such a manner as not to belie His 
revealed nature. Jehovah's revealed nature is specially associated with 
His people, Israel, and with His sanctuary in its midst : hence He will not 
forsake His people ; for when Israel suffers contumely or reproach, it is His 
own name which is profaned (i S. 12^ Is. 48" Ez. 20^- "• ^^ 36^"^^) ; and the 
sanctuary is the place of Jehovah's "name," because He there vouchsafes 
the special tokens of His presence and graciously responds to His servants' 
devotions (comp. Oehler, OT. Theol. § 56; Schultz, OT. Theol. p. 514 f. 
[ii. 123 f.]). The term is first found in connexion with a sanctuary in the 
Book of the Covenant, Ex. 20^* "in every place where I will cause my 
name to be remembered (or commemorated) (cc 'CB' TaiN ib-k cipcn ^33) " 
— viz. in consequence of some manifestation of my presence — " I will come 
unto thee, and bless thee." Isaiah (i8") calls the Temple "the place of 
Jehovah's name " (cf. Jer. 3'^) ; and the expression " to build an house to 
Jehovah's name" is found 2 S. f^ 1 K. 3^ 5".w(3.5) 8i7-20-«-« (all Deut.). 

(Even) to his dwelling- shall ye seek (iB'nn)] i.e. resort thither 
for religious purposes ; comp. Am. 5^ fjKJT'a IBniD ^N1, and with 
God as obj. Gn. 2522 i S. 9^ al. (cf. on 18").— 6. Thither all 
sacrifices, and other sacred dues, are to be brought: viz. (i) and 
(2) humt-qfferings and sacrifices (DTIST)! the two commonest 

does not, however, occur elsewhere: hence (2) Knob., Keil, Oettli, 
and others, disregarding^ the athnah, render as an inf., "that he (or 
it) may dwell (there)," i.e. that His presence there may be an abiding 
one. The objection to (2) is that M2vh is then somewhat otiose (for 
Diy IDC riN nw'? — see above — is a synonym of cv ice pcV), and comes 
in lamely at the end of the sentence, nor is vn construed elsewhere 
with hn of the place resorted to ; the sentence also is decidedly more 
forcible, if DipDrt *?« be resumed, after the long intervening relative clause, 
by a synonym such as usr"?. — nK3i] Sam. (& cnioi ; cf. however v.'- ^, and 
see on i'^'. 


kinds of sacrifice, often mentioned together, especially in 
general designations of sacrifice (Ex. lo^^ iS^^ Jos. 2226- 28 j g. 
615 1522 2 K. 517 (Na'aman) Jer. 722), the "sacrifice" specially 
intended in such cases by DTI^T being doubtless the thank- 
offering (d"'d!>'J^'), which in other similar passages seems to be 
combined with m^iy as a parallel to DTI^T (^.^. Ex. 20^* 24^ 32^ 
I S. iqS 13^). On these forms of sacrifice, see more fully on Lev. 
I. 3; cf. Wellh. Hist. p. 69 ff.; (3) tithes, see on 14^2; (4) the 
contribution {heave-offering) of your hand, i.e. "what the hand 
lifts off ip^'y^) from the produce of the soil, Nu. 1519" (Oettli), 
as a contribution to the service of the Deity. The usage of the 
term makes it probable that the reference is partly to the first- 
fruits, a regular and ancient offering (Ex. 23^^- ^^ in JE ; Dt. 
262 ; cf. Nu. 18^2 in p)j which would otherwise not be alluded 
to in the enumeration, partly to other voluntary offerings, 
taken from the produce of the soil, such as were presented at 
the three annual pilgrimages (see 16^0^- ^^- I6b-i7j^ 

" Heave-oflfering- " {terumaJi) is a term belonging to the priestly termin- 
ology, being used principally by P and the priestly prophet Ezekiel. An 
examination of the passages in which naiir, and the cognate verb Dnn, 
occur, shows that it does not imply any rite of " elevation," but that it 
denotes properly what is lifted off 2^ larger mass, or separated from it, for 
sacred purposes (€r often a.(pa'tpifia, ; C KnicnsN, — both expressing the idea 
oi separation : so also Ges. s.v,. Knob, and Di. on Lev. 7'-, Keil on Lev. 
2', Oehler, OT. Theol. § 133, &c.). nonn is thus used of contributions of 
money, spoil, &c., offered for sacred purposes, Ex. 25^* Nu. 18* (of the 
sacrifices named in v.^, treated generally as contributions to the sanctuary) 
2i29.« £2. 45'^^^ Ezr. 8^; Ez. 45'- ®-^ al. of land reserved for the priests 
and Levites. In connexibn with sacrifices nDiin is only used specially 
of portions " taken off" from the rest, and forming the priest's due {e.g. 
Lev. 7", and esp. the " heave-thigh," which, with the " wave-breast," was 
the priest's share of the thank-offering, ib. 'f^--'^ al.). For D'vt, see Lev. 
29 419 68 (15) . and for nann D'ln combined, Ex. 352' Nu. 15"- -" i8i9- ^ Ez. 45I 
(of land). Used absolutely, nnnn commonly denotes gifts taken from the 
produce of the land, whether the tithe, or first-fruits and firstlings ; so 
not only 2 S. 1" (if the text be sound), Nu. 15^-21 18" (see v.i^f-) !:4. as. 28. 29^ 
but also 2 Ch. 3iW.ii-" (gee v.«- «) Neh. io«8. « (". s») 1344 j^s Ez. 20*" ^^ 
Mai. 38 ("tithe and teramah," as here). nDiin is sometimes in AV. RV. 
represented by offering, oblation, the usual rendering of ]T\p ; but in 
Hebrew the two words differ in their application considerably. \y^p 
denotes an offering as "brought near," or "presented," and is applied 
especially to sacrifices. Lev. i' 2^ 3^ and frequently [79 times : except Ez. 
20^ 40'", always in P (or H)] : nonn corresponds rather to "contribution," 
and is only used exceptionally in connexion with sacrifices. 

XII. 7-8 143 

The addition *' of your hand " (so v.^^: cf. 152 i6i°- '') marks 
the tcnimdh as the worshipper's personal offering, rendered by 
him deliberately and willingly. — (5) and (6) Your vows and your 
free-will offerings^ i.e. extraordinary sacrifices, offered either 
in performance of a vow, or from a spontaneous impulse on 
the part of the giver. Such sacrifices might take the form of 
either thank-offerings (o^JD^tJ*) or burnt-offerings (Lev. 22^^. 2ij^ 
though the former appears to have been the more usual (Lev. 
7^") : see on these passages. — (7) The firstlings of your oxen 
and of your sheep: see 1519-23; gx. 132. m. 2229(30) 34^. qe) ; 
Nu. i8^^-i8 (P). — 7. And there ye shall eat, S^c] in the case of 
such offerings (notably the thank-offerings) as were accom- 
panied by a sacrificial meal, the worshipper's family and house- 
hold were to share it with him: so v.^^ 1423.26 (tithes), 1520 
(firstlings), cf. 27''. For other allusions to "eating," as an 
act of worship, or communion, accompanying sacrifice, see Gn. 
3146.54 Ex. 1812 24I1 I S. 9I3 Ps. 2230(29); in the scrvicc of false 
gods Ex. 34^5 Nu. 252. — Before JehovaK\ i.e. at the sanctuary, 
as v.12.18 1423.26^ and frequently (i S. ii2.i5 Lev. i^-n &c.).— 
And ye shall rejoice on account of all that ye put your hand to] 
1^ npK'O (peculiar to Dt.) denotes an undertaking, enterprise, 
especially one connected with agriculture (synon. *i^ '"•'r'J'O : see 
on 2^) v.^8 igio 2321 288-20f. The Israelite, when he brings his 
offerings to the sanctuary, and partakes of the sacrificial meal 
which a bounteous year has enabled him to provide, is to thank 
Jehovah with a joyous heart for the success with which his 
labours have been blessed. — Hath blessed thee] 2^. 

8-14. This centralization of public worship is to come into 
operation as soon as Israel is secure in Canaan. — 8. The irregu- 
lar, arbitrary worship of the wilderness is not to continue in- 
definitely. Comp. Am. 525, where it is implied that sacrifices 
were not offered in the wilderness. — Every man whatsoever is 
right in his own eyes] comp. Jud. 17^ 2i25 (of the period when 
there was no king in Israel to preserve discipline and order). 
By here and to-day is meant the period of the people's sojourn 
in the field of Moab. At the same time, as Oettli remarks, 
the terms of the description are no doubt coloured by the cir- 
7. "vphI^ wherein ; cf. on 7'^ 


cumstances of the writer's own day, when sacrifice was offered, 
with probably a lax ritual, at the local sanctuaries. — 9. The 
excuse for such irregularities : Israel has not yet entered into 
the secure and undisturbed possession of its own land. — To the 
rest (nn''^?)] i.e. to the place of rest : cf. i K. S^e Ps. 95II.— 10. 
And he shall give you rest, &'c.\ so 251^ Jos. 23^, cf. 2i^(**) (both 
D2) 2 S. 7I, cf. v.ii I K. 518(4). In all probability the reference 
is to the peace secured by David and Solomon (2 S. 7I i K. 
518(4)^^ v.ii containing a covert allusion to the Temple in Jeru- 
salem, the city so often described in the Kings (see on v.^), in 
corresponding terms, as "chosen" by Jehovah for His abode. — 
11. See v.5'6,from which the expressions used are mostly repeated. 
— And all your choice vows\ the expression seems to imply that 
the vow being something exceptional, the sacrifice offered in 
fulfilment of it was of a superior kind. — 12. And ye sJmll rejoice 
before Jehovah your God] the holy joy with which a sacrificial 
feast (which is here meant, see v.'^) is to be celebrated, is else- 
where also the object of a special injunction in Dt. (v.i8 1426 
1511.14 2611 277; cf. Lev. 23*0 (H) of rejoicing during the Feast 
of Booths). — And the Levite\ here the Levite, who has no 
territorial possession of his own (10^), and is accordingly 
dependent for his subsistence upon what he receives from 
others, is included also among those who are to be invited to 
the sacrificial feast (so 1427 i6n. 14 2611). Cf. v.i9 1429 26^2, 
which likewise illustrate the Writer's regard for the Levite ; 
and see on i8i-8. — That is within your gates] i.e. resident in 
your various cities. This use of ' * gates " is peculiarly charac- 
teristic of Dt. (see the Introd. § 5), occurring in it some 25 
times, and being found besides only Ex. 2oi° ("the stranger 

10-11. .rm . . . cnnajn] AV. "and when . . . then"; cf. on 8'-.— 10. 
^ n'jn] there is a tendency in Heb. for Hifils to be construed with h, 
apparently as a dat. commodi; Gn. 45' ^ .Tnn to give life to, Ps. 4^ 7 a'mn 
to give -width to, Hos. 10^ h nz-ci. Is. 53" h pnsn to give righteousness to; 
cf. Ew. § 2820, Lex. h 3.— naa cnapn] so i S. 12" (Deut.), cf. nt33 pp 33^ 
(poet.) Pr. 1^, ns3 being- an accus. of manner (G-K. § 118. 5) ; but nazh ZV 
is more usual, both in poetry and prose, Lev. 25^** ^' 26' al. — 11. Lit. it 
shall be, as regards the place, &c. The accents (which connect DipD.T with 
•T.Ti, and separate it from what follows) must be disregarded : cipo.T is 
the absolute case, such as occurs constantly after n»ni (18'" 21' Nu. 17" 
21*"' &c.) ; V. Dr. § 121 Obs. i, 2. — 11. nnao] cf. Ex. 15* Is. 22^ 37^ al. 

XII. 9-i6 145 

that is within thy gates"), i K. 837 (Deut.) = 2 Ch. 628.— 13 f. 
The injunction is repeated, with special reference to the burnt- 
offerings as though the temptation to offer this (cf. on v.^) at 
other places might be peculiarly strong. — 13. In every place 
that thou seest\ and which, by the advantages of its site (cf. 
V.2), might attract thee to make it a place of sacrifice. — 14. 
All that I am comma^iding thee\ viz, in the precepts of v.*'* ^^'•. 

15-16. Animals, however, that are intended for food, and 
not for sacrifice, may be slain and eaten freely in any part of 
the land, provided only that their blood be not consumed. — 15. 
Thou mayest slaughter (nDtn)] see below. — After all the desire 
of thy soul^ (^^'33 H^^"^??) v. 20. 21 ige i S. 2320 (^) : n^s besides 
Hos. 10^'' Jer. 224f . — According to the blessing, S^c] i.e. accord- 
ing as thy means, through God's blessing, permit thee; so 
16^'', — xhe unclean and the clean may eat thereof as of the 
gazelle, and as of the hart\ so v.22 1522. On the animals named, 
see on 14^. The meaning is that animals so slain, even though 
of a kind that could be offered in sacrifice, might be eaten 
freely, like game (which was allowed to be eaten as food — see 
145 — though not accepted for sacrifice) ; the meal was not a 
sacrificial one, and therefore those partaking in it need not 
even be ceremonially "clean " (Lev. 720f.), — 16_ Only ye shall not 
eat the blood] to eat the blood — or " with the blood " (Qin hv) — 
was a practice prohibited to the Hebrews : the antiquity of the 
feeling against it (cf. in other nations, Frazer, The Golden Bough, 
i. 178 f.) is shown by i S. 1432- 34; and it is strictly and repeatedly 
prohibited in Hebrew legislation, — both in Dt. (i2iS'23'26 1523)^ 
and in the other Codes, viz. (H) Lev. 1710-1* (as here, immedi- 
ately following a law on the place of sacrifice) 192'^, and (P) Gn. 
94 Lev. 317 726f. (cf. Ez. 3325). See further on v.23._The per- 
mission expressed in v.^^ was a necessary consequence of the 
limitation of all offerings to a single sanctuary. By ancient 
custom in Israel, slaughter and sacrifice were identical (cf. phil. 
note, below) : the flesh of domestic animals, such as the ox, the 

13. nam] in old Israel, as stated above, all slaughter was sacrifice ; 
hence naj naturally expressed not to slaughter simply, but to slaughter for 
sacrifice : here, however, though the same word is used, the context 
shows that it is stripped of its usual associations, and denotes to slaughter 
simply. So. v.21 i S. 28^* i K. 19". 


sheep, and the goat (as is still the case amongf the Arabs) was not 
eaten habitually ; when it was eaten, the slaughter of the animal 
was a sacrificial act, and its flesh could not be lawfully partaken 
of, unless the fat and blood were first presented at an altar. 
Compare in this connexion i S. 14^2-35^ where the sin of the 
people in eating- '* with the blood" is rectified by the erection 
of an altar at which the blood can be properly presented to 
Jehovah : also Hos. 9^- * Amos 7^'', where it is implied that in 
exile all the food of the people will be unclean, because sacri- 
fice acceptable to Jehovah cannot be offered beyond the land 
of Israel, and animals slain for food cannot consequently 
be presented at an altar (cf. OTJC.^ p. 249 f.). So long as 
local altars were legal in Canaan (Ex. 202^), domestic animals 
slain for food in the country districts could be presented at 
one of them : with the limitation of all sacrifice to a central 
sanctuary, the old rule had necessarily to be relaxed ; a dis- 
tinction had to be drawn between slaughtering for food and 
slaughtering for sacrifice ; the former was permitted freely in 
all places (with the one restriction, that the blood, which could 
no longer be presented at an altar, was still not to be eaten, 
but to be poured away upon the ground), the latter was pro- 
hibited, except at the one sanctuary. 

A different view of the ground of the permission in v.^' is naturally 
taken by those who reg'ard Lev. 17^'' as (in its present form) Mosaic 
Lev. 17^"' requires every ox, lamb, or goat, slain for food by the Israelites, 
to be presented at the sanctuary (the "Tent of Meeting") : as this law, 
though practicable in the wilderness, was evidently impracticable when 
the people were settled in their homes in different parts of Canaan, Dt. 
12'* is supposed to be a formal abrogation of it, promulgated immediately 
before the Israelites' entrance into the Promised Land. This explanation 
is however inconsistent with the terms of Lev. I'f ; how could a law, which 
from the nature of the case could not continue in force when the joumey- 
ings in the wilderness were over, be described (v.') as "a statute for ever 
unto them throughout their generations," as a statute, that is, intended to 
be permanently valid? But upon the hypothesis, indicated p. 13S, that 
Lev. 17^'', in its original form, had reference to a plurality of altars, it 
falls into its proper place as a law parallel to Ex. 20®*, the relaxation of 
which, as just explained, was a natural corollary of the centralization of 
sacrifice introduced by Deuteronomy. 

17-18. But while flesh, not intended for sacrifice, may be 
eaten in any part of the land, tithes, firstlings, and other sacred 

XII. I7-20 147 

dues may be partaken of only at the central sanctuary. The 
injunction of v J, respecting the place of the sacrificial meal, is 
repeated here, in more definite and explicit terms, in order to 
preclude any possible misapplication of the permission granted 
in V.15, On the eating of the tithe, see on i^--^- ; on that of 
the firstlings, 15^°; on the sacrificial meal accompanying vows 
and free-will offerings (in so far as these were not burnt-offer- 
ings : above on v.^). Lev. 7^^*^ (P) ; the gifts designated by the 
"heave-offering of thy hand" (v.^: cf. i6^of.i4^ must also, it 
appears, have afforded occasion for a sacred meal, though the 
first-fruits (if these are included) were the perquisite of the 
priests (18* 262- *• 10 : comp., however, on 26II). — 18. See on v.^- 
^- ^2. — 19. The Levite] the command just given (v.^^) is repeated, 
in more general terms, in accordance with the stress which the 
Writer lays upon it (on v. 12). 

20-28. Repetition of the permission of v.", and the restric- 
tion of v.^^ with fuller explanations. — 20-21. The conditions 
under which the permission of v.^^ may become necessary, viz. 
the enlargement of Israel's border, and the consequent remote- 
ness of many parts of the country from the central sanctuary. 
— 20. Shall enlarge thy border, as he hath said [promised] to 
thee (i^^)] cf. 19S; and see Ex. 342* (JE). — And thou shall say, 
I will eatflesh\ viz. at a feast, or on some other exceptional 
occasion. ** Except at a feast, or to entertain a guest, or in 
sacrifice before a local shrine, the Bedouin tastes no meat but 
the flesh of the gazelle or other game. This throws light on 
Dt. 12^^-22^ which shows that in old Israel game was the only 
meat not eaten sacrificlally. That flesh was not eaten every 
day even by wealthy people, appears very clearly from Nathan's 
parable and from the Book of Ruth" {OTJC^ p. 249«.).— 

17. ^3in K^] 722. — 18. 71' n!?rD] that to which thy hand is put forth, a kind of 
compound subst. formed from T rhv : so Is. "f^ "wzi Th&a, nc cdtd that to which 
the ox is sent forth, that which the sheep tramples down ; Is. 11' v:'y nwio, 
V3IK vacD that which his eyes see, that which his ears hear ; ^* DT mVrD that 
upon which their hand is put forth = their dominion, Ez. 24-' C.Tj'V lono, Kbo 
cc'2: that which their eyes long- for, that to which they lift up their soul, 
Ps. 44^'' CNT -ma that at which the head is shaken, 90* T^D tikd that which 
thy face illumines. — 20. 'Ji "CSJ ."nxn '3] ^^ because or when thy soul," &c. 
'3 expresses here rather more than ck ; it enunciates the circumstances 
(which are conceived to have arrived) under which the action denoted by 


Because thy soul desirctJi] the " soul '' in Heb. psychologfy (cf. on 
V.23) is the sentient principle in a living- organism, and as such 
is treated as the org^an of feeling- or emotion : hence (i) it is used 
in the higher prose style and in poetry, as a pathetic periphrasis 1 
for the personal pron., e.g. Gn. 12^^ 27*- 19 ^<< that my soul may 1 
bless thee") Nu. 2210 (see V.V.m.: so Jud. i630 ^&'pj nbri) Ps. ] 
54 ii5 259 Lev. 26*3 Is, ji* ('"t^'33 ns:K') 42I (^jrs3 nnyn) 6110 66-' , 
Jer. 59- 29 6^ (notice in the last 8 passages that it is an alterna- * 
tive for the simple pron. in the parallel clause) ; (2) it is men- ( 
tioned often as the seat of desire {20^^) or appetite (23^5). These 1 
two usages explain the employment of the term here (cf. 14^^). 
— 21. Have cotnmanded thee] v.^^. — 22. Repeated, with slight j 
expansion, from v.^^**. — 23-25. A repetition of the injunction 
not to eat blood (v.^^), with a statement of the ground on '. 
which it is based, and a motive commending it. — 23. Only be 
firm not to eat, &€.] lit. "be strong-" (P]D)> 2-^- resist firmly 
the temptation (i S. 14^2^ to eat it. — For the blood is the life 
(lit. the soul) ; a7id thou shall not eat the soul with the flesh\ \ 
similarly in P, Gn. 9* "only flesh with the soul thereof, even | 
its blood, shall ye not eat"; and in H, Lev. 17^^ "for the soul 
of the flesh is in the blood," and hence " the blood atoneth by 
means of the soul," v.^* "for as regards the soul of all flesh, i 
its blood is with its soul [i.e. it contains its soul)," and "the j 
soul of all flesh is its blood" (cf. Hamasa, 52^; Wellh. Arab. \ 
Heid. 217). As the blood flows from a wounded animal, so its 
life ebbs away ; hence the blood was regarded as the seat of , 
the vital principle, or "soul" (Heb. 5J'S3) ; in virtue of this it j 
possessed an atoning efficacy (for it contained the pure and J 
innocent life of the animal, which could be accepted by God as 1 
a substitute for the sin-stained soul of a man : see Lev. 17^^, j 
where it is expressly described as reserved for this purpose) ; \ 
but, further, it was also too sacred to be applied to ordinary 
human uses, or employed as food: it was to be "poured out " 
on the earth as water," that so the " soul " which it contained \ 
might be restored, as directly as possible, to God who gave it. \ 

the principal verb in the sentence takes place (Germ, indent) ; so v.^ * i 
13" 14" i6'5 i9«-9 2i9 28-9-" 30" 3i2»i>.— iipflj m^n] so \i^. With njx the \ 
use of C!;: is idiom. : v. Lex.— 12. '3sn nic ^5?:] G-K. § 121. 1.— 23. v.v<\ 3^. 

XII. 21-27 149 

See further Oehlcr, OT. TheoL § 127 ; Schultz, OT. Theol. pp. 351-361 
[i. 384-396]; Dillni. on Lev. pp. 392 f., 416, 538 f. ; Smith, Rel. Sent. pp. 
215-217, 220, 319-327. Whatever may have been the primitive idea under- 
lying- the prohibition — whether it was a mere superstition, or whether it 
was that the blood, having been once the special share of the deity, was 
deemed too sacred to be used as ordinary food (Smith, I.e. pp. 215 f., 220) : 
among- the Hebrews a ground partly physiological, partly theological, as 
stated above, came ultimately to be assigned for it. — The Heb. nephesh, 
it should be explained, is a wider term than the English " soul," denoting 
the sentient principle possessed by animals generally ; the same phrase 
"living soul" is thus used, not only of man (Gn. 2^), but also of the 
humblest marine or terrestrial organisms (Gn. 120.24. so ^lo. 12. is, 10 Lgy_ jj 
10.46 £2. 47*, — "creature" (AV.), in these passages, being lit. "soul"). 
See Oehler, I.e. % 70; and comp. the Aristotelian idea of ■4'ux^. 

25. T/iou shall nol eal it\ repeated a third time for emphasis, 
and in order to annex the promise that follows. — That it may 
he 'well, 6^c.] the same motive, as 4*0 526(29) 518^ cf. ^^.—That 
•which is right, &c.\G^. — 26-27. Nevertheless the permission 
thus granted is not to be extended to the case of animals slain 
for sacrifice : the flesh and blood of these must be presented 
at the central sanctuary, and there disposed of according to 
the prescribed ritual. A caution, attached to v. 20-25, just as 
v.i'^^- is attached to v.^^^-. — 26. Thy holy things (T'EJ'lp)] a general 
designation of sacred gifts, whether such as were dedicated on 
a special occasion (i K. 7^^ 15^^ 2 K. 12^^ : cf. 2 S. 8^^), or recog- 
nized dues, as tithes (26^2^, sacrifices, &c. (cf. in P, Ex. 28^^ 
Lev. 222' 8 Nu. 18S «/.). In the Priests' Code, the term has a 
special sense, being distinguished from the L''Knp *t^np, or 
"most holy things" (see on Lev. 2122); but no account is 
taken of this distinction here. — Thy vo'ws\ v.*'- ^i- 1''. — 27. Offer\ 
lit. do (jT'B'J^l), in a sacrificial sense, as often in P {e.g. Ex. 2928- 
2^) ; and occasionally besides. There follows a brief descrip- 
tion of the ritual of the burnt- and thank-offering (TTIDT : see on 
v.^), in so far as concerns the disposal of the flesh and the 
blood : of the former, the flesh and the blood alike are to come 
upon the altar (strictly the blood of both these oflFerings was 
thrown in a volume (piT) against the altar) : see on Lev. i^ ; of 
the latter, only the blood is to be poured out against the altar 
(comp. Lev. 32- »• is ^^20 nniDn ^y . . . ipnn), the flesh is to be 
eaten, at a sacrificial feast, by the worshipper and his family 
(Lev. 715-21). — Poured out against (by "n!?^^)] not the technical 



term, which is p"}T to throw tn a volume (cf. p'^TO a bowl, pro- i 

perly a vessel for throwing or tossing), 2 K. 16^^^, and in P, | 

Lev. 32- 8. 13 and often, — 28. A closing" promise, commending i 

the present injunctions to the Israelite's observance. — That it 1 

may be well, &c.\ v.^^^, — Good and right] 6^^. ! 

29-31. Israel, after it has taken possession of the Promised | 

Land, is not to imitate the unholy rites practised by the ; 

previous inhabitants. — 29. When Jehovah thy God shall cut off 1 
the nations] so 19^, cf. Jos. 23^ (D^). — Whither thou goest in, 

<2r»c.] cf. on 4^. — To possess them] v. 2. — 30. Lest thou be ensnared ' 

after them] cf. 7^^- ^. — And lest thou inquire after (2 S. 1 1^) their j 

gods, saying. How used these nations to serve their gods ?] let | 
the Israelites beware lest, after the occasion of temptation 
appears to have passed away, the desire arise in their breast to 
serve the gods of the country with the same rites which their 

predecessors had observed. The inquiry would be prompted | 
by the feeling, not uncommon in antiquity, that the gods in- 
digenous to a country may not be neglected with impunity (cf. 

2 K. 1725-28 J I s. 2619).— 31. Thou shall not do so to Jehovah thy • 
God] the rites by which these gods were worshipped are not j 
to be transferred, in whole or in part, to the service of Jehovah. ' 
The injunction is aimed against the syncretistic admixture of j 
heathen rites with the service of Jehovah, such as the un- j 
spiritual Israelites were specially prone to. The reason follows: / 
the rites in question are of a kind which Jehovah cannot \ 
tolerate. For the expressions, cf. 7^5 2319(1^) (naym) ; 1622b. — i 
F'or even their sons and their daughters do they bum iri the fire i 
to their gods] an extreme example ("for even") of the enor- | 
mities practised by the Canaanites : cf. Jer. 7^^ 19^, and (of 
the Sepharvites) 2 K. 17^1; and see on 18^0. 

XIII. 1-19 (AV. XII. 32-XIII. 18). All solicitations to 

idolatry are to be met at once by the sternest repressive , 

30. nav] used to serve : the impf. as 1 1^'. — 'JH Dl] in the discourses of Dt. j 

the fuller and more emph. form of the i pers. pron. is uniformly employed i 
(56 times), except here and 29' (see note). 'JH here is in accordance with 
usage, which, when the pron. is appended to a verb for emph., prefers 

nearly always the lighter form (Jud. 1' 8^ 2 S. 18"'^^ &c. : v. Lex., and ' 

JPh. xi. 223, 226). The other cases of 'JK in Dt. are 32'-''=»9'29-39-89 (t^g j 

Song), and 32*'* ** (P, who prefers '3K just as D prefers '33N : L. O. T. p. 1 27). 1 

XII. 28— XIII. 5(4) 15^ 

measures. — The chapter continues the subject of iz^^-^i. In 
the other Codes there is no parallel. The worship of " other 
gods" is indeed rigorously proscribed {e.g. Ex. 20^ 22^^(20) 
23I3) ; but no provision is made for the special cases of 
seduction into idolatry, here contemplated. — XIII. 1 (XII. 32). 
The Heb. division appears to be preferable to the English; 
for this verse is taken most naturally as a preface to the 
ordinances following. — The wJwle -word (or thing) which I 
command you, that shall ye observe to do, tSr'c.] a repetition of 
42, in a slightly m.odified form, with particular reference to the 
three ordinances following. — 2-6(1-5). No invitation to go 
and serve other gods, even though it proceed from a prophet, 
possessing, as it seems, irrefragable credentials, is to over- 
rule the fundamental article of Israel's creed, that Jehovah is 
the sole object of the Israelite's reverence : the prophet, who 
comes forward with such a doctrine, is to be put to death. — 
2 (1). Arise] 34^° i8^5, — (9^ a dreamer of dreams] comp. Jer. 
2225. 27. 28. 32 27° 29^ Zcch. lo^. The dream might be the 
channel of a genuine revelation (Nu. 12^ Joel 3^: cf. Gn. 20^ 
31^1 &c.); but it might readily become a source of self- 
deception ; and in the passages quoted, dreams are referred 
to, as here, in terms of disparagement. — And he give to thee 
a sign or a portent] viz. in attestation of the truth of his 
affirmations ; comp. Ex. 48- ^- so yO (<< show," lit. give ^^ri) i K. 
1 23.5, — A sign or a portent] on 4^^. — 3 (2). Come to pass (N3)] 
I S. lo'"' ^. — Go after other gods, which thou hast not known] 6^* ; 
1 1 28, — 4(3). Is putting you to the test (S^- 1**) to know whether 
yoti do (emph.) love, &c.] {^ always asserts existence with 
emphasis {e.g. Ps. 5812(11) «<that there is a god judging the 
earth ") : hence D''3nx D3B«n is more than D^S C?!}^'!? (which 
might have been said; see Jud. 222), and is exactly ex- 
pressed by "whether you do love." Jehovah's claim upon 
the Israelites' love and obedience (6-^) is a paramount and 
fundamental principle of their religion : hence the fulfilment 
of the false prophet's affirmation is a searching test of the 
sincerity with which Israel holds it. — 5 (4). After fehovah your 

XIII. 1. mR] resuming' emphatically the obj., as Jud. 11^ Is. 8" 2 K. 
17^ (cf. Dr. § 123 Obs.). — 2-3. nai . . . \ns\ . . . Dip' t] on 42*.— majfii] on 5'. 


God shall ye 'walk, &'c.\ an emphatic reafBrmatlon of the 
fundamental duty, binding" upon every Israelite : comp, 6^^ 
lo^O; also 8^ 10^2 ijis. 22^ — 6(5). The prophet who has so 
misled his countrymen is to be put to death, because he has 
been disloyal to Israel's Divine deliverer, and in order that the 
evil which he secretly meditates may be checked in the bud. — 
Spoken defection (!T^D lin) against Jehovah\ the same expres- 
sion Jer. 28^^ (f)x) 29^2 (likewise of untrue prophets), cf. Is. 59^^ : 
for nnp (turning aside [comp. the verb e.g. i S. 12-"], defection; 
AV. rebellion or revolt), see also 19^^ Is. i^ 31^. — Which brought 
you out, &c.\ cf. 8^*; also 7^ 9^6 &c. : here the addition of the 
two relative clauses emphasizes the fact that defection from 
Jehovah is also ing-ratitude. — To draw thee aside (^H'"'^!^?)] v.^^ 
(10). 14(13). cf. ^^^.— Out of the way, &c.]<^^'^''^^ ii28; also 530(33). 
— And thou shalt extertniyiate the evil from thy viidst (yin n")j?3l 
^a"^po)] so 177 19^9 2i2i 2221-24 24^; and with "from Israel" 
1712 2222 (cf. 19I3 21^), — always at the close of instructions for 
the punishment of a wrong-doer, and always, except 19^^, 
with reference to capital punishment. A formula peculiar to 
Dt., whereby the duty is laid upon the community of clearing 
itself from complicity in a crime committed in its midst, and 
of preventing", as far as possible, an evil example from spread- 
ing (cf. the same expression, in Israel's mouth, Jud. 20^^). 

7-12 (6-11). No invitation to idolatry is to be listened 
to, even though it emanate from a man's most intimate 
relative, or his most trusted friend : the author of such a pro- 
posal is to be put to death. — 7 (6). Entice thee] with induce- 
ments such as an intimate relation or friend can apply (Jud. 
ii* I K. 2i25). — The son of thy mother] i.e. thy own brother 
(Gn, 2729 Ps. 5020) : ffir Sam. read "jdn p IK H-as p, including 
expressly the half-brother (comp. Lev. 18^). — The wife of thy 
bosom] 28^*- 56 ; cf. ^i5^n T)22]y Mic. 7^. The term significant of 
affection is chosen intentionally. — Thy friend, which is as thine 
own soul] I S. 181 ("And Jonathan loved him iC'333 ") s.— Z<?^ 
us go, (SrT.] as v.3(-), — 8(7). Of the gods of the peoples, &-'c.] 
6^*. — Or far off from thee] the danger therefore might threaten 
not only from Israel's neighbours (i K. 1 1^- 7), but from nations 
6. mpai] for the verb, cf. also 26"-" i K. i^o zi^i 22<7 2 K. 23-* (Deut.). 

XIII. 6-14(5-13) 153 

at a distance {e.g. from Syria, or Assyria). — nvp Ijn y\'^7\ nxpD 
l^xn] 28*^*. — 9-12 (8-11). The sternest measures must at once 
be adopted to check the evil : not only is the tempter not to 
be listened to, but even though the temptation have only been 
expressed by him in secret (v.'^), he is to be treated without 
mercy or compunction ; for his attempt to seduce a brother 
Israelite from his loyalty to Jehovah, he is to be stoned 
to death. — 9 (8). Neither shall thine eye pity him] 7^^. — 
10(9). Thine hand shall be first, &c.\ so I'f (of the wit- 
nesses against a man convicted of idolatry) : in spite of thy 
relationship to him, thou art both to denounce him (v.^(8)b), 
and also to be the first to carry out the sentence against him. 
The severity with which the Writer seeks to check every 
encouragement to idolatry, shows that he was sensible of it as 
the pressing danger of the time. — 12 (11). And all Israel shall 
hear and fear] similarly 17^2 ig20 2121 : the example, the legis- 
lator trusts, will have a deterrent effect upon others, and tend 
to prevent a repetition of the same offence. 

13-19 (12-18). Any Israelitish city, which has permitted itself 
to be seduced into idolatry, fs to be treated with the utmost 
rigour, its inhabitants being put to the sword, its spoil burnt, 
and its site abandoned. — 13 (12). If thou hearest in one of thy 
cities which Jehovah thy God is giving thee (i^o) to dwell there, 
saying, Men have gone forth, &c.] apparently an inversion for 
** If thou hearest, saying, In one of thy cities which J, thy God 
is giving thee to dwell there, men have gone forth, &c.," nnN3 
'j1 y^V being brought up from the subordinate into the prin- 
cipal clause (like ^n^D "•inx 31^9, compared by Dillmann), for 
the purpose of giving it, as the most important part of the 
sentence, a more emphatic position. For "to hear, saying," 
cf. Jos. 22I1 I S. 13* I K. 16I6.— 14 (13). Base fellows] so RV. 
rightly; comp. the rend, of h)yhl in the RV. of 15^ Ps. 101^ 
Pr. 6^2 1 627. 

Lit. sons of U7iprofitdbleness, i.e. good-for-nothing, worthless fellows. 
SyVa is not a proper name (in spite of 2 Cor. 6'*) ; though the expression 

9. h nax] Pr. I**. — 11. Vj'd] idiom. =from attachment to : Jer. 2' 32** 
Ez. 69 8® 11" 14' 44^»•'^ cf. Hos. 9^ Is. 568. — 14. Wh-2 'n dtjk] for 
the seemingly pleonastic d'c:k, comp. Gn. 13^ Nu. 13' Jud. 18' i K. 


"sons of Belial" has become so naturalized in English that it has been 
sometimes retained even in RV. Except 15^, the word does not occur 
besides in the Hex. ; but h]!'h2 (tjk) c-'k, or h]!'^2 ('33) ]2, is common 
elsewhere as a designation of unprincipled, low-minded characters {e.g^. 
Jud. 1922 I S. 10^7 2525 30^3 I K. 2ii»-i3). 

Are gone out from the midst of thee\ the suggestion is repre- 
sented as emanating- from native Israelites, who have succeeded 
in leading astray their fellow-citizens. — Let us go, &c.\ v. ^^2). 
''(''). — 15 (14). And, behold, the thing is true (and) certain, this 
abomination hath been do?ie] the same words in 17*. — Abomina- 
tion (najnn), of idolatrous practices, as 17* 18^ 20^^ Jer. 32^5 al. : 
cf. on 726.— 16 (15). With the edge of the sword (ann "^h)] lit. 
according to the mouth of tlie sword, i.e. as the sword can devour 
(2 S. 2^ ii^^), without quarter. The phrase is a common one. 
— Devoting it] see on 72. Devotion to the ban, in which (as 
here) the spoil also was destroyed, was of the most severe and 
rigorous type (Jos. 6-7, of Jericho; i S. 15^): more commonly 
the spoil was retained by the Israelites for their own use {2^^^- 
Jos. 8-- 2<5f- al.). — Afid all that is in it] the expression is an in- 
definite one ; but probably human beings are intended : cf. 
Jos. 621, and see below. — 17 (16). Into the midst of its broad place] 
not its street: the 3rn was the broad, open space in an Eastern 
city, something like a modern market-place, where public 
gatherings were held, and justice was sometimes administered 

21^** (the same phrase: cf. v.^^) 2 K. 2^®; used without a defining- ad- 
junct, such as a numeral, it imparts to the expression the sense of some 
or certain, Gn. 37^ (cf. Ex. i6-* i K. 20^"^). — 15. aa'n] 9"^ — Jisj rex n:m 
nain] render as above. n:n, as 17* 19'^ al. nea.r\y= if {Lex. mn d). The 
second clause ('3i nnrp), i<rt;»SsTfl>;, just as 17* ig^** {nyj npc), 22^: that in 
AV., RV., is gratuitous and wrong. — ni2K]yaithfztIfiess, the subst. or pred. 
(in lieu of the Vi^y faithful, true) : so i"]*, cf. nann .t.t ncx 22^^ i K. 10' (Dr. 
§ 189. 2). — p3:] lit. established: cf. Gn. 41^*. — 16. onnn] on 3^ — ir.«< "73 nxi 
na] the expression may denote only the spoil (z.^. the domestic property of 
various kinds), as 20^*, or it may include human beings and cattle (Jos. 6-') 
as well: as the spoil would hardly be "devoted" with the srcord, it is 
probably to be understood here of the human beings resident in the city : 
observe also that the emphatic position of '* spoil " in v.^^ (^^) ppn nSVr ^3 nxi 
implies a tacit contrast with something different which has been named in 
V.'* (!'>). It is true, the words 3nn '2^ nnona r\H^ are not represented in G ; 
and Dillm. would omit them as a gloss : but the omission makes the 
verse rather short ; and, if na ts-k '?3 be understood as explained above, 
there is no difficulty in connecting it with Din.T : for ann "eV Din.T of cattle, 
see Jos. G"^. 

XIII. IS(I4>— XIV. 155 

(cf. 2 Ch. 326 Ezr. io9 Neh. 8^- ^ Is. 591* Job 2g^).—As a wJiole- 
offerivg^ (yh^) unto Jehovah] ^'h'2, used in Lev. 6"'("f.)of the 
priest's nnilD, appears elsewhere (3310 i S. 7^ TWx^h hh:i n?"iy n^jn, 
Ps. 5121 ^■\^y\ n^iy) as a term either descriptive of, or synonym- 
ous with, H/iy (burnt-offering) : here it is applied figuratively 
to denote a sacrifice of another kind, the characteristic of 
which was likewise to be that it should be rendered wholly to 
Jehovah. Cf. Jud. 20^0 (no'Dtrn "i^yn hh^ nby rum), where the 
same sense of the word is at least alluded to. — Utito Jehovah] 
comp. Nu. 25* Jos. 6^7 2 S. 2i<'; "before Jehovah" 2 S. 21^. 
An heapjor ever (D^iy bn)] only a desolate mound shall mark 
its site; so Jos. S^s (of 'Ai); Jer. 492 r\'ac>'^ bn (of Rabbah). — 
18-19 (17-18). The instructions close with an express injunction 
that none of the "devoted" spoil (the D^.n) is to be reserved 
by Israel (cf. 7-^^), lest Jehovah in His anger be moved to 
withhold the blessing which He has promised. — 18 (17). There 
shall not cleave aught oj the devoted thing to thy hand\ the 
words may be illustrated from Jos. 6^^ 7^ (though Jericho, of 
course, did not fall within the class of cases contemplated in 
the present law). — Turn front the heat of his anger] Ex. 32^2 
Jos. 720 (at the close of the narrative of 'Achan's offence with 
the EJ'in), 2 K. 2328 Jon. 3®. — And multiply thee, &c.] cf. 7^^ ; 
V. Gn. 22^'^ 26^ Ex. 32^3^ — 19 ^18)^ Because (or when) thou shall 
hearken, &c.] the condition, conceived to be satisfied, of the 
promise taking effect (see phil. note on 12^^). For the expres- 
sions, cf. 42- 30b 618. 

