THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS
REV. W. SAN DAY, D.D., LL.D., Lnr.D.
AND
REV. A. C HEADLAM, B D.
T. ft T. CLARK, EDINBURGH
Tin Rifht* <tf Tt*ntl*i*ox aW tf Refioduftton art
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY
CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY
OH
THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS
BY THE
REV. WILLIAM SANDAY, D.D., LLJD., LlTT.D.
• CAMOII Or OMUST CMUBCM, OW«U>
AND THE
REV. ARTHUR C. HEADLAM, B.D.
•ECTO« or WBLWTO, HUTS, ro*ME*LY mum or AU. §oct§ cotiica, o
FIFTH EDITION
EDINBURGH
T. ft T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET
1902
Bs
PREFACE
THE commentaries on the Epistle to the Romans
which already exist in English, unlike those on some other
Books of the New Testament, are so good and so varied
that to add to their number may well seem superfluous.
Fortunately for the present editors the responsibility for
attempting this docs not rest with them. In a series of
commentaries on the New Testament it was impossible
that the Epistle to the Romans should not be included
and should not hold a prominent place. There are few
books which it is more difficult to exhaust and few in
regard to which there is more to be gained from renewed
interpretation by different minds working under different
conditions. If it is a historical fact that the spiritual
revivals of Christendom have been usually associated with
closer study of the Bible, this would be true in an eminent
degree of the Epistle to the Romans. The editors are
under no illusion as to the value of their own special con-
tribution, and they will be well content that it should find
its proper level and be assimilated or left behind as it
deserves.
naps the nearest approach to anything at all dis-
tinctive in the present edition would be (i) the distribution
of the subject-matter of the commentary, (2) the attempt
to furnish an interpretation of the Epistle which might be
described as historical.
Some experience in teaching has shown that if a difficult
b
li PREFACE
Ic like the Romans is really to be understood and
grasped at once as a whole and in its parts, the argument
should be presented in several different ways and on several
different scales at the same time. And it is an adva
< T of a commentary can be so broken u:
by means of headlines, headings to sections, sunn:
paraphrases, and large and small print notes, the reader
not cither lose the main thread of the argument in the
1 of dctaib, or slur over details in seeking to «
a general idea. While we are upon this subject, we
explain that the principle which has guided the choice of
large and small print for the notes and longer discu:
is not exactly that of greater or less importance, but rather
that of greater or less directness of bearing upon the
exegesis of the text. This principle may not be carried
out with perfect uniformity : it was an experiment the
effect of which could not always be judged until the
commentary was in print ; but when once the type-
set the possibility of improvement was hardly worth the
trouble and expense of resetting.
The other main object at ul ivc aimed is
iking our exposition of the Epistle historical, :'
of assigning to it its true position in place and time — on
the one hand in relation to contemporary Jewish thought,
and on the other hand in relation to the growing body of
: :an teaching. We have endeavoured always to bear
:id not only the Jewish education and training of the
writer, which must clearly have given him the framework
of thought and language in which his ideas arc cast, but
also the position of the Epistle in < literature. It
was written when a large part of the phraseology of the
newly created body was still fluid, when a number of words
had not yet come to have a fixed meaning, when their
i and associations— to us obscure— were still fresh
and vivid. The problem which a commentator ought to
propose to himself in tl cc is not what a;
PREFACE iii
docs the Epistle give to questions which are occupying
men's minds now, or which have occupied them in any
past period of Church history, but what were the questions
of the time at which the Epistle was written and what
meaning did his words and thoughts convey to the writer
elf.
It is in the pursuit of this original meaning that we have
drawn illustrations somewhat freely from Jewish writings,
both from the Apocryphal literature which is mainly the
product of the period between 100 B.C. and 100 A.D., and
(although less fully) from later Jewish literature. In the
former direction we have been much assisted by the
attention which has been bestowed in recent years on
these writings, particularly by the excellent editions of the
Psalms of Solomon and of the Book of Enoch. It is by
a continuous and careful study of such works that any
ice in the exegesis of the New Testament will be
possible. For the later Jewish literature and the teaching
of the Rabbis we have found ourselves in a position of
greater difficulty. A first-hand acquaintance with this
tare we do not possess, nor would it be easy for most
students of the New Testament to acquire it. Moreover
complete agreement among the specialists on the subject
does not as yet exist, and a perfectly trustworthy standard
of criticism seems to be wanting. We cannot therefore feel
altogether confident of our ground. At the same time we
have used such material as was at our disposal, and cer-
tainly to ourselves it has been of great assistance, partly as
ing the common origin of systems of thought which
developed very differently, partly by the striking
contrasts which it has afforded to Christian teaching.
Our object is historical and not dogmatic Dogmatics
are indeed excluded by the plan of this series of commen-
(-. but they are excluded also by the conception which
kve have formed for ourselves of our duty as commentators.
We have sought before all things to understand St. Paul,
b2
iv PREFACE
and to understand him not only in relation to his sur-
iings but also to those permanent facts <
on which his system is based. It is possible
in so far as we may succeed in doing this, data may be
supplied which at other times and in other hands may be
utilized for purposes of dogmatics ; but the final a<
have not been in our thoi
To this general aim all other features of the commentary
:bordinatc. It is no part of our design to be in the
least degree exhaustive. If we touch upon the history of
exegesis it js less for the sake of that history in itself than
as helping to throw into clearer relief that int<
which we believe to be the right one. And in like n
ive not made use of the Epistle as a means for
illustrating New Testament grammar or New Testa:
deal with questions of gramnur and diction
<> far as they contribute to the exegesis ot
before us. No doubt there will be omis> o not
to be excused in this way. The literature on the Iv
to the Romans is so vast that we cannot pretend to
really mastered it. We have tried to take account of
monographs and commentaries of the most recent date,
but here again when we have reached what seemed to us
a satisfactory explanation we have held our hand. In
regard to one book in particular, Dr. Bruc
Conception of Christianity, uhich came out as our
work was far advanced, we thought it best to be quite
independent. On the other hand been ^lad to
have access to the sheets relating to Roman
forthcoming Introductions to Romans and
through the kindness of the editors, have been in our
possession since Dccemb
The Commentary and the- Introduction h.ive been about
equally divided between the t hut they
each been carefully over th of the other, and they
desire to accept a joint responsibility for the whole
PREFACE
editors themselves arc conscious of having gained much
by this co-operation, and they hope that this gain may be
set off against a certain amount of unevenness which was
inevitable.
It only remains for them to express their obligations and
thanks to those many friends who have helped them
directly or indirectly in various parts of the work, and
more especially to Dr. Plummer and the Rev. F. E.
Brightman of the Pusey House. Dr. Plummer, as editor
of the series, has read through the whole of the Com-
mentary more than once, and to his courteous and careful
criticism they owe much. To Mr. Brightman they are
indebted for spending upon the proof-sheets of one half of
the Commentary greater care and attention than many men
have the patience to bestow on work of their own.
The reader is requested to note the table of abbreviations
on p. ex ff, and the explanation there given as to the
Greek text made use of in the Commentary. Some addi-
tional references are given in the Index (p. 444 ff).
W. SANDAY.
A. C. HEADLAM.
OXFORD, Whitsuntide, 1895.
'PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
WE arc indebted to the keen sight and disinterested
>f friends for many small corrections. We desire to
thank especially Professor Lock, Mr. C. H. Turner, the
Revs. F. E. Brightman, W. O. Burrows, and R. B. Rackham.
References have been inserted, where necessary, to the
edition of 4 Ezra by the late Mr. Bensly, published in
Texts and Studies, iii. 2. No more extensive recasting
of the commentary has been attempted.
OXFORD, Ltntt 1896.
I'KKI-'.VE TO THE THIRD EDITH
Tin: demand for a new Edition has come upon us so
suddenly in the midst of other work, that we have
confined ourselves to small corrections, the knowledge of
h we owe to the kindness of many friends a
We have especially to thank Dr. Carl Clemen of Halle,
not only for a useful and helpful review in the Thco-
logischc Litcraturzeitung, No. 26, Nov. 7, 1896, p. 590, but
also for privately communicating to • int-.
We have also to thank the R-
nd, Mr. John Humphrey Harbour of the U.S.A.,
lie Rev. C. Plummcr for corrections and suggestions.
We should like also to refer to an article in the Exf
(Vol. IV, 1896, p. 124) by the late K irmby, on The
ing of the 'Righteousness of God1 in the Epistle to the
Romans, in which he works out more fully the opini<
referred on p. 24. We are glad again to express
our obligations to him and our sense of the loss of on<
was a vigorous and original worker both in Church 1 1
and Testament Exegesis.
We can only now chronicle the appearance of the first
volume of the elaborate Einlcitung in das N. T. (Li
1897) of Dr. Zahn, which discusses the questions re!
to the Epistle with th s accustomed thorou^'
and learning, a new ' improved ' edition of the Einlcitung of
'.. Weiss, and an edition of the Greek text c :
Pauline Epistles with concise commentary by the same
author. Both these works have appeared during th
year. The volume of essays dedicated to Dr.
on his seventieth birthday, Theol. Stmiien 6-r. (Gottingcn,
1897), contains two papers which have a bearing upo
Ic, Zur panlinischfn Tlu'odiccc by Dr. Ernst Kiihl, and
ig* surpaulin. Rhetorik by Dr. Joh. V lould
hope to take account of these and other works if at some
future time we arc permitted to undertake a fuller re
of our commcntu.
W.S.
A. C. II.
OxronD. ZVermArr, 1897.
PREFACE TO THI1 FIFTH EDITION
< E more the call for a new edition has come upon
us suddenly, and at a time when it would not be
possible for either of us to devote much attention to it.
i part from this, it would be equally true of both of
it our thoughts and studies have of late travelled so
far from the Epistle to the Romans that to come back to
it would be an effort, and would require more leisure
than we are likely to have for some years to come. We
arc well aware that much water has flowed under the
bridge since we wrote, and that many problems would
have to be faced afresh if a searching revision of our work
were attempted.
As we cannot undertake this at present, it may be right
that we should at least suggest to the reader where he
nuy go for further information.
A very excellent and thorough survey of the whole
subject will be found in the article ' Romans ' in Hastings'
\>nary of the Bible by Dr. A. Robertson. The corre-
sponding article in the Encyclopaedia Biblica has not yet
appeared. For more detailed exegesis the most important
recent event is probably the appearance (in 1899) of the
ninth edition of Meyer's Commentary by Dr. B. Weiss, who
has done us the honour to include systematic reference to
our own work. In any revision of this it would be our first
duty to give to the points on which Dr. Weiss differs from
us renewed consideration. In Knglish the most consider-
able recent commentary is Dr. Denney's in the Expositors
(• Testament (1900). Dr. Denney is in the main a
judicious and capable writer ; but we may remark in
passing that a criticism of his upon p. xli of this com-
nuntary, which another writer has repeated with further
embellishments, seems to us strained and gratuitous, and
to rest on a less accurate use than our own of the word
FO Till. 1 1KTM KIUTION
'fundamental.' There is also a thoughtful and >
little commentary in the Century BibU by .A
laps the most conspicuous of the problems raised
by tl <•. which have been or arc being carried on
beyond the point at which we had left them, would be
tii the question as to the meaning of the ' righteousness
.1' in i. 17, &c. Something was said on this subject
in the New Testament portion of the article 'Go
:ionary, ii. 210-12, where reference is
to an interesting tract by Dalman, Die r if liter I if /if G<
tigkeit im A. T. (Berlin, 1897), and to other literature.
Something also was said in the Journal of Thtc!
s, i. 486 ft., ii. i98fT. And the question is
raised by Dr. James Drummond in the first number of the
Hibbert .- pp. 83-95. This paper is to be con-
tinued ; and the subject is sure to be heard of fu
(ii) Another leading problem i> that as to the relation of
ml to the Je :i which perhaps the most
important recent contributions have been those by Sieftert
ic d. paulin. Gcsci nach den
4 Hauptbricfen d. Apost.') in the volume of .^
honour of B. Weiss (Gottingen, 1897) and by i'.
(Das gest: Evangclium vj, Leipzig, i
A third deeply important question is being :
agitated at the present time; t as to the
c and significance of the ' 1 Union' described
•.ml viii. This is even more a question of
Biblical and Dogmatic Theology than of Kxcgesis, and it
is from t) scusscd in Mich books
a§ Dr. Mobcrly's A ton
ichmond's Essay <m Personality
phifa. n>oc), and more
works by Mr \V \\ Inge, (iv) Various questions raised
in the Introduction are discussed in Moffatt, His:
New Ttstamt :>ur^h. 1901), but the value of the
book :i just where do^niat
not needed.
ACE TO THI-: i i! m I.I.ITION i.\
Co more general subjects are receiving special attcn-
;it the present time. One of these is the his
toncal position and character of New Testament Greek, on
which much new light is thrown by the study of inscrip-
tions and of the mass of recently discovered papyri We
associate these studies especially with the names of
A. Dcissmann, whose Bible Studies have recently been
published in English (Edinburgh, 1901), A. Thumb,
Dieterich, and others. It is the less necessary to
go into details about these, as an excellent account is
v en of all that has been done in a series of papers by
1 1. A. A. Kennedy in the Expository Times, vol. xii (1901).
Dr. Kennedy was himself a pioneer of the newer move-
ment in Kngland with his Sources of New Testament Greek
tlinburgh, 1895). We ought not however to forget the
1 earlier work of Dr. Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek
(Oxford, 1889), which was really at the time in advance
of similar research on the Continent.
The other subject might be described as the Rhetoric
of the New Testament. A comprehensive treatment of
vicnt rhetorical prc»e in general has been undertaken
by Prof. E. Norden of Breslau in Die antike Kunstprosa
(Leipzig, 1898). Dr. Norden devotes pp. 451-510 to an
analysis of style in the New Testament, and also pays
attention to the later Christian writers, both Greek
M Latin. The 'Rhetoric of St. Paul* in particular is
the subject of a monograph by Dr. Johannes Weiss in the
volume dedicated to his father. Nor should we close this
rvcy without a special word of commendation for Tlie
Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought by
Mr. H. St. John Thackeray (London, 1900).
the rest we must leave our book to take its place,
ia it is, in the historical development of literature on
the Epistle.
W. S.
A. C. H.
I90J.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION v
S I. Rome in A. D. 58 xiii
a. The Jews in Rome xviii
3. The Roman Church xxv
4. Time and Place, Occasion and Purpose . . . xxxvi
5. Argument xliv
6. Language and Style 1"
7. Text • Ixiii
8. Literary History • . Uxiv
9. Integrity • .Ixxxv
10. Commentaries • .xcviii
ABBREVIATIONS cx-ocii
:OMMENTARY 1-436
DETACHED NOTES:
The Theological Terminology of Rom. i. 1-7 • • • 17
The word &«aioff and its cognates . . • • .28
The Meaning of Faith in the New Testament and in some
Jewish Writings 31
The Righteousness of God 34
St. Paul's Description of the Condition of the Heathen
World 49
Use of the Book of Wisdom in Chapter i . . .51
The Death of Christ considered as a Sacrifice ... 91
The History of Abraham as treated by St. Paul and by
St. James 102
Teaching on Circumcision . . • . . 108
The Place of the Resurrection of Christ in the teaching of
St. Paul 116
Is the Society or the Individual the proper object of
Justification? 122
xii cor-
-• Idea of Reconciliation or Atonement ....
c Effects of Adam's Fall in Jewish Theology . .136
-. Conception of Sin and of the Fall .
<>ry of the Interpretation of the Pauline doctrine of
diKaiWu -147
The Doctrine of Mystical Union with Christ
The Inward ConftV .... 184
SL Paul'* View of the Law ...
The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit . 199
The Renovation of Nature 210
The Privileges of Israel .
The Punctuation of Rom. ix. 5 233
The Divine Election , ...
The Divine Sovereignty in the Old Testament . 257
The Power and Rights of God as Creator .... 266
The Relation of St. Paul's Argument in chap, ix to the Book
;sdom ... . 267
A History of the Interpretation of Rom. ix. 6-29 ... 269
The Argument of ix. 3O-x. 21 : Human Responsibility . 300
St. Paul's Use of the Old Testament
The Doctrine of the Remnant 316
The Merits of the Fathers 330
The Argument of Romans ix .... 341
St Paul's Philosophy of History
The Salvation of the Individual : Free -\\ill and Pre<!<
347
Spiritual Gifts 358
Church and the Civil Power 369
The History of the word aydvf 374
The Christian Teaching on Love . .
The early Christian belief in the nearness of the wapowria . 379
The relation of Chapters xii-xiv to the Gospels . 381
\Vhat sect or party i« referred to »n Ron . -399
Aquila and 1'risuiU 418
437
tin Wore! 443
III Greek \\onis
INTRODUCTION
§ i. ROME IN A. D. 58.
IT was during the winter 57-58, or early in the spring of the
vcar 58, according to almost all calculations, that St. Paul wrote
ustle to the Romans, and that we thus obtain the first trust-
worthy information about the Roman Church. Even if there be
some slight error in the calculations, it is in any case impossible
that this date can be far wrong, and the Epistle must certainly
have been written during the early years of Nero's reign. It would
be unwise to attempt a full account either of the city or the empire
at this date, but for the illustration of the Epistle and for the
comprehension of St. Paul's own mind, a brief reference to a few
leading features in the history of each is necessary '.
For certainly St. Paul was influenced by the name of Rome. In
Rome, great as it is, and to Romans, he wishes to preach the
Gospel : he prays for a prosperous journey that by the will of God
he may come unto them : he longs to see them : the universality
of the Gospel makes him desire to preach it in the universal city*.
lie impression which we gain from the Epistle to the
Romans is supported by our other sources of information. The
desire to visit Rome dominates the close of the Acts of the
!es: 'After I have been there, I must also see Rome/ 'As
thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness
also at Rome V The imagery of citizenship has impressed itself
upon his language 4. And this was the result both of his experience
and of his birth. Wherever Christianity had been preached the
Roman authorities had appeared as the power which restrained
1 The main authorities used for this section are Farneanx, Tkt Annals of
Tacittu, vol. ii, and Schiller, Gexhitht* dts ftSmiscHtn /Cauurrtub unttr
4tr Rtgitntng det Ntro.
• Rom. IS- 1 5.
' Acts xix. 21 ; xxiii. 1 1.
' PfcB, i liph. ii. 19; Acts xxiii. i.
> THE ROMANS [$ 1.
rces of evil opposed lo ii '. The worst persecution
had been while Judaea was under the rule of a
! verywhere the Jews had stirred up persecution
•upcrial officials had interfered and protected the Apostle.
so both in this Epistle and throughout his life S:
emphasizes the duty of obedience to the civil governm-
necessity of fulfilling our obligations to r .ul was
himself a Roman citizen. This privilege, not then so common as
it became later, would naturally broaden the view and
imagination of a provincial; and it is significant that the fir
conception of the universal charac
first bold step to carry it out, and the capacity to r<
ancc of the Roman Church should come from an Apostle who was
not a Galilaean peasant but a citizen of a universal cm; : . • \V,
cannot fail to be struck with the strong hold that Roman ideas bad
on the mind of St. Paul,' writes Mr. Ramsay, ' we feel
to suppose that St. Paul had conceived the great idea of «
as the religion of the Roman world ; and that he thought of the
various districts and countries i: • had preached as parts of
the grand unity. He had the mind of an organizer ; and t
the Christians of his earliest travels were not men of Iconium and
of Antioch — they were a pan of the Roman world, and
addressed by him as such V
It was during the early years of Nero's rei^
came into contact with the Roman Church. And the period is
significant It was what later times called the Quinqumnium of
Nero, and remembered as the happiest period of the Empire
the death of Augustas1. Nor was the judgement unfounded. It is
1 s Then. ii. 7 i «ar«\ar. 6 ri mrix<*. It U well known r
interpretation of these words among the Fathers was the Roman
Empire (see the Lattma of passages in Alford. . and this accords
most suitably with the time when the Epistle was » . The
only argument of any value for a later date and the unauthentic character of
the whole Epistle or of the eschatological sections (it. i-ia) it the att<
explain this passage of the return of Nero, but such an interpretation is quite
unnecessary, and does not particularly suit the words. St. Paul's experience
had MM* Usj dkSl dsM irei •...••..•::• • .< \ -.-.'.:,• t
evil which might at any time burst out. and this be calls the 'mystery of
iniquity,' and describes in the language of theO.T. prophets. But everywhere
the power ui government, aa embodied in the Roma:
a«rtfxor) and visibly personif. nperor (* **rix~). restrain.
forces. Such aa interpretation, either of the eschatological passages
Epistle or of the Apocalypse, does not destroy their deeper spiritual meaning ;
for the writers of the New Testament, as the prophets of th .\] to us
and generalUe the spiritual forces of good and underlie the surface
oft
' Ramsay, 7ki Ckttrtk in tkt Roma* Emfiirt, pp. 147. 148; cf. also pp. 60,
70. 158 n. See also Ligbtfoot, Hiblital E, . 105.
> Aur VL-trw Catt c I- ft! 11 t Tml* anti/mmt *m r
A 'Hd*o*iA*mpr*/idf>*. Traia**m sditttm
. >t (ttmfffi frimtiptt a Atrtntt fui*fiun*it. The expreasion
§ 1.] ROME IN A.D. 58 xv
probable that even the worst excesses of Nero, like the worst cruelty
of Tiberius, did little harm to the mass of the people even in Rome ;
and many even of the faults of the Emperors assisted in working
out the new ideas which the Empire was creating. But at present
we have not to do with faults. Members of court circles might
have unpleasant and exaggerated stories to tell about the death of
g ; tales might have been circulated of hardly pardon-
able excesses committed by the Emperor and a noisy band of
in ions wandering at night in the streets ; the more respect-
f ihe Roman aristocracy would consider an illicit union
i freedwoman and a taste for music, literature, and the drama,
of degradation, but neither in Rome nor in the provinces
would the populace be offended ; more far-seeing observers might
be able to detect worse signs, but if any ordinary citizen, or
if any one acquainted with the provinces had been questioned, he
! certainly have answered that the government of the Empire
was good. This was due mainly to the gradual development of
.is on which the Empire had been founded. The structure
i had been sketched by the genius of Caesar, and built up
by the art of Augustus, if allowed to develop freely, guaranteed
naturally certain conditions of progress and good fortune. It was
<o to the wise administration of Seneca and of Burrus. It
was due apparently also to flashes of genius and love of popularity
on the part of the Emperor himself.
The provinces were well governed. Judaea was at this time
preparing for insurrection under the rule of Felix, but he was
a legacy from the reign of Claudius. The difficulties in Armenia
were met at once and vigorously by the appointment of Corbulo ;
the rebellion in Britain was wisely dealt with ; even at the end of
Nero's reign the appointment of Vespasian to Judaea, as soon as
the serious character of the revolt was known, shows that the
Emperor still had the wisdom to select and the courage to appoint
able men. During the early years a long list is given of trials
for repchwdae ; and the number of convictions, while it shows that
provincial government was not free from corruption, proves that
it was becoming more and more possible to obtain justice. It
was the corruption of the last reign that was condemned by
the justice of the present. In the year 56, Vipsanius Laenas,
nor of Sardinia, was condemned for extortion; in 57,
>. the 'Cilician pirate/ was struck down by the senate
•wuh a righteous thunderbolt/ Amongst the accusations against
fMtWfswMffurJM may have been suggested by the ttrtamftt quitujuttwal* which
Nero founded in Rome, as Dio tells us, i*)p rip atnrjpiat -rip r« &aj«or$f TOW
•parovt avrov. Dio, Epit. Ixi. 21 ; Tac. Ann. xiv. ao; Suet. Nero la; c£ the
coins described, Eckhel, vi. 264; Cohen, i. p. a8a, 47-65. CEK. QUIKQ.
ROM. CO.
xvi !•: TO THE ROMA [J 1.
Stnilius in 58 was the misgovernment of Asia. And not on!.
• ouritcs of Claudius condemned, better men were apj>
in their place. It is recorded that freedmen were never
procurators of imperial provinces. And the Emperor was a
many cases, in that of Lyons, of Gyrene, and probably of Ephesus.
to assist and pacify the provincials by acts of gen
benevolence '.
v, perhaps, by too much stress on some of the
measures attributed to Nero; but many of them show,
policy of his reign, at any rate the tendency of the En ;
police regulations of the city were strict and well executed
attack was made on the exactions of publicans, and on the excessive
power of freedmen. Law was growing in exactness owing to the
influence of Jurists, and was justly administered except wh< :
Emperor's personal wishes intervened '. Once the Emperor — was it
a mere freak or was it an act of far-seeing ht?—
proposed a measure of free trade for the whoU Governors
of provinces were forbidden to obtain condonation for exactions by
the exhibition of games. The proclamation of freedom to Greece
may have been an act of dramatic folly, but the extension o:
rights meant that the provincials were being graduall\
and more on a level with Roman citizens. And th<
hed for the most pan under this rule. It seemed almo
the future career of a Roman noble might depend upon the goodwill
of his provincial subjects V And wherever trade could floun>h there
wealth accumulated. Laodicea was so
rebuild the city without aid from Rome, and Lyons could
Sute 4,000,000 sesterces at the time of the great fire*.
When, then, St. Paul speaks of the 'powers that be* as '
'ordained by God'; when he says that the ruler is a min
God for good; when he is giving directions to pay 'tribu:
' custom ' ; he is thinking of a great and beneficent power
has made travel for him poss !i had often interfered to
protect him against an angry mob of his own countrv;
which he had seen the towns through which he passed ei
peace, prosperity and civilization.
1 For the provincial administration of Nero Me Farocaux, ef eit. pp. 56, 57 ;
' A'**** Sytttm of Pmincial Admi*ist> < :
T»c. .-/»« x.ii. 30, 3'. :
• Suetonius, J\«n» 1 6. 4;o
• Schiller, pp. 381. 38) : 'In dcm MechanUmas dct gericbtlichen Ver
Una* im Privatrecht, in der Autbildung nod rofderong der i
•chaft, Kltnt aof
kaom erhoben werden. Die kiiwlicbe Kegiennff Item die VcrhahniMe bier
rob ig den Gang geben, welch en ibnen fruhere Kegteranfcn aogewieaen batten.'
' Tac Ann. xv. 20, Ji.
• Arnold. ;
§ 1.] ROME IN A.D. 58 xvii
But it was not only Nero, it was Seneca ' also who was ruling in
Rome when St. Paul wrote to the Church there. The attempt to
find any connexions literary or otherwise between St. Paul and
Seneca may be dismissed ; but for the growth of Christian principles.
.ore perliaps for that of the principles which prepared the way
spread of Christianity, the fact is of extreme significance. It
•:,e first public appearance of Stoicism in Rome, as largely in-
mg politics, and shaping the future of the Empire. It is a strange
irony that makes Stoicism the creed which inspired the noblest
representatives of the old regime, for it was Stoicism which provided
iilosophic basis for the new imperial system, and this was not
the last time that an aristocracy perished in obedience to their own
morality. What is important for our purpose is to notice that the
m and univcrsalist ideas of Stoicism were already begin-
ning to permeate society. Seneca taught, for example, the equality
in some sense of all men, even slaves ; but it was the populace \\ In •
years later (A. D. 61) protested when the slaves of the murdered
Pedanius Secundus were led out to execution*. Seneca and many
of the Jurists were permeated with the Stoic ideas of humanity and
benevolence; and however little these principles might influence
individual conduct they gradually moulded and changed the
nd the system of the Empire.
If we turn from the Empire to Rome, we shall find that just
those vices which the moralist deplores in the aristocracy and the
Emperor helped to prepare the Roman capital for the advent of
unity. If there had not been large foreign colonies, there
could never have been any ground in the world where Christianity
could have taken root strongly enough to influence the surrounding
population, and it was the passion for luxury, and the taste for
philosophy and literature, even the vices of the court, which
•ided Greek and Oriental assistance. The Emperor must have
teachers in philosophy, and in acting, in recitation and in flute-
:.£, and few of these would be Romans. The statement of
ostom that Su Paul persuaded a concubine of Nero to accept
Christianity ami forsake the Emperor has probably little foundation \
the conjecture that this concubine was Acte is worthless ; but it may
te how it was through the non-Roman element of Roman
society that Christianity spread. It is not possible to estimate the
exact proportion of foreign elements in a Roman household, but
y of the names in any of the Columbaria of the imperial period
1 See Lightfoot, Sf. Paul and Sentca* Pkilippians, p. »68. To this period
of his life belong the dwo«oXo«vrTw<ri», the Dt CUmentia, the Dt Vita Bca/a,
the Dt Btntjiiiis, and the Dt Cowtantia Sapitnti*. See Tcuflcl, History of
Roman IMtrature, translated by Warr, ii. 41.
• Tac. Ann. xiv. 43-45.
» Chrysostom, Horn, in Act. Afp. 46. 3.
C
!•: TO THE ROMA [$
will illustrate ho wat. Men and women of
race lived together in the great Roman slave n they
had r gift of freedom remain 1 as clici
i^reat houses, often united by ties of the closest
t«y with their masters and proving the means
form of strange superstition could penetrate into the highest
sof socir
And foreign superstition was beginning to spread. The earliest
monuments of the wo I ithras date from the lime
in his Pharsalia celebrates the worship of
renced the Syrian Goddess, who was called b>
names, but is known to us best as Astarte ; Judaism
throne with Poppaea Sabina, whose influence o \ •
year 58; while the story of Pomponia G in ihe
husband for trial on the charge of
'foreign superstition' and whose long old age was cloud*
continuous sadness, has been taken as an instance of I
are not inconsiderable grounds for tl.
case the accusation against her is an 01
a path by which a new and foreign relig; . could
make its way into the heart of the Roman aristocr.
§ 2. THE JEWS IN Ro-
There are indications enough that when he looked to
Rome St. Paul thought of it as the seat and centre of t
But he ha .ime time a smaller and a narrower object.
His chief interest lay in those little scattered groups of Christians
of \\hom he had heard through Aquila and Prisca, and pn
have collected the following names from the contents of one colum-
941). It dates from a period rather earlier than this.
It must be remembered that the proportion of foreigner* would really t •
than appears, for many of them would take a Roman name, Amaranthns 5 1 80,
Chrysanttts 5183, Serapio (to) 5187, Pylaemenianut 5188, Creticu
Ascleptades :s 5*17. Antigonos 53:7
Aman ». Apamea 087 a, Ephesia 5299, Alcxandrianns
:c» 5344, Diadamenns 5355. Philnmenus 5401.
Philogenes 5410. Graniae Nicopoltnis 5419. Corinthus 5439, Antiochu 5437,
Athenais M78. Encharistus 5477, Mclitenc 5490, Samothrace, Mystiu
The following, contained among the above, seems to have
•-»t : 'ilferof ftofcv */N00fvn}f ^a^yoptirt^ TMT mvd Bowvopor,
30-
.* section was written the author has had access to i
ft ; Frankfurt a. " A hich hat enabled him to
The facts arc aUo excellently put together
fff.
THE JEWS IN ROME XIX
through others whom he met on his travels. And the thought of the
< I uirch would at once connect itself wiih that larger
community of which it must have been in some sense or other an
offshoot, the Jewish settlement in the imperial city.
(i) History. The first relations of the Jews with Rome go back
to the time of the Maccabaean princes, when the struggling patriots
of Judaea had some interests in common with the great Republic
and could treat with it on independent terms. Embassies were
sent under Judas ' (who died in 160 B.C.) and Jonathan* (who died
in 143), and at last a formal alliance was concluded by Simon
Maccabaeus in 140, 139'. It was characteristic that on this last
occasion the members of the embassy attempted a religious
•anda and were in consequence sent home by the praetor
us4.
This was only preliminary contact. The first considerable
settlement of the Jews in Rome dates from the taking of Jerusalem
by Pompey in B.C. 63*. A number of the prisoners were sold as
slaves; but their obstinate adherence to their national customs
proved troublesome to their masters and most of them were soon
ui.uuimitted. These released slaves were numerous and impor-
tant enough to found a synagogue of their own •, to which they
might resort when they went on pilgrimage, at Jerusalem. The
policy of the early emperors favoured the Jews. They passionately
bewailed the death of Julius, going by night as well as by day to
his funeral pyre T ; and under Augustus they were allowed to form
a regular colony on the further side of the Tiber *, roughly speak-
ing opposite the site of the modern ' Ghetto/ The Jews' quarter
was removed to the left bank of the river in 1556, and has been
finally done away with since the Italian occupation.
1 i Mace viii. 17-33. » i Mace. adi. 1-4, 16.
• i Mace. xiv. 14; xv. 15-24.
• This statement is made on the authority of Valerias Maximus I. iii. 2
(Excerpt. Parid.) : JuJatos qui Sabati Jovis cultu Komanot injutrt more)
tonati sttnt, rtfttert domes tttas totgit. Doubt is thrown upon it by Berliner
hut without sufficient reason. Val. Max. wrote under Tiberius, and made
use of good sources. At the same time, what he says about Jupiter Sabazius
is very probably based on a misunderstanding ; nor need we suppose that the
action of some members of the embassy affected the relations of the two peoples.
• This too is questioned by Berliner (p. 5 ff . , who points out that Philo, Leg.
:>m 33, from which the statement is taken, makes no mention of Pompey.
is difficult to see what other occasion could answer to the description, as
this does very well Berliner however is more probably right in supposing
that there must have beet, other and older settlers in Rome to account lor the
language of Cicero so early as B. c. 59 (see below \ These settlers may have
come for purposes of trade.
' It was called after them the 'synagogue of the Libcrtini* (Acts vi. lo).
r frMtoa. Caesar 84.
' This was the quarter usually assigned to prisoners of war (Buckr(ibu*£ d.
Stadt Rom, III. iii. 578).
C 2
K TO THE ROMA [J 2.
Here tho Jrws icon took root and rapidly increased in numbers,
still under the Republic (B.C. 59) tl
nded to drop his voice for fear of them1. And
came from Judaea to complain of th<
rule of Archclnus, no less than 8000 Roman Jews attached
•elves to iif. Though the main so: is beyond the Tiber
it must soon have overflowed into other parts of Rome. The
Jews had a synagogue in con: :h the crowded Subura'
and another probably in the Campus Martius. There
gogues of MytvirrfiouH and *A>pannj<ruM (i.e. either of the house-
hold ( ; patronage of Augustus • : Agrippa).
the position of which is uncertain but which in any case t>
the importance of the community. Traces of Jewish cem
have been found in several out-lying regions, one near the
Portuensis, two near the Via Appia and the catacomb of S. Callisto,
and one at Portus, the harbour at the mouth of the Tiber '.
Till son. in the reign of Tiberius the Jewish colony
flourished without interruption. Bui in A.D. 19 two scan
cases occurring about the same time, one connected with the ;
, and the other with a Roman lady who having I
a proselyte to Judaism was swindled of money um!
of sending it to Jerusalem, led to the adoption of rcj
measures at once against the Jews ami :! ms. Four
thousand were banished to Sardinia, nominally to be emplo\
pulling down banditti, but the historian scornfully hints that :
fell victims to the climate no one would '. 1 '.
The end of the reign of Caligula was another anxiou-
critical time for the Jews. Phik> has given us a gr. arc of
the reception of a deputation which came with himself at its head
to beg for protection from the riotous mob of Al
half-crazy emperor dragged the deputation after him from on
to another of his gardens only to jeer at them and refuse any further
1 The Jewt were interested in thb trial as KUcctts had laid band, on the
money collected for the Temple at Jerusalem. Cicero', speech makes it clear
that the Jews of Rome were a formidable body to offend.
• Joseph. Ant. XVII
• There b mention of an d^r Xtlovppb*. C. I G. 6447 (Schiirer,
Gtm*i*d«xrf<Htuns d. Jmdt* in Kern.
synagogues were not allowed within the /v*<*n'«». »c may
suppose that the synagogue itself was without the walls, but that its frequenters
came from t
4 Berliner conjectures that the complimentary title may have been given as
a tort of equiralent for emperor- worship
1 Data relating to the synagogues have been obtained from inscriptions,
which hare been and commented upon by S
*. r. ..•. ' . a . ! . :..;. lift . ||SO ::. R |i • tljf ' • Bd : .' : •/ -;/
p. 46 :
a: us Ann.tl ii. 85 ti 06 gravitattm (at. :*mnum.
Till: JEWS IN ROME
xxi
answer to their petition '. Caligula insisted on the setting up of
his own bust in the Temple at Jerusalem, and his opportune death
alone saved the Jews from worse things than had as yet befallen
them (A.D. 41).
In the early part of the reign of Claudius the Jews had friends
at court in the two Herod Agrippas, father and son. I Jut a
mysterious notice of which we would fain know more shows them
once again subject to measures of repression. At a dale which is
calculated at about A.D. 52 we find Aquila and Prisca at Corinth
'because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from
Rome' (Acts xviii. 2). And Suetonius in describing what is
probably the same event sets it down to persistent tumults in the
Jewish quarter 'at the instigation of ChrcstusV There is at
least a considerable possibility, not to say probability, that in this
enigmatic guise we have an allusion to the effect of the early
preaching of Christianity, in which in one way or another Aquila
and Prisca would seem to have been involved and on that account
specially singled out for exile. Suetonius and the Acts speak of
a general edict of expulsion, but Dio Cassius, who is more precise,
would lead us to infer that the edict stopped short of this. The
clubs and meetings (in the synagogue) which Caligula had allowed,
were forbidden, but there was at least no wholesale expulsion s.
Any one of three interpretations may be put upon imfuhort Chreslo
assidut tumultuantes. (i) The words may be taken literally as they stand.
• Chrestus ' was a common name among slaves, and there may have been an
individual of that name who was the author of the disturbances. This is the
view of Meyer and \\ieseler. (ii) Or it is very possible that there may be
a confusion between ' Chrestus' and 'Christus.' Tertnllian accuses the
Pagans of pronouncing the name ' Christians ' wrongly as if it were Chrts-
tiani, and so bearing unconscious witness to the gentle and kindly character
of those who owned it. Std et cum fxrperam Chrtstianus pronundatur
a vobis (nnm ntc ncminis certa est n otitia pent* tw) tU nuaritatt vel btnigni-
tate tompositum ut (Apol. 3 ; cf. Justin, ApcL i. f 4). If we suppose some
such very natural confusion, then the disturbances may have had their origin
in the excitement caused by the Messianic expectation which was ready to
break out at slight provocation wherever Jews congregated. This is the
view of I.nnge and others including in part Lightfoot (/Vtf/r//MMr, p. 169).
There remains the third possibility, for which some preference has been
expressed above, that the disturbing cause was not the Messianic expectation
in general but the particular form of it identified with Christianity. It is
certain that Christianity must have been preached at Rome as early as this;
and the preaching of it was quite as likely to lead to actual violence and
riot as at Thessalonica or Antioch of Pisidia or Lystra (Acts xvii. 5 ; xiv. 19;
<g. ad Camm 44, 45.
' Sneton. Claud. 25 Judatos impulsore Ckresto assidtt* tumtdtuantu Roma
* Dio Cassius, Ix. 6 rovt r« 'lovotu'ovr, vXtovaaayra* afrit Start x****** *»
4r«v rapa x^t ford TOW oxAov oj£* rip vdAta* tlp\^ai. ov« JfijAa<r« /nV, r? M
ras T< trmi
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [$ 2.
50). That it did »d, and that this b the met alluded to bv
the opinion of the majority of German scholars from llaor onwards,
imrx r.fy any one of the three h)jx>thc»c» ; but the lart would fit
in well with all that we know and would add an interesting tou
The edict of Claudius was followed in about three years !
Under Nero the Jews cert.i .ot lose but
-ther gained ground. We have seen
wrote 1 ;oea was beginning to exert her influ
many of her class she dallied with Judaism and befriended Je* ^
Aliturus was a Jew by birth and stood in .
Agrippa II was also, like his father, a fxrsona gra:
o Cassius sums up the history of the Jews uiu!
which describes well their fortunes at Rome.
Though their privileges were ot: creased t«
an extent as to force their way to the recognition and toleration of
their peculiar customs*.
(2) Organization. The policy of the emperors toward
Jewish nationality was on the whole liberal ami i They
saw that they had to deal with a people which it was at o:
ress and useful to encourage ; and they freely coi.
the rights which the Jews demanded. Not only were they al
the free cxcrci.se of their rclir xcepliona!
granted them in connexion with it. Joscphus (An:.
quotes a number of edicts of the lime of Julius Caesa:
after his death, some of them Roman and some local, securing tc
the Jews exemption from service in the army (on religious gr<
freedom of worship, of building synagogues, of forming clubs and
collecting contributions (especially the di drachma} for t
at Jerusalem. Besides this in the K i ore largely
permitted to have their own courts of justice. And the wonder
is thai in spile of all the:;
rights were never permaru irawn. As late as the end of
the second century (in the pontificate of Victor 189-199 A. o.)
1 A suggestion was made in the Chart k Quarterly Review for Oct. 1894,
MX. that the dislocation of the Jewith com-
inanity canted by the edict of Claudius may explain ' why the Church of the
capital did not grow to the same extent as elsewhere out of the synagogue,
fcten when St. Paul arrived there in bonds the chiefs of the restoredjewish
organisation ptofcseed to have heard nothing, officially or unofficially, of the
A panic, and to know about the Christian sect just what we may suppose the
rioter* ten years earlier knew, that it was "everywhere spoken against"'
(p. «:
• W./«M/A.3: An II,
. «d rap* roft Tto/ia<oii ru 7«rot rovro, «oAot*f ir
M iwi
§2.] THE JEWS IN ROME XXl'ii
Callistus, who afterwards himself became Bishop of Rome, was
banished to the Sardinian mines for forcibly breaking up a Jewish
meeting for worship (Uippol. Refut. Haer. ix. 12).
There was some natural difference between the East and the
corresponding to the difference in number and concentration
of the Jewish population. In Palestine the central judicial and
•ivc body was the Sanhedrin; after the Jewish War the
place of the Sanhedrin was taken by the Ethnarch who exercised
great powers, the Jews of the Dispersion voluntarily submitting to
him. At Alexandria also there was an Ethnarch, as well as a
.1 board or senate, for the management of the affairs of the
community. At Rome, on the other hand, it would appear that
synagogue had its own separate organization. This would
consist of a ' senate ' (ytpowia), the members of which were the
' elders ' (irp«<r/3vT«po«). The exact relation of these to the ' rulers '
(ivxorm) is not quite clear : the two terms may be practically
equivalent ; or the a^omr may be a sort of committee within the
larger body !. The senate had its ' president ' (ypownapxn*) I and
among the rulers one or more would seem to have been charged
with the conduct of the services in the synagogue (dpxun>vay*yot,
<ip;i«rwdywyoi). Under him would be the vmipinjt (Chazari) who
performed the minor duties of giving out and putting back the
sacred rolls (Luke iv. 20), inflicted scourging (Matt x. 17), and
acted as schoolmaster. The priests as such had no special status
in the synagogue. We hear at Rome of wealthy and influential
people who were called • father ' or • mother of the synagogue ' ;
mill be an honorary title. There is also mention of a vpo-
ffronjr or palronus, who would on occasion act for the synagogue
in its relation to the outer world.
(3) Social status and condition. There were certainly Jews of
rank and position at Rome. Herod the Great had sent a number
sons to be educated there (the ill-fated Alexander and
Aristobulus as well as Archclaus, Antipas, and Philip the telrarch9).
later date other members of the family made it their home
1 the first husband of Herodias, the younger Aristobulus,
: one time Herod Agrippa I). There were also Jews attached
in one way or another to the imperial household (we have had
on of the synagogues of the Agripfxsii and Augusltsii). These
would be found in the more aristocratic quarters. The Jews'
1 This is the view of SchUrer (GtmeintUvcrf. p. a a). The point is not
discussed by Berliner. Dr. Edersheim appears to regard the 'elders' as
identical with the ' rulers,' and the dpx«n»*y*ryo* ** chief of the body. He
would make the functions of the yipov<Trtp\rp political rather than religious,
and he speaks of this office as if it were confined to the Dispersion of the Wert
(/.*/> «md Timts, Ace. i. 438). These are points which must be regarded as
more or less open.
• Jos. Ant. XV. x. i ; XVII. i. 3.
ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [$ 2.
quarter proper was the reverse of aristocratic. The fairly plentiful
notices which have come down to us in the works of the Satirists
lead us to think of the Jews of Rome as largely a population of
beggars, vendors of small wares, sellers of lucifer m
of broken glass, fortune-tellers of both sexes. They haunt
Avcntine with (heir baskets and wisps of hay *. Thence they :
•orth and try to catch the ear especially of the wealthier
Roman women, on whose superstitious hopes and fears they might
play and earn a few small coins by their pains '.
Between these extremes we may infer the existence of a more
substantial trading class, both from the succes^ ;.eriod
had begun to attend the Jews in trade and from the existence of
the numerous synagogues (nine are definitely attested) *l
have required a considerable amount and some diffusion of
. to keep up. But of this class we have less direct cvi
In Rome, as everywhere, the Tews impressed the observer by
their strict performance of the Law. The Jewish sabbath was
proverbial. • .ction of meats was also carefully mainta
Hut along with these external observances the Jews did suo <
ng home to their Pagan neighbours the contrast o!
to the current idolatries, that He whom they served
did not dwell in temples made with hands, and that He was :
be likened to ' gold or silver or stone, graven by an and device
of man/
It is difficult to say which is more conspicuous, the repulsion or
the attraction which the Jews exercised upon the heathen world.
The obstinate tenacity with which they held to their own cu
and the rigid cxclusiveness with v kept aloof from all
others, offended a society which had come to embrace all the varied
national religions with the same easy tolerance and whkh passed
from one to the other as curiosity or caprice dictated. They
looked upon the Jew as a gloomy fanatic, whose habitual expres-
sion was a scowl. It was true that he condemned, as he had
reason to condemn, the heathen laxity around him. A:
ours, educated and populace alike, retaliated with
hatred and so
me all — and there were many— w ho were in search
1 The purpose of this u somewhat uncertain : it may have been used to pack
their warn.
1 The passages on which thU detention is bawd are well known. .Small
,', :: V • . .' . - !*::;:. \il :.. ; . : , Jfarf I -, I. -.,:.-.:.
ff. Prutfytism: Horace, Sat. I.
xiv. 96 ff.
• Horace. Sal. I. U. 69 f. ; Jormal, Sat. xir. 96 ft. (of proaelytes) ; Penm*.
Sat. v. 184 : Soeton. Aug. 76. The text* of ( ,rcrk and Latin author* relating
to Judaism have recently been collected in a complete and convenient form by
Theodore Reinach ( Ttxttt rtlatift au Jmlaismt, Paris, 1895).
§ 3.] THE ROMAN CHURCH XXV
of a purer creed than their own, knew that the Jew had something
to give them uhi h they could not get elsewhere. The heathen
.••on was losing its hold, and thoughtful minds were 'feeling
; naply they might find ' the one God who made heaven and
i. nth. Norwmi it only the higher minds who were conscious of
a strange attraction in Judaism. Weaker and more superstitious
natures were impressed by its lofty claims, and also as we may
believe by the gorgeous apocalyptic visions which the Jews of this
date were ready to pour out to them. The seeker wants to be told
something that he can do to gain the Divine favour ; and of such
demands and precepts there was no lack. The inquiring Pagan
was met with a good deal of tact on the part of those whom he
consulted. He was drawn on little by little ; there was a place for
every one who showed a real sympathy for the faith of Israel. It
was not necessary that he should at once accept circumcision and
the whole burden of the Mosaic Law ; but as he made good one
step another was proposed to him, and the children became in
many cases more zealous than their fathers '. So round most of
the Jewish colonies there was gradually formed a fringe of Gentiles
more or less in active sympathy with their religion, the ' devout
men and women,' ' those who worshipped God ' (fwr«£«if, trc/Sopotx,
ai&tuKu rAy 6«oV, ^O/SOI'/MMM TO* G«d») of the Acts of the Apostles.
For the student of the origin of the Christian Church this class is
of great importance, because it more than any other was the seed
plot of Christianity ; in it more than in any other the Gospel took
root and spread with ease and rapidity *.
§ 3. THE ROMAN CHURCH.
(i) Origin. The most probable view of the origin of the
< hurch in Rome is substantially that of the commen-
tor known as Ambrosiaster (see below, § 10). This fourth-
miry writer, himself probably a member of the Roman Church,
not claim for it an apostolic origin. He thinks that it arose
ig the Jews of Rome and that the Gentiles to whom they
eyed a knowledge of Christ had not seen any miracles or any
Apostles*. Some such conclusion as this fits in well with
1 Jnvcnal, Sat. xiv. 96 ff.
the very ample collection of material on this subject in Schttrer,
fattest. Ztitgtsck. ii. 558 ff.
* Conital itaq** t*mforib*s apostolorum Ju.iatos, propttrta quod tub regn*
' W agtrtnt, Roma* habitats* : tx quibus hi qui crtJUerant, tradidtntnt
us tit Ckruttun frofit*ntest L*&m scrvarent . . . KomantJ autem trout
tUhtit, ud ft landart JUem illorum ; quia nulla insignia virtuium
Li 3
nomena of the Kpistle. St. Paul woul :
iloes if the Church . U-.-n founded by an Apostle.
He dearly regards it as coming if own province as Apostle
of the Gentiles (Ron;
it down as a principle governing all his missionary labours t:
will not 'build upon an< .s foundation' (Rom. x\
If an Apostle had been before him to Rome the only supposition
would save his present letter from clashing with this would
a there were two distinct churches in Rome, one Jcwish-
. in the other Gentile-Christian, and that St. Paul wro;
to the latter. But not only is th •.: of such a state of
. but the letter itself (as we shall s« s a mixed
community, a community not all of one colour, but cml :
in substantial proportions both Jews and Gentiles.
At a date so early as this it is not in itself likely that the Apostles
ii grew up under the shadow of Jewish |»..
would have had the enterprise to cast their glance so far
west as Rome. It was but natural that the first Apostle
this should be the one who both in theory and in practu
struck out the boldest line as a missionary; the one who had
formed the largest conception of the possibilities of t
the 01. .cd the most in the effort to realize them, and who
as a matter of principle ignored distinctions of language and of
race. We see St. Paul deliberately cono : long chei
the purpose of himself making a journey to Rome (Ac
Rom. . 22-24). It was not however to/iW at
at least in the sense of first foundation, for a Church a
existed with sufficient unity to have a letter written to it.
If we may make use of the data in ch. xvi — and reason
be given for using them with some confidence — the origin of the
Roman Church will be fairly clear, and it will agree «
the probabilities of the case. n the course of previous
history had there been anything like the freedom of
movement which now existed in the Roman Empire1. And
followed certain definite lines and set
definite directions. It was at its greatest all along ii.
snores of the Mediterranean, and its general trend was to an
Rome. The constant coming and going of Roman officials, as
one provincial governor succeeded another ; the moving of troops
vidtntti, mtc altqutm afottobntm, nuftftrtatl /idem Ckrut
(S. Ambrosit Off 1 see that
exaggerates the strictly Jewish influence on the Church, but in his general
coocTosion be is more right than we might have expected.
> 'The conditions of travelling, for ease, safety, and rapidity, over the
greater part of the Roman empire, were rach as in part have only been reached
2gMtaJbi.it.*> th. bctfutac * th. pc~» ca.uor'VHcJUadc,.
$3.] THE ROMAN CIIfKciI xxvii
from place to place with the sending of fresh batches of recruits
and the retirement of veterans ; the incessant demands of an ever-
increasing trade both in necessaries and luxuries; the attraction
: the huge metropolis naturally exercised on the imagination
of the clever young Orientals who knew that the best openings for
a career were to be sought there ; a thousand motives of ambition,
ss, pleasure drew a constant stream from the Eastern pro-
vinces to Rome. Among the crowds there would inevitably be some
ians, and those of very varied nationality and antecedents.
ul himself had for the last three years been stationed at one of
the greatest of the Levantine cmporia. We may say that the three great
cities at which he had spent the longest time — Antioch, Corinth,
Ephesus— were just the three from which (with Alexandria) inter-
i' was most active. We may be sure that not a few of his
lisciples would ultimately find their way to Rome. And so
we may assume that all the owners of the names mentioned in
had some kind of acquaintance with him. In several cases
be adds some endearing little expression which implies personal
t and interest : Epaenetus, Ampliatus, Stachys are all his
* beloved '; Urban has been his ' helper '; the mother of Rufus had
been also as a mother to him ; Andronicus and Junia (or Junias)
1 (erodion are described as his ' kinsmen ' — i. e. perhaps his
fellow-tribesmen, possibly like him natives of Tarsus. Andronicus
and Junias, if we are to take the expression literally, had shared
one of his imprisonments. But not by any means all were
ul's own converts. The same pair, Andronicus and Junias,
were Christians of older standing than himself. Epaenetus is
described as the first convert ever made from Asia : that may of
be by the preaching of St. Paul, but it is also possible that
he may have been converted while on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
If the Aristobulus whose household is mentioned is the Herodian
, we can easily understand that he might have Christians
about him. That Prisca and Aquila should be at Rome is just
we -might expect from one with so keen an eye for the
of a situation as St. Paul. When he was himself esta-
and in full work at Ephesus with the intention of visiting
?, it would at once occur to him what valuable work they might
be doing there and what an excellent preparation they might make
for his own visit, while in his immediate surroundings they were
: superfluous. So that instead of presenting any difficulty,
that he should send them back to Rome where they were already
known, is most natural.
In this way, the previous histories of the friends to whom St. Paul
sends greeting in ch. xvi may be taken as typical of the circum-
stances which would bring together a number of similar groups of
Christians at Rome. Some from Palestine, some from Corinth,
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [$ 3.
some fiom F.phcsus and other parts of proconsular Asia, possibly
some from Tarsus and more from the Syrian Ann
the first instance, as we may believe, nothing c< •. their
going ; but when once they arrived in the metropolis, the free-
masonry common amongst Christians would soon make them
known to each other, and they would form, not exactly an organized
h, but such a fortuitous assemblage of Christians is was only
waiting for the advent of an Apostle to constitute one.
For other influences than those of St. Paul we are left to general
probabilities. But from the fact (hat there was a synagogue sj
assigned to the Roman 'Libcrtini' at Jerusalem and that this
synagogue was at an early date the scene of public debates between
Jews and Christians (Acts vi. 9). with the further fact that regular
communication would be kept up by Roman Jews free;
feasts, it is equally clear that Palestinian Chr
fail to have its representatives. We may well believe that the
vigorous preaching of St. Stephen would set a wave in motion
which would be felt even at Rome. If coming from such a I
we should expect the Jewish Christianity of Rome to be rather of
the freer Hellenistic type than marked by the narrowness of
Pharisaism. But it is best to abstain from anticipating, and to form
our idea of the Roman Church on better grounds than conjc<
If the view thus given of the origin of the Roman Church it con
Involve* the rejection of two other view*, one of which at least ha* imposing
authority ; via. (i) that the Church wssfoundcd by Jewish pilgrim* from the
i cntecost, nod (ii) that it* troe founder wa* St
(i) \Ve are told expressly that among those who listened to St. Peter's
address on the Day of Pentecost were some who came from Rome, both
bora Jew* of the Diipcrwon and proselyte*. When these return,
would naturally take with them new* of the strange thing* which were
happening in Palestine. Dot unles* they remained for soov
and unless they attended very diligently to the teaching of the Apostles.
ih-« wouM go
mity: they
•might' be at a similar stage to that of the disciple* of St. John the Baptist at
Epbesus (Act* xix. i ff.) ; and under the sncce*«ivc impact of later visits
(their own or their neighbours') to Jerusalem, we could imagine ih. •
faith would be gradually comolidat t would take more than they
brought away from the Day of Pentecost to lay the foundations of a
< ii) The traditional fonder of the Roman Church
those
altogether.
rue that there is hardly an it. m in the eridencr
some deduction. The evidence which i* ue. and the
evidence which is early is either too uncertain or too slight and vague to
<
only in a very qualified arose that this tradition can be made good
may my at once that we are not prepared to go the length of those
would den the connexion of St. Peter with the Roman Church alto
THE ROMAN CHURCH
carry a clear conclusion '. Most decisive of all. if it held good, would be
the alluvion in St. Peter's own Fir»t Epistle if the ' llabylon from which be
write i .;) is really a covert name for Rome. This was the view of
: !> Church, and although perhaps not absolutely certain it is in accord-
ance with all jr., (.ability. The Apocalypse confessedly puts 'Babylon* for
. xiv. 8; xvi. 19, Sic.;, and when we remember the common
c among the Jewish Rabbis of disguising their allusions to the op-
pressor*, we may believe that Christians also, when they had once become
suspected and persecuted, might have fallen into the habit of using a secret
language among themselves, even where there was less occasion for secresy.
NY hen once we adopt thU view, a number of details in the Epistle (such
as the mention of Silvanus and Mark, and the points of contact between
i Peter and Romans) find an easy and natural explanation *.
The genuine F.pistle of Clement of Rome (t. 97 A.D.) couples together
tcr and St. 1'aul in a context dealing with persecution in such a way
as to lend some support to the tradition that both Apostles had perished
there4; and the Kpistle of Ignatius addressed to Rome it. 115 A.D.) appeals
'•i Apostles as authorities which the Roman Church would be likely to
recognize * ; but at the utmost this proves nothing as to the origin of the
Church. When we descend a step later, Dionysius of Corinth (e. 171 A.D.)
does indeed couple the two Apostles as having joined in 'planting' the
•i of Home as they had none previously that of Corinth '. Hut this
:!e alone is proof that if St. Paul could be said to have 'planted' the
Church, it could not be in the sense of first foundation ; and a like considera-
must be taken to qualify the statements of Irenacus'. By the beginning
of the third century we get in Tertnllian* and Cains of Rome* explicit
references to Rome as the scene of the double martyrdom. The latter writer
points to the • trophies * (ra rplwtua *) of the two Apostles as existing in his
day on the Vatican and by the Ostian Way. ThU is conclusive evidence as
to the belief of the Roman Church about the year aoo. And it is followed
by another piece of evidence which is good and precise as far as it goes.
1 The summary which follows contains only the main points and none of the
t evidence. For a fuller presentation the reader may be referred to
toot, St. Cltmtnt ii. 490 ff., and Lipsius, Apckr. Apostelgesch. ii. 1 1 ff.
1 On this practice, see Biesenthal, Trosttchrtilxn an dit Htbratr, p. 3 ff. ;
and for a defence of the view that St. Peter wrote his First Epistle from Rome,
>ot, St. Clemtnt ii. 491 f. ; Von Soden in Handtommtntar III. ii. 105 f.
! T. Hurt, who had paid special attention to this Epistle, seems to have
held the same opinion Judaistic Christianity, p. i ;
• There is a natural reluctance in the lay mind to take Jr Bo0ifA«m in any
other sense than literally. Still it is certainly to be so taken in Graf. SitylL v.
VwisrO; and it should he remembered that the advocates of this view
include men of the most diverse opinions, not only the English scholars
mentioned above andDollinger, but Renan and the Tubingen school generally.
•^</C0r.v.4ff. * AdRom.vv. 3.
• Eus. ff. E. II. xxv. 8. ' Adv. f/aer. III. iii. a, 3.
• Seorp. 15 ; De Praetcript. 36. • Eus. //. E. II. xxv. 6, 7.
19 There has been much discussion as to the exact meaning of this wotd.
The leading Protestant archaeologists (Lipsius, Erbes, V. Schultzc hold that
it refers to some conspicuous mark ot the place of martyrdom (a famous
.nth ' near the naumathium on the Vatican (Mart. Pet. ft /W. 63) and
a • | me-tree ' near the road to Ostia, The Roman Catholic authorities would
refer it to the 'tombs' or 'memorial chapels' (memoriae}. It seems to us
probable that buildings of some kind were already in existence. For statements
of the opposing views see Lipsius. Apokr. Aposttlgttck. ii. ai ; De Waal, Dit
ttlgntft adCatafumfias, p. 14 ff.
TO Till I:<>MANS [$ 3.
Two fourth-century documents, both in texts which have undergone some
corruption, the Martyrcbpum Hitr<mymi***m (ed. Duchesne, p. 84) and
a /V/Mfto Marty ,*m in the work of Philocalus, the so-called ' chrono-
of the year 354,' connect a removal of the bodies of the two Apostles with
the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus in the year ac8. There is some
n* to the localities from and to which the bodies were moved ;
but the most probable at in the Valerian persecution wt>
cemeteries were closed to Christiana, the treasured relics were transferred to
the site known as Ad Caicuumbas adjoining the present Church
Sebastian '. Here they remained, according to one version, for a year and
seven months, according to another for forty years. The later story of an
attempt by certain Orientals to steal them away seems to have grown out of
a misunderstanding of an inscription by Pope Damasus (366-384 A. t
- we have a chain of substantial proof that the Roman Church fully
believed itself to be in possession of the mortal remains of the two Apostles
as far back as the year too. a tradition at that date already firmly established
and associated with definite well-known local y**i^'ff">fT*1* The tra> ! . '
to the twenty-five years' episcopate of St. Peter presents some points of re-
semblance. That too appears for the nr*t time in the fourth centu
Eusebius (c 325 A.I».) and Ms follower Jerome. By skilful anal) .
traced back a full hundred years earlier. It appears to be u a list
drawn up probably by Hippolytus'. Lipsius would carry back thu list
a little further, and would make it composed under Victor in the last
of the second century*, and Ughtfoot seems to think it possible t
figures for the duration of the several episcopates may have been present in
the still older list of Hegesippns, writing under Elentherus t. 175-1 </
Thus we have the twenty-five years' episcopate
believed in towards the end of the first quarter of the third century, if not by
the beginning of the last quarter of the second. We are coming 1
a time when a continuous tradition is beginning to be possible. And
difficulties in the way of bringing St. Peter to Rome at a date so early as the
year 42 (which stenn to be indicated) are so great as to make the acceptance
of this chronology almost impossible. Not only do we find St. Peter to all
appearance still settled at Jerusalem at the time of the Connci
•vc have seen that it is highly improbable that he had visit*!
when St. Paul wrote his Epistle to the Church there. And it is har
improbable that a visit had been made between this and (he later I
m.). The relations between the two Apostles and of
both to the work of missions in general, would almost compel some allusion
to such a visit if it had taken place. Between the years $8 or 6 1
thrre i« quite time for legend to grow up; and Lipsins has pointed out
a possible way In which it might arise *. There is evidence that
of our Lord's command to the Apostles to remain at Jerusalem for
years after His Ascension, was current towards the end of the second century.
The travels of the Apostles are usually dated from the end of this period
1 The best account of this transfer is that given by Duchesne, Libtr .
cvit
• So Lipsins. after Erbes. Atokr. Afottttgach
Clemtnt ii. 500. The Roman Catbt .
d connect the story with the jealousies of Jewish and Gentile Christian* in
the first century: see the latter'* /»«/ ApoiMgntft ad Cateuumbas, \.
49 ft". This work contains a full survey of the contiovcisy with new archaeo-
logical deta.ls.
• UgK
• Af. l.igbtfoot. pp. J37. 333- ' /M*
(S**(SM*.
u •„:
3.] THE ROMAN CHURCH XXXI
(i.e. about 41-42 A.D.). Then the traditional date of the death of St. Peter
is 67 or 68 ; and subtracting 43 from 67 we get just the 25 years required.
It was assumed that St. Peter's episcopate dated from his first arrival in
Rome.
Mr the ground is fairly clear. But when Lipsius goes further than this
and denies the Roman visit in loto, his criticism seems to us too drastic1,
lie arrives at his result thus. He traces a double stream in the tradition.
( >n the one hand there is the ' Petro-pauline tradition ' which regards the two
Apostles as establishing the Church in friendly co-operation *. The outlines
of this have been sketched above. On the other hand there is the tradition
of the conflict of St. Peter with Simon Magus, which under the figure of
i Magus made a disguised attack upon St. Paul*. Not only does
« think that this is the earliest form of the tradition, but he regards it
as the original of all other forms which brought St. Peter to Rome * : the
only historical ground for it which he would allow is the visit of St. Paul.
ioes not seem to us to be a satisfactory explanation. The traces of the
;>auline tradition are really earlier than those of the Ebionite legend.
The way in which they are introduced is free from all suspicion. They are
supported by collateral evidence (St. Peter's First Epistle and the traditions
relating to St. Mark) the weight of which is considerable. There is practic-
ally no conflicting tradition. The claim of the Roman Church to joint
foundation by the two Apostles seems to have been nowhere disputed. And
even the Ebionite fiction is more probable as a distortion of facts that have
a basis of truth than as pure invention. The visit of St. Peter to Rome, and
his death there at some uncertain date *, seem to us, if not removed beyond
all possibility of doubt, yet as well established as many of the leading facts
of history.
(2) Composition. The question as to the origin of the Roman
has little more than an antiquarian interest ; it is an isolated
or series of facts which does not greatly affect either the picture
ich we form to ourselves of the Church or the sense in which
understand the Epistle addressed to it. It is otherwise with
the question as to its composition. Throughout the Apostolic age
the determining factor in most historical problems is the relative
1 It is significant that on this point \Veizsacker parts company from Lipsius
(Afoit. Zfitalt. p. 485).
• Of. <if. p. 1 1 ff. • Ibid. p. 28 ff.
• Ibid. p. 6a ff.
1 There is no substantial reason for supposing the death of St. Peter to have
taken place at the same time as that of St. Paul. It is true that the two
Apostles are commemorated upon the same day (June 29), and that the
Chronicle of Eusebius refers their deaths to the same year (A.D. 67 Vers.
Armen. ; 68 Hieron.). But the day is probably that of the deposition or re-
moval of the bodies to or from the Church of St. Sebastian (see above) ; and
year the evidence is very insufficient. Professor Ramsay (Th* Churtk
in the Koman Emfirt, p. 279 ff.) would place the First Epistle of St. Peter in
lie of the Flavian period, A.D. 75-80 ; and it must be admitted that the
.ties are not such as to impose an absolute veto on this view. The fact
that tradition connects the death of St. Peter with the Vatican would seem to
<> the great persecution of A.D. 64; but the state of things implied in
Epistle does not look as if it were anterior to this. On the other hand.
' isor Ramsay's arguments have greatly shaken the objections to the tradi-
date of the death of St. Paul
ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [$ 3.
preponderance of the Jewish element or the Gcir.i! . Which of
these two elements are we to think of as giving its chara
the Church at Rome? Directly contrary answers have been
to the question and whole volumes of controversy have gro
around it ; but in this instance some real advance has been made,
and the margin of difference among the leading critics is not now
considerable.
< • as in so many other cases elsewhere the sharper statement of
the problem dates from Baur, whose powerful influence drew a long
train of followers after him ; and here as so often elsewhere the
manner in which Baur himself approaches the question is
mined not by the minute exegesis of panic ular passages 1
a broad and comprehensive view of what seems to him to be the
argument of the Epistle as a whole. To him the 1
be essentially directed against Jewish Christians. The ;
of gravity of the Epistle he found in chaps, ix-xi. St. i
grapples at close quarters with the objection that if his d.
held good, the special choice of Israel— its privileges ai
promises made to it— all fell to the ground. At first there-
doubt that the stress laid by Baur on these three chapters in com-
parison with the rest was exaggerated and <
disciples criticized the position which he took up on this poii
he himself gradually drew back from i:
a like tendency ran through the earlier portion of t.
There too St. Paul's object was to argue with the Jewish
and to expose the weakness of their reliance on formal obe
to the Mosaic Law.
The writer who has worked out th Baur's most elabo-
rately is Mangold. It b not difficult to show, when th
closely examined, that there is a large element in
essentially Jewish. The questions •
the validity of the Law, the nature of Rcdcm]
which man is to become righteous in the sight of God. the
of Israel. It is also true that the arguments with which S
meets these questions are very largely such as wot
specially to Jews. His own views are linked on directly
teaching of the Old Testament, and it is to the Old Testament
that be goes in support of th hat sort of
nee arguments of this character would have as addressed to
is also possible to point to one or two expressions in detail
might seem t :hc assumption of Jewish readers,
would be here Abraham is described (
most probable text) as ' our forefather ac
vpororupa q/j** card <ra>ra). To that h
• 'or. x. i St. Paul spoke of the Israelites in the
THE ROMAN CHURCH
XXXIII
ness as ' our fathers,' though no one would maintain that the
Corinthian < «. were by birth Jews. There is more weight
— indeed there is real weight — in the argument drawn from the
section, Rom. vii. 1-6, where not only are the readers addressed
as <id<X$o4 pov (winch would be just as possible if they were con-
verts from heatheni>m) but a sustained contrast is drawn be
an earlier state under the Law (6 npos vv. 1,4, 5, 6 ; not w. a, 3
where the force of the article is different) and a l.iu-r stale of free-
dom from the Law. It is true that this could not have been
written to a Church which consisted wholly of Gentiles, unless the
Apostle had forgotten himself for the moment more entirely than
he is likely to have done. Still such expressions should not be
pressed too far. He associates his readers with himself in a manner
somewhat analogous to that in which he writes to the Corinthians,
as if their spiritual ancestry was the same as his own. Nor was
ithout reason. He regards the whole pre-Messianic period
: criod of Law, of which the Law of Moses was only the most
uous example.
a minor point, but also to some extent a real one, that the
exhortations in chs. xiii, xiv are probably in part at least addressed
to Jews. That turbulent race, which had called down the inter-
ference of the civil power some six or seven years before, needed
ning to keep the peace. And the party which had scruples
about the keeping of days is more likely to have been Jewish than
Gentile. Still that would only show that some members of the
Roman Church were Jews, not that they formed a majority. Indeed
in this instance the contrary would seem to be the case, because
their opponents seem to have the upper hand and all that St. Paul
asks for on their behalf is toleration.
\\V may take it then as established that there were Jews in the
Church, and that in substantial numbers; just as we also cannot
doubt that there was a substantial number of Gentiles. The direct
i which St. Paul addresses the Gentiles in ch. xi. 13 ff. (fytuf
\<y*> roif t$H<nv «.r.X.) would be proof sufficient of this. But it
further clear that St. Paul regards the Church as broadly and in
in a Gentile Church. It is the Gentile element which gives
its colour. This inference cannot easily be explained away from
passages, Rom. L 5-7, 13-15; xv. 14-16. In the first St Paul
the Church at Rome among the Gentile Churches, and
on his own apostleship to the Gentiles his right to address
them. In the second he also connects the obligations he is under
to preach to them directly with the general fact that all Gentiles
ut exception are his province. In the third he in like manner
s himself courteously for the earnestness with which he has
tten by an appeal to his commission to act as the priest who
lys upon the altar the Church of the Gentiles as his offering.
d
E TO TO NS [$ 3.
then is the natural construction to put upon the Apostle's
language. The Church to which he is writing is Gentile in its
il complexion; but at the same time it contains so many
born Jews that he passes easily and freely from the one 1
the other. He does not feel bound to and wci.
, because if he u rites in the manner >mes most
> himself he knows that there will be in the Church
who will understand him. The fact to which we have
already referred, that a large proportion even of the Gentile Chris-
tians would have approached Christianity through the portals of
a previous connexion with Judaism, would tend to s-
more at his ease in this respect. We shall see in the next v
that the force which impels the Apostle is behind rather tl
front It is not to be supposed that he had any exact st .
before him as to the composition of the Church to which \.
writing. It was enough that he was aware that a letter such as he
has written was not likely to be thrown away.
If he had stayed to form a more exact estimate v. .c the
greetings in ch. xvi as a rough indication of the lines tl.
follow. The collection of names there points to a mixture of
nationalities. Aquila at least, if not also Prise a *, we ki
been a Jew (Acts xviii. 2). Andronicus and Juni rodion
are described as ' kinsmen ' (ffvyymic) of the Apostle :
his means is not certain — perhaps 'members of the
tribe ' — but in any case they must have been Jews,
is a Jewish name ; and Apelles reminds us at once of ludaeus
(Horace, .*> oo). And there is besides 'the household of
Aristobulus,' some of whom— if Aristobulus was really the gra
of Herod or at least connected with that dynasty — would pr<
have the same nationality. Four names (Urbanus,
Kufus, and Julia) are Latin. The rest (ten in numU-r) are Greek
v.ith an indeterminate addition in 'the household of Nan
Some such proportions as these might well be represented in the
Church at large.
(3) Status and Condition. The same list of names n
some idea of the social status of a representative group
Christians. The names are largely those of slaves an«!
In any case the households of Narcissus and Aristot
belong to this category. It is not inconceivable, though of course
oveable, that Narcissus may be the well-kn-
in to death in the
of the house of Herod We know that at the
Se« the note rence it made to the view (avowed
•:cm and :
to the well-known family of '
* wa» A Roman lady belonging
family of that name.
Till. Kn.MAN CHURCH
XXXV
.ul wrote to the Philippians Christianity had penetrated into
the retinue of the Emperor himself (Phil. iv. 22). A name like
Philologus seems to point to a certain degree of culture. \\V
should therefore probably not be wrong in supposing that not
only the poorer class of slaves and freedmen is represented. And
it must be remembered that the better sort of Greek and some
Oriental slaves would often be more highly educated and more
refined in manners than their masters. There is good reason to
think that Pomponia Graecina, the wife of Aulus Plautius the
conqueror of Britain, and that in the next generation Flavius
Clemens and Domitilla, the near relations and victims of Domitian,
had come under Chri.siiun influence1. We should therefore be
justified in supposing that even at this early date more than one of
the Roman Christians possessed a not inconsiderable social stand-
ing and importance. If there was any Church in which the * not
many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble/
ii exception, it was at Rome.
When we look again at the list we see that it has a tendency to
fall into groups. We hear of Prisca and Aquila, ' and the Church
that is in their house/ of the household of Aristobulus and the
Christian members of the household of Narcissus, of Asyncritus, &c.
'and the brethren that are with them/ of Philologus and certain
companions 'and all the saints that arc with them.' It would only
be what we should expect if the Church of Rome at this time
-:ed of a number of such little groups, scattered over the
great city, each with its own rendezvous but without any complete
and centralized organization. In more than one of the incidental
notices of the Roman Church it is spoken of as * founded ' (Iren.
Adv. liter. 111. i. i ; iii. 3) or 'planted* (Dionysius of Corinth in
7 / II. xxv. 8) by St. Peter and St. Paul. It may well be
that although the Church did not in the strict sense owe to these
Apostles its origin, it did owe to them its first existence as an
ed whole.
must not however exaggerate the want of organization at
the time when St. Paul is writing. The repeated allusions to
4 labouring ' (mwrio*) in the case of Mary, Tryphaena and Tryphosa,
and Persis — all, as we observe, women — points to some kind of
regular ministry (cf. for the quasi-technical sense of Konu* i Thess.
v. 12; i Tim. v. 17). It is evident that Prisca and Aquila took
the Ic.ul which we should expect of them ; and they were well
trained in St. Paul's methods. Even without the help of an
Apostle, the Church had evidently a life of its own; and where
there is life there is sure to be a spontaneous tendency to definite
articulation of function. When St Paul and St. Peter arrived we
htfoot, CUmtnt. i. 30-39, &C.
d :
[$ 3-
: k hair done ; still it would
ic seal of their presence, as the Church of Samaria wai
the coming of Peter and John (Acts viii. 14).
5 4. THE TIME AND PLACE, OCCASION AND PURPOSE,
OF THE EPISTLE.
(i) Time and Place. The time and place at \vi
was written are easy to determine. And the simple a:
way in which the notes of both in the Epistle itself dovetail into the
vc of (he Acts, together with the perfect consistency
whole group of data — subtle, slight, and incidental as they are — in
the two documents, at once strongly confirms the truth <
history and would almost alone be enough to dispose of the
doctrinaire objections wl. been brought again ^
lie.
St. Paul had long cherished the desire of paying a visit to Rome
(Rom. i. 13; xv. 23), and that desire he hopes very soon to see
fulfilled; but at the moment of writing his 1 not
westwards but eastwards. A collection has been made
Greek Churches, the proceeds of which he is with an anxious mind
about to convey to Jerusalem, lie feels that his <
that of the Churches of his founding to the Palestinian Chi
a delicate matter; the collection is no lightly considered act of
passing charity, but it has been with him the subject of long and
earnest deliberation ; it is the olive-branch which he is bent upon
g. Great issues turn upon it ; and he does not know i.
will be received '.
We hear much of this collection in the Epistle '.bout
this date (i Cor. xvi. i fT. ; 2 Cor. viii. i ft
Acts it is not mentioned before tl.
the course of St. Paul's address before Felix alh:
it: 'after many years I came to bring alms to my nation and
^s' (Actsxxiv. 17). Though the collection is not mentioned
in the earlier chapters of the Acts, the order of the joun
mentioned. When his stay at Ephesus was drawing to an end
We read that ' Paul purposed in the spirit, when he had patted
through Macedonia and .' go to Jerusalem, saying, After
I have been there, I must also see Rome' (A.
this programme has been accomplished. A
St. Paul seems to be at the capital of Achaia. The al
1 On thU collection ice an excellent article by Mr. Kendall in r-.c / ./V//AV ,
1893, ii 3*1 (I.
$4-]
TIME AND PLACE
which point to this would none of them taken separately be
certain, but in combination they amount to a degree of pro-
bability which is little short of certainty. The bearer of the
:•• appears to be one Phoebe who is an active, perhaps an
official, member of the Church of Cenchreae, the harbour of
Corinth (Rom. xvi. i). The house in which St Paul is staying,
which is also the meeting-place of the local Church, belongs to
Gaius (Rom. xvi. 23); and a Gaius St. Paul had baptized at
Corinth (i Cor. i. 14). He sends a greeting also from Erastus,
who is described as ' oeconomus' or ' treasurer* of the city. The
office is of some importance, and points to a city of some im-
portance. This would agree with Corinth; and just at Corinth
we learn from 2 Tim. iv. 20 that an Erastus was left behind on
St. Paul's latest journey— naturally enough if it was his home.
The visit to Achaia then upon which these indications converge
is that which is described in Acts xx. 2, 3. It occupied three
months, which on the most probable reckoning would fall at
the beginning of the year 58. St. Paul has in his company at
this time Timothy and Sosipater (or Sopater) who join in the
greeting of the Epistle (Rom. xvi. 21) and are also mentioned
in Acts xx. 4. Of the remaining four who send their greetings
we recognize at least Jason of Thessalonica (Rom. xvi. 21 ; cf.
Acts xvii. 6). Just the lightness and unobtrusivencss of all these
mutual coincidences affixes to the works in which they occur
the stamp of reality.
The date thus clearly indicated brings the Epistle to the Romans into
close connexion with the two Epistles to Corinthians, and less certainly with
the Epistle to Galatians. We have seen how the collection for the Churches
of Judaea is one of the links which bind together the first three. Many
other subtler traces of synchronism in thought and style have been pointed
out between all four (especially by Bp. Ligbtfoot in Journ. of Class, and
Satr. PhiloL iii [1857], p. 289 ff.; also Ga/.ifians, p. 43 ff., cd. a). The
tclative position of i and a Corinthians and Romans is fixed and certain.
If Romans was written in the early spring of A.D. 58, then i Corinthians
would (all in the spring and a Corinthians in the autumn of A.D. 57'. In
regard to Galatians the data are not so decisive, and different views ate held.
The older opinion, and that which would seem to be still dominant in
Germany (it is maintained by Lipsius writing in 1891), is that Galatians
-s to the early part of St Paul's long stay at Ephesus, A. D. 54 or 55.
inland Bp. Light foot found a number of followers in bringing it into
closer juxtaposition with Romans, about the winter of A.D. 57-58. The
Question however has been recently reopened in two opposite directions: on
the one hand by Dr. C. Clemen (Ckronohgit dtr pauliniicktn Brit/t. Halle,
1 893). who would pbce it after Romans; and on the other hand by
1 Julicher, in his recent Einleitnng, p. 6a, separates the two Epistles to the
Corinthians by an interval of eighteen months; nor can this opinion be at once
ruled out of court, though it seems opposed to i Cor. xvi. 8, from which we
gather that when he wrote the first Epistle St. Paul did not contemplate staying
in Ephesus longer than the next succeeding Pentecost
[} *•
'••II In /»/ jtywfer for April, 1194
>n« yc«n r.«
I . . ' .< ••'•'•• I • '.,>>.'' I »« .nil
I < . .ir »»4.r K
.«• M«r.
(f) (VniiitfN,
At the begin i
lie protpci
1
.
it lulfiilcii in lubtUncr
:
:. i
{ 4.] OCC M> I'UKI'OSE XX
to Ron I--, I -MI only after two years' forcible detention, and as
oner a wail in}.; i-i • tn.il.
J'urposf. A more lomplii.r- ion meets us wh.n
from the occasion or proximate cause of the Fpistlr to tin- Romans
we pass to >sc or ulterior cause. The Apostle's reasons
to Rome lir upon the MI.I.ICC; his reasons for writing
Mar letter he did write will need more consideration.
1, a I.I..M.I. me in it. It was willed that such
BI shonlil IK- written for the admomtioi. .iges. Hut
\\h.u p . al channels did that ; owork?
ra we pass on t< l»atcd ground; and it will peilup^
hrlp ii. i! \\. I- 'in l>v presenting the opposing theories in as
:tn as possible.
When tli<- diileirn: \irws which have been held come to be
i Me to two main types,
\\ln. h dittei not on .1 single point hut on a number of co-ordinated
; < might be described as primarily historical, the other
pnmaiily d »ne din i is attention mainly to the Church
;h. i mainly to the writer; one adopts the view
• •I .1 pi. .!..n. i. in- • • : \< \« i Ii ( luislian readers, the other pre-
vuppnses i. -a Irrs who are predominantly Gentile Christians.
a^ain the epoch making impulse came from liaur. It was
Ham \\h.» in t worked out a coherent theory, the essence of which
was that it < laimrd to )><• lnst«.iu al. He argued from the analogy
4»f the oth< i I | i. > \\hiih he allowed to be genuine. The cir-
• inihiaii ('Inn ili are reflected as in a glass in
i»tl< s to the Ciiiinthiaiis; the circumstances of the Galatian
Chnu h< -s iome out clearly from that to the Galatians. Did it not
:ol! ,\\ that the circumstances of the Roman Church might be
! from the Kpistle to the Romans, and that the
<• itsell was writtt it with <l<hl><ratc reference to them? Why
all this Jewish-sounding argument if the readers were not Jews?
these constant answers to objections if there was BO one to
( ? The issues discussed were similar in many respects to
those in the Epistle to the Galatians. In Galatia a fierce con-
troversy was going on. Must it not therefore be assumed that
ill' !•• was a lik< isy, only milder and more tempered^ at
, and that the A)K>stle wished to deal with it in a manner
correspondingly milder and more tempered?
\\as truth in all this; but it was truth to some extent
one-sided and exaggerated. A little reflexion will show that the
cases of the Churches of Corinth and Galatia were not exactly
patalld to that of Rome. In Galatia St. Paul was dealing with
me state of things in a Church which he himself had
founded, and the cm umstancei of which he knew from within and
not merely by hearsay. At CVnnth he had spent a still longer
xl [$ 4.
time ; when he wrote he was not far distant ; there had been
frequent communications between the Church and the Apostle;
i ase of i Corinthians be had actually before him a letter
containing a number of questions bfl was requested to
answer, while in th.it of a Corinthians he had a personal report
brought to him 1 v Titus. What could there be like this at K
The Church there St. Paul had not founded, had not even seen ;
we are to believe Baur and the great majority of his followers,
he had not even any recognizable correspondents to ke< ;
informed about it. For by what may seem a strange inconsistency
it was especially the school of Baur which denied the genuineness
xvi, and so cut away a whole list of persons from one or
other of whom St. Paul might have really learnt something about
Roman Christ i.;
These contradictions were avoided in the older theory \
••cl before the time of Baur and which has not been v
adherents, of whom the most prominent perhaps is Dr. Be r
. since his day. According to this theory the main object of
the Epistle is doctrinal; it is rather a theological tr
a letter ; its purpose is to instruct the Roman Church in central
principles of the faith, and has but little reference to the c!
stances of the moment
ould be wrong to call this view — at least in its recent forms
— unhistorical. It takes account of the situation as it presented
itself, but looks at another side of it from that which caught the
eye of Baur. The leading idea is no longer the position of the
readers, but the position of the writer : every thing is made to turn
truths which the Apostle wished to place on record, and for
he found a fn recipient in a Church which seemed to have so
commanding a future before it.
Let us try to do justice to the different aspects of the problem.
The theories which have so far been mentioned, and others of
we have not yet spoken, are only at fault in so
are exclusive and emphasize some one point to the neglect
rest. Nature is usually more subtle than art An
o write a letter on matters of weight would be
likely to have several influences prc
his language would be moulded now by one and now by an(
Three factors may be said to have gone to the shaping <
il's.
first of these will be that which Baur took almost for the
only one. The Apostle had some real knowledge of t!
the Church to which he was wr re we sec the impo:
of his connexion with Aquila and Prisca. i
them would probably give the ;lse to th.r \\i-h \\\.
tells us that he had entertained for to visit Rome in
§4.]
OCCASION AND PURPOSE
xli
person. When first he met them at Corinth they were newly
1 from the capital ; he would hear from them of the state of
things they left behind them ; and a spark would be enough to
. > imagination at the prospect of winning a foothold for Christ
he Gospel in the seat of empire itself. We may well
the speculations about Prisca are valid, and even with-
nving upon these— that the two wanderers would keep up
communication with the Christians of their home. And now, very
probably at the instance of the Apostle, they had returned to
re the way for his coming. We cannot afford to lose so
le a link between St. Paul and the Church he had set his
heart on visiting. Two of his most trusted friends are now on the
spot, and they would not fail to report all that it was essential to
the Apostle to know. He may have had other correspondents
besides, but they would be the chief. To this source we may look
for \\liat there is of local colour in the Kpislle. If the argument is
^sed now to Gentiles by birth and now to Jews; if we catch
a glimpse of parties in the Church, ' the strong ' and ' the weak' ;
if there is a hint of danger threatening the peace and the faith of
the community (as in ch. xvi. 17-20) — it is from his friends in
Rome that the Apostle draws his knowledge of the conditions with
which he is dealing.
The second factor which helps in determining the character of
the Epistle has more to do with what it is not than with what it is :
it prevents it from being as it was at one time described, • a com-
pendium of the whole of Christian doctrine/ The Epistle is not
this, because like all St. Paul's Epistles it implies a common basis
of Christian teaching, those irnpodoa«ir as they are called elsewhere
(i Cor. xi. a; a Thess. ii. 15; iii. 6). which the Apostle is able to
take for granted as already known to his readers, and which he
therefore thinks it unnecessary to repeat without special reason.
He will not 'lay again' a foundation which is already laid. He
will not speak of the ' first principles' of a Christian's belief, but
:o on unto perfection/ Hence it is that just the most funda-
it.\l doctrines — the Divine Lordship of Christ, the value of His
the nature of the Sacraments— are assumed rather than
stated or proved. Such allusions as we get to these are concerned
not with the rudimentary but with the more developed forms of the
doctrines in question. They nearly always add something to the
common stock of teaching, give to it a profounder significance,
or apply it in new and unforeseen directions. The last charge
that could be brought against the Kpislle would be that it consisted
Christian commonplaces. It is one of the most original of
itings. No Christian can have read it for the first time without
that he was introduced to heights and depths of Christianity
which he had never been conscious before.
[5 4-
most powerful of all the influences v.
shaped the contents of the Epistle is the experience of the
object which he has in view is really not far to seek,
ng Rome his desire was to 'have some
fruit ' there, as in the rest of the Gentile world (Rom. i
longed to impart to the Roman Christians some ' spirit u..
ts he knew that he had the power of imparting
29). By this he meant the effect of his own personal presence,
c gift was one that could be exercised also in absence, i it-
has exercised it by this letter, which is itself the outcome of a
mtvpancfe x<ip«rpa, a word of instruction, stimulus, and w.v
addressed in the first instance to the Church at Rome, . .
it to Christendom for all t
The Apostle has reached another turning-point .ireer.
He is going up to Jerusalem, not knowing what i lain
there, but prepared for the worst. He is aware that the
be is taking is I ol and he has no confidence that !
escape with his life '. This gives an added solemnity to his utter-
ance ; and it is natural that he should cast back his glance over
the years which had passed since he became a Christian an
up the result as he felt it for himself. It is not exactly a coi
summing up, but it is the momentum of this past experience
guides his pen.
Deep in the background of all his thought lies that one great
:i brought him within the fold of Chr
had been nothing less than a revolution ; and it fixed permanently
his conception of the new forces which came with •
;n Christ,' 4 to be baptized into C
these were the watchwords ; and the Apostle fell that they
pregnant with intense meaning. That new personal relation of
the believer to his Lord was henceforth the motive-f
dominated the whole of his life. It was also n.
marvellous >m above. We cannot doubt : •
version onwards St. Paul found himself endowed with ex
energies. Some of them were what we should call i:.
but he makes no distinction between those which were :
and those which were not. He set them all down as miraculous
^cnse of having a cii :*. And when he looked
around him over the » Church he saw :
:ifcrior to
diffused. They wr: mark ot
took a form which would be commonly described as
supernatural, unusual powers of heal,
an unusual magnetic influence upon others; partly they coi,
1 This b impiwiively stated in Hort, Kom. a- ; : ff.
4.] OCCASION AND PURPOSE xliil
a strange elation of spirit which made suffering and toil seem
_ht and insignificant ; but most of all the new impulse was moral
working, it blossomed out in a multitude of attractive traits —
Move, joy, peace, longsuffering, kindness, goodness, faithfulness,
meekness, temperance.' These St. Paul called ' fruits of the
1 he act of faith on the part of man, the influence of the
is only another way of describing the influence of
Himself) from the side of God, were the two outstanding
facts which made the lives of Christians differ from those of other
men.
These are the postulates of Christianity, the forces to which the
Apostle has to appeal for the solution of practical problems as they
present themselves. His time had been very largely taken up
with such problems. There had been the great question as to
the terms on which Gentiles were to be admitted to the new society.
On this head St. Paul could have no doubt. Mis own ruling
principles, 'faith' and 'the Spirit/ made no distinction between
Jew and Gentile ; he had no choice but to contend for the equal
rights of both— a certain precedence might be yielded to the Jews
as the chosen people of the Old Covenant, but that was all.
This battle had been fought and won. But it left behind
t question which was intellectually more troublesome — a question
brought home by the actual effect of the preaching of Christianity,
very largely welcomed and eagerly embraced by Gentiles, but as
a rule spurned and rejected by the Jews— how it could be that
Israel, the chosen recipient of the promises of the Old Testament,
should be excluded from the benefit now that those promises came
to be fulfilled. Clearly this question belongs to the later reflective
stage of the controversy relating to Jew and Gentile. The active
intending for Gentile liberties would come first, the philosophic
theological assignment of the due place of Jew and Gentile in
Divine scheme would naturally come afterwards. This more
iced stage has now been reached ; the Apostle has made up
mind on the whole series of questions at issue; and he takes
opportunity of writing to the Romans at the very centre of the
to lay down calmly and deliberately the conclusions to
he has come.
The Epistle is the ripened fruit of the thought and struggles of
eventful years by which it had been preceded. It is no merely
tract disquisition but a letter full of direct human interest in the
persons to whom it is written ; it is a letter which contains here
and there side-glances at particular local circumstances, and at
least one emphatic warning (ch. xvi. 17-20) against a danger
which had not reached the Church as yet, but any day might reach
1 See the notes on ch. viii. 9-17 ; compare also ch. vi 1-14.
xliv i: TO THE ROMA [§ 4.
full urgency of which the Apostle knew only too well ;
but the main theme of the letter is the gathering in of the harvest,
at once of the Church's history since the departure of its M
and of the individual history of a single soul, that one
God had had the most active share in making the cot:
external events what it was. St. Paul set himself to gi->
Roman Church of his best ; he has given it what was per!)
some ways too good for it— more we may be sure than it would be
able to digest and assimilate at the mon
reason a body of teaching which eighteen centuries <
interpreters have failed to exh richness in this re-
• the incomparable hold which it shows on the c
s religion, and the way
Bible in general, it pierces through the conditions of a particular
time and place to the roots of things which are permanent and
§ 5. THE ARGUMENT.
In the interesting essay in which, discarding all t radii i
seeks to re-interpret the teaching of St. Paul directly fr<
standpoint of the nineteenth century, Matthew Arnold maps out the
contents of the Epistle as follows :—
• If a somewhat pedantic form of expression may be forgiven for
the sake of clearness, we may say that of the elc\
of the Epistle to the Romans — the chapters which c< :
theology, though not h .iny scholastic purpose or in any
formal scientific mode of exposition— of thes<
first, second, and third arc, in a scale of impo
a scientific criticism of Paul's line of thought, s ; the
fourth and fifth are secondary; the sixth and eighth are pi .:
the seventh chapter is sul ; the nm:
chapters are secondary. Furthermore, to the contents of the
separate chapters themselves this scale must be carried on, so far as
to mark that of the two great pi piers, the sixth and
i, the cigrr .ry down only to the end of the t
: verse; from thence to the c -quern, yet
e purpose of a scientific critic ology
econdary ' (S/. Paul and Protestantism, p. 92 f.).
may serve as a ; -point for our
t) of the argument : and it may conduce to clearness of
the summ:r
ahthcad
s fresh and bright mam
5.]
THE ARGUMENT
xlv
' The first chapter is to the Gentiles — its purport is : You have
not righteousness. The second is to the Jews — its purport
is : No more have you, though you think you have. The third
r assumes faith in Christ as the one source of right-
<ss for all men. The fourth chapter gives to the notion
of righteousness through faith the sanction of the Old Testament
and of the history of Abraham. The fifth insists on the causes for
fulness and exultation in the boon of righteousness through
in Christ; and applies illustratively, with this design, the
history of Adam. The sixth chapter comes to the all-important
n : " What is that faith in Christ which I, Paul, mean ? "—
and answers it. The seventh illustrates and explains the answer.
But the eighth down to the end of the twenty-eighth verse, develops
and completes the answer. The rest of the eighth chapter expresses
the sense of safety and gratitude which the solution is filled to
inspire. The ninth, tenth, and eleventh chapters uphold the second
chapter's thesis — so hard to a Jew, so easy to us — that righteous-
ness is not by the Jewish law ; but dwell with hope and joy on a
~ ml result of things which is to be favourable to Israel' (ibid. p. 93).
Some such outline as this would be at the present stage of in-
vestigation generally accepted. It is true that Baur threw the
tre of gravity upon chapters ix-xi, and held that the rest of the
was written up to these: but this view would now on
all hands be regarded as untenable. The problem discussed
these chapters doubtless weighed heavily on the Apostle's mind ;
the circumstances under which he was writing it was doubtless
problem of very considerable urgency ; but for all that it is
which belongs rather to the circumference of St. Paul's
it than to the centre ; it is not so much a part of his funda-
ching as a consequence arising from its collision with an
Sieving world.
On this head the scholarship of the present day would be on the
f Matthew Arnold. It points, however, to the necessity, in
:empt to determine what is primary and what is not primary
in the argument of the Epistle, of starting with a clear understanding
of the point of view from which the degrees of relative importance
tre to be assigned. Baur's object was historical— to set the
'..' in relation to the circumstances of its composition. On
<umption his view was partially — though still not more than
' ally— justified. Matthew Arnold's object on the other hand
what he calls • a scientific criticism of Paul's thought ' ; by
he seems to mean (though perhaps he was not wholly clear
his own mind) an attempt to discriminate in it those elements
:h are of the highest permanent value. It was natural that he
h the greatest importance to those elements in particular
:h seemed to be capable of direct personal verification. From
xlvi !•: TO THE ROMA [$ 5.
»int of view we need not question his assignment of a j :
ance to chap: production of the thought
c chapters is the best th book, and we have drawn
upon it ourselves in the commentary ujon them (p. 163 f.). There
is more in the same connexion that well deserves attentive
But there are other portions of the Epistle which are not capable of
verification precisely in the same manner, and
importance to St. Paul himself and may be equally of j
importance to those of OB who are willing to accept his testimony
in spiritual things which lie beyond the reach of our \» •
experience. Matthew Arnold is limited by the methc
applies — and which others would no doubt join with I.
applying — to the subjective sii! c emotioi
efforts generates in Christians. But there is a i .
question how and why they came to be generated. And in the
answer which St. Paul would give, and which the main body of
Christians very largely on his auti. :ld also give to that
question, he and they alike are led up into regions where
human verification ceases to be possible.
quite true that • faith in Christ ' means attachment to (
a strong emotion of love and gratitude. But that emotion
confined, as we say, to 'the historical C object
not only Him who walked the earth as ' Jesus of Nazu:
directed towards the same Jesus 'crucified, risen and a
the right hand of God.' St. Paul believed, and we also believe,
i:s transit across the stage of our earth was accompan
consequences in the celestial sphere which transcend our fa
We cannot pretend to be able to verify t
v.hich passes in our own minds. And yet a certain kind of ii
ition there is. The thousands and tens of thousands of
.ins who have lived and died in the firm conviction <
truth of these supersensual realities, and who upon the
them have reduced their lives to a harmonious unity si
the war of passion, do really afford no slight presumption that the
beliefs which have enabled them to do this an
the universe approves, and such as aptly fit into the ct<
Whatever the force ot unption to the outer world, it is one
ore do no 10 treat as anything lc?^
: which was certain! :1. We entirely
the view that chap -• also
feel bound to place 1 le the culn.
il passage
were, c ites the problci
,n 1-28).
problem is, How is man to become righteous in the sight of God I
ARGUM!
xlvii
And the answer is (i) by certain great redemptive acts on the
part of God which take effect in the sphere above, though their
consequences are felt throughout the sphere below ; (a) through
a certain ardent apprehension of these acts and of their Author
Christ, on the part of the Christian; and (3) through his con-
tinued self-surrender to Divine influences poured out freely and
unremittingly upon him.
It is superfluous to say that there is nothing whatever that is new
in this statement. It does but reproduce the belief, in part implicit
rather than explicit, of the Early Church ; then further defined and
emphasized more vigorously on some of its sides at the Reformation ;
and lastly brought to a more even balance (or what many would
fain make a more even balance) by the Church of our own day. Of
course it is liable to be impugned, as it is impugned by the
attractive writer whose words have been quoted above, in the
-t of what is thought to be a stricter science. But whatever
lue in itself of the theory which is substituted for it, we may
be sure that it does not adequately represent the mind of St. Paul.
In the present commentary our first object is to do justice to this.
How it is afterwards to be worked up into a complete scheme of
religious belief, it lies beyond our scope to consider.
For the sake of the student it may be well to draw out the
contents of the Epistle in a tabular analytical form. St Paul, as
Matthew Arnold rightly reminds us, is no Schoolman, and his
method is the very reverse of all that is formal and artificial. But
it is undoubtedly helpful to set before ourselves the framework of
his thought, just as a knowledge of anatomy conduces to the better
understanding of the living human frame.
I. — Introduction (i. 1-15
a. The Apostolic Salutation (i. i-;\
ft. St Paul and the Roman Church (i. 8- if).
II. -Doctrinal.
THE GREAT THESIS. Problem : How is Righteousness to be attained?
Answer: Not by man's work, but by God's gift, through Faith, or
loyal attachment to Christ (i. 16, 17).
A. Righteousness as a state or condition in the sight of God (Justification)
(i. i8-v. 21).
i. Righteousness not hitherto attained (i. i8-iii. 20).
[Rather, by contrast, a scene which bespeaks impending Wrath],
a. Failure of the Gentile (i. 18-32).
(i.i Natural Religion (i. 18-20) ;
(ii.) deserted for idolatry (i. 21-25) ;
(iii.) hence judicial abandonment to abominable sins (26. 27). to
every kind of moral depravity 1,28-31), even to perversion of
conscience (32).
0. [Transitional]. Future judgement without respect of persons such as
Jew or Gentile ii. 1-16).
wish critic and Gentile stater u the ume position .
>M- 'a : . . ' .-:.-.••
iRement: Uw of Motes for the Jew ; Law of Coo-
:. To mi. ROMAJ [$ 6.
&j
science 1 6).
7. Failure of the Jew (ii. 17-39). Profession and reality, as regards
.rcun.cUio:.
Answer to casuistical objections from Jewish stand-
point (iii. 1-8).
(i.) The Jew's advantage as recipient of Divine Promises
'.a);
(ii ) which promises are not invalidated by Man's unfaithfulness
Vet God's greater glory no excuse for human sin (iii. 5-8%
i venal failure to attain to righteousness and earn acceptance
trated from Scripture (iii. o-ao).
a. Consequent Exposition of New System (iii. ai-ji) :
a. (i.) in its relation to Law, independent of it, yet attested by it
(ii.) in its universality, as the free gift of God (j 2-34) ;
) in the method of its realization through the propitiatory Death
of Christ, which occupies under the New Dispensa
tame place which Sacrifice, especially the ceremonies of the
Day of Atonement, occupied under the Old .
(iv.) b its final cause- the twofold manifestation of God's righteous-
ness, at once asserting itself against sin and conveying pardon
to the sinner (a6).
0. Preliminary note of two roam consequences from this :
ltoastingeiclnded{J7.a8);
Jew and Gentile alike accepted (29-31).
j. Relation of this New System to O. T. considered in reference to the
crucial case of Abraham (iv. i-af).
(i.) Abraham's acceptance (like that described by David) turned
on i : S) ;
(ii.) nor Circumcision (iv. 9-1 a)
[so that there might be nothing to prevent him from
being the spiritual father of uncircumcised as well as
circumcised (it, ia)J,
nor Law, the antithesis of Promise (iv. i
[so that he might be the spiritual father of alt believers,
not of those under the Law only],
(iv.) Abraham's Faith, a type of the Christ: < .-5) :
[he too lielieved in a birth from the dead].
4. Blissful effects of Righteousness by Faith (v. i
a. (i.) It leads by sure degrees to a triumphant hope of final sal-
vation (v. 1-4).
(ii.) That hope guaranteed a fortiori by the Love display
Christ s Death :
B. Contrast of these effects with those of Ada
(i.) like, in the transition from one to all (i:
hat where one brought sin, condemnation, deat
other ».ronKht grace, a declaration of unmerited righteous.
(iii.) Summary. -f Fall. Law, Grace (i8-ai)
[The Fall brought sin; Law increased it; but Grace more
than cancels the ill effects of 1
*••]
Till. ARGUMENT
Xlix
B. Progressive Righteousness in the Christian (Saoctification) (vi-uii).
I. Reply to further casuistical objection : ' If more sin means more
grace, why not go on sinning?'
The immersion of Baptism carried with it a death to sin,
and onion with the risen Christ. The Christian there-
fore cannot, most not, sin (vi. 1-14).
». The Christian's Release : what it is, and what it is not : shown by
two metaphors.
a. Servitude and emancipation (vi. 15-23).
0. The marriage- bond (vii. 1 -6).
[The Christian's old self dead to the Law with Christ ; so that
he is henceforth free to lire with Him].
3. Judaistic objection from seeming disparagement of Law : met by an
analysis of the moral conflict in the soul. Law is impotent,
and gives an impulse or handle to sin, but is not itself sinful
(vii. 7-24). The conflict emled by the interposition of
Christ (35).
4. Perspective of the Christian's New Career (via).
The Indwelling Spirit.
a. Failure of the previous system made good by Christ's Incarnation
and the Spirit's presence (viii. 1-4).
0. The new regime contrasted with the old— the regime of the Spirit
with the weakness of unassisted humanity (viii. 5-9'.
7. The Spirit's presence a guarantee of bodily as well as moral
resurrection (viii. 10-13);
& also a guarantee that the Christian enjoys with God a son's relation,
and will enter upon a son's inheritance (viii. 14-17).
«. That glorious inheritance the object of creation's yearning (viii.
18-32);
and of the Christian's hope (viii. 33-35).
fj. Human infirmity assisted by the Spint's intercession (viii. 36, 37);
9. and sustained by the knowledge of the connected chain by which
God works out His purpose of salvation (viii. 38-30).
1. Inviolable security of the Christian in dependence upon God's
favour and the love of Christ (viii. 31-39).
C. Problem of Israel's Unbelief. The Gospel in history (ix, x, xi). The
rejection of the Chosen People a sad contrast to its high destiny tad
privileges (ix. 1-5).
I. Justice of the Rejection (ix. 6-39).
a. The Rejection of Israel not inconsistent with the Divine promises
(ix.6-13);
P. nor with the Divine Justice (ix. 14-39).
(i.) The absoluteness of God's choice shown from the O. T. (ix.
14-18).
(ii.) A necessary deduction from His position as Creator (ix.
19-33).
(iii.) The alternate choice of Jews and Gentiles expressly reserved
and foretold in Scripture (ix. 34-39).
». Cause of the Rejection,
o. Israel sought righteousness by Works instead of Faith, in their own
way and not in God's way (ix. 30-1. 4).
And this although God's method was —
Not difficult and remote but near and easy (x. 5-10);
Within the reach of all. Jew and Gentile alike (x. 11-13).
0. Nor can Israel plead in defence want of opportunity or warning—
(i.) The Gospel has been folly and universally preached (x. 14-18).
1 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [$ 6.
(II.) Israel had been warned beforehand by the Prophet that they
would reject God'* Message x. 19-11 ).
3. Mitigating considerationa. The purpose of God (xi).
a. The Unbelief of Israel U now as in the past only partial xi i to .
0. It is only temporary —
(i.) Their fall has a special purpose-the introduction of the
Gerties (>li 1-15).
That Israel will be restored is Touched for by the holy stock
from which it comes <
7. In all this may be teen the purpose of God working upwards
through seeming severity, to a beneficent molt — the final
restoration of alf(xi. 15-31).
Doxology (xi. 33-36).
I II. -Practical and Hortatory
(i) TheChruiiansa,: i. i).
(a) The Christian as a member of the Church 'xii. 3-8).
(3) The Christian in his relation to others (xii. 921).
The Christian's vengeance ( x
U) Church and State (.
The Christian's one debt; the law of lore (xiii. 8-10 .
The day approaching (xiii 11-14).
(6) Toleration ; the strong and the weak (xiv. i -XT. 6).
The Jew and the Gentile (XT. 7-13).
IV.-Epilocue.
cu Personal explanations. Motive of the Epistle. Proposed visit to
Rome (XT. 14-33).
£. Greetings to various persona (xvL 1-16).
A warning fxvi 17-30).
Postscript by the Apostle's companions and amanuensis (xvi.
Benediction and Doxology (xvi 34
often easiest to bring out the force and strength of an
argument by starting from its conclusion, and we possess in the
doxology at the end of the Epistle a short summary made by
St Paul himself of its contents. The question of its genuineness
has been discussed elsewhere, and it has been shown in the
commentary how clearly it refers to all the leading thoughts of the
Epistle ; it remains only to make use of it to help us to und<
the argument which St. Paul is working out and the conclu
:i he is leading
The first idea which comes prominently before us is that o
Gospel'; it meets us in the Apostolic salutation at the beg :
in the statement of the thesis of the 1 Q the doxology
end where it is expanded in th< : unusual form ' according
to my Gospel and the preaching of Jesus Christ* So ag
xi. 28 it is incidentally shown that what St Paul is describing
method or plan of the Gospel. a of the Gospel t:
hought of the Epistle ; and it seems to mean this.
There are two competing systems or plans of life or salvation
before St. Paul he one is the old Jewish system, a know-
ledge of which is presupposed ; the other is the Christian system,
THE ARGUMENT
li
§6]
a knowledge of which again is presupposed. St. Paul is not
expounding the Christian religion, he is writing to Christians :
what he aims at expounding is the meaning of the new system.
Tliis may perhaps explain the manner in which he varies between
the expressions ' the Gospel/ or ' the Gospel of God/ or ' the Gospel
of Jesus Christ/ and ' my Gospel/ The former represents the
Christian religion as recognized and preached by all, the latter
represents his own personal exposition of its plan and meaning.
The main purpose of the argument then is an explanation of the
meaning of the new Gospel of Jesus Christ, as succeeding to and
taking the place of the old method, but also in a sense as embracing
and continuing it.
St. Paul begins then with a theological description of the new
method. He shows the need for it, he explains what it is— emphasiz-
ing its distinctive features in contrast to those of the old system, and
at the same lime proving that it is the necessary and expected out-
come of that old system. He then proceeds to describe the work-
ing of this system in the Christian life ; and lastly he vindicates
for it its true place in history. The universal character of the new
Gospel has been already emphasized, he must now trace the plan
by which it is to attain this universality. The rejection of the Jews,
the calling of the Gentiles, are both steps in this process and
necessary steps. But the method and plan pursued in these cases
and partially revealed, enable us to learn, if we have faith to do
so, that • mystery which has been hidden from the foundation
of the world/ but which has always guided the course of human
history — the purpose of God to ' sum up all things in Christ.'
If this point has been made clear, it will enable us to bring out
the essential unity and completeness of the argument of the
Epistle. We do not agree as we have explained above with the
opinion of Baur, revived by Dr. Hort, that chap, ix-xi represent
the essential part of the Epistle, to which all the earlier part is but
an introduction. That is certainly a one-sided view. But Dr.
lion's examination of the Epistle is valuable as reminding us that
neither are these chapters an appendix accidentally added which
might be omitted without injuring St. Paul's argument and plan.
We can trace incidentally the various difficulties, partly raised by
opponents, partly suggested by his own thought, which have helped
to shape different portions of the Epistle. We are able to analyze
and separate the difiercnt stages in the argument more accurately
and distinctly than in any other of St Paul's writings. But this
must not blind us to the fact that the whole is one great argument;
the purpose of which is to explain the Gospel of God in Jesus the
\h. and to show its effects on human life, and in the history
of the race, and thus to vindicate for it the right to be considered
the ultimate and final revelation of God's purpose for mankind.
e 2
Hi El : > THE ROMANS [$ 6.
§ 6. LANGUAGE AND STYLE.
(i) Language^. It will seem at first sight to the uninitiated
reader a rather strange paradox that a letter addressed to the
capital of the Western or Latin world should be written in Greek.
Yet there is no paradox, either to the classical scholar who is
acquainted with the history of the Early Empire, or to the ecclesias-
tical 1: o follows the fortunes of the Early Church. Both
are aware that for fully two centuries and a half Greek was the
predominant language if not of the city of Rome as a whole yet of
large sections of its inhabitants, and in particular of those s-
among which was to be sought the main body of the readers of
:
The early history of the Church of Rome might be said to fall
into three periods, of which the landmarks would be (i) the appear-
ance of the first Latin writers, said by Jerome f to be Apollonius
offered under Commodus in the year 185, and whose
Apology and Acts have been recently recovered in an Armenian
Version and edited by Mr. Conybeare *, and Victor, an African by
birth, who became Bishop of Rome about 189 A. D. (2) Next
would come in the middle of the third century a more considerable
body of Latin literature, the writings of Novatian and the corre-
spondence between the Church of Rome and Cyprian at Carthage.
there would be the definite Latinizing of the .
of the West which followed upon the transference of the ^
empire to Constantinople dating from 330 A.D.
(i) The evidence of Juvenal and Martial refers to the latter half
first century. Juvenal speaks with indignation of the extent to which Home
was being converted into ' a Greek city V Martial regards ignorance of Greek
as a mark of r h.deed, there was a double tendency which em-
braced at once classes at both ends of the social scale. On the one hand
among slaves and in the trading clissct there were swarms of Greeks and
Greck-fpeakmg Orientals. On the other hand in the higher ranks it was
the fashion to speak Greek ; children were taught it by Greek nones ; and in
after Hie the use of it was carried to the pitch of affectation •.
the Jewish colony we have the evidence of the inscriptions. Out of
thirty-eight collected by Schiirer' no less than thirty are Greek and eight only
1 The question of the use of Greek at Rome has been often discussed
and the evidence for it set forth, but the classical treatment of the subject is by
the late Dr. C. P. Caspari, Professor at Christian ia, in an Excursus of 200
pages t f hi* work Qutlle* mr Ctukifktt <Us 7
: Ttrt*ni*mMi frtitytr muu dtm*m frimms pert Vittonm
I.' .-',',.. f:::.-. .';.':• >:.-. .- •S%ST,
' Altttttmentt oj . iianity (London, 1894), p. 20 ff.
4 Juv. Sat. iii. 6c
• -.urn TaufiymM. ui. a86 f.
T CtmfinJtTtrfajfKMjr, ; tcriptions referred to are all from
>o one inG: rtus.
$ 6.] LANGUAGE AND STYLE liii
Latin ; and if one of the Greek inscription* it in Latin character*, conversely
three of the Latin are in Greek character*. There do not teem to be any in
ew'.
Of Christian inscriptions the proportion of Greek to Latin would seem to be
about i : a. Bat the great mass of these would belong to a period later than
that of which we are speaking. De Rossi ' estimates the number for the period
between M. Aurelius and Septimiu* Sevens at about 160, of which something
like half would be Greek. Beyond this we can hardly go.
But as to the Christian Church there is a quantity of other evidence. The
bishops of Rome from Linns to Elentheras (c. 174-189 A.D.) are twelve in
number : of these not more than three (Clement, Sixtus I - X ystus, 1'ius) bear
Latin names. But although the names of Clement and Pius are Latin the
extant Epistle of Clement is written in Greek ; we know also that Hennas,
the author of • The Shepherd/ was the brother of Pius ', and he wrote in Greek.
Indeed all the literature that we can in any way connect with Christian Rome
down to the end of the reign of M. Anrelius is Greek. Beside* the work* of
Clement and Hennas we have still surviving the letter addressed to the Church
at Rome by Ignatius ; and later in the period, the letter written by Soter
(c. 166-174 A.D.) to the Corinthian Church was evidently in Greek4. Justin
and Tatian who were settled in Rome wrote in Greek ; so too did Rhodon,
a pupil ot Tatian's at Rome who carried on their tradition *. Greek was the
language of Polycarp and Hegesippus who paid visit* to Rome of shorter
duration. A number of Gnostic writers established themselves there and used
Greek for the vehicle of their teaching : so Cerdon, Marcion, and Valentinus,
who were all in Rome about 140 A.D. Valentinus left behind a considerable
school, and the leading representatives of the ' Italic ' branch, Ptolemaeus
and Heracleon, both wrote in Greek. We may assume the same thing of the
other Gnostic* combated by Justin and Irenaeus. Irenaeus himself spent some
time at Rome in the Episcopate of Lleuiherus, and wrote his great work
in Greek.
To this period may also be traced back the oldest form of the Creed of
the Roman Church now known as the Apostles' Creed*. This was in Greek.
And there are stray Greek fragments of Western Litn
go back to the same place and time. Such would be
(Luke ii. 14) repeated in Greek at Christmas, the Trishagi'on, h'yrie eleiton
and Ckristt eleison. On certain set day* (at Christmas, Easter, Ember day*,
and some others) lections were read in Greek a* well as Latin ; hymns were
occasionally sung in Greek ; and at the formal committal of the Creed to the
candidates for baptism (the so-called Traditio and RecLiilio Symbol?) both
the Apostles' Creed (in its longer and shorter forms) and the Niccne were
1 Comp. also Berliner, t 54. » Ap. Caspari, p. 303.
' 1'ius is described in the Liber Pontificalis as natione /taint . . . <U civitatt
Aquileia ; but there is reason to think that Herma* was a native of Arcadia.
The assignments of nationality to the earliest bishop* are of very doubtful
value.
* It wa* to 1 c kept in the archive* and read on Sundays like the letter of
Clement (Ens. H. E. IV. xxiii. n).
» Eus. H. E. V. xiii. i.
• It was in pursuit of the origin of this Creed that Caspari was drawn into
his elaborate researches. It is generally agreed that it wa*» in use at Rome by
the middle of the second century. The main question at the present moment
is whether it was also composed there, and if not whence it came. Caspari
would derive it from Asia Minor and the circle of St. John. This i* a problem
which we may look to have solved by Dr. Kattenbusch of Giessen, who i*
continuing Casparfs labours (Das Apottolisck* Symbol, Bd. L Leipzig,
IN,4
irgies which ultimately
the Hymnus an ft/if us
liv [$ 0.
1 and the questions pot first in Greek and then in Latin1. These are
all survival* of Koman usage at the tin.' .:uaL
(a) The dates of ApoUonius and of Bp. Victor are fixed, bat rather
uncertainty hangs over that of the first really classical Christian v.
This has been much debar-
opinion seems to be veering round to the earlier date', which would br
into near proximity to Apollonius, perhaps at the end of the reign of
uelius. The period which then begins and extends from c, 180-3
shows a more even balance of Greek and Latin. The two prominent writers,
Hippolytus and Caius, still make use of Greek. The grounds perhaps pre-
fer regarding the Iforatorian Fragment as a translation. But
of the period we have Minncius Felix and at the end Novatian,
i begins to have the upper hand in the names of bishops
glimpse which we get of the literary activity of the Church of Rome through
the letters and other writings preserved among the works of Cyprian show* us
at last Latin m powession of the field.
(3) The Hcllcnihng character of Roman Christianity was due in tl
instance to the constant intercourse between Rome and the East. In the
troubled times which followed the middle of the third century, with the decay
of wealth and trade, and Gothic piracies breaking up the Atr Roma** on the
Aegean, this intercourse was greatly interrupted. Thus Greek influences lost
their strength. The Latin Church, Rome reinforced by Africa, bad now
a substantial literature of its own. Under leaden like Tertullian, Cyprian,
and Novatian it had begun to develop its proper individuality. It could
stand and walk alone without assistance from the East. And a decisive
impulse was given to its independent career by the founding of Constantinople.
The stream art from that time onwards towards the Bosphoras and no longer
towards the Tiber. Rome ceases to be the centre of the Empire to become
in a still more exclusive sense the capital of the West.
(2) Style. The Epistles which bear the name of St. Paul present
a considerable diversity of style. To such an extent is it
case that the question is seriously raised whether they en:
the same author. Of all the arguments urged on the n<
side this from style is the most substantial ; and whatever cl<
we come to on the subject there remains a problem of much
complexity and diffi.
It is well known that the Pauline Epistles fall into four groups
which are connected indeed with each other, but at the sarn<
s. These groups are : i, a Thess.;
i. 2 Cor., Rom u. ; \\\*.
four Epistles of the second group hang very closely together;
those of the third group subdivide into two \ rn. on
the one hand, ai '«>!. on the other. It is hard t«>
Col. from 1 ml the very strong prcsumj»: >ur of
the genuineness of ti ;>istle reacts upon the for:
nquiry at the present moment our of
Colossians and somewhat les in favour of
It is, for instance, significant that Julichcr in his r : ilung
1 More pcecise and full details will be found in Caspari's Excursus, Of. (it.
p. 466 ff.
ager. Alt< krittl. Lit. p. 88.
§ 6.] LANGUAGE AND STYLE Iv
(Freiburg i. B. and Leipzig, 1894) sums up rather on this side of
the question than the other. We believe that this points to what
will be the ultimate verdict. But in the matter of style it must be
confessed that Col. and Eph. — and more especially Eph. — stand at
the furthest possible remove from Romans. We may take Eph.
and Rom. as marking the extreme poles of difference within the
Epistles claimed for St. Paul '. Any other member of the second
group would do as well ; but as we are concerned specially with
Kom., we may institute a comparison with it.
The difference is not so much a difference of ideas and of
vocabulary as a difference of structure and composition. There arc,
it is true, a certain number of new and peculiar expressions in the
later Epistle ; but these are so balanced by points of coincidence,
and the novel element has so much of the nature of simple addi-
tion rather than contrariety, that to draw a conclusion adverse* to
St. Paul's authorship would certainly not be warranted. The sense
of dissimilarity reaches its height when we turn from the materials
(if we may so speak) of the style to the way in which they are
put together. The discrepancy lies not in the anatomy but in the
surface distribution of light and shade, in the play of feature, in
the temperament to which the two Epistles seem to give expression.
\Vi \\ ill enlarge a little on this point, as the contrast may help us
to understand the individuality of the Epistle to the Romans.
This Epistle, like all the others of the group, is characterized
by a remarkable energy and vivacity. It is calm in the sense
that it is not aggressive and that the rush of words is always well
under control. Still there is a rush of words, rising repeatedly to
passages of splendid eloquence ; but the eloquence is spontaneous,
the outcome of strongly moved feeling ; there is nothing about it
of laboured orator}-. The language is rapid, terse, incisive; the
argument is conducted by a quick cut and thrust of dialectic ; it
reminds us of a fencer with his eye always on his antagonist.
We shut the Epistle to the Romans and we open that to the
Ephesians ; how great is the contrast 1 We cannot speak here of
. y, hardly of energy ; if there is energy it is deep down
below the surface. The rapid argumentative cut and thrust is
gone. In its place we have a slowly-moving onwards-advancing
mass, like a glacier working its way inch by inch down the valley.
The periods are of unwieldy length; the writer seems to stagger
his load. He has weighty truths to express, and he struggles
to express them — not without success, but certainly with little
flexibility or ease of composition. The truths unfolded read like
abstract truths, ideal verities, ' laid up in the heavens ' rather than
embodying themselves in the active controversies of earth.
1 The difference between these Epistles on the side we are considering is
(e. g.) than that between Romans and the Pastorals.
Ivi K TO THE ROMANS [$ 8.
There is, as we shall see, another side. We have perhaps
exaggerated the opposition for the sake of making th<
dear. When we come to look more closely at the Epistle to the
Romans we shall find in it not a few passages which tend in the
direction of the characteristics of Epbesians ; and when we ex
the Epistle to the Ephesians we shall find in it much to remind us
s of Romans. We will however leave the com-
parison as it has been made for the moment, and ask ourselves
what means we have of explaining it. Supposing the two Kpistles
to be really the work of the same man, can the difference t <
them be adequately accounted for ?
There to always an advantage in presenting proportions to the eye and
reducing them to some sort of numerical estimate. This can be done m
the present case without much difficulty by reckoning up the number of
longer pauses. This b done below for the two Epistles, Romans and Ephe-
sians. The standard used U that of the Revisers' Greek Text, and the
cstimstc of length is bated on the number of ?T/XM or printed line-
will be worth while to compare the Epistles chapter by chapter : —
ROMANS.
«nx«. (•) (.) (0
Ch. I. 64 13 '4
II. 51 14 7 8
III. 47 ao 12 16
45 6 14 7
V. 47 6 15 -
4' 8 14 8
VII. 49 16 ao 5
VIII. 70 17 a6 14
8 19
6 16 9
55 >9 10
37 6 16 9
XI 63 16 a7 i i
Total for doctrinal portion 570 130 _ 1^4 _ 88*
4oa
XII. 36 14 13 —
i; H 15 I
41 ii a; 3
63 8 -
J? -J J_
Total for the Epistle 789 181 190 _ 91
Here the proportion of major points to fix0* b &* the doctrinal chap-
ter* 402 : 570 - (approximately) I in 1-4; and for the whole Epistle not
very different, 563 : ;S9 - i in 1-418. The proportion of interrogative
sentences b for the whole Epistle, 91 : 789, or I in 8-6 ; for the doctrinal
chapters only, 88:570, or : rvl for the practical portion only,
5. This last item Is
instructive, because it »hows how very
1 The counting of these is approximate! anything over half a line
reckoned as a whole line, and an)thing less than half a line not reckoned.
LANGUAGE AND STYLE
Ivii
greatly, even In the tame Epistle, the amount of interrogation varies with
the subject-matter. We aUo observe that in two even of the doctrinal chap-
ten interrogative sentence* are wanting. They lie indeed in patches or
thick clutter*, and are not distributed equally throughout the Epistle.
Now we tarn to Ephesians, for which the data are as follow* : —
Total
Ch.I.
II.
111.
IV.
V.
VI.
EPHESIANS.
vlxM
C)
0
(0
45
4
3
—
40
9
6
—
36
a
6
—
lai
I ;
15
— '
55
8
I
50
ii
»7
—
«
3
'3
—
* 70
30"
58
I
This gives a very different result. The proportion of major points is for
Eph. i-iii, roughly speaking, i in 4, as against I in 1*4 for Kom. i-xii, and
for the whole Epistle rather more than i in 3, as against I in 1-418. The
proportion of interrogations is i in a 70 compared with i in 8-6 or 6.5.
In illustrating the nature of the difference in style between
Romans and Ephesians we have left in suspense for a time the
question as to its cause. To this we will now return, and set down
some of the influences which may have been at work — which we
may be sure were at work— and which would go a long way to
account for it.
(i) First would be the natural variation of style which comes
from dealing with different subject-mailer. The Epistles of the
second group are all very largely concerned with the controversy
as to Circumcision and the relations of Jewish and Gentile
Christians. In the later Epistle this controversy has retired into
the background, and other topics have taken its place. Ideas are
abroad as to the mediating agencies between God and man which
impair the central significance of the Person of Christ; and the
multiplication of new Churches with the growing organization of
ommunication between those of older standing, brings to the
front the conception of the Church as a whole, and invests it with
ised imprcssiveness.
These facts are reflected on the vocabulary of the two Epistles. The
controversy with the Jcdaizers gives a marked colour to the whole group
which includes the Epistle to the Romans, This will appear on the face
of the statistics of usage as to the frequency with which the leading terms
occur in these Kpistles and in the rest of the Pauline Corpus. Of course
some of the instances will be accidental, but by far the greater number are
significant Those which follow have a direct bearing on the Jndaistic
controversy. < Elsewhere ' means elsewhere in the Pauline Epistles.
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [$ 6.
1 'A0faAr Rom. 9, a Cor. I, Gal. 9 ; not elsewhere in St. Paul
.!. I.]
A*po0v*rta Rom. 3, I Cor. a, Gal. 3 ; elsewhere 3.
dmxrroA*; Rom. I , I Cor. I, Gal. I ; not elsewhere in St. Paul
***** Rom. 15. i Cor. a, Gat 3; elsewhere j.
lunivjMi Rom. 5 ; not ebewbere.
tt*ai*ott Rom. a ; not elsewhere.
awra/ryf i*r Rom. 6, I Cor. o, a Cor. 4, Gal. 3 ; elsewhere 4.
r^/«off Rom. 76, i Cor. 8, Gal. 32 ; elsewhere 6.
•«/»r*j4 Rom. 15, i Cor. i. Gal 7 ; ebewbere 8.
0»<>/M Rom.
9, i Cor. i. a Cor. i, Gal. 5; elsewhr
Connected with this controversy, though not quite so directly, would be :-
tfVfavftjr Rom. I, I Cor. lo, a Cor. i. < ..»!. i ; elsewhere I.
dafirm Rom. 4, j Cor. 6 ; elsewhc
a, i Cor. a, a Cor. 6, Gal. i ; elsewh
om. i ; not elsewhere.
a, i Cor. 6, Gal. 6; elsewhere a.
jA<v4«/wvr Rom. 4, Gal I ; not elsewhere.
i. I Cor. i, a Cor. i, Gal. i ; not elsewhere.
Rom. 5, i Cor. 5 (i v.L), a Cor. 20, Gal. a ; elsewhc: .
Rom. i, i Cor. 3, a Cor. 3, Gal i ; elsewh
Rom. •*. a Cor. 6; elsewhere i.
Rom. a ; not elsewhere.
om. 3, Gal. i ; not elsewhere.
Rom. i ; not elsewhere.
a«fraoAor Rom. 4, i Cor. i, Gal i ; not elsewhere, [ravfe
r. 3, a Cor. I, Rom. i r. I]
Rom. i, i Cor. a, Gal i : **lA«a Rom. i ; neither elsewhere.
Two other points may be noticed, one in connexion with the Urge use of
the O.T. in these Epistles, and the other in connexion with the idea of
rive periods into which the religious history of mankind is divided :—
Tparrcu Rom. 16, i Cor. 7, a Cor. a. Gal. 4; not elsewh
St. Paul.
of Rom. I, I Cor. a. Gal. s (i T.I) ; not elsewhere,
fear \p.*o* Rom. i. i Cor. i, Gal. i ; not elsewhere
These examples stand out very distinctly ; and their disappearance from
the later Epistle is perfectly intelligible : tuumtt cattM, ttttat t/ecttu.
(2) Hut it is not only that the subject-matter of Ephcsians d
from that of Romans, the circumstances under •.
also differ. Romans belongs to a period of contr
although at the time when the Epistle is written the worst is over,
and the Apostle is able to .e field calmly, and to state his
case uncontrov. 1 the crisis through has pasted
has left its marks behind. The echoes of war arc - ears.
The treatment of his subject is concrete and not abstract. H
sees in imagination his adversary before him, and be argues much
as he might have argued in the synagogue, or in the presence of
refractory converts. The atmosphere of the Epbtle is that of
personal debate. This acts as a stimulus, it makes the blood
* These examples are selected from the lists in Bishop Lightfoot's classical
essay 'On the Style and Character of the Epistle to the Galauans,' in /*«;*. of
Clftt. am/Sofr. 1'kilol. iii. (1857) 308 ff.
5 6.] LANGUAGE AND STYLE lix
circulate more rapidly in the veins, and gives to the style a liveli-
ness and directness which might be wanting when the pressure was
removed. Between Romans, written to a definite Church and
gathering up the result of a time of great activity, the direct out-
come of prolonged discussion in street and house and school, and
Ephcsians, written in all probability not to a single Church but to
a group of Churches, with its personal edge thus taken off, and
:i too under confinement after some three years of enforced
i inaction, it would be natural that there should be a difference.
(3) This brings us to a third point which may be taken with the
bst, the allowance which ought to be made for thi special temptra-
mrnt of the Apostle. His writings furnish abundant evidence of
ly strung nervous organization. It is likely enough that the
il infirmity from which he suffered, the 'thorn in the flesh*
: had such a prostrating effect upon him, was of nervous
origin. But constitutions of this order arc liable to great fluctua-
tions of physical condition. There will be ' lucid moments/ and
[more than lucid moments — months together during which the
brain will work not only with ease and freedom, but with an
inii-n-ity and power not vouchsafed to other men. And times such
as these will alternate with periods of depression when body and
mind alike are sluggish and languid, and when an effort of will is
needed to compel production of any kind. Now the physical
conditions under which St. Paul wrote his letter to the Romans
would as naturally belong to the first head as those under which he
wrote the Epistle which we call ' Ephesians ' would to the second.
Once more we should expect antecedently that they would leave
a strong impress upon the style.
The difference in style between Rom. and Eph. would srcm to be very
y a difference in the amount of vital energy thrown into tbe two
Epistles. Vivacity is a distinguishing mark of the one as a certain slow and
laboured movement is of the other. We may trace to this cause the
phenomena which have been already noted— the shorter sentences of Romans,
the long involved periods of Ephesians, the frequency of interrogation on the
one hand, its absence on the other. In Rom. we have the champion of
.c Christendom with his sword drawn, prepared to meet all comers ; in
we have ' such an one as Paul the aged, and now a prisoner also of
Jesus Christ'
Among the expressions specially characteristic of this aspect of Ep. to
Romans would be the following :—
ffa, beginning a sentence, Rom. o, I Cor. i, a Cor. a, Gal. 5 ; elsewhere
Epp. Paul. 3, I Icb. a. [dpi ofr Rom. 8 (or 9 v. 1.), Gal. i ; elsewhere
3 : &pa without o5r Rom. I (or a T. 1 ), I Cor. I, Gal. 3, Heb. a,]
dAAA A/?* Rom. a.
A«y 94 Gat a.
A«'7*» c5r Rom. a.
Aiy* N TOVTO $TI I Cor. I.
woAir Atf-yw a Cor. 3.
lx
o .
• '. i.
iy* flovAot *»yw tpTr .>• Gal. I.
wow ; 9oi> oir ; Rom. i, I Cor. 8, Gal. I ; not elsewhere.
'r; rfo olr; Rom. n, i Cor. 5, Gal. i . not cUewbere. [TI our
ipot'nt*; Rom. 6; n' Jpovjitr; Rom I.]
-,» (Afpi, fte.) Rom. 3. Gal. i ; not eliewhere.
Iiari Rom. i, I Cor. 3, a Cor. i ; not clicwbere,
Mf, unusual compounds of —
.r. i.
Cor
Rom. i, a Cor. i.
i.
(4) A last cause which we suspect may possibly have been at
work, though this is more a matter of conjecture, is the employment of
difffrent amanufnsts. We know that St. Paul did not as a rule
write his own letters. But then the question arises, How were
they written ? It seems to us probable that they were in the first
instance taken down in shorthand — much as our own merchants or
public men dictate their correspondence to a shortly
and then written out fair. \Ve believe this to have been the case
from the double fact that dictation was extremely common — so
that even as early as Horace and Persius dictart had already
come to mean ' to compose ' — and from the wide diffusion of the
art of shorthand. We know that Origen's lectures were taken
down in this way, and that fair copies were made of them at
(Eus. H. E. VI. xxiii. 2). But we can wcl. that if
this were the case some scribes would be more expert than others,
and would reproduce what was dictated to them more exactly.
Tcrtius, we should suppose, was one of the best of those
St. Paul employed for this purpose. An inferior scribe \\u\\
down the main words correctly, but the little connecting links he
may have filled in for himself.
This is rather speculation, and we should not wish to lay stress upon
any particular instance. It b however interesting to note th.v
below the superficial qualities of style at the inner tendencies of mind to
which it gives expression the resemblance between Ephesians and Romans
marked, so that we may well ask whether we hare not before
M in both the same hand. One of the most striking characteristics of
St. Paul is the sort of telescopic manner, in which one clause is as it were
drawn out of another, each new idea as it arises leading on to some further
new idea, until the main thought of the paragraph is reached again often by
a circuitous route and not seldom with a somewhat .rn at
the end. This is specially noticeable in abstract doctrinal passages, just as
a briefer, more broken, and more direct form of address u adopted in the
exhortations relating to matters of practice. A certain laxity of |
We wiUpUe* sic* b? side 01* or two passage wixich may help to show
the fundamental resemblance between the two Epistles. ; i
the ounctistion of the extract from Romans reference may be made to the
notes */ lie.]
*••]
LANGUAGE AND STYLE
Ixi
ROM. iii. a 1-26.
Vvvl 84 X8"/*1 *6t*ov 8«reuo<rvri7
ipofrat,
e«oC mp,
rov ro/iov »al rwr ipxfnjrvv 8i
<rvVi7 8* ««ov W «/<rr««f 'Ii7<rov
Xparov tit wdrrat rovf v«rr<vorr«tr
ov yap tart RHUTTO\T)' *drr«f >up
fjttapTOV, tal 60T«00VrrtU rip Sufljf
rov e«o£J
EPH. iii. 1-7.
Tot/rov X^Pty '7* IlavAof A Uff/uot
rov X/MffTov ITO-OV (rw\p l)tai* rwv
kQvSnr, — ttyt jj«oi/<rar«
rijt x<*P*Tof T
</r i>*a», on card
ovviai* itov It
> X. 1.. 6r wpolBtro 6 6«df
lAatrr^/Moy 8id T^T *i'<rr««* Jr r£
avrov ai/jari, iff lvbti£iv rip 8uraio-
avrov, 8«d rrjr wafHaiv riv
t anaprrjuaTojv fV rp
p TOV 6«ov wpot r^y IrJWi^if
dunuo<ri/>^7ff owrow ir Ty rvf
, «h TI) tr^eu curd? Junior «o2
i vra rdr IK wurrcatt li^ffov.
TOV X., ft < .
ov* lyvatploQij roit vlwt rwv drtponrcvr,
cvt KVK 4*4*0X1*^0*7 roif. d-y/oif dvooro-
Ao<j avrov «a2 wpotpfjTaii Jy n*<i/>iarr
•fKU rd 10*17 avycAiTpor^/M *a2 ovoovpa
ital ffvuniroxa rift twayytMat 4r X. 'I.
via rov € va'yyf Ai o v ov 4^4x^""*i' oia-
«ovo« cord rfff iotptatf rfjt \apt-rut rov
6<ov rijt 8004(9171 /MM «ard r^v irip-
fttav rijt 8vra/j«art avrov.
In toe Komans passage we have first the rerclauon of the rigbteotunett of
God, then a specification of the particular aspect of that righteousness with
a stress upon its universality, then the more direct assertion of this univer-
sality, followed in loose construction (fee the note ad toe.) by an announce-
ment of the free character of the redemption wrought by Christ, then a fuller
comment on the method of this redemption, its object, the cause which rendered
••ssary, its object again, and its motive. A wonderful series of contents
to come from a single sentence, like those Chinese boxes in which one box
is cunningly fitted within another, each smaller than the last.
The passage from Ephesians in like manner begins with a statement of the
durance which the Apostle is suffering for the Gentiles, then goes off to
explain why specially for the Gentiles, so leading on to the ^wtT^piw on
which that mission to the Gentiles is based, then refers back to the previous
mention of this itvoriptov, which the readers are advised to consult, then
gives a fuller description of its character, and at last states definitely its
substance. Dr. Clifford has pointed out (on Rom. iii. 26) how the argu-
ment works round in Eph. to the same word ftwr^pior as in Rom. to the
same word «V8«ifir. And we have similar examples in Rom. ii. 16 and iii. 8,
where two distinct trains of thought and of construction converge upon
a clause which is made to do duty at the same time for both.
The particular passage of Ephesians was chosen as illustrating this pecu-
liarity. Hut the general tendency to the formation of periods on what we
have called the 'telescopic* method— not conforming to a plan of structure
deliberately adopted from the first but linking on clause to clause, each sug-
gested by the last— runs through the whole of the first three chapters of
Eoh. and has abundant analogues in Rom. (i. 1-7, 18-24 : >'• 5~l6 5 »"• "-
20; iv. 11-17; v- n-i-4; i*- 22-29; xv. 14-28). The passages from
Rom. are as we have said somewhat more lively than those from Eph.;
they have a more argumentative cast, indicated by the frequent use of yap ;
whereas those from Eph. are not so much argumentative as expository, and
consist rather of a succession of clauses connected by relatives. But the
ice is really super ticial, and the underlying resemblance is great.
Just one other specimen may be given of marked resemblance of a some-
what different kind— the use of a quotation from the O.T. with running
comments. In this instance we may strengthen the impression by printing
for comparison a third passage from Ep. to Galattaas.
Ixii
ROM. x. 5-8. Era. !••-. 7-1 1.
^> 7pi*«. 5r, r^r 9un»o- 'Erl tt J«a<rrr ^ i
T*r J« *4jM» 4 voo^ot <f»- rard ri j^rpor rip fcptar rov Xporov.
ft<r«nu Jr a*ry. A M In i lot pxjiaA*.
•fepi Jr ry «yMf <rov Ti'f Jra*)- TOM d^par»«». (ri M 'A
eft rAr oipayl*; TOVT' Ian, «J / £n «ai car «/t rd «.;•
rir, ira
T, UTO^ «?^
Janr. jr ry artftari aov gal Jr r§
TW
GAL. iv. 35-31.
TA »i 'A>ap lira £pot J*rir 4r rp 'A^i?. <TV<TTO,X««' W
>Ari>i 7dp /MT^ rarr r«'«y«r our^r. ij 84 dr«> 'I«/>oi»<TaA^>i itovttpa •
ijrif J<rri /i^rijp ^^K. fiypavrat y<S/>, Ev^pdi^ri, 0n i>a i ow rurrovtfa . . .
'I<raa« Iwayyttiat Tio-a i<r/i«r. «LXA' &<yw«p -
TOT card flri I-/M, oCra* m2 rvv. «i '
; 'B«daA« r^r vattiotfp mi rir •,!«* a^f, ov fap
<(r*i7f M«ra roG i/IoG
, dAAa rip jA«vtt/NU.
It would be interesting to work oat the comparison of this pauagr of
Eph. with the earlier Epistles phrase by phrase (e.g. c;
Rom. xii. 3, 6 ; I Cor. \ r. I. It) j bat to do this would be really
endless and would hare too remote a bearing on oar present subject. Enough
will have been said both to show the individuality of mans '
and also to show its place in connexion with the range of &t ! .mline
Epistles generally, as seen in a somewhat extreme example. 1
especially in Germany, to take Ep. to Romans with its companion Epistles
as a standard of style for the whole of the Corpus Pan
foot has pointed out that this is an error, this group of Epistles having been
written under conditions of high tension which in no *: rly to
have been permanent. * Owing to their greater length in proportion to the
rest, it is probably from these Epistles that we get our general impression of
-. t their style is in some sense an exceptional one, called
forth by peculiar circumstances, just as at a late period the style
Pastoral Epistle* is also exceptional though in a different way. The t
style of the Apostle is rather to be sought for in the Kpistlcs to the Tbessa-
, and those of the Roman captiv.
n we look back over the whole of the data the impression
which they that although the difference, taken
extremes, is no doubt c. iy bridged
It does not seem to be anywhere so great as to necessitate
thr
can-- won
•lion of different au •> though any single
My be enough to account t»r it, \. quite
Besides the passages commented upon here, refetence may be made to the
^incidences between the doxology, Rom. -
rphfriini These are fully pointed oat ad he , and the genuineness of the
doxology is defended in t 9 of this Introduction.
' Jtu //A. P- 30J-
§ 7.] THE TEXT Ixiii
well have been a concurrence of causes. And on the other hand
the positive reasons for supposing that the two Epistles had n ally
ane author, are weighty enough to support the conclusion.
Between the limits thus set, it seems to us that the phenomena of
style in the Epistles attributed to St. Paul may be ranged without
straining.
§ 7. THE TEXT.
(i) Authorities. The authorities quoted for the various readings
to the text of the Epistle are taken directly from Tischcndorf's
great collection (Nov. Test. Grace, vol. ii. ed. 8, Lipsiae, 1872),
with some verification of the Patristic testimony. For a fuller
account of these authorities the student must be referred to the
Prolegomena to Tischendorf s edition (mainly the work of Dr. C. R.
Gregory, 1884, 1890, 1894), and to the latest edition of Scrivener's
Introduction (ed. Miller, London, 1894). They may be briefly
enumerated as follows :
(i) GREEK MANUSCRIPTS.
Primary uncials.
H Cod. Sinaiticus, saec. iv. Brought by Tischendorf from the
Convent of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai ; now at St. Petersburg.
Contains the whole Epistle complete.
Its correctors are
S" contemporary, or nearly so, and representing a second
MS. of high value;
t*6 attributed by Tischendorf to saec. vi ;
N* attributed to the beginning of saec. vii. Two hands of
about this date are sometimes distinguished as N°* and
***.
A. Cod. Alexandrinus, saec. v. Once in the Patriarchal Library
at Alexandria ; sent by Cyril Lucar as a present to Charles I
in 1628, and now in the British Museum. Complete.
B. Cod. Vaticanus, saec. iv. In the Vatican Library certainly
since 1533* (Batiffol, La Vaticane de Paul Hi a Paul v,
p. 86). Complete.
The corrector B* is nearly of the same date and used
a good copy, though not quite so good as the original.
Some six centuries later the faded characters were re-
traced, and a few new readings introduced by B1.
C. Cod. Ephraemi Rescriptus, saec. v. In the National Library
at Paris. Contains the whole Epistle, with the exception of
the following passages : ii. 5 wjrA ftj njr . . . wrA TO
1 Dr. Gregory would carry back the evidence farther, to 1531 (ProUg.
p. 360), bat M. Batiffol could find no trace of the MS. in the earlier lists.
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [$ 7.
xi. 31 rf
,»»fui xiii. 10.
D. Cod. Claromontanus, sacc. vi Gracco-Latinus. Once at
Clcrmont, near Beauvais (if the statement of Beza is to be
tl), now in the National Library at Paris. Conta
Pauline Epistles, but Rom. L i, iiuiXot . . . aya*?™* e*oi
^ing, and i. 27 ifrKmAvra* . . . tyrvprrA* «o*i» i. 30
(in the Latin i. 24-27) is supplied by a later band.
£. Cod. Sangcrmancnsis, sacc. ix. Graeco- Latin us. Formerly
at St. Gcrmain-dcs-Pres, now at St. Petersburg. [Tl
might well be allowed to drop out of the list, as it is nothing
more than a faulty copy of i
F. Cod. Augiensis, saec. ix. Graeco-Laiinus. Bought by Bcntlcy
in Germany, and probably written at Reichenau (Augia
Major); now in the Library of Trinity College, Cam
Rom. i. i DovXoc . . . «V ry *>{/*?] »"• 19 is missing, both
in the Greek and Latin texts.
G. Cod. Boerncrianus, saec. ix ex. Graeco-Latinus. Written at
St. Gall, now at Dresden. Rom. i. i tyvpuriutot . . . itlart**
i. 5, and ii. 16 ri */nnmk . . . »bpov £r ii. 25 are missing.
Originally formed pan of the sani h A (Cod. San-
gallcnsis) of the Gospels.
It has been suggested by Traobe (Wattenbach, Anltitung tar Grittk
Pataografkit, ed. 3, 1805, p. 41) that this MS. was *r c same
hand as a well-known Psalter in the library of the Arsenal at Paris
bean the signature Si^vAiOf l^rrof J-yw lif*1*0- 1"hc resemblance of the
handwriting is dose, as may be seen by comparing the facsimile of the Paris
Psalter published by Omont in the M4a*gu ( h that of the
all Gospel* in the Paiaeographical Society's series
fact naturally raises the farther question whether the writer ,,f tlu
aul's Epistles is not also to be identified with the compiler of the com-
mentary entitled ColUttanta in cmmt B. / -
IM. ciii. 9-1 18), which is also ascribed to a • Sednlms Scotns.1 The answer
must be in the nemdve. The commentary presents none of the charac-
teristic readings of the MS., and appears to represent a higher grade of
scholarship. It is more probable that the scribe belonged to the fratrti
:>o formed a sort of guild in the m.T.a < iall (see the
authorities quoted in Caspari, Qtu.'len turn Taufsym n. and
compare Bergcr, f/ittoirt tU /a Vulgate, p. 137). There are se\
of the name ' Sedulius Scotus ' (Mignc.
iould be noted that of these ^ C are parts of
were once complete Bibles, and are designated by the same letter
throughout the LXX and Greek ! G arc all
Graeco-Latin, and are different MSS. from those whit
same notation on the Gospels and Acts. Ii
Introduction they arc -is D, E, F,Gr
< 'od. Cois! ;ily in
fragments, is unfortunately wanting for : see below.
5 7 ] THE TEXT IxV
Secondary uncials.
K. Cod. Mosquensis, saec ix. Broaght to Moscow from the monastery of
Diunysius on Mount Athos. Contains Acts, Epp. Caih , Ejn>. Paul.
Rom. x. 1 8 dAAd A«7a; to the end U misting.
L. Cod. Angclicus, saec. ix. In the Angelicon Library of the Augnstinian
monks at Rome. Contains Acts, Epp. Cath., Epp. Paul. Romans com-
plete.
P. Cod. Porphyrianus, saec. ix in. A palimpsest brought from the East by
Tischendorf and called after its present owner Bishop Porphyry. Contains
Acts, Epp. Cath.. Epp. Paul, Apoc. Rom. U. 1 5 [d»oAer7ov
* a&«m ^ ^K] iii. 5 ; viii. 35 0«df & &«OIO/K . . . •• 4 *a[T'
ix. 1 1 ; xi. a a *al dworo/Jor . . . Qvoiav xii. i are missing.
S, Cod. Athous Laurae, saec viii-ix. In the monastery Laura on Mount
Athos. Contains Acts, Epp. Cath., Epp. Paul. Romans complete. This
MS. has not yet been collated.
a. Cod. Patiriensis, saec. v. Formerly belonging to the Basilian monks
of the abbey of Sta. Maria de lo Patire near Rossano, now in the
Vatican. There is some reason to think that the MS. may have come
originally from Constantinople (cf. Batiflbl, L'AUay* de Rossano, pp. 6,
79 and 61, 71-74). Twenty-one palimpsest leaves, containing portions
of Acts, Epp. Cath., Epp. Paul. These include Kom. xiii. 4-xv. 9.
A study of readings from this MS. is published in the Revut Bibliqtu
for April, 1895.
Minuscules.
A few only of the leading minuscules can be given,
5. (- Ew. 5, Act. 5), saec. xiv. At Paris; at one time in Calabria.
17. (- Ew. 33, Act 13), saec. ix (Omont, ix-x Gregory). At Paris.
Called by Li ch horn • the oueen of cursives.'
31. (-Act. 35, Apoc 7). Written 1087 A.D. Belonged to John Covell.
English chaplain at Constantinople about 1675; now in the British
Museum.
32. ( - Act a6\ saec xii. Has a similar history to the last.
37. ( — Ew. 69, Act 31, Apoc. 14), saec xv. The well-known 'Leicester
MS.' ; one of the • Ferrar group,' the archetype of which was probably
written in Calabria.
47. Saec xi. Now in the Bodleian, but at one time belonged to the monas-
tery of the Holy Trinity on the island of Chalds.
67. (—Act. 66, Apoc 34), saec. xi. Now at Vienna: at one time in the
possession of Arsenius, archbishop of Moncrnvasia in Epidaurns. The
marginal corrector (67**) drew from a MS. containing many peculiar
and ancient readings akin to those of M Paul., which is not extant for
Ep. to Romans.
7 1 Saec. x xi. At Vienna. Thought to have been written in Calabria.
80. (- Act 73), saec xi. In the Vatican.
93. ( - Act 83. Apoc 99), saec xii (Gregory). At Naples. Said to have
been compared with a MS. of Pamphilus, but as yet collated only in
a few places.
(-Ew. 263, Act. 117), saec xiii-xiv. At Paris.
351. (Gregory, a6o Scrivener - Ew. 489. Greg., 507 Scriv.; Act 195 Greg.,
-criv.). In the library of Trin. Coll., Cambridge. Written on
Mount Sinai in the year 1316.
These MSS. are partly those which have been noticed as giving con-
spicuous readings in the commentary, partly those on which stress is laid
by Hort (fittr*/. p. 166), and partly those which Bousset connects with his
< Codex Pamphiir (see below).
OlfANS [$ 7-
(a) YFRSIONS.
The versions quoted are the following :
The Latin (Latt).
Vctus Latina (Lat. \
I Vulgate (Vulg.).
The Egyptian (Aegypt).
(Boh.).
The Sahidic (Sah.).
The Syriac (S\
The Peshitto (Pes!
The
The Armenian (Arm.).
The Gothic (Goth.).
The Ethiopia (Aelk).
Of these the Veto* Latina b very Imperfectly preferred to us
possess only a small number of fragments of MSS. These are :
gue. Cod. Gnclferbytanns, saec. vi, which contains fragments of Rom. xi.
5 ; J"*. 9-2
risingcnsU. saec. v or vi, containing Kom. xiv. 10 xv
r,. Cod. Gottvicensis, saec vi or vii, containing Rom. T. i'
vi.6-io.
The texts of these fragments are, however, neither early (relatively to the
history of the Version) nor of much interest To supplement them we have
the Latin versions of the bilingu mentioned above,
quoted as d e f g, and quotations in the Latin Fathers. The former do not
strictly represent the underlying Greek of the Version, as they are too much
conformed to their own Greek, d (as necessarily e) follows an O!<M.
not in all cases altered to suit t g is based on th
bat is very much ma the Vulgate translation, altered *
help of g or a MS. closely akin to g. For the Fathers we are mainly
indebted to the quotations in Tertnllian (w Cyprian (sa-
the Latin Irenaetts (saec ii, or more probably iv), Hilary of Poitiers (saec,
and to the so-called Sftfu/um S. Augulttni (cited as m), a Spanish
:»o of the fourth century see below, p. 134).
One or two specimens are given in the course of the commentary
evidence furnished by the Old-Latin Version (see on i. 30 ; v. 5
which may also serve to illustrate the problems raised in connexion v
history of the Version. They have however more to do hanges
in the Latin diction of the Version than wr The fuller
ment of t! o! St. 1'aul's Epistles will be found in 2
etmmgm vcr Hurmymtu, Miinchen, 1879;
but the subject has not as yet been sufficiently worked at for a general
*<!tolhet Vulgate the following MSS. are occasionally quoted :
am. Cod. Amiattnus c 700
fold. Cod. Faldensii c
•'
ad. Totetanns. Saec x, or rather perhaps viii (see Derj;
toirtdtl* V'Hlsatt.? 14
The Vulgste of St. I'aul's Epistles is a revision of the Old Latin so slight
and cursory as to be hardly an independent authority. It was however made
§7.1
I ill. TEXT
Ixvii
with the help of the Greek MSS., and we have the express statement of
r!f that in Horn. xii. 11 he preferred to follow Greek MSS.
and to say Domino strvientts for temfori servienUs of the older Version
;» 3 ad Afarctllam}. And this reading U found in the text of the
Vulgate.
Of the Egyptian Versions, Bohairic is that usually known as Memphitic
( - * me.' \V H.) and cited by Tisch. as • Coptic ' (' cop.'). For the reasons
which make it correct to describe it as Bohairic see Scrivener, Introd. ii. 106,
ed. 4. It is usually cited according to TUchendorf (who appears in the
Epistles to have followed Wilkins; see Tisch. N.T. p. ccxxxiv, ed. 7), but
in some few instances on referring to the original it has become clear that
his quotations cannot always be trusted: see the notes on v. 6; viii. aS;
x. 5 ; xvi. 37. This suggests that not only a fresh edition of the text, but
also a fresh collation with the Greek, is much needed.
•.he Sahidic (Thtbaic) Version (--tab.* Tisch., 'the.' \V!I.) some
few readings have been added from the fragments published by Amc'lineau
in the Ztitsckrift fur Atgypt. Sfrache, 1887. These fragments contain vi.
ao-aj; vii. i-ai ; viii. 1^-38; ix. 7-33 ; xi. 31-36; xiL 1-9.
The reader may be reminded that the Pcshitto Syriac was certainly carrrnt
much in its present form early in the fourth century. How much earlier
than this it was in use, and what amount of change it had previously under-
gone, are questions still being debated. In any case, there is no other form
of the Version extant for the Pauline Epistles.
The Harclean Syriac (- 'syr. pTosterior] ' Tisch.. •hi.1 \VH.) b a re-
cension made bv the Monophysite Thomas of Harkhel or Heraclea in 616
A D., of the older Philoxenian Version of 508 A. D., which for this pan
of the N.T. is now lost A special importance attaches to the readings,
sometimes in the text but more often in the margin, which appear to be
derived from • three (v. 1. two) approved and accurate Greek copies ' in the
monastery of the Enaton near Alexandria (WH. Introd. p. 156 f).
The Gothic Version is also definitely dated at about the middle of the
fourth century, and the Armenian at about the middle of the fifth. The dates
of the two Egyptian Versions and of the Lthiopic are still uncertain
ivener, Introd. ii. 105 f., 154, ed. 4). It is of more importance to know
that the types of text which they represent are in any case early, the
Egyptian somewhat the older.
The abbreviations in references to the Patristic writings are such as it is
hoped will cause no difficulty (but see p. ex).
(2) Internal Grouping of Author Hits. The most promising and
successful of all the directions in which textual criticism is being
pursued at this moment is that of isolating comparatively small
groups of authorities, and investigating their mutual relations and
origin. For the Pauline Epistles the groups most affected by
recent researches are NB ; N«H, Arm., Euthal., and in less degree
a number of minuscules ; D [E] F G.
MB,
The proofs seem to be thickening which connect these two great MSS.
with the library of Ensebius and Pamphilns at Caesarea. That is a view
which has been held for some time past (e.g. by the late Canon Cook,
Knistd Version of the First Three Gotfels, p. 159 ff. ; and Dr. Scrivener,
Collation of Cod. Sinaiticus, p. xxxvii f ), but without resting upon any very
solid arguments. And it roust always be remembered that so excellent
a palaeographer as Dr. Ceriani of Milan (ap. Scrivener, Introd. i. lai. ed. 4}
thought that B was written in Italy (Magna Graccia;, and that Dr. Hort
f*
\h 7-
also ghrea tome reasoas for ascribing an Italian origin to AC arc
however confronted by the fact that there is a distinct probability that both
scribes. It was first pointed out by Tischendorf (fi «ac, 1867,
i ). oo grounds which seem to be sufficient, that the witter whom
It was first pointed out by Tischendorf (M T.
;oo grounds which Mem to be wfi
the ' fourth scribe ' of K wrote also the N.T. poi
were not written in the same place had atjeast in part the same
he calls the ' fourth scribe ' of K wrote also the N.T. portion of B. And, as
it has been said, additional arguments are becoming available for connecting
:> at Caesarea (see Rr: .smttry, p. ;
essay of Bousset referred to I -
The frovtHantt of K would only carry with it approximately and not
exactly that of R The conditions would be satisfied if it were possible, or
not difficult, for the same scribe to have a hand in both. For instance, the
hat K had would not be inconsistent with the
tttafly to the same region. But when Herr Bousset goes further and
tains that the text of B represents the recension of Hesy chins ', that is another
matter, and as it seems to us, at least prim* f*ei*. by no means probable.
The text of B must needs be older than the end of the third century, which is
the date assigned to 1 Icsychius. If we admit that the MS. may be Egyptian.
it i* only as one amongst several possibilities. Nothing can as yet be
regarded as proved.
Apart from such external data as coincidences of handwriting which con-
nect the two MSS- as they have come down to us there can be no doubt that
they had also a common ancestor far back in the past The * -
agreement carries does not depend on the independence of their testi-
mony so much as upon its early date. That the date
readings is in fact extremely early appears to be proved by the nun.
readings in which they differ, these divergent readings being shared not by
any means always by the same but by a great variety of other atitl.
this variety it may be inferred that between the point of divergence
of the ancestors of the two MSS. and the actual MSS. the fortunes of each
, had been quite distinct Not only on a single occasion, but on a number of
successive occasions, new strains of text have been introduced on one or
other of the lines. K especially has received several side streams in the
course of its history, now of the colour which we call ' Western ' and now
• Alexandrian'; and B also (as we shall see) in the Fa <••» has
a clear infusion of Western readings. It is possible that all these may have
come in from a single copy ; but it is leas likely that all the •
all the 'Alexandrian* readings which are found in K had a s
Indeed the history of K since it was written doet but reflect the history of
- only to suppose the corrections of K* embodied in
the text of one MS., then those ot M rte 1 in the margin and then
embodied in the teit of a succeeding MS., then th< % third and
R«* in a fourth, to form a mental picture of the process by which our present
MS. became what it is. It remains for to rrconstn
process, to pick to pieces the different elements of which the
MS. consists, to arrange them in their order and detctm.ne their affinities.
. doubtless be carried further than it has been.
Arm , Euthsl.
A number of scholars working on K have thrown oat suggestions which
would tend to group together these auth«
some further connexion with KB. TheM- .
1 A similar view is held by Corsv irds the modern text based on
K II a
Jakrkttmdtrtt(p€r Cyfria*iukt Ttxt d. Aft* Afottohrum, Berlin, 1893, p. 24).
Ixix
caid, not extant for Romans" bears upon itt face the trace* of it* connexion with
the library of Caesarca, as the subscription to Ep. to Titos states expressly
that the MS. was corrected ' with the copy at Caesarea in the library of the
holy Pamphilos written with his own hand.' Now in June, 1893, Dr. Kemlel
Harris pointed out a connexion between this MS. H Paul, and Euthalios
(Mtc hornet ry. p. 88). This bad alto been noticed by Dr. P. Consen in the
second of the two programmes cited below (p. u). Early in 1894 Herr
\V. lloujuct brought out in Gebhardt and Hamack's Text* m. L'n.'er
ntekuKgt* a series of Ttxt-kntiuht Studun turn M 7*., in the course of
which (without any concert with Dr. Kendel Harris, but perhaps with
tome knowledge ot Corssen) he not only adduced further evidence of this
connexion, but also brought into the group the third corrector of M (1C*).
A note at the end of the Book of Esther said to be by his hand speak*
in graphic terms of a MS. corrected by the Hexapla of Oiigen, com-
paied by Antoninus a confessor, and corrected by Pampbilns ' in prison '
(\. e. just before his death in the persecution of Diocletian). Attention had
often been drawn to this note, but Herr Bousaet was the first to make the
full use of it which it deserved. He found on examination that the presump-
tion raised by it was verified and that there was a real and close connexion
between the readings of K* and those of H and Euthalius which were inde-
pendently associated with Pamphilus1. Lastly, to complete the series of
novel and striking observations, Mr. F. C. Conybeare comes forward in the
current number of the Journal of Philology (no. 46, 1895) and maintains
a further connexion of the group with the Armenian Version. These
researches are at present in full swing, and will doubtless lead by tiuutm
to more or less definite results. The essays which have been mentioned
all contain some more speculative matter in addition to what has been
mentioned, but it is also probable that they have a certain amount of solid
nucleus. It is only just what we should have expected. The library
founded by Pamphilus at Caesarea was the greatest and most famous of
all the book-collections in the early Christian centuries; it was also the
greatest centre of literary and copying activity just at the moment when
'unity received its greatest expansion; the prestige not only of
Eusebius and Pamphilus, but of the still more potent name (for some time
yet to come) of Ongen, attached to it It would have been strange if it bad
not been consulted from far and wide and if the influence of it were not felt
in many parts of Christendom.
D KG, Goth.
Not only is E a mere copy of D, but there is a very close relation between
K and G, especially in the Greek. It is not as yet absolutely determined
what that relation is. In an essay written in 1871 (reprinted in Light foot,
Biblical Essays, p. 33 1 ff.) Dr. Hort states his opinion that F Greek is a direct
copy of G, F Latin a Vulgate text partly assimilated to the Greek and with
intrusive readings from the Latin of G. Later (IntroJ, p. 150) he writes
that F is 'as certainly in its Greek text a transcript of G as E of D : if not
it is an inferior copy of the same immediate exemplar.' This second alterna-
i« the older view, adopted by Scrivener (Jntrod. p. 181. ed. 3) and
maintained with detailed arguments in two elaborate programmes by
Corssen (£//. fan/in. Codd. Aug. Botrn. Clarom., ib8; and 1889).
1 Since the above was written all speculations on the subject of Euthalius have
superseded by Prof. Armitage Robinson's admirable easay in Texts attd
, Both the text of Euthalins and that of the Codtx Pamfkili are
i to be as yet very uncertain quantities. Still it is probable that the authorities
on are really connected, and that there are elements in their text which
lay be traceable to Euthalius on the one hand and the Caesarean Library on
other.
Ixx EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [§ 7.
ire not rare that the ovation can Hill be regarded at settled in thi«
sense. aod rt's original view u not to be preferred. Dr. Cornea
admit* that there are tome phenomena which he cannot explain (1887.
Theae would (all naturally mto their place if K (ik U a copy of G ; aod the
argument* on the other ride do not teem to be decisive In any case it
should be remember*! are practically one witness aad
not two.
Cornea reached a number of other interesting conclusions. Examining
the common element bj showed that they were ultimately derived
from a single archetype (Z), and that this archetype was written ftr ttla tt
or in flautCT cot tttpood ing to the sense (sometimes called
<). as may be seen in the Palaeographical Society's facsimile
(ser. L pi. 63, 64). Here again we have another coincidence of inde-
pendent workers, for in 1891 Dr. Rendel Harris carrying farther a suggestion
of Rettig'. had thrown out the opinion, that not on Iv did the same system of
oolometry lie behind Cod. A Ew. (the other half, as we remember, of
.ul.j and D Ew. Act (Cod. Bezae, which holds a like place in the
Gospel and Acts to D Paul.), but that it also extended to the other
tant Uld.Latin MS. k (Cod. Bobiensis), and even to the Curetonian
— to which we suppose may now be added the Sinai palimpsest. If that
were so— and indeed without this additional evidence — Dr. Corssen probably
puts the limit too late when he says that such a MS. U not likely to have
been written before the time of St. Chrysoatom, or 407 A
Thus Dr. Conaen thinks that there arose early in the fifth century
a ' (Jraeco- Latin edition/ the 1-atin of which was more in agreement with
Victorious Ambrosiaster and the Spanish Sftftt/um. For the inter-connexion
of this group be adduces a striking instance from I C< and he
argues that the locality in which u arose was more probably lu
Africa. As to the place of origin we are more inclined to agree with him
than as to the date, though the S*tf*/*m contains an African e'.eme:
then points out that this Graeco-Latin edition hat affinities with the ( .
Version. The edition did not contain the Epistle t.
Epittle to the Romans in it ended at Rom. xv. 14 (see f 9 below); it was
.• ithout the doxology (Rom.
Dr. Conaen thinks that this Graeco-Latin edition has undergone some
correction in D by comparison with Greek MSS. and therefore that it is in
part more correctly preserved in G, which however in its turn can only be
used for reconstructing it with cam
.-. Corssen writes this sketch is suggestive and likely to be
fruitful, though we cannot express our entire agreement v <- only
regret that we cannot undertake here the systei; h certainly
le into the history of this gro
I mr::; : • ••!
poawblc the common archetype o: >v,l,tr the
ought to be made into the history of this group. Th- lines which it should
follow would be something of It should reconstruct as far as
peculiar element in both MSS. and distinguish between earlier a
readings. The instances in which the Greek has been conformed
will probably be found to be late and of little teal important •
peculiar and ancient readings in Gg should be carefully
studied. An opportunity might be found of testing more closely the hypo-
thesis propounded in $ 9 « -iuction. (iv) The relations of the
Gothic Version to the group should be determined as accurately as possible,
(v) The characteristics both of D and . fix; should be
DOM m I witt ::. iof< 0& BtMX I the OJ ! itin MSS, ol the Goeptfc
and Acts.
•:s//f to Romans. The textual
j>istles generally is inferior in interest to
§ 7.] THE TEXT Ixxt
that of the Historical Books of the New Testament When this is
said it is not meant that investigations such as those outlined above
are not full of attraction, and in their way full of promise. Any-
thing which throws new light on the history of the text will be found
in the end to throw new light on the history of Christianity. But
what is meant is that the textual phenomena are less marked, and
have a less distinctive and individual character.
This may be due to two causes, both of which have really been
at work. On the one hand, the latitude of variation was probably
never from the first so great ; and on the other hand the evidence
which has come down to us is inferior both in quantity and quality,
so that there are parts of the history — and those just the most
interesting parts — which we cannot reconstruct simply for want of
material. A conspicuous instance of both conditions is supplied
by the state of what is called the ' Western Text/ It is probable
that this text never diverged from the other branches so widely as
it docs in the Gospels and Acts; and just for that section of it
which diverged most we have but little evidence. For the oldest
forms of this text we are reduced to the quotations in Tertullian
and Cyprian. We have nothing like the best of the Old-Latin MSS.
of the Gospels and Acts ; nothing like forms of the Syriac Versions
such as the Curetonian and Sinaitic ; nothing like the Diatessaron.
And yet when we look broadly at the variants to the Pauline
•s we observe the same main lines of distribution as in the
rest of the N.T. A glance at the apparatus criticus of the Epistle
to the Romans will show the tendency of the authorities to fall
into the groups DEFG; N B ; NACLP. These really corre-
spond to like groups in the other Books : DEFG correspond
to the group which, in the nomenclature of Westcolt and Hort, is
called 4 Western ' ; N B appear (with other leading MSS. added) to
the line which they would call * Neutral ' ; N A C L P would
dude, but would not be identical with, the group which they call
Alexandrian.' The later uncials generally (with accessions every
and then from the older ranks) would constitute the family
h they designate as 'Syrian/ and which others have called
chene/ 'Byzantine,' ' Constantinopolitan,' or 'Ecclesiastical/
ption is taken to some of these titles, especially to the term
crn/ which is only retained because of its long-established
use, and no doubt gives but a very imperfect geographical descrip-
t the facts. It might be proposed to substitute names
suggested in most cases by the leading MS. of the group, but
generalized so as to cover other authorities as well. For instance,
we might speak of the 8-text (=' Western'), the p-text(=' Neutral'),
the a-text ( = ' Alexandrian '), and the t-text or a-text (=' Ecclesi-
astical 'or 'Syrian'). Such terms would beg no questions; they
would simply describe facts. It would be an advantage that the
l.STLK TO THE ROMANS [$ 7.
same term ' o-tcxt ' would be equally suggested by the 1<
Gospels and Acts, and in the Taulino Kj.i.silrs
' 0-tcxt,' while suggested by It. would car
a-text ' would recall equally
•:d '«-tcxt' or -Aould not
ut would only describe the undoubted
facts, i the text in question was :
the Church through' •. ! lie Ages, or th.it in its oldest form
it can be traced definitely to the region of Antioch and northern
Syria. It is certain that this text (alike for Gospels, Acts, and
s) appears in the fourth air md spread
-> to the debated point of its previous history nothing
would be cither affirmed or dei
If some such nomenclature a> this were adopted a further step might I e
taken by distinguishing the earlier and later stages of the same lex
V, ficc.. a1, <r*, &c. It would alto have to be noted that although
ran majority of cases the group would include the MS. from which it
took its name, still in some instances it would not include it. and it
even be ranged on the opposite side. This would occur most oft,
the a-text and A, but it would occur also occasionally with the B-text and
B (as conspicuously in Rom. xL 6).
t being the broad outlines of the distribution of authorities on the
Epistle to the Romans, we ask, What are its distinctive and in.
features T These are for the most pan shared with the rest of the 1
'.cs. One of the advantages which most of the oth
Romans is without : none of the extant fragments of Cod. 11 belong to it.
This deprives us of one important criterion ; but conclusions obtained for
the other Epistles may be applied to this. For instance, the student will
observe carefully the readings of K* and Ann. Sufficient note has unfor-
innately not been taken of them in the commentary, as the due was
the writer's hands when it was written. In this respect the reader :
asked to supplement it He should of course apply the new t
caution, and judge each case on its merits : only careful use can show to what
extent it is valid! When we consider the mixed origin of nearly all ancient
texts, sweeping propositions and absolute rules are seen to be out of
place.
The specific characteristics of the textual apparatus of Romans may be
said to be these : (i) the general inferiority in boldness and originality of the
c fact that there is a dis
B, which therefore when it is combined with authorities of the t>
type is diminished in value ; (iii) the consequent rise in importance of the
group K AC ; (iv} the exUtence of a few scattered readings either of B alone
or of B in comb one or two other authorities which have con-
siderable intrinsic probability and may be r
(i) The first must be taken with the reservations noted above. The
Western or R text has not it is true the bold and interesting variations which
are found in the Gotpels and Acts. It has none of the striking
poUtions which in those Books often bring In ancient and valu
That may be due mainly to the fact that the interpolations in question are
for the most part historical, an ! therefore would naturally be looked
af Books. In Ep. to Roman* the more important S-v
^lauon* but omissions (as e.g. in the Gospel of St. Lnke;
7] THE Ti bcxiii
these variants preserve some of the freedom of correction and paraphrase to
which we are accustomed elsewhere.
£. g. ill. 9 ri MtMvJjpyMi w«><f*cr ; D* G, Chrys. Orig.-lat aL : T« our ;
*po*xun<fa \ rel.
iv. 19 ov itartvbiotv DEFG, &c. Orig.-lat Epiph. Ambrstr. «/.:
•anroipcr K A H C &1.
V. 14 \m\ rovt Anapr^ayrat 6a, 63, 67**. Orig.-lat CodJ. Lot. a/.
Aug., Arobrstr. : M TOV» ^ AnapTijaavrat rel.
f> rov 6afdr« DEI G, CoJJ. af. Orig.-lat al. : d»o*u-<Jrr*t rel.
:> Katpj, 8ouA«vorr«f D* F G, CfcftV. Za/. a/, Micron, a/.
Orig.-laL Arabrstr. : ry Ki-p<V *ofA«««>rr«j /r/.
13 roTt /jr««ut TWT a-yiorv D*FG, CW</. a/. Theod. Me
Orig.-lat. I lil. Ambrstr. al.\ rail xP«^a«« T»" ^7^ «
two readings were perhaps due in the first instance to
errors of transcription.]
XT. 1 3 wiTjfKHfvpfau B F G : wXijpuaat rel.
aa voXA&m B D E F G : rd voAAa rr/.
31 topo+opia B D* F G, Ambrstr. : &<uorfa «/.
The most interesting aspect of this branch of the text is the history of its
antecedents as represented by the common archetype of D G. and even more
by the {xculiar clement in G. The most prominent of these reading* are
discussed below in § o, but a still further investigation of them in connexion
with allied phenomena in other Epistles is desirable.
(ii) It will have been seen that in the last three readings just given B joins
with the unmistakably Western authorities. And this phenomenon is in
point of fact frequently repeated. We have it also in the omission of
fvparror i. 16 ; om. yap in. a ; om. rf? *<<rr(i v. 2 ; *ins. /*«V vi. at ; &d rj
JrouroOr avrov llvtv^a viii. 1 1 (where however there is a great mass of other
authorities); *om. Irjaovt and *om. 4* tmtpwf viii. 34 ; i) 940^^*17 ix. 4; ins.
ovv ix. 19; 'uri after r«$/iov and •faura in&. after wturfuat x. 5 ; Jr [rots] x.
ao ; *om. yap xiv. 5 ; om. cvr, Amoowou, torn. rS> 6(4; xiv. 1 3 ; 'add ^ a«ay-
9oA/^«rcu ^ (Ifftfiycr xiv. a I ; y^as xv. 7; r^r [«ai/xi?<y«»'3 **• >7-
ts perhaps significant that in all the instances marked with * the group
:ied by N«. It may be through a cony related to the 'Codex Pam>
. ' that these readings came into B. We also note that the latest and
worst of all the readings found in B, the long addition in xi. 6 <l <) If ffyor
ov«/ri (om. iarl B) x««r ''<2 ri tpy°* ovittri tori x*l** (fie B; f/ryor a/.)
is shared by B with KCL. In the instances marked with f, and in xv. 13
wAipo^op^rcu. B agrees not with D but with G ; but on the other hand in
, 4 (om. 'Irjaovt) and in xv. 7 it agrees with D against G ; so that the
resemblance to the peculiar element in the latter MS. does not stand out
quite clearly. In the other instances both D and G are represented.
(iii) When Bthus goes over to the Western or 5-gronp the main support
of the alternative reading is naturally thrown upon K A C. This is a group
which outside the Gospels and Acts and especially in Past Epp. Heb. and
Apoc. (with or without other support) has not seldom preserved the right
reading. It becomes in fact the main group wherever B is not extant The
pal difficulty — and it is one of the chief of the not very numerous
textual difficulties in Romans — is to determine whether these MSS. really
retain the original text or whether their reading is one of the finer Alexan-
drian corrections. This ambiguity besets us (e.g.) in the very complex
attestation of viii. n. The combination is strengthened where KA are
joined by the Westerns as in iii. a8. In this instance, as in a few others,
they are opposed by DC, a pair which do not carry quite as much weight
in the Eputles as they would in the Gospels.
(iv) It may appear paradoxical, but the value of B seems to rise when
deserted by all or nearly all other uncials. Appearances may be
F.I ) THE ROMANS [5 7.
deceptive, bat there it not a little reason for thinking that the following
readings belong to the soundest innermost kernel of the MS.
i om. t
v. 6 •
5
J4 & ya^ /U«»*i, TII JXr
'n Ki>oi '«VoCf.
. . <.
xv. 10 nrcvparot without addition.
As all these readings have been discwaed mot* or lets folly in the
mentary, they need only be referred to bete. Two more readings
BOB : :• :.i! c lltni ll Hi
- 3 om. MI.
xvi. a; om. y.
They are however open to some suspicion of being corrections to ease the
construction. The quotion it whether or not they are valid exceptions to
le that the more difficult reading is to be preferred. Sn
there undoubtedly are ; and it is at least a tenable view that these are
among them.
Other singular, or subtfagntar, readings of B will be found in zv.
30, 3 a. But these are less attractive and less important.
§ 8. LITERARY HISTOI
The literary history of the Epistle to the Romans begins •
than that of any other book of the N.T. Not o learly
and distinctly quoted in the writings of the Apostolic Father
even within the N.T. canon there are very close resemblances both
in thought and language between it and at least three other books ;
these resemblances we must first consul
shall be. :le of St Peter. In the
following table the passages in which there is a similarity between
the two Epistles are compared :
Rom. ix. 35 coAfow rir o£ Xoor i Peter ii. 10 oi wort 06 Aaot, rw
JMV Aair pov, aa2 r^r alt* 1^70*17- W Aadr e«ow, oi o
Rom. ix. 31, 33 rfo<ri*ofav T? 6-S 'l&ov.
6ftftaroit
rov 9poa»6ftftaroit •oftLt Iio/r Xlfor dxpoyvntucv t
w viarivwr iw' avrj,
Aifor m peoit6ft(taTO9 *al wtr- oft jti) gar<uo xv*9y • . • ovrot
tit *i^aA^r TaWat, •«a«
06 «arai<rxvr07- Ai*of wpo9*6pitarot «aj wirpa
». ol »/>o<r «o FTOKTI rf
«oi
{•oar, ATW, «*da-
5
ror T* »«f , r^r Airy.^ Aar^iar V
V/MfC.
Rom x; i pt) <Tv<rxi7^art- i Pctrr i. 14 /i^ <ri
r? oia^i rovry. ^«roi Tai'r v^r«por jr rp tiyKix _i
§8.]
The following passages seem
thoughts and words :
Rom. xii. 3 dAAd fpw<:* tit rd
ffoi^poKfiV . . .
6 lxorr«t
LITERARY HISTORY Ixxv
to be modelled on St. Paul's
3 Jirdtrry At A e««)t
Cf. also Rom. xiii. 11-14; 8-10;
xii. 9, 13-
Rom. xii. 9 i) Ayavrj drvwl-
tpiroi . . . IO rp <piAa8tA4>if
Rom. xii. 16 rd avri «Ir dAAiJAow
fporovrrtr /i^ rd tyqAd
rovrro, dAAd roTf
•ap* iavrott.
17
drri «a«ov
vporoov/Mroi
18 «1
_£*.__. J-.fl
, rd
Cf. also vr. 9, 14.
Rom. xiii. i «d<
v»«p«Xovaoir {tworaaoioBw
ov -yap l<rriy ^owia <I ^ w»d « « o v,
al M ot<rai tnrJ 6«ov ~
«ia«V . . .
3«<
4 6«ov -yap
i<mr,
oOT wa<ri rdt
rdr ^$pof rdr ^opor, rf rd r/Aot
rd T«Ao», ry nir ^^^or T^r <p60or,
I Peter iv. 7-11 •drr«r 8< rd
•/r iavrovt dYav^r 4«rfr^ I \otrn.
ftri d-ydn; «aAvrr«i wA^or d/iaprtwr*
«/r dA A 17 A out, dV«v 7oyyv»
fia, «/f iairroit avri 0io«orowvr«fft
a/t /roAoi oUof6ftot woutiXip x dpi TO*
e«oi/' «f rit AoA«r, OK
nt 8ia«or«f, u/i
i Peter i. aj rdt
•4r«r...«fff ^iAa
«piror 4/r /rapJiaj
I Peter iii. 8, 9 rd W T/AOT. wdrrtt
Aoi8op<ar, rovvarrior
, 5n «/» rovro
«ai
rw d^atfuv*
«a«ov,
I Peter ii. 13-17
irg rriati 8id TAr Ki/pior,
rt 6»f/>« xofn, «fr«
, a« 8«' ourov v«/*vo/Urotr «/t
irajrovcxwr iwatvov U
. . . vdrrar
Although equal stress cannot be laid on all these passages the
resemblance is too great and too constant to be merely acci-
dental. In i Pet. ii. 6 we have a quotation from the O.T. with
the same variations from the LXX that we find in Rom. ix. 32
(see the note). Not only do we find the same thoughts, such as
the metaphorical use of the idea of sacrifice (Rom. xii. i ; i Pet.
ii. 5), and the same rare words, such as (rwrx^/ianfratfai, dmnrd-
r, but in one passage (Rom. xiii. 1-7; i Pet. ii. 13-17) we
Ixxvi EPISTLE T< [J 8.
have what must be accepted at conclusive evidence, the same ideas
same order. Nor can there be any doubt that of
the two the Kj.istlc to the Romans is the earlier. St. Paul works
out a thesis clearly and logically; St. Peter gives a series of
maxims for which he is largely indebted to S: r < x.imj.le,
in Rom. xiii. 7 we have a broad general principle
St. Peter. • 'ut-nced by the phraseology of that passage,
merely gives three rules of conduct In Su Paul the language
and ideas come out of the sequence of thought; in St.
they are adopted because they had already been used for the same
I relation between the two Epistles is supported by
independent evidence. The same relation vi
rst Epistle of Su Peter and th .ins is also
found to exist between it and the Epistle to the Ephesians, and
the same hypothesis harmonizes best with t it case
also. The three Epistles are all connected ;e: one of
them being written to tl e other two in all prol
being written from it. We cannot perhaps be quite cert
to the date of I Peter, but it must be earlier than the Aj
Fathers who quote it ; while it in its turn quotes as we see a
two Epistles of St. Paul and these the most important,
notice that these conclusions harmonize as f.i:
view taken in § 3, that St. Peter was not the founder of the Roman
Church and had not visited it when the Epistle to the Romans was
written. In ea history arguments are rarely concl
and the even partial coincidence of different lines of investigation
adds greatly to the strength of each*
The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews again was pro
indebted to the Romans, the resemblance betwe<
. Jeb. xi. 1 1 is very close and has been brought out in the
notes, while in Rom. xii. 19. Hcb. x. 30, we have the same
passage of Deuteronomy qu the same marked
gences from the text tin it.-df con
evidence; there may have been an earlier form of the version
fact there are strong grounds for thinking so; bu: the
hypothesis that the author of the Hebrews used the i
mplest. We again notice that the Hcbr.
a book closely connected with the Roma:
its early use in that Church, and if it were, as is possible, v
from Rome or Italy its indebtedness to this Epistle would be
accounted for. The two passages referred to are quoted below ;
and, although no other passages resemble one an
to be quoted, yet it is quite conceivable tl. -f the
words and phrases in
have been om an acquaii. :le.
LITERARY HISTORY
Ixxvii
The passages referred to are the following :
Rom. iv. 17-91 KaTtvarri ov Im't- llcb. xi. II, I a wfor«t«a}<
ortvat 0«ov rov £a»wo«ovrrot TOVT 8vro/iir tit *ora£oA^r
r««/>ovr . . . ital /*i) datfirijaof rp iAa£<r «ai vapd taupiar
viarn xarttwjat TO 4avrov ow/ia viarur ^y^aaTo Tuf
i^ov; vtvtKfttftivov (4«arofra<n7t JMW otd «o2 d^' 4»>of
TOV v*d^yair),«o2r4»' »>4«p«vffir r^t «ai ravra r«r««^«>«^rov . . .
^rjrpat Jeppar tit 8i »V 4*07* 19 Ao7i<rd/Mi'OT 81
7«Atar rov 0<ov ov onxpi&rj rp Iftiptur o war tit A
d».<7Ti>, dAA'
Rom. xii. 19
Heb. x. 30
i«8.'»,<r,t,
When we pass to the Epistle of St. James we approach a much
more difficult problem. The relation between it and the Epistle
to the Romans has been often and hotly debated; for it is
a theological as well as a literary question. The passages which
resemble one another in the two Epistles are given at length by
Prof. Mayor in his edition of the Epistle of St. James, p. xciii, who
I strongly in favour of the later date of the Romans. The
following are among the most important of these ; we have not
thought it necessary to repeat all his instances :
Rom. it
8id dva
wt A itpivw
»>6pwwt
K pi rut ri)r trtpov, atavrbv «ara
yd fap avrd wpaaatit
«T. 2 James IT. 1 1 ^ •araAaA«<*r«
AO/K, do«A^o/. o«araAaA£r
moiwv TUK d£<A03r ai/rov, «araAaA«~
i, *ai Kpivti ropo*' «f 8i rd/tor «^>i-
Rom. ii. 13 ov T^fl o/ d/rpoara) James i. a
&IMUOI »apd [Ty ] 6<f dAA' w A^TOV, «a2 >i^
I
Rom. iv. I rlovvlpovfjHr <vpi)«<irat
'ABpadp Tcif vpovdropa i}/**"
irord capita ;
t
Rom. T. 3-5 «avx<v/*«ta ir roTr
. <OoV«f Sn i) 0AiVit vvo-
dxpoaral mapa*
ai
OVK If
Rom. iv. ao fit 8* tip InyytMar
rov Ocov ov tuttpidrj rp
dAA'
avrov
James i. 6 a*r«irou 8i Iv wlortt
uucp(r
/our*
James i. a-^ wdtrco'
or wtipaanotf wiptwi<rrjT«
W 4Avit ov •ara49xv*r«»
row e«ov <««« xvrai.
vvo/iori) /p7or
r«A«io«.
• The LXX of Deut naii. 35 reads 4r
<rovt ovr£r.
«'««unj<y«ai d^rowoo^rw, 5ror
Ixx . EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [§ 8.
Rom. vii. a 3 **<»• W Jr./wr r*>* J«ro« IT. i
if TM'I pJA«<ri /«ov. drnerpa- p4j(«< '" ^"*
r«vo'>j«ror TV rljif row root jiov, jici At' ip£r rfir
«0J alx,«aA«mCorra JM Jr r« r<$^ y^t T«I jilA « <r
djtfpriaf rf orri ir TMI ^«'A.<ri ^v.
Rom. xiit. u <Uo0«^.*a olr Jamet I. ai 4vo04^«roi vfirar
rov <r«oroirt, <rfc»Ai|i«Oa M finrnftv cd mt/HOoiiav nttias Ir
may be expressing an excessive scepticism, but these resem-
s seem to us hardly close enough to be convincing, and the
priority of SL James cannot be proved. The problem of literary
indebtedness is always a delicate one ; difficult to find
a definite objective standpoint ; and writers of competence draw
< conclusions from the same facts. In order to
our sceptical attitude we may point out that resemblances
roseoJogy between two Chris: s do not necessarily
imply literary connexion. The contrast between acpoorrn' and no^rai
was not made by either St. Paul or St. James for the first time ;
metaphors like Oyravpi&u, expressions like /r jp/pf opy^t compared
with «V i7M,'pa a^ay^ (both occur in the O.T.), the phrase *JM<*
<\<v6<plat might all have independent sources. Nor are
any passage* where we find the same order of thought (as in
i Peter) or the same passage of the O.T. quoted with the same
ons— cither of which would form stronger evidence. The
resemblance is closest in Rom. v. 3-5 = James i. 2-4 and in
Rom. vii. 23 = James iv. i, but these are nit them-
selves to establish a case.
Again, if we turn to the polemical passages, we may admit
that • Paul betrays a consciousness that Abraham had been
as an example of works and endeavours to show that the
Xoytfouu is inconsistent with this.' I Jut the contn
been carried on elsewhere than in these writings, and it is equally
probable that both alike may be dealing wr Mem as it
came before them for discussion or as : .critcd from the-
schools of the Rabbis (see further the note on p. 102).
we may add, no marked resemblance in style in the controversial
passage fu: . would be the necessary result of <!
ie same subject-matter. There is not);
obligation on the pan of either Epistle to the other or to
the priority of either. The two Epistles wer. So the same
small and growing commune.- ned or created
a phraseology of its
nence. It is quite possible that the Epistle of
SL James deals with the same controversy as does t!
Romans; it n. possibly be directed against
:ig or the leaching :!'• followers; but there is no
{ 8.] LITERARY HISTORY Ixxix
proof that either Epistle was written with a knowledge of the
oihrr. There are no resemblances in style sufficient to prove literary
connexion.
One other book of the N.T. may just be mentioned. If the
doxology at the end of Jude be compared with that at the end of
Romans it is difficult to believe that they are quite independent
It may be that they follow a common form derived from Jewish
doxologies, but it is more probable that the concluding verses of
the Romans formed a model which was widely adopted in the
i. in Church. We certainly seem to find doxologies of the
same type as these two in i Clem.-Rom. Ixiv, Ixv. a ; Mart. Polyc.
xx ; it is followed also in Eph. iii. 20. The resemblance in form
of the doxologies may be seen by comparing them with one
another.
Rom. xvi. 35-27 r£ 9) 8wra- Jude 34, 1$ rf 8)
pivy Ipat orrjpi^ai . . . itvvy <pv\aj<u fy*d» drraiaroi/r, «a2 arijoai
owtf &<$, ltd 'ITJ oov \ptorov, . . . ditvuovt . . . plr?
[$] ^ 8«^a « Jr rovt alwrat. 4)nS», 8td 'lijoov Xpior
i}/*£r, tu(a, /iryaAwovn?, itparot
t(ow}ia, rpA wayr^t rot; alvvot ml
«a2 <if vdrraf roitf aiwrat.
When we enter the sub-apostolic age the testimony to the use
of the Epistle is full and ample. The references to it in Clement of
Rome are numerous. We can go further than this, the discus-
sions on mVm and dtcauxrv*^ (see p. 147) show clearly that Clement
used this Epistle at any rate as a theological authority. Bishop
Lightfoot has well pointed out how he appears as reconciling and
combining four different types of Apostolic teaching. The Apostles
belong to an older generation, their writings have become subjects
of discussion. Clement is already beginning to build up, however
inadequately, a Christian theology combining the teaching of the
ni writers of an earlier period. If we turn to Ignatius'
what will >tiikc us is that the words and ideas of the Apostle
have become incorporated with the mind of the writer. It is not
so much that he quotes as that he can never break away from
the circle of Apostolic ideas. The books of the N.T. have given
him his vocabulary and form the source of his thoughts. Polycarp
quotes more freely and more definitely. His Epistle is almost
a o-iito of N.T. passages, and among them are undoubted quota*
tions from the Romans. As the quotations of Polycarp come from
Rom., i Cor., a Cor., Gal., Eph., Phil., i Tim., a Tim., it is
diOkult not to believe that he possessed and made use of a collec-
tion of the Pauline Epistles. Corroborative evidence of this might
be found in the desire he shows to make a collection of the letters
of Ignatius. He would be more likely to do this if he already pos-
•ested collections of letters ; and it is really impossible to maintain
txxx
[58.
that the Ignatian letters were formed into one collection before
those of St. Paul had been. Assuming then, as we are enti
do, that the Ajx.stohc Fathers represent the first quarter of the
second cm i pisue to the Romans at th.it time
widely read, treated as a standard authority on Apostolic teaching,
and taking its place in a collection of Pauline letters.
The following are quotations and reminiscences of the Epistle
in Clement of Rome :
Rom. i. ai
r«rot oftrwr
Rom. \\. 14
8*' t><ai
4 d<rt Ocm. 36 fct
4 4<7.
Clem. 51
otrwr
Rom. IT. 7 •• Ma.a^.o,
trjoar al dro/iiai «al
• aAi/f *ij<rar. aJ
8
•yd* oVo/ia row Clem. 47 aVr« m
4r J».^>o-«a< rf orojiar* K»pW lid
ov
Gem. 50
ioav al
al
?o /ia«afiap<}r our o&rot
r*r »»P«T«>^r; * «aj id r$r
ir
>ia
J 06 M^ Xo^/tf IJTOI Kv«iet
n'ar. oW^<mr ir r£ <rr£m
avrov WAot. otrot i jia«ai<*ji«t
Rom. rt I T! ovr j/>o£fi«r;
,9, tro 4
Clem. 33 rf eSr
oJ; a>ri«a.r d.d r^f
«a/^> roCro 4dmu 4
Rom. i. 19
* «<T, :n. 35 dwo^'faxr.r d*'
,flMMo, va<rar d8i«lar «a2 dVofu'ar,
r«^'ar, f^cir,
dXa(orat.
T« col dXafor«iar,
•
ravra -yd^ oi
wA«o-
r« ca2
«ara-
a»'(
r«
TOW, fl<Ti^w< TOVT t o^T^^^fovf . ojf A€^* <r o p T 4 f ^ vin^^ui TV V4v vwitfj^ov^if*
ofrir«t, rd &«aMrMa TOV e«e« oft /i^ror M ol wpao#orT«i aura.
L ort ol rd roiavra dXXd col ol «»r«v8o«evrr«t aftraTf.
Rom. ix. 4, 5 **...*
M2 al
card «ap«a.
^MlY VVtMlT9PVM9 w999Umw9* IB
Clem. 31 i/ avroi;
Anwnu •arr«t ol
tlMl&fTHftqf TOV 0MV*
•ftnMhf*'
^r« «ord Tor laOv,
Clem. 61 a^, Wirwora, Ik
Ajiir rfr
I/far -..>
^ . .
LI'II.KAKY HISTORY
1 x x x i
rp rov
8«
forrcu.
lavrott
trrott,
r< oov.
References in the letters of Ignatius are the following :
Rom. i. 3 row ftropivov If ovtp-
/wrof Ao^lfl «ord odpxa. rou
Smyr. I
Aa&ld *ard a apt a,
Rom. ii. 34.
Rom. in. 37 wow owV 1} ,
Rom. vi. 4 o0rw «u2
Rom. vi. 5 ; viii. 17, 39.
Rom. vi. 17 «Ji 6V
rvvov
Cf. Trail. 8 (both quote O. T.).
18 wow xaisx*?*" TWT Aryo-
(Close to a quotation of I Cor. i. ao.)
*'
Eph. 19 6«OW
pivov tit /rairvTifra dlfiiov
Mag. 5 ««' o5
fvw^Mr TO civotfaxftV <i> T<) avrot/
wd^oj, T^ {qr avrov oint tonv i»> jJ/uV.
Trail. 9 /cord TU u/iotwpa if «a2 ^pd«
a» our
war^p avrou IK X. 1., ow X"/**
dA^^tfur ^ ot* l\optr.
Mag. 6 <
Rom. vii. 6 £<rr< oovA«v«ir ^di
«aivuri7ri wy<v/MTOf «ai ov vaAojo-
yTi 7pd^i/iarof.
n viii. ii u lyiipat X. T
r««parK.
Rom. ix. 33 <r««i/i7 U«ovr A »po-
Mag. 9 ol JK roAcuotir
t tit KCUV^TIJTB,
Rom. xiv. 17 ov yap ianv j
/3aaiA«m row 6<ov Qpwatt gal
Trail. 9
vtxpwy, iytipafrot aurJv rot/
warpts avTuv.
Eph. 9 wporjTMnaonbot tit olto-
lo^v e«oi; irar/ifa.
Trail, a ov
VOTUJV
ga
xv. 5 T(i cwTd $ poruY Jr Eph. I 6> <t/xo>uu »aTd *L X. t/«ai
i «ard X. 1. d'yarai', gal wdxrat w/*dt awry Jr d/imv*
TIJTI «7reu.
The following resemblances occur in the Epistle of Polycarp :
Rom. vi. 13 gal rd fu'Ai; ir/jor Pol. 4 4wAiao;/i<0a rpfr £wAoif
Rom. xiii. 13
rd 2vAa rov ipttrot.