XIV. 1-22. Holiness of the Laity. 

The place of public worship having been fixed (12I-28), and 
the encroachments of heathendom guarded against (122^- 
i^wcis))^ the subject of the present section follows naturally. 

XIV. 1-2. The Israelites, being Jehovah's children, are not 
to disfigure their persons in passionate or extravagant grief. 
— The Israelites, being specially dedicated to Jehovah, must 
not imitate the heathen in yielding to excessive grief, and 

17. ^'^3j "7^3 occurs as the name of a species of sacrifice in Phccnician, 
CIS. I. i. 1653- '• '• »• " 167'.— 18. ':ii |n3i . . . ais" lyoS] 4».~D"Dm if irui] Gn. 
43*' Jer. 42*^ ; Is. 47^ {qv\. 


mutilate the body which He has given them, or imprint upon 
their person the visible tokens of death. The prohibition is 
grounded upon the relation subsisting between Israel and 
Jehovah, with which the heathenish character of the practices 
prohibited is regarded as incompatible. There is no law on 
this subject in JE or P : in H, Lev. ig^^* is parallel. — Sons are 
ye to Jehovah your God] what is affirmed in Ex. ^^^^- (JE) of 
Israel as a nation ("Israel is my son, my firstborn") is here 
transferred to the individual Israelites : they are Jehovah's 
children ; and while on the one hand they are the objects of 
His paternal care and regard (i^i 8^), they owe to Him on the 
other hand filial love and obedience, they should conform 
their character to His, and do nothing that is unworthy of the 
close and intimate relation in which they stand towards Him. 
Comp. Hos. ii^-* Is. i2; and on 32^. — Ve shall not cut your- 
selves (minn N^), nor make baldness (nmp) between your eyes, 
for the dead] two common practices significant of grief, and 
especially resorted to in mourning, which prevailed among the 
Israelites down to at least the time of Jeremiah : for the 
former, see Jer. 16^ 41^ 47^ (among the Philistines), prob. also 
Hos. 714 (MSS. (5 miJnO; for the latter, Am. 810 Is. 32* 152 
(in Moab), 22^2 (where, in spite of the present prohibition, it is 
said that "yi^^oT;^^ called to weeping, and to mourning, and 
to baldness"), Mic. i^^ Jer. i6*5 Ez. 7I8. 

Both practices were, and still are, common among semi-civilized races : 
one or other, if not both, are attested, for instance (see Knob, or Dillm. 
on Lev. 19-^), for the Armenians and Assyrians (Xenoph. Cyrop. iii. i. 13 ; 
3. 67), for the Scythians (Hdt. 4. 71 : at the burial of a king rov arcs 
a.fora.iiVovTai, rpi^as Vipixtipovrai, (ipa^itMas ^ipirdfcvovTai), the Romans (the 

Twelve Tables forbade the Roman women ^ena^ radere, Cic. de Leg. 2. 23), 
for the modern Persians (Morier, Second Journey, p. 176), and Abyssinians 
(Riippell, Abyss, ii. 57), for various other savage races {Encycl. Brit.^ ix. 
825; H. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, i. i8ofF., 290 f.). Among the 
Arabs, it was customary, in particular, for the women, in mourning, both 
to scratch their faces till the blood flowed, and to shave their hair (Wellh. 
Reste Arab. Heidentumes, p. 160 : Labid, xxi. 4 (ed. Huber and Brockel- 
mann) says to his daughters, "When I die, do not scratch your faces, or 
shave off your hair" (W. R. Smith, MS. note). In some cases, the hair 
shaved off is deposited in the tomb, or on the funeral pyre, as an offering 
to the dead ; sometimes, also, the blood is made to fall upon the corpse, 
as though for the purpose of concluding a covenant with the departed 
(Smith, Rel. Sent. pp. 304-306). 

XIV. 1-2 157 

Both practices had thus heathen associations, even if they 
were not definitely connected with heathen superstitions; 
comp. the use of ^^13n^ to denote the ritual of the Ba'al- 
worshippers in i K. iS^s. The custom of lacerating the person 
in grief for the dead is prohibited also in Lev. 19^8 (H), though 
the same term is not uised (D3"iB'23 wnn sb ^•Bif' onci) : that of 
making baldness on the head is forbidden in Lev. 21^ (H), but 
only for the priests. — Between your eyes] i.e. on the forehead 
(6^). The Hebrews, it appears, did not on such occasions 
shave the entire head, but only the front of it. — 2. The ground 
of the prohibition is stated more explicitly : Israel is holy to 
Jehovah, and stands towards Him in a unique relation among 
the peoples of the earth. The verse is an all but verbal repeti- 
tion of 7^. 

3-20. The Israelites are not to defile themselves by eating 
the flesh of prohibited animals. — ^JE has no law on this subject; 
in P the parallel is Lev. 112-23 ^not improbably an extract from 
H : cf. more briefly 20^5), a passage with which the law of Dt. 
is in large measure verbally identical. In order to facilitate 
comparison, the two passages are here printed side by side in 
parallel columns : — 

Deut. 14. Lev. ii. 

' Thou shalt not eat any abomin- ^ Speak unto the children of 
able thing (najjin). * These are the Israel, saying : These are the 

beasts which ye shall eat : living things which ye shall eat 

among all the beasts that are on the 

the ox, the sheep, and the goat, 
* the hart, and the gazelle, and the 
roebuck, and the wild goat, and the 
addax, and the antelope, and the 

mountain-sheep. ^ And every beast ' Every (thing) 

that parteth the hoof and cleaveth that parteth the hoof and cleaveth 
the cleft of the two hoofs, that the cleft of the hoofs, that 

bringeth up the cud among beasts, bringeth up the cud among beasts, 
that ye shall eat. ' Nevertheless that ye shall eat. * Nevertheless 
these ye shall not eat of those that these ye shall not eat of those that 
bring up the cud, and of those that bring up the cud, and of those that 
part the cleft hoof ; the camel, part the hoof; the camel, 

because he bringeth up the cud, 

but doth not part the hoof; he is 
and the hare, unclean to you. ' And the rock- 



and the rock-badg-er ; 
because they bring- up the cud, but 
have not the hoof parted ; they are 
unclean to you. ^ And the swine, 
because he parteth the hoof, 

but . . 

not the cud : he is unclean 

to you. Of their flesh ye shall not 
eat, and their carcases ye shall not 

^ These ye shall eat of all that are 
in the waters : whatsoever hath 
scales and fins, 

ye eat. ^^ And whatsoever hath not 
fins and scales 

ye shall not eat ; 

it IS 

unclean to you. 

^^ Of all clean birds ye may eat. 

^2 But this is that of which 

ye shall not 

the griffon-vulture, and the bearded 
vulture, and the osprey ; ^^ [and the 
. . .,] and the falcon, and the kite 
after its kind ; " and every raven 
after its kind ; ^' and the ostrich, 
and the night-hawk, and the sea- 
mew, and the hawk after its kind ; 
" the little owl, 

and the great owl, and 
the water-hen ; ^^ and the pelican, 
and the carrion - vulture, and the 
cormorant ; ^* and the stork, and 
the heron after its kind, and the 
hoopoe, and the bat. 

^^ And all winged swarming things 
are un- 
clean to you : they shall not be eaten. 

badger, because he bringeth up the 
cud, but parteth not the hoof, he is 
unclean to j'ou ; ® and the hare, 
because she bringeth up the cud, but 
hath not the hoof parted ; she is 
unclean to you. '' And the swine, 
because he parteth the hoof, and 
cleaveth the cleft of the hoof, but he 
cheweth not the cud ; he is unclean 
to you. ^ Of their flesh ye shall not 
eat, and their carcases ye shall not 
touch : they are unclean to you. 
^ These ye shall eat of all that are 
in the waters : whatsoever hath 
scales and fins, in the waters, in the 
seas, and in the torrents, them shall 
ye eat. ^^ And whatsoever hath not 
fins and scales, in the seas and in 
the torrents, of all the swarming 
things of the waters, and of all the 
living souls that are in the waters, 
they are a detestation (j'i^?') to you. 
^^ And they shall be a detestation to 
you : of their flesh ye shall not eat, 
and their carcases ye shall have in 
detestation. ^^ Whatsoever hath not 
fins and scales in the waters, it is 
a detestation to you. 

^2 And these ye shall hold in de- 
testation of fowl ; they shall not be 
eaten ; they are a detestation to you : 
the griffon-vulture, and the bearded 
vulture, and the osprey ; 

'* and the kite, and the falcon 
after its kind ; ^^ every raven 

after its kind ; ^® and the ostrich, 
and the night-hawk, and the sea- 
mew, and the hawk after its kind ; 
''^ and the little owl, and the cor- 
morant, and the great owl ; ^^ and 
the water-hen, and the pelican, 
and the carrion-vulture, 

^^ and the stork, 
the heron after its kind, and the 
hoopoe, and the bat. 

^ All winged swarming things 
that go upon all four are a detesta- 
tion to you. 

XIV. 3-S 159 

-"<* Of all clean winged things ye ^^ Yet theseyemayeatof all winged 
may eat. swarming things that go upon all 

four, which have bending legs above 
their feet to leap withal upon the 
earth : ** even these of them ye may 
eat : the locust after its kind, and 
the bald locust after its kind, and 
the cricket after its kind, and the 
grasshopper after its kind. ^ But 
all (other) winged swarming things, 
which have four feet, are a detesta- 
tion to you. 

Here v.^ is introductory, the various kinds of prohibited 
food being classed under the category of abomination (n^inn), 
one of D's characteristic expressions (on 725). There follow 
provisions respecting clean and unclean qtiadrupeds^ v.*"*, 
aquatic creatures, v.^'^*^, birds, \ ^^-'^^ , flying insects, \?^^-, On 
the general subject of these provisions, the reader is referred 
to the commentary on Lev. 1 1 : here, only the differences in 
Dt., or other points of particular interest, will be noticed. — 
4*'-5. There is nothing in Lev. corresponding to these words. 
The difference between the two texts is this, that in Lev. (v.^) 
the clean animals are only defined, while in Dt. they are both 
defined (v.**) and exemplified (v.*-^). The ox, the sheep, and 
the goat are, of course, well known, and frequently mentioned ; 
the hart \>'*^ : fem. np'X hind) is also often named, especially 
in poetry, as a figure of affection, surefootedness, and rapidity 
{e.g. Is. 35*5 Song 2^; in the fem, Pr. 5^^ Ps. iS^*) ; the gazelle 
(^nv) is alluded to similarly for its swiftness and beauty {e.g. 
2 S. 2I8 Is. 13I* Song 2^), — the hart and the gazelle are also 
mentioned together as common kinds of game, Dt. 12^5.22 j^ss^ 
The roebuck ("i^J^n^) is named i K. 5^ {^)\, by the side of the hart 
and the gazelle, among the delicacies provided for Solomon's 
royal table : according to Conder {Tent Work, ed. 1887, p. 91), 
an animad bearing among the Arabs the same name YahinUr 
is found now in the thickets on the sides of Carmel, and gives 

XIY. 5. '3s] gazelle ■=.PiX2im. k'3B, Arab, ^c^' The word (as Arab. 
Aram, show) has no etym. connexion with ns attractiveness, beauty, the 
root of which = Aram, k^s to desire, •mill, Arab. \x,e to incline towards, 
yearn far {com^. Dr. § 178, p. 225 f.). — TDi] the etym. is unknown. Arab. 


its name to a large valley, the Wady Yahmur, in the wooded 
district south of Carmel : a specimen sent to Prof. Newton at 
Cambridge was pronounced by him to be the true Cervus 
capreolus, or roebuck {Proc. Zoolog. Soc. of Lo7idon, May 2, 
1876). Cf. Bochart, Hieroz. i. 910 ff., ii. 280 ff. G (codd. A, 
F) ^ovfiaXo's. The wild goat (ip>?) is not named elsewhere : 
2rS ^y^ the ibex (or wild goat), which is common in Palestine 
(i S. 243, near 'En-gedi), and some species of which may well 
be meant (Tristram, NHB. 97; DB.^'i. 1202). G (codd. A, 
F) rpayeXa^os. The addax (ftJ'^'?), also, is named only here; 
the identification is that of Tristram, who states that the 
Antilope addax is common in Abyssinia, Egypt, and Arabia, 
and is well known in the 'Arabah, S. of the Dead Sea [NHB. 
127). ffir TTvyapyo^ (whence AV., RV.), a white-rumped species 
of antelope (of which there are several), found in N. Africa {ib. 
126). The antelope (i^'Ii'), Is. Si^^f: Cr opiif, a large kind of 
antelope, "very beautiful and graceful, with long slender 
recurved horns" [ib. 57 f. ; DB.^ i. 464). The mountain-sheep 
(10T) is mentioned only here. The animal meant is uncertain, 
but some kind of wild mountain-sheep (Col. H. Smith ; Tris- 
tram, DB.^ i. 556 f.) may well be intended. gT NSn (in Pr. 5^^ 
= Heb. n~>jy wild goat)', S> Nils mountaiti-goat. G KafirjXoTrdp- 
SaXt9, a native of Africa, and not probable. AV., RV. 
"chamois," which, Tristram objects, cannot be right; as the 
chamois is an antelope of Central Europe, unknown to any 
Bible lands. 

A singular argument has been founded (Tristram, at the Hull Church 
Congress, Guardian, Oct. 15, 1890, p. 1623 ; Pal. Expl. Soc, The City and 
the Land, p. 80 ; and elsewhere) on the animals mentioned in DL 14^'-, in 
favour of the Mosaic authorship of the Pent. It is said, "Nine animals 
are mentioned in Dt. which do not appear in Lev. Of these 5 or 6 at least 
never lived in the Nile valley or in wooded and hilly Palestine : they are 
inhabitants of desert open plains, or of bare rocky heights. They are not 
mentioned In Lev., because immediately after the Exodus they would be 
strange to the Israelites ; but after 39 years had been passed in their 
haunts they would be familiar to them all." A little reflection will show 
how inconclusive this argument is. Had there been — as the PEFQuSt. 
1894, p. 103, very inaccurately says there is — a list of clean animals in 

zamara, to spring, quoted by Tristram, does not exist : the meaning is 
conjectured by Ges. in the Thes., merely for the sake of explaining' this 
word. — 6. iSaKn a^iK] see on 13^ ; cf. 20^ i S. 15"'. 

XIV. 7-1 1 r6i 

Lev., to which in Dt. others, having the character referred to, were 
added, it would indeed possess plausibility : but that is not the case ; no 
clean animals are named in Lev. ; they are only defined (Lev. ii") ; in Dt. 
they are both defined (v.*) and named (v.**-). But, except by assuming 
what the argument is constructed to prove, there is no reason for supposing 
that the writer of Lev. 1 1, if he had been asked to name the animals cj^ned 
by him in v.*, would not have mentioned just those enumerated in Dt. 
14*'*. And the further objection, that the animals in question could not be 
known to a writer living in Palestine, is open to the retort that, if so, there 
would be no occasion to forbid the Israelites to eat them. But in view of 
I K. 5' (4^), the allegation itself is questionable. 

7. The particulars respecting the camely the rock-badger, 
and the hare, which are repeated in each case in Lev., are 
condensed into a single clause. The ISC' is named besides Ps. 
104^8 Pr. 30^6 : it is the Arab, loabr, the Hyrax Syriacus of 
naturalists. "Rock-badger" is a rendering of the German 
name Klippdachs; but there is, in fact, no perfectly suitable 
English name available. ** Coney "is the old English word 
for a rabbit ; but being now practically obsolete in that sense, 
it has been retained in RV. as the rendering of the Heb. \tx^, 
the animal which this terra properly denotes being indicated 
in the margin. As the hyrax syriacus is in appearance and 
habits not unlike a rabbit (Tristram, NHB. 75 ff.), though be- 
longing to a different family, the retention of "coney" in a 
popular version may, under the circumstances, be excusable. 
— 8. G Sam. supply the missing words, reading exactly as in 
Lev. 11''^. Whether the first clause be necessary or not, "he 
cheweth " must certainly be restored : see below. — 9-10. The 
description of the lawful and prohibited aquatic animals seems 
plainly to be abbreviated from the more circumstantial particu- 
lars contained in Lev. In the last clause, Dt. has NDO 
unclean, where Lev. has the technical term, used of prohibited 
animals (see on 7^6), \^'}p detestation. — 11-18. The paragraph 
on birds does not differ materially from the corresponding 
paragraph in Lev. V.^i is an introductory addition: in v.^^ 

7. ni] with a collective force: so v.' (=Lev. n**') Jud. 20'^"; Job 
19^. — nh]ip\ a rare orthographic variation for '^j;_D ; cf. Gn. 47^ nHi, i Ch. 
23** ■ife'V (Ew. § 16^). — 8. .TJ3 »i^i] n-ja is elsewhere always a subst. ; and 
n}! (Lev. 11^) is from nia, not .T13. Read rri? nil! »i'?i, or (cf. Sam. G) Kin^ 
nr Ah n-jj, as in Lev. tj: will be Qal, in pause either for ni: (Kon. p. 337 f.), 
or better (as this is an intrans. form) for ni! (Sam. nu'), cf. G-K. § 29. 4^*. 


the words Y\^^ and Ki?^ are avoided, and it is merely said, 0/ 
•which ye shall not eat. — 12. The griffon-vulture p?:'-?)] not the 
eagle^ which, though adequate (in a popular version) as a 
poetical equivalent of "itJ'j, is not really the bird meant. 

As Tristram {I.e. p. 172 fF.) shows, the Arab, nisr, which corresponds to 
the Hebrew nesher, is not the Eagle, but the Griffon- Vulture, or Great 
Vulture (distinct from the ordinary, or carrion-vulture, v.^"), with which 
also the Biblical allusions to the "asi agree : the eagle, for example, does 
not congregate around carrion (Job 39^® Mt. 24^), nor has it the neck and 
head "destitute of true feathers, and either naked, or thinly covered with 
a powdery down," in agreement with the allusion in Mic. i^*(" enlarge 
thy baldness, as the nesher"), whereas both these characteristics suit the 
Griffon- Vulture. The Griffon- Vulture " is a majestic bird, most abundant 
and never out of sight, whether on the mountains or the plains of Palestine. 
Every'where it is a feature in the sky, as it circles higher and higher, till 
lost to all but the keenest sight, and then rapidly swoops down again " 

{db:- i. p. 815). 

The bearded vulture (D"!?)] or LdmtTier-geier, the "largest 
and most magnificent of the vulture tribe" [NHB. 171). The 
osprey (^'^^V)] or short-toed eagle, "by far the most abundant 
of all the eagle-tribe in Palestine" [ib. 184). — 13. And the . . . 
(nsini)] Lev. ii^* has nothing corresponding. The word is 
certainly a vox nihili'. see below. — 15. The night-hawk (cpnri)] 
or screecJi-oivl [ib. 191 f.). — The sea-mew (IDw')] or petrel, perhaps 
including gulls (DB.^i. 679 f.). — 16. The water-hen (nOL"3ri)] so 
ffir (TTopcfivpCoiv) ; NUB. 249 f. water-hen or ibis\ Knob, al., a 

13. r\y:h nn.Ti .tkh nm nxnni] Lev. 11" has r\VTh .tk.t nxi njtnn nxi ; and 
so Sam. (5 here. The text of Dt. is certainly corrupt, nx^j, as the name 
of a bird, is not otherwise known, nxm was miswritten rwr^ri : this, being 
a vox nihili, was corrected r\'-m (Is. 34^'') on the margin ; and the correction 
afterwards found its way into the text beside the corrigendum. On the 
form .in, cf. Ew. § 45^ ; and a*n i S. 2:i>*- '^ for 3Kn. 

15. 'nr?^] 1*0 otherwise occurs only in P (16 times in On. i. 6. 7 ; 7 
times in Lev. 11), and Ez. 47'°, 13 of the occurrences in P (Gn. 112.21 ^/^^ 
including the parallel, Lev. ii^*) being with the same peculiar form of the 
suffix as here. This form of the sufF. occurs besides (with a sing, noun) 
onl}' Jud. 19-* inriVfl, Nah. i^* imaiD, Job 25' i.ttik : Wright, Compar. 
Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p. 155, compares the Aram, aj^p, 
and traces both to an ancient genitive form, malki-hu or malki-hi, the 
usual form ^370, H3?iD originating in an old accus. malka-hu (otherwise 
Stade, § 345°). — I'o] in Palest. Syriac (Payne Smith, col. 2094) nation ; 
in the Mishn. species, as here ; in the Talm. it also means heretic, schis- 
matic. The root may be the Arab, mana (med. »), to split (the earth, in 
ploughing): see Fleischer, NHWB. iii. 310. 

XIV. I2-20 163 

species of owl. — 17. The carrion-vulture (^pij^)] NHB. 179 f. — 
19. Unclean again corresponds, as in v.^", to the Ki?.?' of Lev. 
By "winged swarming things" (^iyn J*?K') are meant winged 
insects. ptJ' denotes creatures which appear in swarms, 
whether such as teem in the waters (Gn. i^o Lev. ii^°), or 
those which swarm on the ground (Gn. 721 Lev. i i^i-^ " swarm- 
ing things that swarm upon the earth "), i.e. creeping insects, 
and reptiles. t)ij; are flying things generally, not birds only ; 
hence ^iyn pB' denotes those swarming creatures which also 
fly, i.e. "winged swarming things," or flying insects. — 20. Of 
all clean 'winged things ye may eat] unless the verse is to be a 
mere repetition of v.^^, f\SV must be understood, not (as in AV., 
RV.) of "fowls," but in the sense just noticed, of winged 
insects : it will then correspond to, and be an abbreviation of. 
Lev. ii2i-22, The " clean " insects referred to are in particular 
(as Lev. 1121-22 shows) certain species of "leaping" locusts 
(Saltatoria) — a group possessing two posterior legs {^IT}"?, Lev. 
1 1 21) of great strength and length (shown very distinctly in the 
illustrations in Tristram, NUB. 309, 311), which enable them 
to move on the ground by leaps, as opposed to the "running" 
locusts (Cursoria), which would fall under the category of " un- 
clean " insects, mentioned in v.^^ [id. 307 ff".). The locusts, 
permitted in Lev. 1121-22^ are accordingly alluded to in Dt., but 
not named expressly. 

That v.'"'* is not, as a whole, the composition of D, but borrowed by him 
(with slight additions, as v.^-^^, and other unessential modifications) from 
some independent source, cannot be doubted : not only is the general style 
unlike that of D, but pp kind v.^^'^*"^^ (v.^' with a peculiar suffix: see 
below), is a term characteristic of P, and is not likely to have been adopted 
independently by D. Kuenen {Hex. § 14. 5) argues that the provisions, as 

17. noij-in] with unusual tone {miVel)'. Lev. has Dij"ii7, The toneless 
ending n^ is not the mark of the fem, (which always has the tone), but 
an obsolete accus. (G-K. § 90. 2 R. *• '') : the mitel tone here may therefore 
have been intended by the Massorites to preclude the word being treated 
as a fem., whether on the ground that this would be in conflict with Lev., 
or that it was improbable that the female bird alone would be prohibited. 
The Massorites have occasionally done the same elsewhere, partly, as it 
seems, for the sake of uniformity, as 2 K. 15^9 nj?'^?? (elsewhere "^'^Jn : the 
fem. would be n^'V^l?), Ez. 8^ n^5^i3 (1* Vp^'n), partly on syntactical 
grounds, as Hos. 7* ■Tiy'ia, Ez. 7^^ nnjp (the masc. W follows). Cf. Ew. 
§ \'j'^ note ; Stade, § 308*. 


they stand in Lev. 11, are a later and amplified edition of those in Dt. 
(though he allows that the latter are themselves borrowed from a priestly 
source) : but vJ' ^"^"' '^ ^- ^ wear rather the appearance of being abridged 
from the more circumstantial parallels in Lev. 

The point of view under which these prohibitions are here 
introduced, though not expressly stated, may be inferred from 
the context (v.^- -^^) to be that of holiness (so, explicitly. Lev. 
ii44t 20^6); Israel is a holy people, and is therefore to avoid 
everything that is "unclean." 

The principle, however, determining the line of demarcation between 
clean animals and unclean, is not stated ; and what it is, has been much 
debated. No single principle, embracing satisfactorily all the cases, seems 
yet to have been found ; and not improbably more principles than one co- 
operated. Some animals may have been prohibited originally on account 
of their repulsive appearance or uncleanly habits, others upon sanitary 
grounds ; in other cases, again, the motive of the prohibition may very 
probably have been a religious one, — particular animals may have been 
supposed, like the serpent in Arabia {I?el. Sent. p. 122 ; Wellh. I.e. 137), to 
be animated by superhuman or demoniac beings, or they may have had a 
sacramental significance in the heathen rites of neighbouring nations ; and 
the prohibition may have been intended as a protest against these beliefs. 
Sacred animals were a common feature in many ancient religions {I?el. 
Sent. 272 fF., 446 flf.) ; Ez. 8^"'* mentions the superstitious worship of various 
creeping things and quadrupeds — described as XP^ "detestations," the 
same word used in Lev. 11 ; and Is. 65^" 66^ allude to the flesh of the 
swine, the mouse, and other "detestations" (again }'i5S'i^), as eaten sacra- 
mentally (cf. OTJC.^p. 366 f.). — Analogous prohibitions are found in many 
other Eastern lands, as Egypt, India, &c. See further on Lev. 11. 

21*. The Israelites are not to eat the flesh of any animal 
dying of itself. 

21*. Ye shall not eat anything Ex. 22'^ P") (JE). And holy men 
ihat dieth of itself {rh^yh^) : thou shall ye be unto me ; and flesh in 
mayest g^ve it to tlie stranger ("u) the field that has been torn of beasts 
that is within thy gates, and he shall (nine) ye shall not eat ; ye shall cast 
eat it, or thou mayest sell it to a it unto the dogs, 
foreigner : for thou art a holy people 
unto Jehovah thy God. 

Lev. i7^'*'- (H or P). And every soul which eateth that which dieth of 
itself (phzi)f or that which is torn of beasts (nsno), of the home-bom or of 
the strangers {"^i) — he shall wash his clothes, and bathe himself in water, and 
be unclean until the evening ; and then he shall be clean. But if he wash 
them not, nor bathe his flesh, then he shall bear his miquity. 

npJU, lit. a carcase, is used technically of animals that have 
died a natural death, without being- properly slaughtered : the 
21. nb9 ^k] cf. Lev. 25" Nu. 30^ (G-K. § 113- 4')- 

XIV. 21 1 65 

ground upon which their flesh was prohibited being-, doubtless, 
partly because it might be unwholesome, but principally because 
it would not be thoroughly drained of blood (see on 1 2^^ ; and 
note the position of the corresponding- law in Lev. 17^*'-, im- 
mediately after the prohibition to eat blood, v.^^-i^). The law 
of Dt., it is evident, is closely related to that of Ex. ; it 
does not, however, directly conflict with it, for the one relates 
to n?3J, the other to >^^'}^. But it is in conflict with the law 
of Lev. ; for in Dt. what is prohibited to the Israelite is 
allowed to be given to the "stranger," or foreigner resident 
in Israel (on 10^^), whereas in Lev. it is forbidden to both alike 
(except under the condition of a subsequent purification) ; the 
Israelite and the stranger are thus placed on different footings 
in Dt., they are placed on the same footing in Lev. The law 
of Lev. must certainly therefore belong to a different age from 
the law of Dt. : the only open question being, which is the 
earlier ? 

The difference is in harmony with the distinction which prevails gener- 
ally, between Dt. and P, as regards the status of the Ger. In Dt. the Gir 
does not stand formally on an equality with Jehovah's people : he is de- 
pendent (p. 126) upon the Israelite's forbearance and charity (cf. in H, 
Lev. ig^**' ^'•) ; and though some conformity with Israel's religion is ex- 
pected of him (29I" (^')), the only command laid expressly upon him is the 
observance of the sabbath (5^^). In P the Ger is placed practically on the 
same footing as the native Israelite : he enjoys the same rights (Nu. 35'^, 
cf. Ez. 47-'^), and is bound by the same laws, whether civil (Lev. 24*-), 
moral and religious (18^ 20^ 24^''", cf. Ez. 14^), or ceremonial (Ex 12^^ Lev. 
,629 jy8. 10. 12. 13. 15 22I8 Nu. 15". 26. 30 j^io) . t^g principle, "One law shaU 
there be for the home-bom and for the stranger," is repeatedly affirmed 
(Ex. 12*^ Lev. 24''^ Nu. 9'* 1215.16.29^^ — the only specified distinctions being 
that the Gir, if he would keep the Passover, must be circumcised (Ex. 12*), 
and that an Israelite in servitude with him may be redeemed before the 
jubile(Lev. 25^^'), a privilege not granted in the case of the master's being 
an Israelite (v.*"-). Indeed, in P the term is already on the way to assume 
the later technical sense of -xpetriXvrBi, the foreigner who, being circum- 
cised and observing the law generally, is in full religious communion with 
Israel (Schurer, NZg.^ ii. § 31, esp. p. 566 f.). The analogy of other cases 
makes it probable that the law of Dt. is the earlier, that of P reflecting the 
greater strictness of a later age, when the Ger, who desired to share the 
advantages which residence in Israel might offer, must, it was held more 
strongly than before, subject himself to the same laws. Dillm. is only 
able to maintain the opposite view (EL. p. 540 ; NDJ. pp. 304, 606), by the 
not very natural supposition that the law of Lev. is part of an ideal consti- 
tution constructed by P, not, like that of Dt., based upon actual practice, 


and hence not necessarily the creation of an age subsequent to Dt. Cf. 
further, Kuenen, Hi'bb. Led. pp. 182-187; Smend, AT. Theol. p, 333; 
Benzinger, Hehr. Archdol. (1894), p. 340 f. ; Nowack, Hehr. Archdol. § 62. 

Foreigner\ on 15^. — An holy people\ v.^: the law in v.-^* is 
referred to the same g'eneral principle as the law in v.^^. 

21^. A kid not to be seethed in its mother's milk. — This 
law is repeated verbatim from Ex. 23!^^ 34^^^. The prohibition 
may have been aimed against the practice of using- milk thus 
prepared as a charm for rendering fields and orchards more 
productive. See more fully on Ex. 23^^*'. 

XIV. 22-29. Tithes. 
XrV. 22-29. The law of tithe. — Israel is to show its devotion 
to Jehovah by rendering Him a tithe of all the produce of the 
soil, to be eaten by the offerer, with his household, at the 
central sanctuary, at a sacred feast, to which the Levite is to 
be invited as a guest : those resident at a distance may take 
with them the value of the tithe in money, and expend it at 
the sanctuary in such food as they desire, to be consumed 
similarly at a sacred feast, V.22-2T. Every third year, however, 
the tithe is not to be consumed at the central sanctuary, but 
to be stored up in the Israelite's native place, as a charitable 
fund for the relief of the landless and the destitute, v. 28-29. in 
the legislation of JE there is no mention of tithe. On the 
relation of Nu. i82i-32 Lev. 2730-33 (P) to the law of Dt., see p. 
169 f. — 22. All tJie increase of thy seed] the tithe is exacted 
only on the produce of the soil, in v.23 corn and wine and oil 
(713J being particularized : nothing is said of the tithe of cattle, 
referred to in one passage of P (Lev. 2732). — 23. This tithe is 
to be brought to the central sanctuary (as had already been 
prescribed incidentally in another connexion, 12^-'^^), and con- 
sumed there at a sacred feast. For the expressions used, see 
on 125- 7. From the stress laid, both here and v.2^ 126'^- ^\ on 
this provision, it would seem that the custom had prevailed 
(cf. Am. 4*) of presenting the tithe at the local sanctuaries. — 

22. .TiB'n Kirn] ks', of plants, as i K. 5" ; the art. in nst.t shows that 
.mrn is construed not as a g:en. but as an accus. (on 8^*) : cf. njt ks' Gn. 44* 
Ex. 9»'»».— njr n:v] G-K. § 123d, 1. 

XIV. 21-28 16; 

The firstlings of thine oxen and of thy sheep] these are mentioned 
here, only because their disposal was similar to that of the 
tithe, perhaps also because it was usual to offer them at the 
same time (Dillm., Keil). The law relating" properly to first- 
lings follows in I519-23. — That thou mayest learn to fear, &€.] 
cf. 4^^. The regular observance of the duties just prescribed 
is to be the means of keeping- alive and exercising- the religious 
feeling of the Israelite. — 24-27. Facilities granted in the case 
of the offerer's home being too distant from the central sanctu- 
ary to allow of the tithe being- conveniently carried there in 
kind. — 24. When fehovah thy God shall bless thee] cf. 7^3. The 
difficulty is likely to be the greater, when Jehovah's blessing 
increases the productiveness of the soil, and augments in con- 
sequence the bulk of the tithe. — 26. Thy soul desireth . . . 
asketh] "soul" is here nearly synonymous with appetite', cf. 
Nu. ii" (the ** soul " dry) Is. 29^ (the ** soul " empty, and eager 
for food) 32^ Pr. 232 (C'W pj;3 lit. "a possessor of a soul," i.e. 
"a man given to appetite"). Comp. on 1220 2325. — Shalt eat 
there before Jehovah, atid rejoice] 12^. — 27. The Levite that is 
•within thy gates] the Levites resident in the various cities of 
Israel (12^2) are not to be forgotten on the occasion of sacred 
festivity (cf. on 1212). — 28-29. But in every third year — called 
in 26^2 the "tithe-year" — a different disposition of the tithe 
is prescribed : it is to be devoted to the relief of the necessitous 
in the Israelite's native place. — 28. Thou shall bring forth . . . 
and deposit within thy gates] i.e. the tithe of the third year is 
to be "brought forth " from the owner's granaries — the verb 
may suggest the collateral idea of its being- brought forth 
publicly, cf. N-'Xin 175 2ii9 2215- 21. 24 (Dillm.) — and "deposited" 
— perhaps in some public storehouse — in his native city. Lay 
up (AV., RV.) is an old English expression, often used where 
we should now rather say lay doian, or deposit : see (also for 
n-sn) Ex. i623.33.s4 Nu. 1722(7) 1^9.— All the tithe] a//,— as though 
to guard against the possibility of the tithe in this year being- 

24. ^T^J^ idd nav t] 19" imn nav "d; i K. 19^ imn idd an 'd; Jos. 9'* Is. 
57'**. — 25. 1033 nnn:i] give it for money (the Beth pretii), i.e. exchange it 
for money: not "turn it into ("?)," R.V. So v.=».— 26. db' n'??>«i] G-K. §§ 
49. 3 R.<= ; 20. 2. 


in part diverted to other purposes. So 26^2, — 29. And the 
Levite, &c., shall come, and they shall eat and he satisfied (6'i)] 
cf. 26^2 ** and they shall eat it within thy gates, ^'' i.e. not at the 
central sanctuary, but in the various cities in which they dwell. 
In what manner this was to take place is not stated : it may 
have been in public feasts provided from time to time by the 
local authorities, or the tithe thus reserved may have been 
dispensed in doles to individuals who came and showed that 
they were in need of a meal. The ordinary tithe was in part 
(v. 27) applied to the maintenance of the landless Levite ; the 
triennial tithe was applied entirely, somethings in the manner 
of a poor-rate, to relieve the needs of the landless and desti- 
tute classes, whose sufferings so often excite the compassion, 
or indig-nation, of the prophets (cf. OTJC.~ p. 362). — The 
stranger, the fatherless, and the wido-jo] these, not less than 
the Levite (on 1212), are constantly the objects of the Writer's 
philanthropic regard: see lo^s iQ^^-'^^ 2417- 19- 20. 21 2612- is 27^: 
comp. before (in JE) Ex. 2220- 21(21. 22)^ ^l^^ j^ jj (of the stranger) 
Lev. 1933-845 so in the prophets, as Is. i^'^ Jer. 7^ 22^ Zech. 
7K' : comp. allusions to their oppression. Is. i23 io2 Jer. 528 Ez. 
227 Mai. 35; also Job 627 22^ 243-9 2912- 13 ^i^^-'^''-^^.— That Jehovah 
may bless thee, iStt.] so 24^^, cf. 2321 (20): comp. the same promise 
on Israel's obedience 7^3 j^is 28^30^^; and see on 27. The 
tithe mentioned in these two verses was called by the later 
Jews 'py 'itt'J?^ "the tithe of the poor." The importance attached 
to it by the legislator appears from 26^2f.^ where the Israelite is 
commanded to acknowledge solemnly before Jehovah the due 
payment of it. From the subject of the law next following, 
15^^-, it may be conjectured that this triennial tithe fell due 
every third and sixth year in each sabbatical period : in the 7th 
year (in which the land lay fallow) it would naturally not be 

A sacred tithe, especially one exacted on the produce of 
the soil, was a common institution of antiquity. Of the Greeks, 
for instance, it is often stated that they rendered a tithe to the 
gods of spoil taken in war, of the annual crops, of the profits of 
mines and commercial industries, of confiscated property, &c. 
[PRE.^ xvii. 429 ; Hermann, Gottesdienstl. Alterth. d. Griechen, 

XIV. 29 169 

§ 2o. 4). Originally the tithe will have been rendered volun- 
tarily, as an expression of gratitude to God, the giver of all 
good things : and no doubt with religious minds the same 
feeling will have continued throughout to operate at its pay- 
ment ; but it was often exacted, whether by the priesthood 
or the community generally, as a fixed impost, payable by the 
landowners in a particular district, for the purpose of main- 
taining public worship at a sanctuary. In the East it was more- 
over not unusual for the revenues of the sovereign to be derived 
in part from tithes, e.g: in Babylonia and Persia (Arist. Oecon. 
pp. 1345^ 1352^): comp. I S. 8^5. ir, xhe oldest Hebrew legisla- 
tion (Ex. 21-23) requires the payment of first-fruits (2228 (29))^ 
but makes no mention of tithes : it may be either that the 
scale on which in old times public worship was conducted was 
not such as to require this impost, or, so far as the Temple at 
Jerusalem is concerned, that the expenses of its maintenance 
were defrayed largely out of the king's revenue. The Deutero- 
nomic law of tithe is, however, in serious, and indeed irrecon- 
cilable, conflict with the law of P on the same subject. In Nu. 
1321-28 the tithe is appropriated entirely to the maintenance of the 
priestly tribe, being paid in the first instance to the Levites, 
who in their turn pay a tenth of what they receive to the 
priests ; in Dt. it is spent partly at sacred feasts (partaken in 
by the offerer and his household), partly in the relief of the 
poor, — in both cases the Levite (by which in Dt. are meant the 
members of the tribe generally, including priests [see on 18^]) 
sharing only in company with others (v.^^f- 20^^ as the recipient 
of the Israelite's benevolence. Further, in Dt. the tithe is 
exacted only on the vegetable produce: in Nu. 18, though it 
is not expressly so stated, the impression produced by the 
terms employed (note the similes in v.^^-soj^ is that here also 
only a vegetable tithe is intended : if, however. Lev. 273^^- be 
rightly regarded as an original part of the legislation of P, 
so that it may be legitimately used in the interpretation of 
Nu. 18, the tithe levied on the annual increase of caitle will 
be included as well.* But in either case, a large proportion 

* Except in so far as it may be included in the " all " of Gn. 28*^, the 
only other allusion in the OT. to a tithe on cattle is in the late passage 


of what in Numbers is devoted exclusively to the support of 
the priestly tribe, remains in Dt. the property of the lay 

From an early date, endeavours have been made to har- 
monize this discrepancy. The supposition most commonly 
made, which is found as early as Tob. i" (cf. Dt. 26^2 ^ |^see 
note]), and Jos. Antiq. iv. 8. 22, and is adopted generally by 
Jewish legalists, is that the reference in Dt. is not to the tithe 
named in Lev.-Nu. at all, but to a second or additional tithe, 
levied (after the deduction of the Levitical tithe) on the remain- 
ing nine-tenths of the veg-eiable produce only, and appropriated, 
not, like the first tithe, to the support of the priestly tribe, but 
to public feasts celebrated at the sanctuary, and to charity.* 
It must be frankly owned, however, that this interpretation 
is not consistent with the language of Dt., or with the terms 
in which the tithe is there spoken of. Were it the intention 
of Dt. to introduce a second tithe, in the manner supposed, the 
fact must surely have been indicated expressly by the terms 
used : it is incredible that a second tithe should have been 
instituted in Dt. /or the first time, without a word to indicate 

2 Ch. 31^(1 S. 8^^ referring only to the secular tithe, exacted by the king) : 
indeed, even in post-Biblical notices (except in the expanded text [cod. v\ 
of Tob. I®), including those in Philo and Josephus, there is no reference to 
such a tithe prior to the treatises of the Mishnah {c. 200 A.D.). Lev. 27'^, 
it seems, must represent a claim asserted on the part of the priests, which 
deviated too widely from prevalent usage to be, as a rule, successfully 
enforced. It is, however, remarkable that the only express notice of a 
tithe on cattle in the law should be found, not in the primary and constitut- 
ive enactments of Nu. 18 and Dt. 14, but in a chapter (Lev. 27) dealing 
only with the subordinate subject of the commutation of sacred dues ; 
and hence the suspicion may not be ill-founded that Lev. 27^'* is a late 
insertion in P (Baudissin, Priesterthum, p. 173; and others. Cf. Nowack, 
Hehr. Arch. ii. 258, n. 3). 