Rom. xii. 10 T?
y dAA^Aovv
Rom. xili. 8 <J -ydp
lr«por rJ/ior
»iv ro>
Pol. 10 fraternitatis amatores
:fft invictm, in veritatc social j,
mansuetndinem Domini alltrutri
ftatstoiantes, nullum despicientes.
Pol. 3 idr 7<ip Tit Tovrvr irr«k p
•ydp lx«ur d^d vi^x ftagpaf i<rrtr waffifl
B
-NS [$ 8.
Root. xiv. 10 »arr«t f&p wapa- Pol. 6 *al vdrrat 8«f vapa-
<rri704p«fa ry £q/jar< row* 6«ov orijrai T* £qpan rov Xptarov,
*<U fcaaror inip iavrov A
Jj<fpa [ovr] f«a<rror i)p£r w«pj 0o£ra«.
Javrov A^or 0<va«i* Lrf <*£]'.
It is hardly worth while to give evidence in detail from later
authors. We find distinct reminiscences of the Romans in Ar
and in .:crcsting also is the evidence
heretical writers quoted by Hippolytus in the Rtfulatio omnium
hatraium ; it would of course be of greater value if we cou
< rtainty the date of the documents he makes use of.
find quotations from the Epistle in writings ascribed to the Naas-
scnes *, the Valentinians of the Italian school4, and to BasileidesT.
In the last writer the use made of Rom. 19, 22
is exceedingly curious and interesting.
If we turn to another direction we find interesting evidence of
a kind which has not as yet been fully considered or estimated.
The series of quotations appended from the Testament of the
Twelve Patriarchs can hardly be explained on any other hypo-
thesis than that the writer was closely acquainted with the 1
to the Romans. This is not the place to enter into t
critical questions which have been or ought to be raised concern-
ing that work, but it may be noticed here —
That the writer makes use of a considerable number of
books of the N. T. The resemblances are not confined to the
writings of St. Paul.
(a) That the quotations occur over a very considerable portion
of the book, both in passages omitted in some MSS. and in
passages which might be supposed to belong to o!
The book is probably older than the time of Tcrtullian,
while the crude character of the Christology would suggest a con-
siderably earlier date.
Rom. L 4 TOW JptfftJrrot rio£ 6*a9 Tot LerL 18 «o2 *r«v/<a
Jr two/Mi card wriv/ia Afto*- o \ivijt f<mu 4»* a&roit.
Rom. ii. 13 06 rip of Ajtpcaral Test. Ater. 4 ol t&p d-yalal dV8p«f
wapa ry e«y. . di«aio«' <iot vopd
tern MM) Syrian.
• d»ott<r«.
:n. iL 4 - Dial. 47 ; Ro- - Dial. 33 ;
Rom. i 44 ; Ron , - Dial. 3. Uom. x. 18 -
Apol. t. 40 .- . 3 - Dial 39.
76 - Rom. i. 10-26
jso. 9-10 • ti.
370. 80 - Rom. 1 id. p. 368. 75 - Ron
Rom. T. 6 In ftp X/xorot
vwv In «ard •ai/wr
\KV HISTORY
Test Bcnj. 3
Ixxxiii
Rom. \i i
Rom. vi. 7 &
8«8i«ai«7ai d»d TIJI dpapriar.
Rom. vii. 8 d^op/ii)* 2) AafloCaa
^ dpapTta 8<d rift JrroAqt *a-
ritpyAaaro Ir J/*oj wa<ra> info/iiar.
Rom. viii. 28 oi3a»j«y 82 &n rofi
u-ya»<i<Tc rdx Hiuf wdrra <rvf*
• PV1 «/t d-yaflu*'.
Rom. ix. 21 ^ od« f\«i ifovaiav
«> ««pa/*«i>r row *t;Xov. «« TOW aw-
rov <pupnfM7at woifpai 6 /Ur «/t n/i^r
<;«« Cot, &
Test. Levi.
immvovOi* Iv rait otuuatt.
Test. Sym. 6
r^v d/io^r/
Test Neph. 8 «ai «wo IrroXal
<iaf ml tt rtiivwrcH \v rafti avrarr,
Test. Bcnj. 40 dYa0
rur O«ox
Tcit.Ncph.
Rom. xii. I wapaarjjaai ra owpara
vnaiv Ovaia* faca*, by lav,
p<« o^wa«j«i' TOW
fu
3
motti TM
8) Kvpiy
Rom. xii. a I f«^ Ki«i wr<i rov nuov,
Rom. xiii. 12 dvoftv/j«0a owf
Ip^a TOW <r«orovr, l»^vao/fM0o
rd 5«Aa TOW tfxurut.
Rom. xv. 33 o 8) e«ut T
tipijVIJI /l«Td WaVTO/K V/MUT.
Rom. xvi. 30 <J 8i e«ot r^t «^
ov*Tpi\}ti TUK ZaTayay vvd T
w^aj v^y b TQX«I.
Test Beoj.
*a TU «a«of.
Test. Ncph. a OWT«WT owoi ir a««T€i
voiijacu tpya <potr6t.
Test. Dan. 5 l^orr** rwr B«u
rrjt.
Test Aser. 7 «tu
8T
So far we have had no direct citation from the Epistle by name.
Although Clement refers expressly to the First Epistle to the
Corinthians, and Ignatius may refer to an Epistle to the Ephesians,
neither they nor Polycarp, nor in fact any other writer, expressly
ns Romans. It is with Marcion (c. 140) that we obtain
our first direct evidence. Romans was one of the ten Epistles
he included in his Aposlolicon, ascribing it directly to St. Paul.
avc we any reason to think that he originated the idea of
making a collection of the Pauline Epistles. The very fact, as
X.ihn points out, that he gives the same short titles to the Epistles
that we find in our oldest MSS. (*pot pM^o/ow) implies that these
: ormed part of a collection. Such a title would not be
nt unless the books were included in a collection which had
a distinguishing title of its own. In the Apostolicon of Marcion the
Kpistles were arranged in the following order: (i)Gal., (2) i Cor.,
Cor, (4) Rom., (5) i Thess., (6) 2 Thess., (7) Laodic. =
(8) Col., (9) Phil., (10) Philem. The origin of this
Ixxxiv I. TO THE ROMA [$ 8.
arrangement we cannot conjecture with any certainty ; but it may
—the Galatians— is the < ;
irily rested his case and in which the ant;-
.ul is most prominent, while the four Epistle* of the
•<-• grouped together at the conclusion. Anotl.
ing point is the text of the Epistles used by Marcion. We need
not stop to discuss the question whether the charge against Marcion
of excising large portions of the Epistles is correct. That he did
undoubted. In the Romans particularly he omitted chaps.
r, x. s-xi. 32; xv.-xvi. Nor
again can we doubt that he omitted and altered short passages in
order to harmonize the teaching with his own. For instai
x. a, 3 he seems to have read oynoofrrwr *w rfo e«u». Both these
statements must be admitted. But two further questions remain :
Can we in any case arrive at the text of the J
Marcion, and lias Marcion's text influenced the variations of our
MSS. ? An interesting reading from this point of view is the omis-
sion of wp*ro» in i. 1 6 (see the notes, p. 24). Is this a case where
his reading has influenced our MSS., or does he preserve an early
variation or even the original text ?
need not pursue the history of the Epistle further. Frc •:
time of Irenaeus onwards we have full and complete citations in
all the Church writers. The Epistle is recognized as being by
ul, is looked upon as canonical ', and is a groundwork of
theology.
One more question remains to be discussed— its \ !
collection of St Paul's Epistles. According to the
fragment on the Canon the Epistles of St. Paul were ea
into two groups, those to churches and those to ; and
this division permanently influenced the arrangement in the Canon.
accounting of course incidentally for the varying place occuj
the Epistle to ti. *. It is with the former groi
we are concerned, and here we find that there i-
i the order. Speaking roughly the earlier lists a.,
the Epistle to the Romans at the end of the collec
lists, as for example the Canon of the received text, plac
the beginning.
For the earlier list our principal evidence is the Mura
fragment on the Canon : cum t'pse btatus apostolus Paulus, stquens
prodtttssoris sui lohannis ordintm, nonnisi nominatim s<;
.':: aJC\f
id Colossensa (quar :
Tlussalcm ad Romanes (sfptimd). Nor dot
.nek's theory that the i tic* had at the close
•eeood century ICM canonical authority than the Got pelt, tee Sanday. /
Ltd.- 66.
§9.] IVlT.r.KITY l.KXXV
stand alone. The same place apparently was occupied by Romans
in the collection used by Tertullian, probably in that of Cyprian.
It is suggested that it influenced the order of Marcion, who per-
lups found in his copy of the Epistles Corinthians standing first,
\\hile the position of Romans at the end may be implied in
a passage of Origen.
The later order (Rom., Cor., Gal., Eph., Phil, Col., Thcss.) is
that of all writers from the fourth century onwards, and, with the
rxception of changes caused by the insertion of the Epistle to the
I lebrews, and of certain small variations which do not affect the
point under discussion, of all Greek MSS., and of all MSS. of
Versions. This widespread testimony implies an early date. But
the arrangement is clearly not traditional. It is roughly based on
the length of the Epistles, the Romans coming first as being the
longer.
The origin of the early order is by no means clear. Zahn's
conjecture, that it arose from the fact that the collection of Pauline
I'.pistlcs was first made at Corinth, is ingenious but not conclusive,
Clem. Rom. 47, which he cites in support of his theory, will
hardly prove as much as he wishes *.
To sum up briefly. During the first century the Epistle to the
Romans was known and used in Rome and perhaps elsewhere.
During the first quarter of the second century we find it forming
part of a collection of Pauline Epistles used by the principal Church
writers of that lime in Antioch, in Rome, in Smyrna, probably also
in Corinth. By the middle of that century it had been included in
an abbreviated form in Marcion's Apostolic on \ by the end it appears
to be definitely accepted as canonical
§ 9. INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLE.
The survey which has been given of the literary history of the Epistle to
the Romans makes it perfectly clear that the external evidence in favour of its
early date is not only relatively but absolutely very strong. Setting aside
doubtful quotations, almost every Christian writer of the early pan of the
second century makes use of it; it was contained in Marcion's canon; and
when Christian literature becomes extensive, the quotations are almost
numerous enough to enable us to reconstruct the whole Epistle. So strong
is this evidence and so clear are the internal marks of authenticity that the
Epistle (with the exception of the last two chapters of which we shall speak
presently) has been almost universally admitted to be a genuine work of
was accepted as such by Banr, and in consequence by all members
of the Tubingen school ; it is accepted at the present day by critics of every
of opinion, by Hilgcnfcld, Holtzmann, Weizsickcr, Lipsius. liarnack,
as definitely as by those who are usually classed as conservative.
1 On this subject see Zahn, Gtschuktt, &<x, U. p. 344.
Ixx EI'ISTI IE ROMA [$ 9.
To this general acceptance there have been few exceptions. The r
who denied the genuineness of the Epistle appears to have been •
.- ). The arguments on which be relied are mainly ht
inpiies the existence of a Church in Rome, but we know from the
Acts that no >uch Church existed. Equally impossible is it t
should hare known such a number of persons in Rome, or that Aqnila
and Priscilla should have been there at this time. He interact* XM. i..
literally, and asks why the aged mother of the Apostle should have wandered
to Rome. He thinks that si. ia, 15, ai. aa must have been written a:
The same them was maintained by Bruno Bauer*, and
has been revived at the present day by certain Dutch and Swiss theologians,
notably Loman and Steck.
Loman (1883) denied the historical reality of Christ, and considered that all
the Pauline Epistles dated from the second century. Christianity itself was the
embodiment of certain Jewish ideas. St. Paul was a real person who lived at
the time usually ascribed to him. but he did not write the Epistles which bear
his name. That be should have done so at such an early period in the history
t Unity would demand a miracle to account for its history ; a r
which we need not trouble ourselves to refute. Loman 's arguments appear to
be the silence of the Acts, and in the case of the Romans the inconsistency of
the various sections with one another ; the differences of opinion which ha
with regard to the composition of the Roman Church prove (he argues) that
there is no clear historical situation implied •. Steck (i 888) has devoted himself
primarily to the I j istlc to the Galatians which he condemns as inconsistent
with the Acts of the Apostles, and as dependent upon the other leading Epistle*,
but be incidentally examines these also. All alike he puts in the second
century, arranging them in the following order :— Romans, I Corinthians,
a Corinthians, Galatians. All alike are he says built up under the influence of
Jewish and Heathen writers, and he finds passages in the Romans borrowed
from Philo, Seneca, and Jewish Apocryphal works to which he assigns a late
date — such as the Atmmptio Moris and 4 Ezra*. Akin to these theories
which deny completely the genuineness of the Epistle, are similar ones also
having their origin for the most part in Holland, which find large interpolations
in our present text and profess to distinguish different recensions. Earliest of
these was \\eissc (1867), who in addition to certain more reasonable t
with regard to the concluding chapters, professed to be able to distinguish by
the evidence of style the genuine from the interpolated portions of the Epistle *.
His example has been followed with greater indiscreetness by Pierson and
Naber(i8S6), Michelsen (1886), Voelter (1889, 90), Van Manen (1891).
Pierson and Naber* basing their theory on some slight allusions in Josepbus,
consider that there existed about the beginning of the Christian era a school
of elevated Jewish thinkers, who produced a large number of apparently
fragmentary works distinguished by their lofty religious tone. These were
made use of by a certain Panlus Episcopns, a Christian who incorporated them
1 Evanson (Edward), T*t Ditto**™* *f tk* four ttntrmlfy nahtd Eva*.
'
• Bruno t.» . 1853. Ckruttu *nd di< C&tmnn,
, QuaaH*i*s Pa*li*ait TktcUgistk Tijdtckrifl, 1883, 1883,
! *-^
k (Rudolf), Dtr Gatattrtritf *acA tti*tr Ecklktit unttnucht. Berlin,
ntr> mr Krittk dtr rauliniitkt* Britft an dtt
Cntalir. KSmtr, rkiliffir *
Ktramton...
.itclodami, 1880.
$0.] iNTttikiiY Ixxxvii
in letter* which be wrote in order to nuke op for his own poverty of religious
and philosophical idea*. An examination of their treatment of a tingle chapter
may be appended. The basis of ch. vi it a Jewish fragment (admoJum
mtmorabiie) which extends from ver. 3 to vcr. n. This fragment Paulo*
Episcopus treated in his usual manner. He begins with the foolish <;
ot vcr. a which shows that he dues not understand the argument that follows.
He added interpolations in ver. 4. Itiatm odor am ur m.tnum tiut ver. 5.
If we omit T£ A/*0""/*1" >" ycr. 5 the difficulty in it vanishes, Ver. 8 again is
feeble and therefore was the wotk of Panlus Episcopus: non tnim crtdimut
nos tut vUturot, ttd novimus not vivcrt (ver. il). w. 11-33 Wltn the ex-
ception apparently of ver. 14, 15 which have been misplaced, are the work
of this interpolator who spoiled the Jewish fragment, and in these verses
adapts what has preceded to the uses of the Church1. It will probably not
be thought necessary to pursue this subject further.
Michclscn* basing his theory to a certain extent on the phenomena of the
last two chapters considered that towards the end of the second century
three recensions of the Epistle were in existence. The Eastern containing
ch. i-xvi. 24; the Western cb. i-xiv and xvi. 25-37; the Marcionite ch.
i-xiv. The redactor who put together these recensions was however also
responsible for a considerable number of interpolations which Michelsen
undertakes to distinguish. Voltcr's* theory is more elaborate. The original
Epistle according to him contained the following portions of the Epistle.
«»«.?; 5. 6; &-J7; v. and vi. (except v. 13, 14, ao ; vi. 14,15): xu, xiii ;
\v. i4-.u; xvi. 31-33. This bears all the marks of originality ; its Christology
is primitive, free from any theory of prc-cxistcnce or of two natures. To the
first interpolator we owe i. 18; iii. 30 (except ii. 14, 15); viii. i, 3-39:
i. ib-4. Here the Christology is different ; Christ is the pre-existent Son of
God. To the second interpolator we owe iil 31— iv. 35; v. 13, 14, ao; vi.
14, 15 ; vii. 1-6 ; ix. x ; xtv. i — xv. 6. This writer who worked about the year
70 was a determined Antinomian, who could not see anything but evil in the
Law. A third interpolator is responsible for vii. 7-35 ; viii. 3 ; a fourth for
14.15; xv. 7-13; a fifth for xvi. 1-30 ; a sixth for xvi. 34 ; a seventh
for xvi. 35-37.
Van Mancn * is distinguished for his vigorous attacks on his predecessors ; and
for basing his own theory of interpolations on a reconstruction of the Marcionite
text which he holds to be original.
It has been somewhat tedious work enumerating these theories, which will
seem probably to most readers hardly worth while repeating; so subjective
and arbitrary is the whole criticism. The only conclusion that we can arrive
at is that if early Christian documents have been systematically tampered with
in a manner which would justify any one of these* theories, then the study of
Christian history would be futile. There is no criterion of style or of language
uhich enables us to distinguish a document from the interpolations, and we
should be compelled to make use of a number of writings which we could not
or trust or criticize. If the documents arc not trustworthy, neither is our
ism.
But such a feeling of distrust is not necessary, and it may be worth while to
conclude this subject by pointing out certain reasons which enable us to feel
[ confident in most at any rate of tne documents of early Christianity.
1 Of. «•/., pp. 139-143-
iielsen (J- H. A.), Thtologisck Tijdsckrift, 1886, pp. 373 ft, 473 ff.;
1887, p. 163!!.
her (Danicl\ Thtolo^ch Tijduhrift, 1889, p. 365 ff.; and Dit Com-
petition dtr ptatL Hauptbrieft, /. Dtr Romtr- ttnd Galattrbritf, 1890.
• Van Manen (W. d), Thtologisek Tijduhrift, 1887. Mardon'i Britf va*
P**ltu MM dt Galatilt, pp. 383-404, 451-533; and P&xlut II, D* brief
man dt Komtintn. Leiden, 1891.
IE ROMA [} 9.
It has been pointed out that interpolation theories are not as absurd at they
'rimafatit be held to be, for we have instances of the process actually
taking place. The obvious examples are the Ignatbn letters. But these are
not solitary, almost the whole of the Apocryphal literature has undergone the
same process ; so have the Acts of the Saints ; so has the Didatkt for example
M hen included in the Apostolic Constitutions. Nor are we without evi<!
interpolations in the N. T. ; the phenomenon of the Western text presents
exactly the same characteristics. May we not then expect the same to have
happened in other cases where we have little or no information? N
dealing with a document which has come down to us in a single
version, or on any slight traditional evidence this possibility must always be
considered, and it b necessary to be cautious in arguing from a single passage
in a text which may have been interpolated. Those who doubted the genuineness
of the Armenian fragment of Arutidcs for example, on the grounds that it
contained the word Theotokos, have been proved to be wrong, for that word as
was suspected by many has now been shown to have been interpolated.
But in the case of the N. T. we have so many authorities going back in-
dependently to such an early period, that it is most improbable that any
•Hunan*** almost all subsequent documents The number, the variety, and
the early character of the texts preserved to us in MSS., Versions, and Fathers,
is a guarantee that a text formed on critical methods represents within very
narrow limits the work as it left its author's hands.
A second line of argument which b used in favour of interpolation theories
is the difficulty and obscurity of some passages. No doubt there are passages
which arc difficult ; but it is surely very gratuitous to imagine that everything
1$ genuine b easy. The whole tendency of textual criticism b to prove
that it is the custom of * redactors' or 'correctors' or ' interpolators' to produce
.1 text which is always superficially at any rate more easy than the genuine
1 ;ut on the other side, although the style of St. Paul b certainly not
always perfectly smooth ; although he certainly b liable to be carried away by
a side issue, to change the order of his thoughts, to leap over intermediate
steps in his argument, yet no serious commentators of whatever school would
doubt that there b a strong sustained argument running through the whole
Epistle. The possibility of the commentaries which have been written proves
conclusively the improbability of theories implying a wide element
terpolation. But in the case of St Paul we may go further. Even where there
is a break in the argument, there b almost always a verbal connexion. When
St Paul passes for a time to a side issue there b a subtle connexion in thought
has been pointed out in the notes on xi. 10; xv. 20, where the question of
interpolation has been carefully examined; and if any one will take the
trouble to go carefully through the end of ch. v and the beginning of ch. vi,
he will see how each sentence leads on to thr instance, the first
part of v. jo, which b omitted by some of these critics, leads on immediately
to the second (»A«ora«rj7 . . - JwXstWw), that suggests <,*,(» wipieo,™,*, then
come* sriUsffaVy in vi. i ; but the connexion of sin and death clearly suggests
the words of ver. a and the argument that follows. The same process may
be worked out through the whole Epistle, r or the most part there b a clear
and definite argument, and even where the logical continuity is brok<
it always a connexion either in thought or words. The Epistles of St. Paul
present for the most part a definite and compa
•nal evidence which b given in detail
.hove, we may feel reasonably cor. he historical conditions under
$9.]
INTEGRITY Ixxxix
which the Epistle has come down to ns make the theories of this new school
of critics untenable '.
\\e have laid great stress on the complete absence of any textual justifica-
tions for any of the theories which have been so far noticed. This absence
is made all the more striking by the existence of certain variations in the text
and certain facts reported on tradition with regard to the last two chapters of
the Epistle. These facts are somewhat complex and to a certain extent con-
, and a careful examination of them and of the theories suggested to
explain them is necessary'.
ill be convenient first of all to enumerate these facts:
The words ir T^p in i. 7 and 15 are omitted by the bilingual MS. G
both in the Greek and Latin text (K is here defective). Moreover the cursive
47 adds in the margin of vcr. 7 TV i* 'Po>Ml?» oOrt iv TJJ ifrj^ati ovrt Jr ty
forty pvTinoi • ;n'htfoot attempted to find corroborative evidence for
this reading in Origen, in the writer cited as Ambrosiaster, and in the reading
of D Jr dytivrj for dynwrjTuit. That he U wrong in doing so seems to be shown
by Dr. Hurt ; but it may be doubtful if the latter is correct in his attempt to
explain away the variation. The evidence is slight, but it is hardly likely that
it arose simply through transcriptional error. If it occurred only in one place
this might be sufficient ; if it occurred only in one MS. we might ascribe it to
the delinquencies of a single scribe ; as it is, we must accept it as an existing
variation supported by slight evidence, but evidence sufficiently good to
demand an explanation.
(a) There U considerable variation in existing MSS. concerning the place of
the final doxology (xvi. 25-37).
a. In MBCDI minute, fiaut. eodd. a/. Orig.-lat., def Vulg. Pesh. Boh.
Aeth., Orig.-lat Ambrstr. Pelagius it occurs at the end of chap. xvi. and there
only.
b. In L minute, plus quam aoo, codJ. af. Orig.-lat., Hard., Chrys, Thcodrt
Jo.-Uamasc. it occurs at the end of chap, xiv and there only.
c. In A P 5. 17 Arm. todd. it is inserted in both places.
d. In I-'*', i ; «v,/./ <j*. llieron. (fit Eph. iii. 5), g, Marcion (vuf* infra) it Is
entirely omitted. It may be noted that G leaves a blank space at the end of
chap, xiv, and that f b taken direct from the Vulgate, a space being left in V
in the Greek corresponding to these verses. Indirectly D and Sedulius also
attest the omission by placing the Benediction after ver. 24, a transposition
which would be made (see below) owing to that verse being in these copies
at the end of the Epistle.
In reviewing this evidence it becomes clear (i) that the weight of good
authority is in favour of placing this doxology at the end of the Epistle, and
there only, (ii) That the variation in position— a variation which must be
explained — U early, probably earlier than the time of Origen, although we
can never have complete confidence in Kufinus* translation, (iit) That the
o for complete omission goes back to Marcion, and that very probably
his excision of the words may have influenced the omission in Western
authorities.
1 The KnglUh reader will find a very full account of this Dutch school of
owling, Tkt Witness of tk* Epistles, pp. 133-343. A very
careful compilation of the results arrived at is given by Dr. Carl Clemen, Die
Einheitlickkeit der rau'.inischt* Bnefe. To both these works we must
express our obligations, and to them we most refer any who wish for further
inlormation.
' The leading discussion on the last two chapters of the Romans b con-
tained in three papers, two by Bp. Lightfoot, and one by Dr. Hort first
published in the Journal of Philology, vols. ii, iii, and since reprinted in
Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, pp. 287-3^4.
NS [§ 9.
There b very considerable evidence that Marcion omitted the whole of
the last two chap:
vol. Til, p. 453, e<L Lomm. write* : Cafiut hot
Harden, a amo Scriptural Evangtlieo* at?** Afostoiua* interfolatae -
hot epiitcla finite abttmlit ; tt mom solmm ko<tud tt ab <o Ixo.ubi >
tit: omnc autcm quod noo est ex fide, peocatmn est : usque ad Jiium cuncta,
dnttci.. vero exemplar*! t. kit quae turn nut/ a Marti***
ttmonta, hoc iptum eapmt atvers* positmm invenimus, im monnullis
eodieibms post turn locum, quern suf>ra diximus hot at: omnc autcm quod noo
est ex fide, peccatum est : ttatim coktrems kaoetur: ei autem, qoi potent e«t
vos confumarc. Alii 9ero eodic*s i* Jin* id, ut mmme est fositum, continent.
This extract is quite precise, nor is the attempt made by Hort to cmr
all successful. He reads in for ab, havm. a Paris MS.,
and then emends koc into hit ; reading *t mom sotum kit uJ et in to loco, Ac,
and translating • and not only here bat also/ at xtv. .-.; • he cut out everything
quite to the end.' He applies the words to the Doxolorr alone. The change*
in the text are tltght and might be justified, but with this change the words
that follow become quite meaninglm : usqut ad fincm emmet* tliueemit can
only apply to the whole of the two chapters. If Origen meant the doxology
they would be quite poinUeat.
b. But we have other evidence for Marcion's text Tertullian, Adv. Marc. v.
14, quoting the words tribunal Ckristi (xir. lo), states that they o
elamsula of the Epistle. The argument is not conclusive but the words
probably imply that in Marcion's copy of the Eputle, if not in all those known
rtullian, the last two chapters were omitted.
These two witnesses make it almost certain that Marcion omitted not only
the doxology but the whole of the last two chapters.
(4) Some further evidence has been brought forward suggesting that an
edition of the Epistle was in circulation which omitted the last two chapters.
a. It is pointed out that Tertullian, Marcion, Irenaeus, and probably Cyprian
vcr quote from these last two chapters. The argument however is of little
value, because the same may be said of I Cor. xvi. The chaters were not
quoted because there was little or nothing in them to quote.
b. An argument of greater weight is found in certain systems of capitula-
tions in MSS. of the Vulgate. In Codex Amiatinus the table of contents gives
fifty-one sections, and the fiftieth section is described thus : D* periemlo com-
tristamt* fratrem mum eua sua, et quod nom sit regnum Dei etc* et potmt ted
. et pax ttgaudimm im Spirit it Samcto ; this is followed by the t
and last section, which is described as De mysterio Domini ant* passionem in
$il*ntiokabitotpostpassiom*m9*roipsiusrevelato. The obvious deduction is
that this system was drawn up for a copy which omitted the greater part at any
rate of chaps, xv and xvi. This system appears to have prevail*!
In the Codex Fuldcnsis there are given in the table of contents i.
sections : of these the first twenty-three include thr whole Epistle up to the
end of chap, xiv, the last sentence being headed Quod jUc let Dei mom debeant
deooat divino iudicio ptmpatmrt mt ante tribunal Dei tine confusion* potsit
op*rum suorum praejlare rationem. Then follow the last t*
of the Amiatine system, beginning with the twenty-fourth at ix. i.
chaps, ix xiv are described twice. The scribe seems to have bad before him
an otherwise unrecorded system which only embraced fourteen chapters, and
then added the remainder from where he could get them in order to make up
what he felt to be the right number of fifty-one.
Both these systems seem to exclude the last two chapters, whatever reason
we may give for the phenomenon.
(5) Lastly, some critics haw discovered a certain amount of significance in
t.s.'v t:.ir i«.i:.:>.
§9.] INTEC!
XCI
a. The prayer at the end of chap, xv is supposed to represent, ehber wUh
or without the d/«|r (which is omitted in some MSS., probably incorrectly), a
conduct -n of the Epistle. As a matter of fact the formula does not represent
any known form of ending, and may be paralleled from places in the body of
>tle.
c two conclusions xvi ao and 34 of the T R are supposed to represent
endings to two different recensions of the Epistle. But as will be seen by
referring to the note on the passage, this is based upon a misreading. The
is a late conflation of the two older forms of the text The
.ion stood originally at ver. ao and only there, the verses that followed
being a sort of postscript Certain MSS. which were without the doxology (sec
above) moved it to their end of the Epistle after ver. 33, while certain others
placed it after ver. a?. The double benediction of the TR arose by the
ordinary process of conflation. The significance of this in corroborating the
existence of an early text which omitted the doxology has been pointed out ;
e these verses will not support the deductions made from them by
.. Gifford, and others.
The above, stated as shortly as possible, are the diplomatic facts which
demand explanation. Already in the seventeenth century some at any rale had
attracted notice, and Semler (1769), Griesbach (1777) *°d <*&*** developed
elaborate theories to account for them. To attempt to enumerate all the
different views would be beside our purpose: it will be more convenient to
confine ourselves to certain typical illustrations.
i. An hypothecs which would account for most (although not all) of the
facts stated would be to suppose that the last two chapters were not genuine.
This opinion was held by Baur l, although, as was usual with him, on purely
a priori grounds, and with an only incidental reference to the MS. evidence
which might have been the strongest support of his theory. The main motive
which induced him to excise them was the expression in xv. 8 that Christ was
a miniver of circumcision,' which is inconsistent with bis view of
St Paul's doctrine ; and he supported his contention by a vigorous examina-
tion of the style and contents of these two chapters. His arguments have been
noticed (so far as seemed necessary) in the commentary. But the consensus of
large number of critics in condemning the result may excuse our pursuing
em in further detail. Doctrinally his views were only consistent with a one-
led theory of the Pauline position and teaching, and if that theory is given
up then his arguments become untenable. As regards his literary criticism the
opinion of Kenan may be accepted: 'On est surpris qu'un critique aussi
habile que Baur se soil content* d'une solution aussi grossiere. Pourquoi un
faussaire aurait-il invent* de si insignificants details! Pourquoi aurait-il ajoutc
:.ige sacrc une liste de noms propresM*.
But we are not without strong positive arguments in favour of the genuine-
ness of at any rate the fifteenth chapter. In the first place a careful
examination of the first thirteen verses shows conclusively that they are closely
connected with the previous chapter The break after xiv. 33 is purely arbi-
trary, and the passage that follows to the end of ver. 6 U merely a conclusion
of the previous argument, without which the former chapter is incomplete, and
which it is inconceivable that an interpolator could have either been able or
desired to insert; while in w. 7-13 the Apostle connects the special subject
of which he has been treating with the general condition of the Church, and
supports his main contention by a series of texts drawn from the O. T. Both
in the appeal to Scripture and in the introduction of broad and general prin-
ciples this conclusion may be exactly paralleled by the custom of St Paul
elsewhere in the Epistle. No theory therefore can be accepted which does not
i. • l ••:
•--,;
ridad tl
n tl an
1 Tkvltgixk* Zeitung, 1836, pp. 97, 144. /•«.«/«;. 1866, pp. 393 &
• St. Paul, p. Ixxi, quoted by Lightfoot, Biblical Essay$t p. 890.
1. TO THE ROMANS [$ 9.
recognize that xiv and XT. 13 form a single paragraph which matt not be
•Btm.
irther than this the remainder of chap. XT shows every sign of being
a genuine work of the Apostle. The argument of Pdey baaed upon the collec-
tion for the poor Christian* at Jerusalem is in this case almost demo:
(tee p. xxxvi). The reference to the Apostle's intention of visiting Spain, to the
circumstances in which be is placed, the dangers be U expecting, hit hope of
viaiting Rome fulfilled in such a very different manner, are all inconsistent with
•poriousnets ; while most readers will feel in the personal touches,
combination of boldness in asserting his mission with consideration
feelings of his readeis, in the strong and deep emotions which are o<xn
allowed to come to the surface, all the most characteristic marks of the
Apostle's writing.
Banr's views were followed bv Schwegler, Holrten, Zeller, and other*.
bat have been rejected by Mangold. Hilgenfr! tsicker. and
Upsra*. A modified form is put forward by Locht », who considers that parts
are genuine and part spurious : in fact he applies the interpolation theory to
by Upsios). Against
any such theory the arguments are conclusive. It has all the disadvantages of
these two chapters (being followed to a slight extent
the broader theory and does not either solve the problem suggested by the mann-
script evidence or receive support from it. For the rejection of the last two
chapters as a whole there is some support, «s we have seen ; for believing that
tain interpolations (except in a form to be considered immediately) there
is no external evidence. There is no greater need for suspecting interpolations
in chap, xv than in chap
• may dismiss then all such theories as imply the spur i ousness of the last
two chapters and may pajs on to a second group which explains the pheno-
mena of the MSS. by supposing that our Epistle has grown up through the
combination of different letters or parts of letters either all addressed to the
Roman Church, or addressed partly to the Roman Church, partly elsewhere.
An elaborate and typical theory of this sort, and one which has the n
explaining all the facts, is that of Kenan '. He supposes that the so-called
to the Romans was a circular letter and that it existed in four <;
1 i:..> :
(i) A letter to the Romans. This contained chap, i-xi and chap. xv.
: to the Ephesians. Chap, i-xiv and xvL i -ao.
A letter to the Tbessalonian*. Chap, i-xiv and xvi. 2 1-24.
(iv) A letter to an unknown church. Chap, i-xiv and xvi. 25-37.
In the last three letters there would of course be som
chap, i, of which we have a reminiscence in the variations o!
theory is supported by the following amongst other argum
' e know, as in the case of the Epistle to the Ephesians, that St. Paul
wrote circular letters. <,, :le as we hav« it has four endings,
xvi. ao, - Each of these really represented the ending of a separate
llpistle. (iii) There are strong internal giounds for
was addressed to the Ephesian Church, (iv) The Macedonian name* oc
4 suggest that these verses were addressed to a Macedonian
church, (v) This explains how it came to be that such an elaborate letter
was sent to a church of win !..-. i such little knowledge as that
d i, M,
This theory has one advantage, that it accounts for all the facts : but there
are two arguments agai: are absolutely conclusive. One U that
there are not four codings in the l-.piit le at all ; xv. 33 U not like any uf the
1 Lncht, Cbtrdit b<Men Utttt* Capittl du Romtr!-
ory is examined at great length by
ghUoot, of. -, ff.
§ 9.] INTEGK; xciii
endings of St. Paul's Epistles ; while, as is shown above, the origin of the
duplicate benediction, xvi. ao and 24, must be explained on purely •
ground*. If Kenan's theory had been correct then we should not have both
benedictions in the late MSS. but in the earlier. As it is, it is clear that the
duplication simply arose from conflation. A second argument, in our opinion
equally conclusive against this theory, is that it separates chap, xiv from the
Tint thirteen rerses of chap. XT. The arguments on this subject need not be
repeated, but it may be pointed out that they are as conclusive against Kenan's
hypothesis as against that of IJaur.
nan's theory has not received acceptance, but there is one portion of it
which has been more generally held than any other with regard to these final
chapters ; that namely which considers that the list of names in chap, xvi
ciss, Weizsacker, Farrar. It has two forms; some hold ver. I, a to belong
to the Romans, others consider them also part of the Ephesian letter. Nor is
it quite certain where the Ephesian fragment ends, dome consider that it
includes vv. 17-21, others make it stop at ver. 16.
The arguments in favour 'of this view are as follows: I. It is pointed out
that it is hardly likely that St Paul should have been acquainted with such
a Urge number of persons in a church like that of Rome which he had never
visited, and that this feeling is corroborated by the number of personal detail*
that he adds; references to companions in captivity, to relations, to fellow-
labourers. All these allusions are easily explicable on the theory that the
Epistle is addressed to the Ephesian Church, but not if it be addressed to the
Roman. 2. This opinion is corroborated, it is said, by an examination of the
list itself. Aqnila and Priscilla and the church that is in their house are men*
tioned shortly before this date as being at Ephesus, and shortly afterwards they
are again mentioned as being in the same city (i Cor. xvi 19; a Tim. iv. 19).
y next name Epaenetns is clearly described as a native of the province
of Asia. Of the others many are Jewish, many Greek, and it is more likely
that they should be natives of Ephesus than natives of Rome. 3. That the
warning against false teachers is quite inconsistent with the whole tenor of
the letter, which elsewhere never refers to false teachers as being at work in
Rome.
In examining this hypothesis we must notice at once that it does not in
any way help us to solve the textual difficulties, and receives no assistance
from them. The problems of the concluding doxology and of the omission of
the last two chapters remain as they were. It is only if we insert a benc-
tx>th at ver. ao and at ver. 24 that we get any assistance. In that case
we might explain the duplicate benediction by supposing that the first was
the conclusion of the Ephesian letter, the second the conclusion of the Roman.
As we have seen, the textual phenomena do not support this view. The theory
therefore must be examined on its own merits, and the burden of proof is
thrown on the opponents of the Roman destination of the Epistle, for as has
been shown the only critical basis we can start from, in discussing St Paul's
>, is that they have come down to us substantially in the form in
which they were written unless very strong evidence is brought forward to the
contrary.
But this evidence cannot be called very strong. It is admitted by Weiss
and Mangold, for instance, that the a priori arguments against St. Paul's
acquaintance with some twenty-four persons in the Roman community are of
slight weight Christianity was preached amongst just that portion of the
population of the Empire which would be most nomadic in character. It i*
admitted again that it would be natural that, in writing to a strange church.
St. Paul should lay special stress on all those with whom he was acquainted or
xciv !E ROMA [J 9.
of whom he had heard, in order that be might thus commend himself to them.
Again, when we come to examine the names, we find that those actually con-
nected with Ephesus are only three, and of these persons two are known to
have originally come from Rome, while the third alone can hardly be con-
sidered sufficient support for this theory. When again we come to examine
the warning against heretics, we find that after all it is perfectly consistent
c body of the Epistle. If we conceive it to be a warning against false
teachers whom St. Paul (ears may come but who have not yet done so, it
exactly suits the situation, and helps to explain the motives he had in
!},c i . •••• He . -• "••. ' '• • •:. ' :. bl h MB ... ' that the] u.v,
b»w2eii«ca«iosr3a.
Tbt arguments against these verses are not strong. What is the value of
the definite evidence in their favour? This bo" two classes,
archaeological evidence for connecting the names in Rome,
(ii) The archaeological and literary evidence for connecting any of the persons
•MBti Md here u ;: . t:.c Rl BJM « : . : ..
(i) In his commentary on the Philippians, starting from the tex
a<r*aCovTat (IUQ.I ... MaAi0Ye> ol i* TOV KaUfOfot olnat, Up. 1
to examine the list of names in Rom. xvi in the light of Roman inscriptions.
We happen to have preserved to us almost completely the funereal in*,
of certain columbana in which were deposited the ashes of members of the
imperial household. Some of these date a little earlier than the Epistle to the
Romans, some of them are almost contemporary. Besides these we have
a large number of inscriptions containing names of freedmen and others belong-
ing to the imperial household. Now examples of almost every name in Rom.
xvi. 3-16 may be found amongst these, and the publication of th
volume of the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions has enabled us to add to the
instances quoted. Practically every name may be illustrated in Rome, and
almost every name in the Inscriptions of the household, although some of them
Now what does this prove? It does not prove of coarse that these are
the persons to whom the Epistle was written ; nor does it give over*
evidence that the names are Roman. It shows that such a combination of
names was possible in Rome : but it shows something more than this
gold asks what is the value of this investigation as the same names are found
outside Rome? The answer is that for the most part they are very rare,
makes various attempts to illustrate the names from Asiatic inscrip-
tions, but not very successfully ; nor does Mangold help by showing that the
two common names Narcissus and Hennas may be paralleled elsewher
have attempted to institute some comparison, but it is not very easy and will
not be until we have more satisfactory collections of Grr<
we take the Greek Cerfus we shall find that in the inscriptions of Ephesus
only three names out of the twenty-four in this list occur ; if we extend our
survey to the province of Asia we shall find only twelve. Now uhat this
comparison suggests is that such a combination of names - <
u£-«oidd as a matter of fact only be found in the mixed population which
formed the lower and middle classes of Rome -t con-
elusive, but it shows that there is no afriori improba
Roman, and that it would be difficult anywhere else to illustrate such an
To this we may add the further evidence afforded by the explanation given
by Bishop Lightfoot and repeated in the notes, of the households of Narcissus
andAristobuTus: evidence again only corrobor of some w, ;
r chaeological evidence is that for connecting the names
us, and Apelles definitely with the ca
have been discussed sufficiently in the
nd it is only necessary to say here that it would be an excess of
§9.]
INTEGRITY XCV
scepticism to look upon such evidence as worthiest, although it might not
wnL;h much if there were strong evidence on the other side.
To sum op then. There is no external evidence against this section, nor
does the exclusion of it from the Roman letter help in any way to solve the
problems presented by the text. The arguments against the Roman des-
tination are purely a priori. Thev can therefore have little value. On being
examined they were found not to be valid ; while evidence not conclusive but
considerable has been brought forward in favour of the Roman destination.
For these reasons we have used the sixteenth chapter without hesitation in
writing an account of the Roman Church, and any success we have had in the
<! rawing of the picture which we have been able to present must be allowed to
weigh in the evidence.
iche (in 1833) suggested that the doxology was not genuine, and his
opinion has been largely followed, combined in some cases with theories as to
the omission of other parts, in some cases not It is well known that passages
which did not originally form part of the text are inserted in different places in
different texts; for instance, the pcrifof* adultcnu is found in more than one
place. It would still be difficult to find a reason for the insertion of the
doxology in the particular place at the end of chap, xiv, but at the same time
the theory that it is not genuine will account for its omission altogether in
some MSS. and its insertion in different places in others. We ask then what
further evidence there is for this omission, and are confronted with a large
number of arguments which inform us that it is clearly unpanline because it
in style, in phraseology, and in subject-matter with non-paulmc
Epistles— that to the Ephesians and the Pastoral Epistles. This argument
It will be
tell in different ways to different critics. It will be very strong, if not
conclusive, to those who consider that these Epistles are not Pauline. To
those however who accept them as genuine these arguments will rather con-
firm their belief in the Pauline authorship.
.it there is an alternative hypothesis which may demand more careful
consideration from us, that although it comes from St. Paul it belongs to rather
a later period in his life. It is this consideration amongst others which forms
the basis of the theory put forward by Dr. Ughtfoot He considers that the
original Epistle to the Romans written by St. Paul contained all our present
Kpistle except xvi. 25-27; that at a somewhat later period — the period per-
haps of his Roman imprisonment, St. Paul turned this into a circular letter;
he cut off the last two chapters which contained for the most part purely
personal matter, he omitted the words Jr 'Pw/*p in i. 7 and 15 ; and then added
the doxology at the end because he felt the need of some more fitting con-
clusion. Then, at a later date, in order to make the original Epistle complete
the doxology was added from the later recension to the earlier.
1 ightfoot points out that this hypothesis solves all the problems. It
explains the existence of a shorter recension, it explains the presence of the
doxology in both places, it explains the peculiar style of the doxology. We
may admit this, but there is one point it does not explain ; it does not explain
how or why St. Paul made the division at the end of chap. xiv. There is
nothing in the next thirteen verses which unfits them for general circulation.
They are in fact more suitable for an encyclical letter than is chap. xiv. It is
to us inconceivable that St. Paul should have himself mutilated his own argu-
ment by cutting off the conclusion of it. This consideration therefore seems
to us decisive against Dr. Liphtfoot s theory.
6. Dr. Hort has subjected the arguments of Dr. Lightfoot to a very close
examination. He begins by a careful study of the doxology and has shown
clearly first of all that the parallels between it and passages in the four acknow-
ledged Epistles are much commoner and nearer than was thought to be till) BsHI
and secondly that it exactly reproduces and sums up the whole argument of
the Epistle. On his investigation we have based our commentary, and we
xcvi EPISTLE TO Til [$ 9.
must refer I and to Dr. Hort's own essay for the reasons v
accept the doxology as not only a genuine work of St. Paul, but also as an
integral portion of the Epistle. That at the end he sh-
oocc more to sum up the great ideas of which the Kputle it full and j
clearly and strongly before his readers is quite in accordance with the whole
mind of the Apostle. He does so in fact at the conclusion of the Calaliaji
although not in the form of a doxology.
i iort then proceeds to criticixe and explain away the textual phenomena.
We have quoted his emendation of the passage in Origeo and pointed oat that
it is to us most unconvincing. No single argument in mvour of the existence
of the shorter recension may be strong, but the combination of reasons is
in oar opinion too weighty to be explained away.
Hurt's own cooclusioos are: (i) He suggests that as the last two
chapters were considered unsuitable for public reading, they might be on
systems of lectionaries w 1 .logy—which was felt t „— was
appended to chap, xiv, that it might be read. (>) Some such theory as this
might explain the capitulations. • The analogy of the common Greek capita,
labons shows how easily the personal or local and as it were temporary portions
of an epistle might be excluded from a schedule of cha, •
(3) The omission of the allusions to Rome is due to a si
acddent. (4) ' When all is said, two facts have to be explained, the insertion
of the Doxology after xiv and its omission/ This latter is due to Mardon,
which must be explained to mean an omission agreeing with the reading in
Maroon's copy. 'On the whole it is morally certain that the omission to
his only as having been transmitted by him, in other words that it is a genuine
ancient reading.' Dr. Hort finally concludes that though a genuine reading it
is incorrect and perhaps arises through some accident such as the tearing off
of the end of a papyrus roll or the last sheet in a book.
le admitting the force of some of Hort's criticisms on Light foot, and
especially his defence of the genuineness of the doxology, we must express
our belief that his manner of dealing with the evidence is somewhat ar
and that his theory does not satisfactorily explain all the facts.
• c ourselves incline to an opinion suggested first we believe by
:ford.
As will have already become apparent, no solution among those offered has
attempted to explain what is really the most difficult part of the problem,
the place at which the division was made. We know that the doxology
was in many copies inserted at the end of chap, xiv ; we have strong grounds
for believing that in some editions chaps. XT si .mitted ; w
at this place, certainly not a suitable one, that the break occurs? As we have
seen, a careful examination of the text shows that t teen verses of
chap, xv are linked closely with chap, xiv— *o closely that it is impossible to
believe that they are not genuine, or that the ApostlV
them off from the context in publishing a sh-
tended for a wide circulation. Nor again to it probable that any one arranging
• ,r church services would have made ti.
The difficulty of the question to of coarse obscured for us by the
into chapters. To os if we wished to cut off the more personal part of the
time before the present or
probably any 'division int
Now if there were no solution possible, we might possibly ascribe thU
division to accident; but as a matter of (act internal evidence and r
testimony slike point to the same cause. We have seen that there to con
siderable testimony for the (act that Marcion excised the last two chapters, and
xamine the beginning of chap, xv we shall find that as far as regards
cca verses hardly any other coarse was possible he held
Epistle.a rough and ready method might suggest
last two chapters, but we are dealing with a
probably any division into chapters existed.
INTEGRITY XCvii
re ascribed to him. To begin with, five of these
contain quotations from the O. T. ; but further ver. 8 contains an exj
ip X/xardr kaxorov yiy«t^o9tu wtpiropip Mp dXrj$tiat e«ov, which he
most certainly could not have used. Still more is this the case with regard to
ver. 4, which directly contradicts the whole of his special teaching. The
words at the end of chap, xiv might seem to make a more suitable ending
.•tier of the next two verses, and at this place the division was drawn.
mainder of these two chapters could be omitted simply because they
.x-los for the definite dogmatic purpose Marcion had in view, and the
Doxology which he could not quite like would go with them.
It we once assume this excision by Marcion it may perhaps explain the
aena. Dr. Hort has pointed out against Dr. Ughtfoot's theory of
a shorter recension with the doxology that all the direct evidence for omitting
the last two chapters is also in favour of omitting the Doxology. * For the
omission of xv, xvi, the one direct testimony, if such it be, is that of Marcion :
and yet the one incontrovertible fact about him is that he omitted the Doxology.
to be added on the strength of the blank space after xiv, yet *£**& it
leaves out the Doxology.' We may add also the capitulations of Codex
Fuldensis which again, as Dr. Hort points out. have no trace of the Doxology.
ulence therefore points to the existence of a recension simply leaving
last two chapters.
Now it is becoming more generally admitted that Marcion 's Apcstolicon had
some — if not great— influence on variations in the text of the N.T. His
had considerable circulation, especially at Rome, and therefore
presumably in the West, and it is from the West that our evidence mostly
comes. When in adapting the text for the purposes of church use it was
thought advisable to omit the last portions as too personal and not sufficiently
.;. it was natural to make the division at a place where in a current
the break had already been made. The subsequent steps would then
be similar to those suggested by Dr. Hort. It was natural to add the
:^ in order to give a more suitable conclusion, or to preserve it for
reading at this place, and subsequently it dropped oat at the later
place. That is the order suggested by the manuscript evidence. All our best
authorities place it at the end ; A P Arm.— representing a later but still
respectable text— have it in both places; later authorities for the most put
t only at xiv. 33.
mains to account for the omission of any reference to Rome in the first
• of G. This may of course be a mere idiosyncracy of that MS., arising
either Irom carelessness of transcription (a cause which we can hardly accept) or
from a desire to make the Epistle more general in its character. But it does not
seem to us at all improbable that this omission may also be due to Marcion.
tion was made with a strongly dogmatic purpose. Local and personal
as would have little interest to him. The words 4r *Po//*?j could easily be
! without injuring the context. The opinion is perhaps corroborated
by the character of the MS. in which the omission occurs. Allusion has been
made (p. Ixix) to two dissertations by Dr. Corssen on the allied MSS. DFG.
In the second of these, he suggests that the archetype from which these MSS.
ved (Z) ended at xv. 13. Even if his argument were correct, it would
not take away from the force of the other facts which have been mentioned.
We should still have to explain how it was that the Doxology was inserted
at the end of chap, xiv, and the previous discussion would stand as it is : only
a new fact would have to be accounted for. When, however, we come to
examine Dr. Corssen's arguments they hardly seem to support his con-
ic may be admitted indeed, that the capitulations of the Codex
have been made for a copy which ended at xv. 13, bat they
present no solid argument for the existence of such a copy. Dr. Corssen
points out that in the section xv. 14— xvi. 23, there are a considerable number
h
\ NS [$ 9.
t source for
of variation* in the tent, and suggests that that implies a differen
that portion of the epistle, The number of variations
f€ri*t>p€ aJultetat are. it to well known, considerable ; and in the Mune way
be would argue that this portion which has all these variations most come from
a separate source. Bat the (acts do not support hit contention. It »» true
that in forty-ihree vene« be is able to enumerate t went) -four variation* ;
we examine the twenty-three verse* of chap, xiv we shall find fourteen
•us, a still larger proportion. Moreover, i ie are as numerous
and as important variations as in any of the following verses. Dr. Cornea's
arguments do not bear out bis conclusion. As a natter of fact, as I
pointed out against Dr. Hotfoot, the text of I) F G presents exactly the same
phenomena throughout tbe Epistle, and that suggests, although it does not
perhaps prove, that the archetype contained the last two chapters. The scribe
however was probably acquainted with a copy which omitted them
ibstantially the Epistle
• enbb brief] SH
perhaps prove, that the archetype contained tbe last two chapters. The scribe
archetype is alone of almost alone amongst our sources for the :
omitting the Dpxology. It also omits as we have seen Jr 'Pwjty in both places.
:ld hazard the suggestion that all these variations were due directly or
indirectly to the same cause, the text of Marcion.
In our opinion then the text as we have it reprc
that St. Tanl wrote to the Romans, and it remains only t
somewhat complicated ending. At xv. 13 the didactic portion of it is
eluded, and the remainder of the chapter is devoted to the Apostle's personal
relations with the Roman Church, and a sketch of his plans This paragraph
ends with a short prayer called forth by the mingled hopes and fears which these
plans for the future suggest. Then comes the commendation of Phoebe, the
bearer of the letter <xvi. i, a) ; then salutations (3-16). The Apostle might
now close the Epistle, but his sense of the danger to which the Roman *
may be exposed, if it is visited by false teachers, such as he is acquaint,
in the Ka*t. leads him to give a final and direct warning against then
find a not dissimilar phenomenon in tbe Eputle to the Philippians. '1
iii. i he appears to be concluding, but before he concludes be breaks *
a strong, even indignant warning against false teachers (iii. Z-.M), an
after that dw ells long and feelingly over his salutations. The *. .
of ending need not therefore surprise us when we meet it in tbe Romans.
Then comes (xvt ao) the conclodinK > a postscr.,
salutations from the companions of Then finally the Apostle, wish-
ing perhaps, as Dr. Hort suggests, to rai* to the serene
tone which has characterized it throughout, adds the con
summing up the whole argument of th< There is surely nothing
unreasonable in supposing that there would be an absence of complete same-
ness in the construction of the different letters. ! cly that all would
exactly correspond to the same model. Tbe form in each ca*e would be
altered and changed in accordance with the fe< : Apostle, and there
b abundant proof throughout that the Apostle felt earnestly tbe
need of preserving the Roman Church from the evils of disunion and false
$ 10. (
A very complete and careful bibliography of the Epistle to the
Romans was added by the • to the
s Commit: not be
• a few leading v« .ioned,
as have been roost largely used in the ;
10-]
tKNTARItS
XCIX
of this edition. One or two which have not been used are added
as links in the historical chain. Some conception may be formed
of the general characteristics of the older commentators from the
sketch which is given of their treatment of particular subjects; e.g.
of the doctrine of AuuiWif at p. 147 ff., and of the interpretation of
ch. ix. 6-29 on p. 269 ff. The arrangement is, roughly speaking,
chronological, but modern writers arc grouped rather according to
their real affinities than according to dates of publication which
would be sometimes misleading.
i. Greek Writers.
ORIGEN (Orig.); ob. 253: Comment, in Epist. S. Pauli ad
Romanes in Origenis Opera ed. C. H. E. Lommatzsch, vols. vi, vii :
Berolini, 1836, 1837. The standard edition, on which that of
Lommatzsch is based, is that begun by Charles Delarue, Bene-
dictine of the congregation of St. Maur in 1733, and completed after
his death by his nephew Charles Vincent Delarue in 1759. The
Commentary on Romans comes in Tom. iv, which appeared in
the latter year. A new edition— for which the beginnings have
been made, in Germany by Dr. P. Kocischau, and in England by
Prof. Armitage Robinson and others — is however much needed.
The Commentary on our Epistle belongs to the latter part of
Origen's life when he was settled at Cacsarea. A few fragments of
the original Greek have come down to us in the Philocalia (ed.
Robinson, Cambridge, 1893), anc* in Cramer's Catena, Tom. iv.
(Oxon. 1844); but for the greater part we are dependent upon the
condensed translation of Rufinus (hence ' Orig.-lat/). There is no
doubt that Rufinus treated the work before him with great freedom.
Its text in particular is frequently adapted to that of the Old- Latin
copy of the Epistles which he was in the habit of using ; so that
'Oris.-lat.' more often represents Rufinus than Origen.- An ad-
mirable account of the Commentary, so far as can be ascertained,
in both its forms is given in Dr. Westcott's article ORIGENFS in
Diet. Chr. Biog. iv. 115-118.
This work of Origen's is unique among commentaries. The
reader is astonished not only at the command of Scripture but at
the range and subtlety of thought which it displays. The questions
raised are often remarkably modern. If he had been as successful
in angering as he is in propounding them Origen would have left
little for those who followed him. As it is he is hampered by
defects of method and especially by the fatal facility of allegory ;
the discursiveness and prolixity of treatment are also deterrent to
average reader.
VSOSTOM (Chrys.) ; ob. 407 : Homil. in Epist. ad Romano*,
Field: Oxon. 1849; a complete critical edition. A translation
h i
c C TO THE B [§ 10.
(not i • of Savilc's text which is superior t<
B, Morris, was given in the Library of the Fathers,
i: Oxford. 1841. The Homilies were delivered at A:
probably between 387-397 A. D. They show the preacher
best and arc full of moral enthusiasm and of sympathetic human
insight into the personality of the Apostle ; they are also tin-
of an accomplished scholar and orator, but do not always sou:
i of the great problems with which the Apostle is wr<
at once the merits and the limitations of Antiochene
exegesis.
ODORET (Theodrt., Thdrt.) played a well-known moderating
part in the controversies of the fifth centu s A. D.
As a commentator he is a p<di*«juus — but one of the best of the
many pedisequi — of St. Chrysostom. His Commentary on ti
to the Romans is contained in his Works, ed. Sirm<
1642, Tom. iii. 1-119; a^° cd* Schulze and Noesselt, i
1769-1774.
JOANNES DAMASCENES ( Jo.-Damasc.) ; died before 754
commentary is almost entirely an epitome of Chrysostom
printed among his works (ed. Lequien : 1
c so-called Sacra ParaUcla
name are now known to be some two c-
probably in great part the work of Leon ;rn (see the
brilliant researches of Dr. F. Loots : Studicn tibtr die dem Johannes
von Damascus tugeschricbfnen Parallels, Halle, 1892).
OECVMENIVS (Oecum.) ; bishop of Tricca in Thessaly in the
Commentary on Romans occupies pp.
413 of his Works (ed. Joan. Hentenius: Paris, 1631). It is prac-
tically a Catena with some contribution msclf ;
udes copious extracts from Photius (Phot.), the en
:ch of Constantinople (c. 82O-*. 891) ; these are occasionally
noted.
OPHYLACT (TheoplO
VII Ducas( 107 1-1078), and still Ir-
is one of the best specimens of its kind (Of>p. ed. Vi
, torn. ii. 1-118).
,ABENUs(Euth>: : living at: monk
in a monastery near Constantinople and in h the
. Comnci. - on St i
s were not published until 1887 (ed. Calogeras : A!
.: reason they have not been utihzol m j •
drawn D] i
•heir tcrsenesv of thought,
but like all the writers of this date they follov :. the foot-
steps of Chrysostom.
10.] COMMENTARIES ci
a. Latin Writers.
AMBROSIASTER (Ambrstr.). The Epistle to the Romans heads
a series of Commentaries on thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, whi< h in
some (though not the oldest) MSS. bear the name of St. Ambrose,
and from that circumstance came to be included in the printed
editions of his works. The Benedictines, Du Frische and Le
;y in 1690, argued against their genuineness, \\hich lias been
defended with more courage than success by the latest editor.
P. A. Ballorini (S. Ambrosii Opcra^ torn, iii, p. 350 ff. ; Mediolani,
1877). The real authorship of this work is one of the still open
problems of literary criticism. The date and place of composition
are fairly fixed. It was probably written at Rome, and (unless
the text is corrupt) during the Episcopate of Damasus about the
year 380 A. D. The author was for some time supposed to be
a certain Hilary the Deacon, as a passage which appears in the
commentary is referred by St. Augustine to sanctus Hilarius
(Contra duas Epp. Pelag. iv. 7). The commentary cannot really
proceed from the great Hilary (of Poitiers), but however the fact is
to be explained it is probably he who is meant. More recently an
elaborate attempt has been made by the Old-Catholic scholar,
Dr. Langen, to vindicate the work for Faustinus, a Roman pres-
byter of the required date. [Dr. Langen first propounded his
in an address delivered at Bonn in 1880, but has since given
the substance of them in his GeschichU d. rom. Kirctu, pp. 599-
610.] A case of some strength seemed to be made out, but it
was replied to with arguments which appear to preponderate by
Marold in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift for 1883, pp. 415-470. Unfor-
tunately the result is purely negative, and the commentary is still
ut an owner. It has come out in the course of discussion
that it | Moments a considerable resemblance, though not so much
as to imply identity of authorship, with the Quaesliones ex ulroque
Tfs/amfn/o, printed among the works of St. Augustine. The com-
mentator was a man of intelligence who gives the best account we
have from antiquity of the origin of the Roman Church (see above,
i, but it has been used in this edition more for its interesting
text than for the permanent value of its exegesis.
\GIUS (Pelag.). In the Appendix to the works of St. Jerome
(ed. Migne xi. [P. L. xxx.], col. 659 ff.) there is a series of Com-
mentaries on St. Paul's Kpi-tles which is now known to proceed
from the author of Pelagianism. The Commentary was
probably written before 410. It consists of brief but well written
scholia rather dexterously turned so as not to clash with his
peculiar views. But it has not come down to us as Pelagius left it
( vlorus, and perhaps others, made excisions in the interests
of orthodoxy.
cii [$ 10.
ii OF ST. VICTOR (Hugo a S. Victor-
c. io<» Amongst the works of the great mv
ire published Atitgoria; in Xortim Testamentum,
Alltgoriu .•/// ad Romano* (\
P. L. elxxv, col. 879), and Quacslwnfs tt Decisi i
i. In f'f'is/o/am ad Romano* (Migne, clxx-.
The authenticity of both these is disputed. St. Hugh was a typical
representative of the mystical as opposed to the rationalizing
tendency of the Middle Ages.
PETFR ABELARD, 1079-1142. Petri Abaelardi commtnlariorum
•S*. Pauli Epistolam ad Romanes libri quinqut (Migne, /'. /
clxxviii. col. 783). The commentary is described as being ' 1
theological, aqd moral. The author follows the text ex
hrase, often each pan of a phrase separately, and
ts (not always very successfully) to show the connexion of
it. Occasionally he discusses theological or moral qu«
often with great originality, often showing indications of the opinions
for which he was condemned* (Migne, op. cit. col. 30). So
we have c< we have found it based partly on Origen .
on Augustine, and rather weak and ind iractcr.
THOMAS AQUINAS, c. 1225-1274, called Doctor Angelicus.
Expositio in Epiitola* omnes Din Pauli Apostoli (Opp. Tom. xvi.
1-93) formed part of the preparation wh; le for
his great work the Sum ma Theologiae — a preparation i sis ted
careful study of the sentences of Peter Lombard, the Scri ,
with the comments of the Fathers, and the works of An
commentary works out in great < method of exegesis ^
by St. Augustine. No modern reader who turns to it
be struck by the immense intellectual po
nd completeness of the logical a;
chiefly as a complete and methodical exposition from a «:
point of view. That in attempting to fit
St. Paul into the form of a scholastic syllc.
every thought harmonize with the Augustinian doctrine of grace,
there should be a tendency to make Su Paul's words fit a precon-
ceived system is not unnatural.
Information and Post-Rtforn.
COLET, John (f. 1467-1 of St. Par t, the
rasmus, delivered a series of lectures on the E{>
the Romans about the year 1497 of Oxford.
These were published in 1873 with a translation 1 upton,
v arc' lull of interest
as an historical mem
Desiderius, 1466-1536. Erasmus1 Greek Testament
$10.] CO.'- KIES
GUI
with a new translation and annotations was published in 1516;
iraphrasis Xoi'i Ttstamenti, a popular work, in 1522. He
was greater always in what lie conceived and planned than in the
r in uhich he accomplished it. He published the first
edition of the GredrNew Testament, and the first commentary on
it which made use of the learning of the Renaissance, and edited
for the first time many of the early fathers. But in all that he did
there are great defects of execution, defects even for his own time.
I h was more successful in raising questions than in solving them ;
md his commentaries suffer as much from timidity as did those of
r from excessive boldness. His aim was to reform the Church
by publishing and interpreting the records of early Christianity — an
aim which harmonized ill with the times in which he lived. His
work was rather to prepare the way for future developments.
LUTHKR, Martin, 1483-1546. Luther's contribution to the
literature of the Romans was confined to a short Preface, published
m i .-,.23. But as marking an epoch in the study of St. Paul's
writings, the most important place is occupied by his Commentary
on the Galatians. This was published in a shorter form, In epist.
P. ad Galatas Mart. Luther i comment, in 1519; in a longer form,
.•j7. P. ad Gal. commentarius ex praelectionibus Mart. Luthtri
colltclus, 1535. Exegesis was not Luther's strong point, and his
commentaries bristle with faults. They are defective, and prolix ;
full of bitter controversy and one-sided. The value of his contribu-
tion to the study of Su Paul's writings was of a different character.
By grasping, if in a one-sided way, some of St. Paul's leading
ideas, and by insisting upon them with unwearied boldness and
persistence, he produced conditions of religious life which made
the comprehension of part of the Apostle's teaching possible. His
exegetical notes could seldom be quoted, but he paved the way for
a correct exegesis.
MKI.ANCHTHON, Philip (1497-1560), was the most scholarly of
the Reformers. His Adnotationes in tp. P. ad Rom. with a preface
by Luther was published in 1522, his Commentarii in Ep. ad Rom.
in 1540.
CALVIN, John (1509-1564). His Commentarii in omnes epistolas
Pauli Apost. was first published at Strassburg in 1539. Calvin was
by far the greatest of the commentators of the Reformation. He
is clear, lucid, honest, and straightforward.
As the Question is an interesting one, how far Calvin brought his peculiar
views ready-made to the study of the Epistle and how far he derived them
from it by an uncompromising exegesis, we are glad to place before the
reader a statement by one who is familiar with Calvin's writings (Dr. A. M.
Kairhaim, Principal of Mansfield College). 'The first edition of the
Institutes was published in 1536. It has hardly any detailed exposition of
the higher Calvinistic doctrine, but is made up of six parts: Expositions
(i) of the Decalogue ; (u) of the Apostolic Creed ; (iii) of the Lord's Prayer;
[$ 10
(iv) of the Sacraments: (v) of the Roman or false doctrine of Sacraments;
and vi ) of Christian Liberty or Church Polity. There U just a tingle p»ra-
•r ; !i . :. i ; : 1 : : , : ; ';••:. • ••;-. •:.' '>•.• en
Romans and the and edition of the Iwtituitt. And the latter are greatly
expanded with all his dlstinctire <!octhne« fully developed. T\
icvclopmcnt was due to hit study (i) of Augustine,
especially • s-», and (a) of St. Paul. I:
read through Augustine. The excgetical stamp is peculiarly distinct
m the doctrinal parts of the Institutes ; and so I should say that his idea*
were not so much philosophical as theological and exegeticaf in their bub.
I ought to add however as indicating his philosophical V
studies— before he became a divine — were on Seneca, Dt
BEZA, Theodore ( 1 5 1 9-1 605). His edition of the Greek Testa-
ment with translation and annotations was first published by
H. St» ; •-„ his AJnota.'ionts majorts in X. T. at Paris
in i->94.
ARMI NIL'S (Jakob Harmensen), 1560-1609, Professor at L<
1 603. As a typical example of the opposite school of in
to that of Calvin may be taken Arminiu com-
paratively few, and he produced few commentaries. icts of
his however were devoted to explaining Romans 1I<
admirably illustrates the statement of Hallam
had to defend a cause, found no course so ready as to explain the
Scriptures consistently with his own tenets.'
The two principal Roman Catholic commentators of the seven-
teenth century were Estius and Cornelius a Lapide.
CORNELIUS A LAPIDE (van Stein), ob. 1637, a Jesuit, published
his Comncntaria in omncs d. Pauli epnhlas at Antwerp in 1614.
ESTI .n Est), ob. 1613, was Provost an lor of
Douay. II:* In omnts Pauli tt aliorwn apostolor. tpislolas com-
mentor, was published after his death at Dot: 4-1616.
GROTIIS (Huig van Groot), 1583-1645. His A
in N. T. were published at Paris in 1644.
publicist and statesman had 1 - younger day*
J. J. Scaliger at Leydcn, and his Commentary on the Bible was
the first attempt to apply to its elucidation the more exact
logical methods which he had learnt from i He had
hardly the philological ability for the task he
although of great personal piety was too much destitute of dogmatic
rest
The work of the philologists and scholars of the sixteenth and the
first half of the seventeenth century on the Old and New Test
was summed up in Critici A .shed in 1660. It
MS extracts from the leading scholars from V .ismus
to Grotius, and represents the point which philological *
had up to th.i
Two English commentators belonging to the seventeenth century
deserve no
$10.] COMMENTAI CV
HAMMOND, Henry (1605-1660), Fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford, and Canon of Christ Church. Hammond was well known
as a royalist. He assisted in the production of Walton's Polyghtt.
His Paraphrase and Annotation* of~the New Testament appeared in
1 653, a few years before his death, at a tiro- when the disturbances
of the Civil War compelled him to live in retirement. He has
been styled the father of English commentators, and certainly no
considerable ezegeiical work before his time had appeared in this
country. But he has a further title to fame. His commentary
undoubtedly deserves the title of ' historical/ In his interpretation
detached himself from the dogmatic struggles of the seven-
teenth century, and throughout he attempts to expound the Apostle
in accordance with his own ideas and those of the times when he
lived.
LOCKE, John (1662-1704), the well-known philosopher, devoted
his last years to the study of St Paul's Epistles, and in 1705-1707
were published A Paraphrase and Notes to the Epistle of St. Paul
to the Galaltans, the first and second Epistles to the Corinthians, and
the Epistles to the Romans and Ep fusions. Appended is an Essay
for the understanding of St. Paul's Epistles by consulting St. Paul
himself. A study of this essay is of great interest. It is full of
acute ideas and thoughts, and would amply vindicate the claim of
the author to be classed as an ' historical interpreter. The com-
mentaries were translated into German, and must have had some
influence on the future development of Biblical Exegesis.
BKNGKL, J. A. (Beng.), 1687-1752; a Lutheran prelate in
WUrtemberg. His Gnomon Novi Testamenti (1742) stands out
among the exegetical literature not only of the eighteenth century
but of all centuries for its masterly terseness and precision and
for its combination of spiritual insight with the best scholarship of
his time.
WKTSTEIN (or Wettstein), T. J, 1693-1754 ; after being deposed
from office at Basel on a charge of heterodoxy he became Pro-
fessor in the Remonstrants' College at Amsterdam. His Greek
ment appeared 1751, 1752. Wetstein was one of those inde-
fatigable students whose first-hand researches form the base of
other men's labours. In the history of textual criticism he deserves
to be named by the side of John Mill and Richard Bentley ; and
besides his collation of MSS. he collected a mass of illustrative
r on the N. T. from classical, patristic, and rabbinical sources
which is still of great value.
4. Modern Period.
TIIOLUCX, F. A. G., 1799-1877 ; Professor at Halle. Tholuck
was a man of large sympathies and strong religious character, and
cvi i: TO TJI MS [§ 10.
both personally and through his commci
in 1824 and has been more than once translated) exercised
influence outside Gen •, is specially marked in the Am
cxegetes.
FRITZSCHF, C. F. A. (Fri.), 1801-1846, Professor at Giessen.
lie on R< 1 836-1843), like LOcke on St.
and Bleek on Hebrews, is a vast quarry of materials to which all
subsequent editors have been greatly indebted. Fritzsche was one
of those philologists whose researches did most to fix the laws of
N.T. Greek, but his exegesis is hard and rationalizing. Mr
engaged in a controversy with Tholuck the asperity o:
regretted before his death. He was however no doubt the better
scholar and stimulated Tholuck to self-improvement in this r
METER, H. A. W. (Mey.)t 1800-1873; Consist. n the
kingdom of Hanover. Meyer's famous commentaries first began
to appear in 1832, and were carried on with unresting cneiv
succession of new and constantly enlarged editions
There is an excellent English translation of the Com-
Romans published by Messrs. T. and T. Clark under the «
ship of Dr. W. P. Dickson in 1873, 1874. Meyer and De
•c said to have been the founders of the modern s1
commenting, at once scientific and popular : scientific,
rigorous— at times too rigorous — application of grami;
philological laws, and popular by reason of its terseness and power
of presenting the sifted results of learning and research. Since
Meyer's death the Commentary on Romans has been edit<
equal conscientiousness and thoroughness by Dr. Bernhard
^or at Berlin (hence 'M< Dr. Weiss has not all his
predecessor's vigour of style and is rather difficult to folio
especially in textual criticism marks a real advance.
Di WETTE, W. M. L. (De W.), 1 780-1849 ; Professor for a
time at Berlin, whence he was dismissed, afterwards at Basel. I !
A'urggt/asstfs extgetisches Handbuch MUM Neufn Tes/amfr:
appeared in 1836-1848. De Wette was an ardent lover of freedom
uionalistically inclined, but his commentaries are models of
brevity and pret
STUART, Moses, 1780-1852 ; Professor at Andover, Mass. Comm.
on Roman* first published in 1832 (British c<: ice by
-Smith in 1833). At a time when Biblical exegesis was
not being very actively prosecuted in G: :i two works of
• produced in America. One of these was by
Moses Stuart, who did much to naturalize German met!. ' . I It-
expresses large obligations to Tholuck, but is independent as
a commentator and modified con of his
Burro
* 7- 1 878; Professor at Princeton, New J
§ 10.] COMMENTARIES Cvii
His Comm. on Romans first published in 1835, rewritten in 1864,
is a weighty and learned doctrinal exposition based on the principles
of the Westminster Confession. Like N oses Stuart, Dr. Hodge
also owed much of his philological equipment to Germany where
he had studied.
ALFORD, Dr. H. (Alf.), 1810-1871 ; Dean of Canterbury. His
Grtfk Testament (1849-1861, and subsequently) was the first to
import the results of German exegesis into many circles in England.
Nonconformists (headed by the learned Dr. J. Pye-Smilh) had been
in advance of the Established Church in this respect Dean Alford's
laborious work is characterized by vigour, good sense, and scholar-
ship, sound as far as it goes ; it is probably still the best complete
Greek Testament by a single hand.
WORDSWORTH, Dr. Christopher, 1809-1885; Bishop of Lincoln.
Bishop Wordsworth's Greek Testament (1856-1860, and subse-
quently) is of an older type than Dean Alford's, and chiefly valuable
for its patristic learning. The author was not only a distinguished
prelate- hut a litnary scholar of a high order (as may be seen by
his Athens and Attica, Conjectural Emendations of Ancient Authors,
and many other publications) but he wrote at a time when the
reading public was less exigent in matters of higher criticism and
interpretation.
JOWETT, B., 1817-1893; widely known as Master of Balliol
e and Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford.
His edition of St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians, Galatians,
and Romans first appeared in 1855; second edition 1859; recently
re-edited by Prof. L. Campbell. Professor Jowett's may be said to
have been the first attempt in England at an entirely modern view
of the Epistle. The essays contain much beautiful and suggestive
. but the exegesis is loose and disappointing.
Y.UGHAN, Dr. C. J. (Va.); Dean of Llandaff. Dr. Vaughan's
edition first came out in 1859, and was afterwards enlarged; the
edition used for this commentary has been the 4th (1874). It is
a close study of the Epistle by a finished scholar with little further
help than the Concordance to the Septuagint and Greek Testament :
its greatest value lies in the careful selection of illustrative passages
from these sources.
W. ; associated at one time with the textual critic
Tregelles. His Notes on the Epistle to the Romans (London, 1873),
ritten from a detached and peculiar standpoint ; but they are
tin- fruit of sound scholarship and of prolonged and devout study,
and they deserve more attention than they have received.
BEET, Dr. J. Agar; Tutor in the Wesleyan College, Richmond.
Dr. Beet's may be described as the leading Wesleyan commentary:
:s from a very carelul exposition of the text, but is intended
throughout as a contribution to systematic theology. The first
K TO THE ROMANS [$ 10.
i» appeared in 1877, the second in 1881, and there have been
several others since.
GODET, Dr. F. (Go.), Professor at Neuchatcl. Commenlaire sur
e mix Remains, Paris, Ac., 187
T. and T. Clark's series, 1881. Godet and Oltramare are both
-Swiss theologians with a German training ; and their com-
-ries are somewhat similar in character. They are extremely
full, -iving and discussing divergent interpretations under the :
ir supporters. Both are learned and thoughtful works,
strongest in exegesis proper and weakest in textual criticism.
OLTRAMARE, Hugues (Oltr.), 1813-1894; Professor at Geneva.
Commcnlairt fur Remains, published in 1881, 1882
(a volume on chaps, i-v. n had appeared in 1843). Reset
Godet in many particulars, Oltramare seems to us to ha
stronger grip and greater indivith. exegesis, i
original views of which he is fond do not always commend
selves as right
MOULB, Rev. H. C. G. (Mou.); Principal of Ridley
Cambridge. Mr. Moule's edition (in the Cambridge Bible /or
Schools) appeared in 1879. It reminds us of Dr. Vaugh
its elegant scholarship and seeming independence of other com-
mentaries, but it is fuller in exegesis. The point of view approaches
as nearly as an Engli-h Churchman is likely to a <> Cal-
vinism. Mr. Moule has also commented on the Epistle
Expositor's Bible.
i ORD, Dr. E. H. (Gif.) ; sometime Archdeacon of London.
The Epistle to the Romans in The Speakers Commentary (1881)
was contributed by Dr. Gilford, but is also published sepa
We believe that this is on the whole the best as it is the most
judicious of all English commentaries on th< There are
few difficulties of exegesis which it docs not full . 1 the
solution which it offers is certain to be at once st
considered : it takes account of previous work both ancient and
modern, though the pages are not crowd names and
references. Our obligations to this comraentar -bably
higher than to any •
;*>x, Dr. I .natory A'
Epistle to the Romans, published posihunioti
in an earlier fo; acd privately among Dr. Lukion's
during his tenure of the Ireland Cliair (1870-188.
was first printed in 1876, but after that date much cnla
s, an analysis of the argument with v
notes, but not a complete edition. It is perhaj .t the
analysis is somewhat excess led and »ub»:
exegesis it is largely based on
hand of a most lucid writer and accomplished theologian.
§ 10.] COMMENTARIES cix
BARMBY, Dr. James; formerly Principal of Bishop HatfieUI's
Hall, Durham. Dr. Barmby contributed Romans to the Pulpit
Com mentary (London, 1890); a sound, independent and vigorous
exposition.
LIFSIUS, Dr. R. A. (Lips.), 1830-1892 ; Professor at Jena. This
unwearied worker won and maintained his fame in other
than exegesis. He had however written a popular com-
mentary on Romans for the Protestanlenbibel (English translation,
published by Messrs. Williams & Norgate in 1883), and he edited
the same Epistle along with Galatians and Philippians in the
Handcommentar turn Neuen Testament (Freiburg i. B., 1891).
a great improvement on the earlier work, and is perhaps
in many respects the best, as it is the latest, of German commen-
taries; especially on the side of historical criticism and Biblical
theology it is unsurpassed. No other commentary is so different
from those of our own countrymen, or would serve so well to
supplement their deficiencies.
SinAiriR, Dr. A.; Professor at Monster. Dr. Schaefer's Er-
kl.ining d. Brief es an die Romer (Mdnster i. W., 1891) may be
taken as a specimen of Roman Catholic commentaries. It is
pleasantly and clearly written, with fair knowledge of exegetical
literature, but seems to us often just to miss the point of the
Apostle's thought. Dr. Schanz, the ablest of Roman Catholic
commentators, has not treated St. Paul's Epistles.
are glad to have been able to refer, through the kindness of
ul, to a Russian commentary.
THEOPHANES, ob. 1893; was Professor and Inspector in the
orsburgh Ecclesiastical Academy and afterwards Bishop of
Vladimir and Suzdal. He early gave up his see and retired to
a life of learning and devotion. His commentary on the Romans
was published in 1890. He is described as belonging to an
I'M .uid to a certain extent antiquated school of exegesis. His
commentary is based mainly on that of Chrysostom. Theophanes
has both the strength and weakness of his master. Like him he 'is
often historical in his treatment, like him he sometimes fails to
grasp the more profound points in the Apostle's teaching.
ABBREVIATIONS
Eccltsiastieal Writert (sec p. xcviii ff.).
Amb
Ambrstr
Ath
Aug. .
Bas
Chrys. ....
Clem.-Alex.
Clem.-Rom.
Cypr. . -
Cyr
-Jcnis. ....
I*. .
.
.
HippoL .
Ign
Jer. (Hieron.) .
Jos
!. .
NovaL ...
Occum
Orig. ...
Orig.-Ut . .
Pelag.
Phot .
Ru
Sedul. .
TCI ...
Th«x!.-M..j.s. .
Theodrt.
The ...
Ambrose.
Ambrosiaster.
Athanasius.
Ai: juv.inc.
Chrysostom.
Clement of Alexandria.
Clement of Rome.
of Alexandria.
of Jcrusa!
hanius.
:uius Zigabenus.
;>olytus.
.us.
Jerome.
Josephus.
Methodius.
Oecumenius.
Origcn.
Latin Version of Orij
i
Rufinus.
Term
Theodor.
Theodoret.
.
AUUREVIATIONS
CXI
Versions (see p. Ixvi f.).
Aegyptt.
Boh. .
. Egyptian.
. Bohairic. ^
Sah. .
• Sahidic.
Acth. .
Arm. . . •
• . . Ethiopia
• • . Armenian.
Goth. .
. • • Gothic.
Latt. .
• • . Latin.
Lat. VeL .
Vuhr
, • , Vetus Latino.
. . . Vulgate.
• . . Syriac.
Pesh. .
Hard . .
. . . Peshitto.
Cov. .
. . . Coverdalc.
Rhcm.
....
. '..
• • • Rheims (or Douay).
. Tyndale.
. Wiclif.
AV. .
• . • Authorized Version.
RV. .
• • • • Revised Version.
Editors (see p. cv ff.).
T R
1 . K. • .
Tisch.
• • . Textus Receptus.
. Tischendorf.
<* • •
WH.
. . . Tregelles.
. . Westcott and Ilort
Alf. .f . .
. Alford.
Beng. . .
Del. .
... Bengcl.
. Delitzsch.
DeW. . .
. DeWettc.
Ell. . . .
. . Ellicott.
1-ri. .
Gif. .
. . . Fritzsche (C. F. A.).
• . • Gifford.
Go. . . .
. Godet
Lft . . .
Lid .
'. . Lightfoot
. » . Liddon.
I ...
.
Mov.-W. .
Oltr. .
• • . Lipsius.
. Meyer.
. . Meyer-Weiss.
• • . Oltramarc.
V.i. .
. . Vaughan.
noNs
C./.C7. . . . . ' ' »;us Inscnptionum
ifcarum.
CJ Corpus
im.
Grm.-T .... Grimm -Thayer's /
con.
Trench, .Spr. .... I: ,. ^\nonymt.
Win. . . . \\ 'ini-r'i Grammar.
. Expositor.
JBExt^. .... Journal of the Socifty of
/ :. • ;iure
and Kxfgesis.
ZwTh Zeittchrij.
schaflliihf Th<
add. .1 ! ir. ;i Mum, &c.
al. ...... alii, alibi.
cat. (ca/tn.) catena.
codd. codices.
edd. cditores.
tdd.pr cdiiorcs priorcs (older
editors).
om omiitit. omittunt, Ac.
ftauf. .... luci.
pier plerique.
plur plures.
praem. .... ;>racmittit, j>raemittutit,
Ac.
rel .... reliqui.
a/3. 4/5i Ac, ...
r out of five tiroes,
Ac.
In text-critical notes adverbs (bis, temtl, &c.). ',, V$) and
cod. codd., ed. edd.% ftc., always qualify the \vord \\lndi precedes, not
Kpiph. cod. or Epiph. A/.= a MS. or some printed edition of
Epiphanius.
N.B.-The toxt oomroent«d upon U that commonly known M the
ReriMra OtMk 'I • he Greek Text pro«uppo»«d in the Bericed
Version of 1881) publiahed by the Clarendon PreM. The few inaUnoea
in which the editors dissent from this text are noted as they occur
THE
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS
THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION.
I. 1, 7. * Paul, a divinely chosen and accredited Apostle,
gives Christian greeting to the Roman Church, itself also
divinely called.
'Paul, a devoted servant of Jesus Christ, an Apostle called
by divine summons as much as any member of the original
Twelve, solemnly set apart for the work of delivering God's
message of salvation ; 'Paul, so authorized and commissioned,
gives greeting to the whole body of Roman Christians (whether
Jewish or Gentile), who as Christians are special objects of the
Divine love, called out of the mass of mankind into the inner
society of the Church, consecrated to God, like Israel of old, as
His o\vn peculiar people. May the free unmerited favour of
God and tho peace which comes from reconciliation with Him be
yours 1 May God Himself, the heavenly Father, and the Lord
Jesus Messiah, grant them to you I
I. 2-6. I preach, in accordance with our Jewish Scrip-
. Jesus the Son of David and Son of Godt whose
commission I bear.
'The message which I am commissioned to proclaim is no
startling novelty, launched upon the world without preparation,
but rather the direct fulfilment of promises which God had
d the prophets of Israel to set down in Holy Writ slt
relates to none other than His Son, whom it presents in a twofold
aspect ; on the one hand by physical descent tracing His lineage
this one Instance we have ventured to break op the long and heavily-
weighted sentence in the Greek, and to treat its two main divisions separately.
Bat the second of these is not in the strict sense a parenthesis : the construction
of the whole paragraph is com im
2 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 1 7
to David, as the Messiah was lo do, 4and on the other h.
virtue of the Holiness inherent in His q !y designated or
declared to be Son of God by the miracle of the Resurrection
I say, is the sum and substance of my message, Jesus, the Jew's
Messiah, and the Christian's Lord • Ami it was through Him that
I, like the rest of the Apostles, received both the general tokens of
God's favour in that I was called to be a Christian and also the
special gifts of an Apostle. *My duty as an Apostle is among
all Gentile peoples, and therefore among you too at Rome, to win
men over to the willing service of loyalty to Him ; and the end
to which all my labours are directed is the honour of His Holy
Name.
1-7. In writing to the Church of the imperial
had not yet visited, St. Paul delivers his creder h some
solemnity, and with a full sense of the magnitude of the JSN
they and he alike are concerned. He takes occasion at
once to define (i) his own position, (ii) the position of his readers,
(iii) the central truth in that common Chr.
them.
The leading points in the section may be summarized •
Paul, am an Apostle by no act of my own, but !
deliberate call and in pursuance of the long-foreseen plan of God
(w. i, 7). (ii) You, Roman Christians, are also social obi
the Divine care. You inherit under t: »n the
same position which Israel occupied under the Old
i he Gospel which I am commissioned to preach, ;
in the sense that it puts forward a new name, the Name o!
:ulissolubly linked to the older dispensation
it fulfils and supersedes (w. a, 7 ; see note on cXi/rot tyouY
Its subject is Jesus, Who is at once th< id the
Son of God (w. 3, 4). (v) From Him, the Son, and from the Father,
may the blessedness « -us descend upon >«
opening section of the Epistle affords a g;ood opportunity
to watch the growth of a Christian Theology, in the s<-:
reflection upon the significance of the Life ami Deat:
and the relation of the newly inaugurated order of things to the
old. We have to remember (i) that th< about
the vear 58 A.D., or within thirty years of the As.
in tht the doctrinal language of Cl
be built up from the foundatioi II to note
of the terms used are old and which new, and how far old
had a new face put upon them. We will return to this point
at the end of the paragraph.
I. 1.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION
G XpiaroG : ««rXo» e«oG or Kvptov is an Old Testa-
ment phrase, applied lo the prophets in a body from Amos onwards
(Am. iii. 7 ; Jer. vii. 25 and repeatedly; Dan. ix. 6; Ezra ix. 1 1) ;
also with slight variations to Moses (&poir»r Josh. i. a), Joshua
(Josh. xxiv. 29 ; Jud. ii. 8), David (title of Ps. xxxvi. [xxxv.J ; Pss.
Ixxviii. [Ixxvii.J 70; Ixxxix. [Ixxxviii.] 4, 21 ; also wait cvptov, title
of Ps. xviii. [xvii.]), Isaiah (naif Is. xx. 3); but applied also to
worshippers generally (Pss. xxxiv. [xxxiii.J 23; cziii. [cxii.] i
im&tf, cxxxvi. [cxxxv.] 22 of Israel. &c".).
This is the first instance of a similar use in the New Testament ;
it is found also in the greetings of Phil., Tit., Jas., Jude, 2 Pet, show-
ing that as the Apostolic age progressed the assumption of the title
became established on a broad basis. But it is noticeable how
quietly St. Paul steps into the place of the prophets and leaders of
the Old Covenant, and how quietly he substitutes the name of His
o\\n Master in a connexion hitherto reserved for that of Jehovah.
rov. A small question of reading arises here, which is per-
haps of somewhat more importance than may appear at first sight In the
opening verses of most of St. Pauls Epistles the MSS. vary between 'lijoov
X/*<TTOV and Xp«rrov 'Irjoov. Thc/e is also evidently a certain method in the
variation. The evidence stands thus (where that on one side only is given
it may be assumed that all remaining authorities are on the other) :—
i Thess. L I 'It?<roC X/xorf unquestioned.
a Thess. i. i "Irjool Xpary Edd.; X/x(rr$ 'Ifjaov DEF"G, AmDntr.
(sic ed. Ballerini).
CI.il. i. i 'Iijaov Xparnv unquestioned.
I Cor. i. i JLptorov 'Itpov DDE KG 17 a/. fane., Vulg. codd., Chrys
Ambrstr. Aug. stmel, Tisch , \VH. marg.
* Cor. i. i Xfxerol 'lr,aov N B M P 17 marg., Harcl, Euthal. cod. Theodrt
Tlsch. WH. RV.
Rom. i. I X/N0Tov 'I»7<ToD B, Vnlg. codd., Orig. bis (contra Oiig.-lat bit)
Aug. semel Amb, Ambrstr. al. Lot., Tisch. WH. marx.
Phil. i. i Xptorov "In^otJ K HDE, Boh., Tisch. WH. RV.
Eph. i. i Xfxorov lli<rov BI)EPi7, Vulg. (odd. Boh. Goth. Hard,
Orig. (tx Cattn.) To.-Damasc. Ambrstr., Tisch. WH. RV.
Col. i. i X/MtfTov 'Ifjaov N A H F G L P 1 7, Vulg. (odd. Boh. Hard., Eothal.
cod. Jo.-Damasc. Ambrstr. Hieron. a/., Tisch. WH. RV.
Philem. i. i XfxaroC 'I^oO KAI>FGKP(^/. B), Ac, Boh., Hieroii.
(ttt vid.} Ambrstr. a/., Tisch. WH. RV.
n. i. i X/xaroC 'Irpov « D F G P («///. B), Vulg. codd. Boh. Harcl.,
To -Damasc. Ambrstr., Tisch. WH. RV.
a Tim. i. i X/MCTTOW 'Ii^oO KDEFGKP (dtf. B) 17 «/., Vnlg. codd.
Boh. Sah. Hard., Euthal. cod. Jo.-Damasc. Ambrstr. a/., Tisch. WH.
Tit. i. i liprov Xp<rrov K EKE KG &c.. Vulg. codd. Goth. Pesh. Arm.
Acth., Chrys. Euthal. cod. Ambrstr. (ed. Ballerin.) a/., Tisch. WH.
(ttd X^ffrov [l7<rov] marg.} RV. ; X^«rrow Irpov A minusc. trts, Vnlg.
(odd. Boh. Hard., Cassiod. ; Xp<rrov tantum
It will be observed that the Epistles being placed in a ronghlv chrono-
logical order, those at the head of the list read indubitably *I«7<rov Xpi<rrow
(or Xf*OT$\ while those in the latter part (with the single exception of Tit,
which is judiciously treated by WH.) as indubitably read X/*<rrov
B 2
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 1.
Jott about the group i and 3 Cor. Rom. there it a certain amount of
doubt
Remembering the Western element which enter* into IS in Enp. I
looks at if the evidence for x» .» in Cor. Rom. might he
but that is not quite clear, and the reading mar possibly tw r^'.'t. In any
catch would teem that just about thi< ! into the habit of
writing XjMffKi *li?<rot*. The interest of this would lie in the fact
Xporur 'Ii?<ro£f the first word would teem to be rather more disti;
proper name than in 'I^ovt Xp*Tot. No donbt the latter phca*e is r
pawing into a proper name, bat X^<rr<Jf would seem to have a littl
seme as a title ttill cl inging to it : the phrase would be in fact transitional
between Xp<rror or A X**r2< of the Gospels and the later X/*<rr<if lipovt or
X/M*r</f simply as a proper name (see Sanday, BamNon I.ttturtt, p. 280 f.,
and an article by the Rev. F. Herbert Stead in £>/«. 1 888. i. 386 ff.). The
subject would repay working out on a wider scale of induction.
dvoVroXos. cXqirir is another idea which has its roots in
the Old Testament. Eminent sen-ants of God become so by an
express Divine summons. The typical examples would be
Abraham (Gen. xii. 1-3), Moses (Ex. iii. 10), the prophets (I
8, 9 ; -,. Ac.). The veib mX«I» occurs in a highly typical
passage, Hos. XI. I «£ Aiyvvrot; p«r«KdX«ra ra rc'cua pov. For the
particular form nXi/ru* we cannot come nearer than the ' guests '
> of Adonij.ih (i Kings i. 41, 49). By his use of the term
St. Paul places himself on a level at once with the great Old
Testament saints and \\i:h the Twelve who had been 'called'
expressly by Christ (M.irk i. 17; ii. 14 u). The same con
tion cXfrrof airdar. occurs in i Cor. i. i, but is not used els<
Paul or any of the other Apostles. In these two 1
St Paul has to vindicate the parity of his own call (on the way
to Damascus, cf. also Acts xxvi. 17) with that of the elder
On the relation of «AijT«Jt to <«A«rrJt see LA. or
a difference between the usage of the Gospels and 1
•Ai/roi are all who are invited to enter C bust's kingdom, whether or t
accept the invitation ; the ««x««ro{ are a smaller group, selected to special
honour (Matt xxii. 14). In St. Paul both words are applied to the
cAijrJf implies that the call has been not only given bat
dw&rroXof. It is well known that this word is used in two
senses ; a narrower sense in which it was applied by our Lord
Himself to k iii. 14 v.l.», and .1
ich it includes c< : rnabas (Acts >. ;) and
probably James, the Lord's brother (Gal. i. >
(Rom. xvi. 7\ and many others (cf. i
«>2 ff. ;
- speaking
bim to be an Apostle in th<
lion of the term ; he laj-s stress, however, justly on the fa<
airocrroXoi, i. e. not merely an Apov ue of possessing
I. 1.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION 5
such qualifications as are described in Acts i. 21, 22, but through
a direct intervention of Christ. At the same time it should be
remembered that St. Paul lays stress on this fact not with a view
to personal aggrandizement, but only with a view to commend his
Gospel with the weight which he knows that it deserves.
d^wpiaptot : in a double sense, by God (as in Gal. i. 15) and
by man (Acts xiii. 2). The first sense is most prominent here ; or
rather it includes the second, which marks the historic fulfilment of
the Divine purpose. The free acceptance of the human commis-
sion may enable us to understand how there is room for free will
even in the working out of that which has been pre-ordained by
God (see below on ch. xi). And yet the three terms, dovXor,
nXrjrot, dtjxapuTntvot, all serve to emphasize the essentially Scriptural
doctrine that human ministers, even Apostles, are but instruments
in the hand of God, wiih no initiative or merit of their own.
This conception is not confined to the Canonical Books : it is found also
in At sump. Moys. i. 14 itaqu* txtogitavit tt invtnit mi, qui ab initio orbit
Urraruw pratparatu* sum, ut sim arbiter tutamenti illius.
els cuayyAior 6coG. The particular function for which St. Paul
is ' set apart ' is to preach the Gospel of God. The Gospel is
sometimes described as ' of God ' and sometimes ' of Christ ' (e. g.
Mark i. i). Here, where the thought is of the gradual unfolding
in time of a plan conceived in eternity, ' of God ' is the more appro-
priate. It is probably a mistake in these cases to restrict the force
of the gen. to one pa/ticular aspect (' the Gospel of which God
is the author/ or ' of which Christ is the subject ') : all aspects are
included in which the Gospel is in any way related to God and
Christ.
cuayyAioy. The fundamental passage for the use of this word
appears to be Mark i. 14, 15 (cf. Matt. iv. 23). We cannot doubt
that our Lord Himself described by this term (or its Aramaic
equivalent) His announcement of the arrival of the Messianic
Time. It does not appear to be borrowed directly from the LXX
(where the word occurs in all only two [or three] times, and once for
4 the reward of good tidings ' ; the more common form is «voyy«Xta).
It would seem, however, that there was some influence from the
I frequent use (twenty times) of fwryyiXi'Cw, «MyytXi{fffflai,
n Second Isaiah and the Psalms in connexion with the
»f ihe Great Deliverance or Restoration from the Captivity.
A conspicuous passage is Isa. Ixi. i, which is quoted or taken as
a text in Luke iv. 18. The group of words is well established in
; lie usage («voyytX«or, Matthew four times, Mark eight, Acts
fi-oyyfXiff 00<u, Matthew one, Luke ten, Acts fifteen). It
evidently took a strong hold on the imagination of St. Paul in
connexion with his own call to missionary labours («£oyy«'X«>i» sixty
6 EPISTLE T" [I
times Vsidcs in Epp. and Apoc. <
y<\i(<o6tn twenty times in Epp. Paul., besides once mid. seven
pass.). The disparity between St. Paul and the other N
v. Synopt. Acts is striking. The use of *voyy«Xior for
a Book lies beyond our limits (Samlay, Bamp. Lect. p. 317*.)!
the way is prepared for it by places like R ; Apoc. xi
2. wpocwTjYYCiXoTO. The words «royy«XiX /»oyy«AA«(rda« occur
several times in LXX, but not in t; il sense of the great
* promises' made by God to His people. The first instance of
C is Ft. Sol. Xii. 8 col wtwt, KVpiov *\*ip
icvpiov : cf. vii. 9 rov A«7<rm fir otco* *IoK*»3 «ic W*?0" «* .'* «i
oirolr, and xvii. 6 ou ovc orTyyri'Xw, / '/niXorro : a group of
passages which is characteristic of the attitude of wistful ex
lion in the Jewish people during the century before the l'>
. No wonder that the idea was eagerly seized u
.c Church as it began to turn the pages of the ( >
find one feature after another of the history of its Founder and of
its own history foretold there.
\\c notice that in strict accordance with what we may believe to hare been
the historical sequence, neither iwa-niMa nor im-niMtotou (in the technical
sense) occur in the Gospels until we come to Luke xxir. 49, where tny-
fitia bused of the promised gift of the Holy > we no sooner crora
over to the Acts than the use becomes frequent The words
promises made by Christ, in particular the promise of the !
is referred to the Father in Acts L 4); so Jwory'Aj'a three timr« m the Acts,
Gal. iii. 14, and 1 c promises of the O. T. fulfilled in
tianity; so fcraypAia four times in Acts (note c«p. Acts xiti. 32, >
some eight times each in Rom. and GaL, both J»ary«Aia «nd 4«0rr«'AA«<rftii
repeatedly in Heb., Ac. ; (iii) in a yet wider sense of promises, whether as yet
fulfilled or unfulfilled, e.g. > Cor. L Sofa* <j4f Jvorr«A4u »«'
i Tim. ir. 8 ; a Tim t »> iwayyitfa rip wapovoiai ovroC.
: perhaps the earliest extant instance of the use
of this phrase (Philo prefers 2«/xu ypaQat, i*pni /S^SXoi, 6 l*pl>t
cf. Sanday, Bamp. Lect. p. 72) ; but the use is estab-
lished, and the idea of a collection of autl looks goes
back to the prologue to Ecclus. In ypafalt Ayuus the abs<
the art. throws the stress on &yiatt ; the books are ' holy ' as con-
taining the promises of God Himself, written down by ii
men (&A rw» wpafari* avrov).
,<w>p,/^>«. .ntrasted with tpto&mt, ytvofu'w denot-
ing, as usually, 'transition from one state or mode of subsi
to another ' (.S/. Comm. on i Cor. i. 30) ; it is rightly paraphrased
' [Who] was born,' and is practically equivalent to the Joh
AAJrroc ,l< rl» nfa^or.
4* cnr/pfiarot Aaprt. For proof that the belief in the descent of
'-•ssiah fr« : Belief see Mark xi .
04 ypaftfutrt^t on • . *•'* tan Ao#<d ; (cf.
I. 3, 4.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION
xi. 10 and x. 47 f.) : also Pt. So/, xvii. 23 ff. to>,cvp««, *a«
adroit rov /3a<rtA/a avrvv vlor Aai;id «ir TO* Kntpov otf ot&ar <rv, 4 Otor , row
(taatXtvatu «V» *l<rpa^X waiou aov ic.rA. ; 4 Kzra xii. 32 (in three of the
extant versions, Syr. Arab. Armen.); and the Talmud and Targums
(passages in Weber, Allsyn. Theol. p. 341). Our Lord Himself
appears to have made little use of this title : he raises a difficulty
about it (Mark xii. 35-37 l). But this verse of Ep. to Romans
shows that Christians early pointed to His descent as fulfilling one
of the conditions of Messiahship ; similarly a Tim. ii. 8 (where the
assertion is made a part of St. Paul's ' Gospel ') ; Acts ii. 30 ; Heb.
%ii. 14 'it is evident that our Lord hath sprung out of Judah' (see
also Eus. H. E. I. vii. 1 7, Joseph and Mary from the same tribe).
Neither St. Paul nor the Acts nor Epistle to Hebrews defines more
nearly how the descent is traced. For this we have to go to
rst and Third Gospels, the early chapters of which embody
wholly distinct traditions, but both converging on this point. There
is good reason to think that St. Luke i, ii had assumed substan-
its present shape before A.D. 70 (cf. Swete, Apost. Creed,
P- 49).
In Test. XI f. Patriarch, we find the theory of a double descent from Levi
and from Judah (Sym. 7 dyo<rn^«i yap Kvptot J« TOV A«i/«2 an &p\npia ml t*
rov 'lovta <fr 0a<r<Ato, e«4r *al rft^Mnror : Gad. 8 8w«tt nuijovotv lot/far ml
A«t'«i- on «f avrSiv dyar«A«f Ki/por, aojrr^f ry 'lapaij\. &c. ; cf. Hamack's
note, Patr. Apost. \. 52). This is no doubt an inference from the relationship
of the Mother of our Lord to Elizabeth (Luke L 36).
aa'pxa . . . KQT& irv«Cpa are opposed to each other, not as
' human' to 'divine/ but as 'body* to 'spirit/ both of which in
are human, though the Holiness which is the abiding pro-
perty of His Spirit is something more than human. See on Kara
wwt/i. Ayt<a<r. below.
4. 6pia0«Vros: 'designated.' It is usual to propose for this
word an alternative between (i) ' proved to be/ ' marked out as
being ' (fcix&Wof, airo^xw^'rro* Chrys.), and (ii) ' appointed/ * in-
stituted,' ' installed,' in fact and not merely in idea. For this latter
sense (which is that adopted by most modern commentators) the
parallels are quoted, Acts x. 42 oSr6t «<m» 6 wpiafuW ur& rov e*oO
KpiTtjt (vrrvv xal muepMr, and xvii. 31 fiAXct Kpit*i» . . . «V o»6y>i ^
ZfHot. The word itself does not determine the meaning either
way : it must be determined by the context. But here the particular
context is also neutral ; so that we must look to the wider context
of St. Paul's teaching generally. Now it is certain that St. Paul
did not hold that the Son of God became Son by the Resurrection.
mdoubted Epistles are clear on this point (esp. 2 Cor. iv. 4;
- ; cf. Col. i. 15-19). At the same time he did regard the
n as making a difference— if not in the transcendental
relations of the Father to the Son (which lie beyond our cogni-
S EPISTLE TO THE R [I. 4.
sance), yet in the vMl.U- manifestation of Sonship as addressed to
the understanding of men (cf. esp. Phil. ii. 9 M> *al 6 e«o» aM»
lm<pty*o<, *a< t\apHTOTo ai<r+ TO 5roH<i rA iir«> irur feopa). 'I
sufficiently expressed by our word 'designated. might
perhaps with advantage also be used in the two places in the Acts.
It is true that Christ btcomes Judge in a sense in He does
not become Son ; but He is Judge too not wholly by an external
creation but by an inher< • c la ration, as it
were, endorses and proclaims that right.
The Latin rentals are not very helpful. The PHMIOB rendering was
JnMfatfMTKi («o eipcraly Rufinot rOrif-lat.] c.i Introd. f 7).
v of Poitkn has dtittMtta, which Kofinw aUo prefers. Tertullian
reads dtfinitm.
uloG 0€oC • Son of God/ like ' Son of Man/ was a recognized
tide of the Messiah (cf. Enoch cv. a ; 4 Ezra vii. 28, 29 ; x
37. 52 ; xiv. 9, in all which places the Almighty speaks of the
Messiah as • My Son/ though the exact phrase ' Son of God ' does
not occur). It is remarkable that in the Gospels we very rarely
find it used by our Lord Himself, though in face o;
John x. 36, cf. Matt. xxi. 37 f. a!.t it cannot be said t
not use it. It is more often used to describe the impression made
upon others (e.g. the demonized, Mark iii. n, v. 7 c ; tl
turion, Mark xv. 39 |), and it is implied by the words of the
Tempter (Matt. iv. 3, 6 B) and the voice from
i. ii|, ix. 71). The crowning instance is the confession of
St. Peter in the version which is probably derived from the ZqpiVr,
• Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God/ Mat:, xvi. 16. It
is consistent with the whole of our Lord's method that
have been thus reticent in putting forward his own claims, at
He should have left them to be inferred by the free and spon-
taneous working of the minds of His disciples.
prising that the title should have been chosen by t:
to express its sense of that which was transcendent in the Person of
: see esp. the common text of the Gospel of St. "
the words, if not certainly genuine, in any case are an
early addition), and this passage, the teaching of \\\
explicit. The further history of th- ::h its
strengthening addition po»oy«»^ct may be followed in Swcte, Apost.
Cretd, re recent attempts to restrict the
Christ to His earthly manifestation a
In this passage we have seen that the declaration of S< ;
from the Resurrection: but we have also seen t .ul re-
garded the Inc rist as existing bef uion ;
ami it is as certain th.r speaks of Him as 4 c-V
(Rom. viii. 32), & iavrov v« . he intends to jxrriod
•.ence, as that St. J lies the /Mwoyvr^r \uth the
I. 4.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION 9
pre-existent Logos. There is no sufficient reason to think that
the Early Church, so far as it reflected upon these terms, under-
stood them differently.
There are three moments to each of which are applied with variations the
word* of Ps. ii. 7 ' Thou art my Son ; this day have I begotten thee.' They
are (i) the Baptism (Mark i. n I) ; (ii) the transfiguration (Mark ix> 71);
(iii) the Resurrection (Acts ziii. 33). We can see here the origin of the Lbio-
nitc idea of progressive exaltation, which is however held in check by the
doctrine of the Logos in both its forms, Pauline (a Cor. iv. 4, flee, ut sup.)
and Johannean (John i. i ff.). The moments in question are so many steps
in the passage through an earthly life of One who came forth from God and
returned to God, not stages in the gradual deification of one who began his
: not with vlov Qtov, as Weiss, Lips, and others, ' Son
of God in pcwfr* opposed to the present state of humiliation, but
rather adverbially, qualifying opKr&Vrot, ' declared with might to be
Son of God/ The Resurrection is regarded as a 'miracle* or
* signal manifestation of Divine Power.' Comp. esp. 2 Cor. xiii. 4
loravpuOr) «£ ac6<niatt <iXXa £7 «V oWa/irar 6foO. This parallel de-
termines the connexion of «V for.
HOT* irv«Cjia dyiw<ronr)s : not (i) = nwC/ia'Ayav, the Third Person
in the Trinity (as the Patristic writers generally and some moderns),
because the antithesis of <m>£ and m*i>a requires that they shall
be in the same person ; nor (ii), with Beng. and other moderns
(even Lid.) = the Divine Nature in Christ as if the Human Nature
were coextensive with the <rop£ and the Divine Nature were co-
extensive with the imC/M, which would be very like the error of
Apollinaris; but (iii) the human trwi/m, like the human <rdp£,
uished however from that of ordinary humanity by an
exceptional and transcendent Holiness (cf. Heb. ii. 17; iv. 15 'it
behoved Him in all things to be made like unto His brethren . .
yet without sin').
fryuxrvvT), not found in profane literature, occurs three times in LXX of
the Psalms, not always in agreement with Heb. (Pss. xcv. 6 [xcvi. 6
'strength']; xcvi. la [xcvii. la 'holy name,' lit. 'memorial']; cxliv. 5
[cxlv. 5 'honour']). In all three places it is used of the Divine attribute;
ii.
but in a Mace. iii. la we have i> rov TWTOV Aytuavni. In Tut. XI 1. Patr.
Levi 1 8 the identical phrase w*ti>n. d-poxr. occurs of the saints in Paradise.
The passage is Christian in its character, but may belong to the original
work and is in any case probably early. If so, the use of the phrase is so
different from that in the text, that the presumption would be that it was not
coined for the first time by St Paul The same instance would show that
the phrase does not of itself and alone necessarily imply divinity. The
vrtvfta *yM*rinp, though not the Divine nature, ii that in which the Divinity
or Divine Personality resided. The clear definition of this point was one of
the last results of the Christ ological controversies of the fifth and sixth
centuries (Loofs, £>cgmf»gesc*. § 39, 3). For d^cwr see on ayu* ver. 7.
«'$ dva<rrdafws r«KpMK : a remarkable phrase as applied to Christ.
1 1> uas not a ' resurrection of dead persons' (' ajenrisynge of dead
10 ISTLE T< [I. 4, 5
men' Wic.) but of a single dead person. We might expect rather
•r « wi^r (a :s probable that this
form is only avoided because of «£ tumoraoi** coming just before.
But t»*piM> coalesces closely in meaning with u»«rrM so as to y
very much the force of a compound word, 'by a dead-rising*
(Todtntauftrsfihung), ' a resurrection such as that when dead per-
sons rise.' ' the first-born from the dead' (Col. i. 18).
TOW Kupi'ou ^fi*»r. Alili ipplied to God
as equivalent of A word does not in itself
necessarily involve Divinity. The Jews applied it to their Messiah
xi>- 36» 37 D J P*> SoL xvii. 36 faaiXri* ourir xpurrk «><*)
without thereby pronouncing Him to be 'God'; they expressly
distinguished between the Messiah and the Mtmra or ' Word ' of
Jehovah (Weber, Alisyn. Thcol On the lips of
Kyptof denotes the idea of ' SON selves
as the society of believers (Col. i. 18, &c.), but also oveY all cr
(Phil. ii. lo.'n ; Col. i. 16, 17 le was given to our Lord
even in Mis lifetime (John xiii. 13 'Ye call me, Master (6 &&-
ffcoXot), and. Lord (6 Kt'ptor) : and ye say well ; for so I am '), but
without a full consciousness of its significance : it was only after
the Resurrection that the Apostles took it to express their c
belief (Phil, ii. 9 fT.. &c.).
5. Aapopcr. The best explanation of the plur. seems to be that
ul associates him • '.f with the other Apostles.
X<£fuf is an important word with theological use
and great variety of meaning: (i) objectively, 'sweetness/ 'at-
tractiveness,' a sense going back to Homer (Od. viii. 175); Ps. xlv.
(xllV.) 3 <£<nv&n xu>f «V £«iX«ri trovl £ccl. X. 12 Xrfyot ffToparot
(ro^>ov x*P"> Luke iv. 22 Xoyot x°l*?** • (2) tvour,'
' kindly feeling/ ' good will/ especially as shown by a superior
towards an inferior. In Eastern despotisms this personal :
on the part of the king or chieftain is most import..
\af*9 is the commonest form of phrase in the O. T. (Gen.
vi. 8; xviii. 3, &c ) ; in many of these passages (esp. in anthropo-
morphic scenes where God is represented as holding colloquy
with man) it is used of 'finding favour' in the sight of G<*1. Thus
the word comes to be used (3) of the or ' good will '
of God; and that (a) generally, as in Zech. xii. 10 «'KV
xaptrot ml o&rrifM • more comnx I'. (Luke ii. 40;
John i. 14, 1 6, Ac.) ; (d) by a usage which is specially charac
of SL Paul (though not confined to him), with oj :
•^*iV, Rom. iv. 4), and to Ipyo,' works' (implying merit,
'.;, ' um<ir -tress up<
herefore as bestowed not up hteous
but on sinners - sense the
vord takes a p: ilary of J
I. 6.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION II
(4) The cause being put for the effect xw* denotes (a) ' the state
of grace or favour' which the Christian enjoys (Rom. v. a), or
(/3), like xopiff/M, any particular gift or gifts of grace (wX^ *dp.rot
Acts vi. 8). We note however that the later technical u*e, esp.
of the Latin gratia, for the Divine prompting and help which
precedes and accompanies right action does not correspond exactly
to the usage of N. T. (5) As ^P4* or 'kindly feeling' in the
donor evokes a corresondin xdptr or ' ratitude ' in the reciient,
corresponding xdptr or ' gratitude ' in the recipient,
it comes to mean simply ' thanks ' ( i Cor. x. 30).
X<ipiy here = that general favour which the Ap. shares with all
Christians and by virtue of which he is one ; dwooroX^i' = the more
peculiar gifts of an Apostle.
We observe that St. Paul regards this spiritual endowment as
conferred upon him by Christ (&i ov)— we may add, acting through
His Spirit, as the like gifts are described elsewhere as proceeding
from the Spirit ( i Cor. xii, Ac.).
el? iwciKoV TTWTTCWS i may be rendered with Vulg. ad okdiendum
fdei provided that »tW. is not hardened too much into the sense
which it afterwards acquired of a 'body of doctrine* (with art.
Tfj tnVrit Jude 3). At this early date a body of formulated doctrine,
though it is rapidly coming to exist, does not still exist:
is still, what it is predominantly to St. Paul, the lively act or impulse
of adhesion to Christ. In confessing Christ the lips ' obey ' this
impulse of the heart (Rom. x. 10). From another point of view,
going a step further back, we may speak of ' obeying the Gospel '
(Rom. x. 1 6). Faith is the act of assent by which the Gospel is
appropriated. See below on ver. 17.
iv »dai TOIS «6K€<7iK. Gif. argues for the rendering ' among all
nations ' on the ground that a comprehensive address is best suited
to the opening of the Epistle, and to the proper meaning of the
-.: irdrra ra M*) (cf. Gen. xviii. 1 8, &c.). But St. Paul's com-
n as an Apostle was specially to the GtniiUs (Gal. ii. 8), and it
is more pointed to tell the Roman Christians that they thus belong
to his special province (ver. 6), than to regard them merely as one
among the mass of nations. This is also clearly the sense in which
the word is used in ver. 13. Cf. Hort, Rom. and Eph. p. ai f.
uw€p TOO droparos aurou. This is rather more than simply ' for
His glory.' The idea goes back to the O. T. (Ps. cvL [cv.] 8 ;
Kzck. xx. 14; Mai. i. n). The Name of God is intimately
connected with the revelation of God. Israel is the instrument or
vr of that revelation; so that by the fidelity of Israel the
revelation itself is made more impressive and commended in the
eyes of other nations. But the Christian Church is the new Israel :
ami hence the gaining of fresh converts and their fidelity when
gained serves in like manner to commend the further revelation
of God in Christ (OVTOV, cf. Acts v. 4 1 ; Phil, it 9).
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [I
0 i* ol«: not merely in a geographical sense of a Jewish com-
munity among Gentiles, but clearly numbering the Roman Church
among Gentile communities.
•.XTJTCH 'itjaou Xpurrou: 'called ones of Jesus Christ': gen. of
possession.
. 'P«ififl : om. G g, tchol. cod. 47 (rA «r 'Pipy ofr« «V rg «£7yi7<m
oCn iv ry pirry pt^/toMvf*, i. c. some commentator whom the Scholiast
had before him). G reads wart nit ofcn* i* Apart 9«°l" (similarly
;lg. codd. and the commentary of Ambrstr. seem to imply
*a<n rois ofot* i* 'P*w «V ay&ry e«w). The same MS. omits rolf
A» 'Plug iii These facts, taken together with the fluc-
.: position of the final doxology, xvi. 25-27, would seem
to give some ground for the inference that there were in circi
in ancient times a few copies of the Epistle from : local
references had been removed. It is however important to
:.e authorities which place the doxology at the end of ch. xiv
are quite different from those which omit «V 'i'«/i.7 1-
ver. 15. For a full discussion of the question see the Introduction,
§ "•
•tXTjToIs AyiW KAirr$ fyta represents consistently in I.X
phrase which is translated in A V. and RV. ' an holy convocation '
(so eleven times in Lev. xxiii and Ex. xii. 16). The rendering ap-
pears to be due to a misunderstanding, the Heb. word used being one
with which the I. XX translators were not familiar. V.
Heb. the phrase usually runs, ' on such a day there shall be a holy
convocation/ the LXX treat the word translated convocation as an
adj. and make 'day* the subject of the sentence, 'such a day
(or feast) shall be «X7"} Ayia, i.e. specially appointed, chosen,
tiished, holy (day)/ This is a striking instance of th
:;-. \\h.. !i > kcs a phrase which wa :\ the first
instance a creation of the LXX and current wholly through
it, appropriating it to Christian use, and recasts
ing, substituting a theological sense for a liturgical. Obviously
K\T)Tolt has the same sense as cX^r . i : as he him.v
'called* to be an Apostle, so all < .lied' to be
ins; and they personally receive the consecration
under the Old Covenant was attached to ' times and seasons.'
For the following detailed rtitemtnt of the evidence respecting «A?r} a>/a
we arc indebted to Dr. Dnvrr : —
«XTT^ corresponds to K^^P, from K^t? to call, a technical term alox
wholly confined to the Priest*' Code, denoting apparently a »j«
•r * convocation,' held on certain sacred day*.
tented by mXifnj i6b; Lev. xxiii. 7, 8, .
Nun Now in all these pas**ges, where the Hcli. htt'M »uch
a day there shall bo a holy convocatio; have ' such a day thall
be «Xirr^ a .^y alter the form of the sentence, make day
and use «ATTI) with its proper force as an adj. • shall be ..
I. 7.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION 13
a specially appointed, chosen, distinguished*), My (day) ' ; cf. «A. in //. ix.
165 and Rom. i. I. They read analogously with ITJiH? in Ley. xxiii. a o/
lopral itvpiov. &* mXiatrt airr&t fAi/rdf dyiat (cf. v. 37 , 31 «o2 «oA^<7«r«
rai TTIV ri)r Wpa* «Ai7r^' d>/a fora* Ajifr. In Lev. xxiii. 3 (cf. v. *4\
«Ai7T^ d-pa seem* to be in apposition with df<l»au<rif. The usage of «Ai;n7
in Lev. xxiii is, however, such as to suggest that it was probably felt to
have the form of a subst. (sc. M") I cf- J'kAijroj.
This view of *A. is supported by their rendering of K")|3O elsewhere. In
vii. 1 6 a, Lev. xxiii. 4 they also alter the form of the sentence, and
render it by a verb, itXr^atrat &yia. and Aflat roUa«T« respectively.
Num. xxviii. 18, a6 (ml T$ i)^P9 rfir r/«r ---- IvtttlijTo* *y« *<"•«
6/iiV : similarly xxix. i, ;, la), they express it by iwin^rot (the same word
used (4 trip* 4 *P»Trl «»«'«M™* dyo /rrai 6/j4V) i3. i. 16; xxvi. 9, for the
ordinary panic. calUd, summomuf), i.e. I suppose in the same sense of
specially appointed (cf. Josh. xx. 9 <U »OA«it oJ 4wi'«Aip-o< roTt vIoTt
Is. i. 13 ' the calling of a convocation ' is represented in LXX
•;y, an«l iv. 5 'all her convocations' by rd *«p««t«Af> avrfjt
m all this, it occurs to me that the LXX were not familiar with the term
tOpC, and did not know what it meant. I think it probable that they pro-
nounced it not as a subst. K"Ji>D, but as a fartitiflt VT$& (• called1).
The history of this word would seem to be very parallel
to that of KAijroIf. It is more probable that its meaning developed
by a process of deepening from without inwards than by extension
from within outwards. Its connotation would seem to have been
! and ceremonial, and to have become gradually
more and more ethical and spiritual, (i) The fundamental Idea
appears to be that of 'separation.' So the word 'holy* came
to be applied in all the Semitic languages, (2) to that which was
•set apart' for the service of God, whether things (e.g. i Kings vii.
51 [37]) or persons (e.g. Ex. xxii. 31 [29]). But (3) inasmuch as
thai which was so ' set apart ' or ' consecrated ' to God was required
to be free from blemish, the word would come to denote ' freedom
from blemish, spot, or stain'— in the first instance physical, but
by degrees, as moral ideas ripened, also moral. (4) At first the
idea of 'holiness,' whether physical or moral, would be directly
associated with the service of God, but it would gradually become
detached from this connexion and denote ' freedom from blemish,
spot, or stain,' in itself and apart from any particular destination.
In this sense it might be applied even to God Himself, and we
find it so applied even in the earliest Hebrew literature (e.g.
vi. 20). And in proportion as the conception of God itself
became elevated and purified, the word which expressed this
1 attribute of His Being would contract a meaning of more
severe and awful purity, till at last it becomes the culminating
and supreme expression for the very essence of the Divine Nature.
When once this height had been reached the sense so acquired
• Biel (Luc. I'M LXX.} cites from Phavorinus the gloss, «A., * «oA«rr* raJ *
- in?.
14 D THE ROMANS [I. 7.
would be reflected back over all the lower uses, and the tei
be more and more to assimilate the idea of holin
••aiurc to that of holiness in the Creator. This tendency
is formulated in the exhortation, 'Ye shall be holy; for I. the
Lord your God, am holy ' (Lev. xix. 2, Ac.).
•i would appear to have been the history of the word
ac when S ide use of it. He would find a series of
meanings ready to his hand, some lower and some higher; and he
chooses on this occasion not that i ighest but one rather
midway in the scale. When he describes the Roman Christians as
ifyioi, he does not mean that they reflect in their jxrrsons th-
bates of the All-Holy, but only that they are ' set apart ' or • conse-
crated' to HU ;• At the same time he is not content to rest
lower sense, but after his manner he takes it as a basis or
starting-point for UK- Because Ci i.oly ' in the
sense of ' consecrated/ they are to become daily more fit for the
to which they are committed (Ro: 18, 22), they are
to be 'transformed by the renewing* of \ii. 2).
He teaches in fact implicitly if not ex; same les
St. Peter, ' As He which called you is holy, be ye yourselves also
holy in all manner of living (AV. conversation); becaus<
Ve shall be holy, for I am holy ' (i Pet. i. 15, 16).
We note that Ps. Sol. had already described the Mes
people as Xoo» oyu* (M! crvra£f i Xao» oy»or, of o^>7y^<rrra« «V hxaioav
-• 8 ; cf. Dan. vii. 1 8
.;, where ' books of the holy ones = the roll of the members
of the Kingdom ' (Charles). The same phrase had been a dt
lion for Israel in O.T., but only in Pout. (vii. 6 ; I
19; xxviil 9, varied from Ex. xix. 6 Iflw fyor). \V
another instance in which St. P.uil transfers to (
hitherto appropriated to the Chosen People. But in this case the
Jewish Messianic expectation had been beforehand with
There is a certain clement of conjecture b the above sketch, w)
Inevitable from the fact that the earlier stages in the history of the word had
been already gone through when the Hebrew literature 1-c-mv The instances
above given will show this. The main problem is how to account
application of the same word at once to the Creator and to 1
both things and persons. The common view (accepted also by
that io the latter case it means ' separated ' or • set apart ' for God. and in
the former case that it mean* • separate from
bbi»txp*n\ lint the link between these two meanings is little more than
verbal ; and it seems more probable that the idea o: Set her
in the sense of eiahcdnm (Baadisain) or of ,
rather than primary. There are a number of monographs on the subject, of
. perhaps the best and the most accessible it that by Kr. Pclitxsch
instate-
•iiscussions will be foot x-rtson
f'.. 140 1401!. ifoed. ^ ; Schullf.
Tktology of Ikt Old 7'ttta* J Agar
I. 7.] THE APOSTOLIC SALUTATION 15
Beet i« on a good method, but U somewhat affected by critical questions at
to tbe sequence of the documents.
There is an interesting progression in the addresses of St. Paul's
Epp.: I, 2 Thess. Gal. r£ cxxAipn? (rolr «mAi|9Mur) ; I, a Cor. TO
«V*A. + ro'tt Ayimt ; I Cor. Rom. KXijrou Ayioit ; Rom. Phil, iraai rait
; Eph. Col. TOIC Ayiott *a\ irurrois.
The idea of the local Church, as a unit in itself, is more promi-
nent in the earlier Epp.; that of individual Christians forming part of
the great body of believers (the Church Catholic) is more prominent
in the later. And it would be natural that there should be some
such progression of thought, as the number of local churches multi-
plied, and as the Apostle himself came to see them in a larger
perspective. It would however be a mistake to argue at once
from this that the use of <u&ii<ria for the local Church necessarily
came first in order of time. On the other side may be urged the
usage of the O. T., and more particularly of the Pentateuch, where
«*X»7<ri'a constantly stands for the religious assembly of the whole
people, as well as the saying of our Lord Himself in Matt xvi. 18.
But the question is too large to be argued as a side issue.
Rudolf Sohm's elaborate A*ir<k**rtckt (Leipzig, 1893) starts from the
assumption that the prior idea is that of the Church as a whole. But jntt
this part of his learned work has by no means met with general acceptance.
ical ctp^Kfj. Observe the combination and deepened re-
ligious significance of the common Greek salutation x<up«ty, and
the common Heb. salutation Shalom, * Peace.' xnpit and «V»7»? arc
both used in the full theological sense : jape* = the favour of God,
ilpw = the cessation of hostility to him and the peace of mind
which follows upon it.
There are four formulae of greeting in N. T. : the simple
in St. James ; xdptt *ai (Ipw in Epp. Paul, (except i, a Tim.)
ami in i, a St. Peter ; x<ip«r, «A«or, tlpfa in the Epistles to Timothy
and a St. John ; «A«w «ai f Ipfa *a\ dymnj in St. Jude.
€ip^nf|. We have seen how ^dpis had acquired a deeper sense in
N. T. as compared with O. T. ; with tlpfa this process had taken
place earlier. It too begins as a phrase of social intercourse,
marking that stage in the advance of civilization at which the
assumption that every stranger encountered was an enemy gave
place to overtures of friendship (tipw <r<* Jud. xix. ao, Ac.). But
tin- \vonl soon began to be used in a religious sense of the cessation
of the Divine anger and the restoration of harmony between God
.iii.l man (Ps. xxix. [xxviii.J 1 1 Ki'pior <£Aowm ro» Ao6* avrnv i*
«>W : 1XXXV. [IxXXiv.] 8 XaXiJaci tlpfjt*,, «it\ TOV Xaor avrov I ibid. IO
OMraMXTtVrj *m il^n) KOT«t>i\ij<Tav: CXix. [cxviii.] 165 tlpqrri flroXAi) TO«f
dyanwri rir yo/ioy : Is. liii. 5 iraioWa tlp^t 9/wir rir* aurrfr : Jer. XIV.
13 «iX^«ia»» Km tlpw» ftWw M r^c y^v : Ezek. XXXIV. a$
1 6 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [l. 7.
dwitfijin;* «.»Ktjj [cf. xxxvii. 26]. Nor is this use confined
to the Canonical Scriptures : cf. Enoch v. 4 (other reff. in Charles,
ad lot.) ; Jubilee is one
of ihe functions of the Messiah lo bring 'peace1 (Weber, Alltyn.
Theol. p. 362 f.).
The nearest parallel for the ate of the word in a *alutation as hen? U
Dan t,i. 98 [3,]; ri. ,5 (Tbeodot.) «to»
dwo OcoG worpis 4|ifir «al Kupi'ov 'lijaou XpurroO. The juxta-
position of God as Father and Christ as Lord may be added
proofs already supplied I if not formally
enunciating a doctrine of the Divinity of Christ, held a view
cannot rcally.be distinguished from it. The assignment of the
respective titles of ' Father ' and ' Lord ' represents the first begin-
ning of Christological speculation. It is stated in precise terms
and with a corresponding assignment of appropriate prepositions
in I Cor. viii. 6 a'XX' t?pjy «ff 6«6f 6 warfjp, «'£ ov ra r. .
aiTOf. • .of *l7<7otf \purr 6(t &' ol ra ITU*TCI, «a< ',n*~it it'
The opposition in that passage between the gods of t.
and the Christians' God seems to show that w*£r = at lea
Christians' rather than ' us n.
Not only does the juxtaposition of ' Father ' and ' Lord '
a stage in the doctrine of the Person of ks an
important stage in the history of the doctrine of tl
found already some six years before the composition of .
Romans at the time when St. Paul wrote
(i Thess. i. i ; cf. 2 Thess. i. a). This shows that even at that
date (A. D. 52) the definition of the doctrine had begun. It
is well also to remember that although in this partia:
Ep. to Romans the form in which it appears is incomplete, the
triple formula concludes an Epistle written a few months •
(a Cor. xt. .ere is nothing more wonderful in
of human thought than the silent and impci
this doctrine, to us so difficult, took its place \vithout Strug/
without controversy amc
irarpos ^p£r. The singling out of this title must be an echo of
its constant and distinctive use by our L<
of the Fatherhood of God was taught in tli
xxxix. 26; Deut. x 16; Ixiv. 8; Jer.
xxxi. 9; Mai. i. 6; ii. 10) ; but there is usually some r<
qualification— God is the Father of Israel, of the Messianic King, of
r cla«s such as the weak and friendless. It may also be
hat the doctrine of I icrluxxl is im;
in the stress wh on the ' loving-kindness' of God (e. g. in
.il passages a*
; 3). But this idea which lies as a partially developed germ in
II 7.J TIIK APOSTOLIC SALUTATION 17
the Old Testament breaks into full bloom in the New. It is
placed by our Lord Himself in the fore-front of the conception of
God. It takes however a two-fold ramification : 6 warfip i^i* [?M»*I
r£y] (e. g. twenty limes in St. Matt), and 6 irar^p pav [A varqpl
(e.g. twenty-three times in St. Matt.). In particular this second
phrase marks the distinction between the Son and the Father ; so
ilu: when the two are placed in juxtaposition, as in the greeting of
:ul other Epistles, 4 Uarfip is the natural term to use. The
mere fact of juxtaposition sufficiently suggests the iroi^p nv Kvplw
wi*>y 'Iiprov XpurroC (which is expressed in full in 2 Cor. i. 3 ; Eph. i.
3; Col. i. 3 ; cf. Rom. xv. 6; a Cor. xi. 31, but not Eph. iii. 14; Col.
ii. 2); so that the Apostle widens the reference by throwing in
wuf, to bring out the connexion between the source of ' grace and
peace ' and its recipients.
It is no doubt true that irorijp is occasionally used in N. T. in the
more general sense of 'Creator' (lames i. 17 'Father of lights,'
I the first instance, Creator of the heavenly bodies; Heb. xii. 9
' Father of spirits ' ; cf. Acts xvii. 28, but perhaps not Eph. iv. 6
vorqp irayrwf, where TTUKTWV may be masc.). It is true also that «
narfip T»V oXa* in this sense is common in Philo, and that similar
phrases occur in the early post-apostolic writers (e. g. Clem. Rom.
ad Cor. xix. 2 ; Justin, Apol. i. 36, 61 ; Tatian, Or. c. Grate. 4).
But when Harnack prefers to give this interpretation to Paler in
the earliest creeds (Das Apost. Glaubcnsbekenntniss, p. 2o\ the
immense preponderance of N. T. usage, and the certainty that the
Creed is based upon that usage (e. g. in i Cor. viii. 6) seem to be
decisive against him. On the early history of the term see esp.
Swcte, Apost. Creed, p. 20 ff.
The Theological Terminology of Rom. i. 1-7.
In looking back over these opening verses it is impossible not to
be struck by the definiteness and maturity of the theological teach-
ing contained in them. It is remarkable enough, and characteristic
of this primitive Christian literature, especially of the Epistles of
mere salutation should contain so much weighty
teaching of any kind ; but it is still more remarkable when we think
ihat teaching is and the early date at which it was penned.
There are no less than five distinct groups of ideas all expressed
with deliberate emphasis and precision: (i) A complete set of
ideas as to the commission and authority of an Apostle; (2) A
complete set of ideas as to the status in the sight of God of a Chris-
tian community ; (3) A clear apprehension of the relation of the
new order of things to the old ; (4) A clear assertion of what we
should call summarily the Divinity of Christ, which St. Paul re-
garded both in the light of its relation to the expectations of his
c
18 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 8-15.
i, and also in its transcendental reality, as revealed by or
inferred from the words and acts of Christ Himself; (5) A some-
what advanced stage in the discrimination of distinct Persons in
the Godhead. We observe too how St. Paul connects together
these groups of ideas, and sees in them so many parts of a vast
Divine plan which covers the whole of human history, and indeed
stretches back beyond its beginning. The Apostle has to the fall
that sense which is so impressive in the Hebrew prophets that he
himself b only an instrument, the place and function of which are
dearly foreseen, for the accomplishment of God's gracious pur-
poses (compare e. g. Jer. i. 5 and Gal. i. 15). These purposes are
working themselves out, and the Roman Christians come within
their ranp
When we come to examine particular expressions we find that
« large proportion of them are drawn from the O. T. In some
cases an idea which has been hitherto fluid is sharply formulated
(•Xirrrfr, o0«purp4»oc) ; in other cases an old phrase has been
adopted with comparatively little modification (fcr«> ro£ frfritw
ovroC, and perhaps •w~i}', in others the transference involves
a larger modification (ftoftor 'i*w) Xpomn, Xop«,
Kvpoc, e*o» nnjp); in others again we have a term which has ac-
quired a significance since the dose of the O. T. which Christianity
appropriates
o>»o. ) ; in yet others we have a new coinage («r&m»Xoc,
which however in these instances is due, not to St Paul or the
other Apostles, but to Christ Himself.
ST. PAUL AND THE ROMAN CHURCH.
I. 8-15. God knows haw long I have desired to set you
— a kopt which I trust may at last be accomplished — and
to deliver to you, as to the rest of the < ^orld, my
writing to you I must first offer my humble thanks to
God, through Him Who as High Priest presents all our \
and praises, for the world-wide fame which as a united i
r your earnest Christianity. • If witness were needed to
show how deep is my interest in you, I might appeal to God Himself
Who hears that cons: of prayer which my spirit addresses
:n in my work of preaching the glad tidings of His Son.
nows how unceasingly your Churt h i* upon my lips, and how
every time I kneel in prayer it is my petition, that at some near day
I. 8.] ROMAN C11LK« I! 19
I may at last, in the course which God's Will marks out for me,
really have my way made clear to visit you. " For I have a great
desire to see you and to impart to you some of those many gifts
(of instruction, comfort, edification and the like) which the Holy
Spirit has been pleased to bestow upon me, and so to strengthen
your Christian character. "I do not mean that I am abaft
receiving or that you have nothing to bestow, — far from it, — but
myself may be cheered by my intercourse with you («V {/«*),
<>r that we may be mutually cheered by each other's faith, I by
yours and you by mine. " I should be sorry for you to suppose
that this is a new resolve on my part The fact is that I often
intended to visit you — an intention until now as often frustrated
— in the hope of reaping some spiritual harvest from my labours
among you, as in the rest of the Gentile world. "There is no
limit to this duty of mine to preach the Gospel. To all without
:ion whether of language or of culture, I must discharge
the debt which Christ has laid upon me. " Hence, so far as the
n rests with me, I am bent on delivering the message of
on to you too at Rome.
8. Sid. Agere autem Dto gratias, hoc est sacrificium hud is
offerre: ft idea addit per Jesum Christum; velut per Pontificem
magnum Orig.
Vj Yiorif UJIWK. For a further discussion of this word see below
on ver. 1 7. Here it is practically equivalent to ' your Christianity/
the distinctive act which makes a man a Christian carrying with it
the direct consequences of that act upon the character. Much
confusion of thought would be saved if wherever ' faith ' was
in d the question were always consciously asked, Who or
wli.it is its object? It is extremely rare for faith to be used in
the N.T. as a mere abstraction without a determinate object In
faith ' is nearly always ' faith in Christ' The object
lesscd in iii. 22, 26 but is left to be understood elsewhere.
case of Abraham • faith ' is not so much ' faith in God ' as
' faith in the promises of God/ which promises are precisely those
whiih are fulfilled in Christianity. Or it would perhaps be more
to say thai the immediate object of faith is in most
cases Christ or the promises which pointed to Christ. At the same
time there is always in the background the Supreme Author of
hole 'economy' of which the Incarnation of Christ formed
Thus i: is <Jod Who justifies though the moving cause of
ually defined as ' faith in Christ.' And inasmuch
as it i. both promised that Christ sheuld come and also
C 2
20 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 8 10.
Himself brought about the fulfilment of the promise, even justifying
faith may be described as 'faith in God' The most consj.
example of this is ch. iv. 5 ry M rf fVyofouVy, v«rrfuom & fV« r!»
ducoioirro tor aat^, Xoyifrrot fj wurru airov tit durtutxrvyip.
9. Xarpcu'tt connected with Xarptr, ' hired servant/ and Xarpo»,'hirc':
Jady in classical Gk. applied to the service of jx>wer
to TIT» row droO Xorpttav Plato, Afx>l. 23 H) ; (ii) in I. XX always of
the service cither of the true God or of heathen divinities. Hence
Augustine : \arptla . . . aut semftr ant tarn frtqutnttr ut /ere
stmfxr, ea dicitur sari/us guat fxrtitut ad colcndum Dcum (T :
of.).
once somewhat wider and somewhat narrower In mfanfftg
than A«irovfT«iV: (i) it is used only (or almost wholly) of the senrice of God
where Afirov/ryitV (AcirovpTfo) is used also of the service of men (Josh, i. I
,-s i 4, MX. 21 ; 2 Kings iv. 43. vi. 13. Ac) : ii) bat on the other
band it is used of the senrice both of priest and people, esp. of the service
rendered to Jahveh by the whole race of Israel (Acts xxvi. 7 rO
<«r«»fi'f Aarp«Cor, cf. K»m. ii. 4); Aurow/rviiV is appropriated to the
ministrations of priests and Lerites (Heb. z. n. 5cc.). Whrre ittT
vet more or less co
not strictly in this sense, there is vet more or less conscious
reference to it c. g. in Kom. xiii. 6 and esp. xv
-nf wwujian p>«. The VMV/MI is the organ of service; the
(=TO djpvy/ia row ciayycXtov) the Sphc: ii the
service is rendered.
iwl ri*- vpoacuxwr fioo : ' at my prayers/ at all my times of j
(cf. i Thcss. i. 2 ; Kph. i. 16 ; Philem. 4).
10. cCwMt. On the construction see Burton, Mcods and Ttmtt, f 376.
: a difficult expression to render in 1 ; 'now at
length' (A V. and RV.) omits voW, just as 'in ony ni.im.-r sumtymc'
i omits 489; ' sometime at the length ' (Rhcm.) is more accu-
rate, ' some near day at last/ In contrast with ri» (which denotes
present time simply) fa denotes the present or near future in
relation to the process by which it has been reached, an •!
a certain suggestion of surprise or relief that it has Ucn reached so
soon as it has. So here fa = 'now, after a.:
makes the moment more indefinite. On fa see Baumlcin, ' /
fin, p. 1386*.
«uoo«6^aofKu. The word has usually dropped the idea of 666*
and means 'to be prospered'
&» tioowrai, where it is used of profits gained in trade ;
r.d so her
It docs not, h low that because a mcta;
often drop; v not be recalled where it is directly suggested
by the are thus tempted to r< :
Engli> is and Vulg. prosper urn iUr habcam ('I have
a spedi wc> \
I. 10-15.] ST. PAUL AND THE ROMAN CHURCH 21
lv ti OtX^iian TO« etou. St. Paul has a special reason for
laying stress on the fact that all his movements are in the hands of
God. He has a strong sense of the risks which he incurs in going
up to Jerusalem (Rom. xv. 30 f), and he is very doubtful whether
anything that he intends will be accomplished (Hort, Jtom. and
I». 42 IT.).
«Xe«iv : probably for &ert iAftiV (Hurt on, f 371 r).
11 lirnroto: «W marks the direction of the desire, 'to you-
wanl ' ; thus by laying stress on the personal object of the verb it
rather strengthens its emotional character.
xdpiafia irycupariKoV. St. Paul has in his mind the kind of gifts
—partly what we should call natural and partly transcending the
ordinary workings of nature— described in i Cor. xii-xiv ; Rom.
xii. 6 ff. Some, probably most, of these gifts he possessed in an
eminent degree himself (i Cor. xiv. 18), and he was assured that
when he came to Rome he would be able to give the Christians
there the fullest benefit of them (Rom. xv. 29 otda M on /p^oVm*
irpits vfiae «V TrXifpaifum d'Xoyi'ar XptoroC Atuao/jai). His was COn-
spicuously a case which came under the description of John vii. 38
' He that believeth on Me, as the scripture hath said, out of his
belly shall flow rivers of living water,' i. e. the believer in Christ
should himself become a centre and abounding source of spiritual
influence and blessing to others.
«ii TO <rn)pix(Kjveu : «b r& with Infin. expressing purpose ' is employed
with special frequency by Paul, bat occurs also in Heb. I Pet and Jas.'
(liurton, $ 409).
12. oujiirapaiiXi)0Tii'ai : the subject is «>', which, from the avr- in
wpirapaxX. and «V £/*!», is treated in the latter part of the sentence as
equivalent to forif. We note of course the delicacy with which the
Apostle suddenly checks himself in the expression of his desire to
impart from his own fulness to the Roman Christians : he will not
assume any airs of superiority, but meets them frankly upon their
own level : if he has anything to confer upon them they in turn
will confer an equivalent upon him.
oO 6«X«* : OVK oSofteu (D») G, MOM arbitror d e g Ambrstr. ; an instance
of Western paraphrase.
<7X«; ' I may get:
14. "EXXtjai TC KQI pappdpoi? : a resolution into its parts of truvra
TO !6t*i, according to (i) divisions of language, (ii) degrees of culture.
15. TO KOT* jpl. It is perhaps best, with Gif. Va. Mou., to take
<>« as subject, np&vpov as predicate : so g Vulg. quod in m*
promtum tst. In that case TO nor «>«' will = ' I, so far as it rests
with mo,' i. c. ' under God ' — L'homme propose, Dieu dispose ; cf. /»
Ty 0«Xq/nm TOW e»oC above. Differently Orig.-lat. (Rufmus) who
22 !. TO THE ROMA [I. 16, 17.
makes r* cor' «V« adverbial, quod in me ttt prom/us sum : so too
d e Ambrstr. The objection to this is that St. Paul would have
written wpMvpot «•>. Mey. Lips, and others take - irp66»-
iu» together as subject of [«Vrt»] «i«yy«X/(rocT^ii, ' hence the eager-
ness on my pan (is) to preach.' I;
> «ur' «>. = • my affairs.'
THESIS OP THE EPISTLE : THE RIGHTEOUSNESS
OP OOD BY PAITH.
I. 16, 17. That message, humble as it may seem, casts
a new light on the righteousness of God: for it tells how
ighteousness flows forth and embra :cJiin it is
m€t by Faith% or loyal adhesion to Q;
M Even there, in the imperial city itself, I am not ashamed of my
message, repellent and humiliating as some of its features may
seem. For it is a mighty agency, set in motion by God Himself,
and sweeping on with it towards the haven of Messianic security
every believer — first in order of precedence the Jew, and af
the Gentile. " Do you ask how this agency works and in what it
consists ? It is a revelation of the righteousness of God, manifested
in a new method by which righteousness is acquired by man, —
a method, the secret of which is Faith, or ardent loyalty to Jesus
as Messiah and Lord ; which Faith is every day both •••
circles and deepening its hold. It was such an attitude as this
which the prophet Habakkuk meant when, in view of the desolating
Chaldaean invasion, he wrote : ' The righteous man shall s
life by his faith, or loyalty to Jehovah, while his proud oppressors
16. fwawrxuVojMu. St. Paul was well awan- Gospel was
'unto Jews a stumbling-block and unto Gentiles foolishness'
(i Cor. i. 23). How could it be otherwise, as Chrysostom says, be
was about to preach of One who ' passed for the son of a car;
brought up in Judaea, in the house of a poor won . 1 who
died like a criminal in the company of robber- rdly needed
the contrast of imper :ocmphas;
1 for St. Paul see the Introduction, § i ; also :
in Stud i a /»'////»,;. iv. 1 1.
have an instance bcrr of a corruption coning into the (.reck text
through the Latia : JKU<TX. «'»i it-arr«A'or ('» «n«Arw» mptr ftwtff
I 10.] RIGHTEOUSNESS OF GOD BY FAITH 23
confunJor de twutgtlio Aug. The Latin renderings need not imply any
various reading. The barbarism in G, which it will be remembered has an
interlinear version, arose from the attempt to find a Greek equivalent for
every word in the I Jttin. This is only mentioned as a clear case of a kind of
corruption which doubtless operated elsewhere, as notably in Cod. Bezae.
It is to be observed, however, that readings of this kind are necessarily quite
late.
is the word properly used of the manifestations of Divine
{x>wer. Strictly indeed dwa/ut is the inherent attribute or faculty,
«i«>y«ia is the attribute or faculty in operation. But the two words
are closely allied to each other and ftMnyur is so often used for
exerted power, especially Divine superhuman power, that it practi-
cally covers <Wpywia. St. Paul might quite well have written
«Wpy«ia here, but the choice of ftwapic throws the stress rather more
on the source than on the process. The word dvpa/ur in a context
like this is one of those to which modern associations seem to give
a greater fulness and vividness of meaning. We shall not do wrong
; I »ink of the Gospel as a ' force* in the same kind of sense as
that in which science has revealed to us the great ' forces' of nature.
It is a principle operating on a vast and continually enlarging scale,
and taking effect in a countless number of individuals. This con-
ception only differs from the scientific conception of a force like
or ' electricity ' in that whereas the man of science is too apt
to abstract his conception of force from its origin, St. Paul con-
ceives of it as essentially a mode of personal activity ; the Gospel
has all God's Omnipotence behind it As such it is before all
l a real force, not a sham force like so many which the
Apostle saw arouiul him ; its true nature might be misunderstood,
but that did not make it any less powerful : 6 Auyot yup 6 row arovpou
Tols /A«y uiroXAv/A«HMf pvpia «'<rn, rolr d« awfo/K'yotff wur dv»o/ur 6«ov «<m
I Cor. i. 1 8 ; cf. i Cor. ii. 4, iv. 20 ; i Thess. L 5.
cis awTTipia*. The fundamental idea contained in <r«»rnpui is the
removal of dangers menacing to life and the consequent placing
of life in conditions favourable to free and healthy expansion.
Hence, as we might expect, there is a natural progression corre-
sponding to the growth in the conception of life and of the dangers
by which it is threatened, (i) In the earlier books of the O. T.
<y«*r. is simply deliverance from physical peril (Jud. xv. 18 ; i Sam.
13, &c.). (ii) But the word has more and more a tendency
to be appropriated to the great deliverances of the nation (e. g. Ex.
}, xv. 2, the Passage of the Red Sea; Is. xlv. 17, xlvi. 13, lil
to, &c., the Return from Exile), (iii) Thus by a natural transition
it is associated with the Messianic deliverance ; and that both (o) in
the lower forms of the Jewish Messianic expectation (Ps. SoL x.
9 ; xii. 7; cf. Test. XII. Pair. Sym. 7; Jud. 22 ; Benj. 9, 10 [the form
used in all these passages is ffwrwior] ; Luke i. 69, 71, 77), and (0)
in the higher form of the Christian hope (Acts iv. 12; xiii. 26, &c.).
^4 I HE ROMA [I 10, 17.
•isc <r*nipia covers the whole range of the Messianic
. U/.h in its negative aspect as a rescuing from the
:iole world is lying (ver. 18 ff.) and in its
e aspect as the imparting of 'eternal life ' (M.uk x. 308;
John iii. 15, 16, &c.). Both these sides are alrea
the earliest extant Epistle (5r« o« ?*ro ^f 6 o««t tit •vyj?', <ixx' m
trfptvoiV <r<*TTjpiis out ruu Kvpiov ^f 'lr;<ruu Xpurrov, roC offodaxfimx
MT«p ^wy, Im «tr« yprjyopvfu* tlrt Kat'ii-dw^r opa <TV» atrip ffjawfU*
oss. v. 9, i
wp«Tor: o/w. BGg, Tert adv. Marc. Lachmann Tre^r
bracket, because of the combination of I :
y do no more than bracket because :
Western element, to which this par: -nay belor
that case it would rest entirely upo:
appears to have omitted vp&rw as well as the quotation from
Habakkuk, and it is possible that the omissi mail group
MSS. may be due to his influ
For the precedence assigned to the Jew com p. R-
also Matt. xv. 24; Jo. iv. 22 : .46. The
point is important in view of Baur and his followers who exaggerate
the opposition of St. Paul to the Jews. He defends himsc
his converts from their attacks ; but he fully concedes th<
their claim and he is most anxious to conciliate them (Rom. >.
. i IT., x. i if.; xv. 8, &c.: see also Introduction §
17. SiK<uooun>) 6cou. For some lime past it has seemed to
be almost an accepted exegetical tradition that the * rigl
neat of God ' means here * a righteousness of which God
author and man the recipient,' a righteousness not so mu
God' as 'from God/ i.e. a slate or condition of righteousness
bestowed by God upon man. But quite recently two protests
have been raised against this view, both English and bo
it happens, associated with the I m, one by
Dr. Bannby in the Pulpit Commentary on Romans, an '
by Dr. A. Robertson in The Thinko also a
concise note by 1 »: . T. K. Abbott adloc. There can be
that the protest is justified; not so much tl.
wrong as that it is pa: : ; lete.
The • righteousness of God ' is a great and comprehensive
which embraces in its range both God and m
fundamental passage of ti
of. (i) In proof that the righteousness imarily
• the righteousness of Goii maybe urged: i
is consistently the sense of the righteousness of God in ti
.ind more par; passages close!,
present, such as Ps. \cvii.J 2, • The Lord hath made
• The point i», however, beginning to attract some attci. any.
I 17-1 RIGHTEOUSNESS OK COD BY FAITH 25
known His salvation'. His righteousness hath He revealed (ajr««o-
Avi//**) in the sight of the nations,' which contains the three key-
words of the verse before us ; (ii) that elsewhere in the Kpistle
&K. eioO = ' the righteousness of God Himself (several of the
passages, e. g. iii. 21, a 2, x. 3, have the same ambiguity as the
text, but iii. 5, 25, 26 are quite clear); (iii) that the marked
antithesis oiroKaAwrrerat yap o/ryij Giov in ver. 18 compared with
KtnaifHTvtnj yap Btuv airoKuXvtrrrrai in vcr. 1 7 requires that the gen.
e«ot/ shall be taken in the same sense in both places. These are
arguments too strong to be resisted.
(2) But at the same time those which go to prove that &*. e«oO is
a gift of righteousness bestowed upon man are hardly less con-
•.£. (i) The righteousness in question is described as being
revealed «'* mW«o>c tit nianv ; and in the parallel passage iii. 2 2 it is
qualified as doc. 0«oC d<A trurr«»t 'Iijiroi/ XptffroO tit irdrror roit manvov
rnv, where its relation to the human recipient is quite unmistak-
able, (ii) This relation is further confirmed by the quotation from
Habakkuk where the epithet dimioc is applied not to God but to
Observe the logical connexion of the two clauses, iixato<rvtnj
yip Ofov oiroffaXt/frrrrat . . . xaffvt yiypavTat, *O 6i diicaiof tt ititrrtttt
fta«rat. (iii) Lastly, in the parallel Phil. iii. 9 the thought of the
Apostle is made quite explicit : M tx*»* «/*?•' buttuovwii* rip «« wJ/iov,
ciAXii rr)v dm trioTfox XptaroC, n)v «V 0«oO docauxrvyi/r Art r# irtarti. The
insertion of the preposition or transfers the righteousness from
God to man, or we may say traces the process of extension by
\\liu h it passes from its source to its object
F°r (3) the very cogency of the arguments on both sides is
enough to show that the two views which we have set over against
each other are not mutually exclusive but rather inclusive. The
•usness of which the Apostle is speaking not only proceeds
( iod but M the righteousness of God Himself: it is this, how-
ever, not as inherent in the Divine Essence but as going forth and
t mhmcing the personalities of men. It is righteousness active and
/.ing; the righteousness of the Divine Will as it were pro-
jected and enclosing and gathering into itself human wills. St. Paul
fixes this sense upon it in another of the great key-verses of the
'•, ch. iii. 26 tit TO emu aivuv dt'xatoy «at ducatotrra rir « niartttt
The second half of this clause is in no way opposed to the
from it by natural and inevitable sequence : God
attributes righteousness to the believer because He is Himself
>us. The whole scheme of things by which He gathers to
ous people is the direct and spontaneous expression
of His own inherent righteousness : a necessity of His own Nature
impels Him to make them like Himself. The story how He has
-o is the burden of the « Gospel.' For a fuller development
of the idea contained in ' the righteousness of God ' see below.
26 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 17.
IK irurrcwf. This root -conception with St. Paul means in the
• -f Jesus of Nazareth as Messiah
and Son of God ; the affirmation of that primitive <
we have already had sketched in w. 3, 4. It is the ' Yes ' of
the soul when the central proposition of Christianity is preset
r. We hardly need more than this one fact, thus barely stated, to
explain why it was that St. Paul attached such immense imp-
so characteristic of his habits of mind to go to the root
of things, that we cannot be surprised at his taking for the centre of
his system a principle which is only less prominent in < :
because they are content, if we may say so, to take their sec ;
doctrine lower down the line and to rest in secondary causes instead
of tracing them up to prin o influences in particular seem
to have impelled the eager mind of St. Paul to his more pern
One was his own experience. He dated all his own
tual triumphs from the single moment of his vision on the road to
Damascus. Not that they were all actually won there, but they
were all potentially won. That was the moment at which he was
as a brand plucked from the burning: anything else tli
him later followed in due sequence as the direct and inevitable out-
come of the change that was then wrought in him. It was then
that there flashed upon him the conviction that Jesus of Na/
whom he had persecuted as a pretender and blasphemer, was really
exalted to the right hand of God, and really charged v.
gifts and blessings for men. The conviction then dec
sank into his soul, and became the master-key which he api
the solution of aM problems and all straggles ever afterw
But St. Paul was a Jew, an ardent Jew, a Pharisee,
spent his whole life before his conversion in the study of the Old
Testament And it was therefore natural to him, as soon as he
began to reflect on this experience of his that he should go back to
his Bible, and seek there for the interpretation of it.
did so two passages seemed to him to stand out above all others.
The words wumr, wumv» are not very common in the IX
they occurred in connexion with tv.
turning-points in the history of Israel as the embracing of •
had been a turning-point for himself. The Tews \\-
the habit of speculating about At
response to the promise made to him. The le.i
dealt with this was '
u's had consequences beyond
anoth term was connected with it : ' Abraham 1
God a: belief) was reckoned unto him for righteousness.'
Again just before the beginning of the great Chaldaean or
Ionian h was to take away their 'place a
\\s but uhkh was at the same time to purify ti.
I. 17.J RIGHTEOUSNESS OF COD BY FAITH 27
(he furnace of affliction, the Prophet Habakkuk had announced that
one class of persons should be exempted on the ground of this
very quality, ' faith/ ' The just or righteous man shall live by
faith/ Here once more faith was brought into direct connexion
with righteousness. When therefore St Paul began to interrogate
his own experience and to ask why it was that since his conversion,
i. e. since his acceptance of Jesus as Messiah and Lord, it had
become so much easier for him to do right than it had been before ;
ami \\ hen he also brought into the account the conclusion, to which
the same conversion had led him, as to the significance of the Life
and Death of Jesus for the whole Church or body of believers ; what
could lie nearer at hand than that he should associate faith and
righteousness together, and associate them in the way of referring
all that made the condition of righteousness so much more possible
under Christianity than it had been under Judaism, objectively to
the \\ork of the Messiah, and subjectively to the appropriation of
ork by the believer in the assent which he gave to the one
-proposition which expressed its value ?
It will be seen that there is more than one clement in this con-
ception which has to be kept distinct. As we advance further in
pistle, and more particularly when we come to the great
passage iii. 21-26, we shall become aware that St. Paul attached to
the Death of Christ what we may call a sacrificial efficacy. He
regarded it as summing up under the New Covenant all the func-
tions that the Mosaic Sacrifices had discharged under the Old. As
they had the effect, as far as anything outward could have the
of placing the worshipper in a position of fitness for ap-
i to God ; so once for all the sacrifice of Christ had placed
the Christian worshipper in this position. That was a fact objec-
:K! external to himself of which the Christian had the benefit
simply by being a Christian; in other words by the sole act of
faith. If besides this he also found by experience that in following
loyal obedience (like the author of Ps. cxxiii) his
Master Christ the restraint of selfishness and passion became far
easier for him than it had been, that was indeed a different matter ;
but that too was ultimately referable to the same cause; it too
fatted from the same moment, the moment of the acceptance of
And although in this case more might be said to be done
man himself, yet even there Christ was the true source of
strength and inspiration ; and the more reliance was placed on this
: h and inspiration the more effective it became ; so much so
Paul glories in his infirmities because they threw him back
upon Christ, so that when he was weak, then he became strong.
On this side the influence of Christ upon the Christian life was
a continuous influence extending as long as life itself. But even
here the critical moment was the first, because it established the
28 ISTLE TO THE I: [l 17.
relation. It was like magnetism which begins to act as soon as
the connexion is complete. Accordingly we find that sir
constantly laid upon this first moment— the moment of
;zed into Christ* or ' putting on Christ,' although
means implied that the relation ceases where it began, and on the
contrary it is rather a relation which should go on strengthening,
too the beginning is an act of faith, but the kind c :
proceeds « wfonaw tit wl<m*. We shall have the process
described more fully when we come to chapters vi
JK wurrtMt els irian*. The analogy of Ps. Ixxxiii. 8 (Ixx
«« oVmju»r lit dvra/uv, and Of 2 Cor. ii. l6 «'< <:,i:-,ir,.i- ««\ Airaror . . .
it (»n* ««f C«^i seems to show that this phrase should be taken as
v as possible. It is a mistake to limit it either to the deepen-
ing of faith in the individual or to its spread in the world at large
(tx fide prcdicantium in fdem credenlium Sedulius): bot
included: the phrase means * starting from a smaller qua::
faith to produce a larger quantity/ at once im- \ ex-
lual and in so
6 Siitaios U irurrcwt. Some take the whole of this phrase
together. ' The man whose righteousness is based on
the contrast (not expressed but implied) were between the man
whose righteousness is based on faith and one whose righteousness
is based on works. It is true that this is quite in harmot
St Paul's teaching as expressed more fully in Rom. iii. .
Gal. ii. 16: but it was certainly not the meaning of Habakkuk,
and i: had intended to emphasize the point here
::d to write 6 W it *i<rr<*t oucaioc, and SO
ambiguity. It is merely a question of emphasis, because
ordinary way of taking the verse !;ed that the
motive of the man, the motive which gives value to his righteous-
and gains for him the Divine protection, is bis faith.
A few authentic* (C*, Vulg. (*U. mm opt. Hard., Orig.-l.v
insert pov (A W &«. /iov I* WI'OTM*, or & W «ur. J« »«rr««f ,«<* C^«r<u) from
the LXX. Marc ion, a» we sboold expect teems to have omitted r.
w/^ror bat the quuUtion from Habakkuk ; thU would naturally
from hi* antipathy to everything Jewish, though he wa» not quite consistent
in cutting out all quotations from the O. uns the same quotation
(not, however, as a Quotation which he is able
n against the Jew*. For the belt examination of Marcion's text see
.Cet^
The word diVcaiof and its cogna
BUaiot. Bucaio7v¥t|. In consideting the meaning and application of these
terms it is important to place ourselves at the right point of view- at the
f $L Paul himself, a Jew of the Jews, and not
or mediaeval or modem. Two main facts have to be b- :
in regard to the history of the words 3«'«uot and IsMSMtVf, The first
although thcte was a sense in which the Greek word* covered the whole
I. 17.] RIGHTEOUSNESS OF GOD BY FAITH 29
range of right action 'Eth. Nit. V. i. 15 Suta,oovnj-rt\<ia dfn-nj with the
single qualification that it is *p4t •rc/wr, the doty to one's neighbour •
in practice it was far more commonly used in the narrower sense of Justice
(distributive or corrective ibti. a ft*.). The Platonic designation of lumtoowii
as one of the four cardinal virtues (Wisdom, Temperance, and Courage or
Fortitude, being the others) had a decisive and lasting influence on the whole
subsequent history of the word in the usage of Greek philosophy, and of all
those moral systems which have their roots in that fertile soil. In giving
a more limited scope to the word I'lato was only following the genius of his
people. The real standard of Greek morals was rather rd «oAor— that which
was morally noble, impressive, admirable— than rd 8tca*or. And if there
was this tendency to throw the larger sense of ftccuoovn? into the background
in Greek morals, that tendency was still more intensified when the scene was
changed from Greece to Rome. The Latin language had no equivalent at
all fur the wider meaning of kxcuoavrr). It had to fall back n\onjusfiti.t,
which in Christian circles indeed could not help being affected by the domi-
nant use in the Bible, but which could never wholly throw off the limiting
conditions of its origin. This is the second fact of great and outstanding
significance. We have to remember that the Middle Ages derived one half of
its list of virtues through Cicero from the Stoics and Plato, and that the four
I Pagan virtues were still further thrown into the shade by the Christian triad.
. i'ily for ourselves we have in English two distinct words for the two
distinct conceptions, 'justice* and ' righteousness.' And so especially from
the lime of the translation of the Bible into the vernacular, the conception
' righteousness ' has gone far to recover its central importance. The same
may perhaps be said of the Teutonic nations generally, through the strength
of the biblical influence, though the German branch has but the single word
Gtrtthtigkett to express the two ideas. With them it is probably true
that the wider sense takes precedence of the narrower. But at the time
when St. Paul wrote the Jew stood alone in maintaining the larger sense of
the word full and nndiminishcd.
. a subordinate Question what was the origin of the fundamental idea.
A recent writer tSmend, Ablest. Ktligiensetsck. p. 410 ff.) puts forward the
view that this was the ' being in the right/ as a party to a suit in a court of
law. It may well be true that as 81*17 meant in the first instance • usage/
and then came to mean 'right* because usage was the earliest standard of
right, in like manner the larger idea of 'righteousness' may have grown
up out of the practice of primitive justice. It may have been first applied
to the litigant who was adjudged to be 'in the right/ and to the judge, who
awarded ' the right* carefully and impartially.
This is matter, more or lest, of speculation. In any case the Jew of
mi's day, whatever his faults, assigned no inadequate place to
Righteousness. It was with him really the highest moral ideal, the principle
of all action, the goal of all effort.
If the Jew had a fault it was not that righteousness occupied an inadequate
place in his thoughts ; it was rather that he went a wrong way to attain to
I Tpo^X 8) fcaMraw vvpov &*<uo<TvvT}t tit K*/ior ov* fyftur*, is St. Paul's
:.tul verdict (Rom. ix. 31). For a Jew the whole sphere of ri^hUnnaBBai
was taken up by the Mosaic Law. His one idea of righteousness wa« that
of conformity to this I .aw. Righteousness was for him essentially obedience
to the law. No doubt it was this in the first instance out of regard to the
law as the expressed Will of God. But the danger lay in resting too much
in the code as a code and losing sight of the personal Will of a holy and
good God behind it. The Jew made this mistake ; and the consequence was
th.it his view of obedience to the law became formal and mechanical. It is
impossible for an impartial mind not to be deeply touched by the spectacle
* Aristotle quotes the proverb Jr 8) 8,«m<xrvr»7 ovAA^fyr waa a/xn) fo.
30 K TO THE ROMA [I. 17
of the religion* leader, of a nation devoting themselves with so much ca
MM and leal to the study of a law which they believed to come, and which
in a certain tense and measure really did come, from God. and yet tailing so
disastrously as their best friends allow that they .'rasping the
law's true spirit No one felt more keenly than St. Paul himself •
pathos of the situation. HU heart bleeds for them (Ron cannot
withhold bis testimony to their teal, though unhappily it U not
according to knowledge (Ron. x. a).
was that all this
Hence it was that all this mast— we must allow of honest though ill-
rected effort— needed reforming. The more radical the reformation the
better. There came One Who laid His finger upon the we
pointed out the remedy— at first as it would seem only in words in w!
Scripture loving Rabbis had been befo: i hou shalt 1
thy God with all thy heart and with all thy soul and with all thy n>.
and ... Thou shalt lore thy neighbour as thyself , 39 |>.
and then more searchingly and with greater fulness ol n and
application, ' There is nothing from without the man that going into him
can defile him : bat the things which proceed out of the man are those that
defile the man ' (Mark vii. 15 |) ; and then yet again more searching
' Come onto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden . . . 1
upon yon and learn of Me ... For My yoke U easy, and V
So the Master ; and then came the disciple. And he too seized th
of the secret He too saw what the Master had refrained from utti
a degree of emphasis which might have been misunderstood (at lea
majority of His reporters might leave the impression that this had been
case, though one, the Fourth Evangelist, makes Him speak more j
later disciple saw that, if there was to be a real reformation, the first
thing to be done was to give it a personal ground, to base it on a personal
relationship. And therefore he lays down that the righteousness
Christian is to be a • righteousness of faith! Enough will have been
the next note and in those on J« «i<rr««* and auouwviny e«ov as to the
nature of this righteousness. It is sharply contrasted with the Jewish con-
ception of righteousness at obedience to law, and of course goes far
than any Pagan conception as to the motive of righteousness. The
Pauline feature in the conception expressed in this passar
• declaration of righteousness' on the part of God, the Divine v
acquittal, runs in vtvatut of the actual practice of righteousness, and
forth at once on the sincere embracing of Christ in
ButcuoOv, BiMtoQfta*. The verb AuMiefir means properly ' to prof
righteous.' It has relation to a verdict pronounced by a judge. In so far
the person * pronounced righteous' is not really righteous it has the sense of
'amnesty' or 'forgiveness.' But it cannot mean to 'make righ
There may be other influences which go to make a person righteous, bat
they are not contained, or even hinted at, in the word luttovr. That word
means ' to declare righteous,' « to treat as righteous' ; it may even mean ' to
prove righteous' ; but whether the person so declared, treated as, or
to be righteous is really so, the word itself neither affirms nor <!•
- rather sweeping proposition U made good by the following con-
sideration*: —
(i) By the nature of verbs In -4*: comn. St. Ccmm. on i
v can fcfluovr possibly signify "to makt ngk:
this ending from adjectives of pkyrital meaning may 1.
•• "
to make blind." But when such words a.
of moral meaning, as 4/iofir, taovr, &MUOWT, they do
from the nature of things signify to dttm, to a^tunt,
at worthy, holy, righteous.'
I. 17.]
RIGHTEOUSNESS OF COD BY FA11H 31
(ii) By the regular use of the word. Godet (p. 199) makes a bold
assertion, which he is hardly likely to have verified, but yet which is probably
right, that there is no example in the whole of classical literature where the
word - ' to makt righteous.' The word however U not of frequent occurrence.
(iii) From the constant usage of the LXX (O. T. and Apocr.), where the
word occurs some forty-five times, always or almost always with the forensic
or judicial sense.
In the great majority of cases this sense U unmistakable. The nearest
approach to an exception is Ps. Ixxiii [Ixxii] 13 dpa /jarcuo* i&«a<Wa r^r
Kap&ia* ftov, where, however, the word seems to - ' pronounced righteous,' in
other words, 'I called my conscience clear.' In Jer. iii. 11 ; Ezek. xvL 51.
5 3 &*. — ' prove righteous.'
(iv) From a like usage in the Psendepigraphic Books : e. g. Ps. Sot. ii. 16 ;
iv. 9 ; viii. 7, 37, 31 ; ix. 3 (in these passages the word is used con-
sistently of 'vindicating' the character of God); justijito 4 Err. iv. 18 ;
; xii. 7 ; 5 K/r. ii. 20 (LM. Apocr. eA O. F. Fritzschc, p. 643)— all
these passages are forensic; A foe. Banick. (in Ceriani's translation from
the Syriac) xxi. 9, 1 1 ; xxiv. i — where the word is applied to those who are
4 declared innocent ' as opposed to ' sinners.'
(v) From the no less predominant and unmistakable usage of the N. T. :
Matt. xi. 19 ; xii. 37 ; Luke vii. 39, 35 ; x. 39 ; xvi. 15 ; xviiL 14; Rom. ii.
13 ; iii. 4 ; I Cor. iv. 4; I Tim. iii. 16— to quote only passages which are
absolutely unambiguous.
(vi) The meaning is brought out in full in ch. iv. 5 ry 8i ^ t/rya£o/*/ry,
»i<rr«vom M iwl TOT 8ur<uovrra riv dot By, *o-fi{trcu j riant avrov tit 84*040-
ovm\v. Here it is expressly stated that the person justified has nothing
to show in the way of meritorious acts ; his one asset (so to speak) is faith,
and this faith is taken as an ' equivalent for righteousness.'
We content ourselves for the present with stating this result as a philo-
logical fact. What further consequences it has, and how it fits into the
teaching of St. Paul, will appear later : see the notes on ksaioovnj e«ov
above and below.
SucaCwpa. For the force of the termination -/ia reference should be made
to a note by the late T. S. Evans in Sp. Comm. on i Cor. v. 6, part of which
is quoted in this commentary on Rom. iv. 2. &JHUW/MI is the definite con-
crete expression of the act of &«<uaxm : we might define it as ' a declaration
that a thing is ttraior, or that a person is Surcuof.' From the first use we get
the common sense of ' ordinance,' 'statute,' as in Luke i. 6 ; Rom. i. 32, ii.
26, and practically viii. 4 ; from the second we get the more characteristically
Pauline use in Rom. v. 16, 18. For the special shades of meaning in these
passages see the notes upon them.
Sucaioxns. This word occurs only twice in this Epistle (iv. 35, v. 18),
and not at all besides in the N. T. Its place is taken by the verb SumoCr,
just as in the Gospel of St. John the verb wiffr«i*tr occurs no less than
:\ -eight times, while the substantive wurru is entirely absent In
meaning 8uraWit preserves the proper force of the termination -ait: it
denotes the ' process or act of piononncing righteous.' in the case of sinners,
•the act of acquittal.'
The Meaning of Faith in the New Testament and in
some Jewish Writings.
The word vi<rn* has two leading senses, (i) fidelity and (2^ belief. The
second sense, as we have said, has its more exact significance determined by
its object : it may mean, (i) belief in God; (ii) belief in the promises of
God ; (iii) belief in Christ ; (iv) belief in some particular utterance, claim, or
promise of God or Christ.
3* [I. 17.
The la* of these senses U the one most common in the Synoptic Gospel*.
usually • belief in the miracle-working j ,
<• i •:.:..! .;:«..::.! h .- <i •:.. r. : • . . -.-. : r : :.rl -
the offer expressed or fan;
himself or another— to the offer expressed or Implied of that
relief by means of miracles (Mark v. 34 | ; x. 5 a ||). The effect of the
miracle U usually proportioned to the strength of thi
mra rjr wionr ipi* 'yin^T* fcjiiV : for degrees of faith' see Matt. viii. 10,
• c faith which has jost before been
• :•• rfetd - ..' . :.. ::.,• N . - ' M !.:;,• .,;... : . •:..-;, :• ,.- t
into being by Christ* * ..Vms ft IT otrov). Faith it al*> (*) the confidence
of the dUciple that be can exercise the like miracle- worki. g | ,,»rr wh
pressly conferred upon i , kind of faith our Lord
in one place calls 'faith in God' (Mark d
• faith' used in a more general sense. When the Son of Man asks whether
when He comes He shall find faith on the earth (Luke x meant
•faith in Hi-..
h in the performance of miracles U a sense which naturally pa«ei
over into the Acts (Act > 1 in that book also ' ik.-
(ftviVrit Actsvi. ?; xiii. 8;xiv
of Christians,' belief that Jesus is the Son of God. 'Ad.
; i means 'an opening for the spread of this belief,
used as an attribute of individuals (*Aft/*p storco* Acts vi. 5 of Stc j.h.
24 of Barnabas) it has the Pauline sense of the enthusiasm and f<
character which come from this belief in Jem.
In the Epistle of St. James vurrtt is twice applied to prayer (Jas, i
.t means the faith that God will grant what is prayed for. Twice
it means 'Christian faith* (Jas. i la the controversial passage,
Jas. ii. 14-26, wbete Faith is contrasted led U
• faith in God.' One example of it is the • belief that Go
mother U the trust in God which led Abraham to sacrifice Isaac (Jas. ii.
ai), and to believe in the promise of his birth (Jas. ii
St. James b more often the faith which is common to Jew and Christian;
even where -n faith, it stops short of the Christian cnthusu
!e, whose Epistle most on that account be placed late in the
Apostolic age, faith has got the concrete sense of a 'body of belief '—not
necessarily a large or complete body, bat, as we should say. ' the essentials
of Christianity.1 As the particular point against which the saints are to
contend is the denial of Christ, so the faith for which they are to contend
would be the (full) confession of Christ (Jude 3 :
In the two Kpisllcs of St. Peter faith is alwa>
illy faith as
ter speaks of Christians as 'gnardea inroogn nun unto saivm*
tion ' his use approaches that of St. 1'ai. . . ated as the
rig needful.'
John, as we hare seen, very rarely uses the u
though be makes up by his fondness for ».<yr«w. With him too :
a very fundamental thing; it is the 'victory which owrcometh the w
cnned to be the belief 'that Jesus U the S-
. i • ' B m • .N '• • • • • . • I St. 1 :. ||
rather contemplative and philosophic, where •• c and
enthusiastic. In the Apocalypse faith comes nearer to fidelity ; it is belief
steadfastly held 19; xiii. i _f. aUo *v
10, &
;*eof '(ait! th in
the ft -Mi's Dromises, a firm belief of that which
•niatn !<Xr.fr>>Wr»ry hr&totfit. wpa; . t oi tfAiio^o-a.
ve not only runs throur 1 the places
the word occurs (I lei . is not
I. 17.] RIGHTEOUSNESS OF COD BY FAITH 33
found in St. Paul of promise* the fulfilment of which is still future (for thU
he prefer* JA vir : cf. Rom. viii. 35 «J 8i A ou flArfwo/n* JAwifo/i«r, «•' fooporip
dv««&«x4/M*i). St Paul does however UK ' faith ' for the confidence of O.T.
saint* in the fulfilment of particular promises made to them (so of Abraham
in Rom. IT).
Going outside the N. T. it is natural that the use of ' faith ' should be
neither so high nor so definite. Still the word is found, and frequently
enough to show that the idea ' was in the air* and waiting only for an object
worthy of it • Faith ' enters rather largely into the eschatological teaching
respecting the Messianic time. Here it appears to hare the sense of ' fidelity
to the O. T. religion.' In the Psalms of Solomon it is characteristic of the
lf : 7V
Messiah Himself : 7V. .W. zvii. 45 vm/jaJw rd voi/inor Kvpov Ir *for«< «aj
ounuoovrp. In the other Hooks it is characteristic of His subjects. Thus
4 Ezr. vi. rtflorebit auttmfiJes et vincetur comfit t la ; vii. 34 Vfritas stabit
et fiats (onvaleseet\ 44 ( 1 14) soltUa tit intemptrantia, abscissa tst incredulitas
( -dwuma). In A fee. Baruek. and Assump. Mays, the word has this sense,
but not quite in the same connexion : A(oc. Bar. lir. 5 revelas abstondita im-
maculate qui in fid* subiuerunt st Mi it Itgi huu\ at glorifitabis fideles
iuxtafidtm eontm ; lix. a intrtdttlis tormentum ignis rescrvatum ; Ass. Aloys.
iv. 8 a'uae out em tribus permanebunt inpraepositafidt. In Apoe. Bar Mi. a we
have it in the sense of faith in the prophecy of coming judgement : fides iudicii
futuri tune gignebatur. Several times, in opposition to the use in St Paul,
we find opera it fides combined, still in connexion with the ' last things * but
retrospectively with reference to the life on earth. So 4 Ezra ix. 7, 8 ft frit,
omnis qui salvus factus fuerit et qui poterit effttgtre per opera sua vel per
fiJem in qua credtdit, is relinquetur d* pratdictis ferifttlis ft videbit sat u tart
meum in terra mta et in fin i bus me is ; xiii. 23 ifie custodibit qui in peritulo
inciderint, hi sunt qui habent Optra et fidem ad Fortissimum. We might
well believe that both these passages were suggested, though perhaps some*
what remotely, by the verse of Habakknk which St Paul quotes. The same
may be said of 5 Ezr. xv. 3, 4 net turbent te intredulitates dieentium,
quoniam omnis incredulus in intredulitate sua morietur (Libb. Apo<r. p. 645,
ed. O. F. r nt/sche).
Among all these various usages, in Canonical Books as well as Extra-
canonical, the usage of St. Paul stands out markedly. It forms a climax to
them all with the single exception of St. John. There is hardly one of the
ordinary uses which is not represented in the Pauline Epistles. To confine
ourselves to Ep. to Romans ; we have the word (i) clearly used in the sense
of ' fidelity ' or ' faithfulness ' (the faithfulness of God in performing His
promises), Rom. iii. 3 ; also (ii in the sense of a faith which is practically
that of the miracle-worker, faith as the foundation for the exercise of spiritual
gifts, Rom. xii. 3, 6. We have it (iii) for a faith like that of Abraham in
the fulfilment of the promises of which he was the chosen recipient, Rom. iv.
passim. The faith of Abraham however becomes something more than
a particular attitude in regard to particular promises ; it is (iv) a standing
attitude, deliberate faith in God, the key-note of his character ; in ch. iv. the
last sense is constantly gliding into this. A faith like Abraham's is typical of
the Christian's faith, which has however both a lower sense and a higher :
sometimes (v) it is in a general sense the acceptance of Christianity, Rom. i.
5 : x. 8, 17; xvi. a6; but it is also (vi) that specially strong and confident
acceptance, that firm planting of the character upon the service of Christ,
which enables a man to disregard small scruples, Rom. xiv. i, aa f.; cf. i.
17 The centre and mainspring of this higher form of faith is (vii) defined
more exactly as 'faith in Jesus Christ,' Rom. iii. aa q.v., a6. ThU to the
crowning and characteristic sense with St Paul ; and it is really this which
he has in view wherever he ascribes to faith the decisive significance which
he does ascribe to it, even though the object is not expressed (as in L 17 ; iii.
D
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA' [I. 16,17.
\Ve have seen that it is not merely assent or adhesion but
besioo, personal adhesion; the highest and most ct
f which human character U capable. It i. well to ren
,• all tbete meaning* before him ; and be glances from one to
' vc have teen that it U not merely assent or adhesion but
tnthunaii
. r- power of
. Paul has
another as the hand of a violin-player runs over the strings of his violin.
T/tf Righteousness of God.
The idea of the righteousness of God, imposing as it is in the
development given to it in this Epistle, is by no means esst
a new one. It is one of those fundamental Biblit.il ideas
tun through both Testaments alike and appear in a great variety of
•..••IK The Hebrew prophets were as far as possible from
conceiving of* the Godhead as a metaphysical abstraction.
I AM THAT : the Book of Exodus is very different from
the 3rr»« 3*, the Pure Being, without attributes because removed
from all contact with matter, of the Platonizing philoso; :
essential properties of Righteousness and 1 1
terized the Lord of all spirits contained within -s the
springs of an infinite expansiveness. Having brought into exi
a Being endowed with the faculty of choice and capable ot
and wrong action they could not rest until they 1
that Being something of themselves. The Prophets and Ps^
of the Old Testament seized on this idea and pa-
far-reaching expression. We are apt not to reali/ come
to look to what an extent the leading terms in this main pro-
position of the Epistle had been already combined in the Old
Testament Reference has been made to the triple combin.v
•righteousness,' 'salvation' and 'revelation' in Ps. xcviii. [xcvii.] 2:
i My salvation is near to come, at
ness to be revealed,' The double combination of
and 'salvation' is more common. In I's.
slightly obscured in the LXX: 'He shall receive a bl-
the Lord and righteousness (AnHwxrvnjr) from the God
salvation (vopa e«oC cr^pov airoC-).' In the Second Pa
it occurs frequently: Is. xlv. 21-25 ' There is no God besid
a just God and a Saviour (dunuot *oi cr*»r^p). Look unto Me and
be ye saved . . . the word is gone forth from My mouth in rig).
ness and shall not return (or righteousness is gone forth fr< •
mouth, a word ..ill not return R. V. marg.) . . . O
the Lord shall one say unto Me is righteousness ai h. . . .
In the Lord -h.ill all the seed of Israel 1*
duoMoVomu), and shall glory': Is. x!
righu :t shall not be far off, and My su ill not
tarry: and I will place salvation in Zion for Israel M\
h. 5, 6 ' My righteousness is near, My salvation is gone forth .
1. 16, 17.] RIGHTEOUSNESS OF GOD BY FAITH 35
My salvation shall be for ever, and My righteousness shall not be
abolished.'
In all these passages the righteousness of God is conceived as
1 going forth/ as projected from the Divine essence and realizing
itself among men. In . Is. liv. 17 it is expressly said, ' Their
righteousness [which] is of Me ' ; and in Is. xlv. 25 the process is
described as one of justification (' in the Lord shall all the seed of
Israel be justified': see above). In close attendance on the
righteousness of God is His salvation ; where the one is the other
immediately follows.
These passages seem to have made a deep impression upon
St. Paul. To him too it seems a necessity that the righteousness
of God should be not only inherent but energizing, that it should
impress and diffuse itself as an active force in the world.
According to St. Paul the manifestation of the Divine righteous-
ness takes a number of different forms. Four of these may be
specified, (i) It is seen in the fidelity with which God fulfils His
promises (Rom. iii. 3, 4). (2) It is seen in the punishment
which God metes out upon sin, especially the great final punish-
ment, the ty*«'pa vpyfit *a\ airoicaAi^fur duratocpunaff TOW 6«oO (Rom.
ii. 5). Wrath is only the reaction of the Divine righteousness
when it comes into collision with sin. (3) There is one signal mani-
festation of righteousness, the nature of which it is difficult for us
wholly to grasp, in the Death of Christ We are going further
than we have warrant for if we set the Love of God in opposition
to His Justice; but we have the express warrant of Rom. iii. 25, 26
for regarding the Death on Calvary as a culminating exhibition of
the Divine righteousness, an exhibition which in some mysterious
way explains and justifies the apparent slumbering of Divine re-
sentment against sin. The inadequate punishment hitherto in-
flicted upon sin, the long reprieve which had been allowed man-
kind to induce them to repent, all looked forward as it were to that
culminating event. Without it they could not have been ; but the
shadow of it was cast before, and the prospect of it made them
possible. (4) There is a further link of connexion between what is
said as to the Death of Christ on Calvary and the leading pro-
position laid down in these verses (i. 16, 17) as to a righteousness
of God apprehended by faith. The Death of Christ is of the
nature of a sacrifice («V TO> ovroO oifum) and acts as an Aacn^ptoir
- q. v.) by virtue of which the Righteousness of God which
reaches its culminating expression in it becomes capable of wide
on amongst men. This is the great 'going forth1 of the
Divine Righteousness, and it embraces in its scope all believers,
sscnce of it, however, is — at least at first, whatever it may be
ultimately — that it consists not in making men actually righteous
but in ' justifying ' or treating them as if they were righteous.
D 2
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [I 16, 17.
we reach a fundamental conception with St. Paul, and one
all this pan of the Epistle to the Romans, so that
dwell upon it in some <!
have seen that a process of transference or conversion
takes place ; that the righteousness of which St. Paul speaks, though
it issues forth from God, ends in a state or condition of man. How
could this be? The name which gives to the process
is 8uuu'«<m (iv. 25, v. 1 8). More often he uses in resj
it the verb dumovtrAu (iit. 24, 28, v. 1,9, viii. 30, 33). The full
phrase is kuuoia&u in viar«*t : which means that the believer, by
virtue of his faith, is 'accounted or treated as if he were righteous*
sight of God. More even than this: the person so 'ac-
counted righteous' may be, and indeed is assumed to be, not
actually righteous, but dvifat (Rom. iv. 5), an offender against
God.
There is something sufficiently startling in this. The
life is made to have its beginning in a fiction. No wonder that
the fact is questioned, and that another sense is given to the words
— that duroiour&u is taken to imply not the attribution of righteous-
ness in idea but an imparting of actual righteousness. The facts
of language, however, are inexorable : we have seen that «'.-
Aunuow&u have the first sense and not the second ; that they are
rightly said to be ' forensic* ; that they have reference to a y
t, and to nothing beyond. To this conclusion we feel bound
to adhere, even though it should follow that the state described
is (if we are pressed) a fiction, that God is regarded as d<
with men rather by the ideal standard of what they may be than by
the actual standard of what they are. What this means is that
a man makes a great change such as that which the first
Christians made when they embraced (' 'lowed
to start on his career with a clean record : tained past
is not reckoned against him. The change is the great thing ; it
is that at which God looks. As with the Prodigal Son in the
parable the breakdown of his pride and rel
•Father, I have sinned' is enough. The father does n<>:
to be gracious. He does not put him upon a long term of
probation, but reinstates him at once in the full privilege of
sonship. The justi: ct is nothing more than the 'best
robe ' and the ' ring ' and the ' fatted calf of the parable (Luke
•• process of Justification is thus reduced to r
:its we sec th.. I afu-r all nothing so \
about it. I , Forgiveness, Free Forgiveness. The Parable
of the Prodigal Son is a to on two
of its sides, as an expression of th
the sinner, and of the reception accorded to him by Go
I. 16, 17.] RIGHTEOUSNESS OF GOD BY FAITH 37
insist that it must also be complete in a negative sense, and that
it excludes any further conditions of acceptance, because no such
conditions are mentioned, is to forget the nature of a parable.
It would be as reasonable to argue that the father would be
indifferent to the future conduct of the son whom he has recovered
because the curtain falls upon the scene of his recovery and is
not again lifted. By pressing the argument from silence in this
way we should only make the Gospels inconsistent with them-
selves, because elsewhere they too (as we shall see) speak of
further conditions besides the attitude and temper of the sinner.
We see then that at bottom and when we come to the essence of
things the teaching of the Gospels is not really different from the
teaching of St. Paul. It may be said that the one is tenderly and
pathetically human where the other is a system of Jewish Scho-
lasticism. But even if we allow the name it is an encouragement
to us to seek for the simpler meaning of much that we may be
inclined to call ' scholastic.' And we may also by a little inspection
discover that in following out lines of thought which might come
under this description St. Paul is really taking up the threads of
grand and far-reaching ideas which had fallen from the Prophets
of Israel and had never yet been carried forwards to their legitimate
issues. The Son of Man goes straight, as none other, to the
heart of our common humanity ; but that does not exclude the
right of philosophizing or theologizing on the facts of religion, and
that is surely not a valueless theology which has such facts as its
foundation.
What has been thus far urged may serve to mitigate the apparent
•ness of St. Paul's doctrine of Justification. But there is
much more to be said when we come to take that doctrine with
its context and to put it in its proper place in relation to the whole
system.
In the first place it must be remembered that the doctrine belongs
strictly speaking only to the beginning of the Christian's career.
It marks the initial stage, the entrance upon the way of life. It
was pointed out a moment ago that in the Parable of the Prodigal
Son the curtain drops at the readmission of the prodigal to his
home. We have no further glimpse of his home life. To isolate
the doctrine of Justification is to drop the curtain at the same
place, as if the justified believer had no after-career to be re-
corded.
But St. Paul does not so isolate it He takes it up and follows
top in that after-career till it ends in the final glory (ofc N
fttraWf, rovrotw rat «Ao£a<r( viii. 30). We may say roughly that
the first five chapters of the Epistle are concerned with the doctrine
of Justification, in itself (i. 16 — iii. 30), in its relation to leading
features of the Old Covenant (iii. 31— iv. 25) and in the conse-
38 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [I. 16, 17.
qucnces which flowed from it nother
factor is introduced, the Mystical Union of the Christian v.
Risen Christ This subject is prosecuted through three chapters,
, which really cover (except perhaps the one secti*
7-»5)-— and that with great fulness of detail— the whole career
Christian subsequent to Justification. We shall speak of
the teaching of those chapters when we come to them.
no doubt an arguable question how far these lat< :
^htly be included under the same category as the <
Dr. Liddon for instance summarizes their contents as ' Justification
considered subjectively and in its effects upon life and c<
Moral consequences of Justification. (A) The Life of Justification
and sin (vi. 1-14). (B) The Life of Justification and the Mosaic
Law (vi. 15— vii. 25). (C) The Life of Justification and the
of the Holy Spirit (viii.).' The question as to the lei
this description hangs together with the question as to the ni<
of the term Justification. If Justification =Justitia in/usa as well
as imputata, then we need not dispute the bringing of chaps,
under that category. But we have given the reasons which compel
us to dissent from this view. The older Protestant theologiat
languished between Justification and Sanctification ; and \vc think
that they were right both in drawing this distinction a:
referring chaps, vi-viii to the second head rather than to tl.
On the whole St. Paul does keep the two subjects separate from
each other ; and it seems to us to conduce to clearness of thought
to keep them separate.
At the same time we quite admit that the point at issue is rather
one of clearness of thought and convenience of thinking than
anything more material. Although separate the two subjects run
up into each other and are connected by real links. Thert
organic unity in the Christian life. Its different parts and fur
are no more really separable than the different parts and functions
of the human body. An : cspect there is a true analogy
between body and soul. When Dr. Liddon concludes hi-
(p. 1 8) by saying, 'Justification and ». .ay be dis-
tinguished by the student, as are the arterial and nervous s\
in the human body ; but in the living soul they are coincident and
inseparable/ we may cordially agree. UK-
Justification and Sanctification or between the subjects of chaps,
i. 1 6— v, and chaps, vi-viii is analogous to that between the a ;
and nervous systems ; it holds good as much and no more — no
more, but as nr
A further D may be raised which the advocates of the
view we have ji: :;scussing would certainly answer ;
.:ht not regard the whole working
out of the influences brought to bear upon the Christian in chaps.
I. 18-32.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES 39
vi-viii, as yet a fifth great expression of the Righteousness of God
as energizing amongst men. We too think that it might be so
regarded. It stands quite on a like footing with oilier manifesta-
tions of that Righteousness. All that can be said to the contrary
is that St. Paul himself does not explicitly give it this name.
THE UJUVKRflATi NEED: FAILURE OP
THE GENTILES.
I. 18-32. This revelation of Righteousness, issuing forth
from God and embracing man, has a dark background in
that other revelation of Divine Wrath at the gross wicked-
ness of men (ver. 1 8).
There are three stages: (i) the knowledge of God which
all might have from the character imprinted upon Creation
(vv. 19-20) ; (2) the deliberate ignoring of this knowledge
and idle speculation ending in idolatry (w. 21-23) J (3) tne
judicial surrender of those who provoke God by idolatry to
every kind of moral degradation (w. 24-32).
*• This message of mine is the one ray of hope for a doomed
world. The only other revelation, which we can see all around
us, is a revelation not of the Righteousness but of the Wrath
of God breaking forth— or on the point of breaking forth — from
heaven, like the lightning from a thundercloud, upon all the
countless offences at once against morals and religion of which
mankind are guilty. They stifle and suppress the Truth within
them, while they go on still in their wrong-doing («V <&««.). '• It is
not merely ignorance. All that may be known of God He has
revealed in their hearts and consciences. "For since the world
has been created His attributes, though invisible in themselves,
are traced upon the fabric of the visible creation. I mean, His
Power to which there is no beginning and those other attributes
which we sum up under the common name of Divinity.
So plain is all this as to make it impossible to escape the
responsibility of ignoring it. " The guilt of men lay not in their
ignorance ; for they had a knowledge of God. But in spite of
that knowledge, they did not pay the homage due to Him as
40 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [l. 18-32.
God: they gave Him no thanks; but they gave the rein to futile
speculations; they lost all intelligence of truth, and their moral
sense was obscured. * V. \- boasted of their wisdom, they
were turned to folly. "In place of the majesty of the 1
God, they worshipped some fictitious representation of weak and
perishable man, of bird, of quadruped or reptile.
* Such were the beginnings of idolatry. And as a punishment
for it God gave them up to moral corruption, leaving them to
follow their own depraved desires wherever they might lead, even
to the polluting of their bodies by shameful intercourse. * Repro-
bates, who could abandon the living and true God for a sham
y, and render divine honours and ritual observance to the
creature, neglecting the Creator (Blessed be His name for ev
" Because of this idolatry, I repeat, God gave them up to the
vilest passions. Women behaved like monsters who had forgotten
their sex. " And men, forsaking the natural use, wrought shame
with their own kind, and received in their physical degradation
a punishment such as they deserved.
" They refused to make God their study : and as they rejected
Him, so He rejected them, giving them over to that abandoned
mind which led them into acts disgraceful to them as men:
w replete as they were with every species of wrong-doing ;
active wickedness, with selfish greed, with thorough inward de-
pravity : their hearts brimming over with envy, murderous thoughts,
quarrelsomeness, treacherous deceit, rank ill-nature; backbiters,
10 slanderers ; in open defiance of God, insolent in act, arro^
thought, braggarts in word towards man ; skilful plotters of evil,
bad sons, "dull of moral apprehension, untrue to their word,
void of natural duty and of humanity : " Reprobates, who, ki
full well the righteous sci h God denounces death
upon all who act thus, are not content with doing the things which
He condemns themselves but abet and applaud those who practise
them.
18. There is general agreement as to the structure of this
port of the Epistle. St. Paul has just stated what the Gospel
is; he now goes on to show the necessity for such a Gospel
The world is lost without it Following what was for
the obvious division, proof is given of a complete break-d<
regard to righteousness (i) on the part of the (ii) on the
I. 18.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES 41
part of the Jews. The summary conclusion of the whole section
i. 1 8 — iii. 20 is given in the two verses iii. 19, 20: it is that the
whole world, Gentile and Tew alike, stands guilty before God.
Thus the way is prepared for a further statement of the means of
removing that state of guilt offered in the Gospel.
Marcion retained ver. 18, omitting e«ov, perhaps through tome accident
on his own part or in the MS. which he copied Zahn, ut ;«/. p. 516; the
rather important cursive 47 has the same omission . The rest of the chapter
with ii. i he seems to have excised. He may have been jealous of this
trenchant attack upon the Gentiles.
How is this revelation made ? Is the reference
to the Final Judgement, or to the actual condition, as St Paul
saw it, of the heathen world ? Probably not to either exclusively,
but to both in close combination. The condition of the world
seems to the Apostle ripe for judgement; he sees around him
on all hands signs of the approaching end. In the latter half
of this chapter St. Paul lays stress on these signs : he develops
the <mocaXi*rrfra*, present. In the first half of the next chapter
he brings out the final doom to which the signs are pointing.
Observe the links which connect the two sections: <nro*aAi/irrmu
1 8 = oiroicaAv^tr ii. 5; op-yrj i. 18, ii. 5,8; cmnroAoyirrof i. 20,
. i.
*| Ocou. (i) In the O. T. the conception of the Wrath of
God has special reference to the Covenant-relation. It is inflicted
either (a) upon Israelites for gross breach of the Covenant (Lev.
x. i, 2 Nadab and Abihu; Num. xvi. 33, 46 ff. Korah; xxv. 3
Baal-peor), or (0) upon non-Israelites for oppression of the Chosen
People (Jer. 1. 11-17; Ezek. xxxvi. 5). (2) In the prophetic
writings this infliction of ' wrath' is gradually concentrated upon
a great Day of Judgement, the Day of the Lord (Is. ii. 10-22, Ac. ;
Jer. xxx. 7, 8 ; Joel iii. 1 2 ff. ; Obad. 8 ff. ; Zeph. iii. 8 ff.). (3) Hence
the N. T. use seems to be mainly, if not altogether, eschatological :
at. iii. 7 ; i Thess. i. 10; Rom. ii. 5, v. 9; Rev. vi. 16, 17.
Even i Thess. ii. 16 does not seem to be an exception: the state
of the Jews seems to St. Paul to be only a foretaste of the final
woes. See on this subject esp. Ritschl, Rcchtfcrtigung it. Vcrsoh-
*ung, ii. 124 ff. ed. 2.
Similarly Eutbytn.-Zig. 'A wo«a A V»T»TOI «.T A. Jr ^p/p? tylonta «pfo««r.
\\e mutt remember however that St Pan! regarded the Day of Judgement as
near at hand.
iv doucia, ' living in unrighteousness the while* Moule.
KOTcxorrwK. «aT«x«i» = (i) * to hold fast' Lk. viii. 15 ; i Cor. xi. a,
&c. ; (ii) ' to hold down,' ' hold in check ' 2 Thess. ii. 6, 7,
where ro Kor«'xor, 4 «ar«\w>=the force of [Roman] Law and Order
by \\hich Antichrist is restrained: similarly here but in a bad
42 EPISTLE 1' [I 18-20-
sense; it is the truth whk h is 'held down/ hindered, th
checked in its free and expansive operation.
SioVi : aht\ivs in Gk. Test. = • because/ There are three uses :
(i) for &V o T» = propier quod, quamobrem, ' wherefore/ introducing
a consequence ; (ii) for tta twro on = propUrea quod, or
'because/ giving a reason for what has gone before; (iii) from
Herod, downwards, but esp. in later Gk. = on. • that.'
TO yvuaroV. This is a similar case to that of *vo6w0?<ro/Mu above :
yMKrrrff in Scripture generally (both LXX and N ms at
a rule 'known (e.g. Acts i. 19, ii l.ut it does
not follow that it may not be used in the stricter sense of
'knowable/ 'what may be known' c iligible n
Green, The Witness of God, p. 4) where the context favours
that sense: so Orig. Theoph. Weiss. Gif., agaii
De W. Va. There is the more room for i:
as the word does not occur elsewhere in St. Paul and the in. .
does not cover his writings.
i* aurotf, ' \\ ithin them.' St. Paul repeatedly uses this preposi-
tion where we might expect a different one (cf. Gal. i. 16; Rom.
ii. 15): any revelation must pass through the human conscious-
ness: so Mey. Go. Oltr. Lips., not exactly as Gif. (' in their very
nature and constitution as men ') or Moule (' among them)/
Compare also Luther, Table Talk, A ph. dxlix : * Melanchthon discoursing
with Luther touching the prophet*, who continually boast thus : " Thus satin
the Lord/' asked whether God in person spoke with them or no. Luther
replied : " They were very holy, spiritual people, who seriously contemplated
upon holy and divine things: therefore God spake wb
consciences, which the prophets held as tore and certain revelations." '
.> however possible that allowance should be made for the wider
ustic use of 4r, as in the phrase XaA«> iro*«o>
v«v0a/ TOV Ifcir W AaAfj<r«i I* Ipoi: cf. Zech. i. 9. 13, 14. . 4. 5 ;
v. 5, 10; vi. 4; also 4 Kxr. v. 15 attgelus am Iwjutbatur in me. In that
case too much stress most not be laid on the preposition as describing an
internal process. At the same time the analogy of AaA«r Jr does not cover
the very explicit fcv«^r Janr Jr avroit : and we most remember that
St. Paol i* writing as one who had himself an 'abundance of revelations*
and uses the language which corresponded to his own
experieBoa.
20. Aw6 RTi9«wf itoafioo. Gif. is inclined to translate this ' from
the created universe/ ' creation ' (in the sense of ' things created ')
being regarded as the sourct of knowledge: he alleges Vulg.
a criatura mundi. But it is not clear . was intended
to have this sense; and the parallel phrases « <o<r/*o»
(Matt XXiv. 21). citro Koro/SoX^ff xoV/iov (Matt, xx v. 34 ; Luke :•
Rev. x. lark x. 6; xiii. 19;
seem to show that the force of the prep, is rather itmporal,
'sinff the i rsc' (<ty ov xptvov 6 dpon*' «crurA|
Kuth>m.-Zig.). The idea of knowledge being derived from
. 20.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES 43
le fabric of the created world is in any case contained in the
context.
Turcw*: see Lft. Col. p. 214. criW has three senses: (i) the
ct of creating (as here) ; (ii) the result of that act, whether (a) the
ggregate of created things (\Visd. v. 18 ; xvi. 24; Col. i. 15 and
robably Rom.viii. 19 ff.); or (3) a creature, a single created thing
fieb. iv. 13, and perhaps Rom. viii. 39, q. v.).
cUfoparcu: commonly explained to mean 'are clearly seen*
*ara with intensive force, as in xarapa»6av<iv, KOTO***) ; so Fri.
irm.-Thay. Gif. &c. It may however relate rather to the direction
f sight, » are surveyed/ « contemplated ' (* are under observation '
foule). Both senses are represented in the two places in which
le word occurs in LXX : (i) in Job x. 4 7 &<nr«p /fyorfc 6p$ xa&pfc ;
i) in Num. XXIV. 2 BaXau/i . . . xadop? TO* 'lapaijX «arparoir«d«VKora
era <£>vAuF.
dtoios : aidior^c is a Divine attribute in Wisd. ii. 23 (v. 1., see
*low) ; cf. also Wisd. vii. 26 <£*rr6f mtiov, Jude 6.
The argument from the nature of the created world to the
haracter of its Author is as old as the Psalter, Job and Isaiah :
>ss. xix. i ; xciv. 9; cxliii. 5; Is. xlii. 5; xlv. 18; Job xii. 9;
xvi. 14; xxxvi. 24 if.; Wisd. ii. 23; xiii. 1,5, &c. It is common
o Greek thought as well as Jewish : Arist. De Mundo 6 Miupirot
r* avruv ru* tpyw 0«»>p«lTai [<J e««*] (Lid.). This argument is very
ully set forth by Philo, Dt Proem, ct Pocn. 7 (Mang. ii. 415).
describing the order and beauty of Nature he goes on:
Admiring and being struck with amazement at these things, they
rrived at a conception consistent with what they had seen, that
e beauties so admirable in their arrangement have not come
ing spontaneously (ov* onmTo/iaruytfiVra yiya**), but are the
rork of some Maker, the Creator of the world, and that there must
ceds be a Providence (•POMMO*); because it is a law of nature
lat the Creative Power (rA irnro^KOf) must take care of that which
;is come into being. But these admirable men superior as they
ire to all others, as I said, advanced from below upwards as if
y a kind of celestial ladder guessing at the Creator from His
rorks by probable inference (ola «ui ru-ot ovpaWov «Ai>«or a«4 T£»
0<i6rrjs : Btorrjt = Divine Personality, Onorrjt = Divine nature and
roperties : dvra/ur is a single attribute, fatanjt is a summary term
or those other attributes which constitute Divinity: the word
ppears in Biblical Gk. first in Wisd. xviii. 9 r6r nj* dtunjrot
Didymus (Trir. ;ne, P. G. xxxix. 664) accuses the heretics of
leading ««4rip here, and it is found in one MS., P.
> certainly somewhat strange that so general a term as etitrrjt should
be combined with a term denoting a particular attribute like 8vraptf. To
this difficulty the attempt has been made to narrow down *«4n}t to
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 20, 2
the signification of «^a, the .Urine glory or splendour. It it tug
it te
.
that this word was not used becauae it teemed inadequate to
Rogge, Du A*uka***gt* d. Af
9m d. rtlig*t-tiUl. Ckarakt. d, Htidtntumt, Leipzig, l8W, p. 10 £.)
«;«; TO ti«u : «'r r«J denotes here not direct and \ irpose
but indirect, secondary or conditional purpose. God d.
design that man should sin ; but He did design that if they
they should be without cxcu Is part all was d<
a sufficient knowledge of Himself. Burton h
(A foods and Tenses, § 4") U^» ••• «* he™ M express! i
purpose but result, because of the causal clause which follows.
4 This clause could be forced to an expression of purpose only by
supposing an ellipsis of some such expression as col ovrt»
and seems therefore to require that «u r& emu be interpreted
>ing result.' There is force in this reasoning, though the
of tit r6 for mere result is not we believe generally recogni/
21 loogaaar. 6a£df» is one of the words which show a deepei
significance in their religious and Biblical use. In classic
in accordance with the slighter sense of «o£a it merely = ' tojc
an opinion about ' (&o£a(6n<vot afoot, ' held to be unrighteous,' ~*
Rep. 588 B); then later with a gr . ation ' to
honour to' or 'praise' (r»* apnij fciofia/nVot JtApit Polyb. VI. '
10). And so in LXX and N. T. with a varying sense accoi "
to the subject to whom it is applied : (i) Of the honour done
man to man (Esih. iii. I ('oofuw 6 /SuriArt* 'Apruttpfo
(ii) Of that which is done by man to God (Lev. x. 3 tV nd
owayvy'n oa£o(rdproprn) ; (iii) Of the glory bestowed on man I
(Rom. viii. 30 otr M .'o.Jtai'-^, rouroi/r itai .aJf .
specially characteristic of the Gospel of St. John, of the
manifestation of the glory, whether of the Fa
(Jo. xii. 28), or of the Son by His own act (Jo. xi. 4), or of the
by the act of the Father (Jo. vii. 39; xii. 16, 23, &c.), or
Father by the Incarnate Son (Jo. xiii. 31 ; xiv
IpaTOMttnffar, 'were frustrated/ 'rendered fut:.
m'rrata = • idols ' as ' things of nought.' The two words
-' Kings xvii. 15 <r<u tuoptv&ivav unitr* rir
as usually in LXX and N. T. in a bad sonse of
1 pen-erse, self-willed, reasonings or speculations' (cf. Hatch, £ss.
8).
Comp. Emotk xcix. 8, o ' And they will become godleu by reaaon of the
foolishnca. of their hearts, and their eyes will be blinded throuKh thr
their hearts aad through visions in their dreams. Through t
become godless and fearful, because they work all their works in a lie and
they worship a atone.'
•apoia : the most comprehensive term for the human faculties,
I. 21-24.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES 45
the seat of feeling (Rom. ix. a ; x. i) ; will (i Cor. iv. 5 ; vii. 37 .
cf. Rom. xvi. 1 8); thoughts (Rom. x. 6, 8). Physically xarfia
belongs to the owluyx™ (2 Cor. vi. n, 12); the conception of its
functions being connected with the Jewish idea that life resided in
the blood : morally it is neutral in its character, so that it may be
cither the home of lustful desires (Rom. i. 24), or of the Spirit
(Ro::
23. vjXXafcK Iv : an imitation of a Heb. construction : cf. Ps.
cvi. (cv.) 20 ; also for the expression Jer. ii. n (Del ad he.) Ac.
' manifested perfection.' See on iii. 23.
Corop. with thU verse Phito, Vit. Mos. Hi. ao (Mang. «. 161) ol TOK
d\rj9jf Otur KoraAivdrrft Tovt ^«via>Kv^ovt ifyniovpyrjaar, tf>$al^nit xal yunjnui
ovoitut T^V rov dytvrfrov *<** fyMfro* vpAepiptv Iwifrjuioarnt : also D* EMtt.
38 (Mang. i. 374) vap' ft «o2 ftawkeurrtfr drfantvot dyaXparw ml (odronr nil
pvpivv d^Jpu/inrew {,\ait baftpott Ttrt^frtvftirojf «ar/vA>7<r« rip
. . . jrarfi/rpuraro Ti ^*arrU>* o5 wpociMxijotv, drri AOIOTIJTOI
r<i ydp wo\i>e<ov 4r rtut rwv d^p^rary \f,v\ait d9«6rrjt, gal 0«oO
ol rd ^vi/
4, uAA'
24. irap^wiceK : three times repeated, here, in ver. 26 and in
ver. 28. These however do not mark so many distinct stages in
the punishment of the heathen ; it is all one stage. Idolatry leads
to moral corruption which may take different forms, but in all is
a proof of God's displeasure. Gif. has proved that the force of
Mfan«v is not merely ptrmisstve (Chrys. Theodrt Euthym.-Zig.*),
through God permitting men to have their way; or privative,
through His withdrawing His gracious aid ; but judicial, the appro-
punishment of their defection : it works automatically, one
evil leading to another by natural sequence.
This is a Jewish doctrine : Pirqt Abotk, iv. t ' Every fulfilment of dotr is
rewarded by another, and every transgression is punished by another ' ; Shab-
ktth 104* ' Whosoever strives to keep himself pure receives the power to do
so, and whosoever will be impure to him is it [the door of vice] thrown
open ' ; Jems. Talmud, ' He who erects a fence round himself is fenced, and
he who gives himself over is given over* (from Delitzsch, Notes on Heb.
Version of Kp. to Hum.). The Tews held that the heathen because of their
>n of the Law were wholly abandoned by God : the Holy Spirit was
withdrawn from them (Weber, Altsy*. Tktot. p. 66).
to ourols N A BCD*, several cursives; frimnXt I>EFGKLP,
rintcd editions of Fathers, Orig. Chrys. Theodrt., Vulg. («/
twi/umc/iu adficiant corpora sua in ipsis). The balance is strongly
• Similarly Adrian, an Antiochene writer (c. 440 A.D.) in his E
Tib 0«as -ypa^aj, a classified collection of figures and modes of speech em-
ployed in Holy Scripture, refers this verse to the head T^r 4*2 rwr
mixwv (rvrxtw* "V
TOVTO ov vm«r.
4$ i: TO THE ROMA [I. 24 28.
in favour of ovr ng drtpd'lcatcu is pass..
= ' among them ' : with anp. is n.
On the forms, avro£, avroC and Jovrov see Buttmann, O. */ A'. 7*. I,
That ' Introd., Notes on Orthography, j
In N. T. Greek there is a tendency to the disuse of strong reflexive forms.
Simple possession is most commonly expressed by •**», atrip, &c. : only
- the reflexive character is emphasised (not merely mum, but tuum
us) is iavrov used hence the importance of such phrases as r4r J«
vtt» *J/4«r Ron i hare denied the existence in
of the aspirated oirroC : and it is true that there is no certain pro
aspiration such as the occurrence before it of o&x or an elided preposit
in early MSS. breathings are rare), but in a few strong cases, when
omission of the aspirate would be against all Creek usage, it is retaine
\VH. (e.g. in Jo. ii. 24; Lk
25. OITU-. often called ' rel. of quality/ (i) deni
a single object with reference to its kind, its nature, its capacil
its character (' one who/ ' being of such a kind as t
(ii) it frequently makes the adjectival sentence assign a cause
the main sentence : it is used like gut, or quififx guit with subj.
TV AXVj0tiar . . . TW i|»cuoci : abstr. for concrete, for n
Ofdr . . . roic ^rvo«<ri 6Votc, cf. I TheSS. i. 9.
Iffcpcur&rjffar. This USC of cr«3a£«a&u is an airn£ \ty6fit9O9 ;
common form is ai&ta&u (see A-
wopA TOf KTiaarra = not merely ' more than the Creator ' (\
which the preposition might bear), but 'passing by the <
altogether/ • to the neglect of the Creator/
Cf. Philo, D€ M**d. Of if. 3 (Mangey, t. a) rtrh ^ rir a^/wr ,<axAor
rdr av9/Mwetdr •ov^oairrtf (Loesner).
o« <<mr toXoyrjTos. Dozologies like this are of constant oci
in the Talmud, and are a spontaneous expression of devout fcelii
called forth either by the thought of God s adorable perfections
sometimes (as here) by the forced mention of th
would rather hide.
27. dwoXafipdVoKTcs : <lrroX.= (i) ' to receive back* (as in
34) ; (ii) * to receive one's dtu ' (as in Luke xx nd so
28. <ooKi>aaar: dampaCw = (i) ' to test' (l
to approve after testing ' (so here ; and ii. 1 8 ; xiv. 2 :
similarly ootMu^or = 'rejected a ^/ ' reprobate/
iv Iviyrwcrci : «iri'yyw<rt( = * afltr knowledge ': hence (i)
tion (vb. ='to reco ;. 12. &c.) ; (ii) •
vanced ' or 4 further knowledge/ ' full knowledge/ Sec esp.
Comm. on i Cor. xiii. 1 2 ; I .it. on Phil. i. 9.
your = the reasoning faculty, esp. as concerned with
action, the intellectual part of conscience : *oit and <n w.
combined in Ti- •• either bad or good ; for
good sense see Rom
I. 28-30.] 1AILURE OF THE GENTILES 47
TO KaOnxorra : a technical term with the Stoics, ' what is morally
fitting ' ; cf. also a Mace. vi. 4.
29. \v,- must beware of attempting to force the catalogue
follows into a logical order, though here and there a certain
amount of grouping is noticeable. The first four are general
terms for wickedness ; then follows a group headed by the allitera-
tive +66«x>, +<$rou, with other kindred vices ; then two forms of
backbiting ; then a group in descending climax of sins of arro-
gance; then a somewhat miscellaneous assortment, in which again
alliteration plays a part.
: a comprehensive term, including all that follows.
, : om. N A B C K ; probably suggested by similarity in
SOUnd tO irotnjpia.
iroKTjpi'a : contains the idea of ' active mischief (Hatch, Bibl. Gk.
p. 77 f. ; Trench, Syn. p. 303). Dr. T. K. Abbott (Essays, p. 97)
rather contests the assignment of this specific meaning to tronpui ;
and no doubt the use of the word is extremely wide : but where
• !< tinition is needed it is in this direction that it must be sought
: as compared with no^jpia denotes rather inward vicious-
ness of disposition (Trench, Syn. p. 36 f.).
The MSS. vary as to the order of the three words wonp/?, w\to*«fa , vox*?,
\\ II. text KV. retain this order with BL, Ac., Hard. Ann., Has. Greg.-
Nvss. «/.: Tisch. \VH. marg. read wonjp. mm. »A«c*. with K A, Pesh. «? :
WH. marf. also recognizes «ur. worqp. vX«or. with C, Boh. al.
«X«ov*|io. On the attempt which is sometimes made to give to this word
the sense of ' impurity * see Lft. on Col. iii. 5. The word itself means only
• selfish greed/ which may however be exhibited under circumstances where
impurity lies near at band: e.g. in 1 Thess. iv. 6 vA«or«*T«<r is used of
adultery, but rather as a wrong done to another than as a vice.
: the tendency to put the worst construction upon
hing (Arist. Rhet. ii. 13 ; cf. Trench, Syn. p. 38). The word
occurs several times in 3 and 4 Maccabees.
30. «|n0up«rrds, KOToXdXoos. The idea of secresy is contained in
the first of these words, not in the second: <jn0. susurratores
Cypr. Lucif. Ambrstr. susurronts Aug. Vulg. ; *oroX. detraclores
Aug. Vulg., detrectatores (detract-) Lucif. Ambrstr. al.
0co<mrycis : may be either (i) passive, Deo odibiles Vulg. : so
l-'ri. Oltr. Lips. Lid. ; on the ground that this is the
constant meaning in class. Gk., where the word is not uncommon ;
or (ii) active, Dei osores = abhorrentes Deo Cypr. : so Euthym.-Zig.
(row TO» e*4» tuaovrrat), Tyn. and other English versions not derived
from Vulg., also Gif. Go. Va., with some support from Clem. Rom.
ad Cor. xxxv. 5, who in paraphrasing this passage uses (kwmryia
clearly with an active signification, though he follows it by orvy^roi
IY 3«f. As one among a catalogue of vices this would give the
more pointed sense, unless we might suppose that fawrrvyils had
come to have a meaning like our ' desperadoes.' The three terms
48 M TO THE ROMANS [I. 30-32.
follow remind us of the bullies and braggarts of the Eliza-
1*1 han stage. For the distinction between them see T
p. 95 fr-
it i* well preferred in the Cjrprianic Latin, initirioti, ntftrbi, i at tan!
For the last phrase Lucif. h*» glcrianiti ; either would be better than the
rendering tlatot (Cod. CUrom. Cod. Boern. Ambntr. Aug. V
dffwtrovt : iMM*fiw (' without conscience ') Eothpn.-Zig.
clotelr the two words cwtan and owii&rjait are related will appear fro
Pol) • oi 8, Ji oCr«r ofr« &m Jtfri fo*;* ofrr. tar^y
4 ffi?«m f) ii*ar<MKov<ja
in 4 ffi?«m f) ii*ar<MKov<ja roTff *a<rr«rt' ^vyo/i. [Bot is not th
a gloat, oo the text of Pol) b. 1 It U found in the margin of Cod. Urbin.]
' false to their engagements ' (<w0j«o4) ; cf. Jer
l*\ \ .
bxnroVftovt after aWpywf (Trench, Spit. p. 95 ff.) is added
from i . P].
32. omrcs : see on ver. 25 above.
TO ftiKoutfia : nrob. in the first instance (i) a declaration that
a thing is &*mnv [ru ouco/w/ia ToC rd/iov = ' that which the La
down as right,' Rom. viii. 4]; hence, 'an ordinance' (Luk
Rom. ii. 26 ; Heb. ix. i, 10) ; or (ii) ' a declaration that a person
is oueoiof,' 'a verdict of not guilty/ 'an acquittal': so <
St. Paul (e.g. Rom. v. 16). But see also note on p. 31.
J»t7iJ«w*or7«f (B) 80, WH. marg.
ovrcu&oKovai. There has been some disturbance of
the text here : B, and apparently Clem. Rom., have r
<n/wvdoffov»m ; and so too D £ Vulg. (am. fuld.) Orig.-lat. Lucif.
and other i there, but inserting, non inltll<
foMprav I >) \\ H. obelize the common text as prob. co;
think that it involves an anticlimax, because to applaud an
in others is not so bad as to do it oneself; but fro:
of view to set up a public opinion in favour of vice is worse than
to yield for the moment to temptation (sec the quotaiioi
Apollinaris below). If the participles are wrong tlx • >bably
been assimilated mechanically to irpd<rao»r«r. Note that *
facnt, to produce a cer : ; vpaaatur = agtrf, to act as
moral agent : there may be also some idea of repeated action.
9VMuoo«ouai denotes 'hearty approval' (Rendall on
20. m J-'xpot. 1888, il 209) ; vcvoo««; T^ »-.^r :
the word occurs four times besides in N .;!.).
19* it pu
I. 18-32.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES 49
0t/r/rp«x«t avrf . A n'tv yip
& 84 ffVMidoxwr, i*T«>f &r TOW
(Apollinaris in Cramer's Catena}.
St. Paul's Description of the Condition of the
Heathen World.
It would be wrong to expect from St. Paul an investigation of
the origin of different forms of idolatry or a comparison of the
morality of heathen religions, such as is now being instituted in the
Comparative Science of Religion. For this it was necessary to
wait for a large and comprehensive collection of data which has
only become possible within the present century and is still far from
complete. St. Paul looks at things with the insight of a religious
teacher ; he describes facts which he sees around him ; and he con-
nects these facts with permanent tendencies of human nature and
with principles which are apparent in the Providential government
of the world.
The Jew of the Dispersion, with the Law of Moses in his hand,
could not but revolt at the vices which he found prevailing among
the heathen. He turned with disgust from the circus and the
theatre (Weber, Altsyn. Theol. pp. 58, 68). He looked upon the
heathen as given over especially to sins of the flesh, such as those
rhich St. Paul recounts in this chapter. So far have they gone as
to lose their humanity altogether and become like brute beasts
(Mid. p. 67 f.). The Jews were like a patient who was sick but
with hope of recovery. Therefore they had a law given to them to
be a check upon their actions. The Heathen were like a patient
who was sick unto death and beyond all hope, on whom therefore
the physician put no restrictions (ibid. p. 69).
The Christian teacher brought with him no lower standard, and
rdict was not less sweeping. 'The whole world,' said St.
John, ' lieth in wickedness/ rather perhaps, ' in [the power of] the
Wicked One' (i Jo. v. 19). And St. Paul on his travels must
have come across much to justify the denunciations of this chapter.
He saw that idolatry and licence went together. He knew that
the heathen myths about their gods ascribed to them all manner
of immoralities. The lax and easy-going anthropomorphism of
Hellenic religion and the still more degraded representations, with
at times still more degraded worship, of the gods of Egypt and the
50 :.K TO THE ROMvV [l. 18 32.
•<> dark relief by his own severe conception of
the Divine Holiness. It was natural that he should gi\
account he docs of this degeneracy. The lawless fancies 1 1
invented their own divinities. Such gods as these left them free to
follow their own unbridled passions. And the M.ij. -sty on
angered at their wilful disloyalty, did not interfere to check
downward career.
all literally true. The human imagination, follow;
own devices, projects even into the Pantheon the streak of <
it is itself disfigured. And so the mischief is made worse,
because the Worshipper is not likely to rise above the objects of
his worship. It was in the strict sense due to su . influ-
ence that the religion of the Jew and of the Christian was kept
dear of these corrupt and corrupting features. The st
Pagan world betokened the absence, the suspension or
holding, of such supernatural influence; and there was reason
enough for the belief that it was judicially inflicted.
At the same time, though in this passage, where St. Paul is
measuring the religious forces in the world, he speaks without
limitation or qualification, it is clear from other contexts tha
demnation of the insufficiency of Pagan creeds did not m;i
shut his eyes to the good that there might be in Pagan
In the next chapter he distinctly contemplates the case of Gentiles
who being without law are a law unto themselves, and who fnul in
their consciences a substitute for external law (ii. 14, 15). He
frankly allows that the * uncircumci .is by nature* put to
shame the Jew with all his greater advantages (ii. 26-29). \V«-
therefore cannot say that a priori reasoning or prejudice
him untrue to facts. The Pagan world was not wholly b.i
had its scattered and broken lights, which the Apostle recognizes
he warmth of genuine sympathy. But there can be <
liulc doubt that the moral condition of Pagan civilization was such
as abundantly to prove his main proposition, that Paganism was
unequal to the task of reforming and regenerating mankind.
re is a monograph on the subject, \\hich however does not
add much beyond what lies fairly upon the
Anuhauungcn d. Ap. Paulu* Ton <:'. ittliihcn Charakttr d.
, Leipzig, 1888.
I. 18-32.] FAILURE OF THE GENTILES
If the statements of St. Paul cannot be taken at once at toppling the place
of scientific inquiry from the tide of the Comparative History of Religion, to
neither can they be held to furnish data which can be utilized just at they
stand by the historian. The standard which St. Paul applies is not that of
the historian but of the preacher. He does not judge by the average level of
moral attainment at different epochs but by the ideal standard of that which
ought to be attained. A calm and dispassionate weighing of the facts, with
due allowance for the nature of the authorities, will be found in Friedlander,
s, Leipzig, 1869-1871.
Utt oftht Book of Witdom in Chapter /.
t. 18-31. In two places In Epist. to Romans, ch. i and ch. ix, there are
clear indications of the use by the Apostle of the Book of Wisdom. Such
indications are not wanting elsewhere, but we have thought it best to call
attention to them especially at the points where they are most continuous and
most striking. We begin by placing side by side the language of St. Paul
and that of the earlier work by which it is illustrated.
Romans.
L ao. rd 7d/» Mpar* abroi dvd /rri-
aton xuafiov roit wcxij^aai roov/Kva
f) T« tU&ot a
31.
/ioff airro/x. KCU
ovrir «ap&a.
a a.
If Toft 210X0719.
i) d<n/r«rot
«7«u oofol
Gaprov Ocev iv Aftotuftart tlxo
TOV dr^ponrov «o2 rnvrtanav «o2 rirpa-
Wisdom.
xiii. i.
wpootxovt**
xiii. 5. i« T^p ptyiOovt «o2
OVTWV Otvpt trm.
\\. 23. [<J e«dt «/
vow . . . «J*ora 7
(Cod. 948 a/., Method. Athan. Epiph. ;
KAB, Clem.-Alex. &c.)
xviii. 9. rdr r^t 0«t6njrot r«J/ior.
xiii. 8. vdAir M oM* ovroi ai^i-oH
<rrof.
xiii. I. /uSrtuoi 7^ vorrn
<f>v<Ht, oh wapfjv 9«ov dyvaioia f.
xii. 3. c
dri/io,
T«f.
xii. I. rd &p$afrr6v oov wv«v/ia.
xiv. 8. rd 9) ^a/yrdr e«i*
xiii. 10. TaAa/wai/KH 8J «a2 ir r««/K>Tr
avrwr, o«rir«f
• The more recent editor* as a rule
read fe^n/rot with the uncials and
Gen. i. 26 f. ; but it is by no means clear
that they are right: Cod, 248 em-
bodies very ancient elements and the
context generally favours dlior^rot.
It still would not be certain that St.
Paul had this passage in his mind.
f The parallel here is not quite
exact. St Paul says, ' They did know
but relinquished their knowledge,'
Wisd. 'They ought to have known
but did not.'
\ 2
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [I. 18-32.
:;>. 14. dv«uraa«i
15. mnrcf /Mr^XXa^ar rip dXi^«iar 1 7 sqq. ofcr
rov e«ov Ir v$ tiito,, **l loi&o+j. tyvYf wpwrXaXir- «al
tfar «<U lA^r^tvaar rp «ri'a«< vapd tvr ri d<r*Vrir i»i*aA*i~raj,
mVarra. vtgpiv d^ioi «. r. X .
II. M TOVTO «a2 Ir
•MS*
xiv. 31. TO dVoirwnTror 2ro/ia Alfoti
mrifuXc
34. &i •apl&MTtfr «. r. X.
36. &d revro *a^e«««r «. r. X. «ifeJ
sfn Ir X^rat «porvr*ii
:j. «r «
(Tflku w.pi T i^r roC
Ir /wyaXy (firr«ff d-yroaif
.
^ ;*pu^«
.fir
f o«r«
potrir.^^Xoxfirilro^*
. 'in.
irorra M Ivi/uf lx(< a'Ma *a*
***,«>»**
p«TT<Jr, iraraXdAovt, $t<xrrirfttt, bfifx- 30. xdpirot d/inyaia, ^vx&V ^«a<T^i
tfrof, vvt p^^orovf| oXo^orof , 4^€vp4Taf ^frt ^f tt/f ^sexj croXXfl^^y ^o^iav QTO^M
i eVTo^yowr, dreX C^/MTOS.
«<u »i/«f I jTiV.
It will be seen that while on the one hand there can be no question of
direct quotation, on the other band the resemblance is so strong both at to
the main lines of the argument (i. Natural religion discarded, ii. idolatry,
hi. catalogue of immorality) and in the details of thought and to tome
extent of expression as to make it clear that at some time in hu
must have bestowed upon the Book of Wisdom a considerable amount of
[Compare the note on ix. 10-39 below, also an essay by E, Grafc in
T*<ol. Abkandlumpn C. von Wriu&tktr gcwidmtt, Freiburg,
p. 351 ft*. In this essay will be found a summary of previous discussions of
the question and an estimate of the extent of St. Paul's indebtedness
agrees substantially with that expressed above. It did not extend to any of
the leading ideas of Christianity, and affected the form rath
: of the arguments to which it did extend. Rom. L 18-32, ix. 19-33
are the meet coospi
t A.V. expands this as ' [spiritual] had something to do in suggesting the
fornication * ; and so most modem.. thought of St. Paul
But even to the phrase might have
II. 1-16.] TRANSITION TO THE JEWS 53
TRANSITION FROM GENTILE TO JEW. BOTH
ALIKE GUILTY.
1 1 . 1-16. This state of things puts out of court the [ Jewish']
critic who is himself no better than the Gentile. He can
claim no exemption, but only aggravates his sin by im-
penitence (w.i-5). Strict justice will be meted out to all—
the Jew coming first then the Gentile (w. 6-1 1). T/te Jewt
will be judged by the Law of Moses, the Gentile by the Law
of Conscience, at the Great Assist which Christ will hold
(w. 12-16).
1 The Gentile sinner is without excuse ; and his critic — who-
ever he may be — is equally without excuse, even though [like
the Jew] he imagines himself to be on a platform of lofty superiority.
No such platform really exists. In fact the critic only pi»Cl
sentence upon himself, for by the fact of his criticism he shows that
he can distinguish accurately between right and wrong, and his
own conduct is identical with that which he condemns. * And we
are aware that it is at his conduct that God will look. The
standard of His judgement is reality, and not a man's birth or
status as either Jew or Gentile. 'Do you suppose — you Jewish
critic, \vho are so ready to sit in judgement on those who copy your
<>wn 1-x.imple— do you suppose that a special exemption will be
made in your favour, and that you personally (<ru emphatic) will
escape ? * Or are you presuming upon all that abundant goodness,
forbearance, and patience with which God delays His punishment
of sin ? If so, you make a great mistake. The object of that long-
suffering is not that you may evade punishment but only to induce
you to repent. ' While you with that callous impenitent heart of
yours are heaping up arrears of Wrath, which will burst upon you
in the Day of Wrath, when God will stand revealed in His character
as the Righteous Judge. • The principle of Hb judgement is clear
nij'Ic. lie will render to every man his due, by no fictitious
standard (such as birth or status) but strictly according to what
he has done. ' To those who by steady persistence in a life-work
of good strive for the deathless glories of the Messianic Kingdom,
54 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [II. 1.
He will give that for which they st - ternal li!
those mutinous spirits who are disloyal to the right and loyal only
to unrighteousness, for such there is in store anger and fury,
•galling, nay crushing, pain: for every human being they are in
store, who carries out to the end his course of evil, whether he
be Jew or whether he be Gentile— the Jew again having prece-
dence. "On the other hand the communicated glory of the .
Presence, the approval of God and the bliss of rcconciliati.
Him await the man who labours on at that which is good— be he
Jew or Gentile; here too the Jew having precedence, but only
precedence : ufor God regards no distinctions of race.
" Do not object that the Jew has a position of privilege i
will exempt him from this judgement, while the Gentile has no law
oh he can be judged. The Gentiles, it is true, have no law;
but as they have sinned, so also will they be punished without one
[sec w. 14, 15]. The Jews live under a law, and by tl.
will be judged. "For it is not enough to hear it read in :!»«•
synagogues. That does not make a man righteous before God.
rdict will pronounce righteous only those who have done
he Law commands. UI say that Gentiles too, although
they have no written law, will be judged. For whenever any of
them instinctively put in practice the precepts of the Law, their
own moral sense supplies them with the law they need. "Be-
cause their actions give visible proof of commandments writ
on stone but on the tables of the heart These actions themselves
bear witness to them; and an approving conscience also bears
them witness; while in their dealings with one another their :
thoughts take sometimes the side of the prosecution and some-
times (but more rarely) of the defence. " These hidden wo
conscience God can see; and therefore He will judge
e as well as Jew, at that Great Ass : at He
!d through His Deputy, Jesus Messiah.
i The transition from Gentile to Jew is conducted with much
rhetorical skill, somewhat after the manner of Nathan's {
to David Under cover of a general statement St. Paul sets be-
fore himself a typical Jew. Such an one would assent c<>
to all that had been said hitherto (p. 49. su/>.). It is now turned
against himself, though for the moment the Apostle IK
the direct .itlirmation, 'Thou art the man.'
II. 1-4.] TRANSITION TO THE JEWS 55
There I* evidence that Marcion kept vv. a, i a- 14, 16. ao (from I*0*™"- *9 :
fur the rest evidence fail*. We might suppose that Marcion would o:
17-20, which record (however ironically) the privileges of the Jew ; hot the
retention of the last clause of ver. 20 is against this.
otl links this section closely to the last ; it is well led up to by
i. 32, but oVoiroX. pointing back to i. 20 shows that the Apostle had
more than this in his mind.
9. ofca^x ft; A BD &c., Hard.,Ortg.-lat. Tert. Ambrstr. Tbeodrt. al. NY H
text K V. text : ollaptv yapXCijai. pane. Latt. (*xt. g) Boh. Ann.. Chrys.,
Ttsch. WH. marg. RV. marf. An even balance of authorities, both sides
drawing their evidence from varied quarters. A more positive decision than
that of \\H. RV. would hardly be justified.
oi5a = to know for a fact, by external testimony ;
to know by inner personal experience and appro-
priation : see Sf>. Comm. iii. 299; Additional note on i Cor. viii. i.
3. oif emphatic ; * thou, of all men/ There is abundant illus-
tration of the view current among the Jews that the Israelite was
secure simply as such by virtue of his descent from Abraham and
of his possession of the Law : cf. Matt. iii. 8, 9 ' Think not to say
within yourselves, We have Abraham to our father'; Jo. viii. 33 ;
(>il ii. 15; the passages quoted by Gif.; Weber, Altsyn. TSoL
p. 69 f.
There may be an element of popular misunderstanding, there is
iv 1 1. 1 inly an element of inconsistency, in some of these passages.
The story of Abraham sitting at the gate of Paradise and refusing
to turn away even the wicked Israelite can hardly be a fair
specimen of the teaching of the Rabbis, for we know that they in-
sisted strenuously on the performance of the precepts of the Law,
moral as well as ceremonial. But in any case there must have
been a strong tendency to rest on supposed religious privileges
apart from the attempt to make practice conform to them.
4. XP'I^TOTTJTOS : bont tali's Vulg., in Tit. iii. 4 bcnignilas: see
Lft. on Gal. v. 22. x/wjardVijt = 'kindly disposition'; fuutpoOvpia
= 'patience/ opp. to v^vOi-pia a 'short* or 'quick temper/ 'irasci-
bility' (cf. /3poovf <lt lfrp\v Jas. i. 19); oVox? = ' forbearance/
' delay of punishment,' cf. oWXop<u to hold one's hand.
Com p. Philo, Leg. Alltgor. i. 13 (Mang. i. 50) "Oror faf Cp pjr ran)
•oAamp, WTflfdf W jr rofr iprj^orarott twon&py . , . ri Irtpov mapia-ryot* ^
rtfv lwip6oXt)r rov r« vAourov rai riff dyaOunjTot avrov ;
!i naicpo6vfuat comp. a graphic image in A foe. Bantch. xii. 4 Evigi-
laHt tontra tt furor qtti nunt tit longanimitatt tanqnam in frenis rtti-
ttttur.
The following is also an impressive statement of this side of the Divine
attributes : 4 Ezr. vii. 62-68 (132-1 38} Sao, Dominf, qwmiam ( - 5n ' that ')
nune voeahts ut Altiwmtts mutritort, in to <ntod mistreatur ku f*i no*d*m
in tatfulo tuhtntntnt; tt miterator in to quod iin'nufin lYi'i'i n\i ..... mi ijsjMBI
faeiunt in Ugt tius ; tt hnganimis, qttoniam longanimitoJem fratstat his
fui ftftavtrunt quasi tuts optri&ut ; tt muni/feus, auoniam qutdtm
ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [II. 4-6.
fro •xigtrt; tt multat miuritordiM, omomiam mttltiplitat magis mistri-
tordttu kit f»i pratumtts tttmt tt yui traftcrierunt tt <;••-
ftu'm mom mullipluavtrit, mom vivt/Umoitmr uutvlum cum kit <ftti inhabitant
in to; tt domator, ouomimm si mom ttontntrit dt bomitoJt ma at alleixntur hi
ftcfrumt dt iuis iiriquitatibus, mom pottrit dttitt milUnma
panvM/Umriktminmm.
•a-ra+povm : cf. Afoc. Baruek. xxi. to Immttotmt fottmtia ttta iV.
fntant lomgtmimitattm tuam tsit imjtrmitatem.
.icroVoiaV at oyci : its purpose or tendency is to induce you
to repent
4 The Conative Present is merely a specie* of the Progressive Present. A
verb which of itself suggest* effort when used in a tense which implies action
in progress, and hence incomplete, naturally suggests the idea of attempt '
Hurt on, §n.
* According "to R. Levi the words [Joel U. 13] mean: God removes to
a distance His Wrath. Like a king who had two fierce legtot
thought he, encamp near me in the country they will rise against my subjects
when they provoke me to anger. Therefore I will send them far away.
Then if my subjects provoke me to anger before I send for then.
they may appease me and I shall be willing to be appeased. So also said
God : Anger and Wrath are the messengers of destruction. I will se:
far away to a distance, so that when the Israelites provoke Me to anger, they
may come, before I send for them, and repent, and I may acce;
repentance (cf. Is. xiil 5). And not only that, said R. li'xchak, bat be
locks them up (Anger and Wrath) out of their way ; s-
means: Until He opens His treasure-chamber and shuts it again, man
returns to God and He accepts him' (Trtut. Tkaamitk U. i ap. Winter
Wunsche, Jud. 1
word : ' in accordance with/ secundum duritiam tuam Vulg.
: see on i. 18 above.
i* V«f*? 6m« : to be taken closely together, ' wrath (to
be inflicted) in a day of wrath.'
The doctrine of a ' day of the Lord ' as a day of judgement is taught by
the Prophets from Amos onwards (Amos v. 18 ; Is. i
xiv. i ; M i. It also enters largely into the pteudeptatapbie
literature : Knock xlv. ) ff. (and the passages collected in Charle*'
ft. So/, xv IT. [vii. loa ff. ed. Bensly];
. Bariuk. li. i ; Iv. 6, Ace.
oiKoioKpiaias : not quite the same as ouroinr *pta«*t 2 The
Vulg.), denoting not so much the character of the
judgement as the character of the Judge (duuuo*, . c. xii.
41 ; cf. 6 ofcuoc uptri* 2 Tim. iv. 8).
The word occurs in the Quimta (the fifth vrruon included in Origrn's
Atapfc) of Ho., vi. 5 ; it is also found
4r r» b*uo*p»ffiif TO* 0«ov. Ibid. \ 5 A^<0* Imkon* mi
mpd -rip otgOiOMptolat rov e«ov.
6. Of diroo^ti : I'rov. >.
, though in full accord \viilt the teaching ot
II. 6-9.] TRANSITION TO THE Jl 57
generally (Matt. xvi. 27 ; 2 Cor. v. 10; Gal. vi. 7; Eph. vi. 8;
Col. Hi. 24, 25; Rev. ii. 23; zx. 12; xxii. 12), may seem at first
sight to conflict with St. Paul's doctrine of Justification by Faith.
But Justification is a past act, resulting in a present state : it
belongs properly to the beginning, not to the end, of the Christian's
career (see on duuu«4i)aorra4 in ver. 13). Observe too that there is
no real antithesis between Faith and Works in themselves. Works
arc the evidence of Faith, and Faith has its necessary outcome in
Works. The true antithesis is between earning salvation and
receiving it as a gift of God's bounty. St. Paul himself would
have allowed that there might have been a question of earning
salvation if the Law were really kept (Rom. x. 5; Gal. Hi. 12).
But as a matter of fact the Law was not kept, the works were not
done.
7. Ka6* farofioriif fpyou dyaOou : collective use of «>yo*, as in
ver. 15, 'a lifcwork/ the sum of a man's actions.
8. rots W 4g 4pi6cia? : ' those whose motive is factiousness/ opp.
to the spirit of single-minded unquestioning obedience, those who
use all the arts of unscrupulous faction to contest or evade com-
mands which they ought to obey. From Jjudor ' a hired labourer '
we get «/ud«v« 'to act as a hireling/ <pi0<vopat a political term
for ' hiring paid canvassers and promoting party spirit : ' hence
4p<0«'a = the spirit of faction, the spirit which substitutes factious
opposition for the willing obedience of loyal subjects of the king-
dom of heaven. See Lft. and £11. on Gal. v. 20, but esp. Fri.
ad he.
The ancients were strangely at tea about this word. Hesychins (cent 5)
derived //*0ot from tpa 'earth ; the Etymologicum Magnum (a compilation
perhaps of the eleventh century) goe* a step further, and derives it from tpa
tip agricola mcrttdt tondttttut ; Greg. Nyssen. connects it with tp*o* ' wool *
(IptOoi was used specially of wool workers) ; but most common of all is the
connexion with f(*t (so Theodrt. on Phil. ii. 3; cf. Vulg. his out tx con-
tention* [ptr contentiontm Phil. ii. 3 ; rixa* Gal. v. ao] ). There can be
little doubt that the use of lf*9<ia was affected by association with tptt,
though there is no real connexion between the two words (see notes on
i. 7, «orayvf«a* xi. 8).
. . Ou|i6« : see Lft. and Ell. on Gal. v. 20; Trench, Syn.
.-, : tpyf) is the settled feeling, Qvpfa the outward manifestation,
4 outbursts ' or ' ebullitions of wrath.'
twl
Orig. (in Cramer's Catena .
9. 6XI4"S KCU (rrcroxwoia : iribulatio (firessura in the African form
of the Old Latin) et angustia Vulg., whence our word ' anguish ' :
<rr<mx*pia is the stronger words* torturing confinement ' (cf. 2 Cor.
iv. 8). But the etymological sense is probably lost in usage:
et angusliae h.e. summa calamilas Fri. p. 106.
58 K ROMANS [II 0 12
For fimilar comWnatiooi ('day of tribuUtioo and pain,' 'of ttibaUtioo
and great shame." 'of .uttering and uibulation/'of anguish and affliction/ Ace.)
tee Charles' note on Enoch xlv. a.
= ' carry to the end ' ; card cither strengthening
the force of the simple vb., as per in Jxrjictrc, or giving it a bad
sense, as in jxrpetrai \ 07.
1 1 7rpoawno\T^i'a : peculiar : ! and Ecclesiastical Greek
cf. *voa«nroA^mf* Acts X. 34 J
Jas. ii. 9; *rpo<r*iroX7»T*r I Pet. i. 17): *vxfcr»iror
= (i) to give a gracious reception to a suppliant or
\ix. 15) ; and hence (ii) to show partial!; judge-
ment In N. T. always with a bad sense.
The Idol ttpe* back to Dent. x. 17 • e«i« . . . 06 favpafu s?tat*sw oMT
o& M *4*p ttpor, which U adopted in A. Sol. ii. 19 4 e««t «pr*f feouot «»2
oi to»pa««< v&Mrar, and explained \*J*Kltu v. 15 • And lie u not one
who will regard the person (oi any) nor receive gifts ; when He says
will execute Judgement on each: If one gave him everything that U on the
earth, He will not regard the gifts or the person (of any), nor accept any-
thing at his hands, for be U a Righteous Judge' ; cf. A fee. Harut.
Pirqt Abotk iv. 31 • He is about to judge with whom there U no i
nor forget iulneas, nor respect of persons, nor taking of a bribe.'
13, 13. vipot and & vo^o*. The distinction between these two forms did
not escape the scholarship of Origen, whose comment on Rom. iii. ai reads
thus in Kufinus' translation (ed. Lommatzsch, vi. aoi): A!
Grottos nomimioms fytpa pratpomi, qua* af>ud not fctsunt articuli ncmman.
Si queutdo igihtr Afotis Itgtm nominat, soli turn nomini praemittit or tun/urn :
n qtuutde vert mat ur alt** vult intelligi, situ ariitulo nominal Uftm.
distinction howerer, though it holds good generally, does not corer all the
cases. There are really three main uses: <.i) 3 rl/iot - the Law of Moses;
the art. denotes something with which the readers are familiar, 'ttuir own
law! which Christians in tome sense inherited from the Jews through t : .
>ot- law in general (e.g. ill a, 14; iii. 20 f.; iv. 15; v. 13, &c.).
there is yet a third usage where *&iun without art. really means the Law o
Moses, but the absence of the art. calls attention to it not as proceeding fa
Moses, but in its quality as law; nmania Metis udania Itx as ( Jif. expretse
is comment on Gal. ii. 19 (p. 46). St. Paul r.
period as essentially a period of Law, both for Jew and f< : Hence
when be wishes to bring out this be uses r4jtor without art. even where be to
referring to the Jews; because his main point is that they were under
' a legal system '—who gave it and what name it bore was a secondary con-
sideration. The I Jiw of the Jews was only a typical example of a state of
things that was universal. This will explain passages like Kom. v. 2
There will remain a few places, which do not come under any of these
heads, where the absence of the art. is accounted for by the influence of the
context, usually acting through the law of grammatical sympathy by
when one word in a phrase drops the article another also drops it ; s
these passages involve rather nice points of scholarship (see the notes on
i. 8). On the whole subject compare esp. <
also a monograph by Grafe. Dit fauliitiick* Ishrt von Ct r
1884, ed. a, 1893 goes rather too far in denying the dUt
n itfjiot and o r^oi. but his paper contains many just remarks and
c : ; '. . .•>;:. ^.
12. dVojm*. The heathen are represented as dclitx cling
II. 12-14.] TRANSITION TO THE JEWS 59
not only the Law of Moses but even the Noachic ordinances.
Thus they have become enemies of God and as such arc doomed
to destruction (Weber, Altsyn. Thcol. p. 65).
Barton (| 54} call* this a 'collective Aoritt,' represented in
English by the Perfect 4 From the point of view from which the Apostle
is speaking, the sin of each offender is simply a past fact, and the sin of all
a series or aggregate of facts together, constituting a past fact But
inasmuch as this series is not separated from the lime of speaking we must
as in iii. 33 employ an English Perfect in translation. Prof. Burton
suggests an alternative possibility that the aor. may be frobptic, as if it
were spoken looking backwards from the Last Judgement of the sins which
will then be past; but the parallels of iii. 33, T. la are against this.
18. ot OKpooTol vofiow : cf. *a-njxovn«vot <« row rvfiov ver. 18 ; also /Vr<y
.'fir 6 (Sayings of tk* Jewish fathers, ed. Taylor, p. 115) 'Thorah U
acquired ... by learning, by a listening ear,* &c. It U interesting to note
that among the sayings ascribed to Simeon, very possibly St Paul's own
clan-mate and son of Gamaliel his teacher, is this : • not learning but doing
U the groundwork ; and whoso multiplies words occasions sin ' (J'irtjt Aboih.
i. 1 8, ed. Taylor; relT. from Delitisch).
v4pov situ artic. bis KABDG. The absence of the art. again (as in the
last Terse) generalizes the form of statement, ' the hearers and the doers of
law* (whatever that law may be) ; cf. viL I.
SiKatwd^aotrai. The word is used here in its universal sense of
1 a judicial verdict/ but the fut. tense throws forward that verdict
to the Final Judgement. This use must be distinguished from
that which has been explained above (p. 30 f.), the special or, so to
speak, technical use of the term Justification which is characteristic
of St. Paul. It is not that the word has any different sense but
that it is referred to the past rather than to the future (5uroM>&'rr<ff
aor. cf. v. i , 9) ; the acquittal there dates from the moment at
which the man becomes a Christian ; it marks the initial step in
bis career, his right to approach the presence of God as if he were
righteous. See on ver. 6 above.
14. c0nr) : TO idvij would mean all or most Gentiles, fdwj means
•me Gentiles ; the number is quite indefinite, the prominent
point being their character as Gentiles.
Cf. 4 Ezr. iii. 36 horn tuts quiJtm ftr nomina invfnus
tua, gtntts auttm non ittvfttus.
«xorra , the force of #117 is ' who ex hypolheri have not
a law/ whom we conceive of as not having a law ; cf. TO w orra
i Cor. i. 28 (gnat pro nihilo habentur Grimm).
Jaurois tlai ropos : ubi Icgis implttio, ibi Ux P. Ewald.
The doctrine of this vene was liberal doctrine for a Jew. The Talmud
recognizes no merit in the good deeds of heathen unless they are accompanied
by a definite wish for admission to the privilege* of Judaism. Even if
a heathen were to keep the whole law it would avail him nothing without
circumcision (Dtbarim XaUa i). If be prays to Jehovah his prayer is not
60 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [II.
heard (UU.\ If be commits sin and repents, that too does not h
(Puikta 156*). Even for his alms be gets no credit (7Y/i>/a i.
books* (i.e. in those in which God sets down the actions of the
heathen) • there is no desert* (Skir KaH* 86-). Sec Weber, Altiyn. Tk*l.
p. 66 f. Christian theologians have expressed themselves much to the same
effect. Their opinions are summed up concisely by Mark Pattison, Enayi,
'In accordance with this view they interpreted the passage! in
i AU! which speak of the religion of the heathen; e.g. Rom
Since the time of Augustine ' Dt Sfir. tt IM.S 37) the orthodox interpreta-
tion had applied this verse, either to the Gentile converts, or to the favouied
few among the heathen who had extraordinary divine assistance. The
i'rotestant expositors, to whom the words " do by nature the things contained
in the law " could never bear their literal force, sedulously j
Augusiinian explanation. Even the Pelagian Jeremy Taylor is obliged to
gloss the phrase " by nature," thus : •« By fears and secret opinions which the
Spirit of God, who is never wanting to men in things necessary, was pleased
to put into the hearts of men " (Dtut. Dubit. B-
rationalists, however, find the expression " t sense,
exactly conformable to their own views (John Wilkins [ i '. V Nat.
•/. and have no difficulty in supposing the acceptableness of those
works, and the salvation of those who do them. Burnet. on
in his usual confused style of eclecticism, suggests both opinions without
seeming to see that they are incompatible relics of divergent schools of
doctrine.'
15. omrtt : see on ;
cVfciKyurrcu : «Vo>t£<c implies an appeal to facts ; demon
rebus gesiisfacta (P. Ewald, Dt Vocis Zvrftdprw, Ac., p. 1 6 n.).
TO «pyof TOO ro'pou : ' the work, course of conduct belonging to '
in this context 'required by 'or 'in accon
' : collective use of <pyw as in ver. 7 above.
[Probably not as Ewald of. cit. p. 1 7 after Grotins, op*s Itflt trt id, q*od
Itx in Jndati* tffuit, tump* togniti
auTwf TTJS au^cioiiacws. This phrase is almost
exactly repeated in ch. ix. i avpftapr. /MM rijr cn/wid. ftov. In both
cases the conscience is separated from the self and personit
a further witness standing over against i:. Here the quality of the
acts themselves is one witness, and the approving judgement passed
upon them by the conscience is another concurrent witness.
<rvr«i&)<rt«*. Some such distinction as this is suggested by the <
meaning and use of the word <rvr«ifc?<r<r, which - ' co-knowledge,' the know-
ledge or reflective judgement which a man has by tk* rid* ofot in conjttnetion
u*/4 the original consciousness of the act. This second consciousness is easily
projected and personified as confronting the first.
The word is quoted twice from Menander (349-291 B.C.), Mono::
(cf. 654) draW •)/«> $ ffvMifcpm *<* (ed. Didot, pp. 101, 10
nificant that both the word and the idea are completely absent from Aristotle.
They rise into philosophical importance in the more introspective moral
teaching of the btoics. The two forms, ri «rvr«,^, and * <rw«« V «PP«*r
to be practically convertible. Epictctus (fragm. 97) compares the con-
science to a •ai&rprylf in a passage which is closely parallel to the comment
of Origen on this verse of Lp. Kom. (ed. Lommatzsch, vi.
II. 15.] TRANSITION TO THE JK 6l
[ill
Philo
velut patdagegu* ei [te an f mat] quiJam tociatu* tt rtttor ml earn dt mtluritta
montat vtl tit cuifis castigtt tt arguat.
In biblical Greek the word occurs fir»t with its full tense in Wisd. xvii. 10.
0) »po<r«i'Air^« T<! xoA«»«i [™»"?/*a] <n/Mxo/iVn7 ry <7W«i«^<r««. In
T(i ffvMi&t is the form used. In N. T. the word it mainly Pauline
(occurring in the speeches of Acts xxiii. i, xxiv. 16; Rom. i and a Cor,
Past. Epp., also in Ilcb.) ; elsewhere only in i Pet. and the ffrif. adult.
John viii. 9. It is one of the few technical terms in St Paul which seem to
have Creek rather than Jewish affinities.
The ' Conscience ' of St. Paul is a natural faculty which belongs to all
men alike (Rom. ii. 15), and pronounces upon the character of actions, both
their own (a Cor. i. la) and those of others (a Cor. iv. a, v. 1 1). It can be
over-scrupulous (i Cor. x. 25', but is blunted or ' seared ' by neglect of its
warnings ( i Tim. iv. a).
The usage of St. Paul corresponds accurately to that of his Stoic con-
temporaries, but is somewhat more restricted than that which obtains in
modern times. Conscience, with the ancients, was the faculty which pasted
judgment upon actions afttr they were doit* (in technical language the con-
:.'ia consequent moralis}, not so much the general source of moral
obligation. In the passage before us St Paul speaks of such a source
laiTMt ilat v6poi) ; but the law in question is rather generalized from the
dictates of conscience than antecedent to them. See on the whole subject
a treatise by Dr. P. Ewald, Dt Voci* 2vrc<84<r««* «/**/ script. M T. w ac
pcttitatt (Lipsiae, 1883).
wf. This clause is taken in two ways : (i) of the
'thoughts/ as it were, personified, Conscience being in debate
with itself, and arguments arising now on the one side, and now on
the other (cf. Shakspeare's ' When to the sessions of sweet silent
thought, I summon up remembrance of things past ') ; in this case
n<m£v oAAi?Xft»> almost = 'alternately/ 'in mutual debate'; (ii)
taking the previous part of the verse as referring to the decisions
of Conscience when in private it passes in review a man's own
acts, and this latter clause as dealing rather with its judgements on
the acts of the others ; then ntra£v dXXqXw* will = ' between one
another/ ' between man and man/ ' in the intercourse of man
with man'; and Xoyurpw* will be the 'arguments' which now
take one side and now the other. The principal argument in
favour of this view (which is that of Mey. Gif. Lips.) is the em-
phatic position of M<T<I£U ciXA^Aotr, which suggests a contrast between
the two clauses, as if ihey described two different processes and
not merely different parts or aspects of the same process.
There is a curious parallel to this description in Asntmp. Moys. i. 13
Creavit tnim orbtm terrarum proffer pltlxm mam, tt no* coeptl mm
inctptiontm creaiurat . . . palam facer e, ttt I'M ta gtntts argtumtttr tt kumili-
nter se ditfutationilms argtuutt tt.
: the Xoyurfioi are properly 'thoughts' conceived in
the mind, not ' arguments ' used in external debate. This appears
from the usage of the word, which is frequently combined with
«ap3«9 (iroAAol Aoyia/iioi «V rapoV? d»-op6f PrOV. XJX. 21 ; cf. Ps. XXXii. 1 1 J
Prov. vi. 18): it is used of secret 'plots' (Jer. xviii. 18 6Vvr«
62 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [II. ir, 1H
'if/x/mi* Aoyi<rMor, 4 devise devices *), and of the :
intentions (Jcr. xxix [xxxvil n Xoyu>v/uu /<£* i-/i£t Xoyurp/i* «i>^f).
In the present passage St. Paul is describing an internal process,
though one which is destined to find external expression ; i
process by which arc formed the moral judgements of me:
their fellows.
' The conscience ' and ' the thoughts ' both belong to the Mine persons.
This is rightly seen by Klopper, who hat written at length on the passage
before us (Paulittisck* Shu/**, Konigsberg, 1887, p. 10) ; bat it does not
follow that both the conscience and the thoughts arc exercised upon the same
objects, or that turafb dAA»jX«ur most be referred to the thoughts
sense that influences from without are excluded. The parallel quoted in
support of this (Matt, xviii. 15 utrafb oov «ro2 abrov irivov) derives that part
s meaning from /ilrov, not from fura(v.
TJ K<H : ' or even/ ' or it may be/ implying that d»roX. is the ex-
ception, iconpy. the rule.
16. The best way to punctuate is probably to put (
a colon aft< and a semi-colon at the end of ver. 1 5
16 goes back to ducaM^rorrai in ver. 13, or rather forms a c
sion to the whole paragraph, taking up again the «V IJJM/* of
The object of w. 13-15 is to explain how it comes about that
Gentiles who have no law may yet be judged as if they had one :
they have a second inferior kind of law, if not any written precepts
yet the law of conscience ; by this law they will be judged
quick and dead are put upon their trial.
Orig., with his usual actrteness, sees the difficulty of connecting ver 16 with
ver. 15, and gives an answer which is substantially right The ' t
accusing and condemning* are not conceived as rising up at the last day but
now. They leave however marks behind, velut in ctru. i/a in tord* ncstro.
These marks God can see (ed. Lomm. p. 109).
*v V*P» ST. (*/ \VH. marrf s Ir f- Wn 1 /: Jr Mn J A,
Pesh. Boh. a/., \VH. marg.
8ta 'Ii]<rov Xpurrov (ft \VH. marg.') : W X/»<n-o£ 'lr)ow KB, Orig., Tisch.
\\ II . ft*/.
might be *pu«i, as RV. marg., fut. regarded as cer:
TO cuayyAior fioo. The point to Paul's Gospel,
or habitual teaching, bears witness is, not that God will ju<:
world (which was an old doctrine), but that He will judge it through
Jesus Christ as His Deputy (which was at least new in
tion, though the Jews expected the Mess: .is Judge, Enoch
xlv, .\: harles' notes).
The phrase rard r£ nVyy. pov occurs Rom. xvj. 35. of the specially
Taulme doctrine of 'free grace': ir resurrection of
.*t from the dead, (ii) of His descent from the seed of Da\
note hi passing the not very intelligent tradition (introduced by 4ta«i
ml spoke of • his Gospel1 1»
the Gospel of St. Luke.
II. 17-20.] FAILURE OF THE JEWS 63
FAILURE OP THE JEWS.
II. 17-20. The Jew may boast of his possession of a special
Revelation and a written Law, but all tJte time his practice
shows that he is really no better than the Gentile ( w. 1 7-24).
And if he takes his stand on Circumcision, that too is of
value only so far as it is moral and spiritual. In this moral
and spiritual circumcision tlie Gentile also may share (w.
25-29).
17 Do you tell me that you bear the proud name of Jew, that
you repose on a written law as the charter of your salvation ? Do
you boast that Jehovah is your God, "that you are fully ac-
quainted with His revealed Will, that you adopt for yourself a high
standard and listen to the reading of the Law every Sabbath-day ?
l> Do you give yourself out with so much assurance as a guide to
the poor blind Gentile, a luminary to enlighten his darkness ? *° Do
you call your pupils dullards and yourself their schoolmaster? Are
i hey mere infants and you their teacher? You, who have all
knowledge and all truth visibly embodied for you in the Law ?
11 Boastful Jew! How does your practice comport with your
theory ? So ready to teach others, do you need no teaching your-
self? The eighth Mand seventh commandments which you hold
up to others — do you yourself keep them ? You profess to loathe
and abhor idols ; but do you keep your hands from robbing their
temples ? tt You vaunt the possession of a law ; and by the
violation of that law you affront and dishonour God Who gave it.
*4As Isaiah wrote that the Gentiles held the Name of God in
contempt because they saw His people oppressed and enslaved, so
do they now for a different reason— because of the gross incon-
sistency in practice of those who claim to be His people.
n True it is that behind the Law you have also the privilege of
Circumcision, which marks the people of Promise. And Circum-
cision has its value if you are a law-performer. But if you are
a law-breaker you might as well be uncircumcised. * Does it not
follow that if the uncircumcised Gentile keeps the weightier statutes
of the Moral Law, he will be treated as if he were circumcised?
n And uncircumcised as he is, owing to his Gentile birth, yet if he
64 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [II. 17
:hc Law, his example will (by contrast) conden
with the formal advantages of a written law ami circumcision, only
break the law < : u boast. * For it is not he who has the
rd and visible marks of a Jew who is the true J<
is an outward and bodily circumcision the true circun.
"But he who is inwardly and secretly a Jew is the true Jew
the moral and spiritual circumcision is that which really deserves
the name. The very word ' Jew '—descendant of Judah—
'praise' (Gen. .\ And such a Jew has his 'praise/ not
from man but from God.
17 E: U S \ B D* a/., Latt. Pesh. Boh. A , Ac.: 'lo.
D« L al, Hard., Chrys. al. The authorities for «» 0V include
oldest MSS., all the leading versions, and the oldest Fathers : Id* is
an itacism favoured by the fact that it makes the const r
slightly easier. Reading «' oY the apodosis of the sentence begins
at ver. 21.
'lou&cuot : here approaches in meaning (as in the mouth of a Jew
it would have a tendency to do) to 'IvpmjMnjt, a member of the
Chosen People, opposed to the heathen.
Strictly speaking, 'Etptuoi, opp. 'EXAfjncrr^t, calls attention to language ;
1ov&u"off, opp. 'EAAip, calls attention to nationality ; 'lopaifMrip - a member
of the theocracy, in possession of fall theocratic privileges (Trcnc
{ xxxix, | The word 'lov&uot does not occur in LXX (though
InMnJi is found four times in a Mace), but at this date it U the common
word ; 'EBpat'ot and 'lopaijtirij, arc terms reserved by the Jews themselves,
the one to distinguish between the two main divisions of their r..
Palestinian and Greek-speaking), the other to describe their esoteric M
For the Jew's pride in bis privileges com p. 4 Ezra vi. 55 f. hatt autem
ttia dixi toram //. Dcmim, quomam dunsti eat (sc. gentts} nil
' saliva* auimUata* tttntt tt quasi still t
: ' bearest the name ' : /jrovopd£«t*=' to impost a i
pass. ' to have a name imposed.'
Jvaravaurj ropu : i.\.o a law to lean upon': .«- art.)
HABD*; but it is not surprising that the la- -hould
make the statement more definite, ' lean upon the Law.' Fo.
(rtquuscis Vulg.) cf. rd implies
at once the sense of support and the saving of illV.ii.
• the Jew from the possession of a law.
Kauxaaat iv 0<w : suggested by Jer. ix. 24 ' let him ti
glory in this, that he understandelh and km>
the Lord.'
for «ofX9, stoppbg at the first step in the process of con-
t:.:. . . v •,.:., . i..' Mi , i . I;,;,, !
II 17-20.] FAILURE OF THE JI 65
to be called * Alexandrine/ bat which simply belong to the popular Greek
current at the time (Hort. Introd. p. 304). mvxaaat occurs alto in I Cor.
iv. 7, Karaxavxaooi Rom. xl 18 : comp. Mvraotu I.uke xvi. 25, and from an-
contracted verbs, faytotu . . . witaat Luke xrii. 8, tvraoat Mitt. v. 36 (but
»tVp Mark ix. a a) ; see Win. G>. xiii. a* (p. 90).
18. TO eArjfio. Bp. Lightfoot has shown that this phrase was
so constantly used for ' the Divine Will ' that even without the art.
it might have that signification, as in i Cor. xvi. la (On Revision,
p. 106 ed. i, p. 118 ed. a).
ooKiprflcis -rd 8ia$«porra : firobas v tili or a Cod. Clarom. Rufin.
Vulg. ; non modo prae malts bona sed in boms optima Beng. on
Phil. i. 10, where the phrase recurs exactly. Both words are
ambiguous : dor.^w = (i) ' to test, assay,' discern ' ; (ii) ' to
approve after testing' (see on i. 28); and ra duHptpopra may be
either ' things which differ/ or ' things which stand out, or excel.'
Thus arise the two interpretations represented in RV. and RV.
marg., with a like division of commentators. The rendering of
RV. marg. ('provest the things that differ,' 'hast experience of
good and bad Tyn.) has the support of Euthym.-Zig. (duwrpiVm ra
&ia<t>tpovra uAAi^Xttf olov ffaXAv cat caxbV, dprr^y itnl raxia*), Fri. De W.
Oltr. Go. Lips. Mou. The rendering of RV. ('approvest the
things that are excellent') is adopted by Latt. Orig. (ita ut non
so/urn quac sin/ bona sciat, terum etiam quac sin/ meliora et itliliora
discernas), most English Versions. Mey. Lft. Gif. Lid. (Chrys. does
not distinguish ; Va is undecided). The second rendering is the
more pointed.
TOU roiOM : cf. Acts xv. 21.
19. «fcroi0a« ff.rJl. The common conttraction after vlvmfof is Sn : ace.
and infin. is very rare. It seems better, with Vangban, to take fftavror
closely with mivottot, 'and art persuaded as to thyself that thou art/ Ac.
iftiwdv . . . Tv+A&v. It is natural to compare Matt xv. 14 rvfAoi «W
o877oi rv^Xwr *.T.A. ; also xxiii. 1 6, 34. Lips, thinks that the first saying was
present to the mind of the Apostle. It would not of coarse follow that it
was current in writing, though that too is possible. On the other hand the
expression may have been more or less proverbial : comp. YVUnsche, ErUtut.
d. Evans, on Matt, xxiii. 16. The same epithet was given by a GaliUcan
to R. Chasda, Bab* Kama fol. 53 a. • When the Shepherd is angry with the
sheep he blinds their leader; i.e. when God determines to punish the
Israelites, He gives them unworthy mien.'
20. vaiocuTt|r: 'a schoolmaster/ with the idea of discipline,
correction, as well as teaching ; cf. Heb. xii. 9.
rr)«u»r : ' infants/ opp. to rcXtux, 'adults/ as in Heb. v. 13, 14.
' 'outline/ 'delineation/ 'embodiment.' As a rule
outward form as opp. to inward substance, while popfa
outward form as determined by inward substance ; so that
is the variable, pop^q the permanent, element in things : see
Lft. Phil. p. 125 ff. ; Sp. Comm. on i Cor. vil. 31. Nor does the
present passage conflict with this distinction. The Law was a real
66 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [II. 20 23.
expression of Divine truth, so Tar as it went. It is more
account for 2 Tim. iii. 5 «Vrr«r /"vtf*-""' "O'frt** *& W
See however LfL in Jour*, of Clots, mud Sacr. Pkilol. (i<-
'They will observe that in two passages where St. Paul doet speak of that
which is unreal or at least external, and doet not employ «x
avoids using *M>/*4 as inappropriate, and adopts jifrj»ytt instead (1
30 ; a Tim re the termination -«*w denotes " the aiming after or
affecting the /Mff4." ' Can this quite be made good I
21. ooV: resui reducing the apodosis to the long pro-
tasis in w. 1 7-20. After the string of points, suspended as i
in the air, by which the Apostle describes the Jew's comph
he now at las,t comes down with his emphatic accusation.
is the • Thou art the man ' which we have been expecting sin
vcr. i.
: infm. because «i7/*W«r contains the idea of command.
22. pocXuroofuros : used of the expression of physical disgust;
esp. of the Jew's horror at idolatry.
Note the piling op of phrases in Deut viL 16 «-2 ofcr «J<rol<rm ^'Airypa
the idols of the heathen : Auump. Aloys, viii. 4 togtntur palam baiulart id*
iuquiuala.
passage just quoted (Deut. vii. 26 \\\\
Joseph. A> 10, and Acts xix. 37 (where the
asserts that St. Paul and his companions were ' not kpAn/Aoi' i
that the robbery of temples was a charge to which the Jews were
open in spite of their professed horror of idol-worship.
There were provisions in the Talmud which expressly guarded against
this : everything which had to do with an idol was a 0»« At^ to him unless
it had been previously desecrated by Gentiles. But for this t!
have thought that in depriving the heathen of their idol he was doing a good
work. See the passages in DelHxsch ad tot. ; also on J«jw*vAm. which most
not be interpreted too narrowly. on Stiff m. KeL p. 299 t;
Ramsay, Tk* Chunk in tkt Roma* J uhrrc it i
that J«po*vJUa was just one of the crimes which a provincial governor could
proceed against by his own imftrium.
The Eng. Versions of J«pxr*Am group themselves thus: - robbest God of
his honour* Tyn. Cran. Genev.; 'doe* sacrilege* Cor equivalent
Rhem. AV. RV. marg. ; 'dost rob temples' 1
23. It is probably best not to treat this verse as a question.
The questions which go before are collected by a sun
ith a delicate sense of Greek composition, sees
a hint of this in the change from participles to the relative and
(6 &da<nraM> ... or aavgmrai).
II. 24-27] FAILURE OF THE Jl 67
24. A free adaptation of Is. lu. 5 (LXX). Heb. 'And con-
tinually all the day long My Name is blasphemed': LXX adds to
this Hi i-pat and «V rote tfaai*. St. Paul omits oWoiTof and changes
fiov tO rov 6«ov.
The original meant that the Name of God was reviled by the
tyrants and oppressors of Israel : St. Paul, following up a suggestion
in the LXX (4V \i»t\ traces this reviling to the scandal caused
by Israel's inconsistency. The fact that the formula of quotation
i> thrown to the end shows that he is conscious of applying the
passage freely : it is almost as if it were an afterthought that the
language he has just used is a quotation at all. See the longer
note on ch. x, below.
86. vouov irpd<r<TQt. On the absence of the art. see especially the scholarly
note in Va. : 'It is almost as if rv/ioy wpdoativ and v6pov vapa&iTjp were
severally Hke ropo6«r«£r, rofio$vA<ur««r, Arc., vopoeinp, ro><o&5d<r«aAof, &c.,
one compound word: if (km b* a law-dotr . . . if tkou be a law-trcuugrttsor,
&c., indicating the (haraettr of the person, rather than calling attention to
the particular form or designation of the law, which claims obedience.'
Y. Y°V«V : • is by that very fact become.' Del. quotes the realistic ex-
pression given to this idea in the Jewish fancy that God would send his
angel to remove the marks of circumcision on the wicked
26. <ts ircpiTOfif}*' Xoyio6ii9CT<u : \oyi(taffai «tr TI =
TI, tit denoting result, • so as to be in place of/ ' reckoned as
a substitute or equivalent for' (Fri., Grm.-Thay. s. v. \oylfofuu i a).
Of the synonyms TWMT, <t>v\doot,y, T«A«ir ; rip<** - • to keep an eye upon,'
' to observe carefully ' (and then do) ; fvlAoettv - ' to guard as a deposit,'
' to preserve intact ' against violence from without or within ; T«X«> - • to
bring (a law) to its proper fulfilment ' in action ; r^ptw and fvX&oott* are
both from the point of view of the agent, rcXn'r from that of the law which
is obeyed. Sec Westcott on Jo. xvii. 1 3 ; i Jo. ii. 3.
27. Kpircl: most probably categorical and not a question as
AY. and RV. ; = 'condemn' by comparison and contrast, as in
xii. 41,42 * the men of Nineveh shall stand up in the judge-
ment with this generation and shall condemn it/ &c. Again we
are pointed back to vv. 1-3; the judge of others shall be himself
judged.
Vj IK +uacu>s dicpopuario : uncircumcision which physically re-
mains as it was born. The order of the words seems opposed to
Prof. Burton's rendering, 'the uncircumcision which by nature
fulfils the law* («V <f>i'<r.=<£v<r«» v. 14).
OKI of 'attendant circumstances' as in iv. n, viu. 25, xiv. 20;
Anglicfe ' with/ with all your advantages of circumcision and the
possession of a written law.
The distinction between the literal Israel which is after the flab
and the true spiritual Israel is a leading idea with St. Paul and
is worked out at length in ix. 6 ff. ; see also pp. 2, 14 sup. We may
W 2
'>N :.K TO THE ROMANS [II. 27 20.
compare Pl.il. ii St. Paul claims that Christians represent
the true circumcision.
28. & Iv T* •avipy The Creek of thU and ihc next verse U elliptical,
and there is tome ambiguity at to how much belongs to the subject and how
much to the predicate. Eren accomplished scholars li-
Vanghan differ. The Utter has some advantage in symmetry, making
the mining word* in both clauses belong to the subject (' Not he who i»
fa Jew] ontwardly b a Jew ... bat he who U [a Jew] in secret U a Jew ') ;
bat it U a drawback to this view of the construction that it separates npfVfsf
and m/A'at : (iif , as it seems to us rightly, combines these ('he *
inwardly a Jew [is truly a Jew], and circumcision of heart ...
> ']). Similarly Lip*. Weiss (but ;
28. wcpirop) itopoios. The idea of a spiritual (heart-) cfa
cision goes back to the age of Deuteronomy ; Dcut. x. 16 *-«/*r»-
luurto T^ «r«Xi7p«top«u» ipS* : Jer. IV. 4 wiptTpSfan ry &<? v^, »oi
wtptTi'>u<r6< ri)* ffcXijpxMcapouiv vp*v I cf. Jer. ix. 26; Ezek. X
Acts vii. 51. Justin works out elaborately the idea of the Ch
>n, Dial. c. Tryph \
6 cwcurof. We believe that Dr. GifTord was the first to point
out that there is here an evident play on the name ' J<
= Praise ' (cf. Gen. xxix. 35 ; xlix. 8).
CASUISTICAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
III. 1-8. This argument may suggest three objections:
(i) Ij // Centilf is better off than the immoral Jew,
what becomes of the Jew's advantages /—AN
•>:any. /it's (f.g-) are the / iw. 1-2). (ii) But
has not the Jews unbelief cancelled thost
ANSWER. No unbelief on the part if man can affect the
pledged word of God: i: ^faithful-
ness (w. 3, 4). (iii) If that is the result of his actior.
shout* : V jttdgea ill be
judged: we may not say (as I an: false I \
Do evil that good may come (vv. 5-8).
1 If the qualifications which God requires arc il
; \\ an objector may urge, What becomes of the privileged
position of the Jew, his descent from Alx
does he gain by his circumcision? * He does gain
on all ikies. The first gain is that to the Jews were c ommitted
III. 1-8.] CASUISTICAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED 69
the prophecies of the Messiah. [Here the subject breaks off;
a fuller enumeration is given in ch. ix. 4, 5.]
'You say, But the Jews by their unbelief have forfeited their
share in those prophecies. And I admit that some Jews have
rejected Christianity, in which they are fulfilled What then?
The promises of God do not depend on man. He will keep His
word, whatever man may do. 4To suggest otherwise were
blasphemy. Nay, God must be seen to be true, though all man-
kind are convicted of falsehood. Just as in Ps. li the Psalmist
confesses that the only effect of his own sin will be that (in
forensic metaphor) God will be ' declared righteous ' in His sayings
[the promises just mentioned], and gain His case when it is brought
to trial.
9 A new objection arises. If our unrighteousness is only
a foil to set off* the righteousness of God would not God be unjust
who punishes men for sin ? (Speaking of God as if He were man
c.m hardly be avoided.) *That too were blasphemy to think 1 If
any such objection were sound, God could not judge the world.
But we know that He will judge it Therefore the reasoning must
be fallacious.
7 If, you say, as in the case before us, the truthfulness of
God in performing His promises is only thrown into relief by my
infidelity, which thus redounds to His glory, why am I still like
other offenders («u) brought up for judgement as a sinner?
•So the objector. And I know that this charge of saying
' Let us do evil that good may come ' is brought with slanderous
exaggeration against me — as if the stress which I lay on faith
compared with works meant, Never mind what your actions are,
provided only that the end you have in view is right
All I will say is that the judgement which these sophistical
reasoners will receive is richly deserved.
1 iV. It is characteristic of this Epistle that St Paul seems
to imagine himself face to face with an opponent, and that he
discusses and answers arguments which an opponent might bring
against him (so iii. iff., iv. iff., vi. iff., 156*"., vii. 7 ff.). No
doubt this is a way of presenting the dialectical process in his own
mind But at the same time it is a way which would seem to
have been suggested by actual experience of controversy with
Jews and the narrower Jewish Christians. We are told expressly
70 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [III 1 L>
he charge of saying ' Let us do evil that good may come '
: ought as a matter of fact against the Apostle (ver. 8).
15 restate this charge in Pauline language. The Apostle
as it were takes it up and gives it out again as if it came in the
logic of his own thought And the other charge of levelling down
all the Jew's privileges, of ignoring the Old Testament and dis-
paraging its saints, was one which must as inevitably have been
brought against St. Paul as the like charges were brought against
St. Stephen (Acts vi. 13 f). It is probable however that St. Paul
had himself wrestled with this question long before it was pointed
against him as a weapon in controversy; and he propoum!
the order in which it would naturally arise in that stress of reason-
ing, pro and con., which went to the shaping of his own system.
The modified form in which the question comes up the second
time (ver. 9) shows— if our interpretation is correct— that St Paul is
there rather following out his own thought than contending with
an adversary.
1. TO -rrepiaaof. That which encircles a thing necc
lies outside it. Hence *<pl would seem to have a latent n.
' beyond/ which is appropriated rather by *«po, w«poy, but comes out
in w«p«7(ro<, ' that which is in excess/ ' over and above.'
2. vpMToy ficV: intended to be followed by fircira 6V, but the line
of argument is broken off and not resumed A list of privileges
such as might have followed here is given in ch. ix. 4.
v/wror /iJr ><ip : om rv> B D» E G mittHU. fame., vtru. f/ttr., Chrys.
Orig.-Ut.«/.,(7a,]V.
in the tense of ' entrust,' ' confide/ takes ace. of
the thine entrusted, dat. of the person ; e. g. Jo. ii. 24 A *i 'Iqirovt .
t*r fevrdr [rather afrrdr or atrlr] a&rmY
[rather afrrdr or atrlr] a&rmY In the passive the dat.
becomes nom. , and the ace remains unchanged ( Buttmann, pp. 1 75, 1 89, 1 oo ;
p. a8;];c:
ro Xoyio, St. Paul might mean by this the whole of the O. T.
regarded as the Word of God, but he seems to ha\
those utterances in it which stand out as most unmistakably 1
the Law as given from Sinai and the promises relating to the
Messiah.
The old account of Ao-yior as a ditnin. of Aorot is probably correct, though
Mcy.-W. make it neut. of At-pot oo the ground that Acryftor is the proper
dimtn. The form Ae^or is rather a strengthened dirain. , which by a process)
common in language took the place of A<Jyu>r when it acquired the special
•eme of 'oracle.' From Herod, downwards A^ior - 'oracle' as a brief
conrtrnard faying; and so it came to - any 'inspired, divine utterance':
e. g. in Philo of the ' prophecies ' and of the ' ten commandments ' mtpi rvr
bra A*?*** is t: <. So in 1 X \ ,.oo if
used of the ' word of the Lord ' fire times in Isaiah and frequently in the
Psalms (no lesa than seventeen times in I's. «. ' m this utage
it was natural that it should be transferred to the 'sayings' of the Lord
Jem (Poljc. ad Phil. MI. I it I* jMfefcvf rd A^yta rov K.y*W : cf. lien.
III. 2-4.]' CASUISTICAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED 71
Adv. Hatr. I praef. ; also WetM, EM. ft 5. 4). But from the time of Philo
onwards the word was used of any sacred writing, whether discoone or
narrative; so that it is a disputed point whether the X^yia TOW Kvpio* which
Papias ascribes to St. Matthew, as well as his own Koyw «vpuumr ^TTJ«««»
(Eus //. /•.. HI. xxxix. 16 and i) were or were not limited to discourse (see
especially Lightfool, £ts. on S*p€m. KtL p. i;a ff.).
3. ^wiVnjaoK . . . diri<ma. Do these words refer to ' unbelief
(M.y. Gif. Lid. Oltr. Go.) or to 'unfaithfulness* (De W. Weiss
Lips. Va.) ? Probably, on the whole, the former : because (i) the
main point in the context is the disbelief in the promises of the
O. T. and the refusal to accept them as fulfilled in Christ ; (irt
chaps, ix-xi show that the problem of Israel's unbelief weighed
heavily on the Apostle's mind ; (iii) ' unbelief is the constant sense
of the word (oiriorcw occurs seven times, in which the only apparent
exception to this sense is a Tim. ii. 13, and anurria eleven times,
with no clear exception) ; (iv) there is a direct parallel in ch. xi. 20
rJ7 umcrTta t£iK\av&r)<Tat>, av d« rjj irt<rrti «anjKar. At the Same time
the one sense rather suggests than excludes the other ; so that the
<nr«ma of man is naturally contrasted with the ir&mr of God
(cf. Va.).
wumr : ' faithfulness ' to His promises ; cf. Lam. iii. 33 woXAg 9
wtffTiff <row : Ps. So/, viii. 35 9 m'<mr aov fttff fj^uv.
Karofry^crci. narapytlv (from «ara causative and apyof = eupyfa)
= • to render inert or inactive ' : a characteristic word with St. Paul,
occurring twenty-five times in his writings (including a Thess.
Eph. a Tim.), and only twice elsewhere (Lk. Heb.) : = (i) in
a material sense, * to make sterile or barren,' of soil Lk. xiii. 7,
cf. Rom. \i. 6 ira KarapyriQg r6 aw/in r^r d/ia/mar, ' that the body as
an instrument of sin may be paralysed, rendered powerless';
(ii) in a figurative sense, ' to render invalid,' ' abrogate,' ' abolish '
(rq* cVoyyeXtoj' Gal. iii. 17 ; H$/AO* Rom. iii. 31).
4. jirj Y^OITO: a formula of negation, repelling with horror
something previously suggested. * Fourteen of the fifteen N. T.
instances are in Paul's writings, and in twelve of them it expresses
the Apostle's abhorrence of an inference which he fears may be
falsely drawn from his argument* (Burton, M. and T. § 177 ; cf.
also Lft. on Gal. ii. 17).
- characteristic of the vehement impulsive style of this group of Epp.
that the phrase is confined to them (ten times in Rom., once in i Cor., twice
in Gal.). It occurs five times in LXX, not however standing alone as here,
but worked into the body of the sentence (cf. Gen. xlir. 7, 17 ; Josh. zxii. 39,
xxiv. 16; 1 Kings XX [xxi]. 3).
see on i. 3 above ; the transition which the verb
denotes is often from a latent condition to an apparent condition,
and so here, ' prove to be,' * be seen to be/
as keeping His plighted word.
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [ill. 4, 5.
: in asserting that God's promises have not been fulfilled.
Y«YPa7TTQl : ' Even as it stands written.' The quota:
exact from LXX of Ps. It [1J. 6. Note the mistranslation \\\ I. XX
(which St. Paul adopts), *xw* (or »*«i7<rm) for insons sis, «V T«
KpivurPm (pass.) for in iudicando or dum iudicas. The sense of the
il is that the Psalmist acknowledges the justice of God's
judgement upon him. The result of his sin is that God is pro-
nounced righteous in His sentence, free from blam- : iging.
il applies it as if the Most High Himself were put upon trial
and declared guiltless in respect to the promises which He has
fulfilled, though man will not believe in their fulfilment.
8*1*1 £v : to point* to an unexpressed condition, * in cue a decision it
'that thou mightcst be pronounced righteous* by
the judgement of mankind ; see p. 30 f. above, and comp
19 itui jkxaiMh) f) aotfr'ia an 6 T«r <pyo*c (v. 1. r««v*»v : ( f I.k. •.
avr^t. Test. XII Pair. Sym. 6 o**r ducai«^« airo nj» Apapriat rir
^rvx«r i'/««r. />J. .SW. U. 1 6 «>« OUCOMMTM cr« 6 6«or. The USdge
occurs repeatedly in this book ; see Ryle and James ad toe.
lv TO!? Xoyois <roo : not ' pleadings ' ( Va.) but * sayings,' i. e. the
\oyta just mentioned. Heb. probably = 'judicial sentence/
riKi]<rgf : like vinccrt, of ' gaining a suit,' opp. to i^rraatfai : the
full phrase is **&> r^r toa)» (Eur. El. 955, Ac.).
vucVuti B G K L Ac ; rn^rm K A D E, minute, aliq. Probably VMiftftit
U right, because of the agrmnent of K A with the older type* of Western
Text, thus representing two great families. The reading rur^rft in B appa-
rently belongs to the small Western clement in that MS., which would stem
to be allied to that in G rather than to that in D. There U a
fluctuation in MSS. of the LXX : n«i7<rpt is the readir N
runprm of some fourteen cursive*. The text of LXX used by St. Paul differ*
not seldom from that of the great uncials.
: probably not mid. (' to enter upon trial/ ' go to law/
lit. ' get judgment for oneself .but pass.
as in ver. 7 (so Vu)£. Weiss Kautzsch, &c. ; see the arguments
from the usage of LXX and Heb. i: Test. Locis
a Paulo alkgafo, p. 24 n.).
5. ^ douua Vjp«r: a general statement, including orrcrr/a. In
like manner e«ov Jtmiiogfry is general, though the particular
instance which St. Paul has in his mind is the faithfulness of God
promises.
auKiaTTjai : <rvrurrwu (<rvn<rrai>w) has in N. T. two conspicuous
meanings: (i) 'to bring together' as two persons, 'to introduce'
or ' commend* to one another (e.g. Rom . : ; iv. a;
&c. ; cf. cri • rroAm 2 Cor. iii. i); (ii) 'to put
together' or 'make good' by argument, 'to prove/ 'establish*
III. 5-7.] CASUISTICAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED 73
(compositis eollectisqut quae rem contintant argument's aliquid dot to
che), as in Rom. v. 8 ; a Cor. vii. n ; Gal. ii. 18 (where see
Lft. and Ell.).
Both meaning* are recognized by Ilesych. (ownj-rftmr 4*<ur«iV,
fliBaiolv, vofartOfviu) ; but it U strange that neither comes oat clearly in the
use* of the word in LXX; the second is found in Susann. 61 ttrlropw i*l
rovt Mo tfHaffimt, tm owionja** aurovt AariqA jf« vtopapTvprjoarras (Theod.).
another phrase, like M? yowro, which is charac-
of this Epistle, where it occurs seven times ; not elsewhere
inN.T.
fit] aSiKOf : the form of question shows that a negative answer is
expected (M originally meant ' Don't say that,' &c.).
6 im^/pwi' -ri)v &pYf\y : most exactly, ' the inflictcr of the anger '
(Va.). The reference is to the Last Judgement: see on i. 18,
xii. 19.
Barton however makes A iviflpw strictly equivalent to a relative clause,
and like a relative clause suggest a reason ('Who miteth '-' because He
vUiteth'; jV.oWr. §428.
icard aK0pwTroK X«yw : a form of phrase which is also charac-
teristic of this group of Epistles, where the eager argumentation of
the Apostle leads him to press the analogy between human and
divine things in a way that he feels calls for apology. The exact
phrase recurs only in Gal. iii. 15 ; but comp. also I Cor. ix. 8
M'/ tara avGporrtov raira XaXi ; 2 Cor. xi. 1 7 ft XaXi, ov Kara Kvptor
XaXi.
6. <ir«l ir£f Kptm : St. Paul and his readers alike held as axio-
matic the belief that God would judge the world. But the objection
just urged was inconsistent with that belief, and therefore must
fall to the ground.
Jw«(: 'since, if that were so, if the inflicting of punishment necessarily
implied injustice.' 'Emtl gets the meaning ' if so,' ' if not ' (' or else '), from
the context, the clause to which it rxvnts being supposed to be repeated :
here iw<i sc. «1 4&«ot fora* A tw,+tpcjv r> &pw (cf Uattmann, Cr. #M T.
C*- P. 359)-
TO* Koapov : all mankind.
7. The position laid down in ver. 5 is now discussed from the side
of man, as it had just been discussed from the side of God.
«l W K A minutf. pauc., Volg. tod. Boh.. Jo.-Damasc., TUch. \VH. ttxt.
RV. ttxt. : «( •& B D E G K L P &c., Vulg. Syrr., Orig.-lat. Chrys. «/., WH.
marg. RV. marg. The second reading may be in its origin Western.
dXrj0«ia: the truthfulness of God in keeping His promises;
^•wrjia, the falsehood of man in denying their fulfilment (as
in \cr. 4).
«dY»5: 'I too/ as well as others, though my falsehood thus
74 ISTLE TO THE K [ill. 7 8
redounds to God's glory. St. Paul uses the first person from
motives of delicacy, just as in i Cor. iv. 6 he ' transfers by a fiction '
; eld's elegant rendering of M«T«"vw"»T»<7a) to himself and his
1 A polios what really applied to his opponents.
8. There are two trains of thought in the Apostle's mind : (i)
the excuse \\hich he supposes to be put forward by the unbeliever
that evil may be done for the sake of good ; (ii) the accusation
brought as a matter of fact against himself of saying that evil
might be done for the sake of good. The single clause woi^^r
TO cod "in *\6y TO aya4a is made to do duty for both these trains of
thought, in the one case connected in idea and construciio.
ui}, in the other with Myown* on. <. uld be brought
out more clearly by modern devices of punctuation : T« «>.
[ri]
fiftat A«)*i» an — votiprMfify «.rX There is a very $>i:
struction in vv. 25, 26, where the argument works up twice <
the same words, «ir [*f*><] TV «V&«£ur rJjt iutoio<rtnj« nirov, and the
words which follow the second time are meant to complete both
clauses, the first as well as the second It is someu
when in ch. ii. ver. 16 at once carries on and completes %\. i -
and i
St. Paul was accused (no doubt by actual opponents) of Anti-
nomianism. What he said was, ' The state of righteousness is not
to be attained through legal works ; it is the gift of God.' He
was represented as saying * therefore it does not matter what a man
does' — an inference which he repudiates indignantly, not only
here but in vi. i ff., 15 ff.
WK TO Kpifio K :s points back tO rt «n K.iyw gpivnpat ; the
plea which such persons put in will avail them nothing ; the judge-
ment (of God) 1 fall upon th- . Paul does
not argue the point, or say anything further about the calumny
directed ar rlf; he contents himself with brushing away
an excuse which is obviously unreal
UNIVERSAL FAILURE TO ATTAIN TO
RIGHTEOUSNESS.
Ill 9 20. If the cast of us Jews is so bad, arc tht
Gentiles any better ? No. The same accusation covers both.
The ^ ./ the universality of hit
which is I '.ic ally di
Psa. v, cxl, x, /// Is. lix, ami a,:
III. 9-20.] UNIVERSAL FAILURE 75
the Jew is equally guilty with the Gentile, still less can he
escape punishment; for the Law which threatens him with
punishment is his own. So then the whole system of Law
and works done in fulfilment of Laiv, has proved a failure.
Law can reveal sin, but not remove it.
•To return from this digression. What inference are we to
draw ? Are the tables completely turned ? Are we Jews not only
equalled but surpassed (rrpot \ufu0a passive) by the Gentiles ? Not at
all. There is really nothing to choose between Jews and Gentiles.
The indictment which we have just brought against both (in i. 1 8-
32, ii. 17-29) proves that they are equally under the dominion
of sin. "The testimony of Scripture is to the same effect. Thus
in Ps. xiv [here with some abridgment and variation], the Psalmist
complains that he cannot find a single righteous man, " that there is
none to show any intelligence of moral and religious truth, none to
show any desire for the knowledge of God. "They have all (he
says) turned aside from the straight path. They are like milk
that has turned sour and bad. There is not so much as a single
right-doer among them. "This picture of universal wickedness
may be completed from such details as those which are applied
to the wicked in Ps. v. 9 [exactly quoted]. Just as a grave stands
ng to receive the corpse that will soon fill it with corruption,
so the throat of the wicked is only opened to vent forth depraved
ami lying speech. Their tongue is practised in fraud. Or in
\1. 3 [also exactly quoted] : the poison-bag of the asp lies
under their smooth and flattering lips. u So, as it is described in
Ps. x. 7, throat, tongue, and lips are full of nothing but cursing
.m I venom. u Then of Israel it is said [with abridgment from LXX
lix. 7, 8] : They run with eager speed to commit murder.
"Their course is marked by ruin and misery. "With smiling
paths of peace they have made no acquaintance. I§ To sum up the
ter of the ungodly in a word [from Ps. xxxvi (xxxv). i LXX] :
The fear of God supplies no standard for their actions.
"Thus all the world has sinned. And not even the Jew can
claim exemption from the consequences of his sin. For when the
Law of Moses denounces those consequences it speaks especially
to the people to whom it was given. By which it was designed
76 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [III. 9.
that the Jew too might have his mouth stopped from all excuse,
it all mar t be held accountable to God.
"This is the conclusion of the whole argument. By works of
Law (I e. by an attempted fulfilment of Law) no mortal may hope
to be declared righteous in God's sight For the only effect of
Law is to open men's eyes to their own sinfulness, not to enable
them to do better. That method, the method of works, has
failed. A new method must be found.
0. TI OUK ; ' What then [follows] ? ' Not with r/xw^fe, because
that would require in reply o&V TOW, not -
irpocx<V«0o is explained in three ways: as the same
sense as the active *po«'x»f as i its proper middle force,
and as passive, (i) wpot^uOa mid. = irp«V/w (praectlltn
Vulg. ; and so the majority of commentators, ancient and modern,
*Apa ir i pur a or i^ofuintapa rove "EXAip>ar ; Euthvm.-'/ig. «\«>i«V ri irA«o»
*a< rvfartfioO/Mi' ol 'lovlait* ; Theoph. ' Do we think ourselves t»
Gif.). But no examples of this use are to be found, and
seems to be no reason why St. Paul should not have ••
np<»Xont»t the common form in such contexts, (ii) V/XMX^M&I
in its more ordinary middle sense, ' put forward as an excuse or
pretext ' (' Do we excuse ourselves ? ' RV. marg., ' Have we any
defence?' Mey. Go.). But then the object must be expressed,
and as we have just seen ri ofr cannot be combined with *pon6n<6a
because of ou vom»t. (iii) vpoixfafa passive, ' Are we exc<
1 Are we Jews worse off (than the Gentiles)?' a rare use, b
one which is sufficiently substantiated (cf. Field, Ol. Norv. 1
/<*.). Some of the best scholars (e. g. Lightfoot, Field) incline to
\v, \\hich has been adopted in the text of KV. The prin-
cipal objection to it is from the context. St. Paul has just asserted
(vcr. 2) that the Jew has an advantage over the Gentile : how then
does he come to ask if the Gentile has an advantage over th
The answer would seem to be that a different kind of ' advantage '
is meant. The superiority of the Jew to the Gen
lies in the possession of superior privileges; the practical e
of Jew and Gentile is in regard to their present moral condition
.-9 balanced against ch. i. 18-32). In this l.utcr respect
il implies that Gentile and Jew might mgc places
29). A few scholars (Olsh. Va.Lid.) take wpoixbufa as pass.,
the same sense as wfH*\om*t 'Are we (Jews) pr<
(to the Gentiles) in the sight of God ? '
•bntefmni
•t the best, tentmtts amf.'ius : a glou captaining »po«x- in the same
III. 0, 10.] UNIVERSAL FAILURE 77
way as Vulg. and the later Greek commentators quoted above. A L read
06 rrdrruf . Strictly speaking ou should qualify iru*rt>r, * not
altogether/ ' not entirely, as in i Cor. v. 10 of> rarer ™<r tro/mxr
roC xdV/jov TOVTOU : but in some cases, as here, irarrut qualifies <n ,
4 altogether not/ ' entirely not/ i. e. ' not at all ' (ntquaquam Vulg.,
otdapwf Theoph.). Compare the similar idiom in o& vd*v ; and see
Win. dr. !
irpoT)Tiaaa>€0a : in the section i. i8-ii. 29.
x'4>' AjiapTiav. In Biblical Greek for«> with dat. has given place entirely to
ttw6 with ace. Matt. viii. 9 drtpaswvt tlfu l*b l(ovoia» is a strong case. The
change has already taken place in LXX ; e. g Deut xxxiii. 3 wdrr«i ol
"» *°1 ovrw
10. The long quotation which follows, made up of a number of
passages taken from different parts of the O. T., and with no
apparent break between them, is strictly in accordance with the
Rabbinical practice. ' A favourite method was that which derived
its name from the stringing together of beads (Char as], when a
preacher having quoted a passage or section from the Pentateuch,
strung on to it another and like-sounding, or really similar,
from the Prophets and the Hagiographa ' (Edersheim, Life and
Times, Ac. i. 449). We may judge from this instance that the
first quotation did not always necessarily come from the Pentateuch
— though no doubt there is a marked tendency in Christian as
compared with Jewish writers to equalize the three divisions of the
< ) T. Other examples of such compounded quotations are Rom.
ix. 25 f. ; 27 f. ; xi. 26 f. ; 34 f. ; xii. 19 f. ; 2 Cor. vi. 16. Here the
passages are from Pss. xiv [xiii]. 1-3 (=Ps. liii. 1-3 [lii. 2-4]),
ver. i free, ver. 2 abridged, ver. 3 exact ; v. 9 [10] exact ; cxl. 3
[cxxxix. 4] exact : x. 7 [ix. 28] free ; Is. lix. 7, 8 abridged ; Ps.
xxx vi [xxxvl. x. The degree of relevance of each of these
passages to the argument is indicated by the paraphrase : see also
the additional note at the end of ch. x.
As a whole this conglomerate of quotations has had a curious history.
The quotations in N.T. frequently react upon the text of O.T., and they have
done so here: vv. 13-18 got imported bodily into Ps. xiv [xiii LXXj as an
appendage to ver. 4 in the 'common* text of the LXX 11) rarq, i.e. the
nnrcrised text current in the lime of Origen). They are still found in Codd.
N K U and many cursive MSS. of LXX (om. K«A), though the Greek
nentators on the Psalms do not recognize them. From interpolated
M-x such as these they found their way into Lat.-Vet, and so into
Jerome's first edition of the Psalter (the ' Roman '\ also into his neoad
edition (the 'Galilean,' based upon Origin's Hexafla , though marked with
an obelus after the example of Origen. The obelus dropped out, and they
are commonly printed in the Vulgate text of the Psalms, wnich is practically
the Gallican. From the Vulgate they travelled into Coverdales Hible
(A.D. 1535); from thence into Matthew's (Rogers'; Bible, which in the
78 | T<» THE ROMA [III. 0 12
Ptalter reproduces Corerdale (A.D. 1537), and *l*o into the 'Great i
(first ismed by Cromwell in 1530, and afterward* with a preface by Cranmer,
le.in 1540). ThcP>
the(.: a» incorporated in the Book of Common Pr«
It was retained as being familiar and smoother to ting, even in the later
revision which substituted elsewhere the Authorized Version of 161 1. The
editing of the Great Bible was due to Coverdale, who pot an • to the
passages found in the Vulgate bat wanting in the i These marks
however had the same fate which befell the obeli of Jerome. They were
not repeated in the Prayer-Book ; so that English Churchmen still read the
'.lated verses in Ps. xiv with nothing to dlstingmih them from the rest
of ill- me himself was well aware that these verses were no part
of the Psalm In his commentary on Isaiah, : . »te» that .V
quoted Is. hx. 7, 8 in Kp. to Rom., and he adds, quod multi igntrontu. dt
lertio Jtcimofialmot*mf>tump*tant. qtti vtrnu (an'x*] in tdttton* Vulgata
( i. e. the ««r4 of the LXX] adJiti sunt tt in I/tbrauo non ktotntur ( ! I ieron.
601 ; comp. the preface to the same bo.
aUo the newly discovered Cvnmtntarioli in Ptalmu, ed. M onn. 1 895 , j
10. Some have thought that this verse was not part of the
quotation, but a summary by St. Paul of what follows. It does
indeed present some variants from the original, ourou* for inxW
xpiprronrra and ottl tit for owe for* <~»c «w. In the LXX i\r.* clause
is a kind of refrain which is repeated cxactl
there keeps to his text ; but we cannot be surprised that in the
opening words he should choose a simpler form of phrase
more directly suggests the connexion with his main argi
The oucmot * shall live by faith ' ; but till the coming of <
there was no true ouuuof and no true faith. The verse runs too
much upon the same lines as the Psalm to be oil
quotation, though it is handled in the free and bold manner
c of St. Paul.
11. oCit earif 6 avn£r: rum nt qui intdligat (rather than fiu
inttlligit); Anglice, 'there is none to understand.' [But ABG,
<• ': V. .1 m/rt^r, as also
(B)C \\ H. A.V. .VC-/TU.V. \\ ithout the . k would =
non fs/ intelligent, non est reguirens Deum (Vulg.) • There is
no one of understanding, there is no inquirer after God/j
& owtAv : on the form see Win. Gr. \ xiv, 16 (ed. 8 ; xi ! lort.
\sfts on OrtMor. p, 167; also for the accent ua
iu and
Both forms, ovniu and ov»i«, are found, and either accentuation,
twit*, may be adopted: probably the latter is to be preferred ; cf . fa
*+* Mk. i. 34. x
12. ofia : 'one and all.'
VjXP^fcFtt* : 1 Ifl>- = ' to go bad,' ' become sour/ like milk ;
comp. the d^/xtof doOAot of Matt. xxv. 30.
vwwv A B G &c. \VI i
XpT)OTon)Ta = ' goodness ' in the widest sense, with the idea of
1 utility ' ratlicr than sjxrcially of ' kindness,' as in
Ill 12-19.] IMVERSAL FAILURE 79
«<* «'vot : cp. the Latin idiom ad unum omntt (Vulg. literally usqut md
unum}. B 67**, \VH. marg. omit the second oi« tort* [w* Ion* vmvr
Xjnjoronjni «•* ir</f]. The readings of B and its allies in these verses are
open to some suspicion of assimilating to a text of I. XX. In ver. 14 B 17
add atrwr («&r r£ aro/M ovrvc) corresponding to ourou in li's text of Ps. x. 7
[«X. 38].
18. rd+of . . . rtoXioCaoK. The LXX of Ps. v. 9 [10] corre-
ponds pretty nearly to Heb. The last clause = rather linguam
suam blandam rcddunt (poliunt), or perhaps lingua tua bland mniur
/sch, p. 34): 'their tongue do they make smooth* Cheyne;
speech glideth from their tongue* De Wilt.
Win. Gr. f xiii, 14 (cd. 8 ; xiii, a/. E. T.). The termina-
tion -*av, extended from imperf. and and aor. of verbs in -fu to verbs in -wt is
widely found ; it is common in LXX and in Alexandrian Greek, but by no
means confined to it ; it i* frequent in Boeotian inscriptions, and is called by
one grammarian a ' Boeotian form, as by others ' Alexandrian.'
los dWowr: Ps. cxl. 3 [cxxxix. 4]. The position of the poison-
bag of the serpent is rightly described. The venom is more
correctly referred to the bite (as in Num. zxi. 9 ; Prov. xxiii. 32),
than to the forked tongue (Job xz. 16): see art. 'Serpent' in
D.B.
14. Ps. x. 7 somewhat freely from LXX [ix. 28]: ov apas ru
arona avrov >«>«! na\ irigpiat cat ooAov. St. Paul retains the rcl. but
changes it into the plural : <rr<J/ia avri>» B 17, Cypr., WH. marg.
iTtupio : Heb. more lit. =.fraudes.
16-17. This quotation of Is. lix. 7, 8 is freely abridged from the
I XX; and as it is also of some interest from its bearing upon
the text of the LXX used by St. Paul, it may be well to give the
original and the quotation side by side.
Rom. Hi. 15-17. Is. lix. 7, 8.
o£«if ut fro&r avrutv orgeat alpa' ol cW w6&tt avrutf [»VJ vomjpiav
vvvrpifipa cat raAaiTrwpi'a cV raiff rp*%ovaC^ ra\ivo\ «V^«'cu alfta [cm oi
•dole avruv, itai oooy <lpf)*r)t OVK dtaXoyio-^iOi avruv dtaXo>»<r/*oi airo
ryvwcray. ^ovwv]. vvrrpinfui Ktu raXaiirwpta
«V rair 6dotc atrwr icai 6d6» ilpf)in)t
OIK otocuri [icat OVK cart splint if
aurotr].
af/Mi dwu'nor Theodotion. and probably also Aquila and Symmachos.
[From the Hexapla this reading has got into several MSS. of LXX.]
**/**» (for dvd *4»w) A N : oltaat K' B Q*. &c.: i-poxta* A Q1 marg.
(Q • Cod. Marchalianus, XII Holmes) minusc. aliq.
19. What is the meaning of this verse ? Does it mean that the
passages just quoted are addressed to Jews (6 x>/ior = O. T. ;
80 LSTLE TV [III. 19 20.
fc M«>* ri «vxxf»7T«rd Euthym.-
Zig.)t and therefore they are as much guilty before God as the
Gentiles? So most commentators. Or does it mean tl.
guilt of the Jews being now proved, as they sinned they must also
expect punishment, the Law (6 *>not = the Pentateuch) affirming
the connexion between sin and punishment So Gif. Both interpre-
tations give a good sense. [For though (i) does not strictly prove
that all men are guilty but only that the Jews are guilty, this was
really the main point which needed proving, because the Jews were
apt to explain away the passages which condemned them, and held
that — whatefer happened to the Gentiles— they would escape.]
The question really turns upon the meaning of o rop^f. It is
urged, (i) that there is only a single passa: i'aul where
i ooyior clearly =O. T. (i Cor. xiv. 21, a quotation of Is. xx\
compare however Jo. x. 34 (= Ps. Ixxxii. 6), xv. 2-, (= IV
xxxv. 19); (ii) that in the corresponding c! . «V ry ro>*»
most = the Law, in the narrower sense ; (iii) that in vcr. 2 1 the
Law is expressly distinguished from the Prophets.
Yet these arguments are hardly decisive : for (i) the evidence is
sufficient to show that St. Paul might have used o »opoc in the wider
sense ; for this one instance is as good as many ; and (ii) we must
not suppose that St. Paul always rigidly distinguished which sense
he was using ; the use of the word in one sense would call up the
other (cf. Note on 6 Atmror in ch. v. 12).
Oltr. also goes a way of hi* own. bat makes i rJjior - Law in the
abstract (covering at once for the Gentile the law of conscience, and for the
Jew the law of MOMS), which is contrary to the use of 4 vtfjioc.
. . . XaXtl : >,-/«(*• calls attention to the substance of
is spoken, XoA«u» to the outward utterance ; cf. esp.
Gosfcis, p. 383 ff.
^poyrj : cf. oJwroXoyijTof i. 20, ii. i ; the idea comes up at each
D the argument.
uvootKot : not exactly 'guilty before God/ but 'answerable to
God.' wr&uor takes gen. of the pen of the person injured
tO Whom Satisfaction IS due (r«y tar\a<ri*v tnr&urof for* ry #Xaj»&Vr i
Plato, Ltgg. 846 B). So here: all mankind has offended again?;
God, and owes Him satisfaction. Note the use of a forensic
term.
20. Sum: • bccau-e,' not 'therefore,' as AV. (see on i. 19).
mi is liable for penalties as against God, because there is
nothing else to afford them protectio; ;>cn men's
to sin, but cannot rcmo- so is shown in
7 ff-
: ' -lall be pronounced righteous,' certain'
be made righitous' (Lid.) ; the whole context (Zrq «o*
III. 21-26.] THE NEW SYSTEM 8l
f, «Wnnw ovroC) has reference to a judicial trial and
verdict.
woUra arfpt : man in his weakness and frailty ( i Cor. i. 29 ; i Pet.
i. 24).
: 'clear knowledge'; see on i. 28, 32.
THE NEW SYSTEM.
III. 21-26. Here then the new order of things comes in.
Jn it is offered a Righteousness which cotnes from God but
embraces man, by no deserts of his but as a free gift on the
part of God. This righteousness, (i) though attested by the
Sacred Books, is independent of any legal system (vcr. 21);
(ii) it is apprehended by faith in Christ, and is as wide as
mans need (w. 22, 23); (iii) it is made possible by the
propitiatory Sacrifice of Christ (w. 24, 25) ; which Sacrifice
at once explains the lenient treatment by God of past sin
afid gives the most decisive expression to His righteousness
(w. 25, 26).
" It is precisely such a method which is offered in Christianity.
We have seen what is the state of the world without it. But now,
since the coming of Christ, the righteousness of God has asserted
itself in visible concrete form, but so as to furnish at the same
time a means of acquiring righteousness to man — and that in
complete independence of law, though the Sacred Books which
contain the Law and the writings of the Prophets bear witness to
it ** This new method of acquiring righteousness does not turn
upon works but on faith, i. e. on ardent attachment and devotion to
Jesus Messiah. And it is therefore no longer confined to any
particular people like the Jews, but is thrown open without distinc-
tion to all, on the sole condition of believing, whether they be Jews
or Gentiles. "The universal gift corresponds to the universal need.
All men alike have sinned ; and all alike feel themselves far from
the bright effulgence of God's presence. t4Yet estranged as they
are God accepts them as righteous for no merit or service of theirs,
by an act of His own free favour, the change in their relation to
Him being due to the Great Deliverance wrought at the price of the
Death of Christ Jesus. "When the Messiah suffered upon the
o
82 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [ill 2L
Cross it was God Who set Him there as a public spccta
be viewed as a Mosaic sacrifice might be viewed by the crowds as-
sembled in the courts of the Temple. The shedding of His Blood
was in fact a sacrifice which had the effect of making propitiation
or atonement for sin, an effect which man must appropriate through
faith. The object of the whole being by this public and decisive
act to vindicate the righteousness of God. In previous ages the
sins of mankind had been passed over without adequate punishment
or atonement ; * but this long forbearance on the part of God had in
hroughout that signal exhibition of His Righteousness
He purposed to enact when the hour should come as now
come, so as to reveal Himself in His double character as at once
righteous Himself and pronouncing righteous, or accepting as
righteous, the loyal follower of Jesus.
21. rvn SI : ' now/ under the Christian dispensation.
W. Oltr. Go. and others contend for the rendering * as it is,' on the
ground that the opposition is between two states, the state under
Law and the state without Law. But here the two states or
relations correspond to two periods succeeding each other in order
of time ; so that rvW may well have its first and most c '
meaning, which is confirmed by the parallel passages, Ron
25, 26 pvtmjpiov . . . $ai«ptt&'rror . . . rvr, 12, 13 xiw
:T)0TjTt «y>iT, Col. 1. 26, 27 /iiNrrtyptor TO oiroftrK/nTJ/iiYor . . .
& cV^aif/Mw&j, 2 Tim. i. 9. IO gape* r^r do&itrar . . . irpo
vy, Hcb. »X. 26 nvi o« a»rn£ «
It may be observed < .
writers constantly oppose the pre-Christian and th<
dispensations to each other as periods (com; ion to the
passages already enumerated Acts xvii. 30; ('•
4 ; H.-l.. i. 1 1 ; and (n) that </xwpotV&u b - used
with expressions denoting time (add to passages alx
fttupou loW, I Pet -ov ri» xp*wr). The 1<
1 :..• , i. COmDGOtBfei : - ! i>.<- ; : i - \ :r\\ .
An allusion of Tertullian's nuket it proUble th.t Maroon reUtned thU
vene; eridence Caili as to the rat of the chapter, and it is probable that he
cot oat the whole of ch. iv. along with moat other references to the history
of Abraham (Tcrt. on Gal. it. ai-*6, Adv. Mart. r. 4).
X*ptf ropou: 'apart from law/ 'independently of
a subordinate system growing out <>: as an alternative for
Law and destined ultimately to supersede \. 4).
oiRaioourri 6«ov i sec on ch . Paul goes on to
his meaning. The righteousness which he has in view is essentially
III. 21, 22.] THE NEW SYSTEM 83
the righteousness of God; though the aspect in which it is
regarded is as a condition bestowed upon man, that condition is
the direct outcome of the Divine attribute of righteousness, working
its way to larger realization amongst men. One step in this
realization, the first great objective step, is the Sacrificial Death of
Christ for sin (vcr. 25) ; the next step is the subjective apprehension
of what is thus done for him by faith on the part of the believer
(ver. 22). Under the old system the only way laid down for man to
attain to righteousness was by the strict performance of the Mosaic
Law ; now that heavy obligation is removed and a shorter but at
the same time more effective method is substituted, the method of
attachment to a Divine Person.
ire tare PWTCU. Contrast the completed $oWp«atr in Christ and
the continued uWuAi^tc in the Gospel (ch. L 16): the verb
<f>at*pova6ai is regularly used for the Incarnation with its accompani-
ments and sequents as outstanding facts of history prepared in the
secret counsels of God and at the fitting moment ' manifested ' to
the sight of men; so, of the whole process of the Incarnation,
i Tim. iii. 16; a Tim. i. 10; i Pet. X. 20; i Jo. iii. 5, 8: of the
Atonement, Heb. ix. 26: of the risen Christ, Mark xvi. 12, 14;
John xxi. 14: of the future coming to Judgement, i Pet. v. 4 ;
i Jo. ii. 28. The nearest parallels to this verse which speaks of
the manifestation of Divine 'righteousness' are 2 Tim. i. 10, which
speaks of a like manifestation of Divine • grace/ and i Jo. X. a,
which describes the Incarnation as the appearing on earth of the
principle of ' life.'
fiopTwpoti^ni «. T. X. : another instance of the care with which
St. Paul insists that the new order of things is in no way contrary
to the old, but rather a development which was duly foreseen and
provided for : cf. Rom. i. 2, iii. 31, the whole of ch. iv, ix. 25-33;
x. 16-21 ; xi. i-io, 26-29; xv. 8-12; xvi. 26 Ac.
22. Stf turns to the particular aspect of the Divine righteousness
which the Apostle here wishes to bring out ; it is righteousness
apprehended by faith in Christ and embracing the body of believers.
The particle thus introduces a nearer definition, but in itself only
marks the transition in thought which here (as in ch. ix. 30; i Cor.
ii. 6 ; Gal. ii. 2 ; Phil. ii. 8) happens to be from the general to the
particular.
iTiarcws 'Irjaoo Xpi<rrou : gen. of object, ' faith in Jesus Christ.'
This is the hitherto almost universally accepted view, which has
however been recently challenged in a very carefully worked out
argument by Prof. Haussleiter of Greifswald (Dtr Glauk Jesu
Christi it. der christiiche Glaubt, Leipzig, 1891).
Dr. Haossleiter contends that the gen. is subjective not objective, that like
the 'faith of Abraham' in ch. iv. 16, it denotes the faith (in God which
: Himself maintained even through the ordeal of the Crucifixion, that
G 2
84 :VTLE TO THE ROMANS [III 22
this (kith U here pot forward as the central feature of the Atonement, and
that it U to be grasped or appropriated by the Christian in a similar manner
to that in which he reproduces the faith of Abraham. If this view held
rood, * number of other passages (notably L 17) would be affected by it
But, although ably carried out, the Interpretation of some of these passages
seems to as forced ; the theory brings together things, like the «<mt I?**
X^roO here with the «i<mt e«o* in iii. 3, which are really disparate; and
it has so far, we believe, met with no acceptance.
'IiproO Xpttrrov. U, and apparently Mardoo as quoted by Tertullian,
drop lipov (to too \V 1 1. marS ) ; A reads Jr X^ri l^oS.
Kdi M warra* om. «• ABC, -j h. Aeth. Arm, Clem.- Alex.
O.ig. Did. Cyr.-Alcx. Aug.: inv ..L &c J>< *arraf alone is
found in Jo. T>amasc. Volg. (odd., so that tit vdrrot gal twl vorrat would
seem to be a conflation, or combination of two readings originally alterna
tires. If it were the true reading tit would express 'destination for* all
believers, M ' extension to' them.
23. oo y<£p <<rn otaoroX^. The Aposilc is reminded of one of
his main positions. The Tew has (in this respect) no real adv.t
over the Gentile ; both alike need a righteousness which is no:
own ; and to both it is offered on the same terms.
ijfiapTor. In English we may translate this 'have sinned' in
accordance wiih the idiom of the language, which prefers :
the perfect where a past fact or series of facts is not separated by
a clear interval from the present : see note on
uaTcpotJrrai : sec Monro, Homeric (> § 8 (3); mid. vo!
'feel want* Gif. well compares Matt. xix. 20 mp*;
(objective, ' What, as a matter of fact, is wanting to me ?
Luke XV. 14 «al avr&r 4p£aro wrrf/Mur&u (sul nligal
begins to fed his destitution).
T^s Wfrjt. There are two wholly distinct uses of this word :
(i) = 'opinion' (a use not found in N. T.) and
particular 'favourable opinion/ 'reputation' (Rom. ii. 7. 10 ;
John xii. 43 Ac.); (2) by a use which came in with the
I. XX :: : lation of Heb. Tl33 = (i) 'visible brightness or
splendour' (Acts xxii. n ; i Cor. xv. 40 ff.); and
(ii) the brightness which radiates from the presence of God,
the visible glory conceived as resting on Mount Sinai (Ex.
1 6), in the pillar of cloud (Ex. xvi. 10), in the tabernacle
(Ex. xl. 34) or temple (i Kings •• Chron. v. 14), and
specially between the cherubim on the lid of the ark (Ps. h
.'2; Rom. ix. 4 &c.); (iii) tl. splendour
symbolized the Divine perfections, 'the majesty or goodness of
God as manifested to men' (Lightfoot on Col. i. n ; comj
:. 1 6); (iv) these perfections arc in a n.
ted to man through Christ (esp. 2 Cor.
iii. 18). Both morally and physically a certain transfigi:-
takes place in the ( partially here, com; rcafter
. e.g. Rom. viii. 30 ite£aat» with Rom. v. 2 «V /XtriBi T^«
III. 23, 24.] THE NEW SYSTEM 85
TOW Btov, viii. 18 T^ itt\\owra» Wfw oiro«aXw^Kii, a Tim.
ii. 10 Mfo aiWov). The Rabbis held that Adam by the Fall lost
six things, 'the glory, life (immortality), his stature (which was
above that of his descendants), the fruit of the field, the fruits of
trees, and the light (by which the world was created, and which
was withdrawn from it and reserved for the righteous in the world
to come)/ It is explained that ' the glory ' was a reflection from
the Divine glory which before the Fall brightened Adam's face
(Weber, Altsyn. Theol. p. 214). Clearly St. Paul conceives of this
glory as in process of being recovered : the physical sense is also
enriched by its extension to attributes that are moral and
spiritual.
The meaning of &£a in this connexion is well illustrated by 4 Err. vii. 41
[ed. Bensly - vL 14 O. F. Fritzsche, p. 607], where the state of the blessed
is described as neyut meridiem, neque ntxttm, neque antt lucem [perh. for
antelufium ; rid. Bensly ad be.}, ntqut nitorem, neque claritattm, neque
luctm, nisi tolummodo sflendorem claritatis Altusimt [perh. - Awavyaa^a
MfV "ttiarov]. In quoting this passage Ambrose has tola Dei fulgebit
elaritas; Domitnu enim trtt lux omnium (cf. Rev. xxi. 24). The blessed
themselves shine with a brightness which is reflected from the face of God :
ibid. w. 97, 98 f Hcnsly - 71, 72 O. F. Fritzsche] quomodo incipiet (/WXX«i)
vulttts eorum fulgert situt sol, et quomodo incipient steflarum adrimilari
lumini . . .festinant enim vidert vultum \eiut \ eui serviunt vivente* et
a quo incipient gloriosi mercedetn recifere (cf. Matt. xiii. 43).
24. SiKcuoujicfoi. The construction and connexion of this word
are difficult, and perhaps not to be determined with certainty.
(i) Many leading scholars (De W. Mey. Lips. Lid. Win. Gr. § xlv.
6 b) make dticaioO/tfvoc mark a detail in, or assign a proof of, the
condition described by wrrtpovrrm. In this case there would be
a slight stress on fopta* : men are far from God's glory, became the
state of righteousness has to be given them ; they do nothing for
it. Hut this is rather far-fetched. No such proof or further
description of \><rrtpo\>vr<u is needed. It had already been proved
by the actual condition of Jews as well as Gentiles ; and to prove
it by the gratuitousness of the justification would be an inversion
of the logical order, (ii) wrrtpovrrai donuoufMyot is taken as = i<rr«-
poOrroi cat duratof rrai (Fri.) Or = iimpovfutKH dacmovirat (Tholuck).
But this is dubious Greek, (in) dueaiovfirnM is not taken with what
precedes, but is made to begin a new clause. In that case there is
an anacoluthon, and we must supply some such phrase as «£*
«uvxw/M0a; (Oltr.). But that would be harsh, and a connecting
particle seems wanted, (iv) Easier and more natural than any of
these expedients seems to be, with Va. and Ewald, to make oi> yap
. . . iffTtpoivrtu practically a parenthesis, and to take the nom.
MOW ' as suggested by warm in ver. 23, but in sense referring
rather to row frumvorrac in ver. 22.' No doubt such a construction
would be irregular, but it may be questioned whether it is too
86 '.I-; TO THE ROMANS [ill. 24.
irregular for St. Paul. The Apostle frequently gives a new turn to
a sentence under the influence of some expression which is really
subordinate to the main idea. Perhaps as near a parallel as any
would be a Cor. viii. 18, 19 <Tv*nrJn+a»<* &' *** ak\<JK» ... of
6 frail** «V TW (ioyyfXtw . . . ov /ioW oY, aXXu «<« ^i/JoronT&i'r (as if
oc «ro»niTai had preceded).
owpc&r rjj aoToO x^P^i. Each of these phrases strengthens the
other in a very emphatic way, the position of avrov further
stress on the fact that this manifestation of free favour on the port
of God is unprompted by any other external cause than the one
.1 is mentioned (&A rip <hroXvrp«<r««*c).
dwoXvrp«*r«**. It is contended, esp. by Oltraroare, (i
Xvrpo* and <nroXvrp<** in classical Greek = not ' to pay a ransom/
but ' to take a ransom,' ' to put to ransom/ or 'release on ransom/
as a conqueror releases his prisoners (the only example gi •
owoXvr/xucm is Plut. Pomp. 24 woX«wv aixpaXvrvv diroXiT^ .
the word has this sense of ' putting to ransom ') ; <
Xvrpovff&u is frequently used of the Deliverance i
Exodus, in which there is no question of ransom (t<
; ; Dcuu vii. 8 ; ix. 26 ; xiii. 5, &c. : cf. also <nroXvrp*<r««
Ex. xxi. 8, of the 'release ' of a slave by her master). The subst.
<hroXurp«<rtff occurs only in one place, Dan. iv. 30 [29 or 32], I. XX
6 xp6Vor pov rijr AroXvrp«*<r««K $Xft of Nebuchadnezzar's recovery
from his madness. Hence it is inferred (cf. also Westcot
p. 296, and Ritschl, Richlfcrt. u. Vcrsdhn. ii. 220 ff.) that he:
in similar passages bnXvrpwHt denotes 'deliverance ' simply without
lea of 'ransom/ There is no doubt that <>f the
metaphor might be dropped. But in view of the clear resolution of
the expression in Mark x. 45 (Matt xx. 28) «oCnu r^r v
Xvrpor drri iroXXwr, and in I Tim. ii. 6 6 ftov* «Wro» dyrtXvrpov vwip
irarrw, and in view also of the many passages in which Christians
are said to be 'bought/ or 'bought with a price' (i Cor. vi. 20,
vii. 23; Gal. iii. 13; 2 Pet. ; 9: cf. Acts xx. 28;
i Pet. i. 1 8, 19), we can hardly resist the conclusion that ti.
of the Xurpo* retains its full force, that it is identical with tl
and that both are ways <
emphasis is on the cost of man's redemption. We need not press
the metaphor yet a step further by asking (as the anci<
whom the ransom or price was \ d by that
. c necessity wh .ide the whole course of :
!>cen; but this necessity is far beyond our powers to grasp
or gauge.
,'v Xpurry 'Ii,<7ov. We owe to Haottleiter (Dtr Glaubt Jtin Ckritti,
obterrBtion that whcrrrer the phnue i* X/x<rrf or Jr
X^xrr^ 'I»7<rot/ occur* there Is no tingle initance of the rananU tv 'I7<rov or
<»> lyrov Xfxarj,. Thi» it ftigmftouit, became in other com'
III. 24, 25.] THE NEW SYSTEM 87
variants are freaoent. It it also what we should expect, because Jr
and Jr Xpiarf Iipr. always relate to the glorified Christ, not to the historic
Jesus.
25. vpotfrro may = either (i) ' whom God proposed to Himself/
' purposed/ ' designed ' (Orig. Pesh.) ; or (ii) ' whom God set forth
publicly ' (proposuit Vulg.). Both meanings would be in full ac-
cordance with the teaching of St. Paul both elsewhere and in this
Epistle. For (i) we may compare the idea of the Divine
in ch. ix. n (viii. 28); Eph. iii. n (i. n); a Tim. i. 9; also
Gal. iii. i ofc cor*
i Pet. i. 20. For (ii) compare esp.
'iqomc Xp«rrif irpoiypdfa <Wov/M»/i«W. But when we turn to the
immediate context we find it so full of terms denoting publicity
(ir<(fxnn'ptaTcu, eh ("poulty, irpor n)» «WWt£u') that the latter sense seems
preferable. The Death of Christ is not only a manifestation of the
righteousness of God, but a visible manifestation and one to which
appeal can be made.
IXaonipioK : usually subst. meaning strictly ' place or vehicle of
propitiation/ but originally neut. of adj. iXaor^ptof (l\a<rrf)piw
nrifopa Ex. xxv. 16 [17], where however Gif. takes the two words
as substantives in apposition). In LXX of the Pentateuch, as in
Heb. ix. 5, the word constantly stands for the ' lid of the ark/ or
' mercy-seat/ so called from the fact of its being sprinkled with the
blood of the sacrifices on the Day of Atonement. A number of
the best authorities (esp. Gif. Va. Lid. Ritschl, Rtchlftrt. u. Vtrsohn.
ii. 169 if. ed. 2) take the word here in this sense, arguing (i) that
it suits the emphatic avrov in <V T« ovroO mport; (ii) that through
LXX it would be by far the most familiar usage ; (iii) that the
Greek commentators (as Gif. has shown in detail) unanimously give
it this sense ; (iv) that the idea is specially appropriate inasmuch as
on Christ rests the fulness of the Divine glory, ' the true Shekinah/
and it is natural to connect with His Death the culminating rite in
the culminating service of Atonement But, on the other hand,
there is great harshness, not to say confusion, in making Christ at
once priest and victim and place of sprinkling. Origen it is true
does not shrink from this ; he says expressly invenies igilur . . . etst
ipsum et propitiatorium et pontificcm et hostiam quae offer lur pro
populo (in Rom. iii. 8, p. 213 Lomm.). But although there is
a partial analogy for this in Heb. ix. 11-14, 23-*. 22, where
: is both priest and victim, it is straining the image yet further
to identify Him with the ZAaon^Mo*. The Christian IXatrnjpiov, or
' place of sprinkling/ in the literal sense, is rather the Cross. It is
also something of a point (if we are right in giving the sense of
publicity to irpmdcro) that the sprinkling of the mercy-seat was just
the one rite which was withdrawn from the sight of the people.
Another way of taking tXatrrtyxo* is to supply with it 0£pa on the
analogy of awrijpiov, Tt\t<rrf)ptovt xopMrr^/Mor. This too is strongly
88 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [III. 25.
supported (esp. by the leading German commentators, De \V
;t there seems to be no clear instance of JWr^po*
used in this sense. Neither is there satisfactory proof that 2X<urr.
(subst) = in a general sense * instrument or means of propitiation.'
It appears therefore simplest to take it as adj. accus. masc. added
as predicate to or. There is evidence that the word was
an adj. at this date (DuKm^xor pr^ia Joseph. Antt. XVI.
\\aa-njpiov Ammw 4 Mac .-2 *, and other exx.V
objection that the adj. is not applied properly to persons counts
ry little, because of . of the sacrifice of
a person. Here hou l>ersonal element \\\.
most important. It agrees with the context that the term chosen
should be rather one which generalizes the character of propitiatory
sacrifice than one which exactly reproduces a part. are of
such sacrifice.
The Latin version* do not help us : they give all three rendering*, pr+
pitiasorium, frofitiatortm, and fnfiliatioH s also ambiguous.
The Coptic clearly favour* the masc. rendering adopted above.
It may be of tome interest to compare the Jewish teaching on the subject
of Atonement. • When a man thinks. I will jost go on *
of Atonement. * When a man thinks. I will just go on sinning and repent
later, no help is given him from above to make him repent. He who
thinks, I will but just sin and the Day of Atonement will bring me forgive-
ness, such an one gets no forgiveness through the Day of Atonement.
Offences of man against God the Day of Atonement can atone ; offences of
man against his fellow-man the Day of Atonement cannot atone until he has
given satisfaction to his fellow-man ' ; and more to the same clT,
Tract. Joma, viii. 9, a/. Winter u. Wiinschr.
a more advanced system of casuistry in Tosephta, Tract. Joma, v : • R. Ismael
said, Atonement is of tour kinds. He who transgresses a positive command
and repents is at once forgiven according to tin hack-
sliding children, I will heal your backslidings" (J^- iewho
transgresses a negative command or prohibition and repents has the atone-
ment held in suspense by his repentance, and the Day of Atonement makes
it effectual, according to the Scripture, " For on this day shall atonement be
made for yon " (Lev. xvi. 30). If a man commits a sin for which is decreed
extermination or capital punishment and repents, his repentance and the
Day of Atonement together keep the atonement in suspense, and suffering
brings it home, according to the Scriptur ansgrestion
with the rod and their iniquity v.
when a man profanes the Name of God and repents, his repentance has not
the power to keep atonement in suspense, and the Day of Atonement has
not the power to atone, but repentance and the Day of Atonement atone
one third, sufferings on the remaining days of the year atone one third, and
the day of death completes the atonement according to the Scr
: y thU iniquity shall not be expiated by yon till you die "
This teaches that the day of death completes the atonen.
and trespass-offering and death and the Day of Atonement all being no
atonement without repentance, because it is written in Ji (?)
when he turns from his evil way does he obtain atonement,
otherwise be obtains no atonement ' (of. c.
• Some MSS. read here *.•! ' aar^/Mov rov Aurfrov avrwr
III. 25.] THE NEW SYSTEM 89
8ta rit« wtor**: &4 »«<TT«<W NC«D«FG 6;»* a/., Tisch. \VH /<•.•/.
The art. teems here rather more correct pointing back as it would do to &4
wiortan 1. X. in vcr. aa ; it is found in B and the mass of later authorities,
but there is a strong phalanx on the other tide ; B is not infallible in such
company (cf. xi. 6).
Jr TW OUTOO aifion : not with irt'<rr«»r (though this would be
a quite legitimate combination ; see Gif. ad foe.), but with irpojfaro
iXao-rfjpiov: the shedding and sprinkling of the blood is a principal
idea, not secondary.
The significance of the Sacrificial Bloodshedding was twofold
The blood was regarded by the Hebrew as essentially the seat of
life (Gen. ix. 4 ; Lev. xvii. 1 1 ; Deut. xii. 23). Hence the death
of the victim was not only a death but a setting free of life ; the
application of the blood was an application of life; and the
offering of the blood to God was an offering of life. In this lay
more especially the virtue of the sacrifice (Westcott, Ep.Jo. p. 34 ff. ;
Htb. p. 293 f.).
For the prominence which is given to the Bloodshedding in
connexion with the Death of Christ see the passages collected
below.
•It frScigir : «<ff denotes the final and remote object, trpoV the
nearer object The whole plan of redemption from its first
conception in the Divine Mind aimed at the exhibition of God's
Righteousness. And the same exhibition of righteousness was
:> view in a subordinate part of that plan, viz. the forbearance
which God displayed through long ages towards sinners. For the
punctuation and structure of the sentence see below. For «V&«£tr
see on ch. ii. 15 : here too the sense is that of • proof by an appeal
to fact.'
•it croci^r rfjs otKaioourrjs auroo. In what sense can the Death
of Christ be said to demonstrate the righteousness of God? It
demonstrates it by showing the impossibility of simply passing over
sin. It does so by a great and we may say cosmical act, the
nature of which we are not able wholly to understand, but which
at least presents analogies to the rite of sacrifice, and to that
particular form of the rite which had for its object propitiation.
The whole Sacrificial system was symbolical ; and its wide diffusion
showed that it was a mode of religious expression specially
appropriate to that particular stage in the world's development.
Was it to lapse entirely with Christianity? The writers of the
New Testament practically answer, No. The necessity for it still
existed ; the great fact of sin and guilt remained ; there was still the
same bar to the offering of acceptable worship. To meet this fact
and to remove this bar, there had been enacted an Event which
possessed the significance of sacrifice. And to that event the N. T.
writers appealed as satisfying the conditions which the righteousness
90 ^TLE TO THE ROMANS [ill. 25, 26.
of God required. See the longer Note on ' The Death of <
considered as a Sacrifice ' below.
oid Ttjr wdp«ai* : not ' for ihe remission/ as A Vn \\
a somcuh.it unusual (though, as we shall sec on iv. 25, not
impossible) sense to fat, and also a wrong sense to -
4 because of the pretermission, or passing over, of foregone
For the difference between wdptait and tytw see T;
p. noflT. : naptau = ' putting aside I temporary suspension of
punishment which may at some later date be inflicted ; od>«m =
complete and unreserved forgiveness.
It it possible that the thought of this passage may hare been suggested by
.-3 [24] ad wapopi, dj«a^^ra <&4*TC» «lt jMr4ro<«7. There
will be found in Trench, */..;/ ; . 1 1 1, an account of a controversy
arose oat of this Terse in Holland at the end of the sixteenth and beginning
of the seventeenth centimes.
r : OS contrasted with Aftapria, apopnjpa = the
act of sin, dpa/m'a = the permanent principle of \\i an act
is the expression.
iv TTJ dKoxfj: . i) denotes motive, as Mey., Ac. (Grimm,
Lex. s. v. «V, 5 e) ; or (ii) it is temporal, ' during the forbearance of
God.1 Of these (i) is preferable, because the whole context deals
with the scheme as it lay in the Divine Mind, and the relation of
its several parts to each other.
dyoxi) : see on ii. 4, and note that oVo^ is related to vop«m as
xfytt is related to «<f>«m.
26. wpos TfjK frScigir : tobe connected closely wi:h the pn
se : the stop which separates this verse from the last should be
. removed, and the pause before &a rip nap™ son.
lengthened ; we should represent it in English by a dash or semi-
colon. We may represent the various pauses in the passage in some
such way as this: • \Yh m God set forth as j y— through
faith — in His own blood— for a display of His righteousness;
because of the passing-over of foregone sins in the forbearance of
God with .. he display of His righteousne*
moment, so that H- • at ono (Himself) and
declaring righteous him who has for .. in Ji>u- '
seems to be successful in proving that this is the true construction :
(i) otherwise it is difficult to ai hange of the preposi-
tion from ilt to rr,x5f ; (ii) the art. is on this view per unted
:;»c same display' as that just 1 ; (in) T"i» r^iyo-
9&r*» &itnprjHutr*9 seems to be contrasted with «V TW *:» *atp<p ; (iv) the
construction thus most thoroughly agrees with St. Paul's style
: see Gi fiord's note and compare the passage quoted
1 6.
oiKaior KCU SutaioGrra. i so which estal
the connexion between the &t«<uoavn? n»or, and the
III. 21-26.] THE NEW SYSTEM 9!
It is not that ' God is righteous and yd declares righteous
the believer in Jesus/ but that ' He is righteous and a/so, we might
almost say and therefore, declares righteous the believer.' The
words indicate no opposition between justice and mercy. Rather
that which seems to us and which really is an act of mercy is the
direct outcome of the • righteousness* which is a wider and more
adequate name than justice. It is the essential righteousness of
God which impels Him to set in motion that sequence of events in
the sphere above and in the sphere below which leads to the free
forgiveness of the believer and starts him on his way with a clean
page to his record.
T&K i* irurrcwf : 'him whose ruling motive is faith'; contrast
ol «'£ <p4&iW ch. ii. 8 ; foot «£ vx»» *°f*ov (' as many as depend on
works of law') Gal. iii. 10.
The Death of Christ considered as a Sacrifice.
It is impossible to get rid from this passage of the double idea
(i) of a sacrifice ; (2) of a sacrifice which is propitiatory. In any
case the phrase «V r<|> avrov m/urn carries with it the idea of sacrificial
bloodshedding. And whatever sense we assign to iAacmfrptor —
whether we directly supply dCfia, or whether we supply «V<'0<pa and
regard it as equivalent to the mercy-seat, or whether we take it as
an adj. in agreement with o* — the fundamental idea which underlies
the word must be that of propitiation. And further, when we ask,
Who is propitiated ? the answer can only be ' God.' Nor is it
possible to separate this propitiation from the Death of the Son.
Quite apart from this passage it is not difficult to prove that these
two ideas of sacrifice and propitiation lie at the root of the teaching
not only of St. Paul but of the New Testament generally. Before
considering their significance it may be well first to summarize this
evidence briefly.
(i) As in the passage before us, so elsewhere, the stress which is
laid on mVa is directly connected with the idea of sacrifice. We
have it in St. Paul, in Rom. v. 9 ; Eph. i. 7, ii. 13 ; Col. i. 20 (&A roO
cu/iaror roi) aravpov). We have it for St. Peter in I Pet. i. 2 (poyrur/jor
at/iarof) and 19 (rtpt? aipnri us a^v d/uupou <tni dcnriAov). For
m we have it in i Jo. i. 7, and in v. 6, 8. It also comes
out distinctly in several places in the Apocalypse (i. 5, v. 9, vii. 14,
\\\. 1 1, xiii. 8). It is a leading idea very strongly represented in
Ep. to Hebrews (especially in capp. ix, x, xiii). There is also the
strongest reason to think that this Apostolic teaching was suggested
>rds of our Lord Himself, who spoke of His approaching
death in terms proper to a sacrifice such as that by which the First
Covenant had been inaugurated (comp. i Cor. xi. 25 with Matt
xxvi. 28 ; Mark xiv. 24 [perhaps not Luke xxii. 20]).
9a ) THE ROMANS [ill. 21
v of these passages besides the mention of bloodshedding
, death of the victim (Apoc. v. 6, i2,xiii. 8 apt^ou ivjayni™ :
cf. v. 9) call attention to other details in the act of sacrifice (e. g.
the sprinkling of the blood, pomp** i Pet. i. 2; Heb. xr
: b. ix. 13, 19, 21).
observe also that the Death of Christ is compared not only
to one but to several of the leading forms of Lcviiical sacrifice : to
the Passover (John i 36; i Cor. v. 8, and the passages
speak of the 'lamb' in i Pet and Apoc.); to the sa<
Day of Atonement (so apparently in the passage from
we start, R6m. iii. 25, also in H
perhaps i Jo. ii. 2,iv. 10; i I ; to the ra of the
Covenant (Matt. xxvi. 28, Ac. ; 1 5-22); to the sin-offering:
(Rom. viii. 3; Hcb. xiii. 18, and pos
under the earlier head, i Jo. ii. 2, iv. 10).
(2) In a number of these passages as well as in others, both
from the Epistles of St. Paul and from other Apostolic writings,
the Death of Christ is directly connected with the forgiveness of
sins (e.g. Matt. xxvi. 28; Acts v. 30 f., appar. -.'-.; i <
a Cor. v. 21 ; Eph. i. 7 ; C»l. i. 14 and 20; i
ix. 28, x. 12 al. : 24, iii. 18; i Jo. ii. 2,iv. 10; Arv
The author of Ep. to Hebrews generalizes from the ri:
of the Old Covenant that sacrificial bloodshedding is ncccss
case, or nearly in every case, to place the worshipper in a
condition of fitness to approach the Divine Presence (i
«ai <T\<&QV iv cu/ioTi rdrra cadaptfrrai Kara rdv yo^or, «ai XM//IC
ai/iarffKxi><ri<ir ov ytWrat £<£«rif). The use of the different words
denoting 'propitiation' is all to the same effect (IXa^piov Rom.
iii. 25 ; iAmr/uSr I Jo. ii. 2, iv. 10 ; JXa*K«r&u 1 1
This strong convergence of Apostolic writings of dtfl
varied character seems to show that the idea of Sacrifice as applied
to the Death of Christ cannot be put aside as a merely passing
metaphor, but . : and warp of
\c Christ: :i?, taking its K st our
traditions) from word v.-c!f. \Vha: i: ,11 unou
is that the religion of the New Testament, like the religion of the
Old, has the idea of sacrifice as one of its central conceptions, not
however scattered over an elaborate ceremonial system but concen-
trated in a single mar :i<J far-reachin.-
It \\ill t>c M-en that this throws back a light over the Old
Testament sacrifices — and indeed not or in but o.
sacrifices of ethnic religion— and shows that something
more than a system of meaningless butchery, that
-MCC, and that they embodied de<
religion in forms suited to the apprehension of the age to
were given and capable of gradual refinement an<! on.
III. 21-26.] THE NEW SYSTEM 93
In this connexion it may be worth while to quote a striking
passage from a writer of great, if intermittent, insight, who approaches
the subject from a thoroughly detached and independent stand-
point. In his last series of Slade lectures delivered in Oxford (The
Art of England, 1884, p. 14 f.), Mr. Ruskin wrote as follows:
' None of you, who have the least acquaintance with the general
tenor of my own teaching, will suspect me of any bias towards the
doctrine of vicarious Sacrifice, as it is taught by the modern
Evangelical Preacher. But the great mystery of the idea of
Sacrifice itself, which has been manifested as one united and
solemn instinct by all thoughtful and affectionate races, since the
world became peopled, is founded on the secret truth of benevolent
energy which all men who have tried to gain it have learned — that
you cannot save men from death but by facing it for them, nor
from sin but by resisting it for them . . . Some day or other
— probably now very soon — too probably by heavy afflictions of
the State, we shall be taught . . . that all the true good and
glory even of this world — noi to speak of any that is to come, must
be bought still, as it always has been, with our toil, and with our
tears.'
After all the writer of this and the Evangelical Preacher whom
he repudiates are not so very far apart. It may be hoped that the
Preacher too may be willing to purify his own conception and to
strip it of some quite unbiblical accretions, and he will then find
that the central verity for which he contends is not inadequately
stated in the impressive words just quoted.
The idea of Vicarious Suffering is not the whole and not
perhaps the culminating point in the conception of Sacrifice, for
Dr. Westcott seems to have sufficiently shown that the centre of
the symbolism of Sacrifice lies not in the death of the victim but
in the offering of its life. This idea of Vicarious Suffering, which is
nevertheless in all probability the great difficulty and stumbling-
block in the way of the acceptance of Bible teaching on this head,
was revealed once and for all time in Isaiah liii. No one who
reads that chapter with attention can fail to see the profound truth
which lies behind it — a truth which seems to gather up in one all
that is most pathetic in the world's history, but which when it has
done so turns upon it the light of truly prophetic and divine inspira-
tion, gently lifts the veil from the accumulated mass of pain and
sorrow, and shows beneath its unspeakable value in the working out
of human redemption and regeneration and the sublime consolations
by which for those who can enter into them it is accompanied.
I . d that this chapter gathers up in one all that is most pathetic
in the world's history. It gathers it up as it were in a single
typical Figure. We look at the lineaments of that Figure, and
then we transfer our gaze and we recognize them all translated
94 I*TLE TO THE ROMA [ill. 27
from idea into reality, and embodied in marvellous perfection upon
•wing the example of St i St. John and the I
to the Hebrews we speak of something in this great Sacrifice,
we call 'Propitiation.' We believe that the Holy Spirit spoke
through these writers, and that it was His Will that w<-
this word. But it is a word which we must leave it to Him to
interpret. We drop our plummet into the depth, but tl.
attached to it is too short, and it does not touch the bottom. The
awful processes of the Divine Mind we cannot fathom. Sufficient
for us to know that through the virtue of the One Sacrifice our
sacrifices are accepted, that the barrier which Sin placc>
and God is removed, and that there is a ' sprinkling ' which makes
us free to approach the throne of grace.
, it may still be objected, is but a 'fiction of mercy.' All
mercy, all forgiveness, is of the nature of fiction. It coris
-.;% men better than they deserve. And if we 'being evil*
exercise the property of mercy towards each other, and exercise it
not rarely out of consideration for the merit of someone else than
the offender, shall not our Heavenly Father do the same?
CONSEQUENCES OP THE NEW SYSTEM.
in 27 31. II cnce it follows (i) that no claim can be
made on the ground of human merit, for there is
in Faith (w. 27, 28) ; (2) that Jew and
same footing, for there is but iwe God, and Faith is //<
nsofacc*; (w. 29, 30).
An objector may say that Law is thus abrogated. On the
contrary its deeper /, as the /'.
Abraliam will show (vcr. 3 1 ).
17 There are two consequences which I draw, and one tli
objector may draw, from this. The first is that such a method of
obtaining righteousness leaves no room for In
Any such thing is once for all shut out For the <
is not one of works — in which there might have been room for
•is (oJr, but see (' we believe
s the condition on which a man is pronounced righteous,
>t a round of acts done in obedience to l.iw.
"The second consequence [already hinted at in ver. 22] i
III. 27, 28.] CONSEQUENCES OF THE NEW SYSTEM 95
Jew and Gentile are on the same footing. If they are not, then
God must be God of the Jews in some exclusive sense in which
lie is not God of the Gentiles. M Is that so ? Not if I am right
in affirming that there is but one God, Who requires but one
condition — Faith, on which He is ready to treat as 'righteous'
alike the circumcised and the uncircumcised — the circumcised with
whom Faith is the moving cause, and the uncircumcised with whom
the same Faith is both moving cause and sole condition of their
acceptance.
M The objector asks : Does not such a system throw over Law
altogether ? Far from it. Law itself (speaking through the Penta-
teuch) lays down principles (Faith and Promise) which find their
true fulfilment in Christianity.
27. IgdtXciaOt) : an instance of the 'summarizing* force of the
aorist ; • it is shut out once for all,' « by one decisive act.'
Paul has his eye rather upon the decisiveness of the act than upon its
continued result. In Knglish it is more natural to as to express decisiveness
by laying stress upon the result—' is shut out.'
oia iroiou ripou : w>/*oi/ here may be paraphrased ' system,' * Law '
being the typical expression to the ancient mind of a ' constituted
order of things.' — Under what kind of system is this result obtained ?
Under a system the essence of which is Faith.
Similar metaphorical uses of *<5/*ot would be ch. vii. a i, 33 ; viii. a ; x. 31 ,
on which see the Notes.
28. OUK recapitulates and summarizes what has gone before.
The result of the whole matter stated briefly is that God declares
righteous, &c. But it must be confessed that yap gives the better
sense. We do not want a summary statement in the middle of an
argument which is otherwise coherent The alternative reading,
Aoyifu/M&i ydpt helps that coherence. [The Jew's] boasting is
excluded, became justification turns on nothing which is the peculiar
possession of the Jew but on Faith. And so Gentile and Jew are
on the same footing, as we might expect they would be, seeing
th.it they have the same God.
ofr B C EK K L P &c. ; Syrr. (Pesh.-Harcl.) ; Chrys, Theodrt at. ; Weiss
KV. \\ll. marg.'. yap K A D* E F G at. plur. ; Latt. (Vet.-Vulg.) Boh.
Arm. ; Orig.-lat Ambr&t Aug. ; Tisch. \VH. text RV. marg. The evidence
for yap is largely Western, but it is combined with an element (K A, Boh.)
which in this instance is probably not Western; so that the reading would
be carried back beyond the point of divergence of two most ancient lines of
text. On the other hand B admits in this Epistle some comparatively late
readings (cf. xi. 6) and the authorities associated with it are inferior (B C in
Epp, is not so strong a combination as B C in Gotpp,]. We prefer the
reading yap.
96 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [HI. 28-31.
8i«aioGa6ai: we must hold fast to the rendering 'is </<
righteous/ not « is made righteous ' ; cf. on i. 17.
ai^pwiroK : any human being.
29. T) presents, but only to dismiss, an alternative hypothesis on
the assumption of which the Jew might still have had something to
boast of. In rejecting this, St. Paul once more emph.i
asserts his main position. There is but one law (Faith), and there
is but one Judge to admit Though faith is spoken of in
abstract way it is of course Christian faith, frith in Chr
jiAvov : ,«W B al. flur, WH. marg. ; perhaps assimilated to 1*M~
•4 IMF.
SO. «in<P : decisively attested in place of <wt«'«p. The old distinction
drawn between «• w«/> and tl y« was that «f 9«p is used of a condition
is assumed without implying whether it is rightly or wrongly asronv
of a condition which carries with it the assertion of its own reality (Hermann
on Viger, p. 831 ; Baumlein, Grittk. Partikeln. is doubtful
whether this distinction holds in Classical Greek ; it can hanllj h
N.T. Bat in any case both «f *<p and «f 7* lay some stress on the co:
as a condition: cf. Monro, Homeric Grammar, H 353. 354 4 The I
wtp is eridently a shorter form of the Preposition wipt. which in its adverbial
use has the meaning beyond. extetdingly. Accord inK-ly *.> it in/tnstvf,
denoting that the word to which it is subjoined is true in a high degree, in
its fullest sense, &c. . . . >« is used like wi> to emphasize a particular word
or phrase. It does not however intensify the meaning, or insist on the fact
as tni4, bat only calls attention to the word or fact In a Conditional
Protasis (with St. 5r«. «f, &c.)» 7« emphasizes the condition as such : hence
•f yt if only, ahtays supposing that. On the other hand «I np means
**tpon*gcv<r» mu<k, hence if really (Lai. si qui,
CK iricrrcws ... Bid T»JS iriarcu, >tcs ' source,' &MI • attend-
ant circumstances.' The Jew is justified «'« ni<rrt»t Ika irtptro^t :
the force at work is faith, the channel through which it works is
circumcision. The Gentile is j rrurrttn «oJ oia rijf witrrtus :
no special channel, no special conditions are marked out; :
the one thing n itself ' both law and imp
8iA TTJS wiorews = ' the same faith/ ' the faith just men-
tioned.'
;il. KaTopYowfic^: sec on vcr. 3 above.
ropo? urrwfi«K. If, as we must needs think, ch. iv coma::
proof >n laid down in this verse, K^O» must = ulti-
mately and But it = the Pentateuch not
as an isolated Book but as the most conspicuous and represet
expression of that peat system of Law which prevailed .
until the coming of C
The Jew looked at the O. T., and he saw there Law, Obedience
to Law or Works, Circumcision, Descent from Abraham. St. Paul
I ook again and look deeper, and you will see — not Law but
<e, not works but Faith— of which Circumcision is only the
seal, not literal descent from A ut spiritual descent All
these things are realized in Ch:
IV 1-8.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM 97
And then further, whereas Law (all Law and any kind of
I.a\\) was only an elaborate machinery for producing right action,
there too Christianity stepped in and accomplished, as if with the
stroke of a wand, all that the Law strove to do without success
(Rom. xiii. 10 jrXtyx»pa oZ* *o/iov 9 ayuvrj compared with Gal. v. 6
vumr dt* uy cinqs
THE FAITH OP ABRAHAM.
IV. 1-8. Take the crucial case of Abraham. He, like
the Christian, was declared righteous^ not on account of his
works — as something earned \ but by the free gift of God in
response to his faith. And David describes a similar state
of things. The happiness of which he speaks is due* not to
sinkssness but to God' s free forgiveness of sins.
1 OBJECTOR. You speak of the history of Abraham. Surely
he, the ancestor by natural descent of our Jewish race, might plead
privilege and merit. * If we Jews are right in supposing that God
accepted him as righteous for his works — those illustrious acts of
his— he has something to boast of.
ST. PAUL. Perhaps he has before men, but not before God.
1 For look at the Word of God, that well-known passage of Scrip-
ture, Gen. xv. 6. What do we find there ? Nothing about works,
but ' Abraham put faith in God/ and it (i. e. his faith) was credited
to him as if it were righteousness.
4 This proves that there was no question of works. For a work-
man claims his pay as a debt due to him; it is not an act of
favour. ' But to one who is not concerned with works but puts
faith in God Who pronounces righteous not the actually righteous
(in which there would be nothing wonderful) but the ungodly — to
such an one his faith is credited for righteousness.
•Just as again David in Ps. xxxii describes how God 'pro-
nounces happy ' (in the highest sense) those to whom he attributes
righteousness without any reference to works : 7 ' Happy they/ he
lays, — not 'who have been guilty of no breaches of law/ but
•whose breaches of law have been forgiven and whose sins are
veiled from sight. ' A happy man is he whose sin Jehovah will
not enter in His book.'
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [l\
If! V:. • main argument of this chapter is quite clc.
the opening clauses are slightly embarrassed and obscur
as it would seem to the crossing of other lines of thougl.*
tin lines. The proposition which the Apostle sets him-
self to prove is that Law, and more particularly the Pentateuch,
is not destroyed but fulfilled by the doctrine which he preaches.
But the way of putting this is affected by two thoughts,
exert some influence from the last chapter, (i) the question as to
the advantage of the Jew, (ii) the pride or boasting which was
a characteristic feature in the character of the Jew but
be 'excluded/ Hitherto these two points
been considered in the broadest and most general mann<
:1 now narrows them down to the particular and crucial case
of Abraham. The case of Abraham was the centre and strong-
hold of the whole Jewish position. If therefore it could be shown
that this case made for the Christian conclusion and not for the
i, the latter broke down altogether. This is what St.
now undertakes to prove ; but at the outset he glances
side issues — main issues in ch. iii which become side issues in
ch. iv — the claim of 'advantage,' or special privilege, and the pride
which the 1 cm generated. For the sake of clearness we
1 >ut these thoughts into the mouth of the objector. He is of course
still a supposed objector; St. Paul is really arguing with h
but the arguments are such as he might very possibly have met
with in actual controversy (see on ;
1. The first question is one of reading. There is an important
: turning upon the position or presence of cupT)K/rcu
K I. I'. A:i\, Theodrt. and : <TS (the Syriac Versions
are quoted by Tischendorf supply no evidence) place it af
upoisaropa WMir. It is then taken with «<mi <7"."<i : ' \\ \\.\\ sh.lll wi-
lt A. has gained by his natural po\- y the grace
of God ? ' So Bp. Bull after Theodore:
even with this reading, takes «orA adp*a with varipa : \,n<p3aTJ>r yitp
TO Kara aapua]. lUit this is inconsistent with the context,
question is not, what Abraham had gained by the grace of God or
without it, but whether the new system professed ail left
him any gain or advantage at all. (2) H A C D E F G, som
. Boh. Arm. Aeth., Orig.-lat. Ambrstr. and others.
'•i that case «mk aapta goes not with cv^nW but
\\itli TO» vpomrropa qpw* which I defines, 'our i
genitor.' <
from the tenor of his commci
..';*cVai altopcti t of 'gain*
drops out and we translate as to
. .c opponents of B \
the sense thus given is susp
IV. 1, 2.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM 99
satisfactory than that of cither of the other readings. The point is
not what Abraham got by his righteousness, but how he got his
righteousness— by the method of works or by that of faith. Does
the nature of A.'s righteousness agree better with the Jewish
system, or with St. Paul's? The idea of 'gain* was naturally
imported from ch. iii. i, 9. There is no reason why a right reading
should not be preserved in a small group, and the fluctuating
position of a word often points to doubtful genuineness. We
therefore regard the omission of cvpfrnVw as probable with WH.
ttxt Tr. RV. marg. For the construction comp. John i. 15
1-6. One or two small question! of form may be noticed. In vcr. i
vpovAropa (N« •• • A B C» a/.) is decisively attested for mripa, which is
found in the later MSS. and commentators. In ver. .1 the acute and sleepless
Origcn thinks that St. Paul wrote 'Atyap (with Hcb. of Gen. XT; cf.
Gen. xvii. 5), but that Gentile scribes who were less scrupulous as to the
text of Scripture substituted 'ABpaAp. It is more probable that St. Paul had
before his mind the established and significant name throughout : he quotes
<;cn. xvii. 5 in vcr. 1 7. In v»-r. 5 a small group (N D» FG) have d<r«/9ijr, on
which form sec \VH. Itttrod. App. p. 157 I.; Win. Cr. ed. 8, § ix. 8; Tisch.
on Hcb. vi. 19. In this instance the attestation may be wholly Western, but
not in others.
TrpowoTopa ^PUK. This description of Abraham as 'our fore-
father ' is one of the arguments used by those who would make the
majority of the Roman Church consist of Jews. St. Paul is not
very careful to distinguish between himself and his readers in such
a matter. For instance in writing to the Corinthians, who were
undoubtedly for the most part Gentiles, he speaks of ' our fathers '
as being under the cloud and passing through the sea (i Cor. x. i).
There is the less reason why he should discriminate here as he is
just about to maintain that Abraham is the father of all believers,
Jew and Gentile alike, — though it is true that he would have added
4 not after the flesh but after the spirit.' Gif. notes the further point,
that the question is put as proceeding from a Jew : along with
Orig. Chrys. Phot. Emhym.-Zig. Lips, he connects rAi» irpondr. fa.
with Kara adpta. It should be mentioned, however, that Dr. Hort
{Rom. and Eph. p. 23 f.) though relegating tvprjKtvat to the margin,
Still does not take *nra adpua with rb* nponaropa 9M*"«
2. nauxTifto : ' Not maUries gloriandi as Meyer, but^ rather
glorialio, as Bengel, who however might have added facia ' (T. S.
I in Sp. Comm. on i Cor. v. 6). The termination -pa denotes
not so much the thing done as the completed, determinate, act ;
for other examples see esp. Evans ut sup. It would not be wrong
to translate here 'has a ground of boasting/ but the idea of
4 ground' is contained in «x"> or rather in the context
dXV oo irpos TOK 8tor. It seems best to explain the introduction
of this i iai:>e by some such ellipse as that which is supplied in the
100 ISTLE T< [IV. 2, 3.
paraphrase. There should be a colon after co^pa. S
does not question the supposed claim that Abraham has a «
absolutely — before man he might have it and the Jews were not
wrong in the veneration with which they regarded his memory, —
was another thing to have a cavywia before God.
a stress upon rir edr which is taken up by ry e«y in the quota-
tion. • A. could not boast before God. He might have done so
if he could have taken his stand on works ; but works did not
enter into the question at all In God he put faith.' On the
history and application of the text Gen. zv. 6, see below.
3. Aoyioti) : metaphor from accounts, ' was set down/ here ' on
the credit side.' Frequently in I. XX v. ;h legal sense oi
or non-imputation of guilt, e.g. Lev. vii. 8 «o» W <Jwyi
otTf, Xvii. 4 Xoyiad^acTai ry dvdpMVf ixtinf m/io, &C.
The notion arises from that of the ' book of remembrance
iii. 1 6) in which men's good or evil deeds, the wrongs and
sufferings of the saints, are entered (IV hi. 8 ; Is. Ixv. 6). Oriental
monarchs had such a record by which they were reminded of the
merit or demerit of their subjects (Ksth. vi. i flf.), and in like
manner on the judgement day Jehovah would have the ' books '
it out before Him (Dan. vii. 10; Rev. xx. 12; com;
1 the books of the living/ ' the heavenly tablets,' a common expres-
sion in the Books of Enoch, Jubilees, and 'J\ :. XII Pair., on
see Charles on Enoch xlvii. 3 ; and in more mo
Cowper's sonnet ' There is a book . . . wherein the eyes of God
not rarely look').
The idea of imputation in this sense was t the Jews
(Weber, Altsyn. ITuol. p. z.u). They had also
transference of merit and demerit from one person to an
(ibid. p. 280 IT. ; Ezck. xviii. 2 ; John ix. 2). i is not
in qu< ; the point is that one q is set do
credited, to the individual (here to Abraham; in i>!.uc of u:
:y — righteousness.
AoyiodT] aurw cts Si«aioavnr)f : was reckoned as equivalent
standing in the place of, *ri. s/ The con
common in I.XX: cf. i R<^.
xxix. 17 ( = xxx»i. 15); T-am iv. 2', i exact
phrase f\oyia$^ air? tit ducoiotr. recurs in Ps. cv f c vi]. 3 1 of the
nehas. On the grammar cf. Win. § xxix. 3 a. (p. 229.
loulton).
On the righteousness of Abraham see esp. Weber, Altsyn. PalSsl.
Thtologie, \. Abraham was the only righteous :
was chosen to be ancestor of the hol\
; ill..: :' ::. ; rcccpts of the Law which he
hand by a kind of intuition. He was the first of seven
righteous men whose merit brought back the Shck
IV. 3-6.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM IO1
retired into the seventh heaven, so that in the days of Moses it
could take up its abode in the Tabernacle (ibid. p. 1 83). According
to the Jews the original righteousness of Abraham, who began to
serve God at the age of three (ibid. p. 1 1 8) was perfected (i) by his
circumcision, (2) by his anticipator)' fulfilment of the Law. But
the Jews also (on the strength of Gen. xv. 6) attached a special
importance to Abraham's faith, as constituting merit (see Mechilla
on Ex. xiv. 31, quoted by Delitzsch ad toe. and by Lightfoot in the
extract given below).
4, 5. An illustration from common life. The workman earns
his pay, and can claim it as a right. Therefore when God bestows
the gift of righteousness, of His own bounty and not as a right, that
is proof that the gift must be called forth by something other than
works, viz. by faith.
5. iwl TOK SiKcuouKra: 'on Him who pronounces righteous* or
' acquits/ i.e. God. It is rather a departure from St. Paul's more
usual practice to make the object of faith God the Father rather
than God the Son. But even here the Christian scheme is in view,
and faith in God is faith in Him as the alternative Author of that
scheme. See on i. 8, 17, above.
We must not I* misled by the comment of Euthym.-Zig. rovrtan wi<rr«t om
2n 8i/yarcu & 6«dr TUP Iv aot&tiy /3«£<aMrura, rovrov i(ai<fn-iji 06 puvw JAtv»
Otpwaat tfoAd<r«at, dAAd gal &*aiot> votfjoat (comp. the Mine writer on ver. 35
iVa £<«a/oi* ij^iaj *o<i}<rp). The evidc-nce is too decisive (p. 30 f. sup. that
htatovv — not ' to make righteous ' but ' to declare righteous as a jndgr.'
It might however be inferred from l(<u<t>n)t that iuuuw votiprau was to be
taken somewhat loosely in the sense of * treat as righteous.' The Greek
theologians had not a clear conception of the doctrine of Justification.
not meant as a description of Abraham, from whose
case St. Paul is now generalizing and applying the conclusion to
his own time. The strong word oatdJj is probably suggested by
the quotation which is just coming from Ps. xxxii. i.
6. Aa0ft (Aauci'o). Both Heb. and LXX ascribe Ps. xxxii to
. In two places in the N. T., Acts iv. 25, 26 (= Ps. ii. i, 2),
Heb. iv. 7 (= Ps. xcv. 7) Psalms are quoted as David's which have
no title in the Hebrew (though Ps. xcv [xciv] bears the name of
David in the LXX), showing that by this date the whole Psalter
was known by his name. Ps. xxxii was one of those which Ewald
thought might really be David's : see Driver, Introduction, p. 357.
T&r paKaptafioV : not 'blessedness,' which would be fuura/Monp
but a 'pronouncing blessed'; uaxapifa* Toa='to call a person
blessed Or happy ' (rofc rf yap faovt fttucapifofuv . . . rni rwr (Mjpfi*
TOW fcioreirow na*npi(on<v Arist. Elk. Nic. I. xu. 4 ; comp. Euthym.-
iraair &« rai xnpix^fj rtuqs cat fofrt 6 fui«ap«r/iuJf, ' Felicitation U
the strongest and highest form of honour and praise '). St. Paul
uses the word again Gal. iv. 15. Who is it who thus pronounces a
man blessed ? God. The Psalm describes how He does so.
102 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IV. 7, 8.
7, 8. Monapioi. K r.X. This quotation of Ps. xxxii. i, a is th-
in Heb. and LX introduced by Si. Paul as confirming his
interpretation of Gen. xv. 6.
jianapioi is, as we have seen, the highest term which a Greek
could use to describe a state of felicity. In the quotation jus-
from Aristotle it is applied to the state of the gods and those nearest
to the gods among i
SoK-ACD-FKL&c: ot at, rf K B D E (I) G, 67**. ot b
also the reading of LXX (f K- R-;. The authorities for <& arc superior as
they combint the oldest eridence on the two main lines of transmission
s . . + D) and it to on the whole more probable that f has been assimilated
to the construction of Xa^tfw^at In rr. 3, 4, 5, 6 than that ow has been
assimilated to the preceding *r or to the O.T. or that it has been affected
by the following 06: f naturally cstiblisbed itself as the more euphonious
reading.
06 pfj XoyunjTai. There is a natural tendency in a declining
language to the use of more emphatic forms ; but here a real
emphasis appears to be intended, ' Whose sin the Lord will in no
wise reckon': see Ell. on i Thess. iv. 15 [p. 154], and Win. § Ivi.
3. P- 634 f-
The History of Abraham as treated by St. Paul
and by St. James.
It is at first sight a remarkable thing that two New Testament
writers should use the same leading example and should quote the
same leading text as it would seem to directly opposite effect.
Both St. Paul and St. James treat at some length of the history of
Abraham; they both quote the same verse, Gen. xv. 6, as the
salient characterization of that history ; and they draw from it the
conclusion — St. Paul that a man is accounted righteous ir.Vr.
tpywv (Rom. iii. 28 ; cf. iv. 1-8), St. James as expressly, that he is
accounted righteous «'£ fpy*v *a\ ot* «« vi>TM*jft«W (Jas ii. 24).
notice at once that St. Paul keeps more strictly to hi
xv. 6 speaks only of faith. St. James supports his con
of the necessity of works by appeal to a later incident i:
e offering of Isaac (Ja . also appeals to
Abraham's belit romise tlu
.1 numerous progeny (Rom. iv. 18), and in the more <
th of Isaac (R<
is that St Paul makes use of a more searching exegesis. His own
il experience confirms the .ion of the
Book of Genesis ; and he re able to take it as one of the
foun Jatiuiib ot La system. St James, occupying a less exceptional
IV. 1-8.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM IOJ
standpoint, and taking words in the average sense put upon them,
has recourse to the context of Abraham's life, and so harmonizes
the text with the requirements of his own moral sense.
The fact is that St. James and St. Paul mean different things by
' taiih,' and as was natural they impose these different meanings on
the Book of Genesis, and adapt the rest of their conclusions to
them. When St. James heard speak of ' faith/ he understood by
it what the letter of the Book of Genesis allowed him to understand
by it, a certain belief. It is what a Jew would consider the funda-
mental belief, belief in God, belief that God was One (Jas. ii. 19).
Christianity is with him so much a supplement to the Jews' ordinary
creed that it does not seem to be specially present to his mind
when he is speaking of Abraham. Of course he too believes in the
4 Lord Jesus Christ, the Lord of Glory ' (Jas. ii. i). He takes that
belief for granted ; it is the substratum or basement of life on which
are not to be built such things as a wrong or corrupt partiality
(frpoffttfroXi^ria). If he were questioned about it, he would put it on
the same footing as his belief in God. But St. James was a
thoroughly honest, and, as we should say, a ' good ' man ;' and this
did not satisfy his moral sense. What is belief unless proof is given
of its sincerity ? Belief must be followed up by action, by a line
of conduct conformable to it. St. James would have echoed
Matthew Arnold's proposition that * Conduct is three-fourths of
life.' He therefore demands — and from his point of view rightly
demands — that his readers shall authenticate their beliefs by putting
them in practice.
St. Paul's is a very different temperament, and he speaks from a
very different experience. With him too Christianity is something
added to an earlier belief in God ; but the process by which it was
added was nothing less than a convulsion of his whole nature. It
is like the stream of molten lava pouring down the volcano's side.
Christianity is with him a tremendous over-mastering force. The
came at the moment when he confessed his faith in Christ ;
there was no other crisis worth the name after that Ask such
an one whether his faith is not to be proved by action, and the
on will seem to him trivial and superfluous. He will almost
suspect the questioner of attempting to bring back under a new
name the old Jewish notion of religion as a round of legal
observance. Of course action will correspond with faith. The
believer in Christ, who has put on Christ, who has died with Christ
ami risen again with him, must needs to the very utmost of his
power endeavour to live as Christ would have him live. St. Paul
is going on presently to say this (Rom. vi. i, 12, 15), as his
opponents compel him to say it. But to himself it appears a
truism, which is hardly worth definitely enunciating. To say that
a man is a Christian should be enough.
I 4 El : > THE ROMANS [IV. 1 8.
If we thu M! the real relation of the two Apostles, !
l>e easier to discuss their literary relation. Are we to suppose that
cither was writing with direct reference to the other ? 1
mean to c or did St. James mean to con
ul? Neither hypothesis seems probable. If S:
had before hen once he looked
beneath the language to the ideas signified by the language, he
would have found nothing to which he could seriously object. I It-
would have been aware t - not his own way of putting
things; and he might have thought that such teaching was not
intended for men at the highest level of Attainment ; but
ould have been all. On the other hand, i:
seen the Epistle to the Romans and wished to ar
has written would have been totally inadequate. Whatever value
his criticism might have had for those who spoke of ' faith ' as
a mere matter of formal assent, it had no relevance to a
as that conceived by St. Paul. Besides, St. Paul had too effectually
guarded himself against the moral hypocrisy c was con-
ing.
>uld thus appear that when it is examined the real m«
ground between the two Apostles shrinks into a c<>:
narrow compass. It does not amount to more than i:
both quote the same verse, Gen. xv. 6, and both tr
reference to the antithesis of Works and Faith.
Now Bp. Lightfoot has shown (Ga/a/; 7 ff., ed. :
Gen. xv. 6 was a standing thesis for discussions in the Jewish schools.
It is referred to in the First Book of Maccabees: 'Was not
Abraham found faithful in temptation, and it was imputed unto him
for righteousness' (i 52)? It is repeatedly quoted and
commented upon by Philo (no less than ton timcs^ Lft.). The
whole history of Abraham is made the subject of an elaborate
allegory. The Talmudic Muhilta cxpou: rse at
length: ' Great is faith, whereby Israel believed on Him that spake
.e world was. For as a reward for Isra«
the Lord, the Holy Spirit dwelt in : In like n.
findest that Abraham our father inherited this world and the world
to come solely by the merit of faiih, whereby he believed in the
Lord ; for it is said, " and he I ihe Lord, and 1
it to him for righteousness " ' (quoted by Lft. ut j///. p. 1 60). 'J
these examples with the lengthened discussions . 1 and
i Mention was being • a\n to
this particular text : and it was indeed inevitable that it should be
so when we consider the ;
system and the minute study which was being given to every part of
the Pentateuch.
It might therefore be contended with considerable show of reason
IV. 1-8.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM 105
that the two New Testament writers are discussing independently
of each other a current problem, and that there is no ground for
supposing a controversial relation between them. We are not sure
that we are prepared to go quite so far as this. It is true that the
bearing of Gen. xv. 6 was a subject of standing debate among the
Jews; but the same thing cannot be said of the antithesis of
Kiith and Works. The controversy connected with this was
essentially a Christian controversy ; it had its origin in the special
and characteristic teaching of St. Paul. It seems to us therefore
th.it the passages in the two Epistles have a real relation to that
controversy, and so at least indirectly to each other.
It does not follow that the relation was a literary relation. We
have seen that there are strong reasons against this *. We do not
think that cither St. Paul had seen the Epistle of St. James, or
St. James the Epistle of St. Paul. The view which appears to us
the most probable is that the argument of St. James is directed not
against the writings of St. Paul, or against him in person, but
against hearsay reports of his teaching, and against the perverted
construction which might be (and perhaps to some slight extent
actually was) put upon it. As St. James sate in his place in the
Church at Jerusalem, as yet the true centre and metropolis of
the Christian world; as Christian pilgrims of Jewish birth were
constantly coming and going to attend the great yearly feasts,
especially from the flourishing Jewish colonies in Asia Minor and
Greece, the scene of St. Paul's labours ; and as there was always
at his elbow the little coterie of St. Paul's fanatical enemies, it would
be impossible but that versions, scarcely ever adequate (for how
few of St. Paul's hearers had really understood him 1) and often more
or less seriously distorted, of his brother Apostle's teaching, should
reach him. He did what a wise and considerate leader would
do. He names no names, and attacks no man's person. He does
not assume that the reports which he has heard are full and true
reports. At the same time he states in plain terms his own view
of the matter. He sounds a note of warning which seems to him
to be needed, and which the very language of St. Paul, in places
like Rom. vi. i ff., 15 ff., shows to have been really needed. And
thus, as so often in Scripture, two complementary sets of truths,
suited to different types of mind and different circumstances, are
stated side by side. We have at once the deeper principle of
action, which is also more powerful in proportion as it is deeper,
though not such as all can grasp and appropriate, and the plainei
• Besides what is said above, see Introduction (8. It is a satisfaction to
t the view here taken is substantially that of Dr. Hort, Jtutaittic
Christianity^ p. 148, 'it seems more natural to suppose that a misuse or
misunderstanding of St Paul's teaching on the part of others gave rise to
:ues's carefully guarded language.'
ic'> ISTLE T< [IV. 0 12.
•:g pitched on a more every-day level and ap;
to larger numbers, which is the check and safeguard against possible
misconstruction.
FAITH AND CIHCUMCIBION.
IV. 9-12. The declaration made to Abraham di
depend upon Circumcision. For made before he was
ncised ; and Circumcision only came in after the fact \
to ratify a verdict already given. The reason being
Abraham might have for his spiritual descendants //..
circumcised as well as the circumci
•Here we have certain persons pronounced 'happy.' 1
this then to be confined to the circumcised Jew, or i;
apply to the uncircumcised Gentile? Certainly it may. For there
is no mention of circumcision. It is his faith that we say was
credited to Abraham as righteousness. "And the historical
circumstances of the case prove that Circumcision had nothing
to do uith it. Was Abraham circumcised when the dec!..
was made to him? No: he was at the time uncircumcised.
11 And circumcision was given to him afterwards, like a teal
affixed to a document, to authenticate a state of things already
existing, viz. the righteousness based on faith which was his before
he was circumcised. The reason being that he might be the
spiritual father alike of two divergent classes : at once of believing
Gentiles, who though uncircumcised ith like his, that they
too might be credited with righteousness ; " and at the same time
of believing Jews who do not depend o :cumcision only,
but whose files march duly in the steps of Abraham's faith
which was his before his circumcision.
10. S:. Paul appeals to : Pivine
recognition of Abraham's DM in order of time bcff
xi.Mon : the one recorded in Gen. xv. 6, tl .<•
although it might be (and was)
numcibion, it could not be due to it or <
11 <nj|Mior wiptrofujf. Circumcision . r ition is s
.•if duitynp (Gen. xvii. n), between God and the
IV 11.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM IOJ
circumcised. The gen. wtptro^f is a genitive of apposition or identity,
a sign ' consisting in circumcision/ ' which was circumcision.' Some
authorities (A C* «/.) read wiptropii*.
a<frpayZoa. The prayer pronounced at the circumcising of
a child runs thus: 'Blessed be He who sanctified His beloved
from the womb, and put His ordinance upon His flesh, and nrtkil
His offspring with the sign of a holy covenant.' Comp. Targum
iii. 8 'The seal of circumcision is in your flesh as it was
sealed in the flesh of Abraham ' ; Shcmoth It. 19 ' Ye shall not eat
of the passover unless the seal of Abraham be in your flesh/
other parallels will be found in Wetstein ad loc. (cf. also
Delitzsch).
At a very early date the same term <*f>payit was transferred from
the rite of circumcision to Christian baptism. See the passages
collected by Lightfoot on 2 Clem. vii. 6 (Cltm. Rom. ii. 226), also
Gebhardt and Harnack ad /of., and Hatch, Hibbtrt Lectures,
p. 295. Dr. Hatch connects the use of the term with 'the
mysteries and some forms of foreign cult'; and it may have
coalesced with language borrowed from these ; but in its origin it
appears to be Jewish. A similar view is taken by An rich, Das
antike Mystericnwesen in seinem Einfluss auf das Christentum
(Gottingen, 1894), p. 120 ff., where the Christian use of the word
is is fully discussed.
Barnabas (ix. 6) seems to refer to, and refute, the Jewish doctrine which
he puts in the mouth of an objector: dAX* J/xfr Kal nty rf/Mrir/ii/rcu <!
Ao«it tit <r</>pa-yi3a. dAAct »o» Xvpot itol 'Aptuft ml warr«f ol It put rwv tl&w\ojv.
Spa OVK xdxtiroi I* Trjt Sin9rficrjt airrSnr tlaiv ; dXAd ital ol Alyvmot if wtpt-
ro/iO tlai*. The fact that so many heathen nations were circumcised proved
that circumcision could not be the seal of a special covenant.
cis TO «trcu, K.T.X. Even circumcision, the strongest mark of
Jewish separation, in St. Paul's view looked beyond its immediate
exclusiveness to an ultimate inclusion of Gentiles as well as Jews.
It was nothing more than a ratification of Abraham's faith. Faith
was the real motive power; and as applied to the present condition
of things, Abraham's faith in the promise had its counterpart in the
Christian's faith in the fulfilment of the promise (i.e. in Christ).
Thus a new division was made. The true descendants of Abra-
ham were not so much those who imitated his circumcision (i.e.
all Jews whether believing or not), but those who imitated his
faith (i.e. believing Jews and believing Gentiles). «r TO" denotes
that all this was contemplated in the Divine purpose.
irarYpa irdrrw* rur iriorcoorrwK. Delitzsch (ad loc.) quotes One
of the prayers for the Day of Atonement in which Abraham is
called ' the first of my faithful ones/ He also adduces a passage,
Jerus. Gemara on Biccurim, i. i, in which it is proved that even
the proselyte may claim the patriarchs as his O'D^ because
108 r. TO THE ROMA [IV 11
Abram became Abraham, ' father of many nations/ lit ' a great
multitude ' ; ' he was so/ the Glossator adds, 4 because he
them to believe.'
oV dftpopuoriaf : 'though in a state of uncircumcision.' &u of
attendant circumstances as in &A ypa^arot «ol rf,uropr. .
^warot taQlom xiv. 20.
12. rolf oroixooai. As it stands the art. is a solecism
make those who are circumcised one set of persons, and those who
follow the example of Abraham's faith another distinct set,
is certainly not St. Paul's meaning. He is speaking of lev
are loth circumcised and believe. This requires in Greek the
omission of the art before vnxownr. But ro'it or. is fouru'.
ii^MSS. We must suppose therefore either (i) that
has been some corruption. WH. think that role may be the
remains of an original avntt: but that would not seem to be
natural form of sentence. Or (2) we may think that Tcrtius made
a slip of the pen in following St. Paul's dictation, and that this
remained uncorrccted. If the slip was not made by Tertius
himself, it must have been made in some very early copy, the
parent of all our present copies.
crroixouau <rr..ix«u» is a well-known military term, meaning
strictly to ' march in file ' : Pollux viii. 9 rA M 0a6ot oroide* caXdrai,
<tal TO p«r «</*£»)* »ira« rcmi fiq*os (vyt\V TO d« »</*£qf KOTO &a6of a-
4 the technical term for marching abreast is (vyii*, for marching in
depth or in file, arwjn*' (Wets.).
On 06 |i£vov rather than rf jdror in this rcne and in rcr. 16 MC Barton,
.*mtr.i4Si.
Jewish Teaching on Circumcision.
The fierce fanaticism with which the Jews insisted upon the rite
of Circumcision y brought out in the Rook of Juliltcs
for all generations for ever, and il.
no circumcision of the time, and no passing over one day out of
the eight days ; for it is an eternal ordinance, ordained and v
on the heavenly tables. And every one that is born, the flesh of
whose foreskin is not circumcised on the eighth day, belongs not to
ildren of the covenant which the Lord made \viih Abraham,
for he belongs to the on ; nor is there mo
any sign on him that he is the Lord's, but (he is destined) to be
yed and slain from the earth, and to be rooted out of the
earth, for he has broken the covenant of the Lord our Go !.
And now I will announce unto the children o:
not keep true to this ordinance, and they will not circumcb
sons according to all ilesh of their circun
IV. 13 17.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM 109
they will omit this circumcision of their sons, and all of them, sons
of Belial, will have their sons uncircumcised as they were born.
And there shall be great wrath from the Lord against the children
of Israel, because they have forsaken His covenant and turned away
from His word, and provoked and blasphemed, according as they
have not observed the ordinance of this law ; for they treat their
members like the Gentiles, so that they may be removed and rooted
out of the land. And there will be no pardon or forgiveness for
them, so that there should be pardon and release from all the sin
of this error for ever.'
So absolute is Circumcision as a mark of God's favour that if an
Israelite has practised idolatry his circumcision must first be
removed before he can go down to Gehenna (Weber, Af/syn. Thtol.
p. 51 f.). When Abraham was circumcised God Himself took
a part in the act (ibid. p. 253). It was his circumcision and antici-
patory fulfilment of the Law which qualified Abraham to be the
4 father of many nations ' (ibid. p. 256). Indeed it was just through
his circumcision that Isaac was born of a ' holy seed.' This was
the current doctrine. And it was at the root of it that St. Paul
strikes by showing that Faith was prior to Circumcision, that the
latter was wholly subordinate to the former, and that just those
privileges and promises which the Jew connected with Circumcision
were really due to Faith.
PROMISE AND LAW.
IV. 13-17. Again the declaration that was made to
Abraham had nothing to do with Law. For it turned on
J:aith and Promise which are the very antithesis of Law.
The reason being that Abraham might be the spiritual
father of all believers^ Gentiles as well as Jews, and that
Gentiles might have an equal claim to the Promise.
" Another proof that Gentiles were contemplated as well as Jews.
The promise made to Abraham and his descendants of world-wide
Messianic rule, as it was not dependent upon Circumcision, so also
was not dependent upon Law, but on a righteousness which was
the product of Faith. I4lf this world-wide inheritance really
depended upon any legal system, and if it was limited to those who
were under such a system, there would be no place left for Faith
or Promise : Faith were an empty name and Promise a dead letter.
18 For Law is in its effects the very opposite of Promise. It only
1 10 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IV. 13.
serves to bring down God's wrath by enhancing the guilt of sin.
there is no law, there is no transgression, which implies
a law to be transgressed. Law and Promise therefore are mutually
exclusive ; the one brings death, the other life. " 1 is that
the Divine plan was made to turn, not on Law and obedience to
Law, but on Faith. For faith on man's side implies Grace, or free
, on the side of God. So that the Promise depending as it
did not on Law but on these broad conditions, Faith and Grace,
mi-lit hold good equally for all Abraham's descendants— not only
for those who came under the Mosaic Law, but for all who could
lay claim to a faith like his. "Thus Abraham is the true ancestor
of all Christians (WMM>), as it is expressly stated in (>
'A father* (i.e. in spiritual fatherhood) 'ot
I made thee V
13-17. In this section St. Paul brings up the key- words of his
own system Faith, Promise, Grace, and marshals them in array
-t the leading points in the current theology of the
Jews — Law, Works or performance of Law, because the
working of this latter system had been so disastrous, ending only
in condemnation, it was a relief to find that it was not what God
had really intended, but that the true principles of things held out
a prospect so much brighter and more hopeful, and one
od such abundant justification for all that -eemed new in
Cbristfenfc
• .u yap. K.T.X. Thr immediate poi paragraph
is introduced to prov< : hough
spiritual sense, the father of Gentiles as well as Jews. '1
object of the whole argument is to show that A brain
1 aimed not as the Jews contended by themselves but
by Christians.
' oiA ropou: without art., any system of law.
Vj JwayycXia: sec on ch. i. 2 (npotirw re the uses of
the word and its place in < :ng are discuss*
time of the Coming of Cli hole Jewish race
was turned to the promises contained in the (). '1
these promises were (so to speak) brought to a
and definitely identified with their fulfilm
The following example* may be added to those quoted on
uc the diffusion ! romise* among the J<
ccnli ' fortart qua* I'M tern for ihui iustn
• There is a slight awkwardness in making our break in the middle of
.and of a sentence. ;lidc» after his manner into a new subject.
suggested to him by the vcrac which he quota in proof of what has gone before.
IV. 13 15.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM III
repromiisa tun/ ; vii. 14 si ergo non ingrtditntes ingrtssi fuerint qui vivtatt
angusta ft vatta ktue, no* poterunt rtcifxrt qua* sunt rtposita (-rd dvo.
Ktintt-a. Gen. xlu. 10) ; ibti. 49 (119 ff. quid cnim nobit prodttt si promissum
tit nobu immortal* tempus, not vero mortatia Optra egimus? dec. APot.
Baruck. xiv. 13 profiler hoc etiam if si tint timort rtlinquunt mundum
isturn. et fidentet in laetitia sftrant u rccttturos mundum quern fromiintt
tis. It will be observed that all these passages are apocalyptic and eschato
logical. The Jewish idea of Promise is vague and future ; the Christian idea
is definite and associated with a state of things already inaugurated.
TO nXtipo^oK auTor tW Koajioo. What Promise is this ? There
is none in these words. Hence (i) some think that it means the
possession of the Land of Canaan (Gen. xii. 7 ; ziii. 14 f. ; xv. 18 ;
xvii. 8 ; cf. xxvi. 3 ; Ex. vi. 4) taken as a type of the world-wide
Messianic reign; (2) others think that it must refer to the particular
promise faith in which called down the Divine blessing — that
A. should have a son and descendants like the stars of heaven.
Probably this is meant in the first instance, but the whole series
of promises goes together and it is implied (i) that A. should have
a son ; (ii) that this son should have numerous descendants ;
(iii) that in One of those descendants the whole world should be
blessed ; (iv) that through Him A.'s seed should enjoy world-wide
dominion.
8id Sutaio9unf)s irurrcws: this ' faith-righteousness ' which St.
Paul lias been describing as characteristic of the Christian, and
before him of Abraham.
14. 01 1* KO/IOU: 'the dependants of law/ 'vassals of a legal system,'
such as were the Jews.
K\T]poK6<fioi. If the right to that universal dominion which will
belong to the Messiah and His people is confined to those who are
subject to a law, like that of Moses, what can it have to do either
with the Promise originally given to Abraham, or with Faith to
which that Promise was annexed? In that case Faith and Promise
would be pushed aside and cancelled altogether. But they cannot
be cancelled ; and therefore the inheritance must depend upon them
and not upon Law.
15. This verse is parenthetic, proving that Law and Promise
cannot exist and be in force side by side. They are too much
opposed in their effects and operation. Law presents itself to
St. Paul chiefly in this light as entailing punishment. It increases
the guilt of sin. So long as there is no commandment, the wrong
act is done as it were accidentally and unconsciously ; it cannot be
called by the name of transgression. The direct breach of a known
law is a far more heinous matter. On this disastrous effect of Law
see iii. 20, v. 13, 20, vii. 7 ff.
oG 6< for ow -fa is decisively attested VK A BC &c.).
wapd0a<n$ is the appropriate word for the direct violation of
I '* ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IV. 16.
a code. It means to overstep a line clearly defined :
re tineas Cicero, Parad. 3 (afi. Trench, Syn. p. 236).
16. *n wurrcws. In his rapid and vigorous reasoning St.
contents h .a few bold strokes, which he leaves it
reader to fill in. It is usual to supj < vurrw either
9 «Xi7poH>^«'a «<m.r from v. 1 4 (Lips. Mey.) or 7 «Vn-;
>, but as njr «Voyy«Xiay is defined just below it seems
better to have recourse to some wider thought which shall include
both these. ' It was'=* The Divine plan was, took its start, from
faith.' The bold lines of God's plan, the Providential or
of things, form the background, understood if not directly expressed,
to the whole ch.
els r6 et^ai. Working round again to the same conclusion as
before ; the object of all these pre-arranged conditions wa-s
with old restrictions, and to throw open the Me
blessings to all who in any true sense could call Abraham • i
:o believing Gentile as well as to believing Jew.
ABRAHAM'S FAITH A TYPE OP THE CHRISTIAN'S.
IV. 17-22. Abrahams Faith was remarkable both J\
,th and for its object: the birth of Isaac
Abraham believed might be described as a ' birth from the
dead:
23-25. In this it is a type of the Christian s Fai:
which is annexed a like acceptance n is for
its object a 'birth from the dead'' — tlu Death and 1.
rection of Ch>
17 In this light Abraham is regarded by God before whom
represented as standing — that God who infuses life into the dead
(as He was about to infuse it into Abraham's dead body), and
who issues His summons (as He issued it then) to generations
yet unborn.
'• In such a God Abraham believed. Against all ordinary hope
of becoming a father he yet had faith, grounded in hope, and
enabling him to become the father not of Jews only but of
spread nations, to whom the Promise alluded when it said (Gen.
xv. 5) ' Like the stars of the heaven shall thy descendants be/
ithout showing weaknc faith, he took full note
of the fact that at his advanced years (for he was now about
a hundred years old) his own vital powers were decayed ; he took
IV. 17.] THE FAITH OF ABRAI 113
full note of the barrenness of Sarah his wife ; "and yet with the
promise in view no impulse of unbelief made him hesitate ; his
faith endowed him with the power which he seemed to lack; he
gave praise to God for the miracle that was to be wrought in him,
•' I Living a firm conviction that what God had promised He was
able also to perform. n And for this reason that faith of his was
credited to him as righteousness.
''Now when all this was recorded in Scripture, it was not
Abraham alone who was in view *but we too — the future
generations of Christians, who will find a like acceptance, at we
have a like faith. Abraham believed on Him who caused the birth
of Isaac from elements that seemed as good as dead : and we too
on the same God who raised up from the dead Jesus our
Lord, tt who was delivered into the hands of His murderers to atone
for our sins, and rose again to effect our justification (i.e. to put
the crown and seal to the Atonement wrought by His Death, and
at the same time to evoke the faith which makes the Atonement
effectual).
17. iroWpa. K.T.X. Exactly from LXX of Gen. xvii. 5. The LXX
tones down somewhat the strongly figurative expression of the
Heb., patrem frcmentts turbae, i. e. ingentis multiludinis populorum
tK.iutzsch, p. 25).
KartVam ou lirurrcuac 6cou : attraction for KoWwum 6«ou y «V<'-
<rrrv<r« : KtrnVavri describing the posture in which Abraham is
represented as holding colloquy with God (Gen. xvii. i IT.).