• The "third tithe," of which mention is made in Tob. 1* and in Jos. 
Antiq. iv. 8. 22, is that prescribed in Dt. 14^'- (cf. 26^'-^-) for payment in 
the third year, which was held by many of the Jews to be not the same 
tithe as that of v.^"^, differently applied, but an additional, or (from their 
point of view) a "third" tithe, levied triennially for the relief of the poor. 
This interpretation was, however, not universal even among the Jews ; 
and it is generally allowed by modern commentators (including those who, 
as Keil, still treat v.""^ as referring to a " second " tithe) to be incorrect ; 
it may thus be taken for granted that the charity-tithe of Dt. 14^'* is simply 
the festival-tithe of v.*^"^, applied to a different purpose. 

XIV. 29 171 

that it was an innovation, or anything- different from what 
would be ordinarily understood by the word "tithe." The 
language of 26^^^-, also, makes it exceedingly difficult to sup- 
pose that the tithe referred to in Dt. is a "second" tithe: 
had a tithe been paid regularly every year to the Levites (Nu. 
iS^i*""), it is inexplicable that every third year should have been 
called, Kar i^oxrjv, "the year of the tithing " ; and when in this 
same year the whole tithe of the produce has been stored, and 
the Hebrew makes a solemn profession that it has been pro- 
perly disposed of by him, it is not less inexplicable that there 
should be no allusion to his disposition of the first and principal 
tithe, supposing this to have been really due from him. The 
two laws, it is impossible to doubt, speak of one and the same 
tithe ; and the discrepancy between them arises simply from 
the fact that they represent different stages in the history of 
the institution. The only question remaining open is, which 
of the two stages is the older ? * 

Riehm, who holds the legislation of P to be older than that of Dt. 
(though not, in its existing' form, Mosaic), supposes {HWB.^ p. 1793 f.) 
the custom of spending the tithe upon sacred feasts, of a joyous character, 
to be an old one, and so firmly established among the people, that the legis- 
lation of P failed to supersede it ; the legislator of Dt. therefore, abandon- 
ing the endeavour to enforce the provisions of P, was content to leave the 
custom as far as possible as he found it, merely accommodating it to the 
general scope of his legislation by insisting that these feasts shall only be 
held at Jerusalem, and by making the institution conducive at the same 
time to the ends of philanthropy and charity (14^* ^"^). Dillmann (on 
Lev. 27'^ ; and following him, Ryssel in PRE.^ xvii. 442 f.) argues that the 
tithe being an offering rendered to the Deity, its being paid directly to 
His ministers would be a more natural and primary disposal of it, than its 
being appropriated either to a feast, in which the offerer himself would of 
course retain the lion's share, or (as in every third year) to the relief of the 
poor. It may have been the custom, he conjectures, for the payment of 
the tithes to be accompanied by sacred feasts, which P however ignores : 
the Deuteronomic appropriation of the tithe, in two out of every three 
years, to such meals exclusively, and only once in three years to the 
support of the Levites and other destitute persons, is most easily under- 
stood as a diversion from its original purpose, introduced at a time when 
altered circumstances rendered the older system impracticable : the laity, 

• That the " second " tithe is no genuine element of Hebrew law, but a 
harmonistic device of the Jewish legalists, is admitted by the most moderate 
critics {e.g. by Ewald, Antiq. p. 346 (E. T. 301) «.; Dillm. on Lev. 27^} 
Riehm, II WB.^ p. 1794'' ; Ryssel in FRE.'^ xvii. 440). 


when not impelled by genuine religious feeling, would naturally seek as 
far as possible to relieve themselves of a burdensome impost (comp. Mai. 
3^"^ ; Neh. 13^°"^^), and would readily acquiesce in an arrangement by 
which the tithe was reser\'ed largely for their own consumption, but which 
at the same time was so far in harmony with the spirit of the age that it 
did not leave the destitute altogether unprovided for. 

It may be doubted whether either of these theories is satisfactory. 
Both, for instance, are open to the objection that they assume a "latent" 
existence of P for many centuries, during which its provisions remained a 
dead letter, no attempt to put them in force being made even by the 
reforming legislation of Dt. Dillmann's theory is open to the further 
objection, that it does not adequately account either for the prominence 
given in Dt. to the sacred meal, or for the fact that the third year is called 
xtfT i^exw, "the year of tithing." The diversion of the tithe from its 
original purpose, which the same theory presupposes, is also violent and 
improbable : if the priesthood, from whatever cause, had been unable to 
enforce their claims, to which (by the law of P) they were justly entitled, 
the tithe, it is easy to understand, might have fallen into desuetude 
altogether ; but is the Deuteronomic disposition of it a probable substitute 
for its original application ? and would the legislator have inculcated so 
earnestly this disposition of the tithe, had it been the case that he was 
thereby supporting the Israelites in depriving the priestly tribe of its 
legitimate due ? 

The data at our disposal do not enable us to write a history 
of Hebrew tithe : but the disposition of the tithe in Dt. wears 
the appearance of being more primitive than that of P ; and 
the transition from the prescriptions of Dt. to those of P seems 
easier to understand than one in the contrary direction. The 
earliest historical notice of the payment of tithes in Israel is in 
connexion with the Ephraimite sanctuary of Bethel (Am. 4*) ; 
and the custom of paying tithes here seems in Gn. 28^2 to be 
referred to the example of Jacob, the patriarch to whose 
experiences Bethel owed its sanctity. The tithes paid to 
ancient sanctuaries were not necessarily appropriated to the 
maintenance of a priesthood ; they might be employed for any 
purpose connected with the public exercises of religion. In 
Amos the tithe seems to be mentioned not as a due paid under 
compulsion to the priests, but by the side of thank-offerings, 
freewill offerings, and vows, as something offered spontan- 
eously, and forming probably, like these, the occasion of 
a festal meal at the sanctuary (cf. Riehm, p. 1793^). To 
such a practice the law of tithe in Dt. might naturally be 
understood as attaching itself, though the exact manner in 

XIV. 29 173 

which it may have arisen out of it must remain matter of 

Prof. Smith {Rel. Sent. 226-236) supposes that the tithe-feasts at the 
Northern sanctuaries were public ones, maintained by the tithes paid by 
the community g-enerally, and intended for rich and poor alike, but that 
owing to the power possessed by the great nobles, which they used in 
aggrandizing themselves (cf. Amos 2'* ''• ^ 5^' 8*'^), the poor held a very 
subordinate position at them, and they were monopolized chiefly by the 
ruling classes. A similar application of the tithe, accompanied by similar 
abuses, prevailed also, it is not unreasonable to suppose, in Judah. The 
law of Dt., Prof. Smith thinks, was intended to remedy these abuses. It 
did this, by leaving the oflFerer free, in two out of every three years, to 
organize his tithe-feast himself at the central sanctuary, for his household 
and the destitute Levite, and in the third year, as a substitute for the 
abolition of the communal fund (which theoretically maintained a public 
table), by appropriating the tithe entirely to the support of the dependent 
classes, viz. the landless poor and the landless Levite. 

Dt. 26^2 (cf. Am. 4**) seems to authorize the inference that 
some ancient custom, connected with the payment of the tithe, 
must have led to every third year being- called, kut i$ox^v, the 
"tithe-year." It maybe noticed that it is only in the third 
year that, according to Dt., the whole tithe is actually paid 
away by the Israelite ; in the other two years it is consumed 
principally by the offerer and his family. The Levite is specially 
mentioned as entitled to a share of the tithe in every year ; and 
on the basis of this provision it is not difficult to understand how 
in process of time the claims of the priestly tribe could be ex- 
tended until at last (as in the leg^islation of P) the entire tithe 
was appropriated to its maintenance, and the sacred feasts 
disappeared altogether. 

The other references to tithe in the OT. are — Gn. 14^ 2 Ch. si"*^^ Neh. 
,o38f.(37f.) i2« 135.10-12 Mai. 38-10 : cf. also Sir. 32(35)" Judith 11" (S.xar*, 
raw flfvaw xa) rod ixaitv), Tob. 5" (codd. BA), I Macc. 3'*^ See further, 
especially for some account of the minuter regulations contained in the 
Mishnah, Ryssel, s.v. Zehnten, PRE.^ xvii. 428 fF.; also W. R. Smith, 
Proph. 2,^2i., Sel. Sem. 22eS. 

* At least, as usually understood ("every three days" an ironical 
exaggeration of "every three years," as "every morning" of "every 
year"). But see Wellh. Die Klein. Proph. p. 78; Nowack, Hebr. Arch. ii. 


XV. 1-18. Three Laws designed to ameliorate the Condition 
of the Poor, 

XV. 1-6. The year of Release. — Every seventh year is to be 
a "year of release," i.e. a year during which the rights of a 
lender are to be in abeyance, and repayment of a loan is not to 
be exacted by him of a brother Israelite, v. ^-2. This privilege, 
however, is not to be extended to foreigners, v.^. The law 
concludes with a promise, v.^ ''■, that in the event of Israel's 
obedience, the relief afforded by the present law will not be 
required. On the relation of this law to Ex. 231°^- (JE) Lev. 
25I-7 (H), see p. 177 f. — At the end of (every) seven years\ the 
word "end," it seems, is not to be pressed, the meaning being, 
apparently, not "at the end of every seventh year" (though 
this rendering could be defended by the supposition that it was 
at the end of the year that debts were called in), but "at the 
end of every period of seven years," which was understood by 
usage to mean "when the seventh year has arrived" (G Si' 
iiTTa irSiv): SO 31^°; comp. especially Jer. 34^*, where "c^ the 
e?id of seven years" corresponds to "zw the seventh year" of 
Dt. 15^2^ and where the period thus denoted is plainly con- 
ceived to have begun as soon as the six years are terminated. 
— Thou shalt make a release ('^^'??')] ^'^'^ '^ to fling down (2 K. 
g33 niDOK'), let drop, let fall: it is applied fig. Ex. 23" (n'j;"'2Cni 
nntJ'Cil njiaOB'n) to letting \}!\e land drop, i.e. leaving it unculti- 
vated, every seventh year : comp. Jer. 17* (read prob. T?"'^ for 
^3^) "and thou shalt let thy hand fall from thy inheritance" 
{i.e. shalt have to desist from its cultivation, with allusion to 
the law of Ex. 23^1) : v. 2 it is applied to letting loans drop, i.e. 
allowing them to remain in the hands of the debtor ; and the 
year in which this was done is called (v.^ 31^°!) n^n^'n n3y' "the 
year' oi dropping," or "of release." On the question whether 
the intention of the law is that loans were to be cancelled, or 
whether it is merely that the power of calling them in was to 
be suspended during that year, see p. 179 f. — 2. The nature of 
the "release": every creditor is to "let drop," i.e. renounce 

XY. 2. noocT •\y^ nn] cf. 19* i K. 9", and the Siloam Inscr. 1. i {Samuel, 
pp. XV, xvi) r\2pin -on n'n mi; also . . . "urx nann m Jos. 5* i K. 11*^: nan 

XV. 1-3 175 

— whether for the time, or permanently — his claim upon 
that which he has lent to his neighbour : it is the season of 
"Jehovah's release," which must be observed with the for- 
malities which He has prescribed. On the constructions in 
this verse, see below. — His brother^ a synonym of " his fellow- 
countryman," which has the effect of bringing^ strongly before 
the Israelite the claims of kinship. So. v.s- 7- o- "• 12 i^isb j^is. lo 
22I. 2. 3. 4 2320. 21 253, and in H, Lev. 19^'' 2525. as. S6. 89. 47 ; but the 
usage does not occur in the laws of JE or of P. In the pi. the 
corresponding application is more common, and not so dis- 
tinctive; comp. e.g. 10^ lyisa. 20 jgis. is 247. 14 (and often in other 
books). — T'nJc/azVwe^] by a formal proclamation : cf. Lev. 232-4.27 
Is. 6ii- 2 Jer. 348 36^ ; also Lev. 25^ (of the jubile year). — Unto 
Jehovah\ i.e. in His honour, as Ex. \2y^- ^*- ^2 Lev. 252, and often. 
— 3. A foreigner thou mayest press for payment; but whatsoever of 
thine is "with thy brother^ let thine hand release (T]^^^ tDOK'Pi)] the 
"foreigner" [nokhri) — to be distinguished from the G&r [id^^) 
— is the foreigner who merely visits Canaan temporarily, for 
trade, &c.: he is not, like the Israelite (Ex. 23^0^), under the 
obligation of surrendering the produce of his land every seventh 
year : there is no reason, therefore, in his case, for any relaxa- 
tion of his creditor's claims. — 4-6. Reflections of the Writer. 
There will, however, be no poor in Israel, and consequently 

nearly = the Lat. ratio, account, nature, reason. — CDc] the inf. abs. (G-K. 
§ 113. 4**), with the subj. (exceptionally) attached (ib. R.): cf. Lev. 6' Ps. 
17'* Pr. 17^2^ Construe (with Ges., Schultz, Ke.) " Every possessor of a 
loan of his hand shall let drop that which he lendeth to his neighbour " : 
for hy2 in a forensic application, cf. Ex. 24" onm Vv3 = "one who has a 
cause" ; Is. 50^ 'tjero ^ya "my litigant." For n^5 loan, cf. 24^" Neh. 5'. 
The suff. in IT can hardly refer to anything but Sya : the meaning, there- 
fore, will be "the loan which his own hand has given," and which, there- 
fore, it has a right to call in (v.^"^) : cf. Neh. 10^ t''? k^O' (see other 
views in Ges. Thes. p. 920 f.). — a n»:] 24^"; in Qal, 24" al. — b«] prop, to 
press hard upon, by exacting repayment of a loan (so v.') : cf. 2 K. 23^ 
Is. 58^ — N"ii5] the implicit subj. is the cognate ptcp. Kipn, as always in 
such cases, e.g. Gn. 48^ »;dv^ tdk'i, so. tdikh, Is. 8'' k'^:, so. Hvmn : see on 
I S. 16*; G-K. § 144. 3» R. Cf. 178, with note. English idiom often 
requires a change of form ; and the passive voice has to be employed (as 
RV. here).— 3. nx] with, in the possession of: Lev. 5^3 Jud. 17^. — "P' BC>?'e] 
notice the jussive form. The punctuators prob. intended bdct to be the 
2nd person, "cause thine hand to let drop." But perh. Bb^p "thfire hand 
shall let drop " should be read (cf. v.^). 


no occasion for the present law to come into operation, if only 
the nation so comports itself as to merit Jehovah's blessing ; 
then the Israelite, so far from having" occasion to borrow of his 
neighbour, will be in a position to lend to men of other nations. 
— Howbeit there shall he no poor in thee {^f or Jehovah will surely 
bless thee in the land, <Sr'c.), if only thou diligently hearken, 
^c] so RV., limiting the promise to the event of Israel's 
obedience, and treating the intermediate clause as parenthetic. 
This rendering seems to be the best. 

Schultz, Keil, and Dillm. render, "Howbeit there should be no poor in 
thee; for Jehovah will surely bless thee, &c., if only thou hearken," &c., 
supposing the meaning to be either (Schultz, Keil) that Israel should exert 
itself to prevent the pauperization of its members, or (Dillm.) as express- 
ing the abstract truth that poverty ought not to exist in the nation, if it be 
obedient, after Jehovah has promised His blessing upon it. But " should 
be " is not (in this context) a very natural sense of .t.t. 

In whatever sense, however, the words are understood, 
V.7- ^^ show that the prospect held out in them is an ideal one, 
which the Writer did not contemplate as likely to be realized 
in practice. — In thee] of Israel collectively {i^^) = in thy midst: 
so v.7 714 (Heb.), 1810 2311- 15 (10. 14) 25I8 2854. With thee (AV.) is 
not correct : this would express ^riK (Lev. 25^9), not ^3. — For 
Jehovah will surely bless thee] cf. on 2'. — 1^ }n3 yrh^ '"• "iB'K 
n^m] 421 (cf. 88) 1910 20IS 2i23 244 2519 ( + nnc-i^, as here), 261.— 
5. '■• h\p2 lyOBTi VDtr Dx] 28I; in JE, Ex. 1526 (p) i<J> zf'^-.—All 
this commandment, <Sr»c.]on8i. — 6. Will have blessed thee\v\z.\n 
the case contemplated : so v.^* 12^. — As he spake unto (i^^) thee\ 
Ex. 2325 Dt. 7I8. — And thou shall rule over many nations, dfc] 
thou shalt enjoy a position of financial and material superiority 
to them. Cf. 28^. 

The law embodies a new application of the institution of 

i, "2 D2k] save that, howbeit, introducing a qualification, Nu. 13^ Jud. 4* 
Am. 9'. — 5. DK p^'\=ifonly, pn being prefixed to the clause introduced by 
DK for emphasis. So 1 K. 8^ 2 K. 21^. — 6. csay (24^"t) is properly to give a 
pledge {sc. on the occasion of borrowing), hence to borrow on pledge. t3'3j:.T 
(here and v.H) is thus lit. to cause to give pledges = to lend on pledge to. 
Cf ony a pledge 24^""^! ; B'bsV Hb. 2^. San (24"- ') is the more usual 
word. Perh. oav is an Aram, loan-word (Wellh. Klein. Proph. p. 207), 

introduced in commerce : if so, it would=Arab. ^2X,o to hold firmly =Yi&h, 
B3S to hold out (with the regular phonetic change: Dr. § 178). 

XV. 4-6 177 

the fallow year of Ex. 23^°''- (JE), and of the "Sabbatical 
year " of Lev. 251-7- 20-22 (h). 

The law of Dt. is connected with that of Ex. by the common verb bcc 
(though in Ex. the object is the land [or its produce], while in Dt. it is the 
debt) ; but the name "year of release" is peculiar to Dt. {1^^ 31'**) : in Ex. 
the year bears no special name. The term " sabbatical year " is based 
upon Lev. 25'''**'' (cf. 26****^), where the fallow year is called a "sabbath," 
or rest, for the land. The three laws, as will appear immediately, present 
different aspects, or applications, of the institution. 

In Ex. 23 it is provided that in every seventh year the 
fields, vineyards, and olive-gardens are to remain uncultivated, 
such produce as they bear naturally being not gathered by the 
owners, but left to the poor. The terms of this provision do 
not leave it perfectly clear whether (as is generally supposed) 
a year common to the whole land is intended, or (Riehm, 
HWB.^ p. 1314^; Wellh. Hist. p. 117 f.) one varying for the 
different properties ; but even if it be the latter, the year must 
afterwards have become a fixed one, for in Lev. 2^'^-~--^-'^'^, 
where substantially the same regulation is repeated (with 
variations, chiefly of form, accommodating it to the aims, and 
literary style, of H), the institution is described as "a 
sabbath of rest for the land," and is clearly designed to be 
operative through the whole country simultaneously. 

A discussion of the grounds upon which the custom arose of allowing 
the land to remain untilled once in 7 years belongs more properly to a 
commentary on Exodus or Leviticus than to one on Deuteronomy : here 
it must suffice to say that analogous usages in other countries (see Sir H. 
S. Maine, Village Communities in the East and West, pp. 77-99, 107 -113, 
&c. ; J. Fenton, Early Hebrew Life, 1880, pp. 24-26, 29-32, 64-70) make it 
probable that it is a relic of communistic agriculture, i.e. of a stage of 
society in which the fields belonging to a village are the property of the 
villagers collectively, individuals only acquiring the use of a certain 
portion for a limited period, and the rights of the community being recog- 
nized by the individual landowners being obliged, at stated intervals, to 
renounce their claims to the use, or produce, of the soil, in favour of the 
body of villagers generally. The " sabbatical year " of Ex. and Lev. is 
similarly an institution limiting the rights of individual ownership in the 
interests of the community at large. Such a limitation, it is evident, might 
readily be adapted so as to minister to the needs of the poorer classes ; 
and this is the point of view under which the institution is regarded in Ex. 
23'°'-. The land would at the same time benefit by being allowed to 
remain periodically uncultivated ; and it is this aspect of the institution 
which is prominent in Lev. 25^"^ 


In the law of Dt. the same institution is made the basis of 
a provision designed for the relief of the distressed debtor. In 
so far as the cultivation of the land was actually suspended 
during the 7th year, the landowner and his dependents would 
be deprived largely of their usual means of obtaining a liveli- 
hood : associated trades would also probably be slack : hence 
it would be a time when borrowers would be less able than 
usually to meet their liabilities ; and it would be not more than 
reasonable that the more wealthy creditor should be restrained 
from pressing them for payment. The principle of the law of 
Ex. (" and the poor of thy people shall eat ") is thus expanded, 
and applied so as to meet the requirements of a more de- 
veloped state of society than that contemplated in Ex. 21-23, 
its benefits being extended to a class, who, in the more highly 
organized civic life, and the increasing opposition between rich 
and poor, which prevailed under Solomon and his successors, 
were, it may be, even more in need of relief than those origin- 
ally benefited by the law of Ex. Comp. other laws designed in 
the interests of debtors, Dt. 2320'- (i^f) 2410-13. 

The present law — or at least the feeling- which still prevailed when it 
originated — dates from a time when commercial relations were much 
simpler than they are now, and when, it is probable, the system of com- 
mercial loans, as practised in modem times, had not yet sprung- up, and 
all loans were virtually charitable ones (comp. on 23"^'*). The loans which 
it contemplates appear thus to be not advances of money, such as might 
be needed by a trader to enable him to carry on, or extend, his busi- 
ness, but advances intended for the relief of some temporary difficulty 
or impoverishment (cf. the reference to the poor in v.*) : no interest 
could be demanded on them (23'* W) ; they fall accordingly, as the 
context and the terms of v.^'^ show, under the category of deeds of 
philanthropy and charity. Whether any security was offered by the 
debtor for such loans, and if so, what, is not stated : but Neh. s**- (cf. 2 K. 
4^ Is. 50^) shows that the lands and family of a debtor might constitute 
the security for a debt ; and Lev. 25^- *'' suggest at least the possibility 
that (as at Athens before Solon, and in Rome, practically, till the time of 
Justinian) even the debtor's own person might form the security. The 
need of protective legislation on the subject is well illustrated by the dis- 
tressed condition to which the people of Attica were reduced in the 6th 
cent. B.C., and by the reforming measures which Solon found it necessary 
to introduce (see Grote, Hist, of Greece, Part II. ch. xi., whose comments 
on the subject of debt in the ancient world are instructive). 

Opinions have differed as to whether the n^OB' was an 

XV. 6 179 

actual remission of loans, or merely the suspension, for one year, 
of the creditor's right to demand payment. The former inter- 
pretation is found as early as Philo, de sepienario, § 8 (Mangey, 
ii. 284), Kara, yovv e^Bofiov ivLavToy act ;(p€U)/C07ri'av ela-qyfxraL : it 
is adopted also in the Mishnah {Shehiith 10, i), and by Jewish 
authorities generally, as well as by some Christian scholars 
{e.g. Ges. ; Wellh. Hist. 117 ; Benzinger, Hehr. Archaol. (1894) 
p. 350 f.; Nowack, Hehr. Archaol. (1894) i. 356); but most 
modern commentators agree in favour of the latter alternative 
(Bahr, Symbolik, ii. 570 f.; Saalschutz, Mos. Recht, i. 162 f., 
Schultz, Knob., Keil, Dillm., Riehm, HWB.^ 1315^; Oehler, 
OT. Theol. § 151. id; Orelli in Pi?^.2 xiii, 168; &c.). 

The modem interpretation has all k priori considerations in its favour ; 
but we are not, perhaps, sufficiently acquainted with the circumstances 
which the law was originally designed to meet, or under which it was 
carried out in practice, to be able to feel perfectly confident that it is cor- 
rect. The cancelling' of debts — xf^'^'' a.'xoxo'jeii, as the Greeks called it — was 
a revolutionary measure (cf. Plato, Rep. 566 A, Legg. 736 C ; Demosth. 
c. Timokr. p. 746), adopted sometimes, as under Solon, at Athens (Grote, 
I.e.), under circumstances of extreme necessity, but not one likely to be 
enforced periodically by law in a well-ordered community. A law, more- 
over, contemplating, not to say (v.^) encouraging loans, but at the same 
time cancelling the debts thus contracted every seven years, regardless of 
the fact that the debtor might in the interim have recovered his prosperity, 
would seem calculated to defeat itself; for upon such conditions it is 
difficult to understand how any would have been found ready to lend. 
The analogy of the landowner surrendering for one year in seven the 
produce of the land, and of the creditor surrendering, likewise for one year 
in seven, his claim upon his loan, is also attractive, and appears to offisr a 
plausible rationale of the law. On the other hand, the term ticv seems to 
favour, though not perhaps decisively, the opinion that a remission of 
loans is intended : it is remarkable, also, if the creditor's rights were only 
suspended for a year, and afterwards resumed, that this is not more dis- 
tinctly indicated in the terms employed : the consideration in v.^ is also 
evidently more forcible upon the same supposition. On the whole, while 
as a law regulating commercial loans generally it can have been a 
practicable one only upon the modem interpretation, it is possible that in 
its original intention its application was so limited by circumstances that 
the ancient interpretation may be the correct one. 

Nevertheless, in view of our imperfect knowledge of Hebrew commerce 
and finance, it must be admitted that an uncertainty still rests upon the 
real scope of the law. Others accordingly think that interest on money 
lent for commercial purposes was permitted between Israelites, and that 
the prohibition of interest (232*"' ; cf. Ez. i8^'""^' 22^2 Ps. is'') applies only 
to the money-lender's dealings with the poor (Neh. 5). If this were so, 


the effect of the present law will have been to prevent the creditor from 
recovering-, in every seventh year, either the interest or the principal of 
financial loans, or the principal of charitable loans. The analogy of the 
field suffered to lie fallow for a year is urged in support of this view : the 
interest, or annual produce {toxs;) of money, corresponds to the harvest, 
the annual produce of the land : money, like land, was to be unproductive 
every seventh year. The terms of 23^'" Ez. 18^ &c. are, however, quite 
general : can they be limited in the manner proposed ? And it is remark- 
able, if the reference here be primarily to interest, that this is not in some 
way indicated : the language both of v.^ and of v.^ seems naturally to 
describe merely the loan itself. — The only notice in the OT. bearing on the 
observance of the law is the obligation undertaken by the Jews in Neh. 
io'2(3i). (Dt. 15^) T hj N'fci r'i"=rn n:rn nx (Ex. 23") rs^i. 

In later times, when commercial relations became more extended and 
complex, the law, which was then held to apply not merely to charitable 
loans, but also to loans contracted in commerce, was found impracticable ; 
and expedients were resorted to for the purpose of evading its provisions. 
Thus debts contracted upon security of a pledge were considered to be 
exempted from its operation ; the debtor, when the year of Release arrived, 
would offer repayment of his loan, which the creditor, while going through 
a form of refusal, would end by accepting; and Hillel (ist cent. B.C.), 
finding that many were deterred from lending by the consideration Dt. 
15^, instituted the Vnma {-rpoa^oXri), i.e. a formal document, signed before a 
judge, in which the creditor reserved the right to call in his loan whenever 
he pleased, irrespectively of the year of Release (see Shebtith 10, i f. ; 
3f., 8f., — the latter explained in Geiger, Lesestiicke aus der Mischnah, 
pp. 4f., 77 f. ; cf. Levy, Neuhebr. WB. s.v. VuTTa ; Schurer, A^zg.- ii. 299). 

7-11. The year of Release is not to check liberality : the 
Israelite, when called upon to do so, is to assist cheerfully 
his brother in need. — A caution, rendered necessary, in the 
Writer's judgment, by the law of v.^-^ : the benefits afforded 
by the year of Release are not to be neutralized by the thought 
of its near approach deterring the wealth)' Israelite from 
coming forward to assist his less prosperous brother in his 
need. The spirit in which these verses are conceived is in 
harmony with the philanthropic motive conspicuous elsewhere 
in Dt. {e.£r. v.i3f- 2410-13- »f).— 7. In thee] as vA.—In one of thy 
gates\ i.e. in one of thy cities (lai^). — Is giving thee] i^^. — 9. 
Take heed to thyself] 4^. ~ A base tJwught] on x-^^^^^.— Thine 

7. "'nx nnKD] any one of Hay brethren. For this peculiar use of jD, comp. 
Lev. 42if he doeth n:nD rnxo any one of these things, Ez. 18" r S. 14*^ mypD 
irxn any single hair of his head (see ad loc, or Lex. ja IbS, where an 
analogous Arab, usage is referred to). — fcwi] as 2**. — 9. "aaS cv] on 
8". — ^ySa] in appos. with "lai, "a word, baseness "=a base word (Dr. 
§ 189. i; G-K. § 131. 2'').— yarn nx] of. Nu. 33^8 i Ch. 26^1 ; and often 

XV. 7-II i8i 

eye he evil against] i.e. be envious or grudging towards : so 
2854. 56|^ Comp. Tob. 4'^ (quoted by Ges.) fvi} <f>6ov€(rdT<i> aov 6 
d(f>6aXfJi,o<i ev tw ttouiv (T€ iXerjfxoaiJVriv. — A7td he cry against thee 
unto Jehovah] Ex. 22^2 (23\ — jij^d n Jjq ^-^ /^ fj^gQ (xon 12 n^m)] 
so 23— (21) 2415^ cf. 2i22; with not 2323(22). The expression is 
not found elsewhere. Lev. \(^'^ (cf. 22^ Nu. i8'^2j has i^BTi S^l 
fc?Dn vfjy. — 10. And thine heart shall not be sad\ lit. he evil (jn.i) : 
so I S. i^; cf. the jn 37 (sad heart) of Pr. 2520. It is the cor- 
relative of nitO {good), 3^'^ 3^D, said also of the heart, and im- 
plying cheerfulness: e.g^. Jud. 19^-^ i S. 25^6 2 S. 13^^ i K. S"*' 
Dt. 28'*''' 3? 31t3. — Givest] understood usually (in view of v.^-^) 
as = lendest. But possibly v.'''^^ is meant generally : the pro- 
spect of a reduced income in the near future is not to check 
the Israelite's liberality towards any who solicit from him 
pecuniary aid. — Shall bless thee, &c.] cf. on 2^ 12''^. For the 
thought, cf. Pr. 19^7 282^^. — 11. The ground of the preceding 
injunction : the poor will never cease out of the land, and 
hence it will never become superfluous. 

12-18. The law of slavery. — Hebrew slaves, male or female, 
unless they elect to remain with their master, are to receive 
their freedom in the seventh year of service. — The condition 
of a Hebrew slave, it is probable, was relatively favourable 
(cf. Ex. 2i20.26f. Lev. 253»f- 43.53 Dt. s^^b 12I8 i6n) : contem- 
plates the case of his "loving" his master as of likely occur- 
rence; and the law (Ex. 21^) that, if his master gave him a 
wife, the wife and her children were not to receive their liberty 
with him, would often act as an inducement to him to renounce 
his right of freedom after 6 years of service. The present law 
is based upon the corresponding one in JE (Ex. 212-6), ^vith 
parenetic additions (v.^^-is, isj^ jn the manner of Dt., and with 
two not unimportant modifications (see on v.^^. 17). 

'2 If thy brother, an Hebrew, or Ex. 21^ If thou buy an Hebrew 

an Hebrewess, be sold unto thee, he bondman, 

shall serve thee six years ; and in six years shall he serve ; and in 

the seventh year, thou shalt send the seventh year, he shall go out 

him a.via.y free from thee. . . . free for nothing. ^'* If 

without the art. (e.g. 1 K. i^^).—\0. S'?Ja] i^'' i8^2._^l, V^i^l^l] "is sing., 
the -.r being for the purpose of avoiding shwa' after the double yod" 


he came in by himself he shall go 
16 And it shall out by himself, &c. . . . ^ But if the 
be, if he say unto thee, bondman say, I love my master, 

my wife, and my children, 
/ will not go out from thee, because / will not go out free, 
he loveththee,z.nA thy house, because 

it is well for him with thee ; " Then ^ Then 

thou shalt take an awl, and put it his master shall bring- him unto God, 
into his ear and into the door {i.e. and he {or one) shall bring him to 
pin them together), and he shall tJie door or to the door-post, and his 
be a bondman to thee master shall bore his ear with an 

for ever, awl, and he shall ser\'e h\m for ever. 
^ And if a man sell his daughter to 
And also unto thy bondwoman thou be a bondwoman, she shall not go 
shalt do likewise. out as the bondmen do. 

12. Or an Hebrewess] this addition marks a significant 
difference from the law of Ex. ; for in Ex. (v.^), although a 
woman who comes into service with her husband is to receive 
her freedom when he does, a daughter sold by her father as a 
bondwoman is on a different footing, she is not to go free as 
bondmen do (v. 7). 

Various attempts have been made to harmonize the two laws. Thus 
one supposition is (i) that the law of Ex. 21^^ is intended tacitly to include 
women; (2) that the law of Dt. does not abrogate Ex. 21^, but enforces 
the extension thus tacitly implied in v.^. But the notice of the special case 
in v.^, and the law v.^, that even a female slave married to a bondman, 
during his period of service, is not to go free with her husband, render it 
improbable that this tacit extension of Ex. 21^ can be designed. The 
addition "or an Hebrewess" in Dt. 15^^ is also a pointed one, which 
would hardly have been made, unless some material modification of the 
law of Ex. had been intended by it. According to another supposition 
(Hengst. Beitr'dge, iii. 439), Ex. 21^"^^ relates only to'the case of a woman 
sold to be a concubine, while Dt. \^'^' contemplates the case of a woman 
who enters servitude for purposes other than that of concubinage. But the 
terms of Dt. is^^* ^^ are perfectly general ; so that the case of a woman sold 
for concubinage must be included in them, — unless (which is just the con- 
clusion that the harmonistic supposition is designed to avoid) the law of 
Dt. belongs to an age so far removed from that of Ex. that the case no 
longer practically occurred of a woman being sold into slavery for that 

No doubt the true explanation of the variation is that the 

law of Dt. springs from a more advanced stage of society than 

12. "P^yi] Ex. 21^ makes it probable that the apod, begins here 
(Dr. § 136 a) : it might begin at iryaE'ai, but this would be unusual {ib. 
Obs. I, and § 124). — 14. 'ii laia ncn] -iVK=ias, in cases where it cannot 

XV. I2-I6 183 

the law of Ex. ; it thus regxilates usage for an age in which 
the power of a father over his daughter was no longer so 
absolute as it had been in more primitive times, and places the 
two sexes on a position of equality. — Whether any further 
difference is intended by the substitution of be sold, or (as "^30''. 
might also be rendered ; see Lev. 25^9) selleth himself., for buy 
is uncertain; taken in its natural sense, the phrase in Ex. 
would imply that the purchase of a Hebrew slave was a matter 
of ordinary occurrence: the phrase in Dt. (cf. Lev. 2.^^) -might 
imply that the case was exceptional, and arose only when a 
man was reduced, by misfortune or other cause, to penury 
(cf. 2 K. 4^ ; Is. 50^). — The verse is quoted (slightly varied) in 
Jer. 34^4 (cf. v.^- 1''^), upon the occasion of the prophet's rebuk- 
ing the people for rescinding their agreement to put the law 
into force under Zedekiah. — 13-15. The slave at the time of 
leaving his master's service is to be dealt with handsomely : 
he is not to be thrown (so to say) penniless upon the world ; 
he is to receive presents of cattle, grain, and wine, according 
to the prosperity which has attended his master. The regula- 
tions in Ex. 2 1 3-4 respecting the wife and family of a slave 
are disregarded in Dt. ; and their place is taken by the present 
provision, which breathes the philanthropic spirit of the Deut. 
legislation. — 13. Thou shalt not send him away empty (Dp"'^)] i.e. 
without some present (cf. Gn. 31*2 i 8.6^ Job 22^; and on 
iS^o). — 14. Thou shalt furnish him liberally\ so the AV. excel- 
lently paraphrases the Heb. 1^ p^jyn p^jyn P^y is a necklace 
(Jud. S^'' Pr. i^ Ct. 4^t) ; hence p^V is to surround as a necklace 
(Ps. 73^), and ^ PV.Vi!} to make a necklace for, fig. for to load 
honourably or liberally. — From thy threshing-floor, and from thy 
•wine-press^ 16^^ : cf. 2 K. G^^ Hos. g^. — As fehovah thy God 
hath blessed thee\ cf. 12^^ i5i7_ — 15_ fhe motive for such liber- 
ality is to be the thankful recollection of the deliverance from 
the servitude in Egypt. Similarly (almost in the same words) 
161224I8.22; also s" (see note): cf. iqIO.— 16-17. If, however, 
properly be rendered that -which (as Jer. 48* Ps. 106*^), which is evidently 
here not the case, is so doubtful (see on i S. \(P ; Lex. irx 8 e) that nrna 
should most probably be restored : 3 might easily have fallen out after 
lap'D, at a time when the final letter had as yet no distinctive form. — 16. 
IDVd] v. 12 I s. 14I7 18".— in'3 rm lanK o] on 11^. — "h aio '3] Nu. 11" Hos. 


the slave, through affection for his master, prefer to continue 
in his service, he may do so ; but his servitude must hence- 
forth be for life ; and this is to be formally ratified by the 
ceremony of nailing- his ear to the door of his master's house. 
V.^^ is slightly varied from Ex. 21^, ''because it is well for 
him with thee" being an explanatory addition, like "and that 
it maybe well for thee" in 51^. — 17. In Ex. 21^ (see above) the 
slave is to be brought "unto God," i.e. to the sanctuary at 
which judgment is administered, and then led (probably by 
the judge) to the door or the door-post (whether of the sanctu- 
ar}-, or of his master's house, is not clearly expressed), where 
the ceremony symbolizing his perpetual servitude is performed 
by his master. This is the second material modification of the 
earlier regulations which the law of Dt. contains. In Ex. the 
ceremony prescribed is a public and official one : in Dt. it is of 
a purely domestic character, being transacted entirely at the 
master's own home. It seems that the law of Dt. reflects the 
usage of a time at which the judicial ceremony, enjoined in Ex., 
had fallen into disuse, and when the ceremony was performed 
entirely at the master's house. 

It is argued indeed by Keil that this conclusion is a mere argjimentum 
e silentio, the leg^islator in Dt. meaning, though he does not say so, the 
same ceremony as that prescribed in Ex. But the absence of any terms 
to indicate this, makes the transaction in reaUty a different one ; the argu- 
ment is consequently more than one e silentio ; and the Writer of Dt., had 
he contemplated a ceremony transacted at a sanctuary, would assuredly 
have felt it incumbent upon him to state (cf. it**- 19") at what sanctuary 
it was to take place (comp. Kleinert, pp. 58-59). 

A slave for ever (D^iy 13y)] i S. 27^2 job 4028 (41*). — And 
also unto thy bondwoman thou shall do likewise^ i.e. perform 
with her, if she elects to remain in ser\'itude, the same cere- 
mony. — 18. A consolatory thought, addressed to the Israelite, 
in case the duty of letting his slave go free should seem hard 
to him. Jer. ^^^^- shows how apt the present law was to be 
disregarded by the Israelites, and how difficult it was to 
enforce in practice the manumission of slaves required by it. — 
To the double of the hire of an hirelitig- hath he served thee six 

2' Jer. 22"-" ; c. 5" 19". — 17. V^sran m\=an awl (G-K. § 126. 4 ; or on i S. 
ig'^. — nViai 13TK3 nnnr] the idiom as i S. 18" i^". — «iki] on 2^^. 

XV. I7-I8 185 

years] because, viz. his work has been such that, had a hired 
labourer been engag^ed in his stead, he would, at the rate of 
wages then current, have cost his master twice as much 
(Schultz). — Jehovah -will bless thee^ &c.\ viz. if thou lettest him 
go cheerfully (cf. v.^o). 

There is a third law of slavery in Lev. 25^"** (H and P). By this law 
(1) only foreigners are to be held by Israelites as slaves for life ; (2) 
Hebrew slaves are to receive their liberty, not, as in Ex. and Dt., in the 
7th year of servitude, but in the year of Jubile. The usual mode of har- 
monizing these discrepant provisions, is by the assumption that the law of 
Lev. is intended to provide that, if the Jubile year arrives before a Hebrew 
slave's 7th year of service, he is to receive his liberty in it. But if this had 
been the true explanation of the discrepancy, a law so circumstantial as 
that of Lev. would surely have contained some explicit reference to the 
earlier law, and the case in which it was intended to supersede it would 
have been distinctly stated. In point of fact, however, the legislator of 
Lev. betrays as little consciousness of the law of Ex. (or Dt.) as the legis- 
lator of Dt. (if this be the later) betrays of that of Lev. Dillmann supposes 
that the law of Lev. contemplates the case of those Israelites only who, 
being completely impoverished, could not maintain themselves in independ- 
ence, and hence would not be benefited by a release in the 7th year of 
service, which was not accompanied, as that in the Jubile was, by a return 
(at least on the part of those who had been landowners) to their hereditary 
possession. But, since obviously no man would be a slave if he could help 
it, can it be said that the impoverishment expressed in Lev. 25^' is greater 
than that implied in Ex. 21^? The discrepancy between the laws of Ex., 
Dt., and the law of Lev. can be satisfactorily explained only by the 
supposition that the latter is a provision for the mitigation of the servitude 
of Israelites, designed without reference to the former, and originating at 
a time when experience had shown (cf. Jer. y^'^- "b-iej \_\^2X the limit of 
service fixed by Ex. and Dt. could not be enforced. The law of Lev. 
lengthens the legal period of service, but offers, in some measure, com- 
pensation for this by insisting (in phrases borrowed from H) that the 
Israelite slave is to be treated, whilst in servitude, as humanely as if he 
were a free man (cf. Riehm, HWB^ 1503*; Ryle on Neh. 5'; Now'ack, 
Hebr. Arch. i. 178 f.). (On the analysis of Lev. 2^-*^, see Z. O. T.^ p. 526 f.) 