Iwoiroiourros : ' maketh alive/ St. Paul has in his mind the two
acts which he compares and which are both embraced under this
word, (i) the Birth of Isaac, (a) the Resurrection of Christ. On
thi- Hellenistic use of the word see Hatch, Ess. in Bibl. Greek, p. 5.
xaXoOrros f r.i ^ ovra o>; orral. There are four views : (i) coX.=
'to name, speak of, or describe, things non-existent as if they
existed' (Va.); (ii) = 4to call into being, issue His creative fiat' (most
commentators); (iii) = ' to call, or summon,' ' issue His commands
to' (Mey. Gif.); (iv) in the dogmatic sense = 'to call, or invite to
life and salvation ' (Fri.). Of these (iv) may be put on one side as
loo remote from the context ; and (ii) as Mey. rightly points out,
seems to be negatived by o>* orra. The choice remains between
(i) and (iii). If the former seems the simplest, the latter is the
more forcible rendering, and as such more in keeping with the
i.uivc grasp of the situation displayed by St. Paul. In favour
of this view may also be quoted Apoc. Bar. xxi. 4 O qui fechti
••; audi me . . . qui vocasti ab initio mundi quod nondum eral, et
i
H4 l.I'ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IV. 17 2O.
obtdiunt tibi. For the use of *oA«u» see also the note on ix. 7
18. ci« T& Y"6r6<" = ***** y»»«VAu: 'his failh enaK
become the father/ but with the underlying idea that his faith in
this was but carrying out the great Divine purpose which ordered
all these events.
xv. 5(I
10. H &r*rn<r<M- Corop. Lft. in Jour*, of Clan, ami Saf. Fkilol.
60.: • The New Te*um«t use of M with a participle... has a much
wider range than In the earlier language. Yet this is no violation of
principle, but quher an extension of a particular mode of looking at the
subordinate event contained in the participial clause. It is viewed as an
accident or condition of the principal event described by the finite verb, and
is therefore negatived by the dependent negative *4 and not by the absolute ov.
Rom. iv. 19 ... is a case in point whether we retain ov or omit it with
Lachm. In the latter case the sense will be, " he so considered his own
body now dead, «* «*/** weak in the (7) frith."' This is well expressed
::: KY V . * MfJ> VMfaMd,' « Ml ft* 't»faf Mitel I1 lEfld bt
rather 'showing weakness 'or 'becoming weak.' Sec also Burton, At.
IMS-
NABC some good cursives, some MSS. of Vulg.
(including am.), Pesh. Boh., Orig.-lat (which probably here preserves
Origen's Greek), Chrys. and others; oi *ar«*»;<r, D E 1 • < , K I. I'
Ac., some MSS. of Vulg. (including ftdd, th more pro-
bable that the negative has come in from the Old Latin ai
it was not recognized by Jerome), Syr.-I I.irJ., Orig.-lat. bis, \
Ambrstr. at.
Both readings give a good sense : carodV*, ' he didc<
yet did not doubt* ; oi carobV*, ' he did not consider, and /•'.
did not doubt' Both readings are also early: but the r.
»nJi7<r« is clearly of Western on be set
down to Western laxity : the authorities which omit the negative
are as a rule the most trust wo;
v*4px<": 'being already about a hundred yean old.' May we not say
that «/r«u denotes a present state simply as present, but that foa/>x«<r denotes
• present state at a product of past states, or at least a ttnte in present time
as related to past time (<f»r*M*»«s», aastim, L*
last word (M*X"^ « difficult ; it seems to mean sometimes •• to be
ally," M to be substantially or fundamentally,** or, as in Demosthenes,
stored in readiness." An idea of propriety sometimes attaches to it : com j ..
r "substance. The word however asks for •
, '•property'' or "substance. he wor owever asks
mtkA/Comp. Schmidt, 1*. u. gr. Svnatymik. i ;4. 4.
SO. •* 8w«fHti|: 'did not hesitate' (rovr^r.r oiM ir.ioLr.r
3oA«Chry». . &a«p,V«ir act.
between two things ( Matt *v :. xi. 39, 31' or persons'' A ctsxv. 9;
I C« : t>etween two p«r-
*P<nc0<u mid. (and pass.) - U) 'to get a decisuu:. • dispute.' or
'contend* (Acts xi. 2; Jas. ii. 4; Jode9); U
other ser.
word occurs some thirty times), but this is wanting. It is however well
IV. 20.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM 115
established for N.T., where it appears as the proper opposite of
So Matt xxi. 21 Mr Ix^* wVrw, *o2 pj} inur^^r* : Mirk xi. »3 &«
..*alrt &curp<»p Jv TV «op&'? auTotJ dAXd wi<rr«t^ : Rom. xiv. 33 i W
t, tAv ^ayp, mraJtigfurat, bn oil* J« *l<m*i : Ja*. i. 6 olrurw W
«V w<<7r«i fu^if lkaiti*»vn«vot : also probably Jude aa. A like use is found in
Oimtian writings of the second century and later: e.g. ProUv. Jot. 11
•Ixovoaoa. 8) Mop^ ht*pi»Tj h Jai/rfj \iyovoa, «.rX (quoted by Mayor on
las. i. 6) : Clem. Homil. i. ao »«pi rift wofaMtlffv aot IkJMm SKurpftw :
ti. 40 w«pi rov /IOFOV «aj dTotfoC e«ov oteutfxtijrat. It is remarkable that a use
':> (except as an antithesis to wrtimv) there is no reason to connect
specially with Christianity should thus seem to be traceable to Christian
circles and the Christian line of tradition. It is not likely to be in the strict
sense a Christian coinage, but appears to hare had its beginning in near
proximity to Christianity. A_parallel case is that of the word tyvx" (St.
James, Clem. Rom., Herm., Didacht, &c.). The two words seem to belong
to the same cycle of ideas.
TTJ iriarci. r£ vltrrn is here usually taken as dat. of
respect, *he was strengthened in his faith,' i.e. 'his faith was
strengthened, or confirmed.' In favour of this would be ri da$«^tras
TJI vioTfi above ; and the surrounding terms (bmtptffii, wAijpo^opij&i' j)
might seem to point to a menial process. But it is tempting to
make rfj irtVw instrumental or causal, like 177 air«rn? to which it
stands in immediate antithesis : «Wft. TJJ mW. would then = ' he was
endowed with power by means of his faith* (sc. TO r«^*p«»/i«Wy
auroO aZpa <WoWa/M>^). According to the Talmud, Abraham wurde
in seiner Natur erneuert, eine neue Creator (Bammidbar Rabba xi),
urn die Zeugung su vollbringen (Weber, p. 256). And we can
hardly doubt that the passage was taken in this way by the author
of Heb., who appears to have had it directly in mind : comp. Heb.
xi. II, I a m'<rr« «ai avrg Zappa tlvvafuv tit xara/SoX^ <nr<pparos fX«3<
rai irapa Kaipov tjXtxias . . . 010 «al aVp* iv&t tytmnj&^aav^ *a\ ravra
Mw<rpw/i«wv, nadus ra otrrpa TOW oipavoO T^> n\r)6n (observe CSp. btvapt*
cXa/sir, ww»p<wp«'vou). This sense is also distinctly recognized by
Kuthym.-Zig. (ift^wa^otdrj tit nm&oyoviav rg niariC f) CMdvNpsWf
wpoff rr)» uteri*). The other (common) interpretation is preferred by
Chrys., from whom Euthym.-Zig. seems to get his 6 irum*
<>mA«iKviV'i'0( di/KtfMwr dfiToi irXf iovo(.
The Talmud lays great stress on the Birth of Isaac. In the
name of Isaac was found an indication that with him the history
of Revelation began. With him the people of revealed Religion
into existence : with him ' the Holy One began to work
wonders' (Beresh. Rabba liii, ap. Weber, Altsyn. TheoL p. 256).
But it is of course a wholly new point when St. Paul compares the
miraculous birth of Isaac with the raising of Christ from the dead.
The parallel consists not only in the nature of the two events —
both a bringing to life from conditions which betokened only
death— but also in the faith of which they were the object.
Sous o4{ar: a Hebraism: cf. Josh. vii. 19; i Sam. vi. 5; i
Chron. xvi 28, &c.
i a
Ii6 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IV. 21
TT\t|po$opT]0cis: rXtyxxfaua = ' full assurance/ ' firm conviction/
i word especially common among
Stoics. Hence wX^po^opcIirAu, as used of persons, = ' to be fully
assured or convinced/ as here, ch. xiv. 5 ; Col. iv. 1 2. As used of
things the meaning is more doubtful: cf. a Tin 17 and
Luke i. i, where some take it as = ' fully or satisfactorily proved/
others as = ' accomplished ' (so Lat-Vct Vulg. RV. text Lft. On
Rcvi* _• ) : sec note ad he.
23. Si* o£T*r fi<W. Jhresh. K. xl. 8 'Thou findest that all
that is recorded of Abraham is repeated in ory of his
children* (Wctstein, who is followed by Meyer, and IXlitzsch ad lot).
Wetstcin also quotes Taanith ii. i Fratres nos/ri, dt Niruvitn
non dictum est : et respexit Deus saccum eorum.
24. TOIS wioreJooaiK : 4 to us who believe.' St. Paul asserts that
iders are among the class of believers. Not ' if we b
i would be vumtovai* (tint or tic.).
25. W with ace. is primarily retrospective, =' because of: but
inasmuch as the idea or motive precedes the execution, &td n
retrospective with reference to the idea, but prospective
reference to the execution. Which it is in any particular cas.
be determined by the context.
• &A ri wapmrr. may be retrospective, = 'because of our
trespasses' (which made the death of Christ necessary) ; or .
be prospective, as Gif. * because of our trespasses/ i.e. 'in 01
atone for them.'
In any case &A r^r &ciuWir is prospective, Svith a view to our
justification/ 'because of our justification' conceived as a n
i.e. to bring it about. Sec Dr. Gilford's two excellent notes
pp. 1 08, 109.
The manifold ways in which the Resurrection of
connected with justification will appear from the exposition below.
It is at once the great source of tlu h, the assurance
of the special character of the object of that faith, the proof that the
c which is the ground o: on is an accepted sa
and the stimulus to that moral relation of the
the victory which Christ has won becomes his o
See also the notes <. 8.
Tht Place oj tlon of Christ in the
f .s /. j
Th<- ist fills an immense place in the teaching
of St. i the fact that it does so accounts for the en.
inch he states the evidence for it (i Cor. \ . . i n )
IV. 17-25.] THE FAITH OF ABRAHAM
(i) The Resurrection is the most conclusive proof of the'
of Christ (Acts xvii. 31 ; Rom. i. 4 ; x Cor. xv. 14, 15).
(ii) As proving the Divinity of Christ the Resurrection ^
the most decisive proof of the atoning value of His Death
for the Resurrection, there would have been nothing to show — at
least no clear and convincing sign to show — that He who died upon
the Cross was more than man. But if the Victim of the Cross had
been man and nothing more, there would have been no sufficient
reason for attaching to His Death any peculiar efficacy ; the faith
of Christians would be ' vain/ they would be * yet in their sins '
(i Cor. xv. 17).
(iii) In yet another way the Resurrection proved the efficacy of
the Death of Christ. Without the Resurrection the Sacrifice of
(\ilv.iry would have been incomplete. The Resurrection placed
upon that Sacrifice the stamp of God's approval ; it showed that
the Sacrifice was accepted, and that the cloud of Divine Wrath —
the 4pw so long suspended and threatening to break (Rom. iii. 25,
26) — had passed away. This is the thought which lies at the bottom
of Rom. vi. 7-10.
(iv) The Resurrection of Christ is the strongest guarantee for
the resurrection of the Christian (i Cor. xv. 20-23 > 2 C°r« *v* M»
Rom. viii. n ; Col. i. 18).
(v) But that resurrection has two sides or aspects : it is not only
physical, a future rising again to physical life, but it is also moral
and spiritual, a present rising from the death of sin to the life of
righteousness. In virtue of his union with Christ, the close and
intimate relation of his spirit with Christ's, the Christian is called
upon to repeat in himself the redeeming acts of Christ And this
moral and spiritual sense is the only sense in which he can repeat
them. We shall have this doctrine fully expounded in ch. vi. i-i i.
A recent monograph on the subject of this note (E. Schader, Die BtcUutung
da lebtndigtn Ckristutfiir die Recktftrtigtmg nock Pott/us, Giitersloh, 1 893)
has worked oat in much careful detail the third of the above heads. Heir
Schader (who since writing his treatise has become Professor at KonigtbtM)
insists strongly on the personal character of the redemption wrought by
t ; that which redeems is not merely the act of Christ's Death but His
Person (> £ «'x°M«* ^ 4woAvr/ttxnr Eph. i. 7 ; Col. i. 14). It is as a Person
that He takes the place of the sinner and endures the Wrath of God in his
stead (Gal. iii. 13; a Cor. v. ai). The Resurrection is proof that this
• Wrath ' is at an end. And therefore in certain salient passages (Rom. iv. 35 ;
vi. 9, 10 ; viii. 34) the Resurrection is even put before the Death of Christ as
the cause of justification. The treatise is well deserving of study.
It may be right also to mention, without wholly endorsing, Dr. Hort's
.ticant aphorism : ' Reconciliation or Atonement is one aspect of redemp-
. and redemption one aspect of resurrection, and resurrection one aspect
of life' Hulsta* Ltctoru, p. aio). This can more readily be accepted if
' one aspect ' in each case is not taken to exclude the validity of other ••ptctfc
At the same time such a saying is useful as a warning, which is especially
needed where the attempt is being made towards more exact definitions, that
Jl8 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [V. 1 11
all definitions of great doctrine* have a relative rather than an abtolote value.
They are partial symbols of ideas which the human mind cannot grasp in
If we could see as God sees we should doubtless find them
running up into large and broad laws of His working. We desire to make
this reserve in regard to oar own attempts to define. Without it exact
exegesis may well seem to lead to a revived Scholasticism.
BLISSFUL CONSEQUENCES OP JUSTIFICATION.
V. l-ll. Tlv state which thus lies before the Chr:
should have consequences both near and remote. The nearer
consequences, peace with God and hope which gives courage
>• persecution (vv. 1-4): the remoter conscq
assurance, derived from the proof of God f final
fion and glory. The first step (our present accc;
God) is difficult ; the second step (our ultiv;
tion) follows naturally from the first (w. 5-11).
1 \Vc Chri>tians then ought to enter upon our privilege*. By
that strong and eager impulse with which we enroll ourselves as
Christ's we may be accepted as righteous in the sight of God, and
it becomes our duty to enjoy to the full the new state of peace
Him which we owe to our Lord Jesus Messiah. MI
whose Death and Resurrection, the object of 01;
have brought us within the range of the Divine favour. '•
the sheltered circle of that favour we stand as C . in no
merely passive attitude, but we exult in the hope of one day
::;,' as in the favour of God so also in His gl<
and this exultation of ours, so far from being shaken by per-
secutions is actually founded upon them. For persecution only
generates fortitude, or resolute endurance un<!
then fortitude leads on to the approved courage of the veteran ;
and that in turn strengthens the hope out of which it originally
sprang.
•More: our hope is one that cannot prove illusory; because
(and here a new factor is introduced, for the first time in this
connexion) the ' .t, through \\hom God is brought into
personal contact with man — that Holy Sj.:r
when we became Christians, floods our hearts with the conscious-
V. 1-11.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 119
ness of the Love of God for us. • Think what are the facts to
which we can appeal. When we were utterly weak and prostrate,
at the moment of our deepest despair, Christ died for us — not as
righteous men, but as godless sinners I 7 What a proof of love was
there ! For an upright or righteous man it would be hard to find
lling to die; though perhaps for a good man (with the loveable
qualities of goodness) one here and there may be brave enough to
face death. • But God presses home the proof of His unmerited
Love towards us, in that, sinners as we still were, Christ died for us.
' Here then is an a fortiori argument. The fact that we have
been actually declared ' righteous ' by coming within the influence
of Christ's sacrificial Blood — this fact which implies a stupendous
change in the whole of our relations to God is a sure pledge of
what is far easier— our escape from His final judgement. lo For
there is a double contrast. If God intervened for us while we were
His enemies, much more now that we are reconciled to Him. If
the first intervention cost the Death of His Son, the second costs
nothing, but follows naturally from the share which we have in
His Life. n And not only do we look for this final salvation, but
we are buoyed up by an exultant sense of that nearness to God
into which we have been brought by Christ to whom we owe that
one great step of our reconciliation.
1-11. Every line of this passage breathes St. Paul's personal
experience, and his intense hold upon the objective facts which are
the grounds of a Christian's confidence. He believes that the
ardour with which he himself sought Christian baptism was met by
an answering change in the whole relation in which he stood to
God. That change he attributes ultimately, it is clear throughout
this context, not merely in general terms to Christ (&d v. i, 2, n
bis) but more particularly to the Death of Christ (ra/xftdA? iv. 25 ;
airflow V. 6, 8 J Vr ry tuftart V. 9 ; &£ rov Awrrov V. IO). He COn-
ceives of that Death as operating by a sacrificial blood-shedding
(«V ry opart: cf. iii. 25 and the passages referred to in the Note on
the Death of Christ considered as a Sacrifice). The Blood of that
Sacrifice is as it were sprinkled round the Christian, and forms
a sort of hallowed enclosure, a place of sanctuary, into which he
enters. Within this he is safe, and from its shelter he looks out
cxultingly over the physical dangers which threaten him ; they may
strengthen his firmness of purpose, but cannot shake it
1. The word duuuWty at the end of the last chapter recalls St.
Paul to his main topic. After expounding the nature of his new
120 IE ROMA [V. 1.
method of obtaining righteousness in iii. 21- m to
draw some of the consequences from this (the deathblo
pride, and the equality of Jew and Gentile) in B
suggested the digression in ch. iv, to prove that notu
there was no breach of God's purposes as declared in the O. T.
(strictly the Legal System which bad its charier in the O. T
rather the contrary. Now he goes back to ' consequences
traces them out for the individual Christian. He explains i
is that the Christian faces persecution and death so joyful!
has a deep spring of tranquillity at his heart, and a confident hope
of future glory,
«X<*»n«"- The evidence for this reading stands thus : «"X*M«» x *
C D E K L, cursives, Vulg. Syrr. Boh. Arm.
repeatedly Chrys. Ambrstr. and others : «W«* correctors •
FG (duplicate MSS. it will be remembered) in the Greek though
not in the Latin, P and many curv
three places out of four. Clearly overwhelming authority for
fgwfui'. It is argued however (i) that exhortation out of
place: 'inference not exhortation is the Apostle's purpose'
(Scrivener. Inlrod.\\. 380 ed. 4); (ii) that o and u> arc-
interchanged in the MSS., as in this very word •
i Cor. xv. 49) ; (iii) it is possible that a
made by Tertius in copying or in some very »
the mass of the uncials and versions now extant may have de-
scended. But these reasons seem insufficient to overthrow the
weight of direct testimony, (i) St. Paul is apt to pass from
ment to exhortation; so in the near context vi. (i
i j ; (ii) in «"^O>^*K inference and exhortation are really com-
bined : it is a sort of light exhortation, ' \\c strut J have ' (T. S.
Evai
As to the meaning of *x*p<* it should be observed that it does
not = ' make peace/ ' get ' or ' obtain peace ' (which wen.
), but rather ' keep ' or ' enjoy peac< m* \aov rf «9om
Ao£«!r icni Mtltraf Kara" s. ; cf. Acts i
> , ' continued in a state of peace ').
aor. part. dunuW«Vr<r marks the initial moment of the state •
?X*iu*. The declaration of 'not x h the sinner comes
by a heartfelt nee does away
he state of hostility in which he had stood to Go'
substitutes for it a state of peace which he has only to realize.
This declaration of ' not guilty' and the peace \\li. upon
it are not due to himself, but are ha roC KI-/NOV w«» 'ii^ou x,H0W :
how is explained more ft >.i below.
J. Apmr Beet (Comm. ad /«•.) dftcnueft the exact shade of meaning
conveyed by the »or. put. &4HU«Mrr«f in K -jrrjf ?\*n<r. iir
cootends that it denote* not to much the rtasem for entering upon the Mate
V. 1, 2.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 121
in question as the mtant of catering upon it No doubt this Is perfectly
tenable on the score of grammar; and it is also tree that 'justification
necessarily involves peace with God.' Bat the argument goes too much
upon the assumption that «//>. l\. - ' obtain peace/ which we have seen to
be erroneous. The sense is exactly that of il\™ tlprnnjv in the passage
quoted from the Acts, and 8ura<«0., as we have said, marks the initial
moment in the state.
2. TTJK wpoaaywYn*. Two stages only are described in w. i, a
though different language is used about them : 6>ur<uttftW«v = 9
rpoaayvyfi, tlp^r) = ^dpir ; the nav^is is a characteristic of the
state of x'ip**, at tne same time that it points forward to a future
state of &>£o. The phrase fj npwray^ * our introduction/ is a con-
necting link between this Epistle and Ephesians (cp. Eph. ii. 1 8 ;
iii. 12): the idea is that of introduction to the presence-chamber of
a monarch. The rendering 'access' is inadequate, as it leaves
out of sight the fact that we do not come in our own strength but
need an • introducer' — Christ.
Jox^Kapcr : not ' we have had ' (Va.), but ' we have got or
obtained,' aor. and perf. in one.
• Both grammar and logic will run in perfect harmony together If we
render, " through whom we have by faith got or obtained our access into
this grace wherein we stand." This rendering will bring to view two causes
of getting the access or obtaining the introduction into the state of grace ;
one cause objective, Christ: the other subjective, faith; Christ the door,
faith the hand which moves the door to open and to admit' (T. S. Evans in
£xj>. 1883, L 169).
•qj morn om. B D E F G, Lat. Vet., Orig.-lat. tit. The weight of this
evidence depends on the value which we assign to H. All the other evidence
intern ; and B also (as we have seen) has a Western element ; so that
the question is whether the omission here in B is an independent corrobora-
tion of the Western group or whether it simply belongs to it (does the
evidence - ft + 8, or 8 only?). There is the further point that omissions in
the Western text deserve more attention than additions. Either reading con
be easily enough accounted for, as an obvious gloss on the one hand or the
omission of a superfluous phrase on the other. The balance is sufficiently
represented by placing rp wiartt in brackets as Tieg. \V1I. K V. marg. (Weiss
omits).
clt TV x*P»r TauTt|i>: the • state of grace* or condition of those
who are objects of the Divine favour, conceived of as a space
fenced in (Mey. Va. £c.) into which the Christian enters : cf. Gal.
v. 4 ; i Pet. v. 1 2 ( Va. and Grm.-Thay. s. v. xfyts 3. a).
4<m?Karicf : ' stand fast or firm ' (see Va. and Grm.-Thay. s. v.
ttrnjfu H. 2. d).
*»' Awfoi: as in iv. 18.
•rijs So£ip. See on iii. 23. It is the Glory of the Divine
Presence (Shckinah) communicated to man (partially here, but) in
full measure when he enters into that Presence; man's whole being
will be transfigured by iu
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [V. 1, 2.
Is tht Society or the Individual the proper object of
Justification t
It is well known to be a characteristic feature of the the
of Ritschl that he regards the proper object of Justification as the
iin Society as a collective whole, and not the individual as
such. \v is based upon two main groups of arguments,
(i) The first is derived from the analogy of the O. T. The great
sacrifices of tfce O. T. were undoubtedly meant in the first instance
for 'the congregation.' So in regard to the Passover it is laid
down expressly that no alien is to eat of it. but all the congregation
.icl are to keep it (Ex. xii. 43 fT., 47). And still more
ily as to the ritual of the Day of Atonement : the high
is to 'make atonement for the holy place, because of \\.
nesses of the children of Israel, and because of
gressions. even all their sins'; he is to lay both 1. on the
bead of the goat, and ' confess over him all the iniquities of the
children of Israel, and all their transgressions, even all their sins'
(Lev. xvi. 1 6, 21, also 33 f.). This argument gains in force from
the concentration of the Christian Sacrifice upon a single
accomplished once for all. I; .1 to think of it as having
also a single and permanent object. (2) The second argun
derived from the exegesis of the N.T. generally (most clearly
perhaps in Acts xx. 28 r^ i*K\T\alav TOW e«oC |
CTpMVotipraro &ta TOW cuftnros rou idtov : but also in I Jo. ii. 2 ; iv. i o ;
18; Apoc. .. Qf.), and more particularly in the
os of St. Paul. The society is, it is true, most clearly
indicated in the later Epp. ; e.g. Tit. ii. 14 a^pot ih
virip fffMUft mi \vrp*HTT]Tai rjftas . . . ««ii KnBapiffji farry Xo&v
: Eph. v. 25 f. 6 \pttrr6t fymnprr ri;v t*K\T)oi
vwip avrfff Ira avrqr byuurr) naOapiaas ir.r.X. (cf. I
18; iii. 12; Col. i. 14). But Ritschl also claims the support of
the earlier Epp.: e.g. Rom. viii. 32 wr«> ^» wavr*v *ap<t**tv
ovrtJ»: Ui. 22 fatauxrvvrj fc 6«oi rovt ITI(TT«W»T,..
the repeated writ in the contexts of three passages (Comp. Rccht-
i6f, 1 60).
In reply the critics of Ritschl appeal to the distinctly in-
c cast of cssions as Rom. iii. 26 duuuovira ru*>
•V Tr.'<rr«w« 'Ii^oC *iv ducauwrra r6r U.T. ;JC context :
• It &umo<Tvnj» tra»ri T^ invrtvatnt (Schadcr, Op. ri. ; cf.
also Glo«l, Der Hciligt Cast, p. 102 n.; Weiss, BibL Theol. §820,
cd to by Schadcr).
•rue that ?:. I'.uil docs use language •
points to the t! cation of the
V 1. 2.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 123
perhaps comes out most clearly in Rom. iv, where the personal
faith and personal justification of Abraham are taken as typical of
the Christian's. But need we on that account throw over the other
passages above quoted, which seem to be quite as unambiguous ?
i hi< li brings benefit to the Church collectively of necessity
brings benefit to the individuals of which it is composed. We
: we like, as St. Paul very often does, leave out of sight the
intervening steps; and it is perhaps the more natural that he
should do so, as the Church is in this connexion an ideal entity.
But this entity is prior in thought to the members who compose
it; and when we think of the Great Sacrifice as consummated
once for all and in its effects reaching down through the ages, it is
no less natural to let the mind dwell on the conception which
alone embraces past, present, and future, and alone binds all the
scattered particulars into unity.
must remember also that in the age and to the thought of
St. Paul the act of faith in the individual which brings him within
the range of justification is inseparably connected with its ratifica-
tion in baptism. But the significance of baptism lies in the fact
that whoever undergoes it is made thereby member of a society,
and becomes at once a recipient of the privileges and immunities
of that society. St. Paul is about (in the next chapter) to lay
stress on this point. He there, as well as elsewhere, describes the
relation of spiritual union into which the Christian enters with
Christ as established by the same act which makes him also
member of the society. And therefore when at the beginning of
the present chapter he speaks of the entrance of the Christian into
the state of grace in metaphors which present that slate under the
figure of a fenced-off enclosure, it b natural to identify the area
i which grace and justification operate with the area of the
society, in other words with the Church. The Church however in
this connexion can have no narrower definition than ' all baptized
persons.' And even the condition of baptism is introduced as an
inseparable adjunct to faith; so that if through any exceptional
circumstances the two were separated, the greater might be taken
to include the less. The Christian theologian has to do with what
is normal ; the abnormal he leaves to the Searcher of hearts.
It is thus neither in a spirit of exclusiveness nor yet in that of
any hard and fast Scholasticism, but only in accordance with the
nd natural tendencies of the Apostle's thought, that we speak
of Justification as normally mediated through the Church. St.
Paul himself, as we have seen, often drops the intervening link,
especially in the earlier Epistles. But in proportion as his maturer
it dwells more and more upon the Church as an organic
he also conceives of it as doing for the individual believer
he 'congregation' did for the individual Israelites under the
:STU: TO THE K [V. 2-6.
older dispensation. The Christian Sacrifice \\ith its effects, like
the sacrifices of the Day of Atonemen:
reach the individual through the commr.
3-5. The two leading types of the Old-Latin Version of the Epistle stand
out distinctly in these verses. We are fortunately able to compare the
Cyprianic text with that of Tertullian (mom solum . . . eomfumdit and the
European text of Cod. Clsrom. with that of Hilary (tribute! io . . . eom/umdif).
The passage is also quoted in the so-called Speculum (m), which repn
the Bible of the Spaniard Priscillian (Classical Review, t
Cvr t COD. C t. A ROM.
.\'on solum autem, sod et gloriamur tfou solum autem, sed tt ftoriamur
in frtnuris: scientes gutmiam prts- in tribulationibus ,
sura toUrantiam operator, toUramtia lotto patiemtiam ofcratur, /
auttm probation**, probatio auttm autem probationem, probatio
spem ; spes autem mom eonfmmdit, guia spem ; spa autem mom eomfumJ
nfutaettcordibmmostris faritas Dei di/u
per Spiritnm Sanctum ami dot us est moslru per Sftritum Sanctum ami
datms estmobis.
vermm eliam exti! (antes Tert ; ftrti
quod Tert.; perjuiat Tert. (ed. Vin- spa vero 11 tL (Cod. Clarom.
dob.) ; tol. vero Tert. ; spes vero Tert.
:c. as elsewhere in Epp. Paul., there is a considerable amount of :
common to all forms of the Version, enough to give colour to the supposition
that a single translation lies at_tbeir root But the salient expressions are
changed ; and in this '
the European texts.
Tertullian elsewhere
Rom -r. vii. a8; a C
Col. . Gal i 4 ; AJ-K-. 14), as also diltrtio (to
the quotation docs not extend in this passage, but which is found in
Luke xi. 41 ; John xiii. 35 ; Rom. viii. 35, $.,
note however that Hilary and Tertvllian agree in ftrficit (ptrfieiaf), though
in another place Hilary has allusively tribulatio /..
Perhaps this coincidence may poiut to an older rendering.
3. ou iicW M (iffrfjfantv dXXu rai nv^tffa, or /cmjavrc t u>
•avxMfUKM): in this elliptical form
esp. of this group of Epistles (cf. v 1 1 ; ix. 10 ; 2 Cor.
19).
tcavx^uvoi B C, Orig. his and others : a good group, but open to suspicion
of conforming to ver. 1 1 (q. v.) ; we have also found a similar .
whole inferior, in iii a8. If mrx^iunn were right it would be another
example of that broken and somewhat inconsecutive structure v
doubtless due, as Va. suggests, to the habit of dictating to an
Note the contrast between th- ^au \\ hich • is excluded '
watt. The one re ; -posed
human privileges an'! he other draws all its force from the
assurance of Divine love.
The Jewish writers know of another «ot/Yi?*ir (besides the empty boasting
Is reserved f«
:?>unt cumjiduci
JUebunt mm eon/usi, tt gaudebunt mom revertniei.
on es at ter root ut te saent expressons are
instance Tertullian goes with Cyprian, a-
The renderings tolerantia and prttsura ore verified for
(tolerantia Luke
V. 8-5.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 125
iv TCUS eXi'4»«(n. The tfXoJ'm are the physical hardships and
sufferings that St. Paul regards as the inevitable portion of the
Christian; cf. Rom. viii. 35 ft.; i Cor. iv. 11-13; vu- 26-32; xv.
30-32; 2 Cor. i. 3-10; xi. 23-27. Such passages give us
glimpses of the stormy background which lies behind St. Paul's
Epistles. He is so absorbed in his ' Gospel ' that this makes very
little impression upon him. Indeed, as this chapter shows, the
overwhelming sense of God's mercy and love fills him with such
exultation of spirit that bodily suffering not only weighs like dust in
the balance but positively serves to strengthen his constancy. The
same feeling comes out in the vntpvut^tv of viii. 37 : the whole
passage is parallel.
forofiOK^r: not merely a passive quality but a 'masculine con-
stancy in holding out under trials ' (XYaitc on a Cor. vi. 4), 'forti-
tude.' See on ii. 7 above.
4. ooKiji^ : the character which results from the process of tri.il,
the temper of the veteran as opposed to that of the raw recruit ; cf.
Tames i. 12, &c. The exact order of Ciro^o^ and fourf must not
be pressed too far : in St. James i. 3 rA ftcMi/uoy rfjs iri<rrt»t produces
vwo/iowj. If St. James had seen this Epistle (which is doubtful) we
might suppose that he had this passage in his mind. The con-
ception is that of 2 Tim. ii. 3 (in the revised as well as the received
text).
^ 8« SoKipf) AviSa. It is quite intelligible as a fact of experience
ih.u the hope which is in its origin doctrinal should be strengthened
by the hardening and bracing of character which come from
conflict. Still the ultimate basis of it is the overwhelming
sense of God's love, brought home through the Death of Christ ;
and to this the Apostle returns.
5. oo KOTaioxut'ei : • does not disappoint,' * does not prove illusory.'
Tin- text Is. xxviii. 16 (LXX) caught the attention of the early
;rom the Messianic reference contained in it ('Behold,
I lay in Zion,' &c.), and the assurance by which this was followed
(' he that belicveth shall not be put to shame ') was confirmed to
them by their own experience : the verse is directly quoted Rom.
, <j. v. ; i Pet. ii. 6.
^ dydm) TOO 6coG : certainly ' the love of God for us,' not ' our
love for God' (Theodrt. Aug. and some moderns): aywn} thus
comes to mean, ' our sense of God's love/ just as tlpm = ' our
sense of peace with God.'
jKKlxurai. The idea of spiritual refreshment and encourage-
is usually conveyed in the East through the metaphor of
ng. St. Paul seems to have had in his mind Is. xliv. 3
' I will pour water upon him that is thirsty, and streams upon the
dry ground : I will pour My Spirit upon thy seed,' &c.
Sid nrcupaTos *AYI'OU : without the art., for the Spirit at imparted.
i: TO THE ROMA' [V. 5, 6.
vrs all his conscious experience of the privileges of
to the operation of the Holy Spirit, dating fr<
time when he definitively enrolled himself as a Christiai
6. «n ydp. There is here a difficult, but not
portant, variety of reading, the evidence for which may be thus
summarized : —
fn yap at the beginning of the verse with At also after aa6<™»,
the mass of M
«~n at the beginning of the verse only, some inferior V
(later stage of the Ecclesiastical t<
•It ri ydp (possibly representing tra ri yap, ut quid cnim).
Western text (Latin authorities).
«i ydp few authorities, partly Latin.
< B.
It is not easy to select from these a reading ill account
for all the variants. That indeed which has the best authority. 1 1 it-
double rri, does not seem to be tenable, unless we suppose an
accidental repetition of the word either by St. Paul or hi- amanuensis.
It would not be difficult to get in yap from two rl yap, or
through the doubling or dropping of IN from the preceding
nor would it be difficult to explain fn ydp from «' ydp, or
might then work our way back to an a
ydp or tt y«. ght be confused with each other through the
use of an abbreviation. Fuller details are given b<
on the whole that it is not improbable that here, a B has
preserved the original reading »f y». For the meaning of «t yt (' so
surely as ' Va.) see T. S. Evans in Exp. 1 882, i. 1 76 f. ; and the note
on iii. 30 above.
In more detail the evidence stands that : In ydp here with In alto after
40*ȣr N A C I
ut quid ewm Lat-Y ircn.-lat. Faiutin: «I v'P 104 Greg. (-h
Scnv.\ fold., Isid.-Pcln*. Au
weak,' &.C.] : <l M Pesh [The reading* are wrongly given by Lip*.,
and not quite correctly even I
The statement which is at once fullest and most exact will be four : in v. n j
It thos appears: (i) that the reading most strongly support'
with double In. which is impossible unless we suppose a latnu
between St. Paul and his amanoensis. (a) The \V cetera reading :
ydf, which may conceivably be a paraphrastic equivalent for an original iVa
n ut quid titim of Irrn.-lat. &c.): thit is no doutt
early reading. (3) Another sporadic reading is «J yap. (4) B alor
So far as sense goes this i, the best, and th t few ca»c* in
where the reading of B alone strongly commen
But the problem is, how to account for the other readings? It wonl<i
difficult palaeographically from it ydp to k-rt lrt yap by dittography of
\p, cnpAp. CTI.-AP), or from this again to get tit ri ydp throng
graphyof c and confusion with c (•
mgenioBsly snggestcd by Gif., of supposing that the original reading was ira
V. 0, 7.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 12;
ri ftp, of which the first two letters had been absorbed by the previous )&
(HMiNf.iNJATifAp). There would thos be no great difficulty in accounting for
the origin either of in yap or of the group of Western readings ; and the
primitive variants would be reduced to the two, ci rap and ci re. Dr. Hort
. >sed to account for these by a conjectural ci ncp, which would be a con-
ceivable root for all the variations— partly through paraphrase and partly
through errors of transcription. We might however escape the necessity of
resorting to conjecture by supposing confusion between ft *°d the abbrevia-
rb. [For this form see T. W. Allen, Notes OH Abbreviations in Greek
MSS. (Oxford, 1889), p. 9 and pi. iii ; Lehmann, Die tatkygraphixktn At-
ktirtvHgtn d. gritth. llandschriften (Leipzig, 1880), p. 91 f. taf. 9. We
ve that the oldest extant example is in the Fragmenttim Alathematicum
Bobunst of the seventh century (Wattenbach, Script. Grate. Sfxtim. tab. 8),
where the abbreviation appears in a corrupt form. But we know that short-
hand was very largely practised in the early centuries (cf. Ens. H. £.
VI. xxiii. a), and it may have been used by Tertius himself.] Where we
have such a tangled skein to unravel as this it is impossible to speak very
confidently ; but we suspect that «? 7*, as it makes the best sense, may also
be the original reading.
cir< (c?rb)
cl'rc ei'rip
en rip ci rip
rip
id
i'wK : ' incapable ' of
ut quid enim
incapable ' of working out any righteousness for our-
St. Paul is strongly impressed with the fitness of
the moment in the world's history which Christ chose for His
intervention in it. This idea is a striking link of connexion between
the (practically) acknowledged and the disputed Epistles ; compare
on the one hand Gal. iv. 4 ; a Cor. vi. a ; Rom. iii. 26; and on
the other hand Eph. i. 10 ; i Tim. il 6 ; vi. 15 ; Tit L 3.
7. fio'Xis Y^P. The yap explains how this dying for sinners is
a conspicuous proof of love. A few may face death for a good
man, still fewer for a righteous man, but in the case of Christ
there is more even than this ; He died for declared enemies of God.
For /nJAit the first hand of K and Orig. read /«hnf, which has more
attestation in Luke ix. 39. The two words were easily confused both in
sense and in writing.
oinciiou. There is clearly in this passage a contrast between
ountov and uv«p rov ayafov. They are not expressions which
e taken as roughly synonymous (Mey.-W. Lips. Ac.), but it
128 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [V. 7-0.
is implied tli.it it is an easier thing to die for the ayaff* than f
ftuuuof. Similarly the Gnostics drew a distinction betwc<
God of the O. T. and the God of the N.T., calling the one Auou*
and the other uyufat (Iron. Adv. Haer. I. xxvii. i ; comp. other
passages and authorities quoted by Gif. p. 123). The toou* keeps
to the ' letter of his bond ' ; about the oyo&r there is something
wanner and more genial such as may well move to sclf-sa
and devotion.
In face of the clear and obvious parallel supplied by Irenaeus,
not to speak of others, it should not be argued as it is by
and Lips, (who make nv iyaBoi, neut.) and i y. and Dr.
Abbott (Essays, p. 75) t! > no substantial difT
between tocou* and oyoA*. We ourselves often use 'righteous'
and ' good ' as equivalent without effacing the distinction tx
them when there is any reason to cmphasiz-
block of the art. before ayaOov and not before ftWov need no:
in the way. This is sufficiently explained by Gif., who points out
that the clause beginning with jtoX. .illy negative, so that
a<«<uov is indefinite and does not need th< the aflir:
clause implies a definite instance which the art indicates.
go therefore with most English and American scholars
(Stuart, Hodge, Gif. Va. Lid.) against some leading Conn;
names in maintaining what appears to be the simple and natural
sense of the passage.
8. aurumiai : see on ii
T?|K iauroo &ytfwv|i': 'His own love,' emphatic, prompted from
within not from without. Observe that the death of Cl
referred to the will of the Father, which lio he whole of
what is commonly (and not wrongly) called the ' scheme of re-
demption.' Gif. excellently remarks that the ' proof of Go-:
towards us drawn from the death of Christ is strong in proportion
to the closeness of the union between God and t
death of One who is nothing less than * the Son.'
TV,v Jovrov dYam|v «U fct&t & O«6s P &C. : 4 e.
om. & e^t B. There U DO ml • rence of meaning,
as tit 4/*os in any cue goes with avrlan^i, not
owtp ^|iwv dvtfarc. S: i Cor.
\ that this doctrine was not confined to himself but
was a common property of Christians.
0. > re separates bet
'not guilty' of :he past and their final s
i to come. He also
•he bloodsheddin^ of Christ: he woul h the
author of I «ro4 J^aw, see p. 92,
V. 9-11.] CONSEQUENCES OF JUSTIFICATION 129
No clearer passage can be quoted for distinguishing the spheres
of justification and sanctification than this verse and the next— the
one an objective fact accomplished without us, the other a change
operated within us. Both, though in different ways, proceed from
Christ.
fti* aurou: explained by the next verse «V rjj fc.7 avrov. That
which saves the Christian from final judgement is his union with
ng Christ.
10. •taTTiXArfyr^ei'. The natural prfma facie view is that the
reconciliation is mutual ; and this view appears to verify itself on
examination : sec below.
«y TTJ IWTJ QUTOO. For the full meaning of this see the notes on
ch. vi. 8-1 1 ; viii. 10, n.
11. Kauxwp«roi (N B C D, &c.) is decisively attested for «avx«/i«0u,
which was doubtless due to an attempt to improve the construction.
The part, is loosely attached to what precedes, and must be taken
as in sense equivalent to Kavx&iutia. In any case it is present and
not future (as if constructed with <r«^(rd/i«Ai). We may compare
a similar loose attachment of duccuov/KKM in ch. hi. 24.
T/ie Idea of Reconciliation or Atonement
The KoroAAayq described in these verses is the same as the
of ver. i ; and the question necessarily meets us, What does this
ffipw or KoroAXoy^ mean ? Is it a change in the attitude of man to
God or in that of God to man ? Many high authorities contend
that it is only a change in the attitude of man to God.
Thus Lightfoot on Col. i. ai : • Wpris, " hostile to God," as the
consequence of cnrr?AAoT/>t«0p«Voi>r not "hateful to God," as it is taken
by some. The active rather than the passive sense of ixflpuh is
required by the context, which (as commonly in the N. T.) speaks
of the sinner as reconciled to God, not of God as reconciled to the
sinner ... It is the mind of man, not the mind of God, which must
undergo a change, that a reunion may be effected.'
larly Westcott on i Jo. ii. 2 (p. 85) : • Such phrases as *« pro-
pitiating God" and "God being reconciled" are foreign to the
language of the N. T. Man is reconciled (2 Cor. v. 18 ff.; Rom.
v. i of.). There is "propitiation" in the matter of sin or of the
sinner. The love of God is the same throughout; but He
" cannot " in virtue of His very nature welcome the impenitent
and sinful : and more than this, He " cannot " treat sin as if it
were not sin. This being so, the 2Xa<r/«fe, when it is applied to the
sinner, so to speak, neutralizes the sin.' [A difficult and it may be
i.t hardly tenable distinction. The relation of God to sin is
not merely passive but active; and the term iAaa/ior is properly
130 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [V. 12-14.
used in reference to a personal agent Somt otu is ' propitiated ' :
and who can this be, but God?]
The same idea is a characteristic feature in the theology of
Ritschl (RfchJ. u. l'<rs. ii. 230 ff.).
No doubt there are passages where «**,** denotes the h-
reconciliation
and uroXXay^ the reconciliation of man to God ; but taking the
language of Scripture as a whole, it does not seem that it can be
explained in this way.
(1) In the immediate context we have r^v coroXXay^ A^Sop**,
implying that the reconciliation comes to man from the side of
God, and is not directly due to any act of his own. We may
compare the familiar *<¥>«« «ol <IM*J, to which is usually added ArA
o«oC in the greetings of the Epistles.
(2) In Rom. XL 28 «*0>x* is Opposed tO cryatnjTot, where ayamrroi
must be passive ('beloved by God'), so that it is hardly possible
that Wpoi can be entirely active, though it may be partly so : it
seems to correspond to our word ' hostile/
(3) It is difficult to dissociate such words as 2X001^*0* (Rom. ill.
25), tXao-MOf (i Jo. it 2) from the idea of propitiating a person.
(4) There is frequent mention of the Anger of God as directed
against sinners, not merely at the end of all things, but also at this
present time (Rom. i. 18, &c.). When that Anger ceases to be
so directed there is surely a change (or what we should be com-
pelled to call a change) on the part of God as well as of man.
We infer that the natural explanation of the passages v
speak of enmity and reconciliation between God and man is that
they are not on one side only, but are mutual
At the same time we must be well aware that this is only our
imperfect way of speaking : «<n4 &0p»*o» Xry» must be v
large over all such language. We are obliged to use anthropo-
morphic expressions which imply a change of attitude or r
on the pan of God as well as of man ; and yet in some
we cannot wholly fathom we may believe th . i m there is
4 no variableness, neither shadow of turning/
THE FALL OF ADAM AND THE WORK OF CHRIST
V. 12-14. What a contrast docs t/tis List description
suggest bchceen the Fall of Adam and tkt justifying Work
of Christ! There. i* -cell as contrast.
For it is trite that as Christ brought righteoit / /iff,
so Adam's /-'all broug/:' •'//. If ti
throughoh : tic period, that could not be dut
V. 12-14.] ADAM AND CHRIST 131
to the act of those who died. Death is the punishment of
sin ; but they had not sinned against law as Adam had.
The true cause then was not their own sin, but Adams ;
whose fall thus had consequences extending beyond itself, like
the redeeming act of Christ.
" The description just given of the Work of Christ, first justifying
and reconciling the sinner, and then holding out to him the hope
of final salvation, brings out forcibly the contrast between the
two great Representatives of Humanity — Adam and Christ. The
act by which Adam fell, like the act of Christ, had a far-reaching
effect upon mankind. Through his Fall, Sin, as an active principle,
first gained an entrance among the human race; and Sin brought
with it the doom of (physical) Death. So that, through Adam's
Fall, death pervaded the whole body of his descendants, because
they one and all fell into sin, and died as he had died. "When
I say ' they sinned * I must insert a word of qualification. In the
strict sense of full responsibility, they could not sin: for that
attaches only to sin against law, and they had as yet no law to
sin against. 14Yet they suffered the lull penalty of sin. All
through the long period which intervened between Adam and the
Mosaic legislation, the tyrant Death held sway; even though
those who died had not sinned, as Adam had, in violation of
an express command. This proved that something deeper was
at work : and that could only be the transmitted effect of Adam's
sin. It is this transmitted effect of a single act which made Adam
a type of the coming Messiah.
12. SiA TOOTO: points to the logical connexion with what pre-
cedes. It has been argued, at somewhat disproportionate length,
whether this refers to ver. 1 1 only (Fricke, De MenU dogmatica loci
Paulini ad Rom. v. 1 2 sq., Lipsiae, 1 880, Mey., Philippi, Beet), or
to w. 9-1 1 (Fri.), or to w. i-n (Rothe, Hofmann), or to the
whole discussion from i. 17 onwards (Beng., Schott, Reichc,
RUckert). We cannot lay down so precisely how much was
consciously present to the mind of the Apostle. But as the lead-
ing idea of the whole section is the comparison of the train of
consequences flowing from the Fall of Adam with the train of
consequences flowing from the Justifying Act of Christ, it seems
natural to include at least as much as contains a brief outline of
that work, i. e. as far as w. i-i i
c a
132 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [V
t being so, we cannot with Frickc infer from %
:ul only wishes to compare the result of death in the one
case with that of life in the other. Fricke, however, is ri.
saying that his object is not to inquire into the origin of death
•:. The origin of both is assumed, not propounded as
ng new. This is important for the under*tanding of the
bearings of the passage. All turns on this, that the effects of
Adam's Fall were transmitted to his descendants; but St. Paul
nowhere says haw they were transmitted ; nor does he even define
in precise terms what is transmitted. He seems, however, to mean
(i) the liability *to sin, (a) the liability to die as the punishment
Anrcp. The structure of the paragraph introduced In
word (to the end of ver. 14) is broken in a manner ict er-
istic of St. Paul. He begins the sentence as if he intendc
run : £*rw<p &* tor a^p^rov * ^apria tit r4» c&rjio» (ioqA*, coi &A
rqr Apapriaf 6 tftucrror • • • ovrtt «ol ftt* toe a*6p**nov f] dooiMNrvnf
rhrijXdf, KOI 8ta r^v ducaKxrvnyc t) fafj. But the words 3ta rijr Aftap-
riat 6 &£xiror bring up the subject which St. Paul is intending to
raise, viz. the connexion of sin and death with the Fall of Adam :
he goes off upon this, and when he has discussed it sufti
for his purpose, he does not return to the form of sci
which he had originally planned, but he attaches the clause
comparing Christ to Adam by a relative (fc «Vm rvnot rov jiAAowof)
to the end of his digression : and so what should have been the
main apodosis of the whole paragraph becomes merely sub-
ordinate. It is a want of finish in style due to eagerness and
intensity of thought ; but the meaning is quite clear. Compare
the construction of ii. 16; iii. 8, 26.
^ dpopTi'a: Sin, as so often, is personified: it is a malignant
force let loose among mankind : see the fuller note at the end of
the chapter.
cl? -rir K&rpor «i<rfjX9e : a phrase which, though it reminds us
specially of St. John (John i. 9, 10; iii. 17, n> : \ 14 ; ix. 5,
39; x. 36, Ac.), is not peculiar to him (cf. i 15; Heb.
St John and the author of He!'. to the personal
ition of the Logos; here it is applied to the impersonal
self-diffusion of
6 6droTot. Some have taken this to mean ' eternal <!
chiefly on the ground of where it seems to be opposed
to 'eternal life.' Oltr. is th« renuous supporter of this
view. But it is far and better to take vsical
death': bccauv : it is
the sense of G
alluding. It seems probable that even
is in the first instance physical But St. Paul d IK-> not dr
V. 12.]
ADAM AND CHRIST
'33
marked distinction that we do between this life and the life to
come. The mention of death in any sense is enough to suggest
the contrast of life in all its senses. The Apostle's argument
is that the gift of life and the benefits wrought by Christ are
altogether wider in their range than the penalty of Adam's sin ;
vn<pnrtpi<r<r<v<rt* 17 x"P*« »s the keynote of the passage. It is not
necessary that the two sides of the antithesis should exactly cor-
respond. In each particular the scale weighs heavily in favour
of the Christian.
The Western text (DEFG, &c.) omits this word altogether. Aug.
makes the subject of the rb. Dot death but sin : he makes it a charge against
the Pelagians that they understood in the second place <J edrarot.
: contains the force of distribution ; * made its way to
each individual member of the race': na&cmip nt xX^pot warpot
dta&at *Vt rovt ryyuMn/c (' like a father's inheritance divided among
his children'), Euthym.-Zig.
4+' <f. Though this expression has been much fought over,
there can now be little doubt that the true rendering is ' because.'
(i) Orig. followed by the Latin commentators Aug. and Ambrstr.
took the rel. as masc. with antecedent 'Add/A : ' in whom,' i. e. 'in
Adam.' But in that case (i) «V» would not be the right preposi-
tion ; (ii) <p would be too far removed from its antecedent
(a) Some Greeks quoted by Photius also took the rel. as masc.
with antecedent &urarof : 4 in which/ i. e. ' in death/ which is
even more impossible. (3) Some moderns, taking ? as neut. and
the whole phrase as equivalent to a conjunction, have tried to
get out of it other meanings than • because.' So (i) 'in like
manner as1 ('all died, just as all sinned'), Rothe, De Wette;
(ii) (= «</>' &roy) ' in proportion as/ ' in so far as ' (' all died, in to
Jar as all sinned'), Ewald, Tholuck (ed. 1856) and others. But
the Greek will not bear either of these senses. (4) y is rightly
taken as neut., and the phrase «0' f as conj.=4 because' ('for
that' AV. and RV.) by Theodrt. Phot. Euthym.-Zig. and the mass
of modern commentators. This is in agreement with Greek
usage and is alone satisfactory.
J$* $ in classical writers more often means 'on condition that': cf.
Thuc. i. 113 ffvor&u voiiprd/uxot ty $ rovt Art pat «o/uoOrra*. 'on con*
dition of getting back their prisoners/ &c. The plural 1+' oft is more
common, as in <i»0* Sir. if Sir. Si' £r. In N. T. the phrase occurs three
times, always as it would seem -/rp/fcr«a quod, 'because*: cf. a Cor. v. 4
fftwSCofW frpotfjMW If $ ol MAo/ur J«tor<ur*u «.r.A. ; I 'nil. iii. u
*?' $ M* corcMfrfft/r fod X. 1. (where 'seeing that' or 'because' appears
to be the more probable rendering). So Phavorinus (d. 1537; a lexico-
grapher of the Renaissance period, who incorporated the contents of older
works, but here seems to be inventing his examples) 4^' £ «irri TOW StArt
Myovotv 'Arri«oi, ofor 1^' $ r^r cXov^r tlpfdatt ('because you com-
mitted the theft ') «.r.A.
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [V. ll> l.i
if J irdrrts TJfiapTor Here lies the rr«.r of this difficult pas-
sage. In what sense did 'all sin'? (i) Many, including
Meyer, though explaining «'<£' y as neut. rather than ma>
• > the sentence as a whole a meaning practically equ
to thit has if the antecedent of y is '.\W/«. Bengel has
this classical expression: cmnes ptccarunt, Adamo pcccante,
' all sinned implicitly in the sin of Adam/ his sin involved
The objection is that the words suj.j ! .- too important
to be left to be understood. If St. Paul had meant this, why did
he not say so? The insertion of «V 'Add/* would have re:
all ambigi: The Greek commentators for the most pan
supply nothing, but take juaprov in its usual sense : ' all
ir own persons, and on their own 'So Euthym.-
Zig. : dufrt natrrtf fjftapmr dxo\ov6f)<rarTff ry rrpontrropi KOTO y* ro
Vymprot. The objection to this is that it destroys the para!.
between Adam and Christ: besides, St. Paul goes on to show
in the same breath that they could not sin in the same wa
Adam did. Sin implies law ; but Adam's descendants had no law.
(3) It is possible however to take tfriapTw in its ordinary sense
without severing the connexion between Adam and his posterity.
If they sinned, their sin was due in part to tendencies inherited
from Adam. So practically Stuart, Fricke, Weiss, Ac.
still remains the difficulty as to the connexion of this clause with
what follows : see the next note.
- a farther argument in fitronr of the view taken above that * very
similar sequence of thought is found in 4 Ezra. Immediately after laying
down that the sin of Adam's descendants is doe to that malignitas raditit
which they inherit from their forefather (see the passage quoted in fall
below), the writer goes on to describe this fin as a repetition of Adam's doe
to the fact that they too had within them the cor malignum as he h
<Uliqutr*»t pri kabitab**t cnritaUm, in omnibut fvuni Adam
€t omtut gt**rati9tus tint, uttfxmhtr entm tt if si (ordt malig>
. Other passages may be quoted both from 4 Ezra and from Apoc.
Banuk. which lay stress at once on the inherited tendency to sin and on the
freedom of choice in those who give way to it : see the fuller note below.
13. axpi Y*P ^r400 * -T X- At l r : ^^- tn's SC«ns to p
reason for just the opposite of what is wanted : it seems to
not that *djT«r fnaprov, but that however much ;
they had not at least the full guilt of sin. This is •
St. Paul aims at proving. There is an under-current all through
the passage, showing h was some work
besides the guilt of .-' is the effect
of Adam's Fall. The Fall gave the predisposition to sin ; and
the Fall linked together sin and death.
St. Paul would nt • .: the absence of written law did
away with all rcsponsil:: has alre.
distinctly that (<
V. 18, 14.] ADAM AND CHRIST 135
tew enough to be judged by (ii. 12-16); and Jews before the
time of Moses were only in the position of Gentiles. But the
degree of their guilt could not be the same either as that of
Adam, or as that of the Jews after the Mosaic legislation.
Perhaps it might be regarded as an open question whether, apart
from Adam, pre-Mosaic sins would have been punishable with
What St. Paul wishes to bring out is that prior to the
giving of the Law, the fate of mankind, to an extent and in a way
which he does not define, was directly traceable to Adam's Fall.
dfiapTia Sc OUK ^XXoycirai it.r.X. The thought is one which
had evidently taken strong hold on St. Paul: see on iv. 15, and
the parallels there quoted.
IXXoyciTcu : * brought into account ' (Gif.), as of an entry made
in a ledger. The word also occurs in Philenu 18, where see
Lightfoot's note.
(or JyAo7«rrat)K«BCDEFGKLPt &c.,
jMA<xy«*ro «*, JAAo>aro A 53 108 ; imputaoatur Vulg. (odd. Ambr»tr. a/.
The imperf. appears to be a (mistaken) correction due to the context.
As to the form of the verb: JAA^ya is decisively attested in I'hilcm. 18 ;
bat it would not follow that the same form was used here where St. Paul
is employing a different amanuensis : however, as the tendency of the MSS.
is rather to obliterate vernacular forms than to introduce them, there is
perhaps a slight balance of probability in favour of jAAoyarai : see Westcott
and I tort, Kates on Orthography in Appendix to Itttrod. p. 166 ff.
14. JpoatXcuacr 6 0dVaTos. St. Paul appeals to the universal
prevalence of death, which is personified, as sin had been just
before, under the figure of a grim tyrant, in proof of the mis-
chief wrought by Adam's Fall. Nothing but the Fall could
account for that universal prevalence. Sin and death had their
beginnings together, and they were propagated side by side.
On the certainty and universality of Death, regarded as a penalty, comp.
Seneca, Nat. Qtuust. ii. 59 Eodem citius tardiusvt vtnitndum est ... In
omnes constitutum tst cafitaU sufplicium tt quidtm (onstihUiont ittstisnma.
mun quod magnum soUt esse solatium txtrtma fassuris, quorum eadtm
causa tt sors tadtm tst. Similarly Fhilo speaks of r«W trvfupva f««^r ^^,
rd oupa (Dt Gigant. 3 ; ed. Mang. i. 264). Elsewhere he goes a step further
and asserts 8ri mvrl yirrrjr? . . . <rv/if wit TO Anapriamv. For parallels in
4 Exra and Afot. Baruch. see below.
brl Tovt fit) 4pif>TT(aovTos. A number of authorities, mostly Latin Fathers,
but including also the important margin of Cod. 67 with three other cursives,
the first hand of d, and the Greek of Orig. at least once, omit the negative,
making the reign of death extend only over those who had sinned after the
likeness of Adam. So Orig.-lat. (Runnns) repeatedly and expressly, Latin
MSS. known to Aug., the 'older Latin MSS.' according to Ambrstr. and
Sedulins. The comment of Ambrstr. is interesting as showing a certain grasp
of critical principles, though it was difficult for any one in those days to have
sufficient command of MSS. to know the real state of the evidence. Ambrstr.
prefers in this case the evidence of the Latin MS&, because those with which
he is acquainted are older than the Greek, and represent, as he thinks, an
older form of text. He claims that this form has the support of Tertnllian.
136 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [V. 14.
Cyprian and Victorian*-* statement which we are not at patent able to
venfy. He account* for the Greek reading by the u»ual theory of heretical
corruption. There u a similar question of the insertion or omission of a
negative in Rom. iv. 19 (q.% In two oat of ihe three cases the
Western text omits the negative, but in ch. ir. 19 it inserts it
TV»O* (nfcrr*): (i) the 'impression1 left by a sharp blow (rdr rv»or
rfir 4A«r John zz. 25), in particular the 'stamp' struck by a •:
inasmach as such a sump bears the figure on the face of the die, ' copy,'
1 figure/ or • representation '; (3) by a common transition from effect to cause,
' mould," pattern.' 'exemplar'; (4) hence in the special sense of the word
type, which we hate adopted from the Creek of the N. I., • an event or
person in history corresponding in certain characteristic features to another
event or person/ That which comes first in order of time is properly the
type, that which comes afterwards the antitype (dm'rmror i 1
These correspondences form a part of the Divine economy of revelation : see
esp. Cheyne, IiaiaM, ii. 170 ff. (Essay III, ' On the Christian Element in the
Book of Isaiah').
TOW fUXXorros. (i) The entirely personal nature of the whole
comparison prevents us from taking rov /w'XX. as neut. =
which was to come' (Beng., Oltramare). If Si. Paul had
intended this, 'he would have written rov /uXXorro* afoot, (a)
obable that we have here a direct allusion to the
Rabbinical designation of the Messiah as 6 fcvrvpor or 6 fa^oro*
'A6o> (i Cor. xv. 45, 47). If St. Paul had intended this, he
would have written TOV /tAXorror 'A&op. (3) The context makes
it clear enough who is intended. The first representative of
the human race as such prefigured its second Great Repre-
hose coming lay in the future: this is sufli
brought out by the expression 'of Him who was to be.' 6
pAA«i> thus approximates in meaning to 6 «Vxo>«»oc
3; Luke vii. 19; Hcb. x. 37), which however appears not to
have been, as it is sometimes regarded, a standing designation
for the Messiah *. In any case rov /icXXorroc = ' Him who .
come' when Adam fell, not 'who it (still) to come1 (Fri DC
The Effects of Adams Fall in Jewish Theology.
Three points come out clearly in these verses : ( i ) the Fall of
Adam brought death not only to Adam himself but to his
descendants; (2) the Fall of Adam also broiK 1 the
tendency to sin; (3) in spite of this the individual does
not lose his responsibility. All three propositions receive some
partial illustration from Jewish sources, though the Talmud does
be designation "The Coming One" (//oJfe), though a most truthful
! with expectancy, was not one ordinarily nsed of the Messiah.'
L. cV T. i. p. 6M.
V. 12-14.] ADAM AND CHRIST 137
not seem to have had any consistent doctrine on the subject,
Dr. Edersheim says expressly : ' So far as their opinions can be
gathered from their writings the great doctrines of Original Sin and
of the sinfulness of our whole nature, were not held by the ancient
Rabbis' (Lift and Times, &c. i. 165). Still there are approxima-
tions, especially in the writings on which we have drawn so freely
already, the Fourth Book of Ezra and the Apocalypse of Baruch.
(i) The evidence is strongest as to the connexion between Adam's sin and
the introduction of death. • There were,' says Dr. Edenhcim, • two divergent
opinions— the one ascribing death to personal, the other to Adam's guilt '
(op. fit. L 166). It is however allowed that the latter view greatly pre-
pooderated. Traces of it are found at far back as the Sapiential Books:
e.g. \Yisd. ii. 23 f. 4 e«<it !«rio«r tov arOfxvwov iw' d&apoia . . . f*4r? W
flaxa TUT tlarj\6ty tit TOV «40/ior, where we note the occurrence of
1 aul's phrase ; Ecclus. xxv. 24 [33] It atrip (sc, rip ft/routa)
c«on<r wavrtt. The doctrine is also abundantly rec
recognized in 4 Ezra and
Apoc. Baruck. : 4 Ezr. iii. 7 et kuic (sc. Adamo) mandasti diligert viam
tuamt et ptaeterivit tarn; tt statim instituisti in turn mortem tt in
nationibus ( - gtnerationibus) eius: A foe. Baruch. xvii. 3 (Adam) mortem
attulit tt absctdit annos eorum qui ab to geniti fuerunt : ibid. xiiii. 4
Quando teccavit Adam tt dtcretafuit mart contra eos qui gignerentur.
(a) We are warned (by Dr. Edersheim in St. Comm. Afocr. ad loc.) not
to identify the statement of Ecclus. xxv. 34 [33] dwd fvratith aprf aitapruu
with the N.T. doctrine of Original Sin: still it points in that direction; we
have just seen that the writer deduces from Eve the death of all mankind,
and in like manner he also seems to deduce from her (a*o yv».) the initium
ptccandi. More explicit are 4 Ezra iii. ai f. Cor enim malignum baiulcuu
primus Adam transgrcsnu et victtu tst, scd et omnes qui dt eo nati sunt :
ta tst permanent infirmitas, et lex cum cord* /o/Wi, cum malignitat*
radicis ; et discessit quod bonum tst, et mansit malignum : ibid. iv. 30
Quoniam granum seminis malt seminatum tit in corde Adam ab initio, et
ouantum impietatis generavit usque nunc. et gentrat usque dum veniat area :
ibid. vii. 48 (i 1 8) 0 tu qnidfecutt Adam t Sttnim tu pecccuti, ncn est foetus
soli us tuus casus, sed et nostrum qui ex te advcnimus.
(3) And yet along with all this we have the explicit assertion of responsi-
on the part of all who sin. This appears in the passage quoted above
on ver. la (aJ Jin.). To the same effect are 4 Ezr. viii. 59!. Aim enim
Altissimus volutt hominem disftrdi, sed if si qui creati sunt coin^uinaverunt
nomen eius qui fecit eos : ibid. ix. 1 1 qui fast tdierunt legem meant cum adkue
erant kabentes libertatem. But the classical passage is Afoc. Baruck.
liv. 15, 19 Si enim Adam prior fectavit, et attulit mortem super omnes
immaturam ; sed etiam illi qui ex eo nati sunt, unusquisqut ex eis fratfa-
ravit animai suae tormentum futurum : et iterum unusquisqut ex eis
eltgit sibi gloriam futuram . . . Non est ergo Adam causa, nut animae suae
tantum ; aw vero unusquisque fuit animae suae Adam.
The teaching of these passages does not really conflict with that of the
Talmud. The latter is thus summarized by Weber (Altsyn. Tkeol. p. a 16) :
4 By the Fall man came under a curse, is guilty of death, and his right
relation to God is rendered difficult More than this cannot be said. Sin,
to which the bent and leaning had already been planted in man by creation,
had become a tact; the •« evil impulse w (- «w *»«/I^»*M»I) gained the mastery
over mankind, who can only resist it by the greatest efforts ; before the Kail
it had had power over him, but no such ascendancy (Uebermacht : Hma*
when the same writer says a little further on that according to the Rabbis
* there is such a thing as transmission of guilt, but not such a thing as tnuu-
>MANS [V. 15-21.
of tia (£/ ji*/ ri«/ ErbxkuU, abtr krimi Krhundt ; the negative
proposition to doe chiefly to the clcaroc*. with which the Rabbi
Bar*<k.} insist upon free-will and direct individual responsibility.
It seems to us a mistake to place the teaching of St. Paul in too
marked opposition to this. There is no fundamental inconsistency
between his views and those of his contemporaries. He does not
indeed either affirm or deny the existence of the cor maligmm
before the Fall, nor does he use such explicit language as not
tero unusquisqut fuit ant mat suae Adam : on the other hand he
does define more exactly than the Rabbis the nature of human
responsibility both under the Law 7 ff.) and without it
.: here, as elsewhere in dealing with this mysterious
subject (see p*. 267 below), he practically contents himseit
leaving the two complementary truths side by side. Man is
his nature ; and yet he must not be allowed to shift responsibility
from himself: there is that within him by virtue of which he i
to choose ; and on that freedom of choice be must stand or :
ADAM AND CHRIST.
V. 15-21. So far the parallelism: but note also the
contrast. How superior the Work of Christ! (i) How
different in quality: the one act all sin, the other act all
bounty or grace! (ver. 15). (2) Hoiv different in quantity,
or mode of working: one act tainting t/te whole race
sin, and a multitude of sins collected together in one only to
be forgiven ! (ver. 16). (3) How dijj\ passing in
>:ole character and consequences: a reign of Death and
n of Life! (ver. 17). Summarizing: Adams Fall
brought sin : Law increased it: but the Work of Grace has
cancelled^ and more than c the effect of Law (w.
18-21).
"In both cases there is a transmission of effects: but there
the resemblance ends. In all else the false step (or Fall, as we
call it) of Adam and the free gift of God's bounty arc most unlike.
The fall of that one representative man entailed death upon the
many members of the race to belonged. Can w<
be surprised if an act of such different quality— the free un«
favour of God, and the gift of righteousness bestowed through
V. 15-21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 139
the kindness of that other Representative Man, Jesus Messiah
— should have not only cancelled the effect of the Fall, but
also brought further blessings to the whole race? "There is
a second difference between this boon bestowed through Christ
and the ill effects of one man's sinning. The sentence pro-
nounced upon Adam took its rise in the act of a single man, and
had for its result a sweeping verdict of condemnation. But the
gift bestowed by God inverts this procedure. It took its rise in
many faults, and it had for its result a verdict declaring sinners
righteous. "Yet once more. Through the single fault of the one
man Adam the tyrant Death began its reign through that one
sole agency. Much more then shall the Christian recipients of
that overflowing kindness and of the inestimable gift of righteous-
ness—much more shall they also reign, not in death but in life,
through the sole agency of Jesus Messiah.
11 To sum up. On one side we have the cause, a single Fall ;
and the effect, extending to all men, condemnation. On the other
side we have as cause, a single absolving act ; and as effect, also
extending to all, a like process of absolution, carrying with it life.
!'For as through the disobedience of the one man Adam all
mankind were placed in the class and condition of ' sinners,' so
through the obedience (shown in His Death upon the Cross) of the
one man, Christ, the whole multitude of believers shall be placed
in the class and condition of ' righteous.' * Then Law came in,
as a sort of 'afterthought,' a secondary and subordinate stage,
in the Divine plan, causing the indefinite multiplication of sins
which, like the lapse or fall of Adam, were breaches of express
command. Multiplied indeed they were, but only with the result
of calling forth a still more abundant stream of pardoning grace.
11 Hitherto Sin has sat enthroned in a kingdom of the dead;
its subjects have been sunk in moral and spiritual death. But this
has been permitted only in order that the Grace or Goodwill of
God might also set up its throne over a people fitted for its sway
by the gift of righteousness, and therefore destined not for death
but for eternal life— through the mediation of Jesus Messiah, our
Lord.
15. traprfirrwfia : lit ' a slip or fall sideways/ ' a false step/
1 a lapse ' : hence metaph. in a sense not very dissimilar to A^prrjpa
140 .IE ROMA [V. 15, 10.
(which is prop, 'missing a mark'). It is however appro
that wapdirr. should be used for a 'fall' or first deflection from
uprightness, just is bapr. i* used of the failure of efforts towards
recovery. On the word sec Trench, Syn. p. 237 f.
TOO Mt : ' the one man/ 1. 1. Adam.
<H voXXoi : * the many/ practically = wavrat ver. 1 2 ; wtbrar d^pi-
wot* in ver. 18, 'all mankind.' It is very misleading to tr.
as AVr., ignoring the article, if ' through the offence of cnt, may
be dead, by the obedience of ont shall many be made righteous.'
Redemption like the Fall proceeds not from any chance member of
the human race, and its effects extend not only to 'm
4 all '—to ' til/ that is potentially, if they embrace the redemption
which is offered them.
See Bentlejr, quoted bjr Ut Om RtviHo*, p. 97, « By this accurate version
some hurtful mistake* about partial redemption and absolute reprobation
had been happily prevented. Our English reader* had then teen, what
several of the Fathers saw and testified, that ol voAAof, the many, in an anti-
thesis to tk* o*t, arc equivalent to warm, off, in ver. I a, and comprehend the
whole multitude, the entire species of mankind, exclusive only ol tlU «•«.'
woXX* poXXor. What we know of the character of God as dis-
played in Christ makes us more certain of the good result than of
the evil.
is more fully defined below (\< •. 17) as $ &*>•
: the gift is the condition of righteousness into
the sinner enters, dwptd, ' boon,' like 6«por contrasted with tyu,
is reserved for the highest and best gifts; so Philo, Leg. Ai.
70 Woo* nty<6mn rcXfiW tryater iijXoC<r«» (Lft. RcV. p. 77) ; COmp.
also the ascending scale of expression in Jas. i
iv x<£fHTi goes closely with «j 6«p«(i. In classical Greek we should
.id the art. 9 <V x*(*Tt* but in Hellenistic Greek a
phrase is attached to a subst. without repetition of the art.
however and some others (including Lid.) separate fi om 9
and connect it with j*ipia<7tv<n.
is more often applied to God the Father, and b exhibited in the
whole scheme of salvation. As applied to C that active favour
towards "»••»««•< which moved Him to intervene for their salvation (cf. csp.
a Cor. viii. 9) ; (a) the same active favour shown to the individual
Father and the Son conjointly (Rom. L 7 q. v.).
16. The absence of verbs is another mark of compressed
thetic style. \Vuh the first clause we may h the
second «V«WTO : * And not as through one man's sinning, so
boon. For the judgement sprang from one to c< : n, but
the free gift sprang from many trespasses (and ended in) a d-
tion of righteousness.' In the one case there is expansion out-
wards, from one to many : in the other case there is contraction
V. 10-18.] ADAM AND CHRIST 141
inwards; the movement originates with many sins which are all
embraced in a single sentence of absolution.
SiKcuwpa : usually the decision, decree, or ordinance by which
a thing is declared &KCUOV (that which gives a thing the force of
1 right'); here the decision or sentence by which persons tie
declared dtWoi. The sense is determined by the antithesis to KOTO-
*,u/i". £i«cu'<»p<i bears to duoiWir the relation of an act completed
to an act in process (see p. 31 sup.).
17. woXX$ fidXXor Here the a fortiori argument lies in the
nature of the two contrasted forces : God's grace must be more
powerful in its working than man's sin.
TTjy ircpuraciai' . . . TT)S 8wp«as TTJS StKaioauiTjs XappdyoKTCS. Every
term here points to that gift of righteousness here described as
something objective and external to the man himself, not wrought
within him but coming to him, imputed not infused. It has its
source in the overflow of God's free favour ; it is a gift which man
• : see pp. 35, 30 f., 36 above.
pacriXcuffowt. The metaphor is present to St. Paul's mind;
ami having used it just before of the prevalence of Death, he
naturally recurs to it in the sense more familiar to a Christian of
his share in the Messianic blessings, of which the foremost was
a heightened and glorified vitality, that * eternal life ' which is his
already in germ.
Sid TOU Jrfe 'ITJOOU XpioroC. The &a here covers the whole media-
tion of the Son in reference to man : it is through His Death that the
sinner on embracing Christianity enters upon the state of righteous-
ness, and through the union with Him which follows that his whole
being is vitalized and transfigured through time into eternity.
18. This and the three following verses, introduced by the
strongly illative particles opo ofr, sum up the results of the whole
comparison between Adam and Christ : the resemblance is set
forth in w. 18, 19; the difference and vast preponderance of the
scale of blessing in vv. 20, ai.
Again we have a condensed antithesis — the great salient strokes
confronting each other without formal construction : origin, extent,
issue, alike parallel and alike opposed. ' As then, through one lapse,
to all men, unto condemnation — so also, through one justifying act,
to all men, unto justification of life/ There arc two difficulties,
the interpretation of &' «*W ducaiM/urn* and of 3uca«Wt» fat.
Si* Jr£s SmaaifiaTos. Does fataiupa here mean the same thing
as in vcr. 16? If so, it is the sentence by which God declares
men righteous on account of Christ's Death. Or is it the merit
of that Death itself, the 'righteous act/ or wra*oij, of Christ? A
number of scholars (Holsten, Va. Lips. Lid.) argue that it must
be the latter in order to correspond with &' tor irapanrw/iarof. So
tOO Eathym.-Zig. &' <Wr duuu»parof rov X. TTJV aitpav 6i*aw<rvn)i'
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [V. 18, 19.
But it seems better, with Me\ ! others, to
give the same sense to oWsya as in ver. 16. We saw that
the sense was fixed by nmfcwia, which is repeated in the ;
verse. On the other hand it is doubtful whether foofctpa can quite
= ' a righteous act.' God's sentence and the act of Christ are so
inseparable that the one may be used in the antithesis as naturally
as the other.
I best also to follow the natural construction of the Greek
and make Mt ncut. in agreement with «4«a*V (Mey.-W. Va.
Gif.) rather than masc. (Lipe.).
oiKoWir l«ijs. ' Life ' is both the immediate and ultimate
of that state of things into which the Christian enters when be is
declared ' righteous ' or receives his sentence of absolution.
19. StA Ttjs wopoicoijf . . . Sid TTJS foroKofjs itural that
this aspect of the Fall as ffopocoj should be made promin
a context which lays stress on the effect of law or express command
in enhancing the heinousncss of sin. It is natural a!>o i
antithesis to this there should be singled out in the Death of
Christ its special aspect as vram? : cf. Heb. v. 8, 9 ; V
39 ; Phil. ii. 8. On the word mpagof, (' a failing to hear,' incuria,
and thence inobtdientia) see Trench, Syn. p. 234.
KQTeaT00Tj<7aK . . . KaTaara^aorroi: ' Were constituted * . . . ' shall
be constituted.' But in what sense ' constituted ' ? The Greek
word has the same ambiguity as the English. If we define further,
the definition must come from the context. Here the context is
sufficiently clear : it covers on the one hand the whole result of
Adam's Fall for his descendants prior to and independently of their
own deliberate act of sin ; and it covers on the other hand the
whole result of the redeeming act of Christ so far as that too is
accomplished objectively and apart from active concurrence on the
part of the Christian. The fuu gawroflygomu has ; not to
the Last Judgement but to future generations of C to all
in fact who reap the benefit of the Cross.
When St Paul wrote in Gal ii. 15 ffim *&r«i lovSoax, «o2 ofcr If J*£r
tafmfei, be implied (speaking for the moment from the stand-point of hit
couiiU/meu) that Gentile* would be regarded as *fai dpa/rrwAo.
belonged 'to the class' of tinners; jot as we might ipeak of a c
belonging to the 'criminal class' before it bad done anything by in own act
to justify its place in that class. The meaning of the text it very s
so far as it relates to the effects of the Fall of Adam it must I
by rr. 12-14; and so far as it relates to the effects of the Death of Christ
. v. i a ftuMM*/rr«t o*r [J« wiartw] Wp^np 'x<>M«' 'con-
in ix***") •?« rAc *•** *•* rov Kipov 4/»r 1. X., «•' ot «o2 rip
r*r Ms^SV clt r^r x<W *r | J<m^«a^. use of ta*>
there is a good parallel in Xen. Mem. ii. i. 9 '£7* o^r T
^ «m«rr^«u/«, where
/COTtKTT. - «If TOVf d/>XI«OVt TaffO^O (iUf.) and J/MXVTwr TOTTW tit
V. 20, 21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 143
20. irapciorjXOcr : ' come in to the side of a state of things already
existing.' St. Paul regarded Law as a ' parenthesis' in the Divine
plan : it did not begin until Moses, and it ended with Christ
(cp. iv. 13-16 ; x. 4). Here however he has in view only its late
beginning : it is a sort of ' after-thought ' (see the Paraphrase).
• Why did he not say the Law was given, bat tht Law enttrtd by ttu way ?
It was to show that the need of it was temporary and not absolute or
claiming precedence* (vp&oitati** ofcrow fcurrvt r^v XP*'""' oZaw, «o2 06
Chry*.
irXcordUrQ. For the force of mi comp. « If ri »kat avrovt ajtnro-
vf i. 20 : the multiplication of transgression is not the first
and direct object of law, but its second and contingent object : law
only multiplies trangression because it is broken and so converts
into deliberate sin acts which would not have had that character if
they had not been so expressly forbidden.
Ti 8) Ira Jrravfti o£« alnoloylat watav <UA* i«£d<r«£f lor*. Ov -yap ««*
rovro i&0n ifa m\«**<rQ, dAA1 IMtoj jiJr Sxrrt nuatocu «ai dyf Acfr rd wapd-
rratna- ^i&rj 5i rofoayrior, ov wapa rip rov r4/iov <j>\>oivt dAAa mpa rip rtur
Itlanivw fia0viuav (Chrys.) : a note which shows that the ancients were quite
aware of the ecbatic sense of fra (see on xi 1 1).
, as Va. remarks, might be transitive, but is more
probably intransitive, because of «VA«<mi<7f * 9 a^apr. which follows.
TO irapQTTTwjia : seems expressly chosen in order to remind us
that all sins done in defiance of a definite command are as such
repetitions of the sin of Adam.
21. iv TW Oa^ty. Sin reigns, as it were, over a charnel-house ;
the subjects of its empire are men as good as dead, dead in every
sense of the word, dead morally and spiritually, and therefore
doomed to die physically (see on vi. 8 below).
Sid oiKcuoauKT)f. The reign of grace or Divine favour is made
possible by the gift of righteousness which the Christian owes to
the mediation of Christ, and which opens up for him the prospect
of eternal life.
£/. PauVs Conception of Sin and of tiie Fall
St Paul uses Greek words, and some of those which he uses
cannot be said to have essentially a different meaning from that
which attached to them on their native soil ; and yet the different
relations in which they are placed and the different associations
which gather round them, convey what is substantially a different
idea to the mind.
The word Aftaprla with its cognates is a case in point. The
corresponding term in Hebrew has much the same original MOM
144 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA 12 21
of 'missing a mark/ Both words are used with a higher and a
lower : and in both the higher meaning belongs to the
sphere of religion. So that the difference between them is not in
the words themselves but in the spirit of the religions
they are connected.
This appears upon the face of it from the mere bulk of li
In classical Greek dpoprfa, a/ioprawu' are common enough
lighter senses of ' missing an aim/ of ' error in judgement or
opinion'; in the graver sense of serious wrong-doing they are
rare. When we turn to the Bible, the LXX and the N.T.
alike, this proportion is utterly reversed. The words denote nearly
always religious wrong-doing, and from being in the background
they come strongly to the front ; so much so that in the Concord-
ance to the LXX :i,is group of words fills SGI n columns,
averaging not much less than eighty instances to the column.
alone tells its own story. And along with it we must
take the deepening of meaning which the words have undergone
through the theological context in which they arc placed. ' How can
I do this great wickedness, and sin against God? ' (Gen. xxx
'Agaii only, have I sinned, and done that wl
. Thy sight' (Ps. li. 4). 'Behold, all souls a: .is the
soul of the father, so also the soul of the son is Mine : the soul
that sinncth, it shall die ' (Ezek. xviii. 4). We have travelled a long
way from Hellenic religion in such utterances as these.
It is impossible to have an adequate conception of sin without
an adequate conception of God. The Hebrew in general
.-.:! in particular, had this; and that is why Sin is such an
intense reality to them. It is not a mere defect, the coming short
of an ideal, the mark of an imperfect development. It is some-
thing more than a negation ; it is a positive quality, calling forth
a positive reaction. It is a personal offence against a personal
God. injury or wound— if the reaction which
may be describ- ian terms as ' injury- ' or ' wound '—
directed against the Holy One whose love is incessantly going forth
towards man. It causes an estrangement, a deep gulf of separation,
between God and n
The guilt of sin is proportioned to the extent to v
conscious and delibc i <ng actions done u/ know-
ledge that they arc wrong are not imputed to the doer (dyuymci
cXXoyflnti M«? *"°r »>\™> Rom. .-,). But as a matter
of fact few or none can take advantage of this because everywhere—
imong the heathen— there is some knowledge of God and of
right and wrong (Rom. i. 19 (. ; ii. 12, 14 f-V .™<i the ex
knowledge the degree of iiere is a v
law like that of the Jews s1 he guilt is
at its height. But this is but the climax of an ascending sc
V. 12-21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 145
which the hcinousncss of the offence is proportioned to advantages
and opportunities.
Why did men break the Law ? In other words, Why did they
sin ? When the act of sin came to be analyzed it was found to
contain three elements. Proximately it was due to the wicked
impulses of human nature. The Law condemned illicit desires, but
men had such desires and they succumbed to them (Rom. vii.
7 ff.). The reason of this was partly a certain corruption of
human nature inherited from Adam. The corruption alone would
not have been enough apart from the consentient will ; neither
would the will have been so acted upon if it had not been for
the inherited corruption (Rom. v. 12-14). But there was yet a third
element, independent of both these. They operated through the
man himself; but there was another influence which operated with-
out him. It is remarkable how St. Paul throughout these chapters,
Rom. v, vi, vii, constantly personifies Sin as a pernicious and deadly
force at work in the world, not dissimilar in kind to the other great
counteracting forces, the Incarnation of Christ and the Gospel.
Now personifications are not like dogmatic definitions, and the
personification in this instance does not always bear exactly the
same meaning. In ch. v, when it is said that ' Sin entered into the
world,' the general term ' Sin' includes, and is made up of, the sins
of individuals. But in chaps, vi and vii the personified Sin is set
over against the individual, and expressly distinguished from him.
Sin is not to be permitted to reign within the body (vi. 1 2) ; the
members are not to be placed at the disposal of Sin (vi. 13); to
Sin the man is enslaved (vi. 6, 17, 20; vii. 14), and from Sin he is
emancipated (vi. 18, 22), or in other words, it is to Sin that he dies
(vi. 9, n); Sin takes up its abode within his heart (vii. 17, 20):
it works upon him, using the commandment as its instrument, and
so is fatal to him (vii. 8, n).
In all this the usage is consistent : a clear distinction is drawn
at once between the will and the bodily impulses which act upon
the will and a sort of external Power which makes both the will and
the impulses subservient to it What is the nature of this Power ?
Is it personal or impersonal ? We could not tell from this particular
context. No doubt personal attributes and functions are assigned
to it, but perhaps only figuratively as part of the personification.
To answer our questions we shall have to consider the teaching of
the Apostle elsewhere. It is clear enough that, like the rest of his
countrymen (see Charles, Book of Enoch, p. 52 f.V St. Paul did
believe in a personal agency of Evil. He repeatedly uses the per-
sonal name Satan ; he ascribes to him not only mischief-making in
the Church (i Thess. ii. 18; 2 Cor. ii. n), but the direct tempta-
tion of individual Christians (i Cor. vii. 5); he has his followers on
whom he is sometimes invited to wreak his will (i Cor. v. 5;
i4<* :STLE TO TIN; ROMA [v. i
i Tim. i. 20); supernatural powers of deceiving or pen
are attributed to him (2 ThesS. ii. 9 cor* •Wpyuay roC Zara»a «V vairg
oWfMt *ai trrjunms cat rt'pmn jniAovs : cf. 2 Cor. xi. 14).
Power of Evil does not stand alone but has at its disposal a whole
army of subordinate agents (df>x<ut «fwa«'ai, corpac/Mro/Mf roC
rour^ cf. Col. ii. 15). There is indeed a
hierarchy of evil spirits as there is a hierarchy of good (
and Satan has a court and a kingdom just as God has. He is ' the
god of the existing age* (6 toot rov olAm rovrov a Cor. iv. 4
exercises his rule till the final triumph of the Messiah (2 Thcss. ii.
8f.; i Cor. xv. 24 f.).
see there/ore that just as in the other books of the N.T.
the Gospels, the Apocalypse, and the other Apostolic Epistles, evil
is referred to a personal cause. And although it is doubtless true
•; chaps, v: re St Paul speaks most directly of the
baleful activity of Sin, he does not intend to lay special stress on
this ; his language is of the nature of personification and does not
necessarily imply a person ; yet, when we take it in connexion with
other language elsewhere, we see that in the last resort he
have said that there was a personal agency at work. It is at least
clear that he is speaking of an influence external to man
acting upon him in the way in which spiritual forces act.
St. Paul regards the beginnings of sin as traceable to the Fall of Adam,
in this be is simply following the account : : and the question
naturally arises, What becomes of that account and of the inferences which
St. Paul draws from it, if we accept the view which is pressed upon us by
the comparative study of religions and largely adopted by modern criticism,
that it is n..t to be taken as a literal record of historical fact, but as the
w form of a story common to a number of Oriental peoples and going
back to a common root f When we speak of a • Hebrew form ' of this story
we mean a form shaped and moulded by those principles of revel a
which the Hebrew race was chosen to be the special recipient. From this
point of view it becomes the typical and summary representation of a series
of (acts which no discovery of flint implements and half-calcined bones can
ever reproduce for us. In some way or other as far back as history goes,
and we may believe much further, there has been ;
race this mysterious seed of sin, which like other characteristics of the race
is capable of transmission. The tendency to sin is present in every man who
is born into the world. But the tendency does not become actual sin until
it takes effect in defiance of an express command, in deliberate disregard of
a known distinction between right and wrong. How men came to be
possessed of such a command, by what process they arrived at the conscious
distinction of right and wrong, we can but vaguely speculate.
was we may be sure that it could not have been presented to the imagination
c peoples otherwise than in such simple forms as the narrative
assumes in the Book of Genesis. The really essential truths all come
the recognition of the Divine Will, the act of disoU
to the Will so recognized, the perpetuation of the tendency to such dis-
obedience ; and we may add perhaps, though here we get into a region of
surmises, the connexion between moral evil and physical decay, for the surest
pledge of immortality is the relation of the highest part of us, the soul.
V. 12-21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 147
through righteousness to God. These salient principle*, which may have
been due in fact to a process of gradual accretion through long periods, are
naturally and inevitably summed up as a group of single incidents. Their
essential character is not altered, and in the interpretation of primitive
beliefs we may safely remember that ' a thousand years in the sight of God
are but as one day.' We who believe in Providence and who believe in the
active influence of the Spirit of God upon man, may well also believe that
the tentative groping* of the primaeval savage were assisted and guided and
so led up to definite issues, to which he himself perhaps at the time could
hardly give a name but which he learnt to call ' sin ' and ' disobedience,' and
the tendency to which later ages also saw to have been handed on from
generation to generation in a way which we now describe as « heredity.' It
would be absurd to expect the language of modern science in the prophet
who first incorporated the traditions of his race in the Sacred Books of the
Hebrews. He uses the only kind of language available to his own intelli-
gence and that of his contemporaries. But if the language which he does
use is from that point of view abundantly justified, then the application which
St. Paul makes of it is equally justified. He too expresses truth through
symbols, and in the days when men can dispense with symbols his teaching
may be obsolete, but not before.
The need for an Incarnation and the need for an Atonement are not
dependent upon any particular presentation, which may be liable to cor*
rection with increasing knowledge, of the origin of sin. They rest, not on
theory or on anything which can be clothed in the forms of theory, but on
the great outstanding facts of the actual sin of mankind and its ravages.
We take these facts as we see them, and to us they furnish an abundant
explanation of all that God has done to counteract them. How they are in
their turn to be explained may well form a legitimate subject for curiosity,
but the historical side of it at least has but a very slight bearing on the
interpretation of the N.T.
History of the Interpretation of the Pauline doctrint
of diKdfaxrt?.
In order to complete our commentary on the earlier portion of the Epistle,
it will be convenient to sum up, as shortly as is possible, the history of the
doctrine of Justification, so far as it is definitely connected with exegesis.
To pursue the subject further than that would be beside our purpose; but so
much is necessary since the exposition of the preceding chapters has been
almost entirely from one point of view. We shall of course be obliged to
confine ourselves to certain typical names.
Just at the close of the Apostolic period the earliest speculation on the Clemens
subject of Justification meets us. Clement of Rome, in his Epistle to the Komanus.
Corinthians, writes clearly guarding against any practical abuses which may
arise from St. Paul's teaching. He has before him the three writers of the
N. T. who deal most definitely with ' faith ' and * righteousness/ and from
them constructs a system of life and action. He takes the typical example,
that of Abraham, and asks, ' Wherefore was our father Abraham blessed!*
The answer combines that of St. Paul and St Tames. ' Was it not because
he wrought righteousness and truth through faith f ' ($31 mi\( iuauoffvvTjf «o2
fed vurr««it vot^caf ;). And throughout there is the same co>
We are justified by works and not
6yott\ But again (f 3*} : 'And
in Christ Tesus, are not justified
through ourselves or through our own wisdom or understanding or piety or
works which we wrought in holiness of heart, but through faith whereby the
Almighty God justified all men that have been from the beginning.* But
L 2
<iATJ0«ia»' &d wtartan wm^cas ;). And throu
onlination of different types of doctrine. • W<
by words ' (§ 30 tpyott ftraiov/uroi «o2 ftff \6^
so we, having been called through His will ii
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [V. 12 21
dangerous thrones as to conduct, which arise from holding such beliefs in
too crude a manner, are at once guarded against • •; -.: then must
we do, brethren t Must we idly abstain from doing good, and forsake love ?
May the Master never allow this to befall us at least ... m that
all the righteous were adorned in good works . . . Seeing then that we have
this pattern, let us conform ourselves with all diligence to His will : let us
with all our strength work the work of righteousness.' Clement writes as
a Christian of the second generation wf.
logy of the Apostolic perio* mines*,' ar
which have become part of the Christian life ; the need of definition has not
arisen. The system of conduct which should be exhibited as the result of
irTerent elements of this life is clearly realized. What St. Paul and
lames each in bis different way arrived at to accomplish
exact meaning of St. Paul, however, and the understanding of his teaching,
we get no aid. Bishop Lightfoot, while showing bow Clement • has caught
the spirit of the Pauline teaching/ yet dwells, and dwells rightly, on 'the
defect in the dogmatic statement/ (See Lightfoot. Clement, i. 96, ;
The question of Justification never became a subject of controversy in the
early church, and consequently the Fathers contented themselves as Clement
had done with a clear practical solution. We cannot find in them either an
answer to the more subtle questions which later theologians have asked or
much assistance as to the exact exegesis of St. Paul's language.
Origen. How little Origen had grasped some points i thought may be
seen by his comment on Rom. iii. ao Ex operibus igitur legit quod non iusti-
fitabitur omnis earo in conspectu eitis, hot modo intelligendum puto : quia
omnis qui faro est et setundum eamem vivit, non potest iuitij.
left Dei, ticut et alibi dUit idem Apottolut, quia qui in came sum Deo
rlacere non possunt (in Rom. iii. 6; Of p. torn, v 1 ommatzsch).
but in many points his teaching to clear and strong. All Justification to by
faith alone iii. 9, p. 317 et dint suffitere tolius / .mem, ita ut
credent quit tantummodo iuttijuetur, etiamst nikil ab eo opens fuerit
i* the beginning of the Christian life, and is represented as
the bringing to an end of a state of cnn. . > were followers of the
devil, our tyrant and enemy, can if we will by laying down bis arms and
taking up the banner of Christ have peace with God, a peace which has
been purchased /or us by the blood of Christ -.;, on Rom
TK« nrn <-••• **( !«M» I £<M »!**•* •• .-l.trlu . .«»• r*f * imn*it«»<A« ' / ti.ff, .»// , ,. : f i' f ,si ni
The process of justification to clearly one of ' imputation ' (fides ad in
reputetur iv. i, p. 340, on Rom. iv. 1-8), an<i i with the Gospel
teaching of the forgiveness of tins ; the two instances of it which are quoted
being the penitent thief and the woman with the alabaster box of ointment
(Lnk. 13). But the need for good works is not exclude
for tat tit hate aliquis audiens resolvatur et bene agmdi negligent iam to fiat.
si quidem ad iustifieandum fides tola suffitiat. ad quern duemut, quia post
• nduJgenti* namque non futurorum ted praeleritontm criminum datur
,. p. 319, on R« : without works is impossible
rather faith is the root from which they spring : non ergo
ex opertout rod,
ill* uilieet rod. qua Deus aeeef:
c also the comment on Rom. ii. 5. 6 i
may further note that in the comment on Rom. i. 1 7 and m. .-4 the .
Dei to dearly interpreted as the Divine attribute.
Chrysos- The same criticism which was passed on Origen applies in an equal
en greater degree to Chrysostom. Theologically and practically the
well balano
teaching to vigorous and well balanced, but so far as exegesis
oeroed St Paul's conception and point of view are not understood. The
circumstances which had created these conceptions no lontrer existed
V. 12-21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 149
For example, commenting on Rom. ii. 10 he write*: 'it U upon worki
that puni*hment and reward depend, not upon circumcision or uncircum-
cision ' ; making a distinction which the Apostle doe* not between the
moral and ceremonial law. The historical situation is clearly grasped and
is brought out very well at the beginning of Horn, vii : 4 He has accused
the Gentiles, he has accused the Jews; what follows to mention next is the
righteousness which is by faith. For if the law of nature availed not, and
the written Law was of no advantage, but both weighed down those that
used them not aright, and made it plain that they were worthy of greater
punishment, then the salvation which is by grace was henceforth necessary.'
well brought out ' The declaring of
The meaning of JUntoa!^ e«ov U
^'htcousnes* is not only that He is Himself righteous, but that He
doth also make them that are filled with the putrefying scan of sin suddenly
righteous' (ffom. vii. on iii. 24, 35). It may be interesting to quote the
exposition of the passage which follows. He explains &d rfr vafxotv rav
vpoyrtovvTtov d/iapnjjjarwt' thus : &d ri)r vaptfftv, rovriori r^v viKpuour.
oi!*«Tt y*p trftiat llwlt ij*, dAA' Siowtp owfM *a/nAv*ir r^f fovOtv Jfcfro
\itpfot ovrv xal j ^vx^ w«va*t«5w, giving vafxott the meaning of ' para-
lysis/ the paralysis of spiritual life which has resulted from sin. Generally
3i«ai<xv seems clearly to be taken as 'make righteous,' even in tiaqyj
where it will least bear such an interpretation ; for instance on iv. 5 (Horn.
Vmrai u $tot rwr iv do«0f<? 0«i<aMrura rovror i(ai<pyijt ot>xl «oXaa«a*
U«i*«p£<7tn p&vov, dAAd gal ttraior »orij<roi, . . . «1 -yd/> fuutapot oCroit
v Aaftvr dV»«7.r d»«i \af*ro* woXAy /laAAox 6 3urcua*m, and on iv. 25 //cm.
-i rowry •yelp «oJ d*i9a»n «oJ drjcmj tva tumtott ipynajjrm. Yet his
usage U not consistent, for on Rom. viii. 33 he writes: *He does not say.
it is God that forgave our sins, but what is much greater :— " It is God that
justiticth." For when the Judge's sentence declares us just (&*aiovt dwo-
«p<uV«), and such a judge too, what signifieth the accuser ?'
No purpose would be sen'ed by entering further into the views of the TheodoreL
Greek commentators ; but one passage of Theodoret may be quoted as
an instance of the way in which all the fathers connect Justification and
On Rom. v. I, a (vid. p. 53) he writes: ^ *iont iAv Ip* iS^/nj-
d/tfv/M>vt *<u Siittuovt 8<d rr/t rov \.ovrpov
I o sum up the teaching of the Greek Fathers. They put in the very front of
everything, the Atonement through the death of Christ, without as a rule
elaborating any theory concerning it : this characteristic we find from
the very beginning: it U as strong in Ignatius as in any later Father:
they all think that it is by faith we are justified, and at the same time lay
immense stress on the value, but not the merits, of good works : they seem
all very definitely to connect Justification with Baptism and the beginning
of the Christian life, so much so indeed that as is well known even the
possibility of pardon for post-baptismal sin was doubted by some : but they
have no theory of Justification as later times demand it; they are never close
and exact in the exegesis of St. Paul ; and they are without the historical
conditions which would enable them to understand his great antithesis of
4 Law' and ' Gospel.' ' Faith ' and ' Works/ ' Merit ' and • Grace/
The opinions of St. Augustine are of much greater importance. Although St. Angus-
he does not approach the question from the same point of view as the tine.
Reformation theologians, he represents the source from which came the
mediaeval tendency which created that theology. His most important
expositions are those contained in De Spiritu et LiUra and In Psalmum
. / Enarratio //: this Psalm he describes as Psalmut gratia* Dri
tt iustijicationu twstrtu mtUis prtuctdtntibtu meritu nostril, teJ prat-
vfHi'fHtt not miuritordia Domini Dei ncstri . . . His purpose is to prove
150 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [V. 12-21.
as against any form of Pelagianism that oar salvation comes from no merits
of our own bat only from the Divine grace which is given us. This leads to
three main characteristics in his exposition of the Romans, (i) For,
first, good works done by those who are not in a state of grace are
valueless: ntmo computtt bona Optra ntm ante fidem: ubi fidts nom trot
bonnm opus non trot (Enarratio f 4) Hence he explains Rom
13 ff. of works done not in a state of nature but of grace. I
Apostle is referring to the Gentiles who have accepted the Gospel ; and the
• Law written in their hearts* is the law not of the O.T. but of the
he naturally compares a Cor. iii. 3 and Rom. ii. 16 (Dt Sp. tt Lit. ft 44.
40). (a) Then, secondly, St. Augustine's exposition goes on somewhat
different lines from those of the Apostle's argument He makes the whole
aim of the early portion of the Romans to be the proof of the necessity of
graft. Men have failed without grace, and it is only by means of it that
they can do any works which are acceptable to God. This from one point
w really represents St. Paul's argument, from another it is very much
removed from it. It had the tendency indeed to transfer the central point
in connexion with human salvation from the atoning death of Christ accepted
by Faith to the gift of the Divine Grace received from God. Although in
this relation, as often, St. Augustine's exposition is deeper than that of the
. fathers, it leads to a much less correct interpretation. (3) For. thirdly,
there can be no doubt that it leads directly to the doctrine of • infused ' grace.
It is quite true that Chrysostom has perhaps even more definitely interpreted
•MSfMi of ' making just' and that Augustine in one place admits the
possibility of interpreting it either as 'making just* or 'reckoning just*
(Dt Sp. etLit.S 45). But although he admits the two interpretations so
far as concerns the words, practically his whole theory is that of an infusion
of the grace of faith by which men are made just So in his comment on
he writes: katc est iustitia Dei, quat in Ttstamento Vettrirx
Nffvo revetatnr: quat idee iustitia Dei dicitur, quod impertiendo earn iustos
Dt Sp. et Lit. t 18) : and again : crtdo. . eum qui iustiJUat
./« deputatur Jldes eius ad iustitiam. si iusti&atur imptus ex impio
fit instus (Enarratio f 6) : so MM ttoi Deus rtddit deoitam potnam, sod
donat indeoitam gratiam: so Dt f 56: kc< ;.« Dei,
quam non tolum dottt per legit praettptum, verum ttiam dot per :
Augustine's theory Is fa fact this ; faith is a gift of grace which in-
fostd into men, enables them to produce works good and acceptable to
God. The point of view is clearly not that of St. Paul, and it is the source of
the mediaeval theory of grace with all its developments.
Aquinas. This theory as we find it elaborated in the Sttmma Tktobgiat. has so far
as it concerns us three main characteristic*. (I ) In the first place it elaborates
the Angnstinian theory of Grace instead of the Pauline theory of Justification.
. nitc clear that in St Paul x«/*» is the favour of God to man, and not
I given by God to man ; but gratia in St. Thomas has evidently this
latter signification : aim gratia cmntm ttaturat crtatat fantltatfm txctdat, *
quodnihil alittd sit attorn participate quatdam dnrinat natural qua* omntm
"r (Summa Tk*lc& -«xundae Qu
also : dcmum gratiat . . . gratiae infuuo . . . irtfundit donum grot
cxiii. 3). (3) SecpndlT, it interpr. .md'm
conseonence looks upon justification as not only rtmittio / .. t also
sn infusion of grace. >n is discussed fully in
The conclusion arrived at is: quu». H rtpngmt potna
vigtntt c*Jpa, nullins attltm keminis quatit modo nauitur. KOJUJ f^enat
afaqnt gratia totli jurat ; ad tulpa* yuoqu* kominu quali* mode *.
ff'. .•:..' .: '. : ': -: ' Wl I Mf) • I Th« ] lifl If] te«
on which this conclusion is based is Rom. /<r gratiam
V. 12-21.] ADAM AND CHRIST 151
if sins, which is therefore clearly interpreted to mean 4 made just by an infusion
of grace '; and it it argued that the effect of the Divine love on us U grace by
which a roan U made worthy of eternal life, and that therefore remission of
guilt cannot be understood unless it be accompanied by the infusion of grace.
(3) The words quoted above, ' by which a man is made worthy of eternal
life ' (dignus vita atlerna introduce us to a third point in the mediaeval theory
of justification : indirectly by its theory of merit dt congmo and </* condign*
it introduced just that doctrine of merit against which bt. Paul had directed
his whole system. This subject is worked out in Qu. cxiv, where it U argued
(Art. i) that in a sense we can deserve something from Cod. Although
a) a man cannot deserve life eternal in a state of nature, yet (Art. 3)
after justification he can : Homo merttur nitam cutemam ex eondigno. This
is supported by Rom. viii. 1 7 sifilii €t haertdes, it being argued that we are
sons to whom is owed the inheritance ex ipso iurc adoptionis.
However defensible as a complete whole the system of the Summa may be,
there is no doubt that nothing so complicated can be grasped by the popular
mind, and that the teaching it represents led to a wide system of religious
corruption which presented a very definite analogy with the errors which
St. Paul combated ; it is equally clear that it is not the system of Justifica-
tion put forward by St. Paul. It will be convenient to pass on directly to
the teaching of Luther, and to put it in direct contrast with the teaching of
Aquinas. Although it arose primarily against the teaching of the later
Schoolmen, whose teaching, especially on the subject of merit dt congruo and
dt eondigno, was very much developed, substantially it represents a revolt
•gainst the whole mediaeval theory.
Luther's main doctrines were the following. Through the law man learns Luther.
his sinfulncis : he learns to say with the prophet, 4 there is none that doeth
good, no not one.' He learns his own weakness. And then arises the cry :
can give me any help?' Then in its due season comes the saving
word of the Gospel, • Be of good cheer, my son, thy sins aie forgiven.
Believe in Jesus Christ who was crucified for thy sins.' This is the beginning
of salvation ; in this way we are freed from sin, we are justified and there is
given unto us life eternal, not on account of our own merits and works, but
on account of faith by which we approached Christ. (Luther on Galatians
if>; Opp. ed. 155.1, p. 308.)
As against the mediaeval teaching the following points are noticeable,
(i) In the first place Justification is quite clearly a doctrine of ' iustitia
imputata ': Dtus accept at sett rtptttat nos tut tot so/urn propttr fi.lem in
Christum. It is especially stated that we are not free from sin. As long as
we live we are subject to the stain of sin : only our sins are not imputed to
ns. (a) Secondly, Luther inherits from the Schoolmen the distinction of
fidts imformu and fidttformata cum ekaritatt ; but whereas they had con-
sidered that itwasyfaVj/0rma/a which justifies, with him it is/</M in/ormis.
He argued that if it were necessary that faith should be united with charity
to enable it to justify, then it is no longer faith alone that justifies, but
charity : faith becomes useless and good works are brought in. (3) Thirdly,
it is needless to point out that he attacks, and that with great vigour, all
theories of merit dt ccmgruo and dt tondigno. He describes them thus : tali*
monstra portent* et korribiles blasptumiat debtbant proponi Tttrciset ludatu,
non ealtsi.ie Christi.
The teaching of the Reformation worked a complete change in the exegesis Calvin,
of St Paul. A condition of practical error had arisen, clearly in many
ways resembling that which St Paul combated, and hence St. Paul's con-
ceptions are understood better. The ablest of the Reformation commentaries
is certainly that of Calvin ; and the change produced may be seen most
clearly in one point. The attempt that had been made to evade the meaning
of St Paul's words as to Law, by applying them only to the ceremonial
[V. 12-21.
Law, he entirely brushes away (on iii. ao) ; again, he interprets itutiftart as
'to reckon just, in accordance with the meaning ot word and the
com The scheme of Justification as laid down by Luther to
applied to the interpretation of the Epistle, but his extravagant language to
The distinction of&to injormu and formata to condemned as
unreal; and it is seen that What St. Psul means by works being nn
Justify to not that they cannot do so in themselves, but that no one can fulfil
them so completely as to be 'just* We may notice that on ii. 6 he points
out that the words can be taken to quite a natural sense, for reward does not
imply merit, and on ii 13 that he applies the passage to (.entiles not in
a state of grace, but says that the words mean that although <
ledge and opportunity they had sinned, and therefore would be neces-
The Reformation theology made St. Paul's point of view comprehensible,
irodoced e«or» of exegesis of its own. It added to St. Paul's teaching
aputation' a theory of the imputation of Christ's nu
the basis of much unreal systematixation, and was an incorrect interpreta-
tion of St. Paul's meaning. The unreal distinction ofjfcfo m/*nw« and
format*, added to Luther s own extravagant language, produced a strong
antinomian tendency. • Faith* almost comes to be looked upon as a meritorious
cause of justification ; an unreal faith is substituted for dead works; and
faith becomes identified with ' personal assurance ' or ' self-assurance,' More-
over, for the ordinary expression of St. Paul, 'we are justified by faith.'
was substituted 'we are saved by faith.' a phrase which, although once
used by St. Paul, was only so used in the somewhat ragne sense of 06C«y,
that at one time applies to our final salvation, at another to our present
the fold of the Church ; and the whole Christian scheme of
sanctification. rightly separated in idea from justification, became divorced
in fcct from the Christian 1
The Reformation teaching created definitely the distinction between » ;.
imputata and iustitia I'M/MM, and the Council of Trent defined Justification
thus : iuitijitatio mom tit tola jxetatorvm remisiio, ltd ttiam famtijicatio
novatto interior^ hominit per voluntarism nuteptiowm gratia* tt
domtnum (Sets. VI. cap. vii).
Cornelius A typical commentary on the Romans from this point of view is that of
• Lapide. Cornelius a Lapide. On L 17 he makes a very just distinction between our
justification which comes by faith and our salvation which comes through
the Gosel, namel all that is reached in the Gosel, the death an-
He argues fron
justification co:
the gift to us of the Divine justice, that to, of grace and charity and other
virtues.
This summary has been made sufficiently comprehensive to bring o
tin points on which interpretation has varied. It is clear fronTS:
language that be makes a definite distinction in thought between three
several stages which may be named Justification, Sancti heat ion, Sah
Our Christian life begins with the act of faith by which we turn to <
that is sealed in baptism through which we receive remission of sins and
are incorporated into the Christian community, being made partakers of
all the spiritual blessings w! then if our life is consistent
hese conditions we may hoj • mal not for our own merits
: Christ's sake. The t at of Remission of sins, is Justi-
fication : the life that follows in the Christian comrou:.
Sanctification. These two ideas are connected in time in M> far as the
moment to which our sins are forgiven begins the new life; but they are
separated to thought, and U to necessary for us th I be so, in
order that we may rcaliic that unless we come to Christ in the self-surrender
VI. 1-14.] N WITH CHRIST 153
of faith nothing can profit us. There it a close connexion again between
Justification and Salvation ; the one represents the beginning of the process
of which the other is the conclusion, and in so far as the first step is the
essential one the life of the justified on earth can be and is spoken of as
the life of the saved ; but the two are separated both in thought and in
time, and this is so that we may realize that our life, as we are accepted by
faith, endowed with the gift of God's Holy Spirit, and incorporated Into the
Christian community, must be holy. By our life we shall be judged (see the
notes on ii. 6. 13): we most strive to make our character such as befits us
for the life in which we hope to share : but we are saved by Christ's death ;
and the initial act of faith has been the hand which we stretched out to
receive the divine mercy.
Our historical review has largely been a history of the confusion of these
three separate aspects of the Gospel scheme.
THE MYSTICAL UNION OP THE CHBI8TIAN
WITH CHRIST.
VI. 1-14. If more sin only means more grace, shall we
go on sinning? Impossible. The baptized Christian cantiot
sin. Sin is a direct contradiction of the state of things
which baptism assumes. Baptism has a double function.
(1) // brings the Christian into personal contact with Christ,
so close that it may be fitly described as union with Him.
(2) // expresses symbolically a series of acts corresponding to
the redeeming acts of Christ.
Immersion = Death.
Submersion = Burial (the ratification of Death).
Emergence = Resurrection.
All these the Christian has to undergo in a moral and
spiritual sense, and by means of his union with Christ. As
Christ by His death on the Cross ceased from all contact with
sin, so the Christian, united with Christ in his baptism, has
done once for all with sin, and lives henceforth a reformed
life dedicated to God. [ This at least is the ideal t whatever
may be the reality.] (w. i-n.) 'Act then as men who have
thrown off the dominion of Sin. Dedicate all your powers
to God. Be not afraid ; Law, Sins ally, is superseded in
its hold over you by Grace (w. 12-14).
•OBJECTOR. Is not this dangerous doctrine? If more sin
means more grace, are we not encouraged to go on sinning ?
i.-,4 !STLE TO THE ROMA' [VI. 1 11
«ST. PAUL. A horrible thought ! When we took the d<
step and became Christians we may be said to have died to
such a way as would make it flat contradiction to live any longer
in it.
'Surely you do not need reminding that all of us who
immersed or baptized, as our Christian phrase runs.4 into Christ,'
i. e. into the closest allegiance and adhesion to ere so
immersed or baptized into a special relation to His D<ath. I mean
that the Christian, at his baptism, not only professes obedience
to Christ but enters into a relation to Him so intimate that it may
be described as actual union. Now this union, taken in connexion
with the peculiar symbolism of Baptism, implies a great deal more.
That symbolism recalls to us with great vividness the redeeming
acts of Christ— His Death, Burial, and Resurrection. And our
union with Christ involves that we shall repeat those acts, in
such sense as we may, i. e. in a moral and spiritual sense, in our
own persons.
4 When we descended into the baptismal water, that meant that
we died with Christ— to sin. When the water closed ov
beads, that meant that we lay buried with Him, in proof that our
death to sin, like His death, was real But this carries wi:h it the
third step in the process. As Christ was raised from among the
dead by a majestic exercise of Divine power, so we also must from
henceforth conduct ourselves as men in whom has been im]
a new principle of life.
•For it is not to be supposed that we can join with O
one thing and not join with Him in another. If, in undergoing
a death like His, we are become one with Christ as the graft
becomes one with the tree into which it grows, we must also be
one with Him by undergoing a resurrection like I / once
a moral, spiritual, and physical resurrection. *F< ter of
experience that our Old Self e before we became
ins — was nailed to the Cross with Christ in our baptism:
it was killed by a process so like the Death of nd so
wrought in conjunction with Him th.u it too may share in the
name and associations of His Crucifixion. And the object of
this crucifixion of our Old Self was that the bodily sensual part of
us, prolific home and haunt of sin, might be so i and
VI. 1-14.] UNION WITH CHRIST 155
disabled as henceforth to set us free from the service of Sin. T For
just as no legal claim can be made upon the dead, so one who is
(ethically) dead is certified • Not Guilty ' and exempt from all the
claims that Sin could make upon him.
'But is this all? Are we to stop at the death to sin? No;
there is another side to the process. If, when we became Chris-
tians, we died with Christ (morally and spiritually), we believe that
we shall also live with Him (physically, as well as ethically and
spiritually) : * because we know for a fact that Christ Himself, now
that He has been once raised from the dead, will not have the
process of death to undergo again. Death has lost its hold over
Him for ever. 10For He has done with Death, now that He has
done once for all with Sin, by bringing to an end that earthly
state which alone brought Him in contact with it. Henceforth
He lives in uninterrupted communion with God.
11 In like manner do you Christians regard yourselves as dead,
inert and motionless as a corpse, in all that relates to sin, but
instinct with life and responding in every nerve to those Divine
claims and Divine influences under which you have been brought
by your union with Jesus Messiah.
" I exhort you therefore not to let Sin exercise its tyranny over
this frail body of yours by giving way to its evil passions. u Do
not, as you are wont, place hand, eye, and tongue, as weapons
stained with unrighteousness, at the service of Sin ; but dedicate
yourselves once for all, like men who have left the ranks of the
dead and breathe a new spiritual life, to God ; let hand, eye, and
tongue be weapons of righteous temper for Him to wield. l4You
may rest assured that in so doing Sin will have no claims or
power over you, for you have left the rt'gimt of Law (which, as we
shall shortly see, is a stronghold of Sin) for that of Grace.
1. The fact that he has just been insisting on the function of sin
to act as a provocative of Divine grace recalls to the mind of the
Apostle the accusation brought against himself of saying ' Let us
do evil, that good may come ' (iii. 8). He is conscious that his
own teaching, if pressed to its logical conclusion, is open to this
charge ; and he states it in terms which are not exactly those which
would be used by his adversaries but such as might seem to
express the one-sided development of his own thought. Of course
he does not allow the consequence for a moment ; he repudiates
15$ ISTLE TO THfc ROMANS [VI
it however not by proving a non teiptitur, but by showing how this
<f thought is crossed by another, even more fu
thus led to bring up the second of his great pivot-do* :
I Union of the Christian with Christ dating from his
:n. Here we have another of those great elemental fo:
the Christian Life which effectually prevents any antinomian con-
clusion such as might seem to be drawn from different premises.
St. Paul now proceeds to explain the nature of this force and the
way in which the Christian is related to it.
The various readings in this chapter are unimportant There can be no
question that we should read ivi/i/rw/icy for In/woC/Mr in rcr. i ; vV°/"»
and not ftotvMr in vcr. 3 ; and that rf Kip? 4/ifir should be omitted at the
end of vcr. n. In that rcne the true position of cZroi is after fat/row
(KMtC, Cyr. Al.x. Jo.-Damasc) : some inferior authorities ;,
r««povt JM* : the Western text (A D E F G. Tcrt. ; cf. also 1'csh. Boh. Arm.
Aetb.) omits it altogether.
2. olnrct dvc^droficK. Naturally the relative of quality :
being what we arc, men who died (in our baptism) to sin/ Ac.
3. ^ dyrocirc : • Can you deny this, or is it possible tl
not aware of all that your baptism involves ? ' St. Paul does not
like to assume that his readers are ignorant of ••> him
so fundamental. The deep significance of Baptism was universally
recognized ; though it is hardly likely that any other teacher would
have expressed that significance in the profound and original
argument which follows.
Ipaimaftnticr ds Xptoror 'itjaouK : 'were baptized unto D
with' (not merely 'obedience to') 'Christ' The act of l>.
was an act of incorporation into Christ Comp. esp. Gal.
c<roi yap tts Xpurrir i^airria&rjrt, \pttrrb* ivtbi/aaafa.
This conception lies at the root of the whole passage. All the
consequences which St. Paul draws follow from this union, incor-
poration, identification of the Christian with Christ On the origin
of the conception, see below.
«Is rof Orator ofrroG 43aim'06rjfur. This points back to a*iC
above. The central point in the passage is death.
dies because Christ died, and he is enabled to realize His death
through his union with Ci
said to be specially 'into Christ's d
The reason is because it is ow • ly to the Death of -
that the conditi i.ich the Christian enters at his b
is such a changed condition. 1 does
ascribe to that Death a true objective rllu ^ the
barrier which sin has placed between God a ice, as
: tj.usm which makes a :
of Ch. immunities
*nd privileges. ;nkling of the Blood of Christ seals that
VI. 3-5.] UNION WITH CHRIST 157
covenant with Hb People to which Baptism admits them. But this
is only the first step : the Apostle goes on to show how the Death
of Christ has a subjective as well as an objective side for the
believer.
4. auKtTctyTjjMK . . . Q&varw. A strong majority of the best
scholars (M«-\.-\V. Gif. Lips. Oltr. Go.) would connect tit T&*
OiiiniTw with ha rov /Sovrur/uirof and not with owtru^)rttuv, because of
-T. tit T. 6a*. air. just before; (ii) a certain incongruity in
the connexion of avvrrdQ. with m -r&v BaxtTov : death precedes burial
and is not a result or object of it. We are not sure that this
reasoning is decisive, (i) St. Paul does not avoid these ambiguous
constructions, as may be seen by iii. 25 A» vpoifftro . . . &a rfit nitrnvs
tv TW avrov cii/iari, where «V TO> avrov oT/iari goes with irpotdtro and
not with diu TF> iri'tTtwt. (ii) The ideas of ' burial ' and ' death ' are
so closely associated that they may be treated as correlative to each
other — burial is only death sealed and made certain. ' Our baptism
was a sort of funeral ; a solemn act of consigning us to that death
of Christ in which we are made one with Him,' Va. (iii) There is
a special reason for saying here not ' we were buried into burial,'
but ' we were buried into death/ because * death ' is the keynote of
tlie whole passage, and the word would come in appropriately to
mark the transition from Christ to the Christian. Still these argu-
ments do not amount to proof that the second connexion is right,
and it is perhaps best to yield to the weight of authority. For the
idea Compare esp. Col. ii. 12 ovvrafovrtt avr<p «V ry /3<nrriff/Mm «V w
cis r6f ddfaror is best taken as = ' into that death (of His),' the
death just mentioned : so Oltr. Gif. Va. Mou., but not Mey.-W.
Go., who prefer the sense * into death ' (in the abstract). In any
case there is a stress on the idea of death ; but the clause and the
verse which follow will show that St. Paul does not yet detach the
death of the Christian from the death of Christ.
Si& TTJS &O£TJS TOU KaTpos i do£i?f here practically = ' power ' ; but
it is power viewed externally rather than internally ; the stress is
Uul not so much on the inward energy as on the signal and
glorious manifestation. Va, compares Jo. xi. 40, 23, where ' thou
shalt see the glory of God ' = ' thy brother shall rise again.' See
note on iii. 23.
5. <TU'H$UTOI : ' united by growth ' ; the word exactly expresses
cess by which a graft becomes united with the Jife of a tree.
So the Christian becomes 4 grafted into ' Christ. For the metaphor
We may compare Xi. 1 7 <rv ti aypttXmos wv tUKtvrpiff&rjf «V avrolf, cm
ovyffocvwi^r ri}r pifijr *ai rij* irionjroi ri)f Aai'ar /yc'rov, and Tennyson's
'grow incorporate into thee.'
It is a question whether we are to take <w/i$. yryoV. directly with
r<p 6po«*/i. K.r.X. or whether we are to supply ry Xpurry and make
i.vs ISTLE T< OMANS [VI. 5, 6.
ry 4/*oi«M. dat. of respect Probably the former, as being simpler
and more natural, so far at least as construct i«
though no doubt there is an ellipse in meaning ^ ild be
more < presented by the fuller phrase. Such condensed
and strictly speaking inaccurate expressions are common in
language of a quasi-colloquial kind. St. Paul uses these freer
modes of speech and is not tied down by the rules of
literary composition.
6. yirwoKornt : see Sfi. Comm. on I Cor. viii. i (p. 299), I
yu*KTK* as contrasted with ot&a is explained as signifying * apprecia-
te tal acquaintance.' A slightly different explanation
a by Gif. aJ he., ' noting this,' as of the idea involved in the
knowledge which results from the exercise of understanding
(«**)•
6 iraXeuos ^fi£v a*4otnrof : 'our old self'; cp. esp. Suicer, Tha.
i. 352, where the patristic interpretations arc collected (7
vc\tT,ia Theodrt ; 6 «aT«yv»<7H«Vot ftot Euthym.-Zig., \
This phrase. with it* correlative & murdf Mponm. is a marked link of
connexion between the acknowledged and dispute '
The coincidence U the more remarkable as the
phnue would hardly come into use until great stress began to be laid upon
the necessity for a change of life, and may be a coinage of St. Paul's. It
should be noted bowerer that 6 Jrrdt Jv*mror goes back to i
Thay. s. Y. d**p*»of, i.e.).
9WMrravp«fc| : cf. Gal. ii. 20 X/M*T£ awtaravf^^i. There is a differ-
between the thought here and in /mil. \ ' Behold !
all doth consist, and all lieth in our dying there is no
other war onto life, and unto true inward peace, but the way of the holy
cross, and of daily mortification/ This U rather the 'taking up the cross*
of the Gospels, which U a daily process. St. Paul no doubt leaves room for
such a process (Col. iii. 5, 5cc.) ; bat here be is going back to that v
its root, the one declare ideal act which he regards as taking ;
baptism : in this the more gradual lifelong process U anticipated.
KOTapyrjefj. For xarapyvur see on iii. 3. The \\«»nl is appro-
priately used in this connexion : ' that the body of -
paralyzed/ reduced to a condition of absolute imp
•ion, as if it were dead.
TO 0£|ia rrjf djtafmat : the body of which sin has taken poster-
Parallel phrases arc vii. 24 rov <r«M<m>r rov Amirov rotVov :
r r6 atpa rfjt roirfir^r.wc ^ : Col. ii. 1 1 |
«wr«] roC ovparot ij)t aap*6t. has the general sense of
' belonging to/ but acquires a special shade of meaning it,
case from the contcx
' the body in its pre ofdegra<l .:ch is
so apt to be the instrument of its own c.r 'ses.'
• r* ffitfta rift dpapr&ic must be taken clos. cause
:.ot the b< . M such, which is to be killed, but the
VI. 6-10.] UNION WITH CHRIST 159
body as the seat of sin. This is to be killed, so that Sin may lose
its slave.
TOG tiTjK/Ti ftouXcucir. On ToC with inf. as eipressing purpose see
esp. Westcott, htbravs, p. 342.
rrj AfiopTi? : u/ia/m'a, as throughout this passage, is personified as
a hard taskmaster: see the longer note at the end of the last chapter.
7. o yAp diroOawr . . . dfiaprtas . The argument is thrown into
the form of a general proposition, so that 6 a*o6a»i>v must be taken
in the widest sense, ' he who has undergone death in any sense of
the term' — physical or ethical. The primary sense is however
v physical: 'a dead man has his quittance from any claim
that Sin can make against him ' : what is obviously true of the
physically dead is inferentially true of the ethically dead. Comp.
I Pet. iv. I or* 6 water (rapid trrirmmu dftaprtaff : also the Rabbinical
parallel quoted by Delitzsch ad loc. ' when a man is dead he is free
from the law and the commandments.'
Delitzsch goes to far a* to describe the idem as ao • acknowledged hens
communist which would considerably weaken the force of the literary
coincidence between the two Apostles.
ocoiKai«*rcu dird rfjs djiapn'af. The Sense of feduca/Mrai is Still
forensic : ' is declared righteous, acquitted from guilt.' The idea is
that of a master claiming legal possession of a slave : proof being
put in that the slave is dead, the verdict must needs be that the
claims of law are satisfied and that he is no longer answerable ;
Sin loses its suit.
8. aul^Topcr. The different senses of • life ' and ' death ' always
lie near together with St. Paul, and his thought glides backwards
and forwards from one to another almost imperceptibly ; now he
lays a little more stress on the physical sense, now on the ethical ;
at one moment on the present state and at another on the future.
Here and in ver. 9 the future eternal life is most prominent ; but
\vr. 10 is transitional, and in ver. n we are back again at the
sta mi-point of the present.
9. If the Resurrection opened up eternity to Christ it will do
so also to the Christian.
Kupicuci. Still the idea of master and slave or vassal. Death
loses its dominium over Christ altogether. That which gave Death
its hold upon Him was sin, the human sin with which He was
brought in contact by His Incarnation. The connexion was
severed once for all by Death, which set Him free for ever.
10. 6 yAp dirtfarc. The whole clause forms a kind of cognate
accus. after the second uWtfa*** (Win. § xxiv. 4, p. 209 E. T.) ;
Euthym.-Zig. paraphrases rir Avaro* ftp <nr«'&u« om r^r dpapTMur
ant&u* rq* wimpa*, where however rg apa/m? is not rightly repre-
sented by dtd ri\9 dpapriai'.
l6o EPISTLE TO TIIK ROMA [VI. 1C
rrj fyiaprta dir«'0ai» hat sense did Christ die to rin?
The phrase seems to point back to vcr. 7 above : Sin ceased to
have a: . But how cot. vc a claim upon
Him 'who had no acquaintance with sin ' (. „•!)? The
same verse which tolls us this supplies the answer : TO* ^ yvrfrra
6tu*fnia* vwip wu> A^utpruaf £rotipr«r, * the Sinless One for our sake
was treated as if He were sinful/ The s ung abou
and wreaked its effects upon Him was not His but ours (cp.
24). It was in His Death that this pressure of nun
culminated; but it was also in His Death that it came to an end,
and for ever.
J+dira$. 'Che decisiveness of the Death of Christ is specially
insisted upon in Ep. to Hebrews. This is the great point of con-
trast with the Lcviiical sacrifices : they did and it did not need to
be repeated (cf. Heb. vii. 27; ix. 12, 26, 28; x. 10; also I Pet.
iS).
•i 6ei. Christ died for (in relation to) Sin, and lives hence-
forth for God. The old chain which by binding Him to sin made
iblc to death, is broken. No other power «vpm'«
but God.
This phrase Q ry e»y naturally suggests ' the moral ' appli
to the believer.
11 Xoyilcofa iauTou?. The man and his 'self are distinguished.
The 'self is not the ' whole self/ but only that part <
which lay under the dominion of sin. [It will help us to bear this
in mind in the interpretation of the next chapter.] This part of
m is dead, so that sin has lost its slave and is balked of its
prey; but his true self is alive, and alive for God, through its
union with the risen Christ, who also lives only for God
Xoyi'r,ca6« : not indie, (as Beng. Lips.) but imper, preparing the
way, after St. Paul's manner, for the direct exhortation of the next
puagmph,
iv Xpioni 'Irjaou. This phrase is the summary expression of
the doctrine which underlies the whole of this section and forms, as
we have seen, one of the main pillars of St. I
chief points seem to be these, (i) The relation is conceived as
a local relation. The ( has his being
living creatures ' in ' the air, as fish
the earth (Deissmann, p. 84 ; see below}. (2) T of the
words is invaria roC, not «V I?<roG Xpwrry /Deissmann,
p. 88 ; cp. also Hausslcitcr, as referred to on p. 86 sup.}. \\
however «V r» 'IIJT _*i, but not in the same
• gular usage of the words
.
as wnitta, not to the historical C . The corn-si
<.>.{:• •; n V i rr... •• ••>•'• i : - 1. .-: t .\j 1. ..:.-..! l'\ tin. -..u. IBllOg] M
VI. 11-14.J UNION WITH CHRIST l6l
T.' Man lives and breathes 'in the air,' and the air is also
* in the man ' (Dcissmann, p. 92).
Deiitmann's monograph is entitled Die Htiittstamtntluk* Formtl in
Chrislojesu. Marburg, 1897. It is a careful and methodical investigation of
the subject, somewhat too rigorous in pressing all examples of the use into
the same mould, and rather inclined to realistic modes of conception. A very
interesting question arises as to the origin of the phrase. Herr Deissmanu
regards it as a creation— and naturally as one of the most original creations—
of St Paul And it is true that it is not found in the Synoptic Gospels.
Approximations however are found more or less sporadically, in I St Peter
i ft; v. 10, 14; always in the correct text Jr Xp0r$), in the Acts (iv. a
tv Tf> 'Irjovv : 9, 10 Jr r$ ofo/ian 'Irjoov X/MOTOV: 13 ; xiii. 39 Jr roi/ry «dt
& viorfvvv &«a4oi/rai), and in full volume in the Fourth Gospel (4r «'/«•«',
JIIMIT 4r Jjiof Jo. vi. 56; xiv. ao, 30; xv. a-7; xvi. 33; xvii. ai), in the
First Epistle of St John (fv aur£, jr T$ vly tiroi, jifrar ii. 5, 6, 8, 24, 27,
:ii. 6, 14; v. u, ao; «x'«r r°* uWr T. la), and also in the Apocalypse
(ty 'Iqoov i. 9 ; 4* Kvpi? xiv. 13). Besides the N. T. there are the Apostolic
Fathers, whose usage should be investigated with reference to the extent to
which it is directly traceable to St Paul*. The phrase Jr X/M<TT$ 'Iiprow
occurs in I Clem, xxxii. 4 ; xxxviii. i ; Ign. Efh. i. I ; Trail, ix. a ; Rom.
ii. a. The commoner phrases are k* Xp«rr$ in Clem. Rom. and i*
'Iijoov Xp«rr£ which is frequent in Ignat The distinction between ir 'Iiprou
Xp«rTy and <r X/N<rry 1i?aoG is by this time obliterated. In view of these
phenomena and the usage of N. T. it is natural to ask whether all can be
accounted for on the assumption that the phrase originates entirely with
St. Paul. In spite of the silence of Evv. Synopt it seems more probable
that the suggestion came in some way ultimately from our Lord Himself.
This would not be the only instance of an idea which caught the attention of
but few of the first disciples but was destined afterwards to wider acceptance
and expansion.
12. poaiXco/rw: cf. v. 21 of Sin ; v. 14, 17 of Death.
With this verse comp. Philo, D* Gigant. 7 (Mang. i. a66) Airier W rip
tLff «ai i) vp^t oapxa
18. Observe the change of tense : wap«rrd*i*T€, ' go on yielding,'
by the weakness which succumbs to temptation whenever it presses ;
TrapaarrjaoTe, ' dedicate by one decisive act, one resolute effort,'
5irXo : ' weapons ' (cf. esp. Rom. xiil i a ; a Cor. vi 7 ; x. 4).
adixtac and otxauxrvnjr are gtn. qualitatis. For a like military
metaphor more fully worked out comp. Eph. vi. 11-17.
14. Afiopria yap. You are not, as you used to be, constantly
harassed by the assaults of sin, aggravated to your consciences by
the prohibitions of Law. The fuller explanation of this aggravating
effect of Law is coming in what follows, esp. in ch. vii ; and it is
just like St. Paul to ' set up a finger-post,' pointing to the course his
argument is to take, in the last clause of a paragraph. It is like
* It is rather strange that this question does not appear to be touched either
by Bp. Lightfoot or by Gebhardt and Haroadc. There is more to the point in
the excellent monograph on Ignatius by Von der Goltz in Ttxtt u. l'*Hn.
xti. 3, but the particular group of phrases is not directly treated.
l6l EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VI 1 11
him too to go off at the word rrfpo* into a digression, retort
the subject with which the chapter opened, and looking at r
another side.
tical Ui.
at this doctrine of the y nion?
Doubtless by the guiding of the Holy Spirit But :ig, as
it usually does, operated through natural and human ch
The channel in this instance would seem to be psycholo.-
basis of the doctrine is the Apostle's own experience. 1 '
sion was an intellectual change, but it was also something much
more. It was an intense personal apprehension of Christ, as
Master, Redeemer and Lord But that apprehension was so
persistent and so absorbing; it was such a dominant clement in
the life of the Apostle that by degrees it came to mean little less
n actual identification of will. In the case of :.iend-
ship and affection it is no very exceptional thing for unity of purpose
and aim so to spread itself over the character, and so to pe;
iit and feeling, that those who are joined together I
•ritual bond seem to act and think almost as if they
were a single person and not two. But we can understand tl
ul's case with an object for his affections so exahed as (
and with influences from above meeting so powerfully the u;
motions of his own spirit, the process of identification had a
than common strength and completeness. It was accompli^
that sphere of spiritual emotion for which the Apostle possessed
buch remarkable gifts — gifts which caused him to be singled out as
the recipient of spec; is ihat
there grew up within him a state of feeling which he struggles to
express and succeeds in expressing through language which is
practically the language of union. N
do justice to the degree of that identification of will which the
Apostle attained to. He spoke of I.
is thoughts were so con upon the culminating acts
in the Life of Christ — the acts i
dated s redemption- icction
— that when h< . and to dissect
this idea of mtncss. it was natural to him to see in it certain stages,
corresponding to those great acts of Christ, to sec in it son.
corresponding to death, something corresponding to I
was only the emphasizing of death), and something corresp*
to resurrection.
'
imagination as lively as St. Paul's soon found
process. ge beneath the running waters was like
VI. 1-14.] UNION WITH CHRIST 163
a death ; the moment's pause while they swept on overhead was
like a burial ; the standing erect once more in air and sunlight
was a species of resurrection. Nor did the likeness reside only in
the outward rite, it extended to its inner significance. To what was
it that the Christian died ? He died to his old self, to all that he
had been, whether as Jew or Gentile, before he became a Christian.
To what did he rjsc again ? Clearly to that new life to which the
m was bound over. And in this spiritual death and resurrec-
tion the great moving factor was that one fundamental principle of
union with Christ, identification of will with His. It was this which
enabled the Christian to make his parting with the past and embracing
of new obligations real.
There is then, it will be seen, a meeting and coalescence of
a number of diverse trains of thought in this most pregnant
doctrine. On the side of Christ there is first the loyal acceptance
of Him as Messiah and Lord, that acceptance giving rise to an
impulse of strong adhesion, and the adhesion growing into an
identification of will and purpose which is not wrongly described
as union. Further, there is the distributing of this sense of union
over the cardinal acts of Christ's Death, Burial and Resurrection.
Then on the side of the man there is his formal ratification of the
process by the undergoing of Baptism, the symbolism of which all
rges to the same end ; and there b his practical assumption
of the duties and obligations to which baptism and the embracing
of Christianity commit him— the breaking with his tainted past, the
entering upon a new and regenerate career for the future.
The vocabulary and working out of the thought in St. Paul are
his own, but the fundamental conception has close parallels in the
writings of St. John and St. Peter, the New Birth through water
and Spirit (John Hi. 3), the being begotten again of incorruptible
i Pet. i. 23), the comparison of baptism to the ark of Noah
(i Pet iii. 20, 21) in St. Peter; and there is a certain partial
coincidence even in the an«Kvri<n9 of St. James (Jas. i. 18).
It is the great merit of Matthew Arnold's St. Paul and Prtttstantism,
whatever its defects and whatever its one-sidednesa, that it did seize with
remarkable force and freshness on this part of St. Paul's teaching. And the
merit is all the greater when we consider how really high and difficult that
teaching is. and how apt it is to shoot over the head of reader or hearer.
Matthew Arnold saw, and expressed with all his own lucidity, the foundation
of simple psychological fact on which the Apostle's mystical language is
based. He gives to it the name of ' faith,' and it is indeed the only kind of
faith which he recognizes. Nor is he wrong in giving the process this name,
though, as it happens, St. Paul has not as yet spoken of ' faith ' in this con-
nexion, and does not so speak of it until he comes to Eph. Ui. 17. It was
really faith, the living apprehension of Christ, which lies at the bottom of all
the language of identification and union.
' If ever there was a case in which the wonder-working power of attach-
ment in a man for whom the moral sympathies and the desire for righteous-
It 2
1 11
ness were all-powerful, might employ itself and work its wo:
here. this power penetrate him ; and be felt, also, !
imself through it with Christ, and in no oth
could he ever get (he confidence and force to do at Christ did. He thu«
found a point in which the mighty world outside man, and the weak world
inside him. seeded to combine for his salvation. The struggling stream of
which bad not volume enough to bear Urn to his goal, was suddenly
reed by the immense tidal wave of sympathy and emotion. To this
new and potent influence Paul gave the name of /»i/4' (St. Paul amt
Protestantism, p. 69 f.).
is impossible to be in presence of this Pauline conception of
without remarking on the incomparable power of edification which it con-
tains. It is indeed a crowning evidence of that piercing practical religious
tense which we have attributed to Paul. . . . The elemental power of sym-
pathy and emotion in us, a power which extends beyond the limits of our
own will and conscious activity, which we cannot measure and control, and
which in each of us diners immensely in force, volume, and mode of mani-
festation, be calls into full play, and sets it to work with all its strength and
in all its variety. Hut one unalterable object is assigned by him to this
power: to die with Christ to the law of thejiesh, to live with Christ to the
law of the mind. This is the doctrine of the necrosis (a Cor. iv. 10
central doctrine, and the doctrine which makes his profoundness am!
. . . Those multitudinous motions of appetite and tc
reason and conscience disapproved, reason ana conscience could ;
govern, and had to yield to them. This, as we have seen, is what
Paul almost to despair. Well, then, how did Paul's faith, working through
love, help him here? It enabled him to reinforce duty by affe
central need of his nature, the desire to govern these motions of
ness, it enabled him to say : Die to them I Christ did. If any man be in
Christ, said Paul.-that is, if any man identifies hims
attachment so that he enters into his feelings and lives •••
a new creature; he can do, and does, what Chri suffers
him. Christ, throughout His life and in Hi* death, presented His body
S sacrifice to God; every*
7 without respect of the universal
respect of the universal order, be died to. You.
his disciple, are to do the same. ... If yon cannot, your attachment, your
faith, must be one that goes but a very little way. In an ordinary human
attachment, out of love to a woman, out of love to a friend, out of love to
a child, yon can suppress quite easily, because by sympathy yon become one
with them and their feelings, this or that impulse of selfishness
happens to conflict with them, and which hitherto yon have obeyed.
-.•:.-• ; ..:,.-,:,. ,,-••.-. w:-h< brist'sfcelinc , He tl * it U ,!>: ;
to them all ; if you are one with Him by faith and sympathy, you can
them also. Then, secondly, if you thus die •• u become trans-
formed by the renewing of your mind, and rUe with !
to that harmonious conformity with the real and eternal ordi
•ente of pleasing God who tricth the hearts, which is life and peace, and
which grows more and more till it becomes glory ' •;/•/./. j
Another striking presentation of the thought of this passage will be found
in a lay sermon, The • f God, by the philosopher. T. 1 i
(London. 18*3 ; also in H't- • en was as far removed as Matthew
n conventional theology, and there are traces ol
- for which allowance should be ma
affinity for this side of St. Paul's teaching, and be has expressed /
i nd moral intensity. To t -A: 11 do but
uxl the sermon is well worth
* The death and rising aga. them,
VI 1-14.] UNION WITH CHRIST 165
were not separate and independent events. They were two sides of the same
act— an act which relatively to sin, to the flesh, to the old man. to all which
separates from God, is death ; but which, just for that reason, is the birth of
a new life relatively to God. . . . God was in [Christ ], so that what He did,
God did. A death onto life, a life out of death, must then be in some way
the essence of the divine nature— most be an act which, though exhibited
once for all in the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ, was yet eternal —
the act of God Himself. For that very reason, however, it was one perpetu-
ally re-cnactetl, and to be re-enacted, by man. If Christ died for all, all died
inn: all were buried in His grave to be all made alive in His resur-
rection ... In other words, He constitutes in us a new intellectual conscious-
ness, which transforms the will and is the source of a new moral life.'
There is special value in the way in which the difference is brought out
between the state of things to which the individual can attain by his own
effort and one in which the change is wrought from without The first
' would be a self-renunciation which would be really the acme of self-seeking.
On the other hand, presented as the continuous act of God Himself, as the
eternal self-surrender of the Divine Son to the Father, it is for us and may
be in us, but is not of us. Nay, it is just because not of us, that it may be
in us. Because it is the mind of Christ, and Christ is God's, in the contem-
;: we are taken out of ourselves, we slip the natural man and
appropriate that mind which we behold. Constrained by God's manifested
we cease to be our own that Christ may become ours* (Th* Wittuss of
Cod, pp. 7-10).
:.>ay quote lastly an estimate of the Pauline conception in the history
of Religion. • It is in Christendom that, according to the providence of God,
this power has been exhibited ; not indeed either adequately or exclusively,
but most fully. In the religions of the East, the idea of a death to the
fleshly self as the end of the merely human, and the beginning of a divine
lite, has not been wanting ; nor, as a mere idea, has it been very different from
that which is the ground of Christianity. But there it has never been
realized in action, either intellectually or morally. The idea of the with-
drawal from sense has remained abstract. It has not issued in such a struggle
with the superficial view of things, as has gradually constituted the science
of Christendom. In like manner that of self-renunciation has never emerged
from the esoteric state. It has had no outlet into the life of charity, but
a back-way always open into the life of sensual licence, and has been finally
mechanized in the artificial vacancy of the dervish or fakir* (itid. p. ai).
One of the services which Mr. Green's lay sermon may do us is in helping
us to understand— not the whole but pan of the remarkable conception of
• The W.iy ' in Dr. Hort's posthumous TJu Way, th* Truth, and tkt Lift
.V ridge and London, 1893). When it is contended, • first that the whole
seeming maze of history in nature and man, the tumultuous movement of the
world in progress, has running through it one supreme dominating Way;
and second, that He who on earth was called Jesus the Nazarene is that
(Tk* Way. Sec. p. 20 f.), we can hardly be wrong, though the point
might have been brought out more clearly, in seeking a scriptural illustration
in St. Paul's teaching as to the Death, Burial, and Resurrection of Christ.
These to him are not merely isolated historical events which took place once
for all in the past They did so take place, and their historical reality, as
well as their direct significance in the Redemption wrought out by Christ,
must be insisted upon. But they are more than this : they constitute a law,
a predisposed pattern or plan, which other human lives have to follow.
4 Death unto life,' 4 life growing out of death,' is the inner principle or secret,
applied in an indefinite variety of ways, but running through the history of
most, perhaps all, religious aspiration and attainment Everywhere there
must be the death of an old self and the birth of a new. It rou»t be
i"> EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [VI. 15 23.
admitted that the group of conception! united by St. Paul, and, a i it would
aeon, yet more widely extended by St John, is difficult to grasp intellect Dally.
and hat doabtleat been acted upon in many a simple uospeculslivr
which there was never any attempt to formulate it exactly in words. Out the
conception belongs to the length and depth and height of the Gospel : here,
as we see it in St. Paul, it bears all the impress of bis intense and prophet-
like penetration : and there can be little doubt that it is capable of exercising
a stronger and roofi* ^tf^iiJnr****^ influence on the Christian consciousness
than it has done. This must be our excuse for expanding the doctrine at
rather considerable length, and for invoking the assistance of those who, jutt
by their detachment from ordinary and traditional Christianity, have brought
to bear a freshness of insight in certain directions which has led them, if not
exactly to discoveries, yet to new and vivid realization of truths which to
indolent minds are obscured by their very familiarity.
TRANSITION FROM LAW TO GRACE.
ANALOGY OF SLAVERY.
VI. 15-23. Take an illustration from common life — t/if
condition of slavery. The Christian was a
his business was uncleanness ; his wages, death. L
lias been emancipated from this service^ only to <
another — that of Righteousness.
18 Am I told that we should take advantage of our liber
subjects of Grace and not of Law, to sin ? Imjx>ssible I " Are
you not aware that to render service and obedience to any one is
to be the slave of that person or power to which obedience is
rendered? And so it is here. You are either slaves of Sin, and
the end before you death ; or you are true to your rightful Master,
and the end before you righteousness. "But, thank God, the
time is past when you were slaves of Sin ; and at your baptism you
gave cordial assent to that standard of life and conch:
you were first instructed and to the guidance of •
then handed over by your teachers. " Thus you were emancipated
from the service of Sin, and were transferred to the service of
Righteousness.
M am using a figure of speech taken from c very-day human
relations. If • servitude ' seems a poor and harsh metaphor
one which the remains of the natural man that still cling about you
.: least permit you to understand. Yours must be a
divided sen-ice. Devote the members of your body as unrcsci vc Jly
VI. 15-23.] LAW AND GRACE 167
to the service of righteousness for progressive consecration to God,
as you once devoted them to Pagan uncleanness and daily increas-
ing licence. ** I exhort you to this. Why ? Because while you
were slaves to Sin, you were freemen in regard to Righteousness.
31 What good then did you get from conduct which you now blu^h
to think of? Much indeed 1 For the goal to which it leads is
death. * But now that, as Christians, you are emancipated from
Sin and enslaved to God, you have something to show for your
service — closer and fuller consecration, and your goal, eternal Life !
* For the wages which Sin pays its votaries is Death ; while you
receive — no wages, but the bountiful gift of God, the eternal Life,
which is ours through our union with Jesus Messiah, our Lord.
15-23. The next two sections (vi. 15-23 ; vii. 1-6) might be
described summarily as a description of the Christian's release, what
it is and what it is not. The receiving of Christian Baptism was
a great dividing-line across a man's career. In it he entered into
a wholly new relation of self-identification with Christ which was
fraught with momentous consequences looking both backwards and
forwards. From his sin-stained past he was cut off as it were by
death : towards the future he turned radiant with the quickening
influence of a new life. St. Paul now more fully expounds the
nature of the change. He does so by the help of two illustrations,
one from the state of slavery, the other from the state of wedlock.
Kach state implied certain ties, like those by which the convert to
Christianity was bound before his conversion. But the cessation of
these ties does not carry with it the cessation of all ties ; it only
means the substitution of new ties for the old. So is it with the
slave, who is emancipated from one service only to enter upon
another. So is it with the wife who, when released by the death of
one husband, is free to marry again. In the remaining verses of
this chapter St. Paul deals with the case of Slavery. Emancipation
from Sin is but the prelude to a new service of Righteousness.
15. The Apostle once more reverts to the point raised at the
beginning of the chapter, but with the variation that the incentive
to sin is no longer the seeming good which Sin works by calling
down grace, but the freedom of the state of grace as opposed to the
strictness of the Lav/. St. Paul's reply in effect is that Christian
freedom consists not in freedom to sin but in freedom from sin.
ufnv : from ft late aor. 4/*dpri?<ra, found in LXX (Vcitch, frrrf.
Verbs, p. 49). Chryt. (odd. Tbeodrt. and others, with minuscule*, read
Afiaprqoofttv.
16. A general proposition to which our Lord Himself had
168 I ! IE ROMA [VI. li;
appealed in * No man can serve two masters ' : There
are still nearer parallels in John \ , : passages
however which do not so much prove direct dependence on St. Paul
as that the thought was 'in the air' and might occur to more
writers than one.
TJTOI . . . Jj : these disjunctives state a dilemma in a lirely and
way, implying that one limb or the other roost be chosen (Baumlein j Par-
\rt, p. 344 ; Kuhner, Cram, ft 540. 5).
17. «;•>'>• . . . SiSax^s : stands for [6nyg<ntraT«] TI'X* Ma)
ir trop«.;o<V- v>v 'X|f-t rather It iV*.~ trap«6i(^: it seems more
natural to say that the teaching is handed over to the persons
taught than that the persons taught are handed over to the teach-
ing. The form of phrase which St. Paul uses however expresses
•lie experience of Christian converts. Before baptism they
underwent a course of simple instruction, like that in the
or first part of the DidacM (see the reff. in Hatch, Hibbcrt
Ltcturts. p. 314). With baptism this course of instruclion ceased,
and they were left with its results impressed upon their minds.
\vas to be henceforth their standard of living.
•nnror SiSax^s. For TWW see the note on ch. v. 14. The third
of the senses there given (' pattern/ ' exemp'
far the most usual with St Paul, and there can be little dou:
that is the meaning here. So among the ancients -.< & 6
rvnot rrjt di&j^r; opfct fa «al furit «oX<r«iar apt'ori;*) Euthyi:.
(tit rvirof, ifyovr ru» cardra cat opor rf . . and
among moderns all the English commentators with Oltr. an :
To suppose, as some leading Continental scholars (De V.
Go.) have done, that some special 'type of do nether
Jewish-Christian or Pauline, i> to look with the <
the nineteenth century and not with those of the firs'
Rom. and Eph. p. 32 ' Nothing like this notion of a plurality of
Christian riirot Ma^t occurs anywhere else in the
quite out of harmony with all the contcv
19. drtptewiroi' Xiytt. St. Paul uses this form of phrase (cf.
.15 «tri &4pwto9 Aryw) where he wishes to aj-ologize for
having recourse to some common (or as he would have called it
•carn.L uion to express spiritual truths. So <
explanation) *<TWK\ <Xryrrf oiri a*6p*viK»9 Xoytcr^wK, QJTO rwv iv
daft/may TTJS aapicot. Two explanations are pos^
(i) ' because of the moral i< h prcver; ice of
Theodrt. Weiss and others); (2) 'because
of the •» of apprehension, from defc« ' ial expcri-
r truths' (most
moderns). Clearly this is more in keeping with the contex:
VI. 19-21.] LAW AND GRACE 169
any case the clause refers to what has gone before, not (as Orig.
Chrys., Ac.) to what follows.
adp( — human nature in its weakness, primarily physical and moral, bat
secondarily intellectual. It i* intellectual weakness in so far as this is deter-
mined by moral, bv the limitations of character: cf. tyoMiV rd rip aapfut,
4>p6njfta rip oaptb Rom. viii. 5 f. ; <ro$oj «ard aap<ta i Cor. i. 26. The
idea of this passage is similar to that of i Cor. iii. a 70X0 v^dt iwunoa, 06
atadapaia and avopia fitly describe the characteristic
features of Pagan life (cf. i. 24 ft.). As throughout the context these
forms of sin are personified ; they obtain a mastery over the man ;
and eh ITJ» ayo/a'ay describes the effect of that mastery — 'to the
practice of iniquity.' With these verses (19-21) compare especially
i Pet. iv. 1-5.
cis Ayiafffior. Mey. (but not Weiss) Lips. Oltr. Go. would make
dyicKT/ior here practically = Ayumrvnj, i. e. not so much the process of
consecration as the result of the process. There is certainly this
tendency in language ; and in some of the places in which the word
is used it seems to have the sense of the resulting state (e. g. i Thcss.
iv. 4, where it is joined with n/iq ; i Tim. ii. 15, where it is joined
with fftVrir and <rydmj). But in the present passage the word may
well retain its proper meaning : the members are to be handed over
to Righteousness to be (gradually) made fit for God's service, not
to become fit all at once. So Weiss Gif. Va. Mou. ('course of
purification'). For the radical meaning see the note on Syior
ch. i. 7, and Dr. A. B. Davidson, Hebrews, p. 206 : 6yui<r/i<Sf = 'the
process of fitting for acceptable worship/ a sense which comes
out clearly in Heb. xii. 14 dtwcrrt • • • ««p Ayicurpov ot \<»p\* oi-ovir
ctytrm TO* K£/>M>*. The word occurs some ten times (two w. II.)
in LXX and in Ps. Sol. xvii. 33, but is not classical.
21. TiVa 08* . . . JwaiaxufcoOc ; Where docs the question end and
the answer begin? (i) Most English commentators and critics
(Treg. WH. RV. as well as Gif. Va,) carry on the question to
tiraurxvnatit. In that case CKCI'*** must be supplied before «'<!>' off,
and its omission might be due to the reflex effect of «W*«»* in the
sentence following (comp. chroloyorrfr «* ? Kamxoiufa vii. 6 below).
There would then be a common enough ellipse before T* yip rAot,
' What fruit had ye . . .? [None :] for the end,' &c. (2) On the
other hand several leading Germans (Tisch. Weiss Lips., though
not Mey.) put the question at TOT«, and make «</>' ofr inaurx^"^
part of the answer. ' What fruit had ye then ? Things [pleasures,
gratifications of sense] of which you are now ashamed : for their
end is death.' So, too, Theod.-Mops. (in Cramer) expressly : *ar
f. lurqaip d»ayi*Mrr«oir TO Ttva ovv napvov tl^trt rort, «ira Kara
axugpttrt* *</>' ofr »Cr i*ai<j x»v< &6i. Both interpretations are
possible, but the former, as it would seem, is more simple and natural
1 70 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [VII. 1 6.
(Gif.). When two phrases link together so easily as ty* o*r «W<rX.
• hat precedes, it is a mistake to separate them except for
strong reasons; nor does there appear to be sufficient grou
distinguishing between near consequences and remote.
rd Y*p: *•> /"' 1*f K«BD*EFG. There is the osnal ambiguity of
readings in which B alone joins the Western authorities. The proba:
that the reading belong* to the Western element in B, and that piv was
iucrd through erroneous antithesis to rvrl W.
23. 64/wvvo. From a root »«»- we get f*X tyor, • cooked * meat, fish, &c.
as contrasted with bread. Hence the compound ty*rio» (*rlo/«ai, • to buy ') -
roTision- money, ration-money, or the ration* in kind given to troops ;
(2 in a more general tense, * wages.' The word U said to hare come in
Nf enander t it i* proscribed by the Attidsts, bat found freely in Polybius,
' ice. &c. (Stun, Dial. Maetd. p. 187).
Xapunia. Teitulllan, with his usual picturesque boldness, translates this by
d«MOtnmm (Dt / . 4 7 Stifindia tmm delinquent ia< mort, donativum
auUm dti vita a is not probable f:
antithesis in his mind, though no doubt be intend* to contrast **•»« and
*•>«*»*,
THB THAN8ITION FROM LAW TO GRACE
ANALOGY OF MARRIAGE.
VII. 1-8. Take another illustration from :v of
Marriage. The Marriage Law only binds a wtnan
her husband lives. So with the Christian
as it were, to his old sinful state ; and all that time he was
subject to the law applicable to that state. But this eld life
of his was killed through his identification with the death of
Christ; so as to set him free to contract a new marriage—
with Christ, no lottgcr dead but risen: a f that
marriage should be a new life quickened by the Spirit.
1 1 say that you are free from the Law of Moses and from Sin.
You will see how: unless you need to be reminded of a fact
your acquaintance with the nature of Law \vill readily sug^
you, tl. n who comes und< .ly in force
durin. :ne. 'Thus for instance a woman in wedlock is
forbidden by law to desert her living husband. But if her hi:
should die, she is absolved from the provisions of the statute ' Of
the Husband.' 'Hence while her husband is a!; ill be
adulteress' if she marry another man: but r
VII. 1-6.] LAW AND GRACE 171
husband die, she is free from that statute, so that no one can call
her an adulteress, though she be married to another man.
4 We may apply this in an allegory, in which the wife is the
Christian's 'self1 or 'ego'; the first husband, his old unregenerate
state, burdened with all the penalties attaching to it.
You then, my brethren in Christ, had this old state killed in you
—brought to an abrupt and violent end — by your identification
with the crucified Christ, whose death you reproduce spiritually.
And this death of your old self left you free to enter upon a new
marriage with the same Christ, who triumphed over death —
a triumph in which you too share — that in union with Him you,
and indeed all of us Christians, may be fruitful in good works, to
the glory and praise of God. * Our new marriage must be fruitful,
as our old marriage was. When we had nothing better to guide
us than this frail humanity of ours, so liable to temptation, at that
time too a process of generation was going on. The impressions
of sense, suggestive of sin, stimulated into perverse activity by their
legal prohibition, kept plying this bodily organism of ours in such
as to engender acts that only went to swell the garners of
Death. ' But now all that has been brought to an end. Law and
the state of sin are so inextricably linked together, that in dying, at
our baptism, a moral death, to that old state of sin we were absolved
or discharged from the Law, which used to hold us prisoners under
the penalties to which sin laid us open. And through this discharge
we are enabled to serve God in a new state, the ruling principle of
which is Spirit, in place of that old state, presided over by Written
Law.
1-6. The text of this section — and indeed of the whole chapter
— is still, ' Ve are not under Law, but under Grace ' ; and the
Apostle brings forward another illustration to show how the transi-
tion from Law to Grace has been effected, and what should be its
consequences.
In the working out of this illustration there is a certain amount
of intricacy, due to an apparent shifting of the stand-point in the
middle of the paragraph. The Apostle begins by showing how
with the death of her husband the law which binds a married
woman becomes a dead letter. He goes on to say in the
application, not ' The Law is dead to you,' but ' You are dead to
the Law'— which looks like a change of position, though a
legitimate one.
i-: EPISTLE T< [VI J
Gif. however may be right in explaining the trans i
differently, viz. by means of the ita\au* Mp**ot ot
of the man is doable ; there is an • old self and a ' new self ';
.or the 'self remains the same throughout, but it pastes
through different states, or phases. Bearing this in mind we shall
find the metaphor work out consistently.
The Wife = the true self, or ego, which is permanent through
all change.
The (first) Husband = the old state before conversion to
Christiai
The 'law of the husband* = the law which condemned that old
state. *
The new Marriage = the union upon which the convert enters
;i Christ.
The crucial phrase is i><Ir <Pa*iT<^6ijTt in ver. 4. According to
y in which we explain this will be our explanation of the
whole passage* See the note ad he.
There is yet another train of thought which comes in \\iih
w. 4-6. The idea of marriage naturally suggests the offspring of
marriage. In the case of the Christian the fruit of In
: is a holy life.
1. *H dyvocirt : f « surely you know this — that the regime of Law
has come to an end, and that Grace has superseded it.] Or do you
require to be told that death doses all accounts, and therefore that
the state of things to which Law belongs ceased through the death
of the Chri t— thai mystical death spoken of in the
last chapter ? '
ymfcrnovoi ydp rrfpor XaXw: ' I speak ' (lit ' am talking ') ' to men
acquainted with Law/ At once the absence of th<
nature of the case go to show that what is meant here is not
Roman Law (Weiss), of which there is no reason to suppose that
al would possess any detailed knowledge, nor yet the 1
Moses more particularly considered ut a gener
of all Law; an obvious axiom of pc . c— that death clears
all scores, and that a dead man can no longer be prosecuted or
bed (cf. Hort, Rom. and . 4).
2. -f\ yip frrarftpoc yu>n1 : [' tnc trutl' of tllis ma>' **
a case in point.] For a woman in the state of wedlock is bound
by law to her living husband.' vnu&pot : a classical word.
Kanipyycu : 'is completely (perf.) absolved or discharge '
:mullcd,' her status as a wife is abolished).
two c .** are treated by St. Paul as
:ible: 'the wo: nulled from the law.' ai.
is annulled to the v «py«tr sec on i
VII. 2 4.] LAW AND GRACE 173
d™ roG r6>ou TOW Af&fxfc : from that section of the statute-book
vvhu h is headed 'The Husband/ the section which lays down his
rights and duties. Gif. compares ' the law of the leper Lev. xiv. a ;
1 thr law of the Nazirite' Num. vi. 13.
3. XOTKaTi""* The meaning* of x/W""<C<<»' ramify in two direction*.
The fundamental idea is that of ' transacting business' or ' managing affair*,'
Hence we get on the one hand, from the notion of doing business under
a certain name, from Polybius onwards (i) ' to bear a name or title ' (\pwi-
T.S'«( ttaot\u'i Tolyb. V. Kii. a); and so simply, as here, 'to be called or
styled ' (Acts xi. 26 j-ytrtro . . . \fnjnariatu wporrov If 'Axriox««V rovt itafrjTat
XpjtfTiaroi'j) ; and on the other hand (a) from the notion of ' baring dealings
with/ 'giving audience to* a person, in a special sense, of the 'answers.
communications, revelations,' given by an oracle or by God. So six times
in I. XX of Jcrcra.. Joseph. Antiq., Plutarch, &c. From this sense we get
past, 'to be warned or admonished* by God (Matt. ii. la, aa; Acts x. aa ;
viii. 5; xi. 7). Hence also subst xpiHtaTiopoi, '* Divine or oracular
response/ a Mace. ii. 4 ; Rom. xi. 4. Barton (Af. an./ T. \ 69) calls the
fut. here a ' gnomic future ' as stating ' what will customarily happen when
occasion offer*/
TOV p^ «tv<u - Start rf <?rcu : the stress is thrown back upon I\<v6ipa, 'so
as not to be/ ' causing her not to be/— not ' so that she is.' According to
Burton TOV ^ here denotes ' conceived result ' ; but see the note on Sort
ftoirAuiif in vrr. 6 below.
4. Sum with indie, introduces a consequence which follows as a matter
of fact
KCU fyieis ^0afaTw0TjTe. We have said that the exact interpreta-
tion of the whole passage turns upon this phrase. It is commonly
explained as another way of saying ' You had the Law killed 10
yOU.' So ChryS. ait6\ov0o» rjv *«V«iv, roO yripou Tt\tvrf)(ravTof ov
fioi\tias, av&pl ytvuptvm iripip. *AXX' OVK tiirtv OITUS, oXXa Tro»t ; '
T»0iiT< r«p fo>w (cf. Euthym.-Zig.). In favour of this is the parallel
itorr/pyijTat airu TOV vopov TOV dro'pot in Ver. 2, and itarrfpyr^6tjfjLtv dito TOV
9ono\> in ver. 6. But on the other hand it is strange to speak of the
same persons at one moment as ' killed ' and the next as ' married
again/ There is therefore a strong attraction in the explanation of
Git., who makes i>«Iv = not the whole self but the old self, i.e. the
old state of the self which was really * crucified with Christ'
(ch. vi. 6), and the death of which really leaves the man (= the wife
in the allegory) free to contract a new union. This moral death
of the Christian to his past also does away with the Law. The
I..i\\ iiad its hold upon him only through sin; but in discarding
his sins he discards also the pains and penalties which attached to
them. Nothing can touch him further. His old heathen or Jewish
antecedents have passed away ; he is under obligation only to Christ.
itol vjm«. The force of *cu here is, ' You, my readers, as well as the wife
in the allegory.'
8iA TOW awjioTo? TOW Xpiarow. The way in which the death of
the ' old man ' is brought about is through the identification of the
174 EPISTLE TO THE K [VII. 4. 5.
lie Death of Christ. The Christian takes his place,
as it were, with Christ upon the Cross, and there has his old self
crucified. The 'body* of Christ here meant is the 'crt
body': the Christian shares in that crucifixion, and so g-
of his sinful past. We are thus taken back to the symbolism of the
last chapter (vi. 6), to which St. Paul also throws in an n'
in TM cV n*p*» /yvp&'m. The two lines of symbolism rc.r
parallel to each other and it is easy to connect them.
6 «uX«Af M{*m = The Husband :
Crucifixion of the voX &*6. = Death of the Husband :
Resurrection = Re-Marriage :
Qv, doiAiiur TW 0f<j» =
«U <r* ywfafet 4|Uk IT'P*- Lips, take* this not of 'being married to
another husband/ bat of 'joining another matter; on the grand that there
U no marriage to the Law. This however (i) it unnecessary, because
marriage to the ' old man ' carries with it subjection to the Law, so that the
dissolution of the marriage involves release from the Law by a step which is
close and inevitable ; (a) it is wrong, because of mpwo+ow*, which it is
clearly forced and against the context to refer, as Lips, does, to anything hot
the offspring of marriage.
Kopvo+orfffwjMr TY e««. The natural sequel to the metaphor of
age.' The 'fruit' which the Christian, wedded to Ch
to bear is of course that of a reformed life.
6. ore y&p TJfitK I* TTJ aopxi. This verse develops the idea con-
tained in tafnro^opfja^fttf : the new marriage ought to be 1-
old on
because the old one was. tfcrn «V TB oapri is the opposite of
«V ry nm'-itart : the one is a life which has no higher object than
the gratification of the senses, the other is a life permeated
Spirit. Although <rap£ is human nature especially on the side of
its frailty, it does not follow that there is any dual Paul's
conception or that he regards the body as inherently sinful.
Indeed this very passage proves the contrary. It implies
is possible to be ' in the body ' without being ' in •
bodvf as such, is plastic to influences <
worked upon by Sin through the senses, or it may be worked upon
by the Spirit. In cither case the motive-force comes from without.
The body itself is neutral. See esp. the excellent discussion in
Gilford, pp. 48
T& vaeVjfiara r£r o>apn£r: infApa hns the same sort of
as our word ' passion.' It me. Impression/ esi
ful impression' or suffering; (a) the reaction which follows
some strong impression of sense ( The gen. ri»
. . ,9 = • connect* .; to sins/
rA otA TOU roV0"- Here St. Paul, a
up a finger-post' which joints to the coming section <•:
ment isc 6ui rot rd/iov is « it length in the next
VII. 5, 6.] LAW AND GRACE 175
paragraph: it refers to the effect of Law in calling forth and
aggravating sin.
4yv)pytiTo. The pricks and stings of passion were active in our
members (cf. i Thess. ii. 13; a Thess. ii. 7; a Cor. i. 6, iv. 12;
Gal. v. 6, &c.).
TW Oaydry : dat. commodi, contrasted with «a/wro$. ry e»y above.
6. vw\ W KaTT)pv^Ov)|i€K dwo row ropou. ' But as it is we ' (in our
peccant part, the old man) ' were discharged or annulled from the
Law ' (i.t. we had an end put to our relations with the Law; by
the death of our old man there was nothing left on which the Law
could wreak its vengeance; we were 'struck with atrophy' in
respect to it : see on ver. a). *«f ij/mr wn^pyij^M* ; roO son \outmv
irapa rrjf apaprtat oWfyximou iroXmoG uiro6a*$vTO( KOI ra&rrot Chrys.
We observe how Chrys. here practically comes round to the same
side as Gif.
The renderings of itanjpy^erifitv are rather interesting, and show the diffi-
culty of finding an exact equivalent in other languages : cvantati smmm
Ten. ; soluti sttmus Codd. Clarom. Sangerm. Vulg. ( — ' we were un-
bonnden' \\ic. ; 'we are loosed' Rhcm.) ; 'we are delivered' Tyn. Cran.
Gcncv. AV.; 'we are discharged' RV.: nous avons tti dtea&s Oltr. (//
Nouivatt Ttst., Geneva, 1874); nun obtr rind wir fur das Gtstt* nukt
mthrda Weusacker (Das Ntu* T(st.% Freiburg L B. i88a, ed. a).
diro9ov6vr««. AV. apparently read dvo^ororror, for which there is no
Authority, but which seems to be derived by a mistake of Beza following
Erasmus from a comment of Chrysostom's (see Tisch. ad /<*-.). The
\Ve5tern text (D E F G, codd. ap. Orig.-lat. and most Latins) boldly corrects
to TcO 0a>arov, which would go with TOW r^/iov, and which gives an easier
construction, though not a better sense. After awo$a»o*rti we must supply
p, just as in n. a i we bad to supply < *« WK.
iv w KaT«ix^c0o. The antecedent of <V f is taken by nearly all
commentators as equivalent to T<J> xJ/iy (whether «V««W or mvrtf is
regarded as masc. or better neutr.). Gif. argues against referring
it to the 'old state,' 'the old man/ that this is not sufficiently
suggested by the context But wherever ' death ' is spoken of it is
primarily this ' old state/ or ' old man ' which dies, so that the use
of the term aitofat&vrit alone seems enough to suggest it It was
this old sinful state which brought man under the grip of the Law ;
when the sinful life ceased the Law lost its hold.
fcKTTt oouXcucir: not 'so that we serve* (RV. and most com-
mentators), but • so as to serve/ i. e. ' enabling us to serve.' The
stress is thrown back upon *anH»yi7%4«», — we were so completely
discharged as to set us free to serve.
The tree distinction between &rrf with infin. and Snrrt with indie., which is
not always observed in RV., is well stated by Goodwin, Moods and Tens**, ed.
1889, § 584 (with the quotation from Shilleto. Dt Fats. Ltg. A pp. in the note),
and for N. T. by the late Canon T. S. Evans in the Expos, for 1882, i. 3 ft :
wart with indie, states the definite result which as a matter of fact does
follow ; &rr« with infin. states the contemplated result which in the natural
1 76 IK ROMA [VII. 7 25.
coone ought to follow, fan with indie, lay • stress on the effect ; &r -
infm. on the cause. Thus in I Cor. i. 7 **r« tor«/>«<r*u - 'causing or
Inspiring you to feel behindhand* (tee Sf. Comm.adl*
ii VrVor, **r« JA0«» rri ».r<.«* mi «ara<T*r/roOr - • become *
4/V n*»tf A >r the bird* to cone/ Ac It will be seen that the div
correspond* to the difference in the general character of the two mood*.
vrcuparof . . . waXaio>r|Ti yprfpfiarof. In cac h case
the gen. is what is called of ' apposition ' : it denotes that in
the newness, or oldn« is. The essential feature of th
one of ' Spirit'; of the old state, that it is regulated
i ittcn Law/ The period of the Paraclete has succeeded to
the period which took its character from the Sinaitic legislation.
The Christian life turns on an inspiration from above, not on an
elaborate code of commands and prohibitions. A fuller explanation
of the juuyorqr mtiparot is given in ch
It is perhaps well to remind the reader who is not careful to check the
study of the English versions by the Greek that the opposition between
Ifxipua and vMvpa is not exactly identical with that which we arr
habit of drawing between 'the letter' and 'the spirit' as the 'literal 'and
'spiritual sense of a writing. In this antithesis ypd^ta is with S
always the Law of Moses, as a written code, while wiG/ja is the operation
of the Holy Spirit characteristic of Christianity (cf. Rom. ii. 29; a Ccr
LAW AND SIN.
VII. 7-25. If release from Sin means release from 1
must we then identify Lout with Sin ? No. Law reveals
the sinf ulness of Sin, and by this i-cry revelation stirs up the
dormant Sin to action. But this is not bf>.
itself is ei'il — on the contrary it is good— but that
be exposed and its guilt agg> 1 3).
This is u'hat takes place. I have a double self. Eh
self is . 'to prevent me from doing wrong
(vv. 14-17). // is equally impotent to make me do right
(w. 18-21). There is thus a constant conflict going on,
from which, unaiii I hope for no deli But,
be Man . sr// Christ <;
I5>
7 1 spoke a moment ago of sinful passions working through Law,
and of the death to Sin as carrying with it a release from the Law.
Does it follow that the Law itself is actually a form of Sin ? An
VII. 7-25.] LAW AND SIN 177
intolerable thought I On the contrary it was the Law and nothing
else through which I learnt the true nature of Sin. For instance,
I knew the sinfulness of covetous or illicit desire only by the Law
saying ' Thou shall not covet.' • But the lurking Sin within me
started into activity, and by the help of that express command,
provoking to that which it prohibited, led me into all kinds of
conscious and sinful covetousness. For without Law to bring it
out Sin lies dead — inert and passive. * And while sin was dead,
I— my inner self — was alive, in happy unconsciousness, following
my bent with no pangs of conscience excited by Law. But then
came this Tenth Commandment ; and with its coming Sin awoke
to life, while I — sad and tragic contrast — died the living death of
sin, precursor of eternal death. 10 And the commandment which
was given to point men the way to life, this very commandment
was found in my case to lead to death. " For Sin took advantage
of it, and by the help of the commandment — at once confronting
me with the knowledge of right and provoking me to do that
which was wrong — it betrayed me, so that I fell ; and the com-
mandment was the weapon with which it slew me. lf The result is
tli.it the Law, as a whole, is holy, inasmuch as it proceeds from God :
and each single commandment has the like character of holiness,
justice, and beneficence. "Am I then to say that a thing so
excellent in itself to me proved fatal ? Not for a moment. It was
rather the demon Sin which wrought the mischief. And the reason
why it was permitted to do so was that it might be shown in
its true colours, convicted of being the pernicious thing that it is,
by the fact that it made use of a good instrument, Law, to
work out upon me the doom of death. For this reason Sin was
permitted to have its way, in order that through its perverted
use of the Divine commandment it might be seen in all its utter
hideousness.
14 The blame cannot attach to the Law. For we all know that
the Law has its origin from the Spirit of God and derives its
character from that Spirit, while I, poor mortal, am made of frail
human flesh and blood, sold like any slave in the market into the
servitude of Sin. " It is not the Law, and not my own deliberate
self, which is the cause of the evil ; because my actions are exe-
cuted blindly with no proper concurrence of the will I purpose one
178 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VII. 7-25.
way, I act another. I hate a thing, but do it. uAnd by thi
fact that I hate the thing that I do, my conscience bears testimony
to the Law, and recognizes its excellence. 11 So that the state of the
case is this. It is not I, my true self, who put into act what is
repugnant to me, but Sin which has possession of me. w Ft
aware that in me as I appear to the outer world— in this * body
that does me grievous wrong,' there dwells (in any permanent and
predominating shape) nothing that is good. The will indeed to do
good is mine, and I can command it ; but the performance I cannot
command. " For the actual thing that I do is not the good that
I wish to do ; but my moral agency appears in the evil that :
to avoid. "° But if I thus do what I do not wish to do, th
active force in me, the agent that carries out the act, is not my true
self (which is rather seen in the wish to do right), but the tyrant
Sin which holds possession of me. fl I find therefore this law-
ifso it may be called — this stern necessity laid upon me from
without, that much as I wish to do what is good, the evil lies at my
door. "For I am a divided being. In my innermost self, the
thinking and reasoning part of me, I respond joyfully to the Law
of God. " But then I see a different Law dominating this bodily
organism of mine, and making me do its behests. This other Law
takes the field in arms against the Law of Reason and Conscience,
and drags me away captive in the fetters of Sin, the Power which
has such a fatal grip upon my body. *4 I man that I am —
torn with a conflict from which there seems to be no issue 1 This
body from which proceed so many sinful impulses ; this body which
makes itself the instrument of so many acts of sin ; this body
which is thus dragging me down to death. — How shall I ever get
free from it ? What Deliverer will come and rescue me from its
oppression ?
*A Deliverer has come. And I can only thank God, app:
ing His Presence in humble gratitude, through Him to whotn the
deliverance is due — Jesus Messiah, our I
iout His intervention — so long as I am left to my own
unaided self— the state that I have been describing may be briefly
summarized. In this twofold capacity of mine I sc:
my conscience I serve the Law of God; with my bodily
organism the Law of Sin.
VII. 7, 8.] LAW AND SIN 179
7. So far Sin and Law have been seen in such close connexion
that it becomes necessary to define more exactly the relation
between them. In discussing this the Apostle is led to consider
the action of both upon the character and the struggle to which
they give rise in the soul.
It is evident that Marcion bad this section, as Tertullian turns against him
St. Paul's refusal to listen to any attack upon the Law, which Marcion
ascribed to the Demiurge : Abominatur afostolus criminationem Itgis . . .
Quid dec imputas legis quod legi eius apostolus imputart non auJct f Atquin
tt accumulat : Lex sancta, et praeceptum eius iustum et bonum. Si talitcr
veneratur legem creator is, quomodo tfsum dcstruat nescio.
dfiaprio. It had just been shown (ver. 5) that Sin makes
use 0/"the Law to effect the destruction of the sinner. Does it
follow that Sin is to be identified with the Law ? Do the two so
overlap each other that the Law itself comes under the description
of Sin ? St. Paul, like every pious Jew, repels this conclusion with
horror.
dXXd contradicts emphatically the notion that the Law is Sin.
On the contrary the Law first told me what Sin was.
OUK cyywK. It is not quite certain whether this is to be taken
hypothetically (for QVK &v tyvw, fa omitted to give a greater sense
of actuality, Ktihner, Gr. Gramm. ii. 176 f.) or whether it is simply
temporal. Lips. Oltr. and others adopt the hypothetical sense
both here and with owe fifaw below. Gif. Va. make both ovr
tyvw and otic jfoViv plain statement of fact. Mey.-W. Go. take
our tyvw temporally, out #W hypothetically. As the context is
a sort of historical retrospect the simple statement seems most in
place.
TTJV r« yap JmOvfuav. re -yap is best explained as — 'for also/ ' for indeed '
(Gif. Win. i liii. p. 561 E. T. ; otherwise Va.). The general proposition is
proved by a concrete example.
ryvwv . . . TJSciv retain their proper meanings : fytw, ' I learnt* implies
more intimate experimental acquaintance; pfoiy is simple knowledge that
there was such a thing as lust.
The Greek word has a wider sense than oui
' covet ' ; it includes every kind of illicit desire.
8. d^opfif)*' Xapouaa : 4 getting a start/ finding a point d*appui, or,
as we should say, ' something to take hold of.' In a military
sense (tyopw = ' a base of operations ' (Thuc. L 90. 2, &c.). In
a literary sense a^op^v Xo/3«I* = « to take a hint/ ' adopt a sug-
gestion ' ; cf. Eus. Ep. ad Carpianum «Vc row rroi^furrof row irpotip^-
fjiivov ovdpo? «iX?^)o)f fyopfuis. And so here in a moral sense : Sin
exists, but apart from Law it has nothing to work upon, no means
of producing guilt Law gives it just the opportunity it wants.
jj dpopria: see p. 145, sup.
Sid rfjs IKTO\T)S. The prep. d<a and the position of the word
N a
l8o EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VII. b
show that i: is better taken with *arufry<iffaro t<: "
Ao0. (WoXi} is the single commandment ; **/*<* the code as a
whole.
xwpls Y*P • • • *«p4. A standing thought which we have had
befo: -*o.
0. «lwf (to* B; «Cow 17). St. Paul uses a vivid figi;
expression, not of course with the full richness of meaning
he sometimes gives to it (i. 17 &. .). He is desc
the state prior to Law primarily in himself as a child bef
consciousness of law has taken hold up ut he us
experience as typical of that both of individuals and nations before
they are restrained by express command. The ' natural
flourishes ; he does freely and without hesitation all that he has
a mind to do; he puts forth all his viuhty, unembarrassed by
the checks and thwarting* of conscience. It is the kind of life
which is seen at its best in some of the productions of Gn
Greek life had no doubt its deeper and more serious sid<
this comes out more in its poetry and philosophy : the fri
rthcnon is the consummate expression of a life that does
not look beyond the morrow and has no inward perplex it
trouble its enjoyment of to-day. See the general discussion below.
dr^rjacr : * sprang into life ' (T. K. Abbott). Sin
there, but dormant ; not until it has the help of the Law docs it
become an active power of mis
11 4(T)irdrr)al jic. The language is suggested by the d.
lion of the Fall (Gen. iii. 13 '. 2 Cor. xi. 3; i Tim. ii.
14). Sin here takes the place of the Tempter there. In both
cases the 'commandment' — acknowledged only to be broken —
is the instrumci is made use of to bring about the disas-
trous and fatal end.
12. A per rofios. The ji«» expects a following o*. St. Paul had
probably intended to write ^ M Aftapria wmjpyfwaro «V «V
Amm», or something of the kind ; but he digresses to explain how
a good Law can have evil consequences, and so he fails to com-
plete the sentence on the same plan on which he had begun it. On
;l's view of the nature and functions of the Law see Ix
ll hardly safe to «rgne with Zahn (Gttth • >m the Ian-
goage of Tenulluo (given above on ver. 7) that that writer had before him
A corrupt Marcionitk text-not, Zaha thinks, actually due to Marcion, but
corrupted since his time-* JrroA* otrw 2.,
more probable that Tcrt. is reproducing hit text rather freely : in De
/WiV. 6 he leaves out «o2 &«ou
tamtttm tttftimitm (the use of superlative for |>o»itirc i» fairly con
. versions and writers).
13. Why was this strange perversion of so cxt< ing as
the Law permitted ? to aggravate the
VII 13-15.] LAW AND SIN l8l
horror of Sin : not content with the evil which it is in itself it
must needs turn to evil that which was at once Divine in its origin
and beneficent in its purpose. To say this was to pronounce its
condemnation : it was like giving it full scope, so that the whole
world might see (<^g) of what extremities (toff vr«p3oX^r) Sin
capable.
14. The section which follows explains more fully by a psycho-
logical analysis how it is that the Law is broken and that Sin
works such havoc. There is a germ of good in human nature,
a genuine desire to do what is right, but this is overborne by the
force of temptation acting through the bodily appetites and
passions.
TTKeufianKot. The Law is 'spiritual,' as the Manna and the
Water from the Rock were 'spiritual' (i Cor. x. 3, 4) in the sense
of being ' Spirit-caused ' or 4 Spirit-given/ but with the further
connotation that the character of the Law is such as corresponds
to its origin.
adpKivof (<rap«ixJr N?LP at.) denotes simply the material of
which human nature is composed, ' made of flesh and blood '
(i Cor. iii. i ; 2 Cor. iii. 3), and as such exposed to all the tempta-
tions which act through the body.
There has been considerable controversy as to the bearing of the antithesis
if] St. Paul between the o&rf and wri/M. It has been maintained that this
antithesis amounts to dualism, that St. Pan! regards the oarf as inherently
evil and the cause of evil, and that this dualistic conception is Greek or
Hellenistic and not Jewish in its origin. So, but with differences among
themselves, Holsten 11855, 1868), Rich. Schmidt (1870), Liidcraann (1872),
and to some extent Pfleiderer (1873). [In the second edition of his Fauli*-
ismus (1890'. Prtciderer refers so much of St. Paul's teaching on this bead
as seems to go beyond the O. T. not to Hellenism, but to the later TcwUh
<!o;trinc of the Fall, much as it has been expounded above, p. 136 ff. In this
we need not greatly differ from htm.] The most elaborate reply was that of
11. II. \\cndt, Di* Besrifft Fltisch und Ctitt (Gotha, 1878), which was
made the basis of an excellent treatise in English by Dr. W. P. Dickson,
St. Paul's Use of tkt Terms Flesh and Spirit, Glasgow, 1 883. Reference
may also be made to the well-considered statement of Dr. Gifford (Aemans,
pp. 48-53). The controversy may now be regarded as practically closed.
Its result is summed up by Lipsius in th-se decisive words : * The Pauline
anthropology rests entirely on an Old Testament base ; the elements in it
h are supposed to be derived from Hellenistic dualism must simply be
denied (sind tinfcuk M Ixstreite*}.' The points peculiar to St. Paul,
Ming to Lipsius, are the sharper contrast between the Divine wtvpa and
the human ^vxf, and the reading of a more ethical sense into oarf, which
was originally physical, so that in GaL v. 19 ff., Rom. Yiii. 4 ff. the <r«rf
becomes a principle directly at war with the wtvfM. In the present passage
(Kom. vii. 14-35) the opposing principle is dpo/mo, and the oatf is only the
material medium (Substrat) of sensual impulses and desires. \Ve may add
that this is St Paul's essential view, of which all else is bat the variant
expression.
L6. KaT*p<yft£o|iat — pcrjiei«tp€rp€trot « to carry into effect,' • put into execu-
tion ' : wpdoooj — ago, to act as a moral and responsible being : rai •/oat,
iS: EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VII 15 21
to produce a certain result without reference to its moral character, and
•imply M it might be produced by inanimate mechanism (tee also the notes
on ch. i. 32 : ii. 9). Of course the specific sense may not be always marked
by the context, but here it is well borne out throughout. For a fuller
account of the distinction see Schmidt, Lot. u. Gr. Synonymik, p. 394 ff.
YIMMHU* appears to describe the harmonious and conscious working of
will and motive, the former deliberately accepting and carrying out the
promptings of the latter. The man acts, so to speak, blindly: he is not
a fully conscious agent : a force which he cannot resist takes the decision out
of his hands.
8 MX». The exact distinction between Hi* and 0o»Ao>iai has been much
disputed, and is difficult to mark. On the whole it seems that, espe,
N. T. usage, lovAo/uu lays the greater stress on the idea of purpose, delibera-
tion, *«'x« on the more emotional aspect of will: in this contc
evidently something short of the final act of rolition. and practically ~
• desire.' See especially the full and excellent note in Grm.-Thay.
t url W : ' as it is,' ' as the case really lies ' ; the contrast is
logical, not temporal.
^ oUouao «V Jjuu apaprta. [Read cVouro«7.< S ' thod.
(ap. Phot cod., turn autem ap. Epiph.)] This indwelling Sin cor-
responds to the indwelling Spirit of the next chapter : a :
proof that the Power which exerts so baneful an in flue
not merely an attribute of the man himself but has an objective
existence.
18. I* <|MH, TOUT* fcrnr, K.T.\. The part of the m.i:
Sin thus establishes itself is not his higher self, his conscicn
his lower self, the ' flesh/ which, if not itself evil, is too easily made
the instrument of evil.
wapd*K«iTcu fiot : Mies to my hand/ ' within my r<
o* K A B C 47 6:»» a/.. Edd. : o$* tlfto** D F i &c.
20. 6 o* *«'A«, BCDEFG «/., \VH. RV. : ft o* *<A«, l>
&c., Tiscb. W1L marg.
21. cdpurxM opa TOK KOfiof : ' I find then ti con-
ing principle/ hardly ' this constantly recurring experience/
. would be too modern. The *W* here n.
to the rr«por vtpov of vcr. 23. It is not merely the obsem
that the will to do good is forestalled b\ the coercion of
the will that is thus exercised. Lips, seems to be nearest to the
mark, das Gcselz d. h. die objectiv mir aufcrltgte Xothwrndi^
Many commentators, from Chrysostom onwards, ha
make Tor »o>>r = the Mosaic Law : but cither (i) t)
passage more than the context will allow; or (in
sentence a construction v The
best attempt in this direction is prob. that <
•I find then with regard to the Law, that to me who won
do that which is good, to me (I say i
He supposes a double break in the construction : (i) ™ vtpo*
put as if the sentence had been intended to run ' I find tt.
VII. 21-24.] LAW AND SIN 183
Law — when I wish to do good — powerless to help me ' ; and (a)
«V"n' repeated for the sake of clearness. It is apparently in
a similar sense that Dr. T. K. Abbott proposes as an alternative
rendering (the first being as above), 'With respect to the law,
I find/ Ac. But the anacoluthon after r6* nJ/iov seems too great
even for dictation to an amanuensis. Other expedients like those
of Mey. (not Mey.-W.) Fri. Ew. are still more impossible. See
esp. Gif. Additional Note, p. 145.
22. aorrjSofiai TW v6p<* TOO e«oo : what it approves, I gladly and
cordially approve.
«ord rdr caw at4p*nroy. St. Paul, as we have seen (on vi. 6),
makes great use of this phrase a*6p*nos, which goes back as far as
Plato. Now he contrasts the 'old' with the 'new man* (or, as
we should say, the ' old ' with the ' new self) ; now he contrasts
the • outer man/ or the body (6 «£•> a*6p*«ot 2 Cor. iv. 16), with the
4 inner man/ the conscience or reason (2 Cor. iv. 16; Eph. iii. 16).
23. l-rcpo? «$por: 'a different law' (for the distinction between
cr«poc, ' different/ and oXA**, ' another/ ' a second/ see the commen-
tators on Gal i. 6, 7).
There are two Imperatives (*W) within the man : one, that of
conscience; the other, that proceeding from the action of Sin
upon the body. One of these Imperatives is the moral law, ' Thou
shalt' and 'Thou shalt not'; the other is the violent impulse of
passion.
TW M>fi« TOU rods pou. For vovs see on i. 28 : it is the rational
pan of conscience, the faculty which decides between right and
wrong : strictly speaking it belongs to the region of morals rather
than to that of intercourse with God, or religion ; but it may be
associated with and brought under the influence of the tri*i>a
(Eph. IV. 23 avavtovvQai T<p irwvfum row voor : cf. Rom. xii. 2), just as
on the other hand it may be corrupted by the flesh (Rom. i. 28).
24. TaXaiTTwpos iyw artiptnros. A heart-rending cry, from the
depths of despair. It is difficult to think of this as exactly St. Paul's
own experience : as a Christian he seems above it, as a Pharisee
below it — self-satisfaction was too ingrained in the Pharisaic temper,
the performance of Pharisaic righteousness was too well within the
compass of an average will. But St. Paul was not an ordinary
Pharisee. He dealt too honestly with himself, so that sooner or
later the self-satisfaction natural to the Pharisee must give way:
and his experience as a Christian would throw back a lurid light on
those old days ' of which he was now ashamed/ So that, what with
his knowledge of himself, and what with his sympathetic penetration
into the hearts of others, he had doubtless materials enough for the
picture which he has drawn here with such extraordinary power.
He has sal for his own likeness ; but there are ideal traits in the
picture as well
1*4 ^TLE TO THE ROMANS [VII. 24, 25.
/« TOO atftfiarof TOO 6ardrou TOVTOU. In construction rovrov might
go with <r«paroff (' from this body of death ') : but it is far better to
take it in the more natural connexion with &wmn» ; ' the body of
this death ' which already has roe in its clutches. Sin and death
are inseparable : as the body involves me in sin it also involves me
in mortality ; physical death to be followed by eternal, the death of
the body by the death of the soul.
25. opa'our K.T.X. A terse compressed summary of the previous
paragr ; 24, describing in two strokes the state of things
prior to the intervention of Christ. The expression is that which
comes from deep feeling. The particular phrases hardly seem to
need further explanation.
T$ 0«y. The true reading is probably x°P« Tr
idence stand* thu».
T* 6«f B, Sab., OriK. temtl Hieroo. um<l.
U rf e«f K* C« (d* C* mm liqutt mintuc. a/if.. Bob. Ann , Cyr,
Alex Jo.-Damasc.
tv/ X^stW V* e«f Epiph. <dd.pr.-vuL Boowctscb, Mttkrimi
VOH Olympus, i. 304.]
easy to see how the reading of B would explain all the rest The
reading of the mass of MSS. would be derived from it (not at once but by
successive steps) by the doubling of two pairs of letters.
The descent of the other readings may be best represented by a table,
rep
X*plC AC T$ 6c<p N X*P'C TOY Otoy (Of)
M XAP»C TOY KYpiOY (Kf)
The other possibility would be that ttxapHrrw r$ e«f had got reduced to
XOpf rf e«r by successive dropping of letters, but this must have taken
place very early. It b also cc*cdvable that x«^f M pwceded x&p.* only.
The Inward Conflict.
Two subjects for discussion are raised, or are commonly r
as if they were raised, by this section, (i) Is ihc exr»
described that of the regenerate or unrcgcncrate man? (2) Is it,
or is it not, the experience of St. Paul himself?
i (a). Origen and the mass of Greek Fathers held that the
passage refers to the unregcn . (i) Appeal is made to
such expressions AS irrvpap&or ur& r*j» ti^/na* vcr. 14,
VII. 7-25.] LAW AND SIN 185
[TO KaxoV] W. 19, 2O, raXaiirwpOf «>w SvGpvirot ver. 24. It IS argued
that language like this is nowhere found of the regenerate Mate.
(ii) When other expressions are adduced which seem to make for
the opposite conclusion, it is urged that parallels to them may be
quoted from Pagan literature, e.g. the video meliora of Ovid and
many other like sayings in Euripides, Xenophon, Seneca, Epictctus
(see Dr. T. K. Abbott on ver. 15 of this chapter}, (iii) The use of
the present tense is explained as dramatic. The Apostle throws
himself back into the time which he is describing.
(.1) Another group of writers, Methodius (ob. 310 A.D.), Augustine
and the Latin Fathers generally, the Reformers especially on the
Calvinistic side, refer the passage rather to the regenerate, (i) An
opposite set of expressions is quoted, /u<r» [r& «a*6V] ver. 15, &'X«
iroMlv TO KaXdV ver. 21, arvyrj&opuH ry «V? ver. 22. It is said that these
are inconsistent with the ci^XXorpt^W *ai itfpoi of Col. i. 21 and
with descriptions like that of Rom. viii. 7, 8. (ii) Stress is laid on
the present tenses : and in proof that these imply a present experi-
ence, reference is made to passages like i Cor. ix. 27 wr»ir«i£«* /iov
TO 9w/*a icai dovXaywy£. That even the regenerate may have this
mixed experience is thought to be proved, e.g. by Gal. v. 17.
Clearly there is a double strain of language. The state of things
described is certainly a conflict in which opposite forces are struggling
for the mastery.
Whether such a state belongs to the regenerate or the unre-
generate man seems to push us back upon the further question,
What we mean by * regenerate.' The word is used in a higher and
a lower sense. In the lower sense it is applied to all baptized
Christians. In that sense there can be little doubt that the
experience described may fairly come within it.
But on the other hand, the higher stages of the spiritual life seem
to be really excluded. The sigh of relief in ver. 25 marks a dividing
line between a period of conflict and a period where conflict is
practically ended. This shows that the present tenses are in any
case not to be taken too literally. Three steps appear to be
distinguished, (i) the life of unconscious morality (ver. 9), happy,
but only from ignorance and thoughtlessness ; (ii) then die sharp
collision between law and the sinful appetites waking to activity ;
(iii) the end which is at last put to the stress and strain of this
collision by the intervention of Christ and of the Spirit of Christ, of
which more will be said in the next chapter. The state there
described is that of the truly and fully regenerate ; the prolonged
struggle which precedes seems to be more rightly defined as inter
regenerandum (Gif. after Dean Jackson).
Or perhaps we should do better still to refuse to introduce so
technical a term as ' regeneration ' into a context from which it is
wholly absent. St. Paul, it is true, regarded Christianity as operating
186 i; TO THE ROMA: [VII. 7-25.
a change in man. But here, whether the moment described is
before or after the embracing of Christianity, in any case abstr
is made of all that is Christian. Law and the soul are brought face
to face with each other, and there is nothing between them. Not
until we come to ver. 25 is there a single expression used
belongs to Christianity. And the use of it marks that the conflict
is ended.
(a) As to the further question whether St. Paul is speaking of
himself or of • some other man* we observe that the crisis which is
described here is not at least the same as that which is commonly
known as his • Conversion/ Here the crisis is moral ; t
in the first instance intellectual, turning upon the acceptance of
the proposition that Jesus was truly the Messiah. The decisive
point in the conflict may be indeed the appropriation of Christ
through His Spirit, but it is at least not an intellectual conviction,
such as might exist along with a severe moral struggle. On the
other hand, the whole description is so vivid and so sincere, so
:Iy wrung from the anguish of direct personal experience,
: to think of it as purely imaginary. It is really
not so much imaginary as imaginative. It is not a literal photo-
graph of any one stage in the Apostle's career, hut it is a con-
structive picture drawn by him in bold lines from elements sup-
plied to him by self-introspection. We may well believe ti
regretful reminiscence of bright unconscious innocence goes back
to the days of his own childhood before he had begun to feel the
conviction of Sin. The incubus of the Law he had felt most
keenly when he was a 'Pharisee of the Pharisees.' Without
putting an exact date to the struggle which follows we shall prob-
ably not be wrong in referring the main features of it especi
the period before his Conversion. It was then that the po\\
ness of the Law to do anything but aggravate sin was brought
home to him. And all his experience, at whatever date, -
struggle of the natural man with .<m is here gathered
together and concentrated in a single portraiture. It would
obviously be a mistake to apply a generalized experience like
this too rigidly. The process described comes to differerr
at different times and in different degrees; to o: to an-
other later; in one man it would lead up to Chri
another it might follow it; in one <: quick and sudden,
in another the slow growth of years. V •: lay down any
rule. In any case it is the mark of a genuine faith to be able to
say with the Ajostlc, 'Thanks be to God through Jesus Christ
It is just in his manner to sum up thus in a sen-
tence what he is about to expand into a chapter. The break
v suitable ; is the true conJuuion to
VII. 7-25.] LAW AND SIN 187
Sf. PauTs View of tlu Law.
It was in his view of the Mosaic Law that St. Paul roust have
seemed most revolutionary to his countrymen. And yet it would
be a mistake to suppose that he ever lost that reverence for the
Law as a Divine institution in which every Jew was born and bred
and to which he himself was still more completely committed by
tly education as a Pharisee (Gal. i. 14; Phil. iii. 5 f.). This
old feeling of his comes out in emotional passages like Rom. ix. 4
a ; ii. 25, &c.). And even where, as in the section before
us, he is bringing out most forcibly the ineffectiveness of the Law
to restrain human passion the Apostle still lays down expressly
tba: the Law itself is * holy and righteous and good'; and a little
lower down (ver. 14) he gives it the epithet 'spiritual/ which is
equivalent to ascribing to it a direct Divine origin.
It was only because of his intense sincerity and honesty in
facing facts that St. Paul ever brought himself to give up his
belief in the sufficiency of the Law ; and there is no greater proof
of his power and penetration of mind than the way in which,
when once his thoughts were turned into this channel, he followed
out the whole subject into its inmost recesses. We can hardly
doubt that his criticism of the Law as a principle of religion dates
back to a time before his definite conversion to Christianity. The
process described in this chapter clearly belongs to a period when
the Law of Moses was the one authority which the Apostle re-
cognized. It represents just the kind of difficulties and struggles
which would be endured long before they led to a complete shift-
ing of belief, and which would only lead to it then because a new
and a better solution had been found. The apparent suddenness
of St. Paul's conversion was due to the tenacity with which he
held on to his Jewish faith and his reluctance to yield to con-
clusions which were merely negative. It was not till a whole
group of positive convictions grew up within him and showed their
power of supplying the vacant place that the Apostle withdrew his
allegiance, and when he had done so came by degrees to see
the true place of the Law in the Divine economy.
From the time that he came to write the Epistle to the Romans
the process is mapped out before us pretty dearly.
The doubts began, as we have seen, in psychological experience.
With the best will in the world St. Paul had found that really to
keep the Law was a matter of infinite difficulty. However much
it drew him one way there were counter influences which drew
him another. And these counter influences proved the stronger
of the two. The Law itself was cold, inert, passive. It pointed
severely to the path of right and duty, but there its function
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VII. 7-25.
ended ; it gave no help towards the performance of that which it
required. Nay, by a certain strange pt •: human nature,
it seemed actually to provoke to disobedi
that a thing was forbidden seemed to make its a* 11 the
greater (Rom. vii. 8). And so the last state was worse than the
The one sentence in which St. Paul sums up his experience
of Law is &A «W «V»yi*K7i» aitapriat (Rom. iii. 20). Its effect
therefore was only to increase the condemnation : it multipl;
(Rom. v. 20); it worked wrath (Rom. iv. 15); it brought
r a curse (Gal. iii. 10).
And this was equally true of the individual and of the race ; the
better and fuller the law the more glaring was the contrast
practice of those who lived under it. The Jews were at th«
of all mankind in their privileges, but morally they wer
better than the Gentiles. In the course of his travels S:
led to visit a number of the scattered colonies of Jews,
he compares them with the Gentiles he can only turn upon them
^ irony (Rom. ii. 1 7-29).
The truth must be acknowledged ; as a system, Law of
kind had failed. The breakdown of the Jewish Law was
most complete just because that law was the best It ste-
in history as a monument, revealing the right and condemning
the wrong, heaping up the pile of human guilt, and nothing
more. On a large scale for the race, as on a small scale for the
individual, the same verdict held, &A xW «n>i*xm V,
Clearly the fault of all this was not with the Law. Th<
lay in the miserable weakness of human tuiurc (R
The Law, as a code of commandments, did all that -ended
to do. But it needed to be supplemented. And it was jr.
supplementing which Ch: r night, and l>\
the Law in its true light and in its right place in the evolution of
the Dr. 1 sees spread before him the whole ex-
panse of history iividing line across it is the Coming of
the Messiah. All previous to that is a period of Law— first of
imperfect law, such law as was supplied by natural religion and
conscience; and then of relatively perfect law. tl en by
God from Sinai. It was not to be supposed that this gift of law
increased the sum of human happiness. Rather the co;
In the infancy of the w< : the infancy of the
there was a blithe unconsciousness of r npulse
was followed wherever it led ; the primrose path of cnjm
DO dark shadow cast ov v was this dark shadow.
In proportion as it became stricter, it deepened the gloom. If
law had been kept, or where law was kept, it brou
a new kind of happiness; but to a serious spirit like
it seemed as if the law was never kept— never satisfactorily
VIII. 1-4.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 189
kept— at all. There was a Rabbinical commonplace, a stern
rule of self-judgement, which was fatal to peace of mind: 'Who-
soever shall keep the whole law and yet stumble in one point,
he is become guilty of all* (Jas. ii. 10; cf. Gal. iii. 16; Rom.
x. 5). Any true happiness therefore, any true relief, must be
sought elsewhere. And it was this happiness and relief which
St. Paul sought and found in Christ. The last verse of ch. vii
marks the point at which the great burden which lay upon ths
conscience rolls a\\ay; and the next chapter begins with an
uplifting of the heart in recovered peace and serenity ; ' There is
therefore now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus.'
Taken thus in connexion with that new order of things into
it was to pass and empty itself, the old order of Law had at
last its difficulties cleared away. It remained as a stage of
salutary and necessary discipline. All God's ways are not bripht
upon the surface. But the very clouds which He draws over the
heavens will break in blessings; and break just at that moment
when their darkness is felt to be most oppressive. St. Paul him-
self saw the gloomy period of law through to its end (r«Xot yap
fofAov Xptorir tit durnuxrvriji' itan\ r«p irtartvonri Rom. X. 4) ; and
his own pages reflect, better than any other, the new hopes and
energies by which it was succeeded.
LIFE IN THE SPIRIT.
THE FRUITS OF THE INCARNATION.
VIII. 1-4. The result of Christ's interposition is to
dethrone Sin from its tyranny in the human heart, and to
instal in its stead the Spirit of Christ. Thus what the
Law of Moses tried to do but failed^ the Incarnation has
accomplished.
1 This being so, no verdict of ' Guilty ' goes forth any longer
against the Christian. He lives in closest union with Christ.
* The Spirit of Christ, the medium of that union, with all its life-
giving energies, enters and issues its laws from his heart, dis-
possessing the old usurper Sin, putting an end to its authority and
to the fatal results which it brought with it. * For where the old
system failed, the new system has succeeded. The Law of Moses
could not get rid of Sin. The weak place in its action was that
our poor human nature was constantly tempted and fell. But now
God Himself has interposed by sending the Son of His love to
190 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII. 1. 2.
take upon Him that same human nature with all its attributes
except sin: in that nature He died to free us from sin: a:
Death of His carried with it a verdict of condemnation against Sin
and of acquittal for its victims ; * so that from henceforth what the
Law lays down as right might be fulfilled by us who regulate our
lives not according to the appetites and passions of sense, but at
the dictates of the S;
1 ff. This chapter is, as we have seen, an expansion of X"
e*y to *li7«7oO XpMrrot TOV Kvpiov tyi»» in the last verse of
describes the innermost circle of the Christian Life from its begin-
ning to its end — that life of which the Apostle speaks else
(Col. iii. 3) as 'hid with Christ in God.' li \u>rks gradually up
through the calm exposition and pastoral entreaty of
the more impassioned outlook and deeper introspection of vv. 18-30,
and thence to the magnificent climax of vv. 31-39.
There it evidence that Marcion retained w. i-t i of this chapter, probably
with no very noticeable variation from the text which has come down to us
(we do not know which of the two competing reading* he had in v
TcrtullUn leaps from viii 1 1 to x. a, implying that much was cut out, but
we cannot determine how much.
1. Kardxpipa. One of the formulae of Justification : *or
and KoriupijMi are correlative to &W»<m, 6W«fia ; both sets' of
phrases being properly forensic Here, however, the phrase roir
«V X. X which follows shows that the initial stage in tl.
career, which is in the strictest sense the stage of Justification, has
been left behind and the further stage of union with Christ has
succeeded to it In this stage too there is the same freedom
condemnation, secured by a process explained more fully
3 (cf. vi. 7-10). The gar&xpuns which used to fall upon the
sinner now falls upon his oppressor
<rdp«a mptiraTovaxv, dXAd na-rA wvrifta. An interpolation
introduced (from ver. 4) at two steps: the first clause jn) «ar4 ottpco v«pra-
Townr in A D* i lias. Chrys. ; the second
clause oXA* «mi ™0>« in the maw of later authorities «• D- E K L P Ac, ;
the older uncials with the Egyptian and Et hiopic Versions, the Latin Version
, ; .>•,-.•. :. ! pvfap OrfMB UM !:»:-;s \ ' nth- entwy dialogue attri-
bated to him, Athanasius and others omit both,
2. & *6>os roG nMu^aros = the authority exercised by the S
We have had the same somewhat free use of H^»O« in :;
chapt< .-36 vopot rov WK>», 6 Hjpot r^f 4fuipr<
longer a ' code ' but an authority producing r
as would be produced by a code.
TO« n^Jfioros Tr|f IWT|S. The gen. expresses the ' effect wrought '
(Gif.), but it also expresses more : tbe Spirit brings life because it
essentially is life.
VIII. 2, 3.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 191
lv Xpurrw'iijaou goes with qX«vcVp«<r« : the authority of the Spirit
operating through the union with Christ, freed me, &c. For the
phrase itself see on ch. vi. 1 1
^X«v«fp»Kr« |M. A small group of important authorities (MBFG,
m I'esh , Tcrt i/a vet fotitts a/a Chrys. todd.) has )*t*$ip*oiv ot. The
combination of K B with Latin and Svriac authorities shows that thU reading
must be extremely early, going back to the time before the Western text
diverged from the main body. Still it can hardly be right, as the second
person is nowhere suggested in the context, and it is more probable that o«
is only a mechanical repetition of the last syllable of 4*'*ty»" («).
Dr. Hort suggests the omission of both pronouns ($/ioi also being found \
and although the evidence for this is confined to some MSS. of Arm. (to
which Dr. Hort would add 'perhaps* the commentary of Origen as repre-
sented by Rufmus, but this is not certain), it was a very general tmitocy
among scribes to supply an object to verbs originally without one. We do
not expect a return to first per*. sing, after roiV Jr X. 1., and the scanty
evidence for omission may be to some extent paralleled, e.g. by that for the
omission of •ipiprfou in iv. i. for tl yi in v. 6. or for x^ptr r$ e«y in vil a 5.
But we should hardly be justified in doing more than placing /M in brackets.
dvo TOU *o>ou rrjs dfiopTiaf lea! TOO Qav&TW = the authority
exercised by Sin and ending in Death: see on vii. 23, and on
6 >dp. T. imvfi. above.
3. T& ydp dSuVaroy TOU ro*|iou. Two questions arise as to these
words, (i) What is their construction? The common view,
adopted also by Gif. (who compares Eur. Troad. 489), is that they
form a sort of nom. absolute in apposition to the sentence. Gif.
translates, ' the impotence (see below) of the Law being this that,'
Ac. It seems, however, somewhat better to regard the words in
apposition not as nom. but as accus.
A most accomplished scholar, the late Mr. James Riddell, in his * Digest
of 1'latonic Idioms' (TJkf Apolo& of Plato, Oxford, 1877, p. laa), lays down
two propositions about constructions like this: ' (i) These Noun-Phrases and
Neuter-Pronouns are Accusatives. The prevalence of the Neuter Gender
makes this difficult to prove; but such instances as are decisive afford an
analogy for the rest: Theaet. 153 C Jvi rovrmt rdr «a&o$«wa, draytdfa
wpoofrW** «.TA. Cf. Soph. 0. r. 603 «aJ rwrf f Aryxor . . . ««if*w, and
the Adverbs 4wf"» d*/«K t^r vpvnj*, &c. (it) Thev represent, by Appo-
sition or Substitution, the stntetut itself. To say, that they are Cognate
Accusatives, or in Apposition with the (nnexpreaied) Cognate Accus., would
be inadequate to the facts. For (i) in most of the instances the sense points
out that the Noun-Phrase or Pronoun stands over against the sentence, or
portion of a sentence, as a whole; (a) in many of them, not the internal
force but merely the rhetorical or logical form of the sentence is in view. It
might be said that they are Predicates, while the sentence itself is the
Subject' [Examples follow, but that from Ttuatt. given above is as clear
as any.] This seems to criticize by anticipation the view of Va., who MfiPli
rd d«w. as accus. but practically explains it as in apposition to a cognate
accus. which is not cxptcastd : • The impossible thing of the Law . . . Cod
[effected ; that is He] condemned tin in the flesh.' It is true that an apt
parallel is quoted from a Cor. vi. 13 r^r M ovri^r dmjufffi'av *Aarvv*rr«
•mi itfttit : bat this would seem to come under the same rule. The argument
that if rd dftvr. had been accus. it would probably have stood at the end of
STLE TO THE ROMA [VIII 3
the sentence, like ri^ Xo^yurV Xor/Mi<u> l^ in Rom. xii. I, appear* to be
refuted by rOr «aAo*«ra in Tkttut. abov,
while recognizing the acca*. DM (f lix. 9, p. 669 E. T.), items t
So too Mey. Upt Ac
(2) Is rA Mi*, active or passive? Gif., after Fri. (cf. also Win.
ut tuf.) contends for the former, on the ground that if ddtY
passive it should be followed by r$ »4«f not rov »rf/iov. Tertullian
(Df fits. Cam. 46) gives the phrase an active sense and retains the
gen., quod invalidum erat legis. But on the other hand if not Origen
himself, at least Rufinus the translator of Origen has a passive
rendering, and treats rov rdpov as practically equivalent to ry yrfpy:
quod •. erat legi*. Yet Rufinus himself clearly uses
impossibilis in an active sense in his comment ; and the Greek of
Origen, as given in Cramer's Catena, p. 125, appears to make TO
«SdvK active: &owtp yap q aptr) loiq <pvan iff^vpd, ovrw no,
ra oar avrqt ao6it*i gal dovmra . . . rov rotovrov foftov q tpvaif a&warot
<<m. Similarly Cyr.-Alex. (who finds fault with the structure of the
sentence) : rA doMum*, rovr«<m ro do6<*<>iv. Vulg. and Cod. Clarom.
are slightly more literal: quod impossibile erat legit. The gen.
mean that there was a spot within the range or domain of Law
marked 'impossible/ a portion of the field which it could not
control. On the whole the passive sense appears to us to be more
in accordance with the Biblical use of dow. and also to give a some-
what easier construction : if r6 abvv. is active it is not quite a simple
case of apposition to the sentence, but must be explained as a son
of nom. absolute (' The impotence of the Law being this that/ &c.,
Gif.), which seems rather strained. But it must be confess
the balance of ancient authority is strongly in favour of this way of
taking the words, and that on a point— the natural interpretation of
language— where ancient authority is especially valuable.
An induction from the use of LXX and N. T. would seem to show that
dJfroroi masc. and fern, was always active (so twice in N. T., twenty-two
times [3 vr. 11.] in LXX Wisd. xvii. 14 rj)r d*»urar <rrm rvcra «a2 tt
aJwrfrov {*» j»x£r J««A**rar, being alone somewhat ambiguous and
peculiar , while dMr. neat, was always passive (so fire times in LXX, seven
in N. T.\ It is true that the exact phrase ro dJvroTor does not occur, but
in Lake xriii. 27 we have rd o4foara vapd d»*Ydtnroir owara <<m wapd T£ e«f .
<?M: not * because' (Fri. \\ Alf), but 'in whk:
' wherein/ defining the point in which the ini[>os
of the Law consisted. For tprft'i** haryt <rap<or comp. vii. 22, 23.
Law points the \\ay to what is right, but frail humanity is
tempted and falls, and so the Law's good counsels come to nothing.
TOT JOVTOU uloV. The emphatic favrov brings out the com::
of nature between the Father and the Son : cf. rov tdi'ov t/lov vcr. 32 ;
roC vfcw TV dywnjt avrov Col. i.
* The text is not free fiom suspicion.
VIII. 3.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 193
aapK&$ AfiapTiaf : the flesh of Christ is ' like ' ours
uch as it U ll<>h ; Mike.' and only Mike,' because it is not
sinful: osUndit nos quidem habert carntm peccati, Ftlium vero Dei
sintililudinem habuisst carnis fxccati, non carnem fxcfiili (Qi\%.~\a\.).
derer and Holsten contend that even the flesh of Christ was
:1 flesh/ i.e. capable of sinning ; but they are decisively refuted
by Gif. p. 165. Neither the Greek nor the argument requires thai
the flesh of Christ shall be regarded as sinful flesh, though it is
His Flesh— His Incarnation — which brought Him into contact
\\ith Sin.
nal ircpl Afioprias. This phrase is constantly used in the O.T.
for the ' sin-offering ' ; so ' more than fifty times in the Book of
Leviticus alone ' ( Va.) ; and it is taken in this sense here by Orig.-
lat. Quod hostia pro peccato factus tst Christus* et oblatus sit pro
purgatione peccalorum, omms Scriptural testantur . . . Per hone ergo
host i am farm's SUM, quae dicitur pro pcccato, damnavit peccatum in
carne, &c. The ritual of the sin-offering is fully set forth in Lev. iv.
The most characteristic feature in it is the sprinkling with blood of
the horns of the altar of incense. Its object was to make atonement
especially for sins of ignorance. It was no doubt typical of the
Sacrifice of Christ. Still we need not suppose the phrase «vpi
Aftapr. here specially limited to the sense of 'sin-offering.' It
includes every sense in which the Incarnation and Death of Christ
had relation to, and had it for their object to remove, human sin.
KOT^KPI^ TV dfiapTiar iv TTJ aapiu. The key to this difficult
clause is supplied by ch. vi. 7-10. By the Death of Christ upon the
Cross, a death endured in His human nature, He or.ce and for ever
broke off all contact with Sin, which could only touch Him through
mire. Henceforth Sin can lay no claim against Him.
Neither can it lay any claim against the believer ; for the believer
also has died with Christ. Henceforth when Sin comes to prosecute
its claim, it is cast in its suit and its former victim is acquitted.
The one culminating and decisive act by which this state of things
was brought about is the Death of Christ, to which all the subse-
quent immunity of Christians is to be referred.
The parallel passage, vi. 6-n, shows that this summary
condemnation of Sin takes place in the Death of Christ, and not
in His Life ; so that Kar«Kp<i« cannot be adequately explained either
by the proof which Christ's Incarnation gave that human nature
might be sinless, or by the contrast of His sinlessness with man's
sin. In Matt. xii. 41, 42 (' the men of Nineveh shall rise up in the
judgement with this generation, and shall condemn it/Ac.) «mup*w
has this sense of 'condemn by contrast/ but there is a greater fulness
of meaning here.
The ancients rather min the mark in their comments on this pawage.
Thus Orig.-Ut damnavit /«<*/»•*, hot tst, fugavit fetcahim et abituli:
O
ISTLE TO THE I; [VIII. 3-6.
(con <>tt, 'effectually condemned to ft* to expel*): but it does
not appear how thi* was done. The commoner view it baied on Cory*,.
who claims for the incarnate Christ a threefold victory over Sin, as not
yielding to it, as overcoming it (in a forensic sense), and convicting it of
•u* in handing over to death His own sinless body as if it were tinfnl.
arly Euthym..Ztg. and others in part. Cyr.-Alex. explains the victory
of CbrUt over Sin as passing over to the Christian through the indwelling
of the Holy Ghost and the Eucharist (B.A r*r ju*ri«9> tUoyia,).
at least right in so far as it lays stress on the identification of the Christian
Hut the victory over sin does not rest on the mere fact of
•inlessness. but on the absolute severance from sin involved in the Death
upon the Cross and the Resurrection.
cV rfj aapiu goes \vi:h KorYc/xw. The Death of Christ has the
efficacy which it has because it is the death of means
of death He broke for ever the power of Sin upon Him (vi. 10 .
Heb. vii. 16; x. 10; i IVt. iii. 18); but through the mystical
union with Him the death of His Flesh means the death of ours
(Lips.).
4. TO oiKcu'wfia: 'the justifying,' W.c.. ':!..• justification,' Rhem.
Vulg. iustificatio ; Tyn. is better, 'the rightewesnes requyred
of (i.e. by) the la we.' <• already seen that the proper sense
of &«oM»pa is ' that which is laid down as right,' ' that which has the
force of right ' : hence it = here the statutes of Uie Law, as righteous
statutes. Comp. on i. 32 ; ii. 26.
It is not clear how Chrys. ( - Euthym.-Zig.) gets for &«ai»jia the tease
rd r«Aof ,
rots firj naia aapxa ircpivarouaiK : * those who walk by the rule
of the flesh/ whose guiding principle is the flesh (and its grati-
fication). The antithesis of Flesh and Spirit is the subject of
the next section.
THE LIFE OP THE FLESH AND THE LIFE OF
THE SPIRIT.
VIII. 5-11. Compare the two states. The life of self-
indulgence involves the breach of God's law, hostility to
and death. Submission to the Spirit :th it
tnu life and tfu sense of rec •/. You therefore,
if you are sincere Christians, have in the / ./ the
fledge of immorta.
'These two modes of life arc directly opposed to one another,
roan gives way to the gratifications of sense, then these and
nothing else occupy his thoughts and determine the bent of his
character. And on the other hand, those who le:
VIII. 5, 6.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 195
guide them fix their thoughts and affections on things spiritual.
• They arc opposed in their nature ; they are opposed also in their
consequences. For the consequence of having one's bent towards
the things of the flesh is death — both of soul and body, both here
and hereafter. Just as to surrender one's thoughts and motives to
the Spirit brings with it a quickened vitality through the whole man,
and a tranquillizing sense of reconciliation with God.
7 The gratifying of the flesh can lead only to death, because it
implies hostility to God. It is impossible for one who indulges the
flesh at the same time to obey the law of God. • And those who
are under the influence of the flesh cannot please God. ' But you,
as Christians, are no longer under the influence of the flesh. You
are rather under that of the Spirit, if the Spirit of God (which, be it
remembered, is the medium of personal contact with God and
Christ) is really in abiding communion with you. lo But if Christ,
through His Spirit, thus keeps touch with your souls, then mark
how glorious is your condition. Your body it is true is doomed to
death, because it is tainted with sin ; but your spirit — the highest
part of you — has life infused into it because of its new state of
righteousness to which life is so nearly allied. " In possessing the
Spirit you have a guarantee of future resurrection. It links you to
Him whom God raised from the dead. And so even these perish-
able human bodies of yours, though they die first, God will restore
to life, through the operation of (or, having regard to) that Holy
Spirit by whom they are animated.
5. tporouaiy: 'set their minds, or their hearts upon.'
denotes the whole action of the <#w, i.e. of the affections and will
1 as of the reason; cf. Matt. xvi. 23 w 4>pomr ra roO e»or,
«AAa TO rwr artp^Ko* : Rom. xii. 1 6 ; Phil. iii. 19 ; Col. iii. a, Ac.
6. +p4"f)pa : the content of </>/x>»«u>, the general bent of thought
and motive. Here, as elsewhere in these chapters, <rorf is that side
of human nature on which it is morally weak, the side on which
man's physical organism leads him into sin.
Odraros. Not merely is the ^pdnj/ia rip <rap*cot death in f/fff,
inasmuch as it has death for its goal, but it is also a present death,
inasmuch as its present condition contains the seeds which by
their own inherent force will develop into the death both of body
and soul.
m. I" contrast with the state of things just described, where
the whole bent of the mind is towards the tilings of the Spirit, not
o a
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII 0 0
there ' life ' in the tense that a career so ordered will issue in
i has already in itself the germs of life. As the Spirit itself is
in Its essence living, so does It impart that which must live.
a striking presentation of the Biblical doctrine of Life Me !
jfi iMturu, pp. 98 ff., iSoff. The following may be quoted
sense of life which Israel enjoyed was, however, be* expressed in the choice
of the name "life" as a designation of that higher communion with God
which grew forth in due time as the fruit of obedience and faith. The
nalmist or wise man or prophet, whose heart had sought the face of the
Lord, was conscious of a second or divine life, of which the first or natural
life was at once the image and the foundation; a life not imprisoned in
some secret recess of his soul, but filling his whole self, and overflowing
upon the earth .around him' .p. 08). Add St Paul's doctrine of the in-
dwelling Spirit, and the intensity of his language becomes intelligible.
= as we have seen not only (i) the state of reconciliation
with God, but (u) the sense of that reconciliatio:
a feeling of harmony and tranquillity over the whole n.
7. This verse assigns the reason why the 'mind of the flesh is
death/ at the same time bringing out the further contrast lx
the mind of the flesh and that of the Spirit suggested by the
description of the latter as not only ' life ' but ' peace/
of the fle*h is the opposite of peace ; it involves hostility to God,
declared by disobedience to His Law. This disobedience
natural and inevitable consequence c : . the flesh.
8. oi W : not as AV. 'so then/ as if it marked a consequence or
conclusion from \ hut 'And': ver. 8 merely repeats the
substance < 'iijhtly different form, no >stract
but personal. The way is thus paved for a more i! cation
to the readers.
9. cV 9opKi, . . . iv «v«u|um. Observe how the thought n.
gradually upwards, fboi «V crape* = ' to be under the domination of
[the] flesh ' ; corresponding to this »mu «v trw i'/Mm = ' to be under
the domination of fine] spirit/ i.e. in th-
Just as in the one case the man takes
bias from the lower part of his nature, so in the other case he
it from the highest part of his nature. But that highest part, the
nwvfui, is what it is by virtue of its affinity to God. It is essentially
that part of the man which holds communion with G<
the Apo&tle is naturally led to think of the Divine influc;
on the inw/io. He rises almost impe rough the
ravpa of man t< > . i of God From thinkii
which the wm^a in its best moods acts upon the charac
passes on to that influence from without which keeps it in its best
nuxxk ta what he means when he s..
:. 0;««;v «V denotes a settled permanent ;
influence. Such an influence, from th-
assumes to be inseparable from the higher life of the C
VIII. 9, 10.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 197
The way in which «V aapul is opposed to «V nwi^um, and further
the way in which «V mvpon passes from the spirit of man to the
Spirit of God, shows that we must not press the local significance of
the preposition too closely. We must not interpret any cf the
varied expressions which the Apostle uses in such a sense as to
infringe upon the distinctness of the human and Divine personalities.
The one thing which is characteristic of personality is distinctness
from all other personalities ; and this must hold good even of the
relation of man to God. The very ease with which St. Paul changes
and inverts his metaphors shows that the Divine immanence with
him nowhere means Buddhistic or Pantheistic absorption. We
must be careful to keep clear of this, but short of it we may use the
language of closest intimacy. All that friend can possibly receive
from friend we may believe that man is capable of receiving from
God. See the note on i» X/*<rry 'ii^oC in vi. 1 1 ; and for the anti-
thesis of <rd/>£ and irwipa the small print note on vii. 14.
cl W TI«. A characteristic delicacy of expression : when he is
speaking on the positive side St. Paul assumes that his readers have
the Spirit, but when he is speaking on the negative side he will not
say bluntly ' if you have not the Spirit/ but he at once throws
his sentence into a vague and general force, 'if any one has
not,' Ac.
There are some good remarks on the grammar of the conditional clauses
in this verse and in TV. 10, 25, in Barton, M. and T. f ft 469, 242, 261.
OUK fortr afrrou : he is no true Christian. This amounts to
saying that all Christians 'have the Spirit' in greater or less
degree.
10. ci S« Xpioros. It will be observed that St. Paul uses the
phrases nui/m e«ov, nm>a XpurroO, and Xpurrdr in these two verses
as practically interchangeable. On the significance of this in its
bearing upon the relation of the Divine Persons see below.
TO pi? awfio rcKpor Si' dpapTiar. St. Paul is putting forward first
the negative and then the positive consequences of the indwelling
of Christ, or the Spirit of Christ, in the soul. But what is the
meaning of ' the body is dead because of sin ? ' Of many ways of
taking the words, the most important seem to be these : (i) ' the
body is dead imputalivt, in baptism (vi. a if.), as a consequence of
sin which made this implication of the body in the Death of Christ
necessary* (Lips.). But in the next verse, to which this clearly
points forward, the stress lies not on death imputed but on physical
lio.uh. (ii) 4 The body is dead myslict, as no longer the instrument
of sin ( sans tncrgie produt trice dts acle* charntls\ because of sin—
to which it led ' (Oltr.). This is open to the same objection as th«
:th the addition that it does not give a satisfactory explanation
of &' fyapriav. (i\\) It remains to take w«poV in the plain sense of
n,«S M TO THE ROMA [VIII 10, 11
« physical death/ and to go back for &V <W"nr not to vi. a ff. but
. -• ff., so that it would be the sin of Adam and his dcscei
(Aug. Gif. Go.) perpetuated to the end of time. Oltr. objects that
MKpof in this case ought to be dnrroV, but the use of *<tp>* gives
a more vivid and pointed contrast to C«7— ' a dead thing/
TO &€ «>€o|ia r,wr) Sia otKaioaunf)!'. Clearly the »r». meant
is the human tr»< ; ropcrties of life infused into it
by the presence of the Divine m*i>a. C««7 is to l>c taken in a wide
sense, but with especial stress on the futu i life, ow OUOMO-
0«»ip is also to be taken in a wide sense : it includes all the senses
h righteousness is brought home to man, first imputed, then
imparted, then practised
11 St. Paul is fond of arguing from the R i of Christ
to the resurrection of the Christian (see p. 1 1 7 sup.). (.
drrapxn (i Cor. xv. 2O, 23 : the same power which raise
raise us (i Cor. vi. 14; a Cor. iv. 14); Phil. iii. 21 ; i Thess.
iv. 14). But nowhere is the argument given in so full and complete
a form as here. The link which connects tht
and makes him participate in Christ's resurrection, is the possession
of His Spirit (cp. i Thess. iv. 14 roi* «M/u7&War ota rov 'Irja
ry).
Sid TOO ifoticouKTos auTou nnu'fiaros. The authorities for the two
readings, the gen. as above and the ace. &£ r6 fVoucoGr avrov i
seem at first sight very evenly divided. For gen. we have a long
line of authorities headed by H A C, Clem.-Alex. For a
a still longer line headed by B D, Orig. I
In follcr detail the evidence is as follows:
&«k roC Jrourovrror «.v.A. « A C P* a/., (odd, ap. I's.-Ath. Dial. e. Mcxtd<m .,
Boh. Sab. Harcl. Arm. Acth , Clem hod. (eoM. Graff.
kcor*m ab Epiphanio citatorum) Cyr.-Hieros (odd. plur. tt */. I
Bas 4/4 Chrys. ad i Cor. xv
&a TO Jrourov. V &c., codd. af. \\ -Ath. Dial. (.
M<uedon.\ Valg. Peth. (Sah. (odd.}; Ircn.-bt On
twrr. tlav. it (odd. Kpipha. * part* a/. *. cod.
Did-lat. umtl {inttrf. Hieron.) Chrys. ad be. Tcrt. Hil. al /.
\Vhen these lists are exami: '< seen at once that the authorities
for the cen. are predominantly Alexandrian, and those for the ace. predomi-
nantly Western. The question is how far in each case tin* main body is
reinforced by more independent evidence. From thb point of riew a some-
what increased importance attaches to Hard. Arm. Hippol. Cyr.-i
lias, on the «de of the gen. and to B, Orig. on the side of the ac,
testimony of Method, b not quite clear. The first place in wl.
passage occurs is a Quotation from Origen : here the true reading is probably
id t* Jrourovr, as cUewhcre in that w ntcr. The other two places belong to
Methodius him* >o the Slavonic version has in both cases ace ;
the Greek preserved in Eptphanins has in one instance ace, in the other gen.
It is perhaps on the whole probab. d. himself read ace. and that
gen. it doc to Euiphanius, who undoubtedly was in the habit of uv
In balancine the opposed evidence we remember that there i* a distinct
rn infusion in both B and O : », »o that the ace
VIII. 5 11.] I.I1-L IN THE SPIRIT 199
may rest not on the authority of two families of text, but only of one. On
the other hud. to Alexandria we roost add Palestine, which would count
for something, though not very much, as being within the sphere of Alexan-
drian influence, and Cappadoda. which would count for rather more ; bat
what is of most importance is the attesting of the Alexandrian reading so far
West as Hippolytus. Too much importance must not be attached to the
assertion ot the orthodox controversial Ut in the Dial. t. Matttbniot, that
gen. is found in * all the ancient copies ' ; the author of the dialogue allow*
that the reading is questionable.
On the whole the preponderance seems to be slightly on the side
of the gen., but neither reading can be ignored. Intrinsically the
one reading is not clearly preferable to the other. St Paul might
have used equally well either form of expression. It is however
hardly adequate to say with Dr. Vaughan that if we read the ace.
the reference is ' to the ennobling and consecrating effect of the
indwelling of the Holy Spirit in the human body/ The prominent
idea is rather that the Holy Spirit is Itself essentially a Spirit o/L»/et
and therefore it is natural that where It is life should be. The gen.
brings out rather more the direct and personal agency of the Holy
Spirit, which of course commended the reading to the supporters of
orthodox doctrine in the Macedonian controversy.
The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit.
The doctrine of the Spirit of God or the Holy Spirit is taken
over from the O.T., where we have it conspicuously in relation to
Creation (Gen. i. a), in relation to Prophecy (i Sam. x. 10; xi. 6 ;
xix. ao, 23, Ac.), and in relation to the religious life of the individual
(I's. li. ii) and of the nation (Is. Ixiii. 10 f.). It was understood
thai the Messiah had a plenary endowment of this Spirit (Is. xi. 2).
And accordingly in the N.T. the Gospels unanimously record the
visible, if symbolical, manifestation of this endowment (Mark i. 10;
Jo. i. 32). And it is an expression of the same truth when in this
passage and elsewhere St. Paul speaks of the Spirit of Christ
convertibly with Christ Himself. Just as there are many |iiiiiMflri
in which he uses precisely the same language of the Spirit of God
and of God Himself, so also there are many others in which he
uses the same language of the Spirit of Christ and of Christ
Himself. Thus the 'demonstration of the Spirit* is a demonstra-
tion also of the 'power of God' (i Cor. ii. 4, 5); the working of
the Spirit is a working of God Himself (i Cor. xii. n compared
with ver. 6) and of Christ (Eph. iv. 1 1 compared with i Cor. xii
28, 4). To be ' Christ's' is the same thing as to ' live in the Spirit '
(Gal. v. 22 ff.). Nay, in one place Christ is expressly identified
with ' the Spirit ' : ' the Lord is the Spirit ' (2 Cor. iil 17): a passage
which has a seemingly remarkable parallel in Ignat. Ad Magn. xv
iv Iponotf 6fov, manHMKN adidxptrov mrv/ia, of «'<m» 'I
200 i: TO Ti< [VIII. 5 11
\pi<rr6t (where however Dp. Light foot makes the antecedent
not »I*CM<I but the whole sentence ; his note should be read).
key to these expressions is really supplied by the passage bet
from v. pears that the communication of Christ to the soul
And, strange to say, we
find this language, which seems so individual, echoed not only possibly
itius but certainly by St John. As Mr. Gore puts it (Bamflon
132), ' In the coming of the Spirit the Son too was to
come ; in the coming of the Son, also the Fatl; r, " H-: will come
unto you," u I will come unto you," " We will come unto you " are
interchangeable phrases ' (cf. St. John xiv. 16-23).
is the first point wt. be borne clearly in min
their relation to the human soul the Father and the Son act through
and are represented by the Holy Spirit. And yet the >
merged either in the Father or in the Son. This is the comple-
mentary truth. Along with the language of identity there is other
language which implies distinction.
It is not only that the Spirit of God is related to God i;
same sort of way in which the spirit of man is related to the man.
In this very chapter the Holy Spirit is represented as standing over
against the Father and pleading with Him (Rom. viii. 26 f.
a number of other actions which we should call ' persona
ascribed to Him — 'dwelling' (w. 9, n), ' leading* (ver. 141.
'witnessing' (ver. 16), 'assisting' (ver. 26). In the last verse of
a Corinthians St. Paul distinctly coordinates the Holy
the Father and the Son. And even where St. John speaks of the
Son as coming again in the Spirit, it is not as the same but as
'other'; 'another Paraclete will He give you' (St. John x
The language of identity is only partial, and is con!
strict limits. Nowhere does St. Paul give the name of ' Spirit ' to
Him who died upon the Cross, and rose again, and will
once more to judgement. There is a method running through the
language of both Apostles.
The doctrine of the Holy Tri ally an extension,
a natural if not necessary consequence, of the doctrine of the
Incarnation. As soon as it came to I realized that the
Son of God had walked the earth as an individual man u
men it was inevitable that there should be recognized a dis-
tinction, and st: in human language could only
be described as 'personal' in the Godhead. But if thcr<
a twofold distinction, then it was \ accordance with the
body of ideas dcriv. to say also a threefold
dboM tfak
•iff to observe that in the presentation of this last
step in the doctrine there is a difference betwe< .1 and
SL John corresponding to a in the c.\ of the
VIII. 12-16.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 2O1
two Apostles. In both cases it is this actual experience which
gives the standpoint from which they write. St. John, uho had
heard and seen and handled the Word of Life, who had stood
beneath the cross and looked into the empty tomb, when he
thinks of the coming of the Paraclete naturally thinks o:
mother Paraclete.' St. Paul, who had not had the same
privileges, but who was conscious that from the moment of his
vi.-ion upon the road to Damascus a new force had entered into
his soul, as naturally connects the force and the vision, and sees in
v.hr. he feels to be the work of the Spirit the work also of the
exalted Son. To St. John the first visible Paraclete and the
second invisible could not but be different; to St. Paul the in-
visible influence which wrought so powerfully in him seemed to
stream directly from the presence of Him whom he had heard
from heaven call him by his name.
80NBHIP AND HEIRSHIP.
VIII. 12-17. Live then as men bound for such a destiny,
ascetics as to your worldly life, heirs of immortality. The
Spirit implanted and confirms in you the consciousness of
your inheritance. It tells you that you are in a special sense
sons of God, and that you must some day share tlie glory to
which Christ, your Elder Brother, has gone.
"Such a destiny has its obligations. To the flesh you owe
nothing. I3 If you live as it would have you, you mpst inevitably
die. But if by the help of the Spirit you sternly put an end to
the licence of the flesh, then in the fullest sense you will live.
14 Why so? Why that necessary consequence? The link is
here. All who follow the leading of God's Spirit are certainly by
that very fact special objects of His favour. They do indeed enjoy
the highest title and the highest privileges. They are His sons.
'* When you were first baptized, and the communication of the
Holy Spirit sealed your admission into the Christian fold, the
energies which He imparted were surely not those of a slave.
You had not once more to tremble under the lash of the LBV.
No: He gave you rather the proud inspiring consciousness of
men admitted into His family, adopted as His sons. And the
consciousness of that relation unlocks our lips in tender filial
appeal to God as our Father. u Two voices are distinctly heard :
202 TO Till. ROMANS [VIII. 12-15.
one we know to be that of the Holy Spirit ; the other is th<
of our own consciousness. And both bear witness to ihc same
•at we are children of God "But to be a ch
something more. The child will one day inherit 1
possessions. So the Christian will one day enter upoi.
glorious inheritance which his Heavenly Father has in store for
him and on which Christ as his Elder Brother has already entered.
Only, be it remembered, that in order to share in the glor .
necessary first to share in the sufferings which lead to it.
12. Lipsius would unite w. 12, 13 closely with the foregoing;
and no doubt it is true that these verses o; n the
conclusion of the previous paragraph thrown into a hortatory
form. Still it is usual to mark this transition to exhortation by
a new paragraph (as at vi. 12); and although a new idea
of hcirship) is introduced at vcr. 14, that idea is only subor-
dinate to the main argument, the assurance which the Spirit gives
of future life. See also the note on ov» in x. 14.
i.< -rrvtofian. The antithesis to <rdp£ seems to show that this
as in w. 4, 5, 9, the human irm>i, but it is the human
m*vpa in direct contact with the Di
TUS irpdgci? : of wicked doings, as in Luke xxiii.
14. The phrases which occur in this section, iim'/iori e«oO
ayotrrtu, TO UiHvpa wmtaprvpii rtf invi^um WIMP, are clear pro
the other group of phrases «V m«v/i<m «&••*, or TO rw^n <"««; (CMMMI)
«V wl* are not intended in any way to impair the esserr.
ness and independence of the human personality. There is no
« ' immanence ' as would obliterate this. The analogy
to be kept in view is the personal influence of one human being
upon another. We know to what heights
influence may be still more subtle and penetrative, but it is
not different in kind.
oiol ecoG. The difference between vW» and T«'«W appears to be
that whereas Woor denotes the natural relationship of child to
parent, vide implies, in addition to this, the recognized status and
legal privileges reserved for sons. Cf. Westcott on St. John i. 1 2
and the parallels there noted.
15. irftCfia SovXci'at. This is another subtle variation in the
use of *>«i>a. From meaning the human spirit under ti
fluence of the Divine Spirit mvC/ia comes to mean a par
state, habit, or temper of the lit:-
i frX*NT«<tfv I 4, 30 J irr. atrj&at 1 m>. woprtiat
Hos. i ' more often as due to sujK-rnatural influence, good
: (irr. aot4, nv. rrAai^trfwt Is. xix. 1 4 J «•.
«pt'<r<»f Is. xxviii. 6; trr. Kara*i'£««»c Is. xxix. to (= Rom. XL 8);
VIII. 16-17.] LIKE IN THE SPIRIT
try. xdpirof «o< oucrtpfioD Zech. xii. IO ; vr. cur&Muif Luke xiu. II ;
w. fciX/at 2 Tim. i. 7 ; TO irr. T^C wXavqt i Jo. iv. 6). So here
**. dovXciar = such a spirit as accompanies a state of slavery, such
a servile habit as the human *n«v/ui assumes among slaves. This
was not the temper which you had imparted to you at your bap-
tism (t\ufrn). The slavery is that of the Law : cf. Gal iv. 6, 7,
24, v. i.
miXi? cfc +400K : ' so as to relapse into a state of fear/ The
candidate for baptism did not emerge from the terrors of the
iily to be thrown back into them again.
uioOcaias : a word coined, but rightly coined, from the classical
phrase vlot n'&cr&u (0«ror viJr). It seems however too much to
say with Gif. that the coinage was probably due to St. Paul him-
self. 'No word is more common in Greek inscriptions of the
Hellenistic time : the idea, like the word, is native Greek ' (E. L.
Hicks in Studia Biblica, iv. 8). This doubtless points to the
quarter from which St. Paul derived the word, as the Jews had
not the practice of adoption.
'A00&, 6 wcmip. The repetition of this word, first in Aramaic
and then in Greek, is remarkable and brings home to us the fact
that Christianity had its birth in a bilingual people. The same
repetition occurs in Mark xiv. 36 (' Abba, Father, all things are
possible to Thee ') and in Gal. iv. 6 : it gives a greater intensity of
expression, but would only be natural where the speaker was
in both cases his familiar tongue. Lightfoot (/for. Heb. on
Mark xiv. 36) thinks that in the Gospel the word 'A/30a only was
used by our Lord and 6 nan?p added as an interpretation by
irk, and that in like manner St. Paul is interpreting for the
benefit of his readers. The three passages are however all too
emotional for this explanation: interpretation is out of place in
a prayer. It seems better to suppose that our Lord Himself,
using familiarly both languages, and concentrating into this word
of all words such a depth of meaning, found Himself impelled
spontaneously to repeat the word, and that some among His
disciples caught and transmitted the same habit. It is significant
however of the limited extent of strictly Jewish Christianity that
we find no other original examples of the use than these three.
16. aur& T& nrcG|ia : see on ver. 14 above.
<ni|i)iapTup<i : cf. ii. 15; ix. 2. There the 'joint-witness* was
the subjective testimony of conscience, confirming the objective
testimony of a man's works or actions ; here consciousness is
analyzed, and its data are referred partly to the man himself, partly
to the Spirit of God moving and prompting him.
17. KXriporojioi. The idea of a «Aijpo«>jua i* ta^cn UP an(*
develooed in N. T. from O.T. and Apocr. (Ecclus, Pt. So/.t
4 Ezr.). It is also prominent in Philo, who devotes a whole
2C4 IE ROMA [VIII. 18, 19.
<• to the question (' dninarum htrts sit
-leaning originally (i) the simple possession of il
Land, it came to mean (ii) its permanent and assured possession
(Ps. xxv [xxiv]. 13; xxxvi [xxxvii]. 9, n &c.) ; hence (iii)
specially the secure possession won by the Mess
Ixi. 7 ; and so it became (iv) a symbol of a ic blessings
v. 5; xix. 29; xxv. 34, Ac.). Philo, after his manner,
makes the word denote the bliss of the soul \vhcn freed from the
body.
It i> an instance of the unaccountable inequalities of usage that wl
rable times i *r<W«
occurs only fitjp times (once in Symmacbos) ; in N. T. there is much greater
equality (.A^o^fr eighteen, *\if**opa fourteen, t^fxrifto, fifteen).
Our Lord had described Himself as « the :
in the parable o: ked Husbandmen (
would show that the idea of «Ai;/woM*a received its full Cbi
adaptation directly from Him (cf. also Matt. xxv. 34).
clwcp aupwdUrxcfMr. St. Paul seems here to be reminding his
hearers of a current Christian saying: cf. a Tim <or4f 4
Xo'yot, El yap ouwuitiofofuv tat ovfqcro/ifr* ««' viro;i«»opfr «ni trvn&aoi-
\<C*ropt». This is another instance of the Biblical conception of
Christ as the Way (His Life not merely an example for ours, but
in its main lines presenting a fixed type or law to which th
of Christians must conform); cf. p. 196 above, and Dr. Hort's
:ht Truth, and the Life there referred to. For «uw/> see
on iii. 30.
SUFFERING THE PATH TO OLORY.
VIII. 18-25. What though the path
through suffering? The suffering and the gL>ry alii
parts of a great cosmical movea
creation joins with man. As it shared the results of his
fall, so also :<•/// // sha 'icm. fts f>au.
pangs of a new birth (w. 18-22).
v tlie mute creation, we Christians too : fully
for our d<. Our attitude is one of hope and
possession (vv. 23-
:i.u of that ? For the sufferings which we have to undergo
in this phase of our career I count not worth a thou
of that dazzling splendour which \\iil one day bn ;ik through
the clouds upon us. lfFor the sons of Gc*l
forth revealed in the glories of their bright inheritance. And for
VIII. 18.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 205
that consummation not they alone but the whole irrational creation,
both animate and inanimate, waits with eager longing; like
spectators straining forward over the ropes to catch the first
glimpse of some triumphal pageant.
"The future and not the present must satisfy its aspirations.
For ages ago Creation was condemned to have its energies marred
and frustrated. And that by no act of its own : it was God who
fixed this doom upon it, but with the hope " that as it had been
enthralled to death and decay by the Fall of Man so too the
Creation shall share in the free and glorious existence of God's
emancipated children. ° It is like the pangs of a woman in child-
birth. This universal frame feels up to this moment the throes of
travail — feels them in every pan and cries out in its pain. But
where there is travail, there must needs also be a birth.
53 Our own experience points to the same conclusion. True
that in those workings of the Spirit, the charisma/a with which we
are endowed, we Christians already possess a foretaste of good
things to come. But that very foretaste makes us long — anxiously
and painfully long — for the final recognition of our Sonship. We
desire to see these bodies of ours delivered from the evils that
beset them and transfigured into glory.
"Hope is the Christian's proper attitude. We were sated
indeed, the groundwork of our salvation was laid, when we became
..ins. But was that salvation in possession or in prospect?
Certainly in prospect. Otherwise there would be no room for
hope. For what a man seit already in his hand he docs not hope
for as if it were future. n But in our case we do not see, and we.
do hope; therefore we also wait for our object with steadfast
fortitude.
18. Xoyilopai yap. At the end of the last paragraph St Paul
has been led to speak of the exalted privileges of Christians in-
volved in the fact that they are tons of God. The thought of these
privileges suddenly recalls to him the contrast of the sufferings
through which they are passing. And after his manner he does
not let go this idea of 'suffering* but works it into his main
argument. He first dismisses the thought that the present suffer-
ing can be any real counter-weight to the future glory ; and then
he shows that not only is it not this, but that on the contrary it
actually points forward to that glory. It does this on the grandest
206 > THE ROMA [VIII. 18, 19.
is nothing short of an universal law that suffering
marks the road to glory. All the suffering, all the imperf<
unsatisfied aspiration and longing of which the traces are so
abundant in external nature as well as in man, do but p«
to a time when the suffering shall cease, the imperfection be re-
moved and the frustrated aspirations »wned and sat:
and this time coincides with the glorious consummation
awaits the Chris
True it is that there goes up as it were an universal groan, from
creation, from ourselves, from the Holy Spirit who sympathizes
with us; but this groaning is but ;jgs of the new
birth, the entrance upon their glorified condition of the rise:
of God.
Xoyilopcu : here in its strict sense, 'I calculate/ 'weigh me;
' count up on the one side and on the other.'
a$ia . . . irpoV In Plato, Gorg. p. 47 lave oC&Vroc 2£<
vpot njr aXifata* i so that with a slight ellipse owe o£<a . . . vp>t n^>
fo£av will = ' not worth (considering) in comparison with the glory/
Or we may regard this as a mixture of two constructions, (
•~>£ia iTjt M£i7t, i. e. ' not an equivalent for the glory ' ; comp
I 909 M rijuoc oi'c <7£tor avnjf (sc. rijv cro^iat) tar.
ovocnor \6yov a£ta irpot r^r &o£ar : comp. !
irpln tor airor ;
The thought has a near parallel in 4 Ezra rii. 3 IT. Compare (/..c
following (rv. I a- 1 ; sun/ introitus kuitn satculi cut
delenta ft laboriosi, pauci autem tt mali tt pericukrum fleni et fakrt
magnc 9ftrt fmlti ; nam wtaiorit tattvli introitus tfalioti tt tt
tt* immtrtoKtatufnittum. St €rg* mm » ngrtdunUt t ngrtui fuerimt-
q*t vivunt august* tt wuta katt, MM ftUnmt red pert qua* tuxt rtf
tusfi autem ftrtnt amrusta sperantu spatiota. Compare also the qo
from the Talmud in Delitzsch ad I*. The question U askct i
way to the world to come ? And the answer u, Through suffering.
jUXXowrar : emphatic, ' is desOned to/ ' is certain to.'
position of the word is the same as in Gal. . 1 serves to
ust to rot' Kir coipov.
oo^or : the heavenly brightness of Christ's appearing : see on
iii. 23.
cis V"* : lo reach and include us in its radiance.
19. AwOKapa&OKia : . t. 1'lr.I. i. 2O Kara r^r aTroxapadoffuir col Airi&a
MOV : the verb (nrocapadomcr occurs in A<;
: . 7. and the subst. frequent.
. s.v., an "n Phil. i. 20). A highly expressive
word 4 to strain forward/ '. \\ith outstretched head. This
sense is still further icd by th- . I. oiro- d-
-.her things and concent:
This passage ; especially % . ulared a considerable part in the
• ..,!!:. . - ,, . :. ; II .; ' /-' mn //.;.-. vn. ;: .7.
vin. 19.] i. in; IN THE SPIRIT 207
: see on i. so. Here the sense is given by the
context ; fj mW is set in contrast with the ' sons of God/ and
from the allusion to the Fall which follows evidently refers to Gen.
in. 1 7, 1 8 'Cursed is the ground for thy sake . . . thorns also and
thistles shall it bring forth to thce.' The commentators however
are not wrong in making the word include here the whole irrational
creation. The poetic and penetrating imagination of St. Paul
sees in the marks of imperfection on the lace of nature, in the
signs at once of high capacities and poor achievement, the visible
and audible expression of a sense of something wanting which will
one day be supplied.
Oltr. and some others argue strenuously, but in vain, for giving
to mW, throughout the whole of this passage, the sense not of the
world of nature, but of the world of man (similarly Orig.). He
tries to get rid of the poetic personification of nature and to
dissociate St. Paul from Jewish doctrine as to the origin of death
and decay in nature, and as to its removal at the coming of the
Messiah. But (i) there is no sufficient warrant for limiting «rur«
to humanity; (ii) it is necessary to deny the sufficiently obvious
reference to Gen. iii. 17-19 (where, though the 'ground' or 'soil'
only is mentioned, it is the earth's surface as the seed-plot of life);
(iii) the Apostle is rather taken out of the mental surroundings
in which he moved than placed in them: see below on 'The
Renovation of Nature/
The ancients generally take the passage as above (4 «r<'<rir 1}
expressly Eathym.-Zig ). Orig.-lat, as expressly, has creaturam titfote
rationabiltm ; but he is qnite at fault, making TQ paT<u6njrt - • the body.'
Chrys. and Euthym.-Zig. call attention to the personification of Nature,
which they compare to that in the Psalms and Prophets, while Diodoras of
Tarsus refers the expressions implying life rather to the Powers (ford/im)
which preside over inanimate nature and from which it takes its forms. The
sense commonly given to fioTtuonyri is -
uU»r TOU 6cou. The same word airoKaXv^fu is
applied to the Second Coming of the Messiah (which is also an
«Vt«/>ama 3 Thcss. ii. 8) and to that of the redeemed who accompany
Him : their new existence will not be like the present, but will be
in ' glory ' (Wfo) both reflected and imparted. This revealing of
the sons of God will be the signal for the great transformation.
The Jewish writings use similar language. To them also the appearing of
the Messiah is an dvocrfAi^ir : 4 Ezra xiii. 32 ft frit (umjunt hate, ft to*-
timgmt sign* qua* out* osttndi tibi ft tune rtvelMtur jtlitts mtus f*tm
vitfisti ui trirum ascendtittem ; ApK. Bar. xxxix. 7 ft frit, cum a/ftvftmjm
vtrit ttmpus finis tins ut cadat, ht*t revdabitur principatiu Mestitu nut q*i
si mi,' is tstfonlitl wVi, // cmm mtlattu fuerit eradicabit mttllitudintm ctn-
gngationis tins (the Latin of this book, it will be remembered, is Ceriani's
n from the Syriac, and not ancient like that of 4 Ezra). The object of
the Messiah's appearing is the same as with St. Paul, to deliver creation
trom its ills : 4 Ezra xiii. 26, 29 ifsf tst qutm totutroat AUusimw muftis
208 IVTLE TO THE ROMAN VIII 1
ttmpnhu qui ftr stmttifium libtrMt creafuram snam tt if it disfcntt
q*i tf€» dies Vfniunf, quango in
tot iff lf*x. Bar. xxxii. 6 quattdo f*luru»
"i mam (- 4 Eira vii. 75 [Bendy] dome vttuamt Urn fora
.tram rtmovart). The McnUh doe* not come
•loot no* pot trit qiiuque ntftr ftr ram vtitrt filittm muum
t*/ eos qui cum eo s*ttt ttui in tern fort Jiti. He collect* ronn
• doable multitude, confuting partly of the ten tribes who bad been
•way into captirily, and partly of thotc who were left in the Holy Land
/.TT. u, 39ff.,48£).
dir«ico«'x«Tai : another strong compound, where Aro- contains the
same idea of ' conctntrated waiting ' as in d»o«apooWa above.
20. TTJ . . . |i«T<u6TTjTi : /ummmjr narawnrrw* is the refrain of the
Book of Ecclesiastcs (Eccl. i. 2, &c
i a] cxliv [cxliii]. 4) : that is paroio* whicli <«in7»),
'ineff^ does not reach its end' — the opposite of
: the word is therefore appropriately used of the di
character of present existence, which nowhere reaches the perfection
of which it is capable.
uirerdyT) : by the Divine sentence which followed the Fall (Gen.
19).
oox 4icouaa : not through its own fault, but through the fault of
man, i. e. the Fall.
8iA TO* uwordfarra : « by reason of Him who subjected it/ i.e. not
(Lips.); nor Adam (Chrys. a/.); nor the Devil
(Go.), but (with most commentators, ancient as well as modern)
God, by the sentence pronounced after the Fall It is no argument
against this reference that the use of did with ace. in such ..
nexion is rather unusual (so Lips.).
<«' Awioi qualifies vntrayif. Creation was made subject to
vanity— not simply and absolutely and there an ci
that,' &c. the defects and degradation <
at least left with the hope of rising to t).
21. OTI. The majority of recent commentators make on (=
define the substance of the hope just mentioned, and not (= ' be-
cause') give a reason for it. The meaning
the same, but this is the simpler way to ..•
iuTT] ^ ttn'ais: note : n the mute creation
with them.
dwA ri|t SouXci'as TTJS +6opas. &>iA«i'at corresponds to vtnray^, the
state of subjection < in to dissolution and decay,
opposite to this is the full and lopment of all the powers
he state of Wfi. 'G!< poor
translation and docs not express the idea : Ufa ' the glor
is the
chara« of the glory of the children of God/
22. oiSo^cr ydp introduces a fact • wledge (though
VIII. 22-24.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 209
the apprehension of it may not have been so common as he
assumes) to which the Apostle appeals.
ao<7iW;«i ttol ffurwfttVci. It seems on the whole best to take the
<rw- in both instances as = 'together,' i.e. in all the parts of which
creation is made up (so. Theod.-Mops. expressly: 0ocA«rm &
tl-ntlv ort <rvprpwt>*>s rmoVucri/rcu roDro ira<ra 17 m'cw Ira TO wapa v<t<njv
r& avri ytix<T0at o^ot'wr, nat^ixr'] rovrovt r^v w/jAr airairar «ou%»i>iaf
alpi'urffai rij T** \vnijpi>* Kaprtplq). Oltr. gets out of it the sense of
'inwardly* (= «V «OVTO«), which it will not bear: Fri. Lips, and
others, after Euthym.-Zig. make it = ' with men ' or * with the
children of God ' ; but if these had been pointed to, there would
not be so clear an opposition as there is at the beginning of the
next verse (<>£ /*uW W, oAAu *ai avroi). The two verses must be
kept apart.
23. oo fid**)* W. Not only does nature groan, but we Christians
also groan : our very privileges make us long for something more.
•ri)r dwopxV TOO rirco'paros : 'the first-fruits, or first instalment
of the gift of the Spirit.' St. Paul evidently means all the
phenomena of that great outpouring which was specially charac-
teristic of the Apostolic Age from the Day of Pentecost onwards,
the varied charismata bestowed upon the first Christians (i Cor.
xii. &c.), but including also the moral and spiritual gifts which were
more permanent (Gal. v. 22 f). The possession of these gifts
served to quicken the sense of the yet greater gifts that were to
come. Foremost among them was to be the transforming of the
earthly or ' psychical ' body into a spiritual body (i Cor. xv. 44 fT.).
ul calls this a 'deliverance/ i.e. a deliverance from the 'ill-
that flesh is heir to' : for <nroXvrp«<m see on iii. 24.
Aims : jj/wft is placed here by K A C 5. 47. 80, also by Tiscb.
RV. and (in brackets) by \VH.
oio0€<ri'oK : see on ver. 15 above. Here v\o$. = the manifested,
realized, act of adoption — its public promulgation.
24. TH y*P Airi&i ^awfrjfn*. The older commentators for the
most part (not however Luther Beng. Fri.) took the dat. here as
dative of the instrument, ' by hope were we saved.' Most modems
(including Gif. Go. Oltr. Mou. Lid.) take it as dat. modi, ' in hope
were we saved ; ' the main ground being that it is more in accord-
ance with the teaching of St. Paul to say that we were saved by
faith, or from another point of view — looking at salvation from the
side of God — by grace (both terms are found in Eph. ii. 8) than by
hope. This seems preferable. Some have held that Hope is here
only an aspect of Faith : and it is quite true that the definition of
Faith in Heb. XI. I (?<rr» & *umr •Xtrtfo/MMM' vfr&rrwru, wpayparw
fXryxoc ov £Xnrop«W), makes it practically equivalent to Hope. But
that is just one of the points of distinction between Ep. to Heb.
p
210 !E ROMA II. 24, 25.
and St. Paul. In Ilcb. Faith is used somewhat vaguely of belief
in God and in the fulfilment of His promises. In : is far
more often Faith in Christ, the first act of accepting Chri
(see p. 33 above). This belongs essentially to the past, and to the
present as growing directly out of the past -n St. Paul
comes to speak of the future he uses anoti
doubt when we come to trace this to its origin it has its root in the-
strong conviction of the Mcssiahship of Jesus and its consequences ;
• two terms are not therefore identical, and it is best to
keep them distinct.
Some recent Germans (Holsten, ' ;.s.) take the c!
commodi, 'for hope were we saved/ But this is less
natural. To obtain this sense we should have to personify Hope
more strongly than the context will bear. Besides Hope
attribute or characteristic of the Christian life, but not it
Awis Si pXeiro^KT] : Arm here = * the thing hoped for,' j
irrum = ' the thing created ' ; a very common usage*
* yip pXiirn, -rt« JX«<{« ; This terse reading is found only in B 47 marg.,
which adds Ti •oJUudr rfw !X« : it is adopted by K\
Recept. has [6 r*/> *AI'.«, T,.] r, «a, [tarfM, of which rl alone fe
found in Western authorities (D F G, Vnlg. Pesh. a/.), and rai alone in
N*47*. IJoth RV. and \VH. gire a place in the margin to ri «u i\*i{tt
and rif «oJ brojiJr« [t»o^r« with «• A 47 marg.\
25. The point of these two verses is that the attitude of hope,
nctive of the Christian, implies that there is more in store
for him than anything that is his already.
constancy and fortitude under persecution, &c.,
pointing back to the ' sufferings' of ver. 18 (cf. on
for the use of dia ii. 27).
The Renovation of Nature.
We have already quoted illustrations of St. Paul's language from
some of the Jewish writings which are nearest to his own in point
of time. They are only samples of the great mass of I
literature. To all of it this idea of a renovation of Nam
creation of new heavens and a new earth is common, as part of the
Messianic expectation which was fulfilled unawares to many of
those by whom it was entertained. The days of the Messiah were
to be the ' seasons of refreshing,' the • times of restoration of all
thingv re to come from the face of the Lord (Acts
21). The expectation had its roots in the O.T., especi.i
those chapters of the Second Part of Isaiah in which the approach-
ing Return from Captivity opens up to the prophet such splendid
visions for the future. The one section Is. 1
VIII. 18-25.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 111
be held to warrant most of the statements in the Apocrypha and
Talmud.
The idea of the ' new heavens and new earth ' is based directly
upon Is. Ixv. 17, and is found clearly stated in the Book of Enoch,
xlv. 4 f. « I will transform the heaven and make it an eternal
blessing and light. And I will transform the earth and make it
a blessing and cause Mine elect ones to dwell upon it ' (where see
Charles' note). There is also an application of Ps. cxiv. 4, with
an added feature which illustrates exactly St. Paul's moK&v+ts ri»
n'iif TOV GfoC : « In those days will the mountains leap like rams
and the hills will skip like lambs satisfied with milk, and they will
all become angels in heaven. Their faces will be lighted up
\\ith joy, because in those days the Elect One has appeared, and the
earth will rejoice and the righteous will dwell upon it, and the elect
will go to and fro upon it' (Enoch li. 4 f.). We have given
parallels enough from 4 Ezra and the Apocalypse of Baruch, and
there is much in the Talmud to the same effect (cf. Weber, Altsyn.
Theol p. 380 ff.; SchUrer, Ncuttst. Zeitgesch. ii. 453 n% 458 f.;
Edersheim, Lift and Times, &c. ii. 438).
It is not surprising to find the poetry of the prophetic writings
hardened into fact by Jewish literalism ; but it is strange when the
products of this mode of interpretation are attributed to our Lord
Himself on authority no less ancient than that of Papias of Hiera-
polis, professedly drawing from the tradition of St. John. Yet
Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. V. xxxiii. 3) quotes in such terms the follow-
ing : ' The days will come, in which vines shall grow, each having
ten thousand shoots and on each shoot ten thousand branches, and
on each branch again ten thousand twigs, and on each twig ten
thousand clusters, and on each cluster ten thousand grapes, and
each grape when pressed shall yield five and twenty measures of
wine . . . Likewise also a grain of wheat shall produce ten thousand
heads, and every head shall have ten thousand grains, and every
grain ten pounds of fine flour, bright and clean ; and the other
fruits, seeds and the grass shall produce in similar proportions, and
all the animals using these fruits which are products of the soil,
shall become in their turn peaceable and harmonious.' It happens
that this saying, or at least part of it, is actually extant in Apoc.
Bar. xxix. 5 (cf. Orac. Sibyll. iii. 620-623, 744 ff.), so that it
clearly comes from some Jewish source. In view of an instance
like this it seems possible that even in the N. T. our Lord's words
may have been defined in a sense which was not exactly that
originally intended owing to the current expectation which the dis-
ciples largely shared.
And yet on the whole, even if this expectation was by the Jews
to some extent literalized and materialized, some of its essential
features were preserved. Corresponding to the new abode prc-
21 a EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [VIII. 26, 27.
pared for it there was to be a renewed human! t> it not
il sense based on Is. xxxv. 5 f. (' Then the eyes of
the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall be un-
stopped/ Ac.), but also in a moral sense ; the root of evil was to be
plucked out of the hearts of men and a new heart was to be im-
planted in them : the Spirit of God was to rest upon them (Weber,
Altsyn. Theol. p. 382). There was to be no unrighteousness in
their midst, for they were all to be holy (Pt. So!, xvii. 28 f., 36,
&c.). The Messiah was to rule over the nations, but not merely by
force ; Israel was to be a true light to the Gentiles (Schiirer, of>. cit.
p. 456).
-• compare these Jewish beliefs with what we find hrre
Epistle to the Romans there are two ways in which the supc
of the Apostle is most striking, (i) There runs through his words
an intense sympathy with nature in and for itself. He is one of
those (like St. Francis of Assisi) to whom it is given to read as it
were the thoughts of plants and animals. He seems to lay his ear
to the earth and the confused murmur which he hears has a m<
for him : it is creation's yearning for that happier state intended for
it and of which it has been defrauded. (2) The main idea is not,
as it is so apt to be with the Rabbinical writers, the mere glorifica-
tion of Israel. By them the Gentiles are differently treated.
Sometimes it is their boast that the Holy Land will be reserved
exclusively for Israel : ' the sojourner and the stranger shall dwell
with them no more* (Ps. Sol. xvii. 31). The only place for the
Gentiles is 'to serve him beneath the yoke' (ibid. ver. 32). The
vision of the Gentiles streaming to Jerusalem as a centre of religion
is exceptional, as it must be confessed that it is also in O. T.
Prophecy. On the other hand, with St. Paul the movement is
truly cosmic. The 'sons of God' are not selected for the:
sakes alone, but their redemption means the redemption of a world
of being besides themselves.
THE ASSISTANCE OP THE SPIRIT.
VIII. 2G, 27. Meanwhile the I My Spirit itself assists in
our pra)
"Nor are we alone in our st rumples. The Holy
ports our helplessness. Left to ourselves we do not know what
prayers to offer or how to offer them. But in those
groan- ^c from the depths of our being, we recognize the
voice of none other than the Holy Spirit. He ma). >sion ;
VIII. 28.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 213
and His intercession is sure to be answered. •'For God Who
searches the inmost recesses of the heart can interpret His own
Spirit's meaning. He knows that His own Will regulates Its
petitions, and that they are offered for men dedicated to His service.
26. iaourws. As we groan, so also does the Holy Spirit groan
with us, putting a meaning into our aspirations which they would
not have of themselves. All alike converges upon that ' Divine
< vent, to which the whole creation moves.1 This view of the
connexion (Go., Weiss, Lips.), which weaves in this verse with
the broad course of the Apostle's argument, seems on the whole
better than that which attaches it more closely to the words im-
mediately preceding, ' as hope sustains us so also does the Spirit
sustain us' (Mcy. Ultr. Gif. Va. Mou.).
ovmrnXajipdrcTai : dyrtXa/i^dxadoi = « to take hold of at the
side (am), so as to support ' ; and this sense is further strength-
ened by the idea of association contained in ow-. The same
compound occurs in LXX of Ps. Ixxxviii [Ixxxix]. 22, and in
Luke x. 40.
TJJ dcrfam'a : decisively attested for raits ao6<v<tait. On the way in
which we are taking the verse the reference will be to the vague-
ness and defectiveness of our prayers ; on the other view to our
weakness under suffering implied in &' iVo/io^r. But as iiroMon;
suggests rather a certain amount of victorious resistance, this appli-
cation of avQitHta seems less appropriate.
•ri y«p TI irpoa«u$wji«6a. The art. makes the whole clause object
of oida/M*. Gif. notes that this construction is characteristic of
St. Paul and St. Luke (in the latter ten times ; in the former Rom.
xiii. 9; Gal. v. 14; Eph. iv. 9; i Thess. iv. i). ri irp<xr<v£. is
strictly rather, ' What we ought to pray ' than « what we ought to
pray for,' i. e. ' how we are to word our prayers,' not • what we are
to choose as the objects of prayer/ But as the object determines
the nature of the prayer, in the end the meaning is much the
same.
Ka6i tot. It is perhaps a refinement to take this as = ' accord-
ing to, in proportion to, our need ' (Mey.-W. Gif.) ; which brings out
the proper force of *a86 (cf. Baruch L 6 v. 1.) at the cost of putting
a sense upon fc! which is not found elsewhere in the N. T., where
it always denotes obligation or objective necessity. Those of the
Fathers who show how they took it make «a& fei = ri»a r/xSrw
3«i n>xxm'£, which also answers well to «rra e«k in the next
verse.
frirep«KTUYxA«l : ^rrvyxa»»> means originally 'to fall in with/ and
hence ' to accost with entreaty/ and so simply • to entreat ' ; in this
sense it is not uncommon and occurs twice in this Epistle (viii. 34 ;
xi. 2). The verse contains a statement which the unready of
214 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII. 26 29.
speech may well lay to heart, that all prayer need not be formu-
hut that the most inarticulate desires (springing from I
motive) may have a shape and a value given to them beyond
anything that is present and definable to the consciousness.
verse and the next go to show that St. Paul regarded the action of
i Ay Spirit as personal, and as distinct from the action of the
Father. The language of the Creeds aims at taking account of
these expressions, which agree fully with the triple formula of
s Cor. xiii. : xxviii. 19. Olir. however makes TO *»•
both verses = * the human spirit/ against the natural sense of
frrfpoTvyxam and vrtip dyt'«r, which place the object of intercession
outside the Spirit itself, and against «orA ecrfr, which would be by
no means always true of the human spirit.
r'/xrrvTt"" >* decisively attested (K* ABDFG Ac). Text. RecepL
27. or*. Are we to translate this ' because ' (Weiss Go. Gi:
or 'that' (Mcy. Oltr. Lips. Mou.)? Probably the latter; for
take on as assigning a reason for oft« ri r& <f>po*nta, the reason would
not be adequate: God would still ' know' the mind, or intention.
of the Spirit even if we could conceive it as not xora e«dr and
not vtrip ttyutf*. It seems best therefore to make '.>e the
nature of the Spirit's intercession.
GCOK = KOTO TO 6t\ijfta rov Giovi cf. 2 Cor. vii. 9-11.
The Jews had a strong belief in the value of the intercessory prayer of
their great saints, such as Moses (Ass. Moyt. xi. i
(Apoc. Ba> Weber, p. 287 £ But they hare nothing 1
teaching of these Terse*.
THE ASCENDING PROCESS OF SALVATION.
VIII. 28-30. /.' ..' a chain of Providential
does God accompany the course of His chosen ! In eternity,
the plan laid and their part in it fore* . first
their call, then their acquittal, and finally their re*,
into glory.
* Vet another ground of confidence. The Christian knows that
all things (including his sufferings) can have but one result, and
that a good one, for those who love God and respond to U.
which in the pursuance of His purpose He addresses to them.
'•' Think what a long perspective of Divine care and protection lies
before them ! First, in eternity, God marked them for His own,
as special objects of His care and instruments of His purpose.
VIII. 28.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 215
Then, in the same eternity, He planned that they should share in
the glorified celestial being of the Incarnate Son — in order that
He, as Eldest Born, might gather round Him a whole family of
the redeemed " Then in due course, to those for whom He had
in store this destiny He addressed the call to leave their worldly
lives and devote themselves to His service. And when they
obeyed that call He treated them as righteous men, with their
past no longer reckoned against them. And so accounted righteous
He let them participate (partially now as they will do more com-
pletely hereafter) in His Divine perfection.
28. oiSaficr $4 passes on to another ground for looking con-
fidently to the future. The Christian's career must have a good
ending, because at every step in it he is in the hands of God and is
carrying out the Divine purpose.
irdKio au*cpY«i : a small but important group of authorities, A B,
prig, a/6 or 2/7 (cf. Boh. Sah. Aeth.), adds 6 e«& ; and the inser-
tion lay so much less near at hand than the omission that it must
be allowed to have the greater appearance of originality. With
this reading wnpyti must be taken transitively, ' causes all things
to work/
The Bohairic Version, translated literally and preferring the idioms, is * Bat
we know that those who love God. He habitually works with them in every
good thing, those whom He has called according to His purpose.' The StMdfp
Version (as edited by AmeMinean in Ztituknfl fur Aegypt. Strtukt, 1887)
is in pan defective but certainly repeats 6«4* : ' But we know that those who
lore God, God . . . them in every good thing,' &c. From this we gather
that the Version of Upper Egypt inserted 4 8«<Jt , and that the Version of
Lower Egypt omitted it but interpreted awtpyti transitively as if it were
present. It would almost seem as if there was an ezegetical tradition which
took the word in this way. It is true that the extract from Origen's Com-
mentary in the Pkilocalia (ed. Robinson, p. a 26 IT.) not only distinctly and
repeatedly presents the common reading but also in one place (p. 229) clearly
has the common interpretation. Bat Chrysostom (ad lot.) argues at some
length as if he were taking ovrtppt transitively with i 6f<Jt for subject.
Similarly Gennadius (in Cramer's Catena\ also Theodoret and Theodoras
Monachus (preserved in the CO/MM). It would perhaps be too much to
claim all these writers as witnesses to the reading <n/»«/»y«f <J 6«o*, but they
may point to a tradition which had its origin in that reading and survived it.
On the other hand it is possible that the reading may have grown oat of the
interpretation.
For the use of awtfftl there are two rather close parallels in Ttst. XII
Patr. : Issach. 3 & e«k owtprp: TJJ tatimrri pov, and Gad 4 rJ 7^ wtCjia
TOV flftm . . . ovrtpytt ry Zarar? Jr vaotv tit tfdvaror rw *>9pvmr rd W
- Jy luutpodv^ awtpjti ry rJpy TOW 6<ov tls
TOIS norA wp&cffir nXt^-rot? oo<nr. With this clause St Paul in-
troduces a string of what may be called the technical terms of his
2l6 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII. 28.
theology, marking the succession of stages into which he divides
the normal course of a Christian life — all being considered not
from the side of human choice and volition, but from the side of
care and ordering. This is summed up at the outset in the
phrase corA nptfitn*, the comprehensive plan or design in accord-
ance with which God directs the destinies of men. There can be
no question that St. Paul fully recognizes the freedom of the human
will. The large pan which exhortation plays in his letters is con-
proof of this. But whatever the extent of human freedom
there must be behind it the Divine Sovereignty. It is the \
of St. Paul to state alternately the one and the other without
attempting an exact delimitation between them. And what he has
not done we are not likely to succeed in doing. In the passage
before us the Divine Sovereignty is in view, not on its terrible but
on its gracious side. It is the proof how • God worketh all things
for good to those who love Him.' We cannot insist too strongly
upon this ; but when we leave the plain declarations of the Apostle
and begin to draw speculative inferences on the right hand or on
the left we may easily fall into cross currents whicl r any
such inferences invalid. See further the note on Frce-Will and
-lination at the end of ch. xi.
In further characterizing ' those who love God ' St. Paul na-
turally strikes the point at which their love became manifest
acceptance of the Divine Call. This call is one link in th<
of Providential care which attends them : and it suggests the
links which stretch far back into the past and far forward into the
future. By enumerating these the Apostle completes his proof
that the love of God never quits His chosen ones.
The enumeration follows the order of succession in time.
For Wp66i(nt See on Ch. ix. II fj ««•' /cXoy^r *p60«nt rov e«ow,
which would prove, if proof were needed, that the purpose i
of God and not of man (cor* ouumr wpoaiptw Theoph. and the
Greek Fathers generally): comp. also Eph. i. n ; hi. 1 1 ; 2 Tim.
i. 9.
It was one of the misfortune* of Greek theology that it received a bis* in
11 controversy from opposition to the Gnostics (cf. p. 269 in/.)
erwards lost, and which seriously prejudiced its exegesis
which it never afterwards
wherever this question was concerned. Thus in the present instance, the great
take «ard wp&to* to mean ' in accordance
of the Greek commentators
with the man's own wpoafaait or free act of choice* (see the extracts in
Cramer's Catnta ' e cod. Monac.' ; and add Thcoph. Oecum. Euthynv
The two partial exceptions are, as we might expect, Origen and Cyril of
Alexandria, who however both show traces of the influences current in the
Eastern Church. Origen also seems inclined to take it of the fn>;
Jmrwav tt kcnam voluntattm quam cirta Dei cultum gmatt ; but he admits
the alternative that it may refer to the purpose of God. If *••.
this purpose as determined by His foreknowledge of the characters and
conduct of men. Cyril of Alexandria asks the question, Whose purpose is
intended? and decides that it would not be wrong to answer TV*
VIII. 28, 20.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 217
«««Ai7«vrot «o2 r^y favr£r. He comes to this decision howercr rather on
dogmatic than on exegetical grounds.
It is equally a straining of the text when Augustine distinguishes two kinds
of call, one secwtdum prtposihtm, the call of the elect, and the other of those
who are not elect Non enim omnts vceati secondnm propositnm nail
vocali: quoniam multi vocali, fauti eUcti. Ipri ergo tecundmm prefect urn
mxati cut tlecti antt (onttitutionem mundi (Cent, anas Efut. ft lag. ii. 10.
f a a, ci. Cent. Julian, v. 6, f 14). In the idea of a double call, Augustine
seems to hare been anticipated by Origen, who however, as we have seen,
gives a different sense to card wp6$«atv : omius quidem vceati sunf, turn tame*
omnts secundnm propositum voeati stint (ed. Lomm. viL I a8 .
K\T]Totf : ' called/ implying that the call has been obeyed. The
K\ff<ns is not au saint (Oltr.), at least in the sense of final salva-
tion, but simply to become Christians: see on i. i.
29. ort : certainly here ' because/ assigning a reason for ndvra
avnpyi'1 6 Gtot tit dyado*, not ' that ' (= cest qut Oltr.).
ofc Trpo/Y'w. The meaning of this phrase must be determined
by the Biblical use of the word ' know, which is very marked and
clear : e. g. Ps. i. 6 ' The Lord knoweth (yrvwi<r«i) the way of the
righteous'; cxliv [cxliii]. 3 'Lord, what is man that Thou takest
knowledge of him (or* tyvwa&jf o£ry LXX) ? Or the son of man
that Thou makest account of him?' Hos. xiii. 5 'I did know
(tnoiuaun*) thce in the wilderness.' Am. iii. a 'You only have
I known («V«*) of all the families of the earth.' Matt. vii. 23
4 Then will I profess unto them I never knew (?>»«») you/ Ac.
In all these places the word means 'to take note of/ 'to fix the
regard upon/ as a preliminary to selection for some especial pur-
pose. The compound irpMyn* only throws back this 'taking
note ' from the historic act in time to the eternal counsel which
it expresses and executes.
This interpretation (which is vcrv similar to that of Godet and which
approaches, though it is not exactly identical with, that of a number of older
commentators, who make vpoiynu - praediligere, approbari) has the double
advantage of being strictly conformed to Biblical usage and of reading
nothing into the word which we are not sure is there. This latter objection
applies to most other ways of taking the passage : e.g. to Origen's, when he
makes the foreknowledge a foreknowledge of character and fitness, v/w
Ttrfoat ovr A 6«dt rf tlpny rarr loopbw, «a2 Kararofaat /tovi^r rov If'
(Phil**!, zxv. a. p. aa;, ed. Robinson ; the comment ad lee. is rather nearer
the mark, cognovits* sues diritur, hoc est in diUctiotu kahtistt libiatu
jociasst, but there too is added tciens quoits ustttf). Cyril of Alexandria
(and after him Meyer) supplies from what follows wpocyvfatrjoa* in loorrat
ovunofxjxx rijt «Uorot rov TJov abrov, but this belongs properly only to
Mate** \Videst from the mark are those who, like Calvin, look beyond
the immediate choice to final salvation : Dei atttem praetogmitio, fttt'tu kit
Paultts mtmim't, nan mm/a tst pratstitnti* . . . std adopt io qua JUm mm
a rtprobis semper discrevit. On the other hand, Gif. keeps closely to the
context in explaining, •" Foreknew " as the individual objects of II is purpose
l*/x$0«ffif) and therefore foreknew as "them that love God."' The only
defect in this seems to be that it does not sufficiently take account of the
O. T. and N. T. use
2l8 EPISTLE T< [VIII. 29. 30.
irpoupiffc. The Apostle overleaps for the moment
mediate steps and carries the believer onward to the final con-
summation of God's purpose in respect to him. This is exactly
defined as * conformity to the image of His Son.'
aufi|i4p+o«« denotes inward and thorough and not merely super-
ficial likeness.
T7]S ei*<W As the Son is the image of the Father (a C
4; Col. i. 15), so the Christian is to reflect the image <
Lord, passing through a gradual assimilation of mind and character
to an ultimate assimilation of His W£a, the absorption of the
splendour of His presence.
cis TO drou CLUTO* irpurroToico*' <r voXXoif d&«X+oif. As the final
cause of all th'ings is the glory of God, so the final cause of the
Incarnation and of the effect of the Incarnation upon man
the Son may be surrounded by a multitude of the redeemed.
These He vouchsafes to call His ' brethren.' They arc a ' f
the entrance into which is through the Resurrection. As '
was the first to rise, He is the 4 Eldest-born ' (wp*r&ro*ot
i««pwr, Ira yivqnu «V wwrir avror npwTtvu* Col. i. 1 8). This is
different from the ' first-born of all creation ' (Col. i. 1 5). irpwro-
rocor is a metaphorical expression ; the sense of which is determined
by the context; in Col. i. 15 it is relative to creation, here it is
•• to the state to which entrance is through the Resurrection
(see Lightfoot's note on the passage in Col.).
30. oCs &€ vpowpiac K.T X. II.i\ ng taken his readers to the end
of the scale, the M£a in which the career of the Christian cul-
minates, the Apostle now goes back and resolves the latter part of
the process into its subdivisions, of which the landmarks are
tKuX«rt*, «£ucaiW«*, c&£a<rff. These are not quite exhai
fjyiaatf might have been inserted after «duuuW«r; but it is suffi-
ciently implied as a consequence of <&uuu*vn and a necessary
condition of «W£o<r« : in pursuance of the Divine purpose that
.ms should be conformed to ( step is the call ;
this brings wiih it, when it is obey ng out t>
or justification; and from that there is a straight course to the
crowning v c glory. ««<Su<r«* and «'dt«uW«» are both
naturally in the aorist tense as pointing to something finished
and therefore past : «3o£i<7«* is not strictly cither finished o:
but it is attracted into the same tense as the preceding verbs; an
attraction which is further justified by the : though not
complete in its historical \\orking ou:, ;lu- ste] .in «W£a<r«»
is both complete and certain in the Jv..ne counsels. To God
ib DOtbei ' before nur *::• :.'
VIII. 31-39.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 219
THE PROOFS AND ASSURANCE OP DIVINE LOVE.
VIII. 31-30. With the proofs of God's love before him,
the Christian has nothing to fear. God, the Judge, is on
his side, and the ascended Christ intercedes for him
(w. 31-34).
The love of God in Christ is so strong that earthly
sufferings and persecutions — nay, all forms and phases of
being— are powerless to intercept it, or to bar the Christians
mph (w. 35-39)«
"What conclusion are we to draw from this? Surely the
strongest possible comfort and encouragement With God on our
side what enemy can we fear ? * As Abraham spared not Isaac,
so He spared not the Son who shared His Godhead, but suffered
Him to die for all believers. Is not this a sure proof that along
with that one transcendent gift His bounty will provide all that is
necessary for our salvation ? ** Where shall accusers be found
against those whom God has chosen? When God pronounces
righteous, M who shall condemn ? For us Christ has died ; I should
say rather rose again ; and not only rose but sits enthroned at
His Father's side, and there pleads continually for us. M His love
is our security. And that love is so strong that nothing on earth
can come between us and it The sea of troubles that a Christian
has to face, hardship and persecution of every kind, are powerless
against it ; * though the words of the Psalmist might well be
applied to us, in which, speaking of the faithful few in his own
generation, he described them as * for God's sake butchered all
day long, treated like sheep in the shambles.' " We too are no
better than they. And yet, crushed and routed as we may seem,
the love of Christ crowns us with surpassing victory. * For I am
convinced that no form or phase of being, whether abstract or
personal ; not life or its negation ; not any hierarchy of spirits ; no
dimension of time; no supernatural powers; "no dimension of
space ; no world of being invisible to us now, — will ever come
between us and the love which God has brought so near to us in
Jesus Messiah our Lord.
220 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII. 32,33.
32. 8f yt TOW ISiou ulov OUK {^uraro. A number of em ;
expressions are crowded together in this sentence : same
God who'; roO Mot t; i, • H:s own Son/ partaker of His own
nature ; «t« «'4xi'<r<m>, the word \\ hich is used of the offering of
Isaac in Gen. xxii. 16, and so directly recalls that offering — the
greatest sacrifice on record. For the argument comp. v. 6
88-35. The best punctuation of these verses is that wi,
adopted in RV. text (so also Orig. Chrys. Thcodrt.
a. Lid.). There should not be more than a colon b<
the clauses e«H 6 OUCUMK m 6 *ara*po»»» ; God is conceived of as
Judge: where He acquits, who can conden. then
'.lately taken up by ver. 35 : C -d His lo .
for us ; who then shall j >.m us from that love ? The Apostle
clearly has in his mind Is. 1. 8, 9 ' He is nca: :ficlh men;
who will contend with me? ... Behold, the Lord Go
me; who is he that shall condemn me?' 'I :ly favours
the view that each affirmation is followed by a question rela:
that affirmation. The phrases 6 WOK/MMM' and 6 &«<««* form
a natural antithesis, which it is wrong to break up by putting a full
stop between them and taking one with what precedes, the other
with what follows.
Oo the view taken above, *fe 6 Suoifir and X/M<rrdr l^ot* &
are both answers to rii J7«oAfoc< ; and rir 6 «ar<ur/x*arr ; Wr i)>iat \upion ;
are subordinate questions, suggested in the one case by Straw?, in the other
r. iwip J)^K. We oUcnrc also that on this 5 is closely
linked to ver. 34. The rapid succession of thought which is thus obtained,
each step leading on to the next, is in full accordance with the spirit of the
Another way of taking it is to pat a full stop at 8o«4«r, and to make n't
n'r & «aT<ur/»r£r ; two distinct questions with wholly distinct
answers. So Fri. Lips. Weiss Oltr. Go. Others again (RV. marg. fieng.
. Mp
; ) make all the dames questions (*fc*M»l»i .
i^/wr ;) 1 tut these repeated challenges do not give such a nervous concatena-
tion of reasoning.
33. TI'S fyKaX^m; another of the forensic terms which are so%
common in this Epistle ; ' Who shall impeach such as are elect of
God?'
i*\i*ruv. \V« Live already seen (note on i. i) that with
;I *Xi7roi' and ^X««roi are not opposed to each other (as they
arc in Matt. xxii. 14) but are rather to be identified. By r
into «XF,r,4 the implication that the call is accepted, St. Paul shows
that the persona of i rue are also objects of God's
choice. By both terms S ignates not those who are de-
stined for final salvation, but those who arc ' summoned ' c
lected* for the privil. ;ng God and carrying out H
If their career r . course i:
the 'glory* reserved for c at the end of
VIII. 33-36.] LIFE IX THE SPIRIT 221
the avenue; but «'«X««r£» only shows that they are in the right
way to reach it. At least no external power can bar them from
it ; if they lose it, they will do so by their own fault.
. text Mou. This is quite pouible, bat &«ai£r
suggests the present.
84. Xptaro* It^oOt K A C F G L, Valg. Boh. Arm. Acth., Orig.-Ut Did.
Aug. i Xfx<rr<Jt (om. 'IipovO B D E K» 5cc, Syrr., Cyr.-Jcru*. Chrys. «/.
Another instance of B in alliance with Authorities otherwise \Ve*tem ami
Syrian. \VH. bracket 'Ii?*.
tppfeU <K v.KfxLv X- A C a/. //Mr., RV. WIP : om. l« r««^ K« BD E
FGKL Ac, Ti. WIP. The group which inserts U imtpS* is practically
the same as that which inserts 'Irjoov* above.
os KCU. Stroke follows stroke, each driving home the last ' It
is Christ who died — nay rather (immo vtro} rose from the dead —
who (*ai should be omitted here) is at the right hand of God— who
also intercedes for us/ It is not a dead Christ on whom we depend,
but a living. It is not only a living Christ, but a Christ enthroned,
a Christ in power. It is not only a Christ in power, but a Christ
of ever-active sympathy, constantly (if we may so speak) at the
Father's ear, and constantly pouring in intercessions for His
struggling people on earth. A great text for the value and
significance of the Ascension (cf. Swete, Afiost. Crt(dt p. 67 f.).
35. dv& TT)f dydinis TOO Xpurrou. There is an alternative reading
TOM 8«oO for which the authorities are NB, Orig. (1/3 doubtfully in
the Greek, but 6/7 in Rufinus' Latin translation) ; Eus. 46 ; Has.
2/6 ; Hil. i/a and some others. RV. WH. note this reading in
marg. But of the authorities B Orig.-lat. 2/7 read in full ArA nji
<ryuiri)f rov e«oO rfft «V Xpiory 'irjaov, which is obviously taken from
vcr. 39. Even in its simpler form the reading is open to suspicion
of being conformed to that verse : to which however it may be
replied that Xpurrou may also be a correction from the same source.
On the whole XOMTTOV seems more probable, and falls in better with
the view maintained above of the close connexion of w. 34, 35.
' The love of Christ ' is unquestionably ' the love of Christ for
us/ not our love for Christ : cf. v. 5.
6Xi4»is K.T.X. We have here a splendid example of cot/xipnc <V
mic Aty«ro of which St. Paul wrote in ch. v. 3 ff. The passage
shows how he soared away in spirit above those ' sufferings of this
present time ' which men might inflict, but after that had nothing
more that they could do. On dXty<r 3 orcKo^pi'a see ii. 9 ; for
oWyjM* cf. a Cor. xi. 23 ff., 32 f. ; xii. 10, &c. ; for X^ioc $ yv^j^n^,
i Cor. iv. ii ; 2 Cor. xi. 27 ; for «i*ow»o« 2 Cor. xi. 26; i Cor.
xv. 30.
36. on Ircicd aoo. The quotation is exact from LXX of Ps.
xliv [xliii]. 23 : on belongs to it.
fr«««r is decisively attested here : in the Psalm B has fr«o, K A T i»«««r,
where there is a presumption against the reading of B.
222 TLE TO THE ROMANS [VIII. 36-38.
6araTOu>cea oXtjr Ttjr ^pa* : ( f . I (Y- <aff
airoGrqam : ' tola die, hoc cst, omni vital meat Umporc ' Orig.
vpo0ara a^ayv)S : sheep destined for slaupi xi. 4
ri irpoiSora r^t a^ay^t (cf. Jer. xii. 3 »po,3ara m <r#ayn» Cod. Marchai.
marg.).
The Latin texts of this verse are marked and characteristic, Tertulllan,
S:orf>. 1 3 Tua causa mortijuamur Ma die, Jef ut.it t sumus ut ptcora iugu-
iationis. Cyprian, Tat. in. 18 (the tnu .» < ausa tui
otddimur tota dit. dfputati sumus ut ovts vittima*. Hilary of I
Trot: ed. Zingcrle, p. 419) Pnpttr U mortij/uamur tota dut
dtfutati sumus situt oves oecisumu. Irenaeui, Adv. Hatr
(Satim ; . • Propttr U mortt afficimur Ma a'u, atstimati sumus
ut ov€* ofdsioms. (Similarly Cod. Claroro. Sftfulum Augustini, co
Vulgate (Cod. AmUt) Propttr tt mortifiamur Ma Jit, atstimati sumus
ut eves otcisiouis. Here two types of text stand oat clearly : that of Cyprian
at one end of the scale, and that of the Vulgate (with which we may group
Ircn.-lat. Cod. Clarom. and the Speculum) at the other. Hilary stands
between, having dtputati in common with Cyprian, but on the whole leaning
rather to the later group. The most difficult problem is presented by
Tertullian, who approaches Cyprian in Turn causa and dtputati, and the
Vulgate group in mortiJUamur : in pttora iugulationis he stands alone.
This passage might seem to favour the view that in Tertullian we had the
primitive text from which all the rest were derived. That hypothesis how-
ever would be difficult to maintain systematically; and in any case there
most be a large element in Tertullian's text which is simply in<i:
The text before us may be said to give a glimpse of the average position of
a problem which is still some way from solution.
37. uwcpKticwficv. T( rtullian and Cyprian represent this by the
coinage suftn-infimus (Vulg. Cod. Clarom. Hil. fufxramus) ; 'over-
come strongly ' Tyn. ; • arc more than conquerors ' Gen
adopted in AV.
oid TOU dyainiaoKTOS ^a« points back to r^t oyainji TOW X/xaroy
38. ourf oyycXoi ovrt dpx<u. ' And He will call on all the host
of the heavens and all the holy ones above, and the host of God,
the Cherubim, Seraphim, and Ophanim, and all the angels of
power, and all the angels of pr , and the Elect Or
the other powers on the earth, over the water, on that <!
Ixi. ic :1 from time to time makes use of sim
designations for the hierarchy of angels: so in i Cor. x
u, K\(nanjtt no* oro/ia <m>/ia£op«roi' :
lii. 10 :. 1 6 (0pt**t cvpuJrijT. .fmr/cn); ii. 10,
world of spirits is summed uj. in Thil. ii. 10 as
tvovponoc, «Viy« ;<M, .ora^tfuMoi. It is somewhat noticeable that whereas
the terms used are . ibstract, in si s they arc
made still more abstract by the use of the s
brov farapyffiry waaa» -ua- «ni dimity I Cor. XV.
•ripar* waffjjs <
i !. ii. 10.
VIII. 38, 30.] LIFE IN THE SPIRIT 223
It is also true (as pointed out by Weiss, BiM. Thtol. § 104 ;
Anm. i. a) that the leading passages in which St. Paul speaks of
angels are those in which his language aims at embracing the
whole «o<r/i<*. He is very far from a Bpivnia r*>» oyy«A«» such as be
protests against in the Church at Colossae (Col. ii. 18). At the
same time the parallels which have been given (see also below
under oW/mr) are enough to show that the Apostle must not be
separated from the common beliefs of his countrymen. He held
that there was a world of spirits brought into being like the rest of
creation by Christ (Col. i. 16). These spirits are ranged in
a certain hierarchy to which the current names are given. They
seem to be neither wholly good nor wholly bad, for to them too
the Atonement of the Cross extends (Col. i. 20 oiro«araXXd£<u rA
vdura tit avrov . . . «7r« TU «Vi rr)s yfjt <tr« ra «V roir ovpavots). There
is a sense in which the Death on the Cross is a triumph over them
(Col. ii. 15). They too must acknowledge the universal sovereignly
of Christ (i Cor. xv. 24; cf. Eph. i. 10); and they form part of
that kingdom which He hands over to the Father, that ' God may
be all in all' (i Cor. xv. 28). On the whole subject see Everling,
Die paulimschc Angelologic u. Dtimonologie, GOttingcn, 1888.
For &yy<\ot the Western text (DEFG, Ambntr. Aug. Amb.) has
<Jyy«Aof. There is al«o a tendency in the Western and later authorities to
insert o£r« i(ovaia» before or after tyxcu, obviously from the parallel jiMMflU
in which the words occur together.
ovrc oWfieis. There is overwhelming authority (N A B C D Ac.)
for placing these words after ofo< p«XAorra. We naturally expect
them to be associated with apxal, as in i Cor. xv. 24 ; Eph. i. 21.
It is possible that in one of the earliest copies the word may have
been accidentally omitted, and then added in the margin and re-
inserted at the wrong place. We seem to have a like primitive
corruption in ch. iv. 12 (TOK crroiXo{W). But it is perhaps more
probable that in the rush of impassioned thought St. Paul inserts
the words as they come, and that thus oOrt twd^tt may be slightly
belated. It has been suggested that St Paul takes alternately
animate existences and inanimate. When not critically controlled,
the order of association is a very subtle thing.
For the word compare 'the angels of power* and 'the other power* on
the earth ' in the passage from the Book of Enoch quoted above ; also Test.
.V// Patr. Levi 3 Jr T£ rpir^ (sc, ofywrf ) «M» al Jvr^m rfir w^/tfoXir,
oi Ta\0«VT« <lt i)^i(>o» tpiotvt, vo<ij<j<u IK&*I)OI* 4r rott vr«v/Miai rip wXoj^t
*ai row Bt\tap.
39. ourc utfwfia ourc pd0o?. Lips, would give to the whole
context a somewhat more limited application than is usually
assigned to it. He makes ofo «W(rr. . . fcOof all refer to angelic
powers : ' neither now nor at the end of life (when such spirits
were thought to be most active) shall the spirits either of the
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [VIII. 39
height or from the depth bar our entrance into the :
where the love of Christ will be still nearer t . u . This is also
the view of Origcn (see below). But it is quite in the manner of
il to personify abstractions, and the sense attached t<
cannot well be too large: cf. esp. Eph. iii. 18 T«' r6 vXoror «««
xai fv//ot cat &a$ot, and 2 Cor. X. 5 909 tywpa «'traipdji«ro» «.:-
rov 6«ot/.
The common patristic explanation of fywjm U ' thing* above the heaven*.*
anil of rfitf.*, ' thine* beneath the earth/ Theod. Monach.
ra <£-yax dSafa. Theodoret
0a*<A«iar. Origen (in Cramer's Catf*a) explains fy«pa of the
•spiritual hosts pf wickedne** in the heavenly pla . , and
taton of rA mra\9bia. The expanded version of Kufinu* approaches still
.' altitudo et profnndam
ai debellant me de alt
: de promndis clamavi ad tc, Dornine : turn at kit g:> .
dtputati sunt tt gtJUnttat tfiritihu impttgmarttur.
an o r mra\ia. e expane verson o
more nearly to the theory of Lipsius : .'
nant tut. sit ut et David ditit molti uai debe
dubio cum a tpiritibut ntijuitiae d* eatltttibut urg
OVT€ TIS KTi'ais Ir/pa. The use of rfrt'pa and not »tXX^ seems to
favour the view that this means not exactly ' any other «
but ' any other kind of creation/ • any other mode of being,'
besides those just enumerated and differing from the familiar world
as we see it.
Origen (in Cramer) would like to take the passage in this way. He asks
if there may not be another creation besides this ••
visible though not as yet seen '—a description which might seem to anticipate
the discoveries of the microscope and telescope, Corop. Ualfour. FoundttioMt
. 71 f. -It U impossible therefore to resist the conviction that
there most be an indefinite number of aspects of Nature respecting which
science never can give as any information, even in our dreams. We must
conceive ourselves as feeling our way about this dun corner of the illimit-
able world, like children in a darkened room, encompassed by we know
not what ; a little better endowed with the machinery of sensation than the
protozoon, yet poorly provided indeed as compared with a 1
a one could be conceived, whose senses were adequate to the infinite variety
of material Nature/
diro TO.S dyomjs TOO 6«oo T^S iv XpiOTw'lr,aou This is the full
The love of < lc of being
isolated and described se; <), but
the love of Christ is rea
A striking instance of the way in «hu.!» the whole Godhead
co-operates in this manifestation ^ ^ : the love of God
is poured out in our hearts through the //•'/>' Spirit, because Christ
d God comm« t>ecausc Christ died.
The same ess*: .ncance runs through this section (note
39)-
IX. 1-5.] THE UNBELIEF OK ISRAEL 225
THE APOSTLE'S SORROW OVER ISRAEL'S UNBELIEF.
IX. 1-6. The thought of this magnificent prospect flit
me with sorrow for those who seem to be excluded from it —
my oivn countrymen for whom I would willingly sacrifice
my dearest hopes — excluded too in spite of all their special
ges and their high destiny.
1 1 low glorious the prospect of the life in Christ ! How mournful
the thought of those who are cut off from itl There is no
shadow of falsehood in the statement I am about to make. As
one who has his life in Christ I affirm a solemn truth ; and my
conscience, speaking under the direct influence of God's Holy
Spirit, bears witness to my sincerity. "There is one grief that
I cannot shake off, one distressing weight that lies for ever at my
heart * Like Moses when he came down from the mount, the prayer
has been in my mind : Could I by the personal sacrifice of my
own salvation for them, even by being cut off from all communion
with Christ, in any way save my own countrymen ? Are they not
my own brethren, my kinsmen as far as earthly relationship is
concerned ? ' Are they not God's own privileged people ? They
bear the sacred name of Israel with all that it implies ; it is they
whom He declared to be His ' son,' His ' firstborn' (Exod. iv. 22);
their temple has been illuminated by the glory of the Divine
presence; they are bound to Him by a series of covenants re-
peatedly renewed ; to them He gave a system of law on Mount
Sinai ; year after year they have offered up the solemn worship of
the temple ; they have been the depositories of the Divine promises ;
• their ancestors are the patriarchs, who were accounted righteous
before God ; from them in these last days has come the Messiah
as regards his natural descent— that Messiah who although sprung
from a human parent is supreme over all things, none other than
God, the eternal object of human praise 1
IX-XI. St. Paul has now finished his main argument He
has expounded his conception of the Gospel. But there still
remains a difficulty which could not help suggesting itself to
every thoughtful reader, and which was continually being raised
by one class of Christians at the time when he wrote. How is
this new scheme of righteousness and salvation apart from law
226 .K TO THE ROMA [IX. 1.
•ent with the jriuleged position of the Jews? Th<
been the chosen race (we find St Paul enumerating their privileges),
through them the Messiah had come, and yet it appeared they
would be rejected if they would not accept this new righteousness
by faith. his consistent with the justice of God ?
The question has been continually in the Apostle's mind. It
has led him to emphasize more than once the fact that the new
•tayyAiof if for both Jew and Greek, is yet for the Jew first (i. 16;
It has k-d him to lay great stress on the fact that the Jews
especially had sinned (ii. 17). Once indeed he has begun to
discuss it « .130 then is there in being
a Jew ? ' but he postponed it for a time, feeling that it was necessary
<> complete his main argument He has dwell on the fact
that the new way of salvation can be proved from the Old Testa-
ment (chap. iv). Now he is at liberty to discuss in full the qur
How is this conception of Christ's work consistent \\ ith the fact of
the rejection of the Jews which it seems to in
The answer to this question oo « remainder of the
dogmatic portion of the Epistle, chaps, ix-xi, generally considered
to be the third of its principal divisions. The whole sectio:
be subdivided as follows: in ix. 6-29 the faithfulness and ju
God are vindicated ; in ix. 30-1. 2 1 the guilt of Israel is proved ;
in chap, xi St. Paul shows the divine purpose which is being fulfilled
and looks forward prophetically to a future time whei.
be restored, concluding the section with a description of the Wisdom
of God as far exceeding all human speculation.
Mmrcioo teem* to hare omitted the whole of thU chapter with the powible
exception of vr. I -3. Tert, who msie* fron says tatio A
kic amplisrimum abntptum i*i*rn*u tcriptunu {Adv. Mart. T. 14). See
Zahn, Utitk. <U* N. T. A'a**u p. 518.
1. We notice that there is no grammatical connexion with the
preceding chapter. A new point is introduced and the sec,
of thought is gradually made apparent as the argument proceeds.
Perhaps there has been a pau^
ensis has for a time suspended his labours. We notice also that
ul does not here follow his general habit
subject he is going to discuss (as he does for example
beginning of chap. Hi), but allows it gradually to becoi
He naturally shrinks from mentioning too definitely a f.
to him so full of sadness. It will be only too aj»|
refers; and tact and delicacy both forl :
AX^Ociar X/yw Jr Xpiori: 'I speak the truth in Christ, as one
united with Christ ' ; t f . - 7 oXX* »< ;\X* <l>c
«« 9*ov, COT/MUTI O«oC «V X/nary XaAoi>«r: xii. 19. St. Paul lias just
IX. 1, 2.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 227
described that union with Christ which will make any form of sin
impossible; cf. viii. i, 10; and the reference to this union gives
solemnity to an assertion for which it will be difficult to obtain full
credence.
oo iftuoofwu. A Pauline expression, i Tim. ii. 7 aX^uv X«y«,
ou ^r«i&yuu: 2 Cor. xi. 31 ; Gal. i. 20.
aufipapTupou<rr)s : cf. ii. 15; viii. 1 6. The conscience is personified
so as to give the idea of a second and a separate witness. Cf.
OcCUmenius ad foe. utya 0«X«t tlxtlv, &o wpoofawoul ry wicmvft)»att
fWi0«pd/i«i>of paprvpat, TO* XptoroV, r6 *Ayioi» Hftv^a, cm r^r iavrou
«V nycupart 'Ayi'w with arvp/<aprvpou<rip. St. Paul adds further
solemnity to his assertion by referring to that union of his spirit
with the Divine Spirit of which he had spoken in the previous
chapter. Cf. viii. 16 atrrb TO nwGpa avppaprvpil r<p mKvpart fjpvr.
St. Paul begins with a strong assertion of the truth of his
statement as a man does who is about to say something of the
truth of which he is firmly convinced himself, although facts and
the public opinion of his countrymen might seem to be against
him. Cf. Chrys. ad loc. wpunpo* & oWb/SfuoCrai mp\ L» pAX«*
X«'yfiv* oirtp woXXoir fdot voulv oray p«XXw<7t n \tyuv irapa rots troXXoIr
mtuTTovfHvov cat vwip ov affxXpa iavrovs <tat mniutarit.
2. on : ' that,' introducing the subordinate sentence dependent on
the idea of assertion in the previous sentence. St. Paul does not
nu-mion directly the cause of his grief, but leaves it to be inferred
from the next verse.
XUVT) (which is opposed to x<V" Jn« xv'- 20) appears to mean
grief as a state of mind ; it is rational or emotional : oouVrj on the
other hand never quite loses its physical associations ; it implies
the anguish or smart of the heart (hence it is closely connected with
which is the result
With the grief of St. Paul for his countrymen, we may compare the grief
of a Jew writing after the fall of Jerusalem, who feels both the misfortune
and the sin of his people, and who like St. Paul emphasizes his sorrow by
enumerating their close relationship to God and their ancestral pride :
4 Ezra riii. 15-18 */ nttnc dicens difam, de omtti komini tit mafis stit, d*
populo attttm t*ot ob <f*tm doUo, ft dt katnditatt t*a, frvftfr quam /Kg&, ft
profttr Israll. frofter quern tristis sum, ft dt semtn* Jacob, froflcr quod
conturbor. Ibid. x. 6-8 turn vitUs luclum nostrum ft qtiae ncbis conligtritnt f
qHoniam Sion mater nostra omnium in tristitia rontristatttr, et kumilitatt
kumtliata est. et Ittgtt vatidissim* . . . 2I-3J vidft enim quoniam sanftifi-
fatio Hostra desert a tffttta est, et altare nostrum demoHtum est, ft templum
nostrum destruttum est, et fsaltenum nostrum humiliatum est, et hymntu
Hotter tonticutt, et ejuultaiio nostra dissoluta est, et lumen eandelaori nostri
txtinttum est, et area testament* nostri dire/Ha est. Apoc* Baruek. JUOT. j
quomodo enim ingtmutam super Stone, et quomodo lugtoo super Jerusalem f
quia in loco isto ubi proslratus sum nunc, oiim summits sacerdos offerekat
Bottoms santtas.
2:S EPISTLE TO THE K [IX. 3.
3. This verse which is introduced by ydp does not give the
reason of his grief but the proof of his -
t^xo^*- : * the wish was in my mind ' or perhaps ' the ;
::.' St. Paul merely states the fact of th<
without regard to the conditions which made it impossible. Cf. Lft.
on Gal. iv. 20 'The thing is spoken of in itself, prior to and
independently of any conditions which mi^ht affect iis possibility.'
See also Acts xxv. 22, and Burton, M. and T. § 33.
<W9«p.a : * accursed/ ' devoted to destruction/ The word was
tily used with the same meaning as ora&ypa (of which
a dialectic variation, see below), 'that which is offered or consecrated
to God.' But the translators of the Old Testament required an
expression to denote that which is devoted to God for destruction, and
adopted anu&fia as a translation of the Hebrew O^n : see I
28, 29 YOJ> & atttff/ui 6 <ui> a»Q09 4*6|piMrof ftp Kipi'y . . . oi« cnroow<7«rat
ovui Xvrpaxrfrtu ... cat fray & fur uvartBtj airo r£i> a»0pwir«ir ov Xvrp»6q-
a«rai, uXXa Awfry foanrvOfarTfu I Deut. vii. 26 ; Josh. \i. i
if vJAir <mjd«/ia, avrff gal rdrra oaa iar\v «V o aa$a»0. And
with this meaning it is always used in the New Testament: Gal. i.
8, 9; i Cor. xvi. 22. The attempt to explain the won! to mean
'excommunication' from the society — a later use of the Hebrew in
Rabbinical writers and the Greek in ecclesiastical — arose from
a desire to take away the apparent profanity of the
There b some doubt and has been a good deal of discmsion as to the
distinction in meaning between dnafejia and (Uo^/ia. It was originally
dialectic, <t*i*7/ia bring the Attic form (<W*7,« drr,*£r», d*rf«. .
Moem, p. 28) and <Uo*</M being found as A substitute in non-Attic works
(Anth. P. 6. 16), C. /.(,'. ;69j<l and other instances are quoted
Hellenistic form was the one naturally used by the
writers of the LXX, and it gradually became confined to the new meaning
attached to the word, but the distinction seems never to have become
certain and MSS. and later writers often confute the two words. In the
. and Redpath make no distinction) our prev
seem to preserve the difference of the two words. The only doubtful passage
ads <Lvd$<pa where we should expect Avatojtta,
but V the only other MS. quoted by Swete) and the anthoriti<
and Parsons bare dt**,?*. In the N.T. dnt*;/* occur*
and then cor re- ary,<b4*,*a B L,drd*>*a N
Fathers often miss the distinction and explain the two words as id<
so Ps.-Jnst Qtttust. ft Kttp. lai ; Theod. on ^>uidas; they
languished in Cbrys. on K • not in
;uoted of Avafypa for d^tetfta, but d*a0<na
could be and was used du r wd^^a. On the word generally
see esp. Trench . QttL L t j Fri. on Kom. ix. 3.
OUT<V, -
the willingness for personal sacrifice ; and they have still more force
when we remember that :- s just dei
heaven or inm from the love of Christ. •
ad loc. ri Ac'ym, w I. .
IX. 3, 4.J THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 229
Aw* TOO Xpurrou : ' separated from the Christ/ a pregnant use of
thr 1 1 reposition. The translation of the words as if they were vwi
irises from a desire to soften the expression.
Hard aapxa : cf. iv. i 'as far as earthly relations are concerned';
spiritually St. Paul was a member of the spiritual Israel, and his
kinsmen were the ad«X<po< of the Christian society.
The prayer of St. Paul is similar to that of Moses : Exod. xxxii.
32 'Yet now, if thou wilt forgive their sin — ; and if not, blot me,
1 pray thce, out of thy book which thou hast written.' On this
Rom. liii. 5 comments as follows: & juyoXip aydinjr, 6 r*X««o-
TFJTOV awir«/>/9X^rov, irappqaiafrrai Oipdnw irpos Kupiov, air«ir<u <T0*air T«
ir\t')0«t f) Km iavriv «£uX«i$lqMu JUT avritv ii£toi. In answer tO those
•who have found difficulties in the passage it is enough to say with
Prof. Jowett that they arise from 'the error of explaining the
language of feeling as though it were that of reasoning and
reflection.1
There arc one or two slight variations of reading in ver.
placed before <W0. ««Y I v \ K 1. \ nl*, and later authorities with TR, and
DEC) substituted for <l»« (K A B C &c.> Both variations arise from
a desire to modify the passage.
4. ouWs ctoir: ' inasmuch as they are.' St. Paul's grief for Israel
arises not only from his personal relationship and affection, tat
also from his remembrance of their privileged position in the Divine
economy.
'l<rpo,T)Xirai : used of the chosen people in special reference to
the fact that, as descendants of him who received from God the
name of Israel, they are partakers of those promises of which it was
a sign. The name therefore implies the privileges of the race;
cf. Eph. ii. 1 2 amjXXorpi6»p«Voi rffs iro\irtiat TOW 'tapaqX col £iVot fir
flmfVi* Tf»f «'irayyfX<ar : and as such it could be used metaphorically
of the Christians (6 *l<rpoijX roO e*oO Gal. vi. 1 6 ; cf. ver. 6 inf.) ; a use
M hich would of course be impossible for the merely national designa-
tion 'lov&moi.
4 Israel ' is the title used in contemporary literature to express the
special relations of the chosen people to God Ps. Sol. xiv. 3 vn
17 p«p<r fat f) jcXijpoyo/ua rov 6«ov Sort* 6 'lerpaijX : Kcclus. xvii. 15 fttfHt
Kvpiw 'lirpa^X «W.V : Jubiltts xxxiii. 1 8 ' For Israel is a nation holy
unto God, and a nation of inheritance for its God, and a nation of
priesthood and royalty and a possession.' Thus the word seems to
have been especially connected with the Messianic hope. The
imes are 'the day of gladness of Israel' (Ps. Sol. x. 7),
the blessing of Israel, the day of God's mercy towards Israel
^ib. XVii. 50, 51 MOJtujMOt <M yuvfUK* «V rait
230 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 4.
ayafa Mrrpm/A «V tnmrywyp (/wXwr, 4 *mq<rfi 6 e«»r. ro^vroi 6 8*oc riri
*l<r,HiijX ri fX«oi therefore St. Paul uses t!
is his readers that hose for whos< n above
all, according to every current idea, the Messiah was to
he has come are apparently cut off from all share in the
ges of his kingdom.
ulo6€<no : ' the adoption/ • status of an adopted son ' : on the
origin of the word and its use in relation to Christian privileges see
above, Rom. viii. i->- Here it implies tl... ship of Israel to
God described in Exod. iv. 22 rat* ,f irpwrur,
"lapoijX : I> xxxii. 6 ; Jer. xxxi. 9 ; Hos. xi. i. So /
1 be i Father unto tlu-m, and they shall be M
and they shall all be called children of the living God. And every
angel and every spirit will know, yea they will kno xe are
hildren, and that I am their Father in uprightness and
in righteousness and that I love them.'
^ W{o : ' the visible presence of God among His people ' (see
on iii. 23). W£a is in the LXX the translation of t:
nw itap, called by the Rabbis the Shekinah ('Y?F), «hc
bright cloud by which God made His presence known on
i o. &C. Hence ro caXXot rjjt Ufa ai-roC Ps. S
0*6 6pwov fafrjt ib. ver. 20, Wisd. ix. 10, imj-: .
beauty of the temple, and when St. Stephen, Acts vii. 2, speaks of
6 e*fo np &£»p his words would remind his hearers of the
presence of God which they claimed had sanctified Jerusalem a
temple. On late Rabbinical speculations concerning the Sh<
see Weber Altsyn. Theol. p. 179.
al Sia0iJRcu: 'the covenants/ see Hatch Essays r>:
Grtek, p. 47. The plural is used not with reference to tl
covenants the Jewish and the Chr because the original
covenant of God with Israel was again and again renewed
(Gen. vi. 18; ix. 9; xv. 18; xvii. 2, 7 L 24). Comp. 1
: i fi*T<i row <rv«'p/joror ai'rwr bantni aya$n xkijpovopia, «ryo^<i
«V raif faa0> • 22 Xay^» To* «oXd{o»-r opcovff
varf/MMr ral iwi^rar t'-Tro^^aac. According to Irenaeus, III.
(ed. Harvey) there were four covenants : «ol iui roim rtvaa, .
V» rov r«<fow bivrt'pa M rov 'A/J/*; <ro/*^c*
rpirr) M fj vnpo&ain tit\ rov MwvaiwC rtrci^^ d« 17 rov KiuyytXiW, &a
rov Kvpiv qp*f 'Irjff'.i \pnrrov *.
The Jeti-s believed that they were bound to God and that God
was bound to them by a covenant v
His | r ording to St. I
those who were not bound t
•ic protection. On the idea of the Covenant and
• In the Latin rmioa the four cortfuot* are Adam, Noah, Motes, Christ.
IX. 4, 5.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 231
its practical bearing on Jewish life sec SchUrer Getchichtt, ii.
S8.
^ rojiofleaio : a classical word, occurring also in Philo. • The
giving of the law.' ' The dignity and glory of having a law com-
municated by express revelation, and amidst circumstances so full
of awe and splendour.' Vaughan.
The current Jewish estimation of the Law (6 MS/UK 6 vnnpx**
tit rur man* Baruch iv. i) it is unnecessary to illustrate, but the
point in the mention of it here is brought out more clearly if we
remember that all the Messianic hopes were looked upon as the
reward of those who kept the Law. So Ps. So/, xiv. i *MTT&« Ki>ot
rols ayonSurof ouro* «V dAq&tf . . . ro«r ffoptvo/i/Mxr *V dtxcufxrvyi; irpoaroy-
HUTW avrov, iv ro/*y us «V*T«iAaro 9/11* tit fay* ^leu*. It was one of
the paradoxes of the situation that it was just those who neglected
the Law who would, according to St. Paul's teaching, inherit the
promises.
^ Xarpci'a : ' the temple service/ Heb. ix. i, 6; i Mace. ii. 19, 22.
As an illustration of Jewish opinion on the temple service may be
quoted Pirqe A both, i. 2 (Taylor, p. 26) 'Shimcon ha-£addiq
was of the remnants of the great synagogue. He used to say, On
three things the world is stayed; on the Thorah, and on the
hip, and on the bestowal of kindnesses/ According to the
Rabbis one of the characteristics of the Messianic age will be
a revival of the temple services. (Weber Allsyn. Theol p. 359.)
ol frayycXuu : ' the promises made in the O. T. with special
reference to the coming of the Messiah/ These promises were of
course made to the Jews, and were always held to apply particularly
to them. While sinners were to be destroyed before the face of
the Lord, the saints of the Lord were to inherit the promises
(cf. Ps. Sol. xii. 8); and in Jewish estimation sinners were the
pHtilcs and saints the chosen people. Again therefore the
choice of terms emphasizes the character of the problem to be
discussed. See note on i. 2, and the note of Ryle and James on
Ps. Sol. loc. cit. ; cf. also Heb. vi. 1 2 ; xi. 1 3 ; Gal. iii. 19;! Clem. x. 2.
K C L, Valg. codJ. Boh. &c. has been corrected into 4 8.0*707
B D F G, Vnlg. codd. fane. \ also J wary«A«u into JvarpAja D E F C, Bob,
Both variations are probably doe to landed difficulties.
5. ol waWpes: 'the patriarchs/ Acts iii. 13, vii. 32. On the
1 merits ' of the patriarchs and their importance in Jewish theology
see the note on p. 330.
«£ wr o Xpurros TO icard arfpKO. Cf. I Clem. XXxii. 2 «£ avrov 6
Kvpiot 'iiprovt TO KOTO ffa'pca. 6 xp. is not a personal name, but must
be translated * the Messiah/ Not only have the Jews been united
to God by so many ties, but the purpose for which they have been
selected has been fulfilled. The Messiah has come forth from
them, and yet they have been rejected.
EPISTLE TO TI! [IX. 5.
6 &r Jvl TTQKTWK 6c6f, K.r.V : with Xpitrrtfr (see bclov
1, God blessed for ever.' ituvr»» is probably neuter, cf.
Icscription of the supreme dignity of Him who was <
human side of Jewish stock serves to intensify the conception of
the privileged character of the Jewish race.
The Privileges of Israel.
By this enumeration of the privileges of Israel St. Paul fulfils two
purposes in his argument. He gives firstly the facts
intensify his sorrow. Like the writer of 4 Ezra his grief is
heightened by the remembrance of the j mtry-
roen have held in the Divine econ ord in the long
list calls to mind some link which had united them, the Chosen
People, with God ; every word reminds us of the glory of their past
> because of the great contrast suggested between
the destiny of Israel and their actual conditii : •> grief is so
profound.
But the Apostle has another and more important thought to
emphasize. He has to show the reality and the magnitude <
problem before him. and this list of the privileges of Israel j
sizes it. It was so great as almost to be paradoxi
Israel was a chosen people, and was chosen for a certain purpose.
According to the teaching of the Apostle it had attained this end :
the Messiah, whose coming represented in a sense the co:
mat ion of its history, had appeared, and yet from any share in the
glories of this epoch the Chosen People the- re cut off.
All the families of the earth were to be blessed in Israel : Israel
itself was not to be blessed.
sons of God : but they were cut off from the inheriiance. They
were bound by special covenants to God : the co-. ! been
broken, and those outside shared in the advantages. The glories of
the Messianic period might be looked upon as a recompense for
the long years of suffering which a faithful adhesion to the La
a loyal preservation of the temple service ha>! : the bless-
ings were to come for those who had never kept the Law. The
promises were given to and for Israel: Israel alone would not
Such was the problem. The pious Jew, rcmemberin.
sufferings of liis nation, pictured the Messianic time as one
these should all pass away
—should be once more united; when the ten tribes should t>e
collected from among the nations ; ul suffered
much from the Gentiles should be at last triumphant
All this he expected. J :. Messiah had come: and Israel, the
IX. 5.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 233
Messiah's own people, seemed to be cut off and rejected from the
blessings which it had itself prepared for the world. How was this
problem to be solved? (Cf. 4 Ezra xiii; SchUrer, Getchuhl€,
ii. 45* «q.)
The Punctuation of Rom. ix. 5.
ml l( £r 6 Xparib ru «aro oap*a, & u» Jwl wdyraw, e«dt tiloyrrrk tit rott
olirar dM*.
The interpretation of Rom. ix. 5 has probably been discussed at greater Special
length than that of any other verse of the N. T. Besides long notes in literature.
various commentaries, the following special papers may be mentioned:
Schultz, in Jahrbiicher fur dtuttthe Ttuotogie. 1868, vol. xiii. pp. 462-506;
n, ZwM., 1869, pp. 311-3;;; Harniscn. ib. 1872, pp. 510, 521 : bat
England and America have provided the fullest discussions — by Prof.
Kennedy and Dr. Gilford, namely, The Divinity of Christ, a sermon
frtachtd on Christmas Day, i88a. 'btfore the Utnvfrtity of Cambridge, witk
an appendix on Rom. ix. 5 and Tuns ii. 13, by Benjamin Hall Kennedy,
, Cambridge, 1883; Caesarem Apt*!to, a Utter to Dr. Kennedy, by
Edwin Hamilton Giflbrd, D.D., Cambridge, i8?3; and Pauline Ckrislobgy,
imination cf Rom. ix. 5, being a rtjoinder to the Rev. Dr. Cijfonft
rftfy> ty Benjamin Hall Kennedy, 1 >.!>.. Cambridge. 1883 : by Prof. Dwight
and Dr. Ezra Abbot, in /. B. Extg. June and December, 1881, pp. : .
87-154 ; and 1883, pp. 90-1 1 a. Of these the paper of Dr. Abbot is much
the most exhaustive, while that of Dr. Gi fluid seems to us on the whole to
•how the most exegetical power.
missing minor variations, there are four main interpretations (all of Alternative
them referred to in the RV.) which have been suggested : interpreta-
(a) Placing a comma after odpxa and referring the whole passage to tions.
Christ SofcV.
(o) Placing a full stop after aapm and translating • He who is God over
all be blessed for ever,' or • is blessed for ever.' So RV. tnarg.
(e) With the same punctuation translating ' He who is over all is God
blessed for ever.' RV. marg.
(it) Placing a comma after oapm and a full stop at woVr*r, ' who is over
all. God be (or is) blessed for ever.' RV.marf.
It may be convenient to point out at once that the question b one of The ori-
interpretation and not of criticism. The original MSS. of the Epistles were ginal MSS.
almost certainly destitute of any sort of punctuation. Of MSS. of the first without
century we have one containing a portion of Isocrates in which a few dots panctna-
are used, but only to divide words, never to indicate pauses in the sense ; in lion,
the MS. of the noAir«'a of Aristotle, which dates from the end of the first
or beginning of the second century, there is no punctuation whatever except
that a slight space is left before a quotation : this latter probably is as dose
a representation as we can obtain in the present day of the original form of
the books of the N. T. In carefully written MSS., the work of professional
scribes, both before and during the first century, the more important pauses
in the sense were often indicated but lesser pauses rarely or never ; and. so
far as our knowledge enables us to speak, in roughly written MSS. such as
were no doubt those of the N.T., there is no punctuation at all until about
the third century. Our present MSS. (which begin in the fourth century)
do not therefore represent an early tradition. If there were any traditional
punctuation we should have to seek it rather in early versions or in second
and third century Fathers : the punctuation of the MSS. is interesting in
the history of interpretation, but has no other value.
234
ILE TO THE RO.V
[IX. 6.
History of
pretation.
(i) The
Versions,
(a) The
rather*.
MSS.
The history of the interpretation must be passed orcr somewhat car
:r earliest evidence we should naturally turn to the older versi< :
these seem to labour under the same obscurity as the original. 1
true that the traditional interpretation of all ol them U to at
About most of the Fathers however there is no doubt. An immen
ponderance of the Christian writers of the first eight centi
:ist This is certainly the case with Irenaeus, J/atr. II!
Harvey; Tertullian, Adv. Pro*, i I ppolytus, Cent. A'ott. 6 (cf.
60); Nova- vprian, 7V / ilartel;
.Int. a<tv. PaitJ.Sam. in Ronth, Rtl.Satrat, m. 3<ji, 39* ; Athanasius,
hanius. //.i.-r. Ivii. 3, 9, ed. Oehler; Basil,
Eunom. iv. p. a8a ; Gregory of Nysu, Adv. Eunom. 1 1 ; Chrysostom,
J/om. ad Rom. «vi. 3, Ac,; Theod- •«. ir. p. 100; August:
7.38; Ambrosius, Dt .
Satuto, i. 3. 46; Hieronymts
lul x .-S. It is true also of Origen (im Rom. viL 13) if we may
tmtt Rufinns Latin translation (the subject has been discussed at length
by Gifford, op. eit. p. 31 ; Abbot,/. B. Extg. 1883, p. 103 ; \VH. «,:'
Moreover there is no evidence that this conclusion was arrived at on dogmatic
grounds. The paaaage is rarely cited in controversy, and the word e«<* was
given to oar Lord by many sects who refused to ascribe to him full
honours, as the Gnostics of the second century and the Arians of the t
On the other hand this was a useful text to one set of heretics, the SaU
and it is significant that Ilippolytns, who has to explain that the words do
not favour Sabellianism, never appears to think of taking them in any
other way.
The strongest evidence against the reference to Christ is that of the leading
uncial MSS. Of these M has no punctuation, A undoubtedly puts a point
after oapxv, and also leaves a slight space. The punctuation of this chapter
is careful, and certainly by the original hand ; but as there is a smiih
SUM! space between \f*oro\> and Mp in ver. t, a point between odpga and
«Tir«f, and another between 'lapa^inu and &V, there is no reason as far as
punctuation is concerned why & •> should not refer to X^<rr«J» as much as
mr«»«t does to AfcAfwr. • It ha* a colon after oap*a, but leaves no space,
while there is a space left at the end ol the verse. The present colon is
however certainly not by the first hand, and whether it covers an earlier
•top or not cannot be ascertained. C has a stop after 0o>ra. The difference
between the MSS. and the Fathers has not been accounted for and is on
Against ascribing these words to Christ some patristic evidence has
Origen (Rufinos) aJ lot. tells v
who thought the ascription of the word e«it to Christ difficult, for S
had already called him tttt 0«o«. The long series of extracts made by
Wetstein ad he. stating that the words u J>2 mm* e«<* cannot be used of
the Son are not to the point, for the Son here is called not «J i*i vorvw*
but M sr^rrwr e«<Jt. and some of the writers he quotes expressly interpret the
passage of the Christ elsewhere. Again, Cyr
; quotes the Emperor Julian to the effect t!. . never calls
Chriit though t
passage, wh
Two writers, and two only. dorus
(Cramer*! Catena Mutely ascribe the wor
The modern criticism of the passage began with Erasmus, who pointed
• For information on this point and also on the
' indebted to Mr. I-
>•> Museum.
IX. 5.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 235
ont that there were certainly three alternative interpretation* possit le, and
that as there was to much doubt about the verse it should never be ned
•gainst heretic*. He himself wavers in his opinion. In the Commentary
he seems to refer the words to the Father, in the Paraphrase a la-
popular work) he certainly refers them to the Son. Socinuf, it is mtcre.ting
to note, was convinced by the position of tv\oyrfT6t (see below) that the
sentence must refer to Christ. Horn Erasmus' time onwards opinions have
varied, and have been influenced, as was natural, largely by the dogmatic
opinions of the writer ; and it seems hardly worth while to quote long lists of
names on either side, when the question is one which must be decided not by
authority or theological opinion but by considerations of language.
The discussion which follows will be divided into three heads:—
(i) Grammar; (2) Sequence of thought; (3 Pauline usage.
The first words that attract our attention are rO «ard aap*a, and a parallel The gram*
naturally suggests itself with Rom. i. 3, 4- As there St. Paul describes the mar of the
human descent from David, but expressly limits it mrd oapta, and then passage,
in contrast describes his Divine descent w& wvtvfM d-yiaxrvnjt ; so here the (i) r<}«ard
course of the argument having led him to lay stress on the human birth of ad/wo.
Christ as a Tew, he would naturally correct a one-sided statement by
g that descent to the earthly relationship and then describe the true
nature of Him who was the Messiah of the Jews. He would thus enhance
the privileges of his fellow -country men, and put a culminating point to his
argument r«i card oapim leads us to expect an antithesis, and we find just
what we should have expected in iJ iiv iwi marruv e«$t.
Is this legitimate? It has been argued first of all that the proper ami-
to adrf is wtvua. Hut this objection is invalid. ««<* is in a con-
siderable number of cases used in contrast iooarf (Luke iii. 6; i Cor. i. 29;
Col. iii. 33; Philemon 16; 3 Chron. xxxii. 8; !'•. Iv [Ivi]. 5; Jer. xvii. 5;
Dan. ii. 1 1 : ct < »iTord, p. 40, to whom we owe these instances).
Again it is argued that the expression rd *ard <ra/>«a as opposed to card
0a>«a precludes the possibility of such a contrast in words. While rard
oapxa allows the expression of a contrast, rd *ard adp«a would limit the
idea of a sentence but would not allow the limitation to be expressed. This
statement again is incorrect. Instances are found in which there is an
expressed contrast to such limitations introduced with the article (see
'. p. 39 ; he quotes Isocrates, p. 32 e ; Demosth. font. Eubul. p. 1299,
Although neither of these objections is valid, it is perfectly true that
neither «ard <rd/*ra nor rd «ard oap*a demands an expressed antithesis
(Kom. iv. i ; Clem. Kom. i. 33). The expression rd rard oapm cannot
therefore be quoted as decisive; but probably any one reading the passage
for the first time would be led by these words to expect some contrast and
would naturally take the words that follow as a contrast
The next words concerning which there has been much discussion are «J oV. (a) 4 4V.
It is argued on the one hand that A &» is naturally relatival in character and
equivalent to 5t tan, and in support of this statement a Cor. xi. 31 is quoted :
«J e«dt xal warfjp rov Kvpiov 'lyaov o78«K, 6 ott> <v\oyijrk (Iff TOV» oiwrof. on
ov ^«v&>f*u— a passage which is in some respects an exact parallel. On the
other hand passages are quoted in which the words do not refer to anything
preceding, such as Jn. iii. 31 A <forf<r ipx^irot J*a»» virruv i<rrir A Ar £
Tijt T^t <* T^t jfjt Ian, «o2 1* rip T^T AaA«f: and ol 6tnn in Rom. viiL 5, 8.
The question is a nice one. It is perfectly true that A dV can be used in both
ways; but it must be noticed that in the last instances the form of the
sentence is such as to take away all ambiguity, and to compel a change of
subject In this case, as there is a noun immediately preceding to which the
words would naturally refer, as there is no sign of a change of subject, and
as there is no finite verb in the sentence following, an ordinary reader would
consider that the words <J orr J»j mirror *«<* refer to what precedes nnles*
EPISTLE TO TI! [IX. 5.
they suggest so great an antithesis to his mind that he could not refer them
ist.
further than this: no Instance seems to occur, at any rate i
e participle 4r being used with a prepositional phrase and the
noon which the prepositional phrase qu* ! . - noun is mentioned the
substantive verb becomes onnecessary. Here o i*l •dm* *4r wot
the correct expression, if O^t to the subject of the sentence; if 4» to added
e«4r most become predicate. This excludes the translation (*.) ' He who to
God over all be (or to) bleated for ever.' It still leaves it possible to translate
: - who to over all is God blessed for ever,' but the reference to
X(n<jrCt remains the most natural n, unless, as stated above, the
word 6«4f suggests in itself too great a contrast
(3) The It has thirdly been pointed out that if this passage be an ascription of
position of blessing to the Father, the word «&Aoyirrc* would naturally come first, jest
as the word ^Blessed ' would in KnglUh. An examination of l.XX usage
shows that except in cases in which the verb is expressed and thrown forward
(as Ps. exit (cxiiil. a «•»> rd £ro/«a Kvpio* .iAoyij/uror) this to almost in-
variably its position. But the rale is clearly only an empirical one, and in
cases in which stress has to be laid on some special word, it may be and is
broken (cf. Pi. A»/. viii 40. 41). As A *r Jri smrrs* 0«4t if it does n.
to 6 Xptffrh must be in very marked contrast with it, there would be a special
emphasis on the words, and the perversion of the natural order becomes
possible. These considerations prevent the argument from the posr:
«6Aoyirr4f being as decisive as some have thought it. but do not prevr
balance of evidence being against the interpretation as a doxology referring
to the Father.
The result of an examination of the grammar of the passage makes it
that if St. Paul had intended to insert an ascription of praise to the Father
we should have expected him to write rfAoyijTuf tit rovt a'vvtu 6 i*i warrvr
0f<*. If the translation (d. suggested above, which leaves the v
•arr«r, be accepted, two difficulties which have been urged are a'.
tut the awkwardness and abruptness of the sudden O*4f tl\aytfrut sit
make this interpretation impossible. We have seen that the portion
JA«7fr4t makes a doxology (*.) improbable, and th
participle makes it very unnatural. The grammatical evidence is in favour
of (a.), i.e. the reference of the words to & Xj*0T*, unless the words * aW in
vftVra<r Otft contain in themselves so marked a contrast that they could not
]x>«Kibly be so referred.
The coo- We t«ss next to the connexion of thought. Probably not manv
oexion of doubt that the interpretation which refers the passage to Christ (a.) a« : :
the context. s-r* of Israel, and as the
highest and last privilege he rernindi his readers that It wa* Jewish
stock after all that Christ in His human nature had come, and then in order .
this he dwells on the exalted character of Him who came
to the flesh as the Jewish Messiah. This gives a r>
ble interpretation of the passage. Can we say the same of any
n whkh applies the words to the Fat
who acV jnetation have generally taken the word*
as a doxology, • tie tha: e blessed :
God over all be blessed for ever.' A natural criticism that at once ar .
how awkward the sodden introduction of a doxology 1 how inconstotei
the tone of sadness which pervades the passage ! Nor do the reasons alleged
• ' ••:;.:••; : ••••.-• :v. It fa H MM
of cot ie for the privileges of his race and
illy for the coming of the Messiah, but that is not the though:
„' is one of sadness and of i , necessary f<
to argue that the promise of God has not failed. Nor again dors a rrt
to Rom. i. 35 support the interpretation. It is quite true thai there we have
IX. 5.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 237
• doxology in the midst of a passage of great sadness ; but like a Cor. xi. 31
that is an instance of the ordinary Rabbinic and oriental usage of adding an
ascription of praise when the name of God has been introduced. That would
not apply in the present case where there is no previous mention of the name
i. It is impossible to say that a doxology could not stand here ; it is
certainly true that it would be unnatural and out of place.
So strongly does Dr. Kennedy feel the difficulties both cxegetical and Prot
grammatical of taking these words as a blessing addressed to the Father, Kennedy'*
that being unable to adopt the reference to Christ, he considers that they interpret*-
occur here as a strong assertion of the Divine unity introduced at this lion.
place in order to conciliate the Tews : ' He who is over all is God blessed
for erer.' It is difficult to find anything in the context to support this
opinion, St. Paul's object is hardly to conciliate unbelieving Tews, but to
solve the difficulties of believers, nor does anything occur in either the
previous or the following verses which might be supposed to make an
assertion of the unity of God either necessary or apposite. The inter-
pretation fails by ascribing too great subtlety to the Apostle.
Unless then Pauline usage makes it absolutely impossible to refer the Pauline
expressions e*Jt and M wnw to Christ, or to address to Him such usage.
a doxology and make use in this connexion of the decidedly strong word (i) e«/t.
«6Ao-yi}r4f, the balance of probability is in favour of referring the ptMlft
to Him. \Vhat then is the usage of St. Paul? The question has been
somewhat obscured on both sides by the attempt to prove that St. Paul
could or could not have used these terms of Christ, i. e. by making the
difficulty theological and not lingu ! .ml always looks upon Christ
as being although subordinate to the Father at the head of all creation
(i Cor. xi. 3 ; xv. 38 ; Phil. ii. 5-1 1 ; Col. i. H-ao), and this would quite
justify the use of the expression 4*1 vrfrrwr of Htm. So also if St. Paul can
speak of Christ as «J«ir roO e«ov (a Cor. iv. 4 ; Col. i. 15). as I* iiof+v e«ov
iwapx**, and Too e«$ (Phil. ii. 6 , he ascribes to Him no lesser dignity
than would be implied by e«ot as predicate. The question rather is this :
was e«4t so definitely used of the 'Father* as a proper name that it could
not be used of the Son, and that its use in this passage as definitely points to
i ither as would the word van}/> if it were substituted? The most
significant passage referred to is i Cor. xii. 4-6, where it is asserted that e«of
is as much a proper name as *vp<of or TMV/MI and is used in marked distinc-
to «v/xof. But this passage surely suggests the answer. Ki>ot is
clearly used as a proper name of the Son, but that does not prevent St. Paul
elsewhere speaking of the Father as Kvpot, certainly in quotations from the
O.T. and probably elsewhere (i Cor. iiL 5), nor of Xp<rrwt as **«£/*»
(a Cor. iii. 16). The history of the word appears to be this. To one
brought up as a Jew it would be natural to use it of the Father alone, and
hence complete divine prerogatives would be ascribed to the Son somewhat
earlier than the word itself was used. But where the honour was given the
word used predicate vely would soon follow. It was habitual at the beginning
of the second century as in the Ignatian letters, it is undoubted in St. John
where the Evangelist is writing in his own name, it probably occurs
Acts xx. 28 and perhaps Titus it. 1 4. It must be admitted that we should not
expect it in so early an Epistle as the Romans; but there is no impossibility
either in the word or the ideas expressed by the word occurring so early.
So again with regard to doxologies and the use of the term «6*orP'«k. (>> r*o*°*
The distinction between .wAovjrot and tv\ow?**<" "Men it is attempted to logies ad-
make cannot be sustained : and to ascribe a doxology to the Son would be dressed to
a practical result of His admittedly divine nature which would gradually Christ.
show itself in language. At first the early Jewish usage would be adhered
to ; gradually as the dignity of the Messiah became realized, a change would
take place in the use of words. Hence we find doxologies appearing
definitely in later books of the N.T., probably in a Tim. iv. 18, certainly in
238 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 0 13.
Rev. r. 13 and 3 i Again we can uteri that we should not expect
to early an Eplttle as the Romans, but, as Dr. Liddoo poir
a The**, i :t as doe* 5-8; and there is no reason
why language should not at this time be beginning to adapt itself to theo-
logical idemTalready formed.
r -••- Throughout there has been no argument which we hare felt to be quite
* ... conclusive, bat the re»uh of our investigations into the grammar
sentence and the drift of the argument is to incline as to the belief that the
words would naturally refer to Christ, unless «««* is so definitely a proper
name that it would imply a contrast in itself. \Vc have seen that that is not
so. Even if St. Paul did not elsewhere use the word of the Chris
certainly was so used at a not much later period. St. Paul's phraseology is
never fixed ; he had no dogmatic reason against so using it. In these i
stances with some slight, but only slight, hesitation we adopt the first alteraa-
nd translate ' Of whom is the Christ as concerning the flesh, who is
over all, God blessed for ever. Amen.'
THE REJECTION OP ISRAEL NOT INCONSISTENT
WITH THE DIVINE PROMISES.
IX. 6 13. For it is indeed tntf. \Vith all these privileges
Israel is yet excluded ji promises.
Now in the first place does this imply, as has been H
that the promises of God ha ' rokcn f By ;
The Scriptures show clearly that / :\- not
enough. The children of Jshmael and the children of Esau>
ilike descendants of Abraham to whom the P)
en rejected. There is then no bn\:
-.'w/Vr, if Cod rejects some Israelites as He has
rejected them.
•Yet in spile of these privileges Israel is rejected. Now it
has been argued : ' If this be so, then the Divine word has :
God made a definite promise to Israel. If Israel is rejected,
that promise is broken.' An examination of the conditions of
the promise show that this is not so. It was never intended
that all the descendants of Jacob should be ; a the Israel
of privilege, Tno more in fact than that all were to share the
full rights of sons of Abraham because
Two instances will prove was not the Divine intention.
Take first the words used to Abraham in Gen. xxi. 12 when he
i lagar and her > la Isaac shall thy seed be c
These words show that altho \o sons of
Abraham, one only, Isaac, was selected to be the heir, through
IX. 6.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 239
whom the promise was to be inherited. 'And the general conclu-
sion follows : the right of being ' sons of God/ i. c. of sharing that
adoption of which we spoke above as one of the privileges of Israel,
does not depend on the mere accident of human birth, but those
born to inherit the promise are reckoned by God as the descendants
to whom His words apply. * The salient feature is in fact the pro-
mise, and not the birth ; as is shown by the words used when the
promise was given at the oak of Mamre (Gen. xviii. 10) 'At this
time next year will I come and Sarah shall have a son.' The
promise was given before the child was born or even conceived,
and the child was born because of the promise, not the promise
given because the child was born.
10 A second instance shows this still more clearly. It might be
argued in the last case that the two were not of equal parentage:
Ishmael was the son of a female slave, and not of a lawful wife :
in the second case there is no such defect. The two sons of
Isaac and Rebecca had the same father and the same mother:
moreover they were twins, born at the same time. " The object
was to exhibit the perfectly free character of the Divine action,
that purpose of God in the world which works on a principle of
selection not dependent on any form of human merit or any con-
vention of human birth, but simply on the Divine will as revealed
in the Divine call ; and so before they were born, before they had
done anything good or evil, a selection was made between the two
sons. "From Gen. xxv. 23 we learn that it was foretold to
Rebecca that two nations, two peoples were in her womb, and that
the elder should serve the younger. God's action is independent
of human birth ; it is not the elder but the younger that is selected.
13 And the prophecy has been fulfilled. Subsequent history may
be summed up in the words of Ma lac hi (i. 2, 3) 'Jacob have
I loved, and Esau have I hated.'
6. The Apostle, after conciliating his readers by a short preface,
now passes to the discussion of his theme. He has never definitely
stated it, but it can be inferred from what he has said. The con-
nexion in thought implied by the word W is rather that of passing
to a new stage in the argument, than of sharply defined opposition
to what has preceded. Yet there is some contrast : he sighs over
the fall, yet that fall is not so absolute as to imply a break in God's
purpose.
240 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 6, 7.
ovx ocor Won:' the case is not as though/ ' This grief of
:or my fellow countrymen is not to be understood as mean-
ing.' Lipsius. The phrase is unique: it must clearly not be
interpreted as if it were oix d',. - not possible that ' : for the
r« is very rarely omitted, and the construction in this case is
i the infinitive, nor does St. Paul want to state
i possible should have happened, but what has not happened.
The common cllijr- .ifibrds the best analogy, and the
phrase may be supposed to represent ov rmovro* & tan *,l
,6.)
{•wftrTuMr : ' fallen from its place/ i.e. perished and become of no
effect. So i Cor. xiii. 8 i 070*17 ot&W* «Wrtrr«« (TR) ; I
6 X6Yo* TOO 6co«i: 'the Word of God/ in the sense of 'the
declared purpose of God/ whether a promise or a threat or a de-
cree looked at from the point of view of the Divine «.
This is the only place in the N. T. where the phrase occurs
in this sense; elsewhere it is used by St. Paul (2 Cor. .
iv. a ; a Tim. ii. 9 ; TiL ii. 5), in Heb. xiii. 7, in Apoc.
xx. 4, and especially by St. Luke in the Acts (t es) to
mean ' the Gospel' as preached ; once (in Mark vii. 13), it seems
to mean the O. T. Scriptures ; here it represents the O. T. phrase
6 Xoyof roO KV/N'OV : cf. Is. XXXI. 2 «al 6 Xuyot avrov (1. e. rot) Kvptov) ot>
ol it 'lapa^X : the offspring of Israel according to the flesh, the
viol 'ltrpai\ Of Vci
ovroi 'laparjX. Israel in the spiritual sense (cf. vcr. 4 on 'la/xi^Xirai
which is read here also by D E F G, Vulg., being a gloss to bring
out the meaning), the 'fopoqX roO e«oO of Gal. vi. 16, intended for
the reception of the Divine promise. But St. Paul does not
here to distinguish a spiritual Israel (i.e. the Christian Church)
from the fleshly Israel, but to state that the promises made to Israel
might be fulfilled even if some of his descendants were shut out
from them. What he states is that not all the physical descendants
of Jacob are necessarily inheritors of the Divine promises implied
in the sacred name Israel. This statement, which is the ground
on which he contests the idea that God's word has failed, 1.
now to pr
7. ooo' on. The grammatical connexion of this passage
the preceding is that of an additional argument ; the logical con-
nexion is that of a proof of the statement just made. St. Paul
could give scriptural proof, in the case of descent from Abraham,
of what be had asserted in the case of descent from Jacob, an
establish his fundamental principle — that inheritance of the pro-
mises is not the necessary result of Israelitah des
oWpfia 'A^padfi i <nr«'pjui is used in this verse, f
natural seed or descent, then of seed according to the promise.
IX. 7.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 241
Both senses occur together in Gen. x.v and both are
found elsewhere in the N. T., Gal. iii. 39 «? & iiult XptoroC, Spa rov
'A#xia/i <rir«>pa «W< : Rom. xi. I «>*»... «Vr oWp/uror *A$Mop. The
nominative to the whole sentence is vd»m ol «'£ 'lapo^X. 'The
descendants of Israel have not all of them the legal rights of in-
heritance from Abraham because they are his offspring by natural
desc-
dXV. Instead of the sentence being continued in the same form
as it began in the first clause, a quotation is introduced which com-
pletes it in sense but not in grammar: cf. Gal. iii. 11, 12; i Cor.
xv. 37.
iv 'lead* K\Ti6rj<7«Tcu aot <nr«ppa: 'in (i.e. through) Isaac will
those who are to be your true descendants and representatives
be reckoned.' •» (as in Col. i. 16 «V oury «cn'<r&7 TO vorra) im-
plies that Isaac is the starting-point, place of origin of the
: dants, and therefore the agent through whom the descent
takes place ; so Matt. ix. 34 •» T$ uPXom r£v &upoyt*>r : i Cor. vi. 3.
anipfta (cf. Gen. Xli. 7 T$ <nr«p/i<m <rou &W«» nj*» yi> : Gen. XV. 5 ovr*<
«<TT<H Ti> <nr«>Ma <rov) is used collectively to express the whole number
of descendants, not merely the single son Isaac. The passage
means that the sons of Israel did not inherit the promise made to
Abraham because they were his offspring — there were some who
were his offspring who had not inherited them ; but they did so be-
cause they were descendants of that one among his sons through
whom it had been specially said that his true descendants should
be counted.
The quotation is taken from the LXX of Gen. xxi. i 3, which
it reproduces exactly. It also correctly reproduces both the lan-
guage and meaning of the original Hebrew. The same passage
is quoted in Heb. xi. 18.
The opinion expressed in this verse is of course exactly opposite
to the current opinion — that their descent bound Israel to God
indissoluble bond See the discussion at the end of this
section.
' reckoned/ ' considered/ ' counted as the true
not as in ver. H, and as it is sometimes taken here,
4 called/ ' summoned ' (see below).
The nses of the word «oA<'« are derived from two main significations,
(i) to 'call,* 'summon,' (a) to 'summon by name/ hence 'to name.' It
may mean (i) to 'call aloud' Heb. iii. 13,10 'summon/ to 'summon to
a banquet ' (in these senses also in the LXX), so i Cor. x. 27 ; Matt. nit. 3 ;
from these is derived the technical sense of 'calling to the kingdom.'
This exact usage is hardly found in the LXX, but Is. xlii. 6 (ty*
A *4f i*dA«<ro <
Jr fercumrvrp), Is. li. 2 (6ri tit
raj «vAur7*a afovr «aJ faivipra atrdr mi JvAipvra avr«Jr) approach it In
this sense it is confined to the epistles of St. Paul with Hebrews and St. Peter,
the word hardly occurring at ail in St. John and not in this sense elsewhere
242 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 7-9.
(althoogh cXirrJf is to used Matt The fall construe •
r«ra tit n, I The*, ii. 13 rov «aAo£rrot t-^at m r^r Javrov 0aoi\<i<a> mi
Ufar: but the word was early used absolutely, and so A «Air of God (so
Rom 14). The technical use of the term comes out
most strongly in I Cor. vii and in the derived words (see on cAirrlf
Rom. a) In the second group of meanings the ordinary con-
struction is with a double accusative, Acts xiv. la taiAovr T« rdr Ba^^ov
Aia (so Kom. ix. 35, and constantly in I XX), or with to^an, ,
Mt*rt as Luke i. 59, 61, although the Ilct-raion <oA/<rov<ri TO foyM ovrow
*^paM»»;X (Matt. i. 33) occurs. But to 'call by name' has associations
derived on the one tide from the idea of calling over, reckoning, accounting;
hence such phrases as Rom. ix. 7 (from Gen x . and on the other
from the idea of affection suggested 1 <>f calling by name, so
Rom. ix. 36 (from LXX Hos. ii. I [L 10]). These d< i of the word
occur independently both in Greek, where «<«Xf?>«u may be used to mean
little more than • to be,' and in Hebrew. The two main meanings can always
be distinguished, but probably in the use of the word each has influenced
the other; when God is said to be • He that calls us' the primary idea is
clearly that of invitation, but the secondary idea of 'calling by na
of expressing affection, gives a warmer colouring to the idea suggested.
8. TOUT* «<mr. From this instance we may deduce a general
principle.
Td W«ra -rift ffopcof : libtri guos corporis vis gemurit. Fri.
Wicra TOO etou : bound to God by all those ties which have been
the privilege and characteristic of the chosen race.
ri T/ara TTJ? iwoyyeXio?: liberiqvos Dfipromissum procreaTi't. Fri.
Cf. Gal. iv. 23 oXX* 6 M** «'* r*)( irm&<r*1t «ora rrdpKa yrycvrt^rai, 6 & ««
r^r c'XrvArpat «•* /jroyytXiat : 28 V*** *•'. o^t\<f>oit «arA *Ia<w« ctrcryycXior
All these expressions (r«»a roC 0«oO, T«Vra rJjt <troyy«X«af) arc
used elsewhere of Christians, bu not their meaning in this
passage. St. Paul is concerned in c to prove n<
any besides those of Jewish descent might inherit the promises, but
merely that not all of Jewish descent necessarily and for tb
reason must enjoy all the privileges of that descent. Physical con-
nexion with the Jewish stock was not in itself a ground for inherit-
ing the promise. That was the privilege of thos-
the promise was first spoken, and who might be considered to 1
of the promise. This principle is capable of a far more ui
application, an application which is made in the Epistle to the
\. 28, &c.), but is not made here.
0. iwoypXiat must be the predicate of the sentence t!
forward in order to give emphasis and to show where the
it lies. 'This word is one of \
you refer to the passage of Scripture you v.
the child of promif* !>orn MTQ <rdp«a; his birth therefore
depends upon the promise \\hich was in fact the efficient cause of
it, and not the Ami hence is deduced
a general law : a mere connexion with the Jewish race «rra
IX. 0-1L] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 243
does not necessarily imply a share in the /royy«X&i, for it did not
according to the original conditions.
•card TOK Kcupor rouTOf IXco'aofiat, KCU form rf Xetpp? uWf. St. Paul
Combines Gen. XVlii. IO (LXX) inai*nrrpt<p<at> fa irp6t oi «ori ri*
roGrw «ir &par, cat «£«» IMO* Zappa 7 yvrq <rov: and 14 (LXX)
tit TOV xatpinf TOVTOV oVaorptyo* irpic a« «lr &par, «al furai TIJ Zappa i-Zot.
The Greek text is a somewhat free translation of the Hebrew, but
St Paul's deductions from the passage are quite in harmony with
both its words and its spirit.
•card TDK Kcupoy rot/Tor is shown clearly by the passage in Genesis
to mean 4 at this time in the following year/ i. e. when a year is
accomplished ; but the words have little significance for St Paul :
they are merely a reminiscence of the passage he is quoting,
and in the shortened form in which he gives them, the meaning,
without reference to the original passage, is hardly clear.
10. oo fioW W : see on v. 3, introducing an additional or even
stronger proof or example. 'You may find some flaw in the
previous argument; after all Ishmacl was not a fully legitimate
child like Isaac, and it was for this reason (you may say) that the
sons of Ishmacl were not received within the covenant ; the in-
stance that I am now going to quote has no defect of this sort,
and it will prove the principle that has been laid down still more
clearly.'
dXXd KCU 'Pep/KKd, R.T.X. : the sentence beginning with these words
is never finished grammatically ; it is interrupted by the parenthesis
in ver. 1 1 p^trw yap ytwiflivrv* . . . jcaXoOrror , and then continued
with the construction changed ; cf. v. 12, 18; i Tim. i. 3.
it *KOS are added to emphasize the exactly similar birth of the
two sons. The mother's name proves that they have one mother,
these words show that the father too was the same. There are
none of the defective conditions which might be found in the case of
Isaac and Ishmacl. Cf. Chrys. ad he. (Horn, in Rom. xvi. p. 610)
9 yap 'PcSorra cat fi6vrj ry 'lotiac yryot* yvvrj, col dvo r«cowra flraioat, /«
roO 'icraajt «r«K«r dptporff'povf* aXX opwf oi rfx&'rrrf roO avrov irarpoc
orrc c, rjjt aut^f prjTpot, ras avrdr \vaarrtt ciAIwf , icai 6fMnrarptot orr»t *ai
ApopflTptoi, *ai irpoc rovroit KOI didt'/int, ov rin> nurir air^XaMray.
KoiTTjK exooao : ' having conceived ' ; cf. FrL ad loc.
TOO irarpos ^(IMT : ' the ancestor of the Jewish race.' St. Paul is
here identifying himself with the Jews, ' his kinsmen according to
the flesh/ The passage has no reference to the composition of the
Roman community.
11. p^ww yo>. K.T.X. In this verse a new thought is introduced,
connected with but not absolutely necessary for the subject under
discussion. The argument would be quite complete without it
St. Paul has only to prove that to be of Jewish descent did not in
itself imply a right to inherit the promise. That Esau was re*
R a
ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [IX. 11.
jcctcd and Jacob chosen is quite sufficient to establish this. But
the instance suggests another point which was in the Apostle's
and the change in construction shows that a new din
:icr another side of the question — the relation of these events
to the Divine purpose — has come forward. It is because he *
to bring in this point that be breaks off the previous sentence.
ydp then, as so often, refers to something latent in the Apostle's
mind, which leads him to introduce his new point, and is explained
by the sentence l*a . . . j*«»0, lent shows also the
absolute freedom of the Divine election and purpose, for :
before the children were bora that the choice was made and de-
clared/
fiijTTw . . . pj&« : ' although they were not yet born nor had done
anything good or evil.' The subjective negative shows that the
note of time is introduced not merely as an historical fact but as
one of the conditions which must be presumed in estimati:
significance of the event. The story is so well known th
Apostle is able to put first without explanation the facts
show the point as he conceives it.
fro . . . |Urj). What is really the underlying principle of the
action is expressed as if it were its logical purpose; for S
represents the events as taking place in the way they did in order
to ill;. perfect freedom of the Divine purpose.
Vj war' frXoyV vp66cai< TOU 6<oo : 'the 1'
has worked on ;;»le of selection.' These words are the
key to chaps, ix >olution of the problem before
.!. irpo&crtc is a technical Pauline term occ
not frequently in the three later groups of Epistles: Ro:
i 3, II «V atry, «V Y cat iduifMnuv, npoop>
wp66nru> TOU TO irdrra frf/yyovfrof aara T^V /SovXqr TOW tf«Ar..
ii cara np60ioiv r«v alw*»v 9p /roiijatv «V TO*
2 Tim. i. 9 TOV eWayrot fjftas cai caAcVairof «Xij<r«t «tyia.
«>ya 9M«r. a'XXa nor I'diciv *pd&0i» cat !) also is found
once in the same sense, Eph. i. 9 «nra r^ «t«o«i ; . wpo-
jfao rf» avry. From Ari> irds «p66<au had been used to
express purpose ; with St. 1 Divine purpose of God for
the salvation of mankind/ the ' purpose of the ages ' determined in
the Divine mind before i: •
appar. sscd elsewhere in the N. T. by fa
.
ii nice of the word wp&ait in thi"
seems to be quoted. The com \l>ostk
with greater force and original
he needs
note on St. Paul's Philosophy of
presses an essential! a (see below) >elf a new
IX. 11, 12.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 245
word, the only instances quoted in Jewish literature earlier than
this Epistle being from the Psalms of Solomon, which often show
an approach to Christian theological language. It means (i)
4 the process of choice/ * election.' Pt. Sol. xviii. 6 Kofeplcnu 6 e«fe
'itrpoqX tit fjpipa* A«ov iv ti\nyio, tit tjnt'pa* «VA«ytjc «» d»a£ii Xpurrov
a^ToC; ix. 7; Jos. B.J. II. viii. 14; Acts ix. 15; Rom. xi. 5, 28;
i Thess. i. 4 ; a Pet. i. 10. In this sense it may be used of man's
election of his own lot (as in Josephus and perhaps in Pt. So/.
ix. 7), but in the N.T. it is always used of God's election, (a) As
abstract for concrete it means ArX«*ro<'t those who are chosen,
Rom. xi. 7. (3) In Aquila Is. xxii. 7 ; Symmachus and Theodo-
tion, Is. xxxvii. 24, it means 'the choicest,' being apparently em-
ployed to represent the Hebrew idiom.
fU»TI : the opposite to tx*nrrtut*v (ver. 6) : the subjunctive shows
that the principles which acted then are still in force.
OUR it cpyw? dXX* CK TOU KoAoGrrof. These words qualify the
whole sentence and are added to make more clear the absolute
character of God's free choice.
We must notice ( i ) that St. Paul never here says anything about
the principle on which the call is made ; all he says is that it is not
the result of fpya. We have no right either with Chrysostom
(tva </>«*'} <t>*]<T\ mil Gf oG fj iK\ayrj fj KOTO npufatnv *a* irpo^yvwair yivofttvri)
to read into the passage foreknowledge or to deduce from the
passage an argument against Divine foreknowledge. The words
are simply.directed against the assumption of human merit. And
(a) nothing is said in this passage about anything except ' election '
tiling' to the kingdom. The gloss of Calvin dum altos ad
saluUm praedestinat) altos ad aeternam damnationem is nowhere
implied in the text.
So Gore (Studt'a Biblica, iii. p. 44) «The absolute election of
Jacob,— the "loving" of Jacob and the "haling" of Esau,— has
reference simply to the election of one to higher privileges as head
of the chosen race, than the other. It has nothing to do with their
eternal salvation. In the original to which St. Paul is referring,
Esau is simply a synonym for Edom.'
+avAov is the reading of the RV. and modem editors with K A B, a few
minuscules, and Orig. KHK&V which occurs in TR. with D F G K L etc. and
Fathers after Chrysostom was early substituted for the less usual word.
A similar change has been made in a Cor. v. 10.
For the wp6fc<n« TOV B«ow of the RV. the TR. reads rov e«ow vpoOiett with
the support of only a few minuscules.
12. 6 pcilur K.T.X. The quotation is made accurately from the
I.. XX of Gen. XXV. 23 *m «&rc Kv/xor avrfj Auo fAn? «V 177 ywrrpi <rov
flaw, rni fluo Xaol in rrjt cotXinc <row diaorciX^<rorrat* cat Xoit XooG vnipi^t^
«ai 6 ptifa* dovX«Mr«i r^ <Xd<r<roM (cf. Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek,
p. 163). God's election or rejection of the founder of the race is
246 -E ROMA [IX I'J.
part of the process by which He elects or rejects the race. In
ihe choice has been made independently of merits either
of work or of ancestry. Both were of exactly the same descei
the choice was made before either was born.
6 jici'lwr ... T$ Adaoon : ' the elder,' ' the younger.'
use of the words seems to be a Hebraism ; sec Gen. x. 2 1
S.7M t'yvto . . . cifcX^j 'Ia<M ™> jm'Cw : ib. Xlix. 1 6 fopa TV, fuifo^t
• ai oyofia TV Kvri'pa 'Pa^A. But the dictionaries quote in
support of the use Z«urt«r 6 piyas Pol. XVIII. xviii. 9.
instances quoted of pixpfe (Mk. xv. 40; . 6, 10. i :
are all equally capable of being explained of stati
13. it* 'loufcp ^yawTjaa, r&r &« 'Haao rfju«n)aa. St. Paul con-
cludes his argument by a second quotation taken freely from the
LXX of Mai. i. a, 3 out a&X0oc fr 'Hvav rot 'Iojti/3 ;
.t is the exact object with \\hich these words are introduced?
(i) The greater number of commentators (s«
consider that they simply give the explanation of God's c«
' God chose the younger brother and rejected the elder not from
any merit on the part of the one or the other, but simply because
He loved the one and hated the other.' The aorists then refer to
the time before the birth of the two sons ; there is no reference to
the peoples descended from either of them, and S repre-
sented as vindicating the independence of the Divine ch<
relation to the two sons of Isaac.
(2) This explanation has the merit of prob-
ably too simple, (i) In the first place, it is quite clear that St.
Paul throughout has in his mind in each case the dcs
well as the ancestors, the people who are chosen cd as
well as the fathers through whom the choice is made (cf. •.
In fact this is necessary for his argument. He has to j
dealing, not with individuals, but with the great mass of Jews who
have been rejected, (ii) Again, if we turn to the original contexts
of the two quotations in w. 12, 13 there can be no doubt
both cases there is reference not merely to the children but to their
descendants. Gen. xxv. 2.; .ire in thy womb, and two
peoples shall be separated even from thy IxnuN;' M.il. i. 3 'But
Esau I hated, and made his mountains a desolation, and gave his
heritage to the jackals of the wild A 'hcrcas Edom saith/
There is nothit il's method of quotation which could
: him from using the words in a sense son ferent
from the original ; but when the original passage in both cases is
really more in accordance with his method and argumen*
more reasonable to believe that he is not : the sense.
LI will become more apparent later ^ argument is to
that throughout Gods action there is running a 'purpose
IX. 13.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 247
according to election.' He does not therefore wish to say that it
is merely God's love or hate that has guided H mi.
Hence it is better to refer the words, either directly or in-
y, to the choice of the nation as well as the choice of the
founder (so Go. Gif. Liddon). But a further question still remains
as to the use of the aorisu We may with most commentators
still refer it to the original time when the choice was made:
when the founders of the nations were in the womb, God chose
one nation and rejected another because of his love and hatred.
But it is really better to take the whole passage as corroborating the
previous verse by an appeal to history. • God said the elder shall
serve the younger, and, as the Prophet has shown, the whole of sub-
sequent history has been an illustration of this. Jacob God has
selected for His love ; Esau He has hated : He has given his moun-
tains for a desolation and his heritage to the jackals.'
^yaTTTjaa . . . J|u<rrjva. There is no need to soften these words
as some have attempted, translating * loved more ' and ' loved leu.'
They simply express what had been as a matter of fact and was
always looked upon by the Jews as God's attitude towards the two
nations-. So Thanchuma, p. 32. a (quoted by Wetstein, ii. 438) Tu
s omnes transgressions, quas odit Dtus S. B.fuisse in Esavo.
How very telling would be the reference to Esau and tdom an acquaint-
ance with Jewish contemporary literature will show. Although in Dent xxiii. 7
it was said ' Thou shall not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother,' later
events had obliterated this feeling of kinship ; or perhaps rather the feeling of
relationship had exasperated the bitterness which the hostility of the two
nations had aroused. At any rate the history is one of continuous hatred on
both sides. So in Ps. cxxxvii. 7 and in the Greek Esdras the burning of the
temple is ascribed to the Edomites (see also Obadiah and Jer. xlix. 7- a a).
Two extracts from Apocryphal works will exhibit this hatred most clearly.
In Enoch Ixxxix. H-ia (p. 233, ed. Charles) the patriarchal history is
symbolized by different animals: ' But that white bull .Abraham which was
bcrn amongst them begat a wild ass (Ishmacl) and a white bull with it
(Isaac), and the wild ass multiplied. But that bull which was bora from
him begat a black wild boar (Esau) and a white sheep (Jacobs ; and that
wild boar begat many boars, but that sheep begat twelve sheep.' Here
Esau is represented by the most detested of animals, the pig. So in
Jubiltft xxxrii. aa sq. (trans. Charles) the following speech is characteristi-
cally put into the month of Esau : • And thon too (Jacob) dost hate me and
my children for ever, and there is no observing the tie of brotherhood with
thee. Hear these words which I declare unto thee : if the boar can change
its skin and make its bristles as soft as wool : or if it can cause horns to
sprout forth on its head like the horns of a stag or of a sheep, then I will
observe the tie of brotherhood with thee, for since the twin male offspring
were separated from their mother, thou hast not shown thyself a brother to
me. And if the wolves make peace with the lambs so as not to devour or
rob them, and if their hearts turn towards them to do good, then there will
be peace in my heart towards tbee. And if the lion becomes the friend of
the ox, and if he is bound under one yoke with him and ploughs with htm
and makes peace with him, then I will make peace with thee. And when
the raven becomes white as the raza (a large white bird), then I know that
: ;S ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 6
I shall love thee and make peace with thee. Thou shah be rooted out and
thy son shall be rooted oat and there shall be no peace for thee.' (See also
aoarath. New TtttamvU Timu. vol. i. pp. 67, 68,
Eng. Trant)
Divine Election.
SL Paul has set himself to prove that there was nothing in the
promise made to Abraham i God had ' pledged Himself to
Israel ' (Gore, Studia Biblica, iii. 40), and bound Himself to allow all
those who were Abraham's descendants to inherit these promises. He
proves this by showing that in two cases, as was recognised by the
Jews themselves, actual descendants from Abraham had tx
eluded. Hence he deduces the general principle, • There was from
the first an element of inscrutable selectiveness in God's di
within the race of Abraham ' (Gore, ft.). The inheritance of the
promise is for those whom God chooses, and is not a necessary
ge of natural descent The second point which he raises,
that this choice is independent of human merit, he works out
further in the following verses.
On the main argument it is sufficient at present to notice that it
was primarily an argumentum ad homintm and as such was abso-
lutely conclusive against those to whom it was addressed. The
Jews prided themselves on being a chosen race ; they prided them-
selves especially on having been chosen while the Ishmaelit
the Edomitcs (whom they hated) had been rejected. S:
•'.•3 the principle on which the one race was chosen and the
other rejected, and shows that the very same principles would
perfectly justify God's action in further dealing with it God
choose some of them and reject others, just as he had oii,
chosen them and not the other descendants of Abr.
That this idea of the Divine Election was one of the most funda-
mental in the O. T. needs no illustration. We find it in the
(uch, as Deut. vii. 6 'For thou art an holy people unto the
Lord, thy God: the Lord, thy God, hath chosen thee to be a
peculiar people unto himself above all peoples that are on the tace
in the Psalms, as Ps. cxxxv. 4 ' For the Lord hath
chosen Jacob unto himself, and Israel for his peculiar treasure ': in
the Prophets, as Is. xli. 8, thou Israel, my ser
whom I have chosen, the seed of Abraham my friend ; thou
I have taken hold of from the ends of the earth and called thee
he corners thereof, and said unto thee, Thou
I have chosen thee and not cast thee away.' A
Israel being the elect people of God is one of those i
veized and grasped most tenaciously by -
thought. But between the conception as held by St. Paul's con-
IX. 6-13.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 249
temporaries and the O. T. there were striking differences. In the
O. T. it is always looked upon as an act of condescension and love
of God for Israel, it is for this reason that He redeemed them from
bondage, and purified them from sin (Deut. vii. 8; x. 15; Is. xliv.
) ; although the Covenant is specified it is one which involves
obligations on Israel (Deut vii. 9, Ac.): and the thought again and
again recurs that Israel has thus been chosen not merely for their
own sake but as an instrument in the hand of God, and not merely
to exhibit the Divine power, but also for the benefit of other nations
(Gen. xii. 3 ; Is. Ixvi. 18, &c.). But among the Rabbis the idea of
Election has lost all its higher side. It is looked on as a covenant
by which God is bound and over which He seems to have no control.
Israel and God are bound in an indissoluble marriage (Slumolh
rabba 1. 51) : the holiness of Israel can never be done away with,
even although Israel sin, it still remains Israel (Sanhtdrin 55) : the
worst Israelite is not profane like the heathen (Bammidbar rabba 1 7):
no Israelite can go into Gehenna (Ptsikla 38 a) : all Israelites have
their portion in the world to come (Sanhfdnn i), and much more
to the same effect. (See Weber Altsyn. ThtoL p. 51, &c., to whom
are due most of the above references.*)
And this belief was shared by St Paul's contemporaries. ' The
planting of them is rooted for ever : they shall not be plucked out
all the days of the heaven : for the portion of the Lord and the
inheritance of God is Israel* (Ps. So/, xiv. 3); 'Blessed art thou of
the Lord, O Israel, for evermore' (ib. viii. 41) ; • Thou didst choose
the seed of Abraham before all the nations, and didst set thy name
before us, O Lord : and thou wilt abide among us for ever (ib. ix.
1 7, 1 8). While Israel is always to enjoy the Divine mercy, sinners,
i.e. Gentiles, are to be destroyed before the face of the Lord
(ib. xii. 7, 8). So again in 4 Ezra, they have been selected while
Esau has been rejected (iii. 16). And this has not been done as part
of any larger Divine purpose ; Israel is the end of the Divine action ;
for Israel the world was created (vi 55) ; it does not in any way
exist for the benefit of other nations, who are of no account ; they
are as spittle, as the dropping from a vessel (vi. 55, 56). More
instances might be quoted (Jubilees xix. 16 ; xxii. 9 ; Apoc. Baruch
xhiii. 20, 23; Ixxvii. 3), but the above are enough to illustrate the
position St. Paul is combating. The Jew believed that his race
was joined to God by a covenant which nothing could dissolve,
and that he and his people alone were the centre of all God's
action in the creation and government of the world.
This idea St. Paul combats. But it is important to notice how
the whole of the O. T. conception is retained by him, but
broadened and illuminated Educated as a Pharisee, he had
held the doctrine of election with the utmost tenacity. He had
believed that his own nation had been chosen from among all the
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 14-20.
kingdoms of the earth. He still holds the doctrine, but the
Christian revelation has given a meaning to what had been a nar-
row privilege, and might seem an arbitrary choi -. tew is
now widened. The world, n< : is the final end of God's
action. This is the key to the explanation of the great difficulty
the rejection of Israel. Already in the words that he has used
above 9 «ar* «*Xayq> trpoftatr he has shown the pr.
is working out The mystery which had been hidden from the
ion of the world has been revealed (Rom. xvi. 26).
«Xoyi7, but it is now realized i: the result
of a ir/xJ&<m, a universal Divine puqxxsc which had worked through
the ages on tht principle of election, which was now beginning to
be revealed and understood, and which St. Paul will cxpla
ate in the chapters that follow (cf. Eph. i. 4, 1 1 ; iii. 1 1).
-hall follow St. Paul in his argument as he gradi:
it out. Meanwhile it is convenient to remember the exact point he
has reached. He has shown that God has not been untrue to any
promise in making a selection from among the Israel of I.
lie is only acting on the principle He followed in sc
the Israelites and rejecting the Edomites and Ishmaelites. By the
introduction of the phrase ij far «'«Aoy^r npttoms St. Paul has also
suggested the lines on which his argument will proceed.
THE REJECTION OP ISRAEL NOT INCONSISTENT
WITH THE DIVINE JUSTICE.
IX. 14-20. But secondly it may be urged: ' Surely then
God is unjust' No, if you turn to the Scriptures you will
see that He has the right to confer His favours on whom He
will (as He did on Moses) or to withJiold them \
from Pharaoh) (w. 14-18).
If it is further urged. Why blame me if I like Pharaoh
reject Gods offer \ and thus fulfil His will1. I ;
your part not to cart! but to submit. The cr, ay not
complain against the Creator, any more than the
st the potter (vv. 19-21). Still less when Gcd's /
has been so benefit that to a body so mixed as this
tian Church of ours ', chosen not only from the Jews but
also from the C -) ;— as indeed was /
»9>
IX. 14-20] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 251
14 But there is a second objection which may be raised. ' If
what you say is true that God rejects one and accepts another
apart from either privilege of birth or human merit, is not His
conduct arbitrary and unjust?' What answer shall we make to
Surely there is no injustice with God. Heaven forbid that
I should say so. I am only laying down clearly the absolute character
of the Divine sovereignty. l§ The Scripture has shown us clearly
the principles of Divine action in two typical and opposed incidents:
that of Moses exhibiting the Divine grace, that of Pharaoh ex-
hibiting the Divine severity. Take the case of Moses. When he
demanded a sign of the Divine favour, the Lord said (Ex. xxxiii.
17-19) ' Thou hast found grace in my sight, and I know thee by
name ... I will make all my goodness pass before thee ; I will be
gracious to whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy on
whom I will show mercy.' w These words imply that grace comes
to man not because he is determined to attain it, not because he
exerts himself for it as an athlete in the races, but because he has
found favour in God's sight, and God shows mercy towards him :
they prove in fact the perfect spontaneousness of God's action.
17 So in the case of Pharaoh. The Scripture (in Ex. ix. 16) tells us
that at the time of the plagues of Egypt these words were ad-
dressed to him : ' I have given thee thy position and place, that
I may show forth in thee my power, and that my name might be
declared in all the earth.' u Those very Scriptures then to which
you Jews so often and so confidently appeal, show the absolute
character of God's dealings with men. Both the bestowal of mercy
'iir and the hardening of the human heart depend alike upon
the Divine will.
19 But this leads to a third objection. If man's destiny be
simply the result of God's purpose, if his hardness of heart is
a state which God Himself causes, why does God find fault ? His
will is being accomplished. There is no resistance being offered.
Obedience or disobedience is equally the result of His purpose.
'••Such questions should never be asked. Consider what is in-
volved in your position as man. A man's relation to God is such
that whatever God does the man has no right to complain or object
or reply. The Scriptures have again and again represented the
relation of God to man under the image of a potter and the
252 :STLE TO THE R« [IX. 20-20.
vessels that be makes. Can you conceive (to use the words of
the prophet Isaiah) the vessel saying to its maker : ' Why did you
make me thus?' fl The potter has complete control over the lump
of clay with which he works, he can make of it one vessel for an
honourable purpose, another for a dishonourable purpose. This
exactly expresses the relation of man to his Maker. God has
made man, made him from the dust of the earth. He has as
absolute control over His creature as the potter has. No man
before Him has any right, or can complain of injustice. He is
absolutely in Cod's hands. "This is God's sovereignty; even
if He had been arbitrary we could not complain. But what
becomes of your talk of injustice when you <
acted? Although a righteous God would desire to exhi!
Divine power and wrath in a world of sin; even thou1/
dealing with those who were fit objects of His wrath and had
become fitted for destruction ; yet He bore with them, full of long-
suffering for them, * and with the purpose of showing all the wealth
of His glory on those who are vessels deserving His mercy, whom
as we have already shown He has prepared even fro:
beginning, " a mercy all the greater when it is remembered that
we whom He has called for these privileges are chosen not only
from the Jews, but also from the Gentiles, Gentiles who
bound to Him by no covenant Surely then there has be
injustice but only mercy.
* And remember finally that this Divine plan of which you
complain is just what the prophets foretold. They prophesied the
calling of the Gentiles. Hosea (i. 10, and ii. 23) described how
those who were not within the covenant should be brought into it
and called by the very name of the Jews under the old Covenant,
'the people of God,' 'the beloved of the Lord/ 'the sons of the
living God/ "And this wherever throughout the whole world
they had been placed in the contemptuous po cing, as he
expressed it, 'no people/ r Equally do we find the rejection of
Israel — all but a remnant of it — foretold. Isaiah (x. 22) stated,
. though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand
of the seashore, yet it is only I shall be saved, "for
a sharp and dec .11 the Lord execute upon the earth.'
^Andsimi he had foretold the com-
IX. 14, 15.] THE UNBEUEF OF ISRAEL 253
plete destruction of Israel with the exception of a small remnant :
' Unless the Lord of Sabaoth had left us a seed, we should have
been as Sodom, and we should have been like unto Gomorrah.'
14-20. St. Paul now states for the purpose of refutation a
le objection. He has ju>t shown that God chooses men
independently of their works according to His own free determina-
tion, and the deduction is implied that He is free to choose or
reject members of the chosen race. The objection which may be
;f what you say is true, God is unjust,' and the argument
would probably be continued, ' we know God is not unjust, there-
fore the principles laid down are not true.' In answer^ St. Paul
shows that they cannot be unjust or inconsistent with God's action,
for they are exactly those which God has declared to be His in those
very Scriptures on which the Jews with whom St. Paul is arguing
would especially rely.
14. TI o3r JpoufMr; see on iii. 5, a very similar passage: «i &' 9
ddiKi'u f)n»* O«oi/ dutatovvmjv atw'trrijai, ri «poi>«y; pi) <i&«of 6 8«6r
o iirttfttptuf T)V &pyi» ; . . . pi) ytrotro. The expression is used as
always to introduce an objection which is stated only to be
refuted.
fill : implying that a negative answer may be expected, as in
the instance just quoted.
irapdrw 6cw. Cf. ii. II ov yap tori vpofftanaXipfria irapa ry 6«y :
Eph. vi. 9 ; Prov. viii. 30, of Wisdom dwelling with God, jw
nap airy app6fowra.
^ yfroiTo. Cf. iii. 4. The expression is generally used as here
to express St. Paul's horror at an objection ' which he has staled
for the purpose of refutation and which is blasphemous in itself or
one that his opponent would think to be such.
15-10. According to Origen, followed by many Fathers and
some few modern commentators, the section w. 15-19 contains
not St. Paul's own words, but a continuation of the objection put
into the mouth of his opponent, finally to be refuted by the
indignant disclaimer of ver. 20. Such a construction which was
adopted in the interest of free-will is quite contrary to the structure
of the sentence and of the argument. In every case in which M*
yivoiTo occurs it is followed by an answer to the objection direct or
indirect. Moreover if this had been the construction the inter-
rogative sentence would not have been introduced by the particle
M«i expecting a negative answer, but would have been in a form
which would suggest an affirmative reply.
15. TV Y*P M*KH) My". The W> explains and justifies the
strong denial contained in m y«*xTo. Too much stress must not
be laid on the emphasis given to the name by its position ; yet it is
obvious that the instance chosen adds considerably to the strength
:]4 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 15, 10.
of the argument. Moses, if any one, mipht be considered t.
deserved God's mercy, and the name of Moses would be that most
respected by St. Paul s opponents. X«y » without a nominative for
> a common idiom in quotations (cf. Rom. xv. 10;
s; v. 14).
Ad7<rw lv A* Acw. . • mercy on whomsoever
I ha\v The emphasis is on the i» «*, and the words are
quoted to mean that as it is God who has made the offer of salva-
tion to men, it is for Him to choose who are to be the recipients of
His grace, and not for man to dictate to Him. The quota
from the LXX of Ex. xxxiii. 19 v:
It is a fairly accurate translation of the original, there bein.
a slight change in the tenses. The Hebrew is ' I am grac:
whom I will be gracious/ the LXX ' I \u!l t>c gracious to whom-
soever I am gracious/ But St. Paul uses th th a some-
what different emphasis. Moses had said, ' Show me, I
thy glory/ And He said, ' I will make all my goodness pass before
thce, and will proclaim the name of the Lord before thec
I \\ill be gracious to whom I will be gracious, and will show :
on whom I will show mercy/ The point of the words in the
original context is rather the certainty of the Divine grace for those
whom God has selected ; the point <
is the independence and freedom of the Divine choice.
A«TJaw . . . oUrtip^ffw. The difference between these words
seems to be something the same as that between Xwnj and oii'yij in
vcr. 2. The first meaning 'compassion/ the second 'distress' or
'pain/ such as expresses itself in outward manifestation. (Cf.
Godet, adloc.)
16. apa OUK introduces as an inference from the special instance
given the general principle of God's me:
TotV fort*, . where the logical method in each case is the
same although the form of expression is different.
TOW OAorros, K.T.X. 'God's i in the power not of human
desire or human effort, but of the Divine compa^ The geni-
tives are dependent on the idea of mercy deduced from the r>r
verse. With ftXorror may be compared
/{ourunr Woo 8fov y«y«fr&u . . . ol OIK «'£ <«,'.. <ir«y, o£W «Vr AXiJ^oroi
myMuJf, o£M «« ftAtyjoror artpot, oXX' A e«oC •V^Ayvay. Th.
phor of TOO rp/xo^t -ourite one with St. Paul (i Cor. ix.
7).
. Paul might seem to !»•• •• ith f.imi!
s of people; here howe\ ^:th in-
iys down the principle that God s grace does not
necessarily depend upon but God's will. 'N<
1 have not reasons to do it, but that I need not, in distribu:
b which have no foundation in the merits of men, render
IX. 16,17.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL : ;, ',
any other reason or motive but mine own will, whereby I may do
what I will with mine own/ Hammond.
The MSS. vary curiously in the orthography of Jx»/«, Jx«<i«. In m. 16
K A B D E F G support JA«i« (4X«£rrot), B'K &c. Jx««o, (^•ovrrot) ; in
1 8 the position is reverted, Jx«fo (jA«a) having only DFC
favonr; in Jnde aa JA«i« (4x«ar«) is supported by KB alone. See \VH.
App. p. 166.
17. X«yei yip ^ ypa^ : 'and as an additional proof showing
that the principle just enunciated (in ver. 16) is true not merely in
an instance of God's mercy, but also of His severity, take the
language which the Scripture tells us was addressed to Pharaoh.'
On the form of quotation cf. Gal. iii. 8, 22 ; there was probably no
reason for the change of expression from ver. 15; both were well-
known forms used in quoting the O. T. and both could be used
indifferently.
T$ •apow. The selection of Moses suggested as a natural
contrast that of his antagonist Pharaoh. In God's dealings with
these two individuals, St. Paul finds examples of His dealings with
the two main classes of mankind.
cfc o6r& TOOTO, K.r.X. : taken with considerable variations, which in
some cases seem to approach the Hebrew, from the LXX of Ex. ix.
1 6 (see below). The quotation is taken from the words which Mose?
was directed to address to Pharaoh after the sixth plague, that of
boils. ' For now I had put forth my hand and smitten thee and
thy people with pestilence, and thou hadst been cut off from the
r.inh ; but in very deed for this cause have I made thee to stand,
for to show thee my power, and that my name may be declared
throughout all the earth.' The words in the original mean that
God has prevented Pharaoh from being slain by the boils in order
that He might more completely exhibit His power ; St. Paul by
slightly changing the language generalizes the statement and
applies the words to the whole appearance of Pharaoh in the field
of history. Just as the career of Moses exhibits the Divine mercy,
so the career of Pharaoh exhibits the Divine severity, and in both
cases the absolute sovereignty of God is vindicated.
<^Y«lPa : ' I haye raised thee up, placed thee in the field of
history.' There are two main interpretations of this word pos-
sible. (i) It has been taken to mean, 'I have raised thee up
from sickness/ so Gif. and others, ' I have preserved thee and not
taken thy life as I might have done/ This is in all probability the
meaning of the original Hebrew, 'I made thee to stand/ and
certainly that of the LXX, which paraphrases the words kmiptfnt.
It is supported also by a reading in the Hexapla otm^ijad <r«, by the
Targum of Onkelos Susftnui te ut ostcndtrem tibi, and the Arabic
Te rtstrccni ut ostenderem tibi. Although «'£ry«tp">' does not seem
to occur in this sense, it is used i Cor. vi. 14 of resurrection from
Ell I*
the dead, and the simple verb tyl(»i» in 15 meanv
ing from sickness/ The words may possibly therefor-
sense, but the passage as quoted by St. Paul could not be so inter-
Setting aside the fact that he probably altered the i
of (he LXX purposely, as the words occur here without any a!
to the previous sickness, the passage would be meaningless •.
ice were made to the original, and would not justify the
deduction drawn from it I* c« &'A«« cncAi^tm.
(2) The correct interpretation (so Calv. Beng. Beyschlag Go.
Weiss. Lips. Gore) is therefore one which makes St. Paul
generalize the idea of the previous passage, and this is in accord-
ance with the almost technical meaning of the verb •'£«>« i,** in the
LXX. It is used of God calling up the actors on the stage of
history. So of the Chaldaeans Hab. i. 6 *«m ;&» ,„ row
: of a shepherd for the people Zcch. xi. 16 &ur< .'do* />•.
vot/imi «Vi T+I* W* ' of a great nation and kings Jer.
41 ttot> Anof tptfTOi ano 0oppa, *<u t6vas ptya cai fkuriXtls iroXXoi
t£«y«P&)<To»Tat tar ivxarov rrj* yn<. This interpretation seems to be
supported by the Samaritan Version, subsis: .', and cer-
tainly by the Syriac, ob id te constihd ut oskndtrtm \ and it ex
presses just the idea which the context demands, that God had
haraoh's position was owing to His sovereign will
and pleasure — in order to carry out His Divine purpose and plan.
The interpretation which makes c'£«-y«i>»v mean ' call into being.'
4 create,' has no support in the usage of the word, although not
inconsistent with the context ; and * to rouse to anger ' (Aug. de
:i. &c.) would require some object such as 6v^, as in
a Mace. xiii. 4.
The reading* of the Latin Venice* are a* follow* : Quia in koc ipsum
txcitavi tt. d e f. Vulg. ; quia ad hoc ipsum tt tustUaoi, Oritf.-lat : ptia in
kee if sum txntaari tt tuxitavi tt, g; <juia in koc ipnun tt strvatfi, Ambrrtr.,
who add* alii todttts tit kaUnt, ad koc tt nuatatri. Sit* urn
nucitavi ttntti tit so.
The reading of the LXX i* «a2 fr«*«r rovrov lunjp^jji &a Mti^anuu I*
90} rip laxw i4ov, MI SVM &a<y7«Af rd <ro/id /iov if nan Paul's
it ions are interesting.
(i) tit otr* rofro i* certainly a better and more emphatic reprcsc;
of the Hebrew than the »omewhat weak roim>v ?r«««r. The cxpreuion U
characteristically Pauline (Rom. x i *, aa ;
iv. 8).
(a) ^«h««p« 09 represents better than the LXX the grammar of the Hebrew,
'I made tbee to stand,' bat not the *cnje. The varin.
(&«nypi7«Ta) and other version* suggest that a mure literal translation
existence, bat the word was rcry probably St. Paul's own choice, sel
bring oat more emphatically the meaning of the paawge as he t
(3i J»*4~pai IF <r,,4. Si Paul here follow* the incorrect translation of
cs as the purpose of God* a,
may know God'* power, and as a further consequence that God's name may
X assimilates the first clan»c to the second
lad give* tt a »mtlar meaning.
IX 17, 18.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 257
(4) owon . . . £v»f. Here St. Paul obliterates the diitinctioo which the
I X \ (following the Hebrew) had made of «Vo . . . fa*. But this alteration
was only a natural result of the change in the LXX iuelf, by which the two
clauses bad become coordinate in thought.
(5) For twantv the LXX reads lo-^w- The reading of St. Paul appears
as a variant in the Hcxapla.
18. opa our Just as ver. 16 sums up the argument of the first part
of this paragraph, so this verse sums up the argument as it has
been amplified and expounded by the additional example.
atcXrjpuVei : ' hardens ' ; the word is suggested by the narrative of
Exodus from which the former quotation is taken (Ex. iv. 2 1 ; vit.
12; x. 20, 27; xi. 10 ; xiv. 4,8, 17) and it must be translate.! in
accordance with the O. T. usage, without any attempt at softening
or evading its natural meaning.
The Divine Sovereignty in the Old Testament.
A second objection is answered and a second step in the argu-
ment laid down. God is not unjust if He select one man or one
nation for a high purpose and another for a low purpose, one man
for His mercy and another for His anger. As is shown by the
Scriptures, He has absolute freedom in the exercise of His Divine
sovereignty. St. Paul is arguing against a definite opponent,
a typical Jew, and he argues from premises the validity of which
\v must admit, namely, the conception of God contained in
the 6. T. There this is clearly laid down— the absolute sove-
reignty of God, that is to say, His power and His right to dispose
the course of human actions as He will. He might select Israel
for a high office, and Edom for a degraded part: He might
select Moses as an example of His mercy, Pharaoh as an example
b anger. If this be granted He may (on grounds which the
Jew must admit), if He will, select some Jews and some Gentiles
for the high purpose of being members of His Messianic kingdom,
while He rejects to an inferior part the mass of the chosen people.
This is St. Paul's argument. Hence there is no necessity for
softening (as some have attempted to do) the apparently harsh
expression of ver. 18, 'whom He will He hardeneth.' St. Paul
o more than he had said in L 20-28, where he described the
final wickedness of the world as in a sense the result of the Divine
action. In both passages he is isolating one side of the Divine
action ; and in making theological deductions from his language
these passages must be balanced by others which imply the Divine
love and human freedom. It will be necessary to do this at the
close of the discussion. At present we must be content with
St. Paul's conclusion, that God as sovereign has the absolute right
and power of disposing of men's lives as He will.