XV. 19-23. Firstlings. 
19-23. The law of firstlings.— The firstling males of oxen 
and of sheep are to be dedicated to Jehovah, and to be eaten 
annually by the owner and his household, at a sacrificial feast, 
at the central sanctuary (v. ^^^■). If, however, the firstling have 
any blemish, Jehovah cannot accept it in sacrifice ; but it may 
be used by the owner as ordinary- food, provided care be taken 
to eat none of the blood (v. 21-23), The parallels in the other 


Codes are Ex. 13II-I6 2228*^ (29t) ^^m. ;„ jg^ gx. 132 Nu. iS^s-is 
(cf. Lev. 2726^) in P. In general principle the three Codes 
agree : but there are some variations in detail ; and the dis- 
position of the firstlings, prescribed in v.20, is altogether 
different from that which is laid down in Nu. iS^^-^^ (see p. 187). 
The treatment of the subject in Dt. is not exhaustive ; nothing 
is said, for instance (as in both JE and P), of the first-born 
of men, or of unclean animals : the aim of the Writer is to 
insist upon the firstlings of the most common domestic animals 
being presented properly at the central sanctuary, and to pro- 
vide for the case of such firstlings as could not, on account of 
some natural defect, be accepted in sacrifice. In the former 
connexion, the subject has been already noticed incidentally in 
J26. iTf. j^^23^ — iQ^ Thou shalt sanctify unto Jehova1i\ in agree- 
ment with Ex. 132 (P),i2. 15 QE), 3419 (JE).— 20. TJwu shalt eat 
it before Jehovah, &'c.\ for the expressions, see on \2^- '^. From 
12^^'- it would seem that the Levite (as in the case of the tithe- 
feast, 1427) was to be invited also as a guest. — Year by year] 
in Ex. 2223(2") ^jie firstlings are to be presented to Jehovah on 
the eighth day from birth ("seven days it shall be with its 
dam ; on the eighth day thou shalt give it to me ") ; according 
to the provision here, they are to be presented annually. The 
change is a necessary corollary of the substitution of a central 
place of sacrifice (v. 20) for the local sanctuaries : the law of 
Ex. implies that an altar was everywhere near at hand at 
which the firstlings could be presented on the eighth day. The 
law of Dt. is an accommodation of the older usage to the 
institution of annual pilgrimages to the central sanctuary. 
Most probably the firstlings were offered at the great spring 
festival, the Passover. For another similar modification of 
older usage, see on i2i5f-. — 21-23. But if there be in it a 
blemish, &'c.\ the general rule that animals offered in sacrifice 
must be free from defects (17^) is here applied to the special case 
of the firstlings. — 22-23. As 12I5-16, in the law prescribing how 
animals, slaughtered merely as food, may be eaten. 

In the Priests' Code, an entirely different disposition of the 

19. Toan Sa] collect, (on ii**). — 20. rura r\yo\ idiom. =yearly(i S. I'a/.): 
cf. Lex. a III. 3 b. — 21. jn OID ^a] a generalizing' apposition : cf. on i8^ 

XV. 17-23 1 8; 

firstlings is prescribed. Instead of being eaten by the owner 
and his household at the central sanctuary, they are assigned 
(Nu. iS^^"^^) to Aaron [i.e. to the priests) with these words 
(v.i8): *<And their flesh shall be thine; as the wave-breast 
and the heave-thigh [the parts of the peace-offering which 
were the perquisite of the priest who offered it, to be eaten by 
himself and his family. Lev. 7^*] it shall be thine." 

Two explanations of the discrepancy are offered. According to one 
(Hengst. Beitrage, ii. 406 f.), it is argued that the words in Numbers do 
not mean that the siliole of the firstling was the priest's, but only the parts 
specified in the comparison ; the rest, therefore, would belong to the 
offerer, and might be consumed by him in the manner prescribed in Dt. 
But the text says distinctly "their flesh" without any limitation ; and this 
solution of the difficulty, though once accepted by Keil (Havernick, Einl.^ 
i. 2 (1856), p. 430), was subsequently seen by him to be untenable, and 
abandoned {Comm. on Dt. 12*). According to another explanation, though 
the firstlings, it is allowed, were given wholly to the priest, he may not, it 
is supposed, have consumed the flesh of them himself, but may have been 
at liberty to invite the offerer to share this with him at a sacrificial meal 
(Keil ; Green, Moses and the Prophets, p. 84 ; Bissell, The Pentateuch, p. 
127 f.). Whether such an invitation, not prescribed, is likely to have been 
given, may be doubted : it is singular, if this explanation be correct, that 
Dt. should emphasize so strongly the secondary, rather than the primary, 
disposition of the firstlings ; it is singular also, if it was the intention of 
the legislation that the offerer, as well as the priest — and as a duty — should 
partake in the firstlings, that, so far from this being at all implied in the 
terms of the original institution, the firstlings are assigned absolutely, 
with peculiar emphasis (Nu. i&-^^ ; see v." Lev. 7^), to the priest and his 

The only consistent solution of the discrepancy is that which we have 
already had occasion to resort to before (comp. on 14^ 15*^) : the two laws 
regulate the practice of different periods of the history. Either the law 
of Numbers is the older, and it must be concluded (Riehm, HWB.^ p. 
397 f.) that the priests being unable to maintain their claim to the 
dues which the law gave them, and the custom having arisen of dedi- 
cating the firstlings to Jehovah by consuming them at a sacred feast, the 
Deut. legislation acquiesced in this custom, making no attempt to reinstate 
the priests in their rights, and merely providing that the sacred feasts 
should be held exclusively at the central sanctuary : or the law of Dt. is 
the older, and it must be supposed that when the revenues of the priest- 
hood were more distinctly and definitely formulated than is the case in Dt. 
(18'"''), a change of custom had supervened, and the firstlings were now 
included amongst them (cf. Wellh. Hist. 155 f.; W. R. Smith, OTJC.^z^Z^ 
Rel. Sent. 445). The latter alternative is the preferable one, the change 
of custom which it implies being in itself more probable than that which 
is involved in the alternative theory, and also better supported by 


XVI. 1-17. The three annual Pilgrimages. 

The three *' Pilgrimag-es " (Q^3C)j viz. Passover and Massoth 
(Unleavened Cakes), the Feast of Weeks, and the Feast of 
Booths (Ex. 23I* njKa ^^5 inn D'f'Jl ^:hd), at which all males 
were to present themselves at Jehovah's sanctuary {ib. v.^^ e^t? 
nin^ pisn ■•JS ^vS TUST b nNT* naca D^cya) with appropriate offer- 
ings {ib. v.^5 Qp*-, ^j3 1X1' sh), were one of the principal and 
most ancient religious institutions of Israel ; and each of the 
great Codes in the Pent, has its regulations respecting them. 
The oldest and simplest are those contained in JE, viz. 
Ex. 2314-18 34I8. 20 ervd. 22-23 (generally); 1221-27 (Passover), 133-w 
[Massoth) ; next come the regulations in Dt. iQ^-'^' ; more 
elaborate provisions are laid down in Lev. 23 (H and P) ; the 
most elaborate of all are those of P, Nu. 28-29 (add, on the 
Passover and Massoth in particular, Ex. i a^-i^- 14-20. 43-49 Nu. 
9I-1*). Lev. 23 and Nu. 28-29 are two priestly Calendars, 
dealing not only with the three Pilgrimages (2'3n), but with 
other sacred seasons (D^nyiD) as well (viz. the Sabbath, New 
Moons, New Year, and Day of Atonement), and prescribing 
considerably more minutely than is done in either JE or Dt. 
the details of their observance : the stress in Lev. 23 resting 
chiefly on the part to be taken in them by the people, and Nu. 
28-29 regulating the public sacrifices by which they are to be 
marked. Of the moddim, or sacred seasons, specified in Lev. 
23 and Nu. 28-29, New Year's Day, the Day of Atonement, 
and the New Moons are neither mentioned nor alluded to 
in Dt. 

30 is usually represented by "feast" in AV., RV.; but this rendering 
loses sight of a distinctive element in the idea. The in was not merely a 
religious festival, such as our Christmas or Easter, but — like the Haj 
(same word), or great annual pilgrimage to Mecca, in which it is the duty 
of every Moslem, once in his life, to take part — a festival consisting of a 
pilgrimage to a sanctuary. (On the Mohammedan HaJ, see esp. Wellh. 
Reste Arab. Heidentumes, pp. 66, 75-89, more briefly the Enc. Brit.^,s.v. 
Mecca : the days during which the pilgrims are expected to be present at 
Mecca, or (more strictly) the sacred spots in the neighbourhood, are the 
9th to the 13th of Dhu-lHijja, the last month of the Mohammedan year, 
particular ceremonies being prescribed for each of the five days.) The in 
was of a joyous character, being accompanied by music and dances (Is. 

XVI. 189 

30® Jud. ai"'-^' : cf. Lev. 23<»'', Dt. i6"- '*• "«<*). One may be permitted to 
wonder whether the old Hebrew Hag was marked also, in any appreciable 
degree, by the same secular accompaniments — markets and fairs, the 
formation of friendships and other alliances, displays of poetical talent, 
the interchange of wit and repartee, &c. — which attended the Arabian 
Haj (see Wellh. pp. 83-86). Only three can were observed by the 
Hebrews, those, viz., mentioned in this chapter of Dt. nyio a fixed or 
stated season (from ij;' to fix or appoint a time), is a wider term (RV. 
usually set feasts, or appointed seasons), and may include (see Lev. 23) the 
Sabbath, the New Year, and the Day of Atonement. For other examples 
oi moed, see Is. 1" Nu. 10^" 15^ 29^8 Ez. 44^45" ; and, more generally, Gn. 
i^* Ps. 104^^ (fixed by the movements of the heavenly bodies). In AV. 
nyiD was often rendered "solemn feasts," or "solemn assemblies" (where 
"solemn" had the sense of the Lat. solemnis, i.e. " stated") : in the RV. 
this, being liable in modern English to be misunderstood, has been usually 
changed, or, if the old rendering has been retained in the text, the true 
sense has been indicated on the margin (Hos. 2''(^') Is. 33-" Lam. i* 2^). 

The three CSn appear in their origin to have possessed 
agricultural significance : they are an acknowledgment of 
Jehovah's goodness at the chief seasons of the year, an expres- 
sion of thankfulness, on the part of the people of the land, to 
the God Who is its Owner, and Who blesses it with fruitful- 
ness. Passover s^n^ Mazzoth, held in the month of "young 
ears " (Abib), when the sickle was first put to the corn (Dt. 
1 6^), and accompanied by the presentation of a sheaf of the 
first ears of barley at the sanctuary (Lev. 23^-1* [H]), marked 
the appearance of the ripening crops in spring ; the other two 
feasts, by the very names which in the older legislation they bear, 
the Feast of Harvest, or of First-fruits (Ex. 23^", cf. 34^2 j also 
Lev. 2315-17 [H], Nu. 282G [P]), and the Feast of Ingat/iering {Ex. 
23^° 34.22. cf. Lev. 2339 [H]), mark respectively the completion 
of the wheat-harvest, and the close of the vintage, when all 
the agricultural operations of the year are ended (Dt. 16^^). In 
time, however, they acquired in addition a historical signifi- 
cance : the yearly blessings yielded by the soil reminded Israel 
of the continual goodness of Him who had brought His people 
out of Egypt, and set them in a fruitful and pleasant land 
(comp. Dt. 26^-^0) J and so the feasts, in virtue of the season, 
or the manner, of their observance, were treated as com- 
memorative of stages of Israel's deliverance. The Passover 
commemorated the sparing of the firstborn of the Israelites, 


and the night of the exodus (Ex. 12^2 p j 12^7 JE ; Dt. i6^- ^^) ; 
Massoth, the Unleavened Cakes made by the Israelites at the 
time of their flight (Ex. i23*-39 jgj^ and the morning after the 
exodus (Ex. 133. stj 23^5 = 34^8JE; Dt, 16^); and the Feast of 
Booths, the years spent by them in the wilderness (Lev. 23^ 
H). No historical significance is attached in the OT. to the 
Feast of Weeks ; the later Jews, computing, or conjecturing, 
the date mentioned in Ex. 192 to be 50 days after the exodus, 
regarded it as commemorating the delivery of the Law on 
Sinai. Comp. further, on the subject of this section, Nowack, 
Heb. Archaol. §§ 99-100. 

The characteristic features in their observance on which 
Dt. insists are their localization at the central sanctuary, 
and, in the case of Weeks and Booths, the joyousness and 
hospitality to be shown at the sacred meals accompanying 
them. As in other cases, the provisions of Dt. are an ampli- 
fication of those contained in JE ; and in several instances 
phrases from JE are transferred entire. 

XVL 1-8. The Passover, and Feast of Mazzoth. — These are 
to be observed at their appointed season in the month of Abib : 
the Passover is to be celebrated, not at the Israelite's own 
home, or at any local shrine, but only at the central sanctuary ; 
the animal offered is to be wholly consumed on the night on 
which it is slain ; it is to be eaten without leavened bread ; and 
Unleavened Cakes alone are to be eaten during the seven days 
which follow. In the other Codes, comp. (for the Passover) 
in JE Ex. 1221-27 23I8 3425^ in p Ex. 12I-13. 43-49 Lev. 23^ Nu. gi-i* 
2810: (for Mazzoth) in JE Ex. 133-10 23" 34I8, in H Lev. 23^-1^ 
(the "wave-sheaf," presented during Afazr.oth), in P Ex. 
1214-20 Lev. 236-8 Nu. 2817-25. In these Codes, Passover and 
Mar.zoth are distinct ; in Dt. there is a tendency to combine 
the two institutions, and to treat them as parts of a single 
whole. — 1. Observe (512) the month of Abz'b] the month of Abib 
{i.e. the month of the fresh, yojing- ears; see Ex. g^i Lev. 2I*) 
is otherwise mentioned only in JE, viz. Ex. 13* and 23^ (nearly 
= 3418), each time as the period of the departure from Egypt, 
and the season for the observance of Mazzoth. In P, agree- 
ably with the writer's custom to designate the months by 

XVI. 1-2 19 1 

numerals, the month in which the Passover was celebrated is 
termed (Ex. 12^ &c.) the "first month" (viz. of the priestly 
year, as opposed to the ordinary or civil year, which began in 
the autumn, Ex. 23^^) ; it corresponds to the post-exilic Nisan 
(Neh. 2^ Est. 3'^t). — And hold [r\'*^y\) the passover unto Jehovah 
thy God] riDD ntyy (lit. make, i.e. organize, hold) is a technical 
expression, used chiefly by priestly writers : 2 K. 2321- 22. 23 j 
Ex. 1247.48 Nu. 92.6. 10-14 Jos. 510 (all P) ; 2 Ch. 301-3-5 351-16-19 
Ezr. 6i9t : cf. with pilgrimage v.i"- is Ex. 3422 i K. S^s Ezr. 
3* al. ; with sabbath c. 5!^ Ex. 3ii''t. — For in the month of Abib 
Jehovah thy God brought thee forth out of Egypt] Ex. 34I8 ** For 
in the month of Abib thou earnest forth out of Egypt." — By 
night] Ex. 12^1. — 2. Thou shalt sacrifice the passover unto 
Jehovah thy God, (even) sheep and oxen] in P (Ex. 128-6) tj^g 
paschal sacrifice is a lamb. The two laws, it is evident, repre- 
sent the usage of two different stages in the history of the 
feast : when Dt. was written the victim might be either a bullock 
or a sheep ; when P was written, the choice was limited to a 
lamb (cf. Nowack, Hebr. Archdol. ii. pp. 147, 153, n. i). 

The supposition commonly made by harmonists is that the passover 
alluded to in Dt. is not the "passover" properly so called, but the private 
sacrifices oifered during the 7 days of Mazzoth (which immediately followed 
the nig-ht of the Passover), alluded to in the Chronicler's description of the 
passovers of Hezekiah and Josiah (2 Ch. 30^'^ including- bullocks ; 35^-* 
called, in the plural, D'no^ "passovers"), and analogous to the peace- 
offerings, termed in the Mishnah {Pesdhim 6'- *) the Hagigah (njun), which, 
at least in later times, it was usual to offer on the same day as the pass- 
over, or on the following day (the former were voluntary, the latter were 
treated as obligatory : Edersheim, The Temple, its Ministry, &c. pp. 
186 f., 217). But even though the authority of the Phronicler were decisive 
as to the usage of the age of Hezekiah or Josiah, — for it is his habit to 
attribute to the period of the kings the ceremonial which was usual in his 
own days, — this explanation must be regarded as highly questionable : is 
it credible that in prescribing directions for the observance of an important 
institution, the Writer should be silent on its central and crucial element, 
and notice only a subordinate and secondary feature ? The opinion that 
some particular and special sacrifice is the subject of v.*, is supported 
further by the sing. pron. ("with it") in v.^. 

In the place which Jehovah shall choose, ^c. ] 1 2'. That 

the three annual Pilgrimages are to be performed exclusively 

to the one sanctuary is a point of central importance to the 

legislator ; and the formula expressing it is repeated by him 



not less than six times (v.^- 6. 7. ii. i5. lej^ fhe Passover loses 
consequently, in some degree, its old character (Ex. 1221-2" jj^ 
JE) of a domestic rite. 

^ Thou shall not eat 

leavened bread with it : 

seven days shalt thou eat 
with it unleavened cakes, the bread 
of affliction : for in trepidation thou 
earnest forth out of the. land oi Egypt; 

in order that 
thou mayest remember the day oithy 
coming forth out of the land of Egypt 
all the days of thy life. 

* And leaven shall not be seen by 
thee in all thy border seven days: 
and aught of the flesh which thou 
sacrificest in the evening on the first 

Ex. 23^^ Thou shalt not sacrifice 
the blood of my sacrifice with 
leavened bread. 

Ex. 34^^ Thou shalt not slaughter 
the blood of my sacrifice with 
leavened bread. (Cf. in P Ex. 12^.) 

Ex. 23^' Seven days shalt thou eat 
unleavened cakes, according as I 
have commanded thee, at the fixed 
time of the month of Abib ; for in it 
thou earnest forth out of Egypt. 

Ex. 34^^ Seven days shalt thou eat 
unleavened cakes, &c. (nearly as 

Ex. 13* Remember this day when 
ye came forth out of Egypt . . . : 
leavened bread shall not be eaten. 

Ex. 13® Seven days shalt thou eat 
unleavened cakes ; and on the seventh 
day shall be a pilgrimage unto 
Jehovah. ' Unleavened cakes shall 
be eaten the seven days ; and 
leavened bread shall not be seen by 
thee, and leaven shall not be seen by 
thee, in all thy border. (Cf. in P Ex. 
J2i6. 18-20 Lev. 23". ) 

Ex. 23'*'' And the fat of my feast 
('3n) shall not rejnain all night (j'^') 
until morning. 

Ex. 34-*'' And the sacrifice of the 
feast (jn) of the passover shall 7iot 
remain all night (p^') unto the morn- 
ing. (Cf. in P Ex. 1210 Nu. ^\) 

shall not 
remain all night (p!?') unto the morn- 

The prohibition to eat leavened bread either with the Pass- 
over, or during the 7 days following, is common to JE, Dt., 
and P. Leavened bread was forbidden also as the material 
of any meal-offering (Lev. 2^1 61^(1'')), the ground of the pro- 
hibition no doubt being that, as inducing a species of fermenta- 
tion, leaven was regarded as a source of putrefaction and 
corruption (cf. on Ex. \2S^ 23^8 Lev. 2^^; and OTJC.^ p. 345, 
Rel. Sent. p. 203 f.). Unleavened cakes (niJfO) alone were, as 
a rule, presented as oflFerings (Lev. 2*'5 8^ «/.). Their use 

XVI, 3-7 193 

was not, however, confined to sacred purposes ; as they could 
be prepared quickly, they were made in ordinary life when a 
meal was required speedily (i S. 28^*; cf. Gn. 19^ Jud. 16^8-21). 
— Seven days shalt thou eat with it, &r'c.\ lit. upon it (see 
below), the whole period of abstinence from leaven being 
treated as conditioned by the sacrifice of the Passover im- 
mediately preceding, and regulated by the same principle 
established in the first instance for the Passover. As remarked 
above, the Writer shows a tendency to treat Passover and 
Mazzoth in combination. — The bread of affliction {^V ^D.^)] so 
called, because, according to tradition (Ex. la^*-^^ in JE), it 
was, in the first instance, food prepared by the Israelites, at 
the close of a long period of servitude, during the anxious 
moments of a hurried flight : it was accordingly adapted both 
to remind Israel of the "affliction" (Ex. 3''; cf. 1^2^ endured 
by their forefathers in Egypt, and to lead them to a grateful 
recollection of their deliverance. — In trepidation (jiTEnzi)] cf. 
Ex. 12" (P or H) "ye shall eat it in trepidation"; and the 
allusion in Is. 52^2^ "Haste" is not an adequate rendering: 
the word denotes hurry mingled with alarm ; cf. the verb in Dti 
2o3 I S. 2326 2 S. 4* Ps. 486(5).—^// the days of thy life] 4^ 62. 

5-7. The principle is again emphasized that the Passover 
is not to be sacrificed at the Israelite's own home, but at the 
sanctuary chosen by Jehovah. — Within any of the gates] 1^. 
— 6. In the evening] the technical phrase used by P is " be- 
tween the two evenings " ; see on Ex. 1 2^. — KTOtrn K133] 2312 
24I3 Jos. 829 (D2) I K. 2S^^^.—At the fixed time (nyio) of thy 
coming forth from Egypt] the "fixed time" (Ex. 9^ i S. 92'* 138) 
of the departure from Egypt determines the hour of its annual 
commemoration by the Passover, njno denotes here not the 
period in the month (Ex. 1310 231^), but the hour of the day, at 
which the Passover was to be kept. — 7. And thou shalt boil] or 
perhaps cook, hvi means regularly to boil (14^^ i S. 2^^. 15 

XYI. 3. v'?j;] upon \i='with it, used idiomatically with hz«, as in hzn 
m.n Vv Lev. 19-® i S. 14^ a/., Ex. 12^ iniV^N' wtd ^y, 23'^ 34^ al. — 4. "{7] 
with the passive verb=iy: Gn. 31^' Ex. 12'^ i S. 2^ Is. 65^ (Lex. "^Sd). 
— S. Vdw k"?] as 722. — 7. nWai] cf. also Nowack, Hebr. Arch. ii. 153, n. 3. 
Ct (««' lypnerti; xa) hirrMu;) exhibits side by side the original translation, and 
the correction in accordance with Ex. 12®. 


&c.) : hence it is difficult to feel assured that it can be fairly 
translated otherwise here ; and it is in any case remarkable 
that the term employed in Dt. is the one which is used in P 
(Ex. 12^) to denote the process that is not to be applied to the 
paschal sacrifice ("eat not of it raw, or boiled in water (''^'^ 
Q^Q3 h^^ip), but roast with fire"). Still ^C2 does not in itself, 
it seems, express more than to mature or 7?iake fit for eating 
(hence, of fruit or corn, to ripen, Gn. 40IO Joel 4^^), and at 
least in 2 Ch. 35^^ (at a time when it is reasonable to suppose 
that the law of Ex. 12^ was in operation, and the Passover 
consequently roasted) K'XS 7t?3 is used of the Passover (i^^^'^^l 
ODJi'Da C'Xa riDDn) : it is possible therefore that, though gener- 
ally applied to boiling, it may have possessed the wider, more 
general sense of cooking, and may thus have been applicable to 
what, properly speaking, was roasted. But the case is one 
in which it is difficult to speak confidently; in view of Ex. 
12^, it must be admitted that a different usage may here be 
prescribed, belonging to an age when the Passover was not 
roast (K'*? '5'V), but "boiled." — Thou shalt turn in the morning, 
and go to thy tents] the Israelite is at liberty to return home, 
on the morning after the Passover has been eaten. — Turfi 
(niS, not 2^\!y) is rather a favourite word with D (on 3I). — To 
thy tents] i.e. to thy home. The expression is a survival from 
the time when Israel was a nomadic people, and actually lived 
in tents ; it remained in use long after the ** tents " had given 
place to permanent "houses" (see e.g. Jud. 7^ 19^ i S. 13^ 
2 S. 199 2022 I K. 12I6). 

* ?>\K days shalt thou F.x. 1 2^ (JE.) Seven days shalt tho/i 

eat unleavened cakes ; and on the eat unleavened cakes; and on the 
seventh day shall be a solemn seventh day shall be a pilgfrimage 
assembly (^asdreth) to Jehovah thy {hag) to Jehovah. 
God ; thou shalt not do work. 

The six days meant are the first six of the seven specified 
in V.3. The seventh day is to be marked by a religious gather- 
ing, and abstention from labour. In JE the first day is par- 
ticularized as specially commemorating the Exodus (Ex. i^^^) ', 
but the seventh day (though nothing is said respecting absten- 
tion from work) appears, as in Dt., to be the principal day 
of the feast: it is marked, viz., by a hag to Jehovah. If hag 

XVI. 8 


has here its proper sense of pilgrimage, it must be supposed 
(Riehm, HWB.^ 432" ; Dillm. on Ex. 13°) that this is assigned to 
the seventh day of the feast, on account of many of the pilgrims, 
at a time when the Passover was celebrated as a domestic rite, 
being only able to reach the sanctuary towards the close of 
the seven days oi Mazzoth'. possibly, however, //«^ denotes here 
a festal gathering of pilgrims (analogous to the 'asdreih of 
Dt.). In P the first is represented as the principal day (Ex. 
12^*, cf. Lev. 23^ Nu. 28^'^); and a "holy convocation" (xipD 
BHp) is appointed both for that and for the seventh day (Ex. 
12^'' Lev. 23'''-8Nu. 28^^- 25)j all work, except the preparation 
of food, being forbidden on both. The differences between the 
three representations are not very important : that of P, being 
the stricter and the more precise, has the presumption of 
being the later (Delitzsch in Riehm, HWB.^ 1142^). 

^l^'i. (or .TiVJ?) means a gathering or assembly (Jer. 9^ f^'), from "isj; to hold 
in, confine, enclose, esp. one held for a religious purpose, -ravriyvfn, as 2 K. 
lo'^ (in honour of Ba'al), Is. i^ Joel 1" 2'^ (all n-ny). Am. 5^1 : used specially 
(a) of the gathering of pilgrims on the eighth or supernumerary day of the 
Feast of Booths, Lev. 2^^ Nu. 2^^ (both P) Neh. 8'8 2 Ch. f\ ; {b) in the 
present passage, of the gathering on the seventh day of Mazzoth (not so 
elsewhere) ; (c) by the later Jews, of the Feast of Weeks, Jos. Ant. iii. 10. 6 
{'Atrapia), in the Mishnah, Hagigah, ii. 4, &c., Nu. 28-® 2^, and in the Talm. 
(Levy, Chald. Lex. s.v. xnisi?). The msy mentioned here, as also that at 
the Feast of Booths, was held as a fact on the last day of the festival ; but 
the etymology implied in the rendering "closing festival" (Lev. 23^ RV. 
ntarg. ; cf. (& tIaS/ov) is not a probable one, on account of the more general 
meaning which the word has (see esp. Jer. 9^ l^)). 

Thou shalt not do work (naxfjo HB'Vn v6)] similarly Ex. 1 2^^ 
{r\W vh r\'2^hri b) in P. The phrase naxfjO r\VV to do work or 
business is a common one {e.g. Jud. 16^^ 2 K. 225- 9) ; in the 
prohibition respecting the Sabbath, Ex. 20^° 311*- ^5«/., and 
other sacred seasons. Lev. iG^^ 23^^ al. 

9-12. The Feast of Weeks.— In the other Codes, the refer- 
ences to this feast are — in JE, Ex. 231*' 34^^; in H (with 
additions from P in v.^^- 1^- 20), Lev. 23^5-20 (the two loaves to be 
presented to Jehovah, prepared with leaven, and implying, in 
contrast to the barley-sheaf, offered during Mazzoth, the com- 
pletion of the year's harvest) ; in P, Lev. 23^1 Nu. 282<'-2^. The 
name " Feast of Weeks" (v.^o-i<') agrees with Ex. 34^2 2 Ch. 


813 (cf. Nu. 2826 D3'ri'y3e'3) : in Ex. 23I6 it is called the '« Feast , 

of Harvest" {•^'^'^pT) jn) ; and in Nu. 2826 the "Day of First- ] 

fruits" (D^iiaan DV). In making- no allusion to the firstfruits, j 

Dt. differs from all the other Codes ; In the calculation which j 

it prescribes for fixing" the date of the festival (which in Ex. i 

23I6 is left undetermined, and in Ex. 3422 is simply presupposed i 

by the use of the term " weeks ") it agrees with Lev. 23^^^- (ex- \ 

cept that there, instead of the beginning of harvest, which i 

might vary from year to year, a particular day is specified as i 

that from which the computation is to commence) ; in the j 

emphasis laid upon the social meals, and the feelings with 

which they should be- attended, it manifests the same interests 

which predominate in Dt. elsewhere. — 9. Seven weeks shall 

thou number unto thee : from the beginning of the sickle in the , 

standing-corn shall thou begin to number seven weeks] cf. Lev. > 

2315 (H) *' And ye shall number unto you from the morrow after j 

the sabbath, from the day that ye bring the wave-sheaf [men- : 

tioned v.^^] : seven sabbaths shall there be complete " : the i 

more precise date follows in the next verse, U\'* D^JJTSn (whence 

the Rabb. name of the Festival, DV D't^n DV, NT. ttott^koott/). | 

" And thou shalt hold (n'Pjn) fhe Ex. 34- (JE) And t/te Pt/grimage ^ 
Pilgrimage of Weeks unto Jehovah of Weeks thou shalt hold thee (npyn 
thy God. ^S), the firstfruits of wheat-harvest. < 

Ex. 23*® And the Pilgfrimage of j 
harvest, the firstfruits of thy labours, 
which thou so west in the field. 

Hold] v.^. — After the measure of the free-will offering of j 
thine hand [\2^\ which thou shalt give ; according as Jehovah i 
thy God shall bless t/iee] the offering which each is to make , 
is to be fixed by himself, according to the degree in which 
Jehovah has blessed him in the year's harvest (cf. v.^", where 
the same rule is extended to the other two feasts). On the 
word rendered measure, see below. — 11. And thou shalt rejoice, 
&c.] for the expressions, see i27-i2^<tthe Levite")^^ 14'^ / 
("the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow"). — 12. The - 
motive for such hospitality towards the poor, as before (15'^) " 

9. iS -BDJi] so V."-'*- 21' 22 (on 1'=*).— 10. nsa] only here in Heb. : in Aram, 
common in the sense of sufficiency, and as adv. ace. =/n? rafiotie, according 
to: e.g. Ob.» C* (=Heb. "5) ; Dt. 158 C npp? (='i!), Ex. 12* i&^ S(='a^). ■ 

XVI. 9-13 197 

towards the manumitted slave: the recollection, viz., of the 
bondage in Egypt, from which, by Jehovah's mercy, Israel's 
forefathers had been redeemed. 

13-15. The Feast of Booths. — In the other Codes, comp. 
(JE) Ex. 23I6 3422; (H) Lev. 2339b. 4o. 4ia. 42. 43 . (p) Lcv. 2333-36 
8{>a.c. 41b j«ju. 29^2-38_ This fcast was held, according to JE, at 
the end of the year: according to Dt. (v. ^3. 15^ and H (Lev. 
233°- 41. 42^j it was to extend over seven days, which are fixed 
more precisely in P for the 15th to the 21st of the seventh 
month (Lev. 2333-30J, a supernumerary day (not noticed in Dt.), 
marked by an 'as^reth (above, on v.^), being observed on the 
22nd {lb. V. 36- 30b Nu. 2935-3S). In JE, this festival is called the 
"Feast of Ingathering" (TP?\l ^D); "Feast of Booths" 
(v."- ^^ 31^°) is the name used also in P (Lev. 233*), and gener- 
ally in the later books of the OT. (Zech. 14". is. 19 Ezr. 3* 
2 Ch. 8^3|) ; being, as it seems, the most popular, and widely 
observed, of the three festivals, it is also sometimes called 
"the Feast " (or " Pilgrimage "), Kar l^oxwy i K. 82- 65 ( = 2 Ch. 
53 78) Ez. 4525 Neh. 814, cf. Lev. 2339 (H) i K. i232. 

The name "Feast of Booths" is adopted in Dt., as already known, 
without explanation : it is explained in the law of H, Lev. 23^""*', where 
the Israelites are commanded to take " the fruit of goodly trees, fronds of 
palm-trees, and boughs of thick trees, and poplars of the wady [above on 
2'^]," and to dwell in booths (nisp) for seven days (cf. Neh. 8'*"^®), to remind 
them how their ancestors had dwelt in tents during their passage through 
the wilderness. No doubt the real origin of this feature of the festival is to 
be found in the custom of the villagers during the vintage taking up their 
abode in the vineyards in temporary booths and huts : comp. Robinson, 
ii. 81, who, speaking of Hebron, says, " The vintage is a season of hilarity 
[cf. Is. 161" jgp_ 2^^\ and rejoicing to all ; the town is then deserted, and 
the people live among the vineyards in the lodges and in tents" ; and see 
further on Lev. 23*** *^. 

^ The Pilgrimage of Booths thou Ex. 23^^ And the Pilgrimage of /«- 
shalt hold thee (v.*") seven days, ^a/'Am«^ (»)*CKn jn) at the going out 
when thou gatherest in (iBOKa) from of the year, -when thou gatherest in 
thy threshing-floor and from thy (ibok3) thy labours from the field, 
wine-press. Ex. 34" And the Pilgrimage of 

Ingathering, at the coming round 
(change) of the year. 

Lev. 23^^ (H) When ye gather in 

"* Seven days thou shalt keep (d:ed»(3) the produce of the earth, yc 

pilgrimage unto Jehovah your God. shall keep Jehovah's Pilgrimage seven 



The vintage in Palestine falls about September, some four 
months after wheat-harvest. — 14. And thoic shall rejoice, {jfc.\ 
cf. v.ii ; also Lev. 23^^^ (H). — Because (or 'voheii) Jehovah Ihy 
God shall bless Ihee] 142*^. — The work of thy hands\ on 2^. — And 
thou shall be altogether joyfut\ the festival is to be an occasion 
of unalloyed joy for the blessing of Jehovah resting upon the 
produce of the soil. 

16-17. Concluding summary. Every male is to appear 
annually, at each of the three Pilgrimages, at the Central 
Sanctuary, with an offering such as his means enable him to 
bring. — This rule of old Israel is repeated from JE, with 
additions accommodating it to the spirit and plan of Dt. 

^' Three times in the year Ex. 23" Three times in the year 

shall all thy m^ales appear in the shall all thy males appear in the 
presence of Jehovah thy God in the presence of the Lord Jehovah (re- 
place which he shall choose • . . ; peated 34^', with the addition of "the 

God of Israel," at the end). 
and none shall Ex. 22^^^=^^^ Afid none shall 
appear in Jehovah's presence empty, appear in my presence empty 

(specially of MazzotK). 

Appear in the presence of] the standing phrase for visiting 
the sanctuary as a worshipper, esp. at the great pilgrimages 
(Ex. 3423-24 Dt. 31I1 1 s. i22), but also besides (Is. 112). It is 
however held by many (see below) that the existing punctuation 
does not represent the original vocalization, and that the true 
sense of the phrase is "see the face of" Jehovah, i.e. visit 
Him as a Sovereign. The phrase see the face of is used else- 
where of courtiers or others enjoying access to the royal 
presence (2 S. 313 142s. 32 2 K. 251^ Est. ii*). Cf. Ps. ii^ lyw 

15. nor ~k] only rejoicing', i.e. nought hut rejoicing, a//a§r/A^r rejoicing : 
so 28** Is. \G 19" Jer. 32*' Job 19". — 16. {bis) 'JiJ nn] in presence of, as i K. 
-126 Ps. i6"2i7a/. So with nx-j! Ex. 342*, n"mn^ Ex. 34=* Dt. 31" Is. i'^, 
nxTj I S. i'^: cf. 'iS ik"]! Ex. 23^* 34^, T^s ^'»'V^ Ps. 42*; '' 'js Sk hk-j: Ex. 
23"; n'n!?K Sk hk-i! Ps. 84*. The constr. of Ex. 23" Ps. 42' is however diffi- 
cult : ni»e"j7 is more naturally vocalized nixi^ ; and hence many scholars 
[e.g. Ges. ; Di. on Ex. 23^"; Nowack on Ps. 42'; Cheyne, crit. n. on Is. i") 
think that the original vocalization in all these cases was Qal, for which in 
process of time the Nif. came to be substituted (with riKTO in i S. i- for riKi, 
and S*. for nK in Ex. 23^^) on account of the objection felt to the expression 
" seeing God." The possibility of this view being correct must be recog- 
nized (cf. Del.* on Is. i''^) : more can hardly be said ; ntm (alone)=/o appear 

XVI. 14-17 199 

(nrn) ; 6f^^)''.—Thy God] i^^.— 11. Every man shall give 
according to the gift of his hand^ &fc.\ the words explain the 
last clause of v.^^ : every man is to bring with him an offering' 
such as his ** hand " (v.^<> 12^) can afford to give (cf. Ez. 465-^^). 

XVI. 18-XVIII. 22. The Office-Bearers of the Theocracy. 

The above is a convenient title for the section here begin- 
ning, the subjects dealt with h€in^ fudges (16^^20 17^"^^), King 
(i7i*-20), Priests (181-8), and Prophets (i89-22); but i(P-\f (on 
the purity of religious worship) forms an intrusive element, 
which originally perhaps stood elsewhere. 

XVI. 18-20. Judges are to be appointed in the various 
towns of Israel, who are to administer justice with purity 
and singleness of motive. — The other Codes in the Pent, pre- 
suppose the existence of judges, and inculcate the duty of 
administering justice impartially (Ex. 231-3- 6-8 Lev. ig^^- ^s^) : 
but they contain no provisions respecting the authority in 
which these functions are to reside. 

In a patriarchal society, the natural guardians of justice are the men 
of judgment and experience in a tribe, the heads of families, or "elders" 
(see on ig^'*) ; thus in a modern Arab community the head man of the 

place, the village Kadi ( ^li = j'Vp), assisted by two or three of the 
principal inhabitants, judges local cases, appeal to a higher tribunal being 
granted when necessary (Palgrave, Arabia, i. 228 f.). From Ex. 21" 
227'. (8f.) (cf. I S. 2-') it may be inferred that in ancient Israel judgment, 
especially in difficult or crucial cases, was regarded as a divine decision, 
and delivered at a sanctuary: comp. Ex. i8'^'-^-22j where seeking a 
decision at law is called " inquiring of God," and civil decisions are styled 
the "statutes and laws of God." (Cf. the Homeric conception of i'lijutris, 
as judgments divinely dictated to a judge (//. i. 238 f.), Maine, Ancient 
Law, chap. i.). The body of judges whose appointment to assist Moses 
is narrated in Ex. 18 do not, however, appear to have been a permanent 
institution : we hear later of Samuel and his sons possessing local authority 
as judges (i S. ^'S" gu. la^-^j ; after the establishment of the monarchy, 
the king naturally became the supreme judicial authority, though probably 
only special cases were adjudicated by him in person (cf. 2 S. 8^® i4*-'^ 15*' 
^'•* I K. 39'iGff- f Jer. 22''"* ; Is. 16"' Jer. 23''') ; "princes," and members of 
the royal house, are also alluded to as exercising judicial functions. Is. i^ 

at a sanctuary occurs Is. 16'^. — lini] so Ex. 23"=34^ Dt. 20" (a"]i3|)t. 
The usual form is npj (but never with a suffix). Whether the abs. form 
was inj (Bo. § 664^) or n'i3| (Ew. § 2550), or whether indeed it was in use 
at all, must remain undetermined. 


3^^ Mic. 3^'^ Jer. 2i'"* 22^- Ez. 45^ al. (cf. 2 S. 15^); and "judges" 
in Hos. 'f 13'° Is. i=* 3^ Mic. 7' Zeph. 3*. According to 2 Ch. 19^^^ 
Jehoshaphat established a more highly organized judicial system, 
appointing, viz. judges in the cities of Judah, and constituting in 
Jerusalem a tribunal consisting of Levites, priests, and heads of families, 
possessing supreme authority in both ecclesiastical and civil cases. In 
its broader features, the judicature thus established by JehtJshaphat agrees 
remarkably with the system prescribed — or rather presupposed — in Dt. 
17*"^^ {q.v.). The details, however, of the judicial institutions of the 
Hebrews are not known to us : it is thus uncertain, for instance, whether 
the "judges," whose appointment is prescribed here, were independ- 
ent deputies appointed by the king, or whether they were presidents, 
or assessors, of the local councils of "elders," qualified by their superior 
technical knowledge to direct, or assist, the latter. The two are mentioned 
as acting together in 21^. 