V,s I TO THE I: [IX. 18, 19.
not soften the passage. On the other hand
not read into it more than it contains : as, for example, <
does. He imports various extraneous ideas, that St. Paul speaks
of election to salvation and of reprobation to death, that men
\\cre created that they might perish, that God's action not only
might be but was a: Hoc enim vull effictrc apud nos, vl
in (a qitae apparel inter dectos tl reprobos d
contenta sit quod Ha visum fuerit Dto, alios tlluminare in salutem,
alios in mortem txcatcare . . . Corruitfrgofrirolum ilimirffugium quod
de praescicntia Scholaslici habtnt. Nfque fnim praerultn ruinam im-
pwrum a Domino Paulus Iradit, sed tius consilio tl roluntalt ordinari,
imi-dum d.Solomo docet, non modo praecognitum fuisse impiorum
inter itnm, sed impios ipsos fuisse destinato creates ui
The Apostle says nothing about eternal life or death. He says
nothing about the principles upon which God does act ; he never
says that His action is arbitrary (he will prove eventually tl
is not so), but only that if it be no Jew who accepts the Sc:
has any right to complain. He never says or in •. God
has created man for the purpose of his damnation. \Vi. i: he does
say is ; lis government of the world God reserves to
self perfect freedom of dealing with man on His own conditions
and not on man's. So Gore, r/ ment :
' God always revealed Himself as retaining ! of choice,
as refusing to tie Himself, as selecting the historic examples of
His hardening judgement and His compassionate good will, so as
to baffle all attempts on our part to create His vocations by our
own efforts, or anticipate the persons whom He will use t
purposes of mercy or of judgement.1
19. /pels pot OUK. Hardly are the last words I* 6« &X<i a*\rj-
pvm out of St. Paul's mouth than he imagines his oppon
controversy catching at an objection, and he at once takes it up and
forestalls him. By substituting this phrase for the more
rl o2r «>oC/*«», St. Paul seems to i h his
opponent's objection.
/IM ovr is the reading of K« A B P, Orig. 1/3 Jo.-Damasc.; oSr /MM
TR. U supported Sec, Volg. Boh., Orik'. 3/3 and Orig.-l*t.
Chrrf. Tbdrt. It U the substitution of the more tm-.al o:
ri |Uji4«Tu • it is God who h.\:
me does He still i docs he first produce a
position of disobedience t c me for :
into it ? The <V* implies n has been pro-
duced which makes the continuation of the previous r
prising. So Rom. iii. 7 fi W 7 aXtfoia roC e«oC «V ry «'p
<9if>to<r r^K oo^Of • r/« we c5^ia^r»»X'
Rom. %"i. 2 o«n»«t antffafOftttf rij ipapruf, ir»t in ftavptv <v
IX. 19-21.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 359
ri In tfpfHTai is read by TR. and RV. with M A K L P Ac, Volg. Syrr.
Boh., and many Father*. B D E F G, Orig.-lat. Hieron. insert oir after rL
which occurs in only two other passages in the N. T.
(Acts xxvii. 43 ; i Pet. iv. 3) seems to be substituted for the
ordinary word ftXwia as implying more definitely the deliberate
purpose of God.
d*0ArnjKt. Perfect with present sense ; cf. Rom. xiii. a &tm
f> urnTao-ffdfWKoc TV j£ov<ri<f rg TOW Qtov dioroyg di&imjiMv, Winer,
§ xl. 4, p. 342, E. T. The meaning is not: 'who is able to
resist/ but ' what man is there who is resisting God's will?' There
is no resistance being offered by the man who disobeys ; he is only
doing what God has willed that he should do.
20. w arfpwirc. The form in which St. Paul answers this question
is rhetorical, but it is incorrect to say that he refuses to argue.
The answer he gives, while administering a severe rebuke to his
opponent, contains also a logical refutation. He reminds him
that the real relation of every man to God (hence & &6p*rt) is
that of created to Creator, and hence not only has he no right
to complain, but also God has the Creator's right to do what He
will with those whom He has Himself moulded and fashioned.
pcKouryc : ' nay rather,' a strong correction. The word seems
to belong almost exclusively to N. T. Greek, and would be impossible
at the beginning of a sentence in classical Greek. Cf. Rom. x. 18 ;
Phil. iii. 8 ; but probably not Luke xi. 28.
& Mptnt fwrovryt is read by M A B (bnt B om. yt as in Phil. iii. 8),
Orig. 1/4 Jo.-Damasc. ; ptvovryi is omitted by DFG, defg Vulg.,
Orig.-lat., and inserted before & &*/>«»• by «• E* K L P and later MSS..
Orig- 3/4» Chrys. Theod.-mops Tbdrt &c. The same MSS. (F G d f g) and
Orig.-lat. omit the word again in x. 18, and in Phil. iii. 8 B D E F G K L
and other authorities read pir oSr alone. The expression was omitted as
unusual by many copyists, and when restored in the margin crept into
a different position in the verse.
|i*j <p«i TO wXoVpa, K.T.X. The conception of the absolute power
of the Creator over His creatures as represented by the power of
the potter over his clay was a well-known O. T. idea which
St. Paul shared with his opponent and to which therefore he could
appeal with confidence. Both the idea and the language are bor-
rowed from Is. xlv. 8-IO ry«l» <ipt Kvptot & grunt <rt • wmor 3«Xnor
iroKir, or* ovc tpyofg oiti «xtif X9^Patt M oirofpi&rjvrrat TO n\d<rpa
wpos rbv irXdaayra avro* and Is. XXix. l6 oi'^ wr 6 irqXuf roO ««po-
^«o»v Xoy«r^;<r»atff ; ^117 ipt\ TO irXd<r^a Tf wXaa-arTi avrb Ov av fit
•irXaaar ; ^ TO iroti?pa T«p irotijaam Ov avvtritt fit Arotipra* ', C*f. also
Is. Ixiv. 8 ; Jer. xviii. 6 ; Eccles. xxxvi [xxxiii.] 13.
21. *i OUK ?xci igouai'ar : • if you do not accept this you will be
compelled to confess that the potter has not complete control over
his clay — an absurd idea.' The unusual position of TOV njAov, which
S 2
a6o EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 21. 22.
should of course be taken with ffwuw, is intended to emphasize
the contrast between wpojwi* and mjX^, as suggesting the true
relations of man and God
4upa>aros : ' the lump of clay.' Cf. Rom. xi. 16; i Cor. v
9. The exact point to which this metaphor is to be pressed
may be doubtful, and it must always be balanced by language used
elsewhere in St Paul's Epistles; but it is impossible to argt:
there is no idea of creation implied : the potter is represented not
merely as adapting for this or that purpose a vessel already made,
but as making out of a mass of shapeless material one to which he
gives a character and form adapted for different uses, some
honourable, some dishonourable.
$ fA«V els TipV CKCUOS, K.T.X. : if. \V.- !. x\. 7 (see below):
2 Tim. ii. 20 if M*y«*0 W ou«> our fcm MOW <r«^ xpwra «oi
apyvpa, oAAii KOI £vAiMi tat o<rr/xun*a, mi A piv tit ri/jqr, A <*« «ir urip/nv.
But there the side of human responsibility is emphasized, &> oCr m
iacoMfv fovrir <hri rovrwr, ?<mu <r*tvo* «ic TI^V, K.T.\.
The point of the argument is clear. Is there any injustice if
God has first hardened Pharaoh's heart and then condemned him.
1 is rejected and then blamed for being rejecu aiswer
is twofold. In w. 19-21 God's conduct is shown to be right under
all circumstances. In vv. 22 sq. it is explained or perhaps
hinted that He has a beneficent purpose in view. In w. 19-21
St. Paul shows that for God to be unjust is impossible. As I :
made man, man is absolutely in His power. Just as we do not
consider the potter blameable if he makes a vessel for a dishonour-
able purpose, so we must not consider God unjust if He chooses to
make a man like Pharaoh for a dishonourable part Post-
guam dftnonslratum «/, Deum ita tgt'ssc, demonslratum etiam esl omni-
bus, qui Afosi credunt, turn convenicnter tuae ius;.
As in iii. 5 St Paul brings the argument back to the at
fact of God's justice, so here be ends with the absolute f
God's power and right God had not (as the Apostle will show)
acted arbitrarily, but if He had done so what was n.
should complain ?
22. c I S« 6«XwK 6 Gtos. * if God, &c., what will you say
then?' like our English idiom ' What and if.' There is no apo-
dosis to the sentence, but the construction, although gramm
incomplete, is by no means unusual id <>i, 62 TOI'T
crttuAiA.'C.i ; fc <fa ^«p7T* ro» vlor roC o^^irov a*a^a.Voxra OITOV
^ ri »pdr«po»; Acts xxiii. 9 ov&V «a«o. -i n*6?**v
«1 W wvtina fX&fjiriv at-ry 9 Jyy«Xoi ; Luke XIX. 4 i
«*» t^» wo.\«r «"<Aav<r«r «V airg \<y** 5rt Ei fy»»»i
<ai av ra trpot «.»fjx. There is no difficulty (.1
seems to think) in the length of the sentence. All other con-
structions, such as an attempt to find an apodosis in «ai ua
IX. 22 J THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 261
ywpi<rj7, in ofcc KOI /«aX«<rtr, or even in vcr. 31 ri oflr tpovptv, are
needlessly harsh and unreal.
The a« (which differs from o& : cf. Jo. vi. 6a ; Acts xxiii. 9),
although not introducing a strong opposition to the previous
sentence, implies a change of thought. Enough has been said to
preserve the independence of the Divine will, and St. Paul suggests
another aspect of the question, which will be expounded more
fully later ; — one not in any way opposed to the freedom of the
Divine action, but showing as a matter of fact how this freedom
has been exhibited. ' But if God, notwithstanding His Divine
sovereignty, has in His actual dealings with mankind shown such
unexpected mercy, what becomes of your complaints of injustice?'
6Awr. There has been much discussion as to whether this
should be translated 'because God wishes,' or 'although God
wishes/ (i) In the former case (so de W. and most commenta-
tors) the words mean, 'God because He wishes to show the
terrible character of His wrath restrains His hands, until, as in the
case of Pharaoh, He exhibits His power by a terrible overthrow.
He hardened Pharaoh's heart in order that the judgement might
be more terrible.' (a) In the latter case (Mey.-W. Go. Lips,
Gif), ' God, although His righteous anger might naturally lead to
His making His power known, has through His kindness delayed
and borne with those who had become objects that deserved His
wrath.' That this is correct is shown by the words tV *oXA£ /uurpo-
ffvfwf, which are quite inconsistent with the former interpretation,
and by the similar passage Rom. ii. 4, where it is distinctly stated
ri xpifar&r rov 8«ou «fc /Mrdvotav <7« ay»t. Even if St Paul occa-
sionally contradicts himself, that is no reason for making him do so
unnecessarily. As Liddon says the three points added in this
;ice, the natural wrath of God against sin and the violation of
His law, the fact that the objects of His compassion were OMV?
opyf/t, and that they were fitted for destruction, all intensify the
difficulty of the Divine restraint.
IrScigaoOcu T?)r fyyV KC" YKWP*a°l ^ So^arif avrou are reminis-
cences of the language used in the case of Pharaoh, tvkifauu «V
<roi TT)» bvvafju* ftov.
antuT| ipyrjs : ' vessels which deserve God's anger '; the image of
the previous verse is continued. The translation 'destined for
God's anger ' would require antwi tls opy^v : and the change of con*
struction from the previous verse must be intentional.
KanjpTiaiilra cif AmSXciar : ' prepared for destruction/ The
construction is purposely different from that of the corresponding
words A *pt»rn>fauH*. St Paul does not say ' whom God prc-
pared for destruction ' (Mey.), although in a sense at any rate he
could have done so (ver. 18 and i. 24, &c.), for that would conflict
with the argument of the sentence; nor does he say that they
26a EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [IX. 22, 23
cd themselves for destruction (Chrys. Theoph. Oecum.
u Beng.), although, as the argument in chap, x shows, he
could have done so, for this would have been to impair the con-
ception of God's freedom of action which at present he wishes to
emphasize ; but he says just what is necessary for his immediate
purpose — they were filled for eternal destruction (oriUUia opp. to
<r»n}pta). That is the point to which he wishes to attract our
attention.
23. «al IVa yyvpio]). These words further develop and explain
God's action so as to silence any objection. St. Paul states that
God has not only shown great long-suffering in bearing with those
fitted for destruction, but has done so in order to be able t-
mercy to those whom He has called : the «W therefore couj
ytwpurg in thought with «V *roXX£ paxpodv/u?. St. Paul is no longer
(see ver. 24) confining himself to the special case of Pharaoh,
although he still remembers it, as his language shows, but he is
considering the whole of God's dealings with the unbelieving Jews,
and is laying down the principles which will afterwards be worked
out in full— that the Jews had deserved God's wrath, but that He
bad borne with them with great long-suffering both for their own
sakes and for the ultimate good of His Church. In these verses, as
in the expression $ «or «Aoy^r *p6to<nt, St. Paul is in fact hinting
at the course of the future argument, and in that connexion they
must be understood.
On the exact construction of these words there has been great variety of
opinion, and it may be convenient to mention some divergent views.
(I) WH. on the authority of B, several minuscules, Vnlg. Boh. Sab., Or
3/3 omit mi. This makes the construction simpler, but probably for t
reason should be rejected. A reviser or person quoting would naturally omit
«* : it i* difficult to understand why it should be inserted : moreover on such
a point as this the authority of versions is slighter, since to omit a pleonastic «oi
would come within the ordinary latitude of interpretation necessary t
purpose. There it tome resemblance to xvi. 17. In both cases we t
same MS. supporting a reading which we should like to accc
has much the appearance of being an obvious correction. (a
de \V. Alf. and others make «J couple
couple MA«r and im 'yMpfop.
this obliges us to take MAor . . . ivki(ao$<u as expressing the purpose
of the sentence which is both impossible Greek and gives a meaning
inconsistent with jnupofejil?. (3) Fri. Beyschlag and others couple tro
TTtyfof and tit dm*\tiav ; but this is to read an idea of purpo>
•onjpriff^ra which it does not here possess. (4) To make mJ fro
give the apodods of the sentence «J W 4"7«" (Ok Ewald, &c.\ or to
create a second sentence repeating «(, mi tl Ira ... (supposing a second
ellipse), or to find a verb hidden in foaAmr, supposing that St. Paul meant
•c «o2 «I im T**pioj> . . . i«oA«<r€r but changed the construction and pot
rb into a relative sent- • >!tnunare); all these are quite an
j ..:.:';. : . ' : •. ' .
TO* wXooTor, K T •' 4 ; Eph. iii. 16 «ori rA vXoi>oc T
IX. 23-26.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 263
& wpoT)Toiftcur«i' «it &o{ar : the best commentary on these words
is Rom. viii. 28-30.
\Vc may note the very striking use made of this metaphor of the potter's
wheel ana the cap by Browning, Jtabbi ton Etra, xxvi-xxxii \Ne may
especially illustrate the words a vpo^roi^atv tit Ufa*.
But I need now as then,
Thee, God, who mouldest men;
So take and use thy work !
Amend what flaws may lurk,
What strain o* the stuff, what warping* past the aim I
My times be in Thy hand!
Perfect the cup as planned !
Let age approve of youth, and death complete the same1
24. oGs KGU frdXcffcy ^pas : ' even us whom He has called.'
The ovs is attracted into the gender of WMK. The relative clause
gives an additional fact in a manner not unusual with St. Paul
Rom. i. 6 tv ulf «<rr« icoi ifttlt : 2 Tim. i. IO ^Mmaoyrot & {ittqir «a<
a<j>$apoia* &UJ rot) «uayy«Aiov, tit & iri&i)v «'y*» *ipv£. The calling of the
Gentiles is introduced not because it was a difficulty St. Paul was
discussing, but because, as he shows afterwards, the calling of the
Gentiles had come through the rejection of the Jews.
There have been two main lines of interpretation of the above
three verses, (i) According to the one taken above they modify
and soften the apparent harshness of the preceding passage (19-21).
That this is the right view is shown by the exegetical con-
siderations given above, and by the drift of the argument which
culminating as it does in a reference to the elect clearly implies
some mitigation in the severity of the Divine power as it has been
described. (2) The second view would make the words of ver. 22
continue and emphasize this severity of tone : ' And even if God has
borne with the reprobate for a time only in order to exhibit more
clearly the terror of His wrath, and in order to reveal His mercy
to the elect, even then what right have you — man that you are —
to complain ?' Cf. Calvin : Ea si dominus adaliquod kmpus patitnttr
sustinet . . . ad demonstranda suae sevtritalis iudicia . . . ad virtultm
suam t'/fas/randam, . . .praeUrea quo inde notior fiat el clarius elucescat
suae in electos misericordiae amplitude: quid in hac dnpematione
miser ii ordiat dignum t
25. ws K<H : • and this point, the rejection of the Jews and the
calling of the Gentiles, is foretold by the prophet' St. Paul now
proceeds to give additional force to his argument by a series of
quotations from the O. T., which are added as a sort of appendix
to the first main section of his argument
KoXfo* . . . ^yoinj|i^r»jK— quoted from the LXX of Hosea ii. 23
with some alterations. In the original passage the words refer
to the ten tribes. A son and daughter of Hosea are named Lo-
264 EPISTLK TO THE ROMA' [IX. 25, 20.
1 not a people ' and Lo-ruhamah, ' \\ ithout mercy/ to
the fallen condition of the ten tribes ; and Hosea prophesies their
restoration (cf. Hosea i. 6, 8, 9). St. Paul applies t:
underlies these words, that God can take into His covenant
those who were previously cut off from it, to the calling of the
•-S. A similar interpretation of the verse was held by the
Rabbis. Pesachim viii. f. Dixit R. Elieztr : Non alia de causa in
exilium tt capHvilaltm misit Dcus S. B. IsraeUm inter nalionts, nisi
rent mullos firostlytos S. D. < > stram earn
mi hi in for ram. Numquid homo seminal salum nisi ul colligat
mullos cores //;/../- V-
The LXX reads U«*>w **i* o*«r ^A^/i/rijr, raj J/w rf 06 Aoy JMV Aa<Jt mm
J <rv, bat for the first clause which agree* with the Hebrew the Vatican
substitutes tyowfr* n)r dm jyor u the older of the
clause*, so that the reference to rdr 06 Aav* /iov. which seems particularly to
Mitt the Gentiles, comes first, and for ipSt substitutes mXiov which naturally
crept in from the J«aA«r<r of the previous verse, and changes the construc-
tion of the clause to suit the new word. In the second clause St Paul seems
to hare used a text containing the reading of the Vatican MS., for the latter
can hardly hare been altered to harmonize with him makes use of
the passage with the reading of the majority of MSS. : oJ wori oi> Xavt, rvr W
a double accusative can only mean ' I will :
although the word has been suggested by its previous occurrence
in .iii' iiht.T BBJSttq
26. KM toroi, <r TY TtSirw . . . 4K(; K.T.X. St Paul adds a passage
with a similar purport from another part of Hosea (I 10).
meaning is the same and the application to the present purpose
based on exactly the same principles. The habit had probably
arisen of quoting passages to prove the calling of the Gentiles ; and
these would become commonplaces, which at a not much lat<
might be collected together in writing, so- in Biblical
Grt(kt p. 103, and cf. Rom. iii. 10. The only difference tx
St. Paul's quotation and th • : s insertion
seems to emphasize the idea of the place, and it is s< . tficult
to understand what place is intended, (i) In the original th
referred to is clearly Palestine : and if that be St. Paul's nv
he must be supposed to refer to the gathering of the nat;
Jerusalem and the foundation of a Messianic kingdom there
26). St. Paul is often strongly influenced by the langua^
he ideas <•: schatology, although in his more sj.
passages be seems to be quite freed from it. (2) If we neglect
4 of the original, we n. whole
1 Wheresoever on earth there may be Gentiles
hail to end the reproach of being not God's people, in
that p: hall be called God's people, for they will become
members of His Church and it will be i.
IX. 27-20.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 365
27, 28. St. Paul has supported one side of his statement from
the O. T., namely, that Gentiles should be called ; he now passes
on to justify the second, namely, that only a remnant of the Jews
should be saved.
27. a* j o dpi Vfe . . . iwl rn« ynt : quoted from the LXX of
Is. x. 23, but considerably shortened. The LXX differs considerably
from the Hebrew, which the translators clearly did not understand.
But the variations in the form do not affect the meaning in any
case. St. Paul reproduces accurately the idea of the original
passage. The context shows that the words must be translated
4 only a remnant shall be saved,' and that it is the cutting off of
Israel by the righteous judgement of God that is foretold. Prof.
Cheyne in 1884 translated the Hebrew : ' For though thy people,
O Israel, were as the sand of the sea, only a remnant of them shall
return : a final work and a decisive, overflowing with righteousness 1
For a final work and a decisive doth the Lord, Jehovah Sabaoth,
execute within all the land.'
28. X6yor ydp flrurrtXwr KOI ourri'ftiw iroi^ati Kupios 4wl rf\s yrjs :
'accomplishing,' owr«>iw, 'abridging/ Cf. Is. xxviii. aa
ai/KT«T<A«(7/i«Vu icoi <n-ir«rpi)/j«Va irpdynara rjfnvoa irapa Ki/u'ou
4 woifatt t'vl iratra* rfjv yij*. ' For a word, accomplishing
and abridging it, that is, a sentence conclusive and concise, will
the Lord do upon the earth/
Three critical points are of some interest :
(i ) The variations in the MSS. of the Gr. Test For Iw^ti^ia (Imbu^a
\\H.) of the older MSS. (KAB,Ea*.), later authorities read «ar<iA«ijij«i
to agree with the LXX. In ver. aS A£yor yip <rvrr«A«r «o2 ffvrr4jswr
»04^<T«« Kt'/Mot i*l TI?T 717* is the reading of K A B a few minn&c., Pesh. Boh.
Aeth., Eus. a/3; Western and Syrian authorities add after ovrr <>***, Jr
auKuoovrp 5ri \6yov ownr^™* to suit the LXX. Al/ord defends the
TR. on the plea of homoeotcleuton (ovrr^/iywr and TvrrcTMwfo*'), but the
insertion of yap after A^yor which is preserved in the TR. (where it is
ungrammarical) and does not occur in the text of the LXX, shows that the
shortened form was what St Panl wrote.
The variations from the LXX. The LXX reads ««2 44*
4 Aa4* 1<r/xn)A <fe i> o'/^oj rip OaXdaajjt, rd «T
A^yor avrrt A£r «a2 ovrrip*uv if 8unuo<rvrp Sri A^
jr rp olgovfUty 5Ap. St. Paul substitutes d^f/tdt r«r vttr
a remuiscence from Hosea i. 10, the words immediately preceding those
ouoted by him above. The later part of the quotation he considerably
(3) The variations of the LXX from the Hebrew. These appear to arise
from an inability to translate. For ' a final work and a decisive, overflowing
with righteousness,' they wrote ' a word, accomplishing and abridging it in
righteousness,' and for « a final work and a decisive/ 'a word abridged will
the Lord do/ &c.
29. Tpo«i'pi)MK : ' has foretold/ A second passage is quoted in
corroboration of the preceding.
el jit) Kupios K.T.X., quoted from the LXX of Is. i. 9, which
266 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX. 10-29.
again seems adequately to represent the Hebrew. ' Even in the
that book Iron >u draw your hopes 1 that
Israel would be completely annihilated and forgotten but for
a small remnant which would preserve their seed and name.'
The Power and Rights of God as Creator.
St. Paul in this section 29) expands and strengthens
the previous argument He bad proved . 1 8 the a
character of the Divine sovereignly from the O. T. ; he now
proves the same from the fundamental relations of God t
implied in that fact which all his antagonists must admi:
God had created man. This he applies in an image
common in the O. T. and the Apocryphal writings, that of the
potter and the clay. God has created man, and, as
question of 'right* and ' justice ' goes, man cannot complain of
his lot. He would not exist but for the will of God, and whether
his lot be honourable or dishonourable, whether he be destined for
.1 glory or eternal destruction, he has no ground for speak-
ing of injustice. The application to the case in p< ;
clear. If the Jews are to be deprived of the Messianic sah
they have, looking at the question on purely abstract grounds,
no right or ground of complaint. Whether or no God be
arbitrary in His dealings with them does not matter: they must
submit, and that without murmuring.
is dearly the argument. \Vc cannot on the one
minimize the force of the words by limiting them to a purely
earthly destination : as Beyschlag, • out of the material of the
. race which is at His disposal as it continues to
existence to st. this or that h stina-
tion,' implying that St. Paul is making no reference either to the
original creation of man or to his final destination, in both points
erroneously. St. Paul's argument cannot be thus limit. !. It is
y based on the ass hat God has crcau.
the use of the words m M&*», m <nrwA»Mw prove conch
he is looking as much as he ever does to the final end and
destination of man. To limit them thus entirely deprives the
j .4- . , . ; -. . .'. r. .- :..:..-.
But on the other side it is equally necessary to see exactly how
< K.-S say, and how much he does not
he carefully avoids saying, that God has created n.
reprobation rgument would her
we is<> :»:s* of man against God or of God
against man, th : God had created man for reprobation,
man could have no grounds for complaint.
IX. 19-20.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 267
We must in fact remember— and it is quite impossible to under-
stand St. Paul if we do not— that the three chapters ix-xi form
one very closely reasoned whole. Here more than anywhere else
in his writings, more clearly even than in i. 16 — iii. 26, does St. Paul
show signs of a definite method. He raises each point separately,
argues it and then sets it aside. He deliberately isolates for a time
the aspect under discussion. So Mr. Gore (op. tit. p. 37) :
method may be called abstract or ideal : that is to say, he makes
abstraction of the particular aspect of a subject with which he is
immediately dealing, and— apparently indifferent to being misun-
derstood—treats it in isolation; giving, perhaps, another aspect of
the same subject in equal abstraction in a different place/ He
isolates one side of his argument in one place, one in another,
and just for that very reason we must never use isolated texts.
We must not make deductions from one passage in his writings
separated from its contexts and without modifying it by other
passages presenting other aspects of the same questions. The
doctrinal deductions must be made at the end of chap, xi and not
of chap. ix.
St. Paul is gradually working out a sustained argument. He
has laid down the principle that God may choose and reject whom
..!s. that He may make men for one purpose or another just
as He wills, and if He will in quite an arbitrary manner. But it is
already pointed out that this is not His method. He has shown
long-suffering and forbearance. Some there were whom He had
created, that had become fitted for destruction — as will be shown
tventually, by their own act. These He has borne with — both
for their own sakes, to give them room for repentance, and be-
cause they have been the means of exhibiting His mercy on those
whom He has prepared for His glory. The Apostle lays down
the lines of the argument he will follow in chap. xi.
The section concludes with a number of quotations from the
O. T., introduced somewhat irregularly so far as method and
arrangement go, to recall the fact that this Divine plan, which we
shall find eventually worked out more fully, had been foretold by
the O. T. Prophets.
(The argument of Rom. ix-xi is put for English readers in the
most accessible and clearest form by Mr. Gore in the paper often
quoted above in Studio, Biblica, iii. 37, ' The argument of Romans
ix-xi.')
The Relation of St. Paul's Argument in chap, ix
to the Book of Wisdom.
In a note at the end of the first chapter of the Romans the rery marked
resemblance that exists between St. Paul's language there and certain
y,S i; TO THE ROMANS [IX. 10 29.
passages In the Book of Wisdom has been pointed oat. Again in the ninth
chapter the lame r-rT^nf* meets as, and demands some slight treatment
ilace. The passages referred to occur mostly in Wisdom x
TherJ U first o/dPsimilariiy of subject. Wisdom x-xix for:.
Rom. fe-ria sort of Philosophy of History. The writer devotes himself to
exhibiting Wisdom as a power in the world, and throughout (influenced
perhaps by associations connected with the place of his residence contrasts
•;. : rtoJMI Of ". hi >•• • • 1 •••••• : , • St i Ml Baku M «•
and Pharaoh his two typical
And this resemblance is cfMrtJroH in details.
The impossibility of resisting the Divine power is more than once dwelt
on, and in language which has a very dose resemblance with passages in the
', i \Visd. xi. 31 «a<
avroC oov rit &*Tiorr,<nr<n ;
rlt AvOiorii*<; . . . p) if*i T* iwolijoat; f
vAda/«x ry wA&rarn, Ti M« 4»of- n't drntrrrjcMrai rf gpiftari oov;
ijtfa t ovrut ; ' « J7«aA^a«i 001 mr* j»r«r <UoA».
, A 0v iwoiqaat; $ rit «f.
<r« JA«ta«rat f«flurof cord u3«-
Doth writers again lay great stress on the forbearance of Cod.
Rom. ix. 32, 23 tl W 0«AMr 4 \Viid. xii. 10 «pa«r tt w
x^. M,^ »o» i-l
if voAAp pajpofv/il? <r««W7 ipY^t A?«Xo/*Jro»f farary /MTO
«aTi?pri0j<4ra «it dw6X«iar. rijt Intiuprjeat wpo<io\^t gttljkrjoivi,
aurov J«2 <r««i/i} JX^owt •.
So again we have the image of the potter used by both, although r
the context nor the purpose is quite similar.
Rom. ix. ai ^ ov« fx« t/Mtffcr Wis.1. XT. 7
A ««pa/i«vi roC wijAov, J* rou
«lt dn/u'ar; aCroO vnXov driwAdcaro rd r« rvr
8oCXa ocfvi;.
Jraxria, wdW' J/wtwr rovrwr »1
Ti. t V 1 " T I 4 ." T . y 1}
The particular resemblanoe of special passages and of the general <
the argument combined with similar eTidcncefrom other paru ol
seems to suggest some definite literary obligation. But here the indebted-
ness ceases. Tfhe contrast U equally instrectiire. The writer of the Book of
Wisdom uses broad principles without understandir..;
sclf-contrmdictory, and combines with ideas drawn from his Hellenic culture
crude and inconsistent views. The problem is the distinction between the
positions of Tews and Gentiles In the Divine economy. Occasionally we
find wide nnivemlist sentiments, but he always comes back to a strong
At one time be says (xi. 23*36} : • But Thou hast mercy upon
all ... Thou lovest all the things that are. and abhorrest nothing which
Thou hast made . . . Thou sparest all : for they a:
Lover ol soul*.' But shortly after we read (xii. 10) : • Thou gavest them
place for repentance, not being ignorant that their cogitn
be changed.* We soon find in fact th«t the philosophy of the Book of
d by the nationalist sympathies of the » ir . r . The
IX. 6-29.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 269
Gentiles are to be punished by God for being enemies of His people and for n
their idolatry. Any forbearance has been only for a time aad that largely
for the moral instruction thus indirectly to be given to the Jew*. The few*
have been punished,— but only slightly, and with the purpose of teaching
them : the Gentiles for their idolatry deserve ' extreme damnation/
If St. Paul learnt from the Book of Wisdom some expressions illustrating
the Divine power, and a general aspect of the question : he obtained nothing
further. Hts broad views and deep insight are his own. And it is interesting
to contrast a Jew who has learnt many maxims which conflict with his
nationalism but yet retains all his narrow sympathies, with the Christian
Apostle full of broad sympathy and deep insight, who sees hi human
affairs a purpose of God for the benefit of the whole world being worked out.
A History of the Interpretation of Rom. ix. 6-29.
The difficulties of the ninth chapter of the Romans are so great that few
will ever be satisfied that they have really understood it : at any rate an
acquaintance with the history of exegesis upon it will make us hesitate to be
too dogmatic about our own conclusions. A survey of some of the more
typical lines of comment (nothing more can be attempted) will be a fitting
supplement to the general discussion given above on its meaning.
The earliest theologian* who attempted to construct a system out of Gnostics.
St. Paul's writings were the Gnostics. They found the Epistle to the
Romans, or to speak more correctly certain texts and ideas selected from the
Epistle 'such as Rom. v. 14 and viii. 19; cf. Hip. Ref. vii. 35) and generally
misinterpreted, very congenial. And, as might naturally be expected, the
doctrine of election rigidly interpreted harmonized with their own exclusive
religious pretensions, and with the key-word of their system <pv<m. We are not
surprised therefore to learn that Rom. ix, especially ver. 14 sq., was one of their
strongholds, nor do we require to be told how they interpreted it (see Origen
Dt Princ. III. ii. 8, vol. xxi. p. 267, ed. Lomm. - Pkiloc. xxL voL xxv. p. 1 70;
Conim. in Rom. Praef. vol. vi. p. i ; and Tert. Adv. Mar don. ii. 14).
The interest of the Gnostic system of interpretation is that it determined Origen.
the direction and purpose of Origen, who discusses the passage not only in his
Commentary, written after 344 vii. 15-18, vol. vii. pp. 160-180), but also in
the third book of the Dt Printipiis, written before a*i (D* Prim, III. ii. 7-aa,
vol. xxi. pp. 165-303 - Pkiloc. xxi. vol. xxv. pp. 164-190), besides some few
other passages. His exegesis is throughout a strenuous defence of freewill.
Kxegetically the most marked feature is that he puts w. 14-19 into the
month of an opponent of St Paul, an interpretation which influenced sub-
sequent patristic commentators. Throughout be states that God calls men
because they are worthy, not that they are worthy because they are called ;
and that they are worthy betame they have made themselves so, Cf. md
Kom. vii. 17 (Lomm. vii. 175) Ct tnim laeob esstt vat ad ktnortm saneti-
fcatttm, ft utilt Domino, ad omtu opus bonum faratum, ANIMA BlUS
EMENDAVERAT SEMET IPS AM : tt vidttu Dtus punlatem eius, tt poUstattm
hab<ns ex eadtm massa faare aliud vas ad honortm, ali*d ad contttnuliam,
laeob fuitfem, qui ut diximus emundaotrat stmtt if sum, fteit vat ad
honorem, Eton VE1O, CUIUS ANIMAM KON ITA PURAM NEC ITA SIM-
ri.iCEM VIDIT, tx tadem massa fteit vas ad eontumtiiam. To the question
that may be asked, how or when did they make themselves such, the answer .
I a state of pre-existence.' Dt Princ. II. ix. 7, Lomm. xxi. 935 igitursifut
dt Esau tt laeob diligent i*s ptnerutatn serif tuns invtnitur, ouia mm «*
iniustitta afud Dtum ... si EX PRAECBDEKTIS VIDELICET VITAE MERITIS
dignt turn datum tat sentiamus a Deo, Ha utfratri pratfoni mtreretur.
270 ISTLE TO THE ROMA: [IX. 6 20
See also 1 1 nm. xxL 300. The hardening of Pharaoh'* heart he
explains by the simile of rain. The rain U the MUM for all, bat 11:
influence well -cultivated fields tend forth good crops, ill-cultivated fields
thistles, &c (cf. ! .s a man's own soul which hardens
itself by refusing to yield to the Divine grace. The simile of the potter he
explains by comparing a Tim. ii. to, 21. 'A soul which has not cleanted
itself nor porged itself of its sins by penitence, becomes thereby a vessel for
dishonour/ And God knowing the character of the souls He has to deal
with, althocgh He does not foreknow their future, makes use of them— as
xample Pharaoh— to fulfil that part in history which U necessary for
purpose.
Origin's interpretation of this passage, with the exception of his doctrine
o! Origen. of pre-existence, had a very wide influence both in the East and West. IB
the West his .interpretation is followed in the main by Jerome
ed Htdibiam A imautionibu, 12, cap
(Migne xxx. 687-691), and Sedulius Scotus (Migne ciii. 83-93). In the East,
alter its influence had pro-ailed for a century and a half, it became the
starting point of the Antiochene exegesis. Of this school Diodore is un-
fortunately represented to us only in isolated fragments; Theodore U strongly
influenced by Origen; Chrysostom therefore may be taken as its best and most
distinguished representative. His comment is contained in the XVIth homily
on the Romans, written probably before his departure from Antioch, that is
before the year 398.
Chrysostom is like
Chrysos- Chrysostom is like Origen a strong defender of Freewill. As might be
expected in a member of the Antiochene school, he interprets the passage in
accordance with the purpose of St. Paul, i.e. to explain how it was the Jews
had been rejected. He refers ver. 9 to those who have become true sons of
God by Baptism, ' You see then that it is not the children of the flesh that
are the children of God, but that even in nature itself the generation by
means of Baptism from above was sketched out beforehand. An<i
tell me of the womb, I have in return to tell you of the water.' On
he explains that Jacob was called because be was worthy, and was known to
be such by the Divine foreknowledge: A car' J«Aoyi>r wp4*«<m rov 6«ov is
explained as A J«Aoy^ if «ord vp40«o<r «u vplyrawiy fivoptrij. On vv. 14-20
Chrysostom does not follow Origen, nor yet does be interpret the verses as ex-
pressing St. Paul's own mind; but he represents him in answer to the objection
that in this case God would be unjust, as patting a number of hard cases and
texts which his antagonist cannot answer and thus proving that man has no right
to object to God's action, or accuse Him of injustice, since he cannot understand
or follow Him. ' What the blessed Paul aimed at was to show by all that
he said that only God knoweth who are worthy.' Verses 20. 21 are not
introduced to take away Freewill, but to show up to what point we ought
to obey God. For if he were here speaking of the will, God would be
Himself the creator of good or evil, and men would be free from all
responsibility in these matters, and St. Paul would be inconsiste:
himself. What he does teach is that ' man should not contravene God, but
yield to His incomprehensible wisdom.' On % ! haraoh
has been fitted for destruction by his own act ; that God has left undone
nothing which should save him, while he himself had left undone nothing
which would lead to his own destruction. Vet God had borne *
great long-snflering, wishing to lead him to repentance. ' Whence comes
it then that some are vessels of wrath, and some of mercy? Of th<
free choice. God however being very good shows the same kindness to both.'
: ••.:'. . : < • :\ ' ::. ' . ••:,•::.'•• 1 .'.;•' N . •%
Chrysostom became supren
largely influenced all later Greek commentators, Theodoret (sec
(sec. ix), Oecumenius (sec. x), Theophylact (*
, Ac
IX. 6 29.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 271
The tradition of the Greek commentators is preserved in the Russian Church. Russian
Modern Sclavonic theology presents an interesting subject for study, as it is comment*
c'erivrd directly from Chrysostom and John of Damascus, and hat hardly arks,
been illuminated or obscured by the strong, although often one-sided, Influ-
ence of Augustine and Western Scholasticism. In the Commentary of Bishop
Theopbanes* on tbe Romans (he died in 1894) published at Moscow in
1890. we find these characteristics very cleatly. Just as in Chrysostom we
tincl the passage interpreted in accordance not with A priori theories at to
and Predestination, but with what was clearly St. Paul's purpose, the
1 roblcm of the ' Unbelief of the Jews in tbe presence of Christianity.' And
also as in Chrysostom we find w. 1 1 , i a explained on the grounds of Fore-
knowledge, and Pharaoh's destruction ascribed to his own act. On ver. 18:
' The word " he bardeneth "must not be understood to mean that God by His
power effected a hardening in tbe heart of tbe disobedient like Pharaoh, but
that the disobedient in character, under the working of God's mercies, them-
selves, according to their evil character do not soften themselves, but more and
more harden themselves in their obstinacy and disobedience.' So again
on vv. 33, 33 : ' God prepared the one to be vessels of mercy, the others
fashioned themselves into vessels of wrath.' And tbe commentary on these
verses concludes thus : ' Do not be troubled and do not admit of the thought
tli.u there is any injustice, or that the promise bat failed ; but on tbe contrary
believe, that God in all his works is good and right, and rest yourselves in
devotion to His wise and for us unsearchable destinations and divisions.'
There is, in fact, a clear conception of tbe drift and purpose of St. Paul's
argument, but a fear of one-sided predestination teaching makes a complete
grasp of the whole of the Apostle's meaning impossible.
The commentary generally quoted under the name of Ambrosiaster hat an Augustine
interest as containing probably tbe earliest correct exposition of vv. 14-19.
Hut it is more convenient to pass at once to St. Augustine. His exposition
of this passage was to all appearance quite independent of that of any of his
predecessors.
The roost complete exposition of tbe ninth chapter of Romans is found in
the treatise Ad Simplicianum, i. qu. a, written about the year 397, and all the
leading points in this exposition are repeated in his last work, the Ofta
imperfectum contra Jutianum, i. 141. Tbe main characteristics of the
commentary are that ( i ) he ascribes w. 14-19 to St. Paul himself, and considers
that they represent his own opinions, thus correcting tbe false exegesis of Origen
and Chrysostom, and (a) that he takes a view of the passage exactly opposite
to that of tbe latter. The purpose of St. Paul is to prove that works do
not precede grace but follow it, and that Election is not based on foreknowledge,
l»r if it were based on foreknowledge then it would imply merit AdSimpiit.
\ qu. a, ( a Ut scilicet non te qnisque arbitretnr ideo iercepisse grot torn, quia
bene operatus est ; sed bene operari non posse, nisi per JUem perceperit
gratiam . . . f 3 Prima est igitur gratia, secvnda opera oona. The instance
of Jacob and Esau proves that the gift of the Divine grace is quite gratuitous
and independent of human merit— that grace in fact precedes faith, f 7 ASsss*
tnim credit qni non vocatur . . . Ergo ante omne merit nm est gratia. Even
the will to be saved must come from God. Nisi eitu votatione mm vohtmut.
And again : f 10 Nolttit ergo Esau et non cucwrrit : sedet ri votuisstt et cucur*
tissft, Dei adiutorio peroenisset, qni ei etiam velle et cnrrere votandoprae-
slant, nisi vocationis contemptn t ttottetijittwt It is then shown that God
can call whom He will, if He only wills to make His grace congruous. Why
then does He not do so? The answer lies in tbe incomprehensibility of the
Divine justice. Tbe question whom He will pity and whom He will not
* For a translation of portions of this Commentary, we are indebted to tbe
kindness of Mr. W. J. Birkbeck, of Magdalen College, Oxford.
K TO Til [IX. 6-2P.
depends upon the hidden justice of God which no human standard can measure.
ftxum atquo immobiU m mtntt tobria pittatt atqu<
injidt, quod nulla tit iniquitat apud Deum : atqm ita tftuuisrim* />
mtqut crt. :' . m quod Deus cuiut vult mittrttur ft qucm vutt oodurat.
koc fit, fttius T'u.'f mittrttur, tt fains turn vuit tun mittretur, tstt alUuiut
offu/taf atout at humane modulo i*9titigMH* oxquitatit : and so again, atqui-
;<ulthHm*«*kmmm***Um*nm«iuim*iudifat. God is always
just. His mercy cannot be understood. Those when He calls oat of
pity; those whom He does not. He refuses to call out of just ice. Itisnotmerit
or necessity or fortune, bat the depths of the wisdom and knowledge of God
which distinguishes vessels of wrath from vessels of mercy. And so it is for
the sake of the vessels of mercy that He postpones the punishment of the
vessels of anger. They are the instruments of the safety of others whom
God pities.
Enough has "been said to show the lines of St. Augustine's interpretation.
Although from time to time there might be controversies about his views on
Grace, and there might be a tendency to modify some of the harder sides of
his system, yet his exegesis of this passage, M compared with that of Origen
or Cbrysostom, became supreme in the West It influenced first the exegesis
and doctrine of the Schoolmen, and then that of the Reformation and of Calvin.
For the middle ages it may be sufficient to take Abelard (1079-1143) and
Thomas Aquinas (1227-1274). Both were largely influenced by Augustine;
but whereas in the case of Abelard the influence was only
Aquinas we have the clearest and most perfect example of the Aogustinian
exposition.
Abelard. Abelard (Mignr 1 1) makes a somewhat strange division <
Epistle, attaching the exposition of ix. 1-5 to the end of ch
begins his fourth book with ix. 6. In w. 6-13 he sees a vindication
freedom of the Divine will in conferring grace, but only in relation to Jacob.
• That the election of Jacob/ he says, 'that is the predestination, may remain
unmoved.' The choice depends solely on the Divine grace- Verges i 4
explains as the objection of an opponent, to which St. Paul gives an answer,
ver. 20, ' Who art thonl* The answer is a rebuke to the man who would
accuse God of iniquity. God may do what He will with those whom He has
» 1 : into mullopetius Dto liter* omcmmom motto volucrit creaturam tuam
trattarf off HO ditpoutrt, qui obnoxius nuUo ttnttur dtbito, anttquam quid-
mum ilia promtrtatur. Men have no more right to complain than the
animals of their position. There is no injustice with God. He does more
for mankind by the impiety of Judas than by the piety of Peter. Quit omim
Jtdtlium neuiat, quam Optimo usus tit summa ill* impiitaU ludat, cuius
fjctOfraAM perditions totims k*ma*i gtntris rttUmptiontm tit oficratus.
Then he argues at some length the question why man should not complain.
:« not called as others are called to glory ; and somewhat inconsistently
be finds the solution in perseverance. God calls all, He gives grace to all,
but some nave the energy to follow the calling whtle others are slothful
and negligent. Sit ft Dto mooit quotidi* rtgmum codormm o/fremte, aliut
rtgmi tf silts dttidtrio oxttiutu m torn* fortntrat optribus, aliut in sua
navia. On w. 22, 23 he savs God bore with the v
Pharaoh both to give him an opportunity to repent, and that He might use
his crimes for the common good of mankind.
A ;-; r, a. In contrast with the somewhat hesitating and inconsistent character of
Abelard's exposition. Aquinas stands out as one of the best and clearest com-
mentaries written from the Augustinian standpoint The modern reader must
learn to accustom himself to the thoroughness with which each point is
sub-divisions,
discussed, and the minuteness of the sub-divisions, but from few exponn
s discussed, or the
be gain so much insight into the philosophical questi
logical difficulties the solution of which is attempted.
IX. 6-20.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 373
The purpose of the section is, be says, to discuss the origin of Grace, to do
which the Apostle makes use of the opportunity afforded by the difficulties
implied in the rejection of the Jews. Apostolut supra nettttitatem etwir-
Mem gratia* dtmonstravit : hit tncipit agere & origin* gratia*, utrum tjt tola
Dei tltctiont dttur, ant detur ex meritis praotedentium oftrum. otrmriom
aettpta ex to, quod ludati quivukbantur divinis obttquiis mameipc::
derant * gratia. In w. 6 13 the errors of the Jews, of the Msnirtmnni
(who believed that human actions were controlled by the stars which appeared
at the time of their birth , of the Pelagians, of Origen (the pre- existence of
souls) are condemned, and it is shown that God chose men, not because they
were holy, but that they might be holy : unum alteri praedigit, no* quia
tanctus erat, ted ut samtus esstt. In TT. 14-18 St. Paul shows from Scripture
that there is no injustice either in Predestination or in Reprobation. God
has predestined the just to life for merits which He has Himself conferred on
thrm, the wicked to destruction for sins which come from themselves. Deus
profosuit s* f unit mum malot frofter p*tcata, qua* a tt if its kabent non
a Deo. lustos aulem frofosuit tt fraemialttrum propter merit a qua* a tt
if sis no* habtnt. All lies in the will of God ; we notice indeed that ^sMsf
other erroneous opinions one, that of merita constquentia gratiam, — the new
apparently of Abelard— is refuted. There is no injustice. ' Distributive justice
has a place in cases of debt, but not in cases of pity.' If a man relieves
one beggar, but not another, he is not unjust ; he is kind-hearted towards one.
Similarly if a man forgives only one of two offenders, he is not unjust ; he is
merciful towards one. just towards the other.
In the instance of Pharaoh two readings are discussed, tervavi and txtitavi.
If the first be taken if shows that, as the wicked are worthy of immediate de-
struction, if they are saved it is owing to the clemency of God ; if the second,
God does not cause wickedness, except by permitting it ; He allows the
wicked by His good judgement to fall into sin on account of the iniquity they
have committed. Quod quidem non esf inttUigendum koe modo quod Dm*
in komine causat malitiam, ted tit inttlligendum permissive, quia sciliett I'M
iutto suo iudicio permittit aliquot ruere in feceatum propttr praeceJenta
ittiqui fates. Deus malitiam ordinat non causat. In w. 19-24 he says
there are two Questions. ( I ) Why, speaking generally, should He choose some
men and not choose others? (a) Why should He choose this or that msnisjj
not someone else ? The second of these is treated in vr. 19-21 ; to it there is
no answer but the righteous will of God. No man can complain of being
nnjnstly treated, for all are desenring of punishment The answer to the first
is contained in vv. 22-24. In or°er to exhibit both His justice and His
mercy, there must be some towards whom He shows His justice, some
towards whom He can show His mercy. The former arc those who are naturally
fitted for eternal damnation : God has done nothing but allow them to do
what they wish. Vasa afta in interitum he defines as in se kabtntia aptitu-
dinem ad aetemam damnationem ; and adds Hoc autem solus Deus area eot
agitt quod eot ptrmittit agere quae concufiscunt. He has in fact borne with
them both for their own sakes. and for the sake of those whom He uses to
exhibit the abundance of His goodness— a goodness which could not be
apparent unless it could be contrasted with the fate of the condemned.
Signanter autem dicit (ut ostenderet divitias gloria* tnoe] quia ipta eon-
demnatio tt reprooatio malorum qua* ttt setundum Dei iustitiam, mani/ettat
tt eommendat sanctorum gtoriam qui ao ipta tali miseria liberantur.
The antithesis which was represented among patristic commentators by
Augustine and Chrysostom was exaggerated at the Reformation by Calvin
and Arminius. Each saw only his own side. Calvin followed Augustine,
and exaggerated his harshest teaching : Arminius showed a subtle power of
finding Freewill even in the most unlikely places.
The object of SL Paul, according to Calvin, is to maintain the freedom of
274 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [IX
Calvin, 'ivine election. ThU is absolutely gratuitous on God's part, and quite
independent of man. la the salvation of the just there U nothing above
G<xTs goodness, in the ponUhment of the wicked there U nothing at .
severity : the one He predestinates to salvation, the other to eternal damna-
This determination is quite independent of
can be nothing in man's fallen nature which can make God show kindness to
him. The predestination of Pharaoh to destruction U dependent on a just
but secret counsel of God: the word • to harden ' must be taken not oolyyvr-
mistive, but as signifying the action of the I Mvjne wrath. The rain of the
1 it described not as foreseen, but as ordained by His will and counsel
It was not merely foreknown, but, as Solomon says, the wicked were created
that they might perish. There is no means of telling the principle b>
one is taken and another rejected; it lies in the secret counsels of God.
None deserve to be accepted. The wrath of God against Pharaoh was post-
poned that others might be terrified by the horrible judgement, that God's
power might be displayed, and His mercy towards the elect made more clear.
As God is especially said to prepare the vessels of glory for glory, it follows
that the preparation of the vessels of wrath equally comes from 1
wise the Apostle would have said that they had prepared themselves for
destruction. Before they were created their fate was assigned to them. They
were created for destruction.
Armhi * Anninius represents absolute antagonism on every point to these views.
The purpose of the chapter is, he says, the same as that of
looked at from a special point of view. While the aim le is to
prove • Justification by Faith/ in this chapter St. Paul defends hit argument
against Jews who had urged : 'It overthrows the promises of God, t
I'.y the words addressed to Rebecca He signified
from eternity resolved not to admit to i —es all the children of
Abraham, but those only whom He should select in accordance with the
plan He had laid down. ThU plan was to extend ! to those who
had faith in Him when He called and who believed on Christ, not to those
who sought salvation by works. The passage that follows (ver.
shows that God has decided to give His mercy in His own way and
own plan, that is to give it not to him who runs, to him that U wh
after it by works, but to him who seeks it in the way that He has aj ;
And this is perfectly just, because He has II.
method. Then the image of the potter and the clay U introdi
sovereignty of God, but Hit right to do what He will, that
is to name His own conditions. He has created man to become something
better than be was made. God has made man a vessel : man it
makes himself a bad vessel God decrees on certain conditions to make
men vessels of glory or vessels of wrath according as they do or do i.
these conditions. The condition is Justification by 1
The systems of Arminins and Calvin were for the most part supreme
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in the exegesis of this chapter,
although there were from time to time signs of historical methods of inter,
pretation. Hammond for example, the English divine of the seve
century, in hU paraphrase adopts methods very much beyond those
But gradually at the beginning of the present century the defects or
Inadequacy of both views became apparent. It was quite clear that as
against Arminins Calvin's interpretation of chap, tx was cor
Paul's object in it was not to prove or defend justification by •
behind it, why it was that •omc had ol •
But equally clear was
. was
with chap, x, and the language *: 1 habitually uses
This apparent inconsistency then must be rccogn
ram s ooject in 11 was not 10 prove or oeicnu j
discuss the question behr :: was that *oi
•h and others had equally clear
pretation. or rather much of what he had read
IX. SO— X. 13.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 275
must it be treated f Various answers hare been given. Fritnche asserts F
that St Paul is carried away by bis argument and aocoasdonsly nrlT*4*1^!
himself. ' It is evident that what St. Pan! writes is not only tfThtmt with
itself but absolutely contradictory.' If the Jews, it is asserted in chap. ix,
were first chosen and then rejected, it was the malignity of God and not their
own perversity which caused their (all. If God Mid decreed their tall for
a time (chap, xi), they could not be blamed if they had fallen ; and yet in
chap, x they are blamed. Mult it taeft aecidit tit amicum fortunat fulmin*
fcnussum erteluri studio consolanJi argument is eufiJe uttrtntur nequt ab
omni forte Jirmis tt quorum u**m turn altero forum eonsitteret. El
melius sibi Paulus consensisset, ti Aristotelis mm GamalitUs Alumnus
fuiitet.
• admits the discrepancy but explains it differently. ' As often as we Meyer.
treat only one of the two truths, God is absolutely fret and all-iuffuitnt, and
man has moral freedom and u in virtu* of kit proper self-determination and
responsibility a liberum agnu, tkt author of kit salvation or ptrdition, and
carry it out in a consistent theory and therefore in a one-sided method, we
are compelled to speak in such a manner that the other truth appears to be
annulled.' . . . ' The Apostle has here wholly taken his position on the
absolute standpoint of the theory of our dependence upon God, and that
with all the boldness of clear consistency/ . . . 'He allows the claims of
both modes of consideration to stand side by side, just as they exist side by
side within the limits of human thought.' According to Meyer in fact the
two points of view are irreconcileablc in thought, and St. Paul recognizing
this does not attempt to reconcile them.
It would be impossible to enumerate all the different varieties of opinion
in the views of modern scholars. One more specimen will be sufficient.
The solution offered by Beyschlag. He maintains that all interpretations are Beyschlsj-
wrong which consider that St. Paul is concerned with anything either before or
after this life. It is no eternal decree of God, nor is it the future destiny of
mankind that he is dealing with. It is merely their position in history and
in the world. Why has he chosen one race (the Jews) for one purpose,
another race (the Egyptians) for another T He is dealing with nations not
individuals, with temporal not spiritual privileges.
The above sketch will present the main lines of interpretation of these
verses, and will serve as a supplement to the explanation which has been
given above. We must express our obligations in compiling it to Weber
I Dr. Valentin), h'ritisckt Gesckickt* dtr Exegtst des 9. Kapitels rtsp. der
Vtrs* 14-23 des Romerbritfes, au auf Ckrysottomus und .luptitinus tin*
ickitssluk, and to Beyschlag (Dr. Willibald), Du pauliniiJu Tktoduee,
Romtr 1X-XI, who have materially lightened the labour incurred.
ISRAEL ITSELF TO BLAME FOR ITS REJECTION.
IX. 30 -X. 13. The reason that God has rejected Israel
is tfiat, though they sought righteousness* they sought it in
their own way by means of works* not in God's way through
faith. Hence when ttte Messiah came they stumbled as had
been foretold (w. 30-33). They refused to give up their
own method* that of Law* although Law had come to an end
in Christ (x. 1-4), and this in spite of the fact that the old
T a
276 STLE TO THE R< IX. 30-X. a
system teas difficult if not impossible (vcr. 5). while th
u easy and within the reach of all (w. 6- 1
•rsal in its scope (vv. 11-13).
IX. " What then is the position of the argument so far ? One
clear. A number of Gentiles who did not profess to be
in pursuit of righteousness have unexpectedly come uj
a righteousness however c -: •• characteristic is that it is not
earned by their own efforts but is the product of faith in a power
outside them. " Israel on the other hand, the chosen people of
God, although" making strenuous efforts after a rule of moral and
religious life that would win for them righteousness, have not
succeeded in attaining to the accomplishment of such a rule.
w How has this come about? Because they soug! .: own
•t in God's way. They did not seek it by faith, but th
was to pursue it by a rigid performance of works. ** And hence
that happened to them which the Prophet Isaiah foretold, i!--
spoke (xxviii. 16) of a rock which the Lord would lay in Zion
and foretold that if a man put his tn: he would never
have cause to be ashamed. But elsewhere (u.i. 14) he c
'a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence,' implying that those
who have not this faith will consider it a stumbling-block in
way. This rock is, as you have always been told, the Messiah. The
Messiah has come; and the Jews through want of faith
regarded as a cause of offence th.. the corner stone of
the whole building.
X. ' Let me pause for a moment, brethren. It is a serious
accusation that I am bringing against my fellow-countrymen.
I repeat that I do it from no feeling of resentment. How great is
my heart's good will for them I How earnest my prayer to God
for their salvation 1 'For indeed as a fellow-countryman, as one
who was once as they are, I can testify that they are full of zeal
for God. That is not the point in which they have :
that they have not guided their zeal by that true knowledge-
is the result of genuine spiritual insight. 'Righteousness they
strove after, but there were two ways of attaining to it. The one
was God's method : of that they remained ignorant. The
was their own method: to this they clung blindly a:
< d to submit to God's plan of salv.i
Z. 4-12.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 277
4 Their own method was based on a rigid performance of legal
enactments. But that has been ended in Christ Now there is
a new and a better way, one which has two characteristics ; k is
based on the principle of faith, and it is universal and for all men
alike, '(i) It is based on the principle of faith. Hence it is that
while the old method was difficult, if not impossible, the new b
easy and open to all. The old method righteousness by law, that
is by the exact performance of legal rules, is aptly described by
Moses when he says (Lev. xviii. 5), «the man who docs these
things shall live/ i. e. Life in all its fulness here and hereafter was
to be gained by undeviating strictness of conduct ; and that con-
dition we have seen (i. i8-iii. 20) was impossible of fulfilment.
* But Ibten to the proclamation which righteousness by faith
makes to mankind. It speaks in well-known words which haw
become through it more real 4 There is no need for you to say,
Who will go up into heaven ? Heaven has come to you ; Christ
has come down and lived among men. T There is no need to
search the hidden places of the deep. Christ has risen. There
is no need therefore to seek the living among the dead. You are
offered something which does not require hard striving or painful
hbour. • The word of God is very nigh thee, in thy heart and in
thy mouth.' And that word of God is the message of faith, the
Gospel which proclaims 'believe and thou shalt be saved'; and
this Gospel we preach throughout the world. * All it says to you
is : • With thy mouth thou must confess Jesus as sovereign Lord,
\\ith thy heart thou must believe that God raised Him from the
dead/ "For that change of heart which we call faith, brings
righteousness, and the path of salvation is entered by the con-
fession of belief in Christ which a man makes at his baptism.
11 (a) This is corroborated by what the Prophet Isaiah said (xxviii.
1 6) in words quoted above (iz. 33), the full meaning of which we
now understand : ' Everyone that belicveth in Him (L e. the
Messiah) shall not be ashamed/ Moreover this word of bis,
4 everyone/ introduces the second characteristic of the new method.
It is universal. u And that means that it applies equally to Jew
and to Greek. We have shown that the new covenant is open for
Greeks as well as Jews; it is also true to say that the conditions
demanded are the same for Jew as for Greek. The Jew cannot
278 .1: TO THE ROMA [ix so.
keep to his old methods; he must accept the new. AT
must be so, because there is for all men alike one Redeemer,
who gives the wealth of His salvation to all those whoever they
may be who call on His name. " And so the prophet Joel, fore-
telling the times of ihe foundation of the Messianic kingdom,
says (ii. 32) 4 Everyone that shall call on the name of the Lord
(i. e. of the Messiah) shall be saved/ When the last days come, in
the times of storm and anguish, it b the worshippers of the
Messiah, those who are enrolled as His servants and call c
Name, who win find a strong salvation.
IX. 30-X. 21. St. Paul now passes to another aspect of the
i he is discus^:.-. He has considered the rejection of
Israel from the point of view of the Divine justice and power, he
is now to approach it from the side of human responsibility.
concluding verses of the ninth chapter and the whole of the tenth
are devoted to proving the guilt of Israel. It is first sketched out
in ix. 30-33. Israel have sought righteousness in the wrong way,
in that they have rejected the Messiah. Then St. Paul, over-
whelmed uith the sadness of the subject, pauses for a moment
(x. i, 2) to emphasize his grief. He returns to the discussion by
pointing out that they have adhered to their own method instead
of accepting God's method (w. 2, 3). And this in spite of
several circumstances ; (i) that the old method has been done
away with in Christ (ver. 4); (2) that while the old method
was hard and difficult the new is easy and within the reach of
all (w. 5-10); (3) that the new method is clearly universal and
intended for all alike (w. 11-13). At vcr. 14 he passes to another
aspect of the question: it might still be a
opportunities of knowing? I:. .-i it is shown that both
through the full and universal preaching of the Gospel, and
through their own Prophets, they have had every opportunity
them.
30. TI ouf fpoCfu*; The oS*, as is almost always the ca
ul, sums up the results of the previous paragraph.
then is the conclusion of this discussion ? ' It is not that God's
promise has failed, but that while Gentiles have obtained "righteous-
ness," the Jews, though they strove for it, 1
of the result so far arrived at leads to the question being asked ;
.s it so? And that introduces the second point in St. Paul's
discussion — the guilt of the Jews.
5ri «$ni K re arc two constructions possible for these
words, i. The sentence irtort*t may contain the
answer to the question asked in TI <*r ty. s interpretation
IX. 30, 31.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 279
is probably right. The difficulty, however, is that nowhere else In
this Epistle, where St. Paul uses the expression r/ o£* «povM«r, does
he give it an immediate answer. He follows it by a second
question (as in ix. 14); and this is not a mere accident. It is
a result of the sense of deliberation contained in the previous
words with \\hich a second question rather than a definite state-
ment seems to harmonize, a. The alternative rendering would be
to take the words 5ri . . . ty&uw, as such a second question.
• What shall we say then ? Shall we say that, while Gentiles who
did not seek righteousness have obtained it, Israel has not attained
to it?' The answer to this question then would be a positive
one, not given directly but implied in the further one fair/; 'Yet*
but why?'— The difficulty in this construction, which must tell
against it, is the awkwardness of the appended sentence Awmxrv**^
JW r^y IK ir&rr**tr. Lipsius' suggestion that 5™ = ' because ' is quite
impossible.
*0tt| : ' heathen/ not ' the heathen ' ; some, not all : nam
nonnulli pagani fidcm turn Christo adiunxtran/, rd vX^/ia r*»
tf xttp ad Christi sacra nondum atccsserat. Fri.
StwKorra . . . xarAapc : 'correlative terms for pursuing and
overtaking' (Field, Otium Norvicens€% Ui. p. 96). The metaphor
as in r/M'xorrof (ver. 16) is taken from the racecourse, and probably
the words were used without the original meaning being lost sight
of: cf. i Cor. ix. 24. The two words are coupled together
Exod. xv. 9 ; Ecclus. xi. 10; xxvii. 8; Phil. iii. 12 ; Herod, ii. 30;
Lucian, Hermot. 77. &»*«<» is a characteristic Pauline word occur-
ring in letters of all periods: i Thess. (i), i Cor. (i), Rom. (4),
Phil, (a), i Tim. (i), a Tim. (i).
SiKaKxninr)? &{ limits and explains the previous use of the word.
4 But remember, (and this will explain any difficulty that you may
have), that it was «'« wuww* ': cf. iii. 22 dutauxrvyq & e«o£: i Cor.
U. 6 trot/Ma* d< AaAof/j«y «V rote r«X«t'otr* eo$ia» i« ow rov aiwror
Tovrow.
Some small variations of reading may be jost noticed. In rer. 31 the
second kmocvmji after tit n$/ior of the TR. U omitted by decisive authority,
as also is rljiov (after f?7«») in rer. 32, and 70? after mf*9lsa+a». In vcr. 33
war read by the TR. has crept in from x. 1 1, and Western MSS. read ob M
•oTcu<rxvt^ to harmonize with the LX X.
31. MapafjX W K.T.X, These words contain the real difficulty of
the statement, of which alone an explanation is necessary, and is
given. 'In spite of the fact that some Gentiles even without
seeking it have attained righteousness, Israel has failed.'
ropor &iKcuoaunf|s : ' a rule of life which would produce righteous-
ness ' : cf. iii. 27 r4*or wurTtwf : vii. ai.
OUK ;+6curc : ' did not attain it ' ; they are represented as con-
tinually pursuing after something, the accomplishment of which
280 K ROMA [IX. 31
as continually escapes them. All idea of anticipation has been
lost in *At*» in later Greek, cf. Phil. iii. 16; Dan. iv. 19 (Theod)
1<f)O€UFt9 tit TOP OvfMV&V.
82. 4n ofo U wiorcwf . . • wpoa/Ko^o. Two constructions are
possible for these words, (i) We may put a comma at «",o*" and
supply &Mo*T«r. Then the passage will run : • Why did tl.
it ? because pursuing after it not by faith but by work
stumbled/ &c. ; or (2) we may put a full stop at <py*» ancj
tbi»ta». ' Why did they not attain it? because they pursued after
it not by faith but by works, they stumbled/ Ac. The sentence has
more emphasis if taken in this way, and the grammatical construc-
tion is on the whole easier.
dXX* ws 4( <pyw. The •* introduces a subjective idea. S:
wishes to guard himself from asserting definitely that «'£ «* ry»» was
a method by which 961*9 &«a«xr^« might be pursued.
fore represents it as an idea of the Jews, as a way by which they
thought they could gain it. So in 2 Cor. ii. 1 7 <IAV <W «£ «i*Xurpt»«tar
represents the purpose and aim of the Apostle ; 2 Cor. xi. 1 7
I XoAtt, oi KOTO. Ktpio* XoX«, JXX* <U fV aQpoaCrjj represents an aspect
from which his words may be regarded ; Philem. 1 4 i*a w «r *ara
drdyKTjv TO oyaM* oov I oXXa cara «courtoy : ' even the apfx
of constraint must be avoided ' (cf. Lightfoot, ad /oc.). The «*t
gives a subjective idea to the phrase with which it is placed, but the
eiact force must be determined by the context.
YfxxT/Kotar : wpoamfarcu' ru>« means not 'to stumble over by
inadvertence/ but 'to be annoyed with/ ' show irritaiioi
Jews, in that the cross was to them a vnMa^o^ had stumbled
, shown themselves irritated and annoyed, and expressed
their indignation, see Grm. Thayer, sub roc.
T$ XI$Y T®5 »poan6pjiaTos : ' a stone which causes nv
stumble/ Taken from the LXX of Is. viii. 14. The stone at
which the Jewish nation has stumbled, been to them
a cause of offence, is the A ho has come in a v
owing to their want of faith, has prevented them from recognizing
or accepting Him, cf. i Pet. ii. 8.
33. iSou, Ti9i||u iv IIWK K.T.X. The quotation is taken from the
..f Is. xxviii. 16, fused with words from Is. viii. 14. The
part of the verse is quoted again x. ii, ami the whole in
A comparison of the different variations Is interesting, (i) The I XX
reads (Joft Ifu JftfoAAw tit rd 0<^A(a liai-. Iti l.,,th the p«Mge» in the
the worth are I3od rtf^/M Jr X«wr. (•) 1
i*\<rrt* (Ltpo-yxrio/or fm^or, St. Peter reads Agpayvnatov i«x««r Jr frnpor :
while St. Paul sutxtitutet X/0or wpoo^fiarot mi w/rpar 0*a*&i\ov ukeo
from I.. v;ii 14 gal ovx in A/for wpoat^nnan awavrrptott oiM At fir pat
»TU//. - agrees with >t . I'aul in ,-i <rcarftaAov
(otwirpas wrufutrt. (3) The LXX proceeds tit rd f«/*«Aia avrift, which both
IX. 33.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL l8l
St Peter and St Paul omit (4> The LXX proceed* «o2 4
«aroi<rxv»«9. Both St. Peter and St Paul bnng oat the personal reference
by inserting !»' owrf, while St Paul read* caTajax1'**^""*' »*>d in x. it
iir* oorf Personal, of the Messiah, ' He that believeth on Him
shall not be ashamed.' St. Paul inserts the words, both here and in
>. ii, to emphasize the personal reference. If the reference were
impersonal, the feminine would be required to agree with the
nearest word mVpo.
Karaioxui^acTai. Either an incorrect translation of the Hebrew.
or based on a different reading. The RV. of Isaiah reads ' shall
not make haste/
In the O. T. neither of these passages has any direct Messianic
reference. In both Jehovah is the rock founded on Zion. In
Is. viii. 14 He is represented as a 'stumbling-block' to the
unbeliever ; in Is. xxviii. 16 He is the strength of those that believe
in Him. But from the very beginning the word MA* was applied
to Christ, primarily \\iih reference to Ps. cxviil 22 'the Stone
which the builders rejected* (Matt. xxi. 42 ; Mark xii. 10; Luke
xx. 1 7 ; Acts iv. 1 1 by St. Peter). The other passages in which
the word Xtlof was used in the LXX came to be applied as here,
an 1 in Eph. ii. 20 a'*poytt*a/oi> is used almost as a proper name.
By the time of Justin Martyr \lffos is used almost as a name of the
Christ : f<rra> KOI ravra ovrut fgoyra a>r X«'y«ir. *a* on wa&jrof Xpurror
irpotQrjTildij n*\\iu> «&>a< *al Xi'lor KinXi/rai (Dial. 36. p. 122 C. ed.
Otto) : 6 yap XptOToff /3a<nXrvff itai it pi it gal 6tot KOI tvptot *al 'ryyi\ot
itn\ ni-Opumos «al dpxurrpa-nryot KOI \i6ot (ib. 34. p. 112 D.) These
quotations seem to imply that \ifos was a name for the Mcs-hh
among the Jews, and that Justin wishes to prove that Christ fulfils
that title, and this seems to be corroborated by quotations from
Jewish writings, not only in later books but even earlier. In Is.
viii. 14, Sanhcdrin 38. I Fitius Davidis non venit donee duo*
domus patrum ex hraele dtficiant, quae sun/ Aechmalotarcha Baby-
hnicus tt princcps terrae hrailiticae q. d. Et trii in Sanctuarium
it in lapidtm percussion's tt fxtram o/tnsionis duabtu domibus
Israel. Is. xxviii. 16 is paraphrased by the Targum Jonathan,
Ecce ego constiluam in Sion regtm, regem fortem, polrnUm et
terribiUm ; corroborate cum et confer tabo eum dicit Propheta*
Justi aultm qui crediderint haec cum venerit tribulatio non com-
movcbuntur, and some apparently read rtgem Messia* regem
polentcm. Ps. ex viii. 22 is paraphrased by the same Targum,
Pucrum dfsf>t.vtrunt aedificatores, qui fuit inter filios Itrael et
mcruit conslilui rex et dominator. For these and other reflf. sec
Schoettgen, ii. 160, 606.
A comparison of Romans and i Peter shows that both Apostles
agree in quoting the same passages together, and both have
282 >TLE TO THE ROMANS [IX. 33 X. 1.
a numl>cr of common variants from the normal text of t; - I. XX.
This i; i'oter's acquaintance with the
Romans; but another hypothesis may be suggested, which \vill
perhaps account for the facts more naturally. We know t:
prove from the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ, was the constant
practice of the early Christians. Is it not possible that even as early
there may have been collections of O. T. texts used for con-
troversial purposes arranged according to their subjects, as were
the later Testimonia of Cyprian, where one of the chapters is headed:
Quod idem et lapis die/us si/ ( Test. ii. 1 6) ? See on ix. 25, 26 supra.
X. 1. There is no break in the argument between this chapter
and w. 30-33 of chap, ix ; but before expanding this part
subject, the Apostle pauses for a mom' is own
strong feelings and the deep tragedy of his c<
to express his sorrow and afTecticn.
Mardoo admitted into his text rer. 3-4, which he was able to nse as
a proof text of his fundamental doctrine that the Jew* had been ignorant of
the ' higher God.' The whole or almost the whole passage which follows
x. 5-xi. 3^, he appears to hare omitted. Zahn, p. 518. Tcrt. Adv. Mart. T. 13.
d&cX+ot. The position increases the emphasis of a word always
used by the Apostle when he wishes to be specially em;
The thought of the Christian brotherhood intensifies the c
\\itl> the Israelites who are excluded.
plv : without a corresponding oY. The logical antithesis is given
in vcr
cuooiu'a : ' good will/ ' good pleasure,' not 'desire/ which the word
never means.
The word tiferia means 'good pleasure' either (i) in relation to oneself
when it comes to mean 'contentment,' Eoclns. xxix. a 3 1*1 *<i«w «d pt-,a\v
«ido«.ay *X« : ">• •' 4p*K<»"' "p»K°wn i*Be«i.r : a Thess.
i i t ml wAijjwop raw «tao«iar dto*»gii»fi *d l^yor vi<rr««r /r «i-r<i,.
Sol. xri la: or (^ in relation to others, 'good will,' ' bencrolcnce,1 Ecclns.
I rf ,Mo*w, if fv*o«'? <Uc^r . A* &a ^Mror *o2
I**, TiKJt 84 «a2 «.' «Wo»or Tor \(*<TT«V tqptoeov this sense it
came to be used almost technically of the good will of God to mar
<>r4 r^r (Manor rod *Aft>ar»f ouroC: i. 9 «ard ri)r tv&oda* avrov:
lU^vc interpretation of the word is different from that taken by Fritzsche
(**/<*.), Lft (a.: ind Tholock
(aJ lot). The word vcms never to be used unqualified to mean ' den :
instance quoted by Lft. does not sopp< •
Vj oVi)9if : non orassel Paulus si absolute rcprobati tssent. \
tis owrqpi'ar = tra a*6* . 4 «.\ dxtdioaii^K ..
The additions 4 before »/*W r> e«Jr and i<rnr before «ft ron^'ar in
the IK. are giammatical explanations. '1 he reading rov 'lap
may have been mrreljr an explanatory gU>«s, or may hare arisen through the
*ene being the beginning of a lesson in church ten
X. 2-4.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 283
2. iioprupw ydp. This gives the reason for St. Paul's grief.
He had been a Jew *fp«r<ror«p»f frXwrqr v*apx*» (Gal. i. 14; cf.
Acts xxii. 3) and hence he knew only too well the extent both of
their zeal and of their ignorance.
f^Xor e«ou. Obj. genitive : 4 zeal for God ' (not as in s Cor.
xi. a). An O. T. expression : Judith, ix. 4 «'£?^'M<raj' r^" fiM* *<*:
Ps. Ixviii [Ixix] ; cxviii [cxix]. 1 39 6 ft\ot roG ouov aov : i Mace.
ii. 58 ftXof vopov. Jo wett quotes Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 16 (Mang.
ii. 562) ' Ready to endure death like immortality rather than suffer
the neglect of the least of their national customs.' St. Paul selects
the very word which the Jew himself would have chosen to express
just that zeal on which more than anything else be would have
prided himself.
HOT* JiriyrtMnr. The Jews were destitute, not of y»A<rir, but of
the higher disciplined knowledge, of the true moral discernment
by which they might learn the right way. «Wy»«*<nr (see Lft, on
Col. i. 9, to whose note there is nothing to add) means a higher
and more perfect knowledge, and hence it is used especially and
almost technically for knowledge of God, as being the iiighe*
and most perfect form : see on i. 28 and cf. iii. 20.
3. dy^oouirfs ydp. This verse gives the reason for ov <or*
«iriyy«9iy, and the antithesis to 9 /*«V «£oWa. ayrooGrm means * not
knowing/ ' being ignorant of/ not ' misunderstanding.' St. Paul
here states simply the fact of the ignorance of his fellow-country-
men ; he does not yet consider how far this ignorance is culpable :
that point he makes evident later (w. 1 4 sq.).
TV TOO 6coG 8iKaioau»nr)y . . . TY)* ft"". St. Paul contrasts two
methods of righteousness. On the one side there was the righteous*
ness which came from God, and was to be sought in the manner
He had prescribed, on the other was a righteousness which they
hoped to win by their own methods, and by their own merit.
Their zeal had been blind and misdirected. In their eagerness to
pursue after the latter, they had remained ignorant of and had not
submitted to the method (as will be shown, a much easier one)
which God Himself had revealed.
6ir«T<iYT}aa*. Middle, « submit themselves,' cf. Jas. iv. 7 ; i Pet.
ii. 13 ; v. 5 ; Winer, § xxxix, a. p. 327 E.T.
The second &«ai<xn/n)v after Itiav of the TR. to supported by K only
among good authorities, and by TUch. only among recent editors; it u
omitted by A B D E P, Vnlg. Boh. Arm., end many Fathers.
4. WXos y*P "¥°° "-T.X. St. Paul has in the preceding verse
been contrasting two methods of obtaining our<uo<rvnj; one, that
ordained by God, as ix. 32 shows, a method «V wtW*»r ; the other
that pursued by the Jews, a method &a vd/iov. The latter has ceased
to be possible, as St. Paul now proves by showing that, by the coming
of Christ Law as a means of obtaining righteousness bad been
-V4 ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [X. 4.
brought to an end. The yap therefore introduces the reason, not
for the actual statement of u the Jews had not submitted
10 the Divine method, but for what was implied — that they were
wrong in so doing.
WXos : • end/ ' termination/ Law as a method or principle of
righteousness had been done away with in Christ. *C
end of law as death is the end of life/ Gif. Cf. Dem. C. Eubulidcn,
1306, 25 carrot woe iv «<m*» cb4p«Mrotr r«'Aot rov ftiov dararor (quoted
by Frl and by many writers after him).
The theological idea of this verse is much expanded in later
Epistles, and is connected definitely with the death of Christ : Eph.
'He abolished in His flesh the enmity, even the law of
commandments contained in ordinances ' ; Col. ii. 14 • I .
blotted out the bond written in ordinances that was against us,
which was contrary to us : and He bath taken it out of the way,
nailing it to the cross.' This last passage is paraphrased by Lft :
'Then and there [Christ] cancelled the bo:
against us (for it bore our own signature), the bond which engaged
us to fulfil all the law of ordinances, which was our stern ;
tyrant. Ay, this very bond hath Christ put out of sight fo;
nailing it to His cross, and rending it with His body, and killing
i lis death/ And as he points out, a wider reference must
be given to the expression; it cannot be confined to the Jews.
The ordinances, although primarily referring to the Mosaic law,
4 will include all forms of positive decrees in which moral or social
principles are embodied or religious duties defined ; and the " bond "
is the moral assent of the conscience which (as it were) signs and
seals the obligation.'
4 Although the moral law is eternal, yet under the Gospel it loses
its form of external law, and becomes an internal principle of life/
Lid.
»-ofiou : ' Law ' as a principle (so Weiss, Oliramare, Gif.), not
the Law, the Mosaic Law (so the mass of commentators),
not possible indeed to lay stress on the absence of the article here,
because the article being dropped before r<Xn( it is naturally also
dropped before yrfpov (see on ii. 13), and although St. .
have written TO yap r«Xot roC nrf/iou, yet this would not exactly have
suited his purpose, for r«X<x is the predicate of the sentence thrown
forward for emphasis. But that the application of the term must
be general U shown by the whole drift of the argument (see below),
by the words wowl ry wtirrtvotm proving that the passage cannot be
confined to the Jews, and cons v, and
by the correct reailin: njr «« *Wv (s< note).
The interpretation < rsc has b • on fused owing
to incorrect translations c>: :ilincnt, aim), the confusion of
90fUH and 6 ro/"*, and a misapprehension of the drift of the passage.
X. 4, 5.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 285
That the version given above is correct is shown (i) by the mean-
ing of r«Xor. It is quite true that Christ is the r«X«t»<7<r of the
Law, that in Him what was typical has its fulfilment; but WXoc
never means rfXuWtr (as it b taken here by Orig. Erasmus, ftc.).
Again, it is equally true that the Law is the *<utay*yot that brings
men to Christ, and that Christ can be described as the object or
goal of the Law (as the passage is taken by Chrys^ other fathers,
and Va. amongst English commentators) : but WXoc is only used
once in this sense in St. Paul's Epbtles (i Tim. i 5), Xpumfe would
become the predicate, rAor would then require the article, and «>/*<*
would have to be interpreted of the Jewish Law. The normal
meaning of the word, and the correct one here, b that of ' termina-
tion ' (so Aug. De W. Mcy. Fri Weiss, Oltramare); (a) by the
meaning of *y*o* (see above). Thb b interpreted incorrectly of the
Jewish Law only by almost all commentators (Orig. Chrys. and
all the Fathers, Erasmus, Calv. De W. Mcy. Va.); (3) by the
context. Thb verse b introduced to explain ver. 3, which asserts
that of two methods of obtaining righteousness one b right, the
other wrong. St. Paul here confirms this by showing that the one
has come to an end so as to introduce the other. It b his object
to mark the contrast between the two methods of righteousness
and not their resemblance.
But the misinterpretation is not confined to this verse, it colours
the interpretation of the whole passage. It b not St. Paul's aim to
show that the Jews ought to have realized their mistake because
the O. T. dispensation pointed to Christ, but to contrast the two
methods. It is only later (w. 14 f.) that he shows that the Jews
had had full opportunities and warnings.
cif &iKcuo<runr)p varrl TW morcuorn : 'so that bueatowin) may come
to everyone that believes/ 'so that everyone by believing may
Obtain
Omni trtJtnti, tract atur ri crtdenti T. 5 »q., ri omni v. II sq. warn,
0m Hi €X ittdeuii tt stntihu. Beng.
6-10. St. Paul proceeds to describe the two modes of obtaining
tttatoaivrj in language drawn from the O. T., which had become
proverbial.
6. M**njs yap YP<*+" "-T.X. Taken from Lev. xviii. 5, which b
quoted also in Gal. iii. 1 2. The original (A *ot^rav a«4p«vof ftrtnu
•V avroic) is slightly modified to suit the grammar of this passage,
TT)» dtxaMxrvn?* rq» «'« w^ou being made the object of vot^ac. St. Paul
quotes the words to mean that the condition of obtaining life by
law is that of fulfilment, a condition which in contrast to the other
method described immediately afterwards is hard, if not im-
possible. On this difficulty of obeying the law be has laid *•••
again and again in the first pan of the Epistle, and it is this
286 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [X. 5-8.
that he means by ro» »6>o» r«r «WoX6r in Eph. il 15 (quoted
above).
IwrcTcu : shall obtain life in its deepest sense both here and
hereafter (sec pp. 180, 196).
There ire a nnmber of mull variations in the text of this verse, (i) Sri
b pUoed before TT>, 8,«o<o<nVip by K* A D*, Vnlg. Hon., Orig.-lr
. Chrys. Thdrt. &c. (a) I* r<W
rov r<W by the mass of later authorities. (3) 6 trocar is
read without any addition by K« A D E, Vul, aura it added by
B F G K L P &c. Syrr., Chrys. Thdrt. Ac., tarn by d "e f. (4) «£i^«rot is
B. by F G, Chrys. (5) Jr a£r$ is read by K A B mimuf. fauf.t Vulg. Bob,
Orig.-laU 4r a1n« I L P Ac. Syrr, Chrys. Thdrt. Ac.
The original, text was on rV &«<uo<rvn7r rV /* r^fuw 6 »o.»7<rat ^b^pmof
4r a£rj>. The alteration of ovrd . . . avrott came from a dr
make the passage correspond with the LXX. or Gal. iii. la (hence the
omission of Jrij^nrot), and this necessitated a change in the position of on.
rov vopov arose from an early misinterpretation. The mixr<l text of H fpa<f»t
«U-T$ and
of D 7p»^«i Sri r^r &«04<xri/n7r r^r <« rov ro/tov i votijacu drQfxuvo. .
4r avroTi are curious, bat help to support K A Vulg. Bob.
6-8. The language of St. Paul in these verses is based upon the
I NX of Deut xxz. 11-14. Moses is enumerating the blessings of
Israel if they keep his law : ' if thou shall obey the voice
Lord thy God, to keep His commandments and His statutes
are written in this book of the law; if thou turn unto the Lord thy
God with all thine heart, and with all thy soul ' ; he then goes on
(the RV. translation is here modified to suit tl. or this
commandment which I command thec this day, it is not to
for thec, nor is it far from thee. u Not a above] .
Who shall go up for us into htaven [and receive it f< •
heard of it we shall do it ? u Nor is it beyond the sea],
Who will go ovtr to the further side of the sfd/^r us, [and rec
for us, and make it heard by us, and we shall do it ? j u But the
word is very nigh thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart, [and in thy
hands, that thou mayest do ill.' The Apostle selects a
out of this passage and uses them to describe the characteristics of
the new righteousness by faith as he conceives it.
It U important to notice the very numerous variations between the
quotation and the LXX. In the first place only a few phrases are
selected : the portions not quoted are enclosed in brackets in the translation
given above. Then in those sentences that are quoted there are very con-
siderable changes: (i) for the A*Y<W of t .ich U an ungrammatical
translation of the Hebrew, and : •-•! ^
tivpi •> rp xafAq aov from Dent > • .n* tit
,or rip OaXaoffiji it substituted TII *ara; • »• d/tarcror in order
to make the paiaage better suit the purpose for which it is quoted : (3) in
t The Bohairic Version is quoted incorrectly in support of this reading.
The taut read there does not imply a variant, but was demanded by tb
of the language.
X. 6.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 287
ver. 8 the word* o+Upa . . . Ir nut x«/»( «o» axe omitted (ibis agree* with
the Hebrew;, as also wouiV aurl.
6. ^ W JK Turret* oncaioauVrj oJrv Xrfyti. It is noticeable that
ul does not introduce these words on the authority of Scripture
(as vcr. 1 1), nor on the authority of Moses (as ver. 5), but merely
as a declaration of righteousness in its own nature. On the
personification compare that of Wisdom in Prov. i. ao; L!L xi. 49 ;
Of jropcwAijtric Heb. xii. 5.
TI'S dfap^acrai cts ror ooparoV ; In the original passage these
words mean : The law which I command you is not far off, it is
not in heaven, so that you will have to ask, Who will go up to bring
it down for us ? it is very near and not hard to attain. St. Paul
uses the same words to express exactly the same idea, but with
a completely different application. * The Gospel as opposed to
the Law is not difficult or hard to attain to.'
TOUT* «<m, Xpioro* KaTayay*!*' : ' that is to say, to bring Christ
down.' Just as Moses had said that there was no need for anyone
to go up into heaven to bring down the law, so it is true — far more
true indeed— to say that there is no need to go into heaven to
down the object of faith and source of righteousness— Christ
Christ has become man and dwelt among us. Faith if not a
difficult matter since Christ has come.
The interpretations suggested of this and the following verses
have been very numerous, rowr tort* occurs three times in this
passage, and we must give it the same force in each place.
In the third instance (ver. 8) it is used to give a meaning or
explanation to the word r& ftpa, which occurs in the quotation ; it
introduces in fact what would be technically known as a ' M id rash '
on the text quoted (so Mey. Lid. Lips, and apparently Va. Gif.).
That is the meaning with which the phrase has been used in
ix. 8, and is also the meaning which it must have here. The
infinitive cannot be dependent on iW ?<m (for in all the passages
the phrase is used the words that follow it are in the same
construction as the words that precede), but is dependent on
am&f}(T<Tai which it explains : so Xen. Mem. I. v. a (Goodwin, Greek
Moods and Tenses^ § 97) «« /SovXm/M&i r$ <mrp<+ai f> wal&at iratotMrat.
9 XPWurra ouMrtMrm. In this and similar cases it is not necessary to
emphasize strongly the idea of purpose as do Fri. (nempt ul Christum
in orbem tcrrarum deducat] and Lips, (ndmlich um Christum hcrabw-
holcn\ the infinitive is rather epexegetical (so apparently Va. Gif.).
The LXX here reads m baftfpmu . . . *ol X^rtu ; the construction
is changed because rovr* <<m» ml nard^i would hardly have been
clear.
Of other interpretations, some do not suit the grammar. • That
would be the same thing as to say Who will bring Christ down ? '
would require m rard^c rfo Xpurrdr. Weiss translates • that would
2SS EPISTLE TO THE ROMA" [X. 6-8.
be the same thing as to bring Christ down/ apparently making
the infinitive dependent on rovr fcn-ir. Other
s do not suit the context: 'Do not attempt g:
only believe ' : or, 'Do not waver and ask, Is Christ really come ?
elicve.' The object of the passage is not to exhort to faith
or to show the necessity of faith — that has been done in th<
part of the Epistle ; but to prove that the method of faith was one
. for several reasons, should not have been ignored and left
on one side by the Jews.
7. ^. Ti's Kara^acToi . . . foayayw : ' nor is it necessary to
search the depth, since Christ is risen from the dead.' Si
substitutes rit Karaftfiatiat tit r^r ZJvaaov for the more ordin
lunripaoit fa* tit TO tr.Vnv r^r dtiXaffo^r, both because it makes a
more suitable contrast to the first part of the sentence, and because
it harmonizes better with the figurative meaning he wishes to draw
from it. a$v<r<ros in the O. T. meant originally the • deep sea
• leep' or 'the depths of the sea, Ps. 26 a*o3a/-
rovaty «*>t TM* ovpaMM>, cm rara/fcitroixn* ««r TUV a&aauv, and the deep
places Of the earth, Ps. 1XX (Ixxi). 2O «ol «'« fir aflixrouv T^C y'v
voXtv drqyayis pt, and so had come to mean Tartarus or the Lower
World; rl» & rdpropov ri)r aSvaanv Job. xli. 23, where the reference
to raprapot is due to the I. XX ; c! I :r. rhoen. 1632 (1605) raprfyav
a$va<ra xaapara. Elsewhere in the N. T. it is so used of the abode
of demons (Luke viii. 31) and the place of torment (Rev.
: l-mblc association of the word made it V I '.nils
purpose; it kept up the antithesis of the origii. : also
enabled him to apply the passage figuratively to the Resurrection of
Christ after His human soul had gone down into Hades.
On the dtscensus ad inferos, which is here referred to in indefinite
and untechnical language, cf. Acts ii. 27 ; i Peter i;
Lft. on Ign. Magn. ix ; see also Swete, Apost.-crctd, p. 57 ff.
8. TO j^pa TTJS more**. ' The message, the subject of wl.
: *umr does not mean ' ; the Gospel message '
(Oltramare), but, as elsewhere in this chapter, faith
of righteousness. Nor does the phrase mean the Gospel message
appeals to faith in man (Lul.). l»ut the Gospel
fa.th. cf. x. 17. On fapa cf. I Peter i. 25 ri ft« fi^ Kvpiov |M*m
tit rir oiwra. rovro 61 ui TO c tayyt Xii7<:>
S «t|poaaop«K. This gives the reason why the n<
ousness is easy to attain, being as it is brought home to
one, and suggests a thou Corked out more fully in
'4 f-
sense does St. Paul use the O. T. in vv. 6-8 ? The
difficulty is this. In the O. T. the words are used by Moses of
ow can St. Paul use them of the Gospel as agaii.
X. 8.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL a8o,
The following considerations will suggest the answer to be given :
(1) The context of the passage shows that there is no stress
laid on the fact that the O. T. is being quoted. The object of the
argument is to describe the characteristics of ducmoovM} » mW««r,
not to show how it can be proved from the O. T.
(2) The Apostle carefully and pointedly avoids appealing to
Scripture, altering his mode of citation from that employed in the
previous verse. Mosen non dial, quta sfnsum Mom mm stquitur,
s(d tantum ab illo verba mu/uatur, Vatablus, ap. Crit. Sacr. ad loc.
(3) The quotation is singularly inexact. An ordinary reader
fairly well acquainted with the O. T. would feel that the language-
had a familiar rincj, but could not count it as a quotation.
(4) The words had certainly become proverbial, and many
instances of them so used have been quoted. Philo, Quod omn.
prod. lib. § 10 (quoted by Gilford), 'And yet what need is there
cither of long journeys over the land, or of long voyages for the
sake of investigating and seeking out virtue, the roots of which the
Creator has laid not at any great distance, but so near, as the wise
law-giver of the Jews says, " They are in thy mouth, and in thy
heart, and in thy hands," intimating by these figurative expressions
the words and actions and designs of men ? ' Bava Mezia, f. 94. i
(quoted by Wetstein) Si quis dixerit mulitri, Si adsctnderis in
firmamentum, out descender is in abyssum, eris mihi desponsata, haec
conditio frustranea est ; 4 Ezra iv. 8 dicebas mihi fortassis : In abys-
sum non descendi, neque in inftrnum ad hue, neqiu in cot/is unquam
ascendi; Banich iii. 29, 30 ris dW3»? m rir olpavov «<u «Ao3«» awrijr,
icai «car«/3i/3a<r«v avrtftf «'< TUP jfC/xAwr ; rt'r SU'&T) iripa* rfjt flaAmrcnjr «ai
<tp<v avni» (of Wisdom) ; Jubilees xxiv. 32 • For even if he had
ascended to heaven, they would bring him down from there . . .
and even if he descends into Shedl, there too shall his judgement
be great ' ; cp. also Amos ix. 2.
(5) St. Paul certainly elsewhere uses the words of Scripture in
order to express his meaning in familiar language, cf. ver. 18 ; xi. i.
For these reasons it seems probable that here the Apostle does
not intend to base any argument on the quotation from the O. T.,
but only selects the language as being familiar, suitable, and pro-
verbial, in order to express what he wishes to say.
It is not necessary therefore to consider that St. Paul is interpret-
ing the passage of Christ by Rabbinical methods (with Mey. Lid.
and others), nor to see in the passage in Deuteronomy a prophecy
of the Gospel (Fri.) or a reference to the Messiah, which is certainly
not the primary meaning. But when we have once realized that no
argument is based on the use of the O. T., it does not follow that
the use of its language is without motive. Not only has it a
great rhetorical value, as Chrysostom sees with an orator's instinct :
4 he uses the words which are found in the O. T., being always at
u
290 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [X. 8-12.
pains to keep quite clear of the charges of love of novelties ;\
opposition to it'; but also there is to St. Paul a corrcspoi
between the O. T. and N. T. : the true creed is simj
Law on its spiritual side or Gospel (cf. Aug. Dt Nature
§83).
9. STI lay 6poXoY^<n)f K.r.X. This verse corresponds to and
applies the preceding verse. The subject of the fiita wl.
preached by the Apostles is the person of Christ and the truth
s Resurrection. Kupu* refers to ver. 6, the K
(*ri 6 0*fo avr6* #y"po « rf«p*»») to ver. 7. The power of '
lies in these two facts, namely His In- .ind His Resur-
rection, His Divine nature and His triumph over death.
is demanded of a Christian is the outward confession and the
inward belief in Him, and these sum up the conditions necessary
for salvation.
The ordinary reading in this rene is Jo, J/ioXoytap ir rf rrJparf oov
Kv/xor 'Irjaoiv, for which \V1I. substitute rd fifta iv T£ arvpori 009 6n
Kv/xot lipot*. rd fit* has the authority of 1 and perhaps
Cyril, 5ri K. X of B, Boh., Cl«n.-Alex. and Cyril a/5. The agreement in
the one case of B and Boh., in the other of B and Clem.- Alex, against nearly
all the other authorities is noticeable.
10. Kapoia yap WKTTCU'CTCU K.T.X. St. Paul explains and brings
out more fully the application of the words he has la
beginning of the Christian life has two sides : internally it is the
change of heart which faith implies ; this leads to rightcor.
the position of acceptance before God : externally it implies the
' confession of Christ crucified ' made in baptism, a;
puts a man into the path by which in the end he attains sal\
he becomes tr*(6ntt».t.
n Xi'yci YAP T>| Ypa^ KT.X. Quoted from Is. xxviii. 16 (see
above, ix. 33) with the addition of war to bring out the point on
. emphasis is to be laid. introduces a proof from
Scripture of the statement made in the previous verse that faith is
the condition of salvation, and at the same time makes it the
occasion of introducing the second point in the argument, namely,
the in trader of this new method of obtaining righteous-
In ver 4 he has explained ' Id system of
has been done away with in Christ to make way for a new
one which has two characteristics : (i)U rrl<m*n: this has
been treated in w. 5-10; (2) that it is universal: this he now
proceeds to develope.
12 o* Y^P <<rri &ca<rroX*) 'lou&mou TC *a! 'EXX^^os.
first explains the meaning of this statement, namely, the universal
character of the Gospel, by making it clear that it is the sole
method for Jews as well as for Gentiles. This was both a warning
X. 12, 13.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 291
and a consolation for the Jews. A warning if they thought that,
in spite of the preaching of the Gospel, they might seek salvation
in their own way ; a consolation it once they realized the burden
of the law and that they might be freed from it The Jews have
in this relation no special privileges (cf. L 16; ii. 9, 10 ; iii. 9;
i Cor. i. 24 ; xii. 13; Gal. iii. 28; Col. iii. n); they must obtain
a<*aioffM*| by the same methods and on the same conditions as the
Gentiles. This St. Paul has already proved on the ground that
they equally with the Gentiles have sinned (iil 23). He now
deduces it from the nature and the work of the Lord.
A YAP °"T*« Kupios wdm*, cf. i Cor. xil 5. This gives the
reason for the similarity of method for all alike :' it is the same
Lord who redeemed all mankind alike, and conferred upon all alike
such wealth of spiritual blessings/ It is better to take Kvpux wr**
as predicate for it contains the point of the sentence, ' The same
Lord is Lord of all ' (so the RV.).
must clearly refer to Christ, cf. w. 9, n. He is called
Acts x. 36, and cf. ix. 5, and Phil. ii. 10, 1 1.
• abounding in spiritual wealth/ cf. esp. Eph. iii. 8
rolt !&v*at» <i-ayy<\i(ra(T&n rb aV«£«xna<rro»» irAovrof rou XpttrroC.
TOWS liriicaXoup/rovs aurtV riruraAcur&u TO* Kvpior, or more COr-
rectly «WaA«rcr0m ri o»/«i TOV Kvpiov, is the habitual LXX transla-
tion of a common Hebrew formula. From the habit of beginning
addresses to a deity by mentioning his name, it became a tech-
nical expression for the suppliant to a god, and a designation
of his worshippers. Hence the Israelites were ol «VucaAoiV««* TO»
Kvptoy or TO oifofta Kvpiov. They were in fact specially distinguished
as the worshippers of Jehovah. It becomes therefore very signifi-
cant when we find just this expression used of the Christians as
the worshippers of Christ, 6 Kvpwt, in order to designate them as
apart from all others, cf. i Cor. i. 2 ow ran rot* AruraAov^uWi* ri
o*ofia TOW Kvpiov i?p«r ^iiproG Xpumv. There is a treatise on the
subject by A. Seeberg, Die Anbthtng des Herrn bet PauJus, Riga,
1891, see especially pp. 38, 43-46.
13. was Y^P fe &" <vtKaX/<rr)T<u. St. Paul sums up and clenches
his argument by the quotation of a well-known passage of Scripture,
Joel ii. 32 (the quotation agrees with both the LXX and the Hebrew
texts). The original passage refers to the prophetic conception of
the ' day of the Lord/ ' The sun shall be turned into darkness,
and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of the
Lord come/ At that time ' whosoever shall call on the name of the
Lord ' shall be saved. This salvation (<r«^<r«rai, cf. ver. 9 u«ii>fc
10 <7«*Va»), the Jewish expectation of safety in the Messianic
kingdom when the end comes, is used of that Christian salvation
which is the spiritual fulfilment of Jewish prophecy.
Kupiou. The term Kvptot is applied to Christ by St. Paul in
u a
29* EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [X 14-21.
quotations from the O. T. in 2 Thess. i. 9; i Cor. ii. 16; x. 21,
1 6, and probably in other passages,
quotation, besides concluding the argument of
suggests the thought which is the transition to the next point dis-
cussed—the opportunities offered to all of hearing this message.
ISRAELS UNBELIEF NOT EXCUSED BY WANT OF
OPPORTUNI
X. 14-21. This unbelief on the part of Israel was not
owing to want of knowledge. Fully accredited messe»L
such a body as is necessary for preaching and for / .
kave announced the Gospel. There is no land but has /
the voices of the Evangelical preachers (w. 14-18). Nor
was it owing to want of understanding. Their own Prophets
warned them that it was through disobedience tlm:
would reject God's message (vv. 19-21).
14 All then that is required for salvation is sincerely and genuinely
to call on the Lord. But there are conditions prelimii
which are necessary ; perhaps it may be urged, that these h .
been fulfilled. Let us consider what these conditions are. I :
is to call on Jesus he must have faith in Him ; to obtain faith it is
necessary that he must hear the call ; that again impli<
heralds must have been sent forth to proclaim this call.
heralds imply a commission. Have these conditions been ful
Yes. Duly authorized messengers have preached the Gospel,
fact may be stated in the words of the Prophet Isaiah (lii. 7) de-
scribing the welcome approach of the messengers who brin.
of the return from captivity— that great type of the other, Messianic,
ranee: ' How beautiful are the feet of tl. .good
tidings.'
* But it may be urged, in sj i c of this, all did not give It a
patient and submissi -lots not imply that the
message has not bet i < t Isaiah in the same passage
h he foretold the Apostolic message, spoke also of t
creduli the message is received i !, who
hath believed our message
me were saying a moment ago : Faith can only come from the
X. 14-21.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 293
message heard, and the message heard implies the message sent—
the message, that is, about Chi
" But it may be alleged : We grant it was preached, but that
does not prove that Israel heard it. Is that possible, when in the
words of Psalm xix ' the voices of God's messengers went forth
into all lands, and their words to the limits of the known world ? '
'• Or another excuse : * Israel heard but did not understand.'
Can you say that of Israel ? From the very beginning of its history
a long succession of its Prophets foretold the Divine scheme.
Moses, to begin with, wrote (Deut xxxii. ai) 'I will excite you
to jealousy at a nation outside the pale, that does not count as a
nation at all. I will rouse your anger at seeing yourselves out-
stripped by a nation whom you regard as possessing no intelligence
for the things of religion/ " Isaiah too was full of boldness. In
the face of his fellow-countrymen he asserted (Ixv. i ) that God's
mercies should be gained by those who had not striven after them
(the Gentiles). u And then he turns round to Israel and says that
although God had never ceased stretching out His arms to them
with all the tenderness of a mother, they had received His call with
disobedience, and His message with criticism and contradiction.
The Jews have fallen, not because of God's unfaithfulness or in-
justice, not because of want of opportunity, but because they are a
rebellious people — a people who refuse to be taught, who choose
their own way, who cleave to that way in spite of every warning
and of every message.
14-21. This section seems to be arranged on the plan of sug-
gesting a series of difficulties, and giving short decisive answers to
each : (i) ' But how can men believe the Gospel unless it has been
fully preached ? ' (v. 14). Ansuxr. ' It has been preached as Isaiah
foretold* (ver. 15). (a) 'Yet, all have not accepted it' (ver. i6V,
Ansuvr. 'That does not prove that it was not preached. Isaiah
foretold also this neglect of the message' (w. 16, 17). (3) ' But
perhaps the Jews did not hear* (v. 18). Answer. 'Impossible.
The Gospel has been preached even-where/ (4) 'But perhaps
they did not understand' (ver. 19). Answer. 'That again is im-
possible. The Gentiles, a people without any real knowledge,
have understood. The real fact is they were a disobedient, self-
willed people.' The object is to fix the guilt of the Jews by re-
moving every defence which might be made on the ground of want
of opportunities.
21,4 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [X. 14. 16.
'The passage which follow* (14-11) is in style one of the most obscure
portions of the Epistle.' This statement of Jowett's U baldly exaggerated.
• The obscurity arises,' as be proceeds to point oat, ' from the argument
being founded on passages of the Old Testament' These are quoted without
explanation, and without their relation to the argument being dearly
out. The first difficulty is to know where to make a divi-
the chapter. Some put it after rer. u (so Go.) making vv. 11-21 a proof
of the extension of the Gospel to the Gentiles ; some alter rcr. 13 (Chrys.
Weiss, Oltr. Gif.) ; some after ver. 15 (l.« L \\ II. I ; The decision of
the question will always depend on the opinion formed of the drift of the
passage, but we are not without structural ••**•!""•* It may be noticed
throughout these chapters that each succeeding paragraph U introduced by
a question with the particle o2r: to ix. 14 ri ojr JpovjMv; 30; xi. i. n.
And this teems to arise from the meaning of the particle : it turns up the
conclusion of the 'preceding paragraph as an introduction to a farther step in
the argument This meaning wil 1 exactly suit the passage under consideration .
• The condition of salvation is to call on the Lord ' — that is the conclusion
of the last section : then the Apostle goes on, • if this be so, what then (ofcO
are the conditions necessary for attaining it, and have they been ful
the words forming a suitable introduction to the next stage in the argument.
This use of oJJr to introduce a new paragraph is very common in S»t
See especially Rom. T. 1, %L i, xii. i ; Eph. iv. i ; i Tim
besides other less striking instances. It may be noticed that it is not easy
to understand the principle on which \VH. have divided the text of these
chapters, making no break at all at ix. 29, beginning a new paragraph at
chap, x, making a break here at ver. 15, making only a slight break at
chap, xi, and starting a new paragraph at ver. 13 of that chapter at what
is really only a parenthetical remark.
X. 14, 15. The main difficulty of these verses centres rout,
points : With what object are they introduced ? And what is the
quotation from Isaiah intended to prove ?
1. One main line of interpretation, following Calvin, coi
;c words are introduced to justify the preaching of the Gospel
to the Gentiles ; in fact to support the mat of the previou^
God must have intended His Gospel to go to the heathen, for
commissioned ministry (and > thinking of 1
been sent out to preat h i:. The quotation then follows as a
ficalion from prophecy of the ministry to the Gentiles. The possi-
bility of adopting such an interpretation must depend partly on the
view taken of the argument of the whole chapter (see the (i
Discussion at the end), but in any case the logi i ion is
wron^ -ndedto^
written, ' Salvation is intended for Gentile as well as Jew, for God
has commissioned II * to preach to
:ig, preaching implies faith, faith implies worship,
and worship salvation. The conversion of the Gentiles
necessary result of the existence of an apostolatc of the Gentiles.'
! 1 be seen that St. Paul puts the argument exactly in the
opposite way, in a manner in fact in which he couM :
this conclusion.
2. Roman Catholic commentators, followed by LidJon and
X. 14.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 295
Gore, consider that the words are introduced in order to justify an
apostolic or authorized ministry. But this is to introduce into the
passage an idea which is quite alien to it, and which is unnecessary
for the argument
3. The right interpretation of the whole of this paragraph seems to
be that of Chrysostom. The Jews, it has been shown, have neglected
God's method of obtaining righteousness; but in order, as he desires,
to convict them of guilt in this neglect, St. Paul must show that they
have had the opportunity of knowing about it, that their ignorance
(ayvooCrrff ver. 3) is culpable. He therefore begins by asking what
are the conditions necessary for ' calling upon the Lord ? ' and then
shows that these conditions have been fulfilled. There may still
be some question as to the meaning of the quotation, (i) It may
be introduced merely as corroborative of the last chain in the
argument (so most commentators). This need of a commissioned
ministry corresponds to the joy and delight experienced when they
arrive. Or better, (2) it may be looked upon as staling the fulfil-
ment of the conditions. ' Yes, and they have come, a fact that no
one can fail to recognize, and which was foretold by the Prophet
Isaiah/ So Chrysostom, who sums up the passage thus : ' If the
being saved, then, came of calling upon Him, and calling upon
Him from believing, and believing from hearing, and hearing from
preaching, and preaching from being sent, and if they were sent,
and did preach, and the prophet went round with them to point
them out, and proclaim them, and say that these were they whom
they showed of so many ages ago, whose feet even they praised
because of the matter of their preaching ; then it is quite clear that
the not believing was their own fault only. And that because
God's part had been fulfilled completely.'
14. irws ofr cVutaXfokMTcu. The word o£», as often in St. Paul,
marks a stage in the argument 'We have discovered the new
u of salvation : what conditions are necessary for its acceptance?'
The question is not the objection of an adversary, nor merely
rhetorical, but rather deliberative (see Burton, M. and T. § 169):
hence the subjunctive (see below) is more suitable than the future
which we find in ix. 30. The subject of £rucaA«'<r»mu is implied in
w. 12, 13, ' those who would seek this new method of salvation by
calling on the name of the Lord/
In this < erics of questions in w. 14, 15 the MSS. vary between the sub-
junctive and the future. Generally the authority for the subjunctive strongly
preponderates : JwoAiVwrroi K A B D E F G, wrtvcmnr K B D E F G P,
KTjpvtua* KABDEKLP. In the case of <U<**0ir there is a double
variation. K« A* (A lattt) B and some minuscules read AroArwriy ; N
G K P and some minuscules read <Lrov*orra4 ; L etc, Clem.-Alex. Ath.
Chrys. «U. Thcodrt. and the TR. read d*ovoov<r<. Here however the double
variant makes the subjunctive almost certain. Although the form d*owiown
is possible in N.T. Greek, it is most improbable that it should have arisen as
2 1/> EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [X. !
a corruption from Arowrorrai, and it it too weakly supported to be the
correct reading. Arofovmr, which will explain both variants and harmonize*
with the other subjunctive*, is therefore correct. B here alone among the
leading MSS. is correct through
ou OUK T)KOO<TOK: 'how can they believe on Him whom they
have not heard preaching ? ' ou is for tit rolro* ol : and as &OMI*
ri*ot means not ( to hear of some one,' but ' to hear some one
preaching or speaking,' it must be so translated, and what follows
!>e interpreted by assuming that the preaching of t
messengers is identical with the preaching of ( This
hat of Mey. and Gif.), although not without
robably better than either of the other solutions proposed.
It is suggested that ol may be for oV, and the passage is tr.i:.
4 of whom they have not heard' ; but only a few instances of this
usage are quoted, and they seem to be all early and p<
nterpretation of Weiss, o^ = where, completely brca!
continuity of the sentences.
15. KTjpofwair. The nominative is oi m^uovorw, which is implied
By means of this series of questions St. Paul works out the
conditions necessary for salvation back to their starting-point.
Salvation is gained by calling on the Lord; this implio
Faith is only possible with knowledge. Knowledge implies an
instructor or preacher. A preacher implies a commission. If
therefore salvation is to be made possible for everyone, there mu*i
have been men sent out with a commission to prea
By introducing this quotation
sioned messengers have been sent, and the
necessary for salvation have been fulfilled. 'Yes, an !
been sent: the prophet's words are true describing the glorious
character of the Evangelical preachers.'
The quotation is taken from Isaiah lii. 7, and resembK
Hebrew more closely than our pres* In the o:
it describes the messengers who carry abroad t:
of the restoration from caj'iiu'.y. But the whole of this section of
Isaiah was felt by the Christians to be full of Messianic imjx
rsc was used by the Rabbis of the coming of the Messiah
(see the references .:• 179). St.
Paul quotes it because be wishes to describe in O. e the
fact which will be recognized as true v show
that these facts are in accordance with the Divine method.
:o the appearance of the A jostles of
upon the scene of history. Their feet are «»pau* in hi
as they announce the end of the captivity of .-
- rA tltrffflto* rijr *lf>w) made by Christ, t.
X. 15, 16.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 197
blood of His Cross, between God and man, between earth and
heaven (a Cor. v. 18-20; Eph. ii. 17; Col. i. 20); and all the
blessings of goodness (ra ayaffd) which God in Christ bestows on
the Redeemed, especially dutnMxrvi^.' Liddon.
There are two critical question! in connexion with this quotation : the
reading of the Greek text and its relation to the Hebrew and to the l.XX
(i) The RV. reads <fo tipatot ol *6tot rw ffayMAjfrsiMp dyaBd : the
TR. inserts rfir tvay. ilpnnj* after ol v&«f. The balance of authority is
strongly in favour of the KV. The clause is omitted by K ABC minute.
pome. Aegyptt. (Boh. Sah.) Aeth., Clcm.-Alex. Orig. and Orig.-lat. : it is in-
serted by I) E F G K L P &c., Vnlg. Syrr. (Pesh. Harcl ) Ann, Goth., Chrys.
lat. Hit. a/. The natural explanation is that the insertion has been
made that the citation may correspond more accurately to the l.XX.
This end is not indeed altogether attained, for the LXX reads d*oi}r «^>?f,
and the omission might have arisen from Homoeotcleuton ; hot these con-
siderations can hardly outweigh the clear preponderance of authority.
There is a somewhat similar difficulty about a second minor variation.
The RV. reads dyaOd with ABCDEFGP, Orig. Eus. Jo.-Damasc, the
TR. has rd dya»d with K etc. Clem -Alex. Chrys. and most later authorities.
Here the LXX omits the article, and it is difficult anite to see why it should
have been inserted by a corrector ; whereas if it had formed part of the
original text he could quite naturally have omitted it
(a) The LXX translation is here very inexact. *<$p«i/u in &pa 1*1 rSnr
Apfor, o* *43«r «farpAifo/t4rov d*ot)v tif^nji, wt «6ary«Ai^>i«rof dyata.
St. Paul's words approach much more nearly to the Hebrew (RV.) * How
beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings,
that publishcth peace, that bringeth good tidings of good, that publuheth
salvation.' He shortens the quotation, makes it plural instead of singular
to suit his purpose, and omits the words ' upon the mountains,' which have
locni t^gnificuncy.
only a
16. dXX* ou irdKres. An objection suggested. ' Yet, in spite of
the fact that this message was sent, all did not obey the Gospel/
ov nuvrtt is a mfiosis ; cf. rt yap tl ijrritmjaav TII^S ; (ill. 3).
6ir^Ko«KraK, like vtrrrdyi;<ray (ver. 3), seems to imply the idea of
voluntary submission: cf. vi. 16, 17 oouAof ^<rr« f vmutovm . . .
irTTT)Kov<TaTt M « Kap&as tit 6r waptMtfrt.
T« €OaYY«Xi^. The word is of course suggested by the quotation
of the previous verse.
'Haatas ydp X/yci K.T.X. ' But this fact docs not prove that no
message had been sent ; it is indeed equally in accordance with
prophecy, for Isaiah, in a passage immediately following that in
whteh he describes the messengers, describes also the failure of
the people to receive the message/ With yap cf. Matt. i. ao ff.
The quotation is from the LXX of Is. liii. i. Krfptc, as Origcn
pointed out, does not occur in the Hebrew.
dicoH*: means (i) ' hearing/ 'the facuhy by which a thing is
heard ; (a) 'the substance of what is heard/ ' a report, message/
In this verse it is used in the second meaning, 'who hath believed
our report?1 In ver. 17, it shades off into the first, 'faith comes
by hearing/ It is quite possible of course to translate ' report' or
298 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [X. 16-18.
1 message' there also, but then the connexion of idea v
P9 our tjtowav is obscured.
is been questioned to whom St. Paul is referring in this and
the preceding verses — the Gentiles or the Jews. The language is
quite general and equally applicable to either, but the
of the argument shows that it is of the Jews the Apostle
Grotius makes \ 1 5 the objection of an opponent to
St. Paul replies i r> ff.
17 apa ^ mums. « Hence may be inferred (in corroboration of
was said above) that the preliminary condition necessary for
faith is to have heard, and to have heard implies a message.'
sentence is to 4 certain extent parenthetical, merely M
a fact already stated ; yet the language leads us on to the
for unbelief suggested in the next verse.
foA p^jxaros Xpi<rrotj : ' a message about Christ.' Cf. ver. 8 rA
fan* rrft wiffTtvt 6 Kipvvvopt*. St Paul comes back to the phrase he
has used before, and the use of it \\ill remind his readers that this
message has been actually sent
is the reading of K BC D E mimue. jamt., Vote. Salt Boh. Arm.
Aeth.0rig.-Ut. a/a, Ambrst. Aug.-e«ov of K«ADk«KLPfl;
Clcm.-Alex. Chryt. Tbeodrt.
St. Paul has laid down the conditions which make faith possible,
a Gospel and messengers of the Gospel ; the language he has used
reminds his readers that both these have come. ': ; >ite of
he Jews have not obeyed He now suggests two possible
excuses.
18. dXXd X/Y*»: 'but it may be said in excuse: It is possible
that those whom you accuse of not obeying the Gospel message
have never heard of it ? ' On MO 06 see Burton, M. and T. § 468.
fuvovryc : an emphatic corrective, • with a slight touch of :
(Lid.) ; cf. ix. 20.
els waaa* rJjr y\v K.r.X. St Paul expresses his meaning in words
borrowed from Psalm xix. (xviii.) 5, which he cites wo:
according to the I X hout any mark of quotation.
stress does be intend to lay on the words ? Does he use
for purely literary purposes to express a well-known fact ? or does
he also mean to prove the fact by the authority of the O. T.
it ?
: any rate St. Paul wishes to express a v
language. '\VLit do you s. e not
heard 1 Why the whole world and the ends of the earth
heard. And have you, amongst whom the heralds abode
a Ion 1 of whose land they were, n< rys.
ut the langua. >t used without a point
In the original Psalm these words describe how universally the
X. 18, 10.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 299
works of nature glorify God. By using them St. Paul ' compares
the universality of the preaching of the Gospel with the universality
with which the works of nature proclaim God' Gif.
A second difficulty is raised by older commentators. As a matter
of fact the Gospel had not been preached everywhere ; and some
writers have inverted this argument, and used this text as a proof
that even as early as this Christianity had been universally preached.
But all that St. Paul means to imply is that it is universal in its
character. Some there were who might not have heard it ; some
Jews even might be among them. He is not dealing with indi-
viduals. The fact remained true that, owing to the universal
character of its preaching, those whose rejection of it he is con-
sidering had at any rate as a body had the opportunities of hearing
of it.
19. dXXA X/YU, ft?) 'lapaTjX OUK lyw ; a second excuse is suggested :
'surely it cannot be that it was from ignorance that Israel failed?'
(1) What is the meaning of the somewhat emphatic introduction
of 'icr/xujX? It has been suggested that it means a change of
subject. That while the former passage refers to Gentiles, or
to Gentiles as well as Jews, here the writer at last turns to Israel in
particular. But there has been no hint that the former passage
was dealing with the Gentiles, and if such a contrast had been
implied 'lapo^X would have had to be put in a much more pro-
minent place, irtpl M TOV 'i<rpaf)\ X«y«*, rf out ry»» ; The real ream
for the introduction of the word is that it gives an answer to
the question, and shows the untenable character of the excuse.
Hi- Israel, Israel with its long line of Prophets, and its religious
privileges and its Divine teaching, acted in ignorance? When
once • Israel ' has been used there can be no doubt of the answer.
(2) But, again, what is it suggested that Israel has not known?
As the clause is parallel with M our tjkov<roi>, and as no hint is given
of any change, the object must be the same, namely pwa Xpurrov,
the message concerning the Messiah. All such interpretations as
the 'calling of the Gentiles' or 'the universal preaching of the
Gospel* are outside the line of argument.
(3) But how is this consistent with oywxiCrm ver. 3? The
contradiction is rather formal than real. It is true Israel's zeal
was not guided by deep religious insight, and that they clung
blindly and ignorantly to a method which had been condemned ;
but this ignorance was culpable : if they did not know, they might
have known. From the very beginning of their history their
whole line of Prophets had warned them of the Divine plan.
(4) The answer to this question is given in three quotations
from the O. T. Israel has been warned that their Messiah
would be rejected by themselves and accepted by the Gentiles.
They cannot plead that the message was difficult to understand;
300 K TO THE ROMA [X. 10 21.
even a foolish people (it was foretold) would accept it, at
stir up Israel to jc.i'
difficult to find ; for Isaiah with great boldness ha>
who never sought or asked for it would find it. The real reason
was that the Israelites are a disob< : a stubborn people,
and, although God has all day long stretched forth His hands to
them. not hear I
irpwros Mtxrijt . <tto Maxr/jr. ' Even as early in Israel's history as
Moses.'
*yw irapalrjXoSaw u^ias x.r.X. : taken from Deut. xxxii. ai sub-
stantL ;np to tin- I. XX < .'^a* is substituted for
the original the words mean that as Israel has roused God's j<
by going after no-gods, so He will rouse Israel's jealousy by
showing His mercy to those who are no-pc«
20. 'Hffotas & dworoXfia. St. Paul's position in oppOMi:
prejudices of his countrymen made him feel the boldness of
in standing up against the men of his own time. The citation is
from Isaiah Ixv. x according to the LXX, the clauses of the
original being inverted. The words in the ori^:
apostate Jews. Si. Paul applies them to the Gentiles; see on
ix. 25, 26.
B D* F G with perhaps Sah. and Goth, add Jr twice before roTf , a Western
tiding which hat found f
:c* and
reading which has found iu way into B (cf. iocs not o-
my Father*.
21. irp&s EC Tor 'laparjX Xlyci K.T X. This citation (Is. 1
follows almost immediately that quoted in vi-r. 20, and '
is tak< uith only a slight < the order.
In the original both this verse and the preceding are addressed
to apostate Israel; St Paul applies the first part to the Gentiles,
the latter pan definitely to Israel
The Argument of ix. 3O-x. 21 : Human Responsibility.
have reached a new stage in our argument. The firs:
was tl. on of God's faithfulness and justice: the -
step has been definitely to fix guilt on ma:
down that the Jews have been '-heir own fault.
They chose the wrong method. \\ Icssi.di c.
of ace d. The\
zeal for God to be controlled by a true spiritual knowl
the respon is brought ho::
excuses, such as want of opportunity
are suggested, but rej« ••
a disobedient people and they have U r dis-
IX. 30-X. 21.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 301
Now it has been argued that such an interpretation is in-
consistent with Chap. ix. That proves clearly, it is asserted, tfatt
grace comes to man, not in answer to man's efforts, but in accord-
ance with God's will. How then can St. Paul go on to prove that
the Jews are to blame ? In order to avoid this assumed incon-
;cy, the whole section, or at any rate the final portion, has
been interpreted differently: w. 11-21 are taken to defend the
Apostolic ministry to the Gentiles and to justify from the O.T. the
calling of the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews: vv. 14, 15
are used by St. Augustine to prove that there can be no faith
without the Divine calling; by Calvin, that as there is faith
among the Gentiles, there must have been a Divine call, and so
the preaching to them is justified. Then the quotations in w.
1 8-2 1 are considered to refer to the Gentiles mainly; they are
merely prophecies of the facts stated in ix. 30, 31 and do not
imply and are not intended to imply human responsibility.
An apparent argument in favour of this interpretation is sug-
gested by the introductory words ix. 30, 31. It is maintained that
two propositions are laid down there; one the calling of the
Gentiles, the other the rejection of the Jews, and both these have
to be justified in the paragraph that follows. But, as a matter
of fact, this reference to the Gentiles is clearly introduced not as
a main point to be discussed, but as a contrast to the rejection
of Israel. It increases the strangeness of that fact, and with that
fact the paragraph is concerned. This is brought out at once by
the question asked &A ri ; which refers, as the answer shows, en-
tirely to the rejection of Israel. If the Apostle were not condemning
the Jews there would be no reason for his sorrow (x. i) and the
palliation for their conduct which he suggests (x. a); and when
we come to examine the structure of the latter part we find that
all the leading sentences are concerned not with the defence of
any ' calling/ but with fixing the guilt of those rejected : for example
oXX' ov iroyr«f viriiKowrav (v. 1 6), dXAa Acy«, /i«7 °wc j*ovaa»; fv. 1 8),
W 'itrpafjX out fyvw; (v. 19). As there is nowhere any reference
to Gentiles rejecting the message, the reference must be to the
: and the object of the section must be to show the reason why
(although Gentiles have been accepted) the Jews have been rejected.
The answer is given in the concluding quotation, which sums up
the whole argument. It is because the Jews have been a dis-
obedient and gainsaying people. Chrysostom, who brings out the
whole point of this section admirably, sums up its conclusion as
follows: 'Then to prevent them saying. But why was He not
made manifest to us also ? he sets down what is more than this,
that I not only was made manifest, but I even continued with
mds stretched out, inviting them, and displaying all the
concern of an affectionate father, and a fond mother that is set on
302 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX XI
her child. See how he has brought us a most lucid answer
to all the difficulties before raised, by showing that it was from
their own temper that ruin had befallen them, and that they are
wholly undeserving of pardon/
t accept the interpretation then which so-
proof of the guilt of the Jews. St. Paul is in fact
looking at the quest a point of view different fro:
he adopted in Chap. ix. There he assumes Divine Sovereignty,
and assuming it shows that God's dealings with the Je\
justified. Now he assumes human responsibility, and shows that
assuming it the Jews are guilty. Two great steps are passed in
the Divine Theodicy. We need not anticipate the argumct
tllow it to work itself out The conclusion may suggest
a point of view from which these two apparently inconsistent
attitudes can be reconciled.
Sf. Pant's Use of the Old Testament.
In Chaps, ix-xi St. Paul, as carrying on a long and sustained
argument, which, if not directed against Jewish opponents, discusses
a Question full of interest to Tews from a Jewish point of view,
makes continued use of the O. T., and gives an opportunity for
investigating his methods of quotation and interpret:! t.
The text of his quotations is primarily that of the LXX. Ac-
cording to Kautzsch (D< -Jo Aposlolo
alltgatis\ out of eighty-four passages in which Si >>s the
O. T. about seventy are taken directly from the LXX or do not
vary from it appreciably, twelve vary considerably, bir
signs of affinity, and two only, both from the book of Job (Rom.
xi. 35 = Job xii M; = Jobv. 13) are (1
dependent and derived either from the Hebrew text or some quite
t version. Of those XX a certain number,
such for example as Rom. x. 15, show in some points a resemblance
to the Hebrew text as against the LXX. We have probably not
sufficient evidence to say whether this arises fron >cence
of the Hebrew text (conscious or unconscious), or from a
maic Targum, or from the use of an earlier form of a
It may be noticed that St. Paul's quotations sometimes agree with
late MSS. of the LXX as against the great uncials
As to the further quest! r he cites from memory or by
reference, it may be safely said that the majority of the quotations
are from memory ; for many of them are some* i
those which are correct are for the most part short and from well-
known books. There is nction l*twccn these
and the long literary quotations of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
IX-XI.] THE UNBELIEF OP ISRAEL 303
In his formulae of quotation St. Paul adopts all the various
forms which seem to have been in use in the Rabbinical schools,
and are found in Rabbinical writings. Even his less usual expres-
sions may be paralleled from them (cf. xi. a). Another point of
resemblance may be found in the series of passages which he
strings together from different books (cf. iii. 10) after the manner
of a Rabbinical discourse. St. Paul was in fact educated as a Rabbi
in Rabbinical schools and consequently his method of using the
O. T. is such as might have been learnt in these schools.
Hut how far is his interpretation Rabbinical? It is not quite
easy to answer this question directly. It is perhaps better to point
out first of all some characteristics which it possesses.
In the first place it is quite clearly not ' historical ' in the modern
sense of the word. The passages are quoted without regard to
their context or to the circumstances under which they were written.
The most striking instances of this are those cases in which the
wonls of the O.T. are used in an exactly opposite sense to thai
which they originally possessed. For instance in ix. 25, 26 words
used in the O. T. of the ten tribes are used of the Gentiles, in x. 6-8
words used of the Law are applied to the Gospel as against the
Law. On the other hand Rabbinical interpretations in the sense
in which they have become proverbial are very rare. St. Paul
almost invariably takes the literal and direct meaning of the words
(although without regard to their context), he does not allegorize
or play upon their meaning, or find hidden and mysterious prin-
ciples. There are some obvious exceptions, such as Gal. iv. 22 ff.,
but for the most part St. Paul's interpretation is not allegorical,
nor in this sense of the term Rabbinical.
Speaking broadly, St. Paul's use of the O. T. may be described
as literal, and we may distinguish three classes of texts. There
are firstly those, and they are the largest number, in which the
texts are used in a sense corresponding to their O. T. meaning.
All texts quoted in favour of moral principles, or spiritual ideas, or
the methods of Divine government may be grouped under this head.
The argument in ix. 20, 2 1 is correctly deduced from O. T. prin-
ciples; the quotation in ix. 17 is not quite so exactly correct, but
the principle evolved is thoroughly in accordance with O. T. ideas.
So again the method of Divine Election is deduced correctly from
the instances quoted in ix. 6-13. Controversially these arguments
were quite sound ; actually they represent the principles and ideas
of the O.T.
A second class of passages consists of those in which, without
definitely citing the O. T., the Apostle uses its language in order
to express adequately and impressively the ideas he has to convey.
.il instance is that in x. 18, where the words of the Psalm
are used in quite a different sense from that which they have in
304 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX-XI.
the original, and without any definite formula of citation. S
z. 6-8 (see the note) the O.T. language is used rather than a text
from it cited. The same is true in a number of other passages
where, as the text of Wcstcott and I Ion exhibits cl<
borrowed from the O.T. are expressed in homage wh
borrowed, but w ithout any definite sign of quotation. That
the natural and normal use of a religious book must clearly be
recogi i or [the writers of the N.T. the Scripture], was
the one thesaurus o: They had almost no other books.
The words of the O. T. had become a part of their mental furni-
.ey used them to a certain extent with the freedom \vith
used their own ideas' (Toy, Quotations
is a use which is constantly being made of the \\\\ . resent
day, and when we attempt to analyze the exact for.
to convey, it is neither easy nor desirable to be precise. Be
the purely rhetorical use on the one side and the logical proof on
the other there are infinite gradations of ideas, and it is i
possible to say how far in any definite passage the use is purely
rhetorical and how far it is intended to suggest a definite argi
But there is a third class of instances in which the words are
used in a sense which the original context will not bear, and >
object is to give a logical proof. This happens mainly in a •
class of passages; in those in which the cd to coi
the Law, in those in which passages no:
a Messianic bearing, and in those (a class connected with tl.
in which passages are applied to the calling of the Gentiles
do not refer to that event in the original. Here controversially the
method is justified. Some of the passages used Messian
ions had probably been so used by the Rabbis before
In all cases the methods they adopted were those of their contempo-
raries, however incorrect they may have been. 1 « >f the
method in relation to our own times ? Are we justified
The answer to that must be sought in a c
hat of the Rabbis. We have said that controver
justified. The method was the same as, and as good as, that of
their own time ; but it was no better. As far as method goes the
Rabbis were equally justified in their conclusions. There
fact no standard of". wrong, when once it is permi:
take words in a sense which t >ntext will not bear.
i an be proved from
re then does the superiority of the N
n of the spirit of the O.T. 'As ex-
pounders of rcl v belong to the whole world and to all
clong to ;:.
is the Divine spirit of love and righteousm
filled ibeir souls, the outer shell i* the intellectual form in
IX-XI.] THE UNBELIEF OF ISRAEL 505
the spirit found expression in words. Their comprehension of the
deeper spirit of the O. T. thought is one thing : the logical method
by which they sought formally to extend it is quite another ' (Toy,
Quotations, $c. p. xxi). This is just one of those points in which
we must trace the superiority of the N. T. writers to its root and
take from them that, and not their faulty exegesis.
An illustration may be drawn from Church History. The Church
inherited equally from the Jewish schools, the Greek Philosophers,
and the N. T. writers an unhistorical method of interpretation ; and
in the Arian controversy (to take an example) it constantly makes
use of this method. We are learning to realize more and more
how much of our modern theology is based on the writings of
St. Athanasius ; but that does not impose upon us the necessity of
adopting his exegesis. If the methods that he applies to the O. T.
are to be admitted it is almost as easy to deduce Arianism from
it. Athanasius did not triumph because of those cxegetical methods,
but because he rightly interpreted (and men felt that he had rightly
interpreted) the spirit of the N. T. His creed, his religious insight,
to a certain extent his philosophy, we accept : but not his exegetical
methods.
So with the O. T. St. Paul triumphed, and the Christian Church
triumphed, over Judaism, because they both rightly interpreted the
spirit of the O. T. We must accept that interpretation, although we
shall find that we arrive at it on other grounds. This may be
illustrated in two main points.
It is the paradox of ch. x that it condemns the Law out of the
Law ; that it convicts the lews by applying to them passages, which
in the original accuse them of breaking the Law, in order to
condemn them for keeping it. But the paradox is only apparent.
Running through the O. T., in the books of the Law as well as in
those of the Prophets, is the prophetic spirit, always bringing out
the spiritual truths and lessons concealed in or guarded by the Law
in opposition to the formal adherence to its precepts. This spirit
the Gospel inherits. ' The Gospel itself is a reawakening of the
spirit of prophecy. There are many points in which the «****Hy
i'aul bears a striking resemblance to that of the old Prophets.
It is not by chance that so many quotations from them occur in
r;tings. Separated from Joel, Amos, Hosea, Micah, and
Isaiah by an interval of about 800 years, he felt a kind of sympathy
with them ; they expressed his inmost feelings ; like them he was
at war with the evil of the world around. When they spoke of
forgiveness of sins, of non-imputation of sins, of a sudden turning
to God, what did this mean but righteousness by faith? When
they said, "I will have mercy and not sacrifice," here also was
imaged the great truth, that salvation was not of the Law . . . Like
the elder Prophets, he came not "to build up a temple made with
ISTLE TO THE K [IX-XI.
hands/' but to teach a moral truth : like them he went forth alone,
and not in connexion with the church at Jerusalem : like them be
was looking for and hastening to the day of the Lord ' (J<
This represents the truth, as the historical study of the O. 1
prove ; or rather one side of the truth. The Gospel is not merely
the reawakening of the spirit of prophecy ; it is also the fulfilment
of the spiritual teaching of Law. It was necessary for a later
writer — the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews — when contro-
versy was less bitter to bring this out more fully. Christ not only
revived all the teaching of the Prophets, righteousness, i
peace ; He also exhibited by His death the teaching of the Law,
the heinousness of sin, the duty of sacrifice, the spiritual union of
God and man.
The same lines of argument will justify the Messianic use of the
O. T. If we study it historically the reality of the Me
interpretation remains just as dear as it was to St. Paul. Alle-
gorical and incorrect exegesis could never create an idea,
only illustrate one which has been suggested in other ways. The
Messianic interpretation, and with it the further idea of the uni-
versality of the Messianic kingdom, arose because they are contained
in the O. T. Any incorrectness of exegesis that there may be lies
not in the ideas themselves but in finding them in passages
have probably a different meaning. We are not bound, and it
would be wrong to bind ourselves, by the incorrect exegesis of
particular passages ; bat the reality and truth of the Messianic idea
and the universal character of the Messianic kingdom, as prophesied
in the O. T. and fulfilled in the N. T., remain one of the most
real and impressive facts in religious history. Historic
does not disprove this ; it only places it on a stronger foun
and enables us to trace the origin and growth of the idea more
accurately (cf. Sanday, Bampton Lectures, pp. 404, 405).
The value of St. Paul's exegesis therefore lies not in his true
interpretation ot \\ passages, but in his ii.^ht into the
spiriti: need not use his metho :
the books of the Bible will hav< ne for us if we are not able
to see in them the spirit \\ cause
of truth, as a guide to r ideas, as a fatal en-
i false and erroneous and harmful doctrine, historical cr
>n are of immense valui- ; l>ut if they be dr
from a spir n can be learnt only by the sj
teaching of the N.T., which interprets the O.T. from the stand-
<>f its highest and truest fulfill. '-come as 1
and unproductive as the strangest cone or the
most unreal fancies of the School r.
[Sec, besides other works : Jowett, Contrasts of Prophecy, in his
:i of the Rom . :ment,
XI. 1-5.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 307
New York, 1884; Kautzsch, De Vtteris Testament* loci* a Paulo
Afostoh allegatis, Lipsiae, 1869; Clemen (Dr. August), Utl
Gebrauch dfs Alien Testament* im Neuen Testament* > und tpectell in
den Reden Jesu (Einladungsschrift, Ac., Leipzig, 1891); Turpie
(David McCalman), The Old Testament in th* New, London,
1868.]
THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL NOT COMPLETE.
XI. 1-10. Israel then has refused to accept the salvation
offered it; is it therefore rejected? No. At any ratt the
rejection is not complete. Now as always in the history of
Israel, although the mass of the people may be condemned to
disbelief^ there is a remnant that shall be saved.
1 The conclusion of the preceding argument is this. It is through
their own fault that Israel has rejected a salvation which was fully
and freely offered Now what does this imply? Does it mean
that God has rejected His chosen people? Heaven forbid that
I should say this ! I who like them am an Israelite, an Israelite
by birth and not a proselyte, a lineal descendant of Abraham,
a member of the tribe that with Judah formed the restored Israel
after the exile. 'No, God has not rejected His people. He
chose them for His own before all time and nothing can make
Him change His purpose. If you say He has rejected them,
it only shows that you have not clearly grasped the teaching of
Scripture concerning the Remnant Elijah on Ml Horcb brought
just such an accusation against his countrymen. * He complained
that they had forsaken the covenant, that they had overthrown
God's altars, that they had slain His Prophets; just as the Jews
at the present day have slain the Messiah and persecuted His
messengers. Elijah only was left, and his life they sought The
whole people, God's chosen people, had been rejected. *So be
thought ; but the Divine response came to him, that there were seven
thousand men left in Israel who had not bowed the knee to BaaL
There was a kernel of the nation that remained loyal. * Exactly
the same circumstances exist now as then. Now as then the mass
of the people are unfaithful, but there is a remnant of loyal ad-
X 2
3--s ISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 6-1O.
herents to the Divine message: — a remnant, be >ered,
chosen by God by an act of free favour : ' that is to say those
whom God has in His gcod pleasure selected for that positio:
have in no way earned it by any works they have done, or any
merit of their own. If that were possible Grace would lose all its
meaning : there would be no occasion for God to show free favour
to mankind.
is necessary then at any rate to modify the broad statement
i.as been made. Israel, it is true, has failed to obtain the
righteousness which it sought; but, although this is true of the
nation as a whole, there is a Remnant of which it is not true.
Those whom God selected have attained it. But what of tl><
Their hearts have been hardened. Here again we find the same
conditions prevailing throughout Israel's history. ' Isaiah dc
.10) how God had thrown the people into a state
of spiritual torpor. He bad given them eyes which could not see,
and ears which could not hear. Al^through their history the mass
of the people has been destitute of spiritual insight. ' And again
in the book of Psalms, David (Ixix. 23, 24) declares the :
wrath against the unfaithful of the nation : ' May th
snare/ It is just their position as God's chosen pco;
and the Scriptures, which are their boast, use of
y are to be punished by being allowed to cleau-
fast to that to which they have perversely adhered. 10 ' L<
be blinded, so that they cannot see light when it shines upon them :
let their back be ever U-nt ui.
so obstinately clung/ This was God's judge
for their faithlessness, and it is God's judgement on tl.
1-36. St. Paul has now shown "-29) that Go
perfectly free, whether as regards promise or His right as Creator, to
reject I on their side by nep:
the I ' hod of salvation ot: -c dcscrv.
now comes to the original question from wl.
started, but wtm ressed, and asks, Has God, as might
be thought from the
cecdt
to justify by >h( 1-10),
(a) or
iias been a purpose deeper and wiser than man can altogether
XI. 1, 2.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 309
1. X/yw ofr. This somewhat emphatic phrase occurring here
and in ver. 1 1 seems to mark a stage in the argument, the ofo at
so often summing up the result so far arrived at The change of
1 > irticle shows that we have not here a third question parallel to
the oXXu Xryw of X. 1 8, 19.
^ airuaaTo 6 Ocfc ror Xa&r afrou ; * Is it possible that God has
cast away His people?' The form of the question implies neces-
a negative answer and suggests an argument against it. (i)
By the juxtaposition of 6 e«6t and TO» Xoo* O&TOV. Israel is God's
people and so He cannot reject them. Ip*a populi eius apfxllatio
ration em negandi c online t. Beng. (a) By the use made of the
language of the O. T. Three times in the O. T. (i Sam. xii. as;
Ps. xciii [xciv]. 14 ; xciv [xcv]. 4) the promise owe orermu Kvptot
rb* Xnov a^roD occurs. By using words which must be so well
known St. Paul reminds his readers of the promise, and thus again
implies an answer to the question.
This very clear instance of the merely literary use of the language
of the O. T. makes it more probable that St. Paul should have
adopted a similar method elsewhere, as in x. 6 ff., 18.
JIT) ylootTo. St. Paul repudiates the thought with horror. All
his feelings as an Israelite make it disloyal in him to hold it
icai yAp K.T.X. These words have been taken in two ways, (i)
!«roof of the incorrectness of the suggestion. St. Paul was an
Israelite, and he had been saved ; therefore the people as a whole
could not have been rejected. So the majority of commentators
(Go. Va. Oltr. Weiss). But the answer to the question does not
occur until St. Paul gives it in a solemn form at the beginning of
the next verse; he would not therefore have previously given
a reason for its incorrectness. Moreover it would be inconsistent
with St. Paul's tact and character to put himself forward so promi-
nently.
(a) It is therefore better to take it as giving ' the motive for his
deprecation, not a proof of his denial ' (Mey. Gif. Lips.). Through-
out this passage, St Paul partly influenced by the reality of his
own sympathy, partly by a desire to put his argument in a form as
little offensive as possible, has more than once emphasized his own
-.;> with Israel (ix. 1-3; x. i). Here for the first time, just
when he is going to disprove it, he makes the statement which has
really been the subject of the two previous passages, and at once,
in order if possible to disarm criticism, reminds his readers that he
is an Israelite, and that therefore to him, as much as to them, the
supposition seems almost blasphemous.
'laparjXiTTjs n.r.X. Cf. 2 Cor. xi. a a ; Phil. iii. 5.
8v irpofyvw. which is added by Lachmann after r&r XoJr ofaw, IMS the
rapport of A D Chrys. and other authorities, hot dearly came in from vcr. •.
2. OUK AirwaaTo. St. Paul gives expressly and formally a negative
310 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 2.
answer to the question he has just asked, adding emphasis by
repeating the very words be has used
6r wpotfyr«. The addition of these words gives a reason f
•ic denial of which they form a part. Israel was the race
God in His Divine foreknowledge had elected and chosen,
and therefore He could not cast it off. The reference in this
chapter is throughout to the election of the nation as a who'.
therefore the words cannot have a limiting sense (O
Aug.), 'that people whom He forck those of His people
whom He foreknew; nor again can they possibly refer •
spiritual Israel, as that would oblige a meaning to be gi
A*$f different from that in ver. i . The word «pory»» may be taken,
(i) as used in the Hebrew sense, to mean 'whom He has known or
chosen beforehand/ So yu*<rm* in the LXX. Anv
tyvu* it naa»» ri» <£i»Xir rqr yip. And in St. Paul I Cor. v
ayar.q ror et<Sr, afoot «y»Mffrai vw' atrov. Gal. iv. 9 w &
•yvovrts etoK, fioXXoy d« yvwfffrVrfff vvo O*or. 2 Tim. ii. 19 fym Kvptot
TOM 5*ror ai-roC-. Although there is no evidence for this use of
vpoyuWxw it represents probably the idea which St. Paul i
his mind (see on viii. 29). (2) But an alternate
taking the word in its natural meaning of foreknowledp-
be lost sight of, ' that people of whose history and future destiny
God had full foreknowledge.' This seems to be the m
with which the word is generally used (Wisd. vi. 13; viii. 8; .v
Mart. Apol. i. 28 ; Dial. 42. p. 261 B.); so too irpoyi*><m is used
definitely and almost technically of the Divine foreknowledge
ii. 23); and in this chapter St. Paul ends with vindicating the
Divine wisdom which had prepared for Israel and the
a destiny which exceeds human comprehension.
f| oO«' olSarf: cf. I L -M. ' Y.>u must admit
this or be ignorant of what the Sen; The point of the
quotation lies not in the words which immediately follow, but in the
contrast between the two passages ; a contra
the distinction between the apparent and the real .it the
time when the Apostle wrote.
HXi'a : • in the section of Scripture which narrates the story
of Elijah.' The O. T. S >o paragraphs to
were given titles der their sut ; and these
came to be very commonly used in quotations as references.
instances are quoted from the Talmud and fr w commen-
tators: Berachoth, fol. 2. col. I, fol. 4. col. 2 id quod scriptum tsi afiud
Mi(ha<lt referring to U \i. 6. S> / ; Aboth dc- Rabbi
Mrflfll .VA/r hathirim rabba i. <> i^c similar
to that used here, 'In Elijah/ occurs, and the same pass
quote.: l jealous for the Lord, the God of Hosts.'
So also Philo, Dt Agrtatlhtra, p. 203 (i. 31 7 Mang ) x«y*t yat> •
XI. 2-4.] HIE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 311
ls, referring to Gen. iii. 15. The phrase «Vi np /Sorov Mark
xii. 26 ; Luke xx. 37 ; Clem. Horn. xvi. 14 ; Apost. Const, v. 10, is
often explained in a similar manner, but very probably incorrectly,
the «n being perhaps purely local. The usage exactly corresponds
to the method used in quoting the Homeric poems. As the Rabbis
divided the O. T. into sections so the Rhtpioditte divided Homer,
anil these sections were quoted by their subjects, «V'E«ropof <i*up«<m,
«V »«KVia. (See Fri. Delitzsch ad loc.t Surcnhusius, Bt£Xor KaraXXayip,
P- 3'-)
^rrvyxdVei : ' he accuses Israel before God.' The verb «V-
Tvyx"v«» means, (i) Mo meet with/ (a) 'to meet with for the
purposes of conversation/ * have an interview with/ Acts xxv. 24 ;
hence (3) 4to converse with/ 'plead with,' Wisdom viii. at, either
on behalf of some one (wr«> woe) Rom. viil 27, 34 ; Hcb. vii. 25 ;
or against some one (card TUN*), and so (4) definitely ' to accuse' as
here and I Mace. XI. 25 «ol <v<rvy%a*o» cor* avrov ruxf umpoi riot «c
i viii. 32 ; x. 61, 63.
The TR. adds Aty«r at the end of this rent with K«L a/. pl*r., it b
omitted by K'ABCDEFGP mi*, fane., Vulg. San. Boh, and most
Fathers.
3. Kopu, TOOS trpo^Tos K.T.X. The two quotations come from
i Kings xix. 10, 14, 18; the first being repeated twice. Elijah
has fled to Mt. Horeb from Jezebel, and accuses his countrymen
before God of complete apostasy; he alone is faithful. God
answers that even although the nation as a whole has deserted
Him, yet there is a faithful remnant, 7,000 men who have not
bowed the knee to Baal There is an analogy, St. Paul argues,
between this situation and that of his own day. The spiritual
condition is the same. The nation as a whole has rejected God's
message, now as then; but now as then also there is a faithful
remnant left, and if that be so God cannot be said to have cast
away His people.
The quotation is somewhat shortened from the LXX, and the order of the
clauses is inverted, perhaps to pot in a prominent position the words TOM
vpo^rat oov dwfcrdw to which there was most analogy during St. Paul's
time (cf. Acts rii. 52:1 Thess, ii. 14). The «ol between the clauses of the
i read by D t L and later MSS. Justin Martyr. Dial. 30. p. aw D,
quotes the words as in St. Paul and not as in the LXX : Eoi 7^ HAMS
mfiti TO* 6<dr lvrvi\a»w ourvt \iyir Ki5p««, Tovf •poffw tfov
ml rd evotaorfiptd aov jrarfaMfv flif|A tflXtlf*if pon* mi
v f VXTTT fww. «o2 Avoxpirtrai ovrf , 'En tloi fun Jrrtuti(rx>AjcM
, ot ov« l«a/i^ay y^nt rp BaaA.
4. 6 xp^p-aTiajio's : 'the oracle.' An unusual sense for the
word, which occurs here only in the N. T., but is found in a Mace.
ii. 4 ; Clem. Rom. xvii. 5 ; and occasionally elsewhere. The verb
xpwumffu' meant (i) originally ' to transact business'; then (2) ' to
consult/ 4 deliberate '; hence (3) ' to give audience/ ' answer after
NS [XI. 4, 5.
deliberation'; and so finally (4) of an oracle Mo give a response/
taking the place of the older X/XM ; and so it is used in the
nc warning Mat. ii. 12, 22 j^/umo-AWci car'fcap: Luke
Acts x. 22; Ii :. Jos. An:
3 ; XI. ; ; 4. From this usage of the verb x^/«m(« was derived
xptyiaria/iof, as the more usual xPWt& from x,xio>. See also ;
Tfl BdaX : substituted by (as also by Justin Martyr, loc.
ft/.) for the LXX r? D<ioX, according to a usage common in other
passages in the Greek Version.
The word Baal, which means • Lord/ appear* to have been originally
wed as one of the name* of the God of Israel, and as such became a part of
many Jewish names, as for example Jerubbaa i). Eshbaal
, , Meribbaal (I Chron. iz. 40), &c. But gradur
special association of the name with the idolatrous worship of the Phoenician
god caused the use of it to be forbidden. Hosea ii. 16, 17 'and it shall be
at that day, saith the Lord, that thou shalt call me Uhi ; and shah call me
no more BaalL For I will take away the names of the Baalim out of her
mouth, and they shall no more be mentioned by their name.' Owing to this
motire a tendency arose to obliterate the name of Baal from t!
fast as owing to a feeling of reverence ' Elohim ' was substituted for • Jehovah '
in the second and third books of the Psalms. This usage took the form of
substituting Bothttk, * abomination*' for Baat So Eshbaal (i Chr. ••
o) became Ishboshcth \ >x. 40)
Mephibosheth (a Sam. ix. 6 fU; Jerubbaal Jernbbesheth (a Sam. x
See also Hosea iz. i
cms in one passage Baal of the Hebrew text, 3 Kings
But it seems to have been more usual to substitute <-.'•
written BaoA, and as a sign of this Qtri the feminine article was written ;
just as the name Jehovah was written with the pointing of Adonai.
usage is most common in Jeremiah, but occur* also in the books of Kings,
Chronicles, and other Prophets. It appears not to occur in the Pentateuch.
The plural nut occurs a Chr 3. This, the only satisfactory
explanation of the feminine article with the masculine name, is given by
Dillmann, Momatttxruhtt dtr AkadtmU <Ur Wiutnukaft s» Btrim
p. 601 fT. and has superseded all others.
The LXX version is again shortened in the quotation, and for «aroA«ty«
b substituted «arjA*vor jparrf , which is an alternative and perhaps more
exact translation of the Hebrew.
5. OUTWS o3r. The application of the preceding instance to the
circumstances of the Apostle's own time. The facts were the
same. St. Paul would assume that his readers, some of
were Jewish Christians, and all of whom were aware o:
ence of such a class, would recognize this. And if this were so
the same deduction might be made. As then the Jewish people
were not rejected, because the was saved ; so nov,
is a remnant, and t s that God has not cast awa
j oo| U M in b.
Xilfifta (on the orthography cf. V
XI'WM), 4a remnant.' The word does not oc .ere in the
m the O. T. only twice, and then not in the tc<
sense of the ' remnant.' The usual word for that is
XI. 5-7.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 313
x<*PlTO$* Predicate with yiyow. ' There has
to be through the principle of selection which is dependent on the
Divine grace or favour.' This addition to the thought, which is
further explained in ver. 6, reminds the reader of the result of the
previous discussion : that * election ' on which the Jews had always
laid so much stress had operated, but it was a selection on the
part of God of those to whom He willed to give His grace, and
not an election of those who had earned it by their works.
6. cl W xrfp"1 * TA- A further explanation of the principle* of
election. If the election had been on the basis of works, then the
Jews might have demanded that God's promise could only be ful-
filled if all who had earned it had received it : St. Paul, by reminding
them of the principles of election already laid down, implies that
the promise is fulfilled if the remnant is saved. God's people
are those whom He has chosen ; it is not that the Jews are chosen
because they are His people.
tir«l ^ x<*Pl* outl" yiVrrcu x^Pl« : ' tn>s follows from the very
meaning of the idea of grace.' Graft j nisi gratis sit gratia turn tst.
St. Augustine.
The TR. after VMTOJ x*f*' *<M» •* W Jf Ipr", °"«" '<") X^>** ' «* **
l/yyor ov««V, Joriy l/rycr with K« (B) L and later MSS. , Syrr.. Chry*. and Tbdrt.
(in the text, bat they do not refer to the words in their commentary).
rl yd/M. The
B reads .1 ft) Jf Ipywv, <K«IT, X«P«r i*<* rJ fpTor ou^ri l<rrl
clause is omitted by K« A C D E F G P, Vulg. Aegyptt (Boh. Sah.v Arm.,
OriR.-lat. Jo.-Damasc. AmbrsL Patr.-laU. There need be no donbt that it to
a gloss, nor to the authority of B of any weight in support of a Western
addition such as this against such preponderating authority. This to con-
sidered by \VH. to be the solitary or almost the solitary case in which B
possibly has a Syrian reading (Introd. li. 150).
7. TI oo* ; This verse sums up the result of the discussion in
w. 2-6. 4 What then is the result ? In what way can we modify
the harsh statement made in ver. i ? It is indeed still true that
Israel as a nation has failed to obtain what is its aim, namely
righteousness : but at the same time there is one portion of it, the
elect, who have attained it.'
^ tt rfuXoyrj: i.e. oi «Af«ro/. The abstract for the concrete
suggests the reason for their success by laying stress on the idea
rather than on the individuals.
ol &« Xotvol *rtipw<K)aar : 'while the elect have attained what
they sought, those who have failed to attain it have been hardened*
They have not failed because they have been hardened, but they
have been hardened because they have failed ; cf. i. 24 ft., where
sin is represented as God's punishment inflicted on man for their
rebellion. Here St. Paul does not definitely say by whom, for
that is not the point it interests him to discuss at present : he has
represented the condition of Israel both as the result of God's
action (ch. ix) and of their own (ch. x). Here as in «mym<r/M»a
3'4 ISTLE TO THE ROMA [XL 7, 8.
ix. 22, he uses the colourless passive without laying stress on the
the quotation 8 represents God as the author,
in vcr. 1 1 suggests that they are free agents.
The verb 9mp6tt (derived from moot a callus or stone formed in the
bladder) is a medical term used in Hippocrates and elsewhere of a hone or
hard substance growing when bones are fractured, or of a stone forming in
the bladder. Hence metaphorically it is used in the N. T., and apparently
callous: so Mark vt
there only of the heart becoming hardened or callous : so Mark \
while the noon vaywru occurs in
Jo. xii. 40 ; Rom. xi. 7 ; a < while the notu
the same sense, Mark iii. 5 ; Rom The idea is in all
these places the same, that a covering has grown over the heart, making
men incapable of receiving any new teaching however good, and making
them oblivious of the wrong they are doing. In Job xvii. 7 (vrnipvm*
yap dvd !>pfyt of tyfeA/iot jiov) the word is used of blindness, but again only
of moral blindness ; anger has caused as it were a covering to grow over
the eyes. There is therefore no need to take the word to mean ' blind,' as
do the grammarians (Suidas, **p&i, o vwfXot : wraaWroi, TtrffAvro* :
Hesychius, *<**p»>Urot, r«n^A«/Uro«) and the Latin Versions (uuauati,
obtaetatt). It is possible that this translation arose from a confusion with
97)?* (tee on «arorvf««r below) which was perhaps occasionally used of
blindness (see Prof. Armitage Robinson in Ac*kmy, 189; though
probably then as a specialized usage for the more general ' maimc
though the form wijpt* occurs in some MSS. of the N. T., yet the evidence
against it is in every case absolutely conclusive, as it is also in the O. T. in
the one passage where the word occurs.
8. KO&S y*yp<nrTai. St. Paul supports and explains his last
statement ol cW Xouroi twwpvfyw by quotations from the O. T.
The first which in form resembles Deut xxix. 4, modi:.
Is. xxix. 10; vi. 9, 10, describes the spiritual dulness or torpor of
which the prophet accuses the Israelites. This he says had been
tic-m by God as a punishment for their faithlessness. 1
words will equally well apply to the spiritual condition of the
Apostle's own time, showing that it is not inconsistent with the
position of Israel as God's people, and suggesting a general '
God's dealing with them.
The following extracts, in which the words that St Paul has made
use of are printed in spaced type, will give the source of the quotation.
Deut xxix. 4 *o2 our i3*««r Ki//xot J e«4r i^r «o/>o*ar •iMvcu *al
£^0aA>iovf fikifitr ital wra d«ot/«ir tttt rrjt juipa.
IO ori v«vJri««r i/pdt Kvptoi *r«i/;*ar< «arari/£ «a/i : cf. Is. \ .
dffOf d«oi/a«r« ecu 06 p) ovrqn «a2 &\iwvrr<t 0\i^trt *ol o& p) MfT«.
. :< <?*a 'Ka/t wor«, K.>« ; \Vhilc the form resembles the words in
Deut, the historical situation and meaning of the quotation are represented
by the passages in Isaiah to . aul is clearly referring.
vrcupk Kararv(cMs : ' a spirit of torpor,' a state of dull insensi-
bility to c\c ; ritual, such as would be produced by dn:
nest, or stupor. Is. xxix. 10 (RV.) • For the L< oured
out upon you the spirit of deep sleep, and hath closed your eyes,
the prophets; and your heads, the seers, hath He cov< :
The word mrdVi^tt is derived from «ar<uw<rofiai. The simple
w» is used to mean to 'prick' or 'strike' or 'dint npound
XI. 8-10.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 315
rcrb would mean, (i) to 'strike* or 'prick violently,' and
' stun ' ; no instance it quoted of it in its primary sane, bat it is
(3) especially in the LXX of strong emotions, of the prickings of last
10 (Thcod. ; ; of strong grief Gen. xxxiv. 7 ; Ecclos. xir. i ; and so Acts u. 37
Kartnrpjffa* rji «a/>&? of being strongly moTed by speaking. Then .
used of the stunning effect of such emotion which results in irfirnlisauiai :
Is. ri. 5 it rdXat ly* 6ri mratirvyftai : Dan. z. I* Item rA wp6<i9tw6v pa*
Iwl T^ TP' *«i *aT«rvy»;i', and so the general idea of torpor would be
derived. The noun *araw(it appear* to occur only twice, Is. xux. 10
wvtvfia KQTO* i>( tan, Ps. lix [lx\ 4 oXror *araM'l<wi. In the former case it
clearly means • torpor ' or ' deep sleep/ as both the context and the Hebrew
show, in the latter case probably so. It may be noticed that this definite
meaning of 'torpor* or 'deep sleep* which is found in the noun cannot be
exactly paralleled in the verb; and it may be suggested that a certain con-
fusion existed with the verb rwrafw, which means ' to nod in sleep/ ' be
drowsy/ just as the meaning of J/xft/a was influenced by its resemblance
to tp<t (cf. ii. 8). On the word generally see Fri. U. p. 558 &
fos Tt)f orjficpoi' ^i/oot : cf. Acts vii. 51 'Ye stiflhecked and
unuriumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist the Holy
Ghost: as your fathers did so do ye/ Si Stephen's speech
illustrates more in detail the logical assumptions which underlie
St. Paul's quotations. The chosen people have from the beginning
shown the same obstinate adherence to their own views and
a power of resisting the Holy Ghost ; and God has throughout
punished them for their obstinacy by giving them over to spiritual
blindness.
0. KOI AapiS X/yci K.r.X. : quoted from the LXX of Ps. Izviii
[Ixixj. 23, 24 yimj&?]Tu 9 rpantfn avr£»» cWjriop ai-rwr tit rayi&a, «a* tit
airairdoWiy ral <r«aj>oaAof aKario&irwrav it.r.X. (which is ascribed in
the title to David) with reminiscences of Ps. zzxiv [zxzv]. 8, and
xxvii [xxviiij. 4. The Psalmist is represented as declaring the
Divine \vrath against those who have made themselves enemies of
the Divine will. Those who in his days were the enemies of the
spiritual life of the people are represented in the Apostle's days by
the Jews who have shut their ears to the Gospel message.
^ rpdirclo OUTWIT 'their feast* The image is that of men
feasting in careless security, and overtaken by their enemies, owing
to the very prosperity which ought to be their strength. So to the
Jews that Law and those Scriptures wherein they trusted are to
become the very cause of their fall and the snare or hunting-net in
which they are caught.
9KdVSoXor : ' that over which they fall/ ' a cause of their destruc-
tion/
drrowo'Sofia : Ps. ixvii [xxviii]. 4. 'A requital/ 'recompense.'
The Jews are to be punished for their want of spiritual insight by
being given over to blind trust in their own law; in fact being
given up entirely to their own wishes.
10. anoTio6t)T»)aoK n.r.X. ' May their eyes become blind, so that
they have no insight, and their backs bent like men who are continu-
[XI. i 10
i about in the chrk ! ' They are to be like those described
l>ound in the cave : even if they are brought to the
only be blinded by it, and will be unable to see.
udgcment upon them is are to be ever bent down
w-ith the weight of the burden which they have wilfully tak
r backs.
It may be worth noticing that Lipsius, who does not elsewhere accept the
theory of interpolations in the text, suggests that TV. 9. 10 are a glow added
by tome reader in the margin after the (all of Jerusalem cf Hoist'
v. T. i8;a, p. 455; Michelsen, Tk. T. 1887. p. 163; PrcttstaHUn-tibtl,
p. 589; E. T. il 154% It is suggested that &ararr4f is inconsistent
with ver. 1 1 ff. Hat it has not been noticed that in ver. 1 1 we have a change
of metaphor, trratoar, whjch would he singularly oat of place if it came
immediately after ver. 8. As it is, this word is suggested and accounted
for by the metaphors employed in the quotation introduced in ver. 9. If
we omit w. 9, 10 we must also omit ver. n. There is throughout the
whole Epiitle a continuous succession of thought running from verse to
verse which makes any theory of interpolation impossible,
doction, * 9.)
The Doctrine of tJie Remnant.
The idea of the 'Remnant' is one of the m 1 and
significant in the prophetic portions of the O. T.
first apparently in the prophetic narrative which forms the basis of
the account of Elijah in the book of Kings, the passage
quoting. Here a new idea is introduced into I
history, and it is introduced in one of the most solemn a:
pressive narratives of that history. Th- to the
desert to commune with God ; he is taken the moun
God, which played such a large pan in the traditions of His people,
and he receives the Divine message in that form > ever
marked off this as unique amongst thcophanies, the
voice/ contrast* -he thunder, and the storm, and the
earthquake. And the idea that was thus introduced m
stage in the religious history of the world, for e first
revelation of the idea of personal as opposed to national consecra-
tion. Up to that time it was the nation as a whole th.r
bound to God, the nation as a whole for \\
offered, the nation as a whole for 'ought and
judges legislated But the nati
ic Prophet records that it i- ity of the ind;
Israelites who had r< : . that must henceforth be
reckoned The 11 be chastised, but the i- .ill be
r;cw one, ' :i 1 continuously
from this time onwards ; v
of the later prophets. 8-10), in
XI 1 10.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 317
12, v. 3), in Zephaniah (iii. 12, 13), in Jeremiah (xxiii.3), in Ezekiel
(xiv. 14-20, 22), but most pointedly and markedly in Isaiah. The
two great and prominent ideas of Isaiah's prophecy are typified in
the names given to his two sons, — the reality of the Divine vein
geancc (Mahcr-shalal-hash-baz) and the salvation of the Remnant
(Shear- Jashub) and, through the Holy and Righteous Remnant, of
the theocratic nation itself (vii. 3; viii. 2, 18; ix. 12; x. 21, 24);
and both these ideas are prominent in the narrative of the call
(vi. 9-13) ' Hear ye indeed, but understand not, and see ye indeed,
rceive not. Make the heart of this people fat, and make their
ears heavy, and shut their eyes . . . Then said I, Lord, how long ?
And He answered, Until cities be waste without inhabitant and
homes without men, and the land become utterly waste.' But this
is only one side. There is a true stock left. ' Like the terebinth
and the oak, whose stock remains when they are cut down and sends
forth new saplings, so the holy seed remains as a living stock and
a nctf and better Israel shall spring from the ruin of the at
state ' (Robertson Smith, Prophet* of Israel, p. 234). This doctrine
of a Remnant implied that it was the individual who was true to
his God, and not the nation, that was the object of the Divine
solicitude; that it was in this small body of individuals that the
true life of the chosen nation dwelt, and that from them would
spring that internal reformation, which, coming as the result of the
Divine chastisement, would produce a whole people, pure and
undented, to be offered to God (Is. Ixv. 8, 9).
The idea appealed with great force to the early Christians. It
appealed to St. Stephen, in whose speech one of the main currents
of thought seems to be the marvellous analogy which runs through
all the history of Israel. The mass of the people has ever been
unfaithful ; it is the individual or the small body that has remained
true to God in all the changes of Israel's history, and these the
people have always persecuted as they crucified the Messiah.
And so St. Paul, musing over the sad problem of Israel's unbelief,
finds its explanation and justification in this consistent trait of the
nation's history. As in Elijah's lime, as in Isaiah's time, so now the
mass of the people have rejected the Divine call ; but there always
has been and still is the true Remnant, the Remnant whom God
has selected, who have preserved the true life and ideal of the
people and thus contain the elements of new and prolonged life.
And this doctrine of the ' Remnant ' is as true to human nature
as it is to Israel's history. No church or nation is saved en masst,
it is those members of it who are righteous. It is not the mass
of the nation or church that has done its work, but the select
few who have preserved the consciousness of its high calling.
It is by the selection of individuals, even in the nation that has
been chosen, that God has worked equally in religion and in all
318 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 11-14.
the different lines along which the path of human development has
pnmned
[On the Remnant see especially Jowett, Contrasts of Prophecy,
in Romans ii. p. 290; and Robertson Smith, The Prof
pp. 1 06, 209, 234, 258. The references are collected in
Oehler, Thtologu da alUn Tata aunts, p. 809.]
THE REJECTION OP ISRAEL NOT FINAL
XI. 11-24. The Rejection of Israel is not coin;
will it be final. Its result has be, \m of the
Church to the Gentiles. The sahation of // stir the
to jealousy ; they will return to the Kingdom
mean the fi nal consummation (w. 10
Of all this the guarantee is the holiness of the stock from
•which Israel comes. God has grafted you Gentiles into that
stock against the natural order ; far more easily ca
restore them to a position which by nature and dcsi
theirs (w. 1 6-
11 The Rejection of Israel then is only partial. Yet
is the great mass of the nation on whom God's judgement has
come: what of these? Is there no further hope for them? Is
this stumbling of theirs such as will lead to a final and complete
fall ? By no means. It is only temporary, a working out of the
Divine purpose. This purpose is ; lied. It has r<
in the extension of the Messianic salvation to the Gentiles. It is
partly in the future ; that the inclusion of these in the Kingdom
may rouse the Jews to emulation and bring them back to the place
. should be theirs and from which so far they have been
excluded. " And consider what this means. Even the transgres-
sion of Israel has brought to the world a great wealth of spiritual
blessings; their repulse has enriched the nations, how much greater
then wUl be the result when the chosen people with their numbers
completed have accepted the Messiah? "In these speculations
about my countrymen, I am not disregarding my proper mission
to you Gentiles. It is with you in my mind that I am speaking.
put it more strongly. I do all I can to glorify my n
as Apostle to the Gentiles, M and this in hopes thai I may succeed
XI. 14-21.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 319
in bringing salvation to some at any rate of my countrymen by thus
moving them to emulation. "And my reason for this is what
I have implied just above, that by the return of the Jews the whole
world will receive what it longs for. The rejection of them has
been the means of reconciling the world to God by the preaching
to the Gentiles ; their reception into the Kingdom, the gathering
together of the elect from the four winds of heaven, will inaugurate
the final consummation, the resurrection of the dead, and the
eternal life that follows.
" But what ground is there for thus believing in the return of the
chosen people to the Kingdom? It is the holiness of the race.
When you take from the kneading trough a piece of dough and
offer it to the Lord as a heave-offering, do you not consecrate the
whole mass? Do not the branches of a tree receive life and
nourishment from the roots? So it is with Israel. Their fore-
fathers the Patriarchs have been consecrated to the Lord, and in
them the whole race ; from that stock they obtain their spiritual life,
a life which must be holy as its source is holy. "For the Church
of God is like a « green olive tree, fair with goodly fruit,' as the
Prophet Jeremiah described it. Its roots are the Patriarchs; its
branches the people of the Lord. Some of these branches have
been broken off; Israelites who by birth and descent were members
of the Church. Into their place you Gentiles, by a process quite
strange and unnatural, have been grafted, shoots from a wild olive,
into a cultivated stock. Equally with the old branches which still
remain on the tree you share in the rich sap which flows from its
root. " Do not for this reason think that you may insolently boast
of the position of superiority which you occupy. If you are
inclined to do so, remember that you have done nothing, that all
the spiritual privileges that you possess simply belong to the
stock on which you by no merit of your own have been grafted.
19 But perhaps you say : ' That I am the favoured one is shown by
this that others were cut off that I might be grafted in/ * I grant
what you say; but consider the reason. It was owing to their
\v.\m of faith that they were broken off: you on the other hand
owe your firm position to your faith, not to any natural superiority.
in incentive therefore not to pride, as you seem to think, but
to fear. For if God did not spare the holders of the birthright,
320 i: TO THE ROMA: [xi. n.
no grafted branches but the natural growth of the tree, He certainly
will be no more ready to spare you, who have no such privileges
to plead. * Learn the Divine goodness, but learn and understand
the Divine severity as well Those who have fallen have ex-
perienced the severity, you the goodness; a goodness which will
be continued if you cease to be self-confident and simply trust :
otherwise you too may be cut off as they were. "Nor again
is the rejection of the Jews irrevocable. They can be grafted
again into the stock on which they grew, if only they will give up
their unbelief. - For they are in God's hands ; and God's power is
not limited. He is able to restore them to the position from which
they have fallen. * For consider. You are the slip cut from the
hat grew wild, and yet, by a process wl. must admit
to be entirely unnatural, you were grafted into the cultivated stock.
If God could do this, much more can He graft the natural branches
of the cultivated olive on to their own stock from which they were
cut. You Gentiles have no grounds for boasting, nor have the
Jews for despair. Your position is less secure than was theirs, and
if they only trust in God, their salvation will be easier than was
yours.
11 St. Paul has modified the question of vcr. i so far
rejection of Israel is only partial. But yet it t the rest,
that is the majority, of the nation are spiritually blind. Th«
stumbled and sinned. Docs this imply their final cxc!
the Messianic salvation ? St. Paul shows that it is not so. It is
only temporary and it has a Divine purpose.
X4y*» o3r. A new stage in the argument • I a^k then as to this
majority whose state the prophets have thus described.'
question arises immediately out of the preceding verses, but is
a stage in the argument running through the whole c
raised by the discussion of Israel's K ;,o-x. 21.
jit) orrauray, Ira vfowai ; ' have they (i. c. those who have been
hardened, vcr. 8) stumbled so as to fall ?' JV;< fhndtrunt,
ut cadercni? Is their failure of such a charai
finally lost, and cut off from the Messianic salvation ? mi expresses
the contemplated result. The metaphor in ftrrouw (which i-
used elsewhere in a moral sense, D<
a Pet L 10) seems to be suggested by <rcdvdaXoy of vcr. 9.
ng of the passage is given by the contrast bctv
and T- .m who stumbles may rccov«
fall a nee w«W". used of a complete and
XI. 11] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 321
irrevocable fall. Cf. Is. xxiv. 20 .on*^* yap «V o^» 4 b*^ «•)
*«7<lr<u na\ ov nff OVWJTCU dwurr^Mu : Ps. So/, Hi. 1 3 t*ta<* tn vo«»pi»
r6 trrwpa a^roi-, *ai ov« aKurrqcrmu : Hcb. iv. 1 1. It is no argument
against this that the same word is used in w. 22, 23 of a fall
which is not irrevocable: the ethical meaning must be in each
case determined by the context, and here the contrast with Araw
suggests a fall that is irrevocable.
There is a good deal of controversy among grammarians as to the admission
of a lazer use of Tra, a controversy which has a tendency to divide scholars
by nations; the German grammarians with Winer at their head (ft hit. 10. 6,
p. 573 K- T.) maintain that it always preserve*, even in N. T. Greek, its
classical meaning of purpose ; on the other hand, Engluh commentators such
as Lightfoot on Gal. v. 17 , EWcott (on i Toes*. T. 4 , and Evans (on I Cor.
vii. 29) admit the laser use. Evans say* ' that mi. like our " that," has three
uses : ( i )/*«/ (in order that he may go), (a) Jtftmitiv* , I advise that he go),
(3) t*t>j«tn*ly ttbatie (have they stumbled that they should fall) * ; and it
is quite dear that it is only by reading into passages a great deal which is
not expressed that commentators can make Era in all cases mean * in order
that.' In i The**, v. 4 t/uir ««', dfeA^of, 06* J<rri I* oivrtt, tra 4 jptfa.
Ipdt un K\lvrrfl raroxidlp, where Winer states that there is «a Divine
purpose of God,' this is not expressed either in the words or the context.
In I Cor. vii ap 6 *aiplt <n/x«0raA/*«ror J<rr(, TO AatvOr mi «ai of l\arrn
ywtun«a Jjt rf /xorr«f Stot, ' is it probable that a state of sitting loose to
worldly interests should be described as the aim or purpose of God in
curtailing the season of the great tribulation ? ' v Evans. 1 Yet Winer asserts
that the words iVa «ai ol lxorr«f «.rX express the (Divine) purpose for
which A natptt ow«rraXntvot t<rri So again in the present passage it is
only a confusion of ideas that can see any purpose. If St Paul had used
a passive verb such as isMpMfffsv then we might translate, ' have they been
hardened in order that they may fall t ' and there would be no objection in
logic or grammar, but as St. Paul has written ftrraKray, if there is a purpose
in the passage it ascribes stumbling as a deliberate act undertaken with the
purpose of falling. We cannot here any more than elsewhere read in
a Divine purpose where it is neither implied nor expressed, merely for the
sake of defending an arbitrary grammatical rule.
St. Paul indignantly denies that the final fall of
: was the contemplated result of their transgression. The
result of it has already been the calling of the Gentiles, and the
final purpose is the restoration of the Jews also.
T$ auriii' irapairrwfiaTi : 'by their false step,' continuing the
metaphor of «Vrm<rnv.
Vj owrnpia roif cOvcviy. St. Paul is here staling an historical
fact. His own preaching to the Gentiles had been caused definitely
by the rejection of his message on the part of the Jews. Acts
xiii. 45~4B; cf. viii. 4; xi. 19; xxviii. 28.
<is TO Trapaf^Xiacu aurou? : (to provoke them (the Jews) to
jealousy.' This idea had already been suggested (x. 19) by the
quotation from Deuteronomy *By* srapafrX«<rs» vitas «V OMC «&««.
St. Paul in these two statements sketches the lines on which the
Divine action is explained and justified. God's purpose has been
to use the disobedience of the Jews in order to promote the calling
322 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 11, 12.
of the Gentiles, and He will eventually arouse the Jews to give up
.• emulation of the Gentiles. Ktra *ara<7«n*iV
TO srraurpa avritv AtirX^y oico*«/uay ipyafrraC rd n yap tdvt] avrti<ray<i
Ka\ avroit & itafxucri(ov «ni <(xdi(o9 Jwi<rrp<<f>u, /iq faporrat r^» ro«ravnj»
i-wr Mwv T«M'>. Kuthym.-Zig.
12. St. Paul strengthens his statement by an argument i!
he spiritual character of the Jewish people. If an
\vhi< h has been so disastrous to the nation has had such a bcnc-
rcsult, how much more beneficial will be the result
entrance of the full complement of the nation into the Me
lorn?
wXouTos Koajioo : the enriching of the world by the throwing open
to it of the kingdom of the Messiah : cf. z. 1 2 6 yap avrot Kvpto*
narrvv, frXovrwr tit irdvras rovt «fn«aAot'//«Vouf UITO*.
r6 TJTTTjjia aurwK : ' their defeat/ From one point of view the
unbelief of the lews was a transgression (vopcmrw/ia), from another
it was a defeat, for they were repulsed from the Messianic kingdom,
since they had failed to obtain what they sought.
occurs only twice elsewhere: in Is. xxxi. 8 et 81 r«<m<r«o«
foorra* tit fJTrrjua, *«>/>? fAp wffKAiFfiOrpotrrcu At X*?**1 *<" ^rrtjOricorrtu :
and in I Cor. n. 7 fly jdr <ir 2A«r IjrniP* »*"* tany, on tpinar
utO' Jovrwr. The cornet interpretation of the word as derived from the
verb would be a 'defeat/ and this is dearly the meaning in Isaiah. It can
equally well apply in i Cor., whether it be translated a 'defeat* in that it
lowers the Church in the opinion of the world, or a ' moral defeat,' hence
a ' defect.' The same meaning suits this passage. The majority -
mentators however translate it here 'diminution' (see especially G
Co mm, pp. 194, 203). in order to make the antithesis to rA^pw/M exact.
Bat as Field points oat (Otium Noro. lit. 97) there is no reason why the
sentence should not be rhetorically faulty, and it is not much improved by
giving frrvjM the meaning of ' impoverishment' as opposed to ' replenish*
TO vX^pvpa aurwf : • their complement/ ' their full and completed
number/ See on xi. 25.
The exact meaning of •A^/w/ia has still to be ascertained, i. T:
a long and elaborate note on the word in Lft. Col. p. 323 IT. He starts with
asserting that * substantives in -/M formed from the perfect passive, appear
always to have a passive tense. They may denote an abstract n
a concrete thing ; they may signify the action itself regarded as complete,
or the product of the action : bat in any case they give the result of the
agencv Involved in the corresponding vc n takes the verb vAqpotr
that it has two senses, (i) 4 to fill,' ii) ' to fulfil ' or • con
and deriving the fundamental meaning of the word vAww/M from the Utter
usage makes it mean in the N. T. always 'that which is completed.'
a. A somewhat different view of the termination -pa is given by the late
l-.van* in a note on i Cor. v. 6 in the .s/. Comm. (part of *:.
uooted above on Rom. iv. a.) This would favour the active sense id quod
tmfttt or adimpltt, which appears to be the proper sense of the I
' complement ' i see the Philological Society's Ene. Diet s. v.). I'erhaps the
concrete ' would most adequately express the normal meaning of the
XI. 13, 14.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 323
13, 14. These two verses present a good deal of difficulty, of
rather a subtle kind.
1 . What is the place occupied by the words i?\* M X«y« «.r A. in
the argument ? (i) Some (Hort, WH, Lips.) place here the beginning
of a new paragraph, so Dr. Hort writes : ' after a passage on the
rejection of unbelieving Israel, and on God's ultimate purpose
involved in it, St. Paul turns swiftly round.' But an examination
of the context will show that there is really no break in the ideas.
The thought raised by the question in ver. 1 1 runs through the
whole paragraph to ver. 24, in fact really to ver. 32, and the
reference to the Gentiles in ver. 17 ff. is clearly incidental. Again
ver. 15 returns directly to ver. 12, repeating the same idea, but in
a way to justify also ver. 13. (ii) These verses in their appeal 10
the Gentiles are therefore incidental, almost parenthetic, and are
introduced to show that this argument has an application to Gentiles
as well as Jews.
2. But what is the meaning of iu* ofr (that this is the correct
reading see below) ? It is usual to take olv in its ordinary sense of
therefore, and then to explain JM* by supposing an anacoluthon,
or by finding the contrast in some words that follow. So Gif.
4 St. Paul, with his usual delicate courtesy and perfect mastery of
Greek, implies that this is but one part (jur) of bis ministry, chosen
as he was to bear Christ's name " before Gentiles and kings and
the children of Israel." Winer and others find the antithesis in
«t trwf irapafrX»><ra>. But against these views may be urged two
reasons, (i) the meaning of ?•* ovv. The usage at any rate in the
N.T. is clearly laid down by Evans on i Cor. vi. 3 (Speaker's
Comm. p. 285), ' the ol» may signify then or therefore only when
the fwV falls back upon the preceding word, because it is expectant
of a coming ft* or ardp,' otherwise, as is pointed out, the M«* must
coalesce with the ow, and the idea is either ' corrective and substi-
tutive of a new thought, or confirmative of what has been stated
and addititious.' Now if there is this second use of /nV ofr possible,
unless the W is clearly expressed the mind naturally would suggest
it, especially in St. Paul's writings where \*v ot/v is generally so
used : and as a matter of fact no instance is quoted in the N. T.
where ou» in /*«» Q\>* has its natural force in a case where it is not
followed by W (Heb. ix. i quoted by Winer does not apply, see
Westcott ad /<*.). But (ii) further ol* is not the particle required
here. What St. Paul requires is not an apology for referring to
the Gentiles, but an apology to the Gentiles for devoting so much
attention to the Jews.
If these two points are admitted the argument becomes much
clearer. St. Paul remembers that the majority of his readers are
Gentiles ; he has come to a point where what he has to say touches
them nearly ; he therefore shows parenthetically how his love for
Y 2
324 EPISTLE T< [XI
his co and his zeal
•s. combine towards producing the same end. ' Do no:
that what I am saying has nothing to do with you G
makes me even more zealous in my work for
of mine to the Gentiles I do honour to and exalt, seeking i;
t perchance I may be able to move my countrymen to
vcr. 15 he shows how this again reacts upon
the general scheme of his ministry. * And this I do, because their
to the Chun : ig on that final consummation for
we all look for
13. ufiiK S« X«'yw K.T.X. The W expresses a slight c
thought, and tne v/u» is emphatic : ' But it is to you Gentiles I am
•peaking. Nay more, so far as I am an Apostle of G«
I glorify my ministry : if thus by any means/ Ac.
IQvuv dirooroXof : comp. Acts xxii. 21 ;
TV Siaicotaay pou 5o{d(w. He may glorify cither
(i) by his words and speech ; i: :es everywhere the duty of
iiing to the Gentiles he exalts tha
better, by doing all in his power to make it successful: comp.
i Cor. xii. 26 «T« fto£i{imu MAo».
This verse and the references to the Gentiles that follow so
show conclusively that St. Paul expected the majority of his readers
to be Gentiles. Comp. Hort, Rom. and Eph. p. 22 'Thou.
Greek is ambiguous the context appears to me decisive for
6/iur as the < elf, and not as a part < 11 the long
previous discussion bearing on the Jews, occupying nearly t-.
a half chapters, the Jews are invariably spoken of in the third
person. In the half chapter that follows the Geniiles ar<
spoken of in the second person. Exposition has here passed into
exhortation and warning, and the warning is exclusively addressed
to Gentiles : to Christians who had once been Jews not a word is
addressed.'
The variation! in reading in the particle* which occur in this vene suggest
that considerable difficulties were felt rpretatioo. For lj» U
.nusc. po*£.t Syrr. Boh. Arm., Tbeodrt. cod. Jo.-Damasc ; we find
in C t*u> otr ; while the Tl &c. Ong.-lat. Chrys. &c. has
IIH* •&>. Again & ob> is read 1 M P, Boh., Cjn inasc, ;
nlybyTR with L &c., Orig.-lat Chrys, &c. (to Meyer); while the
Western group D E F G and some minuscule* omit both.
It may be noticed in the Epp. of St. i'anl that wherever ^ ovr or /Mrofr
ccur there is considerable variation in the reading.
Rom ix. io: ,i"o"Y« KAKLP&c., Syrr. Boh.; ^rofr B; omit al-
i ^ : ptroiv-r* om. 1 lat
I Cor. vi. 4 : pjr oJr moat author
N
Bok
The \Ve«tero MSS. a* a rule avoid the expression, while B is consu
XI. 14, 16.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 335
14. cl wws irapaf,T]Xw<jw. «? irwr is used here interrogatively with
the aorist subjunctive (cp. Phil. iii. 10, n). The grammarians
explain the expression by saying that we are to understand
aoYrw*'. <t ir»f occurs Acts xxvii. 12 with the optative, Rom. i. 10
with the future.
15. The two previous verses have been to a certain extent
parenthetical ; in this verse the Apostle continues the argument of
ver. i a, repeating in a stronger form what he has there said, but in
such a way as to explain the statement made in w. 13, 14, that by
thus caring for his fellow-countrymen he is fulfilling his mission
to the Gentile world. The casting away of the Tews has meant
the reconciliation of the world to Christ. Henceforth there is no
more a great wall of partition separating God's people from the
rest of the world. This is the first step in the founding of the
Messianic kingdom ; but when all the people of Israel shall have
come in there will be the final consummation of all things, and this
means the realization of the hope which the reconciliation of the
world has made possible.
diropoX^ : the rejection of the Jews for their faithlessness. The
meaning of the word is defined by the contrasted wp6a\if+it.
KOToXXoy^i K&TI&OU: cf. w. 10, ii. The reconciliation was the
immediate result of St. Paul's ministry, which he describes elsewhere
(a Cor. v. 1 8, 19) as a ministry of reconciliation; its final result,
the hope to which it looks forward, is salvation (raraXAoy«Vr*r
ffvthjooptQa) : the realization of this hope is what every Gentile
must long for, and therefore whatever will lead to its fulfilment
must be part of St. Paul's ministry.
irp&rXT)t|rts : the reception of the Jews into the kingdom of the
Messiah. The noun is not used elsewhere in the N. T., but the
meaning is shown by the parallel use of the verb (cf. xiv. 3 ; xv. 7).
(uri) in vtKpuv. The meaning of this phrase must be determined
by that of KoraAXoyi} coa/iov. The argument demands something
much stronger than that, which may be a climax to the section.
It may either be (i) used in a figurative sense, cf. Kzck. x xxvii. 3 ff.;
Luke XV. 34, 33 4 <td«X$<fc trov OITOC tngp&s $r, *ol fC«7<™* «" <wroX»X«if,
Kal tipi&T). In this sense it would mean the universal diffusion of
the Gospel message and a great awakening of spiritual life as the
result of it. Or (a), it may mean the 'general Resurrection* as
a sign of the inauguration of the Messianic Kingdom. In this
sense it would make a suitable antithesis to coroXXoy^. The recon-
ciliation of the heathen and their reception into the Church on
earth was the first step in a process which led ultimately to their
tromjpi'a. It gave them grounds for hoping for that which they
should enjoy in the final consummation. And this consummation
would come when the kingdom was completed. In all contempo-
rary Jewish literature the Resurrection (whether partial or general)
3*6 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 15 24.
is a sign of the inauguration of the new era. SchUrcr, GtschichU, &c.
ii. p. 460; Jubilees xxiii. 29 'And at that time the Lord will heal
his servants, and they will arise and will see great peace a;
cast out their enemies ; and the just shall see it and be thankful
and rejoice in joy to all eternity.' Enoch li. i (p. 139 ed Charles)
' And in those days will the earth also give back those who are
treasured up within it, and Shedl also will give back that *!
has received, and hell will give back that which it owes. And he
will choose the righteous and holy from among them : for the day
:r redemption has drawn nigh/ As in the latter part of this
chapter St. Paul seems to be largely influenced by the language
and forms of the current eschatology, it is very probable that the
second interpretation is the more correct; cf. Ori^
Tune enim frit atsumtio Israel, quando tarn et morlui vitam r(
tt mundus ex corruptibili incorruptibilis Jict, et mor tales immortalize
donabuniur\ and see below ver. 26.
16. St. Paul gives in this verse the grounds of his confidence in
the future of Israel This is based upon the holiness of the Patriarchs
from whom they are descended and the consecration to God
has been the result of this holiness. His argument is expressed in
two different metaphors, both of which however have the same
purpose.
dwopx*! . . . ^opojio. The metaphor in the first part of the
verse is taken from Num. zv. 19, 20 'It shall b«
eat of the bread of the land, ye shall offer up an heave o:
unto the Lord. Of the first of your dough (avopxv ^vpfporor I
ye shall offer up a cake for an heave offering : as ye do the heave
offering of the threshing floor, so shall ye heave it.' By the o::
of the first-fruits, the whole mass was considered to be consecrated ;
and so the holiness of* the Patriarchs consecrated the whole people
from whom they came. That the meaning of the ma^
Patriarchs (and not Christ or the select remnant) is <•!.
parallelism with the second half of the verse, and by the •
of St. Paul's argument given in ver. 28 070*17™ ?.,
dyi'a : ' consecrated to God as the holy nation ' in the technical
sense of £><
£i'£a . . . nXdSoi. The same idea expressed under a di:
image. Israel the Divine nation is looked upon as a tree; its
roots are the I ;.il Israelites arc the bra:
As then the Patriarchs are holy, so arc the Israelites who belong
to the stock of the tree, and are nourished by the sap
flows up to them from those roots.
17-24. The metaphor used in the second part of ver. 16 suggests
an image which the Apostle developes s< : The
image of an olive tree to describe Israel is taken from the Prophets ;
ih xi. 1 6 'The Lord called thy name, A green olhv
XI. 17-24.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 327
fair with goodly fruit : with the noise of a great tumult He hath
kindled fire upon it, and the branches of it are broken ' ; Hotea
xiv. 6 ' His branches shall spread, and his beauty shall be as the
olive tree, and his smell as Lebanon.' Similar is the image of the
vine in Is. v. 7 ; Ps. Ixxx. 8 ; and (of the Christian Church) in John
xv. i ff.
The main points in this simile are the following : —
The olive = the Church of God, looked at as one continuous
body; the Christian Church being the inheritor of the
privileges of the Jewish Church.
The root or stock (pi(a) = that stock from which Jews and
Christians both alike receive their nourishment and strength,
viz. the Patriarchs, for whose faith originally Israel was
chosen (cf. w. 28, 29).
The branches (ol «XO&M) are the individual members of the
Church who derive their nourishment and virtue from the
stock or body to which they belong. These are of two
kinds:
The original branches ; these represent the Jews. Some have
been cut off from their want of faith, and no longer derive
any nourishment from the stock.
The branches of the wild olive which have been grafted in.
These are the Gentile Christians, who, by being so grafted
in, have come to partake of the richness and virtue of the
olive stem.
From this simile St. Paul draws two lessons, (i) The first is
to a certain extent incidental. It is a warning to the heathen
against undue exaltation and arrogance. By an entirely unnatural
process they have been grafted into the tree. Any virtue that
they may have comes by no merit of their own, but by the virtue
of the stock to which they belong ; and moreover at any moment
they may be cut off. It will be a less violent process to cut off
branches not in any way belonging to the tree, than it was to cut
off the original branches. But (2)— and this is the more im-
portant result to be gained from the simile, as it is summed up in
ver. 24— if God has had the power against all nature to graft in
branches from a wild olive and enable them to bear fruit, how much
more easily will He be able to restore to their original place the
branches which have been cut off.
St. Paul thus deduces from his simile consolation for Israel, but
incidentally also a warning to the Gentile members of the Church —
a warning made necessary by the great importance ascribed to
them in ver. 1 1 f. Israel had been rejected for their sake.
17. iWs: a meiosis. Cf.iii. 3 rl yip tl tpuropnw TUW»; Tii^t M
ctVr , irapa/iudov/MMX avrovr, *>« iroAAacir •tpipapn', «Wci roXXy w\ttavt ol
rnrurnprayrcr. Eulhym.-Zig.
328 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 17, 18.
\d<r0T)<7ar. The same simile is used, with a different applica-
tion, Enoch .'W ty»6Vv<ra tit rA piaov . » 3o*
TVKW T)i\oyr)ntro»t if £ ti'v&pa fgorra ifapatfwo6as pcrot'crac cai /SAaoTmVar
roC fto&pov «Mojr«Krof .
AyptAato* : ' the wild olive/ The olive, like the apple and most
;uit trees, requires to have a graft from a cultivated tree,
sc the fruit of the seedling or sucker will be small and
valueless. The ungrafted tree is the natural or wild •
often confused with the oleaster (Eleagnu* angusft/e/ius), but quite
incorrectly, this being a plant of a different natural order,
however like the olive yields oil, although of an inferior character.
See Tristram, A\:/urjl Hist, of the Bible, pp. 371-
MKcrrpuriK)* 4V ovrotf : ' wen grafted in amongst the branches of
the cultivated olive.' St. Paul is here describing a wholly unn
process. Grafts must necessarily be of branches from a cult
inserted into a wild stock, the reverse process being one
would be valueless and is never performed. But the
strength of St Paul's argument depends upon the process being
an unnatural one (cf. ver. 24 *ai irapa $wu> ivtmrpttrfyt) ; it is
beside the point therefore to quote passages from classical v.
which, even if they seem to support St. Paul's language, describe
a process which can never be actually used. They could only show
the ignorance of others, they would not justify him. Cf. Origen ••
p. 265 Sfd iu hoc quidtm lattat nos in hoc loco, quod non to or dint
Apostolus cli-ae et oUeutri similitudintm posuit, quo apud ag'
habthar. Jilt enim mart's oliram oltastro inserere, et non clirat
oUastrum talent : Paulus vero Apostolic a auctorilate or dint com"
mutato ret magis catuis, quam causas rebut aplaviL
I Cor. ix. 23 ; .6 «tro< TU
\ awr<r»fta KOI
*Ii7<roC &A TOW (tayytXiov.
T»i« ^*llS ""I* in<lTT]TOS Ti]? Aai'as : COmp. Jud. ix. 9 «ai «»V«»
ft Aaai, M>7 oiroX»«^a<T«i rq* inwjra pov . . . iro^i <r«/iai ; TfSi.
Pat. Levi, 8 6 ir«>frrof «Xddov /*°« '"Xa/ar «"*«*« irtorr
( ntonjTot is taken by Weiss as a genitive of qua!
m the quotation above, and so the phrase comes to mean ' the fat
root of the olive.' Lips, explains ' the root from which the fatness
of the olive springs.'
The genitive r$t n</rnrof seemed clomty and unnatural to later rerben,
and 10 was modified either by the insertion of «4 after fifa. a* in K* A ami
later MSS. with Vnlg. Syrr. Ann. Aeth.. OriK.-lat. Chryi., or by the
of TT . cstcrn authontics D F G Ir- : .
18. JITJ Karaxauxw TWK «X<£o*»r. St. Paul seems to be thinking of
'c Christians who despised the Jews, both such as had
become believers and such as had not. The Church of Corinth
could furui noes of n< :s who were carried
XI. 18-23.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 329
away by a feeling of excessive confidence, and who, portly on
grounds of race, partly because they had understood or thought
they had understood the Pauline teaching of Andt/xa, were full of
contempt for the Jewish Christians and the Jewish race. Inci-
dentally St. Paul takes the opportunity of rebuking such as them.
oo <n> TV ^i(ov K.T.X. ' All your spiritual strength comes from
the stock on which you have been grafted/ In the ordinary process
it may be when a graft of the cultivated olive is set on a wild stock
the goodness of the fruit comes from the graft, but in this case it is
the reverse ; any merit, any virtue, any hope of salvation that the
Gentiles may have arises entirely from the fact that they are grafted
on a stock whose roots are the Patriarchs and to which the Jews,
by virtue of their birth, belong.