18. Judges and officers shall tJiou appoint thee in all thy 
gates {\2^"\ which JeJiovah thy God is giving thee (16^), accord- 
ing to thy tribes (i^^-^^)] no attempt is made to regulate the 
details of the institution, such as the method by which the 
judges are to be selected, their numbers, the organization of 
the courts, &c. ; the Writer contents himself with affirming 
the broad principle that provision is to be made for the 
administration of justice, and that this is to be done by the 
appointment of judges possessing local jurisdiction. The 
course to be adopted in the treatment of a difficult case is, 
however, prescribed in 1']^-'^^. Elsewhere in Dt. "judges" are 
alluded to 179-12 ^^t the central court), ig^"''- 21^ 252 (and in 
the Mosaic age i^e 299(10X5; cf. in D2 Jos. m 232 24I): but 
usually (see on 19^^) the " elders " of a city appear as the local 
guardians of justice. — Officers (D''^pb')] i.e. in all probability, 
subordinate officials, whose duties would be analogous to 
those of the modern clerk, warder, police-sergeant, &c. ; see 
on 1 15. — And they sJiall jttdge the people with righteous judg- 
ment^ this is their primary and paramount duty (cf. ii^) ; the 
obligations which it involves are stated more fully in the two 
following verses, v.i^ being repeated largely from the "Book 
of the Covenant" (and agreeing also in thought with Lev. 
jgi5. S5a jij^ V.20 being the Writer's own parenetic addition. — 19. 
Thou sJialt Twt wrest judgment] Ex. 23^ "Thou shalt not wrest 

18. pix astro] cogn. ace, as Ez. 23** Zc 7' 8»*. — 19. l^pn] Ex. 23' Pr. 
13" 19* 21'* 22" (with nan) Job 12't ; t5>P Pr. 11' i^\. The precise mean- 

XVI. 18-22 20I 

the judgement of the poor in his suit " : cf. Dt. 24^" 27'^ ; i S. 
8^ Am. 5^2 Is. io2. — Thou shalt not respect persons\ the prin- 
ciple, as Ex. 233 (JE) Lev. igis (H), cf. Ps. 822 Pr. 18^ Mai. 2^ 
2 Ch. 19'': the expression (^V^ "''?'?)> as i^'^ [Q-'v-)- — And thou 
shalt take no bribe ; for a bribe blindeth the eyes of the wise, 
and subverteth the cause of the righteous] repeated verbally 
from Ex. 23^, except that for the "open-eyed" (Q'^HipB) is sub- 
stituted the "eyes of the wise." An epigrammatic description 
of the fatal effects of a bribe. For allusions to this most 
common source of corrupt justice in the East, see 10^'' 27^5 
Is. i23 523 Mic. 3I1 Ez. 2212 Pr. 1723; Ps. 155 is. 2,2^K— Cause] 
lit. words, i.e. statements, arguments, pleas, which in the 
aggregate are tantamount to a man's "case" or "cause"; 
cf. Ex. 24!^ 2 S. 153 Jos. 20^. — 2Q. Justice, justice, shalt thou 
follow] the repetition expresses emphasis (cf. 2^") : ^^ justice, 
and only justice — justice without intermittence — is to be thy 
constant aim in judgment." — That thou mayest live, &c.] the 
same promise as 4^, cf. 530(33) gi^ 

XVI. 21-XVII. 7. Four Enactments designed to preserve the 
Religion of Jehovah from Corruption or Dishonour. 
XVI. 21-22. No Asherah, or pillar (obelisk), to be erected 
beside Jehovah's altar. — These two prohibitions are entirely 
unrelated to the subject of v.^^-^o, the connexion which Schultz 
and Keil seek to establish, that they are meant as illustrations 
of the offences to be taken cognizance of by the "judges," 
being too forced to be probable, as well as destitute of support 
in the terms of the text. As the subject of 178-13 js closely 
connected with 16^8-20^ jt jg more reasonable to suppose that 
(unless the Writer attached little importance to order) the in- 
termediate verses 1621-177 have from some cause been displaced 
from their original position, — perhaps (Dillm.) before 132O). — 
The destruction of the Ashdrahs and "pillars" of the Canaan- 
ites has been enjoined in 7'' 1 23 : here the introduction of 
similar symbols into the worship of Jehovah is prohibited. In 
the other Codes, the only parallel is the more generally worded 

ing- is uncertain ; prob. to twist, pervert, fig-, to subvert, ruin. — 20. pTi fni'] 
G-K. § 123 d\ 


enactment Lev. 26'^ (H) QD^ la'pn i6 nnvoi fjDSI. Both the 
Asherah and the "pillar" ("^^sp) are frequently mentioned in 
the OT. ; and the nature of each is tolerably clear from the 
terms applied to them. Here, the Asherah is expressly de- 
scribed as a kind of "tree," "planted" (j?l23) in the ground; 
Jud. 62*5 it is said to be of "wood"; elsewhere one is said to be 
"setup" (a*i*n) 2 K. 1710, "made" (ne'y) i K. 14^5^/. ; when 
one is destroyed, the verbs used are to "cut down" (n"i3) 
Ex. 3413, "hew down" (jna) c. 75, "pluck up" (otj) Mic. 5^^ 
"pull down" (jTIi) 2 Ch. 34''^, "break in pieces" p??') tb. v.*, 
"burn with fire" c. 12^. Some of these references would 
be compatible with the rendering of G aXcros (whence AV. 
"grove"); but others are plainly inconsistent with it. From 
a survey of all the passages in which the word is used, it 
appears that the Asherah was a post or pole, planted in the 
ground, like an English Maypole, beside an altar, whether of 
Ba'al (Jud. 6-^"^) or of Jehovah, especially on the "high- 
places" (i K. 1423 2 K. 171*^: cf. Jer. 17-), and venerated as a 
sacred symbol. By the ancient Semites trees were often 
revered, as the abode of a deity (on ii^^), and altars were 
built beside them ; and (so far as can be judged) the Asherah 
appears to have been the representative of the sacred tree, 
used where an actual tree was not available, first by the 
Canaanites, and then, in imitation of them, by the unspiritual 
Israelites (cf. W. R. Smith, Hel. Sem. p. 171 f.). A famous 
Asherah, which "stood" in Samaria, under Jehoahaz, is 
alluded to 2 K. i3<5, — probably the one "made" by Ahab, i K. 
16^3, Manasseh erected one in the Temple of Jerusalem (2 K. 
21^), which was destroyed by Josiah {ib. 23^-'^). 

The 'Ashdrah (mrx) must be carefully distinguished from 'Ashtoreth 
(mnry), the Phoenician consort of Ba'al : in the Heb. the two names are 
quite different ; and it is not even known that the Asherah was a symbol of 
'Ashtoreth. Whether the Asherah was solely a sacred sj-mbol, or whether 
there was also a deity bearing the same name, is disputed. In most of the 
passages where the term occurs, it certainly denotes simply the former, 
but there are a few (Jud. 3^ i K. 15^^ 18*^ 2 K. 21' 23*) which appear to 
support the latter view, though not, perhaps, quite conclusively. The 
Tell-el-Amama inscriptions contain a name Abad-Ashratu {RPr v. 97, vi. 
50 ; Schrader, Z.f. Ass. iii. 363 f.), which is considered to show that there 

21. yv ^3 mrx] an Ashdrah, (even) any tree (cf. on 18'). 

XVI. 21-22 203 

was a Semitic goddess Ash^rah ; but the bearing of this fact upon the 
Ash^rah of the OT. cannot as yet be said to be perfectly clear (cf. DB."^ 
s.v.\ Smith, he. p. i73«.). The name Ash^rah has (hitherto) been found 
only twice in Phoenician; in an inscription from Kition {ZDMG. 1881, p. 
424) a person dedicates a statue (if read correctly) " to his lady, the mother 
of the Ash^rah " (read differently in the CIS. I. i. 13) ; and one from 
Ma'zub, near Ptolemais, speaks of the portico of a temple built niriB'i"'? 
ms'Ka " for 'Ashtoreth in the Ash^rah" (Clermont-Ganneau, Rec. d Archdol. 
Orient, i. 81), which is explained by Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Cyprus, the 
Bible, and Homer, pp. 165, 168, as referring- to an image of 'Ashtoreth 
standing in a small niche in an Ash^rah (comp. Plate xvii. 2, an image of 
Artemis similarly placed). In the same elaborate, but not very critical, 
work, the author gives numerous representations from gems, &c., partly 
of Assyrian or Babylonian, partly of Phoenician origin, of what he con- 
siders to correspond to both the Ash^rah, and (see the next note) the 
Mazzebah of the OT. (pp. 142-179, with the Plates there referred to) : the 
former sometimes having the appearance of a tree, but generally being 
little more than a pole, and both standing often beside an altar, with an 
officiating priest, and sometimes with a divine being seated in front. (One 
of these representations, from Khorsabad, in which a priest appears to 
be anointing the sacred emblem, may be seen also in Rawlinson, Anc. 
Mon.* ii. 37.) This explanation seems to be not improbable ; but it must 
be remembered it is not more than a conjecture : the emblems in question 
being nowhere actually styled either Ash^rahs or Mazzebahs. For a repre- 
sentation of a Phoenician Mazzebah, as well as (apparently) of a sacred 
pole, see Benzinger, Hebr. Arch. p. 380 f., or Nowack, Hebr. Arch. ii. 18 f. 

Whatever the precise nature of the symbolism of the 
Ash^rah may have been, the heathen associations attaching- 
to it were amply sufficient to explain its prohibition in con- 
nexion with the worship of Jehovah (cf. Is. 17^ 27^ Mic. 5^3). 
The prohibition, as it here stands, may be borrowed from an 
earlier statute-book : as Dillmann observes, it presupposes 
by its wording" ("beside the altar of Jehovah thy God, which 
thou shalt make thee ") the law of Ex. 20^* : had it been first 
formulated by D, it would probably have contained some ex- 
press reference to "the place which Jehovah should choose." 

The pillar (n^SfO, lit. something set up, cf. with yST} Gn. 
35I*) is mentioned as a heathen symbol of the Canaanites (Ex. 
2324 Dt. 75 1 2^) ; it is alluded to as erected in, or near, a 
temple of Ba'al (2 K. 32 io26. 27)^ and in proximity to 
Asherim (i K. 1423 2 K. 17W iS"* 23"). Originally, it is 
probable, the mazzebah corresponded to what now would be 
called a menhir; consisting, viz. of a natural boulder or block 
of stone (Gen. 28^^- 18-22 3145. sif.j^ broader at one end than the 


other, erected perpendicularly, which was regarded by the 
heathen Semites as the abode of a deity (cf. Smith, Rel. Sent. 
183-188: the Phoenicians are said to have venerated efi^vxoi 
XiOoi), and honoured by them with libations of milk, honey, oil, 
&c. In process of time, however, an artificial obelisk took 
the place of the natural boulder : the term occurs in this sense 
in Phoenician and Palmyrene (see below) ; and the lofty stone 
obelisks in front of the temple of Turn (the sun) at Heliopolis 
— one of which is the so-called "Cleopatra's Needle" — are 
referred to by Jeremiah (43^^) under the same name. An 
"obelisk" was the disting-uishing mark of a holy place, and 
often stood beside an altar (cf. Hos. 3* lo^- ~). At one time, 
it seems, the maszebah was employed freely as a religious 
symbol in the worship of Jehovah (cf. Gn. 28^^-22 ^i*^. 5if Ex. 
24* Is. i9^9j . but ultimately, like the Ash^rah, it came to be 
proscribed on account of its heathen associations (cf. Mic. 5^^). 
— Which Jehovah thy Godhateth\ 12^'^. 

XVII. 1. All animals offered in sacrifice to Jehovah to be 
without blemish. — From the context (which, on both sides, is 
directed against the practices of idolatry), and the use of the 
term "abomination" (comp. on 7^^), it may perhaps be in- 
ferred (Dillm.) that in the idolatrous sacrifices with which the 
author was familiar, no importance was attached to this point. 
There is no corresponding law in JE. In H, the parallel is 
Lev. 2217-25^ where the physical conditions that must be satis- 
fied in order that a sacrifice may be accepted (H^?) are par- 
ticularized, and an enumeration of disqualifying faults is given. 

22. nasD] naso occurs oft. in Phcen. (CIS. I. i. 44* 46^ 57^ 58^ [all from Kition 
in Cyprus], 116^ [Athens] al.\ mostly of a commemorative obelisk (nasa 
D'na, i.e. " cippus inter vivos," Nos. 58, 59), erected over a tomb (cf. Gn. 
35^ 2 S. 18^*), but once (No. 44), probably, of an obelisk erected to a deity. 
No. 44 shows what a n3so was : for it is inscribed on the pedestal of an 
actual obelisk, made of marble, about 5 feet in height (see the photograph 
in the volume of plates in the CIS.). In an Inscription from Palmyra, now 
in the British Museum ( Vienna Orient. Journ. 1894, p. 11 flF.), a NasD, about 
i\ ft. high by i ft. broad, with a bearded warrior, holding a spear and 
shield, figured upon it, is described as erected by the donor N3a NnSx nstic'? 
\rhz nn"a 'J3i in na tj »tn' n "to the good god Shadrapa (Pausan. vi. 25. 6 
'S.a.rfa.reni: see Journ. As. 1877, x. 157 ff.), that he might be a guest (Cheyne 
on Ps. 15^) with him, he and all the members of his family." 

XVII. 1-2 205 

In P there is no explicit regulation on the subject; but it is a 
standing principle (Lev. i^- lo &c.) that the animal offered in 
sacrifice is to be "perfect" (Q^pJJi), i.e. unblemished. From a 
mere comparison of the two parallel laws, it is impossible to 
determine whether the law of Dt., or that of H, is the earlier : 
the former, regarded in itself, might, for instance, be a sum- 
mary of the more detailed provisions of Lev. 22^"^'^^, or the 
latter might be an expansion in detail of the principle stated 
generally in Dt. ; the question of the relative priority of the 
two laws can thus be argued only upon independent considera- 
tions. The phrasing of the law here is Deuteronomic 
("Jehovah ^hy God" (i^^) ; the generalizing asyndeton *'any 
evil thing," see on 18^; "abomination," 7^5). — WJierein is a 
blemish (C1»)] cf. Lev. 2220 (pyi^ ^ ^3 nnpn k'p DIO U nC'K ^3 
Uzh t\''T\'''). The same restriction has already been laid down 
in the case of firstlings, 1521, where lameness and blindness 
are instanced as examples of disqualifying "blemish " : here it 
is extended to sacrifices in general. — (Even) any evil thing\ 
generalizing the idea of "blemish": cf. 1521 jn D1» ^53. 

2-7. An Israelite, convicted of idolatry, to be stoned to 
death. — In JE there is the more categorical, but less explicit, 
enactment (Ex. 22^^20)) i^a^' r\)ryh ^nb? D-in> D'nSs^^ n2f. The 
punishment of death has already been decreed (i3"^") for the 
bare attempt to seduce into idolatry ; hence it is not more than 
consistent for it to be imposed in the case when idolatry has 
been actually practised. Both in subject-matter and phrase- 
ology, the present section is closely allied to c. 13 ; and perhaps 
(as suggested on 1621) once immediately preceded it. In any 
case, its position here cannot be naturally explained as afford- 
ing an example of a capital offence likely to come for trial before 
the "judges" of 16^8-20. — 2. If there be found in thy midst] cf. 
132(1)21!; 1 8^° 22^2 24'^. — In one of thy gates, dir'c.] as 16^: see 
on 12^. — That which is evil in the eyes of Jehovah\ on 4^^. — In 
transgressing (l3J?^) his covenant] Jos. 7ii- ^^ ; and (followed as 

XYII. 1. ]r\ nan] "evil thing," of a physical disfigurement, as c. 23'* of 
something conventionally unbecoming ; 2 K. 4'" Ps. 4l^ of what is physic- 
ally harmful : Ps. 64* 141* of what is morally harmful.— 2-4. . . . ^V ttu 
nam . . . yihl\\ "who doeth . . . and hath gone . . . , and it be told" (Dr. 
§ 115, s.v. TTN Obs.). 


here by go and serve other gods) Jos. 23^*' (D^). — 3. Gone and 
served other gods, dr'c.] the same phrase as 137- 14(<5- is) 2g25(26) 
Jos. 23^6 p2) : so I S. 26^9 I K. 96 (Deut.).— 7%e sun, or the 
moon, or the host of heaven\ 4^^. — Which I have not commafided] 
the first person, of God, as 7*. For the litotes, "have not 
commanded," cf. Jer. y^^ 19^ 32^5^ also 722. — 4. And it be told 
thee, and thou hear it, and i?iquire, &'c.^ the expressions as 
1 3^5 (14)^ in a similar connexion. — 5. Then thou shalt bring forth 
. . . unto thy gates . . . a7id thou shalt stone them, &c.\ simi- 
larly 2224. 'phg offender, when convicted, is to be brought out 
(viz. for execution : Gn. 382^) to the gates of his city, in order 
that the execution may take place outside its precincts (comp. 
in P Lev. 24I* Nu. 1526; also Acts 75s Heb. 1312). For the 
penalty of stoning-, comp. in H Lev. 20^ (for Molech-worship). 
— 6. No accused person is, however, to be put to death on the 
testimony of a single witness. The provision secures the 
application to a particular case of the same safeguard against 
the disastrous effects of dishonest or mistaken testimony, 
which is enunciated more generally in 19^^; in Nu. 35^° (P) 
the same protection is accorded to the person charged with 
murder. — 7. It is to be the duty of the witnesses to take the 
lead in carrying the sentence into effect: cf. i3^*><9\ — So thou 
shalt exterminate the evil from thy midsi\ as 13^^^^, where see 

XVn. 8-XVin. 22. The Ojffice-Bearers of the Theocracy 
{resumed from i6^*'^). 
8-13. On the jurisdiction of the supreme central tribunal. 
— When a case arises, whether in criminal or civil law, too 
difficult to be adjudicated by the local courts (16^^), it is to be 
referred to the tribunal of the central sanctuary, whose decision 
is to be final, and whose verdict, under penalty of death, is to 
be obeyed implicitly by all. The paragraph, it is evident, 
connects immediately with 16^8-20^ From v. 9, compared with 
19^^^, it appears that the supreme tribunal here contemplated 
is conceived by the Writer as composed partly of Levitical 

4. 3B'n] 9^. — 'Ji noK njm] 13". — 6. nan nov] with the cognate ptcp. (on 
15-) expressed : so 22^ 2 S. 17^ Is. 28* Ez. 18*^ 33*. 

XVII. 4-8 207 

priests (i8^), partly of lay "judges"; it was thus similar in 
constitution to the court appointed, according to 2 Ch. 198- 1^, 
by Jehoshaphat at Jerusalem (p. 200). It is to be observed, 
however, that this supreme tribunal is not here instituted for 
the first time : it is represented as already existing, and its 
constitution is supposed to be known : the law of Dt. is limited 
to defining its powers, and specifying the class of cases of 
which it is to take cognizance. The general principle of refer- 
ring serious or complicated cases to a higher authority is in 
harmony with the provision made in the case of the judicature 
instituted by Moses, Ex. iS^^- 20 (Dt. i^'^''). ig^^-i^ supplies an 
example of a case so referred to the central tribunal, viz. a 
charge of false witness. 

For priests taking part in the administration of justice, comp. 21^ Is. 
28^ Ez. 44^. As remarked on 16^, judgment in ancient Israel, even on 
secular issues, seems often to have been administered at a sanctuary : the 
priests would thus possess an hereditary knowledge of civil and criminal 
law not less than of ceremonial law, which, especially at a time when Hebrew 
law was still imperfectly codified, would naturally give them an advantage 
over either the local "elders," or the ordinary lay judges. Hence they 
would be properly represented on a tribunal, appointed expressly for the 
purpose of dealing with difficult or serious cases. 

S. If a matter be too difficult for thee (IQO ^.<f^) in judgment\ 
lit. too exceptional (or wonderful) for thee, i.e. beyond thy 
power to unravel or decide ; comp. 30^1 (beyond one's power 
to master) ; Gn. 18^^ Jer. 32^''^ (beyond one's power to effect) ; 
Job 42^ (beyond one's power to comprehend). Not the word 
used in Ex. 1822-26 Dt. ii' {r\\:?^, ''hard").— Between blood and 
blood, and between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, 
(even) the subjects of pleadings^ i.e. if the diflficulty be to deter- 
mine under what law a particular case is to be judged, whether, 
for example ("between blood and blood"), a man be guilty of 
murder or only of manslaughter (Ex. 21^^-^^), or whether a 
man charged with theft or embezzlement, or with having 
caused some personal injury (Ex. 21^^"^-; 22^*^-), has been 
culpably negligent or not, and, if so, in what degree, and 
to what penalty he is liable, — whatever the nature of the 
pleadings (on both sides) may be (cf. 2 Ch. 19^°). — Within thy 

8. nun n^n] in loose appos. with -on, a constr. which D often has : 2^ 
35 4=8 eiob 8" g'l- 11" 20> 22« 2715 28 «•" 29«--- ; cf. on \&. 


g-ales] 12^-. — Thou shalt anse, (Sr'c] the persons implicitly 
addressed (as appears from the words "too difficult for thee 
in judgment ") are the local judges, who, in such a contingency, 
are to refer the case to the tribunal at the central sanctuary. — 
Go up] the expression used of visiting Shiloh (i S. jS. 7. 21.22^^ 
or Jerusalem (i K. 1227.28^ a^id often), — 9. Unio the priests tJie 
Levttes] i.e. to the Levitical priests (on 18^). — And unto the 
judge that shall be in those days\ for the expression, comp. 
Yf^"^ 26^ Jos. 20^ (D-). It seems evident that the "judge" is 
not identical with any of the "priests"; and as in 19I'' "the 
priests and the judges " are mentioned together in a similar 
connexion, it appears reasonable to infer that priests and 
laymen sat together on the tribunal referred to : the "judge " 
mentioned here being the foreman, or president, of the body 
of lay "judges" mentioned in 19^'', just as the "priest" in 
1712 must be the president of the "priests" mentioned in v.^. 
The court instituted by Jehoshaphat had similarly a double 
presidency, the high priest acting as head in ecclesiastical cases, 
and a secular prince in civil cases (2 Ch. 198- ^i). — And thou 
slialt itiquire, &€.] i.e. examine the case (19^^), — Israel, acting 
in the persons of its representatives for the time being, i.e. 
here the members of the central tribunal, being addressed. 
Sam. ffir, however, have "and they shall inquire (itmi)," which 
(as in the context the 2nd person denotes the local judges) is 
easier, and may be correct. — AndtJiey shall declare to thee the 
word of judgment] i.e. the sentence (2 Ch. 19^). For shew (AV., 
RV.), here and v.^on, in the sense of declare, see on 5^. — 
10-13. The decision of the central tribunal is to be implicitly 
obeyed. — 10. Observe to do] 5^. — According to all that they 
direct thee (^^"iv)] so v.^^ "according to the direction where- 
with they direct thee." niin is to direct (Ex. ^^•'^% idrah 
("law") is properly direction, — both words being used especi- 
ally, in a technical sense, of the authoritative direction given 
by the priests to the laity on matters of ceremonial observance 
(see e.g. 248 33^0 Lev. \&^ Ez. 22^6 4423 Mic. 3^^; Jer. 2^ 18^^ 
Lev. ii« 1359 145* 1532 Nu. 529 621 &c.). In a somewhat wider 
sense, torah is then applied, in Dt. (on i^), and Deut. writers 
(as Jos. i7 23« I K. 23 2 K. lo^i i4« [Dt. 24I6] 1713 2i3 228- " 

xvii. 9-13 209 

2224. 25jer. 16"), to the exposition of an Israelite's duty con- 
tained in Dt. : finally, still more generalized, it becomes the 
name of the Pentateuch generally (cf. Neh. S^f- "f. iqSS. 37(84. sc) 
2 Ch. 3i3). See further OTJC.^ pp. 299 ff., 372 ff., 382 f., 
425 f. ; Kuenen, Hex. § 10. 4. Here it refers (unusually) to 
decisions on points of secular law (comp. Ex. i8*^- ^o), being 
used, probably, on account of the fact that the verdict of the 
supreme tribunal came with the authority of priests as well as 
of lay judges. — Turn aside, (Sr-'c] on 2^7. — 12. The priesi\ the 
ecclesiastical president of the tribunal; comp. on v.^. — That 
standeth to minister there to JehovaK\ see on 10^. — Or unto the 
jiidge\ v.^. By or\t seems to be implied that the verdict was 
delivered sometimes by the ecclesiastical president of the 
board, sometimes by its civil president ; the procedure may 
have varied according to the nature of the case under con- 
sideration. — And thou shalt exterminate the evil from Israel] the 
same formula as 13^(^)17''. — 13. And all the people shall hear 
and fear, &€.] comp. 13'- (^^), where see note. 

14-20. The character and duties of the King. — The king, 
if one be elected by Israel, is to be a man who has Jehovah's 
approval ; he is to be a native Israelite ; he is not, in his 
court-establishment, to imitate the great despots of the East ; 
and he is to rule in accordance with the principles of Israel's 
religion. — The king, in spite of his obviously superior dignity, 
follows the judges (16^8-20^^ — no doubt, on account of the 
monarchy being an institution not essential to the theocracy 
(which as a matter of history subsisted long without it) : 
accordingly, as the terms of v.^* show, his appointment is not 
enjoined by the legislator, but only permitted. The monarchy 
became ultimately a necessity in Israel, for the better adminis- 
tration and consolidation of the nation (i S. 8^- ^- 20 [contrast 
Jud. 17'' 2i2s] 9^*'): it was David's great merit to have placed 
it upon a religious basis, and to have shown how its power 
could be wielded so as to promote the truest interests of the 
people ; hence he became to later ages the ideal of a pious and 
noble-minded theocratic king (Hos. 3^ Is. 55* i K. 11^ 14^ &c.). 
The present law is peculiar to Dt. In estimating it, it is 
12. Ninn B"Krr roi . . . nrx cxni] Dr. §§ 123a; 197 Obs. 2. 


important to notice that its provisions are entirely theocratic : 
they do not define a political constitution, or limit the autocracy 
of the king in civil matters. It thus stands entirely out of 
relation with the %n dsk^, or nabsn CBpc, of i S. S^- ^ io25. 
The aim of the law is to show how the monarchy, if estab- 
lished, is to conform to the same theocratic principles which 
gfovern other departments of the community; and how the 
dang-ers with which it may threaten Israel's national character 
and Israel's faith, may be most eifectually averted. At the 
same time, though the nucleus of the law may be ancient 
{y^^)i in its present form it is doubtless designed as an attempt 
to check the moral and religious degeneracy which the mon- 
archy, as a fact, too often displayed. — 14. When thou art 
come into the land, <5r'c.] 26^; cf. 18^ (also 6^*^). — And shalt 
say (1220), I will set over me a king like all the nations that are 
round about me] comp. i S. 8^ ** now set us a king to judge us, 
like all the nations" (cf. v. 20 10^^) : see further p. 213. — Round 
about ?fie] 6^* i;^^^\ — 15. The two conditions which the king 
is to satisfy : he is to be one whom Jehovah approves, and he 
is not to be a foreigner. — W/iom Jehovah thy God shall c/wose] 
cf. (of Saul) I S. io2* "whom Jehovah hath chosen"; (of 
David) I S. 168-10 (implicitly), 2 S. 6^1 : for the general thought, 
also, I S. 9^^^- lo^ 2 S. 7^ &c. Both Saul and David were 
appointed under the authority of the prophet Samuel : for the 
N. kingdom, cf. i K. ii29ff- i4"ff- i6i-*-7 19I6 2i2it 2 K. 9I-S.— 
Thou m.ay est not ptit a foreigner over thee\\)c\& prohibition is a 
remarkable one, as it is difficult to imagine what attractions 
the rule of a foreigner can have possessed for Israel, and there 
are no traces in the history of either kingdom of a desire to 
establish it (the supposition that the project to make Tab'el 
king in place of Ahaz, Is. 7®, met with support in Judah, being 
an uncertain inference from Is. 8*'). Possibly there may have 
been examples of foreigners rising to despotic power among 
Israel's neighbours (? Gn. 36^7 Dillm.). Not improbably, 
however, the motive of the provision is a religious one. A 
foreigner would not only be deficient in national feeling, and 

14. a 3 nar '1] on 14**.— 15. ^aw rS] as 7^. — wn yn*. vh tpk] so 20" (Dr. 
§ 198 Obs. I ; Lex. Kin 3 0). 

XVII. I4-I6 2 1 I 

be liable to rule tyrannically, but he would be likely to endanger 
Israel's distinctive nationality, by introducing a heathen element 
into this most important dignity. The prohibition may well 
be an old one (Dillm. ; Del., ZKWL. 1880, p. 565), repeated 
by D from one of his sources. — 16-17. Even, however, when a 
king has been appointed, who satisfies the conditions pre- 
scribed in v.^5^ hJs liberty is not absolute ; and there follow 
now three limitations of it, v.^^''- : he is not to multiply horses, 
or wives, or riches. — 16. Seeing that Jehovah hath said. Ye 
shall henceforth return no more that way] the same saying is 
referred to again 28*'^; it is not to be found in our present 
Pentateuch, but the thought of Ex. 13^^ 14^3 jg similar; and 
the proposal of the people to return to Egypt, Nu. i/^^"^ (cf. 
1 1 20), is plainly represented in the context as contrary to the 
Divine intention. It is probable that, as in other cases (cf. 
on i22 10I-3. 8. 9)^ the actual words were still read in some part 
of the narrative of JE, extant at the time when Dt. was com- 
posed. The horses, which the Israelitish king is forbidden to 
multiply, are, of course, such as were intended for use in war. 
The Israelites were deficient in cavalry, and were consequently often 
unable to hold their own beside the nations of Canaan (Jos. 17^^ Jud. i^® 4^^ 
I S. 13"*) ; nevertheless, prior to the age of Solomon, they do not appear 
to have made any attempt to supply the deficiency, and are even recorded, 
more than once, to have houghed the horses, and burnt the chariots, 
captured by them in war (Jos. i !*• *• " 2 S. 8*). Egypt, however, at least 
from the i8th dynasty (Wilkinson-Birch, Anc. Eg.^ ii. loi ; Rawlinson, 
Hist, of Eg. 1881, i. 74, ii. 206, 215), was celebrated for its horses (cf. Ex. 
14'' 15*; //. ix. 383 f.); and Solomon procured cavalry thence on a large 
scale (i K. 5^ [4^] lo^**^'*) ; horses and chariots are often mentioned sub- 
sequently as a standing component of the army in both kingdoms ; in the 
time of Hezekiah (30^- ^'31^ 36^), as afterwards in that of Zedekiah (Ez. 
17^5), the cavalry of Egypt was an important factor in the calculations of 
the politicians of Judah. 

The legislator, like the prophets, esp. Isaiah, discounten- 
ances both dealings with Egypt (Is. 3oi-5-7 ^ii-s j jer. 2i8-36), 
and the multiplication of horses and chariots (Is. 2^ 2)^^\ cf. 
Hos. 144(3) Mic. 5io(»> &c.). It is difficult not to think that 
there is in his words a covert reference to the policy inaugur- 
ated by Solomon. — Nor cause the people to return to Egypi\ 

16. 1DM .-nn*l] "when (or seeiftg that) J. hath said": a circumstantial 
clause (Dr. § 159). 


not to be understood literally (as Nu. 14*) : the meaning* is 
that the king is not to act counter to Jehovah's intention in 
forbidding- the people to return to Egypt, by sending- his mer- 
chants (i K. lo^s), or his ambassadors (Is. 30^"^), thither in 
quest of cavalry. — 17. Neither shall he multiply wives to him- 
self, that his heart turn not aside (Jer. 17^); neither shall he 
greatly multiply to himself silver and gold\ two other practices, 
calculated to impart a sensual and worldly tone to the char- 
acter of the king-, in which likewise an evil precedent was set 
by Solomon (i K. ii^-S; ioi*-25. 27): the influence of a harem 
was likely in other ways also to be pernicious to the State. — 
18-20. The king, when established upon his throne, is to 
transcribe for himself a copy of the Deuteronomic law, which 
he is to study daily, in order that its principles may become the 
rule of his life, and that he may govern his subjects in the just 
and equitable spirit which it everywhere commends. — 18. This 
law] i.e., as uniformly in this book (on i^), the Deuteronomic 
legislation, from the standard copy of which, in the custody of 
the Levitical priests, at the central sanctuary (31^-^®), the 
king's transcript was to be made. — 19. // shall he with him, 
S^c] i.e. it is to be ever at his side, and he is to study it 
habitually (comp. Jos. i^). — That he may learn to fear, tfc.\ 4^° 
1423b; 526(29) 62.— 20. That his heart be not lifted up (S^^) ahmje 
his brethren] the same principles of loyalty towards God, and 
of sympathetic regard for men, which Dt. ever inculcates so 
warmly, are to rule the life both of the king and of his 
subjects ; he is not therefore to treat those who after all are 
his "brethren" (v.^^j -^jth arrogance, or to forget the obli- 
gations towards them which his office involves (comp. e.g. 
Jehoiakim's abuse of his position, denounced by Jeremiah, 
22^^-^%— Turn not aside, <Sr'c.] v." e^^^^^'^^.— Prolong days] 426- 40. 

It remains to consider briefly the relation of Dt. lyi*-** to the account 
in I Sam. of the establishment of the monarchy in Israel. This is told in 
two narratives. In one, the older narrative (gi-io^**"^^ ii^'" ^^ 13-14), the 

18. '3£3^D 1*? an3i] 'JsV might signify "under the eye of, in the keeping of" 
(cf. Mai. 3^ Is. 65") ; and '33'?D ana is said on the analogy of '3sSd np"? Ex. 
36^, '3S^D Sn Dt. 28*' : cf. Jer. 31*8.— n:rs] copy, lit. repetition, duplicate 
(cf. Jos. 8^). ffi TO hvTipovifiiav roZro (whence the name of the Book), which 
would require nxn for nKin.— 20. "flDj on 4". 

XVII. 17— XVIII. I 213 

proposal to appoint a king- is viewed without the smallest disapproval or 
censure ; in the other (7""" 8. 10""''* 12) it is treated as a grave offence 
against Jehovah, and fraught with danger for the nation's future (8""^'). 
The second of these narratives (which alone has points of contact with Dt.) 
cannot, on various grounds (cf. L.O.T. pp. 166-168), be regarded as con- 
taining the ipsissima verba of either Samuel or the people ; it rather gives 
expression to the fears and doubts which Samuel, no doubt, in view of a 
great constitutional innovation, actually felt, in a form moulded by the 
experiences of a later age, when the evils which the monarchy had 
brought with it — its encroachments on the liberties of the people (8^^"'"), 
its tendencies to idolatry, and its reluctance to listen to the warnings of 
the prophets (cf. the ominous anticipations in 12^*'^'') — had made them- 
selves keenly felt. This narrative, now, shows no indications of the law 
of Dt. having been known mfact, either to Samuel, or to the people who 
demanded of him a king : had such been the case, it is incredible either 
that Samuel should have resisted the application of the people as he is 
represented as doing, or — if per impossibile he did this — that the people 
should not have appealed to the law, as a sufficient justification of their 
request ; the supposition (which would admit of the law not being unknown 
to him) that Samuel condemned not the request, as such, but the temper 
in which it was made, being not borne out by the terms of the narrative. 
On the other hand, the resemblance of Dt. i7"'>.i5a ^5^^ j S. 8* 10^ (cited 
above) seems too great to be accidental : the law of Dt. will therefore 
have been known to the author of the narrative of Sam., and the two 
phrases referred to will be reminiscences from it ; unless, indeed, the other 
alternative be adopted, and the author of Dt. i7"-2o be supposed to have 
been influenced, as he wrote, by his recollections of the narrative of Sam. 
(so Budde, Richter und Samuel, p. 183 f.; Comill, Einl. % 17. 4). As the 
nucleus of i S. 8 ; 10^""^* 12 appears to be pre-Deuteronomic {L.O.T. I.e.), 
the latter alternative is not the least probable one. 

XVIII. 1-8. The revenues of the Priests.— The priestly 
tribe is to receive no territorial inheritance in Israel ; its 
inheritance is to consist of the altar-dues, and of the first-fruits 
offered by the Israelites to Jehovah, v.^^^. A member of the 
tribe coming- voluntarily from the country to officiate at the 
central sanctuary', shall share in these dues equally with those 
already on the spot, v.''^^. In JE, priests, and "sons of 
Levi," are alluded to (Ex. 1922.24 ^2^6. isy^ but no provisions 
are laid down respecting" their duties or rights. In P they are 
the subject of very precise regulations, which in some respects 
differ widely from those of Dt. ; see p. 219 f. — 1. T/ie priests 
the Levttes] i.e. the priests of the tribe of Levi, the Levitical 
priests, the standing designation of the priests in Dt. (17^-^8 
24S 279 : cf. "the priests the sons of Levi," 21^ 319), occurring 


besides Jos. 38 8^3 (both D^), Jer. 33I8 (cf. v.21), Ez. 43^9 44" 
2 Ch. 5^ (preserving probably the true reading- of i K. 8*; 
p. 122), 2318302't (Is. 6621 I Ch. 92 Ezr. lo^ Neh. 1029.35(23.34) 
ii20 are different, the conj. and being omitted). In P the 
priesthood is limited strictly to the descendants of Aaron, and 
priests are accordingly always styled "the sons of Aaron" 
Lev. i5. 8. 11 22 32.3,5 &c. — (Even) all the tribe of Levi] an 
explanatory apposition to "the priests the Levites." Such 
explanatory appositions are frequent in Dt. (2^"^ 3*^- 1^. is ^^19 
58 1521 i62i 17I 20I* 2320(19) 25I6 299(10) [in neg. sentences the 
Heb. all becomes in Engl, any; and 1621 there is no of in the 
Heb.]), and denote regularly the entire group, of which one or 
more representative items have been specified in the preceding 
words. The wording of the verse implies (what is consonant 
with the language used elsewhere) that in Dt. the priestly 
office is not confined to the descendants of Aaron, but may 
be exercised by members of the tribe without distinction (see 
p. 220). — Shall have no portion or inheritance -with Israel] i.e. 
no territorial possession, like the rest of Israel ; similarly lo* 
i2i2b 14275.29^ cf. Jos. 1314a. 33a ^^1 (^n D2) ; and in P, Nu. 1820 
(of the priests), 23- 24 (of the Levites), 26^2 Jqs. 143 (of the 
whole tribe). — -JehovaKs fire-offerings, and his inheritance^ 
sJiall they eat] i.e. live upon ; this is their substitute for a 
landed inheritance: comp. Jos. 131* 1 S. 2-^. Fire-offering \s 
a technical term of the priestly legislation, occurring 62 times 
in P, otherwise only here, Jos. 131*, and 1 S. 228; it is thus 
used of the burnt-offering (Lev. i9), the meal-offering (23), the 
thank-oflFering (32), the guilt-offering (7^), in all of which 
specified parts were the perquisite of the priests (Lev. 23 7<*-i9 ; 
Nu. i89'). By "and his {i.e. Jehovah's) inheritance" must 
be meant other sacred dues, not included in the "fire-offer- 
ings," rendered to God, in the persons of His representatives, 
the priestly tribe, e.g. first-fruits (v. 3). — 2. The principle of v. 1 
repeated more emphatically. — In the midst of his brethren] cf. 
io9. — Jehovah is his inheritance, as he spake unto him] Jehovah 
is here said to be the "inheritance" (see on lo^) of the entire 
tribe (cf. in D2 Jos. 131*- S3 i87) ; in P (Nu. i82oi>; so Ez. 44*8) 
He is said to be the inheritance of "Aaron," i.e. of the priests 

XVIII. 2-3 215 

alone. The passage referred to, as shown on lo^, does not 
occur in our existing Pentateuch. — 3-4. A specification of the 
principal items included in the ** fire-offerings " and "inherit- 
ance" of v.^, viz. the priests' share in the peace-offerings and 
first-fruits, the two kinds of offering most frequently and 
regularly rendered by the people at large. — 3. And this shall 
be the right of the priests from the people, [even) from them that 
sacrifice the sacrifice, whether ox or sheep : he shall give to the 
priest the shoulder, the two cheeks, and the maw] the first part 
of the V. may be illustrated from i S. 2^2f. (reading with ffiS^T 
and many moderns, oyn HKO pan) "the sons of 'Eli . . . knew 
not Jehovah, nor the right [i.e. the rightful due) of the priest 
from the people: when any man sacrificed a sacrifice, the 
priest's servant used to come," &c. By the sacrifice is meant 
the most ordinary and usual kind of sacrifice, accompanied 
(12") by a religious feast, and called, where distinction is 
needed, the peace- or thank-offering (on 12*^). The shotilder 
(lit. ami) is mentioned Nu. &-^ (of the ram offered by the 
Nazirite) ; the cheeks, and the maw (not elsewhere : ffir ewa-rpov, 
the fourth stomach of ruminants — a favourite dish at Athens, 
Aristoph. Eg. 356, 1179), are not otherwise mentioned in con- 
nexion with sacrifice. The passage is in direct contradiction 
with Lev. 732-34 (pj^ which prescribes the breast and the right 
thigh as the priest's due of the peace-offerings. 

Various attempts have been made to remove the discrepancy, (i) 
According to the Jews (Jos. Ant. iv. 4. 4 ; Ph'ilo, prcsm. sacerd. § 3, Mangey, 
ii. 235 ; Mishnah, Hullin 10. i ; so Curtiss, Lev, Priests, p. 43 f.) the refer- 
ence in Dt. is not to sacrifices at all, but to animals slaughtered at home 
for domestic use (12^'*). This, however, is an incredible explanation of 
nain 'na? : njj occurs some 160 times in the OT., and a/a/ajj/^ (including the 
fig. passages Is. 34" Jer. 46^" Ez. 39^') signifies a sacrifice (cf. also i S. 2", 
cited above ; and note the art. in natn) ; the sing., "/A^ priest," points to 
the particular priest in attendance on the sacrificer (cf. Lev. 7^), — to say 
nothing of the fact that a law requiring portions of every animal slain, in 
whatever part of the country, to be sent to the central sanctuary for the 
consumption of the priests, would evidently be impracticable. (2) Schultz 

XYIII. 3. riKD] = lettfa, with a gen. : used idiomatically (in preference to 
JD alone) to express on the part of, in reference to the granting of rights, 
or payment of dues : Gn. 47^ Ex. 27^^ &c. {Lex. II. nx 4 b).— pji] lit. "so 
(viz. under the conditions implied in the preceding sentence) he shall 
g^ve " ; but in our idiom simply " he shall give" ; cf. Nu. 4^'*. 


(p. 59) and Espin consider that the dues here prescribed are not in lieu of 
those assigned in Lev. 7^"^ (which, it is said, are included in the "fire- 
offering's " of v.^), but in addition to them, and perhaps intended as a com- 
pensation for the loss sustained by the permission granted in 12^^ to 
slaughter for food without sacrifice. But had it been the intention of v.* 
to prescribe something additional to what had been usual, this would surely 
have been indicated more distinctly: as the verse stands ("and this" not 
"and this also") it can only be legitimately understood, like v.*, as ex- 
planatory of v.^''. (3) Kell, adopting a modification of (i), supposes the 
reference to be, not to the peace-offerings properly so called, but to the 
festal meals held at the central sanctuary, at which firstlings (i2^''* 15^), or 
the substitute for the tithe (14^), were eaten. But the expression " sacrifice 
the sacrifice" is too general and distinctive to be legitimately limited to such 
subordinate species of sacrifice as these. 

The verse must refer to the commonest kind of the "fire- 
offerings " named in v.^, and specify for the people's instruction 
what parts of these are due to the priest. The only reason- 
able interpretation is to treat it as parallel to Lev. 732-34^ ^nd 
consequently as fixing the priests' dues at a time when the 
regulation there laid down was not in force. 

I S. 2^^"^® shows that in old times the priests received a share of the 
flesh offered as a "sacrifice" : and it is mentioned as an abuse that they 
(i) claimed whatever pieces their servant, w'hile the sacrifice was boiling, 
could lift out of the pot with his prong, and (2) demanded further their 
share of the flesh raw, before the fat was burned and the sacrifice properly 
completed, in order that they might roast it (which was esteemed a choicer 
mode of preparing food : cf. Wellh. Hist. p. 68). The exact nature of the 
first abuse is not clear : treated in itself, it might be a demand for some- 
thing in excess of what was allowed by law — whether the law of Dt. 18*, 
or of Lev. 7^'^. But it is not improbable that the passage of Sam. relates 
to an early stage in the history of sacrifice, when the priest had no legal 
claim to definite dues of flesh, and the custom was for the worshipper to 
offer him what he himself chose, or to invite him to the sacrificial feast 
which, as a matter of course, followed : Eli's sons claimed more than this, 
and claimed, moreover, to have it when, and as, they pleased. The law of 
Dt. fixes the priests' dues definitely : at a still later date, they were again 
fixed upon a new footing (Lev. 7*"'"^), and a larger and choicer share was 
allotted to them, viz. the right leg and the breast (cf. Wellh. I.e. p. 153 f.). 

4. The first (fruits) of thy com, of thy wine, and of thy oil 

(7^3J, and the first of the fleece of thy sheep, shall thou give unto 

him] "i.e. to the priest, the sing, being retained from v.^, 

though here, from the nature of the case, it must be meant 

collectively " (Di.). The first three items form also part of the 

revenue of the priests in P (Nu. 18^^; cf. 2 Ch. 31^); the 

fourth is mentioned only here (so " the first (fruits) of honey'' 

XVIII. 4-8 217 

are mentioned only 2 Ch. 31^ [yet cf. Lev. 2^^, see v.^^]). The 
offering of first-fruits is an ancient and widely-spread custom : 
in Israel it is prescribed already in Ex. 23^^ 34^6 (JE). Like 
the tithe, it was a mode of acknowledging Jehovah's bounty 
in blessing the increase of the earth ; and until it had been 
offered, it was not considered proper to eat of the new fruit of 
the year, Lev. 23!^ (cf. further J?el. Sem. p. 222 f.). For other 
allusions to the rSshith (lit. first ; (5 cnTapyy]) of the year's pro- 
duce, see 26^- *• 10 (where a liturgical form is prescribed, to 
accompany its presentation); Lev. 23^05 n^. is^of- (Rom. 
11^^), Ez. 44SO Neh. io'^8(37)^Qf coarse meal) ; Jer. 2^ (alluded to 
as sacred), Pr. 3^ 2 Ch. si^ Neh. io38(37); Ez. 20*0 48^* Neh. 
12^^. On the distinction from bikkurim, see Wellh. Hist. 
p. 157 f. — 5. The reason why the priest is to receive these 
dues : he is God's specially appointed minister and representa- 
tive. — For hhn hath Jehovah chosen, fir'c.] similarly 21^ i S. 
228; cf, also lo^. The sing, (as v.*) is meant collectively: cf. 
the plur. in the parallel passage, 21 5. — Out of all thy tribes] 
12^ (see note) : also 2920(21) i S. 2^8 (just quoted). — To stand to 
minister] see on lo^ (p. 123); and cf. i K. 8^^. — Him and his 
sons continually (4*^)] the expression points plainly to an 
hereditary priesthood, though as "priest," the antecedent of 
the pron., is used collectively (see above), it does not imply 
necessarily that the priesthood, in the conception of the 
Writer, is restricted to a particular family in the tribe. 

6-8. Provision made for the rights of a Levite coming 
from the country to officiate at the central sanctuary. — And if 
a Levite — i.e. any member of the tribe of Levi — come from one 
of thy gates (15" 16^ 17^ 23^^ (^^)) out of all Israel — i.e. from any 
one of the cities (12^2. is ^^t 1511J of Israel — where he sojoumeth 
(Jud. 17'^ 19^), not possessing (v.^^-^aj a permanent inheritance, 
and come with all the desire of his soul ( 1 2^^) to the place which 
Jehovah shall choose (12^), and m.inisters in the name of Jehovah 
his God (v. 5), like all his brethren the Levites, which stand there 
before Jehovah (10^), they shall eat (v.^^) like portions — he shall 
not be at a disadvantage as compared with those already on 
the spot, he and they shall share alike in the dues received 
from the people. — Besides his sellings according to the fathers] 


or ^^ fathers^ (houses)," i.e. families, ni3Xn beingf an abbrevia- 
tion for mnxn n^3 (Ex. 625 al.). The words are very obscure : 
they are usually understood to mean "apart from what he has 
realized by selling- the possessions belonging- to him in virtue 
of his family descent" (paraphrased in AV., RV. by "beside 
that which cometh of the sale of his patrimony ") — possessions 
which, it is supposed, he would part with at the time of leaving 
the country for the central sanctuary. Dillm. (after J. D. 
Mich., Schultz) explains, "besides what he has realized by 
selling the dues (tithe, &c.) rendered to him at his home by 
particular families." Either explanation is questionable: all 
that can be said is that the words describe some private source 
of income possessed by the Levite, distinct from what he 
receives as a priest officiating at the central sanctuary. 

In P, 48 cities are allotted to the tribe for residence (Nu. 35^'^ Jos. 21); 
and the terms of v.^ are difficult to reconcile with that institution. The 
" Levites " are represented in this verse, not as resident in their appointed 
cities, but as "sojourning-" — the word (nia) is used of temporary', not of 
permanent residence — in the cities of Israel without distinction. Hence 
the institution of Levitical cities cannot well have formed an element in 
the condition of things contemplated by the present law. To refer v.® 
(Curtiss, Lev. Priests, p. 48 f.) to those Levites who have sold their houses 
and wandered to other cities, involves the improbable regfulation that a 
Levite is not to go directly from a Levitical city to the central sanctuary : 
he must become a "sojourner" elsewhere first! V.^and the allusion in 
v.* to property owned by Levites, are in no respect incompatible with such 
an institution, supposing it to have been imperfectly put in force ; but the 
provisions of the law are absolute, they are not limited to the contingency 
of the regulations of Nu. 35^"^ being disobeyed ; and it is incredible that, 
worded as they are, they can have been framed by one who, if the received 
view of the Pentateuch be correct, had only six months previously assigned 
to the Levites permanent dwelling-places. Surely, had this been the case, 
v.* would have run, "from one of the cities which I have appointed them 
(or which thou shalt give them)." On the other hand, the representation 
of v.* harmonizes completely with other passages of Dt., in which the 
country Levites appear (beside the "stranger, the fatherless, and the 
widow ") in a more or less penurious condition, without fixed habitations, 
and are earnestly commended to the Israelite's charitable benevolence 

(I2l2. M. 19 i^W. 29 ,611. 14 26"- !»•). 

The truth is, in P and Dt. the tribe of Levi stands upon 

8. ni3Kn Vy V"j?Dp la^] v-jjdd must come from a subst. "ijdd; but since 
apart from, besides, is Jo t3^ (not t3^ alone) — e.g. 3' — it is clear that we must 
vocalize v-jj^e (from njj). 

XVIII. 8 219 

two fundamentally different footings, (i) Their revenues are 
different: as has been shown in the notes on 142^ 1523 igs they 
receive in Dt., as compared with P, materially smaller dues in 
tithes, firstlings, and sacrifices ; and, as just said, instead of 
having cities specially allotted to them, they are represented as 
homeless and destitute. (2) Their organisation is different. 
The term " Levite," it must always be remembered, has in Dt. 
a different meaning from ** Levite" in P. In P it denotes the 
members of the tribe, exclusive of the priests, the descendants 
of Aaron ; in Dt. it denotes all members of the tribe, without 
distinction. The " Levites " of P are inferior members of the 
tribe, who are assigned various subordinate duties in connexion 
with the Tabernacle (Nu. 3-4; iS^-"), but are peremptorily 
forbidden to intrude upon the office of priest (Nu. 4^0 iS^'^n-'W 
iS*^). In Dt. this sharp distinction between priests and the 
common Levites is not recognized ; it Is implied (18'*) that 
all members of the tribe are qualified to exercise priestly 
functions: 18^^- 2b assign to the whole tribe the altar-dues 
reserved in Nu. 1820 for the priests alone ; and iS*'-^, relating 
to the "Levite" coming from the country to reside at the 
central sanctuary, describes his services there in terms which 
elsewhere, when used in a ritual connexion, denote regularly 
priestly duties. Thus, though there is a difference in Dt. 
between '* priest" and ** Levite," it is not the difference recog- 
nized in P : in P the priests constitute a fixed minority of the 
entire tribe, viz. the descendants of Aaron ; in Dt. they are a 
fluctuating minority, viz. those members of the tribe who are 
officiating for the time at the central sanctuary. Accordingly, 
in Dt. the distinctive title of the priests is not "sons of 
Aaron," but "sons oi Levi" or '^ Levitical priests" (see on 
v.i). Naturally the eldest of the families descended directly 
from Aaron, which had the custody of the Ark, enjoyed the 
pre-eminence, and this is recognized in 10^; allied families, 
also, which had secured a position at the central sanctuary, 
would doubtless rank above their less fortunate brethren ; but 
no exclusive right is recognized in Dt. as belonging to the 
descendants of Aaron, in contradistinction to other members 
of the tribe. 


The position thus assigned to the tribe in Dt. agrees with 
allusions in the earlier literature; e.g. with i K. 12^1, where 
it is Jerobo'am's offence — not as, according to P, it ought to 
have been, that he made priests who were not of the sons of 
Aaron, but — that he made priests who were not of the sons of 
Levi; and especially with Ez. 44^°"^^, which implies unambigu- 
ously (seeZ.O. T'. p. 132 f.), that prior to the age of Ez. the 
" Levites" generally [i.e. Levites in the sense of Dt.) enjoyed 
the priestly right of sacrificing. Comp. also Ex. 4I* (where 
'* the Levite " appears as an official title) ; and the other occur- 
rences of "Levitical priests," cited on v.^. Dt. 10^ 21^ 33^"^*'> 
though they would not in themselves establish this view (for it 
might be said that the tribe, as a whole, was chosen to dis- 
charge priestly offices in the persons of a fixed minority who 
were set apart for the purpose), are, it is plain, perfectly con- 
sistent with it. We must, in fact, picture the members of the 
tribe as scattered in different parts of the land (cf. Gn. 49") ; 
the most prosperous, forming a tolerably close corporation at 
the Temple of Jerusalem ; others, '* sojourning " in the country, 
or finding a home where they could, exactly as is represented 
in Jud. i7''-s 19I, some acting as priests to private families or 
individuals [ib. 1710-13 18^^), others officiating at the local 
sanctuaries [ib. iS^o- 27. so j a.nd esp. 2 K. 23^), but all dependent 
for their livelihood, in one way or another, upon what they 
received from the people. The aim of Dt. 18^"^ is to limit the 
exclusiveness of the Jerusalem priests : it provides that a 
country Levite, coming to officiate at the central sanctuary, is 
to share in the dues received there equally with the priests 
resident on the spot. How far this provision was acted upon 
by the Jerusalem priests, we do not know: 2 K. 23^ shows 
that, at least after the abolition of the high places by Josiah, the 
disestablished priests (who yet are styled the "brethren" of 
those at Jerusalem), though they were allowed the inainten- 
ance due to them as priests by the law of Dt. 18^, were not 
admitted to the exercise of priestly functions at the Temple 
(cf. Ez. 446-14; and see L.O.T. p. 146 f.). 

Treated by themselves, the regulations of Dt. might be 
attributed to the relaxation or neglect of a system once stricter ; 

XVIII. 9 221 

but in the light of allusions occurring" in other books, it is 
decidedly more probable that, as compared with those of P, 
they represent the usage of an earlier age ; the system of P 
corresponds to the greater privileges which the priests after- 
wards acquired, and to the exclusive pre-eminence which the 
family of Aaron ultimately secured for itself. See, further, 
W. R. Smith, OTJC.^ pp. 358-361, 383 f., more fully Addit. 
Answ. to tike Libel (Edinb. 1878), pp. 29-51 ; Wellh. Hist. p. 
121 IF.; Baudissin, AT. Priesterthum, pp. 78-96, 280-284; 
Nowack, Arch. ii. §§ 88, 89, 94; Kuenen, Abhandl. p. 465 ff. 

9-22. The position and authority of the Prophet. — All forms 
of divination and magic are to be eschewed by Israel : the 
prophet is to take in Israel the place of the heathen sooth- 
sayer ; and implicit obedience is to be rendered to him. The 
position assigned in this law to the prophet is a noticeable one. 
He appears in it as the representative in Israel of the heathen 
diviner ; he is presented as the appointed agent for satisfying, 
in so far as they are legitimate, those cravings of humanity to 
unlock the secrets of the future, or to discover in some critical 
situation — as, for instance, that of Saul before the battle of 
Gilboa' (i S. 28^^) — the purpose of Heaven, which gave birth 
in other, nations to the arts of the diviner, and kindred super- 
stitions. The prophet, as conceived by the Writer, becomes 
thus a bulwark against the encroachments of heathenism. 
The other Codes have nothing on the subject of the prophet ; 
but they contain laws which are parallel in part to the pro- 
hibitions of^-, viz. (in JE) Ex. 22^'(is> the sorceress, (in H) 
Lev. 1 821 2o2-5 Molech- worship, 192^ observation of omens and 
soothsaying, 1931 20^- 27 consultation of ghosts and familiar 
spirits. Here the enumeration is fuller, and seems designed 
to be practically exhaustive, not less than nine superstitious 
usages being separately specified. How prevalent these 
practices were in Israel, especially during the period of the 
Kings, will be apparent from the passages referred to in the 
notes. A law prohibiting them in detail, and at the same time 
placing the prophet in his true position in regard to them, 
would be in entire harmony with the scope of the Deuteronomic 
legislation. — 9. When thou art come into the land, &'c.\ as 


17^*. — The abominations of those nations^ cf. 12^^. — 10. The 
enumeration of forbidden practices follows, (i) There shall 
not be found in thee (17^) any one that maketh his son or his 
daughter to pass through the fire] viz. to Molech. The allusions 
in the OT. are not sufficient to show distinctly either the 
nature, or the object, of the practice referred to ; but it is 
mentioned here, as the context indicates, not as a form of 
idolatry, but specifically as a superstition, either (Ewald) 
because it was used for the purpose of obtaining an oracle, or 
because it was supposed — like the sacrifice of children to 
Kronos, resorted to by the Phoenicians and Carthaginians at 
times of grave national danger or calamity (Porphyry ap. 
Euseb. Prcep. Ev. iv. 64. 4; Diod. Sic. xx. 14) — to possess 
extraordinary efficacy in averting calamity (comp. 2 K. 32"), 
The practice is prohibited in emphatic terms in H, Lev. 18^^ 
2o2-5; it is alluded to, c. la^i, as a climax of Canaanite 
enormity ; and mention is frequently made of it as prevalent, 
esp. in Judah, from the time of Ahaz, 2 K. 16^ (in imitation of 
the Canaanites), 17^7 (in Israel, in the compiler's summary of 
the history of the N. kingdom), 21^ (Manasseh : cf. Mic. 6") 
2310 (put down by Josiah), Jer. 32^5 (cf. "j'^^ 19^ [omit "for 
burnt-offerings to Ba'al," with C5; Smith, Rel. Sem. p. 353]), 
Ez. 20^1 2337 (cf. i6-^^- Is. 57^). The standing expression used 
to describe it is "to cause to pass through the fire" (n^ayn 
ma), 2 K. i& 17^7 216 2310 Ez, 2o3i, with csn omitted Lev. 
i82i Jer. 3235 Ez. 1621 2337, of. 2026, with "to Molech" added 
Lev. i82i 2 K. 2310 Jer. 32^5. 

It must have been more than a mere ceremony of lustration, or conse- 
cration by fire, to Molech, for the word "bum" is used in Jer. 7^^ 19', cf. 
Dt. 1 2^ ; on the other hand, the view, adopted by many modern writers, 
on the strength of the term "slain" (Ez. 16'^ 23^, cf. Is. 57' Ps. 106''), 
that the victims were put to death first, and burnt upon a pyre or altar 
afterwards, hardly accounts for the use of the peculiar and characteristic 
expression "to cause to pass through the fire." It would be in better 
agreement with this expression to suppose that the rite in question was 
a kind of ordeal, in which, for instance, an omen was derived from observ- 
ing whether the victim passed through the flames unscathed or not, or 
which was resorted to for the purpose of securing good fortune. The spot 
at which the rite was principally carried on was the "valley (k'|) of the 
son of Hinnom," on the S. side of Jerusalem (2 K. 23'° Jer. 7^ 19' 32**) : 

XVIII. lo 223 

the horrible associations connected with it (cf. the allusion in Is. 66^^^) gave 
rise to that application of the name which meets us in the djh'j of the later 
Jews, the yitvta of the NT. 

The name Molech (Lev. 18-' 20^"® i K. 11' 2 K. 23^" Jer. 32^ — always, 
except I K. 1 1', with the art. ti^en : ffi usu. M»x«;^) is properly an appellative 
(hence the art., as in ^W?) meaning the King. Very probably it ought to 
be vocalized Milk. It is true, the name, as that of a god, has not hitherto 
been found in Inscriptions ; but it forms part of many proper names, 
which, when transliterated into Greek or Latin exhibit this form {e.g. jno^D, 
"Milk has given, "=M/Xx;fl!^a»v-oj, CIS. I. i. 89 ; see more fully Baethgen, 
Sem. Rel. p. 37). It is thought by many that the vowels of "^n are 
intended to suggest the Heb. word nz'a shameful thing (Geiger, Urschrift, 
p. 301; ZATW. 1883, p. 124; Smith, Sel. Sem. 353; Baethgen, I.e. p. 
38 n. ; Stade, Gesch. i. 610 ; Konig, Einl. 85). The many Phoenician 
names compounded with Milk show that the god was worshipped par- 
ticularly by the Phoenicians, both in their mother-country and in their 
colonies, Cyprus, Carthage, &c. (Baethgen, pp. 37-40). Cf. the similar 
worship of Adrammelech and 'Anamnielech (2 K. 17^'). The name of the 
'Ammonite god Milcom (i K. ii^* ^ al.) is derived from the same root, but 
the form is different ; and the two deities are probably not to be identified : 
at Jerusalem they were worshipped at different spots (2 K. 23'' ^') ; and 
I K. 1 1^ -^c (without the art. ; see above) is probably a mere clerical error 
for ddVd [(& Tu fiaB-iXi? a L 7^)1=03^2, as v.^] ; cf. v.^-^^. See, further, W. R. 
Smith, Encycl. Brit.^ s.v. ; Rel. Sem. pp. 352-357, 375 f. ; PRE.^ s.v. (with 
the reff., p. 177) ; Stade, Gesch. i. 609 f. ; Baethgen, I.e. pp. 15, 37-40, 84, 
237; '^\onX.^^O'c&, Hibbert Lectures, ^^. 168-170. 

There follow three terms descriptive of various methods of 
divination, two denoting- different forms of magic, and three 
relating to various modes of consulting the world of spirits. 
On the terms employed see especially the study of W. R. 
Smith on "The forms of divination and magic in Dt. iS^". ii" 
in theyP/i. xiii. 273 ff., xiv. ii3ff. ; and on analogous super- 
stitions in ancient Arabia, Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen 
Heidentumes, pp. 135-153. (2) Or one that ohtaineth oracles 
(D''ODp Qp'p)] properly, as Arabic shows, the term means to 
obtain an oracle from a god by some method of drawing lots. 
In Heb. it is the word most commonly used to express the idea 
of divining in general. 

In Arabic (Ges. Thes. s.v. ; Smith, JPh. xiii. 273 ff. ; Wellh. Arab. Held. 
pp. 126-128, 167) qasama, to divide, distribute (Gn. 32' Saad.), has in conj. 
X {'istagsama) the sense of to get a part allotted to oneself, and is used in 
particular of procuring a divine decision, or award, by drawing lots at a 
sanctuary, with headless arrows {^azldm, Qor 5*) ; the arrows, inscribed 
with the possible alternatives contemplated, were placed in a quiver, and 
whirled about, and the one which first fell out was supposed to express 


the decision of the gfod. The heathen Arabs often resorted to this mode 
of divination before any important or uncertain undertaking', and especially 
before a campaign. In the OT. an extremely similar procedure is ascribed 
poetically by Ez. to Nebuchadnezzar, who is represented (2i^'*('-^-)) as 
standing where the roads to Jerusalem and Rabbah of the 'Ammonites 
diverge, and consulting- the idol (n'Sina !?Nc) by shaking the arrows to and 
fro (n'sna hpip), for the purpose of determining which he shall attack first : 
he holds in his right hand the result of his inquiry o'jenT ccpn, " the oracle 
'Jerusalem,'" i.e. the arrow marked "Jerusalem." The passage sup- 
ports the conjecture that the Teraphint were employed in this form of 
divination : the two are also mentioned together in i S. 15^ Zech. 10^. 
Elsewhere in the OT. the word (verb or subst.) occurs v." Nu. 22'^ 23^ 
(both JE), Jos. 13^ (P : of Bala'am), 1 S. 6- (among the Philistines), 28^ (of 
divination 31X3 ; see below, No. 7), 2 K. \f-'' Pr. i&'^ Efic-aa iSa 'nsc *?]; ccg 
V3 "pyo' vh {i.e. the king-'s decisions have the character and value of a 
divine oracle), Is. 3- Mic. 36- 7. u Jer. 14" 27^ 29^ Ez. 12^ 21"'* P) 
22^ Is. 44'-^t. In most of the passages from the prophets, it is used dis- 
paragingly of the oracles given by "false" prophets. G usu. represents 
by the general terms /JMvn;, futtTiva/taty ftatnla, /iavriTef. 

(3) Or a soothsayer (PJ^P)] this species of divination is 
alluded to besides in v.^* Lev. ig^^ Jud. ff' (D"'3:1V0 P^X the 
"Soothsayers' Terebinth"), 2 K. 21" = 2 Ch. 33^ (practised by 
Manasseh), Is. 2" (the Philistines noted for it), Mic. 5^^ Jer. 27^ 
Is. 57^1. The etymology is obscure ; and the precise kind of 
divination intended is uncertain. (4) Or one that observeth 
omens (t^•^3p)] Gn. 445- is (of Joseph's divination with the 
"cup," i.e. probably by hydromancy, or watching the play of 
light in a cup of liquid), Lev. ig^c 2 K. 17I" 21^ ( = 2 Ch. 33'') : 

10. |3i>2] Ar. ghanna is to emit a hoarse nasal sound ; whence Smith 
supposes that jiijo may have denoted properly the murmurer, or hoarsely 
humming soothsayer : "the characteristic utterance of the Arabic sooth- 
sayer is the monotonous rhythmical croon called saj", properly the cooing 
of a dove ; and a low murmur, zamzarnah, or whisper, waswasah, is simi- 
larly ascribed to the Kdhin" or seer. — cnm] the meaning hiss, or whisper 
(Ges.) for cnj is very insufficiently supported : more prob. (Bochart) the 
word is a denom. from cm serpent, the belief being a widespread one in 
antiquity that the power of divination, or of understanding the prophetic 
speech of birds, was obtained by the aid of serpents, though it is some 
objection to this view that " while cm to divine seems to be common to 
all the Sem. languages, cm serpent is peculiar to Heb." (Smith). In Arab, 
the root is applied in a bad sense (cf. ominous) : nahisa, to be inauspicious 
or unlucky. — 'jcao] the deriv. is uncertain. One meaning of Ar. kasa/a is 
to cut ; kis/\s a. piece or fragment {Qor. 17®^ 52''^ a/.) ; whence Smith con- 
jectures that D'spa may have denoted primarily the " herbs or other drugs 
shredded into a magic brew." 


the verb is also used in the derived sense of take or observe as 
an omen, aiignr, Gn. 30^7 i K. 20^31. The cognate subst. eru 
occurs Nu. 2323 ; 24I (of the omens which Bala'am sought on 
the hill tops). In Syriac the word means divination "from 
signs that consist in words, or actions, or the cries of birds, 
or fire, or atmospheric changes, or rain, or the [astrological] 
complexion of the times, and the like, from which it is inferred 
that one thing is good and another bad, and that a man should 
push on or desist accordingly " (Smith, p. 114; PS. col. 2340, 
2341). Probably the Heb. term denoted similarly all those 
species of divination from natural omens, of which the most 
familiar example is divination by the flight of birds (oia»vo5, 
oltavi^ofmt ; auguHum, auspicium : cf. Ar. tdayyafai tatayyara, 
Wellh. Arab. Heid. 148 f.). 

We pass now from methods of divination to those of magic 
or sorcery. (5) Or a sorcerer (^K'bp)] this species of magic is 
mentioned Ex. 7^^ (in Egypt), 22^^^ (the sorceress [fem.] not to 
be permitted to live), Mai. 3^ 2 Ch. 33^ Dan. 2^\ : D^QB'3 
sorcerers are named Jer. 27^! ; the subst. D'BB'a 2 K. 9^2 Mic. 
5" (" And I will cut off sorceries out of thy hand "), Nah. 3* (in 
Nineveh), Is. 47^- ^^ (in Babylon)!. Mic. 5^^ appears to show 
that D''ED'3 were something material, such as drugs, herbs, 
spells, &c., used superstitiously for the purpose of producing 
magical effects (Cr usually tpapfxaKo.). ^B'ap will mean accord- 
ingly enchanter or sorcerer. — 11. (6) Or a charmer (I3n I3n)] so 
Ps. 58*5 (D3no D^-ian -inin) in parallelism with D'K'q^O whisperers, 
i.e. serpent-charmers: D^')3n, also (by the side of Q^B^'3), Is. 
479- 12 (of Babylon)!. The expression may signify properly 
one who ties magic knots, or binds by a spell (cf. KaTaSew), or 
(Smith) one who composes spells or incantations. (7) and (8) 
Or one that consulteth a ghost or a familiar spirit (3iS ?N"{^ 
••aijn^l)] the nis (pi. nias) is mentioned besides in Lev. igsi* 
2o«*-27» I s. 283*- 3' (put down by Saul),^ (ms rbvi XW^ "a 
woman commanding ghosts "),8 Is. 8^^* 19^* (in Egypt), 29* 
2 K. 2i*5*=2 Ch. 33*^* (D'JIJJTI 31S HB'jn, of Manasseh, "and 
instituted ghosts and familiar spirits," i.e. persons professing 
to deal with them), 232^* (put down by Josiah), i Ch. io"t ; the 
"•Jjn"', always by the side of the ms, in the passages marked ♦. 


From Lev. 20^ (" a man or a woman, ivhen there is in them an ob or a 
yidde'oni") it appears that an ob was considered to declare itself in the 
body of the person who had to do with it : Is. 29* shows further that the 
oracles of an ob were uttered in a twittering^ voice, which seemed to rise 
from the ground : the narrative of the witch of 'Endor shows (i S. 28^''- ") 
that those who followed the art professed the power of calling up from the 
underworld the ghosts of the dead. S renders by sakkuro, i.e. a ghost, 
speaking ostensibly either from the underworld, or from the stomach of the 
soothsayer (see PS. col. 1122; Nold. ZDMG. 1874, p. 667). G nearly 
always represents six by iy>'«<rT/>/ai/^a/ = ventriloquists. This rendering no 
doubt contains the true explanation of the operation of the :ix : the n'?y3 
31K " pretends to see a ghost which she describes, but her dupes only hear 
a voice which by ventriloquism seems to come from the ground." The 
31K may be fairly represented by the English ghost. In what respect the 
yidde'oni differed from the ob is uncertain. The word is usually understood 
to signify knower (i.e. wise spirit: Ewald, vielwisserisch) ; but W. R. Smith 
suggests the meaning acquaintance. Whether this etymology be accepted 
or not, the yidde'oni ma.y be not unreasonably understood of a "familiar" 
spirit, i.e. a spirit which is at the beck and call of a particular person 
(cf. Acts 16^®), and imparts to him of its superior knowledge. By the 
Arabs such a spirit is called ra'iyy, the "jinn" who shows himself to a sooth- 
sayer, gliding him in the practice of his art, his companion and attendant. 

There is thus a distinction between the 21N and the "'3ijn* : 
those who divine by the former profess (i S. 28^^) to call up 
any ghost; those who divine by the latter consult only the 
particular spirit which is their "familiar." (The AV. of "jiyT 
"wizard" appears to be incorrect: see Lev. 20^7, quoted 
above. Here ob smd jyzdde'oni both the objects of *'con- 
sulteth," as in Is. 8^^ of "inquire of.") (9) Or one thai 
inquireth of the dead (Q^nsn px ^"^j] ' ' to inquire of the dead " 
is in Is. 81^ either synonymous with, or at least includes, the 
consultation of nns and D''3jn^ Whether any particular 
method of necromancy is denoted by it, is doubtful : more 
probably it is a comprehensive term, intended to bring within 
the terms of the prohibition whatever other forms of the same 
superstition, not already mentioned, were in vogue: for 
instance, the practice of "incubation," or passing the night in 
tombs (cf. Is. 65*), or the establishment, at particular spots, 
of oracles of the dead (ve/cuo/xavTcta). — 12. An abomination nnto 
Jehovah\ on 725. — Because of these abominatioyis is fehovah 
dispossessing {^a^^ 9^), &c.\ cf. Lev. 182*^- 20^2, where, however, 
the "abominations," on account of which the Canaanites are 

XVIII. 12-15 227 

expelled, are, all but entirely, various forms of immorality, 
not, as here, superstitious practices. — 13-14. Israel's duty, on 
the contrary, is to be blameless and without reproach in its 
converse with its God : it is not to adopt practices which are 
heathenish in their tendency, and which would be a blemish 
upon the character which Jehovah demands of it. — 13. Thou 
shall he perfect with Jehovah thy God] perfect (D''1?JJ1), as Gn. 
17I Ps. i826(25) al.., implying- without blemish (comp. the 
physical application of the same word, noticed on 17^), dis- 
figured by no imperfection or unsoundness. The idea ex- 
pressed by D^on is not quite the same as that of D7B' (i K. S^^ 
ii^«/.), though this is represented in AV. RV. by the same 
English equivalent: D^OD denotes a person without moral 
blemish, D^B' (always in this connexion used with reference to 
the heart) implies one whose heart is devoted wholly to a 
single object. — With (oy)] i.e. in dealing or in converse with, 
almost towards: comp. Ps. 182^(23) (ij^y Q'.on rTTlSl) ^''^- (^^^-^ ; so 
with D.^K' I K. 861 ii4 &c.— 14. Possess] 12'^.— But as for thee, not 
so hath Jehovah thy God granted unto thee] i.e. such practices 
are not in accordance with His appointment, or intention, so 
far as Israel is concerned. — 15-18. Israel is to be provided, as 
occasion may arise,, with a prophet, who will act on God's 
behalf, and communicate to them, so far as may be needful, 
His will. — 15. A prophet will Jehovah thy God raise up unto 
thee] viz. as occasion may demand (cf. Jud. a^^- 1^), the sing, 
denoting Moses' representative for the time being. The con- 
text shows that no single, or particular, prophet can be 
intended : it was a constantly recurring need which prompted 
the heathen to resort to diviners for the purpose of unlocking 
the secrets of the future ; and as the prophet is to supply the 
place of such diviners in Israel, it must be a similarly recurring 
need which (so far as Jehovah permits it) he is designed to 
satisfy. It follows that the reference here is to a permanent 
institution, not to a particular individual prophet (see p. 229). 
— From the midst of thee, from thy brethren] in contrast to the 
diviners, who were often of foreign origin (comp. v.i* Nu. 
22^*^ Is. 2^). Sam. fflr read "from the midst of thy brethren" 
(Tns 3"ipio), as V.18. — Like unto me] the context limits the sense 


in which this expression is intended. It is not that the 
promised prophet is to be "like" Moses in every respect, or 
in other words to be equal with him : he is to be like him, as 
V. 16-18 show, in theyizc/ of being- Jehovah's representative with 
the people, but not necessarily in being" His representative in 
the same degree in which Moses was : as Keil points out, the 
terms of his commission in v.^^ (**I will put my words in his 
mouth," &c.) do not express the special form of revelation 
which, according to Nu. \2^-^ Dt. 341°, distinguished Moses 
from other prophets, but only the form which was common to 
prophets generally (Jer. i^-^: cf. on v.^^). — To him shall ye 
hearken\ unlike the nations of Canaan, who (v.^^) " hearkened " 
to soothsayers and oracle-mongers. — 16-18. In appointing the 
prophet as the authorized exponent of His will, Jehovah is but 
responding to the people's own request, preferred by them at 
Horeb (520-28 (23.3i))._23^^ day of the assembly^ 910 \o^.— I -mill no 
more hear, <Sr'c.] cf. 52if-(24f.). Not ''let me not hear" (RV.), 
which would require /'S. — 17. They have well said that which 
they have spoken] as 525(28)^ — the first part of Jehovah's answer 
being here omitted. — 18. The answer in 528(31) jg worded 
differently, the commission being limited to Moses himself: 
the two declarations are not, however, contradictory, but 
mutually supplement each other ; there it is Moses who is to 
speak on God's behalf, here it is Moses' representative in 
the future. — And I will put ("TinJl) my words in his mouth] 
Jer. i^ 5I* (comp. 2328^- Ez. 34. lof. See): more commonly with 
D^b', Nu. 2238 235. 12. 16 (of Balaam); Is. 51I6 5921 (both of 
Israel, under its ideal character, as the organ of divine revela- 
tion) ; comp. also, for the idiom, Ex. 4^^ 2 S. 14s- 1^ Ezr. 8^^. 
The idea is of course not substantially different from that 
expressed by such phrases as TWn'' DS3, "Thus saith Jehovah," 
"The word of Jehovah came unto . . .," so frequent in the 
writings of the canonical prophets. — And lie sJiall speak unto 
them all that I shall command him] comp. Ex. 72 Jer. i^- 1'^. 

The exclusively Messianic reference of v.^'"^^, adopted by many of the 
older expositors (cf. Acts 3^* 7^), is inconsistent with the context ; and 
has been deservedly abandoned by the great majority of modem com- 

16. Dim] 10^'. —17. nan "wx la'tj'n] 5»: cf. Gn. 44* on'try -irx cmyn, Jer. 38*. 

XVIII. t6-20 229 

mentators and theologians (including, for instance, Hengst, Christology, L 
ii2fr., Keil, Espin, Oehler, OT. Theol. § 161, Orelli, OT. Proph. p. 132 f., 
Konig-, Offenb. des AT.s, ii. 131). The promised prophet is to meet a con- 
tintwus and permanent need of the people, after they are settled in Canaan 
(v.*) : he is to supersede the necessity either of God's addressing Israel 
directly Himself (v.^^"^*), or of Israel's having- recourse, like their neigh- 
bours, to the arts of divination (v.'***) ; and a criterion is even added 
enabling- the Israelite to distinguish the true prophet from the false (v.-"-). 
The argument of the passage shows that the "prophet" contemplated is 
not a single individual, belonging- to a distant future, but Moses' repre- 
sentative for the time being, whose office it would be to supply Israel, 
whenever in its history occasion should arise, with needful g^uidance and 
advice : in other words, that the reference is not to an individual prophet, 
but to a prophetical order. The existence of such an order in Israel, form- 
ing- a permanent channel of revelation, was, of course, a sig^nal mark of 
distinction between Israel and other nations of antiquity. At the same 
time the terms of the description are such that it may be reasonably 
understood as including a reference to the ideal prophet, Who should be 
"like" Moses in a pre-eminent degree, in Whom the line of individual 
prophets should culminate, and Who should exhibit the characteristics of 
the prophet in their fullest perfection (so Hengst., Keil, Espin, a/.). 

19-20. The office of the prophet, as Jehovah's representative, 
is a high one, which claims obedience on the part of those 
who hear him, but which, if abused or exercised wrongfully, 
entails a strict retribution upon the offender. — Hearken unto 
my words] Jer. 29^^ 35^^- — /(emph.) will require it of him] i.e. 
I will exact punishment of him for it (see below). — 20. The 
prophet who shall act presumptuously (17^^) in speaking a word 
in my name, (even) that which I have not coTnmanded him to 
speak] the sin of "speaking falsely in Jehovah's name" may 
be readily illustrated from the book of Jeremiah : e.g. Jer. 
14U-15 23I6. 21-27. 30-33 279f-H-i6 28^5-17 298^21-82 3719 . gee also I K. 
22iif- 23 Ez. 122-* 13I-23 Lam. 2^^ (Jer.'s phrase in this connexion 
is usually li'B' N33, Ez.'s KVf (Jirn) nrn). To judge from the 
passages quoted, such prophecies were mostly prompted by 
the desire for popularity (cf. Is. 30^" Mic. 2^1 3^^) : the prophets 
whom Jer. opposed preached "peace when there was no 
peace" (6^^'''^^), they led the people on to false tracks by 
elating them with vain hopes of affluence, freedom from 
invasion, a speedy return from exile, &c. — Or who shall speak in 

19. Ts;^! emx] will require, or exact, it of him (23-) : here with the coUat. 
idea of punishing- ; so with 'fl T!P Gn. 9* Ez. 33* 34'". — 20. nK 'Dca nai nan"? 
'i^ isn] render as above. The indef. ^^\y^ is at once more closely defined 


the name of other gods\ two classes of false prophets are thus 

distinguished, those who falsely (and deliberately, not through 

self-deception) claim to speak in Jehovah's name, and those 

who claim to speak in the name of ** other gods " : both agree 

in that they affirm a divine origin for the imaginations of their 

own heart. — 21-22. The prophet who comes forward in the 

name of other gods is condemned ipso facto (cf. 13^(5)): for 

distinguishing the false from the true prophet of Jehovah, a 

criterion is given ; the prediction which does not come to 

pass has not Jehovah for its author. — 21. And if thou say in 

thy heart, How (na^x) . . . ?] "f^. — 22. If the thing folloia not, 

nor come to pass\ the cases contemplated are therefore such as 

belong to the near future, the failure, or accomplishment, of 

which can be ascertained without material difficulty or delay. 

Cf. Jer. 28^. — Thou shalt not stand in awe (i^^) of him] in 

strong contrast to the attitude demanded in presence of the 

true prophet (v.^^). There is no occasion either to regard 

him with deference, or to shrink from pronouncing sentence 

against him (v.^o). 

The statement of the criteria for distinguishing true and false prophecy, 
contained in these verses, is manifestly incomplete. The case of the fulfil- 
ment of a prediction uttered in the interest of " other gods " has, it is true, 
been dealt with previously (13^'* W) ; but the case of the fulfilment of a 
prediction alleged falsely to have been uttered in the name of Jehovah is 
not noticed. Nor is any consideration gfiven to the still more important 
case, which nevertheless, as Jeremiah expressly teaches (18^"^*), is liable 
to occur, of the non-fulfilment of a prediction uttered truly in Jehovah's 
name, in consequence of a moral change in the character of those to whom 
it is addressed, or even as the result of an effectual intercession, addressed 
to Jehovah on their behalf (comp. Jer. 26^® ; also Ex. 32^* Am. 5^' 7*' ^ Joel 
2i3f.i8 Jonah 3^''). Probably, however, the occurrence of cases such as 
these would be otherwise made apparent. The law contemplates a case 
both more likely to occur -and more difficult to detect. Cf. Schultz, OT. 
Theol. i. 257-263. 

XIX., XXI. 1-9. Criminal Law. 
XIX. 1-13. The Cities of Refuge. In Canaan three cities 
are to be set apart as a refuge for any one who has killed his 

by the definite obj., with nn: Gn. 26" Jud. 3" (totk nit jmo Dn^ '♦ Dpi) i K. 
J J 14. 19 jgsi is^ y6 gs &c. — Ninn vczyn nsi] the sentence is formulated exactly as 
17'^— 22. new] either "when" (Ges.), as Jos. 4-1 {Lex. nrn 8d); or ''that 
which . . " (Dillm.) 