10. 4p«tf ouV. The Gentile Christian justifies his feeling of
confidence by reminding St. Paul that branches (cXo&x, not ol
xXoddi) had been cut off to let him in : therefore, he might argue,
I am of more value than they, and have grounds for my self-
confidence and contempt.
20. icaX&f. St. Paul admits the statement, but suggests that the
Gentile Christian should remember what were the conditions on
which he was admitted. The Jews were cast off for want of faith, he
was admitted for faith. There was no merit of his own, therefore
he has no grounds for over-confidence: 'Be not high-minded;
rather fear, for if you trust in your merit instead of showing faith
in Christ, you will suffer as the Jews did for their self-confidence
and want of faith.'
21. cl y&p 6 6e&s K.T.X. This explains the reason which made
it right that they should fear. ' The Jews — the natural branches —
disbelieved and were not spared ; is it in any way likely that you,
if you disbelieve, will be spared when they were not— you who have
not any natural right or claim to the position you now occupy ? '
•HI
4«(<r«Tui is the correct reading (with K A B C P mi*. /«*., BotL,
into <t»l<rrrnu (mitt. pout, and Chrys.) for the sake of the grammar, and found
its way into the TR.
22. The Apostle sums up this part of his argument by deducing
from this instance the two sides of the Divine character. God is full
of goodness (xp^rr^s, cf. ii 4) and loving-kindness towards man-
kind, and that has been shown by His conduct towards those
Gentiles who have been received into the Christian society. That
goodness will always be shown towards them if they repose their
confidence on it, and do not trust in their own merits or the
privileged position they enjoy. On the other hand the treatment
of the Jews shows the severity which also belongs to the character
330 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 22-24.
of God ; a severity exercised against them just because they trusted
s. God can show the same severity against the Gentiles
and cut them off as well as the Jew.
dworopia and x/»y«TaTi7t should be remd in the second part of the Terse,
with K A HC Orig. Jo.-Damasc again* the accusative of the Wcttcra and
Syrian text D has a mixed raiding, droro/^ax and XPKr*"?* : the as-
similation was easier in the fint word than in the second. The feov after
XWr^i is omitted by later MSS. with Clem -Alex, Orig. from a desire
for uniformity.
The condition of their enjoying this goodness is
that t: .:» it, and not in their position.
KCU au : emphatic like the ey* of v ,u too as well as the
Jews.'
23. St. Paul now turns from the warning to the G< ^ians,
which was to a certain ext ntal, to the main subject of the
paragraph, the possibility of the return of the Jews to the I
grafting into the Divine stock.
KU'I /KCIHU W : 'yes, and they too.'
24. This verse sums up the main argument. If God is so
powerful that by a pur. ly unnatural process («opa $un») He can
graft a branch of wild olive into a stock of the cultivated plant, so
that it should receive nourishment from it ; can He not equal 1\
nay far more easily, reingraft branches which have been Ci
the cultivated olive into their own stock? The restoration of
Israel is an easier process than the call of the Gentiles.
77. of the Fail.
In what sense does St. Paul say that Israelites are holy because
the stock from which they come is holy (UT. 16), that they are
070*171x4 dia Toic naripat (vcr. 28)? He might almost seem to be
taking up himself the argument he has so often condemn-
the descent of the Jews from Abraham is sufficient ground for
their salvation.
The greatness of the Patriarchs had become one of the common-
places of Jewish Theology. For them the world was created (Af>oc.
Baruth^ xxi. 24). They had been surrounded by a halo ot
and romance in popular tradition and fancy (see the note on
and very early the idea seems to have \ virtues
had a power for others as well as for themselves. C
in the interests of personal religion has to protest against some
icw : ' Though these three men, Noah, I
hey should deliver but their own s< r righteousness,
saith the Lord God \iv. 14). We know how th
developed by the time of our Lord, and the cry had ari>. n : • \\V
XI. 11-24.] THE REJECTION OF ISRAEL 331
have Abraham for our father ' (see note on ii. 3). At t later date
the doctrine of the merits of the Fathers had been (hniofnd
into a system. As Israel was an organic body, the several
members of which were closely bound together, the superfluous
merits of the one part might be transferred to another. Of
Solomon before he sinned it was said that he earned all by his
own merit, after he sinned by the merit of the Fathers (Koktl
rabba 60°). A comment on the words of Cant. i. 5 • I am black,
but comely/ closely resembles the dictum of St. Paul in ver. 18
4 The congregation of Israel speaks: I am black through mine
o\vn works, but lovely through thi works of my fathers' (Shtmolk
rabba, c. 23). So again: 'Israel lives and endures, because it
supports itself on the fathers ' (t'6. c. 44). A very close parallel to
the metaphor of ver. 17 f. is given by Wajjikra rabba, c, 36 ' As
this vine supports itself on a trunk which is dry, while it is itself
fresh and green, so Israel supports itself on the merit of the fathers,
although they already sleep.' So the merit of the fathers is a general
possession of the whole people of Israel, and the protection of the
whole people in the day of Redemption (Shemoth rabba, c. 44 ;
Bertsch rabba, c. 70). So Pesikta 153^ 'The Holy One spake to
Israel : My sons, if ye will be justified by Me in the judgement,
make mention to Me of the merits of your fathers, so shall ye be
justified before Me in the judgement (see Weber, A toy*. Theol.
p. 280 f.).
Now, although St Paul lays great stress on the merits of the
Fathers, it becomes quite clear that he had no such idea as this in
his mind; and it is convenient to put the developed Rabbinical
idea side by side with his teaching in order to show at once the
resemblance and the divergence of the two views. It is quite clear
in the first place that the Jews will not be restored to the Kingdom
on any ground but that of Faith; so ver. 23 &» w /vi^u^ai rj
ciirurrif . And in the second place St. Paul is dealing (as becomes
quite clear below) not with the salvation of individuals, but with
the restoration of the nation as a whole. The merits of the Fathers
are not then looked upon as the cause of Israel's salvation, but as
a guarantee that Israel will attain that Faith which is a necessary
condition of their being saved. It is a guarantee from either of
two points of view. So far as our Faith is God's gift, and so far
as we can ascribe to Him feelings of preference or affection for one
race as opposed to another (and we can do so just as much as
Scripture does), it is evidence that Israel has those qualities
which will attract to it the Divine Love. Those qualities of the
founders of the race, those national qualities which Israel inherits,
and which caused it to be selected as the Chosen People, these it
still possesses. And on the other side so far as Faith comes bv
human effort or character, so far that Faith of Abraham, for which
33* JE ROMA [XI. 25-36.
he was accounted righteous before God, is a guaran
same ! pcd in his descendants. After all it is
because they are a religious race, clinging too blindly to th- .
views, that they are rejected, and not because they are irrc!
They have a leal for God, if not according to knowledge,
the day comes that that z :ed in the cause of
<_ won for • -id that it will be so
sanctity and the deep religious instinct of the Jewish stock as
exhibited by the Patriarchs is, if not certain proof, at any rate evi-
dence which appeals with strong moral force.
MERCY TO ALL THE ULTIMATE PURPOSE OP GOD.
XI. 25-36. All this is the unfolding of a myst
whole world, both Jew and Gentile, shall enter the Kingdom;
but a passing phase of disobedience has been allowed :
yews now, as to the Gentiles in the past, that both
as well as may need and r<\
(w. 25-32). What a stupendous exhibit ion of /
mercy and wisdom (w. 33-36) I
**But I must declare to you, my brethren, the purpose hi
concealed, but now revealed in these dealings of God \vi
people. I ir.ust not leave you ignorant I must guard you
against self-conceit on this momentous subject. Tha
of heart whu h has come upon Israel is only partial and temporary.
It is to last only until the full complement of the Genii!
entered into Christ's kingdom. "When this has come about then the
whole people of Israel shall be saved. So Isaiah (li.x. 20) described
the expected Redeemer as one who should come forth from the
Holy city and shoul icties from the dev
Jacob, and purify Israel : r he would in fact fulfil God's co
: I is people, and \\\ elsewhere e.\
9), a time when God would forgive Israel's si;
our ground for believing that the Messiah who has come \\i:
>n to Israel, and that He \.
rogative of forp; iel now needs forgiveness thi
makes us more confident of the truth of the prophecy. "In the
Divine plan, according to which the message of salvation has been
.cd, the Jews are treated as enemies of God, that roc:
XI. 25-36.] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 333
be found for you Gentiles in the kingdom ; but this does not alter
the fact that by the Divine principle of selection, they are still the
beloved of the Lord, chosen for the sake of their ancestors, the
Patriarchs. "God has showered upon them His blessings and
called them to His privileges, and He never revokes the choice
He has made. M There is thus a parallelism between your case
and theirs. You Gentiles were once disobedient to God. Now it
has been Israel's turn to be disobedient ; and that disobedience has
brought to you mercy. Sl In like manner their present disobedience
\\ill have this result: that they too will be recipients of the Mae
mercy that you have received. "And the reason for the dis-
obedience may be understood in both cases, if we look to the final
purpose. God has, as it were, locked up all mankind, first Gentiles
and then Jews, in the prison-house of unbelief, that He may be able
at last to show His mercy on all alike.
** When we contemplate a scheme like this spread out before us
in vast panorama, how forcibly does it bring home to us the in-
exhaustible profundity of that Divine mind by which it was planned I
The decisions which issue from that mind and the methods by which
it works are alike inscrutable to man. " Into the secrets of the
Almighty none can penetrate. No counsellor stands at His ear to
•T words of suggestion. "Nothing in Him is derived from
without so as to be claimed back again by its owner. M He is the
source of all things. Through Htm all things flow. He is the
fm.il cause to which all things tend. Praised for ever be His
name I Amen.
25-36. St. Paul's argument is now drawing to a dose. He has
treated all the points that are necessary. He has proved that
the rejection of Israel is not contrary to Divine justice or Divine
promises. He has convicted Israel of its own responsibility. He
has shown how historically the rejection of Israel had been the
cause of preaching the Gospel to the heathen, and this has led to
far-reaching speculation on the future of Israel and its ultimate
.uion ; a future which may be hoped for in view of the spiritual
M ter of the Jewish race and the mercy and power of God.
And now he seems to see all the mystery of the Divine purpose
unfolded before him, and he breaks away from the restrained and
formal method of argument- he has hitherto imposed upon himself.
JIM .1- \\hcn treating of the Resurrection, his argument passes into
..ion, 'Behold, I tell you a mystery' (i Cor. xv. 51): so belt
334 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XI. 25.
he declares not merely as the result of his argument, but as an
authr elation, the mystery of the Divine purpose.
25. o« Y&pftAwuj&ot Ay**!': ' 2 Cor.
i. 8 ; i Thcss. : phrase used by St. Paul tc •
something of especial importance which he wishes to bring home
to his readers. It always has the impressive addition of ' br<
The >ap connects the verse immediately with what precedes, but
also with the general argument St. Paul's argument i
a ladder; each step follows from what precedes; but from t
time there are, as it were, resting-places which mark a il
point gained towards the end he has in view.
TO* pxrnfauw TOVTO. On .ning of 'mystery' in S:
see Lightfoot, Colossians, i. 26; Hatch, Ess. in BibL Gk. p.
Just at the time when Cl was spreading. ries as
professing to reveal something more than was generally k:
especially about the future state, represented the most popular
of religion, and from them St Paul borrows much of his phraseology.
So in Col. i. 28, i Cor. ii. 6 we have rA*u>», in i
, in Eph. i. 13 crtfoxiyifrer&i* ; so in Ign. Epks. 12 i
But whereas among the heathen nwnipuv was always
used of a mystery concealed, with St. Paul it is a n \ealed.
It is his mission to make known the Word of G
which has been kept silent from eternal ap-
pealed to mankind (i Cor. ii. 7; Eph Kom. x
This mystery, which has been declared in Chr the eternal
purpose of God to redeem mankind in Christ, and all
plied in that. Hence it is used of the In
of the crucifixion of Christ (i Cor. ii. i, 7), of the Divine purpose
to sum up all thin. nd especially of the
inclusion of the Gentiles in the kingdom
27; Rom. xvi. 25). iiM-il in a wide sense of the
plan or scheme of redemption as revealed to S;
Jews and Gentiles alike are to be included in the I ^dom,
and all things are working up, although in ways unseen and
unknown. nd.
Ira ji»j Vf wop* rfawTtns tpoVijioi : • that you may not be w
your own conceits,' i.e. by imagining that it is in ai
your own merit that you have accepted what others have refused:
it has been part of the eternal purpose of God.
if iavrott ought probably to be read with A I), Jo.-Damasc. instead of wop*
Javroit KC DLJfe, Chry*. Ac, as the Utter would probably be introduced
from xii. 16. Both exprtMoos occur in the LXX. Is. v. ai of o\-.
Ian ..<] Jo9t fpotHftoi mpn otavry.
K T X 'a l.-irJ- I • • •
ul asserts one is constantly insisted on
throughout this chapter, that this fall of the Jews is only partial
XI. 25, 20.] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 335
(cf. w. 5, 7, 17), but here he definitely adds a point to which he
has been working up in the previous section, that it is only tem-
porary and that the limitation in time is ' until all nations of the
earth come into the kingdom'; cf. Luke xxi. 24 'and Jerusalem
shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the
Gentiles be fulfilled.'
TO vX^pwpa TWC <0t£r : the full completed number, the comple-
ment of the Gentiles, i. e. the Gentile world as a whole, just as in
ver. i a rA v\t)p*na is the Jewish nation as a whole.
There was a Jewish basis to these speculations on the completed number.
Ap<x. Bantck xxiii. 4 quia ftMMfr/NBWft A Jam it Jtcreta /nit mm cotttrm
ttj qui gigntrtntur, tone numeral* est multitude eoram ytd gigturtntur,
ft numtro iUi fraffaratus est Ucut «M kMUavnt vivrmtu * ubi tusto-
dirtntur martttt. nisi ergo com pleat or oamena pracdictos M*» cii*/ rrM/vni
4 (5) Ezra U. 40, 41 (where Jewish ideas underlie a Christian work)
reciff, Sion, nnmernm toum «/ ttmtludt fmdidatos tuot, f»i Ugtm Domini
fompltvtntnt : Jiliorum ttvmm, quos optaku, plenns est numerus: ngm
imfxrium Domini ut sa*ftij(<tt*r popttiiu tuns gut votahu tit ao IMJ/IO.
«u7«X6r) was used almost technically of entering into the Kingdom
or the Divine glory or life (cf. Matt. vii. a i ; xviii. 8 ; Mark iz.
43-47-). and so came to be used absolutely in the same sense
(Matt. vii. 13 ; xxiii. 13; Luke ziii. 24).
26. KOI oJr»» : ' and so,' i. e. by the whole Gentile world coming
into the kingdom and thus rousing the Jews to jealousy, cf. ver. 1 1 f.
These words ought to form a new sentence and not be joined
ui.h the preceding, for the following reasons: (i) the reference of
o£ro> is to the sentence fyp** °* «-r-X- We must not therefore
make our* . . . <r»&7<rmu coordinate with wtpwit . . . yiyow and
subordinate to on, for if we did so <wr« would be explained by
the sentence with which it is coordinated, and this is clearly not
St. Paul's meaning. He does not mean that Israel will be saved
bfcaust it is hardened. (2) The sentence, by being made in-
dependent, acquires much greater emphasis and force.
was 'laparjX. In what sense are these words used? (i) The
whole context shows clearly that it is the actual Israel of history
that is referred to. This is quite clear from the contrast with rA
*XtyM»pa r«r <&**» in ver. 25, the use of the term Israel in the same
verse, and the drift of the argument in w. 1 7-24. It cannot be
interpreted either of the spiritual Israel, as by Calvin, or the
remnant according to the election of grace, or such Jews as believe,
or all who to the end of the world shall turn unto the Lord.
(2) was must be taken in the proper meaning of the word:
' Israel as a whole, Israel as a nation, and not as necessarily in-
cluding every individual Israelite. Cf. i Kings xii. i «&1 «OT
ZopovijX irpot wtura 'icrpo^X : 2 Chron. xii. I ryrarAorf rac
Kvpi'ov «ai was 'ivpo^X fur avrov : Dan. ix. 1 1 <oi was *I<rpaijX
ror rouoy aw rat t£iKXi*a» row ftfj axovaa* r^f
33'' EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XI. 26, 27.
: • -hall attain the ffvnjpia of the Messianic age by
being received into the Christian Chiml
of the Messianic <r«rw&i being fulfilled by the spiritual <r«*ri7p«i of
1
So the words of St. Paul mean simply this. The people of
Israel as a nation, and no longer «rA JM/XH/C, shall be united with
the Christian Church. They do not mean that every Israelite shall
be saved Of final salvation St. Paul is not now thinking.
nor of God's dealings with individuals, nor does he ask about those
ire already dead, or who will die before this salvation of
Israel is attained. He is simply considering God's dealing
the nation as.a whole. As elsewhere throughout these chapters,
St. Paul is dealing with peoples and classes of men. He looks
forward in prophetic vision to a tin. hole earth,
including the kingdoms of the Gentiles (ri «Xqp«*fui r*» Mi**) and
the people of Israel (*as 'icrpoqA), shall be united in the Church of
God.
26, 27. Ka&s ylypawrcu. The quotation is taken from the
. 20, the concluding words being add.
9. The quotation is free: the only important chang-
ever, is the substitution of «« 2uu> for the «*w ZMM> of the I XX.
The Hebrew reads 'and a Redeemer shall come to Zio;
them that turn from transgression in Jacob.' The variation
apparently comes from Ps. xiil 7, lii. 7 (LXX) T«\ ?,«><T<I t\ 2<«» ri
The passage occurs in the later portion of Isaiah, just
Prophet dwells most fully on the high spiritual destinies of Israel ;
and its application to the Messianic kingdom
the spirit of the origi; ration. S
uses the words to im; he Redeemer, who is represented by
the Prophets as coming from Zion, orefore concei
him as realized in Christ, will in the end redeem tin
The passage, as quoted, implies the complete pur:!
from their iniquity by the Redeemer and the forgiveness oi
sins by God.
hese speculations St. Paul was probably strongly influenced,
at any rate as to their form, by
nccted these passages with the Messiah: d. Trad. Sanht i-
98. i ' R. Jochanan said: When thou shall see tl.
many troubles shall come like Bd ti it-
Messiah himself as s cover a universal i
rael was part of the ci:
should be collected toge 1 r I
i in ordc:
> be a gei
the coming in of the fulness of the < .rallcl.
XI. 20 29.] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 337
Although later Judaism entirely denied all hope to the Gentiles
much of the Judaism of St. Paul's day still maintained the O. T.
belief (Is. xiv. a; Ixvi. 12, 19-21; Dan . So
Enoch xc. 33 'And all that had been destroyed and dispersed and
all the beasts of the field and all the birds of the heaven assembled
in that house, and the Lord of the sheep rejoiced with great joy
because they were all good and had returned to his house? Orat.
Sibyll. iii. 710 f. «<u r6rt iff t^<rrn, warm w&ut r ifx'ovoi* . . .
r«. Ps. Sol xvii. 33-35 ' And he shall purge Jerusalem and
make it holy, even as it was in the days of old, so that the nations
may come from the ends of the earth to see his glory, bringing as
gifts her sons that had fainted, and may see the glory of the Lord,
wherewith God hath glorified her/ The centre of this kingdom
"ill be Jerusalem (compare the extract given above), and it is
perhaps influenced by these conceptions that St. Paul in ix. 26
inserts the word 'there* and here reads «'« 2<«r. If this be so, it
shows how, although using so much of the forms and language of
current conceptions, he has spiritualized just at be IMS broadened
them. Gal. iv. 26 shows that he is thinking of a Jerusalem which
is above, very different from the purified earthly Jerusalem of the
Rabbis; and this enables us to see how here also a spiritual
conception underlies much of his language.
4 0u4|Mifot : Jesus as the Messiah. Cf. i Thess. i. 10.
27. KCU QOTTJ K.T.X. : ' and whensoever I forgive their sins then
shall my side of the covenant I have made with them be fulfilled.'
28. Kard pfr rd cuayyAior : 'as regards the Gospel order, the
principles by which God bends the Gospel into the world/ This
verse sums up the argument of w. 11-24.
JftOpoi : treated by God as enemies and therefore shut off from
Him.
Si* ufias : ' for your sake, in order that you by their exclusion
may be brought into the Messianic Kingdom.'
KaTA &« TV iKXoy^r : ' as regards the principle of election : '
' because they are the chosen race/ That this is the meaning is
shown by the fact that the word is parallel to rvoyyAio*. It cannot
mean here, as in w. 5, 6, • as regards the elect,' i. e. the select
remnant It gives the grounds upon which the chosen people were
beloved With dyamj-roi, cf. ix. 25 ; the quotation there probably
suggested the word.
fed rods iroWpos : cf. ix. 4 ; xi. 16 f. : ' for the sake of the Patri-
archs ' from whom the Israelites have sprung and who were well-
pleasing to God.
29. St. Paul gives the reason for believing that God will not
desert the people whom He has called, and chosen, and on whom
He has showered His Divine blessings. It lies in the unchangeable
z
338 LXI- 29-«t
nature of God : He does not repent Him of the choice that He has
made.
dficTojiAijTa : 2 Cor. vii. 10. The Divine gifts, such as
been enumerated in ix. 4, 5, and such as God has showered upon
the Jews, bear the impress of the Giver. As He is not on
ver do that for \vh:. is feel comj.r.:
His feelings of mercy towards the Jews will never change.
Vj nXfjais 3 to the Kingdom.
The grounds for believing that God does not repent f
gifts that He has given may be gathered from the }>ar.
between the two cases of the Jews and the Gentiles, in one ot
His purpose has, been completed, in the other not so. The < •
converts were disobedient once, as St. Paul has described at length
in the first chapter, but yet God has now sho
to accomplish this He has taken occasion from the
the Jews : the same purpose and the same plan of provident
be seen also in the case of the Tews. God s plan is to mak
obedience an opportunity of snowing mercy. The disobedience
of the Jews, like that of the Gentiles, had for its result the mai
tion of the mercy of God.
The fyieit shows that this verse is written, as is all this cl:
with the thought of Gentile readers prominently before the v.
mind.
31. TW upcr/pu Mil : • by that same mercy which was shown to
you.1 If the Jews had remained true to their covenant God
have been able on His side merely to exhibit fid<
covenant. As they have however been disobedient, they equally
\\ith the Gentiles are recipients of the Divine mercy. These
T« VIMT«'P? Am go with «Xfi?&xrt, cf. Gal. ii. 10; 2 Cor. xii. 7, as is
shown by the parallelism of the two clauses
t'«t9
col atrol vv»
This parallelism of the clauses may account for the presence of
the second *;* \\ i:h /x^W.. v, i. I be read v. x
Jo. Damasc, It was omitted by
(AEFG, &c. Vulg. Syrr < )ri^.-lat.
seemed hardly to harmonize
are too varied for it to be an ' insertion arising from a
repetr
89. St. Paul now .
of God's plan, and concludes i Mth a n
solves the riddle of t! urpose
in the .iikind described in i. i8-iii. 20; there
XI. 32, 33.] MERCY TO ALL COD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 339
purpose in the faithlessness of the Jews. The object of both alike
is to give occasion for the exhibition of the Divine mercy. If God
has shut men up in sin it is only that He may have an oppor-
tunity of showing His compassion. So in Gal. iii. 22 oXAa
tx\ii(Ttt> f) ypa^f) ra irdvra vrro u/iapruiy, tva f] «Vayy«Xta «V wi<m*t
\purruv Mj roic wurrtvowi, the result of sin is represented as being
to give the occasion for the fulfilment of the promise and the
mission of the Messiah. All God's dealings with the race are in
accordance with His final purpose. However harsh they may
seem, when we contemplate the final end we can only burst forth
into thankfulness to God.
oWicXeiac yip o 6«fe : cf. i. 24 f., and sec below, p. 347.
ffiWuXciac : Ps. l.xxviii [IxxviiJ. 62 'He gave his people over
unto the sword (owti&ttm* tit /x>/*<fKiio»).' Used with the pregnant
sense of giving over so that there can be no escape.
TOUS irdrras. Not necessarily every single individual, but all looked
at collectively, as the trX^^ia rw «&£* and not 'icrpoqX. All the classes
into which the world may be divided, Jew and Gentile alike, will be
admitted into the Messianic Kingdom or God's Church. The
reference is not here any more than elsewhere to the final salvation
of every individual.
93. St. Paul has concluded his argument. He has vindicated
the Divine justice and mercy. He has shown how even the reign
of sin leads to a beneficent result. And now, carried away by the
contrast between the apparent injustice and the real justice of God,
having demonstrated that it is our knowledge and not His goodness
that is at fault when we criticize Him, he bursts forth in a great
ascription of praise to Him, declaring the unfathomable character
of His wisdom.
We may notice that this description of the Divine wisdom re-
presents not so much the conclusion of the argument as the assump-
tion that underlies it. It is because we believe in the infinite
character of the Divine power and love that we are able to argue
that if in one case unexpectedly and wonderfully His action has
been justified, therefore in other cases we may await the result,
resting in confidence on His wisdom.
Marcion's text, which had omitted everything between x. 5 and xi. 34 (see
on ch. x) here resume*. Tcrt. quotes w. 32, 33 as follows: o prt/tutdmm
dnitiantm tt tatuntia* Dei, tt iniKUtstigabilts via* fins, omitting «al
•Xnfcrww and At d^^tptvi^ra rd gpifura aim*. Then follow w. 34, 35
without any variation. On ver. 36 we know nothing. See Zahn, p. 518.
0d9os: 'inexhaustible wealth/ Cf. Prov. xviil 3 frM*
troubles to which there is no bottom. The three genitives that
follow are probably coordinate ; wXovrou means the wealth of the
Divine grace, cf. x. 1 2 ; aoQias and yiWc«K are to be distinguished
as meaning the former, a broad and comprehensive survey of things
Z 2
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [XI. 33 36.
;ons, what we call Philosoprn er an
intuitive jxrnctraiing perception of particular truths (see Lit. on
9).
• P«Jnr)Ta: : and perhaps Jer. x
irchable ' ; npi'piTo. not
;.ts on the ways and plans of life. Cf. 1
-• biadw* aiuvot tartan? fur ainitt, co) ra icpifumt avrov i r.
avrotr.
aVc$ix*«»<rroi : ' that cannot be traced out/ Ej.h. iii. 8 ; Jol
ix. 10 ; xxx iv. .4 'ii, passage seems t iluenced i Clem.
Rom. XX. 5 a&iafftur rt attfrxvicurra .... cr\.'n\trm wpoffrdypaat*.
84. TI'S yip «yw K.T.X. This is taken froi;
only very slightly from thr I. XX. It is quoted als
86. <\ Tts wpoifofcMCCK QUTW ical dKtairo&o^twTai oO; , from
Job xli. 1 1 , but not the I . X X \\ hich reads < »Tt<rnp<Ta<
viro^iwl ; The Hebrew ( R V.) reads, * Who hath first given unto me
that I should repay him ? ' It is interesting to notice that the only
juotation in St. Paul which varies very consideral
LXX is also taken from the book of Job (i Cor
seep. 302. This verse corresponds to 4 /3dA>» irXovrw. 'So rich
arc the spiritual gifts of God, that none can make any :
He needs no recompense for what He gives.'
86. God needs no recompense, for all things that are c>.
all things come to man through Him, and t<
He is the source, the agent, and the final goal of all created
and all spiritual life.
Many commentators have attempted to find in these \
a reference to the work of the different persons of the Trinity (see
esp. Liddon, who restates the argument in the most successful
form). But (i) the prepositions do not suit this interpretation:
k* a$ro5 indeed expresses the attributes of the Son, 1
can not naturally or even possibly be used ol . (2) The
whole argument refers to a different line of thought. It
relation of the Godhead as a whole to the universe and to c
things. God (not necessarily the Father) is the source and inspirer
and goal of all things.
TbU fnndmmenul uramplion of the infinite character of the Divine
wisdom wm* one which .St. I'mul would nccowuily inherit from JodaUm.
It U exprewed moct clearly and c! .vritinp produced imm.
after the (all of Jerusalem, when the pious Tew who still preferred a
in the Divine favour towards Israel could find no hope or solution
problem hot in a tenacious adherence to what he could hold only 1
God's wars are deeper and more wonderful than man cou
or fathom : only this was certain— that there was a Dirine nnrpose
towards Israel which would be shown in God's own time. There are many
resemblances to St. Paul, not only in thought K -ion. Af#.
Benuk xir. 8, 9 .W ?»//, nominator Domint, ainjuti-.. .'MM* >
out fuit itnuttigabit frofumittm via* lutu ? out quit ntppntabit fro:
IX-XL] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 341
temitat tuae t ant quit foto ontilinm /nun im.omfrtkfiuMbf
attt ywiV uft<]nam «jr mitts invtuiet frincifium autfinem lofitttti+t tutu t...
xx. 4 tt tutu ostenJam ttl-i luJuium virtutu meae, tt viat f-'-Y-n-ftffrrfrfftr
. . . xxi. 10 ttt enim solus a vivttu immortalis tt [i* imtttigmMit it
nitmtrum horn mum ttoiti . . . liv. I a, 13 ttquis eitim asiimilaiitur im mira-
tuts, D<us, out quit tompnktueUt cogitationem tuam
vita* t Quia tu (onsilio tuo gulxrmu omiut trtaturat quat ertavii atxtera
tua, tt tu outturn f^nUm lucts afud tt teustituitti, tt tlusaurum mftmtlm
subtus tkrouum txum fxtufarasti . . . Uxv quit assimilatitur, Domtmt, kmi-
tali tutu t tst ftiim imomprtktnsibilis. Ant quit urutatiiur JWIMTO/WMM
tuas, qua* sunt infinite t out qttis tomprtkcnJtt itt/eUigentiam tuamt ant
tfuis pottrit tomonart togitatioius mentis tutu f 4 Ezra v. 34 ttrqutnt mt
rttw m*i p€r omtttm koram qua*rt*t<m afprtkcmurt semi lam Alturimi tt
igart farUm iuduii tius. tt #sit 3Zt Nm p** . . . 40 ft Six* *
mt Quomodo no* fottt fattrt urtum dt kit qua* dicta runt, tie turn ftttrit
tmvtnirt iudidum mtum autfinem taritatit quum po}ub prtmiii.
The Argument of Romans IX-Xl.
In the summary that has been given (pp. 269-275) of the various
opinions which have been held concerning the theology of this
section, and especially of ch. ix, it will have been noticed that
almost all commentators, although they differed to an extraordinary
degree in the teaching which they thought they had derived from
the passage, agreed in this, that they assumed that St. Paul was
primarily concerned with the questions that were exercising their
own minds, as to the conditions under which grace is given to man,
and the relation of the human life to the Divine will. Throughout
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a small number of com-
mentators are distinguished from the general tendency by laying
stress on the fact that both in the ninth and in the eleventh chapter,
it is not the lot of the individual that is being considered, nor
eternal salvation, but that the object of the Apostle is to explain
the rejection of the Jews as a nation ; that he is therefore /<**Mt>§
with nations, not individuals, and with admission to the Christian
Church as representing the Messianic <r*n)pia and not directly with
the future state of mankind. This view is very ably represented by
the English philosopher Locke ; it is put forward in a treatise which
has been already referred to by Beyschlag (p. 275) and forms the
basis of the exposition of the Swiss commentator Oltramare, who
puts the position very shortly when he says that St. Paul is speaking
not of the scheme of election or of election in itself, but ' of God's
plan for the salvation of mankind, a plan which proceeded on the
principle of election.'
It is true that commentators who have adopted this view (in
particular Beyschlag) have pressed it too far, and have used it to
explain or explain away passages to which it will not apply ; but it
undoubtedly represents the main lines of the Apostle s argument
Mid his purpose throughout these chapters. In order to
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [IX XI
his point of view oar starting-point must be the conclusion he
arrives at. This, as expressed at the end of that God
wishes to show His mercy upon all alike ; that the world as a whole,
the fulness of the Gentiles and all Israel, will come into the Messianic
Kingdom and be saved ; that the realization of this end is a mystery
has now been revealed, and that all this shows the greatness
of the Divine wisdom ; a wisdom which is guiding all things t<
onsummation by methods and in ways which we can only
!ow.
The question at issue which leads St. Paul to assert the I
purpose is the fact which at this time had become apparent ; Israel
as a nation was rejected from the Christian Chun h. If f.iith in
the Messiah was to be the condition of salvation, then the mass of
the Jews were clearly excluded. The earlier stages of the argu-
ment have been sufficiently explained. St. Paul first proves (ix.
6-29) that in this rejection God had been neither untrue ;
promise nor unjust He then proves (ix. 3O-x. 1 3) that the Israelites
were themselves guilty, for they had rejected ti hough
they had had full and complete knowledge of His message, and
full warning. But yet there is a third aspect from which the
rejection of Israel may be regarded— that of the Divine purpose.
What has been the result of this rejection of I
the calling of the Gentiles,— this is an historical fact, and ;•
we can see somewhat further into the futur. . I!
a case where St. Paul can remember how differmt had 1>-
result of his own failure from what he bad expected. ippcal
to his own experience. There was a day, still vividly before his
> in the Pisidian Antioch, full of bitterness and a sense
at, he had uttered those memorable words ' from hem
1 go to the Gentiles.' This had seemed at the mor
fession that his work was not being accomplished. Nov.
the Divine purpose fulfilled in the creation of ti Oentile
churches, and arguing from his own experience in this one case,
God's purpose has been signally vindicated, he looks
forward into the future and believes that, by wa> han we
can follow, God is working out that etc
of the revelation he has to announce, the reconciliation of thr
in Christ. He concludes therefore with thi
of praise to God for His wisdom and
belief which is at once the conclusion and the logical basis of his
St. Paul's 1 .of IH> '
The argument then of this section of the Kj.istle is not a dis-
cussion of the principles on which grace is given to n.
osophy of History. In the bhort concluding doxology to
IX-XL] MERCY TO ALL COD*S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 343
the Epistle — a conclusion which sums up the thought which
underlies so much of the previous argument— St. Paul speaks of
the mystery which has been kept silent in eternal times, 1
now revealed, • the Counsel,' as Dr. Hort (in Lft. Biblical /
p. 325) expresses it, ' of the far-seeing God, the Ruler of ages or
periods, by which the mystery kept secret from ancient times is
laid open in the Gospel for the knowledge and faith of all nations.'
So again in Eph. {.4-11 he speaks of the foreknowledge and plan
God had before the foundation of the world ; a plan which
has now been revealed: the manifestation of His goodness to
all the nations of the world. St. Paul therefore sees a plan or
purpose in history ; in fact he has a philosophy of History. The
characteristics of this theory we propose shortly to sum up.
(i) From Rom. v. 12 ff. we gather that St. Paul divides history
into three periods represented typically by Adam, Moses, Christ,
excluding the period before the Fall, which may be taken to typify
an ideal rather than to describe an actual historical period. Of these
the first period represents a state not of innocence but of ignorance.
• t'n til the Law, i. e. from Adam to Moses, sin was in the world ;
but sin is not imputed when there is no law.' It is a period which
might be represented to us by the most degraded savage tribes.
If sin represents failure to attain an ideal, they are sinful ; but if
sin represents guilt, they cannot be condemned, or at any rate only
to a very slight degree and extent. Now if God deals with
men in such a condition, how does He do so ? The answer is, by
the Revelation of Law ; in the case of the Jewish people, by
the Revelation of the Mosaic Law. Now this revelation of Law,
with the accompanying and implied idea of judgement, has
fulfilled certain functions. It has in the first place convicted man
of sin ; it has shown him the inadequacy of his life and conduct
' For I had not known lust, except the law had said, Thou shall
not lust' It has taught him the difference between right and
wrong, and made him feel the desire for a higher life. And so,
secondly, it has been the schoolmaster leading men to Christ It
has been the method by which mankind has been disciplined, by
which they have been gradually prepared and educated. And
thirdly, Law has taught men their weakness. The ideal is there;
the desire to attain it is there ; ft struggle to attain it begins, and
that struggle convinces us of our own weakness and of the power of
sin over us. We not only learn a need for higher ideals ; we learn
a No the need we have for a more powerful helper. This is the
line of Law, and it prepares the way for the higher and
fuller revelation of the Gospel.
These three stages are represented for us typically, and most
dearly in the history of the Jewish dispensation. Even here of
course there is an element of inexactness in them. There was
344 [IX
a knowledge of right and wrong before Moses, there was an
increase in knowledge after him ; but yet the stages do del
And they may be found also running through the whole of
history ; they arc not confined to the Jewish people. The stage of
primitive ignorance is one through whi .ably every race
of men has passed ; some in fact have not yet passed beyond it :
but there has been progress upwards, and the grea
has accompanied and made possible that progress is Law.
The idea o. St. Paul is clearly not exhausted m the Jewish
law, although that of course is the highest example of r
peoples have been under law in some form. It is a great holy
beneficent principle, but yet it is one which may become a burden.
It is represented by the law of the con is witnessed by
the moral judgements which men have in all ages passed on one
another ; it is embodied in codes and ordinances and bodies of law ;
ia« i which distinguishes for men the difference between
right and wrong. The principle has worked, or is w
among mankind everywhere, and is meant to be the preparation of,
as it creates the need for, the highest revelation, that of the Gospel.
(a) These three stages represent the first point in St. i
scheme of history. A second point is the idea of Election or
Selection, or rather that of the * Purpose of God whi
by Selection.1 God did not will to redeem i. by a nod'
as He might have done, for that, as Athanasius puts it, would be to
undo the work of creation ; but He accepts the human con
which He has created and uses them that the wor!
its own salvation. So, as St Paul feels, He has selected Israel to
be His chosen people; they have become the depositary of I
truth and revelation, that through them, when the fulness o:
has come, the world may receive Divine knowledge. - learly
the conception underlying St. Paul's teaching, ami looking back from
the vantage ground of History we can see how true it is. To use
modern phraseology, an 'ethical monotheism ' has been taught the
world through the Jewish race and through it alone. Ai
principle may be extended furtl. nself speaks of the • fulness
of time,' and it is no unreal philosophy to believe that the purpose
of God has shown itself in selecting other nations also for excel-
lence in other directions, i . icncc, in states-
manship; that the Ron .is built up in or
create a sphere in which the message of ti.
work; that the same purpose has guided the Church
;<-s \\hich have followed. An historian like Kenan would
tell us that the freer dcvcl ' hurt h \\
made possible by the fall of Jerusalem and the divorce from
Judas ry tells us ho ..ions occasioned
the conversion of the Goths, and how the division of t
IX-XI.] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 345
at the schism of East and West, or at the time of the Reformation,
occasioned new victories for Christianity. Again and ajain an event
which to contemporaries must have seemed disastrous has worked
out beneficially ; and so, guided by SL Paul's example, we learn to
trust in that Divine wisdom and mercy which in some cases where
we can follow its track has been so deeply and unexpectedly
vindicated, and which is by hypothesis infinite in power and
wisdom and knowledge.
(3) These then are two main points in St. Paul's teaching ; first,
the idea of gradual progress upwards implied in the stages of Adam,
Moses, Christ ; secondly, the idea of a purpose running through
history, a purpose working by means of Selection. But to what
end? The end is looked at under a twofold aspect; it is the
completion of the Messianic Kingdom, and the exhibition of the
Divine mercy. In describing the completion of the Messianic
Kingdom, St. Paul uses, as in all his cschaiological passages, the
forms and phrases of the Apocalyptic literature of his time, but
reasons have been given for thinking that he interpreted them, at
any rate to a certain extent, in a spiritual manner. There is per-
haps a further difficulty, or at any rate it may be argued that SL Paul
is mistaken as regards the Jews, in that he clearly expected that at
some time not very remote they would return to the Messianic King-
dom ; yet nothing has yet happened which makes this expectation
any more probable. We may argue in reply that so far as there
was any mistaken expectation, it was of the nearness of the last times,
and that the definite limit fixed by St. Paul, 'until the fulness of the
Gentiles come in,' has not yet been reached. But it is better to
go deeper, and to ask whether it is not the case that the rejection
of the Jews now as then fulfils a purpose in the Divine plan?
The well-known answer to the question, ' What is the chief argu-
ment for Christianity ? ' — ' the Jews ' — reminds us of the continued
nee of that strange race, living as sojourners among men,
the ever-present witnesses to a remote past which is connected by
our beliefs intimately with the present By their traditions to
which they cling, by the O. T. Scriptures which they preserve by
an independent chain of evidence, by their hopes, and by their
highest aspirations, they are a living witness to the truth of that
which they reject. They have their purpose still to fulfil in the
Divine plan.
St. Paul's final explanation of the purpose of God— the exhi-
bition of the Divine mercy— suggests the solution of another class
of questions. In all such speculations there is indeed a difficulty.
— the constant sense of the limitations of human language as
applied to what is Divine ; and St. Paul wishes us to feel these
limitations, for again and again he uses such expressions as
oak as a man.' But yet granting this, the thought does
34'' EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX
a solution of many problen. Joes God all*
Iocs He shut up men under sin? It is that ul
may exhibit the depths of His Divine mercy. We m
some such scheme of the course of history as was sketched out
above explains for us much that is difficult, but yet we always
come back to an initial question, Why does God allow such a state
of affairs to exist ? We may grant that it comes from the free-will
of man ; bu: if God be almighty He must have created ma:
that free-will. We may speak of His limitation of His own powers,
and of His Redemption of man without violating the conditions of
human life and nature; but if He be almL
that He could have prevented all sin and misery by a single act
in we make ? We can only say, as St. Paul does,
that it is that He may reveal the Divine mercy
created so as to need this mercy, we should never have known the
Love of God as revealed in His Son. That is the fartlu
our speculations may legitimately go.
(4) But one final question. What evidence does St. Paul give
for a belief in the Divine purpose in history ? It is twofold. On
the one hand, within the limited circle of our own knowledge or
experience, we can see that things have unexpectedly and wonder-
fully worked out so as to indicate a purpose. That wa
experience in the preaching to the Gentiles. Where we have more
perfect knowledge and can see the end, there we see God's purpose
working. And on the other hand our hypothesis is a God of
infinite power and wisdom. If we have faith in this intel
conception, we believe that, where we cannot u our failure
arises from the limitations not of God's powt: but of our
own intelligence.
An illustration may serve to bring this home. read
ii Jewish books as 4 Ezra or the Apocalypse of liaruch the
bewilderment and confusion of mind of a pious Jew at the fall
Every hope and aspiration that he had seems
shattered. But looked at from th< view of (
and the wider development of Chri
and a necessary step in the progress of the Church. I:
in a 1 ;-<*c in history, we can see r here quite
• t to many a contemporary the event must have been
.ibli-. We can apply the argument to our time. In the
past, where we < he course of cvmts we i nee of
the working of a Divine purpose, and so in the present, where so
much is obscure and Divine
purpose working, ai 1 the failures - and
rebuffs of the in; : steps towards
aJ me : Initio ttrrtni orbit et anttquam si : >s satculi
anUquam invest i. >Jtscnl<s anni, tt anUquam al
IX-XI.] MERCY TO ALL GOD*S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 347
tor urn qui nunc ptccant adinventiones tl consignali tssntt fxfJUi
thesaumavnunt : tune cogitavi et facia nmt per me to/urn et MB
per ahum, ut et finis p<r me et non fxr alium (4 Ezra vi. 1-6).
The Salvation of the Indii>iduaL Free-will and
Predestination.
While the ' Nationalist ' interpretation of these chapters has been
adopted, it has at the same time been pointed out that, although it
correctly represents St. Paul's line of argument, it cannot be legiti-
mately used as it has been to evade certain difficulties which have
been always felt as to his language. St Paul's main line of argu-
ment applies to nations and peoples, but it is quite clear that the
language of ix. 19-23 applies and is intended to apply equally to
individuals. Further it is impossible to say, as Beyschlag does, that
there is no idea in the Apostle's mind of a purpose before time. It
is God's purpose ' before the foundation of the world * which is
being expounded. And again, it is quite true to say that the
election is primarily an election to privilege ; yet there is a very
intimate connexion between privilege and eternal salvation, and
the language of ix. 22, 23 ' fitted unto destruction/ 'prepared unto
glory/ cannot be limited to a merely earthly destiny. Two ques-
tions then still remain to be answered. What theory is implied
in St. Paul's language concerning the hope and future of individuals
whether Christian or unbelievers, and what theory is implied as to
the relation between Divine foreknowledge and human free-will?
have deliberately used the expression 'what theory is
implied ? ' ; for St. Paul never formally discusses either of these
questions ; he never gives a definite answer to either, and on both
he makes statements which appear inconsistent. Future salvation
is definitely connected with privilege, and the two are often
looked at as effect and cause. ' If while we were enemies we
were reconciled to God through the death of His Son, much
more being reconciled shall we be saved by His life* (v. 10).
' Whom He called, them He also justified : and whom He justified,
them He also glorified ' (viii. 30). But, although the assurance of
hope is given by the Divine call, it is not irrevocable. ' By their
unbelief they were broken off, and thou HinrhlT by thy faith. Be
not highminded, but fear: for if God spared not the natural
branches, neither will He spare thec' (xi. 20, 21). Nor again is
future salvation to be confined to those who possess external
privileges. The statement is laid down, in quite an unqualified
way, that ' glory and honour and peace ' come ' to everyone that
worketh good, to the Jew first, and also to the Greek' (ii. 10).
Again, there is no definite and unqualified statement either in
[ix
support of or against universalism ; on the one side we
•nts such as those in a later Epistle (i
lleth that all men should be saved and .
dgeoflhe truth '; or again, 'He has shut all up to disobc
but that He might 1 y upon all' (K
other side there is a strong assertion of •
and revelation of the righteous judgement of God, \\ !;•• will
to every man according to his works ; . . . unto them that arc fac-
tious and obey not the truth, 1 ::i righteousness
indignation, tribulation and anguish, upon every soul of man that
workt 5-9). St. Paul asserts both the goodness a;
severity of God. He does not attempt to reconcile them, nor need
we. He lays down very clearly and definitely the fact of the Divine
judgement, and he brings out prominently three characteristic
that it is in accordance with works, or perhaps more correi '
the basis of works, that is of a man's whole life and car
will be exercised by a Judge of absolute impartiality, — there
respect of persons ; and that it is in accordance with the oppor-
tunities which a man has enjoyed. For the rest we must lea
solution, as he would have done, to that wisdom and knowledge
and mercy of God of which he speaks at the close of the c'.
chapter.
There is an equal inconsistency in St. Paul's language regarding
Divine sovereignty and human responsibility. Ch. ix implies argu-
ments which take away Free-will ; ch. x is meaningless without the
presupposition of Free-will. And such apparent inconsisu :
language and ideas pervades all St. I '
own salvation, for it is God that workcth in you both to will and to do
of His good pleasure ' 1 3). Contrast again ' God gave
up unto a reprobate mind,' and ' wherefore thou art without
excuse ' (Rom. i. 18 ; ii. i). Now two explanations oft!
are possible. It may be held (as does 1
St. Paul is unconscious of the inconsistent arises
from his inferiority in logic and philosophy, or (a i; he
i» in the habit of isolating one p<>: v, and lo< -'f.
question from that point of view aloi
or rather, for reasons which will be given belo\
stated more strongly. The a: 1 it so, of
chaps, ix and z is one which :>e the cl
of all religious : :id experie:
(i) That St. Paul recognized the contradiction, a
consciously, may be taken as proved by the fat
was shared by that sect of the Jews among ! been
brought up, and was taught in those schools in which he had
been ii that the Pharisees att.
CUT) thing to Fate and God, but that yet the choice oi
IX-XI.] MERCY TO ALL GOD'S ULTIMATE PURPOSE 549
wrong lay with men («o/>«raio< . . . «i>wjo0 n *a\ 6<+
rn «.u TO /i«V irpttTTtiv ra di'xaui, rai ^fj, KOTO TO vXcurroo «wi rote
^ximoiff K«i<r&j<, ftor^ttf i« «ir «Va<rro* cai r^y tlftapfuni* //. /. II.
viii. 14; comport/. XIII. v. 9; XVIII. i. 3): and so in Pirqt Aboih,
iii. 24 (p. 73 cd. Taylor) 'Everything is foreseen; and free-will
is given: and the world is judged by grace; and everything is
!mg to work.' (See also Ps. Sol. ix. 7 and the note on
Free-will in Ryle and James* edition, p. 96, to which all the above
nces are due.) St. Paul then was only expanding and giving
.ning to the doctrine in which he had been brought up.
He had inherited it but he deepened it He was more deeply con-
scious of the mercy of God in calling him ; he felt more deeply the
certainty of the Divine protection and guidance. And yet the
sense of personal responsibility was in an equal degree intensified.
' But I press forward, if so be I may apprehend, seeing that also
I was apprehended by Christ ' (PhiL iii. 12).
(2) Nor again is any other solution consistent with the reality
of religious belief. Religion, at any rate a religion based on
morality, demands two things. To satisfy our intellectual belief
the God whom we believe in must be Almighty, i. e. omnipotent
and omniscient ; in order that our moral life may be real our Will
must be free. But these beliefs are not in themselves consistent.
If God be Almighty He must have created us with full knowledge
of what we should become, and the responsibility therefore for
wh.u we are can hardly rot with ourselves. If, on the other hand,
our Will is free, there is a department where God (if we judge the
Divine mind on the analogy of human minds) cannot have ciMted
ii full knowledge. We are reduced therefore to an apparently
irreconcilable contradiction, and that remains the language of all
deeply religious minds. We are free, we are responsible for what we
do, but yet it is God that worketh all things. This antithesis is
brought out very plainly by Thomas Aquinas. God he asserts is
ilhe cause of everything (Dfus causa est omnibus operantibus ui
\Tperentur, Con/. Gent. III. Ixvii), but the Divine providence does
not exclude Free-will. The argument is interesting : Adhuc pro-
•::identia est multipiicalira bonorum in rebus gubernatis. Ittud ergo
per quod mulla bona subtrahercntur a rebus, non pertinet ad pro-
ridcntiam. Si autem liber las -coluntatis lolUretur, mulla bona sub-
fraherentur. Tolleretur enim laus virtutis humanae, qua* nulla esl
si homo liber e non agit, toller ttur enim iustitia praemiantiset puniwtis,
si non libert homo ageret bonum et mafum, cessaret ttiam circum-
spectio in consih'is, quae de his quae in necessitate aguntur, /rustra
tractarentur^ esset igitur contra providential rationem ti subtraheretur
Toluniatis libertas (ib. Ixxiii). And he sums up the whole relation
of God to natural causes, elsewhere showing how this same
principle applies to the human will : paUt etiam quod non tic idem
350 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [IX
tjftctus causal naturali (t dii-inat virtuti attrtbui.':.
a Dto, partim a naturali agtnli fiat, scd lotus ab utroque stcundum
alium modum, suut idtm tfftctus totus attribuilur mstrum
principal agenti tttam lotus (to. hex). See also Summa TJuologiae,
M Secundjc, cxiii).
This is substantially also the view taken by Mozlcy, On tkt Aug
Dextrine of PrttUstinatio*. The result of his argument is summed up at
follows, pp. 336, 327: 'Upon this abstract idea, then, of the Divine 1
an unlimited power, rose up the Augustinian doctrine of Predestination and
good; while upon the abstract idea of Fice-will, as an unit
rose up the Pelagian theory. Had men perceived, indeed, more clearly and
really than they have done, their ignorance as human creatures, .
relation in which the human reason stands to the great truths invol^^H
this question, they might have saved themselves the trouble of this whole
controversy. They would have seen that this question cannot be determined
absolutely, one way or another; that it lies between two great contr .
truths, neither of which can be set aside, or made to give way to t !.
two opposing tendencies of thought, inherent in the human mind, v
on side by side, and are able to be held and maintained together, a.
thus opposite to each other, because they are only incipient, and i
and complete truths;— the great truths, I men:
one side, and man's Free-will, or his originality as an agent, on the other.
And this is in fact, the mode in which this question is settled b>
common-sense of mankind. . . . The plain natural reason of mankin
always large and comprehensive ; not afraid of inconsistency, but a
all truth which presents itself to its notice. It is only when minds t
philosophize that they grow narrow,— that there begins to be felt the appeal
to consistency, and with it the temptation to exclude truths.'
(3) We can but state the two sides ; we cannot solve the pr
But yet there is one conception in which the solution i
a complete realization of what we mean by asserting that God is
Almighty. The two ideas of Free-will and t!
cannot be reconciled in our own n.:n i, but that docs not prevent
them from being reconcilable in God's n
measuring Him by our own intellectual
otherwise. And so our solution of the problem of Fr
of the problems of hist or
the full acceptance and realization of v, by the
infinity and the omniscience of God.
NEW LIFE.
XII. 1, 2. With this nil programme of
'•' you °ffii f °f s^a:
f your firing set own fo<: : free
blemish ritual service. 1
XII. 1.] THE NEW LIFE 351
by the age in which you live, but undergo complete moral
reformation with the will of God for your standard.
Xn-XV. 12. We now reach the concluding portion of the
>, that devoted to the practical application of the previous
discussion. An equally marked division between the theoretical
and the practical portion is found in the Epistle to the Epbestans
(chap, iv) ; and one similar, although not so strongly marked, in
Galatians (v. i or 2) ; Colossians (iii. i); I Thessaionians (iv. i);
a Thessaionians (iii. 6). A comparison with the Epistles of St.
Peter and St. John will show how special a characteristic of St.
I '.ml is this method of construction. The main idea running
through the whole section seems to be that of peace and unity for
the Church in all relations both internal and external. As St. Paul
in the earlier portion of the Epistle, looking back on the controversies
through which he has passed, solves the problems which had been
presented in the interests no longer of victory, but of peace, so in
his practical exhortation he lays the foundation of unity and
harmony on deep and broad principles. A definite division may
be made between chaps, .xii, xiii, in which the exhortations are
general in character, and xiv-xv. 12, in which they arise directly
out of the controversies which are disturbing the Church. Yet
even these are treated from a general point of view, and not in
relation to any special circumstances. In the first section, the
Apostle docs not appear to follow any definite logical order, but
touches on each subject as it suggests itself or is suggested by the
previous ideas ; it may be roughly divided as follows : ( i) a general
introduction on the character of the Christian life (xii. i, 2) ; (ii)
the right use of spiritual gifts especially in relation to Church
order (3-8) ; (iii) a series of maxims mainly illustrating the great
principle of 0^0*17(9-2 1); (iv) duties towards rulers and those in
authority (xiii. 1-7) ; (v) a special exhortation to oyoVi;, as including
all other commandments (8-10) ; (vi) an exhortation to a spiritual
life on the ground of the near approach of the wapovoia (i 1-14).
Tcrtullian quotes the following verses of this chapter from Maroon : 9, i ca,
13, 14!), ifib, i;a, 18, 19. There is no evidence that any portion was
omitted, but vcr. 18 may have stood after vcr. 19, and in the latter yiipawnt
is naturally cut off and a 70? inserted. The other variations noted by Zahn
seem less certain (Zahn, G<uki<kte «U* N. T. A'omtnj, p. 518; Ten. adv.
Marc. v. 14%
1. irapciKaXw OUK. A regular formula in St. Paul : Eph. iv. i ;
i Tim. ii. i ; i Cor. iv. 16. As in the passage in the Ephesians,
the our refers not so much to what immediately precedes as to the
result of the whole previous argument ' As you arc justified by
Christ, and put in a new relation to God, I exhort you to live in
accordance with that relation.' But although SL Paul is giving the
EPISTLE T« [XII 1
cat results of his whole previous argument, yet (as ofi<
him. cf. xi. 1 1) the words are directly led up to l>\
of the previous chapter and the narration of the wisdot
mercy of God
Sid T<Lr CKKTlpJiMV TOG OfOW. Cf. 2 COT. I. $ O WOTTjp fi» tHFrtpn**.
Oitrtpufa in the singular only occurs once (Col. iii. 12) :
is a Hebraism directly derived from the LXX (Ps. CN
•o» ooi- voXXoi, Kvpu, <nj>6&pa). There is a reference
preceding chapter, ' As God has been so abundantly merciful to
both Jews and Greeks, offer a sacrifice to i
be one that befits His holiness.'
Tropaorqacu: a tech. term (although not in the O.T.) for presenting
a sacrifice : cf. Jos. Ant. IV. vi. 4 /S^ioi, r,* ,VTU oWpaofa
TO* 3aaiXi'a. «ai Ttxrovrovt ravpovt «oi fpiaix wapturriJKu. The word
means to ' place beside/ ' present ' for any purpose, and so is used
of the presentation of Christ in the temple (Luke ii. 22), of S
presenting his converts (Col. i. 28), or Christ prc^
Church (Eph. v. 27), or of the Christian himself (c;.
In all these instances the idea of 'offering' (\
ce) is present.
T<\ awpara upwr. To be taken literally, like r« ^,'\rj i^j.v in
as is shown by the contrast with rov *« is the
sacrifice in all ancient religions must be clean and without 1
so we must offer bodies to God which are holy and free from the
stains of passion.' Christianity does not condemn the boii
demands that the body shall be purified and be united •
Our members are to be &rXo ftunMxrvi>ip ny e«? (vi. 1 3) ; our bodies
(ra attftara) are to be pAi? Xpwrrou (i Cor. vi. 15); they a:
temple of the Holy Spirit (16. ver. 19) ; we are to be pure l>
body and in spirit (;/>. vii. 34).
There U »omc doubt as to the order of the word* «t^>«<rror ri
They occur in this on! -. L and Ut<
and Father* ; r^ 0«y tv. in K A I', \rulg. The former is the more usual
expression, bat St. Panl may have written ry H«^ «i\ to prevent am
rf e«^ comes at the end of the sentence there U some doubt as to
whether it should not be taken with
Ouaiar £w<rar : cf. VI. 13 irapatrnjo>. ri O»y, •xr«i «c ***,»>*
(itvrat. The bodies presented will be those of men to whom new-
ness of life has been giv< n with the risen Christ. The
relation to the Jewish rite is partly one of
analogy. The Jewish sacrifice implio
: . ;
requircmcr -• fulfilled to make the sacrifice accept. i
God, so in c our bodies must be holy, without
spot or bit- r
- ,' ' free from .s:
XII. 1, 2.] THE NEW LIFE 353
So the offering of the Gentiles (Rom. xv. 16) is rjy*00^^ o n*. *Ay
(See on L 7.)
fid/*™ T? 6c« : cf. Phil. iv. 18 oVfJpoot «opA *E»afro&n» ra
irnp* ir/ivy, oa/iqr tv*&ia<,Ov<Tia» farrqv, ttapttmv ry 6«y : Rom. XIV. 1 8 J
: pleasing to God/ The formal sacrifices of the old covenant
mi^lit not be acceptable to God : cf. Ps. li. 16, 17
TV XoymV Xarpciar u|i£r. Ace. in apposition to the idea of the
sentence. Winer, § lix. 9, p. 669, E. T. : cf. I Tim. U. 6 and the
note on viii. 3 above. A service to God such as befits the reason
(Xtfyor), i. c. a spiritual sacrifice and not the offering of an irrational
animal : cf. i Pet. il 5. The writer of Tut. XII. Pat. Lev! 3
seems to combine a reminiscence of this passage with Phil. iv. 18 :
speaking of the angels, he says wpwn^'povat to Kupjy &r/*i?r rv«*&or
We may notice the metaphorical use St. Paul makes of sacrificial
language : «V» rjj cWi? *ai \tiravpyiif njt vurr«»r vpiur Phil. ii. 17;
*<TW ftttdiar (Lev. L 9) Phil. iv. 18; 0^.7 » Cor. ii. 14, 16; x,,-
rovpytt, hpovpyovrra, irpoa<f>opti Rom. XV. 1 6. This language pMMd
gradually and almost imperceptibly into liturgical use, and hence
acquired new shades of meaning (see esp. Lightfoot, CUment, i.
p. 386 sq.).
2. <rv<rxT)fiaTtl«(r6c . . . pcTapop+ouatic, ' Do not adopt the external
and fleeting fashion of this world, but be ye transformed in your
inmost nature/ On the distinction of <rxw«* and nopttf preserved in
these compounds see Lightfoot, Journal of Classical and Sacred
Philology, vol. Hi. 1857, p. 114, Philippians% p. 125. Comp. Chrys.
ad he., ' He says not change the fashion, but be transformed, to
show that the world's ways are a fashion, but virtue's not a fashion,
but a kind of realyOrw, with a natural beauty of its own, not needing
the trickeries and fashions of outward things, which no sooner
appear than they go to naught. For all these things, even before
they come to light, are dissolving. If then thou throwcst the
fashion aside, thou wilt speedily come to the form/
There U a preponderance of evidence in favour of the imperatives (*»*w
>«m'f«cr««, /ura/ioptovo*) in this verse, B L P all the vettion* (Latt Boh.
Syrr.), and most Fathers, against A D F G (K varies^. The evidence of the
Versions and of the Fathers, some of whom paraphrase, is pwticniarlj
important, as it removes the suspicion of itacism.
•ni OIMVI TOUTW, ' this worldj* ' this life,' used in a moral sense.
'of a future Messianic age became a part of the
Jewish Theology, Time, xpoVo*, was looked upon as divided into
a succession of ages, oliw, periods or cycles of great but limited
duration; and the present age was contrasted with the age to
come, or the age of the Messiah (cf. Schttrer, § 29. 9), a contrast
ommon among early Christians : Malt xii. 32 o«r» k iwry
ry at'ixt oCrt «V ry fw'AXom : Luc. XX. 34, 35 ol vtoi rov om»or rovrov
A a
354 ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XII. 2.
. . . o! & Kara£iW«Vm ToC O?M»OF /M(TOV rt > • oi fufeo* /»
ry ntwxi rovry oXXi coi «V ry /tAAarrt. So Enoch XVJ. I /i«\,«r W"/""
T*Anawr»ti>r riff rpur««»r r^c /irydXijf, «V 17 6 a<wr 6 p«yar T*X«<r0q<rcra*.
As the distinction between the present period and the futu;
one between that \\: :id that which is i:
between the imperfect and the perfect, between that in wl.
^Xorrtff rov olwroc rovrov (l Cor • power a:
6 (ktfftXivt fir o2»i<wv (Enoch xii. 3) will rule, <uw» like «oaMot in
St. John's writings, came to have a moral significance : Gal.
roO oiwrar roC iftori/ns mmjpni rrcpMirar^aarc *oro ri»
roC *ocrpov rovrov : and so in this passage.
From the idea of a succession of ages (cf. Kph. ii. 7 «V TO« aiW.
c fvipxafuwois) came the expression «/r row a&Kn (xi. 36), or
r6» ai«i>i«>v to express eternity, as an alternative for th<
form tit rw ai«M. The latter, which is the ordinary and original
O. T. form, arises (like OIMMOC) from the older and original m«
of the Hebrew V/JOT, 'the hidden time/ 'futurity,' and contains
rather the idea of an unending period.
TTJ dyojccur&m TOO rolf : our bodies are to be pure and frc<
all the stains of passion ; our ' mind ' and ' intellect ' are to be no
longer enslaved by our fleshly nature, but renewed and purified by
the gift of the Holy Spirit Cf. Tit. iii. 5 kb Aoi/rpoG fraAtyy«y«<ruir
«ai djtaxaiMiKrfttf Uwt/iarof 'Ayiov : 2 Cor. iv. 16: Col. iii. IO. On
the relation of «murmWnr, • -.<> naXifyi^^a see Trent!
§ 1 8. By this renewal the intellectual or rational print
longer be a roOr <raprrfr (Col. ii. 18), but will be filled with the
Spirit and coincident with the highest part of human nature
(i Cor. ii. 15, 16).
Soiup,dl€iK : cf. ii. 18 ; Phil. i. 10. The result of this purification
is to make the intellect, which is the seat of u mcnt, true
and exact in judging on spiritual and moral questions.
i* 6At)(io TO« e«K That which is in accordance with
God's will.' This is further define ! iiree adjec
follow. It includes all that is implied b m the
religious aim, and the ideal i goal of life.
THE RIGHT USE OP SPIRITUAL GIFTS.
xii | 8. Let every Christian ith his f>
place and functions. The soci hich we belong is
a single body : > s a!! related one :
Hence the prophet should not strain after ey
his faith is insufficient ; the minister, // >, the
cxhot: .Id each be intent on his inty. Th*
XII. 3-5.J THE RIGHT USE OF SPIRITUAL GIFTS 355
almsgivcr, t/ie person in authority, the doer of kindness,
should each cultivate a spirit appropriate to what he Joes.
3. St. Paul begins by an instance in which the need of an
enlightened mind is most necessary ; namely, the proper bearing
of a Christian in the community, and the right use of spiritual gifts.
fttd TTJS x^™* K-T-^ gives emphasis by an appeal to Apostolic
authority (cf. i. 5). It is not merely a question of the spiritual
progress of the individual, for when St. Paul is speaking of that he
uses exhortation (ver. i), but of the discipline and order of the
community; this is a subject which demands the exercise of
authority as well as of admonition.
worn T$ 3m. An emphatic appeal to every member of the
Christian community, for every one (l«a<rry) has some spiritual
gift.
fit) uircp+poMir, ' not to be high-minded above what one ought
to be minded, but to direct one's mind to sobriety.' Notice the
play on words wrt/x^poni* . . . <f>pot«l* . . . fyponlv . . . aox^yoMur. The
</>poi*I* tit T* (rv^poMty would be the fruit of the enlightened intellect
as opposed to the ^pdiwa rip <rap«<* (viii. 6).
lKd<rr»> is after •/*«'/><"» not in apposition to warn ry &m, and its
prominent position gives the idea of diversity ; for the order, cp.
i Cor. vii. 17. 'According to the measure of faith which God has
given each man.' The wise and prudent man will remember that
his position in the community is dependent not on any merit of his
own, but on the measure of his faith, and that faith is the gift of
God. Faith ' being the sign and measure of the Christian life ' is
used here for all those gifts which are given to man with or as the
result of his faith. Two points are fmphiriird, the diversity fafcrrf
. . . p«Vpor, and the fact that this diversity depends upon God : cf.
I Cor. vii. 7 oAX* fccum* 3W f%n xdpurfta •'• 6«ov, 6 /M> ovrtn, 4 W
ovrtts.
4. 5. Modesty and sobriety and good judgement are necessary
because of the character of the community : it is an organism or
corporate body in which each person has his own dutj to perform
for the well-being of the whole and therefore of himself.
This comparison of a social organism to a body was very
common among ancient writers, and is used again and again by
St Paul to illustrate the character of the Christian community : see
i Cor. xii. 12; Eph. iv. 15; Col. i. 18. The use here is based
upon that in i Cor. xii. 12-31. In the Epistles of the Captivity it
is another side of the idea that is expounded, the unity of the
Church in Christ as its head.
5. i* W tea? ttf. An idiomatic expression found in later Greek.
Cf. Mark xiv. 19 tit *off tit : John viii. 9 : 3 Mace v. 34 6 *aff tit
«« rAr ^t'Xw : Lucian Solotcista 9 ; Eus. H. E. X. iv, ftc, 4r «f
A a t
EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XII. 5, 6.
•It was probably formed on the model of if *aff i*t and then *aff
tit came to be treated adverbially and written as one word : .
it could be used, as here, with a neuter article.
6-13. fxorT«» M xopurp0™' *-T-*- These words may be taken
grammatically cither (i) as agreeing with the subject of ia^v.
a comma being put at p/X?, or (2) as the beginning of a new
sentence and forming the subject of a series of verbs supplic
the various sentences that follow ; this is decidedly preferable, for in
the previous sentence the comparison is grammatically finish*.
?xorm W suggests the beginning of a new sentence.
Two methgds of construction are also possible for the v
conk TT]V a*a\oyia* rijr nicrrtttf . . . «V TJJ faunm? , ,
be taken as dependent on fxorw, or * verb must be si:
each and the sentences become exhortations. ( i ) If the first con-
struction be taken the passage will run, ' So are we all one I
Christ, but individually members one of another, having gifts
are different according to the grace whit
have prophecy according to the proportion of faith, or a function
of ministry in matters of ministration, or whether a man :
in the exercise of functions of teaching, or one who exhort
exhortation, one who giveth with singleness of purpose, on
zealously provides, one who showeth mercy cheerfully. (2) Accord-
ing to the second interpretation we must translate 'having gifts
which vary according to the grace given us,— be it prophecy let us
use it in proportion to the faith given us, be it ministry let us use it
in ministry,' Ac.
That the latter (which i> Icy. Go. Va. Gif.) is pref
is shown by the difficulty of keeping up the former interpretation
to the end; few commentators have the hardihood to c .
on as far as ver. 8; nor is it really easier in ver. 7, where the
additions «V rg duucovj? are very otiose if they •
understood. therefore of the somewhat harsh ellipse, the
second construction must be adopted throughout
6. Kord tV AraXoyiar TTJS wurrcws (sc. vpafanvviuv).
meaning of *un-f»c here is suggested by
gifts depend upon the measure of faith allotted to hn:
and so he must use and exercise these gifts in proportion to the
faiih that is in him. If he be <r4*l>p»» and his mm
by the Holy Spirit, he \vill judge rightly his ca;
on the other hand, his mind be carnal, he will try to
himself vain-gloriously and t!i ; -cacc of the comnu;
must of the Latin i
roentators, takes wi<m*t < jn of
the (objec is before him
iiets and
the r«. : >. ir tance of particular truths to the neglec
XII. 6-8.] THE RIGHT USE OF SPIRITUAL GIFTS 337
But this interpretation is inconsistent with the meaning be has
himself given to wiV™ in vcr. 3, and gives a sense to oMtXoytov
which it will not bear ; the difficulty being concealed by the ambi-
guity of the word 'proportion' in English.
7- SioKOffar, ' if we have the gift of ministry, let us use it in
ministering to the community, and not attempt ambitiously to
prophesy or exhort' tauoWa was used either generally of all
Christian ministrations (so Rom. xi. 13; I Cor. xii. 5; Eph. ir.
1 2, &c.) or specially of the administration of alms and attendance
to bodily wants (i Cor. xvi. 15 ; a Cor. viii. 4, Ac.). Here the
opposition to npoifufnia, didwrxoXui, tra/xfcXiprif seems to demand the
more confined sense.
A SiBdaickMf. St. Paul here substitutes a personal phrase because
•Xiiv a*8o<T«aXi'a» would mean, not to impart, but to receive instruction.
8. 6 ficra&i&xfe : the man who gives alms of his own substance
is to do it in singleness of purpose and not with mixed motives,
with the thought of ostentation or reward. With 6 jMrodi&M*, the
man who eives of his own, while 6 JWk&ovf is the man who dis-
tributes other persons' gifts, comp. Test. XII. Pair. Is*. 7 *OJT)
turOpvirtf MwofMVy <rvw<rr«»«a£a, «al irr*x<t *""&«*<> Tor fyro* pav.
dirX<Srr)f . The meaning of this word is illustrated best by Test.
A'//. Pair. Issachar, or iwpl ArXrfnTrof. Issachar is represented as
the husbandman, who lived simply and honestly on his land. 'And
my father blessed me, seeing that I walk in simplicity ((farXtfoft).
And I was not inquisitive in my actions, nor wicked and envious
towards my neighbour. I did not speak evil of any one, nor attack
a man's life, but I walked with a single eye (/» <brXrfnyn ty&XpAr).
... To every poor and every afflicted man I provided the good
things of the earth, in simplicity (4*>Xtfri?r) of heart. . . . The simple
man (6 <brXoOt) doth not desire gold, dotn not ravish his neighbour,
doth not care for all kinds of dainty meats, doth not wish for
diversity of clothing, doth not promise himself (ow* vvoypo^Mi) length
of days, he receiveth only the will of God ... he walketh in up-
rightness of life, and beholdeth all things in simplicity (ArXrfnfn).'
Issachar is the honourable, hardworking, straightforward farmer ;
open-handed and open-hearted, giving out of compassion and in
singleness of purpose, not from ambition.
The word is used by St Paul alone in the N. T., and was
specially suited 'to describe the generous unselfish character of
Christian almsgiving; and hence occurs in one or two places
almost with the signification of liberality, a Cor. ix. 1 1, 13 ; just as
' liberality ' in English has come to have a secondary meaning, and
dtmuoavMy in Hellenistic Greek (Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek,
p. 49). Such specialization is particularly natural in the East,
where large-hearted generosity is a popular virtue, and where
words as ( good ' may be used simply to mean munificent
358 EPISTLE TO THE ROMA [XII. 8.
6 wpotffrrfjicros, the man that presides, or governs in any po
«.T ecclesiastical or other. The word is used of e«.
officials, i Thess. v. ia ; i Tim. v. 17; Just. Mart. ApoL i. 67 ; and
of a man ruling his family (i Tim i .•), and need not be
any further defined. Zeal and energy are the natural gifts required
ofai
A JXcwr. ' Let any man or woman who performs deeds of mercy
in the church, do so brightly and cheerfully/ The value of 1
ness in performing acts of kindness has become proverbial, 1
xxxii. (xxxv.) 1 1 «V itatry do™ ft^MMroy TO *p&r«v6V aov: Prov. xxii. 8
ftopw «i* don}* rvXoyti 6 8«o» (quoted 2 Cor. ix. 7 ); but i
singleminded «incerity became an eminently Chr: ue, so
cheerfulness in all the paths of life, a cheerfulness wh
from a warm heart, and a pure conscience and a serene mind set
on something above this world, was a special characteristic of the
early Christian (Acts il 46; v. 41 4, 18; ii. 18, Ac.;
i Thess. v. 16).
Spiritual Gifts.
The word x<ipt<r/ia (which is almost purely Pauline) is used of
those special endowments which come to every i .is the
result of God's free favour (\tp*<) to men and of the consequent
gift of faith. In Rom. v. 15, vi. 13, indeed, it has a wider si
cation, meaning the free gift on the part of God to man of forgive-
ness of sins and eternal life, but elsewhere it appears always to be
used for those personal endowments which are the gifts of the
Spirit. In this connexion it is not confined to special or con-
spicuous endowments or to special ofi ;:ideed,
T* xapVpara rA pfifoKi (i Cor. xii. 31), which are those apparently
most beneficial to the community; but in the same Epistle the word
is also used of the individual fitness for the married or the un-
married state (i Cor. vii. 7) ; and in Rom. {.13 it is used of the
spiritual advantage which an Apostle might confer on the com-
munity. So again, xapivpara include miraculous powers, but no
distinction is made between them and non-miraculous gifts. In
the passage before us there is the same combination ot
widely differing gifts; the Apostle gives specimens (if w«-
express it so) of various Christian endowments ; it is probable
that some of them were generally if not always the function of
persons specially set apart for the purpose (although not |
necessarily holding ecclesiastical office), others would not be con-
fined to any one office, and many might be possessed by the same
person. St. Paul's meaning is : By natural endowments, strengthened
he gifts of the Spirit, you have various powers and capacities :
in the use of these it is above all necessary for the good of the
XII. 3-8.] THE RIGHT USE OF SPIRITUAL GIFTS 359
unity that you should show a wise and prudent judgement,
not attempting offices or work for which you are not fitted, nor
marring your gifts by exercising them in a wrong s;
This being the meaning of xap«'<rpara and St. Paul's purpose in
this chapter, interpretations of it, as of the similar passage (chap.
xii) in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, which have attempted
to connect spiritual gifts more closely with the Christian ministry
are unfounded. These are of two characters. One, that of
Neander, maintains that in the original Church there were no
ecclesiastical officers at all but only xapiapara, and that as spiritual
gifts died out, regularly appointed officers took the place of those
who possessed them. The other finds, or attempts to find, an
ecclesiastical office for each gift of the Spirit mentioned in this
chapter and the parallel passage of the Corinthians, or at any rate
argues that there must have been vpo^Trm, &&<r«aXo< &c., existing
as church officers in the Corinthian and Roman communities.
Neither of these is a correct deduction from the passages under
consideration. In dealing with the xopurpora St. Paul is discussing
a series of questions only partially connected with the Christian
ministry. Every church officer would, we may presume, be con-
sidered to have xapiapara which would fit him for the fulfilment of
such an office; but most, if not all, Christians would also have j^mlm
fiara. The two questions therefore are on different planes which
partially intersect, and deductions from these chapters made in
any direction as to the form of the Christian organization are
invalid, although they show the spiritual endowments which those
prominent in the community could possess.
A comparison of the two passages, i Cor. xii. and Rom. xii. 3-8,
is interesting on other grounds. St Paul in the Corinthian Epistle
is dealing with a definite series of difficulties arising from the
special endowments and irregularities of that church. He treats
the whole subject very fully, and, as was necessary, condemns
definite disorders. In the Roman Epistle be is evidently writing
\\ith the former Epistle in his mind: he uses the same simile: he
concludes equally with a list of forms of jwmrjumi — shorter, indeed,
hut representative ; but there is no sign of that directness which
would arise from dealing with special circumstances. The letter is
written with the experience of Corinth fresh in the writer's mind,
but without any immediate purpose. He is laying down directions
based on his experience ; but instead of a number of different
details, he sums up all that he has to say in one general moral
principle : Prudence and self-restraint in proportion to the gift of
faith. Just as the doctrinal portions of the Epistle an written with
the memory of past controversies still fresh, ilJKMifug and laying
down in a broad spirit positions which had been gained in the
course of those controversies, so we shall find that in the practical
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XII. 0.
portion St. Paul is laying down broad and statesmanlike positions
are the result of past experience and deal with circumstances
may arise in any commi
MAXIMS TO GUIDE THE CHRISTIAN LIFE.
XII. 9-21. The general principles of your life should be
a love which is perfectly sincere \ depth of moral /<
consideration for others, zeal, fervour, devoutness, hopefulness,
'nde under persecutions, prayerful ness, eagerness to help
your fellow- Christians by sharing what you Assess
them and by the ready exercise of hospitality.
BUss, do not curse, your persecutors. Sympathise
others. Be united in feeling, not ambitious but modest in
your aims. Be not self-opinionated or revengeful. Do
nothing to offend the world. Leave vengeance to God.
Good for evil is the best requital.
9. ^ dydhn), cf. xiii. 8. The Aposile comes back from direc-
tions which only apply to individuals to the general direction to
Christian Charity, which will solve all previous difficulties.
Zig. a«W<r*«» yap w«t A» TO lipiptva coropdw&ii}, (Vijyay* rqy wipa
wrffw rovr«y, Xry» dq rip m dXAijAovf dyirtnj*. The sequence of
ideas is exactly similar to that in i Cor. xii, xiii, and ob\
suggested by it. In the section that follows (9-21), o-ydm? is the
ruling thought, but the Apostle does not allow himself to be con-
fined and pours forth directions as to the moral and spiritual life
which crowd into his mind.
; 2 Cor. vi. 6
I Tim. i. 5 and a Tim. i. s (w»<rr.k 17 (n &>«&» <ro#a);
i Pet i. 22 (<£«Xafl«X(£t'a). It is significant thru the word is not
used in profane writers except once in the adverbial foru
II Aureliu-
dmxrrvyoJrTtf : sc. «Vr» as f<rr« above, and cf. I IVt. ii. 18 ;
An alternative construction is to suppose an anacoluthon,
Charon ifoflrocpiw had been read abo\-e; cf. 2 Cor. i. 7. The
word expresses a strong feeling of h< <nro- by 1
emphasizing the idea of separation gives an intensive force, w hich
is heightened by contrast with ««XAb,
rA worrjpif . . . T$ Aya^f. The characteristic of true genuine
> to attach one&df to the goo !
oil in him. There cannot be lovr it whoever
has love in him can see the good that there is in all.
XII. 10, 11.] MAXIMS TO GUIDE THE CHRISTIAN LIFE 361
10. TTJ +iXaScX+t?, 'love of the brethren'; as contrasted with
aytmri, which is universal, $iXa&X$«a represents affection for the
brethren; that b, for all members of the Christian community,
Cf. 3 Pet. 1. 7. Eulhym.-Zig. d&X^ot for* «oro ri)» otrj» &A roi
4>iX&rropyoi : the proper term for strong family affection. Euthym.-
Zig. roi/r«'<m foppvf *ui dumi^Mtr ^tXoCrm. twlraais y&p (fuXiar 7
K.T.X. : cf. Phil. ii. 3 * in lowliness of mind each accounting
other better than himself/ The condition and the result of true
affection are that no one seeks his own honour or position, and
every one is willing to give honour to others. The word wpoiryov-
pcroi is somewhat difficult ; naturally it would mean ' going before/
4 preceding/ and so it has been translated, (i) ' in matters of honour
preventing one another/ being the first to show honour : so Vulg.
invictm praevcnienks \ or (a) 'leading the way in honourable
actions': 'Love makes a roan lead others by the example of
showing respect to worth or saintlincss/ Liddon; or (3) 'surpass-
ing one another': 'There is nothing which makes friends 10
much, as the earnest endeavour to overcome one's neighbour in
honouring him/ Chrys.
But all these translations are somewhat forced, and are difficult,
because vpoijy<'nr6ai in this sense never takes the accusative. It is,
in fact, as admissible to give the word a meaning which it has not
here, as a construction which is unparalleled. A comparison
therefore of I Thcss. v. 13 ; Phil. ii. 3 suggests that St. Paul is
using the word in the quite possible, although otherwise unknown,
sense of rr0^™ vntpixavras. So apparently RV. ( = AV.) 'in
honour preferring one another/ and Vaughan.
11. Tfj <nrouSrj |&?j fcnjpoi, 'in zeal not flagging'; the words
being used in a spiritual sense, as is shown by the following clauses.
Zeal in all our Christian duties will be the natural result of our
Christian love, and will in time foster it On Amprfr cf. Matt uv.
26 : it is a word common in the LXX of Proverbs (vi. 6, Ac.).
ry wv«upm llorrcs: cf. Acts xviii. 25, 'fervent in spirit'; that is
the human spirit instinct with and inspired by the Divine Spirit.
The spiritual life is the source of the Christian's love: 'And all
things will be easy from the Spirit and the love, while thou an
made to glow from both sides,' Chrys.
TW Kupiw ftouXcuoircf. The source of Christian zeal is spiritual
life, the regulating principle our service to Christ It is not
necessary to find any very subtle connexion of thought between
these clauses, they came forth eagerly and irregularly from Si.
Paul's mind. Kvp<y may have been SlggfMtfd by mtvpm, just as
below d««MCfur in one sense suggests the same word in another
I BMb
y>i EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XII 11
There U ft very considerable balance of authority in favour of «••*>
.:. Syrr. Boh., Gr. Fathers) as against «..-
Latin Fathers). Cf. Jcr. Ep. 37 ad Marcellam : i.'/i Jtgant spe gandentes,
tempori uroicntts. n*t Ueamut domino serrientes. Orig.-lat ad fa. uio
auttm in nottnuUit Latimtrum uumplit kakri tempori serrientes: quod
ntn miki vubhtr fmtftniatttr inurtum. The corruption may have arisen
from ku> I^MU being confused together, ft confusion which would lx
from rrminrsrences of such expressions as Eph. v. 16 ifrfopa&iu** r^r
12. TTJ Avioi xaipoKTcs. See above on vcr. 8. The Christian
hope is the cause of that Christian joy and cheerfulness .
position which is the grace of Christian love: cf. i »
' Love . . . hopeth all things/
Tjj 0Xi>ci uTroji/K>»Tis. Endurance in persecut .1 rally
connected with the Christian's hope : cf. i Cor. xiii. 7 ' Lo
cndureth all things/
It is interesting to notice how strongly, even thus early, persecu-
tion as a characteristic of the Christian's life in the worl
impressed itself on St. Paul's phraseology : see i Thess. i. 6 ; iii.
3, 7 ; 2 Thess. i. 4, 6 ; 2 Cor. i. 4, &c. ; Rom. v. 3 ; viii. 35.
T§ irpoaeoxfj irooaitapTcpoCKTes : Acts. i. 14; ii. 42; Col.
Persecution again naturally suggests prayer, for the strength of
prayer is specially needed in tunes of persecution.
rals XJ"""S Twr dyiw* KOtrwrourrcf. This verse contain
special applications of the principle of love — sharing one's goods
\\ith fellow-Christians in need, and exercising that hos;
which was part of the bond which knit together th n com-
munity. With «om»wl» in this sense cf. I 15; Rom. xv. 26;
2 Cor. ix. 13; Heb. xiii. 16.
The variation roTr /irtiou (D F G, MSS. known to Theod. Mops., Vulg.
cod. (am), Ens. Hut. A/mrf. Pal., ed. Cnreton, p. i, Mil. Ambrstr. Aug.) is
interesting. In the translation of Origen we read : Usibns sanctorum com-
Mtmini txtmplaribus magi* kabcri
mm ftuut stiptm imdigentibui
fratbcrt, tedunxum nottrorum cum if tit gttodammodo habtrt commttt,
Humimuu tamtorum trot in colltctit toltmnilut, tivt pro to. u:
tiont tontm proficiamus, aptum * (otrvtnunt vidttur. The variation must
have ftrisen at a time when the ' holy ' were no longer the members of the
community and fellow-Christians, whose bodily wants required relieving,
but the 'saints' of the past, whose lives were commemorated. Bt
custom arose a* early as the middle of the second century
i \ap>f -
4 Ks>of JvircXdV T^ rov fMfrrvpio* airrov WPO» •yfw'tfAiwy, tit r< r^r rwr
•po^A^«Jr«r rtw «ai rfir ^XA^rrw &a*r - tftaaiar: and the
variations may, like other peculiarities of the western text, easily have arisen
so soon. We cannot however lay any stress on the passage of Origen, as it
b probably due to Rnfmus. See Bingham, A • ggest
t was a clerical error arising from the confusion of xp and
a badly written papyrus MS.
XII. 13-16.] MAXIMS TO GUIDE THE CHRISTIAN LIFE 363
ior. From the very beginning hospitality was recognized
as one of the most important of Christian duties (Heb. xiii. 2;
i Tim. iii. 2 ; Tit. i. 8 ; i Pet. iv. 9 ; compare also Clem. Rom. § i
TO ntyaXotrptnis rfjs 0iXo£mar v/uv 9^01 1 § IO of Abraham to vumv
«ai 0iAo^K»a» <&&, avry tior «V >^p9 : § 1 1 to £*Ao£,Wa, col n'irfcThMp
A«r *<r±6f) : § 12 to nicrru* cat <j*ko£<»ia* 4r«A| 'Paofl 17 ropnj | 35).
On its significance in the early Church see Ramsay, Tht Church
in the Roman Empire^ pp. 288, 368. The Christians looked upon
themselves as a body of men scattered throughout the world, living
as aliens amongst strange people, and therefore bound together
as the members of a body, as the brethren of one family. The
practical realization of this idea would demand that whenever a
Christian went from one place to another he should find a home
among the Christians in each town he visited. We have a picture
of this intercommunion in the letters of Ignatius ; we can learn it
at an earlier period from the Second Epistle to the Corinthians
(2 Cor. iii. I ; viii. 18, 23, 24). One necessary pan of such inter-
communion would be the constant carrying out of the duties
of hospitality. It was the unity and strength which this inter-
course gave that formed one of the great forces which supported
Christianity.
14. cuXoycirc TOUS StwKorraf. The use of the word to**!* in one
sense seems to have suggested its use in another. The resem-
blance to Matt. v. 44 is very close : ' But I say unto you, Love
your enemies, and pray for them that persecute you.' Emphasis
is added by the repetition of the maxim in a negative form. Cf.
James iii. 9.
15. xai'p<lr f*<T^ xaifx*KTWK x»T.X. On the infinitive cf. Winer,
§ xliii. 5 d, p. 397, E. T. But it seems more forcible and less
awkward to take it, as in PhiL iii. 1 6, as the infinitive used for
the emphatic imperative than to suppose a change of construc-
tion. 'But that requires more of a high Christian temper, to
rejoice with them that do rejoice, than to weep with them that
weep. For this nature itself fulfils perfectly : and there is none
so hardhearted as not to weep over him that is in calamity : but
the other requires a very noble soul, so as not only to keep from
:>g, but even to feel pleasure with the person who is in
esteem. And this is why we placed it first. For there is nothing
that ties love so firmly as sharing both joy and pain one with
another,' Chrys. adloc. Cf. Ecclus. vii. 34.
16. -ri ourd . . . tporourrcs, ' being harmonious in your relations
towards one another ' : cf. xv. 5 ; a Cor. xiii. 1 1 ; Phil. ii. 2 ; iv. a.
The great hindrance to this would be having too high an estima-
tion of oneself: hence the Apostle goes on to condemn such
pride.
P] rd o^XA tpoKourrc? : cf. xu 20 ; i Cor. xiii. 5 ' Love vaunteth
3'>4 EPISTLE TO THE R< [XII. 10 10.
not itself, is not puffed up/ shows bow St. Paul is still carrying out
the leading idea of the passage.
TOIS Taircirois: prob. neuter; 'allow yourself to be carried along
yourself over to, humble tasks:' 'consenting to meke
rwawayiif means in the active 'to lead
along with one,' hence in the passive, ' to be carried away with/ as
:!«>•• d which sweeps everything along with it (Lightfoot on
Gal. ii. 13 ; cf. 2 P« .md hence ' to give oneself up to.'
The neuter seems best to suit the contrast with ra tygU
the meaning of the verb ; but elsewhere in the N. T. TO*.
always masculine, and so many take it here: 'make your
equall to them of the lower sorte/ Tyn. Cov. Gencv. 'Con-
sentinge to the humble/ Rhen. So < is, bring :
down to their humble condition, ride or walk v ; do not be
humbled in mind only, but help them also, and stretch forth thy
hand to them.'
fifj yircfffo tplnpoi wop* Joirroif : taken apparently from I';
7 w (<r& ^prfripor vrapa cr«avry. Cf. Origen no a potesl teram s
Ham Dei scirt, qui suam stultitiam gvasi sapientiam colit.
17. |*T)ftcrl KOK&r dKTi KOKOU dvo&iS&Tcs. Anoihcr result of the
principle of love. Mat. v. 43, 44; i Thess.
i Cor. xiii. 5, 6 ' Love . . . taketh not account o:
not in unrighteousness, but rejoiccth with the truth.'
irporooupcroi noXA iKtSwior irdrrui' d^pwwwf : cf. Prov. i
a Cor i. 21. 'As nothing causes offence so mi:
offending men's prejudices, see that your conduct will commend
itself as honourable to m Xig. o£ npot fnV.n^.
wp&t dAurmiXuv, «ai brr< fufrtl ftovxu vpd^aw mtiaXov.
seems better than to lay all the emphasis on the mbr«y( as
would do.
18. el SwKar^, 'if it be possible, live peaceably with all men, at
any rate as far as concerns your part
will do you can have no control, and if they break the peac-
not your fault ' Love seeketh not its own ' (i Cor. xiii. 5).
19. dyain)Toi. Added because of the difficulty of the precc;
to avenge oneself.
Wn rrfwor TJJ Apyij, ' give room or place to the wrath of God/
Let God's wrath punish. Xig. oXXo napa^ptin r^ «Vdi«7-
fft*t 177 &py!j rov 6*ot . meaning of dort
rAror is shown by Eph. iv. 27 /ujW W8or« runov T«ji &a£4Xy, do not
give scope or place to the devil ; ;, :h of God:
cf. Rom. v. 9. That this is the right interpretation of the v
shown by the quotation which follows.
But other interpretations have been often held : &r* rdroi- is
translated by some, 'allow space, interpose •: check and
restrain your wrath ; by others, ' yield to the anger of your
XII. 10 21.] ON OBEDIENCE TO RULERS 365
opponent': neither of these interpretations suits the context or
the Greek.
yfypairrat yap. The quotation which follows comes from Dcut.
xxxii. 35, and resembles the Hebrew ' Vengeance is mine and
recompense/ rather than the LXX «V WM>? «3«iia««K dj*fnrod«<r» :
and the Targum of Onkclos more than either. The words are
quoted in the same form in Heb. x. 30.
20. dXXA 'Ed* wcim 6 irfpt* <rov K.T.X. Taken from the LXX ; cf.
Prov. xxv. 21, 22, agreeing exactly with the text of B. but varying
somewhat from that of A M. The term &6po«cf wvplt clearly means
Me pangs or pains,' cf. Ps. cxxxix (cxl). 1 1 (LXX) ; 4 (5) Ezra
xvi. 54 Xon dicat peccator st non ptccass*, quoniam car bents ignis
comluret super caput eius qui dicit: Non peccavi coram domino el
gloria ipsius. But with what purpose are we to ' heap coals of fire
on his head ' ? Is it (i) that we may be consoled for our kind act
by knowing that he will be punished for his mhrtfifilli ? This is
impossible, for it attributes a malicious motive, which is quite
inconsistent with the context both here and in the O. T. In the
latter the passage proceeds, ' And the Lord shall reward thce,' im-
plying that the deed is a good one ; here we are immediately told
that we are not to be ' overcome of evil, but overcome evil with
good,' which clearly implies that we are to do what is for our
enemies benefit. (2) Coals of fire must, therefore, mean, as most
commentators since Augustine have said, ' the burning pangs of
shame/ which a man will feel when good is returned for evil, and
which may produce remorse and penitence and contrition.
Potest enim fieri ut animus ftrus ac barbarus inimici, si sentiat
beneficium nostrum, si humanifalem, si afoctum, si pietatem vtHtaf,
compunctionem cordis capiat, commissi poenitudinem gtrat, et tx hoc
ignis in to quidem svccendalur, qui turn pro commissi consctentia
torqueat et adural : et isti trunt carboncs frus, qui super caput eius
tx nostro misericordiae et pittatis opcrt congrtgantur, Origen.
21. »rf| UK* 6iri TO« Kauri it.rX, « do not allow yourself to be
overcome by the evil done to you and be led on to revenge and
injury, but conquer your enemies' evil spirit by your own good
disposition.' A remark which applies to the passage just con-
cluded and shows St. Paul's object, but is also of more general
application.
ON OBEDIENCE TO RULERS.
XIII. 1-7. The civil power has Divine sanction. Its
functions are to promot* well-being, to punish not the good
but the wicked. Hence it must be obeyed. Obedience to it is
a Christian duty and deprives it of all its terrors.
366 ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII 1
So too you pay tribute because the machinery of govern"
went is God's ordi>. In this as in all things giv€ to all
their due.
XIII. The Apostle DOW passes from the duties of the ii
Christian towards m. u::< s in one
sphere, namely towards the civil rulers. While we adhere to
has been said about the absence of a clearly-defined system
purpose in these chapters, we may notice that one main thr<
thought which runs through them is the promotion of peace in all
the relations of life. The idea of the civil jx>wer may have been
suggested by v*er. 19 of the preceding chapter, as being one of the
ministers of the Divine wrath and retribution (ver. 4): at ai
the juxtaposition of the two passages would serve to remind St
Paul's readers that the condemnation of individual vengeance and
retaliation does not apply to the action of the state in en:
:e is God's minister, and it is the just wrath of God
which is acting through it.
\\c hare evidence of the use of TT. 8-10 by Marcioo (Tert. aJv
v. 14) Merito itcujut Mam crtateris duciflutam prindtoli prattt;
eomlusit, Diligtt proximum tattauam U. Hoc Ugit ntfplemtn:.
Ugt tit, quit sit dfus Ugis iam tptoro. On the rest of the chapter we have
i . • • i : . t • i : : i . .1 '. : • n .
\<T& ^UXT: cf. ii. 9. The Hebraism suggests prominently
the idea of individuality. These rules apply to all h<
,-cd, and the question is treated from the point of view of
individual • '
Igouauus : abstract for concrete, ' those in authority ' ; cf. Luke
i ; Tit. iii. i. uwcpcxotkraif 'who arc in an eminent po
defining more precisely the idea of «£ov<rum : cf. i 1
Wisdom v
fororaacrfofa. Notice the repetition of words of similar sound,
vn0rtuTffto0<* . . . rcroy/MHU . . . avrtraffffopivot . . . 0407077, and cf.
xii. 3.
ou yAp Jonr /gouaia it.T.X. The Apostle gives the reason for
this obedience, stating it first generally and positively, then nega-
•nanautho
gift of God and springing from Him, and therefore all constituted
powers are ordained by Him. The maxim is common in all
Hebrew literature, but is almost always introduced to show how
the Divine power is greater than th.it < : ns, or
to declare the obligation of rulers as responsible for all they do to
One above them. Wisdom vi. i, 3 ««OV<TOT» •£*, 3o<rtX«It, KOI <rv*m,
pafori ducocrui ftparvf yrjc . . . or* «A4&j rrapa rov Kvpiov f) Kpanptt
inly col 17 avMtrr«/a irapa tyiarov : F.no<h xlvi. 5 ' And he will put
down the kings from their thrones and kingdoms, because they do
XIII. 1-4.] ON OBEDIENCE TO RULERS 367
not extol and praise him, nor thankfully acknowledge whence the
kingdom was bestowed upon them' : Jos. Btll.Jud. II. viii. 7 TO w.<rri»
vapi&ur natri, ftd\urra &« rots Kparovour' ov yap ofyo 6«ov vifxyinafai
rivt TO apx"*> St. Paul adopts the maxim for a purpose similar to
that in which it is used in the last instance, that it is the duty of
subjects to obey their rulers, because they are appointed and
ordained by God
The preponderance of authority (K A B L P and many later MSS., Bat.
Chrys.) U decisive for «l rf iw* e«o£. The Western reading dwd e«o* was
a correction for the less usual expression (DEFG and many later MSS.,
Orig. To.-Damasc.). The reading of the end of the verse should be at W
ovaai Iwu 6«ou way/iirai tloiv M A B D F G.
2. WOT« 6 drriToaa<$|i€W)s x.r.X. The logical result of this
theory as to the origin of human power is that resistance to it
is resistance to the ordering of God ; and hence those who resist will
receive «pl/ui— a judgement or condemnation which is human, for it
comes through human instruments, but Divine at having its origin
and source in God. There is no reference here to eternal punish-
ment
3. ol yap OPXOKTC*. The plural shows that the Apostle is
speaking quite generally. He is arguing out the duty of obeying
rulers on general principles, deduced from the fact that ' the state '
exists for a beneficent end ; he is not arguing from the special
condition or circumstances of any one state. The social organism,
as a modern writer might say, is a power on the side of good.
TW dyaOw fpyw : cf. ii. 7 mis /nV tuff viro/ior^v tpyov ayaBov. In
both passages tpyw is used collectively ; there it means the sum
of a man's actions, here the collective work of the state. For the
subject cf. I Tim. ii. 1,2: we are to pray ' for kings and all in
authority that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godli-
ness and honesty.'
The singular r? d-ya*£ Ipy? dXAd r? nwf U read by K ABDFGP. Boh.
Vnlg. (6mt optris ud maK\ Clem.- Alex. Iren.-lat Terl Orig-lat. Jo.-
Damasc Later MSS. with E L, Syrr. Ann.. Chrys. Thdrt. read r«r *pMr
Iprywr . . . Muwr. Hoit snggests an emendation of Patrick Young. r&
d-ya«o«p7y, which has some support apparently from the Aeth. ti <pn font
bonum : but the antithesis with ««w makes this correction imrobable.
8<Xtif 8« . . . ^ouaiar; The construction is more pointed if then
words arc made a question.
As the state exists for a good end, if you lead a peaceable life
you will have nothing to fear from the civil power.
4. 6coG ydf Sidxoros J<m. Fem. to agree with «f>ua»a, which
throughout is almost personified, oot, ' for thee,' ethical, for thy
advantage, cis TO dya9oV, ' for the good,' to promote good, existing
for a good end.
r?)r fiaxaiPa|f- ^ne sword is the symbol of the executive and
criminal jurisdiction of a magistrate, and is therefore used of the
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII. 4 7.
power of punishing inherent in the government. So V
^.6. §8; Tac. '8; Dio Cassiu
««SIKOS «it VrV» ' infli* 'imcnt or vengeance so as to
exhibit wrath,' namely the Divine wrath as administered 1
ruler who is God's agent t > ). The repetition of
the phrase e*oC feUo** with both sides of the sentence «
the double purpose of the state. It exists positively for the
being of the community, negatively to c
.nishment, and both these functions arc derived from God.
6. ftt4: rulers, because as God's min: have a Divine
order and purpose, are to be obeyed, not only because
power over men, but also because it is right, &a rq» avnifyoir (cf.
6. Sid TOVTO Y&P K<U, sc. &a r^v awtityrun ' and it is f
reason also/ St. Paul is appealing to a principle which .
will recognize. It is apparently an admitted rule of the CL
communities that taxes are to be paid, and he points out tl.
principle is thus recognized of the moral doty of obeying rulers.
he could thus appeal to a recognized practice seems to
that the words of our Lord (Luke xx. 20-25) had mould.
habits of the early Church, and this suggestion is corroborated by
7 (see the longer note below).
Xfiroupyoi, 'God's ministers.' Although the word is used in
a purely secular sense of a servant, whether of an I or of
a community (i Kings x. 5; Ecclus. x.
meaning which X«<rovpy4r e*ov had acquired (Ecclus vii. 30 ;
viii. 2 ; see especially the note on Rom. xv. 16) adds emphasis to
St Paul's expression.
irpoaKoprcpoJiTcs must apparently be taken absolutely (as in
////. VII. \. 14), 'persevering faithfully in their office/ and
els aur& TOVTO gives the purpose of the office, the same a
ascribed above to the state. These words cannot be taken im-
mediately with irpcxncoprtpoOrw, for as in xii. 13, seems
always to govern the da:
7. St. Paul concludes this subject and leads on to the nr
a general maxim which covers all the different poin
upon : ' Pay each one his due.'
TW T&V 4^por, sc. unmrovvrt. <£dp<* is the tribute paid by a subject
nation (Luke xx. 22 . rcprcscir
customs and dues which wouM se be paid for the support
^'ovcrnm. .ji).
+<£0os is the respectful a is felt for one who has power
in his hands ; riM>)» honour and reverence paid to a ruler : cf
-6* OtAf $o0«ur0f rdr/3a<7i'
A strange interpretation -c may be seen in the
Gnostic book emit -e.
XIII. 1-7.] ON OBEDIENCE TO RULERS 369
The Church and tfo Civil Power.
The motive which impelled St. Paul to write this section of the
Epistle has (like so many other questions) been discussed at great
length with the object of throwing light on the composition of the
Roman Church. If the opinion which has been propounded already
in reference to these chapters be correct, it will be obvious that
here as elsewhere St. Paul is writing, primarily at any rate, with
a view to the state of the Church as a whole, not to the particular
circumstances of the Roman community: it being recognized at
the same time that questions which agitated the whole Christian
world would be likely to be reflected in what was already an
important centre of Christianity. Whether this opinion be correct
or not must depend partly, of course, on our estimate of the
Epistle as a whole ; but if it be assumed to be so, the character of
this passage will amply support it. There is a complete absence of
any reference to particular circumstances : the language is through-
out general : there is a studied avoidance of any special terms ;
direct commands such as might arise from particular circumstances
are not given : but general principles applicable to any period or
place are laid down. As elsewhere in this Epistle, St. Paul,
influenced by his past experiences, or by the questions which were
being agitated around him, or by the fear of difficulties which he
foresaw as likely to arise, lays down broad general principles,
applying to the affairs of life the spirit of Christianity as he has
elucidated it.
But what were the questions that were in the air when he wrote ?
There can be no doubt that primarily they would be those
current in the Jewish nation concerning the lawfulness of paying
taxes and otherwise recognizing the authority of a foreign ruler.
When our Lord was asked, ' Is it lawful to give tribute to Caesar
or no?' (Matt. xxii. 18 f. ; Luke xx. 22 f), a burning question
was at once raised. Starting from the express command ' thou
mayest not put a foreigner over thee, which is not thy brother '
(Deut. xvii. 1 5), and from the idea of a Divine theocracy, a large
section of the Jews had refused to recognize or pay taxes to the
Roman government Judas the Gaulonite, who said that 'the
census was nothing else but downright slavery ' (Jos. Ant. XVIII.
i. i\ or Theudas (ibid. XX. v. i), or Eleazar, who is represented
as saying that «we have long since made up our minds not to
serve the Romans or any other man, but God alone* (Bfll. Jud.
VII. viii. 6), may all serve as instances of a tendency which was
very wide spread. Nor was this spirit confined to the Jews of
me ; elsewhere, both in Rome and in Alexandria, riots had
occurred. Nor again was it unlikely that Christianity would be
• b
370 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII 1 7.
affected by it. A good deal of the phraseology of the early
:ins was derived from the Messianic prophecies of the
O. T., and these were always liable to be taken in thai
purely material sense which our Lord had condemned. The fact
Si Luke records the question of the disciples, 'Lord, dost
ihou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?' (Acts i. 6) seems
to iinj.lv that such ideas were current, and the incident at Thessalo-
• here St. Paul himself, because he preached the • kingdom,'
was accused of prea< >thcr king, one Jesus,' shows how
liable even he was to misinterpretation. These instances arc quite
sufficient to ex; question was a real one when St.
Paul wrote, and why it had occupied his thoughts. It is not
necessary to refer it either to Ebionitc dualislic views (so I
would involve an anachronism, or to exaggerated (>
ideas of Christian liberty ; we have no record that these were ever
perverted in this direction.
Two considerations may have specially influenced St. Paul to
discuss the subject in his Epistle to the Romans. ^t was
the known fact of the turbulence of the Roman Jews ; a
would be brought before him by his intercourse w
Aquila. This may illustrate just the degree of local reference in
the Epistle to the Romans. We have emphasized more than once
the fact that we cannot argue anything from such passages as this
as to the stale of the Roman community ; but St. Paul would not
write in the air, and the knowledge of the character of the Jewish
population in Rome gained from political refugees would be just
sufficient to suggest this topic. A second cause which would lead
him to introduce it would be the fascination which he felt t
power and position of Rome, a fascination which has been already
illustrated (Introduction, § i).
It must be remembered thai when this Epistle was written the
Roman Km j. ire had never appeared in the character of a persecutor.
Persecution had up to this time always come from the Jews or from
popular riots. To St. Paul the magistrates who represented
the Roman power had always been associated
restraint. The persecution of Stephen had probably taken
in the absence of the Roman K >t was at the hands of ihe
Jewish king Herod that James the brother of John had perished :
I'hcssalonica, at Corinth, at Ephes
found the Roman officials a restraining power and all his ex; >
! support the statements thai he makes : ' The rulers are noi
>r lo ihc good work, but to the evil : ' « He is a minister of
God to thec for good : ' • I Ic is a minister of God, an avenger for
to him that doeth >r can ai
made as has been attempted from the fact that Nero was at this
time the ruler of the Em] i y be doubted how far the vices
XIII. 1-7.] ON OBEDIENCE TO RULERS 371
of a ruler like Nero seriously affected the well-being of the
provincials, but at any rate when these words were written the
world was enjoying the good government and bright hopes of
Nero's Quinquennium.
The true relations of Christianity to the civil power had been
laid down by our Lord when He had said : ' My kingdom is not of
this world/ and again : ' Render unto Caesar the things that be
Caesar's and to God the things that be God's.' It is difficult to
believe that St. Paul had not these words in his mind when he
wrote ver. 7, especially as the coincidences with the moral teaching
of our Lord are numerous in these chapters. At any rale, starting
from this idea he works out the principles which must lie at the
basis of Christian politics, that the State is divinely appointed, or
permitted by God ; that its end is beneficent ; and that the spheres
of Church and State are not identical.
It has been remarked that, when St. Paul wrote, his experience
might have induced him to estimate too highly the merits of the
Roman government. But although later the relation of the Church
to the State changed, the principles of the Church did not In
i Tim. ii. i , 2 the Apostle gives a very clear command to pray for
those in authority : ' I exhort therefore, first of all, that supplications,
prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings, be made for all men: for
kings and all that are in high place ; that we may lead a tranquil
and quiet life in all godliness and gravity ' ; so also in Titus iii. i
1 Put them in mind to be in subjection to rulers, to authorities.'
these words were written, the writer had to some extent at
any rate experienced the Roman power in a very different aspect.
Still more important is the evidence of i Peter. It was certainly
written at a time when persecution, and that of an official character,
had begun, yet the commands of St. Paul are repeated and with
even greater emphasis (i Pet. ii. 13-17).
The sab-Apostolic literature will illustrate this. Clement b writing to the
Corinthians just after successive periods of persecution, yet he includes
a prayer of the character which he would himself deliver, in the as yet
un systematized services of the day, on behalf of secular rulers. 'Give
concord and peace to us and to all that dwell on the earth . . . while we
render obedience to Thine Almighty and most excellent Name, and to our
rulers and governors upon the earth. Thoo, Lord and Master, hast given
them the power of sovereignty through Thine excellent and unspeakable
might, that we, knowing the glory and honour which Thou hast given them,
may submit ourselves unto them, in nothing resisting Thy will. Grant unto
them therefore, O Lord, health, peace, concord, stability, that they may
administer the government which Thou hast given them without failure.
For Thou, O heavenly Master, King of the ages, givest to the sons of men
glory and honour and power over all things that are upon the earth. Do
Thou. Lord, direct their counsel according to that which is good and well-
pleasing in Thy sight.' Still more significant is the letter of Polycarp, which
was written very shortly after he had met Ignatius on his road to martyrdom ;
in it he emphasizes the Christian custom by combining the comma/id to pray
B b 2
ISTLE TO THE ROMA [XIII. 1 7
for rulers with that to love ov eoemfes. 'Pray also for king* and power*
smd princes *fw^ for ffyfiB tfr*t persecute and hate TOO unH for the enemies of
the doss, that your fruit may be manifest among all men that ye may be
per: ' (Clem. Rom. Ix, Ui ; Polyc, adPkil. >
> not necessary to give farther instances of a custom which prevailed
extensively or universally in the early Church. It became a commonplace
of apologists (Just Mart Apd. i. 17 ; Athenagoras, Leg. xxxvii ; Theophilna,
in; Tcitulluui, A pel 30, 39, ad Sea*. * ; D>on. Alex, af 1
Arnob. iv. 36) and is found in all liturgies (cf. Ctmit. Af
One particular phase in the interpretation of this chapter demands a passing
notice. In the hands of the Jacobean and Caroline divines it was held to
a^»« *|'tt*t ••» avis** w» a^v * w* tJ«*i<.uif X/VMI.** i*««t a*> •^a^inmat^ isu*. »ivusj MM m IT
divine right* A more modified type of this teaching may be represented by
a sermon of Bishop Berkeley (Pas trot Okdum* or tkt Christian Dottrine
«f tkt law cfnaturt in a discount dtlivtrtd at tht ColUgt Ckaftl
Woks, iiu p. 101). He takes as hit text Ko isteth
the Power, resisteth the ordinance of God.' He begins • It is not my design
to inquire into the particular nature of the government and constitution of
these kingdoms.' He then proceeds by assuming that ' there is in ever
community, somewhere or other, placed a supreme power of making laws,
and enforcing the observation of them.' His main purpose is to prove that
' Loyalty is a moral virtue, and thou shall not resist the supreme power,
a rule or law of nature, the least breach whereof hath the inherent stain of
moral turpitude.' And he places it on the same level as the commandments
which St Paul quotes in this same chapter.
Bishop Berkeley represents the doctrine of Passive Obedience as expounded
in its most philosophical form. But he does not notice the main difficult ».
St Paul give* no direction* as to what ought to be done when there U
a conflict of authority. In his day there could be no doubt that the rule of
Caesar was supreme and had become legitimate: all that he had to con-
demn was an incorrect view of the ' kingdom of heaven ' as a theocracy
established on earth, whether it were held by Jewish tealots or by Chr>
He doe* not discuss the question, ' if there were two claimant* for the
Empire which should be supported?' for it was not a practical difficulty
when he wrote. So Bishop Berkeley, by hi* use of the expression • some-
where or other,' equally evades the difficulty. Almost always when there is
a rebellion or a ciul war the Question at issue is, Who is the rightful
governor? which is the power ordained by God f
But there is a side of the doctrine of Passive Obedience which requires
and which was illustrated by the Christianity of the first three
The early Christians were subject to a power which required
to do that which was forbidden by their religion. To that extent
and within those limits they could not and did not obey it ; but they never
encouraged in any way resistance or rebellion. In all things indifTrn
Christian conformed to existing law ; he obeyed the law • not only because of
the wrath, but also for conscience sake.' lie only disobeyed when it was
necessary to do so for conscience sake. The point of importance is the
detachment of the two spheres of activity. The Church and the State are
looked upon a* different bodies, each with a different work to perform. To
designate this or that form of government as and support it on
these grounds, would have been quite alien to the whole spirit of those days.
The Church must influence th< bold on the heart* and consciences
of individuals, and in that way, and not by political power, will the
0 L
XIII. 8, 9.] LOVE THE FULFILMENT OF ALL LAW 373
LOVE THE FULFILMENT OF ALT. LAW.
XIII. 8-1O. There is one debt which the Christian must
vs be paying but never can discharge, that of love. All
particular precepts are summed up in that of low, which
makes injury to any man impossible.
8. St. Paul passes from our duties towards superiors to that one
principle which must control our relations towards all men, love. In
xii. 9 the principle of love is introduced as the true solution of all
difficulties which may arise from rivalry in the community; here it
is represented as at the root of all regulations as to our relations to
others in any of the affairs of life.
64«iX«Tc must be imperative as the negatives show.
It sums up negatively the results of the previous verse and suggests
the transition, ' Pay ever}* one their due and owe no man anything/
ci p?) TO Ayaw£y AXX^Xous : ' Let your only debt that is unpaid
be that of love— a debt which you should always be attempting to
discharge in full, but will never succeed in discharging/ Ptrmanert
tamen et nunquam ftssarc a nobis debitum caritatis : hoc enim ft quo-
tidie solvtrc et sfmptr debtre expcdit nobfs. Orig. By this pregnant
expression St. Paul suggests both the obligation of love and the
impossibility of fulfilling it This is more forcible than to suppose
a change in the meaning of o^xiXcrt : ' Owe no man anything, only
ye ought to love one another/
6 yap Ayairwr K.r.X. gives the reason why ' love ' is so important :
if a man truly loves another he has fulfilled towards him the whole
law. ropo* is not merely the Jewish law, although it is from it that
the illustrations that follow are taken, but law as a principle. Just
as in the relations of man and God irurm has been substituted for
Mi/iot, so between man and man ayun? takes the place of definite
legal relations. The perfect ir«irXqp««* implies that the fulfilment
is already accomplished simply in the act of love.
9. St. Paul gives instances of the manner in which ' love ' fulfils
law. No man who loves another will injure him by adultery, by
murder, by theft, &c. They are all therefore summed up in the
one maxim ' thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself/ as indeed
they were also in the Old Covenant.
The AV. adds after ot «Afym in this Terse 06 ^vJo/M/m/^acif from the
O. T. with K P &c.t Boh. &c, as against A B D E F G L Ac,, Valg. codd. and
most Fathers. Jr r£ before dfowfatu is omitted by B F G. For <r«avrJr of
the older MSS. (K A B D E), later MSS. read fevrlr, both here and elsewhere
In late Greek Javrlr became habitually used for all persons in the re flcxive,
and scribes substituted the form most usual to them.
The order of the commandments is different from that in the Hebrew text,
374 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII. 9. 10.
both to Exodus n. 13 and Dent. T. 17, namely, (6) Thou shall do no mnrder,
(7) Thou shalt not commit adultery, (8) Thou shalt not (teal. The MSS.
of the LXX vary; in Exodus B reads 7. 8, 6. I -rut. B reads
7, 6, 8 (the order her 8. The order of Romans b that also of
Lukexvm. 30; James ii. 1 1 ; Philo Dt D«abgo-. Clem.- Alex Strom
Kal cl TIC. Mp* shows that St Paul in this selection has only
taken instances and that he does not mean merely to give a sum-
ming up of the Jewish law.
: a rhetorical term used of the summing up of
a speech or argument, and hence of including a large number of
separate details under one head. As used in Fph. i. 10 of God
summing up all things in Christ it became a definite theological
term, represented in Latin by rtcapitulatio (Iren. HI. xxii. a).
"Ayamiacis TOK wXijaio* aou us fauroV. Taken from Lc\
; < where it sums up a far longer list of commandmen
is quoted Matt xxii. 39; Mark xii. 31 ; Luke x. 27; G.il. \. \\
James ii. 8 where it is called /3a<nAurfc xJ/ior.
10. Vj dyrfmr) • • • ««« JpydlcTai. Love fulfils all law, because no
one who loves another will do him any ill by word or deed. These
words sum up what has been said at greater length in i Cor. xiii.
4-6.
TrX^pwpa, 'complete fulfilment.* The meaning of -
given by ver. 9 ' He that loveth his neighbour has fulfilled (•
law, therefore love is the fulfilment (irA^/m) of law.
Tht History of the word
There are three words in Greek all of which may be translated by the
English Move/ Jpi», *A«X d-pmi*. Of these J/>4» with its cognate form
ipofteu was originally associated with the sexual passion and was thence
transferred to any strong passionate affection; ftAfo was used rather of
warm domestic affection, and so of the lore of master and servant, of parents
and children, of husband and wit , . of the love of the gods for
men. if** is combined with J*.*t^«V and contrasted with f«A«V as in
Xen. li4Wfft4j*w«*f»Ar4M*4Mifaf*. One special ose
be referred to, namely, the Platonic. The ir.
and ipa* must
and strength of human passion seemed to Plato to represent roost adequately
the love of the soul for higher things, and so the philosophic f/wt was used
for the highest human desire, that for true knowledge, true virtue, true
taUDOCtalitjr.
distinction of *<Afo and d-yraU much resembled that between MM
and dilig*. The one expressed greater affection, the other greater esteem.
So DtO Cassias xliv. 48 J*»A4<7ar« avrdr £t waripa «aJ ^as^rarc d
; and John xxi. 15-17 A«T«I airr? »oAj»' «'«iri^r. Xipw 'I«drov,
d 70*91 >i« ; .'.'-,«» ai r<p. N<u, Ki'pii ov oSSai Srt <>iXw at « r.A. (tec Trench,
Sym. f xii). It is significant that no distinction is absolute; but
occasionally, still more rarely dy****, are both used inconectly of the
sexual passion. There is too close a connexion between the different forms
of human affection to allow any rigid distinction to be made in the use of
words.
\\hcn these words were adopted Into Hellenistic Creek, a gradual
XIII. 8-10.] I.OVK THE FULFILMENT OF ALL LAW 375
was made in their use. I pa* and its cognates are very rarely used. and
almost invariably in a bad sense. In the N. T. they do not occur at all. the
word 1wt»vni» being employed instead. Yet occasionally, even in biblical
and ecclesiastical Greek, the higher sense of the Platonic «/»* finds a place
(Prov. iv. 6 ; Wisdom viii. a ; Jnstin, Dial. 8, p. 225 B ; Clem. -Alex. Cok.
ii, p. 90; see Lightfoot, Ignatitu ad Rom, vii. a). Between ayavav and
+t*iv a decided preference was shown for the former. It ocean about
a68 times (Hatch and Redpath) in a very large proportion of cases as a
translation of the Hebrew 3HK ; f<Afo about twelve times (Trommios), ex-
cluding its use as equivalent to oscular. This choice was largely due to the
use of the Hebrew word to express the love of God to man, and of man to
God (Deut. xxiii. 5; xxx. 6; Hosea iii. I); it was felt that the greater
amount of intellectual desire and the greater severity implied in ayata* fitted
it better than <fxA<'e> for this purpose. But while it was elevated in meaning
it was also broadened ; it is used not only of the love of father and son, of
husband and wife, but also of the love of Samson for Delilah (Jnd. xvi. 4)
and of Hosea's love for his adulterous wife (Hos. iii. i). Nor can there be any
doubt that to Hebrew writers there was in a pure love of God or of righteous*
ness something of the intensity which is the highest characteristic of human
passion (Is. Ixii. 5 v. dyaioM in the LXX corresponds in all its characteristics
to the English • love.'
But not only did the LXX use modify the meaning of ayawaw, it created
a new word ayawij. Some method was required of expressing the conception
'
which was gradually growing pp. 'Epo* had too sordid associations. *iXta
was tried (Wisdom vii. 14; viii. 18). but was felt to be inadequate. The
language of the Song of Solomon created the demand for dyawij. (2 Kings
i or a times ; Ecclesiastes a ; Canticles 1 1 ; Wisdom a ; Ecclns. I ; Jeremiah i ;
Ps. Sol. i.)
The N.T. reproduces the usage of the LXX, but somewhat modified.
While dyaiau is used 138 times, fiAJa* is used in this sense aa times (13 in
St. John's Gospel) ; generally when special emphasis has to be laid on the
relations of father and son. But the most marked change is in the use of
470*17. It is never used in the Classical writers, only occasionally in the
: in early Christian writers its use becomes habitual and general.
Nothing could show more clearly that a new principle has been created than
this creation of a new word.
In the Vulgate dyanj is sometimes rendered by dilectio, sometimes by
cantos; to this inconsistency are due the variations in the English
Authorized Version. The word can/as passed into English in the Middle
Ages (for details see Eng. Diet, sub sw.) in the form ' charity/ and was for
some time used to correspond to most of the meanings of ayawfj ; but as the
English Version was inconsistent and no corresponding verb existed the
mage did not remain wide. In spite of its retention in i Cor. xiii. ' charity *
became confined in all ordinary phraseology to 'benevolence,' and the
Revised Version was compelled to make the usage of the New Testament
consistent.
Whatever loss there may have been in association and in the rhythm of
well-known passages, there is an undoubted gain. The history of the word
dyawatu is that of the collection under one head of various conceptions which
were at any rate partially separated, and the usage of the N. T. shows that
the distinction which has to be made is not between <f*\iv, d-yavaw and
ipav, but between ayo^nj and Js-iffv/i/o. The English language makes this
distincti. n between the affection or passion in any form, and a purely animal
desire, quite plain ; although it may be obliterated at times by a natural
euphemism. But setting aside this distinction which must be occasionally
present to the mind, but which need not be often spoken of, Christianity does
not shrink from declaring that in all forms of human passion and affection,
376 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII 8 10.
which are not partly animal there b present that same lore which in itt
highest tod most pore development forms the etsence and
Christiaa religion. This affection, however perverted it may be, Chrirtianity
doe* not condemn, but so Car as may be elevates and purifies.
The Christian Teaching on Low*.
The somewhat lengthy history just given of the word 070*17 is
i Me introduction to the history of an idea which forms a fun-
damental principle of all Christian thought
The duty of love in some form or other had been a common-
place of moral teaching in times long befor .nd in
many different places. Isolated maxims have been collected
favour from very varied authors, and the highest pag
approaches the highest Christian doctrine. But in all previous
philosophy such teaching was partial or isolated, it was never
elevated to a great principle. Maxims almost or quite on
with those of Christianity we find both in the O.T. and in T
writers. The command ' Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy-
self is of course taken directly from the O.T., and is there used
to sum up in one general principle a long series of rules. S
of great beauty are quoted from the Jewish fathers. ' Hillel said,
Be of the disciples of Aaron, loving peace and pursuing peace,
loving mankind and bringing them nigh to the Tor ah' (Pirqe
Aboth i. 13); or aga is hateful to thyself do not to thy
fellow; this is the whole Torah, and the rest is comment..:
,' also ascribed to Hillel. It is however true in all cases that
these maxims, and all such as these, are only isolated instances, that
they do not represent the spirit of earlier institutions, and that they
form a very insignificant proportion compared with much of
a different character.
In C y this principle, which had been only partially
understood and imperfectly taught, which was known o:
isolated examples, yet testified to a universal instinct, was finally
put forward as the paramount principle of moral conduct, i:
our moral instincts with our highest religious principles. A new
virtue, or rather one hitherto imperfectly understood, had become
recognized as the root of all virtues, and a new name was demanded
at was practically a new idea.
In the first place, the new Christian doctrine of love is universal
.s said, Thou shalt 1< •- htxnir and
hate thine enemy : but I say unto you, Love your cncmit
pray for them that persecute you ; ' and a very definite reason is
the universal Fatherhood of God. This universalism which
underlies all the leaching of Jesus is put in a definite practical
form by St. Paul, ' In Christ Jesus tl. :icr Jew nor Gentile,
XIII. 11.] THE DAY IS AT HAND 377
bond nor free, male nor female/ As it is summed up in a well-
known work : ' The first law, then, of the kingdom of God is that
all men, however divided from each other by blood or language,
have certain mutual duties arising out of their common relation to
God ' (Ecce Homo, chap. xii).
But secondly, the Christian doctrine of love was the substitution
of a universal principle for law. All moral precepts are summed
up in the one command of love. What is my duty towards others ?
Just that feeling which you have towards the persons to whom you
are most attached in the world, just that you must feel for every one.
If you have that feeling there will be no need for any further
command. Love is a principle and a passion, and as such is the
fulfilment of the Law. Christ ' declared an ardent, passionate, or
devoted state of mind to be the root of virtue ' ; and this purifying
passion, capable of existing in all men alike, will be able to re-
deem our nature and make laws superfluous.
And thirdly, how is this new Christian spirit possible? It is
possible because it is intimately bound up with that love which is
a characteristic of the Godhead. 'God is love/ 'A new com-
mandment I give to you, that ye should love one another as I have
loved you/ It is possible also because men have learnt to love
mankind in Christ • Where the precept of love has been given,
an image must be set before the eyes of those who are called on to
obey it, an ideal or type of man which may be noble and amiable
enough to raise the whole race, and make the meanest member of
it sacred with reflected glory/ This is what Christ did for us.
These three points will help to elucidate what St. Paul means by
ay'arrj. It is in fact the correlative in the moral world to what faith
is in the religious life. Like faith it is universal ; like faith it is
a principle not a code; like faith it is centred in the Godhead.
Hence St. Paul, as St. John (i John iii. 23), sums up Christianity
in Faith and Love, which are finally, united in that Love of God,
which is the end and root of both.
THE DAY IS AT HA1TO.
XIII. 11-14. The night of this corrupt age is flying.
The Parousia is near ing. Cast off your evil ways. Gird
yourselves u'ith tht armour of light. Take Christ into your
hearts. S/inn sin and self 'indulgence.
11. The Apostle adds a motive for the Christian standard of
life, the nearness of our final salvation.
K<H TOUTO, • and that too ' : cp. i Cor. vi. 6, 8 ; Eph. ii. 8, Ac. : it
378 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII. 11-13.
resumes the series of exhortations implied in the previous sections ;
there is no need to supply any special words with it.
TOT KcupoV : used of a definite, measured, or determined time, and
so almost technically of the period before the second coming of
Christ: cf. i :. 29 6 KiufAt <m*<rraA,i«W ; Mark
SO 4 cmpor 4 m<rr«( (Hcb. iz. 9).
Sri £pa t)&7| K.T.X. fa with «VpApat. The time of trial on earth
is looked upon as a night of gloom, to be followed by a bright
morning. We must arouse ourselves from slumber and prepare
'•Ives for the light.
rCr yip iyyurcpoi' «.r.X. ' For our completed salvation, no longer
that hope of salvation which sustains us here, is appreciably nearer
for us than when we first accepted in faith the Messianic message/
.<rr<vffatt<» refers to the actual moment of the acceptance of
Christianity. The language is that befitting those who expect the
actual coming of Christ almost immediately, but it will fit the
circumstances of any Christian for whom death brings the «
In vcr. 1 1 the original Ipat (K A B C P, Clem.-Alex.) has been corrected
for the take of uniformity into 4/^t ;K« I > E K G L, &c.. Boh. Sah.). In vcr. 1 3
Jr tfxet ml ftAoit is a variant of B, Sah., Clem.- Alex. Amb. !
and Clem. -Alex, read rdr Xptarir 'Irjoovr, which may very likely be the
correct reading.
12. vpolitotcr, ' has advanced towards dawn.' Cf. Luke :
Gal. i. 14 ; Jos. Btll.JuJ. IV. iv. 6; Just. Dial. p. 277 d.
The contrast of wrw, ™£, and «r«W with WM>I and ^ finds
many illustrations in Christian and in all religious literature.
diroewfi«6a. The works of darkness, i.e. works such as befit the
kingdom of darkness, are represented as being cast off like the
uncomely garments of the night, for the bright armour
befits the Christian soldier as a member of the kingdom of light.
This metaphor of the Christian armour is a favourite on<
SL Paul (i Thess. v. 8; a Cor. vi. 7; Rom. vi. 13; and especially
Eph. vi. 13 f.); it may have been originally suggested I
Jewish conception of the last great fight against the armies of
Antichrist (Dan. xi ; Orac. Sib. iii. 663 f. ; 4 Ezra xiii. 33 ; Enoch
xc. 1 6). but in SL Paul the conception has become com]
spiritualised.
13. cuaxiP^""* ircpiiro.Trjaw/iti'. The metaphor ntfuwartuf of
conduct is very common in St. Paul's Epistles, where it occurs
three times (never in the Past. Epp.); elsewhere in the
-ixtcen times.
•twfiois, 'riot:: . : ; I Pet, IV. 3). ju!A} the
drunkenness which would be the natural result and accompaniment
dry.
'unlawful intercourse and wanton acts.'
iv yap nt p<0i«i, pt&v*v oV cot-
XIII. 13, 14.] THE DAY IS AT HAND 379
W <fo«Xyaii«i, row oZrow TOVTOV rg irXija/iorg rvp
Euthym.-Zig.
14. ^SJaaa6« rdr Kupio* 'irjaooK XpKrnJf. Christ is put On first in
baptism (vi. 3; Gal. iii. 27), but we must continually renew that
life with which we have been clothed (Epb. iv. 24 ; Col. iii. 12).
TT)S <ropK^f with irpowMa* : the word is thrown forward in order to
emphasize the contrast between the old nature, the flesh of sin, and
the new, the life in Christ.
On this passage most commentators compare St. Aug. Confess.
viii. 12, 23 Arripui, aperui et legi in silent io capilulum, quo pri-
mum coniecti sunt oculi met: Non in conversationibus et ebrie-
tatibus, non in cubilibus et impudicitiis, non in contentione et
aemulatione : sed induite Dominum lesum Christum, et carnis
providentiam ne feceritis in concupiscent! is. Nee ultra volui
Ifgerc, nee opus erat. Statim quippt cum fine huiusce sentential quasi
luce securitatis htfusa cordi meo, omnes dubitationi* tenebrae diffu-
gerunt.
The early Christian belief in the nearness of the
•napovoia.
There can hardly be any doubt that in the Apostolic age the
prevailing belief was that the Second Coming of the Lord was an
event to be expected in any case shortly and probably in the life-
time of many of those then living; it is also probable that this
belief was shared by the Apostles themselves. For example, so
strongly did such views prevail among the Thessalonian converts
that the death of some members of the community had filled them
with perplexity, and even when correcting these opinions St. Paul
speaks of ' we that are alive, that are left unto the coming of our
Lord'; and in the second Epistle, although he corrects the
erroneous impression which still prevailed that the coming was
immediate and shows that other events must precede it, he still
contemplates it as at hand. Similar passages may be quoted from
all or most of the Epistles, although there are others that suggest
that it is by his own death, not by the coming of Christ, that
St. Paul expects to attain the full life in Christ to which he looked
forward (i Cor. vii. 29-31; Rom. xiii. n, 12; Phil. iv. 5; and
on the other side 2 Cor. v. i-io; Phil. i. 23; iii. u, 20, 21 ; see
Jowett, Thessalonians, &c., i. p. 105, who quotes both classes of
passages without distinguishing them).
How far was this derived from our Lord's own teaching?
There is, it is true, very clear teaching on the reality and the
suddenness of the coming of Christ, and very definite exhortation
to all Christians to live as expecting that coming. This teaching
is couched largely in the current language of Apocalyptic literature
380 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIII 11 11
was often hardly intended to be taken literally even by
tors; moreover it is certainly mingled with teaching
which was intended to refer to what was a real manifestation of the
Divine power, and very definitely a ' coming of the Lord ' in the
O. T. sense of the term, the destruction of Jerusalem. All this
language again is reported to us by those who took i:
sense. The expressions of our Lord quoted as prophetic <
speedy return are all to a certain extent us; for example,
* This generation shall not pass away until all these things be ful-
filled/ or again ' There be some of them here who shall not taste of
death until they see the Son of man coming with power.' On the
other side there is a very distinct tradition preserved in documents
of different classes recording that when our Lord was asked de-
finitely on such matters His answers were ambiguous. Ac
1 It is not for you to know times and seasons, which the Father
hath set within His own authority.' John \
therefore went forth among the brethren, that that disciple should
not die : yet Jesus said not unto him, that he should not die ; but,
If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee ?' Moreover
he affirmed that He Himself was ignorant of the date Mark xiii. 32 ;
Matt. xxiv. 36 ' But of that day and hour knoweth no one, not
even the angels of heaven, neither the Son, but the Father <
In the face of these passages it is reasonable to bclicv
this ignorance of the Early Church was permitted and th .•
a purpose. If so, we may be allowed to speculate as to the service
- intended to fulfil.
In the first place, this belief in the nearness of the second coming
quickened the religious and moral earnestness of tli
Believing as intently as he did * that the fashion of this world passeth
away/ he ' set his affection on things above ' ; he lived in the world
and yet not of the world. The constant looking forv
coming of the Lord produced a state of intense spiritual zeal
braced the Church for its earliest and hardest task.
And secondly, it has been pointed out very ably how much the
elasticity and mobility of C i by the fa
the Apostles never realized that they were building up a Church
which was to last through the ages. It became the fashion of
a later age to ascribe to the Apostles a series of ordinano
constitutor :heory is quite inconsistent with the real
spirit of their time. They never wrote or legislated except so far
as existing needs demanded. They founded iiutions as
were clearly required by some immediate want, or were part of our
Lord's teaching. But they never administered or planned
v to the remote future. Their writings were occasional,
suggested by some pressing difficulty ; but they thus incidentally
laid down great broad principles which became the guiding principles
XIII. 11-14.] THE DAY IS AT HAND 381
of the Church. The Church therefore is governed by case law, not
by code law : by broad principles, not by minute regulations. It
may seem a paradox, but yet it is profoundly true, that the Church
is adapted to the needs of every age, just because the original
preachers of Christianity never attempted to adapt it to the needs
of any period but their own.
The relation of Chaps. XII-XIV to the Gospels.
There is a very marked resemblance between the moral teaching
of St. Paul contained in the concluding section of the Epistle to the
Romans, and our Lord's own words ; a resemblance which, in some
cases, extends even to language.
Rom. xii. 14. Matt r. 44.
«vAo7«~r« roirt fc^torrat fyiar Afavartrov* ^8povii>pvr, *al *(**'
«CAo7««>«, «a2 p) «ara/>a00«. «vx«a0« Mp r£r kvKuvrw fyar.
Rom. xiii. 7. Matt xxii. 21.
dw69or< warn rdt ty«<Aci» «.rX d»&ort ovr rd Kaloapot Kaieap,,
*a2 rd rov 6<ou T£ ««£.
Rom. xiii. 9. Matt. xxii. 39, 40.
*o2 «f nr Iripa «VroA>7. Iv rovry 8«t/Wpa 8< upoia avrrj, 'Ayarffotit
T$ Av-yy dvaKtifxiXaiovTai, i* T£ rOr wAijai'or <TOW wt tftavr^r. <r ravrair
'A-yar»7<r«jf rdr wAijatoy aov At rtut 8uaiV /KroAafj 5Aor <J
/iarcu
To these verbal resemblances must be added remarkable identity
of teaching in these successive chapters. Everything that is said
about revenge, or about injuring others, is exactly identical with the
spirit of the Sermon on the Mount ; our duty towards rulers exactly
reproduces the lesson given in St Matthew's Gospel ; the words
concerning the relation of ' love ' to ' law ' might be an extract from
the Gospel : the two main lines of argument in ch. xiv, the absolute
indifference of all external practices, and the supreme importance
of not giving a cause of offence to any one are both directly derived
from the teaching of Jesus (Matt, xviii. 6, 7, xv. 1 1-20). This
resemblance is brought out very well by a recent writer (Knowling,
Witntss of the Epistles, p. 312) : ' Indeed it is not too much to add
that the Apostle's description of the kingdom of God (Rom. xiv. 17)
reads like a brief summary of its description in the same Sermon
on the Mount ; the righteousness, peace, and joy, which formed the
contents of the kingdom in the Apostle's conception are found side
by side in the Saviour's Beatitudes ; nor can we fail to notice -how
both St. Matthew and St. Luke contrast the anxious care for meat
and drink with seeking in the first place for the kingdom of God
and His righteousness. Nor must it be forgotten that Paul's
fundamental idea of righteousness may be said to be rooted in the
teaching of Jesus.'
:STLE TO THE ROMANS [XII-XIV.
well known that there are definite references by St. Paul to
the words of our Lord: so i Thes. iv. is = Matt. xxiv. 31 ; i Cor.
-• x. 7 ; as also in the case
of the institution of the Last Supper, i Cor. zi. 24. Reminiscences
also of the Sermon on the Mount may be found in other F
e. g. James iv. 9 = Matt. v. 4 ; James v. 12 = Matt. v. 33 ; i
iii. 9 = Matt. v. 39 ; i Pet. iv. 14 = Mat' . . and elsewhere.
The resemblances are not in any case sufficient either to prove
the use of any document which we possess in its present form, or
to prove the use of a different document (see below) ; but they do
show that the teaching of the Apostles was based on some common
source, which was identical both in substance and spirit with those
words of our Lord contained in the Gospels.
They suggest further that even in cases where we have no direct
evidence that Apostolic teaching is based on the Gosj
it does not follow that our Lord Himself did not originate it.
For Christianity is older than any of its records. The books
of the N. T. reflect, they did not originate, the teaching ot
anity. Moreover, our Lord originated principles. It was
these principles which inspired His followers; some of the words
which are the product of and which taught those principles are
preserved, some are not ; but the result of them is contained in the
words of the Apostles, which worked out in practical life the
principles they had learnt directly or indirectly from the Ch:
A much more exact and definite conclusion is supported with very great
industry by Alfred Reich in a series of investigation*, the first of which is
Austtrtanonuckt Evangrlitn-fragmtntt in Ttxtt und
'
tucHungrtt, v. 4. He argues (pp. 28, ao) that the acquaintance shown by
ul with the words and teaching of Jesus implies the use of an L'r.anon-
ijche Qutlttmschrift, which was also used by St. Mark, as well at the other
N.T. writers. It would be of course beside our purpose to examine this theory,
but so far as it concerns the passages we are considering it may be noticed :
(i) That so far as they go there would be no reason why all St. I'aul's teach-
ing should not have been derived from our present Gospels, lie does not
profess to be quoting, and the verbal reminiscences might quite well represent
the documents we possess, (a) That it is equally impossible to argue against
the use of different Gospels. The only legitimate conclusion is that there
must have been a common teaching of Jesus behind the Apoitle's words
which was identical in spirit and substantially in words with that contained
in'onr Synoptic Gospels. Some stress Is laid by Resch (pp. 345, 303 ff.)
on passages which are identical in Romans and i Peter. So Rom. xii. 17-
iii. 9; Rot 14. The resemblance is un-
doubted, but a far more probable explanation is that I Peter is directly
indebted to the Romans (see Introduction f 8). There is no reason •
these as ' Words of the Lord ' ; yet it is very probable that much more of the
teaching and even phraseology of the early Church than we are
1 to imagine goes back to the teaching of Jesus.
XIV. 1-XV. 7.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 383
ON FORBEARANCE TOWARDS THOSE WHO ABB
SCRUPULOUS.
XIV. 1— X"V . 13. Receive a scrupulous Christian cordially.
Do not be continually condemning him. Some of you have
grasped the full meaning of Christian faith, others whose
conscience is too tender lay undue stress on particular prac-
tices, on rules as to food or the observance of certain days.
Do not you whose faith is more robust despise such scruples;
nor should they be censorious (w. 1-5).
Every one should make up his own mind. These things
are indifferent in themselves. Only whatever a man does lie
must look to Christ. In life and death we are all His, whose
death and resurrection have made him Lord of all. To
Him as to no one else shall we be called upon to give account
(w. 6-12).
We must avoid censoriousness. But equally must we
avoid placing obstacles before a fellow-Christian. I believe
firmly that nothing is harmful in itself, but it becomes so to
the person who considers it harmful. The obligation of love
and charity is parafnount. Meats are secondary things.
Let us have an eye to peace and mutual help. It is not
worth while for the sake of a little meat to undo God's
work in a brother s soul. Far better abstain from flesh and
wine altogether (w. 13-21).
Keep the robuster faith with which you are blest to
yourself and God. To hesitate and then eat is to incur
guilt ; for it is not prompted by strong faith (w. 22, 23).
This rule of forbearance applies to all classes of the com-
munity. Tlie strong should bear the scruples of the weak.
We should not seek our own good, but thatofotliers ; following
the example of Christ as expounded to us in the Scriptures;
those Scriptures which were written for our encouragement
and consolation. May God, from whom this encouragement
comes, grant you all — weak and strong^ Jew and Gentile — to
be of one mind, uniting in the praise of God (xv. 1-7).
3S4 I- TO THE ROMANS [XIV. 1.
For Christ has received you all alike. To both Jew and
Gentile He has a special mission. To / \hibit
God's veracity, to the Gentiles to rn'cal His mercy ; that
Gentile might unite with Jew, as Psalmist and Prophet
foreh »tns of praise to the glory of God. May God
the giver of hope send it richly upon you (w. 8-13).
XIV. 1— XV. 13. The Apostle now passes on" to a further point ;
the proper attitude to adopt towards matters in themselves indifferent,
but concerning which some members of the comnr
scruples. The subject is one which naturally connects itsi
\\ lut we have seen to be the leading thought which underlies these
concluding chapters, and in fact the whole Epistle, name
peace and unity of the Church, and may have been imim
suggested by the words just preceding: St. Paul has been con-
demning excessive indulgence; he now passes to the opposite
extreme, excessive scrupulousness, which he deals with
different way. As Augustine points out, he condemns and instructs
more openly the 'strong' who can bear it, while indirectly showing
the error of the ' weak.' The arguments throughout are, as we shall
see, perfectly general, and the principles applied those cl.
of the moral teaching of the Epistle — the freedom of Christian faith,
the comprehensiveness of Christian chanty and that duty of peace
and unity on which St. Paul never wearies of insisting.
Tcrtullian (Adv. Mare. r. 15) refers to vcr. 10. tnd Origen (Comm in
Rom. x. 43. Lomro. rii. p. 453) to vcr. 23. Of Marcion'a me of the rest of the
chapter we know nothing. On chap*, xv, xvi, sec Introduction, f 9.
1. T&K fce doOcfoOvTCi TTJ mVm : cf. Rom. iv. : 7» 9»
io, ii ; ix. 22. 'Weakness in faith,' means an inadequate grasp
of the great principle of salvation by faith in Christ ; the conse-
quence of which will be an anxious desire to make this salvation
more certain by the scrupulous fulfilment of formal rules.
TTfKxrXappdvfcrOe, 'receive into full ( ::tcrcours<
fellowship/ The word is used (i) of God receiving or I.
man : Ps. xxvi (xxvii) io 6 mrfjp pov «ai 9 ww Mov «>.
4 W *vpuK ffpo9«Xa£«rd fu: so in vcr. 3 below and in
Rom. Xlix. 6 «V aydvg irpoa«Aa3«TO wat 6 barurr,*. But (2) it is
also used of men receiving others into fellowship or companion-
ship I 2 MacC. I ntwarat «V ry 'Iw&aurpy irpo<r*a&ntK»
tnrrfiyayo* «'» «'£«««<TAI >es are c i XV. 7
4 All whom Christ has willed to : ( ommuniu ,
whether they be Jews or Gr> .incised or uncircumcised,
i ought to be \tillirv as broth'
fii) «is Siaitpiocis SiaXoYia^wr, 'but not to pass judgements
on their thoughts.' Receive them as members of ti
XIV. 1-4.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 385
community, but do not let them find that they have been merely
received into a society in which their somewhat too scrupulous
thoughts are perpetually being condemned, duupumr, from duurpW
to 'judge,' 'decide/ 'distinguish/ means the expression of judge-
ments or opinions, as Heb. v. 14 'judgement of good or evil/
i Cor. xii. 10 'judgement or discernment of spirits.' otoAoyMr/iir
means ' thoughts/ often, but not necessarily, with the idea of doubt,
hesitation (Luke zxiv. 38), disputes (Phil. ii. 14; I Tim. ii. 8), or
generally of perverse self-willed speculations. The above interpre-
tation of ttaxpiatis is that of most commentators (Mcy.-W. Oltr. Va.)
ami is most in accordance with usage. An equally good sense
could be gained bv translating (with Lips.) 'not so as to raise
doubts in his mind/ or (with Gif.) ' not unto discussions of doubts ' ;
but neither interpretation can be so well supported.
2. The Apostle proceeds to describe the two classes to which
he is referring, and then (ver. 3) he gives his commands to both
sides.
fa l*fe . . . * « dofcvAv. With the raralion in construction cf. I Cor.
xii. 8-10 ; Mark ir 4 ; Luke riii. 5. The «econd 6 is not for k , hot it to be
taken with da***.
wi«rrfu«i, ' hath faith to eat all things ' ; his faith, i. e. his grasp and
hold of the Christian spirit, is so strong that he recognizes how
indifferent all such matters in themselves really are.
Xrfxaya foOici, 'abstains from all flesh meat and eats only
vegetables/ Most commentators have assumed that St Paul is
describing the practice of some definite party in the Roman
community and have discussed, with great divergence of opinion,
the motive of such a practice. But St. Paul is writing quite
generally, and is merely selecting a typical instance to balance the
first. He takes, on the one side, the man of thoroughly strong
faith, who has grasped the full meaning of his Christianity; and on
the other side, one who is, as would generally be admitted, over-
scrupulous, and therefore is suitable as the type of any variety of
scrupulousness in food which might occur. To both these classes
he gives the command of forbearance, and what he says to them
will apply to other less extreme cases (see the Discussion on p. 399).
3. o JoOiw* . . . A S« pi fo6£wr. St. Paul uses these expressions
to express briefly the two classes with which he is dealing (see ver. 6).
Pride and contempt would be the natural failing of the one ; a spirit
of censoriousness of the other.
6 0c6s yof ouror irpootXdfJcTo. See ver. i. God through Christ
has admitted men into His Church without imposing on them
minute and formal observances; they are not therefore to be
criticized or condemned for neglecting practices which God has
not required.
4. ad 7 is ct; St. Paul is still rebuking the 'weak.' The man
c c
386 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIV. 4, 5.
whom he Is condemning is not a household slave, but the servant of
God ; to God therefore he is responsible.
TV tfttw nopiw. Dal of rcf 5-8, 'It is to his
own master that he is responsible.' He it is to whom he must show
whether he has used or misused his freedom, whether he has bad
the strength to fulfil his work or whether he has failed, vnrrti
txi. i it 22) of moral failure; VT^KCI (i Cor. x .-7) of
moral stability. In i Cor. z. 12 the two are contrasted, «*rrt 4
docwr «'<rrarm 0A «*•>•• w r«
<rra0t|a«Tai W : - 5- 1° 8P>tc of your censoriousness
be will be held straight, for the same Lord who called him on
conditions of freedom to His kingdom is mighty to hoi :
uprigl ive grace and strength to those wh.
has called
For avrar<r(KABCDFG), which Is an unusual word, later
substituted krarh (P, Bas. Chrys \ or torarh . . . J<rnr (T K
and later MSS.). For & Kv/xof (K A B C P. Sah. Boh.. &c.) i e«4t was in.
troduced from ver. 3 (DE KG L, &c, Vulg., Orig.-lat Bas, Chrj*,, &c.),
perhaps because of the confusion with ry Kiy»> above.
5. The Apostle turns to another instance of similar scrupulous-
ness,— the superstitious observance of days. In Galatia he has
already had to rebuke this strongly ; later he condemns the Colos-
sians for the same reason. Gal. iv. 10, 1 1 'Ye observe days, and
months, and seasons, and years. I am afraid of you, lest I
means I have bestowed labour upon you in vain.' Col. ii. 16, 17
' Let no man therefore judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect
of a feast day or a new moon or a sabbath •:
a shadow of the things to come ; but the body is Christ's.' S
does not in the Romans condemn any one for adherence t
practice, but simply considers the principle^ !:e the
question, as illustrating (hence yap) the general discussion of the
chapter. The fundameiv !c is that such things
themselves indifferent, but i person must be it.
in his own conscience that he is doing r
Various commentators have discussed the relation of these <
tions to Ecclesiastical ordinances, and have attempted to make
a distinction between the Jewish rites which arc condemned and
i are enjoined. (So Jerome, Contra Ic
ii. 1 6, quoted by Liddon adloc.: non infer inun
atqualia mcnlt disjxnsat ; std contra tos loqu:
crtdtnlts, adhuf iudaizabant.} No such disiinction is possible.
Apostle is dealing *
lays down the principle that these thin^- - are indif-
ferent ; while the whole tenor of his argument is against n
loosness in any form. So these san s would
equally to the scrupulous observance of Ecclesiastical rales,*!
XIV. 5, 6.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 387
as in some places of Sunday, or as in others of Saints ' days or
Fast days. Such observances if undertaken in a scrupulous
spirit are opposed to the very essence of Christian freedom.
When once this principle has been grasped a loyal free adhesion
to the rules of the Church becomes possible. The Jew and
the scrupulous Christian kept their rules of days and seasons,
because they believed that their salvation depended on an exact
adherence to formal ordinances. The Christian who hat giatped
the freedom of the Gospel recognizes the indifference in themselves
of all such ordinances ; but he voluntarily submits to the rules of
his Church out of respect for its authority, and he recognizes the
value of an external discipline. The Apostolical Constitutions,
which representing an early system of Christian discipline, seem to
recognize these principles, for they strongly condemn abstinence
from food if influenced by any feeling of abhorrence from it,
although not if undertaken for the purpose of discipline.
Tisch. (ed. 8) reads here At /ilr w with K A C P, Vulg. Boh. (which he
quotes incorrectly on the other side), lias. Ambrstr. Jo.-Damasc. The yaf is
omitted by N 1 I • 1 1 G, Syrr, Orig.-lat. Chrys. Thdrt. TR. RV. and inserted
between brackets by \VH. Lachmann. The insertion is probably right;
the balance of external evidence being in its favour, for B here is clearly
Western in character.
Kptfci, 'estimates/ 'approves of: Plat. Phil. p. 57 E is quoted.
iroprf, ' passing by ' and so ' in preference to.'
irXtjpo^opciaOw. The difference between the Christian and the
Jew or the heathen, between the man whose rule is one of faith and
the man subject to law, is, that while for the latter there arc definite
and often minute regulations he must follow, for the former the
only laws are great and broad principles. He has the guidance of
the Spirit; he must do what his MI«, his highest intellectual faculty,
tells him to be right. On the word frXi;/xxJ>op«»'<rd» see on iv. 21
and cf. Clem. Rom. xlii trXqpo^wpif&Vrfc &a rijf a»a<rr<i<r*«f.
6. The reason for indifference in these matters is that both
alike, both the man who has grasped the Christian principle and
the man who is scrupulous, are aiming at the one essential thing,
to render service to God, to live as men who are to give account
to Him.
6 +poȣr : ' esteem/ ' estimate/ ' observe. ' Kupi*, emphatic, is Dat
of reference as above, ver. 4.
o la&wy ... 6 jif| totiittv : see ver. 3. Both alike make their
int .il an occasion of solemn thanksgiving to God, and it is that
which consecrates the feast. Is there any reference in cdxapurm to
the Christian
After Kv/*V <H*nnl the TR. with later authorities (LP Ac., Syrr., Bas.
Chrys. Thdrt.) add Ml 4 14 */x»wr rifrr 4/4>or Kvpiv 06 */wr«t~, a glow
which seemed necessary for completing the sentence on the analogy of the
c c a
EPISTLE TO THE K [XIV. 6-9.
last half of the renc. The addition of this dame canaed the omission of
«u More & Io9l«* (TR. with tome minaaeolea). That the wocda *aU rf
fporwr were not parts of the original text omitted by horooeotf leuton is
shown by the fact that many authorities which insert them still pre»«
supcrfluuu lias. Chrjrs. Thdrt. and many mina*cules . Various
instances of homoeotcleulon occur, as might be expected, in these verse*, bat
they arc in all cases confined to a single or very slight authority. L omit* *<w
4 pi) Ja*** ry 6f y : 66 omits 4/Wpcur to ^f*v ; minute. 3 omit
'
7-12. St. Paul proceeds to develop more fully, and as a genera)
rule of life, the thought suggested in ver. 6. To God we are
responsible whether we live or die ; before His judgement-seat we
shall appear ; . therefore we must live as men who are to give
account of our lives to Him and not to one anoth
7. oo&«!« yip . . . dwo6rrjan€i. In life and in death we are nol
isolated, or solitary, or responsible only to ourselves. It is not In-
cur own act we were created, nor is our death a matter that con-
cerns us alone.
8. TW Kupiw : ' but it is to Christ, as men living in Christ's sight
and answerable to Him, that we must 1.
shall die. Death does not free us from our obligations,
live or die we are the Lor icin compares Pirqt Aboth, iv.
32 'Let not thine imagination assure thee that the grave
asylum; for perforce thou wast framed, and perforce thou wast
born, and perforce thou livcst, and perforce thou diest, and j>« •
thou art about to give account and reckoning before the King of
the kings of kings, the Holy One, blessed is i
It may he noticed that in these verses St. Pan! describes the Christian life
from a point of view other than that which be had adopted in ch
There it was the higher aspects of that union with •
here it is the life lived as in His sight and responsil
0. The reason for this relation of all men to Christ as «=••:
to their master is that by His death and resurrection Christ has
established His Divine Lordship over all alike, both dead and
. Responsibility to Him therefore no one can ever escape.
TOWTO is explained by u-u *vpn*rjj.
xal c^acr must refer to Christ's death and resurrection.
cannot refer to the life of Christ on earth, (i) because of the
order of words which St. Paul has purposely and deliberately
varied from the order (*?•* «oi Andrew*/** » of the previous verses ;
(a) because the Lordship of (
always coi
a period of humiliation (Rom. viii. 34; 2 C« r. iv. 10, n); (3)
e of the tense ; the aorist ifa** could be used of a
definite act which W.UH the begi: it could not be
used of the continuous life on «
IiK K<U (wrrwr. The inversion of the usual order is owing to
XIV. 0-12] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 389
the order of words in the previous part of the sentence,
«C*7<r. For the «i-puJnj« of Christ (i*t xvpuwrg) see Phil. ii. 9, 1 1.
For Xp<rrof the TR. with later MSS.. Syrr, Iren.-lat. reads «oi X/*0r<h.
Awi0an* ml Ifa*** the older and most difficult reading (K A BC, lioh., Arm.
Aeth. Orig.-ht. Chry*. I/a) has been explained in various ways ; by d»<0. «o2
d^ffTf? F G, Vulg. Orig. and other Fathers ; by dwie. ml &*i<rr. «oj (Wfraf*
TR. with minute, (perhaps conflate) ; by dwi*. teal &viar. *al tw**, LP.
&c, Harkl. and some Fathers: by Ifo. '*ai dwiO. «ai <W<rr. DH. Iren.
10. St. Paul applies the argument pointedly to the questions he
is discussing. We are responsible to Christ; we shall appear
before Him : there is no place for uncharitable judgements or
censorious exclusivcncss between man and man.
ad W TI KpiVcif refers to 6 ^ «<r&«v, fj nal <ru to 6 «a0<M».
irapa<rrt)a6>e6a TW P^OTI TOO 6cou. Cf. Acts xxvii. 24 Kaurapf
vt H«: irapaar^Kii. For fl^/ui, in the sense of a judge's official seat,
see Matt, xxvii. 19; Jo. xix. 13, &c. God is here mentioned as
Judge because (see ii. 16) He judges the world through Christ.
In 2 Cor. V. XO the expression is row yap varrar fjpaf $a>«p«ft)Mu Afi
<nirptxr6iv TOI" Bf)parot rov Xptorov. It is quite impossible to follow
I.iddon in taking 9«oO of Christ in his Divine nature ; that would
be contrary to all Pauline usage : but it is important to notice how
easily St. Paul passes from Xpumfc to e«of. The Father and the
Son were in his mind so united in function that They may often
be interchanged. God, or Christ, or God through Christ, will
judge the world. Our life is in God, or in Christ, or with Christ
in God. The union of man with God depends upon the intimate
union of the Father and the Son.
6«ov must be accepted as against X^KTTOV on decisive authority. The
latler reading arose from a desire to assimilate the expression to a Cor. v. i a
11. St. Paul supports his statement of the universal character of
God's judgement by quoting Is. xlv. 23 (freely ace. to the LXX).
In the O. T. the words describe the expectation of the universal
character of Messianic rule, and the Apostle sees iheir complete
fulfilment at the final judgement.
4(opoXoy^acT<u TW 6cw, ' shall give praise to God,' according to
the usual LXX meaning ; cf. xv. 9, which is quoted from Ps. xvii
(xviii). 50.
{£ JTO>, A/TW Kvpiot is substituted for «ar* J/iavrov u/tyvw, cf. Num. xiv. 28
Ac. ; for waaa yXucffa «.r.A. the LXX reads 6p«mu v. 7. rdr e«4r.
12. The conclusion is : it is to God and not to man that each of
us has to give account. If e««» be read (see below), it may again
I* noted how easily St. Paul passes from KV/MOC to e«& (see on
ver. 10 and cf. xiv. 3 with xv. 7).
There are several minor variations of text, ovr is omitted by B D F G P
aad perhaps the Latin authorities, which read ita^tu. For &*«< of the TR.
390 EPISTLE TO THE R< LXIV. U:
\\\ I . read 4»ott<r« with B D F C Chrys. , the Latin authorities readim
(hot Cyprian d*Kt' . rj, e«? at the end of the sentence U omit:
Cypr. Aug. In all these caics B is noticeable a» appearing with a group
which is almost entirely Western in character.
13. The Apostle now passes to another aspect of the question.
He has laid down very clearly the rule that all such points are in
themselves indifferent ; he has rebuked censoriousness and I
that a man is responsible to God alone. Now he turns completely
round and treats the question from the other side. All this is
true, but higher than all is the rule of Chris
demands, above all, consideration for the feelings and consciences
of others.
MTJIUTI GUI' ... KpiVwp,eK marks the transition to the second
lion by summing up the first.
icpiVoTt: for the play on words cf. xii. 3, 14, xiii. i. 'Do not
therefore judge one another, but judge this for yourself, i. e. deter-
mine this as your course of conduct' : cf. 2 Cor. ii. i.
TO |irj TiOfau . . . T« dSc\4>w . . . aKdV&oXoi>. r«0«W is suggested
by the literal meaning of <7*ci»oaAort a snare or stumbling-block
which is laid in the path. St. Paul has probably derived the
aavoaXor and the whole thought of the passage from our Lord's
words reported in Matt, xviii. 6 f. See also his treatment of the
same question in i Cor. viii. 9 f.
wpfcncojifta . . . 4j should perhaps be omitted with B. Arm. Pesh. As
Weiss points out, the fact that <J is omitted in all authorities which omit », .
proves that the words cannot have been left out accidentally, t/^ato^a
would come in from I Cor. viii. 9 and ver. ao below.
14. In order to emphasize the real motive which should influ-
ence Christians, namely, respect for the feelings of other
indifference of all such things in themselves is emphatically :
cV Kupiw 'irjaoG. The natu c words is tin-
same as that of cV >. : to St. Paul the indifference of all
meats in themselves is a natural deduction from his faith and life
in Christ. It may be doubted whether he is here referring expressly
to the words of Christ (\ xv. u); when doinjj
SO his formula is irapAo/3o» mro rov Kvpiov.
KotvoV. The technical term to express those customs and habits,
. although 'common' to the world, were forbidden to the
pioUS Jew. JOS. An,'. XIII. i. I Tor «owoi> fro* itpoSpw<*ovt I
C. i. 47, 62; Acts X. 14 on oW«VoT« tyoyov »u»
Si* <QUToG. ' in i:sclf/ ' in its own nature/
That It* lavrol is the right reading is shown by (i) the authority of M
alto -JIMS, see Introduction, | 7) supported by ma:
the Vulgate, and the two cat lint commentaton O:
fr& /uu wiAi/ tomniUHt ftr ttmttiptum. '.. -r. an-J
. ^17 air o*Mr Arafefror anti contrast v
XIV. 14-17.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 39!
&' avrov, 'through Christ* (so Theodrt. and later comm.) Is
a correction.
ct JIT) TW Xoyi£o}i«Vw K.T.X. Only if a man supposes that the
breach of a ceremonial law is wrong, and is compelled by public
opinion or the custom of the Church to do violence to his belief, he
is led to commit sin ; for example, if at the common Eucharisiic
meal a man were compelled to eat food against his conscience it
would clearly be wrong.
15. ti ydp. The yap (which has conclusive manuscript authority)
implies a suppressed link in the argument. 'You must have
respect therefore for his scruples, although you may not share
them, for if,' Ac.
Ximcmu. His conscience is injured and wounded, for he wilfully
and knowingly does what he thinks is wrong, and so he is in danger
of perishing (oirdXXw).
uwJp oo Xpurros dwlOart. Cf. I Cor. viii. 10, II. Christ died
to save this man from his sins, and will you for his sake not give
up some favourite food ?
16. fxt) pXa<r$T)fi€«j6<j ic.r.X. Let not that good of yours, i. e. your
consciousness of Christian freedom (cf. I Cor. x. 29 9 Awfrpt'a j*oi/),
become a cause of reproach. St. Paul is addressing the strong, as
elsewhere in this paragraph, and the context seems clearly to point,
at least primarily, to opinions within the community, not to the
reputation of the community with the outside world. The above
interpretation, therefore (which is that of Gilford and Vaughan),
is better than that which would refer the passage to the reputation
of the Christian community amongst those not belonging to it
(Mey-W. Lips. Liddon).
17. Do not lay such stress on this freedom of yours as to cause
a breach in the harmony of the Church ; for eating and drinking are
not the principle of that kingdom which you hope to inherit.
^ pcunXcia TOO 6coG. An echo of our Lord's teaching. The
phrase is used normally in St. Paul of that Messianic kingdom
which is to be the reward and goal of the Christian life ; so
especially i Cor. vi. 9, 10, where it is laid down that certain classes
shall have no part in it. Hence it comes to mean the principles or
ideas on which that kingdom is founded, and which are already
exhibited in this world (cf. i Cor. iv. 20). The term is, of course,
derived through the words of Christ from the current Jewish con-
ceptions of an actual earthly kingdom; how far exactly such
conceptions have been spiritualized in St. Paul it may be difficult
to say.
ppuKTi? KOI woaif. If, as is probable, the weak brethren are
conceived of as having Judaizing tendencies, there is a special point
in this expression. ' If you lay so much stress on eating and drinking
as to make a point of indulging in what you will at all costs, you are
39* EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XIV. 17-20-
in danger of falling into the Judaizins course of
Messianic prophecies literally, and imagin : siamc kingdom
to be one of material plenty ' (Iren. V. xxxiii. 3).
These words are often quoted as condemning any form of
scrupulousness concerning eating and drink
St. Paul's idea. He means that 'eating and «!• are in
themselves so unimportant that every scruple should be respected,
and every form of food willingly given up. They are absolutely
insignificant in comparison with ' righteousness ' and ' peace ' and
•joy.'
SiKcuoru'n) K.T X. This passage describes man's 1
kingdom, and these words denote not the relation of the Christian
to God, but his life in relation to others, ducauxrv*; therefore is not
used in its technical sense of the relation between God and man,
but means righteousness or just dealing ; «<>w is the state of peace
with one another which should characterize Christians ; xop«
joy which comes from the indwelling of the Holy Ghost in the
community; cf. Acts ii. 46 /irrtXa/jtfow rpo^fjt «V ayaXXiu
18. The same statement is generalized. The man who, on the
principle implied by these virtues («V To^-y, not /* nwroit), is C
servant, i.e. who serves Christ by being righteous and conci!
and charitable towards others, not by harshly emphasizing his
Christian freedom, is not only well-pleasing to God, but will gain
the approval of men.
S&tipos TO!? d*6p«iirois. The contrast to fftaofaptltrt* of ver. 1 6.
Consideration for others is a mark of the Christian character which
will recommend a man to his fellow-men. &fap«r, able to stand
the test of inspection and criticism (cf. 2 Tin
19. oiKoSofiTJs ') «raiTa vpbt oito&opri* yiria&i,
I TheSS. V. II ouroftor . ("no.
(KABFGLP3) U really more expressire than the lomewh.t
rction 8ul«a . ' • add ^AO^/M >
20. KQTctXuc . . . cpyor keeps up the metaphor suggested by
'd up, do not destroy, that Christian community
which God has founded in Chr. 9 e<oO yap tapt*
<nn»pyoi Qtov yimpyiov, e«ov oUotopi) tart. The words '<P7*"? and
oin&oftil both point to the community rather than the inch
»drra IM? MQ0ap<i : cf. I Cor. X. 23 irorra ff<m»v «iXXf o* wdrra
<rvp<t>tpn. warm «" \' ov wdrra oito&opil.
d\X4 Kax6r: the subject to this must be supplied from war™. It
is a nice question to decide to whom these words refer, (i) Arc
they addressed to the iose who by eating arc likely to give
offence to others (so \ and the majority of commentaries) ?
XIV. 20 23] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 393
or (2) are they addressed to the weak, those who by eating what they
ihink it wrong to eat injure their own consciences (so Gif.Mey.-W.
and others) ? In the former case &A irporaWoro* (on the oui cf. ii.
27, iv. n) means 'so as to cause offence/ in the latter 'so as to
take offence' (Tyndale, 'who eateth with hurt of his conscience').
Perhaps the transition to ver. 21 is slightly better if we take (i).
21. A thing in itself indifferent may be wrong if it injures the
consciences of others; on the other hand, to give up what will injure
others is a noble act.
•caXoV: cf. i Cor. vii. i and for the thought i Cor. viii. 13 &d>«p,
it flpvpa (rjrardaXiff i TO* d5«A$or pot/, ov py <pdyo» «p«'a «ic TO* alum, tua
/--'/ T(W ad«X<p<{v pov cr*a*6aXi<ra>. We know the situation implied
in the Corinthian Epistle, and that it did not arise from the existence
of a party who habitually abstained from flesh : St. Paul was
merely taking the strongest instance he could think of. It is
equally incorrect therefore to argue from this verse that there was
a sect of vegetarians and total abstainers in Rome. St. Paul
merely takes extreme forms of self-deprivation, which be uses as
instances. ' I would live like an Essene rather than do anything to
offend my brother.'
The TR. adds after «/xxr«o'vr«i the gloss 4) 0«ay3oA/f«rai 4) d<rf«r«f with B
Western and Syrian authorities (K«BD EFGLP, &c., Yulg. San., Bas.
Chrys.). They are omitted by K A C 3, Pesh. Boh., Orig. and Orig.-lal This
is a very clear instance of a Western reading in U ; cf. u. 6.
22. «rd mari* J|r fxtis. Your faith is sufficient to see that all
these things arc a matter of indifference. Be content with that
knowledge, it is a matter for your own conscience and God. Do
not boast of it, or wound those not so strong as yourself.
The preponderance of authorities (K A BC, Vulg. (odd. Boh., Orig.-lat.)
comoels ns to read fa *x«'»- The omission of fa (DEFGLP3, Vulg.
(odd. Syrr. Boh., Chrys. &c.) is a Western correction and an improvement.
K.T.X. Blessed (see on iv. 6, 7) because of his strong
f.iith is the man who can courageously do what his reason tells him
that he may do without any doubt or misgiving xpivwr, to 'judge
censoriously so as to condemn/ cf. ii. i, 3, 27. OMipoffu (L 28,
ii. 1 8) to ' approve of after testing and examining.'
23. 6 W oioKpu'ojici'os : see on iv. 20. If a man doubts or
hesitates and then eats, he is, by the very fact that he doubts,
condemned for his weakness of faith. If his faith were strong he
would have no doubi or hesitation.
irdf 0€ 8 OOK IK in'orcus, dfiapria J<rri>. w»'<mr is subjective, the
strong conviction of what is right and of the principles of salvation.
•Weakly to comply with other persons' customs without being
convinced of their indifference is itself sin.' This maxim (i) is not
concerned with the usual conduct of unbelievers, (2) must not I*
TO THE ROMANS [XIV 23-XV. L
extended to cases different in character from those St. Paul is
considering. It is not a general maxim concerning faith.
This Terse has bad a rery important part to play in controversy. How
important may be seen from the use made of it in Augustine Cots:
iv, one passage of which (| 33) may be quoted : Ex quo to.
; : '. : .; :..-•..;.... ,:,;. •:.- . . ..... :. • •: •
malis. Jftontm a*ttm uu ftuata quitms <t l»n* malt fa
quia ta ISM /to/i, ud itt/Ut/i, hoc tst stulta tt noxia fadunt voluntatt:
qualit voluntoj, nullo Ckristiano dubitantt, at+or tit mala, quatfactrt mm
fottst nisi fruttus maJos, id tit, tola ptttata, Omne enim, tt/u nolis, quod
non est ex fide, peccatum est. Since this time it has been used to support the
two propositions that works done before justification are sin and consequently
that the heathen are unable to do good works. Into the merits of these
controversies it will be apart from our purpose to enter. It is sutTi
notice that this Terse is in such a context completely misquoted. As
sostom says, • When a person does not feel sure, not believe that a thing is
clean, how can he do else than sin? Now all these things have been
spoken by Paul of the object in hand, not of everything.' The words do
not apply to those who are not Christians, nor to the works of those who
are Christians done before they became such, but to the conduct of believing
Christians ; and faith is used somewhat in the way we should speak of
a ' good conscience ' ; ' everything which is not done with a dear conscience
is sin.' So Aquinas, Summa i. a, qu. xix, art. v. omnt quid non tit ucJUt
ptftatum tst. id tst, omnt quod tst <ont>a conuittttiam,
On the doxology (xvi. 25-27), which in some M£S. finds a place here, see
the Introduction, § 8.
XV. 1. The beginning of chap, xv is connected imme <:
with what precedes, and there is no break in the argument until
; is reached; but towards the close, especially i;
the language of the Apostle is more general. He passes fr>
special points at issue to the broad underlying principle • •
and especially to the relation of the two great sections of the
Church — the Jewish and the Gentile Christians.
o+«iXotMr W. Such weakness is, it is true, a sign of absence of
faith, but we who are strong in faith ought to bear with scruples
weak though they may be. ol ouraroi • i Cor. i. 26, the
rich or the powerful, but as in 2 Cor. xii. 10, xui. 9, of the morally
strong.
Pcurrdlcir : cf. Gal. vi. 2 uXX^Xwr TO /Sup? &uara{<Tt. In classical
Greek the ordinary word would be 4>«p«», but ftatrra^nv se< •
have gradually come into use r sense. It is used of
bearing the cross both literally (John xix. 17), and figur
(Luke xiv. < ' I In Aq..
od. in Is. xl. n, Ixvi. 12; in the two la:
17 quotin :i none ot
passages is the word used in tl It became a favour it
in Christian literature, Ign : id Diog. § 10 (quoted
ItX
fir] ^auroif dp VaKCiK : cf. I Cor. X. 33 *a&iir *a>« iruxra
•fHomtt, pi t?jr»* i'aul i.s describing ll»S
XV. 2-4.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 395
own conduct in very similar circumstances. He strikes at the root
of Christian disunion, which is selfishness.
2. els TO dyaOoK irpo? oiKoSop^r : cf. xiv. 16 vpvv r& aya&r, ig ra
TJj* ouooo/jijf rijs tit oAAgAoi/r. The end or purpose of pleasing them
must be the promotion of what is absolutely to their good, further
defined by oucodo/u?, their edification. These words limit and
explain what St. Paul means by 'pleasing men/ In Gal. i. 10
: ;i. \ i. 6 ; i Thess. ii. 4) he had condemned it. In i Cor. ix.
20-23 ne nad made it a leading principle of his conduct. The rule
is that we are to please men for their own good and not our own.
The yap after ««o<rrof of the TR. should be omitted. For >)/*£r some
authorities (V G P2, Vnlg., many Fathers) read */«».
3. KCU yip 6 Xpioros K.r.X. The precept just laid down is
enforced by the example of Christ (cf. xiv. 15). As Christ bore
our reproaches, so must we bear those of others.
K0.0WS yfypcumu. St. Paul, instead of continuing the sentence,
changes the construction and inserts a verse of the O. T. [Ps.
Ixviii (Ixix). 10, quoted exactly according to the LXX], which he
puts into the mouth of Christ. For the construction cf. ix. 7.
The Psalm quoted describes the sufferings at the hands of the
ungodly of the typically righteous man, and passages taken from it
are often in the N. T. referred to our Lord, to whom they would
apply as being emphatically 'the just one/ Ver. 4 is quoted
John xv. 25, ver. 9 a in John ii. 17, ver. 9 b in Rom. xv. 3, ver. 12
in Matt, xxvii. 27-30, ver. 21 in Matt, xxvii. 34, and John xix. 29,
ver. 22 f. in Rom. xi. 9, ver. 25 a in Acts i. 20. (See Liddon,
ad /Of.)
ol 6rciStajioi K.T.X. In the original the righteous man is repre-
sented as addressing God and saying that the reproaches against
God he has to bear. St. Paul transfers the words to Christ, who is
represented as addressing a man. Christ declares that in suffering
it \vas the reproaches or sufferings of others that He bore.
4. The quotation is justified by the enduring value of the O. T.
irpocypctyi), 'were written before/ in contrast with ^/i«r«po»:
cf. Kph. iii. 3 ; Jude 4, but with a reminiscence of the technical
mr.ining of ypa^HUf for what is written as Scripture.
SioaaKoXiaf, 'instruction': cf. a Tim. iii. 16 *aoa ypafa 0«o-
wrrvcrrof cai <ty«X*poff npof didaaxaAuif.
•ri)f Aiuoa : the specifically Christian feeling of hope. It is the
supreme confidence which arises from trust in Christ that in no cir-
cumstances will the Christian be ashamed of that wherein he trusteth
(Phil. i. 20); a confidence which tribulation only strengthens, for
it makes more certain his power of endurance and his experience
of consolation. On the relation of patience to hope cf. v. 3 and
i Thess. i. 3.
}t/> 1 I BTL1 TO THE ROMA [XV
This passage, and that quoted above from 2 Tim. i
clearly the Ix-lief in the abiding value of th«
Vrlies St. Paul's use of it. But while emphasizing its
value they ak< The Scriptures are to be read for our
moral instruction, ' for reproof, for correction.
righteousness'; for the perfection of the Christian character,
the man of God may be com| ^hed unto every good
work'; and because they establish the Christian hope which is in
Christ. Two points then St. Paul teaches, the permanent value of
the great moral and spiritual truths of the O. T., and the •
of the O. T. to Christ His words cannot be quoted to prove more
ilj. in ili.s.
There are in this Terse a few idiosyncrasies of B which may be noted bat
need not be accepted; iypa^ (with Vnlg. Orig.-lat.) for vorp**;
wdrra before sir rs> s>- (wi wapa*\fat*t repeated after .
(with Ciem.-Al.). The TR. with K« A L P 3. &<x substitutes wfotyp.
IIP*** in the second place, and with C-» D 1 . i
omits the second &4.
5. After the digression of ver. 4 the Apostle returns to the sub-
ject of vv. 1-3, and sums up his teaching by a prayer for the unity
of the community.
6 Sc 6cos TTJS OvopoKTJf KCU rfjs wapaKXr^<r<t>f : cf. 6 O«or r^t
(ver. 33; Phil. iv. 9; i Thess. v. 23; i 20), r
(ver. 13), irdin;! *apa*Xii<r<*t (2 Cor. i. 3), wdffrjt xciptror (' Pet.
v. 10).
TO auri ipoviiv: cf. Phil. ii. 2-5 trX^xia.ir/ /u>v T>]V x°P"*t '"* r"
CUTO fypOtnjTI . . . TOVTO $p<>. '
itard Xptvror 'li)<rot)r : cf. 2 i ; i XaA£, ov »ara Kvptor
XaXi: Col. il 8 ov * . 4 r^r «ai»or Mp**i» rfe
«ara e«o» jrrta^'rra (Rom. ;s generally quoted, is not
in point). These examples seem to show that the expression must
mean ' in accordance with the character or example of Christ*
V1? for Wp, a later form. cf. a Thcts Tim. i 16.
Eph. i. 17 (bat with variant &p in the last two cases . X/». 'I?<r. (HI
Ac, lk>h. Chryv), not *I?o. X/>. K . -.
6. Unity and harmony of worship will be the result of unity
of life.
ojioOupaodr, • \.\\\ unity of mind.' A common word in the Acts
fee.).
TO? e«OK KOI var/pa TOO Kopioo ^jiwr *lT)aou Xptarou. This expres-
sion occurs also in 2 Cor. i. 3 ; xi. 31 ; 1 1 1 v In
is also quoted, the correct reading is ry &«? worpi
-ov Kvpiov ip** 'I
the Father of our Lord Jc-su- '
ur of this it is pointed out that while worfip e\;
word, 9f& is naturally ab>olutc; and that 6 c».
XV. 6-8 ] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 397
occurs absolutely (as in i Cor. xv. 24 £rav rapaWoi i> /9a<ri-
ry e«y cat warp*), an argument the point of which does not
seem clear, and which suggests that the first argument has not
much weight, (a) It is better and simpler to take the words in
their natural meaning, * The God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ' ; (Va. Oltr. Go. and others), with which cf. Eph. i. 17 * Mt
TOG Kupi'ou WMJK 'i. x.: Matt, xxvii. 46; Jn. xx. 17; Heb. i. 9.
7. The principles laid down in this section of the Epistle are
now generalized. All whom Christ has received should, without
any distinction, be accepted into His Church. This is intended
to apply especially to the main division existing at that time in the
community, that between Jewish and Gentile Christians.
Sio irpoaXappdycoflc dXX^Xou? K.T.X. : the command is no longer
to the strong to admit the weak, but to all sections of the com-
munity alike to receive and admit those who differ from them ; so
St. Paul probably said v^Sr, not w*ar. The latter he uses in ver. i,
where he is identifying himself with the ' strong/ the former he uses
here, where he is addressing the whole community. On flu> cf. Eph.
ii. 1 1 ; i Thess. v. n : on *poo\ap$av«j&i see xiv. i, 3.
Mr U read by K A C E F G L, Vulg. L'oh. Syrr.. Orig.-lat Chryi ; 4/*at
by B D P3. B U again Western, and iu authority on the distinction between
jpat and v^dt is leu trustworthy than on most other points vscc Wil. U.
pp. a 1 8, 310).
0coo with irpo<r<Xd3rro : 'in order to promote the
glory of God/ As the following verses show, Christ has sum-
moned both Jews and Greeks into His kingdom in order to
promote the glory of God, to exhibit in the one case His faithful-
ness, in the other His mercy. So in Phil. ii. n the object of
Christ's glory is to promote the glory of God the Father.
8. St. Paul has a double object He writes to remind the Gen-
tiles that it is through the Jews that they are called, the Jews that
the aim and purpose of their existence is the calling of the Gentiles.
The Gentiles must remember that Christ became a Jew to save
them ; the Jew that Christ came among them in order that all the
families of the earth might be blessed : both must realize that the
aim of the whole is to proclaim God's glory.
This passage is connected by undoubted links (&•' ver. 7 ; X«V>
yap ver. 8) with what precedes, and forms the conclusion of the
argument after the manner of the concluding verses of ch. viii. and
ch. xi. This connexion makes it probable that ' the relations of
Jew and Gentile were directly or indirectly involved in the rela-
tions of the weak and the strong/ (Hort, Rom. and Eph. p. 29.)
oidnofof . . . mpiTojujs: not 'a minister of the circumcised/ still
less a ' minister of the true circumcision of the spirit/ which would
be introducing an idea quite alien to the context, but ' a minister
of circumcision ' (so Giffbrd, who has an excellent note), L e. to
EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XV. 8 10
•miscs implied in that covenant the seal of
was circumcision ; so 2 Cor. iii. 6 auu&ovr «o«»^» oiafl^f. In the
' the Galaiians <iv. 4, 5) St. Paul had said that Chri
4 born of a woman, born under the law, i !
were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of
sons.' On the Promise and Circumcision see G< ;. xvii.
The privileges of the Jews which St. Paul dwells on are as fol-
lows: (i) Christ has Himself fulfilled the condition of being c
cised: the circumcised therefore must not be condemned. (2) The
:y object of this was to fulfil the promises made to the Tews
?cf. Rom. ii. 9, 10). (3) It was only as a secondary result of this
MessL : the Gentiles glorified God. (4) While the blest-
ing came to the Jews vxip aXi^'a* to preserve God's consists
came to the Gentiles iir«> A«W for God's loving-kindness.
•X<>«r5<r*u, which should be read with K A < 3 70^90*) ; it was
altered into the more usual aorta yi*4o*u (BCDFG), perhaps because it
was supposed to be co-ordinated with femora.
ris i*avyt\icis rwf irar/pur : cf. ix. 4, 5.
9. T& to €0nrj . . . oofciacu. Two constructions are possil
these words: (i) they may be taken as directly subordinate to At'y*
y^p (Weiss, Oltr. Go.). The only object in this construction would
be to contrast vwip «AtW with ww> uAj&uir. But the real an:
of the passage is between /3»/3oii<r«H r*r rtroyyt X/ar and ri ;6^ dofi-
•rm: and hence (a) ri a« . . . «Any . . . oofiam should be taken as
subordinate to «<'r ro and co-ordinate with $<3<n»aai (Gil
v.i.'. With this construction the point of the passage
becomes much greater, the call of the Gentiles is shown to be (as
it certainly was), equally with the fulfilment <
Jews, dependent on the covenant made with Abra
1 6, 17).
Ka9£»s yt'Ypairreu. The Apostle proceeds, as so often in the
Kpistle, to support his thesis oy a series of passages quoted from
iheO
-WTO K T\ !most exactly from the I
In the original Da > author of the Psalm, is
'ver the surrounding :
ition Christ is represented as declar
s, i.e. in the midst of, and therefore together with th<
will praise God. «'£o/*oX»-. • -raise thcc ' : cf. •-.-.. 1 1 .
10. Etyx£rft,T€ «-T.X. : : of Deut. E
••d literally, appears to mean. * Rejoice, O ye nations,
loses is represented as calling 01.
rejoice over the sah ^raeL St.
interpreted by the LXX that the G ind chosen
people shall unite in the praise of God.
XV. 11-13.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 399
11. Almrc K.T.X. : Ps. cxvi (csvii). i. LXX. An appeal to all
nations to praise the Lord.
There are slight variation* in the Greek text and in the LXX. For
T£ t$n) ri>¥ Kvputr C F G L have rdr K. v. r. I. agreeing with the order of
the LXX. kwaw&rvaa* is read by « A HC I> K Chrys. (so LXX A N
tmriaart by late MSS. with later LXX MSS.
12. "Eorcu ^ £i'lo K.T.X. : from Is. xi. 10, a description of the
mic kingdom, which is to take the place of that Jewish king-
dom which is soon to be destroyed. The quotation follows the
LXX, which is only a paraphrase of the Hebrew ; the latter runs
(R V.) < And it shall come to pass in that day, that the root of Jesse,
which standeth for an ensign of the peoples, unto him shall the
Gentiles seek/
18. The Apostle concludes by invoking on his hearers a bless-
ing — that their faith may give them a life full of joy and peace, that
in the power of the Holy Spirit they may abound in hope.
o 8tos TTJS Am'oos : cf. ver. 5. The special attribute, as in fact
the whole of the benediction, is suggested by the concluding words
of the previous quotation.
irdVy)* xapS« K°i «ip^«"|«- The joy and peace with God which is
the fcsult of true faith in the Christian's heart. On •ipf)*r) see i. 7.
For vAi7/Nwroi (most MSS.) B F G have the cnrions variant
B reads if *40p x<ip? «<u tlpirv and omits ttt rd v<fH<j<uvn*: the pecu-
liarities of this MS. in the last few verses are noticeable. DEFG omit
Jr r$ VKTMvtir.
The general question of the genuineness of these last two chapters is
discussed in the Introduction (§ 9% It will b: convenient to mention in
the coarse of the Commentary some few of the detailed objections that have
been made to special passages. In xv. 1-13 the only serious objection is
that which was first raised by Baur and has been repeated by others since.
The statements in this section are supposed to be of too conciliatory a
character ; especially is this said to be the case with ver. 8. ' How can we
imagine,' writes Baur, ' that the Apostle, in an Epistle of such a nature and
after all that had passed on the subject, would make such a concession to the
Jewish Christians as to call Jesus Christ a minister of circumcision to confirm
the promises of God made to the Fathers?' To this it may be answered
that that is exactly the point of view of the Epistle. It is brought out most
clearly in xi. 17-25 ; it is implied in the position of priority always given to
the Jew (i. 16 ; ii 9, 10) ; it is emphasized in the stress continually laid on
the relations of the new Gospel to the Old Testament (cb, iv, JtcA and
the importance of the promises which were fulfilled (i. a ; ix. 4). Baur's
difficulty arose from an erroneous conception of the teaching and position of
ant For other arguments see Mangold, Dtr Romtrbritf, pp. 81-100.
What sect or party is referred to in Rom. XIV?
There has been great diversity of opinion as to the persons
referred to in this section of the Epistle to the Romans, but all
commentators seem to agree in assuming that the Apostle is
:. TO THE R' \I '. X .
dealing with certain special circumstances which have arisen in th<-
Rome, and that the weak and the strong represei.
•s in that Chur
i it. ' nation appears to be that which sees in these
s a repetition of those v.i:>.l in the Con
Church, as to the same or some similar form of Judaizingpr..
(Orig. Aug. Neandcr, Ac.V ,,ur of this may be
quoted the earlier portion of the fifteenth chapter
. a reference to the distinction between Jc\\
this opinion it is pointed out llu
.1 objections to 'things offered to idols/ or to me .
inner, or to swine's flesh, have nothing to d
the typical instances quoted, the abstinence altogether
meat and from wine (w. 2, 21).
2. A second suggestion (Eichhorn) is that which sees in these
Roman ascetics the influence of the Pythagorean and other heathen
sects which practised and taught abstinence from meat anil wine
and other forms of st <: But these again will not
all the .nces. These Roman Christians were, it is s .
the habit of observing scrupulously certain days : and this custom
did not, as far as we know, prevail among any heathen sect.
3. Baur sees here Ebionite Christians of the character repre-
sented by the Clementine literature, and in accordance with hi-
general theory he regards them as representing the :
the Roman Church. That this last addition to the theor
seems impossible. So far as there is any dcfiniteness in
language he clearly represents the 4 strong ' as directing the
of the community. They are told to receive ' him ilia;
faith'; they seem to have the power to admit him or reject him.
All that he on his side can do is to indulge in excessiv
part of the theory
the later Ebionites we have very considerable knowledge i!
from the Clemcntin< and from Ep ; xxx).
but it is an anachronism to discover these dcvelopn. j>cricKl
nearly two centuries earlier. Nor again is it tout-
St. Paul would have treated a developed Judaism in the i
manner in which he
4. Less objection pcrh s to the modification of this
theory, which sees in these sectaries some of the Essen
prevailed everywhere throughout the J<
three conditions of the ca
ascetu . observed cert a If the th« in the
sen ism existed as a sect
>.ib!e, but that there was Essene influeix
: is possible. Vet if any one con
XIV. XV. 13.] ON SCRUPULOUSNESS 401
language in other Epistles with that which he uses here, he will
. difficult to believe that the Apostle would recommend
compliance with customs which arose, not from weak-minded
scrupulousness, but from a completely inadequate theory of religion
and life. Hort (Rom. and Eph.t p. 27 f.) writes : ' The true origin
of these abstinences must remain somewhat uncertain : but much
the most probable suggestion is that they come from an Essenc
element in the Roman Church, such as afterwards affected the
Colossian Church/ But later he modified his opinion (Judaistic
Christianity, p. 128): ' There is no tangible evidence for Essenism
out of Palestine.'
All these theories have this in common, that they suppose St. Paul
to be dealing with a definite sect or body in the Roman Church.
But as our examination of the Epistle has proceeded, it has become
more and more clear that there is little or no special reference in
the arguments. Both in the controversial portion and in the
admonitory portion, we find constant reminiscences of earlier
situations, but always with the sting of controversy gone. St. Paul
writes throughout with the remembrance of his own former expe-
rience, and not with a view to special difficulties in the Roman
community. He writes on all these vexed questions, not because
they have arisen there, but because they may arise. The Church
of Rome consists, as he knows, of both Jewish and heathen
Christians. These discordant elements may, he fears, unless wise
counsels prevail produce the same dissensions as have occurred
ialatia or Corinth.
Hort (Judaistic Christianity, p. 126) recognizes this feature in
the doctrinal portion of the Epistle : « It is a remarkable fact/ he
, ' respecting this Epistle to the Romans . . . that while it
scs the question of the Law with great emphasis and fulness,
it docs so without the slightest sign that there is a reference to
a controversy then actually existing in the Roman Church.' Unfor-
tunately he has not applied the same theory to this practical
portion of the Epistle : if he had done so it would have presented
just the solution required by all that he notices. 'There is no
reference/ he writes, ' to a burning controversy/ ' The matter is
with simply as one of individual conscience/ He contrasts
the tone with that of the Epistle to the Colossians. All these
features find their best explanation in a theory which supposes
that St. Paul's object in this portion of the Epistle, is the same
as that which has been suggested in the doctrinal portion.
If this theory be correct, then our interpretation of the passage
is somewhat different from that which has usually been accepted,
and is, we venture to think, more natural. When St. Paul says in
ver. 2 ' the weak man eateth vegetables/ he does not mean that
there is a special sect of vegetarians in Rome; but he takes
Dd
402 VfLE TO THE ROMANS [XIV.-XV. 13.
ce of excessive scrupulousness. When ag.i
one man considers one day better than another,' he does not
mean that this sect of vegetarians were also strict sabba:
iC same scrupulousness may prevail in other matters.
he speaks of & <fox»i» r$r 4/uparf 6 w «rfl«r he is not thinking
special body of people but rather of special types. When
again in vcr. 21 he says: 'It is good not to cat flesh, or drink
wine, or do anything in which thy brother is offended,' he does
not mean that these vegetarians and Sabbatarians are also total
abstainers ; he merely means ' even the most extreme act of self-
is better than injuring the conscience of a brother.' He had
spoken very similarly in writing to the Corinthi.ins : ' Wherefore, if
meat maketh ny brother to stumb! : it no flesh for
more, that I make not my brother to stumble' (i <
is not considered necessary to argue from these word^
nence from flesh was one of the characteristics of the
sectaries ; nor is it necessary to argue in a similar manner here.
St. Paul is arguing then, as always in the Epistle, from past
experience. Again and again difficulties had arisen o\\
different forms of scrupulousness. There had been the difl.
which had produced the Apostolic decree ; there were the difficulties
in Ga >bserve days, and months, and seasons, anil •-
there were the difficulties at Corinth. Probably he ha !
his experience come across instances of the various ascetic t
hich are referred to in the Colossian and Pastor
vidence both in Jewish and in heathen writers of the
wide extent to which such practices prevailed. In an age when
there is much religious feeling th< '.ways be
The ferment which the spread ofChristianity aroused would
them. Hence just as the difficulties which he had experienced
with regard to Judaism and the law made S-
systematize his theory of the relation of Ci.
righteousness, so here he is working out the proper attitude of the
:an towards over-scrupulousness and over-conscicntiou
not dealing with the question controversially, but examining
it from all sides.
And he lays down certain great principles. Th« of all,
the fundamental uplcs are in matter >
indifferent in themselves. Man is ju
sufficient. But then all 1. r-sii:hted faith
do not really think sm nd if tl
.ir conscience their injured. Eaci
is he would do with the full consciousness that he is to
appear before God's judpcm* •: But there is another side
to the question ncc to external obs< . re may
injure another man's c< To ourselves it is perfectly
XV. 14.] APOLOGY FOR ADMONITIONS 403
indifferent whether we conform to such an observance or not Then
we must conform for the sake of our weak brother. We are the
strong. We are conscious of our strength. Therefore we must
yield to others : not perhaps always, not in all circumstances, but
certainly in many cases. Above all, the salvation of the individual
soul and the peace and unity of the community must be preserved.
Both alike, weak and strong, must lay aside differences on such
unimportant matters for the sake of that church for which Christ
died.
APOLOGY FOB ADMONITIONS.
XV. 14-21. These admonitions of mine do not imply that
I am unacquainted with your goodness and deep spiritual
knowledge. In writing to you thus boldly I am only
fulfilling my duty as Apostle to the Gentiles ; the priest
who stands before the altar and presents to God tlte Gentile
Churches (w. 14-17).
And this is the ground of my boldness. For I can boast
of my spiritual labours and gifts, and of my wide activity in
preaching the Gospel, and that, not where others had done so
before me, but where Christ was not yet named (w. 18-21).
14. The substance of the Epistle is now finished, and there only
remain the concluding sections of greeting and encouragement.
St. Paul begins as in i. 8 with a reference to the good report of the
church. This he does as a courteous apology for the warmth of
feeling he has exhibited, especially in the last section ; but a com-
parison with the Galatian letter, where there is an absence of any
such compliment, shows that St. Paul's words must be taken to
have a very real and definite meaning.
Wvciffpcu W : cf. viii. 38, ' Though I have spoken so strongly it
does not mean that I am not aware of the spiritual earnestness of
your church/
KCU auros 4yw ircp! dpwr, on KOI ooroi : notice the emphasis gained
by the position of the words. ' And not I inquire of others to know,
but / myself % that is, I that rebuke, that accuse you/ Chrys.
ficoroi : cf. Rom. t 79, where also it is combined with a
'our Christian knowledge in its entirety/ Cf.