XVIII. 21— XIX. 5 231 

neighbour accidentally, and three more, if Israel's border be 
extended to the full limits promised. — The law is the expansion, 
and at the same time the accommodation to a later historical 
situation, of the briefer law contained in the "Book of the 
Covenant," Ex. 21^2-14, There it is said that Jehovah will 
appoint an asylum for him who has slain a man by accident, 
but that the wilful murderer is to be taken from His altar that 
he may die. From the context it appears to follow that the 
asylum of v.^^ is the altar of v.^* (in agreement with i K. i^" 
228) . but in Dt. fixed cities are appointed for the purpose, and 
regulations for their use are laid down. P has a law on the 
same subject, Nu. 35^'^*, the provisions of which, while con- 
siderably fuller and more minute than those in Dt., and 
differing remarkably in expression, agree (so far as they 
cover common ground) in substance. The technical term 
"Cities of Refuge" (t^^pD ny), used in Numbers, is not found 
in Dt. The actual appointment of the Cities of Refuge is 
ascribed by P to Joshua (Jos. 20), though according to the 
present text of Dt. the three trans-Jordanic cities had been 
appointed by Moses, 4*i-*3 (^f, p, yg), — i^ When Jehovah thy 
God cutteth off the nations] verbatim as 12^^*. — And thou pos- 
sessest them, &c.] cf. 1229c; alsoG^of-. — 2. Separate] ^^^. — Three 
cities] see Jos. 20''^ (P).— 3. Thou shalt prepare thee the way] 
in order, namely, that the cities may be safely and rapidly 
reached from all parts of the land. — Divide . . . into three 
parts] so that each city may form the centre of a correspond- 
ing district. — 4-6. The circumstances under which the cities 
thus appointed may be applied for the benefit of the man- 
slayer. — 4. Unawares (Djn v33)] Ht. without knowledge: so 
4*2 Jos. 2o3-5 (D2); not so elsewhere. In the law of P, the 
idea is expressed by a different word, viz. "^^JC'li lit. in error^ 
i.e. inadvertently (RV. unwittingly), Nu. 35^^- ^^ Jos. 20^- ^ (the 
technical expression used regularly by P, as Lev. 42.22 Nu. 
152*- 26-29 al.).—And he hated him not in time past] cf. Nu. 3523b. 
— 5. The case of accidental homicide illustrated by an example 
(cf. Nu. 3522f). — And whoso goeth] ^^ as when one goeth" is a 
probable emendation, but the text cannot be so rendered : 
XIX. 4. . . . nan mi] is".— i"? »ia kS mm] on 4«. 


see below. — Fetcheth a stroke] a very idiomatic rendering' of 

nniJ (lit. i's driven, impelled): cf. the active " impel" in 20^^ 

(AV. wield). — And live] ace. to the Deut. insertion {L.O.T. 

p. 105) in Jos. 20 (v.^*^') he is to state his case at the gate of 

the city to its elders, who are then formally to receive him into 

it. — 6. Lest the avenger of blood pursue the manslayer, while 

his heart is hot] i.e. lest the nearest kinsman of the person who 

has been killed (in whom, according to ancient usage, was 

vested the right, and the duty, of avenging his blood) pursue 

the manslayer, while his feelings are aroused (cf. Ps. 39**) and 

he is not sufficiently calm to reflect that it was an accident. 

The "avenger of blood" (D'^n bxil) is named also 2 S. 14^^ 

(cf. *'• '^) Nu. 35^^-27 Jos. 20^- 5- ^. ^ijSa, as said above (on 78), is 

to enforce a claim : blood shed wrongfully calls for justice 

(Gn. 41") ; and the D'nn ?^^i is the one who enforces this claim 

upon the murderer, and so vindicates the rights of the 

murdered man, i.e. he is the "avenger of blood." — 8-10. If 

Israel's territory be enlarged to the ideal limits promised (i" 

ii23f.)j three additional cities are to be set apart for the same 

purpose. — 8. Enlarge thy border, (Sr'c] 1220. — As he sware, 

(Sfc] cf. Ex. 23^1 342*. — All the land which he promised, &c.\ 

see on i7e7id (<<to the Euphrates"). — 9. The condition of this 

expansion of Israel's territory, viz. Israel's devotion to the 

service of its God. Comp. 1 122-24^ fhe first part of the verse, 

introduced by ""S, enunciates a condition subordinate to v.^: 

then thou shall add is Ihe apodosis to And if (Q^l), v.^. See 

phil. note on 1220. — To love] 6^. — To walk in his ways] 8''. — 

10. That innocent blood be not shed, &c.] as it would be, if a 

man, not guilty of deliberate murder, were slain by the avenger 

of blood. "Innocent blood," as 21^ 27^5 Jer. 7^ al.'. comp. 

4*-8. " He that smiteth . . ., and he that goeth . . ., he shall flee," &c. 
But prob. nc-jts aj? ivhen should be read for "ib-ki and he that in v.* ; for v."* 
seems clearly intended not to annex a fresh case, but to ilhistrate v.*^. — 
5. 'Ji nmji . . . «i- -w\x\] Gn. 24i'*-'**&c. (Dr. § 115, s.v. ncx).— 6. ir\n n3T o] 
cf. 14**. — vti mam] lit. "and smite him as regards (the) soul" {i.e. the life : 
on i2-'^) : so V." Gn. 37-^ Jer. 40"-^'' (paraphrased in A.V. " take his (thy) 
life"); cf. Dt. 22^ cb: i^s^^ (G-K. § 117. 5^).— niD dbcd pn 1^1] lit. "and he 
had no case of death," i.e. he was guilty of no capital offence : so Jer. 
26"*". Cf. Dt. 21^ lit. "when there is in a man a sin, a case of death 
{i.e. a capital crime)."— 10. .Tni . . . -EC xSi] as 7^'. — 11. Sun] ^*'^. 

XIX. 6-12 233 

v.". — Is giving thee, S^c] 4^^ — And blood be upon thee\ 
cf. 2 S. 21^ (reading-, with (5, "upon Saul and upon his house 
there is blood [D^OT nh^3 bsi]") ; also 2 S. 168 Hos. 1215. 

The meaning of these verses will depend upon the view taken of 4""*^. 
If 4*i-»3 was placed where it now stands by the author of Dt., the three 
trans-Jordanic Cities of Refuge will be presupposed here ; and, v.*"^ refer- 
ring to the three cities in Canaan, v. 8"^" will contemplate three others 
(making nine in all), to be added in case Israel's territory reach the limits 
promised in i' ii^'*. If, on the contrary, 4*^"*' is a subsequent insertion in 
Dt., and the appointment of the three trans-Jordanic cities by Moses is 
antedated (cf. p. 78), then only six cities in all will be contemplated by D, 
three in Canaan v.^'^, and three on the E. of Jordan v.®"^" (Wellh. Cotnp. 
207 ; Benzinger, Heh. Arch. 337). The terms of v." favour the first of 
these alternatives ; at the same time it is remarkable, if it be correct, that 
no allusion is made, even in v.**", to the three cities E. of Jordan, already 
(according to Dt 4*^"") appointed. 

11-13. But the privilege of asylum is not to be extended to 
the murderer, who, if he flees to one of these cities, is to be 
delivered up, without compunction, to justice. Comp. Ex. 
21^^; and more fully (P) Nu. 35^^'^^ (where different cases of 
intentional homicide are illustrated). — 11. Rise up against Mm] 
Gn. 48.— 12. The elders of his city] cf. 212-4. cm. 2215-18 25'-^; 
and in D^ Jos. 20*. 

The "elders" figure in almost every period of Israelitish history. 
Thus they appear sometimes as the official representatives of the people 
generally, acting on their behalf on important occasions, accompanying or 
conferring with Moses, Joshua, or the king, &c. {e.g: Ex. 3^^* ^^ 4™ 24^* " ; 
Dt. 5«'(23) 27I 299 (i«) 3i9'«8 Jos. 76 24I I S. 4=' 8^ 2 S. 3^7 5=* i K. S^-^ 20"-) ; 
sometimes as the leading inhabitants or representatives of a particular 
district or city, as Jud. 8" (Succoth), ii""" (Gile'ad), i S. ii^ (Jabesh), 16^ 
(Bethlehem), 30^8 and 2 S. igi^f") (Judah), i K. 218-" (Jezreel), 2 K. lo*-" 
(Samaria), who constitute the local authority, by whom, for instance, a 
royal commission is executed, or public business affecting the locality is 
transacted. In Dt. they are represented as exercising judicial functions 
(cf. on 16'*), especially in the trial of capital charges, and cases affecting 
the rights of the family: comp. Ru. /^-'*'^ i K. 21*"" Ezr. 10*. Is. 3--" 
9" P5) aisQ illustrate their official status, and the duties expected of them. 

And deliver him, dr'c] the avenger of blood is specified in 
Nu. 35^^'2i as the person authorized to put the murderer to 
death : but the particular case of the murderer, after he has 
fled to a city of refuge, being fetched thence and delivered up to 
him by the elders of his own city, is not there contemplated. 


13. Thine eye shall not pity him\ 7^^. — Thou shall exterminate 
(136(0)) innocent blood from Israel] blood innocently shed, so 
long^ as it is unavenged, is a stain upon a land (Nu. 35^3) ; by 
the death of the murderer the stain is removed (cf. 21^). — And 
it shall be well for thee ("]^ ^IDl)] 5^° (^^>. 

In many countries a money-compensation (a -ronri, or -wergild) is accepted 
by the relatives of a murdered man, as a satisfaction for his life (see e.g. 
Hom. H. i8*^^* ; Tac. Germ. 21 ; among- the Saxons, Freeman, Compar. 
Politics, 275-278). But in Hebrew law no such compromise is permitted : 
murder can be atoned for only by the blood of the murderer (Ex. 21^ in 
JE; Lev, 24" in H; Dt. ig"-^^; Gn. 9''- Nil. ss^'^^in P): aiES, or "ransom," 
is permitted only in the case of a man being killed by an animal (Ex. 21**). 

The "avenger of blood" figures in many primitive or semi-primitive 
societies. In a completely civilized society, the right of punishment is 
assumed by the State : for the revenge that might be inflicted in haste or 
passion (Dt. 19^) by one immediately interested, is substituted the judg- 
ment of a cool and impartial tribunal. But in a primitive society the case 
is different : here what a manslayer has to fear is not public prosecution, 
but the personal vengeance of the relatives of the slain man (comp. in 
Arabia, W. R. Smith, Kinship, pp. 22 f., 53). Hebrew law is still in a 
relatively primitive stage ; the Go'el, and not the State, executes justice on 
the murderer (v.^ 2 S. I4''*^^; Nu. 35^®'^): but his authority is limited; 
restrictions are placed in the way of his acting hastily or in passion (v.**®); 
according to Jos. 20*** (D-) the manslayer is under the protection of the 
elders of the city of refuge ; in Nu. 35^^* (P) the case between him and the 
avenger of blood is subject to the decision of the " congregation " ; and 
the murderer is to be put to death only on the evidence of more than one 
witness (Nu. 35*^ : comp. the general rule in Dt. 19^^). — See further, in 
illustration of the custom of blood-revenge, A. H. Post, Ent-usichlungsgesch- 
ichte des Fam.ilienrechts, pp. 1 13-137. 

14. The landmark of a neighbour not to be removed. — A 
species of encroachment which, to judge from allusions else- 
where, was not uncommon in ancient Israel : comp. 27^' Hos. 

510 Pr. 2228 ("i^niax \^v ic'N zh\v ^n: aon Ss), 2310 [uhw isn: aon ^s 
NOn ^X D^Din^ nB'ai), Job 242 (named here, as in Dt. 27^" — see 
v,is. 19 — by the side of other acts of aggression perpetrated 
upon the unprotected). Among other nations, also, as Knobel 
reminds us, boundaries were treated as inviolable : among the 
Greeks, for instance, they were under the protection of Zeis 
opios ; Plato {Legg. viii. 842 E), probably repeating an older law, 
ordains \i.T\ kivcito) y^s opia ^7;8eis /at/tc oiKtiov ttoXltov yetVovos /^i/t' 
o/xoTtp/ioi'os, K.T.k. ; and the Romans even deemed it allowable 
13. V" "] 2 K. 24* Jer. 22»7f : see Ew. § 287"; G-K. § 128. 2 R\ 

XIX. 13-19 235 

to slay those who attempted to move them (Dion. Hal. ii. 74 ; 
Plutarch, Numa 16), and celebrated the annual festival of the 
Temiinalia in honour of the god Terminus (Ovid, Fastiy ii. 
639 fF.). — Which they of old time have set] lit. the former ones 
(□'Jtrsi), i.e. ancestors (Lev. 26^^). Holdings of land, inherited 
by the poor occupier from his ancestors (comp. in Pr. 22^8 
"thy fathers"), are not to be encroached upon by a wealthier 
neighbour. The law, in its present wording, presupposes the 
occupation of Canaan by the Israelites, the D'itJ'K"! being evi- 
dently not the Canaanite predecessors of the Israelites, but 
the Israelitish ancestors of the present possessors. — In the 
la7id, db'c.] the usual Deut. formula (i^o 12I). 

15-21. The law of witness. No person is to be judicially 
condemned on the testimony of a single witness ; and a mali- 
cious witness is to be punished in accordance with the Lex 
talionis. — 15. At the mouth of two witnesses^ <Sr'c.] the same 
precautionary rule, which is laid down in 17*' and Nu. 3520 (P) 
in the case of capital charges, is here reaffirmed as a general 
principle in the administration of criminal law. — Shall a matter 
be established] or "a word be confirmed," i.e. (subjectively) 
be treated as valid (Nu. 305- 6- s), — 16-21. When a malicious 
witness accuses a person wrongfully, the accuser and the 
accused are both to appear before the central tribunal (17^) ; 
and the witness, if his dishonesty be clearly proved, is to be 
punished with the same penalty which his testimony, if true, 
would have brought upon the person whom he accused. — 16. 
A m,alicious "witness] lit. a witness of violence (DDH 1J?), i.e. a 
witness who either meditates some covert violence himself, or 
who assists by his false testimony the high-handed wrong- 
doer: so Ex. 23I Ps. 35^^. — To testify against [e^^"^) him of de- 
fection] VIZ. from law and right. Elsewhere the term ('^'^9) 
is used of defection from God in a religious sense (on 13^) ; 
but here it appears from the context to be used more generally, 
as perhaps also in Is. 59^^. — 17-19. Then both the men who have 
the dispute, i.e. the witness suspected of dishonesty and the 
person whom he accuses, shall stand before fehovah (12^), before 
tJie priests and the judges who shall be in those days, i.e. shall 
17. a'ln cnV tck] 2 S. i5*-'*. 


appear at the central sanctuary, before the supreme tribunal 
there constituted (17^, with the note) ; and the Judges, sitting 
there, shall inqtdre diligently (1315(14) iy4. oj \wX.o the question 
in dispute ; and if the result of the inquiry be to show that the 
witness has spoken untruthfully, then shall ye do unto him as 
he had purposed {Zech. 1^ Jer. 51^^) to do unto his brother, viz. 
by accusing him falsely upon a criminal charge. The question 
is treated as belonging to the class of more difficult cases, 
reserved for the jurisdiction of the central tribunal (see on 
i^st). — So shall thou exterminate the evil from, thy midst\ the 
same concluding formula as in other similar cases (on 13^(5)). 
— 20. And those which retnain shall hear, and fear, &fc.\ 
similarly 13^2(11). — 21. No compunction is to be felt in execut- 
ing the sentence. — Thine eye shall not pity\ v.^^ 7^^. — Life (shall 
be g\y en) for life, eye for eye, fr'c.] similarly Ex. 212* (JE) Lev. 
2^18. 20 (Hj . but each time for a different offence : in Ex. in 
the special case of men fighting together, and injuring in 
the struggle a woman with child ; in Lev. quite generally, in 
the case of a man doing his neighbour some bodily harm. 
Life is lit. ^ul : see on 1 2^. 

XX. Three Laws designed to secure Self-control and 
Forbearance in the Conduct of War. 

"These laws are peculiar to Dt. : their aim, however, is 
not to regulate the entire conduct of war, but only to check 
the barbarity and cruelty with which it was carried on by 
many ancient nations, especially by the Assyrians, to bring it, 
as far as possible, under the influence of the higher moral 
spirit of Israel's religion, and to secure recognition for the 
claims of humanity and moderation " (Dillmann, after Ewald, 
Antiquities, p. 314). The chap., where it stands, separates 
c. 19 from 21^-^ (both of which deal with cases connected with 
murder), while it is itself, on the other hand, cognate with 
2jio-u^ Perhaps its original place was after 21^, where it 
would form a suitable introduction to zi^^-"^^ &c. 

1-9. The spirit of trustful confidence in presence of the foe, 

18. rj:ni]="and if" (13"). — 21. raia rsj] the a is the -i pretii (ye^): Ex 
21^ Lev. 24'*'* nnn " instead of" is used. 

XIX. 20 — XX. 5 237 

and of regard for the circumstances and interests of individual 
soldiers, in which a military expedition is to be undertaken 
by Israel. — 1-4. The Israelite is to reflect, and to be reminded 
also by the priest accompanying the host, that Jehovah is 
ever beside them, as their champion and ally. — And seest horses 
and chariots] which -weve always formidable to the Israelites, 
and with which, in particular, the Egyptians and Assyrians 
were well provided. — Who brought thee up, &fc.\ and thereby 
gave evidence of His power to help thee : comp. 7^'^"^^, and 
for the ptcp. 8^*-i^. — 2. That the priest shall approach, &fc.\ the 
priest, viz. who is in attendance upon the host, for the purpose 
of performing the necessary sacred functions. 

The presence of a priest (or priests) with the army, is not otherwise 
expressly attested, at least as a standing custom ; but it may be inferred 
— though some of the instances are, it is true, not of a character to estab- 
lish a rule — from such passages as i S. 4^ [omit *' there" with ffi], ^^ 14^^ 
2 S. 11" (the ark taken into the field); i S. 7^'* 13''* (sacrifices before an 
engagement); Nu. 10^ 31^ (both P) 2 Ch. 13^^""; and from the expres- 
sion to consecrate (B^^p) a "war (or warriors), which refers apparently to the 
sacrifices offered at the opening of a campaign (Mic. 3" Jer. 6* 22' 512T. 28 
Is. 13* Joel 48). 

3. Hear, O Israel] 5^. — Let not your heart be soft] or tender 
(^T.) : cf. v.8 Is. 7^ Jer. 51**5. — j^q.^ ^^ alarmed (iiann ^5X1)] cf. on 
1 63. — Neither be affrighted (lyiyn ^Xl) i^^. — Is he that goeth 
with you, to fight for you, &€,] cf. 3^2. — 5-7. Permission is 
further to be given by public proclamation through the host, 
for those who have engaged recently in certain important 
domestic undertakings, to return home, and enjoy the antici- 
pated satisfaction or pleasure of which death in the field might 
otherwise deprive them. These provisions are a remarkable 
illustration of the sympathetic regard for the interests and 
feelings of others, which characterizes the author of Dt. — 5. 
The officers (ontSlJ')] i.e. subordinate military officials (i^^) ; it 
may be presumed that these kept the register of those who 
served in the army ; and hence it would naturally be their 
duty to know who had received authorized leave of absence. — 
Who is the man that hath built a new house, and not dedicated 
it? let him go and return, &c.] the dedication of the temple 
XX. 1. l^PDfj] on8^«.— 2. D??-3fJ?] q6robkhdm: G-K. §61. i R." 


(i K. 8^3), of an altar (Nu. 710), and of an image (Dan. 32- 3), 
is alluded to elsewhere, but not the dedication of an ordinary 
private house. — 6. Not used the fruit tJiereof? (i??n)] lit. Tiot pro- 
faned it (the vineyard), treated it as common (so 2%^^ Jer. 31 5), 
— the first produce of the vines being" reserved as sacred, and 
not used by the owner: comp. Lev. 19^2-25^ — 7^ That hath 
betrothed a wife, &c.\ comp. 24^, where exemption from 
military service is granted to those who are newly married, 
for the space of a year. — 8. The faint-hearted are also to be 
allowed to return home, lest their presence should have a 
demoralizing effect upon the other soldiers. — Soft-hearted\ (^1 
33?ri)] cf. 2 Ch. 13^: above, on v.^ — Melt\ i^s. — 9. Only when 
this proclamation has been made, and the numbers of those 
who intend to remain at their post are accurately known, is 
the army to be marshalled in divisions, under their respective 
commanders. — That they shall appoint captains of hosts] prob- 
ably the captains of hundreds, and thousands, often mentioned 
elsewhere (p. 18) : but the expression is an unusual one (cf. 
I K. 2^, I Ch. 273). The subject of "shall appoint" will 
hardly be "the officers" (Keil), for the duty of appointing 
commanders is one that is likely to have been entrusted to a 
more responsible authority: more probably, the subject is 
indefinite, Engl, "they," Heb. D^*|i5Sn (see philol. note on 152), 
i.e. those whose business it was to appoint them (Dillm.). — 
For an example of this law being acted upon, see i Mace. 3^6. 
10-18. In attacking a hostile city (provided it be not one 
belonging to the Canaanites), a formal offer of peace is always 
to be first made to it; and it is to be treated with severity 
only in case this offer be declined. — 10. Then proclaim peace 
to it] i.e. invite it to surrender peaceably; cf. Jud. 2i^3, — n. 
Shall be for forced labour unto thee (DD? 1p Vn^), and shall serve 
thee] "tributary" (RV.) expresses the general sense, but not 
the special ideas associated with the Heb. mas, which implies 

8. aaV riK db: n'?i] constr. as 12*". (Sr (7»« c^n iuXiinf) Sam., however, 
express dd; (cf. i^), which may be right. — 10. a'hvS .tIJk rmnpi] lit. " call 
to it with reference to peace " ; cf. for the ^ i S. 17^'. — 11. ijyn mVr dn] 
words like dk, 'o, jyoV, \s, &c., are as a rule followed immediately by the 
verb : uhv is here prefixed for emphasis ; cf. 2 S. 17^' i K. 20^® Ex. 21'. — 
V.T . . . .T.Ti] on 12". 

XX. 6-17 239 

liability to forced service, or tash-'worJt^ such as an Eastern 
monarch is wont to exact of his subjects (cf. Jos. 16^0 j k, g2i 
[the "forced labour of one doing" service," cf. "and shall 
serve thee" here]; and on 2 S. 202*). — 12-14. But if the offer 
of peace be declined, then the siege is to be proceeded with ; 
and if the city be captured, all the male population may be 
slain with the sword, the women and children, together with 
the cattle and spoil, being reserved as a prey for the captors. 
Such treatment of a conquered city, measured by a modern 
standard, may be deemed severe : but it must be recollected 
(i) that it is only ex hypothesito be resorted to, after the offer 
of more favourable terms has been distinctly made and 
refused ; and (2) that it is lenient as compared with the 
barbarities often practised in ancient warfare upon a con- 
quered people ; the law implies no sanction or excuse for such 
atrocities as are alluded to in Am. i^-is Hos. 14I (13^^) 2 K. 
8^2, or for the torture of prisoners, and other cruelties, 
perpetrated, as their own monuments declare, by the Assyrians 
(comp. Rawlinson, Anc. Monarchies,^ i. 478 f.). — 14. But the 
women, &c.^ the women and children are to be spared (con- 
trast v.i** 2^4 &c.), the case not being one for the application of 
the herem (on 72). — Take for a prey unto thyself i^ Thri)] 2^ 
37. — Eat\ i.e. enjoy, use for thine own sustenance and profit. — 
15. Of these nations] i.e. of the nations of Canaan. — 16-18. But 
in the case of cities belonging to the Canaanites, no such for- 
bearance is to be exercised : their inhabitants, in accordance 
with the provision 72-^, are to be all put to the sword, lest 
they should lead the Israelites into immorality and irreligion. 
— Aught that breatheth] lit. any breath (nDB':"?3) : the same 
expression Jos. io«> iiiii*(D2) i K. 1529 (Deut.); Ps. 1506!. 
From Jos. 1 1^* it seems that only human beings are denoted 
by it: this is in accordance with the predominant usage of 
nDB^'3, which is applied to the breath of life in man, Gn. 2^ 
I K. 1717 Is. 42^ 57I6 Job 273 34I*, but is used only once of 
animals, Gn. 722. — 17. Utterly destroy] lit. devote : see on 72. — 
The Hittite, &c.] on 72. — Commanded thee] 72 : comp. Ex. 

12-13. And when, <Src.] so AV. RV., accommodating the sentence to 
Eng. idiom : cf. on S^^"", and Dr. § 149.— mot] 16^^.— ±5. . . . k^ ttk] 17". 


2331-33. — 18. That they teach you not to do after all iJieir 
abominations . . ., and so ye sin, &c.]cf. 7* la^i 18--. 

19-20. The fruit-trees belonging to the territory of a 
besieged city not to be wantonly destroyed by the besieger. — 
A common practice with invading armies, often, for example, 
mentioned in Greek warfare (Keipeiv or re/ivav rrjv yr]v, &c.). 
In 2 K. 319-25 the Israelites invading Moab, at Elisha's in- 
stigation, "cut down every good tree." " In Arabic warfare 
the destruction of an enemy's palm-groves is a favourite 
exploit {OTJC.^ p. 369); see for ancient times 4 Esdr. 15^2^ 
Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiist. p. 13, 1. 4, * He was resolved ... to 
root out the people of Medina, and cut down the palm-trees,' 
and for recent times Palgrave, Travels in Arabia, chap, v." 
(W. R. Smith, MS. note). It was also an Assyrian custom — 
at least after the capture of a city — to destroy the valuable 
trees in the vicinity, esp. the date-palms (Rawlinson, Anc. 
Mon.^ i. 474, 475, with the illustration). — 19. For is the tree of 
the field Tnan, that it sJwuld be besieged before thee (lit. enter 
into siege from before thee)?] i.e. that it should be subjected, 
like the walls of a city, to the assaults of a besieger : Israel's 
hostility, namely, may be directed excusably against men, 
who are national adversaries, but not against trees capable of 
supplying it with sustenance. The rendering, which is that 
of all the ancient versions, and nearly all modern com- 
mentators, implies the alteration of a point (O'^^^l for D']^l|') in 
the Massoretic vocalizacion, which here yields no appropriate 
sense : see below. Enter into siege, as 2 K. 241° 25- : cf. Jer. 
iqI^; Ez. 43. — 20. Bulwarks] rather siege-works, the same 
word ("li^'P) which is rendered "siege" in v.i^: cf. Ez. 42 Mic. 
4!-* Is. 293. — Until it fall] lit. come down (28^2 Is. 32!^). 

18. onKtsm . . . jpo*?] as 7^. — 19. mjS] G-K. § 114. 2 R.* — 'ji Dnxrr '3] can 
only be rendered, "man is the tree of the field," which is explained to 
mean " man consists o/the tree of the field," i.e. he lives on it (so Ibn 'Ezra 
who paraphrases men \y Kin mx p "n '3, whence AV. ; Schultz, who 
compares 24^ Ez. 12^° [corrupt] Eccl. 12"). But though this idiom occurs 
in Heb. (Dr. § 189. 2), the present would be a very extreme instance of it, 
and the rend, leaves the clause msc3 7320 na"? unexplained, onitn for DTJtn 
removes all difficulty. — 20. Vsnd j-j?] Lev. 19^. — wn] resuming JT: cf. Ps. 
loi', and on 13^— nj^p mn tck] as Gen. 9* Nu. \^^^ {Lex. Kin 2c; Dr. 
§ 199 Obs.). 

XX. i8— XXI. 4 241 

XXI. 1-9. Symbolical ceremony for the expiation of an 
untraced murder. — If a man be found murdered in the open 
country, and there be no indication who the murderer is, the 
elders of the city which is nearest to the spot where the corpse 
was found, are to procure a heifer which has never been used 
for any work, to take it to a running stream, and having there 
slain it, in presence of the priests, to wash their hands over 
it, at the same time solemnly avowing before God that their 
city is guiltless of the murder, and entreating Him to forgive 
His people for the crime that has been committed in its midst. 
The law is peculiar to Dt., though the feeling which underlies 
it, viz. that the shedding of innocent blood defiles a land or 
people, until some recognized atonement be offered for it, is 
one which is often expressed elsewhere. The rite prescribed 
is of an archaic character, and is certainly much older than the 
law of Dt. in which it is here embodied. 

In Arabia, when a man was found slain, the people of the place had to 
swear that they were not the murderers (Smith, Kinship, p. 263). "In 
the Kitab al-AghdnJ, ix. 178, 1. 25 ff., the responsibility for a homicide is 
thrown on the nearest homestead {ddr). This is part of the arrangement 
made by 'Amr b. Hind as arbiter between the two tribes to prevent the 
recrudescence of war between Bakr and Taghlib. Doubtless in the 
Hebrew law also the original object was to preclude blood-feud " (W. R. 
Smith, MS. note). 

1. If there he found\ 172 24^. — Is giving thee to possess it] 
19^^; cf. 15* 251^. — 2. Thy elders and thy judges] i.e. those of 
the surrounding cities (cf. on 19^2 16I8). — 3-4. The city which 
is nearest to the scene of the murder is to be held responsible 
for the due performance of the expiating rite, its "elders" 
acting naturally on its behalf (on 19^^). — 3. Which hath not been 
•wrought -with, &'c.] cf. 151^ Nu. 19^. — 4. Unto a valley (wady) 
•with ever-running water] see below. — Which is neither plowed 
nor sown] i.e. is an uncultivated spot. — And shall break the 
heifet's neck there] the heifer, in this rite, is manifestly designed 

XXI. 1. rii3 K^] a circ. cl. = "«V not being known" (Dr. § 162). — 3. .rm 
'y\ Tyn] construe as 12" (where see note). — na 135; k^ tck] "wherewith it 
hath not been ■woried"—a.n impers. passive, as v.* ("wherein it is not 
tilled"), Is. 14* "the hard labour ^3 njy •wk wherewith (cogn. accus.) 
it was worked with thee" ; cf. 16^" 53^ Nu. i629 (on 2 S. 17^^).— 4. ]n'H VmJ © 
^ipay^ Tfttpf^tJce, Aq. (see Field, ad loc.) x^''t^<^(hs irrtfti;, Onq. i,'3 ^OJ (un- 
cultivated), hence S kT3 (do.), U asperam atque saxosam, AV. rough. The 


as a substitute for the unknown murderer, and bears the 
penalty which ought properly to be his. It is not regarded as 
a proper sin-ofFering, and accordingly it is not slaughtered 
with any special ritual (Lev. 4iff), but merely put to death by 
having its neck broken (Ex. 13^^ ^420 Js. 66^) : at the same time, 
the fact that the animal is to be a young one, which has 
not been used for any profane purpose, shows that a certain 
sanctity is conceived to attach to it, and, as Dillm. observes, 
that it possesses to some extent the character of a sin-offering 
(comp. Nu. 192). And it is to be slaughtered by an ever- 
flowing stream, in an uncultivated spot, in order doubtless 
that the blood may be carried away by the torrent, and that 
any which falls upon the earth may sink into it, without the 
risk of being uncovered at some future time when the soil is 
disturbed by the plough. — 5. The priests the sons of Lev{\ 31^: 
usually **the priests the Levites " (18^). The priests here 
meant may possibly be those of the central sanctuary : but 
more probably, by an inexactness of language (p. 219), the 
members of the priestly tribe resident in the locality (i8<5) : cf. 
Baudissin, Priesterthum, 82, 84. — I^or t/iem, dr'c] cf. 10^ i8^ 
— A?ui according to their sentence (lit. mouth) shall every 
dispute and every stroke be] i.e. they are to have a voice in 

word is one of those of which the true meaning was lost by the Jews ; and 
it was accordingl)' represented both by the ancient versions and by the 
mediaeval Jew^ish commentators, Rashi, Ibn 'Ezra, Qimchi, &c. (whence 
AV.) by conjectural renderings, more or less agreeable with the context, 
such as strong, mighty, hard, rough (comp. the AV. of Gen. 49^ Ex. 14" 
Nu. 24^1 Jer. s^* Ps. 74^' Pr. 13^*). As soon, however, as Arabic began to 
be studied systematically, and compared with Hebrew, the real meaning 
ofjn'Nat once revealed itself; Schultens, in his Origines Hebrcece (1724), 
i. 8, pointed out that the root must be the Arabic watana, to be constant, 
unfailing, esp. of water ; hence jitk Vm Am. 5^* a perennial, or ever-floTving 
torrent (wady), here of a torrent-valley (see on 2^), the stream in which 
flowed continuously. In Ex. \^ Ps. 74" jn'K is construed as a subst. = 
"continuous flow" : elsewhere it is used fig. to denote permanent, endur- 
ing, sure, as Gen. 49^^* of a bow, Nu. 24^^' (a dwelling), Jer. 5^' (a nation, 
whose numbers never dwindle or fail), Job 12^^ (of men firmly seated, or 
established, in a position of dig^nity), &c. The opposite of j^'X is 3j?K Jer. 
15'^. In form, the word is an " elative," i.e. it has an intensive force, the 
corresponding formation in Arabic denoting the comparative or superlative 
degrees of an adjective ; in Hebrew it fell out of use, except in a few 
instances, as 3J3!<, 1C'»<, ilrt*, 19?'*' (^w. § 162''; Stade, §§ 255, 256''). 

XXI. S-8 243 

every legal decision of importance (cf. 178-10). Here the 
presence of the priests appears to be required, not for the 
purpose of taking" part personally in the ceremony (which is 
performed throughout by the ** elders " of the city concerned), 
but rather for the purpose of imparting to it a religious char- 
acter, and of securing that the prescribed rites are properly 
performed. — 6. And all the elders of that city . . . shall wash 
their hands over the heifer^ &c.\ thereby expressing symbolic- 
ally that the city which they represent is innocent of the 
crime (Mt. 2724 : cf. Ps. 26** 73^^), and transferring the guilt 
of it to the animal representing the murderer. — 7. Answer 
(l3y)] in a liturgical sense (27^*- 1^). — Neither have our eyes seen 
it] i.e. nor have we any knowledge who is the murderer. — 8. 
Clear pSi?) thy people] the root-idea of kappsr is either (from 
the Arab.) to cover (see Wellh. Comp. 335 f.), or (from the 
Syr.) to wipe off (see OTJC.^ 438 f., (more briefly) 2 381 ; cf. 
rin?0 blot out Is. 4325 4422), — in either case, the general sense 
being that of obliterating or cancelling sin, or (in the rare 
cases where the obj. is a person) clearing the sinner. In the 
OT. generally the subj. is God, as 32*^ Jer. i823 Ez. 16^^ (with 
i?, as here), Ps. 65^ 7838 79^; cf. the pass, v.^^ i S. ^^ Is. 6^ 
22^* Pr. 16" : in P the subj. is mostly the priest, the verb being 
used absolutely in the sense oi perform an obliterating {atoning^ 
rite. See further pp. 425-6; and on Lev. i*. — WJiich thou 
hast ransomed (7^)] the appeal is grounded on the gracious 
relation subsisting between Jehovah and His people, which 
was sealed by their deliverance from Egypt. — Set not innocent 
blood in the midst of thy people] let it not remain, infecting and 
incriminating thy people (cf. with i)j; jn3 to lay upon^ Jer. 26^^ 

7. n3£58' «!?] the Kt. is n^B?', the fern. sing, with the plural (or dual) i:n' 
understood (as in Arab.) collectively, as i S. 4^* Ps. 18^ 37^^ al. (Ew. § 317" ; 
G-K. § 145''). The QrS ('3?'?) substitutes the more ordinary construction, 
as it does in Jer. 2^^ 22^ Ps. 73-''. The correction is, however, unneces- 
sary ; for the cases in which the verb is in the impf. (as Ps. 37'') are 
sufficiently numerous to show that the construction is genuinely Hebrew. 
(Aram, and Eth. have a 3 pi. Jem. in a: hence Peters, Hebraica, 1887, p. 
Ill, 1889, p. igof., supposes these forms to be isolated examples of the 
same form in Heb.; see, however, Nold. ZDMG. 1884, p. 411.). — 8. nssj] 
a Nithpdel form, with double reflexive prefix, very common in post-bibl. 
Hebrew (Strack u. Siegfried, Lehrb. der Neuhebr. Sprache, § 91*, e.g. 


Jon. ii4). The community, as a whole, is responsible for the 
crime committed in its midst, until the murderer has been 
brought to justice (Nu. 35^^), or, if this is impossible, until 
some expiation has been offered, and accepted, for his offence. 
— 9. And thou (emph.) shall exlerminale Ihe iniwcenl blood 
from thy midst] thus shall Israel perform the duty of clearing 
itself from the stain of murder (comp. 19^^). — When thou shall 
do that which is right [6^^) in the eyes of JeJwvah] in obeying 
Jehovah's behest, Israel will clear itself of the guilt resting 
upon it. 

XXI. lO-XXV. Miscellaneous Laws, relating chiefly to 
Civil and Domestic Life. 

The section beginning here is marked by several peculi- 
arities of terminology, which are to be accounted for, probably, 
by the fact that the laws contained in it (which are often more 
concisely worded than in the previous chapters) are taken more 
directly, and with less modification of form than in other cases, 
from older sources. 

10-14. On marriage with a female captive taken in war. 
— An Israelite is at liberty to bring home with him a female 
captive, but he may not formally treat her as his wife until he 
has allowed her a month in which to mourn for her lost 
parents. He may afterwards, if he ceases to care for her, 
permit her to leave him, but he must not sell her into slavery. 
The law (which is peculiar to Dt.) inculcates thoughtfulness 
and forbearance under circumstances in which the Israelitish 
warrior, elated by victory, might readily deem himself at 
liberty to act as he pleased. It is connected by its subject- 
matter with c. 20; and perhaps (as remarked on 21^) was 
once immediately preceded by c. 20. The case contemplated 
is manifestly that of warfare with foreign nations, after Israel 
is settled in Palestine (v.^o " when thon goest forth " &c.), not 
with the nations of Canaan, with whom no intermarriages are 
to be contracted (7^). — 10. When thou goest forth to battle 

'D?pri3, ?'7|Nti)), though the only other example in the OT. is Ez. 2^*^ i??J 
(G-K. § 559 ; Stade, § 16^^). The constr. with h, as Is. 22" (Pu'al).— 10. 
T31k] perh. "originally la'^K, in agreement with un: and 'V2V : so 28^" 

XXI. 9-14 245 

against thine enemies] exactly as 20^. — And Jehovah thy God 
delivereth him into thy hand] as 20^^ j cf. on 32. — H, //ast a 
desire unto her (nn npKTll)] "f lo^s ; as here, Gn. 348. — 12. She 
shall shave her head, and pare her nails] a symbolical expres- 
sion of the fact that her forsaken condition is at an end, that 
she has found a husband who will care for her, and that she 
is about to begin life again under new auspices, in close 
relationship with the people of God. 

In ancient Arabia, a widow passed the year after her husband's death 
in seclusion, without washing or otherwise attending to her person : and 
she would terminate her period of mourning by some formal act, such as 
paring hernaih, or plucking out the hair from her face (Lane, Arab. Lex. 
p. 2409'' ; Wellh. Arab. Held. 156 ; Smith, Kinship, 178 ; OTJC.^ 368). The 
present injunction is based probably on such a custom, though, as the 
woman is not represented as being actually a widow, she may lay aside 
the marks and (v.^^) the garb of her forlorn state, as soon as her prospects 
of a husband and of a home are assured. 

*' Pare " is lit. make (ntt'J?), i.e. shape aright, dress : cf. of the 
beard, 2 S. 19^5. — 13. The raiment of her captivity] her captive's 
garb (Is. 3^^). — And shall remain in thine house (Gn. 38^^), and 
bewail her father and her mother for a month of days] cf, the 
month's mourning of Nu. 2o29 Dt. 34^ (for Aaron and Moses). 
The object of the provision is evidently (Keil, Dillm.) to give 
her time to become reconciled to her separation from her 
parents (Ps. 45^^^^°)), and her own people, and to accustom 
herself to her new surroundings, into which she has been 
brought against her will. — 14. Let her go whither she will] lit. 
according to her soul (or desire. 241^); see Jer. 34^^. — Thou 
shall not sell her for money] the restriction is in virtual agree- 
ment with the provision laid down in Ex. 21^ (JE) for the case 

(Di.) ; cf. however ony".— 1'3» n'aeo] cf. Nu. 21^ Jud. 5" Ps. 68'^.— 11. nac] 
32'" 2 Ch. 28'. — nxn nsj' tipk] for the st. c. upk, cf. 1 S. 28^ Ps. 58^ (before a 
rel. clause), and the common phrase . . . na nVina. ncN, not less than ns', 
is determined by "iNn (cf. i S. 16^*) ; but the gen. which determines it is 
deferred, or held in suspense, by the introduction of the parallel ns'. Comp. 
Ew. § 2890; G-K. § 130'.— 13. r\-S\ra . . , nrom] cf. Gn. 38»-" i S. if^.— 
D'D' m^] so 2 K. i5^^t ; d'O' enn Gn. 29" Nu. 1 1^- ^if . d'D' is prob. not a 
genit., but in appos. with HT : cf. D'D' ^-r\w (Dr. § 192. i ; G-K. § 131. 2 c). 
-H. na TSi'nn vh\ cf. 24' naoi ia TDynrnf. The meaning is uncertain. Arab. 
ghamura is to be copious or abundant, of water, ghamara is to rise above 
(of water), to submerge, fig. to surpass, e;r«/ (in stature, dignity, &c.) ; conj. 
iii. ghamara to plunge into a fight, attack in conflict, ghamrah is a sub' 


of a man, who has taken his female bond-servant to wife, and 
desires afterwards to part with her. — Thou shall not play tJie 
master over her\ on "Doynn {2\^\), see below. — Because thou hast 
humbled her (nn^sy)] n3J? of dishonouring" a woman, as 222^- ^ 
Gn. 342 2 S. 13^2 al. (cf. below). 

15-17. The rights of the firstborn. — The firstborn son is 
not to be disinherited, or deprived of his legitimate share of 
his father's property, in the interests of the son of a favourite 
wife : he is to receive a share twice as large as any of his 
brothers. Peculiar to Dt. The law is desigfned to g-uard ag^ainst 
the case which, it is evident, might readily arise, of a man's 
abusing" his paternal prerogative through the influence of a 
favourite wife. — 15. If a man have two wives, the one beloved 
and the other hated\ as happened, for example, in the case of 
Jacob (Gn. 2^^^^- 21 : cf. i S. i^). — 16. In the day that he causeth, 
&'c.\ a certain testamentary power was thus possessed by the 
ancient Israelite (cf. Gn. 24^^ 25^ ; 2 S. 17^3 2 K. 20^) ; but it was 
limited by custom and law (cf. Nowack,^r(cAac»/. § 64). — 17. But 
he shall acknowledge (""^S!) the firstborn\ properly, recognise him 
(Gn. 428), viz. as being" what he is, and possessing" rights above 
his brethren. — By giving him a share of two in all that he hat?i\ 
lit. ^^aTnouthof two" ip^lT^ ^3). The same idiomatic expression 
recurs 2 K. 2^ ("let a share of two in thy spirit fall to me," i.e. a 
share twice as large as any of thy other disciples ; may I rank 
as the firstborn among them), Zech. 13^ — The beginning of his 
strength] the first-fruits of his virile powers : so Gn. 49^ (of 
Reuben), cf. Ps. 78^1 10536. — The right of the firstborn is his] 
merging food. In so far as the meaning in Heb. may be at all inferred 
from these data, the reflex, conj. would have some such fig. sense as deal 
despotically, play the master (cf. G 24' jtatTaSuvaffTiuVaf) : Ges. irruit in ali- 
quem, manum ei admovit violentius. RV. paraphrases. — "Ck nnn] 22* 
28"- ** al. ; cf. '3 nnn /^^. — an'jj;] Arab, 'and ('a«a'") is to be submissive, 
obedient (Qor. 20^^"), esp. by becoming a captive, iv. to make or treat as a 
captive (see esp. Rahlfs, '3p und uy in den Psalmen, 1892, p. 67 ff.). my 
in Heb. means analogously to treat as a subject or dependent, with the 
acquired idea of treating irresponsibly, to maltreat, to humble, by depriving 
of independence, or liberty, or recognized rights: cf. Gn. 16" (|| "to do 
what is right in one's own eyes: so Jud. 19^), Gn. 31^ Jud. le'-**", II to 
serve or to enslave Gn. 15" Ex. ii'-" (cf. v."); of a woman, specially to 
treat with disregard of her womanly rights, to dishonour. — 16. ^31' K?] "j^. 
— 'JB Vy] in front of = in preference to : cf. Ex. 20^. 

XXI. 15-20 247 

the position and privileges of the firstborn were highly valued 
(cf. Gen. 2531- 34 2736). The present law does not institute the 
right of the firstborn, but invests with its sanction an estab- 
lished usage, and guards it against arbitrary curtailment. 

18-21. The incorrigible son. — A son who persistently refuses 
to obey his parents, is to be arraigned by them publicly before 
the elders of his city, and stoned to death. This particular 
law is peculiar to Dt. ; but respect towards parents is incul- 
cated in the Decalogue : death is prescribed in the Book of the 
Covenant (Ex. 211^) as the penalty for smiting, as also, both 
in the same Code [ib. w?^) and in H (Lev. 20^), for cursing, 
father or mother: in Dt. 27^'' he that "setteth light by his 
father or his mother " is pronounced accursed. — Stubborn and 
rebellious (nniO!| l^iD)] Jer. 523 Ps. ^S^.— Chasten {r\f)] gs Pr. 
19I3 29I7 : here, probably, including bodily correction (22^^ . 
cf. on 436; and see Pr. 132* 22^5 22^^^- 291^). — 19. And shallbring 
him forih\ 17^ 2221- 24, — Unto the elders of the city\ whose 
duty it was to take cognizance of offences against social and 
family right: see on 19^2, — And unto the gate of his place\ in 
which the elders sat, and where the law was administered : 
comp. 22^5 2^ Ruth 41-2-11. The "gate" — more properly the 
gateway, with a depth corresponding to the thickness of the 
wall in which it was constructed, having a gate at the inner 
and outer ends (hence "between the two gates," 2 S. 182^), 
and doubtless seats along each side — is thus the Oriental 
forum ; and it is often alluded to as the place in which the 
administration of justice was carried on, e.g. Am. 5^°- ^2. i5 Js. 
2921 Job 3121 Ps. 1275. Cf. Thomson, The Land and the 
Book, i. (S. Palest.) 27fF.— 20. The elders of his citj'] Sam. ffi 
" the men of his city " (as v. 21), which, however, appears here 
to be less suitable than "elders." — (Being) a glutton and a 
drnnkard\ the same combination (>5?bl ??ir) Pr. 2321 (cf. v. 20 
"be not among those that drink wine, that squander flesh 
upon themselves ") ; ^1 (properly a squanderer) also Pr. 28^. 
The words are manifestly intended to hint at the ground of 
the young man's obstinacy, though from the nature of the 
case they will not be meant except as an example of what 
20. m 1:33] on 5^. 


might be said on such an occasion. — 21. All the men of his 
city, &c.\ comp. 1311(10) 1^5 222*. ^'AH" because it is to the 
common interest for all to take part in putting- down the 
wrong: cf. 1310(9), Nothing- is said of any investigation on 
the part of the elders into the truth of the parents' allegation : 
no doubt this is passed over, as an understood thing, in the 
case of a criminal charge. — So thou slialt exterminate, &c,\ 
if (P).Shall hear and fear] 1312(11) 1713 1920. 

As shown above, Hebrew law insisted on respect being paid to parents, 
and Hebrew moralists did not hesitate to commend the rod as a salutary 
instrument of education ; but the father's authority — though, at least in an 
earlier age (Ex. 21^, he could sell his daughter into slaver}' — was not 
despotic : he had not, as at Rome, power of life and death over his son ; 
where (as in the case here contemplated) vice and insubordination became 
intolerable, he could not take the law into his own hands, he must appeal 
to the decision of an impartial tribunal (cf. Nowack, Archaol. § 28, end). 
The present law will hardly, however, have been often carried into practice : 
"in Pr. 30'' disobedience to parents is cited as a thing which brings a man 
to a bad end, not as a thing punished by law " {^Rel. Sent. p. 60). 

22-23. The body of a malefactor, exposed, after execution, 

upon a tree, to be taken down and buried before nightfall. — 

If there he in (15^) a man a sin, a judgment of death (19^)] i.e. 

a proved capital charge. — And he be put to death, and thou 

hang- him. on a tree] the malefactor was hung, not, as with us, 

for the purpose of being executed, but after execution, as an 

additional disgrace (comp. Jos. lo^^ 2 S. 4^2^ ; \i was exposure 

before God and man, a public proof that the adequate penalty 

had been paid by him for his offence. — 23. His body shall not 

remain all night upon tJie tree, but thou shalt bury him on the 

same day] cf. Jos. 82^ io27 (where the bodies of the kings 

defeated by Joshua are removed "at the going down of the 

sun "). — For he that is lianged is accursed of God, and thou 

shalt iwt defile thy land, (Sr'c] probably the exposure of a 

malefactor's corpse by hanging was resorted to only in the 

case of heinous offences : it could be taken therefore as 

significant of the curse of God (Gn. 4" Dt. 272^) resting 

22. nio BBco Kan] a case of apposition, 'd 'd limiting and defining the sense 
of Ken: cf. Ex. 24" c'D^sr D'nsi, Is. 3^ nrp? n^2_D, &c (Dr. § 188. i).— 23. 
'i'?n cnVx n^!?? 'a] "a curse of God "=accursed of God (Dr. § 189. 2). So 
(S («t«aT»i^«/!«i»»f iiiei Ttu fitv), Aq. Theod. (xecrifa hev [see Field]), "E (male- 
dictus a Deo), and virtually all modems. There was, however, a current 

XXI. 21— XXII. I 249 

specially upon the offender ; and as murder, like other 
abominable crimes, was held to render the land in which it was 
perpetrated unclean (Nu. 35^^'^' ; Lev. iS^^^-^^f), so the unburied 
corpse, suspended aloft, with the crime as it were clinging to 
it, and God's curse resting visibly upon it, had a similar effect. 
Hence, as soon as the requisite publicity has been attained, 
the spectacle is to end : the corpse, at sunset, is to be taken 
down, and committed to the earth, as a token that justice has 
completed its work, and that the land has been cleansed from 
the defilement infecting it (comp., in the case of murder, Nu. 
2-33b c^ jgi3 2i9). — Accursed of God\ see below. 

XXII. 1-4. On neighbourly feeling and regard. — The lost 
property of a neighbour, if found, is to be restored to him, or 
kept until he claims it, v.^-^. Assistance is to be cheerfully 
rendered to a neighbour in difficulty, v.*. 

^ Thou shall not see thy brother's Ex. 23* If thou meet thine enemy's 

ox or his sheep driven away, and ox or his ass going astray, 

hide thyself, from them : thou shalt thou shalt 

surely bring them back to thy brother, surely bring it back to him. 
^ And if thy brother be not nigh 
unto thee, &c. ^ And so shalt thou 
do with his ass, and so shalt thou 
do with his garment, &c. 

* Thou shalt not see thy brother's * If thou shalt see the ass of him 

ass, or his ox, fallen down in the that hateth thee couching down 

way, and hide thyself from them ; under his burden, thou shalt forbear 

thou to leave it to him (alone) ; thou 

shalt surely lift (them) up with him. shalt surely loosen it with him. 

The law is evidently an expansion of that in Ex. 23*^- (JE), 

with modifications, accommodating it to the spirit and point 

of view of Dt. The "enemy" in Ex. is noticeable: it is 

Jewish interpretation, which treated dtiVn as the obj. gen. (Gn. 27"), "a 
curse — i.e. reproach, insult — to God" : so ap. Ariston of Pella [2nd cent.], 
quoted by Jerome, XoiSepia iioZ i xpifidftttai ; Ps.-Jon. " For it is contempt 
(xm^'p) before God to hang a man, except his sins have caused it ; and 
because he is made in the image of God, thou shalt bury him," &c. ; 
Rashi *' It is a slight to the King (l^D '?s' i^n"?!), because man is made in 
the image of God." The same constr. also underlies the (ungrammatical) 
paraphrases of Onq. "for because he hath sinned before God he is hung," 
Symm. '* propter blasphemiam Dei suspensus est," S " for he that 
blasphemeth (Nnsm ;d) God is hung," S/^Ar^ [ancient Heb. Comm. on Dt.] 
DBTi m ^V^?' 'JBD. Comp. Lightfoot, Galatians,^ p. 150 (on Gal. 3'*). 
XXII. 1. tp^ynm . . . nNnn t6] on 72*. 


an old-world anticipation of the spirit of Mt, 5^'*. In Dt. 
** brother" is substituted, not for the purpose of excluding- one 
who may be an enemy, but in order to make the application 
of the precept as wide as possible (cf. on 152). For "driven 
away"(D''n'^3), i.e. parted forcibly from the herd through some 
mishap, cf. Mic. 4^ Zeph. 3^8 (with pp "gather"), Ez, 34^-16 
(with "bring").—mde thyself] Is. 58^ Ps. 552.-2-3. 
Additions (except the " ass" in v.^) to the law of Ex. : (i) if 
the owner be not at hand, or unknown, his lost animal is to 
be kept till he comes to claim it : (2) all other lost property 
that may be found is to be dealt with similarly. — 2. Until thy 
brother require it] or demand it, viz. as something that he has 
a claim to : cf. 2322(21) Ez. 33^ ^;i)^^• s- 10. 11, c'i'i expresses more 
than "seek after" (RV.), which would correspond to ti'pB (i S. 
9^). — 4. The uncommon, and probably archaic, uses of 3Ty in 
Ex. 235b are replaced here by more ordinary phrases. 

5. The sexes not to interchange garments, or other articles 
of attire. — Peculiar to Dt. No doubt the prohibition is not 
intended as a mere rule of conventional propriety, — though, 
even as such, it would be an important safeguard against 
obvious moral dangers, — but is directed against the simulated 
changes of sex which occurred in Canaanite and Syrian 
heathenism, to the grave moral deterioration of those who 
adopted them (cf. OTJC^ 365). 

According to Macrob. Sat, iii. 8, and Servius on Aen, ii. 632, there was 
in Cyprus a statue of a bearded Venus, barhatum corpore sed veste muliehri, 
cum sceptro ac natura virili, who was considered to be of both sexes (cf. 
Ellis on Catull. 68''), and to whom sacrifice was offered by men dressed as 
women, and women dressed as men : and noisy processions of Galli, or 
eunuch-priests of Cybele, the mother of the gods, paraded the towns and 
villages of Syria, Asia Minor, and other parts, attired as women, and 
soliciting the populace to unholy rites (Apul. Metamorph. viii. c. 24 ff. ; 
August. Civ. Dei, vii. 26 ; cf. Luc. de dea Syria, §§ 15, 26, 51 (at Hiera- 
polis) ; Jerome on Hos. 4'* ; and Movers, Die Phonizier, i. 678 ff.). At 
Aphaka, in Coele-Syria, Constantine put down a temple of Aphrodite, the 
priests of which are described by Eusebius as yi^ihts r<»ij avS^ij ah* ai\'.i, 
<tI aifji-iii rijs fvtrius dtraptntrdfitvoi ( Vif. Const, iii. 55), on account of the 
character of the rites carried on at it. 

A woman shall not wear an article pertaining to a man (v3 

2. insDKi] cf. 2 S. \\^ 17" Jud. 1915-18 (jjgx).— waiyni . . . ny] cf. i S.i'" 
3 S. id" (Dr. § lis, *•«'• ■'i') 8* ""35^"] Ex. 22^ Lev. s^^-^st.— ^ain vh\ f^. 

XXII. a-8 251 

"i3i)] '^53 Is a very general term, applicable to almost any article 
used or worn, e.g. weapons (Gn. 27^), jewels (24^^), ornaments 
(also household objects, implements, vessels, &c.), Lev. 13*" 
(a "thing" of skin), 1 S. l'^'^^ (a shepherd's "bag"): it is thus 
a much wider term than "garment"; and hence the indefinite 
rendering of AV. "that which pertaineth unto." — For whoso- 
ever doeth these things is an abomination unto Jehovah^ so iS^^ 
251° ; cf. on 725. 

6-7. A man finding a bird's nest may take the young 
birds or the eggs, but is not to take the mother with them. — 
Peculiar to Dt. The law is generally considered to rest upon 
a humanitarian motive (cf. 25^), and to direct regard to be 
paid to the parental relation in animals (cf. Lev. aa^^f) ; but 
Fenton [Early Heh. Life, p. 48) thinks it "rests upon the 
idea that one may have ' right of user ' in the bird to the 
extent of sharing in its produce ; but one may not claim entire 
possession of it." — 7. That it may he well for thee, &c.\ 4**'. 
The promise is the same as that which is attached in 5^*^ to 
the command to pay honour to human parents. 

8. Human life not to be endangered by neglect. Every 
house-top is to be provided with a parapet, as a protection to 
those using it for recreation or other purposes. — ^This law also 
is peculiar to Dt. ; but a provision prompted by the same 
general motive is found in Ex. 2\^^- (a pit not to be left open, 
so that an ox or an ass may fall into it). — A parapet\ as is 
well known, the top of an Eastern house is flat, and capable 
of being used for recreation and many other purposes (Jos. 2^ 
Jud. i627 I S. 925f- 2 S. ii2 i622 Is. 22^ Jcf. \^^ Zcph. i5 Mt. 
2417 Acts io9). 

9-lL Prohibition of non-natural combinations. — A vineyard 
is not to be sown with different kinds of seed ; a field is not 
to be plowed with an ox and an ass working together ; and 
no garment is to be worn, made of wool and linen in com- 

6. '3D^ . • . Knp'] "happens before thee," i.e. chances accidentally to be 
before thee: 2 S. iS^'cf. 20^; Gn. 24'^ 27^ (•"'TpO). — D'33n Vp cxn] ^j; idiom.= 
together with : cf. Gn. 32^* Hos. 10" Job 38'^ {Lex. !?y 4 c). — 8. npyo] only 
here : prop, a confining enclosure (ffi VTupatn) ; Arab, 'agd to hinder, with- 
hold. — Ti'aa D'DT wan] cf. 'a d'Dt jnj 21^, Vy d'dt oe; Jud. ^\ ^a d'ot jnj Jer. 
26" Jon. iH — Sbij.t Sb' '3] on 17^ 



bination. The motive of the prohibition appears to be the 
preservation of natural distinctions : species — at least as they 
now exist, and are known to us — are designed by God to be 
distinct (comp. Gn.^. each possesses its own 
characteristic features ; and a principle thus visibly impressed 
by the Creator upon nature is not to be interfered with by 
man. The second provision is peculiar to Dt. ; the first and 
third are found, without very material variation, in Lev. 19^^ 
(H), where they are preceded by a provision, to which nothing 
corresponds in Dt., against permitting cattle of different 
species to breed together. 

Lev. 19^^ Thy cattle thou shall 
not make to gender in two kinds : 
^ Thou shalt not sow thy\\neya.Td with thy field thou shalt not sow with 
two kinds (of seed) ; lest the full two kinds (of seed) : 
produce (nnVon) be forfeited (snpn), 
the seed which thou sowest, and 
the increase of the vineyard. ^^ Thou 
shalt not plow with an ox and an 

ass together. ^^ Thou shalt not and a garment of two 

wear mixed stuff (tjayc), wool and kinds, of mixed stuff (tjbjt), shall 
linen together. not come up upon thee. 

9. Why "vineyard" takes here the place of "field" in 
Lev. is not apparent : as it is the subject of the entire law, it 
can hardly be meant as an example of the kind of "field" 
contemplated ; 2325^- 24^^- 21 the two are also distinguished. If 
it may be assumed that Lev. presents an earlier form of the 
law than Dt., it is possible that in the interval it had become 
the custom to plant fields generally with different kinds of 
seed (cf. Is. 28^5) ; the legislator, consequently, may have 
tacitly conceded the custom in such cases, and have satisfied 
himself with retaining the prohibition in the case of vineyards 
alone. Others think the law of Lev. a later extension of that 
of Dt. The explanatory clause, v.^'', stating the consequence 
if the prohibition be disregarded, is peculiar to Dt. "Be 
forfeited" is lit. become lioly or sacred (^'!!i?^), i.e. be forfeited 
to the sanctuary, a synonym of r^'^ n^n. Lev. 2710- 21 Jos. 6^^ ; 
comp. the same verb in Lev. 6^^(is) Nu. i7-'"- {i^"^^). The last 
words, "the seed which thou sowest," &c., define more 
distinctly what is intended by t\'^t\ (Ex. 2228(29) Nu. iS^^), 

XXII. 9-12 253 

viz. not only the grain, vegetables, &c., sown (in infringement 
of the prohibition) between the vines, but also the produce of 
the vines themselves. — 10. Ploughs are still in Palestine some- 
times harnessed to an ox and an ass (Conder, Tent Work, 
328). — 11. The form of the sentence differs, but the substance 
is similar in Lev. and Dt. The peculiar, and evidently 
"foreign word," TJoyK', is common to both laws : in both also 
the term is explained; but in Dt. it is said, more definitely 
than in Lev., to denote a combination of wool and linen. 
Only the particular material thus styled is forbidden. The 
minuter definitions of the later Jews, on the subject of these 
laws, will be found in the Mishnic treatise KiVaim. 

12. Tassels to be worn by the Israelites, as a distinctive 
badge, upon the four corners of their mantles. — ^The law corre- 
sponds to the one in Nu. 1537-41 (P, perhaps in particular H), 
where the object of the tassels is also explained (v.^^^ ), viz. 
to remind the Israelites of their obligations to Jehovah, and 
to check them when they are tempted to pursue too keenly 
personal interests or ambitions. — Twisted cords (Q^jH?) thou 
shalt make thee upon the four comers of thy covering (Ex. 
222T(26)j^ iBhereioith thou coverest thyself\ Nu. 1588 ** Say unto 
them, And they shall make them tassels (JT'V^S) upon the 
corners of their garments (annja) throughout their genera- 
tions, and they shall put upon the tassel of each corner a cord of 
blue " (for the purpose, namely, of fastening it to the garment). 
Nu. uses JT'^'^S, which appears to have been the more technical 
term ; Dt. has Q Yl? twisted threads or cords, which is found (in 
a different connexion) i K. y^'^ (*' wreaths " of metal work). 

The rend, "fringe" is inaccurate. The zizith was a cord, ending in 
a tassel, — the cord, according to the usage of the later Jews, consisting of 
eight threads of white wool, twisted round each other a prescribed number 
of times, and tied, at intervals, in five double knots (see Kitto's Bibl. 
Cyclop., s.v. Fringes, with the illustrations). The ordinary outer garment 
worn by the Hebrews {jh'q^ or nja — more rarely, as here, n^o?) was a large 
quadrangfular piece of stuff, probably like the modem 'abAye, of coarsely 
woven wool, which was thrown round the body something in the manner 

11. nByr] Lev. ig'^t- Of uncertain origin ; but not improbably Egyptian, 
ffi *(/5S»i>.»s ; whence Kn. explains " woven falsely," from Copt, saht, woven, 
and nudj, false (Peyron, Lex. pp. 224, 133). — 12. d'Vij] in Syr. Arab, the 
root Via is preserved with the meaning to twist or plait (e.g. Mt. 27^ &). 


of a Scotch plaid (cf. Benzinger, Archdol. p. gSf.) ; and these "tassels" 
were attached to its four corners. In a later age, when the Jews were 
exiled from Palestine, as the tassels on the outside attracted notice, and 
led to persecution, they were transferred to the inner garment ; and ulti- 
mately the custom arose of attaching them also to the Tallith, or quad- 
rangular mantle, worn at the time of morning prayer (Kitto, I.e.). 

XXII. 13-XXIII. I (XXII. 30). Laws relating to Marriage 
(see also 24^-* 25*^). 

XXII. 13-21. Procedure to be adopted in the case of a 
newly-married wife being alleged by her husband not to have 
been a virgin. — (i) If the allegation be false, the girl's parents 
are to appear with the proofs of their daughter's virginity 
before the elders of the city, who are then to punish the 
husband" with stripes, and to impose upon him a fine of 100 
shekels of silver ; he is moreover to take back his wife, and 
to be deprived for ever of the right of divorcing her, v.^^-^^. 
(2) If the allegation be true, and proof of the girl's virginity 
be not forthcoming, she is to be brought out to the entrance 
of her father's house, and there stoned to death by the men 
of her city, v. 20-21. — 13. Hate her] i.e. turn against her, after 
his carnal desires have been satisfied (comp. 2 S. 13^^). — 14. 
Frame against Jier wanton charges] lit. caprices of words, i.e. 
baseless allegations, wantonly made for the purpose of obtain- 
ing a divorce from her. The rend, "shameful things" (RV.) 
is a free one, and has no claim to philological exactness. — 
And utter (s''yini) an evil name against her] or publish (v.'^ ; cf. 
14. mai ni^'^y] a difficult and uncertain expression, nh'hu is elsewhere 
"action"; but it is only found in poetry (Ps. 9^^ 14^ &c.) ; and "acts of 
words " (Schultz, Kn. Ke.) is a weak and doubtful expression for "acts 
giving rise to unfavourable comments or reports." Perh. Dillm. is right 
in having recourse to the sense of the root hhy, which is certainly preserved 
in V^ynn "to work one's will on," and in ^i^yn "wilfulness, caprice "(cf. 
Fleischer's note in Del. on Is. 3'* [ed. 3]), and in rendering " caprices of 
words," t.e. wanton and arbitrary charges. Of the versions, G renders 
by trifiv ahrn <rpt<pa<r,ffTiKov( xiyovs, connecting ni'?'Vj; with the Aram. J<?p (cf. 
Arab, 'illah) "occasion, cause, pretext"; similarly U ("quaesieritque 
occasiones quibus dimittat eam "), S ("and draw after her a pretext with 
words"), probably Onq. ]''?'D 'inpcn n^ 'ip'i, i.e. either "impute to her 
occasions of words" [i.e. of unfavourable remarks), or "bring against her 
pretexts of words," i.e. fictitious charges (comp. in Le\'y not onlj' KSipsn, 
but also IPP Ithpe., and Kspsin), Ps.-Jon. pV'm Tt'j "an objection of words," 
i.e. an adverse charge, Ibn 'Ezra "mS'^p occasions," AV. "give occasions 

XXII. 13-15 255 

Pr. 10^8 Nu. i^sa i^sc. 37), — 15, Shall bring forth the tokens of 
the damseVs virginity\ the procedure of a primitive-minded 
people. The criterion is not an infallible one, it being quite 
possible that the absence of the tokens referred to may result 
from other causes than the one to which it is here supposed 
to point. Nevertheless, among" many Eastern peoples, the 
old feeling still survives, and much importance continues to be 
attached to them, as evidence of the bride's chastity : among 
the Arabs of Egypt, and the Moors, for instance, immediately 
after the consummation of a marriage, they are displayed 
ostentatiously to the relations of the newly-married couple, 
and sometimes even more publicly : * similar customs prevail 
among the village populations of Syria and Palestine : f and 
their absence, unless it could be satisfactorily explained, would 
be regarded as justifying the bridegroom in dissolving the 
marriage, and compelling the father to take back his daughter, 
of speech against her." The meaning "occasion, pretext," however, 
though belonging to Aram. nSj?, Arab, 'illah, and to rh'hy in post-Bibl. 
Heb. (Levy, NHWB. iii. p. 654), is not otherwise that of the Biblical n'?'Vj; 
(or of the root S^V generally). Aq. \ia.Wax,TiKa. prifixra, in accordance with 
his peculiar style of translation (he rendered n'^-^y elsewhere by UaXXayri, 
D'^iVjm by Uay-Xiy/iocrei, &c. : see Ps. 9^- loa'^ Is. 3^ 66* in the Hexapla, with 
Field's note on Jer. 38^® : and on the style of Aquila, Field's Hexapla, i. p. 
xxifF.). — h c'p'] with the rend, adopted above, Db will mean make (14^), 
frame ; but, if rh^hv signifies acts, it will have the force of attach, impute 
to (cf. 3 D(7 lit. to lay in i S. 22^' Job 4^*), and n^ must be inserted in v." 
with Sam. <&. .t!?k mpKi] Gn. 20* Lev. iS^-'^ 20^8 Is. Z\—^ ksd] "to find 
belonging to" : so v."'^ i S. 13^ Hos. 12*. — 15. ^V3^] Kt. nyjri, Qre nnj/jri. 
In the Pent, the fern, mp is found only Dt. 22^^, the masc. form iy: being 
otherwise used for both genders (for the fem. 21 times, viz. Gn. 24"-'''-*' 
«.S7 343.3.12 Dt. 22«- !«• !«• ^- 21- 2»- «• 25- 26- 26- 27. 28. 29) . the Massorites, howcvcr, 
directed in these cases the usual form mp to be substituted in reading, 
hence the Qre n^inn. At what time the epicene nyj went out of use, we do 
not know ; it may not have been until after the Pent, was so far canonized 
that its text was deemed unalterable, and while in the rest of the OT. the 
Kethib was accommodated, where necessary, to the more modem usage, 
in the Pent, the change was made only in the Qr6. 

* Leo Afric. (ed. 1632) p. 325 (Pory's transl. 1600, p. 143 f.) ; Toume- 
fort, Voyage in the Levant, 1718, ii. 69 ; Arvieux, Voyages h Constantinople, 
&c., 1735, iii. 306 ; Host, Marokos, 1781, p. 103 ; Niebuhr, Descr. ct Arabic, 
1776, i. 35ff.; Burckhardt, Arab. Proverbs, 1830, p. 117, Bedouins, 1831, i. 
266, — quoted by Knob. Cf. (for Africa) Post, Afrik. Jurispriidenz, i. § 146. 

t Wetzstein in Bastian's Z. fiir Ethnol. 1873, p, 290 f. ; Klein in the Z. 
des Deutschen Pal.-Vereins, 1883, p. 100. 


and refund the mahr (v.^s). — 17. Shameful things (RV.)] see on 
v.^*. — Spread {]\xA. 8-^) the garmeni\ the salmahwdiS used for 
sleeping in (2413) : but perhaps the word may be meant here 
in a more general sense (2ii3 223-5). — 18. Chastise him (•nD''1 
ins)] viz. with corporal punishment (cf. on 21^8^ : according to 
Jos. Antiq. iv. 8. 23, he received the legal "forty stripes save 
one" (25^). — 19. Shall fine him, an hundred {s\v€k^^s of) silver^ 
and give them., (Sr^.] "fine" ("^"?I') as Ex. 2122 Am. 2^ : cf. the 
subst. 2 K. 23^2 (RV. marg.). The fine is a compensation to the 
father for the malicious defamation of his daughter : its amount 
is twice that payable by the seducer of an unbetrothed virgin, 
V.29. — And she shall be his (emph. ) wife, &c. ] in spite of his effort 
to be rid of her, she shall remain his wife ; he shall never be at 
liberty to divorce her. — 20-21. The case of the allegation being 
true. — 21. Bring out] 17^. — To the entrance of her father s ' 
liouse\ she is to pay the penalty of her sin openly, in front of i 
the house which she has disgraced. — The m.en of her city shall 
stone her, &'c.\ cf. 2121. — Hath •wrought senselessness (i^^^?) in \ 
Israel] the same reproachful phrase Gn. 34'^ Jos. 7^^ Jud. 20^* 1° j 
Jer. 2923, and without in Israel, Jud. ig23. 24 2 S. 13^2 (cf. v.^^ | 
the corresponding adj.) Job 42^!, — always of acts of immorality j 
except Jos. 715 (an act of irreligion) and Job 42^ (see Dill m. 2). | 

Nabdl and nehalah are very difficult to render in English. " Fool," j 
and "folly" (besides being needed for the more common ^'or, ^'1K, m^'C3, 
nSix) are inadequate, and suggest wrong associations. The fault of the 
nabal is not weakness of reason, but moral and religious insensibility, a 
rooted incapacity to discern moral and religious relations, leading to an 
intolerant repudiation in practice of the claims which they impose. The 
ideas associated with the waJa/ appear most clearly in Is. 32* ; he is painted 
there as at once irreligious and churlish (cf. " Nabal," i S. 25^). The 
term is thus applied to Israel, unappreciative of Jehovah's benefits (c. 32®), 
to the heathen (32^1 Ps. 74^^- ^-), to the man who cannot perceive that there 1 
is a God (Ps. 14^=53^) ; see also 2 S. 3^ 13^^ Is. 32' Jer. 17^* Ez. 13^ Ps. 39®(*> 
Pr. x'p' ^^^ 30^ Job 7}^\. Nehalah, besides the passages quoted, occurs only 
I S. 25^ Is. 9^^P^) {^profanity) 32^!. The cognate nabluth occurs Hos. j 
2i2(io)-|- jn the sense of immodesty. Senseless and senselessness may be j 
suggested as fair English equivalents, it being understood that the defec- \ 
tive "sense" which they predicate shows itself particularly in acts of 
impiety, profligfacy, and churlishness, and that it is, in fact, the latter ideas | 
which the two words, in actual use, really connote. 1 

20. ncK] cf. 13^*.— 1KSC3 k'? a.aut'hiTui, as 13^ i7-».— 21. nnoj] so v."' wcj: 
see G-K. § 104. 2*. — ni:i^] Sam. (5 niJI?^. 1 

XXII. 17-23 257 

So shalt thou exterminate, &c.\ is^C^). So v.22-24_ 
22. Adultery. — If a man be found committing adultery 
(with a married woman, both alike are to be put to death. 
Adultery is forbidden, not only in the Decalogue, but also in 
Lev. iS^o (H) : the penalty provided for it here is in agreement 
with the law of Lev. 20^0 (also H). The manner of execution 
is not expressly prescribed either here or in Lev. ; but it was 
understood (on the analogy of v.^'*) to be by stoning; comp. 
Ez. i638- 40 2315. 47 John 85. Cf. Post, Familienrecht, p. 358 f. 
23-29. Seduction. — Two cases are distinguished: (i) that 
of the girl being already betrothed to a husband, v.^^^Tj (2) 
that of the girl being unbetrothed, v.28-29. The first case is 
treated as virtually one of adultery, the girl, after betrothal, 
being regarded as pledged to her future husband, as fully as 
if she were formally married to him ; she is described accord- 
ingly (v.24) as his "wife," and the penalty (except in the case, 
v. 25, where the girl can be reasonably acquitted of blame) is 
the same as for adultery, viz. death for both parties. For 
this case there is no parallel in the other Codes of the Pent, 
(i) The seduction of a girl already betrothed to a husband, 
y 23-27, Here the penalty prescribed differs, according as the 
girl may, or may not, be reasonably deemed to have been a 
consenting party : in the former case (v. 23-24) both parties are 
to be punished with death, in the latter (v.25-27)j the man only. 
— 23. Betrothed to a man] betrothal is, in Eastern countries, 
an important preliminary to marriage, and a more solemn and 
formal proceeding than our "engagement." Among the 
Arabs it is a legal act, whereby, upon consideration of a price 
paid {mahr, Heb. mohar: cf. on v.29), a girl is handed over by 
her father or guardian to the suitor, and the marriage, as a 
legal procedure, is thereby terminated.* It is hence apparent 
why the seduction of a betrothed virgin is treated practically 
as a case of adultery. For other allusions to betrothal in the 
22. hsii nhi!2] Gn. 2o^.—Dn':v oi] 23^': Lex. Di 2 end. 

* Wellh. Die Ehe bei den Arabem, in the Gottingen Nachrichten, 1893, 
No. II, p. 480 f. ; Smith, Kinship, p. 78 f. ; Benzinger, Hebr. Arch, p. 
138 f.; Klein, ZDPal.-Vereins, 1883, p. Sgf. : cf. Edersheim, Z. <S' T. i. 354. 
A very widely diffused custom (Post, Familienrecht, p. isyff., '73ff')' 


OT., see V.25.27.28 2o7 2830 Ex. 221506) 2 S. 3^* HoS. 221t(19f.)._ 

24. Unto the gate, &'c.\ the place of execution, as 17^. — 
Hunibled {p'^Vy^ see on 21I*. — 25. And the man take hold of her\ 
"force her" (AV., RV.) is too strong a rendering : 3 P'tnn is 
simply to take Jwld of, 25^1 Gn. ig^^ and often ; for the same 
purpose as here, 2 S. 13I1. — 26. Riseth up against] 19^^. {2) 
The seduction of a girl who is not betrothed, v. 28-29. in 
this case, the seducer is to be compelled to take the girl as 
his wife, and to forfeit the right to divorce her during the 
rest of his life. In JE Ex. 22i5f<i6f.) corresponds, though 
the provisions are not quite the same ; the seducer is to 
pay similarly a price to the father for the girl to become 
his wife, but the amount is left undefined ; and it is open 
to the father to refuse to give her to him; in Ex. also 
the seducer is described as using persuasion ("^J??^.), while here 
the case contemplated seems to be one in which force is 
employed. — 28. Lay hold on her (HL'Sn^)] not the word used in 
v.25j though a synonym of it (Gn. 39^2 i K. 13*). — SJie shall be 
his loife; he may not put her away all his days] as v.^^''. — 
Humbled her] v. 2-*. — 29. Shall give unto the damseV s father fifty 
sliekels of silver] the seducer is to be compelled to take the girl 
as his wife, and to pay (cf. Post, 350 f.) the price which by ancient 
custom (v. 23) the suitor had to pay to the father (or family) of 
the bride. The technical term for this payment was mohar 
(AV., RV. inexactly "dowry"), Gn. 3412 Ex. 22i«07) (the 
cognate verb in v.i5(i6)), i S. i825 (cf. Smith, Kinship, p. 78 f.), 
corresponding to the Homeric cSva (or hhva), H. i6^'8, Od. 
2 1 160-162^ &c. The amount of the payment would vary natur- 
ally with the position and circumstances of the bridegroom, 
as well as with the attractions of the bride ; 50 shekels is prob- 
ably named as an average : an ordinary price for a slave was 
30 shekels, Ex. 21^2. 

30 (XXIII. 1). Prohibition of marriage with a stepmother. 
— The same prohibition (differently worded) appears in Lev. 

24. TTK 13^ hv\ 23' 2 S. is'^t: on 131, see G-K. § T30. 3.-25. mra dio] 

on the position of .nca, see on 20^^ 26. ma xan] cf. zi^^.—cip' -arxa 

Hnjfji . . .] Am. 5" Is. 29^ (Dr. § 115, s.v. tfjo). — cij: insm] on 19'. — 28. 
n"5^-]k] in pause, for njp'-ik (on 7*). — 29. a:y tb-n nnn] 21". 

XXII. 24— XXIII. 2 (i) 259 

18^ (H), "The nakedness of thy father's wife thou shalt not 
uncover; it is thy father's nakedness," and 20^^, where death 
for both parties is prescribed as the penalty for disobedience. 
— Uncover his faihet^s skirt] so 2720 : cf. "to spread the skirt 
(i S. 24^(s) al.) over" a woman, Ez. 16^ Ruth 3^, fig-, for to take 
her as a wife. Here the expression is evidently a euphemism. 

In ancient Arabia a man's wives passed, like his other property, to his 
heir : a son could thus claim his father's wives (except, of course, his own 
mother) as part of his inheritance ; and the practice of marriage with a 
stepmother is forbidden for the future in the Qor'Sn (4^). Examples (of 
an exceptional kind) in the OT. illustrating the same custom are Gn. 35^ 
49^ ; 2 S. 3^ ; 16-^ ; 1 K. 2^ : but in Jerusalem such unions were still common 
in the time of Ezekiel (22^"), who condemns them (in words borrowed from 
Lev. 18*) ; and in Syria they appear to have been not unusual in the 5th 
cent. A.D. (Smith, Kinship, pp. 86-90 ; OTJC." 369 f. : see also Wellh. I.e. 
[p. 257 note], p. 461). 

In Lev. i8*'^' 20^^'^* the forbidden degrees of affinity are so numerous as 
to constitute a long list ; hence it has been questioned why only one is 
mentioned in Dt. (see two others in the imprecations 27^* ^). By some it 
has been thought that Dt. refers to the prohibition in Lev. 18^ as repre- 
sentative of the whole series ; but had this been the Writer's intention, he 
would surely have expressed it by means of some generally worded refer- 
ence to the entire list. Others consider that Dt. exhibits the earlier stage 
in the law of forbidden degrees, which was afterwards developed through 
Ez. (22^'''*) to the comprehensive list of Lev. 18. It is hardly likely how- 
ever that this was the only prohibited degree recognised in the age of Dt.: 
most probably (whether Lev. 18 be earlier than Dt. or later) marriage with 
a stepmother, being prevalent at the time, needed to be specially forbidden. 

XXIII. 2-9 (1-8). Classes to be excluded from religious com- 
munion with Israel. — 2 (1). Eunuchs not to be admitted into 
the theocratic community. " Presumably the original sense 
of this rule was directed not against the unfortunate victims 
of Oriental tyranny, and the Harem system, but against the 
religious mutilation of the Galli, as Lucian [de dea Syria^ § 51) 
describes it at Hierapolis, and as Bardesanes [Spicil. Syr. p. 
20, 1. i) attests it for Edessa (Cureton mistranslates). The 
Tar'atha of Bardesanes is, of course, Atargatis, the Syrian 
goddess" (W.R.S.). As court-officials, eunuchs are often 
depicted on the Assyrian monuments, being there at once 
recognizable by their bloated, beardless face, and double chin 

XXIII. 1. V3K 1:3 rhy nS] "a parallel expression occurs in Arabic, 
De Goeje, Fragm. Hist. Arab. 248, 1. 3 ma kashaftu li'mraati kana/a"" 


[DB.^ S.V.; Rawlinson, Atic. Mon.^ i. 496-498; in Persia, ib. 
iii. 221-223; in Egypt (Gn. 37^^ Heb.), Ebers, Aeg. u. die Bb. \ 
Moseys, 298). As the kingdoms of Israel and Judah adopted j 
the organization of the neighbouring monarchies, eunuchs \ 
assumed in them an increased rank and prominence (i S. 8^^ \ 
I K. 229 2 K. 86 9^2 23I1 2412. 15 2519 Jer. 292 3419 38' 41I6), The 
allusion in this verse is to the two surgical operations by 
which the condition of a eunuch was most commonly produced ; 
in modern times, the second is often resorted to in the East 
(Tournefort, The Levant, 1718, ii. 7 ; Burckhardt, Nubia, 1819, 
p, 330 (Knob.) : cf. von Kremer, Aegypteyi, ii. 87-89). — Enter 
m^o]Gn. 49^. — -Jehovah' s assembly] v.^-* [hence La. i^^Neh. 13^]^ 
(2. 3. 8) Nu. i63 (P) 2o4 (P) Mic. 25 1 Ch. 288t. The ground of the 
exclusion of eunuchs (in so far as it is not a protest against 
mutilation in