I Cor. xiii. a «cal iav fg«» vpoQijrtiav *ai «i&« ra ftvar^pta wdura cat
noo-ay rq* ytwir, «a* «ar fgw iraffav njr viarw K.T.X. yrixm is Used for
the true knowledge which consists in a deep and comprehensive
grasp of the real principles of Christianity.
o d a
4 4 ISTLE TO THE K [XV. 14, 1ft.
it read by KBP, Clem.- A lex. To.-Damasc. It is omitted by
At Sec., Chrys. Theodrt.
dya8tKruKT)f : cf. 2 Thes^ i. i i ; v. 9; used
only in the LXX, the N. T. and writing*
illy it means 'goodness' or 'uprightness' in contras
is in Ps. li. (lii.) 5 rr1™!™* *"«"" ***p aya6»"iw. «•
more accurately the idea seems to be that derived from <ryo&fe of
beneficence and goodness of heart Here it is con
with y^xrif, because the two words represent exactly the qualities
are demanded by the discussion in
demands on the one side a complete grasp of th
as a whole, and on the other 'goodness «••
m injuring the spiritual life of his I ••
by disregarding their consciences. Both these were, St. 1
fully assured, realized in the Roman commu:
Forms in -avrr, are almost all late and mostly confined to Hellenistic
writers. In the N. T. we have iAtifporfriy, a>xw0*v*"?. *7iowvrg, JipoKrvn;,
pryoAwvrq : tee Winer, ft xvi. a ft (p. 118, ed. Moulton).
ourdjicroi KQI dXX^Xous >-ou6eT€0'. Is it hying too much stress 00
the language of compliment to suggest that these words give
of St. Paul's aim in this Epistle? He has grasped clear
importance of the central position of the Roman
moral qualities, and he realizes the power tl.
instruction of others in the faith. Hence it is to them above all
that he writes, not because of their defects but of their mcr
It is difficult to believe that any reader will find an inconsistency between
this verse and i. 1 1 or the exhortations of chap. xiv. whatever view he may
hold concerning St. Paul's general attitude towards the Koran,
would be perfectly natural in any case that, after rebuking them on certain
points on which he felt they needed correction, he should proceed to com-
pliment them for the true knowledge and goodness which t
condition exhibited He could do so because it would imply a true estimate
of the state of the Church, and U would prevent any offence being taken at
his freedom of speech. But if the view suggested on chap. xiv. and throughout
the Epistle be correct, and these special admonitions arise rather from the
condition of toe Gentile churches as a whole, the words gain even more
point ' I am not finding fault with you, I am warning you of dangers
may incur, and I warn you especially owing to your prominent and
yon may
important
16. ToXjirjpoTfpoK. The boldness of which St. Paul a<
•. sentiment, but in mam .> 0*6 n«r
part of the
\ ff., 13 t! .avc been suggested as instances.
iwaKapip>^0Kwr. '• quotes «ca<rroy i'/jur. gaimp tutyx/fer
«29oro, op»f twa*atuj<T<u /Soufcopm IXmosthcm 4, 7. The
«'»»' seems to soften the expression ' suggesting t<
MJ; any new thing, or sa
XV. 15-17.] APOLOGY FOR ADMONITIONS 405
a properly instructed Christian would not know, but putting more
clearly and definitely the recognized principles and commands of
the Gospel.
Bid, TV x4>" *V &o0ciadr pot- On St. Paul's Apostolic grace
cf. i. 5 &V ov «Xa£oyMi' JO/M* uu dfnxrroXiJ* : xii. 3
dodfitrijr /id.
It is probably preferable to read roXiujporifoa (A H, \MI.) Tor
T«pof. The TK. adds d8«A0oi after ffpafa t/«V against the best authorities
S \ BC, Boh., Orig. Aug. Chrys.) ; the position of the word varies eren in
MSS. in which it doe* occur. M is a correction of the TK. for.dmi (K B F
Jo.-Damasc).
16. XciToupyoV seems to be used definitely and technically as in
the LXX of a priest. See esp. a Esdras xx. 36 (Neh. x. 37) rofc
u/xvat roir \tirovpy ova t* <V oury Gcov qpwp. So in Heb. viii. 2 of our
Lord, who is apxupivt and r»» <tyiW Xiirovpys : see the note on i. 9.
Generally in the LXX the word seems used of the Levitcs as
opposed to the priests as in a Esdras xx. 39 (Neh. z. 40) *<M oi
if/Mir «ai oj Xtirov/iyni', but there is no such idea here.
Icpoupyourra, ' being the sacrificing priest of the Gospel of God.'
St. Paul is standing at the altar as priest of the Gospel, and the
offering which he makes is the Gentile Church.
Itpovpyii* meant (i) to ' perform a sacred function,' hence (t\ especially
to 'sacrifice' ; and so rd i«/K»v/>yi}0«rra means ' the slain victims ; and then
(3) to be a prie*t, to be one who performs sacred functions. Its con-
struction is two-fold : (i) it may take the accusative of the thing sacrificed ;
so Has. in Ps. tjcv ml Itpovpyijav eot r^r rip oM<r«a* fooia? ; or (a)
ltpovpi*iy TI may be put for hpovpyor nvot rfitu (Galen, dt Thtriata /n«m7-
piw hpovpytv), so 4 Mace, vii. 8 (Y. 1.) rovt Itpovfyovrrat r&v v&pov: Greg.
Naz. Itpovpyuv aurtrjpiav nxof (see Fri. tul I<x. from whom this note is taken).
f| irpoa^opd. With this use of sacrificial language, cf. xii. i, 2.
The sacrifices offered by the priest of the New Covenant were not
the dumb animals as the old law commanded, but human beings,
the great body of the Gentile Churches. Unlike the old sacrifice s
which were no longer pleasing to the Lord, these were acceptable
(fvirp&rdfKrof, i Pet ii. 5). Those were animals without spot or
blemish; these are made a pure and acceptable offering by the
Holy Spirit which dwells in them (cf. viii. 9, n).
For the construction of vpxnpopa cf. Heb. z. 10 w. rov awparot 'I. Xp.
17. «xw °"K THK nauxi<ni>. The r^r should be omitted (see below).
1 1 have therefore my proper pride, and a feeling of confidence in
my position, which arises from the fact that I am a servant of
Christ, and a priest of the Gospel of God/ St Paul is defending
his assumption of authority, and he does so on two grounds:
(i) His Apostolic mission, &w r^r x"f>1* **)* ftofturay /<ot, as proved
by his successful labours (w. 18-20); (a) the sphere of his
labours, the Gentile world, more especially that portion of it in
which the Gospel had not been officially preached. The emphasis
[XV. 17 10.
therefore is on < ind TO *rpo» rt* 6<»*. \.
>r. xv. 31 ; with the whole verse, a Cor. x. 13
. TU apt r pa nav^r}<r6fu$a . . . I 7 6 &« «u ^a>>if rot «V
The RV. has not improved the text by addingr^r before ravyiprir. The
combination K A L P. Itoh., Arm., Chrys., Cjrr., Thcodrt is stronger than that
of] cemi uncertain.
18. oo Y*P roX^aw K.r.X. ' For I will not presume to mention
•rks but those in which I was myself Christ's agent for the
conversion of Gentiles.' S giving his case for the assump-
tion of authority (xaix^rtt). It is only his own labour or
works done through himself that he cares to mention. But the
value of such work is that it is not his own but Christ's work
him, and that it is among Gentiles, and so gives him a right to
exercise authority over a Gentile Church like the Roman.
w» («A C DEFG L P, Be i Cor.
x. 12; there seems to be a touch of irony in its use here
KOTttfjyatraTo 2 Cor. xii. 12, Rom. vii. 13, &c. ; With Aoyy *oi «V>*»
'in speech or action/ 2 Cor. x.
19. iv OurojUl OT)|iClMr K.T.X. ! cf. 2 Cor. xii. I 2 T.I /ii'y a^tia TOV
JinxrToXof Korcipydoli? • navy vtropovrj. aijutiott rt gal rtpaat ca«
bi'tdltiai : Heb. ii. 4 avMir^Miprv/xivrrof rov O«oO 1/17/1. . r«pa<ri
cat voutXmr duvd/ifai ecu n»«t'^arot 'Ayt'ov ^«/Ma/iotr KOTO r^y atrot;
i Cor. xii. a 8.
The combination ^^MM «oi T//MTO is that habitually used throughout the
N. T. to express what are popularly called miracles. Both words have the
same denotation, but different connotations, ripat implies anything mar-
vellous or extraordinary in itself, <njtulo» represents the san.
viewed not as an objectless phenomenon but as a sign or token of the agency
by which it is accomplished or the purpose it is intended to
a third word fcrd/im is added which . are the
exhibition of more than natural power Paul varies the
sion by saying that his work was acco:. the power of signs and
wonders; they are looked upon as a sign and ex* ttion of the
Apostolic x<*/"f- See Trench, Afireult: ! tec.
There can be no doubt that St. Paul in this passage assames that he
poatessts the Apostolic power of working what are ordinarily called n
The evidence for the existence of miracles in the Apostolic Church is two-
fold : on the one hand the apparently natural and
by the Apostles on behalf of themselves or others to the power of \
miracles, on the other the definite historical narrative of the Acts of the
Apostles. The two witnesses corroborate one another. Against them it
might be argued that the standard of eridence was lax, and that the
miraculous and non-miraculous were not sufficiently
the first argument hold against a personal assertion? and does not the
narrative < : clear that miracles in a perfectly co.rect sense
of the word were definitely intended f
iv Surd>ci nrcuVorot 'Ayioo : i ;. and on the rcadin.
sec below. •. Apostolic labours are a sign of comn
because they have been accompanied by a manifestation of more
XV. 10.] APOLOGY FOR ADMONITIONS 407
than natural gifts, and the source of his power is the Holy Spirit
with which he is filled.
This serins one of those passages In which the ralne of the text of R
where it is not vitiated by Western influence is conspicuous (cf. IT. l). It
reads (alone or with the support of the Latin Fathers) wMv/Mrrof without
any addition. N L P Sec., Oiig.-ltt. Chrys. &c., add tool, AC D F G boh.
Vulg. Arm.. Ath. &c. read Aytov. Both were corrections of what seemed an
unfinished expression.
dwo 'lepouaaXTjfi KCU nunXw fit'xpi TOU 'iXXupixou. These words
have caused a considerable amount of discussion.
i The first question is as to the meaning of «vcXy.
(1) The majority of modern commentators (Fri. Gif. Mey-W.)
interpret it to mean the country round Jerusalem, as if it were cm
rov irucXy, and explain it to mean Syria or in a more confined
sense the immediate neighbourhood of the city. But it may be
pointed out that *£«>? in the instances quoted of it in this sense
(Gen. xxxv. 5 ; xli. 48) seems invariably to have the article.
(2) It may be suggested therefore that it is better to take it as
do the majority of the Greek commentators and the AV. ' from
Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum.' So Oecumenius *i *Xo>
mi pi) TTJV icor* <i6<l«v otuv irdf/iijdgf, n'XXu cora ra wtpt£ and to the
same effect Chrys. Theodrt. Theophylact. This meaning is exactly
supported by Xen. Anab. VII. i. 14 *ai n6rtpa &M roO upoC Spovt oVot
irop«waflui, ) fti-cAy flta /w<njr r^t Opfat, and substantially by Mark
vi. 6.
a. It has also been debated whether the words 'as far as Illyria'
include or exclude that country. The Greek is ambiguous;
certainly it admits the exclusive use. JK'XP* doAdcro^r can be used
clearly as excluding the sea. As far as regards the facts the narra-
tive of the Acts (rb fttpr) ,'Ktlra Acts xx. 2 ; cf. Tit. iii. i a) suggests
that St. Paul may have preached in Illyria, but leave it uncertain.
A perfectly tenable explanation of the words would be that if
Jerusalem were taken as one limit and the Eastern boundaries
of Illyria as the other, St. Paul had travelled over the whole of
the intervening district, and not merely confined himself to the
direct route between the two places. Jerusalem and Illyria in fact
represent the limits.
If this be the interpretation of the passage it is less important to
fix the exact meaning of the word Illyria as used here ; but a passage
in Strabo seems to suggest the idea which was in St. Paul's mind
when he wrote. Strabo, describing the Egnatian way from the
Adriatic sea-coast, states that it passes through a portion of
Illyria before it reaches Macedonia, and that the traveller along it
has the Illyrian mountains on his left hand. St. Paul would have
followed this road as far as Thessalonica, and if pointing Westward
he had asked the names of the mountain region and of the peoples
4 S i) THE K [XV. 19-21.
inhabi would have been told that it w.i ' The
term therefore is the one which would naturally occur to 1
fitted to express the limits of bis journeys to the West (Strata vii.
7-4).
The word Illyria might apparently be used at this period in two seme*.
(I) Ai the designation of a Roman province it might be utcd for what was
otherwise called Dalmatia, the province on the Adriatic sea-coast north
of Macedonia and west of Thrace, (a) Ethnically it would mean the
country inhabited by Illyrians, a portion of which was included in the Roman
province of Macedonia. In this sense it it n*ed in Ap;
Jos. BtU. lud II. x vi. 4 ; and the passage of Mrabo quoted above,
TO cuayyAior TOU XpurroG : cf. Col. i. 25 $c
iyit OMMOMK KOTO rq* oUorofiiav rot) O«oC nj* docVtrdi' ftct tit vpii •
(moo* TO* Xayov roC e*oO. In both passages the meaning is to
'carry out completely/ and so in the AV. 'to fully preach. In
what sense St. Paul could say that he had done this, see below.
20. OUTM U +iXoTipouturor K.r.X. introduces a limitation of the
statement of the previous verses. Within that area there had been
places where he had not been eager to preach, since he cared only
to spread the Gospel, not to compete with others. o£r» is ex-
plained by what follows. $iXonpovp«M>r (i Thess. ti] 2 Cor.
v. 9) means to ' strive eagerly/ having lost apparently in late Greek
its primary idea of emulation. See Field, O/ium Norv. iii. p. 100,
who quotes Polyb. i. 83; Diod. Sic. xii. 46; xvi. 49;
Cats. liv.
wrofubrfc) : 'so named as to be worshipped.' Cf. a Tim.
Isa. xxvi. 13 ; Amos vi. 10.
dXXorpior ecpAior. For <iXX.Jrp.oK cf. 2 Cor. X. I
describes his work (i Cor. iii. 10) as laying a 'foundation stone' :
wt aodjo* ApxirifTwr 0«/«fXio» Mrjta' dXAor W tiroucodo^t : and SO
generally the Church is built on the foundation of the apostles and
prophets (Eph. ii. 20).
ciAXA xaOws yiypvirrcu. St. Paul describes the aim of his
mission (the limitations of which he has just mentioned) in words
chosen from the O quotation which follows is taken
verbally from the LXX of I.- which differs but not es-
sentially from the Hebrew. The Prophet describes the astonish-
ment of the nations and kings at the suffering of the servant of
Jehovah. 'That which hath not been toKl them they shall see.'
The I : ucs this ' those to whom it was not told shall see/
and St. Paul taking these words applies them (quite in accordance
no spirit of the original) to the extension of the knowledge
of the true Servant of Jehovah to places where his name has not
been mentioned.
Verses 19-11, or rather a portion of them i&<rr< fit . . . <UAd\ arc ttill
objected to by commentators (as by Upsios) who recognise the iV.
XV. 10-21.] APOLOGY FOR ADMONITIONS 409
the objection* to the chapter as a whole. In a former caw (xl 8-to) the
clumsiness of an excision suggested by Lipsiut was noticed and here be has
not been any happier. He omits ver. ao, but keeps the quotation in ver. ai,
yet this quotation is clearly suggested by the preceding words O£Y &"»
u*on&o9T) \ptor6t. It would be strange if an interpolator were to make the
sequence of thought more coherent.
The general objections to the passage seem to be—
(i) It is argued that St Paul had never preached in Jerusalem, nor would
have been likely to mention that place as the starting-point of his mission ;
that these words therefore are a 'concession made to the Jewish Chris-
tians,' and hence that the chapter is a result of the same conciliation ten-
dency which produced the Acts. Most readers would probably be satisfied
with being reminded that according to the Acts St. Paul had preached in
Jerusalem (Acts ix. a8, 39). But it may be also pointed out that St Paul
is merely using the expression geographically to define out the limits within
which he had preached the Gospel ; while he elsewhere (Rom. xi. 26) speaks
of Sion as the centre from which the Gospel has gone forth.
(a) It is asserted that St. Paul bad never preached in Illyricnm. There
is some inconsistency in first objecting to the language of this passage
' scanse it
because it agrees with that of the Acts, and then criticizing it
contains some statement not supported by the same book. But the re-
ference to Illyricum has been explained above. The passages of the Acts
quoted clearly leave room for St. Paul having preached in districts inhabited
by Illyrians. Me would have done so if he had gone along the Egnatian
way. But the words do not necessarily mean that be had been in Illyria.
and it is quite possible to explain them in the sense that he had preached
as far as that province and no further. In no case do they contain any
statement inconsistent with the genuineness of the passage.
(3) It is objected that St Paul could in no sense use such a phrase as
nviTjfxuKtvcu rd •vayy^Ajo*'. But by this expression he does not mean that
he had preached in every town or village, but only that every where there were
of the duties
to others to
tter of fact
within the limits laid down Christianity had been very widely preached.
There were churches throughout all Ctlicia (Acts xv. 41), Galatia, and
Phrygia (Gal. i. i ; Acts xviii. 33). The three years' residence in Ephesus
implied that that cit was the centre of missionar activit extendin
out all the
,
centres from which Christianity could spread. His conception of
of an Apostle was that he should found churches and leave to
build on the foundation thus laid (i Cor. iii. 7, 10). As a matt
plied that that city was the centre of missionary activity extending through-
province of Asia (Acts xix. 10) even to places not visited by
St Paul himself (Col. ii. i). Thessalonica was early ft centre of Christian
propaganda (i Thess. i. 7, 8 ; iv. 10), and later St. Paul again spent some
time there (Acts xx. a). The Second Epistle to the Corinthians contains in
the greeting the words air roft Ayiott maoi rofr o5<nr Iv o\y TV 'Ago/a,
showing that the long residence at Corinth had again produced a wide
extension of the Gospel As far as the Adriatic coast St. Paul might well
have considered that he had fulfilled his mission of preaching the Gospel.
and the great Egnatian road he had followed would lead him straight to
Rome.
(4) A difficulty is found in the words ' that I may not build on another
man's foundation.' It is said that St Paul has just expressed his desire to
go to Rome, that in fact he expresses this desire constantly (i. 5, 13 ; xii. 3 ;
xv. i «), but that here he states that he does not wish to build on another man's
foundation ; how then it is asked could he wish to go to Rome where there
was already a church T But there is no evidence that Christianity had been
officially or systematically preached there (Acts xxviii. aa), and only a small
community was in existence, which had grown up chiefly as composed of
settlers from other places. Moreover, St. Paul specially says that it is for
the sake of mutual grace and encouragement that he wishes to go there ; he
4»0 :VTLE TO THE ROMANS [XV. 2'J
implies that he does not wish to sUy long, hot desire* to press on further
westward (m. 84).
APOSTLE'S PLANS.
XV. 22-33. I have been these many times hindered from
coming to you, although I have long eagerly desired it. Now
I hope I may accomplish my wish in the course of a journey
to Spain. But not immediately. I must first take to Jeru-
salem the contributions sent thither by Macedonia
Achaia — a generous gift, and yet but a just recompense for
the spiritual blessings the Gentile Churches
from the Jews. \Vhcn this mission is accomplished I hope
I may come to you on my way to Spain (w. 22-29).
Meantime I earnestly ask your prayers for my own
personal safety and that the gifts I bear may be >
the Church. I shall t/ifn, if God will, come to you
a light heart, and be refreshed by your comf ' iy the
God of peace make His peace to light upon you (w. 30-33).
22. oio KCU. The reason why St. Paul had been so far prevented
from coming to Rome was not the fear that he might build on
another man's foundation, but the necessity of preaching C:
the districts through which he had been travelling ; now there was
no region untouched by bis apostolic labours, no further pi
action in those districts. «V«corr6>i;r : Gal. i
1 Pet. iii. 7.
rd woXXd, ' these many limes/ i. e. all the times when I thought
of doing so, or had an opportunity, as in the RV. ; not, a
commentators, ' for the most part ' (Vulg. plerumqut). *oXAu«u.
which is read by Lips, with BDEFG, is ano nice of
rn influence in I;.
23. rvrl 8t fitjit/Tt Towof ?xwr» 'seeing that I have no longer
opportunity for work in these regions.' nfcror, as in x
; Hcb. xii. 17, 'oppc : <cope for acti< :
• tracts ' or ' regions ' (2 Cor. xi. 10 ; Gal. i. 21 ; often in Po!
ftnwottar does not occur c! l>ut iitnrot'-
2 Cor. v. 2 ; . i. 4;
JameS r- . 5 ; I i and ^riirolipnr (2 Cor. v re not
uncommon. On its signification, 'a longing desire,' s<
uritc word in the Acts of the A
i 8, &c ). ' It is lik'
in the D community a: hough hardly \
XV. 23, 24.] THE APOSTLE'S PLANS 411
knowledge of it, dates from his acquaintance with Aquila and
Priscilla at Corinth. This was somewhere about six years before
the writing of the Epistle to the Romans, and that interval would
perhaps suffice to justify his language about having desired to visit
them oirA uravwir iruv (a rather vague phrase, but not so strong as
the <nri iroXXiv <r£r, which was easily substituted for it)' Ilort,
Rom. and Eph. p. n.
For Jrivoft'or «J «x«r Western authorities (D F G) read tx*. «n attempt
to correct the grammar of the sentence, brarwy, rend by BC 37. 59. 71,
Jo.-Damasc, b probably right for woAAwr, which is supported by all other
authorities and is read by R.V.
24. In this verse the words Awropat «-p£r v^as, which are inserted
by the TR. after 2n<m'uv, must be omitted on conclusive manuscript
evidence, while yap must as certainly be inserted after «Xv/£*».
These changes make the sentence an anacolouthon, almost exactly
resembling that in v. 1 2 ff., and arising from very much the same
causes. St. Paul does not finish the sentence because he feels that
he must explain what is the connexion between his visit to Spain
and his desire to visit Rome, so he begins the parenthesis «X»i£« yap-
Then he feels he must explain the reason why he does not start at
once ; he mentions his contemplated visit to Jerusalem and the
purpose of it. This leads him so far away from the original
sentence that he is not able to complete it; but in ver. 28 he
resumes the main argument, and gives what is the logical, but not
the grammatical, apodosis (cf. v. 18).
6$ &> wopcuwfMu. The <i>t uv is temporal : cf. Phil. ii. 23 ; i Cor.
xi. 34 : on this latter passage Evans, in Speaker's Comm. p. 328,
writes : ' \Yhen I come : rather according as I come : the presence of
i he «iv points to uncertainty of the time and of the event : for this
use COmp. Aesch. Eum. 33 pavrtvo/MU -yap «r &» ^T04 toot.'
Tpoireji^dTjrcu : i Cor. xvi. 6, ii ; a Cor. L 16; need not mean
more than to be sent forward on a journey with prayers and good
wishes. The best commentary on this verse is ch. i. 1 1 ff.
Lipsius again strikes out vv. 23, 24 and below in ver. 28 oV i/*«Lr
•it ri)v XiraWov — a most arbitrary and unnecessary proceeding.
The construction of the passage has been explained above and is
quite in accordance with St. Paul's style, and the desire to pass
further west and visit Spain is not in any way inconsistent with
the desire to visit Rome. The existence of a community there
did not at all preclude him from visiting the city, or from
preaching in it ; but it would make it less necessary for him to
remain long. On the other hand, the principal argument against
the genuineness of the passage, that St. Paul never did visit Spain
(on which see below ver. 28), is most inconclusive ; a forger would
never have interpolated a passage in order to suggest a visit to
Spain which had never taken place. But all such criticism fails
412 EPISTLE TO THE R< [XV. 24 27.
absolutely to realize the width and boldness of St. Paul's schemes.
He n. the message of the Gospel ever furthc
will stop him but the end of his own life or the barrier of the
ocean.
25. St. Paul now mentions a further reason which will cause
some delay in his visit to Rome, and his missionary journey to
ftioKorwr roif dyi'ois : cf. 3 Cor. viii. 4 r^r Kouwnay rip ftuicoWar
The expression > the saints' has
become almost a technical expression in St. Paul for the contribu-
tions made by the Gentile Christians to the Church at Jerusalem.
26. cuooKTjaaK in:; lies that the contribution was voluntary, and
made with heartiness and good-will : see on Rom. x. i
i Cor. i. 21 ; Gal. i. 15.
Koowi'ar: of a collection or contribution 2 G
Air\orrjrt rip KMJxn-i'uc tit avrovt fa} tit vcuror and ffoo'wmr
xii. 13 rait x/xuur ra*> Aytta* covwyoCrrrr.
irrwxous: cf. Gal. ii. IO /ufa* rir im»\Sn> u-a PMHIOMI «/*«*. On
the poor Christians at Jerusalem see James ii. 2 ff. ; I\
dfs Origines, &c. voL iv. ch. 3. In Jerusalem the Sadducees, who
were the wealthy aristocracy, were the determined opponents of
i.mity, and there must have been in the city a very large
class of poor who were dependent on the casual employment and
spasmodic alms which are a characteristic of a great religious
centre. The existence of this class is clearly implied in the
narrative at the beginning of the Acts of the Apostles.
was from the very first a considerable body of poor dependent on
the Church, and hence the organization of the Christian community
with its lists (i Tim. v. 19) and common Church fund (on& row
KocyoD Ign. Ad Polyc. iv. 3) and officers for distributing alms (Acts
vi. 1-4) must have sprung up v
27. cuWnTjaQ*' K.T.X. St. Paul emphasizes the goo
this contribution was made by repeating the word rf&fafw ;
he then points out that in another sense it was only the repa.
of a debt The Churches of the Gentiles owed all the sj'.
blessings they enjoyed to that of Jerusal
according to the flesh/ and they could only repay the debt by
in temporal things.
TOuparutoif . . . aopxiKois. Both are i \iuline
Words. I Cor. ix. II «« ^/*m v/iir ra mtv/iarata iaitiipaptv, pi'ya tl
,>«uca Gtpbrotuv; <np*uu*t is used without ai
association.
The word «M»«W«, of which the meming u of conne ' to
be * sharer or participator in/ may be uw -he giver or of the
receiver. The giver shares with the reorr
\ (quoted on - with the River by reccirinjj contri-
butions, to here. The oo:inal construction in . i» as here with the
XV. 27, 28.] THE APOSTLE'S PLANS
dative : once (Heb. ii. 14) it b used with the genitive, and this contraction Is
common in the O. T. (Ut oo Gal vt 6).
The contributions for the poor in Jerusalem are mentioned in
Rom. xv. 26, 27 ; I Cor. xvi. 1-3 ; 2 Cor. ix. I ff; Acts xxiv. 1 7, and
form the subject of the ablest and most convincing section in
Paley's Horae Paulinae. Without being in any way indebted to
one another, and each contributing some new element, all the
different accounts fit and dovetail into one another, and thus imply
that they are all historical. ' For the singular evidence which this
passage affords of the genuineness of the Epistle, and what is more
important, as it has been impugned, of this chapter in particular,
see Paley's Horae Paulinae , chap. ii. No. i.' Jowett, ad Joe., and
for some further reff. see Introd. § 4.
28. fVircXtaas . . . atpayi9a>crof. St. Paul resumes his argu-
ment and states his plans after the digression he has just made
on what lies in the immediate future. With «m«A«W (a Pauline
word), cf. Phil. i. 6 ; it was used especially of the fulfilment of
religious riles (Heb. ix. 6 and in classical authors), and coupled
with Xarovpyiprcu above, suggests that St. Paul looks upon these
contributions of the Gentile communities as a solemn religious
offering and part of their tv^apurria for the benefits received.
ff+payurrfpcrof, ' having set the seal of authentication on.' The
seal was used as an official mark of ownership : hence especially
the expression 'the seal of baptism' (2 Cor. i. 22; Eph. i. 13;
see on iv. n). Here the Apostle implies that by taking the con-
tributions to Jerusalem, and presenting them to the Church, he puts
the mark on them (as a steward would do), showing that they are
the fruit to the Church of Jerusalem of those spiritual blessings
(frttfvparuea) which through him had gone forth to the Gentile
world.
cis iV Xvariar. It has been shown above that it is highly prob-
able that St. Paul should have desired to visit Spain, and that therefore
nothing in these verses throws any doubt on the authenticity of the
ch.iptcr as a whole or of any portions of it. A further question
arises, Was the journey ever carried out? Some fresh light is
perhaps thrown on the question by Professor Ramsay's book The
Church and the Empire. If his arguments are sound, there is
i son to suppose that if St. Paul was martyred at Rome
(as tradition seems to suggest) he must necessarily have suffered
in what is ordinarily called the Neronian persecution. He might
have been beheaded either in the later years of Nero's reign or
even under Vespasian. So that, if we are at liberty to believe
that he survived his first imprisonment, there is no need to compress,
as has been customary, the later years of his missionary activity.
It is on these assumptions easier to find room for the Spanish
journey. Have we evidence for it ? Dismissing later writers who
414 >TLE TO THE ROMANS [XV. 28-30.
seem to have had no independent evidence, our authorities are
reduced to two, the Muratorian Fragment on the C
Clement of R"mc. We cannot lay much stress on the former; it
is possible perhaps that the writer had independent knowlcdp
it is certainly more probable that he is merely drawing a conclu-
sion, and not quite a correct one, from this Epistle : the words are
ltd tt pro/tc liontm Pauli ab urbt ad Spaniam proficisc
passage in Clement (§ 5) runs as follows : n<uXor v*opon?ff p.
rt ry a»araXJ7 *n« «V r-j dwm, rA yrwaio* rijt
gal «Vi TO
ciir, «ai ftafnvpffaas iir\ rir Tyov/Mrwr, ovrwr tirrFjXXuyij roO <to<7fu>v mt
fyor *ftroy «Vo/)«iftj. This passage is much stronger, and
Lighifoot's note in favour of interpreting the words TO r«p/ia T/)«
dva«»f as meaning Spain is very weighty ; but is it quite <
that a Jew, as Clement probably was (according to Lightfoot him-
self), speaking of St Paul another Jew would not look upon i
relatively to Jerusalem as the rYpfia rip 3i<r«a»j, 'the western limit'?
We in England might for example speak of Athens as being in the
Eastern Mediterranean. There is also some force in Hilgenfeld's
argument that «A&»» and /mpn-pnaa* should be taken together. For
these reasons the question whether St. Paul ever visited
must remain very doubtful.
29. frXT)pwfi<m : see on xi. 12. St. Paul feels confident t!.
visit to Rome will result in a special gift of Christ's blc> ;::- I !«•
will confer on the Church a v'/'"7^ wvporuror, and wili
be comforted by the mutual faith which will be exhibited.
II. 12.
It has been pointed out bow strongly these words make for the
authenticity and early date of this chapter. No one could possibly
write in this manner at a later date, knowing the circumstances
under which St. Paul actually < >me. Sec also
The TR. reads with «• L&c., Vnlg.-clcm. Syrr. Ann., Chrys. Tl
tlloyiai rov ti*rti\iov rov Xf . The words rov tit. rov should be omitted on
decisive Authority.
30. The reference to his visit to Jerusalem reminds St. Paul of
the dangers and anxieties which that implies, and K-ads i
conclude this section with an earnest entreaty to the Roman
dans to join in prayers on his behalf. Hort (I\om. and
pp. 42-46) points out how this tone harmonizes \vith the dangers
iie Apostle apprehended (cf. Acts &c.):
t here mistake the twofold thoughts of tl.
mind. ,:11 of eager anticipation of visiting Rome with the
full blessing of the accomplishment of that pecu!
XV. 30-32.] THE APOSTLE'S PL.V 415
But he is no less full of misgivings as to the probability of escaping
with his life' (p. 43).
Rid TTJS dyciirrjs TOO DrcupaTof . That brotherly love which is one
of the fruits of the Spirit working in us (cf. Gal. v. a a). That
is personal is shown by the parallelism with the first clause.
' He breaks off afresh in an earnest entreaty to
them to join him in an intense energy of prayer, wrestling as it were '
(Hort, op. eft. p. 43). They will as it were take part in the contest
that he must fight by praying on his behalf to God, for all prayer
is a spiritual wrestling against opposing powers. So of our Lord's
agony in the garden: Luke xxii. 44; Matt. xxvi. 42. Cp. Origen
ad lot. : Vix enrm invenies, ut oranti cuiquam non illiquid inanis ct
alifnae cogitationis occurraf, t/ intcntionem^ qua in Deum mrns diri-
gitur, dcclmet ac/rangat, atque tarn ptr ea qua* non comfxtit, rapiat.
Et ideo agon magnus est orationis, ut obsntcntibus inimtcis, ft ora-
tionis sensum in diver sa rapicntibus, fixa ad Deum stmptr men* stabili
intcnlione contendat, ut merito possit ttiam ipse dicer e: cerlamcn
bonum ctrtavi, cur sum consumtr.
31. The Apostle's fear is double. He fears the attacks upon
himself of the unbelieving Jews, to whom more than any other
Christian teacher he was an object of hatred : and he is not certain
whether the peace-offering of the Gentile Churches which he was
bearing to Jerusalem would be accepted as such by the narrow
Jewish Christians at Jerusalem. How strong the first feeling was
and how amply justified the Acts of the Apostles show (Acts xx. 3,
32; xxi. n).
In vcr. 30 ua«A<f*>» is omitted by 676, Aeth., Chrys. alone, bat perhaps
correctly. In vcr. 31 i) fapo^o/x'a lor ftuuroria, and I* 'ItpovaaX^ft for tit I.
are instances of Western paraphrase shared by B (B D F G).
32. But the prayer that the Roman Christians offer for St. Paul
will also be a prayer for themselves. If his visit to Jerusalem be
successful, and his peace-offering be accepted, he will come to
Rome with stronger and deeper Christian joy. ' After the personal
danger and the ecclesiastical crisis of which the personal danger
formed a part ' (Hort) he hopes to find rest in a community as yet
untroubled by such strife and distraction.
aurarairauawfiai, ' I may rest and refresh my spirit with you.'
Only used here in this sense (but later in Hegesippus ap. Eus.
//. E. IV. xxii. a). Elsewhere it is used of sleeping together
(Is. xi. 6). The unusual character of the word may have been the
cause of its omission in B and the alteration in some Western MSS.
(see below).
There are several variations of reading in this Terse :
(i) MAC, Boh. Aim., Orig.-lat. read lAfir . . . OTPMMfciajM with
some variation in the position of JAtor (after Ira Kf Boh., Orig.-lat ; after
A C agreeing in this with other authorities). All later MSS. with the
416 I To Till! KOMAXS [XV. 32 XVI 1
Western groap read f Afe aod insert ml before *vrorava6r«/M<. B is alone in
baring f Afe and omitting ffwomvaitfwjMU t^V, bat receive* support in the
. ! :.. '. . • • • . I- I : ! . . ,.,..-,- ... 1 ... s
f vx« * *., agreeing with most Latin authorities, rrj,t;ertr tobiuum.
For «3 MtsJpOTW e«ov (A ( :.; -lat.
Chrys. Thdrt .), K Amtrst. bare 8. 9. 'haov X^«rr«J, D E FG
fold. X/*<TT Kipi'ov li^oC. JJghtfoot (On ajntk A'rw/ww. Ac..
pp. io6ff.) snggetts that the original reading was ftAiiparot used absolutely
of the Divine will: cf. Rom. ii. 18; I Cor. xri. 12. See also bis note on
Ign. Efk. § 20. AVw. ^ I (where some authorities add row e«ow, other*
AOVMM , Smyrn. fi i, n. Elsewhere in St. Paul the expression always is
9t\rjna e«ov, except once, Eph. v. 17 ri 0^/n rov K»/M'OV.
33. 4 W 6<6« rijs fipVJKtjs : cf. vcr. 5. St. Paul concludes his
request for a prayer with a prayer of his own for them. * Peace/
a keynote of the Epistle, is one of his last thoughts.
A F G and some minuscules omit 4/ojr. On the importance ascribed to
this word by some commentators see the Introduction, f 9.
PERSONAL GREETINGS.
XVI. 1-16. / commend to you Photfa our sister. R<
her as bccometk members of a Christian Church. For she
has stood by many ot/iers, and myself as well (vv. i, 2).
Greet Prisca and Aquila. Greet all those whose names
or persons I know, who are members of your community
(vv. 3-16).
1. aimanjfii. The ordinary word for to ' commend,' ' introduce ' ;
see on iii. 5, a derivative of which appears in the phrase rarrorurai
foaraXoi (* Cor. iii. i ; for its use in the later ccclcs:a!>:
see Suiccr, Thesaurus). These letters played a very large \
the organization of the Church, for the tic of hospitality
implying also the reception to communion, was the great bond
. united the separate local Churches together, and some pro-
tection became necessary against impost
+oipT]»'. Nothing is otherwise known of Phoebe, nor can \vc
learn anything from the name. She was presumably the bearer of
this letter.
Sidnow, ' a deaconess.' The onl> , b this offic-
ferredto byname in the N. T. (for i Tim. 1 1 . ; :: :mot be
quoted). The younger I ks ot mm
quo mag is necessarium crtdidi ex duabus anctllis, quae m;
dicebaniur, quid esset veri el fxr lormtnta quatrtrf. They do not
appear cUcwhere to be referred to D second-century
^; but constant reference to them occurs in the A/os/o/ic
XVI. 1, 2 ] PERSONAL GREETINGS 417
Constitutions, in the earlier books under the name of &nWo» (ii. 26 ;
iii. 15), in the later of &mn$H<r<ra (viii. 19, 20, 28). Of the exact
relation of the * deaconess ' to the ' widows ' (i Tim. v. 3) it is not
necessary to speak, as we have no sufficient evidence for so early
a date ; it is quite clear that later they were distinct as bodies, and
that the widows were considered inferior to the deaconesses (Apost.
Const, iii. 7) ; it is probable however that the deaconesses were for
the most part chosen from the widows. That the reference to
a ' deaconess ' is in no sense an anachronism may be inferred both
from the importance of ftuucona in the early Church, which had quite
clearly made it necessary for special male officials to be appointed,
and from the separate and secluded life of women. From the very
beginning of Christianity — more particularly in fact at the beginning
— there must have been a want felt for women to perform for
women the functions which the deacons performed for men.
Illustrations of this need in baptism, in visiting the women's
part of a house, in introducing women to the deacon or bishop,
may be found in the Apostolical Constitutions (iii. 15, Ac.). So
much is clear. An office in the Church of this character, we
may argue on a priori grounds, there must have been; but an
order in the more ecclesiastical sense of the term need not have
existed &<i«o»of is technical, but need hardly be more $o than is
frpocrrorir in vcr. 2. (The arguments of Lucht against the au-
thenticity of portions of these two verses are examined very fully
by Mangold, Der Romerbriefund seine geschichtlichen I'oraussetzung,
pp. 136 ff.)
rfjs <KKXi)<uas TTJS fr Kcyxpcals. Cenchrcae was the port of Corinth
on the Saronic Gulf. During St. Paul's stay at Corinth that city
had become the centre of missionary activity throughout all Achaia
(cf. 2 Cor. i. i), and the port towards Ephesus, a place where there
must have been many Jews living, could easily be a centre of the
Christian Church. Its position would afford particularly an oppor-
tunity for the exercise by Phoebe of the special duties of hospitality.
2. £{;•* rif dyiwK, ' in a manner worthy of the saints/ i. e. ' of
the Church.' Not only to provide for her wants, but to admit her
to every spiritual privilege as * in the Lord.'
Tpoordnf, a 'succourcr' or 'helper'; this almost technical
word is suggested by wapaar^rt. It is the feminine form of rpo-
ordnff, used like the Latin patronus for the legal representative of
the foreigner. In Jewish communities it meant the legal repre-
sentative or wealthy patron : sec SchUrer, Die Gemeinde- Ver/as-
tttfff.&C., InS. 3i: CK8A&C KCITC | f*tC npOCTATMC | OCIOC CZMCCN I CTH OB
CN €ipM | KOIMHCIC COY, cf- also C. /. G. 5361. We also find the word
used of an office-bearer in a heathen religious association, see
Foucart, Associations Rehgieuses, p. 202, Ins. 20, line 34 (= C. /. G.
126) dofti/uifcrtt & 6 wpooranjt rat 6 apxtfpatn<rrf)s cai 6 ypappartvc «ai
ce
418 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XVI. 2-4.
T.I.;.« «•;, pfatVsjN, Hen •'-.<• «•* rwrioa MOMM th.it
a person of some wealth and position who was thus able
to act as patroness of a small and struggling community.
.{ npiaKo* «al 'AKuXar So the j by preponderating
authority for li,>.WAAa «. 'A. Priscilla is a diminutive for Prisca, and
both are Roman names.
In Acts xviii. a the reading b *A*vAor . . . «o2 n/*'<r*.xxar Tvraan •
In vcr. 18 n^anAAa *al 'A«rvAa»; in I Cor. xvi. 19 'A*vAar «aJ Ilptam (M>
M B M P, Boh., bat A C D E F C. Ac., Vulg. Syrr. llfio***. •. iv. 19
n^<r«ar mi 'AjrvAar (by preponderating authority). The fact that Prisca is
to often mfBtJftftf1 first suggests that she was the more important of the two.
4. olrifcs . . . ror iaurwK TpaxnXoK K.T.\. probably refers to some
great danger which they had run on his behalf. It may have been
the great tumult at Ephesus, although this was somewhat recent.
If so the danger then incurred may have been the reason that they
had left that city and returned for a time to Rome. The special
reference to the Churches of the Gentiles perhaps arises from the
fact that, owing to their somewhat nomadic life, they were well
known to many Christian Churches.
Aquila and Prise ilia.
The increments of Aquila and Priscilla hare been considered to be so
complicated as to throw doubts on the authenticity of this section of the
-. or to suggest that it was addressed not to the Church at Rome, but
to the Church ol Ephesus.
m Acts xviii. i, a we learn that Aquila was a Jew of Pontus. He and
bis wife Prisca had been compelled to leave Rome in 53 A. D. by the
udius. They retired to Corinth, where they first became acquainted
•. I-aul. With him they went to Ephesos, where they remained some
time ; they were there when the first Epistle to the Corinthians was »
and had a church in their house (40w<i(«r<u ifut Ir Kvfiw voXAd 'A
«oi n/x'<7«a ffirr rp wrr' o&ror aurwr JmrAi;*/? i :•, . This Epistle
was written probably about twelve months before th to the
Romans. In a Tim. iv. Ability at least eight years
later, they appear again .
Now, is not the life ascribed to them too nomadic? And is not the
coincidence of the church in their house remarkable? The answer is that
• nomadic life was the characteristic of Tews at that day. and was certainly
a characteristic of Aquila and Priscil :/4 al Essajrs. p. aoo, and
Renan.Z* Apttns, 0^96, 97,Zahn, Stuum.p. 169). \Vc know th»t although
Aqnila was a Jew of Pontus, yet he and 1, within the sj
a few yean, at Rome, at Corinth, and at Ephesns. Is it then ext:
improbable that they should travel in after years, probably for the s
usiness? And if it were so. would they not )>c likely to make their
boose, wherever they were, a place in which Christians couM meet to^
On 4 priori grounds we cannot argue against the possibility of these
chances. Are there any positive arguments for connecting them with the
Roman Chi. -M. in the course of his archaeological investigations,
has suggested two traces of their influence, both of which deserve investi-
XVI. 4.] PERSONAL GREETINGS 4>9
(i) Amongst the older churches of Rome U one on the Arentine bearing
the name of St. Prisca, which gives a title to one of the Roman Cardinals.
Now there U considerable evidence for connecting this with the names of
Aquila and Priscilla. In the Liter Pontificalu, in the life of Leo 111
(795-816), it U described as the 'titulus Aquilae et Priscae* (Duchesne,
jo) ; In the legendary Acts of St. Prisca (which apparently
date from the tenth century) it U stated that the body of St. Prisca was
translated from the place on the Ostian road wheie she had been buried, and
trans/erred to the church of St. Aquila and Prisca on the Aventine (Ada
'rum, Jan. Tom. ii. p. 187 */ deduxerunt ifjam ad urtem A'emam
cum hymnit et (anticis spiritualibus, iuxta Artum Komanum in euUsia
tathtorum Marty rum Aquilat et Priscae}, and the tradition is put very
clearly in an inscription apparently of the tenth century which formerly
stood over the door of the church (C. 1m. Christ, ii. p. 443) :
Hate damns tst Aquilae uu Priscat Virginia Almat
Quos lup€ Poult tuo ot€ Vfhu domino
llic ret re divini Tribuebas fcrcula vcrbi
Stfius hocct loco smcrificans domino.
Many later testimonies are referred to by DC Rossi, bat they need not here
be cited.
For the theory that this church is on the site of the boose of Prisca and
Aquila, De Rossi finds additional support in a bronze diploma found in 1 776
in the garden of the church bearing the name of G. Marius Pudens Cor-
nelianns : for in the legendary Acts of Pndens, Pudenziana, and Praxedis,
..la is stated to have been the mother of Pndens (Acta Sonet. Mai.
Tom. iv. p. 207), and this implies some connexion between the names of
Aquila and Priscilla and the family of Pudens.
The theory is a plausible one, but will hardly at present stand examination.
In the first place the name of Aquila and Priscilla (or Prisca) is not the
oldest borne by the church ; from the fourth to the eighth century it seems
always to have been the titulus S. Priscai (see Liber Pontificate, ed.
Duchesne, i. 501, 517°), and although the origin of this name is itself
doubtful, it is hardly likely that if the locality had borne the name of Aquila
and Priscilla, that name would first have been lost and then revived. It is
much more probable that the later name is an attempt to connect the biblical
account with this spot and to explain the origin of the name of Prisca.
Nor is the second piece of evidence of any greater weight The acts of
Pudens and his daughters, supposed to be narrated by the person called
St Pastor, who was a contemporary of Pius the bishop and addressed his
letters to Timothy, are clearly legendary, and little or no stress can be laid
on the mention of Priscilla as the mother of I'udcns. The object of the Acta
is in fact to invent a history for martyrs whose names were known, and who
were for some reason grouped together. But why were they thus grouped f
The reason probably is given in the statement at the end, that they were
buried in the cemetery of Priscilla. These names would probably be found
in the fourth century in that cemetery, attached to graves close to one
another, and would form the groundwork of the Acta. There may still be
some connexion between the names, which may or may not be discovered,
but there is not at present any historical evidence for connecting the titulus
St. Priutu with the Aquila and Priscilla of the N.T. (see de Rossi, Bull.
Arch. Christ. Scr i. No. 5 (1867), p. 45 ft)
(ii) A second line of argument seems more fruitful. The explorations of
De Rossi in the Coemetenum Priscillae. outside the Porta Solaria, have
resulted in the discovery that as the CocmeUrium Domitilta* starts from
a bur) ing-place of Domitilla and her family, so that of Priscilla originates in
the burying- place of Acilius Glabrio and other members of the AcUian gens.
This seems to corroborate the statement of Dio Cassius (Ixvii. 14) that the
E e 2
420 ISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XVI. 4, 5.
11 Glabrio who was consul with Trajan in A. D. 91 was a Christian and
died as such, and implies that Christianity had penetrated into
other leading Komtn families. Now the connexion with the subject immediate! v
before us is as follows. The fame researches have shown that a name of
the females of the Acilian gens is Priscilla or Prisca. For instance, in one
inscription we read :
M' ACILK'S V
PRISCII.LA . . C
Aauila was a Jew of Pontui : how then does it happen that his wife
•n-cli. bore a Roman name? The answer seems to be suggested by
these discoveries. They were freedmen of a member of the Actlian fens,
as Clemens the Roman bishop was very probably the freedman of Flavius
Clemens. The name Prisca or Priscilla would naturally come to an ad
t of the fomily. The origin of the name Aquila is more doubt!
it too might be borne by a Roman freedman. If this suggestion be correct,
then both the names of these two Roman Christians and the eiJttfnon of
Christianity in a leading Roman family are explained.
Two other inscriptions may be quoted, as perhaps of interest. Th
is dearly Christian :
AQUILIAX PRISCAK IN PACK
The second C. I : 3 may be so. The term Kenata might suggest
that it is but also might be Mithraic :
D. M.
AQUILIA • RKWATA
QVAK • V • A •
SR . VIVA • POSVIT • SIBI
r ANTE • AQVILI
ALVMNO • RT • AQV1LIO
PR1SCO • PRATRR
The argument is not demonstrative, but seems to make the return of
Aqnila and Priscilla to Rome, and their permanent connexion »i
Roman Church, probable, .-*«, Bull. Arch. Ch>
No. 6 (1888-9), p. 119 Aauila t . . Glatricm.
,Kfm and E?H. pp. 13-14), following a suggestion nude by
Dr. Plnmptre (BiMta/ StttJus, p. 417), points out that it is a curious fact
that in four out of the six places in which the names occur that of the wife is
the first mentioned. He connects the name with the cemetery of St. Prisca,
and suggests that Prisca was herself a member of some distinguished Roman
family. He points out that only Aquila is called a Jew from Pontus, not
his wife. There is nothing inconsistent in this theory with that of the
previous argument ; and if it be true much is explained It may however be
suggested that for a noble Roman lady to travel about with a Jewish husband
engaged in mercantile or even artisan work is hardly probable ; and that the
theory which sees in them freed members of a great household is perhaps
the most probable.
0. MO! iV tear* cuco? aurwr tmtX^aia. There is no (i
itil the third century of the existence of special bu
H seem all to be to pla
• houses, sometimes very probably houses of a larj.
st of all (Acts house 1 1
mother of I ^ny were collected togctli
Col. IV. 15 u0«u9u<r<:> . lotama o&X^oi
XVI. 6.] USONAL GREETINGS 421
xar' oiror avrw «Kf\ij<ria» : Philemon 2 ffai T£ car* ourrfr aov
l>esides i Cor. zvi. 19. At a later date we have Clem. Recog. x. 71
Theophilus, domus suae ingenttm basilicam ecclesiae nomine consecraret :
De Rossi, Roma Soft. i. p. 209 Collegium quod tst in dome Sergiae
Paulinae. So in Rome several of the oldest churches appear to
have been built on the sites of houses used for Christian worship.
So perhaps San Clemente is on the site of the house of T. Flavius
Clemens the consul (see Lightfoot, Clement, p. 94).
There is no reason to suppose that this Church was the meeting-
place of all the Roman Christians; similar bodies seem to be
implied in vv. 14, 15. We may compare A eta lustini Marfyris § 2
(Ruinart) where however the speaker is of course intentionally
vague : Quaesivit Praefectus, quern in locum Christiani convenient.
Cut respondit fus/inus, to unumquemque convenire quo vellet ac posset.
An, inquit, existimas omnes nos in eumdem locum convenire lolitos ?
Minime res ita se habet . . . Tune praefectus : Age, inquil, dicas,
quern in locum conveniatis, et discipulos tuos congreges. Respondit
Ittstinus : Ego prope domum Martini cuiusdam, ad balneum cogno~
mento Timiotinum, hactenus mansi.
'EircuycTos. Of him nothing is known : the name is not an un-
common one and occurs in inscriptions from Asia Minor, C. I. G.
2953 (from Ephesus), 3903 (from Phrygia). The following in-
scription from Rome is interesting, C.I.L. vi. 17171 DIS - MAN |
EPAENETI (tt'r) | EPAENETI.F | EPIIES1O | T • MVNIVS | PRIS-
CIANVS | AMICO SVO.
dwapx^i TTJS 'Aai'as : i. e. one of the first converts made in the
Roman province of Asia : cp. i Cor. xvi. 15 offlorc rr\v ot«ia» Zr«^a»a,
ori /arty airapx*) r^r 'Avatar, cat f if haKovtav roit ayi'otr fra^ar iairoit.
On the importance of first converts see Clem. Rom. § xlii Kara x«yxir
out* (tot wo\tts KTjpiHraovrtf Knditrravov rat dnap^as avrS»v, boxtfiaffarrtf r«ji
nvtvpart, tit «V»<ritcJirow not Ouutovavf rwr /t«XXoir<«y iturrtin*.
This name caused great difficulty to Renan, ' What ! had all the
Church of Ephesus assembled at Rome?' 'AH' when analyzed is
found to mean three persons of whom two had been residents at
Rome, and the third may have been a native of Ephesus but is
only said to have belonged to the province of Asia (cf. Lightfoot,
Biblical Essays^ P. 30 0- How probable it was that there should
be foreigners in Rome attached to Christianity may be illustrated
from the Acts of Justin which were quoted in the note on an
earlier portion of the verse. These give an account of the
dom of seven persons, Justin himself, Charito, Charitana,
Euelpistus, Hierax, Liberianus, and Paeon. Of these Justin we
know was a native of Samaria, and had probably come to Rome
from Ephesus, Euelpistus who was a slave of the Emperor was
a native of Cappadocia, and Hierax was of Iconium in Phrygia,
This was about 100 years later.
[XVI. 6 7.
'Ac/at U supported by preponderating authority (MABCP
; lat. Jo.'Domasc. Arobrst.) against
Iheodrt.).
For the 'idea of illustrating thU chapter from inscriptions we are of come
Indebted to Bishop L^htfoot's able art>c!r on Caesar's household
of vol. vi.
inscriptions
of the city of Rome, has bod provided us with more exten material and
also placed it in a more convenient form for reference We have therefore
gone over the ground again, and either added new illustrations or given
p. 169). Since that paper was written, the appearance of a portion of vol
of the Ccrfut of Latin Inscriptions, that, namely, containing the inscripti
of the city of Rome, has bod provided us with more extend material
also placed it in a more convenient form for reference We have there
gone over the ground again, and either added new illustrations or gi
references to the Latin Corpus for inscriptions quoted by Lightfoot from
older collections. Where we have not been able to idc:
not, except in a few cases, thought it necessary to repeat bis reference*.
A large number of these names are found in Columbaria containing the
monuments and ashes of members of the imperial household during the first
century . these special collections are kept together in the Corpus (vi. 39*6-
8397). There is also a very large section devoted to other names belong-
ing to the domus Augusli (vi. 8398-9101). A complete use <:
materials will not be possible until the publication of the Indues to vol. vi.
For a discussion of the general bearing of these references, see Intrcx!
§9-
6. Mapicw (\\hich is the correct reading) may like Mapiap be
Jewish, but it may also be Roman. In favour of the latter alter-
native in this place it may be noticed that apparently in other cases
where St. Paul is referring to Jews he distinguishes them by
them his kinsmen (see on ver. 7). The following inscription from
Rome unites two names in this list, C.f.L. vi. 22223 D-M-I
MARIAE | AMPLIATAE cet. ; the next inscription is from the house-
hold, ib. 4394 MARIAE • M • L • XANTHE | NYMPIIE • FEC • DE • SVO.
^TIS iroXXd ^oiuaae*- c^ ufids. This note is added, not f
sake of the Roman Church, but as words of praise for .'
herself.
Ma/»'ar U read by A B C P, Boh. Arm. ; MO/K^M by N D E F G L, -Scc.. <
The evidence for tit Iftat, which is a difficult reading, is preponderating
(KABCP, Syrr. Boh.), and it is practically supported by the v
group (D E F G, Vnlg.). which have Jr l/iir. The correction tit 4/*at is read
by L, Chrys. and later authorities.
7 AyopoyiKor : a Greek name found among members of the
imperial household. The following inscription contains the names
of two persons mentioned in this Epistle, both members of the
household, C. /. L. vi. 5326 DIS • MANIDVS | c . IVLIVS • HERMES I
-III • M -V | DIEI1- XIII C- IVLIVS- ANDHONICVS I
CONLIBERTVS • FEC | DENE • MERENTI • DE • SE ! SCC also 5325 and
1 1626 where it U the name of a si .
'lovnor : there is some doubt as to whether this name is
: u'ar or 'Imnuf, a contraction of Junianus, or feminine
Junia is of course a common Rom md in that
case the two would probably be husband and wife; Junias on the
hand is lets usual as a man's name, but seems to re-
present a form of contraction common in this list, as Palrobas,
XVI. 7.] PERSONAL GREETINGS 4*3
Hennas, Olympas. If, as is probable, Andronicus and Juntas are
included among the Apostles (see below) then it is more probable
that the name is masculine, although Chrysostom does not appear
to consider the idea of a female apostle impossible : * And indeed
to be apostles at all is a great thing. But to be even amongst
these of note, just consider what a great encomium this is 1 But
they were of note owing to their works, to their achievements.
Oh 1 how great is the devotion of this woman, that she should be
even counted worthy of the appellation of apostle 1 '
rods ffvyycrcls pou. St. Paul almost certainly means by ' kinsmen,'
fellow-countrymen, and not relations. The word is used in this
sense in ix. 3, and it would be most improbable that there should
be so many relations of St. Paul amongst the members of a distant
Church (vv. 7, n) and also in Macedonia (ver. ai); whereas it is
specially significant and in accordance with the whole drift of the
Epistle that he should specially mention as his kinsmen those
members of a Gentile Church who were Jews.
nai vurcuxfiaXwrous pou. Probably to be taken literally. Al-
though St. Paul had not so far suffered any long imprisonment, he
had certainly often been imprisoned for a short time as at Philip pi.
a Cor. xi. 23 «V <£vXa*mr inpuTtTOTt'p»t ; Clem. Rom. ad Cor. v
«'imurir &<rpA $op«<rar. Nor is it necessary that the word should
mean that Andronicus and Junias had suffered at the same time as
St. Paul ; he might quite well name them fellow-prisoners if they
had like him been imprisoned for Christ's sake. Metaphorical
explanations of the words are too far-fetched to be probable.
otnfls ci<nr 4wi9T)|ioi 4? rots dmxrroXois may mean either (i)
well known to the Apostolic body, or (2) distinguished as Apostles.
In favour of the latter interpretation, which is probably correct, are
the following arguments, (i) The passage was apparently so
taken by all patristic commentators, (ii) It is in accordance with
the meaning of the words. <*i<rwott lit ' stamped/ ' marked,' would
be used of those who were selected from the Apostolic body as
•distinguished/ not of those known to the Apostolic body, or
looked upon by the Apostles as illustrious ; it may be translated
' those of mark among the Apostles.' (iii) It is in accordance with
the wider use of the term d*<krroAof. Bp. Lightfoot pointed out
(Gafa/ians, p. 93) that this word was clearly used both in a narrow
sense of ' the twelve ' and also in a wider sense which would include
many others. His views have been corroborated and strengthened
by the publication of the Didache. The existence of these 'Apostles/
ml Christian Evangelists, in Rome will suggest perhaps one
of the methods by which the city had been evangelized.
01 KCU vpo JfioG yryoVaair iv Xpurn*. Andronicus and Junias bid
been converted before St Paul : they therefore belonged to the
earliest days of the Christian community ; perhaps even they were
IE ROMA' [XVI. 7, 8.
of those who during the dispersion after the death of S:
began almost immediately to spread the word in Cyprus and
(Acts xi. 19). As Dr. Weymouth points out (On the Render r
English of tht Grrtk Aonsl a> p. 26) the perfect should
here be translated ' were.'
•It it utterly amaxing,' be writes, 'that in Rom. *rl. 7 ot «J w/A J*»
W^ao.r Jx Tip. is rendered in the KV. "who alto have been in Christ before
English idiom U here simply outraged. What officer in our
Nary or Army would not stare at the fiaffh^ot who should say of a iiniot
officer. " He has been uce before I - Nary
before me " is the only correct English form. ... The English mind fastens
on the idea of time denned by " before me," and therefore uw> the simple
Past The Grttk Perfect is correctly employed, because it it intended to
convey, and d/xrs convey, the idea that they are si >t, while the
English " hare been " suggests precisely the contrary.'
8. 'AjxirXiaros is the more correct reading for the abbreviated
form 'A/itrA.af which occurs in the TR. This is a common
Roman slave name, and as such occurs in inscriptions of the in
household. C.I.L. \i. 4899 AMPLIATVS | RESTITVTO • FRATRI|
SVO • FECIT • MERENTI : 5154 C VIBIVS • FIRMVS • C | V1UIO •
AMPLIATO | PATRONO • svo, &c., besides inscriptions quoted by Lft.
But there is considerable evidence for connecting this name more
closely with the Christian community in Rome. In the cemetery
of Domitilla, now undoubtedly recognized as one of tli>
Christian catacombs, is a chamber now known by the name of
'Ampliatus' owing to an inscription which it com.,
chamber is very early : pre-Christian in character ii not in origin.
The cell over which the name of Ampliatus is inscribed is a
insertion, which, from the style of its ornament, is ascribed t
end of the first or beginning of the second century. The inscription
is in bold, well-formed letters of the same date. Not far off is another
inscription, not earlier than the end of the second century, to
members of apparently the san
AMPLIAT[I] ami AVRELIAE • BONIFATIAE | CONIVCI • INCOM-
PARABILI | VERAE CASTITATIS FF.MINAE | QVAF.
M • II | DIEB • III1 • IIOR • VI | AVREL • A" CVM |
CORDIANO • FILIO. The boldness of the lettering in tl.
inscription is striking. The personal name without any
•sts a sl.v. v one in these
the honour of an elaborately
he was for some reason
• nt in the earliest Roman The later ;
. suggests that there was a Christian family b-
name ; and the connexion with Domiulh seems to sho"
.0 of a slave or freedman through whom (
had penetrated into a second gre.r household. See de
Rossi, Dull. A r< !. \ ol . 6 ( i ^ -.aatm
XVI. 8-11.] PERSONAL GREETINGS 425
March 4, 1884, p. 289; the inscription is just referred to by Lighl-
foot, Cltment. i. p. 39.
9. Ovp0ar6*« : a common Roman slave name found among
members of the household, C. I. L. vi. 4237 (quoted by Lft. from
Murat. 920. l) VRDANVS • LYDES • AVG • L • DISPENS | INMVN1S •
DAT • IIERMAE • FRATRI • ET | CILICAE • PATRI : cf. 5604, 5605,
and others, quoted by Lft. (Grut. p. 589. 10, p. 1070. i).
TO* aurcpyo? Vjfiwr. Where St. Paul is speaking of personal
friends he uses the singular TO* ayavrjrov pov: here he uses the
plural because Urbanus was a fellow-worker with all those who
worked for Christ.
ITOXUF : a rare Greek name, but found among members of the
imperial household : C. /. L. vi. 8607 D. M. | M. VLPIO • AVG • L |
EROTI | AB • EPISTVLIS • GRAEC1S | EPAPHRODITVS | ET •
STACHYS | CAESAR -R-SER | FRATRI • KARISSIMO • ET | CLAVDIA
• FORMIANA | FECERVNT: cf. also inscriptions quoted by Lft
10. 'AirfXXfjK. Again a name borne by members of the house-
hold and by Jews: amongst others by the famous tragic actor.
See the instance quoted by Lft. and cf. Hor. Sat. I. v. 100 Credat
Judaeus A fella, non ego.
TO* febupor : cf. i Cor. xi. 19 ; a Cor. i. 18 ; xiii. 7. One who
has shown himself an approved Christian.
•rods fe TWK 'Api<rropou'Xou. The explanation of this name given
by Lft. bears all the marks of probability. The younger Aristo-
bulus was a grandson of Herod the Great, who apparently lived
and died in Rome in a private station (Jos. Bell. lud. II. xi. 6 ;
Antiij. XX. i. 2) ; he was a friend and adherent of the Emperor
( 'Kuulius. His household would naturally be ol 'Apurro/SotAov, and
would presumably contain a considerable number of Jews and
other orientals, and consequently of Christians. If, as is probable,
Aristobulus was himself dead by this time, his household would
probably have become united with the imperial household. It
would, however, have continued to bear his name, just as we find
KS of Livia's household who had come from that of Maecenas
called Maecenatiani (C. I. L. vi. 4016, 4032), those from the house-
hold of Amyntas. Amyntiani (4035, cf. 8738): so also Agrippiani,
Germaniciani. We might in the same way have Anstobuliani (cf.
Lft. Phil. pp. 172, 3).
11. 'HpwSi'wra ror OUYVCI'TJ pou. A mention of the household of
Aristobulus is followed by a name which at once suggests the
Herod family, and is specially stated to have been that of a Jew.
seems to corroborate the argument of the preceding note.
•roOs <* rwr Napiu'aaou, ' the household of Narcissus,' ' Narcis-
siani.' The Narcissus in question was very possibly the well-
known frecdman of that name, who had been put to death by
Agrippina shortly after the accession of Nero some three or (our
1 IISTLE TO THE ROMANS [XV I. 11 UJ.
years before (Tac. Ann. xiii. i; Dio Cass. Ix. 34). His slaves
would then in all probability become the property of the Emperor,
and would help to swell the imperial household. 1 1
common, especially among slaves and freedmen, cf. C.I.L. ^.4123
(in the household of Livia), 4346, 5206 HELICONIS NARCISSI |
AVGVST1ANI I : 22875 NARCISSVS • AVG • LID. Lit. quotes also
the two names Ti. Claudius Narcissus (see below), 1
cissus from Muratori, and also the form Narcissianus, TI • CLAVDIO •
• NARCISSIANO (Murat. i >. The follow:
lion belongs to a somcv. 035 p. M. |
AVIVS • AVG • LIB | NARCISSVS • FECIT • SIBI | ET • COELIAE •
SP ' FILIAE | IERIAE • COMVGI • bVAE . 1 lower (1<
FLAVIVS • AVG • LIB • FIRMVS • NARCISSIANVS | RELATOR • AVC-
TIONVM • MONVMENTVM • REFECIT. See also 9035 a. (Light foot,
Phil. p. 173-)
Dr. riumptre (Biblical Stadia, p. 428) refers to the following interesting
inscription. It may be found in C I. /.. v. 1 54* being reputed to h»\
from Fcrrara. D. M. | CLAVDIAB | DICAEOSY.NAB | TI NAR-
CISSVS | LIB. AEID. COIV I PIKNTISSIMAB | ET FfcVGALISSI I R. M. 1
Claudius suggests the first century, but the genuineness of the Ins. is not
sufficiently attested. The editor of the fifth volume of the Corfu* writes :
Teitimonia auctorum out inter tot urn . . . aut frauJulcntontm <!• loco cum
ptrum defendant titulum turn txcltui, quamftum JUri pottst
gtnttinut tttc multum corrupt**. The name Vicatosyn* is carious but is
found elsewhere C. I. L. iii. 3391 ; vi. 35866 : x. 649. There is nothing dis-
tinctively Christian about it
12. Tpii^airoy «al Tpu^wvar are generally supposed to have been
two sisters. Amongst inscriptions of the household we
4866 D. M. | VARIA • TRYPHOSA | PATRONA • ET | M
CLEMENS | I 5035 D. M. | TRYPHAENA | VALERIA • 1
| MATRI • B • M • r • ET | VALERIUS Nvs (quoted by Lft.
from Ace. di Arched , ) : 5343 TELESPHORVS • ET
PHAENA, 5774, 6054 and oilier inscriptions quoted by I
tion is drawn to the contrast bet s which
' delicate/ * dainty/ and their labours in the Lord.
The name Trjrphaena has some interest in the early history of the Churr h
as being that of the queen who plays such a prominent part in the stoiy of
Paul and Tbecla, and who is known to have been a real character.
ritpaioa. The name appears as that of a freed woman, C. I.
23959 DIS • 1IANIB I PER • SIDI • L • VED | VS • MITIIRES | VXORI.
It does not appear among the inscriptions of the household.
13. *PoC4>or: one of the commonest of >. This Rufus
is commonly identified with the one mcntio:
Simon of Gyrene is calk : r of Alexander
St. Mark probably urotc at Rome, and he seems to speak of
Rufus as some one well ki
rir JxXcKTor if Kup not here used in the
XVI. 13-15.] PERSONAL GREETINGS 427
technical sense • chosen of God/ — this would not be a feature to
distinguish Rufus from any other Christian,— but it probably means
4 eminent/ ' distinguished for his special excellence/ and the addition
of «V Kvpitp means ' eminent as a Christian ' (a Jo. i ; i Pet. il 6).
So in English phraseology the words ' a chosen vessel ' are used
of all Christians generally, or to distinguish some one of marked
excellence from his fellows.
Koi TTJK fitjWpa aurou KCU IpoG. St. Paul means that she had
showed him on some occasion all the care of a mother, and
that therefore he felt for her all the affection of a son.
14. 'AauyKpuor : the following inscription is of a freedman of
Augustus who bore this name, C. I. L. vi. 1 2565 D. M. | ASYNCRETO |
AVG • LIB • FECIT • FL | A VIA • SVCCESSA | PATRONO BENE | ME-
RENTI. The name Flavia suggests that it is somewhat later than
St. Paul's time.
*Xc'yoKTa. The inscriptions seem to throw no light on this name.
The most famous person bearing it was the historian of the second
century who is referred to by Origen, and who gave some informa-
tion concerning the Christians.
'EpiiYJr : one of the commonest of slave names, occurring con-
stantly among members of the imperial household.
narpopaK. An abbreviated form of Patrobius. This name was
borne by a well-known freedman of Nero, who was put to death by
Galba (Tac. //is/, i. 49 ; ii. 95). Lft. quotes instances of other freed-
men bearing it: TI • CL • AVG • L • PATROBIVS (Grut. p. 610. 3),
and TI • CLAVDip • PATROBIO (Murat p. 1329).
'Epjias is likewise an abbreviation for various names, Hermagoras,
Hermerus, Hermodorus, Hermogenes. It is common among
slaves, but not so much so as Hermes. Some fathers and modern
writers have identified this Ilermas with the author of the ' Shepherd/
an identification which is almost certainly wrong.
KCU TOUS oh OUTOIS dScX^ou?. Tliis and the similar expression in
the next verse seem to imply that these persons formed a small
Christian community by themselves.
15. •iX4Xoyos. A common slave name. Numerous instances
are quoted from inscriptions of the imperial household : C. /. L. vi.
4116 DAMA • LI VI A E • L • CAS . . . | PHOEBVS • PHILOLOGI | quoted by
Lft. from Gorius, Mon.Liv. p. 168 ; he also quotes Murat. p. 1586.
3, p. 2043. a J Grut. p. 630. i. He is generally supposed to be
the brother or the husband of Julia, in the latter case Nereus, his
sister Nerias, and Olympas may be their children.
'louXiar. Probably the commonest of all Roman female names,
certainly the commonest among slaves in the imperial household.
The following inscription is interesting : C. /. L. vi. 20416 o. M. |
IVLIAE NEREI • F- | CLAVDiAE. The name Julia Tryphosa occurs
20715-7 in one case apparently in a Christian inscription.
428 TO 'INK ROMANS [XVI 15 16.
/o This name is found in inscriptions of the imperial house-
hold, C. f. / SAT • GERMAN | PEVCFNNVS •
GERMANICI | ANVS • NEROMS • CAESARIS. It is hfSt kn-
the Roman Church in connexion with the Acts of Keren
Achilleus, the eunuch chamberlains of Domitilla (see Ada Sancto-
rum >' rtuchungen, Band
These names were, however, older than that legend, as sec:
be shown by the inscription of Damasus (Dull. Arch. Christ. 1874,
]>. 20 sq. ; C. Jns. Chris/, ii. p. 31) which represents them as
soldiers. The origin of the legend was probably that in the cata-
comb of Domuilla and near to her tomb, appeared these two
names very prominently; this became the groundwork f
later romance. An inscription of Achilleus has been found in the
cemetery of Domitilla on a stone column with a corresponding
column which may have borne the name of Kereus : both date from
the fourth or fifth century (Bull. Arch. Christ. 1875, p. 8 sq.). These
of course are later commemorations of earlier martyrs, and il
well be that the name of Nereus was in an early inscription
that of Ampliatus above). In any case the name is one con:
\\ith the early history of the Roman Church; and the fact that
Nereus is combined with Achilleus, a name which does not appear
in the Romans, suggests that the origin of the legend was archaeo-
logical, and that it was not derived from this Kpistle (Lightfoot,
Clement. \. p. 51 ; Lipsius Apokr. Af>gesch. ii. 106
'oXuforos : an abbreviated form like several in this list, appa:
< 'Xvpvrffepof .
10. lv ^iXiifian dyi*: so i Thess. v. 26 ; i Cor. xvi. 20; a Cor.
xiii. 12; I IV:. v. 14 <!<nru<ro<r6f aXAijXoi-r fr 0iX^j.i
earliest reference to the 'kiss of peace' as a rep of the
ian sen-ice is in Just Mart Apol i. 65 oXX^Xovr ^iX^um
a<nro£op«&i irawra/MMM T£> • n Tcrt. eft
1 4 (osculum pact's} ; Const. A post. ii. '.it became
a regular part of the Liturgy. Cf. Origen ad loc. : Ex hoc sermone,
aliisque nonnullis similibus, mcs tcclesiis traditus tstt ut f>»s/ orationes
osculo tt inviccm tuscipianl /ratrts. Hoc autem osculum j..
appellal Aposlolus.
ol iKKXrjaiai voacu rov XpiaroG : this phrase is unique in the
Phrases used by St. Paul are <ii .V.X^auu r«r rfy;wr, •} . •
rov $< lieu rov 6« rjoiatt rijt 'lovi.i \(H9T$
(Gal U 22), rir «VcXi7<nW row f> I >iAaif iv Xpurr^
'i-jffov, and in Acts ix. 28 we have the uncertain passage r^» «'*-
jtX^/o*- roC Kvpiav or rov OfoC, where e«ot must, if the correct
reading, be used of Xp<rror. It is a habit of St. Paul t.
behalf of tl s as a whole : cf. x
18; xi. 28; and I ^ts that this unique
phrase is used to express 'the way in \\hich the Church or .
XVI. 16, 17.] WARNING AGAINST FALSE TEACHERS 4*9
was an object of love and respect to Jewish and Gentile Churches
alike' (Rom. and Eph. i. 52).
WABNINQ AGAINST FALSE TEACHERS.
XVI. 17-20. Beware of those breeders of division and
mischief-makers who pervert the Gospel which you were
taught. Men such as these are devoted not to Christ but to
their own unworthy aims. By their plausible and faltering
speech they deceive the nnicary. I give you this warning,
because your loyalty is well known, and I would have you
free from every taint of evil. God will speedily crush Satan
beneath your feet.
May the grace of Christ be with you.
17-20. A warning against evil teachers probably of a Jewish
character. Commentators have felt that there is something unusual
in a vehement outburst like this, coming at the end of an Epistle
so completely destitute of direct controversy. But after all as I lort
points out (Rom. and Eph. pp. 53-55) it is not unnatural. Against
errors such as these St Paul has throughout been warning his
readers indirectly, he has been building up his hearers against
them by laying down broad principles of life and conduct, and
now just at the end, just before he finishes, he gives one definite
and direct warning against false teachers. It was probably not
against teachers actually in Rome, but against such as he knew
of as existing in other churches which he had founded, whose
advent to Rome he dreads.
It has been suggested again that 'St. Paul finds it difficult to
finish.' There is a certain truth in that statement, but it is hardly
one which ought to detain us long. When a writer has very much
to say, when he is full of zeal and earnestness, there must be much
\\lm-h will break out from him, and may make his letters some-
\\lut formless. To a thoughtful reader the suppressed emotion
implied and the absence of regular method will really be proofs of
authenticity. It may be noted that we find in the Epistle to the
Philippians just the same characteristics: there also in iii. i, just
apparently as he is going to finish the Epistle, the Apostle makes
a digression against false teachers.
17. vKoirtiK, ' to mark and avoid/ The same word is used in
Phil. iii. 17 crv/Afupijrcu pov yirtofo, o£«X<£o«, xw acovfirc TOW ovr«»
mptvaroCrrar in exactly the opposite sense, 'to mark so as to
follow.'
43® K ROMANS [XVI1710
BiXo<7Ta<7i'cu : cf. G.il. v. 20. Those divisions which ar
result of the spirit of strife and ri.
eventually if persisted in lead to djxVm. The o*d»&aXa are the
hindrances to Christian progress caused by theic embittered
>ns.
TV &i5axV, not ' Paulinism/ but that common basis of Ch:
doctrine which St. Paul shared with all other teachers (i Cor.
xv. i\ and with which the teaching of the Judaizers was ;
opinion inconsistent
IxKXfoiTc: cf. Rom. iii. n. The ordinary construction i
M and the genitive (a) of the cause avoided d«4 «uoC i;
: i ), or (l>) of the person.
18. These false teachers are described as being self-interested
in their motix-es, specious and deceptive in their manners.
Phil. iii. 19 lr rA rAot <nr»Xrta, Lv 6 toh 17 cotXia, icui 13 6 i£a «V r>,
aiffxvrij at-rir, o! TU tniytia <£poroCrr»f.
Tjj JOUTWK KoiXia. These words do not in this case app
mean that their habits are lax and epicurean, but that their motives
are interested, and their conceptions and objects are inadequate.
So Origen : Sed el quid causae si/, qua iurgia in ecclesiis susa.
€t lites, divini Spiritus imtinctu af*iit. I V»/ri>, inquit, gratia : hoc
is/, quatslus et evpiditatis. The meaning is the same proba
the somewhat parallel passages Phil. iii. 17-21; Col. :
So Hort (Judaistic Christianity, p. 124) explains To«t»o^xKrv»^ to
mean ' a grovelling habit of mind, choosing lower things as the
primary sphere of religion, and not rA 5r«, the regie:
is seated at God's right hand.'
Xpi)<rroXoYi'at icat tuXoyias, 'fair and flattering speech
illustration of the first word all commentators quote jul. <
•;jjf 13 (in Hist. August): wyrri&&Y>* atmapftllanUsquibcnt
loqiurttur €t mali/accrtt. The use of «iX«yia which generally means
'praise/ 'laudation/ or 'blessing* (cp. xv. 29), in a bad sense as
here of ' flattering* or ' specious1 language is rare. An instance is
quoted in the dictionaries from Aesop. Fab. 229 1. Av.
iav aii ttXoyi'ar fi'-wopjc ?>«•>« ff°v °v **}&opai*
10. ^ yap ifii*' foraKoij. ' I exhort and warn you because
excellence and fidelity although they give me great cause for
rejoicing increase my anxiety.' These words seem definitely
to imply that there were i ' any dissensions or erroneous
teaching in the Church. They are (as has been noiiccdt quite
inconsistent with the supposed Ebionite character of the Church,
that theory was j. all ground for holding these
words spurious was taken away.
6A« S« upas. St lies to give this v. :hout
at the same time s.v to injure their feelings. He
gives it because be wishes them to be discreet and \\.iry, and
XVI. 10-23.] WARNING AGAINST FALSE TEACHERS 431
therefore blameless. In Matt. z. 16 the disciples are to be
4>/iuVipoi and d«<pa<o<: see also Phil. ii. 15.
20. A U ecfc rfjs ttfnHt. See on xv. 13. It is the 'God of
peace ' who will thus overthrow Satan, because the effect of these
divisions is to break up the peace of the Church.
auKTpty€i : 'will throw him under your feet, that you may trample
upon him.'
TOK IQTQVQK. In a Cor. xi. 14 St. Paul writes 'for even Satan
fashioneth himself into an angel of light. It is no great thing
therefore if his ministers also fashion themselves as ministers of
righteousness/ The ministers of Satan are looked upon as im-
personating Satan himself, and therefore if the Church keeps at
peace it will trample Satan and his wiles under foot.
v) X<fpis K.T.X. St. Paul closes this warning with a salutation
as at the end of an Epistle.
There U very considerable divergence in different authorities as to the
benedictions which they insert in these concluding verses.
(i) The TR. reads in ver. ao i) \afnt rov Kvpiov ij/wr lipov [Xporov]
'
This is supjwtcd by K A B C L P, Ac, Vulg. &c. Orig.-lat.
It is omitted by D E V G Setlul.
In ver. 24 it reads i> \aptt rov Kvptov ij/ifir 'I. X. >nrd »o>T«ur
This is omitted by K ABC, Vulg. c«U. (am. fuld. hail.) Boh. Aeth.
Orig.-lat.
It is inserted by D E F G L, Ac., Vulg. Hard. Chrys. &c Of these
FGL omit vv. 25-27, and therefore make these words the end of the
Epistle.
(3) A third and smaller group puts these words at the end of ver. 37 :
P. 1 7. 80, Pesh. Arm. Ambrstr.
Anal wing these readings we find :
NABC, Orig.-lat. have a
benediction at ver. ai only.
D E F G have one at ver. 24 only.
ulg. <ltm.t Chrys., and the mass of later authorities have it in both
places.
P has it at ver. at, and after ver. 27.
The correct text clearly has a benediction at ver. ai and there only; it
was afterwards moved to a place after ver. 24, which was very probably
in some MSS. the end of the Kpistle, and in later KISS., by a natural
conflation, appears in both. See the Introduction, f, 9.
GREETINGS OF ST. PAUL'S COMPANIONS.
XVI. 21-23. All my companions — Timothy % Lucius^
and Sosipattr — greet you. I Terfius, the amanuensis^ also
give you Christian greeting. So too do Gains, and Erastus,
treasurer of Corinth^ and Quartos.
21-23. These three verses form a sort of postscript, added after
43* To TIN, K<
the conclusion of the letter and containing the names of SL I
companions.
21. TijuWcos had been with St Paul in Macedonia (a Cor. i. i) :
movements since then we have no knowledge. The pov
>vnpy6t is omitted by B.
Aouiuof might be the Lucius of Cyrcnc mentioned Acts .\
'Ia?»» is probably the one mentioned in Acts xvii. 5-7, 9 as
St Paul's host, and i*al*arpot may be the same as the I*xarpot
of Acts xz. 4, who was a native of Bcrea. If these idcntifu
are correct, two of these three names are connected v.
donia, and this connexion is by no means improbable. Th
Ives to St. Paul as his regular companions, or
come to vi&it him from Thessalonica. In any case they were
Jews (o! <rvyyo«tr pw cf. ver. 7). It was natural that St Paul
should lodge with a fellow-countryman.
22. A ypctyaf. St. Paul seems generally to have employed an
amanuensis, see i Cor. xvL ai ; Col. iv. 18 ; 2 Thess. iii. 17, and
cf. Gal. vi. 1 1 M«T« rrrjX.'co.r vpi* ypu/i/ia«r»v t'/pa^a TV
23. rdios who is described as the host of St. Paul and of
the whole Church is possibly the Gaius of i Cor. i. 14. In all
probability the Christian assembly met in his house
(cf. 2 Tim. iv. 20) who held the important office of ou&o/io* r^t
v6\t*t, • the city treasurer/ is presumably mentioned as the most
influential member of the community.
CONCLUDING DOXOLOQY.
XVI. 25-27. And tti :.*e to God, who can
make you firm believers* duly tra establish
ing to the Gospel that / proclaim, the
tncfs Jesus the Messiah; that preaching
God's eternal purpose, the of his
silent since the world began, has been reve<; n-pose
which the rrophets of old foretold, which ha*
ftow by God's express < to all the
':!es the message of obtdience in faith : to GV .
////// who is ti. .be the ^ tgh Jesus
Messiah.
25-27. The Kpisilc concludes in a manner unusual in S:
\\\\\\ a doxology or -My all
the great thoughts of the Epistle are summed up. Although
XVI. 25.] THE CONCLUDING DOXOLOCY 433
doxologies are not uncommon in these Epistles (Gal. L 5 ; Rom.
xi. 36), they are not usually so long or so heavily weighted ; but
Kph. iii. 21 ; Phil. iv. 20; i Tim. i. 17 offer quite sufficient parallel*;
the two former at a not much later date. Ascriptions of praise at
the conclusion of other Epp. are common, Heb. xiii. 20, 21 ; Jude
24, 25; Clem. Rom. § Ixv ; Mart, Polyc. 20.
The various questions bearing on the genuineness of these
verses and their positions in different MSS., have been sufficiently
discussed in the Introduction, § 9. Here they are commented
upon as a genuine and original conclusion to the Epistle exactly
harmonizing with its contents. The commentary is mainly bMcd
on the paper by Hort published in Lightfoot, Biblical Essays,
p. 3»« &
25. T«i W SuKaji/fw upas <rrt|pi(cu : cf. Rom. xiv. 4 <m}«» j) «iirr«r
ara$f}(Ttrai 6*' dvvarfi yap 6 Kvptot crrfjcra* nvrdv. A more exact
parallel is furnished by Eph. iii. 20 ry d« di/na/uVat . . . wo^irtu . . .
mry f) &u£a. <m)pi(* is confined in Si. Paul to the earlier Epistles
(Rom. i. 1 1 ; and Thess.). ftvMyioi, dwarot, £vrar«« of God, with
an infinitive, are common in this group. We are at once reminded
that in i. 1 1. St. Paul had stated that one of the purposes of his
contemplated visit was to confer on them some spiritual gift that
they might be established.
Hard T& €uayYAi<JK fioo : Rom. ii. 16; 2 Tim. ii. 8; cf. also
Rom. xi. 28 «nru r6 noyyAioK. One salient feature of the Epistle
is at once alluded to, that special Gospel of St. Paul which he
desired to explain, and which is the main motive of this Epistle.
ul did not look upon this as antagonistic to the common
faith of the Church, but as complementary to and explanatory of
it. To expound this would especially lead to the 'establishment'
of a Christian Church, for if rightly understood, it would promote
the harmony of Jew and Gentile within it
KCU TO K^puypa 'Irjaoo Xpurroo. The words ffqpvypa, *7pwr<mr
occur throughout St. Paul's Epp., but more especially in this
second group. (Rom. x. 8; i Cor. i. 21, 23; ii. 4; 2 Cor. L 19 ;
iv. 5; xi. 4; Gal. ii. 2, &c.) The genitive is dearly objective,
the preaching 'about Christ ; and the thought of St. Paul is
most clearly indicated in Rom. z. 8-12, which seems to be here
summed up. St. Paul's life was one of preaching. The object
of his preaching was faith in Jesus the Messiah, and that name
implies the t\vo great aspects of the message, on the one hand
salvation through faith in Him, on the other as a necessary
consequence the universality of that salvation. The reference
is clearly to just the thoughts which run through this Epistle, and
which marked the period of the Judaistic controversies,
dwoKdXut|rir pu<rn|piou K.T.X. Cf. I Cor. U. 6, 7, IO
roir re AciW . . . 8«ou atxfu'a*
Ff
434 >TLE TO THE ROMANS [XVI. 25, 28.
. JJM«» W ••'
^«a TOW IIi-«
and for separate phrases, Rom.
thought \\hkh underlies much of the argun ii.ips. ix-xi,
; lied in the first eigi csents
in fact, the conclusion \\hieh the Apostle has arrived a
over tiie difficulties which the problems of human history as be
i had suggested. God who rules over all the aeons or
periods in tirm. ive passed and which are to come, is
• X out an eternal purpose in the world. For ages it was
now in these last days it has been revealed: and thir
revelation explains the meaning of God's v .the past.
The thought, then forms a transition from the point of v
the Romans to that of the Ephesians. It is not unknown in the
Epp. of the second group, as the quotation from Corinthians shows;
but there it represents rather the conclusion which is being a:
at by the Apostle, while in the Epp. of the Captivity it i« as
as already proved, and as the basis on which the idea of the C
is developed. The end of the Epistle to the Romans is the first
place where we should expect this thought in a doxology
coming there, it exactly brings out the force and purpose of the
previous discussion.
The passage «ora airocaXv^iy down to yfttpurftrror goes not
anjpi'fti but with Kqpvypa. The preaching of Christ was the
ion of the 'mystery which had been hidden/ and exj
God's purpose in the world.
26. In this verse we should certainly read fat r« vpatjAv wpo-
^irrurwr. The only Greek MSS. that omit r< are DK, and the
authority of versions can hardly be quoted again s
the sentence is much simpler if it be inserted. It couples together
4ai«p»d«Vrof and yvwjNv&'rrof, and all the words from lu» n yp006»
to the latter word should be taken toother. ۥǥ rmrra ri ?6*i
probably goes with m MTOXO^V wan-rue and not with yvvptod, >
fcio TC ypo+wr irpo^TjTiKw^ . . . yvupwMrros. All the i-l-
this sentence are ex ccordancc with the thouphts
run through this Ej OKI and New Testa-
ments, th< had come in :h the
2), that the new method of s.r
apart from law, was witnessed to by the Law and tl
(/joprvpovpc'nj viro rov vo^ov «ai TWK irpo4>ijri>i> R«
constant allusi- n chaps, ix-xi to the Old
. all these are summed up in the phrase to
The same is true of the idea expressed by «or' «inrayq» roi
HMfrtm «', . ,. 'I i n s of the Gospel
is brought out gene; if., the special command
XVI. 28, 27.] THE CONCLUDING DOXOLOGY 435
to the Apostle is dwelt on in the opening vv. 1-5, and the sense
of commission is a constant thought of this period. With regard
to the words, oiwriov is of course suggested by x/>o»otr ««•»•«§:
truch iv. 8, Susanna (Theod.) 42 (LXX) 35. The formula
•tor* iitiTtrpiv occurs i Cor. vii. 6 ; a Cor. viii. 8, but with quite
a different meaning ; in the sense of this passage it comes again in
i Tim. i. i ; Tit
find the phrase «<r wnwcoq* «urr««r in Rom. i. 5. As Ilort
points out, the enlarged sense of inaxofj and WTUJCOIW is confined to
the earlier Epistles.
The last phrase tir ira'rra TO MMI <y*»{*o6*rrot hardly requires
illustrating ; it is a commonplace of the Epistle. In this passage
still carrying on the explanation of *npvyna, four main ideas of
the Apostolic preaching are touched upon — the continuity of the
Gospel, the Apostolic commission, salvation through faith, the
preaching to the Gentiles.
ji<W <rot$ ©««: a somewhat similar expression may be found
in i Tim. i. 17, which at a later date was assimilated to this,
being inserted. But the idea again sums up another line of
thought in the Epistle — God is one, therefore He is God of both
Jews and Greeks ; the Gospel is one (iii. 29, 30). God is infinitely
wise (i &<*6ot vXovrov cal <r<xf>iat ital yvaxrfwc 0*oO xi. 33); even
when we cannot follow His tracks, He is leading and guiding
us, and the end will prove the depths of His wisdom.
27. <? ^ W{o K.T.X. The reading here is very difficult.
1. It would be easy and simple if following the authority of
B. 33. 72, Pcsh., Orig.-lat. we could omit f, or if we could read
airy with P. 31. 54 (Boh. cannot be quoted in favour of this
reading; Wilkins* translation which Tisch. follows is wrong).
But both these look very much like corrections, and it is difficult
to see how f came to be inserted if it was not part of the original
text. Nor is it inexplicable. The Apostle's mind is so full of the
thoughts of the Epistle that they come crowding out, and have
produced the heavily loaded phrases of the doxology ; the struc-
ture of the sentence is thus lost, and he concludes with a well-
known formula of praise ? ij &£a <r.r.A. (Gal. i. 15; 2 Tim. iv. 18;
Heb. xiii. 21).
2. If the involved construction were the only difficulty caused
by reading y, it would probably be right to retain it, But there
are others more serious. How are the words to 'I. X. to be taken?
and what does y refer to ?
(i) Grammatically the simplest solution is to suppose, with
Lid., that £ refers to Christ, and that St. Paul has changed the
action owing to the words to 'I. X. He had intended to
finish 'to the only wise God through Christ Jesus be Glory/
as in Jude 25 fu5»y Off <rwr%M wt£r, to 'I. X. TOW Kvptou
rfi
43$ i TO THE ROMA [XVI. 27
«.r.X., but the words 'I^oD Xptrro* remind him that
it is through the work of Christ that all this scheme has been
developed; he therefore ascribes to Him the glory. This is the
only possible construction if y be read, but it can hardly be
correct; and that not because we can assert that on a
grounds a doxology cannot be addressed to the Son, but because
such a doxology would not be in place here. The whole purpose
c concluding verses b an ascription of praise to Him who
is the only wise God.
(2) For this reason most commentators attempt to refer the
J to o*w. This in itself is not difficult: it resembl
the probable construction in i Pet. iv. n, and perhaps in Hcb.
i. But then o*<k 'I. X. becomes very difficult To take it
ro$^ would be impossible, and to transfer it into the
relative clause would be insufferably harsh.
There is no doubt therefore that it is by far the easiest course
to omit y. We have however the alternative of supposing that
it is a blunder made by St. Paul's secretary in the original
We have seen that some such hypothesis may < c im-
possible reading in i\
rob olArat should be read with BC L, ! vs. Cyr. Theodrt
rfir ol«r«r was added in K A I . 1'cth. Boh, Orig.-laL &c*
owing to the influence of i Tim. i
The doxology sums op all the great ideas of t!
The power of the Gospel which St. Paul \vas commissio:
preach ; the revelation in it of the eternal purpose of Go
contents, faith ; its sphere, all the nations of the earth ; its author,
the one wise God, whose wisdom is thus vindicated— all these
thoughts had been continually dwelt on. And so at the end
feeling how unfit a conclusion would be the jarring note of
-20, and wishing to 'restore to t at its close its
former serene loftiness/ the Apostle adds these vcr
perhaps with his own hand in those large boU 1
seem to have formed a sort of authentic.
(Gal. vi. n), and thus gives an eloquent conclusion to hi>
argument.
INDEX TO THE NOTES
I. SUBJECTS.
Abbot, Dr. Ezra, p. 333.
Abbott, Dr. T. K., pp. ia8; 185, &c.
Abelard, pp. cii; 373.
Abraham, Descent from, p. 55.
Faith of, p. 97 ff.
History of, in St. Pad and St.
James, p. loa ff.
Promise to, pp. 109 if. ; 348.
Righteousness of, p. 100 fL
Accusative case, vi 10 ; viii. 3.
Acilius Glabno, p. 420.
Actc, p. xvii.
Adam, pp. 130 ff. ; 343 ff.
Fail of. p. 1360:
Adrian, p. ,45.
Agriff€sii, pp. xx ; xxiii.
Alexandrian text, p. Ixxi.
Altxandrinus, Codex, p. Ixiii.
Alford, Dean, p. cviii
Aliturus, p. xxii.
Amanuensis, xvi. aa ; pp. Ix; 127.
Ambrotiaster, pp. xxv ; ci.
Amiatinui, Codex, pp. Ixvi ; xc.
Ampliatns, xvi 8 ; pp. xxvii ; xxxiv.
Andronicus, xvi 7 ; pp. xxvii ; xxxiv.
Angtlinu, L'oJex, p. Ixv.
Angels, pp. 146 ; aaa f.
Aorist tense, ii. 13; iiL tj.
A pellet, xvi. 18 ; p. xxxiv.
Apollonios, p. hi.
Apostle, pp. 4 f. ; 4a3.
Aquila and Priscilla (Pri*ca\ pp.
xviii; xx\ii; xjutiv ; xl; 370; 411;
414 ff.
(tlului of, p. 419.
the church in their house, p. xxxv.
Aquilia Phsca, p. 430.
Aquinas, Thomas, pp. cii ; 150 f.;
*7' f- 1 349 J 394-
Aristides, p. Ixxxii
Aristobulus, xvi. 10; pp. xxiii ; xxvii ;
xxxiv; xxxv.
Armenian Version, pp. Ixvii ; Ixviii C
Arminius, pp. civ ; 374.
Arnold, Matthew, pp. xliv; 163 f.
Article, Use of, ii. la, 13; iii. u ; iv.
i a, 24 ; viii. a6; ix. 4.
Asia, Province of, xvi 5.
Astarte. p. xviii
Asvncritus, xvi. 14 ; p. xxxv.
Athanasiu*, St, p. 305.
Atonement, pp. 88 ; 91 ff. ; 117; I a; ;
Day of, pp. 85 ; 93 ; laa ff.
Attraction, Grammatical, iv. 17; vi
17; ix. 34: x 14.
Atisiftuis, Codex, pp. Ixiv ; Ixix.
Angustttii, pp. xx ; xxiii.
Auguttine, St. pp. 149 f.; 185; 317;
»7«fc; 379» 394. *c.
Babylon, a» a name of Rome, p. xxix.
Ralfoor, Mr. A. J., p. 334.
Baptism, pp. 107; 153 ff.
Barmby, Dr. J., p. ax.
Baruch, Apoodypse of, pp. 33 ; 137 ;
107, &c.
Ra*Hcide«, p. Ixxxii.
Batiffol, The Abbe" P., p. IXT.
Ilaumlein, W., pp. 30, dec,
Banr, F. C., pp. xxxii; xxxix; xci;
400.
Beet, Dr. J. Agar, p. cvii
Iknediction, the concluding, p xd.
INDEX T< \OTES
Bengel, J. A., p cr.
Beytchlag, Dr. WilliUv
Kcza, Theodore, j
UloodHhedding. Sacrificial, pp. 89;
Boenurianui, Codtx, p;
Bonsset, NY., p. I*.
Browning, Robert, p. 163.
BvtonTPrd .:?, p, ao and
/MOM.
Cains, p. x\ix.
.1, j.. it.
Conception of, pp. 4 ; a 17.
Calhstus the Roman Bishop, p. xxiii.
51 f.; 373.
to, p. XT.
Caspari, Dr. C. P., p. UL
Catacumbas, ad, p. xxx.
Cencbreae, xvi. i ; p. xxxrU.
Ceriani, Dr., p. lx\n.
Charles, R. H., pp. 145 ; 326, Ac.
Chrysostom, St., pp. xcix ; 148 ; 370 ;
Ac.
Churches, the earliest (buildings for
worship), xrl 5.
Cicero, ;
ctsion, p. 106 ff.
CiTil Power, pp. 365 ff. ; 369 ff.
Clarom*nta*utt CotUx, pp. lx..
Clemen, Dr. A., p. 307.
Clemen, Dr. C., pp. xxx\ii ; xxxviii ;
Clemens Romano*, pp. xxix ; Ixxix ;
M7-
Clement, Flavius, p. xxxr.
{ oislinianut, CodtX, pp. Ixir ;
Colrt, John, ,
Collection for the saints in Jerusalem,
Columbaria, p. x
Commandments, The Ten, p
Communication in Roman EmpJri
xri f.
Conflict, The Inward, p. 184 L
« .•.>,-. - •
>,::'• r.A--. I . • . ; v x.
Cook, Canon, p. .
Corbolo, p
Corinthians, Ftrrt Epistle to, pp
Comcn,Dr.P.,pp xcviii
Cyprian, p
Crrene, p. x
Cyril of Alexandria, p. .
. Johannes, p. c,
Damastis, the Roman Bishop, p. xxx,
Date of the Epistle, pp. xxxvi ff. ; i.
Daiire case, IT. ao; Ti. 5 ; vii. 4, 5 ;
DaTid, Descent of Messiah from, i. 3;
as author of Psalm*, IT. 6 ; xi. 9.
Dam o vwAC« -:, p. -• :
Death, Idea of (see 'Jesus Christ,
Death of; Abort*), •:
Deissmann, Hcrr G. A., pp. 160 f ;
Deliusch, Dr. F., p. 45 »n<\ fiat rim.
Dtpotitio Alartyrum. p.
DeRos (i8ff.
Dicks I'., p. cri.
Dionysius of Corinth, p.
Domitilla, p. XXXT.
Dnoj |k i ;;• -;'• : •*) f
Doxology, The (Rom.
pp. Ixxix ; Ixxxix ; x
Dwight, Dr. T., p. »33.
Ebionite, p. 400.
Edershetm, Dr. A., pp. xxiii ; 136 ff.
Version v
i ; ; xx\.:.
Ephesus.pp.
Efkratmi, Codfjc, p. 1\
Epistles of St. Paul. Addresses of,
p. 15-
Erasmns, p. ciL
Erastns, p. x
Esan, ix. 13
Essenes, p. 400 C
; . ciT.
rsion, p. IxriL
Euthahuv p. Ixix.
ETans, I>r. T. S., pp.99; i*f. .
3»-
ETanson, E., p. K
*cr ot p. 145 C
Ezra, Fourth Book of, p. 33 and
fa; : I
I. SUBJECTS
439
Fairbairn. Dr. A. M , pi cUL
Faith, pp. 19; 31 ff.; 83 f. ; 94 ff.;
97 ff.
and Works, pp. 57 ; 105.
Fall, The, pp. 85; 130 ff.; 136 ff. ;
M3ff.; 305.
Felix, p. XT.
Forensic terms, pp. 30 f. ; 190; 330*
Free-Will. pp. 216; 347 f.
Frickr, Dr. (i. A., p. 131.
Fricdlandcr, Dr. L., p. 51.
Fritzsche, C. F. A., pp. cyi ; 375, &<x
is, Codtx, pp. Ixvi ; xc.
Gains, xvi. 33 ; p. xxxvii.
Galatia, Churches of, p. xxxviii.
Galatians, Epistle to the, p. xxxrii.
Genitive case, ill. 33; iv. u; v. 5;
vii. 5; viii. 36; XT. 5, 13,33; XTi.
ao, ^5.
Gentiles (see Wxi,), I 5, 13, i8-3a ;
li. i4f., 26; 111.9, *3. »9 f..* »x.3°:
x. u ; XT. 9 ff., :6 f. ; xvi. a6.
Call of the, ix. 34 ff.
Gcnttle-ChrUtians, i. 6; IT. 17; xi.
13 ff. : XT. 9 ff., 37.
in Church of Rome. pp. xxxii; liif
Gifford, Dr. E. H., p. cvni.
S pp. 269; 368.
GOD, as Creator, pp. 359 ; 366 f.
as Father, pp. 16 f. ; aoi ff. ;
396 f.
LOTC of, pp. 1 18 f. ; 1 35 ; 319 ff. ;
334.
Mercy of, p. 33* ff.
Sovereignty of, pp. 310 ; 350 ff. ;
C.odct, Dr. F., p. cviii, &c.
Gore, Canon, pp. 300 ; 367, Ac,
Gospel, The, pp. xliii ; 1.
Universality of the (see 'Gen-
tiles'), p. 398!
Gospels, The, pp. 8; 17; 30; 33;
36 f.; 91; 381 f.; 431.
Gothic Version, The, pp. Ixvii ; Ixix.
Grace (see x^pt), The state of, p. 3 1 8 ff.
Grafc, Dr. E., p. 53.
Greek Commentators, pp. xcix ; 207 ;
316.
Greeks in Rome, p. xvii.
(Ircen, T. H.. pp. 43; 164 f.
Grimm, Dr. \\illibald, p. 333.
.;o, p. ciT.
Grouping of MSS., p. l.\
Hammond, Henry, p. cr.
1 ieathen vscc • Gentiles,' f 0nj\ p. 49 f.
Hebrews, Epistle to the, pp. Ixxvi;
31: 9'I *'5-
Heirship, p. 301 ff.
Hennas, xvi. 14.
Hermes xvi. 14.
Herodion, xvi. 1 1 ; pp. xxvii ; xxxiv.
Herods, The, p. xxi f.
Hesychins, p. Ixviii.
Hilary, p. ci.
Hispalns, p. xix.
l!M»j, St Paul's Philosophy of,
p. 343 ff.
Hodge, Dr. C., p. cri.
Hort. Dr. F. J. A., pp. Ixvi; Uix;
Ixxxix; xcr; 165; 401; 414 f. ;
430; 439; 433.
Hugh of St. Victor, p. cii.
Ignatius, pp. xxix ; Ixxix; 161 ; aoo.
lllyria, lllyricum. p. 407 ff.
Immanence. The Divine, p. 197.
Imperfect tense, ix. 3.
Infinitive (d. «Jr rt), L 10; ii. ai ;
xii. 15.
Integrity of the Epistle, pp. Ixxxi ;
399-
Interpolations in ancient writers, p.
Ixxvi f.
Interpretation, History of, pp. 147 ff. ;
369 ff.
Irenaeus, p. xxix.
Isaac, pp. 1 1 3 ff. ; 338 ff.
Isis, \N onhip of. pp. xviii ; xx.
Israel (see Jews, dec.), Privileges of,
pp. 34; 53 ff.; 68 ff.; 3*3; 398.
Rejection of, pp. 338 ff. ; 307 ff.;
318 ff.; 341 f.
Restoration of, p. 318 ff.
Unbelief of, p. 335 ff.
Jacob, ix. 13.
James. St., pp. 33; loa ff.; 135.
Epistle of, p. Ixxvii.
Jason, p. xxxvii.
Jerusalem, Fall of, pp. 337; 346;
380.
Collection for poor saints in,
pp. xxx vi ; xcii.
St Paul's Tisit to. p. 414 f.
JESUS CHRIST (see '19001* x/*<rr4t,
X/x<rrJf 'Irjaovt, Ir X/Nory).
Death of, pp. 91 ff. ; 160.
Descent of, p. 6 f.
Teaching of (,see Gospels), p. 37,
Jewish Teaching (see 'Messianic In-
terpretation').
440
IE NOTES
Teaching on Adam's Fall,
.
oo Orcumdsioo, p. 108 £,
on ElccUoo. p. ;
oo Relation to Ciril Power, p. 369.
on Renovation of Nature, p.
aioff.
00 Restoration of Israel, p. 336 L
Jews (see 'Israel').
as critics, p. 53 &
Failure of the, p. 63 ff.
banished from Rome, ;
their organization, p. xxii f.
their social status, p. xxv.
1 n fl u ence on Roman Society , p . xx v.
their migratory character, p. xxvi.
their turbulence, p. x
ohn, St., pp.Qi f. ; 163.
bwett, Dr. B., p. crii.
'udaistic Controversy, p. IviL
odaiiera, p. 400.
ode, St., p. 33.
xix.
Judgement, The Final, p. 53 ff.
Julia, xvi. 15 ; p.
Julicher, oo Ephesians, p. lv.
Julius Caesar, relation to the Jews,
p. xix.
Junia (or Junias), xri. 17 ; pp. xxvii ;
xxxiv.
Justification (see &«aiorriry e«ov, 9t-
aiovr, &«u«0<f, &«ai«/>ia), pp. 30 f. ;
190,
and Sanctincalion, p. 38.
Justin Martyr, p. h
at, p. lii.
Kaotach. Dr. E,, pp. 73; 307.
Kelly, N
Kenm 333.
:34-
Kldpper, Dr. A., p. 62.
Knowling, R. J., p. lx> -
aw, loocepuoo ot, pp. 50 ; 109 n. ;
161 ;
and Grace, pp. 166 ff. ; 176 ff ;
Uddci.
LUe. Idea of, vi. 8; rii. 9;
Bp., pp. Ixxxix ; xcv and
R. A., p. dx and paiiim.
Literary History of Epistle to the
Romans, p
Locke, John, p. or.
Lomao, A. D.,j>. Ixxxri.
Low, PP 373 " ; 37^ f-
Lucius, xvi. a i .
Luther. Martin, pp. cm ; 41 ;
Maccabees, The. p. xix.
Mangold, Dr. xdii ;
p h
Mardoo, pp. Ixxxiu ; xc ; xcvi ; 38 ;
55: 83; 179; |8°; "/>
339 I 366 ;
ark, Bl
Marriage, Law of, p. 1 70 ff.
Mary (Miriam \ pp. xxxiv; xxxv.
Major,
Mclanchthon, Philip, p
Merit, pp. 81 ; 86 ; 94 ff. ; 97 ff. ; 245 ;
Messiah) Coming of the, pp. 63; 188;
•07 ; 387 f. ; ao6 ; 336 L ; 379 f.
Messianic Interpretation of
pp. a8if.; 387 f.; 396; 306; 336.
Meyer. vi and
fiusim.
Mmucius 1-V
Afffjfuffitit, Codex, p.
Moule, 11. C. .
NaMseni, p. Ixxxii.
Narcissus, xv <xivL
Natural Religion, pp 39 &• >
'
I'he Qm'mauennium of,
Character ol hit reign. D. xv.
Law and Police under mm, p. xvi.
Neutral Text, p. Ixxi.
Noratian.p
Objections, Treatment of, pp. 69;
-93; >95-
Oecumenms, p. c,
1. SUBJECTS
441
Oebler.Dr.G. F, p. 318.
Old Testament, Use of the, pp. 77 ;
a64; a88 L; soaff.; 396.
Collcctioni of extracts from,
pp. 264 ; a8a.
Oltramaie, liugues, p. c
Olyropas, xvi.
Origen, p. xcix and pasrim.
Original Sin,p. 137.
Ostian way, The, p. :
p. xxix.
Paganism, p. 49 ff.
Palcy,W.,j>.4i3.
Parousia, The, p. 377 ff.
Participle, Force of, iv. 18; v. i;
ix. 33.
Passive Obedience, p. 372.
PatiritHsis, Codtx, p. Ixv.
Patriarchs, Testaments of the Twelve,
p. Ixxxii.
Patrobas, xvi. 14.
Patron, p. 41 7 t
1'attison, Mark, p. 60.
Paul. St. (see 'St. James,' «St John/
•St. Jude."St. Peter').
Collection of his Epistles, p. Ixxix.
Conversion of, p. 186.
Courtesy of, pp. ai ; 403.
Death of, p. xxxi.
(•ricf of, over Israel, pp. 335;
337.
Jerusalem visits, p. xlii.
Journeys of, pp. xxxvi ff. ; 407 ff. ;
413".
Penetrating insight of, pp. a6 f. ;
103; 186.
Philosophy of History of, p.
343 ff.
Plans of, pp. xxxvi ff. ; 19 ff. ;
41 off.
Roman citizenship, p. xiv.
Rome and its influence on, pp. xiii ;
xviii.
Style of, p. liv.
Temperament and charnctcr.p lix
Paulus Episcopns, p. Ixxxviii.
Pedanins Secundus, p. xvii.
Pelagius, p. ci.
t tense, v. a ; ix. 19 ; xvi. 7.
Penis, xvi. 1 2 ; p. xxxv.
Peshitto Version, The, p. Ixvii.
Peter, St.
Death of, p. xxxii.
Roman Church and, pp. xxviii ff. ;
Ixxvi.
I In twenty-five yean* episcopate,
p. xxx.
Peter, First Epistle of, p. Ixxiv ff.
Pharaoh, ix. 17.
Phtlo, Embassy to Rome, p. xx.
Philologus, xvi. 15 ; p. xxxiv £.
Phlegon, xvi 14.
Phoebe, xvi. i ; p. xxxvi.
Pierson, A., p. Ixxxvi.
Plumplre, Dean, pp. 430; 436.
Polycarp, Epistle of, pp. Ixxix; 371.
Pompeius Magnus, p. xix.
Pomponia Graecina, pp. xviii ; xxii ;
xxxv.
Poor, Contributions for the, pp. xxxvi ;
xcii; 41 a f.
Poppaea Sabina, p. xviii.
Porphyrian**, Cod*xt p. Ixv.
Porta Port tutu is, Jcwuh cemetery at,
p. xx.
Portus, Jewish cemetery at, p. xx.
Predestination (see ' Election,' • Re-
sponsibility1), p. 347 &
Prisca (Prisdlla : see • Aqnila '), xvi. 3.
Priseilltu eotmtttrium, p. 419.
Promise, Conception of, pp. 6; 18;
looff.
Propitiation, pp. g» ; 94; itgf.
Proselytes, p. xxv.
Provinces under Nero, p. xv.
Pythagoreans, p. 400.
Quinquennium of Nero, p. xiv.
Ramsay, W. M., pp. xir; xxviii;
xxxi.
Reconciliation, Idea of, p. 1 39 f.
Reformation Theology, The, pp. cii ;
i»C
Regeneration, p. 185 f.
Reiche, p. xcv.
Remnant, Doctrine of the, pp. 308 ;
3i6ff.
Kenan, E., pp. xcii: 421
Kendall, F., p. xxx
Reach, Dr. A., p. 38a.
Resurrection, p. 335 f.
of Christ, pp. 1 1 a ff. ; 1 16 I ; 159.
Revelation (cf. dvoc&vfu). pp. 39 ff.;
Kiddcll, Mr. James, p. 191.
Righteousness, p. a8 ff.
of God, pp. 34 ff. ; 134 ff.
Roman Church, pp. xxv ; 18 ff. ; 370;
401 f. I 404
Composition of. p. «x^i
Creed of, p. liii.
Government, pp. xxxv ; 370 f.
Greek character of, p. lit.
X TO THE NOTES
Roman Church
Origin of, pp. xxv ; 1* •
Status and condition of, p •
Roman dtbensbip, St. Paul's, p. xiv.
Koman J n.; Ire, j> x.v.
:lc to the.
Analym of, p. x
Argument of. p. xliv.
EpEesians compared with, p. Iv.
Integrity of, p. Ixxxv.
;uage and Style of, lit.
Ixxiv.
Occasion of, p. x\
Place of, in Pauline Epistles,
p. Ixxxiv.
Purpose of, p xxxix.
Text of, p. IxiL
and place of, p. xxxvi.
Rome in A.D. 58, p. xiii ff.
Influence of, on St. Paul, p;
XXM.
Rnfns, xvi. 13 ; pp. xxvii; xxxhr.
Ruskin, Mr., p. £
Sacrifice of Christ, pp. 91 ff.; 119;
Sacrifices, the Leritical, pp. gi
Sahidic Version, r.
Salvation, pp. 33 :
Sanctification, pp
Sangertnatunsit, Lodtx, p. Ixix,
Satan, p. i
Schad.r .11-.
Schaetc
Scholasticism, pp. 37 ; 118; 133.
Schultx, l)r
Schiirer, Dr. i .nr;d fastim.
Scriv ||. A., p. b
SednliusSco
Seneca, p. .
*, p. xxix.
13° ff : 136 ff ; 143 ff ;
*frjr, pp. .
Slavery in Rome, p. x%
Smend. Dr. K.. j
Smith. Dr. \V. KoLertson, pp. 14;
Society, the Christian, pp. 1 32 (. ; 355.
Sohm, Dr. R., r
Sonship, p. 201 ff.
ater. p. xxx
Spain, xv. »4, a8.
.s/v, «/«w. "1
;
199!
Spiritual gifts, pp. at : 358 ft
Stachys, xvi. o ; p
Bto •.' tbdo
l ;
^x«), p
.s ! < i ; i : ; i , ] . x \ . .
Stuart, Moses, p. cvL
Suetonius, j .
Swetc. i3i.
Syriac Versions, p. Ixxi ff.
Terminology, Theological, p. 1 7.
Tort* >. XM 12.
Teitnllian, p
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs,
p. Ixxxii and /ttui/tt.
Text of the Kj.i>tlc, p. :
New nomenclature
P. .
Theodoret, pp. c ; 149 and fattim.
Theophanes, p. cix.
Theophylact, p. c,
Thestalonians, Epp. to, j
TholiUK IKCT.
Ti mot he us. x
Toy, 1
Trent, Connc
of the, pp. 16;
aoo; 340.
1 :•. : . i : . x i. I : , ; x» v.
Tryphosa, x- \xv.
Turpie. Mr. D M'Calman, p 307.
Tyndale,pp.65; 175. 194 ; 393.
Union with Christ, pp. :
163 ff.
Urbanus, xri 9 ; pp. xx
Valcntinians, p. lx
Vatican H.
«/, CaiV-r. j.p .
r.,p.crii.
rians, pp. 385 ; 401 L
Vicarious suffering, p. 93.
\ :. .. : • , . xv
Voelter, Dr. D., p. Ixxx
'
"*.
cvi.
• •
II. LATIN WORDS
443
Western Text, The, p. Ixxl ff.
WctJtcin, J. I., p. cv.
Weymonth, Dr. R. K., p. 434.
\Viclif, pp. 9; 175 ;
Wordsworth, Dr. Christopher, p. cvii.
Works, pp. 57: »oa:
Wrath of God, pp. 47 ; 117.
Zahn, Dr. Theodor, p. lxx*v.
r, L., p. Uvi.
II. LATIN WORDS.
p. 57-
p. 134; 375.
Jefinitus. p. 8.
Jtputatiu, p. a a a.
ebstinatus, p. 8.
; 375.
iugulatie, p. aa».
mortifitan, p. a a a.
/w/Km.pp.57; 134.
vutima, p. a a a.
III. GREEK WORDS.
[This to an Index to the Notes and not a Concordance ; sometimes however,
where it is desirable to illustrate a particular usage, references are given to
passages which are not directly annotated in the Commentary. The oppor-
tunity is also taken to introduce occasional references to two works which
appeared too late for use in the Commentary, Notts on Epistles of St. Paul
from unpublished (Jommtntaries (including the first seven chapters of the
Romans) by Bp. Lightfoot, and Bibelstudien by G. Adolf Deissmann (Mar-
burg, 1895). Some especially of the notes on words in the former work
attain to classical value (a-yo^t and 8/«cuot, dvaM«pa\atovo$ai, tytfoor), and
the latter brings to bear much new illustrative matter from the Flinders Pctric
and other papyri and from inscriptions. In some instances the new material
adduced has led to a confirmation, while in others it might have led to a
modification of the views expressed in the Commentary. We cannot however
include under this latter head the somewhat important differences in tegard to
&«o<ovr and •oroAAdacrftv. Hp. Ligbtibot's view of 8c«cuoCr in particular
seems to us less fully worked out than was usual with him.]
•A0/3o, viii. 15.
*pMt, v. 7 (-Lit) ; T* dYofcSr, xiiL
4 ; xiv. 16 ; xv. a.
dyasWvyiy, xv. 14.
d-yawo*. xiiL 8, O.
d-ytlwij, v. 5, 8; xii. 9; xiiL 10;
xv. 30 ; pp. 374 ff. : ct Deissmann,
p. 8of.
&-rri\at, viil 38.
Aytaffftot, vi. 19.
<ryio*, i. 7; xi. 16; xii. I, 13;
, x. 3 ; xi. »5.
17.
x. i : cf. Deissmann, p. 8a (.
i8, a9; i.L 5.
i. 28.
viii. 3.
dfeor, i. ao.
all*, iii. *s; pp. 91 f., 119.
oiort', xii. a.
<Uo*ajxria, vi. 19.
, it
X TO THE NOTES
Oi
dAV,,n
dA^yr
dAAdA/7»,x. 18,19.
dAA^r/aot, «T. 20.
'3
i:
iii. 25; T. 13; p. 1,
T. 12; vi 6, 7, 10 ; vii 8.
'5; p- '44.
d**v«,r. x. 6.
vii. O.
ix 3-
ft x:i. 3.
M+aJUuowrftu, xiil. 9:
Notes, p. 321 f.
drawo\oyrjr&t, L 3O ; 11. I
dra<rro<riff, i. 4 ; p. 18.
dr^/xw-iTTOt. xi. 33.
dVl^, xii. 20.
drtyrfrriror Afyw, ri. 19.
. ix
, vii. si.
AwiWf,vt6;pp. 171, 174.
«,, TI. 19.
x
xi
drw&r^irof, x
d/«ot . . . w^t, vui. 18.
df«f. x
dnyx^t ^>ii 23 : xi. >6 ; xvi. 5.
«i»«*3<x«<T*a«, viii. 19.
dwioria, dviffruV, iii. 3.
t, xii 8.
, I 20; dvd /U^ovt. XT. 15.
.4
. rl 7, 10.
T^, i. 1 8.
vii.. 19.
, viil 19.
, i. 27.
roAvr/^,,. f Lft. W^W.
and p. 316.
dv^roXot, L i : xu 7 ; p 18.
iMffflMta,
dvoroA/ia*-, x. 2O.
dpa oir. v. 18 ; rii. 25 ; ix. 16, 18.
XT. i.
iii 38,
i. ig.
**«**. IT. 5.
13.
vi. 19; TULtl
, | 31 (T. L).
d<rvr«roi i
«*T*t. ; xv. 14.
(T. i.).
,. .
33.
3.
»,i
aaina ToC W<
0a<riA«i/«ir, T. 1 4 .
$<urra{iir. XT. i .
^Awr<r«<rfai, ii 22.
. 10.
, xiv
riotffe
19.
i8a.]
7/ro.ro, M. j.i 4 ; -
.. 4.
:, »s;
[Ttti. 39].
XV. I4.
19.
L 2; p. 18: cf. Deissmann,
p. 109.
26.
• •> ; p. 1 19.
h' tavTov, x;
&<urorur, XT. 25.
T.
. j ; xiv. 23.
^ i. 3 i ; i
fcotWpo: i3[-Lft}.
xv. 4
III. GREEK WORDS
445
, vt 17; xv 1
, v
&t*aioKp«jia, ii. 5.
ourtuot, i. 17 ; iii. 26 ; T. 7 ; p. 28 f.
vn;, pp. a8 ft, 393.
vrrj W«oC (ij far. TOW e«ov), i.
17; til 15, 31, 35; x. 3; p. 34 ff.
84«a«wr, aatoiovofcu, ii. 13 ; iii. 4. 30,
a6, a8 ; iv. 5 ; vi. 7 ; Tiii. 30 ;
pp. 30 f. (otherwise Lit. ; tee how*
ever his remarks on d^iovr, A'otes.
P >°5)-
&«k,«», I. 3»; T. 16, 18; Till. 4;
p. 3 « (cf. Lft. p. 393).
iv. 35; v. 18; pp. 31,
&4, xiii. 5 ; XT. 33.
19; iii. 30.
r«u,xu. .7.
r, ix. 30 ; xii. 1 4.
-S; ii. 18; Xil. 3.
T. 4.
33; iii. 33; T. 3; vi. 4; viii.
18, 31 ; ix. 4; xv. 7; xvi. 37.
8of«Ca. 3°5 xi. 13; XT. 9.
0ot>A«'a, viii. 15, 31.
; p. 18.
r, i. 4, 16 ; viii 38.
25.
Si/KaruV, xiv. 4.
Swartt, xii. 18.
tyf, xv- 5»
8&0cdL T I A
J-ywaAfir, viii. 33.
lyittvrptfvt xi. 1 7.
J7«4rr«iir, xv. 33.
J8oA4oOw, iii. 13.
«^7» i- 5 : ii. 14 ; i*» 30.
«r7«, v. 6 (T. L) ; [iii. 30].
<IKWV, viii. 39.
«?«•«/>, iii. 30.
cfrwr, i. 10 ; xi. 14.
**-'i3, 33*: XTL30; p. 18.
•ft, ii. 36; iv. 3; viii. 18; xi. 36;
XT. 36 (cf. Deissmann, p. 113 ff.).
«Ji r6 with inf, i. n, 30 ^ otherwise
Lft.); iv. ii, 16, 18.
•ft, i, T. 15, 17; ix. 10,
tlaip\<a6ait \
i*, i«. 8 (cf. Lft/,; iii. 36, 30 (cf.
Lft) ; |T. 14, 16; xi. 36; xii. 18.
««&«ot, xiii. 4.
, 36.
^or, xi. 17.
xvi. 5. 16 ; p. 15.
', xri. 17.
viii. 33; xvi. 13; p 4.
, xi. 7, 38.
•or' JjrAoTqr, ix. n; xi. 5 ;
p. 350.
, ix. 6.
Il
T. 5.
, ix. 13.
«A«u>, ix. 15 ; xii. 8.
t\tvOtpiat viii. 31.
•EAA^, i. i4.
JAAo7«f<rtoi (I\\oyaff0at\ v. 13.
lAw/r, v. 4; viii. 34; xii. 13; xv. 4.
13-
. , i iS (otherwise Lft.), 19, 13; xi.
3, 35 ; xv. 6 : cf. Deissmann, p.
l ft
fr Kv/rfy, xvi. 13.
ir Kv/xV 1i7<roD, xiv. 14.
If Xptor$, ix. i ; xvi. 7.
Jr X/MOTft 'l7«roC, iii. 24 ; vi. M.
Jr ffop*/, viii. 9.
ir vrii/^an, viii. 9.
4r ^T, viil 3.
Msivwfef, ii. 15; ix. 17, 33.
lr<«i/irt iii. 35, 36.
JrSvra/iotMrAu, iv. 20.
lrour«V, vii. 17 ; viii. if.
JrroAi}, vii. 8.
imryx^«<r, xL a: cf. Deissmann,
p. H7f.
l^ovaray, vii. If.
^«7«<Hir, ix. 17.
ifono\o-jtt~o0<u, XIV. II.
Ifoveta, ix. 31 ; xiii. I.
i»ary«A/a, iv. 13; ix. 4, 8; p. 18
(cf. Lft. on iv. ai>
fvturor, ii. 39.
, !. 16.
t xv. 15.
, ii. 17.
<»«/, iii. 6.
4wit L 9, n ; iv. 18 ; r. a ; viii. 30.
J^Vi v. 13.
>>>• 30; x. 3.
ii. 7 ; p. 375.
, x. I a, 13, i j.
, xi. a a.
, i. II.
iwtw^ia, xv. 33.
t, xvi. 7.
lV, XV. 38.
i»lT«A«lV
lit 5.
17.
t>yor. ri l/ryor, U. 15; xiil 3 I *»*.
30 ; p. 102.
X TO THE NOTES
if»?l olr, U 19; xi. 10.
T, Ip.
W c5r lp
, il. 8.
i«ir, xiv. 2, 3, d.
<r«pof, vii. 33
7 ; T. 6; J'T
«uay7«A4£«70<u, x. 15; i
f i-ayy/Aiar, i
iii *" ;5-
.xv. 26 £
•Mbafe, x. i.
•AMyd
«vAoyi7Tft, i. 25; ix, 5; p. 336: cf.
Lft., p. 310.
XT. 39 ; xvi. 1 8.
i. 10 (-
. iv. i (T. L ; on the reading
•ee also Lft.).
'£, v. 12.
38; ir. a; r. i. a (-Lft.).
:. II.
Ci»Xot |
rtr, vii. 9 (cf. Lft); x. 5 ; xii i ,
9-
M,Ti,
«, iii. 39: X
4<t7ro«r. I.
^A
^T« . . . <J, vi. 16.
^*»i «• '
'HA*fat
», *, II I vi. 3, 4
(•Lit); x
«rfAm. 1 6.
fttauM, rl, i. to; ii. 18; x:
••, XV. 3O.
p. 337.
•arty>, i. 7 ; p. 1 8.
.3(cf.LfV).
it 8.
, i
f&or, riii. 33 ; x. 3 : tee however
|>. isof.
v. 16.
i
*Ii7<rowt X/«oToi, ». I ; pp. 3 f., 83 f.,
l6of.
iw,:. i ).
r, ,
.130:
comp. Lft. and Ddtanann, p. 1 2 1 ff.
M^yM
iVa, v. 30; xi. II.
'3-
tw«Q4' ; ; p. »J9.
.
p. 64.
< v. 4.
I, Tti, i. 38.
19.
36.
«U/&, :
«ard jraip^r, cord rir «Q4/x/f , ».
x. 9.
roAciV,
•oAurt, x
flo^vo^op<ir, vii. 4 'otherwise Lft.).
•ara, i
«OT* oT«or. >
MXMXAMi 33.
. 18.
•ara.p,:.
•araAiiAof, i. 30.
*araAap£<ir«M', u 30.
iroraAAa^, v
«araAAriaa«r, v. 10.
•araAi/«ir, xiv. 30.
garAnrfit, xL 8.
•aro^- 3.6.
xarapr
flar«iffor«iV,
«aro
«ar«/rjra^«oc
. s (otherwitt
III. GREEK WORDS
447
«an?x«fy, ii. 1 8.
ravxaaftu, v. 3, 1 1.
xai'xaaat, ii. 17.
*av\T)t*i, iv. 3.
wai/xt/a" . v. 3 ; xv. 17.
K,nP.«;. x
K-flfHTjpa, xvi. 35.
itypvooHv, x. 14, 15.
««V8vro», viii 35.
«Aato, xi. 16.
K\T)pot><!>nott iv. 13, 14 ; viii. 17.
Klrjoti, xi. 39.
Klrjrfa, i. i, 6, 7 ; viii. 28 ; p. 18.
«AITT^ dyia, p. 1 3 fc
«A//M, xv. 33.
«<*A/a, xvi. 1 8.
mtv6t, xiv. 14.
". xii. 13 ; xv. 37.
xv. 36.
7, xiii. 13.
Koirrjf t\tur, ix. IO.
•ton**, xvi. 6.
*6ffpott 6, iii. 6 ; v. 13.
*f*mt>. gfiftaOtu, iii. 4 ; xiv. 5, 13.
/rrioit, i. 30; viii. 19, 31, 39.
«v«Ay, xv. 19.
xvfxtimr, vi. 9.
Ki5/>iof, i. 4, 7; x. 13, 13; x»i. ii ;
xiv. 8; xv. 6; p. 18.
«w/iof, xiv. 14.
AaA«iV. iii. 19.
Aaur, xi. i.
\arptia, ix. 4; xii I.
Aarfxi/ur, i. 9.
A«ixai'a> xix. 3.
A^V*". :
dAAa A/7tt/, X. 1 8, 19.
Xtfoj ovy, xi. I, II.
\tinpa, xi. 5.
A(irov/rY«rr, p. 30 : cf.
P- 137,'. ,
Aurov/ryuf. xiii. 6; xv. 16.
no tn, iii. ].
iii. 18; xiv. 14.
kofifcato <i», ii. 36 ; iv. 3.
tot, xii i.
u. 15.
A<JT«W. iii. 4 : ix. 6.
AtfvfiVtfoi, xiv. 15.
ix. 2.
, ir. 7,8; xir. 33.
iv. 6.
4.
v. 1.).
, iii. 31 ; x. 3.
. viii. 20.
, i .M
, viii. 35.
, ix. 13.
, viii. 1 8.
, T. 14.
X. I.
/drovr, XI. 13; p. 334.
, ix. li.
, i. 39 ; xv. 14.
, xii. 8.
, xii. 9.
. ii. 15.
id,, ii. 14; UL 5; ir. 19; fat. 14;
H| 7/rwro, Hi. 4 ; ix. 14 ; xi. i,
It.
xiL 13 (T. 1).
/ilrot, xvi. 36.
ii. 30.
or, xi. 35 ; xvi. 35.
, i. 4 fcf.Lft) ; viii. 10; xi. 15.
r««p£y, vi. 13 (cf. Lft).
, ii. 3a
, iii. 4; xii. 31.
vc>no9iala, ix. 4.
rvnot, metaphorical use of, ill. 37 ; vil
31, 33; viii. 3; x. 31.
rtltot (situ artif.), U. 13, 13, 14, 35 ,
iii. 31 (cf. Lft.); iv. 13; T. 13;
TiL i ; ix. 31 ; x. 4.
vifot, i, u. 13, 14 ; iii. 19 ; ril 3,
i a.
rovr, i. 38 ; vii. 33 ; xii. a.
rwtf, iii si.
U. 19-
of8a/ur, ii. 3 ; viii. 33, 28.
oixolofai, xiv. 19.
, ix. 15.
. xii. I.
, ix. 6.
faryfc, xilii.
SAot , Viii. 36.
, xv. 6.
. 5 ; viii. 3.
t ix. 9.
xv. 3.
L5;p.,8.
xv. 3O.
5»Aor, vL I J,
. i. i8;il. 5,8; Hi. 5;
xii. 19 ; xiii. 4.
\ TO THE NOTES
Mta
«t 7«, TiiL 33.
IT. 8.
«*j*orft/,Tiii. 33; U. 10.
ovworr**, .
oJr, iL 3i ; iii. 38 (V. 1.); x. t
. 8 ; XT. i .
'. \i. 33 : cf. I ft. and
^t. ii. 30.
voAoidr oV0f««M, xi 6.
•rf.iii.9.
, i. 35.
»op* Jatrroir, xii. 16.
»aj, i. 34 ; IT. 35; Yi. 17.
. .. oiV, x ly; xi. II.
va/n«« i00ai, Tit 1 8, 31.
wa/xuroi-r, Y. 19.
wapawra'/in, v. 15 ; xi- II (cf. Lft. OO
Y. 30).
*ap4jrAi?<r(f, XT. 5.
wnp4iatp\ta9cu, T. 3O.
wa/M0if, iiL 35.
•»^NNria,pp. 379 f.
war. ix xi. 36, 33.
«art^>, 4, i. 7; l5;cf.XY.<5.
warijp ( - patriarch), ix. 5, 10 ; xi 38 ;
XY. 8.
ii. IQ.
«f/Mvar.
9tpta<nta, T. 17.
rtpta
»«piTo/rtj, ii. 39 ; XY. 8.
v. 31.
wur^o,
t, x
:-• ; xiv. 4.
'««»-, vi0T«i/«00ai, iii. 3 ; x. 10 ;
-' : TP- 31 ff-
«i0Tif, ^, i. 8, 17; iii. 3.
30 ; T. a; x. 8,
30 (cf.
.
'X. 30.
', T. 30.
. i
wAi;/>oirf XT. 19.
»Mf<^P«"'. wA^^ofoftiWai, IT. 31 ;
•X4f»' .- ; **• 39-
»XovTi.r. x. I i.
vAovrof, ix. 33; x;
»»«r/w. rin. o. 10. 1 1 ; xii. 1 1 ; XT. JO.
^T"*, T. 5 ; ix. i
19.
•
• i Jiptffrov, '.
f. i 4.
. vui. 15.
« ;• ;. 8.
?«(T.<:
, IY ry wxcv/iOTi,
*ara wy«C^
•rtipttriiror, i. 1 1 ; v. 14;
xv
,
w, ol, v
WOAJUI, Tli, XT. 33.
•anpfa, i. 39.
i. 39 (T
, viii. 39 ;
*T. 4-
xi. ;,c.
ix. 19.
tgfBi,
', ix. 33.
, i
t. x
hi. 28; ix. ii ; p. 350.
i.
, ^
9pOHHl09<li , >
i-.
, : 18.
^
WpOOl UTiI, X
, XT. 16.
«o. ti. ii.
35 (olbcnrUe Lft. «J
/^cf.p.3.8).
w^rror, i. 1 6
19.
III. GREEK WORDS
449
vp*r4ro«of, viii. 39.
rro/«iK, xi. ii.
rr*x<>«. xr. 26.
, xi. 7.
15.
*.8, 17.
xi 16 ff. ; XT. i a.
J, Xi. 26.
XT. 37.
, vii. 14.
, iii. ao; ri. 19; ix. 8; x
p. 181.
Jr «rap«/. Jr ry oapxt, rii. 5
3. 9*
•aid aa^ra, L 3; IT. I ; viii. 4,
5 '. >*• 3. 5 ? P- '33 ff-
Zararat, xvi. ao; p. 145.
oi&a(<aOat, i 35.
oijftttov, }T. II ; xr. 19.
(7«.ir£aAar, xi. 9 ; xiv. 1 3.
<r««0ot, ix. ai, aa.
a«Ai7pw«iK, ix, 1 8.
0«o*«<V, xri. 17.
Zvario, XT. 34, a 3.
,
). xii. H, ii.
ii. 9.
, xiv. 4.
v, 1. II', xvj. 35.
r», IT. ia (on T«t aroix. §ec
I.u).
°nnr«»'7», Ix. 3: xvi. 7, 10, ai.
avycAtuir, xi. 31.
oiOr«Ai7por<J/iof. Tiii. 17.
ai/-)r«o«wHrw«, xi. 17.
(TiMMopTi^M.V, ii. 15; Tiil. 16; ix. i.
79.
<iit L 13.
»', Tiii. 1 7.
<u, XT. 30.
«, XT. 33.
rfai, viii. 26.
16.
it 15; U.i.
Tiii. a8.
rr, i
4.
(rvn<rrara4, iii. 5 ; xvi. I.
<7Wiaw. iii. 1 1.
<7irrriA«iV, ix. 38.
, ix. 38.
xvi. ao.
i s
<rvr«AV«.K, viiL 33.
ovrmtpouoAu, vl 6.
7»rxi}/MSr'CM'a4> x" a«
0^07^, Tiii. 36.
, XT. 33.
T. ii.
, ff»C«°*<", v. 9 ; Tiil 34 ; xl
36 : <£ Lft. p. 388.
, Ti 6; Til 4, 34 ; xiL I.
/tot, xri 31.
L 16 ; x. i ; xi. 1 1.
rawiurfa. xit. 16.
r« ^p, TiL 7.
rl«ror, Tiii. 14, 17 ; ix. 8 (cf. Debt*
p. 164).
o. (-end\ x. 4; (-toll), xlii. 7.
TI Ipevntv. ill 5.
riovr; iii. 9; Ti. 15; xi. 7.
rl ojr ipoi>«r ; iv. I ; vt 1 ; TiL
7; TiiLji; ix. 14, 30.
dAAd n A/7« ; x. 8 ; xi 4.
TI^, xii. NX
r.^.t, iii. 3; xi. 17.
ri car' J/i/, i. 15.
ToA/tar, T. 7.
ro^^rtpcr, XT. 15.
TO »ot, xii. 19; XT. 33.
rov with infill., Ti. 6 ; TiL 3.
Ca, xi. 9.
VWOt, T. 14; Tl 17.
t I 30,
v'io6<ata, vjii. 15.
vUf (of Christ; cf Ddtnn*nn,p.i66 f.),
L 4; Tiii. 39; (of man), vui. 14,
vninpoi, xi. 31.
6wo*oiy, i. 5 ; T. 19 ; xvi 19,
16.
, Tii. a.
19.
, viiL JO.
, xiii. I.
i. 30.
iii 37.
i'«ir, T. ad.
xii. 3.
W. iii 9.
in. 19.
37.
if.
T. 3.
viii. ao ; x
3 ; xiii i.
33.
450
>: TO THE NOTFS
i.rii
iii. ai ; xrl *.
x::i. 31.
afcA^Ja, x
T**"", P 374 t
>«, m
f*
f, xii. 10.
<, XT. JO.
. i. 16 ; riv. 6 ; XT. 5.
. 35 ; xit id.
K, ii. 26.
*Wia, ix Jl ; xL id.
:. .4.
,xir. 17; XT. 13.
, L 5 ; v 5,6 ; xii. 3 ;
xv. 15 ; xvj. ao; p. 18.
, '•
L 1 1 ; N
. Til 3.
xri. 18.
X^irrAf 'I^row, Tiii. 34 (T. 1. , 39 ; pp
3 f . i <K> f.
/r X/M<rr£ TtjffoG, iii. 34 ; rL 1 1.
'•'" *'.-'i'. it. I.
^fMof.
^M<r'^, »L 4-
5: P- »35-
At, I*. 3».
*f d*, XT. 94.
'
Sum (* • ; 'with Infin.),
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMHJTARY.
THE following eminent Scholars have contributed, or arc
engaged upon, the Volumes named below : —
Genesis.
Exodus.
Leviticus.
Numbers.
Deuteronomy.
Joshua.
Judges.
SamueL
Kings.
Isaiah.
Jeremiah.
Minor Prophets.
Psalms.
Proverbs.
Job.
Daniel
Ezra and
Nehemiah.
Chronicles.
THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The Rer. T. K. CHEYNE, D.D., Oriel Professor of the
Interpretation of Holjr Scripture. Oxford.
The Kev. A. R S. KENNEDY, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
University of Edinburgh.
The Her. J. K. STENNINO, M.A., Fellow of Wadham
College, Oxford; and the late Rev. H. A. WHITE,
M.A.. Fellow of New College, Oxford.
G. BUCHANAN GRAY, M.A., Professor of Hebrew, Mans-
field College, Oxford. [/» tk* Aw.
The Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., Regius Professor of
Hebrew, Oxford. {Rtady, iw.
The Rev. GEORGE ADAM SMITH, D.D., Professor of
Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow.
The Rev. GEORGE MOORE, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass.
{Ready, ia/.
The Rev. II. P. SMITH, D.D., Professor of Biblical
History and Interpretation in Amherst College, Mass.
The Rev. FRANCIS BROWN, D.D., Professor of Hebrew
and Cognate Language*, Union Theological Seminary,
New York City.
The late Rev. A. B. DAVIDSON, D D., LL.D., Professor
of Hebrew, The New College, Edinburgh.
The Rev. A. F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D., Regius Professor
of Hebrew, and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
W. R. HARPER, Ph.D., President of the University of
Chicago, Illinois.
The Rer. CHARLES A. BRIGGS, D.D., Edward Robinson
Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
The Rev. C. H. TOY, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Har-
vard University, Cambridge. Massachusetts. [Ready, \ *$.
The Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., Regius Professor of
Hebrew, Oxford.
The Rev. JOHN P. PETERS, Ph.D., late Professor of
Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now
Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York City.
The Rev. L. W. BATTEN, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew,
P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
The Rev. EDWARD L. CURTIS, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
T
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL
/•///. A vr.
Synopsis of the The Rev Udy Marg*
Four Gospels. fessor of Divinity. Oxford ; and the Rev. W. C. ALLEN,
M.A 3rd.
Matthew. The Kcr. \VM LOUGH BY C. ALLEN, M.A., On
Fellow, and Lecturer in Theology and Hebrew, 1
College, Oxford.
The Rev. E. P. GOULD, D.D , Professor of New Testa-
M .: EasfStJt, l . 1.. Divinity Sen. -.!, Phila I l| is.
Luke. The Rev. ALFRED PLUM ME R. D.D , Master of University
College, Durham. (Kea
Acts. The Rev. FREDERICK H. CHASE, D.D , Chriu's College,
Cambridge.
Romans. The Rev. WILLIAM .^ I)., Lady Margar
fessor of Divinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Ox
and the Rev. A. C HEADLAM, M.A., Fellow <
Souls College, Oxford. [ A'w
Corinthians. The Rev. ARCH. ROBERTSON, D.D., Principal of King's
College, London.
Galatians. The Rev. ERNEST D. BURTON, A.B., Professor .
Testament Literature, University of Chicago.
Ephesians and The Rev. T. K. ABBOTT, B.D., D.I -it., formerly Professor
Colossians. of Biblical Greek, Trinity ColleK
[*«•*>, to*. 64
Philippians and The Rev. MARVIN R. VIKCF Professor of
mon. Biblical Literature, Union Theological Semin.i
York City. [/W/, fc. 6*
By EDWARD H FRAME, M.A., Assistant Professor of
I iteratmc, Union Theological Seminary. New
York.
The Rev. WALTER I.< ran Ireland's Professor
of Exegesis. Oxford.
The Rev. A. NAIRNE, M.A., Professor of Hebrew. King's
The Rev. JAMES II. ROPES, A H ., Instructor in New
Testament Criticism hi Harvard University.
Peter and Jude. The Rev. CIIARI.F. • MOT of
Ecclesiast; r»ity of Oi
The Johnnnine The Rev. S, I1 ; al, and Pro-
Epistles, fessor of Systematic Theology, U« < 'hsrch
rge, Aberdeen.
Revelation. The Rev. ROBERT H. CHARLES. D D., Professor of
.reek in the Univ,
• tngapmtnJt will It (mmmnetd shortly.
I and II
I In. ss.i loiiinns
The Pastoral
Epistles.
Hebrews.
: AkK. 38 GEORGE STREET.
MMI NT A Co.. LTD.
PUBLICATIONS OF
T. & T. O L A. IR,
38 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.
LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, & CO. LIMITED.
Abbott (T. K.. B.D., D.Lit.) KI'HKMVNS AND COLOSSI ANS. (7n/er-
iui- il Commentary.) Post 8vo, 10*. 6d.
Adam < J., D.D.)— Ax EXPOSITION OF TII i: Ki MSTLE OF JAMES. 8vo, 9s.
Adamson (Eev. T., D.D.)— STUDIES OF THE MINI- IN OHUK Post
Svo, :
'I'm: SIM i: ir "i l'«»WER. Second Edition, fcap. 8vo, Is.
Alilfeld (Dr.), etc.— THE VOICE FROM THE CROSS. Cr. 8vo, price 5s.
Alcock ( Deborah)— Tf IK SEVEN CHURCHES OF ASIA. Is.
Alexander ( Prof. W.Lindaay)— Bir.i.n • A i. THEOLOGY. TwovoU.8vo.21s.
Alexander (W. Menzies, B.Sc., B.D., M.D.,)— DEMONIC POSSESSION IN
MI. Port Svo, 5s.
Allen(Prof. A. V. G..D.D.)— < HKIVIIAN INMIIUTIONS. (International
Theolojicnt Libntty.) Post 8vo, 12s.
Ancient Faith in Modern Light, The. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Andrews (8. J.)— Tin I >UR LORD. Large post 8vo, 9s.
Ante-Nicene Christian Library— A COLLECTION OF ALL THE WORKS
or THK FATHERS or THE CHRISTIAN PRIOR TO THE COUNCIL or
NICAA. Twenty-four voU. Svo, Snbscn; , £0, 6*. 8«lcrti..n
iiirs st Sukscn: Jl». Additional Volume,
containing MSS. dixotvred rinct th* completion o/th* Strut, 12>. 6.1. net.
Augustine's Works— Edited by MARCUS DODS, D.D. Fifteen vols.
8ro, Sul- -ice, £3, 19s. net Selection of Four Volumes st Sub-
:ii>ii j'lici' 0(
Balfour (R. G., D.D.)— CENTRAL TRUTHS ,\xi» SII»E ISSUES. Crown
Svo, 8s. 6d.
Ball(W. E.,LL.D.) Si i I;..MAN 1. \\\. I'o8t8vo,4s
Ballard (Prank, M.A., B.Sc.)— THK MIRACLES OF UNBELIEF. Third
Post 8 TO, 6s.
Bannerman (Prof.)— THE CHURCH OF CHRIST. Two vols. Svo, 21s.
Baimerman (D. D.t D.D.)— THE DUCTRINE OF THE CHURCH. 8vo, 12s.
Bartlet (Prof. J. Venion, M.A.) T . Ii- I
Do- iv. (Eras o/Ch H irh History.) Crown Svo, 6s.
Baumgarten (Professor)— APOSTOLIC HISTORY. Three vols. Svo, 27s.
Bayne ( P., LL.D.)— THE FREE Ci i ft 6fl \ N D. Post 8vo, 3-
Beck (Dr.)— OUTLINES OF BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY. Crown Svo, 4§.
PASTORAL THEOLOGY 01 1 1 1 » XEW TESTAMENT. Crown Svo, 6s.
Bengel— GNOMON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. With Original Notes,
Explanatory snd Illustrative. Five vols. Svo, Subscription price, 81s. 6d.
Cheaper Edition, the Jive volume* bound in thr,'t 24s.
Besser's CIIKI^I IHK I. in: <.K THK \VoRLD. Price 6s.
Beyschlag (W., D.D.)— Nr.w TI^TAMEXT THEOLOGY. Two vols.
demy Svo, Second Kilition, 18s.
Bible Dictionary. rG8,D.D I^rogjxctut
on application. \ Four Volntnos, j.ri.'f p-r Vol. in cloth
binding, 28s. Also to be had in various lentlu-r bindings.
V totalled Catalogue/™ on application.
T. a- '/ark's Publications.
Bible-Class Handbooks. Crown 8v- net, Is.
3§. • .KCUS DODH, I »"!»., ai. .
'(/r«e cm application.
Bible-Glass Primers. -ur-1 in
'l: 1'aj.rr .OV.TH. »ni. CAi'h I
-•« by post, »d. ; «l/nr on n
Bigg (Prof C., D.D.i Si. TKIKI;
•a/ ComtnfH/ary.) Poet 8vo, 10*. (hi.
Blaikie (Prof. W. G , I) ; IKRS OF SCOTLAND FROM TIIK
Y. Post 8vo, 7«. «d.
Blake (Buclianan, B.D B i UD INK IV t I.—
r..pbaU (with Joel). Seeoo i irt II.
— Itttah
i . h.-U. 7%« 5f rv* betii^ i»oir complete, Jteun. da /
Bleek's IXTKODIXTION TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. Two voU. 8vo, 2 It.
Briggs (Prof. C. A., D.D. > <;KMI:\I. !\
or 'plafiny the Author t 'Biblical Stud
and greatly enlarged}. 8vo, 12t>.
- THE MESSIAH OP THE APOSTLES. Post 8vo, 7>
- Tin MKNMMI OF THE GOSPELS. Post 8vo, 6«»
- THE HIISI.K, THE CHURCH -Vs. 6d
Brockelmann (C.)— LK lessor
< "»LDP.KE. Crown 4to, 80s. net.
Bruce (Prof. A. BM D.D.)— THE TRAINING OF THE TWEI.N
tbc Twelve Diiciplw under Discipline for the Apo«tlt«hii
8ro, lOa. 6.1.
- THE HUMILIATION OF <
- Tin: KINUDOM OF GOD ; or, Christ's Teaching according to the
•«t8vo, 7§. 6<L
- APOLOGETICS; OR.
([tan-national Thtologxal Library.) Third Edition, post 8vo, 10s. Ad.
- - :-. 6d.
- 'I -TLE TO 'I AjH.l,,--
: oet 8vo, 7«. «d.
Bruco W. S.. D.D. ) 1 FESTAMKN •>, 4s.
FR. Crov
Buchanan ( Professor)— THE DOCTRINE OF s 8vo, 10s. 6<L
- ON COMFORT IN AFFLK rown 8vo, 2s. »
- ON IMPROVEMENT OF AFFLICTION. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6<L
Buhl (Prof. F.)- ( \D TEXT OF i TESTAMENT. 8vo,
<kl.
BiingenenFelix)— ROMK AM.IHK( '..i -N. II.IN r.r"C- ('r.8vo,5s.
Burton < Prof. E. D TENSES
\Mr.sr Gi'.rr.K. Poet 8vo, 5*. 6-
Calvin's I NSTITUTESOF( :«.8vo,14s.
- COMMENTARIES \ ols.
Calvini Institutio Christiana Beligionis. Curavit A THOI
Two roll. STO, Subccription pric«, 14«.
Candlish (Prof J S , D.D.)— TH M OF GOD, BIBLICAI.M
HltTOr.lCAlLT CUNSMiBKBD. 8vo, 10». 6(1.
T. and T. Clark's Publications.
Candlish (Prof. J. S., D.D > THK ( 'IIKIM i \\ > M.VATION. Lecture*
rk <>t Christ. 8vo, 7*. tkl.
Gaspari (G. £.)— A CHRONOLOGICAL AND GEOGRAPHH AL INTRODUC-
i ii K Li rr or CHRIST. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Gaspers (A.)— THE FOOTSTEPS OF CHRIST. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6<L
OiMel (Prof. )— COMMENTARY ON ESTHER. 8vo, 10s. 6<i
Cave (Principal A., D.D.) — THE SCRIPTURAL DOCTRINE or SACRIFICE
r. Second Edition, 8vo, 10s. 6d.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THEOLOGY. Second Edition, 8vo, 12*.
Chapman (Principal C., LL.D.)— PRE-OKGANIC EVOLUTION AND THE
IDEA or (Ion. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Christlieb (Prof. T., D.D.) — MODERN DOUBT AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF.
8vo, 10.i. 6d.
HM.MII.KTIC: Lectmvs ..ii Piv.u-hing. 7s. 6d.
Clark (Professor W. R., LL.D., D.C.L.) Tin LH REFORMA-
TION. (Enu of Ckwrekf/ittorv) 6s.
THE PARACLBTK. The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit.
Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
\\riNK.sM- po CHRIST. \ Contribution to ( 'hri-tian Apolo-
getics. Crown 8vo, 4s.
Clarke (Professor W. N., D.D.)— AN OUTLINE OF CHRISTIAN
THEOI.O<;Y. Twelfth Kdition, \>o»t 8vo, 7«. 6d.
WHAT >n M.I. \VK THINK Of ( ' ii i: > 1 1 .\NiTY t Cr. 8vo, 2«. 6d.
- CAN I HKi.iK.vr. IN GrOD IMK FATHER! Crown 8vo, 3s.
Concordance to the Greek Testament — MOULTON (\V. F., D.D.) and
S«v.,u.l K.liti..n, .T..WII 4to, 26fc net.
Crawford (J. H., M.A.)— THE BftOTHZBBOOO OF MANKIM> cr.8vo,6«.
Cremer (Professor)— B i BLicoTHEO LOGICAL LEXICON OF NEW TESTA -
MKNT GKKF.K. Third Edition, with Supplement, demy 4to, 38s.
Crippen (Eev. T. 0.)— A POPULAR INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY
or CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. 8vo, 9s.
Cunningham (Principal) — HISTORICAL THEOLOGY. Two vols. 8vo, 21s.
Curtiss (Dr. S. I.)— THE LEVITICAL PRIESTS. Crown 8vo, 5t.
FRAN/. DKU i /.-« H A Memorial Tribute. Portrait, Cr. 8vo, 3s.
Dabney (Prof. R. L., D.D.)— THE SENHUALISTIC PHILOSOPHY OF
IBKNTII CBMTURY CONSIDBRRD. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Dahle (Bishop) — LIFE AFTKK DEATH. Demy 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Dalman (Prof. G.) — Tin: \\ .\uthori«fd Translation.
Davidson (Prof. A.B., D.D., LL.D.)— AN INTRODUCTORY HEBREW
GRAMMAR. With Progress!™ Exercises in Reading and Writing. 17th
on, 8 vo, 7s. 6d.
A SYM\\ i mi HEBREW LANGUAGE. 3rd Ed., 8vo, 7t. 6d.
Davidson, Dr. Samuel Autobiography and Diary. Edited by his
K. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Davies (Principal D. C.)— Tin: ATONEMENT AND INTERCESSION OF
Onu^r. Crown 8vo, 4s.
Deaue (Wm., M.A.) — PsEUDEPlGRAi HA An Account of Certain
Apocryphal Writings of the Jews snd Early Christians. Post 8vo, 7s. «d.
Deissmanii i Dr. G. A.)— BlBLE STUDIES. 8vo, Os.
Delitzsch (Prof.)— SYSTEM OF BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY, 8vo, 12s.;
NEW COMMENTARY ON GENESIS, 2 vols. STO, 21s. ; PSALMS, 8 Tols,, 31s, 6d. ;
PROVERBS, 2 vols., 21s. ; SONO OP SOLOMON AND EOCLESIASTU, 10s. 6d. ;
i. K..i.rth K-iit:.>n. rowritten, 2 vols., 21s. ; HEBREWS, 2 vols., 21s.
*.* Any Four Volumes may be had at original Subscription price of 21s. net.
T. <r /s Publications.
•nary of the Bible, A. (>'" y*/,/.
A.. D.D., i
lurntary. Two volt,, 21*.
Doedat— M STAMENT HERMENEUTICS. Cr. >
D511inger D i» CALLISTUS. 8vo, 7s.
DECREES,
1869-1 8 v ^U Treiul VQ 8»o, 3«, 6d.
Dorner (Professor)— HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT or THE D<
or THE PEBKON or Ciiiimr. Fire roU. Sub* : , 2(U. 3d. i
SYSTEM OF C *K. SuU-
SYSTEM OF < 'IN ^vo, 14s.
Driver (Prof. 8. R . D.D. A
or rnalionnl Thtologienl .'
• -
IM MienUry,
•'motional ' .mtenlary. )XMt 8 vo, :
Drummond R J Hi
TEACHING TO n, 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Du Bo«e (Prof. W. P.. D.D.
urth History.) 6».
Duff (Prof. David, D.D.)— Til K EARI^
Dyke (Paul Vai a It»tr«.
(Krat of ' ''*!!•) *••
Eadie < Professor) — COMV
. COLOJWIAXH. New and Rerised Editions, 1
by R«r. W x. Voi xi, M. A. Three voU. 8vo, 10c «d
Ebrard (Dr. J. H. A.)— THE Goeri 8vo, 10i*
APOLOGETICS. Three vols. 8vo, 31 v
COMMKN i Os. 6d
Edgar (R. M»CM D.D.)— I .st 8vo,
Id.
Elliott— ON THE IN> KES. 8vo, 6s.
Eras of the Christian Ci
5s.
AK*. 6».
;>-, IM v v. IK. A« of the i;.-n.i-.-!, .. •
LOCKE (( '-in. 6a.
6t.
:
Ewald (Heinrich)
REVELATI*'
Oi
Expository Tinu-s
FairbainiiPrin.)— THE!: .8vo, 10s.6d
K/KKIKI.ANDTHEBOOKOI SVO, 10s. 6l
T. and T. Clark's Publications.
Pairbairn (PriiL)— PROPHECY. Second I-Miti-n, 8vo, 10s. 6d.
— PASTORAL THEOLOGY. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Fairweather (Rev. W., M.A.)— OICH;KN AM. <;KKKK I'AIKIMK
Falconer <J. W., B.D.)— FROM APO8TLB Tu PRIEST. A Study of
Early Church Organisation. Crown 8vo, 4». 0d.
Fisher (Prof. G. P., D.D., LL.D. i HIM..I:\ Of < 'HKIMI VN DOCTRINE.
(International Tktoloyieal Library.) Second Kdition, |«oi»t 8vo, 12s,
Forbes (Prof.)— SYMMETRICAL STRUCTURE OP SCRIPTURE. 8vo, 8s. 6U
- ANALYTICAL COMMENTARY ON ROMANS. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
- STUDIES IN THE BOOK OP PSALMS. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
TIIK SERVANT OK THE LORD IN ISAIAH XL.-LXVI. Cr. 8vo, 5s.
Foreign Theological Library — Four Volumes for One (luin.-a. De-
ta ili-il Lift on ajij'tffitii'n.
Forrest (D. W., D.D.)— THK CIIUWT OP HISTORY AND OF Ex-
I-ERIENCK. Thii-l K.liti-.M, imit 8vo, 6s.
Frank (Prof. F. H.)— SYSTEM OF CHRISTIAN CERTAINTY. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Funcke (Otto)— Tin \\ i i \. K 1 \un AND THE EVERYDAY WORLD,
^played in the Footstep* of Abraham. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Garvie (Alex., B.D.)— Tm talORUAl THKXXWT -n.l K.l.,8vo, 9s.
Gebhardt (H.)— THE DOCTRINE OF THE APOCALYPSE, AND ITS RELATION
TO THE DOCTRINE or THE GOSPEL AND EPIKTLRM or JOHN. 8ro, 10s. 6d.
Gerlach — COMMENTARY ON THE PENTATEUCH. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Gieseler(Dr. J. C. L.)— ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Fourvol8.8vo,£2,2s.
Gifford (Canon)— VOICES OF THE PROPHETS. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
Given (Rev. Prof. J. J.)— THE TRUTH OF SCRIPTURE IN CONNECTION
f Kr.vr.LATi AND THK CANON. 8vo, 6s.
Gladden (Washington, D.D , LL.D > TIIK (HI:ISHA\ PASTOR AND
THK InttriMtiviMl Thtol. Library.) Post 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Glasgow (Prof.)— APOCALYPSE TRANSLATED AND EXPOUNDED. 8vo, 10/5.
Gloag (Paton J., D.D.)— THE MESSIANIC PROPHECIES. Cr. 8vo, 7*. 6d.
INTRODUCTION TO THE CATHOLIC EPISTLES. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
EXEGETICAL STUDIES. Crown 8vo, 5s.
[mMovonoM ro mr SVN..ITIC GOSPELS. 8vo, 7s. ca.
Tin: PI:IMI\ \i WOELD, Crown 8vo, 3s.
I i ii'»t OHTS. Crown 8vo, 4s.
Godet (Prof. F.)— AN INTRODUCTION TO THE NEW TESTAMENT—
I. THK EPISTLES or ST. PAI-L, 8vo, 12s. 6d. net.
II. THE GOSPEL CoLLRcrioN, AM >r. M MTHEW'S GOAPEL. 8vo, 6s. net.
COMMENTARY ON ST. LUKE'S GOSPEL. Two vols. 8vo, 21s.
COMMENTARY ON ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL. Three vols. 8vo, 31s. 6d.
COMMENTARY* K TO THE ROMANS. Two vols. 8 vo, 2 Is.
COMMENTARY ON IST EPISTLE TO CORINTHIANS. 2vols.8vo,21s.
Any Four Volumes at the original Subscription price of 21s. not.
DEFENCE OP THE CHUIMIAN FAITH. Crown 8vo, 4s.
Goebel (Siegfried)— THE PARABLES OP JESUS. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Gotthold's Emblems; or. INVISIBLE THINGS UNDERSTOOD BY THINGS
i H v r ARE MADE. Crown 8vo, 5s.
T. and T. Claris Pub:
Gould (Prof. E. P.. D.D tuxd
Commmtary.) Tout 8vo, 10*. 6d.
Grimm'R •
Ut.-,i, Rerbed, and Enlarged bj Jo»r , EK, D.D. Demy 4 to, 36*.
Guyot (Arnold LL.D.i— < he Biblical Cosmogony in the
Light of Modern Science. With Illustration*. Crown 8m, fe. 6d.
Hagenbach ( Dr. K. R. >— H ISTORY or DOCTRI N ES. 3 vols. 8 vo, 3 1 >
HISTORY OP TUB REFORMAT; ols. 8vo, 21s.
Halcombe (Rev J. J . M A (JosPELSf A
lUndbook ofGoa(>el Study. Svo, 3«. 61.
Hall (Newman, D.D.)— THE LORD'S 1
8ro, is. 61
GETHSEMANE ; or, Leaves of Healing from the Garden of < .
. crown 8ro, 4*.
i>i VIM; BROTHBBHOOD. T .», 4s.
Hamilton ( T., D.D.)— BEYON .mU,
Occunatioiu, a ti, crown 8vo, 3». 6L
Harless (Dr. C. I TEM OF C'l 8vo, 10s, 6d.
Harris (8., D Two
rola. post 8vo, 16H.
Hauj -Tun I ILE OF ST 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Havernick (H. A. Ch.)— INTRODUCTION TO OLD TESTAMENT. 10
Heard (Rev. J. B., M.A.)— THE '1
SOITL, AKD BOOT. Fifth Edition, crown 8ro, 6k
OLD AND NEW THKOLWY. AConstraotiveCi « r. 8vo, 6s.
ALEX THEOLOGY VTED.
The Hulsean Lecture*, 1892-93. Crown 8ro, 6s.
Hefele (Bishop —A HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS OF THE <
Vol. I . , to A. r». 325. i>. 326 to 4 . C!OM
626 to 7 8 7. 8 ro, 12-. each.
Hengitenberg (Professor)— COM MEM ! 'SALM.S, 3 vols. 8vo, 33s. ;
ZOOLBSIASTBS, ETC., 8vo, 9s. ; EXKKIRI., 8vo, 10». 6d. ; TlIE G>
or I
21». ; CHRIMT< vol*.. 21*. net
i GOSPEL, 2 Tola. 8vo.
Herkless (Prof. J., D.I» own 8vo, 3s.
Herzog— KxcYri.op.f.inA 01 \IM>, i DE-
(Supptfmfnt to lltrzogt Atejfd»
ptr Svo, 8s.
Hill (Rev J. Hamlyn, DD li
EVER COMPILED n iteauron of
Tatun' Literally Transla1
Four Oocprla worr:
B i
Hodgson M., M.A., D.Sc., D I) i TBBOD
On* n Svo. 3a. 6J.
Holboni (R»-v. Alfre<l T>
Hutchison (John, D.D.)— CoMM> 8vo, 9s.
COMMF I I'im.in
OUR LORI i-EL. Demy 8vo, 7s. 6d.
T. and T. Clark's Publications.
Innes (A. D., M.A.)— <'KANMKK AND THK I N-.IIMI I;H..RMATION.
Crown 8vo, St.
Innes (A. Taylor)— Tm TRIAL OF JESUS ( IIKIM In iu Legal
Aspect. Post 8vo, 2*. 6U
International Critical Commentary.
s R (Prof, a R,, D.D.)— Deuteronomy. 12».
MOORE (I1.- I>.D.)-Judge«. 12s.
D.D.) -Samuel. 12*.
TOY ( Prof. C. H , I ». I ). )— Proverbs. 12s.
GOULD (Prof. K. P., D.D.)— St. Mark. 10s. 6d.
PLCMMER (ALFRED, D.D.)— St. Luke. 12s.
AY (Prof. W., D D.) an.l HEADLAM (A. f., B D.)— Romans. 12s.
ABBOTT (Prof. T. K. , I |.he*isu» and Colosrians. 10s. 6d.
KNT (Prof. M. R., D.D.)-Philippian* and Philemon. 8s, fld.
>:..! St. Ju.lr. 10*. 6d.
Lift of future I'olumn tee p. 15.
International Theological Library.
DRIVER (Prof. S. R., D.D.)— An Introduction to the Literature of the Old
Testament. 12s.
SMYTH (NEWMAN, D.D.)-rhrMi*n Kthics. 10s. «J.
BRUCE (Prof. A. H., D.D.) -Apologetics. 10*. «d.
FISHER (Prof. (i. P., D.D., LL.D.)— HUtory of Christian Doctrine, 12s.
N- (Prof. A. V. <;., I » I).)- -Christian Institution*. 12s.
McGirrRRT (Prof. A. C., Ph.D.)— The Apostolic Age. 12s.
OLADDKN (Washington, D.I).)- The Christian Pastor. 10s. fid.
STEVENS (Proi I ). ^-Th.- Theology of the New Testament. 12s.
KMNY (iTin. K.I Tl i tholic Church. 12s.
For Lift offutvr* Volumu SM p. 14.
Janet (Paul) — FINAL CAUSES. Second Edition, demy 8vo, 12s.
THE THEORY OF MORALS. Demy 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Johnstone (P. De Lacy, M. A.)— MUHAMMAD AND HIS POWER. 3s.
Johnstone (Prof. R., D.D.)— COMMENTARY ON IST PETER. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Jones (E. E. C. )— KLEMENTS OF LOGIC. 8vo, 7s. G<I.
Jouffroy— PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS. Fcap. 8vo, 5s.
Kaftan (Prof. J., D.D.)— THE TRUTH OF THK < HKISTIAN Km., ION.
ion. 2 vol*. 8vo, 16s. net.
Kant — THE METAPHYSIC OF ETHICS. Crown 8vo, 6s.
PHILOSOPHY UK LAW. Trans, by \\.\\ \ - 1 1 K, D.D. Cr. 8vo, 5s.
PRINCIPLES OF POLITICS, KTC. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
Keil (Prof.)— PENTATEUCH, 3 voU. 8vo, 31s. 6d. ; Josnt \, .h IKJES,
AND Krrii, 8ro, 10s. 6d. ; SAMUEL, 8vo, 10s. 6*1. ; KING*, 8vo, 10s. 6d.;
CIIRONII i.r-s Svo, 10*. 6.1. ; KZRA, NEHEMIAH, ESTHER, 8vo, 10s. 6d. ;
JEREMIAH, 2 vol*. Svo, 21*.; EZEKIEI., 2 vol*. 8vo, 21*.; DAJTOL, Svo,
10s. «d. ; MINOR PROPHET*, 2 rols. 8ro, 21*. ; ISTRODUCTIOX TO THE
CANOXH AL SCRIPTOREB or THE OLD TESTAMENT, 2 rob. Svo, 21s. ;
-BOOK or BIRLICAL ARCHJtoLOOT, 2 vols. 8vo, 21s.
*," Any Four Volumes st the original Subscription price of 21s. net.
Keymer (Rev. N., M.A.) — NOTES ON GENESIS. Crown Svo, Is. 6d.
Kidd (James, D.D.)— MORALITY AND RELIGION. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
KiUen (Prof.)— THE FRAMEWORK OF THE CHURCH. Svo, 9s.
THE OLD CATHOLIC CHURCH. 8vo, 9s.
THK I..VMIAN Mi-iN-n.r.s KMII:I i v Sinuous. Cr. 8vo, 2s. 6d.
Kilpatrick (Prof. T. B.. D.D.)— CHRISTIAN CHARACTER. Us. 6«l.
8 us.
Konig < Dr. Ed. , I s'BoOK<» . Isaiah).
v n STO, 3». M.
Konig ( Dr. F. K.)
Krause (F. C. F.i THE IDEAL •
Krummacher (Dr. F. W.)— THKSIKKKKIV ions
.'«« L*»t Day.-, of the Sufferings of ' * n 8vo, 6*.
I>.\viii, i .ir ISRAEL. Second Ko *vo, 6s.
A • rown Svo, 6s.
Kurtz Prof. 11. \NDBOOKOI ^.6d.
! K OLD C« ree vols. Svo, 31s. •
Ladd (Prof. G. T.)— THE DOCTRINE OF SACRED Sn A
al, Iliatnrical, and Dogmatic Inquiry into the Origin and Nature of the
•iii-l New TeaUmenta. Two Tola. 8vo, 160-
Laidlaw (Prof. J., D.D.) — THE BIBLE DOCTRINE OP MAN; or,
! tropology and Paychology of Scripture. New vised and
Rearranged, poat Svo, 7a. 0d.
Lane (Laura M.)— LIFE OF ALEXANDER VIXET. Crown Svo, 7s
Lange (J. P., D.D.) - I HK LIFE OF OUR LORD JESUN
by MARCUS DOM, D.D. 2nd I
COMMENTARIES ON THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS
by PHILIP SCHAFK, D.D. OLD TICTAMKXT, 14 Tola. ; NEW TEKTAMKNT, 10
rola. ; APOCRYPHA, 1 vol. Subscription ;
ST. MATTHEW AND ST. M
2 rola. 8vo, 18a. ; ST. JOB*, 2 vola. 8vo, 21s.
*.*
Le CainuB (E., Bishop of La Rochelle) TIIK < HM i
Fcap. 4 to. 4a.
Lechler (Prof. G V , DD.)— THE APOSTOLIC AND POST-APOSTOLIC
Tm M. Their Diversity and Unity in Life and Doctrine. 2 voN. cr. 8vo, 1 6a.
Lehmann (Pastor)— SCENES FROM THE LIFE OF JESUS. Cr. Svo, 3
Lewis (Tayler, LL D. i THF.SIX luvsOFCRK
Lilley (J. P., M.A.) — THE Lmin's SITPER: Its O . and
Ua«. Crown STO, 5».
Tur 1
I
Lillie (Arthur)— lit I.I.HA I
T. M., D.D.t - I. run
TIOX. Crown Svo, Sa.
Lisco (F. G i — I'AIIABLES OF JESUS 1 Svo, 5s.
Lock I) I)
(RnuofCkurck Hilary.) 6a.
Lotze (Hermann)— MICROCOSM i say concerning Man an i
rel ion, 2 TO!*. STO (1450
Ludlow iJ. M., D.D.)— T M of
Ck*rch History.) 6«.
Luthardt, Kalinis, and Bruckner— Ti: •> Svo, 5a.
Lutlianit 7>.6d.
< s GOSPEL. 3 vola. Svo, 31s. 6d.
II
Al'OUWJK-I
(5 JW. ), V I . ). 3 Tola. cr. STO, 6a. each
W T. Clark's Publications.
Macdonald -INTRODUCTION TO PENTATEUCH. Two vols. 8vo, 2 it.
THE CREATION AND FALL. 8vo, 12*.
Macgregor (Bev. Jaa., D.D.) — Tin: APOLOGY OF THE CHRLM
RELIOION. 8vo, 10§. 6d.
THE REVELATION AND THE RECORD: Essays on Matters of
Previous guertion in th. Proof of Christianity. 8vo, 7a. 6d.
STUHES IN THE HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMKST APOLOGETICS.
8vo, It. 6d.
Macgregor (Rev. 0. H. G., M.A.)— So GREAT SALVATK >N * 1
Macpherson (Eev. John, M. A.)— COMMENTARY ON THE EPISTLE TO
HIANH. 8VO, 10*. <M.
CHKIMIVN I )....M. \rics. Post Svo, 9s.
McCosh (James), Life of. 8vo, 9s.
McGiffert (Prof. A. C., Ph.D.)— HISTORY Of rnKisn VMIY IN THE
AIIMTULIC ACK. (Internal tonal Theological Library.) Post Svo, 12s.
lilt \r I'KKKII. Its Origin, It- rurjM.M-, and lU
M 'Hardy (G.. D.D.)— SAVONAROLA. Crown Svo, 3s.
M-Intoah (Rev. Hugh, HA.) I- nim.si INKAI.I.IW.E AND THE
Hi in Third Kditifui, |«Mt 8vo, 6a. net.
M-Realaham (B. D.)— ROMANS DISSECTED. A Critical Analysis of the
EpMtle to the Roman*. Crown 8vo, 2s.
Mair (A., D.D.)— STUDIES IN THE CHRISTIAN EVIDENCES. Thinl
K. lit ion. Reviaed and Enlarged, crown 8vo, 6s.
Martensen (Bishop)— CHRISTIAN DOGMATICS. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
CHRISTIAN ETHICS. (GENERAL — INDIVIDUAL — SOCIAL.)
Three vola. 8vo, lOa, 6d. each.
Matheaon (Geo., D.D.)— GROWTH OF THE SPIRIT OF CHRISTIANITY, from
the First Century to the Dawn of the Lutheran Era. Two Tola. 8v< .
Meyer (Dr.) — CRITICAL AND EXBOETICAL COMMENTARIES ON THE
Twenty vola. STO. Subscription price, X5.5a.fMl;
Mltction turns* at Subxription price of 2U; Xom-SttbcriptioH
price, lOa. 6d. each volume,
ST. MATTHEW, 2 voU. ; MARK AND LUKE, 2 vola. ; ST. JOHN, 2 vola, ;
S 2 vola. ; ROMANS, 2 vola. ; CORINTHIANS, 2 vola. ; GALA TIANH, one vol. ;
EPHKSIANS AND PHI LEMON, one vol.; I'HU.IITIAN* AND COLOHHIANK,OD«TOI.;
Tin - M..M \x* (Dr. Ltintma**), one vol. ; THE PAKTORAL EPISTLES (Dr.
J/nthrr), one vol. ; HKBRKWs (Dr. Liinrma**), one vol. ; ST. JAM»> AND ST.
Ji»iiN \ KI-I-.M.KM ( lltither), one vol. ; PETER AND JUDE (Dr. Huthrri, one voL
Micliie (Charles, M.A.)— BIBLE WORDS AND PHRASES. 18mo, Is.
Milligan (George, B.D.)— THE THEOLOGY OF IHK F.i i
ill r.KEWS. Post 8VO, «8.
Milligan (Prof. W., D.D.) TIIK KESURRECTION OF THE DEAD.
Second F.<lition. crown 8vo, 4». 6d.
Milligan (Prof. W.. D.D.) ,ml Moulton (W. P., D.D.) — CoM-
s THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. Imp. 8vo, 9s.
Moffatt (James. D.D. • IHK HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMJ - ..n«l
Kdition, demy 8vo, Ids.
Mourad (Dr. D. G.) — THE WORLD OF PRAYER. Crown Svo, 4s. 6d.
Moore (Prof. G. F . D.D.) — JUDGES. (International Critical Com-
mentary.) Set-on. I Kditi»n, post Svo, 12a.
Morgan < J , D.D.)— SCRIPTURE TESTIMONY TO THE HOLY SPIRIT. 7s. 6d.
K\ 1 OF THE FIRST EPISTLE OF JOHN. 8vo, 7s, 6d.
io T. v*d r ( .'•
Moulton \V I 1) I). 1 Geden (A. S, M.A.) A <
I 4to, 20-*. n.-t, and 31 *
'
MUllenDr. Julius,— T i - vols.8vo.21s.
Murphy ( Professor ) — Co M N IB PSALMS. 8 vo, 1 2s.
A i »us. 9s.
Naville (Ernest VIL. Crown 8vo, 4s. 6d.
1 IranslatedbyRev.T.J.DESPR&i. Cr.8vo,4s.6d.
M <>, 5s.
Neander (Dr.)— niri:. H HIMMKY Ki^K: v..;
Nicoll W. lofcertson. M.A., LL.I'
rice 3a. 6d.
Novalis Ih THOUGHT^ :own8vo, 4*.
Oehler (Prof. >— THEOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTA v vola. 8vo, 21s.
Olshausen (Dr. H.)— I1. IHE GOSPELS
Acre. FourroU., 2U. net. Crown t . volt., 24*.
ROMANS, one voL 8vo, 10s. » 8vo,
9s. ; I'm one rol. 8ro, 10s. M.
Oosterzee (Dr. Van*— TIIK VKAK «T >
MOSES : A Biblical Study. Crown 8vo, 6§.
OreUi (Dr. C. von)— <» :KX;Y; COM
TKr.i:MiAii 4 roll. Subcri:
• parmte vol»., 10s. 6d. each.
Owen (Dr. John) -\\URKS. Be* and only Complete Edition. Edited
by R«Y. Dr. OOOLO. Tw«n la. 8ro, Sal--
The * ffrtmn- mmjr b* had M|«i»Ulr
Palestine, Map ot
an 1
Philippi (F. A.)— COMM
Piper — LIVES OF LEADERS 01
Popular Commentary on the New Testamei v I'HII.II-
ScHArr, D.D. With Illustration, and Map*.
Oo«rr.i> ArorrLU.
III. — KOMAN- TO l'i
In four rola. imperial 8ro, 12*. 6U. r..
Plummer (Alfred, D
• •• • ' i . ' ' }'. :'.',.;•• >t - . -. : .S.
Pressens^ (Edward i F: REDEEMER : Discourses. Crown 8vo, 6s.
PUnjer (Bernliard
RELIGION FROM THE REFORMA : >ro, 16».
Rabiger (Prof.) 1
Eainy (Principal) — DELFVERY AND DEVEI.UPMENT OF (i
8ro, 10s. 6d.
I
/W
(Pro1 Mosaie
&1 Scieoo. Two vol*. 8vo, 21*.
i Professor TIIK SACRED E K NEW
TEATAMEM. 640 pp. 8ro, l&v
T. and T. Clark s Publ \ \
Eiehm (Dr. E.)— MESSIANIC PROPHECY. New Edition. Post 8ro, 7s. 6d.
Kitchie (Prof. D. 0., M. A.)— PLATO. < Y..WH 8vo, 3s.
Ritschl (Albrecht, D.D.)— THK CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF JUSTIH
:ON AND RKCONCILIATIOX. Second Edit iuii, 8rot 14*.
Hitter ( Carl)— COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE. 4 vol*. 8vo, 21 •.
Robinson (Eev. 8., D.D.) — DISCOURSES ON REDEMPTION. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Robinson < E., D D.) — GREEK AND ENO. LEXICON OF THE N.TEST. 8vo,9s.
Rooke (T. G . B.A. I \-niiATioN, and other Lectures. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Ross (0.)— OUR FATHER'S KINGDOM. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
Rothe (Prof.) — SERMONS FOR THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. Cr. 8vo, 4s. 6d.
Saisset — MANUAL OF MODERN PANTHEISM. Two vols. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Salmond (Princ. 8. D. F., D.D.)- Tin CHKIMIAN !»..« TKINK OF
IMMORTALITY. New Kdition, post 8vo, 9».
Sanday (Prof. W., D.D.) and Headlam (A. C., B.D.)— ROMANS.
(International Critical Commentary.) Thinl Kdition, jx»t 8vo, 12*.
Sartorius (Dr. E.)— DOCTRINE OF DIVINE LOVE. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Schaff (Professor)— HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. (New
•<<>n, thoroughly Revised and Enlarged.) Six 'Divisions/ in 2 vols.
each, extra 8vo.
1. APO.HT..I *.D. 1-100, 2 vols. 21s. 2. AXTK-N
A. i.. 10) :i-j;., 2 vols., 21s. 3. NIC-EXK AND Ponr-NicEJ«E, A.D. 825-600,
2 vols., 21s. 4. MEDIEVAL, A.D. 590-1073, 2 vols., 21s. (Completion of
tku Period, 1073-1517, in pr^xim THE SWIM REFORMATION,
2 vols., extra demy 8vo, 21s. 6. THE GERMAX REFORMATION, 2 vols., extra
demy 8vo, 21s.
Schleiermacher's CHIMSTMAS EVK. Crown 8vo, 2s.
Schubert (Prof. H. Von., D.D. )— THK GOSPEL OF ST. PETER. Synoptical
Table*. With Translation and Critical Apparatus. 8vo, Is. 6d. net
Schultz (Hermann)— OLD TESTAMENT THEOLOGY. Two vols. 18s.net.
Schilrer (Prof.)— HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 5 vols. Subscrip-
tion price, 26*. 3d. in t.
*.* In.l.-x. In separate Volume. 2s. <Sd. n< t.
Schwartzkopff (Dr. P.)— THK ri:»rnmES OF JESI s CMKIST. Crown
8vo, 5a.
Scott (Jas., M.A., D.D.) — PRINCIPLES OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATION
ESTABLISHED AND APPLIED TO BIBLICAL CRITICISM. Cr. 8vo, 2nd Edit, 4s.
Sell (K., D.D. )— THE CHURCH IN THE MIRROR OK HISTORY. Cr. 8vo,3/6.
Shedd — HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. Two vols. 8vo, 21s.
— SERMONS TO THE SPIRITUAL MAN. 8vo, 7s. 6d.
DOGMATIC THEOLOGY. Three vols. ex. 8vo, 37s. 6d.
Siine(James,M.A.)— WILLIAM HKK-. HJ.S\\'«.KK. Cr.8vo.3s.
Simon Prof. — TiiEBiBLE; AnOutgrowthof Theocratic Life. C'r.8T0,4/6.
KKCONCILIATION BY INCARNATION. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Skene-Bickeil— THK LORD'S SUP rn: A THE PASSOVER RITUAL. 8vo, 5s.
Smeaton (Oliphant, M.A.) THK MKHICI AND THK ITALIAN
Smeaton (Professor)— Dot THINE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. 2nd Ed., 8vo,9«.
Smith ( Prof. H. P.. D.D. ) I. AND II. SAMUEL. (International Critical
Commentary.) Post 8 TO, 12s.
12
Smith (Professor Thot., D.D.) — MEDI.CV A i. r. 8vo, 4*.
Smyth (John, M.A.. D.Ph. ( I 8vo, 4s.
Smyth (Newman, D.D.)— < / .al Theo-
logical Library.) 'I \\, j>o»t 8vo, 10*. «d.
Snell (F. J., M.A.)— WKM.I Y AM- M ",3s.
Somerviile (Rev. D., I) D ' 9*.
Stahlin (Leonh.)— KANT, Loi HI. 8vo, 9s.
Stalker (Prof. Jas., D.D.)— LIFE UK ( 'HKIM. Large Typ«
6d.
I Large Type ! \\ 8vo, 3«
8tanton(V H THlCfl MESSIAH.
A Study in tb« Earliest History of Ci 8vo, 10*. 6d.
Stead (F. BL)— THK KIN- DOM OF GOD. Is.
Steinmeyer (Dr. F. L.,— THK MII:A< LES OF OUR LORD. 8vo, 7*
THK HISTORY OF THE PASSION AND RESURRK-
LORD, considered in the Light of Modern Criticism. 8ro, lOt. 6d.
Stevens (Prof. G B., D.D.) TH! Tin 'i •
(l»ter,uitioMl Thtological Library.) Po«t 8ro, 12«.
Stevenson (Mrs.)— THE SYMBOLIC PARABLES. Crown 8vo, :i
Steward (Bev. 0.)— MEDIATORIAL SOVERK Two vols. 8vo,
THE ARGUMENT OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 8vo, l oa.6d.
Stier (Dr. Rudolph)— ON THE WORDS OF THE LORD JESUS. Eight
roU 8ro, Subscription price of £2, 2«. Srpamte volume., price 10*. «d.
THE WORDS OF THE RISEN SAVIOUR, AND COMMENTARY ON
THE EPISTLE or ST. JAMKS. 8ro, 10«. 6d.
THE WORDS OF THE APOSTLES EXPOUNDED. 8vo, 10s. 6d.
Stirling (Dr J. Hutchison)— PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY. Po«t8vo, 9s.
DAUU >, 10s. 6d.
\Vu v rt 8vo,
Tholuck (Prof.)— THK I <», 8§.
Thomson (J. E. H, D.D.)— BO>KS WHI.-H 1 D DOT LORD
8vo, 10t.
Thomson (Eev. E. A.)— MKMORI • -TKV CiownSvo, 5s.
Tophel (Pastor 0.)— THE WORK :T. Cr. 8vo, 2s. 6d.
Toy (Prof. C. H.. D.D
mmtary.) Pott 8vo
Tronp (Rev. G 1 M.A.) \Vui:ns i
h«*U
IThlhorn(G i— ( H <'r.8vot6s.
Ullmann (Dr. Carl KS BEFORE THE REFORM
pally in Germany and the Netherlanda. Two vola. 8vo, 21 1.
S
Urwick (W., M.A ntaiy
upon Isaiah lii with Duncrtationt upon I*aiah xl. Ixvi. 8ro, St.
T. and T. Clark' < Publications. 13
Vinet !.:;•• .in-l Writings of). By L. M. LANE. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6<L
Vincent (Prof. M. R. D.D.)— THE AGE or HUM ix of
PIIIUITIV. PHILEMON. (/ lal Critifal Com-
mtntary.) Seooml K-liti-.n, post 8vo, 8». dd.
Walker (Jamea, of Carnwath) I.— \vs, PAPERS, AND SKRM
Post 8vo, 6s.
Walker (J., D.D.)— THEOLOGY AND THEOLOGIANS OF SCOTLAND.
New I own 8vo, 3*. 6«1.
Walker (Prof. W., D.D.) TIIK PROTESTANT REFORMATION. (/
MtA // ' >ry.) 6s.
Walker (Rev. W. L.) TIN: SI-IKM VM- i UK INCARNATION. Second
<>, 9s.
Warfield (B. B., D.D.)— TIIK RIGHT OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY.
vn 8vo, 2s.
Waterman (L., D.D.) I'm: I'.-i Ai MOLIC AGE. (Eras of Church
•ry.) 6s.
Watt(W. A., M.A., D.Ph.) Tm THI..I:Y ACT IN ITS SOCIAL
i. 8vo, 8a.
— A STUDY OF SOCIAL M..KAIITY. Post 8vo, 6s.
Watts (Professor)— THE NEWER CRITICISM AND THE ANALOGY OF
FAITH. Third Edition, crown 8ro, 6s.
Tin i;i h;\ OF CAUSALITY: A Vindication of the Scientific
i'riiu iplc of Telic Causal Efficiency. Crown 8vo, 6s.
THE NEW APOLOGETIC. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Weir ( J. F., M.A.) — THE WAY : THE NATURE AND MEANS OF SALVATION.
: own 8vo, 6s. 6d.
Weiss(Prof.) — BiBLiCALTHEOLOGYOFNEwTESTAMENT. 2 vols. 8 vo, 2 1 s.
LIFE oi ; . Three vols. 8vo, 31s. dl.
Welch (Rev. A. C., B.D.) AN^I I.M \M> HIS \\',>IIK. 3s.
Wells (Prof. C. L.) -Tun A<;K 01 ( H vui.» M V<,M . (AV« of the
Christian Church.) 6s.
Wendt (H. H., D.D.)— THE TKA« -HIM; OF JESUS. 2 vols. 8vo, 21s.
Si. .I.-HN'- GOSPEL, I- • nnl llM..ri..il Y.iliif. 8vo,
Wenley (R. M.)— ( MMIMPORARY THEOLOGY AND TIIKISM. Crown
STO, 4s. 6d.
White (Rev. M.) — SYMBOLICAL NUMBERS OF SCRIPTURE. Cr. 8vo, 4s.
Williams (B. F., D.D.)— CHRISTIAN LIKE i WT, Crown 8v.
Wilson (S. Law. D.D.) THK THEOLOGY "i M..I.KKX LITERATI 1:1
Post 8?o, 7s. 6d.
Winer (Dr. G. B.)— A TREATISE ON THE GRAMMAR OF NEW TESTA-
MENT GREEK, regarded as the Basis of New Testament Exegesis. Third
ion, edited by W. F. MOULTOX, D.D. Ninth English Edition, 8ro, 16s.
Witherow(Prof.T.,D.D.) -TiiKFoRMOFTiim H KIM IAN TEMPLE. 8ro
Woods (F. H., B.D.)— THE HOPE OF ISRAEL. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
Workman (Prof. G. C > THE TEXT OF JEREMIAH ; or, A Critical Investi-
gation of the Greek and Hebrew, etc. Post Svo, 9s.
Wright (C. H., D.D.)— BIBLICAL ESSAYS. Crown Svo, 5s.
•'id T. (
THE INTERNATIONAL THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.
THE following eminent Scholars have contributed, or are
engaged upon, the Volumes named: —
An Introduction to the Literature of
the Old Testament
Chrutun Ethic i
Oxford.
By NK
KirM
•JJlMJ of ChrlsU4n Doctrine
,
. .-.:./ • .-,.•« t,
Factor of th«
l Ml < <• •' ' N' •• '< •-
i*. fid.
By the Ute A. ! I • Prof«*or of
New Tettameat E*cfe»i-
College. Gla»«ow. [.
'I <• • ..>*:•, .»! H ; : • \ S ., '
I »«w, 0>on.
A History of Christianity In the Apostollo •
A{«.
Institutions
Th« Chrlitun Pautor
of the New Testament
rirat OAtboUo Church
the Old TwUBMt.
The Literature of the New Testament
Old Testament History.
Oanon and Text of the New Testament.
The Latin Church
Hlitory of the Old Teita
Ooatenporary History of the Mew Testa-
Ffellocophy of Rellflon
The Stttdy of the Old
Rabbinical Literature
The Life of Christ
By A. V. G :>.. ProfeMor of
I • ! , . ' 1 I ' ] H 1 t • r i
logical School. CamUidge". IfcZ [ • »»
•;';::;:•„"
IN ' .1 . n i:
,f
!•(• n , i« !• rr .
, . \ —
By ROM !>inci|»lorTh«
Nr* I ^ I , ,f-.
By the
Profcaor of Hebrew, IV
• I Interpretation,
By S. D. F.
.. Pn* nrd -.-:-,..., riee n 3
.ie ProreMor of
By CASPAR K' *
fcMormr- -f Lctprif .
By ARCHIBALD ROBK«T«OM, D.D., Principal
ByCA •. Pi ofieeor of Biblical
i:>- FRANCI* BROWN, D.D., Profexor of
Hebcr
Tbeolog kal Seminar
I'.y KM A . ale Uni
By the Riiiht V
I *lmudk
Ity Wu
M^f^a-'t I'r f'—! <\ ... '. ..-; ! I. *.-» in
of Chml Church, « '
• . MAC-
/. and T. Clark 's Publications. 15
"
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY.
N* VOLUMES NOW READY, vu.:—
Deuteronomy, Judges, I. and II. Samuel, Proverb*, 1. Hark, 8, Luke, Romans,
Ephetians and Colosalans, Phlllpplant and Philemon. 8. Peter and §. Jude.
The following other Volumes are in course of preparation :—
T1IK OLD TKSTAMI
mesls. Ti«| Profowor of UM Interpretation of Holy
E.odui. A. K. «. KIXXKKV, I».1>.. Profottor of Hebrew, University of Idlnburjh.
Leviticus. low of Wadbam College, Oxford ; and the 1st*
Number*. .ofcssor of Hebrew, MansfeM College,
i ' , f • : 1
Joshua. GBOK- H, D.D.. Pnrfeaaor of Hebrew, Unit«l Free Church
Colkge, Glaegow.
Kln<s. PMANI-IH Baowx, P.D.. Profcaeor of Hebrew >n<l Ornate LaofuacM
Union Theologleal Heinloary, Xr«
The .:< »viDeo», D.D., LL.D., Profeuor of H.brr
Jeremiah. \ 1 KIKK, -OK,, K I» l>., RrRitw Profc«eor of Hebrew, and Fellow of
Trinity College, Qunbrldfv.
Minor Prophet.. W. R. HAarM. Pb.D., PrwMent of Chicago Unlwrmity.
Psalms. C. A. Bm.MW. D.D.. K-lw.rd Robduon Proferar of Biblical Theology,
.•icml Meiuliuir
Job. 8. R. Dai vn, D. I). , Refine Prufeevor of Hebrew, Oxford.
Daniel. Rev. JOHM P. PmtaM, Ph.D., lata ProftMeor of Hebrew, P. B.
Rector of 8U
, .
Sehool, PhiUdelphU, now Rector of 8U Xkhael-; Church, New
Exra and Hehemlah. Kev. L. W. BAIT«N, Ph.D., Profeeeor of Hebrew. P. E. Divinity School,
Chronicles. K..w»»n L. CIRTIH, D.D., Protestor of Hebrew, Tale University, New
Haven. Conn.
Till- M.\V TESTAMENT.
Synopsis of the i 1..1).. Ijwiy Manearat Pro»«Mor «»xfbrd;
Four Gospels. sj Aujt*. M.A.. lutarOollefa, OxfcnL
Matthew. I ^ • M \ • hapUm, Krllow, sod Lecturer !•
Theology and Hebrew, Exeter CoUflf*, Oxford.
Act.. Fwa>wirK H . CH A«, D. D. , Christ's College, Cambridge.
Corinthians. A*cn. BoaEKTMHt, D.D., Principal of King's College, London.
Oalatlans. Rev. Baftnrr D. B. KT..S. A.B., Professor of New Te*Umeat
venttyof Chi.
The Pastoral Epistles. WALTS* Lore, D.D., Dean Ireland • Profeeeui of Exegesis, Oxford.
Hebrews. rofessor of Hebrew In King's College, London.
James. Rev. JAMBS H. Rone*. A.B., Instructor in New Testament Criticism In
Harvard University.
l> l>
"I Free Chore
Revelation. Ronurr^ CHAnua, D.D., Professor of Biblical Greek in the University
Other r*0aeemt*tt will 6* •aaoaiMwl tkortlg.
i6
CDc World's CpoclMftakcrs
hy 01 IPHANT SMEATON.
MESSR>. T. * T. CLARK have much pleasure in announcing that they hard
fan important new Sen.-.
The following Volumes have now been ittued : -
Buddha and Buddhism.
Luther and the German Reformation.
By ! : M. LDTMAY, I'.H.
Wesley and Methodism. By F. J.
!, M.A.
Cranmer and the English Reforma-
tion ft, M.A.
William Herschel and his Work.
M.A.
Francis and Dominic. By Professor
i. HEBKLEM. D 1*
Savonarola, i • I>
Anselm and his Work.
The Medici and the Italia* Renais-
sance.
M.A., Idtebwi
Origen and Greek Patristic Theology.
\ I HKII, M.A.
Muhammad and his Power.
•n.).
Plato. I'.y Professor
M.A irews.
The following have alto been arranged /
Euclid.
D.D, (/* thePnu.
Socrates. By Her. J. T. FOEBRH,
Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics.
i'.rnttELL, D.D., Vice-
i pal of Braaenow College, Oxfonl.
Augustine and Latin Patristic Theo-
logy
Scotus Erigena and his Epoch.
• v of Abenl-
Wyclif and the Lollards.
The Two Bacons and Experim
Science.
Calvin and the Reformed Theology.
Pascal and the Port Royalist
Lesslng and the New Humanism.
M.A.
Descartes, Spinoza, and the New
Philosophy.
I> !'
Hume and his Influence on Philo-
sophy and Thcologv
J. ORR, D.D., G!*>K
Rousseau and Naturalism in Life
and Thought.
MIA.
Kant and his Philosophical Revolu-
tion.
1 1 .
Schlcicrmacher and the Rejuven-
escence of Theology.
Hcgcl and Hcgelianisni.
Indei*ii • gt, Man-
Newman and his Influence
Published Price. THREE SHILLINGS per Volume.
5170
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY