A CEITICAL AND EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY
ON THE
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
PRIXTED BY MURRAY AND GIBB,
FOR
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH.
LONDON, HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
DUBLIN, JOHN ROBERTSON AND CO.
NEW YORK, SCRIBNER AND CO.
A CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY
ON THE
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
PATON J. GLOAG, D. D.
MINISTER OF BLANTYRE.
"V^OLXJlVv^E II.
EDINBUEGH:
T. AND T. CLAEK, 38, GEOEGE STEEET.
MDCCCLXX.
EREATA IN VOL. 11.
Page 10, line three from bottom, read " sacred" instead of " second."
Page 54, line seven from bottom, read o^o/oTrct^'/jV /or of/.oi'TTa.dvig.
Page 147, line four from bottom, read " Stoa Poecile" for "Stoic
Poecile."
Page 244, line two from top, read " Matthsei " /or "Mattliise."
Page 395, line four from top, read vifcipoag for ijf^spoig.
Page 434, line twelve from bottom, read iTn/^cshon for s'TTifiuux.
Page 437, lines six and three from bottom, read aToxro7rioup)c^ for
VTpurOTrelxpxV'
CONTENTS.
PART 11.
THE MISSIONARY LABOURS OF THE APOSTLE PAUL.
PAGE
Section 1. Paul in Cyprus— Ch. xiii. 1-12, ... 1
,, 2. Paul's Discourse atPisidian Antioch — Ch. xiii. 13-41, 17
,, 3. Effects of Paul's Speecli at Pisidian Antioch — Ch. xiii.
42-52, ...... 34
,, 4. Paul at Iconium and Lystra — Ch. xiv. 1-20, . 44
,, 5. Paul's Return to Antioch— Ch. xiv. 21-28, . . 68
,, 6. The Council of Jerusalem — Ch. xv. 1-21, . . 65
On the Identity of this Visit to Jerusalem with
the Visit mentioned in Gal. ii. 1-10, . . 80
,, 7. The Synodical Letter— Ch. XV. 22-35, . . 85
PAUL'S SECOND MISSIONARY JOURNEY.
,, 8. Paul's Journey through Asia Minor — Ch. xv. o6-xvi. 8, 96
,, 9. Paul at Philippi— Ch. xvi. 9-40, . . .110
,, 10. Paul at Thessalonica and Berea — Ch. xvii. 1-15, . 131
,, 11. Paul at Athens~Ch. xvii. 16-34, . . .144
,, 12. Paul at Corinth : Close of Paul's Second Missionary
Journey — Ch. xviii. 1-22, . . . 165
„ 13. On Apollos— Ch. xviii. 23-28, . . .183
„ 14. Paul at Ephesus— Ch. xix. 1-20, . . .192
,, 15. The Tumult at Ephesus— Ch. xix. 21-41, . . 209
,, 16. Paul's Journey through Macedonia and Proconsular
Asia— Ch. xx. 1-16, . . . . 226
Vlll
CONTENTS.
Section 17. PaiiVs Address to the Ephesian Elders— Cli. xx
17-38,
18. Paul's Journey to Jerusalem — Ch. xxi. 1-16,
19. Occasion of Paul's Imprisonment — Ch. xxi. 17-40,
20. 'Paul's Defence before the Jews — Ch. xxii. 1-29,
21. Paul before the Sanhedrim — Ch. xxii. 30-xxiii. 11,
22. Paul sent Prisoner to Caesarea — Ch. xxiii. 12-35,
23. Paul before Felix— Ch. xxiv. 1-27, .
24. Paul's Appeal to Csesar — Ch. xxv. 1-12,
25. Paul brought before Agrippa — Ch. xxv. 13-27,
26. Paul's Defence before Agrippa — Ch. xxvi. 1-32,
27. Paul's Yoyage to Eome : Arrival at Crete — Ch. xxvii
1-12, .
28. Paul's Shipwreck— Ch. xxvii. 13-44,
29. Paul at Malta— Ch. xxviii. 1-10, .
30. Paul's Journey from Malta to Rome — Ch
11-16, .....
31. Paul at Rome— Ch. xxviii. 17-31, .
On Paul's Second Roman Imprisonment,
242
257
270
288
302
317
329
348
358
368
387
402
420
429
439
451
PAET IL
THE MISSIONARY LABOURS OF THE
APOSTLE PAUL.
SECTION I.
PAUL IN CYPRUS.— Acts xiii. 1-12.
1 Now there were at Antioch, in the church which was there, prophets
and teachers, both Barnabas and Symeon called Niger, and Lucius the
Cyrenian, and Manaen the comrade of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul.
2 And as they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said,
Separate to me Barnabas and Saul for the work to which I have called
them. 3 And when they had fasted and prayed, and laid their hands
on them, they sent them away.
4 They, therefore, having been sent forth by the Holy Ghost, came
down to Seleucia, and from that they sailed to Cyprus. 5 And when
they were at Salamis, they proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues
of the Jews : and they had also John as an attendant. 6 And when
they had gone through the whole island unto Paphos, they found a cer-
tain man, a Magian, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name was Barjesus ;
7 Who was with the proconsul Sergius Paulus, an intelligent man : the
same having called for Barnabas and Saul, desired to hear the word of
God. 8 But Elymas the Magian (for so is his name by interpretation)
withstood them, seeking to turn away the proconsul from the faith.
9 But Saul, who also is called Paul, filled with the Holy Ghost, gazing
stedfastly on him, said, 10 thou who art full of all deceit and all
mischief, thou son of the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt
thou not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord? 11 And now,
behold, the hand of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be blind, not
seeing the sun for a season. And immediately there fell on him a mist
and darkness ; and he went about seeking some to lead him by the hand.
12 Then the proconsul, when he saw what had happened, believed, being
astonished at the doctrine of the Lord.
VOL. II. A
COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 1. Tcv€^ after rjaav Be, found in E, G, H, is wanting
in A, B, D, s», and is rejected by most recent critics. Ver. 6.
"OXrjv before rrju vrjcrov is wanting in G, H, but is undoubt-
edly genuine, being found in A, B, C, D, E, S. "AvBpa
before riva is omitted in G, H, but is fully attested, being
found in A, B, C, D, E, «. It might easily have been
omitted, being considered superfluous.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
The second part of the Acts of the Apostles commences
with this section. Hitherto Luke had given an account of
the progress of Christianity in general, and had narrated
the labours of several evangelists ; but from this thirteenth
chapter and onwards, he confines himself almost exclusively
to the missionary labours of the new apostle Paul.^
Several critics suppose that the thirteenth and fourteenth
chapters form a separate document, which Luke has incor-
porated into his history. In proof of this hypothesis, they
appeal to the form, the completeness, and the independence
of the narrative. Bleek and Meyer suppose that this docu-
ment proceeded from the church of Antioch, and was founded
on the oral communications made to that church by the two
missionaries.^ Olshausen thinks that it is an extract from a
fuller report sent directly to the mother church by Paul and
Barnabas, which Luke has inserted in his narrative just as
he had received it; so that, as he observes, in reading the
discourses of Paul, we may be reading the very notes of Paul
himself.^ Schwanbeck thinks that the two chapters are part
of a biography of Barnabas which the compiler of the Acts
freely adopted.^ But there do not seem to be sufficient
grounds for any of these suppositions. The narrative is per-
1 See introductory chapters, articles v. and vii.
2 ]\Ieycr's Apostekjcschlchte, p. 2G0.
3 Olshausen on the Gospels avd the Act:<, vol. iv. p. 390.
^ Schwanbcck's Quellen der Apostehjeschidtte, p. 244.
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — XIII. 1. 3
vaded througliout with Luke's peculiar style, and is not so
unconnected with the preceding history as is asserted. In
Acts xil. 25 we are informed that Paul and Barnabas, accom-
panied by Mark, returned from Jerusalem ; and now here
we find these three persons present at Antioch. In a former
part of the history we learned how Christianity was planted
in Antioch ; and here a flourishing church in that city is
presupposed. Perhaps also Lucius is said to be a Cyrenian
(ver. 1), because Cyrenian teachers were among the first
preachers at Antioch (Acts xi. 20) ; and Herod is called the
tetrarch, to distinguish him from Herod the king (Acts xii. 1).
The church is here seen in a new and important aspect as
a missionary church. Hitherto Christianity had been pro-
pagated in a measure by informal efforts and casual occur-
rences ; the persecution at Jerusalem having given rise to
the dispersion of the Christians, and the diffusion of their
opinions. But now the church at Antioch plans measures
and makes regular efforts to extend the gospel among the
heathen. Paul and Barnabas are sent forth as the first
Christian missionaries — the forerunners of that noble band
of Christian heroes who sacrifice everything in order to
diffuse the unsearchable riclies of Christ among the Gentiles.
Ver. 1. TIpocj^rJTaL koa 8iSda/ca\oc — prophets and teachers.
The mention of prophets and teachers presupposes the
existence of a flourishing church at Antioch ; a church, as
we have elsewhere inferred, composed rather of Gentile than
of Jewish Christians. We were already told that there came
prophets down from Jerusalem to Antioch (Acts xi. 27).
By prophets are meant those wdio were gifted with inspira-
tion, and delivered divine communications to the church ;
/ and by teachers, those who devoted themselves to the work
of instruction. We are not informed who of the five men
here mentioned w^ere prophets, and who were teachers.
Meyer infers from the arrangement of the conjunctions, re,
Kal, re, that the three first, Barnabas, Symeon, and Lucius,
were prophets; and the two last, Manaen and Saul, were
teachers.^
^ Meyer's ApostelgescMcJite, p. 260. ■
4 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
O re Bapvd^ag — both Barriahas — Barnabas is here men-
tioned first, as being the most prominent person in the church
of Antioch : he also formed the bond of connection between
that church and the church of Jerusalem, ^v/juecov 6 koXov-
/ji6vo<; Nlyep — Si/meon called Niger. Niger was a common
Koman name, and therefore there is no reason to suppose
that he was an African, and was called Niger on account
of his dark complexion. Some have made the unfounded
conjecture that he was the same as Simon the Cyrenian
who carried the cross of Christ. Aoviao^ 6 Kvprjvaio^ —
Lucius the Cyrenian, i.e. a native of Cyrene, an important
city in Africa. (See note to Acts vi. 9.) Among those
who preached the gospel at Antioch were men of Cyrene ;
arid hence probably this Lucius was one of them. Some
have identified him with the Lucius mentioned in the Epistle
to the Rom.ans, and whom Paul calls his kinsman (Rom.
xvi. 21); but for this identification no reason can be assigned.
Certainly he is not the same as Luke the author of the Acts,
as the names Lucius and Lucas are distinct. Mavarjv
^HpcoBov Tov TeTpdp')(ov (TvvTpo(f>o'; — Manaen^ the comrade
of Ilerod the tetrarch. The Herod here mentioned is not
Herod Agrippa i. (Acts xii. 1), for he received the royal
title from the first; nor his son Herod Agrippa ii. (Acts
XXV. 13), for he w^as then only seventeen, and a comrade of
his would be too young to be mentioned among the prophets
and teachers of Antioch ; and besides, although he received
the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, yet, like his father,
he was not called tetrarch, but king. Plerod Antipas,
tetrarch of Galilee, wdio never received the royal title, is
here meant, the same who slew John the Baptist, and who
is called in the Gospels " Herod the tetrarch " (Luke iii. 1) :
he was at this time in banishment at Lyons. A comrade of
his must have been a man advanced in life. Two meanings
have been given to crvvrpo(f)o<;. Some (Walch, Kuinoel,
Olshausen, De Wette. Tholuck, Alford, Wordsworth) under-
stand by it a foster-brother (collactaneus, Vulgate; op^oyd'
\aKTo<;), so that the mother of Manaen was the nurse of
Herod Antipas. Others (Luther, Calvin, Castalio, Grotius,
PAUL IN CYPRUS.— XIII. 2. 5
Schott, Baumgarten, Ewald, Lechler) translate It, one ivho
has been brought up with another, a comrade (iiutritus).
Against this meaning, Walch objects that Manaen might
with equal propriety be called the comrade of Archelaus,
because, as we learn from Josephus, Herod Antipas and his
brother Archelaus were educated together at Eome (Ant.
xvii. 1. 3). But Herod Antipas may be here mentioned,
because he was the best known. ^vvTpo(j)o<; has both mean-
ings — a foster-brother and a comrade — but the latter is the
more usual. Josephus mentions a Manaen, belonging to the
sect of the Essenes, who predicted to Herod the Great, when
a child, that he would be king of the Jews ; and he says that
when Herod became king, he favoured the sect of the Essenes
on his account (Ant. xv. 10. 5). It has accordingly been
plausibly conjectured that Herod may have received a son
or nephew of this Manaen into his court, and made him the
comrade of his own son Herod Antipas. At all events, this
Manaen must have been a person of considerable rank, and
a courtier.^ ^avXo<;. Saul is mentioned last, according to
some, because lie was then a teacher, and not a prophet ;
according to others, because he stood last in the document
from which Luke drew his information ; and according to
others, because at this time he occupied the lowest position
among the prophets and teachers of the clmrch at Antioch.
Ver. 2. A€iTovp^ovvT(ov — ministering. Aenovp^elv is the
usual word in the Old Testament for the performance of
the priestly office : here it is used for the performance of
Christian worship.^ It is not to be restricted to preaching
(Chrysostom), nor to prayer (Grotius), but is to be understood
as including all the acts of worship. Elirev to Uvevfia to
cL'yLov — tlie Holy Ghost said. Perhaps by means of one of
the prophets, who delivered the communication as a command
of the Holy Ghost. 'A^oplaare pLoo — Separate to me. Hence
Paul speaks of himself as dcpopto'p.evo^; et? evayyekiov Qeov —
1 See Lightfoot's Ilorx Talmudicx, vol. iv. p. 109. The Talraudists
mention a Manaen who, in the time of Herod the Great, was vice-presi-
dent of the Sanhedrim. See Biscoe on the Acts, pp. 73, 74.
2 Hence our English word lUurgij.
b COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
"separated to the gospel of God" (Rom. i. 1). Here we
Lave a new mode of appointment. The church does not,
as a body, elect its own missionaries ; but the Holy Ghost
nominates those whom it was to send. The lancrua^e im-
plies the personality and divinity of the Holy Ghost. He is
represented as an agent acting directly — " the Holy Ghost
said" — and hence His personality. He constitutes Paul
and Barnabas to be ministers to Himself, and hence His
divinity. They were the ministers neither of men nor of
angels, but of Jesus Christ and of God the Father (Gal. i. 1),
and of the Holy Ghost. Tov Bapvd/Sav koI XclvKov — Bar-
nabas and Saul. Some suppose that Barnabas and Saul
were chosen to fill up the vacancies in tlie apostleship caused
by the deaths of Judas Iscariot and James the brother of
John. El<; to epyov o irpoaKeKXrjfxai avTov<; — foi' the ivorh
to luhicJi I have called them ; namel}^, to be my instruments
in the spread of the gospel. Perhaps the words refer to a
former call made personally to Paul and Barnabas, and now
publicly repeated to the church.
Ver. 3. Tore vr]arevcravT€<; /cab Trpoaev^afjievoo — and having
fasted ayid prayed. This refers not to the ministration and
fasting mentioned in ver. 2, when tlie announcement of the
Holy Ghost was made, but to a special act of fasting and
prayer when Paul and Barnabas were set apart to their work
as missionaries.
Ver. 4. KaT7)\0ov ek tyjv XeXeviceiav — they icent down to
Seleucia. Went doivn from Antioch, which was inland, to
Seleucia, which was near the coast. Seleucia, built by
Seleucus Nicator about B.C. 300, was a strong and almost
impregnable city on the Orontes, about four miles from its
mouth. It was the port of Antiocli, and was about sixteen
miles distant from it by land, and, according to Colonel
Chesney, about forty by the river, on account of its wind-
ings. The Orontes in the time of the apostles was navigable
up to Antioch (StrabD, xvi. 2. 7), but its channel is now
partially filled up. This Seleucia, to distinguish it from
other Syrian cities of the same name, was called Seleucia-
ad-Mare, and Seleucia Pieria, from Mount Pierius on which
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — XIII. 4, 7
it was built. On tlie fall of the kingdom of the Seleucidse
it fell into the hands of the Romans, and received the pri-
vileges of a free city from Pompey (Strabo, xvi. 2. 8).
Its ruins are considerable, and of an interesting description.
There is a large excavated way, partly in the form of deep
cuttings, and partly in the form of tunnels, from north-east
to south-west, leading from the upper part of the city to the
coast, and which is supposed to be the remarkable excavation
of which Polybius takes notice (Polyb. v. 59). Some of the
piers of the ancient harbour are also still standing ; in all
probability the same which stood when Paul embarked for
Cyprus. The harbour itself is now choked up with sand
and mud ; but it is said that its masonry is so good, that a
Turkish pasha entertained the design of clearing out and
repairing it.^
'E/ceWev re aireifkevaav eh Tr]V KvTrpov — and from that
they sailed to Cyprus. This large and fertile island, situated
off Syria, nearly opposite to Seleucia, is about forty-eight
miles distant from the coast, and may be seen from the
mouth of the Orontes. It is about 130 miles in length, and
fifty in its greatest breadth. In ancient times it was re-
markable for its fruitfulness, being celebrated for its wine,
wheat, oil, pomegranates, figs, and honey. In the time of
the apostles it had many considerable cities, of which Citium,
Salamis, and Paphos were the principal. The first inha-
bitants of Cyprus w^ere Phoenicians and Greeks. It formed
part of the Persian empire, and after the conquests of Alex-
ander fell to the share of the kings of Egypt, to whom it
belonged until it was subjected to the Romans by Marcus
Cato, B.C. 58 (Strabo, xiv. 6. 6). At first it was attached
to Cilicia ; but after the battle of Actium it was constituted
a separate province. In the ninth century it fell into the
hands of the Saracens, but was reconquered by the Cru-
saders in the twelfth, and became a dependency of the re-
1 See Winer's RealworterhucJi ; Smith's DictionarTj of the Bible ; Cony-
beare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. i. pp. 165-169 ; Lewin's St. Paul,
vol. i. pp. 129-131. Lewin gives a plan of ancient Seleucia taken from
Pococke's Travels.
75 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
public of Venice. The Turks took it in the sixteenth centurj,
and it is now part of their dominions.
Several reasons may be assigned why Paul and Barnabas
sailed first to Cyprus. 1. It was in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Antioch, and no doubt there was frequent
communication between the two places. 2. It was the birth-
place of Barnabas, and he might be anxious to preach the
gospel in his native land. 3. There were in it numerous
Jews, who, according to Merivale, constituted a half of its
population. 4. Christianity had already made some progress
in Cyprus ; for men of Cyprus were among the number of
those who preached the gospel at Antioch. Indeed, as has
been remarked, ^' no place out of Palestine, with the excep-
tion of Antioch, had been so honourably associated with the
work of successful evangelization."^
Ver. 5. Kal <y€v6fjievoL ev ^aXafxlvt — and being at Salamis.
Salamis was a large town on the east coast of Cyprus, situated
at the mouth of the river Pedseus. Formerly a royal resi-
dence, it was at this time the mercantile city of the island.
It was destroyed by an earthquake in the reign of Constan-
tino the Great, but rebuilt by that emperor, and called by
him Constantia. Afterwards it was finally destroyed by the
Saracens. The rise of Famagusta, the Venetian capital of
the island, about three miles distant, probably helped to com-
plete its desolation. Its ruins are known by the name of
Old Famagusta.^
'Ev Tat9 crvj'a'yw'yal^ tmv 'lovSaicov — in the synagogues of
the Jeics. Althongh Paul was eminently the apostle of the
Gentiles, yet it was his usual custom first to go to the Jewish
synagogues, and there preach the gospel, before he turned
to the Gentiles. Various reasons may be assigned for this
course. 1. It appears to have been the order laid down by
Christ, first to ]u-each to the Jews and then to the Gentiles.
2. Paul himself was a Jew, actuated by a patriotic love to
his countrymen, which moved him to make special efforts
for their conversion. 3. The Jewish synagogues were the
^ Conybeare and Hovvson's St. Paul, vol. i. p. 104.
2 Winer's hihlisches Worterhuch.
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — XIII. 5. ^
best channels of communication to the Gentiles : they were
attended not only by Jews, but by Jewish proselytes from
among the Gentiles, and by many who, like Cornelius, dis-
satisfied with their own religion, had not yet become actual
proselytes to Judaism. 4. Thus in the synagogues the sus-
ceptible both among the Jews and Gentiles assembled, and
therefore it was the most likely place to meet with success ;
and hence, even although Paul felt that his peculiar mission
was to the Gentiles, yet, in order to fulfil that mission, he
would in the first place go to the synagogues. 5. The syna-
gogues were the most convenient places for assemblies : they
were open to all, and Paul as a Jew had liberty to speak in
them.
It would seem, from the word being in the plural (crvva-
jco^aL<;), that there were several synagogues, and consequently
numerous Jews, in Salamis ; and from other authorities we
learn that the Jews were very numerous in Cyprus. The
Jews were patronized by the Ptolemies ; and Cyprus being
one of their possessions, they might reside there without the
molestations to which they were subjected in the dominions
of the Seleucidse princes. Josephus and Philo mention the
Jews of Cyprus (Philo, Legat. ad Caium). Augustus made
Herod the Great a present of half the revenue of the copper
mines of Cyprus, and committed the other half to his care
{A7it. xvi. 4. 5) ; so that numerous Jewish families would
then be settled in that island. And in the reign of Trajan,
the Jews were so numerous and powerful in Cyprus, that
when they rose in rebellion under the leadership of one
Artemio, they took possession of the whole island, and mas-
sacred 240,000 of its Greek inhabitants. When the rebellion
was extinguished by Hadrian, afterwards emperor, the Jews
were either slain or banished ; and were forbidden, under
pain of death, thenceforth to approach the island ^ (Dio
Cass. Ixviii. 31).
Ely(ov he Koi 'Icodvvrjv virrjpirrjv — and they had also John
as an attendant ; that is, John surnamed Mark, the nephew
1 Merivale's History oj the Romans, ch. Ixv. ; Milman's History of the
Jews. At present, we are informed, that there is only one Jew in Cyprus.
10 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of Barnabas, who had accompanied Paul and Barnabas from
Jerusalem. 'TirrjpeTTj^; refers to his inferior position with
reference to the two missionaries. He acted under their
direction, and attended to external matters, and perhaps to
the baptism of the converts (1 Cor. i. 14), so that Paul and
Barnabas might give their undivided attention to the preach-
ing of the word.
Ver. 6. ALekdovre^ he oKtjv rrjv vrjcrov — and having gone
through the ichole island. Salamis was on the east coast, and
Paphos on the west, so that they had to traverse the whole
lencrth of the island. The distance between the two cities
was about 110 miles. "A^^/po IId(pov — unto Pajjlios. Paphos,
then the capital of the island, and the residence of the pro-
consul, was situated on the south-west coast. New Paphos
is here meant, four miles distant from Old Paphos, where
stood the famous temple of Venus. New Paphos had also a
beautiful temple (Strabo, xiv. 6. 3). In the time of Augustus
Paphos was destroyed by an earthquake, but had been rebuilt
by the emperor (Dio Cass. liv. 23). It was then a place of
great resort on account of the worship of the Paphian Yenus
(Strabo, xiv. 6. 3). Tacitus gives an account of a pilgrimage
which Titus made to it shortly before the Jewish war (Tac.
Hist. ii. 2. 3). The city is now known by the name Baffa.^
Evpov dvSpa Tiva /jbdyov — thei/ found a certain maUj a
Magian. Magician is hardly a suitable translation, as that
word is used by us in a bad sense, whereas fidyof; is a neutral
term (Matt. ii. 1). The evangelist, by adding the words '' a
false prophet," intimates what kind of a Magian he meant.
Bapi7)aov^^ i.e. the son of Jesus — Jesus being a common
name among the Jews. The other names found in some
manuscripts — Barjoshua, Barsuma, Barjehu, Barjesuban —
have their origin from resj)ect to the name of Jesus, the
transcribers being averse to apply this second name to a false
prophet.^ The educated Ilomans were infidels with regard
to their own religion ; and hence those among them wlio
^ Winer's Viblisclies WorterbucJi.
2 See remarks on the prevalence of magicians and sorcerers in note to
Acts viii. 9.
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — XIII. 7. 11
were religiously inclined sought after men who claimed to
be prophets, and too often became the dupes of such impostors
as Simon Magus and Barjesus. No words can describe
more forcibly at once the infamy and the influence of such
sorcerers than those of Tacitus : " a class of men who will be
always discarded and always cherished " {Hist. i. 22)} It is
worthy of remark that Simon the magician, whom Felix
em])loyed, was a Jew, and by birth a Cyprian {Ant. xx. 7. 2).
Ver. 7. '^O? ^]v avv tm dvOvirdrw — iclio was icith the pro-
consul. ^ AvOviraTo^ is the Greek term for proconsul. The
consuls were called by the Greeks vTraroi, because they were
the chief magistrates at Rome ; hence dvOviraro^, compounded
of dvTi and vTrctro?, a proconsul. So also the Greeks called
the prcetors o-TpdrTj^ot, and the propr^tor dvTi(7TpdT7]yo^.
Augustus, when he made an arrangement of the empire,
divided the provinces into two classes : the one class he
made over to the senate, and the other he retained for the
emperor. The governor of a senatorial province, although
he may never have been a consul, was called a proconsul
{dvOviraro^). He had no mihtary power, and at first held
liis office only for a year. The governor of an imperial pro-
vince, although he may never have been a praetor, was called
a proprietor (dprtcrTpdryyo^;) . He was entrusted with an
army, and held his office during the pleasure of the emperor.
Now Luke in the Acts is attentive to this distinction. Thus
he speaks of Gallio as proconsul of Achaia (Acts xviii. 12),
and we know that Achaia was a senatorial province ; whereas
this title is never assigned to Felix or Festus, who were only
deputy-governors of the proprietor of Syria. The word he
uses with reference to them is r^yefiwy, a general term, cor-
responding to our English word governor. By employing
here the term dvOvTraTO^;^ it would follow that he regarded
Cyprus as a senatorial province governed by a proconsul.
Now, how stands the matter? Strabo informs us that
Augustus reserved Cyprus for himself (Strabo, xiv. 6. 6),
and consequently governed it by a proprator ; and hence it
^ Genus liominum potentibus injidum, sperantibus hallux, quod in civUaie
nostra et vetahitur semper et retinehitur.
12 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
has been asserted that Luke has committed a mistake, and
should have used the term avnar parity o^ (Grotius, Hammond,
Beza). Subsequent researcli, however, has fully justified
Luke. A passage has been discovered in Dio Cassius, where
he tells us that Augustus subsequently restored the provinces
of Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis to the senate, and took
instead of them Dalmatia ; and he states that tlienceforth
these provinces were governed by proconsuls ^ (Dio Cass. liii.
12, liv. 4). And not only so, but coins have been found of
the reign of Claudius (the very time when Paul paid this
visit to Cyprus), which declare that Cyprus was at this time
a proconsulate. In one of these coins there is on the obverse
the head and name of Claudius, and on the reverse the
inscription Cyprus, with the name Cominius Proclus, and the
title dv6v7raTo<;. This Proclus must have been one of the
immediate successors or predecessors of Sergius Paulus.^
^epjLO) Hav\(p^ dvBpl crvvera) — Sergius Pauliis^ an intelligent
man. Nothing is known of Sergius Paulus. He is called an
intelligent man ; and his admitting Elymas the sorcerer
into his company is not at variance with this. He appears
to have been one of that numerous class of Gentiles who,
dissatisfied with idolatry, sought a purer religion. Elymas
recommended himself to him as beincr a Jew, and he had
partially yielded to his counsels ; but only partially, because
his desire to hear Barnabas and Paul proved that he was not
completely under his sway.
Ver. 8. 'JEXuyLta? 6 fidjo<;^ etc. — But Eh/mas the Magian,
for so is his name hi) interpretation. Elymas is an Arabic
word signifying a vnse man : so that 6 /jbdyo^, the Magian,
^ Kciil ovTOi; dv^vTrocroi kxI e; iKiivoe, rcc idyri Trifi'Triadoe.i 'l^p^xuTO. The
same word as that used by Luke is here applied by Dio Cassius to the
governor of Cyprus.
2 See Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations of the Nciv TestameJit, pp.
39-42. From coins and monumental evidence he gives the names of four
proconsuls (dudu'^a.roi) of Cyprus : namely, Aulus Plautus, in the reign
of Augustus and Tiberius ; Aquius Scaura, in the reign of Caligula ;
Cominius Proclus and Quadratus, in the reign of Claudius. See also
Lardner's Works, vol. i. p. 19 ; Marsh's Lectures, Lect. xxvi. Eckhel's
Docirina Numorum, vol, iii. p. 84.
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — XIIT. 9. 18
is a word of a somewhat similar import. (See Matt. il. 1.)
ZrjTOiv Siaarpeyfrat top avOvirarov airo T7]<i iricTTew^ — seeking
to turn aicay the proconsul from the faith. Probably he was
influenced bj selfish motives ; for if Serglus Paulas became
a convert to Paul and Barnabas, his influence over him was
gone.
Ver. 9. ^av\o<^ he 6 kol JTaOXo? — But Saul, icho also is
called Paul. Here the name Paul occurs for the first time
in the Acts. Before this he is always called by his Hebrew
name Saul ; after this, the name Paul is constantly employed,
except when there is a reference to the earlier period of his
life (Acts xxii. 7, 13, xxvi. 14). In the decrees of the
Council of Jerusalem he receives the name of Paul, and
when Peter writes of him he calls him " his beloved brother
Paul " (2 Pet. ill. 15). Various reasons have been assigned
for this change of name. We may pass over the reason
assigned by Augustine as wholly inadmissible, that he called
himself Paul, which signifies little, out of humility, conceiv-
ing himself to be less than the least of all saints ^ (^De Spir.
et Lit. c. vll.). The opinion of Jerome is worthy of more
attention. As the name Paul occurs in the narrative of the
conversion of Sergius Paulus, he supposes that the change
of name is connected with that event. Saulus ad proidica-
tionem gentium missus, a primo ecclesiw spolio Proconsule
Sergio Paulo victorias suce tropa^a retidit, erexitque vexillum
nt Paulus diceretur e Saulo (in Ep. Philem.). The same
opinion is adopted with some variations by Bengel, Olshausen,
Baumgarten, Meyer, Ewald, Stier, and Baur. According
to Jerome, Paul adopted the name himself ; according to
Meyer, he was so called by his fellow-Christians ; according
to Ewald, he took the name at the request of the proconsul.
This hypothesis is, however, liable to various objections. It
seems at variance with the modesty of the apostle. It is, be-
sides, highly Improbable that Serglus Paulus was Paul's first
Gentile convert, as he had already preached for at least two
^ Paulus apostolus, cum Saulus prius vocaretur, non oh aliud, quantum
milii videtur, hoc 7wmen elegit, nisi ut se ostenderet parvum, tanquam
minimum opostolorum.
14 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
years in Cilicia and Antiocli ; nor did he pay such extreme
deference to raak as this iiypothesis would imply. It was
customary for the pupil to adopt the name of the teacher,
but not for the teacher to adopt the name of the pupil. Be-
sides, it is to be observed that Luke introduces the change of
name before he mentions the conversion of Sergius Paul us.
The more probable opinion is, that Paul, as a Hellenistic
Jew and a Roman citizen, had two names — Saul being his
Jewish name, and Paul his Roman. So Lightfoot, Schrader,
Winer, Wieseler, Du Veil, Henrichs, De Wette, Lechler,
Neander, Alford. It was then a usual thing for Hellenistic
Jews to have two names ; the one Hebrew, and the other
Greek or Latin. We have several instances of this in
Scripture : John surnamed Marcus, Symeon called Niger,
Joseph Barsabas surnamed Justus, and Jesus who is called
Justus. Sometimes these Greek or Latin names were trans-
lations of Hebrew names; as Peter of Cephas, and Didymus
of Thomas. Sometimes there was a shnilarity between them,
as here : Saul, wlio is also called Paul. But still the ques-
tion arises. Why does Luke at this particular moment intro-
duce the Roman name of Saul? It cannot be accidental,
as Heinrichs supposes : " Luke having mentioned Sergius
Paulus, recollects that Saul also was called Paul;" because
at the time Luke wrote, the name Paul was used universally,
whereas the name Saul was long out of use. The change
must have been intentional ; and the common reason assigned
seems sufficient, that Paul now came prominently forward as
the apostle of the Gentiles. Hitherto his labours had been
chiefly confined to the Jews, and hence Luke retained the
name by which he was then best known among them ; but
now he addresses himself to the Gentiles, and henceforth
Luke mentions him only by his Gentile name.
Ver. 10. 'PaBiovpyLaf; — miscJiief. The word primarily
signifies indolence^ effeminacy ; in a secondary sense, knavery^
mischief. Tie StafioXov — soji of the devil. It is far-fetched
to suppose, with i\Ieyer, any allusion to the name Barjesus,
son of Jesus. Ov Travarj Btaarpecfxov ra? oBov^ Kvplov Ta<;
evdeia^; — Wilt thou not cease to i?e)vert the right ivai/s of the
PAUL IN CYPRUS. — Xllf. 11. 15
Lord? Not merely the ways of the Lord, as then provi-
dentially displayed : God would lead Sergius Paulus to the
salvation in Christ by means of Paul and Barnabas, but
Elymas set himself to prevent this (Meyer). But it refers to
the ceaseless opposition of Elymas to righteousness and truth
in general : he sought to pervert the ways in which man
should walk before God (De Wette).
Ver. 11. Xelp Kvpiov — the hand of the Lord ; according
to the usual meaning of the phrase in the Old Testament,
the judgments of God. "A^pi Katpov—for a season. Judg-
ment was mingled with mercy. Elymas was to be struck
with blindness ; but he was not to be blind for life, but only
for a season. The first miracle which Paul performed was
the infliction of a judgment ; and that judgment the same
which befell himself when arrested on his way to Damascus,
JJapa'^pYjiia he iireireaev eir avrbv, etc. — And immediately
there fell on him a mist a7td a darkness. The denunciation
of the apostle was fulfilled : Elymas became instantaneously
blind. We are not, however, to suppose that the apostles
possessed the power of working miracles at pleasure, but
only when they felt a divine impulse urging them to perform
one. Paul struck Elymas with blindness because he felt
inspired to perform that miracle ; but he could not cure
Epaphroditus of his sickness, or remove from himself the
thorn in the flesh. The miraculous power with which he
was invested was not under his own control, but under the
control and direction of Him who bestowed that power.
Several attempts have been made to explain away this
miracle. Heinrichs supposes that Elymas was naturally dis-
posed to blindness, and that, frightened by the rebuke of
Paul, the disease reached its climax. ])ut this is not to
explain, but to contradict the text. It is evident that Luke
represents this blindness as a divine punishment, effected
without the intervention of any natural cause. Accordingly
Baur and Zeller adopt the mythical explanation : they sup-
pose that Paul's encounter with Elymas is but the counter-
part and the copy of Peter's encounter with Simon Magus.-^
1 Baur's Paulus^ vol. i. p. 105 ; Zeller's ApostelgescJiichte, p. 212.
16 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Baur dwells upon the points of resemblance between these
two. Both were magicians, both were opponents of the
apostles, and both were ignominiously discomfited. Elymas
was addressed by Paul in terms similar to those with which
Peter addressed Simon Magus. But all this only proves
that the apostles came in contact with the powers of dark-
ness ; and as sorcerers and magicians were then numerous,
it was by no means improbable that both Peter and Paul
would encounter one of them. And while there are points
of resemblance, there are also points of difference, which
prove that the one narrative could not have been taken
from the other. Simon ]\Iagus professed to be a convert,
and was baptized by Philip; he was inside the church —
lie was a type of heretics. Elymas never professed to be
a Christian ; he was outside the church — he was a type of
infidels. Simon Magus was punished by Peter with exclu-
sion from the church ; Elymas was struck with blindness.
Simon Magus did not avowedly oppose himself to the Chris-
tians ; whereas Elymas did all he could to withstand Paul,
and to turn away the proconsul from the faith .^
Ver. 12. ^Eiriarevaev — believed. The proconsul became a
convert to Christianity. He was convinced of the truth of
the gospel by the miracle wrought upon Elymas. He was
one of those few great men after the flesh who in the days
of the apostles were converted to Christ. ^EKirXTjaaofjuevof;
eVl rfj ^Lha-)(fj tov Kvpiov — being astonished at the doctrine
of the Lord: that is, the doctrine of Christ preached by the
apostles. The miracle wrought by Paul confirmed this
doctrine.
^ Lange's apostoUsches Zdtalter, vol. i. j). 168.
SECTION II.
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.— Acts xiii. 13-41.
13 Now Paul and his companions, having set sail from Paphos, came
to Perga in Pamphylia : and John, departing from them, returned to
Jerusalem.
14 But they, proceeding from Perga, came to Antioch in Pisidia ;
and entering into the synagogue on the Sabbath-day, they sat down.
15 And after the reading of the law and the prophets, the rulers of
the synagogue sent to them, saying, Men and brethren, if ye have any
word of exhortation for the people, say on. 16 Then Paul arose, and
beckoning with his hand, said, Men of Israel, and ye who fear God,
hearken, 17 The God of this people chose our fathers, and exalted the
people in their sojourn in the land of Egypt, and with a high arm
brought them out of it. 18 And about the space of forty years. He
cherished them in the wilderness. 19 And having destroyed seven
nations in the land of Canaan, He gave them their land to inherit. 20 And
after this, for about four hundred and fifty years, He gave them judges,
until Samuel the prophet. 21 And afterward they requested a king :
and God gave to them Saul the son of Kish, a man of the tribe of
Benjamin, for forty years. 22 And having removed him. He raised up
to them David to be their king ; to whom also He gave testimony, and
said, I have found David the son of Jesse, a man after my own heart,
who will do all my will. 23 Of this man's seed has God, according to
promise, brought to Israel a Saviour, Jesus : 24 John having preached
before His coming the baptism of repentance to all the people of Israel.
25 And as John fulfilled his course, he said. Whom think ye that I am ?
I am not He. But, behold, there cometh One after me, the shoes of
whose feet I am not worthy to loose. 26 Men and brethren, children
of the race of Abraham, and whosoever among you feareth God, to
you the word of this salvation has been sent. 27 For the inhabitants
of Jerusalem, and their rulers, not knowing Him, nor the voices of the
prophets which are read every Sabbath, have fulfilled them by con-
demning Him. 28 And though they found no cause of death, yet they
desired Pilate that He should be slain. 29 And when they had fulfilled
all things that were written concerning Him, having taken Him down
from the tree, they laid Him in a sepulchre. 30 But God raised Him
VOL. II. B
18 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
from the dead : 31 And He was seen many days by them who came
up with Him from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are now His witnesses unto
the people. 32 And we preach unto you the promise made to the
fathers, that God has fulfilled the same to us their children, having
raised up Jesus ; 33 As it is also written in the first Psalm, Thou art
my Son, this day have I begotten Thee. 34 And that He raised Him
from the dead, no more to return to corruption. He has thus spoken : I
will give you the sure holy things of David. 35 Wherefore He saith
also in another place, Thou shalt not suffer Thy Holy One to see cor-
ruption. 36 For David, after he had served his own generation by
the will of God, fell asleep, and was gathered to his fathers, and saw
corruption : 37 But He, whom God raised from the dead, saw no cor-
ruption. 38 Be it known unto you therefore, men and brethren, that
through this man is announced to you the forgiveness of sins : 39 And
from all things, from which ye could not be justified by the law of
Moses, in Him every one that beheves is justified. 40 Beware, therefore,
lest that come upon you which is spoken in the prophets ; 41 Behold,
ye despisers, and wonder, and perish : because I work a work in your
days, a work which ye will in no wise believe, though one should declare
it to you.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 17. 'lo-patjX, found in A, B, C, D, i^, and adopted
by Lachmann and Bornemann, is wanting in E, G, H, and
rejected by Tischendorf and Meyer. Ver. 18. 'ErpoTro-
(p6pr](76v is found in B, D, G, H, i< ; whereas A, C, E
have iTpo(l)0(j)6prjG-€v, the reading adopted by Lachmann and
Tischendorf. Ver. 19. KareKXijpoSorijo-eVy the reading of
the textus receptus, is found in no uncial MS. A, B, C, D,
E, G, II, t< have KareKXrjpovo/jirjo-eVj the reading adopted
by all recent editors. Ver. 20. In A, B, C, N*, w? erecn
T6TpaK0(7L0L<; Kal TTevTrjKovra precede koI pbera ravra^ the
reading adopted by Lachmann ; whereas in E, G," H they
follow, as in the textus receptiiSy the reading adopted by
Tischendorf, Meyer, and Alford. In D, the words fierce
ravra are omitted. (See Exegetical Kemarks.) Ver. 23.
"Hyayev, found in A, B, E, G, II, N*, is to be preferred to
rjyeipe, found only in C, D. Ver. 2(). 'E^airearakr], found
in A, B, C, D, t5, is more strongly attested than the simple
verb dTreardXrjy found in E, G, II. Ver. 31. Nvp after
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIIT. 13. 19
omz^6? is wanting in B, E, G, H, but found in A, C, N, and
inserted by Lachmann and Tischendorf. Ver. 33. Aevrepw
of the textus receptiis is the reading of A, B, C, E, G, H, 5<,
and is accordingly externally the better attested reading, and
is adopted by Scholz and De Wette. JT/jcotw is only found
in one uncial MS. (D), but is also supported by the Fathers,
Origen, TertulHan, Cyprian, Hilary, and is adopted by
Tischendorf, Lachmann, Meyer, and Alford, as being tlie
more difficult reading.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 13. 01 irepl UaiiXov — Paul and Ms companions. This
phrase is used to denote the leader of a party (Winer's
Grammar^ p. 425). Paul now takes the precedence : for-
merly it was Barnabas and Paul, henceforth it is in general
Paul and Barnabas. TIepyriv ttj^; TIaii<^v\la^ — Perga of
Famphylia. We cannot assign the reasons which induced
them to go to Pamphylia. It was tlie country opposite to
Paphos in Cyprus: communication would be frequent, and
the distance was not great. Pamphylia was a small district,
extending along the shores of the Mediterranean, situated
between Cilicia and the Lycian part of proconsular Asia.
Under the Romans, after the battle of Actium, on the divi-
sion of the provinces by Augustus, it became an imperial
province, governed by a proprastor. At this time, in the
reign of Claudius, it was united with Lycia and Pisidia;
afterwards we find it united with Galatia (Tac. Hist. ii. 9).
Perga, its capital, was a large and flourishing town situated
on the river Cestrus, about seven miles from its mouth. It
was chiefly remarkable for a famous temple dedicated to
Diana. Pergw fanum antiquissimwn et sanctissimmn Dianw
scimus esse (Cic. Verr. i. 20). " There is," says Strabo, ^' the
river Cestrus, up which when one has sailed sixty furlongs,
he comes to the city Perga, near which is the temple of
Diana of Perga, where every year there is a solemn conven-
tion" (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2). The city is now in ruins, and is
known by the name Eski-Kalessi.
20 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
^Ia)avv7)<; Se airo'^aiprjCTa^ air avrcov — hitt John departed
from them. At Perga, John surnamed Mark left the mis-
sion, and returned to Jerusalem. We are not informed
what induced him to do so. Some suppose that it was be-
cause he was opposed to the freeness with which the gospel
w^as preached to the Gentiles ; others^ that he was jealous
of Paul taking the lead instead of his uncle Barnabas ; and
others, with greater probability, that he shrank from the
dangers and difficulties of the mission. That the reason of
his return was blameable, is evident from Paul's afterwards
refusing to take him on his second missionary journey (Acts
XV. 37-39). Ewald supposes that the place of Mark was
now supplied by Titus (Ewald's Geschichte, p. 421). Titus
is not mentioned in the Acts, and yet we know that he
accompanied Paul to the Council of Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1).
Hence the probability is that he was with the apostle before
Luke, the author of the Acts, joined him.
Ver. 14. 'AvTLO'^eiav rrjv TIi(Tih[av — Antioch of Plsidia,
Pisidia w^as a mountainous district lying to the north of Pam-
phylia, stretching along the range of Mount Taurus. It
seems never to have been a separate country, and was at this
time united to Pamphylia. Antioch, called by Pliny Antioch
of Pisidia, by Strabo Antioch of Phrygia, and by Ptolemy
Antioch of Pamphylia, was its chief town. It was one of
those numerous cities which were built by Seleucus Nicator,
B.C. 300; under Augustus, it was raised to the dignity of
a Roman colony, and called Cijesarea : Pisidiariim colonia
Cwsarea eadeiii Antioclieia {Plin. v. 24). Its situation is
minutely described by Strabo : " In the district of Phrygia,
called Paroreia, there is a mountainous ridge stretching from
east to west. On each side there is a large plain, and two
cities in the neighbourhood. Philomelium lies on the north
side of the ridge, and Antioch, called Antioch near Pisidia,
on the south ; the former standing on a plain, and the latter
on a hill, and occupied by a Roman colony" (Strabo, xii.
8. 14). This situation has been identified by Arundell as
the site of the modern town Jalobatch or Yalobatch ; and an
inscription has been found there by Hamilton, containing
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIII. 15. 21
the words Antiocliese Csesare, — the remainder having been
entirely effaced.^
Yer. 15. Mera Se Trjv avd<yvwaiv rod vofiov koX tcov
7rpo(f)r]T(ov — hut after the reading of the law and the prophets.
(See note upon the synagogue and its worship attached to
Section xii. vol. i.) Probably the reading of the law com-
menced in the days of Ezra, if not during the captivity.
When Antiochus Epiphanes forbade the reading of the law,
sections from the prophets were substituted ; and after the
restoration of the Jewish religion by the Maccabees, both
the law and the prophets were read. Bengel supposes that
the particular Sabbath lesson which was on this day read
can be determined. In Paul's discourse, the words yy^rwaev,
iTpo(j)0(f)6p7]aeVf and KaTeK\r]pov6fi7](7ep, rarely used in Scrip-
ture, occur ; of which the first is in Isa. i. 2, and the second
and third in Deut. i. 31, 38. He therefore infers that these
two chapters, Deut. i. and Isa. i., were read on this very
Sabbath ; and it is a singular fact that these two chapters
are even at the present day read together on one Sabbath.'*^
The inference, however, rests on insufficient ground, the
allusions to these two chapters (especially to Isa. i.) being
very slight ; and besides, it is now generally agreed that the
modern division of the law and the prophets into sections is
more recent than the days of the apostles.
^ AireareCkav ol apyj.avva'^w'^oi Trpo^ avTOV^ — The riders of
the synagogue sent to them, saying, Men and brethren, if ye have
any ivord of exhortation for the people, say on. After the law
and tlie prophets were read, any qualified teacher who hap-
pened to be present was asked by the elders of the synagogue
to address the assembly. Such a request was now made to
Paul and Barnabas. Some (Wetstein, Kuinoel) suppose that
they had sat down on the rabbinical seats, thus announcing
1 Arundell's Discoveries in Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 269 ; Hamilton's
Asia Minor, vol. i. pp. 4:12-A14c.
2 Bengel's Gnomon, vol. ii. p. G27, Clark's translation. The forty-
fourth section of the Parashioth (the law) and Haphtaroth (the pro-
phets) is now Deut. i.-iii. 22, Isa. i. 1-27. Wordsworth on tie Acts,
p. 105.
22 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
that they were teachers. The probability, however, is that
they had already been some days in Pisidian Antioch, and
had already taught the people, and were thus recognised as
teachers. The curiosity of the members of the synagogue
would be aroused to know what new doctrine this was which
these strangers came from such a distance to proclaim.
Ver. 16. "AvSpe'^ ^laparikelTai^ koI ol (po/Sov/jLevoc top Seov
— Men of Israely and ye id lO fear God. By "men of Israel"
Paul means the Jews and Jewish proselytes then present ;
and by '^ those who fear God," the devout Gentiles who had
renounced idolatry, and worshipped God in the synagogues,
without however becoming proselytes to Judaism by submit-
ting to the rite of circumcision — the so-called proselytes of
the (yate.
o
Ver. 17. 'O Qeo^Tov \aov tovtov — the God of this 2^eople.
O Xao9, restricted in the Acts to the Jewish nation. (See,
however, Acts xviii. 10.) Kal tov \aov v-^wcrev — and exalted
the people. Different meanings have been attached to this
phrase. Some (Beza, Grotius) refer it to the prosperity of
the Israelites in the days of Joseph. Others (Calvin, Eisner,
and Heinrichs) refer it to the deliverance from Egypt ; but
according to the text, the exaltation took place during their
sojourn in Egypt. Meyer supposes that it alludes both to
the increase of the people in Egypt, and to their exaltation
in consequence of the miracles of Closes ; but those miracles
are afterwards indicated by fxera ^pa')/L6vo^ v-^rfkov. The
allusion, then, is to the increase of the peo2:)le. The children
of Israel increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed
exceeding mighty (Ex. i. 7). So Kuinoel, Olshausen, De
Wette, Lechler, Stier, and Alford. Mera fSpaxioi'o^ vy^rrjXov
— with a high arm^ i.e. with mighty power. God is here
represented as the leader of His people, with His arm up-
lifted for their defence against their enemies. The allu-
sion is evidently to the miracles wrought by Moses for their
deliverance.
Ver. 18. ^ ETpo(j)0(j)6p7)cr€v aiJTOv<; — cherished them. The
reference is to Dent. i. 31 : " The Lord thy God bare thee
{Tpo^o(j)op7'jo-€L, Septuagint), as a man doth bear his son, in
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIII. 20. 23
all the way that ye went, until ye came to this place." The
metaphor is taken not from the care of a nurse, but from the
protecting and nourishing care of a father.
Ver. 20. Kal [xera ravra, co? erea-iv rerpaKocTLOc^ koI irev-
TTjKovraj eBco/cev KpCTa<; — And after this, for about four hun-
dred and fifty years, He gave them judges. These words have
given rise to considerable difficulty. According to them, it
would appear that the period assigned for the rule of the
judges after the settlement of Israel in Canaan amounted
to 450 years. Now this agrees exactly with the years of the
judges, and of the servitudes as mentioned in the book of
Judges : the years of the judges from Othniel to Eli are
339, and of the servitudes 111 ; in all, 450.^ It also corre-
sponds with the chronology of Josephus. He observes that
Solomon began to build his temple in the fourth year of his
reign, 592 years after the departure of the Israelites from
Egypt {Ant. vii. 3. 1). This number is made up as follows:
40 years' sojourn in the wilderness ; 25 years under Joshua
{Ant. V. 1. 29) ; 443 as the period of the judges, including the
rule of Samuel; 40 years under Saul {Ant. vi. 4. 9); 40 years
under David; and 4 years of Solomon's own reign, — thus
giving 443 years as the period of the judges, which in round
numbers aojrees with the reckonino; of Paul. But whilst
there is this agreement, there is a decided disagreement
between this number and 1 Kings vi. 1 : there we are told
that '' in the four hundred and eightieth year after the chil-
dren of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the
fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, he began to
build the house of the Lord." This would give only 331
years as the period assigned to the judges, being 119 years
less than the number here given by Paul. Various attempts
have been made at reconciliation. 1. Perizonius supposes
that in 1 Kings vi. 1 the years of the judges only are
enumerated, whilst the years of servitude are omitted ; but
this is evidently erroneous, as it is the time from the de-
parture from Egypt that is mentioned. 2. Others (Mill,
Calovius, Doddridge) supply fyevoiieva after TrevTrjKovTa, and
1 See Biscoe on the Acts, p. 605.
24 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES,
translate the verse as follows : '' After these thinors which
o
happened in the space of 450 years, He gave them judges."
And they calculate this period from the birth of Isaac to the
acquisition of the land of Canaan under Joshua, a period of
450 years in round numbers. The words, however, will not
admit of such a construction. 3. Others (Lange, etc.) sup-
pose that the -word jmlcjes is here used in a wide sense, in-
cluding the rule both of Moses and Joshua, so that the period
is to be reckoned from the departure of the Israelites out of
Egypt. But this is at variance with the text, as the period
is there calculated from their settlement in Canaan {^fiera
ravra). 4. Others attempt critical emendations, but against
the authority of MSS. Luther and Beza read 350 years ;
Vitringa and Heinrichs think that co? ereac TeTpaKoaioi^ /cal
'jTevTrjKovra is a gloss which has found its way into the text ;
Michaelis supposes that there is an interpolation in 1 Kings
vi. 1 ; and Kuinoel, that the text in the book of Kings is
corrupt. It must be candidly admitted that all these attempts
at reconciliation have failed. 5. If, however, we adopt the
other reading of the text, which has the support of the four
oldest MSS. (A, B, C, 5<), also of D, which omits fxera ravra^
and is approved of by critics so eminent as Lachmann and
Bornemann, then the discrepancy disappears.-^ (See Critical
Note.) According to this reading, the words are to be trans-
lated as follows : '' He gave them their land to inherit for
about 450 years. And after these things He gave judges."
There is, however, an obvious difficulty in fixing on the
time when this 450 years commenced. The most plausible
opinion is, that the period is to be dated from the gift of the
land of Canaan to Abraham : Bengel dates it from the birth
of Isaac, when God chose their fathers for the possession of
the land. If this reading be not adopted, then the only other
alternative is, that Paul uses a chronology distinct from
1 Kings vi. 1, but, as appears from Josephus, in use at that
time among the Jews.''^
^ This reading is decidedly the best attested by external testimony,
and is in all probability the correct one.
^ See Meyer's ApostelgeschidUe, pp. 271, 272; Kuincel's Lihri Ilistorici^
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIII. 21, 22. 25
Ver. 21. "Ett] reaaepaKovra — foo'ti/ years. These forty
years evidently refer to the period of the reign of Saul.
It is contrary to the text to suppose (Beza, Heinrichs,
Doddridge) that they include also the government of Samuel.
The duration of the reign of Saul is not given in Scripture ;
but Josephus tells us that he reigned eighteen years during
the life of Samuel, and two-and- twenty after his death (Ant.
vi. 14. 9). It is, however, extremely improbable, indeed utterly
incredible, that Saul survived Samuel two-and-twenty years.
David was only thirty when he succeeded to the throne of
Judah (2 Sam. v. 4), and consequently according to this
he would not have been eight when he was anointed by
Samuel, slew Goliath, married the daughter of Saul, and w^as
persecuted by Saul ; for we find that David, after these
events, fled to Samuel (1 Sam. xix. 18). This, however,
does not militate acrainst the statement that Saul reif^ned
forty years over Israel, but only against the division of that
period as given by Josephus.-^
Ver. 22. Meraa-Trjaa^ avrov — having removed him. This
removal refers to the death of Saul, not to his deposition
(Kuinoel) ; for it was only after his death that David suc-
ceeded to the throne. Evpov AaveiBy etc. — I have found David
the son of Jesse^ a man after my oicn heart. These words
do -not occur in the Old Testament, but are made up from
two passages ; Ps. Ixxxix. 20, where God testifies, " I have
found David my servant ; " and 1 Sam. xiii. 14, where
Samuel, addressing Saul, says, " The Lord hath sought Him
a man after His own heart." Kara rrjv Kaphlav fJiov — after
my own heart ; referring to the general character of David.
He was not, like Saul, a bad man, who had occasional fits of
piety ; but a good man, who occasionally committed acts of
wickedness.
vol. iii. p. 207 ; Bengel's Gnomon, vol. i. pp. 627, 628 ; Biscoe on the Acts,
pp. 605, 606 ; Stier's Words of the Apostles, p. 190, Clark's translation.
1 " Saul's youngest son Ishboshetli," observes Biscoe, " was forty years
of age at the time of his father's death ; and yet his father is said to be
but a young man when he was first inaugurated by Samuel " {Acts, p.
560). So that a reign of forty years is highly probable.
2Q COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Vers. 23-25. Kar eTrayyeXLav — according to promise ;
not referring to any particular promise, but to the Messianic
promises in general, made to the fathers by the prophets.
npoKr]pv^avTo<; ^Icodvvov — John having preached before. The
apostle mentions the preaching of the Baptist in this inci-
dental manner, as a thing already known. It created so
great an excitement throughout all Judea, that it might
be heard of in countries at least as remote as Pisidia.
Mention is afterwards made of John's disciples in Ephesus
(Acts xix. 3). II po irpoacoTrov r^? elaoBov avrov — literally,
before the face of His coming — a Hebraism : not before His
coming into the world — His incarnation ; but before His
entrance upon His public ministry. Tiva pue virovoelre elvai ;
ovK elpX iycio — Whom think ye that I am ? I am not He.
Some (Luther, Grotius, Kuinoel) understand these words as
a relative sentence : / am not He whom ye think me to be, — a
translation which is perhaps allowable.^ Still, however, the
liveliness of the discourse decides in favour of understanding
TLva as an interrogative. Ov ov/c elpX a^Lo<; to viroSTj/xa rcov
TToBcov Xvaai — the shoes of luhose feet I am not worthy to loose.
It was considered the office of the lowest slaves to unbind the
sandals of their masters. Thus Suetonius says of Vitellius,
the father of the emperor, that, to leave no artifice untried
to secure the favour of Claudius, he requested as the greatest
favour from Messalina, that she would be pleased to allow
him to take off her shoes (Suet. Vitellius, ii.).
Ver. 27. 01 jap KaToncovvre^ ev 'l€povaa\i]/jb — for the
dwellers in Jerusalem. The force of the conjunction <ydp
has been differently understood. Some (De Wette, Winer,
Hackett, Lechler) suppose that it refers to the fulfilment of
prophecy ; that it is not causal, but explanatory : To you is
the word of this salvation sent ; for the Jews, by j)utting
Jesus to death, have fulfilled the prophecies, and thus proved
Him to be the Messiah. It is, however, more natural, with
Meyer, to suppose that there is here a contrast between the
Jews of the dispersion {ypblv) and the Jews in Jerusalem :
^ "Winer's Grammar^ p. 182. So also Tischeudorf reads the clause, as
is evident from his punctuation.
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIII. 29-31. 27
The gospel is sent to you, because the Jews in Jerusalem have
rejected it. This affirms, not the universal, but the general
rejection of Christ by the Jews at Jerusalem, and is an in-
dication of the righteous judgment of God in sending the
apostles away from Jerusalem to foreign countries. The
expression is somewhat similar to ver. 46 : ^' Seeing ye put
it from yourselves, and judge yourselves unworthy of eternal
life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles" (compare Matt. xxi. 43).
^ AyvoTjaavre^; — 7iot knowing. This sentence has also been
differently translated. Some (Castalio, Meyer, Alford) ren-
der it, " Not knowing Him, or in their ignorance of Him, by
condemning Him, they have fulfilled the voices of the pro-
phets." The insertion of Kai after ayvo7]cravTe^ is an objec-
tion to this rendering. Others apply tovtov not to Jesus,
but to the word of this salvation : " Being ignorant of this
word," etc. The usual, and perhaps the most natural, in-
terpretation is, to refer a'yvoiqaavTe'i not only to tovtov, but
to Ta9 (j)(ova<; tmv 7rpo(j)7)TO)v : " Not knowing Him, nor the
voices of the prophets." So Luther, Calvin, Grotius, Kuinoel,
and Hackett.
Ver. 29. "EOrjKav ek /jiV7]fie2ov — tJiei/ laid Him in a sepulchre;
that is, the inhabitants of Jerusalem and their rulers did so.
Although it was the enemies of Jesus who crucified Him,
and His friends who buried Him, yet in this summary nar-
rative it was not necessary to make any distinction between
friends and foes ; as it was only the facts of the crucifixion
and the burial that were of importance to the hearers. And
yet the statement was literally correct; for both Joseph of
Arimathea and Nicodemus were rulers of the Jews, being
members of the Sanhedrim.
Vers. 30, 31. 'O Se Seo^—hut God. The deed of God is
here contrasted with the deed of men. Men crucified Him,
but God raised Him from the dead. The resurrection from the
dead was the great proof of the Messiahship of Jesus, and the
great fact of the apostolic testimony. ''O9 Mcpdrj eirl rjfiepa^
irXelov^ — ivho was seen many days, — namely, the forty days
which intervened between the resurrection and the ascension
(Acts i. 4). OtTtve? vvv elaiv /jidpTvpe<; — who now are Bis
28 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
tvitnesses : now, at this moment. The resurrection of Jesus
was not a fact which rested on tradition, or could only be
proved from the testimony of men who were dead : the wit-
nesses of it were still alive.
Ver. 32. Kal r}fjL6L<i v/J'd<; eva<y<y6\L^6/ie9a — and ice j)^' each to
you. They, the apostles, are now witnessing to His resur-
rection ; we, Paul and Barnabas, are preaching this great
fact to you. '' AvaaTrjaa^ ^Irjaovv — having raised up Jesus.
Some (Calvin, Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Kuinoel, Olshausen,
Stier, Lechler) refer this not to the resurrection of Christ,
but to His appearance in this world as the Messiah : having
raised up Jesus as the Saviour. They assert that avaaTr^aa^
can only refer to the resurrection when e'/c veKpwv or some
similar words are added. The context, however, proves
that it is to the resurrection of Christ to which the apostle
refers. The Jews have put Jesus to death, and buried Him;
God has raised Him from the dead : we proclaim then to
you that the promise of the Messiahship is now fulfilled by
raising up Jesus ; for it is His resurrection that is the great
proof of His Messiahship (Meyer). So Luther, De Wette,
Meyer, Baumgarten, Lange, Hackett, and Alford.
Ver. 33. ^Ev rcS irpoiTco -ylraX/jbo) — iu the first Psalm. This
is the only quotation from the Old Testament so circum-
stantially made in the New. The majority of MSS. are in
favour of Sevrepo) ; but critics have in general preferred the
reading irpcora)^ as being the more difficult, and adverted to by
the Fathers. (See Critical Note.) It is accounted for on the
supposition that our first Psalm was not numbered, but was
composed as an introduction to the Psalter, and that the
second Psalm was properly the first : in some Hebrew MSS.
this order occurs. Tl6<i jjlov el av, etc. — Thou art my Son^
this day have I begotten Thee: taken verbatim from the Septua-
gint, and agreeing with tlie Hebrew text. For the Messianic
character of this psalm, see notes to xlcts iv. 25, 26. Some
refer these words to the incarnation of Christ, but here they
are introduced as a prediction of His resurrection. Although
He was the Son of God from eternity, yet by His resurrec-
tion He was openly declared to be so : it was the inauguration
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOOH. — XIII. 34, 35. 29
of His Sonsliip. " He was," says Paul, " declared to be
the Son of God with power, by the resurrection from the
dead" (Rom. i. 4).
Ver. 34. ''On Bcocrco vfuv ra ocrta jdavelB to, irLcrra — / will
give you the sure holy things of David. A second quotation
in proof of the resurrection and immortal life of the Messiah.
The quotation is from Isa. Iv. 3. There is a slight variation
between these words and the Septuagint : instead of on Bcocro)
vfMLVj the Septuagint has SiaOrjcro/jLaL v/jlIv BiaOij/crji' alcovtav —
" I will establish an everlasting covenant with you," wherein
it ao;rees with the Hebrew. On the other hand, the words
ra oaia Aave\B ra iriard are taken from the Septuagint, and
differ slightly from the Hebrew, where it is " the sure mercies
of David." 'Tfilv here refers to believers — those who accepted
the salvation. By oaia is meant the gracious blessings which
God has promised and bestowed on the Messiah — the bless-
ings of the Messiah's reign. And AaveiB is used either be-
cause these blessings were promised to that prince, or more
probably the name David is here employed for the Messiah,
whose ancestor He was. The connection between the pre-
diction and the resurrection of the Messiah is not at first
sight obvious. The force of the expression seems to lie in
the word it card : If the mercies bestowed by the Messiah on
His people are sure ; if among them there is the gift of an
eternal life ; then they must be bestowed by a living Messiah.
" This place of Isaiah," observes Calvin, '^ which is here cited,
seemeth to make but little for proof of Christ's immortality.
But it is not so. For, seeing Isaiah speaketh of the redemp-
tion promised to David, and affirmeth that the same shall be
firm and stable, we do well gather by this the immortal
kingdom of Christ, wherein the eternity of salvation is
grounded. If the grace be eternal which God saith He will
give in His Son, the life of His Son must be eternal, and not
subject to corruption." ^
Ver. 35. Aeyet — He saith. The subject is necessarily God,
as in the former quotations; not David (Bengel, Lechler)
nor the Scripture. It is true that the words quoted are the
1 Calvin on Acts xiii. 34.
30 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
words of David addressed to God ; but David is to be con-
sidered as inspired by God, who put this prayer into his
mouth. Ov Scoorec; rov oaiov orov IBelv Sia(f)dopav — TJiou
shah not suffer Tliy Holy One to see corruption. This quota-
tion is from Ps. xvi. 10 (LXX. xv. 10), taken verbatim from
the Septuagint. It is an evident prediction of the Messiah,
and cannot possibly apply to David himself. It is the same
quotation which is made by Peter in his discourse on the day
of Pentecost, but for a different purpose. Peter wishes to
prove that Christ must rise from the dead, because it was
foretold that He should do so. Paul asserts that Jesus has
risen from the dead, and in doing so has fulfilled the predic-
tion of the Psalmist. For the interpretation of the passage,
and its application to the Messiah, see notes to Acts ii. 25-31.
Yer. 36. Interpreters differ as to the translation of this
verse. Some (Luther, Bengel, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Lechler,
Baumgarten, Meyer) render the passage, " after he had in
his own generation served the will of God." The objection
to this is, that it gives to the verb "served" an abstract
object, whereas it is more natural to give it a personal object.
Others (Erasmus, Castalio, Calvin) connect Ty rod ©eov
jBovkfi with iKOL/jbrjOrj : " After he had served his own genera-
tion, he fell asleep by the will of God." But this weakens
the sentence, and renders the remark unimportant. It is
better to connect the words with v7r7]peTr}aa<;. Accordingly
we adopt the translation : " But David, after he had served
his own generation by the will of God, fell asleep." So
Alford, Hackett, Robinson. The chief thought is, that David,
like other men, only served his own generation ; whereas the
Messiah was appointed to serve all generations ; on Him an
endless life was bestowed.
Vers. 38, 39. "A(^eaL<; a^apnwv — the forgiveness of sins.
Justification is in these verses regarded in a negative point of
view, as consisting in the forgiveness of sins ; not in its full
meaning, as a declaration of righteousness. Kal diro Trdvrcov
u)V ovfc r)Svvrjdr)T€ iv vojjlco ModiJaew^ SiKaLcodrjvat — fro7n all
things from ichich ye could not he justified by the Icnu of Moses,
These words do not mean that in Christ men are justified
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. — XIII. 41. 31
even from those sins from which there was no justification in
the law (Schwegler) ; which would imply that by the law
men could be justified from some sins ; that there are two
justifications, — an imperfect one under the law, and a perfect
one under the gospel : a statement directly contrary to the
Pauline doctrine of justification. Paul knows only one
justification, and that through Christ; and asserts that by
the law there is no justification at all. The relative mv refers
to iravTwv : so that the full meaning is, '' from all things,
from which (all things) ye could not be justified by the law of
Moses;" thus excluding justification completely from the law.
Ver. 41. "ISere ol Karacppovrjrai — Behold j ye despisers. The
quotation is from Hab. i. 5, according to the Septuagint,
with some unimportant variations. The words refer to the
invasion of the land by the Chaldeans, as a judgment brought
upon the Jews on account of their sins. But the language
here employed is applicable to all ages, and denounces the
wrath of God upon unbelief and rebellion : " I will work a
work in your days," — namely, a work of judgment ; " a work
which ye will in no wise believe, though one should declare it
to you : " even although warned of the judgment, you will
be so hardened and insensible as not to believe in it : you
will cling to delusive hopes of safety, even when danger is
at the door. Well might Paul apply these words as a warning
to those who rejected the gospel.
Such is the discourse of Paul in Pisidian Antioch —
the first discourse of the apostle on record. Very different
judgments have been formed concerning it. Some (Baur,
Paulus, Zeller, Schneckenburger) suppose it to be unhis-
torical, and a mere imitation and repetition of the speech of
Peter. ^' This speech," observes Schneckenburger, " is but
an echo of the discourses of Peter and Stephen. The same
glorification of the Jewish fathers in the introduction (xiii.
17-22, compare vii. 2). The Messiah is David's son, borne
witness to by John (xiii. 23-26, compare iii. 13). His
rejection by the Jews at Jerusalem from ignorance fulfilled
the divine counsel (xiii. 27, compare iii. 14). Those who
lived with Him are the witnesses of His resurrection (xiii.
32 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
31, compare i. 22). The same Old Testament proof (xiii.
34-38, compare ii. 25-32) to show that the words of the
psalm cannot refer to David, but to Christ. The exhorta-
tions and threatenings are entirely the same with those in
the speech of Peter (xiii. 40, compare ii. 19). If we call
to mind the well-known doctrine of Paul, we cannot but be
surprised to find that here, like Peter, he lays the emphasis
on the resurrection, not on the death ; indeed, he connects
the forgiveness of sins itself, not indeed directly with the
resurrection, but with the Messiahship, which is proved by the
resurrection."^ Now there is certainly a similarity between
the speeches of Peter and Paul, but not greater than is to be
expected in two discourses on the same subject addressed to
similar audiences. The only minute point of agreement is,
that they both refer to Ps. xvi. in proof of the resurrection ;
but then this is the most remarkable prediction of that event
in the Old Testament, and to it they would naturally allude.
It must also be considered that Paul here is addressing
the unbelieving Jews — not believers, as in his epistles ; and
therefore it is that he dwells chiefly upon the resurrection of
Christ, because that is the crowning evidence of Christianity.
Further, there is nothing un-Pauline either in the form or in
the contents of the discourse ; on the contrary, the reference
to the doctrine of justification is a strong presumption in
favour of its genuineness. And we must also remember
that it is uncertain whether we have the whole of Paul's
discourse, or merely an outline of it. The discourse is
worthy of Paul : it bears the impress of his character. He
first wins the attention of the Jews, by referring to the
glories of their nation and the promises of the Messiah : he
traces their history to David, from whose posterity the
Messiah should spring; he asserts that Jesus is that Messiah:
rejected by the Jews in Jerusalem, lie is now preached to
them ; in Him the prophecies are f tdfilled : God has raised
Him from the dead, and has thus declared Him to be the
Messiah in accordance with the voices of the prophets : for-
giveness is proclaimed to all who believe on Him, — a for-
^ Quoted in Zeller's ApostelgcscJiicJite, p. 301.
PAUL'S DISCOURSE AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.— XIII. 41. 33
giveness which the law is unable to procure ; but those who
reject this salvation must beware lest they should expose
themselves to the judgments of God. ^' Paul's discourse in
the synagogue," observes Neander, "is a specimen of the
peculiar wisdom and skill of the great apostle in the manacre-
ment of men's dispositions, and of his peculiar antithetical
mode of developing Christian truth."^
1 Neander's Planting, vol. i. p. 108.
VOL. II.
SECTION III.
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.—
Acts xiii. 42-52.
42 And as they were going out, they requested that these words might
be spoken to them on the next Sabbath. 43 And when the congrega-
tion was dispersed, many of the Jews and devout proselytes followed
Paul and Barnabas ; who, speaking, exhorted them to continue in the
grace of God. 44 And on the next Sabbath, almost the whole city
assembled to hear the word of the Lord. 45 But the Jews, seeing the
multitudes, were filled with envy, and contradicted those things which
were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blaspheming. 46 Then Paul
and Barnabas spoke boldly, and said, It was necessary that the word
of God should first have been spoken to you ; but since you reject it,
and judge yourselves unworthy of eternal life, behold, we turn to the
Gentiles : 47 For thus has the Lord commanded us, I have set Thee
as a light of the Gentiles, that Thou mightest be for salvation unto the
end of the earth. 48 But when the Gentiles heard this, they rejoiced,
and glorified the word of the Lord ; and as many as were appointed to
eternal life believed. 49 And the word of the Lord was published
throughout the whole region. 60 But the Jews stirred up the devout
and honourable women, and the chief men of the city, and raised a
persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them from their
coasts. 51 But they, shaking off the dust of their feet against them,
came to Iconium. 52 But the disciples were filled with joy and the
Holy Ghost.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 42. ^Ek t7j<; avvajcoyrji: twv 'lov^alwv of the textus
receptus, found in G, is an interpolation, being inserted be-
cause a cluircli lesson began at this place. Instead of these
words, A, B, C, D, E, X have only avrcov. After irapeKa-
\ovv the textus o'eceptus has ra eOv-q^ with G ; but it is
omitted in A, B, C, D, E, N, and regarded by recent critics
as spurious. Ver. 43. AvTol<i after iTpoa\oXovvTe<^, found
in A, B, C, D, K, is wanting in E, G, and is omitted by
34
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT ANTIOCH. — XIII. 42. 35
Tischendorf. Ver. 45. ^AvTiXiyovre^ Koi are wanting in A,
B, C, G, N, and are erased by Lachmann. Tliey are found
in D, and are retained by Tischendorf, Meyer, and De Wette.
Ver. 51. AvTcbv after ttoBoou {textus receptus) is found in
D, E, G, but omitted in A, B, C, fc<, and is rejected by
Lachmann and Tischendorf.
EXEGETICAL REMAKKS.
Ver. 42. ^E^lovtcov Se avrcov irapeKaXovv — And as they
were going out, they requested. The reading of the textus
receptus is, i^Lovrcov Be e'/c t^? crvvaj(oyr]<; rcoi/ ^lovSatcov
irapeKoXovv to, eOvrj — " As the Jews were going out of the
synagogue, the Gentiles requested.'* (See Critical Note.)
The probable reason of this interpolation was to remove the
ambiguity in avrwv^ and to supply a subject to irapeKoXovv
(Alford). AvTcov is certainly ambiguous. According to
Alford, the meaning is : ^' As they (the congregation) were
going out, they (the same) requested.'* But the dismissal
of the congregation is not mentioned until the next verse.
Others (Meyer, De Wette, Lechler, Neander, Olshausen),
with greater probability, understand by those who were
going out, Paul and Barnabas ; and by those who requested
additional instruction, either the congregation in general,
or the rulers of the synagogue who had asked Paul and
Barnabas to preach (ver. 15). The Jews had not as yet
become hostile. From this it would follow that Paul and
Barnabas went out before the meeting was ended, perhaps
because they were strangers. Olshausen indeed thinks that
" the words i^iovrcov avrcov are not placed historically before
the phrase XvOelar]^ Be rrj^ avvaycoyrj^ ; but the fact is only
anticipated because it was the occasion of the leading circum-
stance in the narrative, — namely, the request that they would
appear again." ^ But the evident order of the narrative is,
that the dismissal of the congregation took place afterwards.
Ek TO /xera^v ad/S/Sarov — on the next Sabbath, Mera^v
ordinarily signifies intervening, intermediate. Accordingly
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts^ voL iv. p. 401.
36 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
some (Calvin, Beza, Kosenmiiller) render it, "between the
Sabbaths," or " during the intervening week." The Jews
were accustomed to meet on Mondays and Thursdays as
well as on Saturdays.^ But ver. 44, tw re i-^o/jLevo) a-ajB-
^cLTw^ determines the meaning of /jbera^u in this passage —
the ne.vt or following Sabbath. So Meyer, De Wette,
Lechler, Neander. There is certainly no other example in
the New Testament of jiera^v being so used, nor is it so em-
ployed in classical Greek ; but critics have shown that such
a meaning is not uncommon in the later Greek. Examples of
it have been found in the writings of Plutarch and Josephus.^
Ver. 43. Av6eLa7)<^ he Trj<; avva<y(joyr]<;y etc. — But the congre-
gation being dissolved, many of the Jews and devout proselytes*
followed Paul and Barnabas. The order of events seems to be
as follows : — As Paul and Barnabas were going out of the
synagogue before the close of the service, they were requested
by the rulers to discourse again next Sabbath ; and when
the congregation was dismissed, many of the Jews and prose-
lytes, impressed by the preaching of Paul, followed Paul
and Barnabas in order to receive further instruction. Tmv
ae^oiievwv TrpoarjXvTcov — of the devout proselytes ; i.e. those
among the Gentiles who had become proselytes to Judaism.
The epithet devout does not here refer to their pious dispo-
sition, but merely implies that, whereas they were formerly
idolaters, they were now the worshippers of God (see ver. 50).
The term proselytes, as used in the Acts, refers to those who
had fully embraced Judaism by being circumcised, not to
the so-called " proselytes of the gate." O'lTive^ TrpoaXa-
\ovvT€'i eireidov aurov^ — luho sjifeaJdng, exhorted them. Calvin
strangely refers o'lrive^i to the Jews and proselytes, and
avTov^ to Paul and Barnabas : " They exhorted Paul and
Barnabas that they should not faint, but stand stoutly in the
grace of God." But oltlv6^ evidently refers to Paul and
Barnabas, the nearest antecedent: "who (Paul and Barnabas)
speaking, exhorted them (the Jews and proselytes)."
^ Lightfoot's Horx Ilehraicx, vol. iv. p. 124.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 283, 284 ; Neander's Planting, vol. i.
p. 109, note.
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT ANTIOCH. — XIII. U-iG. 37
Ver. 44. Tm re ij(oiiev(p a-a^^drqy — but on the next Sabbath,
During the week Paul and Barnabas would be engaged in
teaching the people ; and in consequence of this, the report
of the new doctrine would be spread throughout the whole
city, and all would be anxious to hear it. ^'^eBov irdcra 17
TToXfc? — almost the whole city. Not only the Jews, the prose-
lytes, and the devout Gentiles, but the heathen inhabitants
of Pisidian Antioch, flocked into the synagogue. Xwrj^Qj] —
assembled : namely, in the synagogue.
Ver. 45. ^ EifXricrOrjaav ^rjkov — were filled with zeal. When
the Jews saw such numbers of Gentiles coming to their place
of worship, they were filled with indignation and envy.
Their spiritual pride and national bigotry were aroused.
They envied the growing popularity of the new preachers.
Hitherto they had treated Paul and Barnabas with respect ;
but now their zeal for Judaism is excited : they cannot
bear to think that the Gentiles should be admitted to equal
privileges with themselves. ^AvreXeyov . . . avTikijovT6<; —
contradicted those things which were spoken by Paul, contra-
dicting. The repetition of the word here is for the sake of
emphasis.^ 'AvrtXijovre^ is also strengthened by ^Xaacj^r}-
fiovvTe^; — contradicting and blaspheming. They not only
called in question what was spoken by Paul and Barnabas,
but they blasphemed — used abusive language ; perhaps even
blasphemed that Holy One whom Paul and Barnabas pro-
claimed to be the Messiah.
Ver. 46. UapprjaiacrdjjLevoL — spoke boldly : not merely, as
in our version, " waxed bold ;" but spoke out boldly, freely.
'Tfitv rjv dvajKalop TTpcorov XaXrjOrjvai rov Xojov tov ©eov —
It ivas necessary that the word of God should first have been
spoJcen to you. This necessity was founded on the order laid
down by Christ : the gospel was first to be preached to the
Jews, the theocratic nation, and then to the Gentiles. See
Acts i. 8, iii. 2Q ; Rom. i. 16. The order was merely one of
priority : the preaching of the gospel to the Gentiles did not
depend on its rejection by the Jews. Ovic d^lov^ KplveTe
iavToij<; Trj<; alfovlov ^0)779 — and judge yourselves unworthy
1 Winer's Grammar of the New Testament^ p. 372.
38 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of eternal life. Nothing was further from the thoughts of
the Jews than declaring themselves unworthy of eternal life
because they had rejected the gospel. But they did so in
point of fact : by contradicting and blaspheming the gospel,
they furnished matter for their own condemnation. Xrpe-
(fto/xeOa et? ra eOvrj — we turn to the Gentiles. Paul and
Barnahas do not assert their determination never again to
preach the gospel to the Jews, and henceforth to confine
themselves to the Gentiles ; but they address themselves
solely to the Jews of Pisidian Antioch, and assert that so
long as they, the apostles, continued in that city, they would
not waste their time in preaching to them : they would turn
to the Gentiles, who would give them a better reception.
Non de omnibus Judceis Faulus hcec intelligi voliiit, tradidit
enim postea quoque Judceis doctrinam Cliristianam, sed spec-
tahat his verbis Judceos Antiochenos doctrinam Christi reji-
cientes (Kuinoel).
Ver. 47. Ovtw^ <yap ivTeraXrat rjfjLLv 6 Kvpto<; — for thus
has the Lord commanded us. Paul and Barnabas fortify
their resolution to preach the gospel to the Gentiles by an
appeal to the prophets : it was not from irritation of spirit,
nor from mere wilfulness, that they now turned to the
Gentiles, but it was in accordance with the counsel of God.
TedeiKa ae eh </)W9 cOvwv — / have set Thee as a light to the
GentileSj that Thou inightest he for salvation unto the end of
the earth. The quotation is from Isa. xlix. 6. It differs but
slightly from the Septuagint. Instead of reOeLKa ere, the
Septuagint has IBov BeScoKci ae eh BtadTJKrjv <y6vov<;. The
words are addressed to the Servant of Jehovah, and are a
promise that His salvation would extend to the Gentiles.
Hence, then, Paul rightly argues from these words that his
preaching Christ to the Gentiles was not a mere arbitrary
work on his part, opposed to the divine plans, but was an
event already determined by God, and predicted by the
prophets : the salvation which the Messiah came to effect
was not to be restricted to the Jews, but was to embrace the
Gentiles. Xe refers not to Paul nor to the Christ in the
apostles (Ewald), but to the Messiah.
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT ANTIOCH.— XIII. 48. 39
Ver. 48. Kal eirla-Teva-av oaOo rjaav rerayfievoL et? ^corjv
alcovLov — And as many as icere appointed to eternal life believed.
This verse has given rise to much discussion, both in a critical
and in a dogmatical point of view. The interpretations
which have been given to it are numerous, and so different
that it has been adduced in proof of opposite doctrines. The
literal meaning of the verb Taaaelv is to put in order, to
arrange. It is generally used in a military sense, to signify
to arrange in order of battle ; hence, in a secondary sense,
to appoint, to constitute. It has been variously translated in
our English version. It is rendered ordained only in the
text and in Rom. xiii. 1 ; elsewhere it is rendered appointed
(Matt, xxviii. 16 ; Acts xxii. 10, xxviii. 23), determined
(Acts XV. 2), addicted (1 Cor. xvi. 15), set (Luke vii. 8).
Its meaning here is to be determined by the context.
The principal interpretations are the following : 1. Some
unite eh ^(or)v alcovcov to eirlaTevaav^ and render the phrase
either " As many as were , met together believed to eternal
life" (Knatchbull), or " As many as were destined, believed to
eternal life " (Heinrichs) ; but the order in which the words
are placed will not admit of these translations. 2. Others
(Rosenmiiller, Kuinoel) suppose that the meaning is, that
eternal life was made certain to them, provided they had
faith — quibus, dum Jidem doctrines divince habebantj certa erat
felicitas futura ; but this is not to explain rerajfjievoij but to
explain it away. 3. Others ^(Calovius, etc.) suppose that
rdaaeiv here denotes the order of God, the plan of salvation :
qui juxta ordinem a Deo institutum dispositi erant — "who
were disposed, according to the order instituted by God;"
a rendering which wants simplicity. 4. Others take the
word in a military sense. Thus Mede and others render
the phrase, qui de agmine et classe erant sperantium vel con-
tendentium ad vitam ceternam — " who were of the company of
those who hoped, or earnestly endeavoured, to obtain eternal
life." Similarly Bishop Wordsworth : ^' Those who were set
in order to eternal life, believed, made profession of their
faith, in the gospel." ^ But, as Meyer observes, the context
1 Wordsworth on the Acts, p. 107.
40 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
affords no ground for adopting the sensus militaris. 5. Others
(Grotius, Krebs) suppose reray/jievot, to be used not in a pas-
sive, but in a middle sense, and hence render the phrase,
'' Such as had ordained themselves to eternal life," i.e. as
had resolved upon it. This meaning is supported by Acts
XX. 13, ovTco ryap rjv Siareray/jLevo^; — '^ for so had he himself
appointed or resolved." ^ It is, however, inadmissible to under-
stand 7]aav reray/jLevoL in a middle sense. 6. Bretschneider
renders it : " Such as were disposed, inclined — that is, made
fit by the preaching of Paul — to obtain eternal life." And
so similarly Whitby, Alford, Stier, etc. : " As many as were
disposed to eternal life believed."^ 7. Perhaps the most natu-
ral meaning, keeping in view the primary sense of the word
and the context, is appointed, determined : " As many as were
appointed to eternal life believed." So similarly Doddridge,
Meyer, De Wette, Lechler, Hackett;^ Calvin refers it to the
decretum ahsolutum : " We need not doubt that Luke calls
those rerayfievov^ who were chosen by the free adoption of
God. For it is a ridiculous cavil to refer this unto the affec-
tion of those who believed, as if those receiv^ed the gospel
whose minds were well-disposed. For this ordaining must
be understood of the eternal counsel of God alone." ^ But
this is pressing the word too far, more especially as its exact
meaning is somewhat doubtful. Luke merely mentions a
historical fact — that those believed who were appointed to
eternal life ; a statement similar to Acts ii. 47 : '' The Lord
added to the church daily rov^ crw^ofievov^.^^ (See note.)
Bengel supposes that the reference is to the present operation
of grace by the gospel. The ordaining took place at the
time of the hearing. The historian speaks not of God's
eternal purpose, but of His present efficacious grace.^
^ See Humphry on the Acts, p. 116.
2 Stier's Words of the Apostles, pp. 209-212.
^ The Vulgate translates it prxordinati, and hence our English version
ordained.
* Calvin, in loco.
^ For a list of the different interpretations given to this obscure pas-
sage, see Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 284, 285 ; and Kuincel, Novi
Testamenti Libri Historici, vol. iii. pp. 217, 218.
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT ANTIOCH. — XIII. 49-51. 41
Ver. 49. AtecpepeTO Se 6 X070? rov Kvplov — But the word
of the Lord was published throughout the whole region. It is
not stated how long Paul and Barnabas remained in Pisidian
Antioch ; but probably it was for some time, during which
they would preach the gospel in the neighbourhood. Chris-
tianity would also be diffused throughout the region by the
zeal of their converts.
Ver. 50. 01 Se 'lovSaiot Trapoorpwav ra? ae^o/iiva'^- fyvval-
Ka^ ra? eva'^ij/jLova^; — But the Jews stirred up the devout and
honourable women. These women were Jewish proselytes,
and for this reason are called devout ((T6l3o/jLeva<;) : they had
renounced idolatry, and were the worshippers of the true
God. The epithet honourable (evaxvf^ova^;) applies to their
rank : they were among the chief people in Pisidian Antioch.
At this time many women among the Gentiles embraced
Judaism. Thus Josephus tells us that almost all the mar-
ried women in Damascus were attached to the Jewish reli-
gion (Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 2). These women, having resisted
the preaching of Paul and Barnabas, would, as proselytes,
be more zealous than others for their adopted religion, and
w^ere therefore fit instruments for the enraged Jews to work
upon. Kal tou? nrpooTov^ t?)? TroXeoj? — and the chief men of
the city. These were probably the husbands and relatives of
those devout and honourable women, and would be instigated
by them. Kal iirrj^^eipav Blcoj/jlov — and raised a persecution
against Paul and Barnabas. As Pisidian Antioch was a
Roman colony, it is improbable that any legal proceedings
were taken against Paul and Barnabas which ended in their
banishment. There seems merely to have been a tumult
excited : the place was made too hot for them ; and for the
sake of peace they felt constrained to retire. We find them
revisiting Antioch (Acts xiv. 21), which they could not have
done had there been a legal expulsion.
Ver. 51. 01 he iicTLva^d[i€voi tov Kovtoprov rcov irohoiv eV
avTov<; — But they^ shaking off the dust of their feet against
them. This proceeding was in conformity with the direc-
tions of Christ : " Whosoever will not receive you, when
you go out of that city, shake off the very dust from your
42 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
feet for a testimony against tliem" (Luke ix. 5). This was
not a sign of contempt (Meyer), but of rejection and con-
demnation : tliat they renounced all fellowship with them,
and that even the dust of their city was a witness against
them.
^HXOov ek 'Ikovlov — They came to Iconium. Iconium,
about fifty miles to the east of Pisidian Antioch, on the high
road between Ephesus and Syrian Antioch, was situated on
a large fertile plateau at the foot of Mount Taurus. On
account of the many variations in the division of the Asiatic
provinces, it has been assigned by different writers to different
countries. According to Xenophon {Anah. i. 2. 19), it be-
longed to Phrygia; according to Strabo (xii. 6. 1), Cicero
{ad Fam, v. 4), and the elder Pliny (Nat. Hist. v. 25), to
Lycaonia ; and according to Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 2),
to Pisidia. Strabo describes it as a small town, well built,
and situated on a fertile plain. In the time of the apostles
it was the capital of a small tetrarchy, governed by a tetrarch
subject to the Romans : *' There is," observes the elder Pliny,
*^ given a tetrarchy out of Lycaonia, where it borders on
Galatia, composed of fourteen states, the capital of which
is Iconium" {Nat. Hist. v. 25). At a later period of the
empire it became a Roman colony.^ In after ages it was
celebrated as the capital of the Seljukian Sultans. At pre-
sent it is a considerable town, retaining its ancient name
Konieh, and containing a population of upwards of 30,000 :
it is the capital of the Turkish province of Caramania. The
city is about four miles in circumference, but much waste
land is included within these limits. According to Hamilton,
it is a scene of destruction and decay, with heaps of ruins
and dilapidated mosques.^
Ver. 52. OH re fjLaOrjral eirXrjpovvro x^P^^ ^^^^ Hvevjiaro'^
ayLov — But the disciples were Jilted ivilh joy and the Holy
Ghost, i.e. with joy proceeding from the Holy Ghost. Je —
^ Eckhel's Doctrina niimorum veternm, vol. iii. p. 33. No colonial
coins have been found of Iconium earlier than the reign of Gordian.
2 Hamilton's Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 197-210 ; Ainsworth's Travels
in Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 65-67.
EFFECTS OF PAUL'S SPEECH AT ANTIOCH. — XIII, 52. 43
but. Notwithstanding the departure of their teachers, the
disciples, far from being discouraged or depressed, were filled
with the joy of the Holy Ghost, — a joy arising from a con-
sciousness of the privileges and happiness which they pos-
sessed as Christians,
SECTION IV.
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA.— Acts xiv. 1-20.
1 And it came to pass in Iconiiun, that they went both together into
the synagogue of the Jews, and so spoke, that a great multitude both
of Jews and Greeks believed. 2 But the Jews who believed not stirred
up and incensed the minds of the Gentiles against the brethren. 3 Long
time therefore abode they speaking boldly in reliance on the Lord, who
gave testimony to the word of His grace, by granting signs and wonders
to be done by their hands. 4 But the multitude of the city was divided ;
and some were with the Jews, and others with the apostles. 5 And
when there was a movement both of the Gentiles and of the Jews, with
their rulers, to abuse and stone them, 6 They became aware of it, and
fled to Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, and to the neighbourhood :
7 And they were there evangelizing.
8 And a certain man at Lystra, impotent in his feet, lame from his
mother's womb, who never had walked, sat there : 9 This man heard
Paul speak ; who, gazing on him, and perceiving that he had faith to be
healed, 10 Said with a loud voice, Stand upright on thy feet. And
he leaped and walked. 11 And the multitude seeing what Paul had
done, lifted np their voices, saying in the Lycaonic dialect, The gods in
the likeness of men are come down to us. 12 And they called Bar-
nabas, Jupiter ; and Paul, Mercury, because he was the chief speaker.
13 Then the priest of Jupiter, whose (temple) was before the city, hav-
ing brought oxen and garlands to the gates, would have done sacrifice
with the multitude. 14 But when the apostles, Barnabas and Paul,
heard that, they rent their clothes and rushed forth unto the multitude,
crying out, and saying, 15 Men, why do ye these things? TVe also are
men of like nature with yourselves, and preach to you that ye should
turn from these vanities to the living God, who made heaven, and the
earth, and the sea, and all things that are in them: 16 Who in past
generations suffered all nations to walk in their own ways ; 17 Although
He left not Himself without witness, doing good, and giving you rain
from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling your hearts with food and
gladness. 18 And with these words with difficulty they restrained the
multitude from offering sacrifice to them.
19 And Jews from Antioch and Iconium came thither, who persuaded
44
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA. — XIV. 1. 45
the multitude, and, having stoned Paul, dragged him out of the city,
supposing that he was dead. 20 But as the disciples stood around him,
he arose and came into the city ; and on the morrow he departed with
Barnabas to Derbe.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 2. 'AireiOrjaavre^, found in A, B, C, t5, is preferred
by Tischendorf and Lachmann to aireiOovvTe^, found in G,
H. Ver. 3. Kal before StSovrt, found in C, G, is omitted
in A, B, D, E, X, and rejected by Tischendorf and Lach-
mann. Yer. 8. 'Tirdp^cDV, found in G, H, but wanting in
A, B, C, D, E, t<, is an evident insertion. Yer. 9. The
aorist rjKovae, A, D, E, G, H, K, is by Lachmann, Tischendorf,
and Bornemann preferred to tlie imperfect rjKove^ B, C,
which however is adopted by Meyer, De Wette, and Alford.
Yer. 13. AvTcbv after TroXew?, found in E, G, H, and omitted
in A, B, 0, D, b5, is rejected by recent critics. Yer. 17.
^Ayadovpjcov (A, B, C, ^^) is preferred by Tischendorf and
Lachmann to dyadoiroLcbv (D, E, G, H). ^Hfilv, rj/jucov, textus
receptus, are by Tischendorf and Lachmann replaced by vfMlvy
v/jLcbpj found in B, C, D, E, t?.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Yer. 1. 'Eiyei/ero Se iv 'Ikovlm — And it came to pass in
Iconium. For Iconium, see note to Acts xiii. 51. Kara to
avTo — together : simul (Yulgate). This phrase occurs only
here in the New Testament. Elsewhere it is iirl to avTo
(Acts ii. 1, iii. 1). 'EXkrjvcov — of the Greeks. Meyer restricts
this term here to the Gentiles, who were proselytes of the
gate, as distinguished both from those who were proselytes
by circumcision, and from those who were heathens.^ There
does not, however, seem to be any reason for this restriction.
There is no apparent contrast between ^EXKtjvwv and iOvcov
(ver. 2). Nor is the argument, founded on these Greeks
being present in the Jewish synagogue, conclusive ; for the
fame of Paul's preaching would attract numbers of the in-
1 Meyer's Aposlelgeschichte^ p. 288.
46 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
habitants of Iconium to the synagogue, as was the case in
Pisidian Antioch.
Ver. 2. 01 Be aireiOrjaavTe^ ^lovBaloLy etc. — But the Jews
who believed noty stirred up and exasperated the minds of the
Gentiles, At this time the persecutions against the Chris-
tians were caused by the unbelieving Jews. Their jealousy
and bigotry were excited against the gospel. They were
especially grieved that their peculiar privileges, as the special
people of God, should be attacked, and that the Gentiles
should be admitted to equal privileges ; and hence they
looked upon Christianity as antagonistic to Judaism, and
were greatly provoked at its success. Justin Martyr tells
us that the Jews went about the world propagating false-
hoods concerning the Christians, and stirring up the Gentiles
against them. Of the numerous persecutions recorded in
the Acts, there were only two which were not occasioned by
the Jews.
Ver. 3. Ovv — therefore :* in consequence of the success
which Paul and Barnabas had in the conversion of both Jews
and Greeks (ver. 1). 'Ikuvov xpovov—a long time. The
whole missionary journey may have occupied from three to
four years ; so that " a long time " may have included many
months (see note to ver. 26). 'EttI t&> Kvplw—npon the
Lord; i.e. in reliance on the Lord. Some (Kuinoel, Meyer)
refer Kvplw to God, others (Henrichs, Olshausen) to Jesus.
The latter is the more probable, as being the usual meaning
of the word in the Acts. Aihovri — hy granting — without
Kal (see Critical Note) : the manner in which the testimony
was given. Hrj/jLeia Kal repara rylveaOat — signs and wonders
to he done. Miracles were a proof of a divine commission
to the Gentiles ; whereas, in reasoning with the Jews, the
appeal was to the prophecies of the Old Testament, as when
Peter preached on the day of Pentecost, and wlien Paul
preached to them in the synagogue of Pisidian Antioch.
Ver. 5. '/2? he iyevero op/xr) — But when there was a move-
ment. 'Op/jbt] literally signifies a rushing on, an onset, an
assault ; and is so rendered by Luther, Calvin, and our Eng-
lish version. This, however, cannot be its meaning here, as
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA. — XIV. 6. 47
any open violence was prevented by the timely flight of the
apostles. On the other hand, the meaning plot (Kuinoel, De
Wette) is contrary to the usage of the word. In a secon-
dary sense, when applied to the mind, it signifies impulse,
movement, purpose, strong inclination (Jas. iii. 4) ; and this
seems to be its meaning in this passage. So Meyer, Lechler,
Alford : " There was a strong feehng among them." ^EOvwv
re KoX 'lovSalcov — both of the Gentiles and of the Jeivs, i.e. the
Jewish faction in the city (ver. 4). Hvv to69 ap')(ovaLv avTcov
— ivith their rulers. Some restrict this to the rulers of the
Gentiles, others to the rulers of the Jews ; and others suppose
that the rulers of both parties are intended. It is probable
that the Jewish rulers — that is, the elders of the synagogue
— are here meant, as it is unlikely that the rulers of the city
would lend themselves to a tumultuary movement. It is,
however, to be observed that Iconium was not at this time
under the Koman rule, but was under the government of a
tetrarch, who would have the civil power in his own hands.
AiOojBoXr^o-ai ahTov<; — to stone them. What the Jews of
Iconium intended, the Jews of Lystra effected. ^' Once,"
says Paul, " was I stoned " (2 Cor. xi. 25), namely at Lystra.
" Had, then," as Paley observes, " this assault at Iconium
been completed ; had the history related that a stone was
thrown, as it relates that preparations were made both by
Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions ; or
even had the account of this transaction stopped, without
going on to inform us that Paul and his companions ^ were
aware of their danger, and fled,' a contradiction between the
history and the epistle would have ensued. Truth is neces-
sarily consistent ; but it is scarcely possible that independent
accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance
to the very brink of contradiction without falling into it." ^
Yer. 6. ^vvLS6vT6<i — having become aivare of it. Therefore
the assault was not made, but only threatened. Ek ra?
TToXet? ttJ? AvKaovla^ — to the cities of Lycaonia. Lycaonia
is used rather in an ethnological than in a political sense : it
never seems to have been a distinct country. It was bounded
^ Paley's Horaz PauUnse, on 1 Cor. xi. 24, 25.
48 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
on the north by Galatia, on the east by Cappadocia, on the
south by CiUcia, and on the west by Pisidia and Phrygia.
This district was a plateau between two ranges of mountains
to the north of Mount Taurus, watered by few streams, but
still, on account of its high situation, affording excellent
pasturage for sheep. At this time Lycaonia was subject to
the Romans, and formed part of the imperial province of
Galatia, governed by a proprietor (Pliny, v. 42 ; Strabo,
xii. 6. 1-5).
AvcTTpav — Lystra. Lystra was situated about thirty miles
to the south of Iconium, near to a singular mountain, now
called Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain. According to
Pliny it belonged to Galatia (v. 42), and according to Ptolemy
to Isauria (v. 4. 12) ; but neither of these statements con-
tradict the statement of Luke, that it was a city of Lycaonia,
as Lycaonia was then a part of the Roman province of
Galatia, and as Strabo expressly says that Isauria belongs to
Lycaonia (Strabo, xii. 6. 2). The Isaurian range appears
to have stretched to Lystra. Under the Roman emperors
it never appears to have been a town of any importance ;
but under the Byzantine emperors it became the seat of a
bishopric, and the names of its bishops appear on the records
of several councils. It is now in ruins, and its former
situation has not yet been ascertained. Formerly the vil-
lage Lutik was supposed to be the ancient Lystra ; but
it is now generally agreed that the more probable conjecture
is that advanced by Hamilton,^ who identifies it with ruins
called Bin-bir-Killisseh, at the foot of Kara-dagh. These
ruins consist of about twenty Byzantine churches, — thus
proving that the place was once of ecclesiastical importance,
which agrees with the description of Lystra as an episcopal
see of some note.
Aep^Tjv — Derhe. Derbe could not have been far from
Lystra. According to Winer, it lay south of Iconium, and
south-east of Lystra. It is mentioned by Cicero in his
Letters {Epist. xiii. Ep. 73). Its situation is doubtful ; but
^ Hamilton's Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 31G-319 ; and inscription, No.
423.
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA. — XIV. 7-10. 49
it must have been somewhere in the south-eastern extremity
of the great Lycaonian plain (Strabo, xii. 6. 3). It is also
doubtful to whom it belonged in apostolic times ; according
to some, it was comprised in the Roman province of Galatia ;
whereaSj according to others, it formed part of the dominion of
Antiochus king of Commagene, a small dependent monarchy.
Its site is uncertain. Some suppose it to be Bin-bir-Killisseh ;
but it is now generally agreed that this is probably the ruins
of Lystra. Hamilton fixes upon the modern Divle, near the
lake of Ak Ghieul, as the ancient Derbe.^
Kal rrjv Trepl'^oypov — and the neighbourJiood. TIepi'^copo<i
denotes the places in the vicinity of Lystra and Derbe ;
hence the adjacent parts of Lycaonia. Some extend the
term to Galatia, and suppose that it was then that Paul first
preached the gospel to the Galatians ; and in the wide sense
of the term Galatia, as meaning the Roman province, Paul
certainly at this time did preach the gospel in that country.
But in Scripture the name Galatia appears to be used in a
narrow sense, denoting the original country of that name,
without its appendages ; and in this sense it does not appear
that Paul visited Galatia on his first missionary journey.
Ver. 7. KaKel rjaav evayyeXc^o/iac — And there they were
evangelizing. It does not appear that there were any syna-
gogues at Lystra, to which Paul and Barnabas could repair
to preach the gospel. They would therefore preach in the
market-place, and in other places of public resort, as is the
practice of modern missionaries in the East.
Vers. 8-10. In these verses we have an account of an
illustrious miracle performed by Paul at Lystra. ^E/cddyro
— sat: not dwelt (Kuinoel), but sat, as being unable to
walk, in the market-place, or some other place of public
resort. X(o\o<; i/c KOiXla^i /jbrjTpo^ avrov — lame from his
mother^ s womb. His lameness was not caused by some
accident which might be remedied, but arose from some
natural defect. ^Arevlcra^ avTw — gazing on him : fixing his
eyes steadily upon him, to see whether he had faith to be
healed. Paul was attracted to him by the eagerness with
^ Hamilton's Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 313.
VOL. II. D
50 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
which he saw him listening to his discourses. 'ISwv on e^et
TTLO-Ttv rod awOrjvai — and perceiving that he had faith to be
healed : that is, confidence in the saving and heahng power
of the gospel ; or perhaps rather faith in Jesus as the
Messiah and Saviour. In general, faith was required of
those upon whom miracles were wrought ; and such faith
was possessed by the lame man. ^Avdarr^dL eirl tov<; TroBa^
GOV 6p66^ — Stand upright on thy feet. There is here no
mention of Christ, in whose name and by whose power the
miracle was performed ; but this is presupposed, as the faith
of the lame man was faith in Christ.
Baur and Zeller consider this miracle to be devoid of his-
torical authority, and to be a mere repetition of the miracle
performed by Peter, when he cured the lame man in the
temple. " The connection between both narratives," observes
Zeller, " is certainly surprising : not only is the principal
incident the same in both cases ; but the subordinate matters,
and even the very expressions, are for the most part the same.
This agreement would excite suspicion, even if it referred to
an event in itself credible ; but as, instead of this, we have
an account of an incredible incident, a miracle, so it proves
that this narrative has no historical foundation, and is merely
a repetition of the early narrative of the miracle performed
by Peter." ^ But these two miracles, when closely examined,
are not found to be so similar as they at first sight appear.
There are at least three important variations. This lame
man had faith to be healed ; whereas the lame man whom
Peter healed expected nothing but to receive an ahns. It
is not here said that Paul invoked the name of Jesus ;
whereas this omission is supplied in the narrative of the
Petrine miracle. Here the lame man of his own accord
leaped up and walked; whereas there we are informed
that Peter took the lame man by the hand and lifted him
1 Zeller's Apostelgeficliichte, p. 214. So also Dr. Davidson observes :
" The cure of the lame man at Lystra is so similar to the cure performed
by Peter, that it seeins modelled after it. The very language employed
by the writer in both cases is alike." — New Introduction to the New
Testament, ii. 251.
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTKA. — XIV. 11. 51
up.^ Indeed, except the simple fact that Peter and Paul
both cured a man lame from his birth, there is not much
resemblance between the two narratives ; at least certainly
not such a resemblance as to justify the suspicion that they
are both derived from the same incident.
Yer. 11. AvKaovLarl \eyovTe<i — saying in the Lycaonic
dialect. Hitherto Paul and Barnabas had conversed with
them in Greek ; but now the multitude cry out in Lycaonic
— the dialect of the district — which perhaps bore as little
resemblance to Greek as Gaelic or Welsh does to English.
The dialect is mentioned probably to intimate that Paul
and Barnabas did not understand what was said, and to
assign the reason why they did not interfere until the oxen
and garlands were brought for the sacrifice. Zeller thinks
this mention of the Lycaonic dialect invented; but, on the
contrary, it is entirely natural : the more the people were
taken by surprise, so much the more natural was it to express
their surprise in the popular dialect of the district, than in
an acquired language. Different opinions have been formed
concerning the nature of the Lycaonic dialect. Grotius and
Stier think that it was the same as the language spoken in
the neighbouring country of Cappadocia — a mixture of Greek
and Syriac. Jablonsky, in his learned dissertation de lingua
Lycaonica, infers that it was a mixture of Greek and Chal-
daic. Guhling thinks that It was merely a corrupt Greek.
Nothing certain can be determined, as no remains of such
a dialect have come down to us ; although its existence is
mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus, who lived in the fifth
century.^
01 Oeol 6jxoLOjdevTe<; avOpaiiroL^; KaTePrjcrav Trpo^ rj/xd^ — The
gods in the likeness of men are come down to us. Here Baur
and Zeller object that such an exclamation is an anachronism;
that it transfers the opinions which prevailed in the Homeric
times to the days of the apostles ; that there was then a be-
^ Lange's Bibelwerk: Apostelgeschlchte. Yon Lechler, pp. 239, 240.
2 Might it not be the Galatian dialect, a language allied to the Celtic?
Lycaonia adjoined to the Galatian territory, and indeed formed part of
the Roman province of Galatia.
52 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
lief in demoniacal possessions, but not in the manifestations
of the gods in the likeness of men ; and hence they conclude
that this exclamation of the Lycaonians must be unhistorical.^
But such a statement is not borne out by fact. Apollonius
Tyanseus, who lived in the apostolic times, was regarded as
a god in human form.^ Although such notions might have
been rejected by the learned, and the heathen mythology
disbelieved by them, yet there is nothing to lead us to sup-
pose that they were in general discredited by the multitude ;
and there was no place where we would have expected them
to be more deeply rooted than among a rude and uncivilised
people, as the Lycaonians seem to have been.
Ver. 12. ^EkoXovv re rov Bapvd^av A Lav, tov Se IJavXov
'Epfiriv — And they called Barnabas Jupiter, and Paul Mercury.
Luke gives us the reason why Paul was called Mercury :
iirec^r) avTO<^ rjv 6 r^'yovjievo^ tov Xoyov — literally, because he
ivas the leader of the discourse. So Jamblichus (a.d. 310)
speaks of Mercury in terms precisely similar : 0eo<? 6 rwv
Xoywv Tjye/jLoov. This god was represented as the messenger
of Jupiter — the interpreter of the gods. Perhaps also Paul
had a more youthful appearance than Barnabas ; but he w^as
not called Mercury on account of his mean appearance
(Neander), as that god is always represented as a graceful
young man. Barnabas may have been called Jupiter be-
cause he was the older of the two, and had a more venerable
appearance. 'E/jloI SoKel Kal cltto tt)^ o-^eays a^toTrpeiT'^^; elvau
6 Bapvd^a^; (Chrysostom, IToin. xxx.).
The reason why the Lycaonians fixed upon Jupiter and
Mercury, in preference to other gods, may have been because
the city of Lystra was under the special protection of Jupiter.
He had a temple before the city ; and it was a heathen notion
that the gods sometimes appeared in those cities of which
they were the tutelar deities (Dio Chrysostom, Orat. xxxiii.).
Mercury is added because he was regarded as the inseparable
^ Zeller's ApostelgescMchte, p. 215 ; Baur's Apostel Paul as, vol. i.
p. 112.
2 See Kenan's Saint Paul, p. 44, where the contrary opiuion to Zeller
and Baur is maintained.
P.\UL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTKA. — XIV. 13. 53
attendant of Jupiter. Besides, there was a tradition that
Jupiter and Mercury once came down and visited the neigh-
bouring country of Phrygia, where they were received and
entertained by Philemon and Baucis (Ovid, Met, viii.). This
fable may have suggested to the Lycaonians, that those
strangers who now performed this wonderful miracle were
Jupiter and Mercury, who again visited the district. Ewald
supposes that the memory of this myth might be kept up
at Lystra by an annual festival in honour of these two gods,
and that therefore the people arrived the more readily at
their conjecture concerning Paul and Barnabas.^
Ver. 13. ^'O re lep€v<; rod Alo^ tov oVto? irpo Trj<; TroXew? —
Then the 'priest of Jupiter loho ivas before the city. Tov Aio^
is directly connected with tov oVto? irpo rf]^ TroXew? — Jupiter
who was before the city. There is no ellipsis of lepov (Kuinoel).
The meaning is, that the temple of Jupiter was erected at
the entrance into the city ; and, according to the notions
of the heathen, the god was considered as resident within
his temple. The heathens built the temples to their patron
gods in front of their cities ; so that Jupiter was probably
the tutelar deity of Lystra — Zev<^ TrpoirvXa^;. Tavpov; koI
crre/jL/jLaTa — oxen and garkmds. This is not to be taken for
Tavpov<; iaTe/jL/xevov<;, "oxen adorned with garlands" (Beza,
Heinrichs), according to the figure of speech termed a
hendiadys. The design of the garlands was not to crown
Paul and Barnabas (Grotius), but the oxen ; perhaps also the
images of the deities, the altars, and the priests. Garlands
were also worn by the sacrificers. They were made of various
trees and flowers, such as were peculiar to their several gods.
'EttI tov^ irvXwva^ — to the gates. It is doubtful whether
the gates of the city are here meant, or the doors of the
house in which Paul and Barnabas resided. Some (Neander,
Meyer, Lechler, Hackett) refer the expression to the gates of
the city. This reference is supposed to be required because
the temple of Jupiter stood before the city, because nTv\wva<;
standing by itself is most naturally to be understood of the
city gates, and because the plural would hardly have been
^ Ewald's Geschiclite des apostoUschen Zeltalters, p. 426.
54 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
used to denote the house in which Paul and Barnabas were
staying. Others (De Wette, Biscoe, Alford, Wordsworth,
Conybeare and Howson) refer the expression to the doors of
the house where the apostles were ; perhaps the outer door
which led into the court. It is argued that if the priest had
only brought the victims to sacrifice them at the cit}' gates,
it would have been no offering to Paul and Barnabas. The
former opinion seems the more probable, as the preparations
for sacrifice were first known to the apostles by report.
Ver. 14. 'AKovaavT€<; — having heard. They were informed
of it ; so that it is unlikely that the preparations for the
sacrifice took place at their own doors, before their eyes.
01 aTroaroXot Bapvd^a^ Kal TIav\o<; — the ajjostles Barnabas
and Paul. Both Barnabas and Paul are expressly called
apostles ; and, singularly enough, Barnabas here precedes
Paul. They are also called apostles in ver. 4. There is no
reason to suppose that the word is employed in a wide or lax
sense. Barnabas then, it w^ould seem, was an apostle. He
was called to the apostolic office not by man, but directly by
God, when the Holy Ghost said, " Separate me Barnabas
and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them " (see
note to Acts xiii. 2). Aiappi^^avre^ ra i/jLarLa avrcov — having
rent their clothes. It was the custom amon^ the Jews to
rend their clothes on occasions of grief. The apostles do so
here, as an expression of their sorrow and abhorrence at the
conduct of the multitude. They act a part directly the
reverse of the conduct of Herod Agrippa i. when he received
the impious homage of the assembly.
Ver. 15. 'OfJiOiOTTaOeh — of like nature^ i.e. obnoxious or
liable to the same infirmities ; whereas the gods were re])re-
sented as immortal, of a superior nature. Compare Jas.
V. 17 : ^' Elias was a man of like nature (6/jiot7ra67]<i) to us."
TovTcov Twv /jLaraLcov — these vanities ; referring to the idea
that they were Jupiter and Mercury, who yet themselves
were no gods, but vanities and nonentities. Seov ^Mvra —
the living God^ in contrast to the vanities (/idrata) of the
heathen.
Ver. 16. 'Ev raU 7rap(p^7}iub6vaL^ j€veaL<; — in past generations
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA. — XIV. 17. 55
suffered all nations to ivalk in their own ways» A mitigation
of the guilt of heathenism, but not an excuse, because God
had not left Himself without a witness. This suffering them
to walk in their own ways was a judgment inflicted on them
for their perversion of the truths of natural religion : God
forsook them, because they first forsook God (Rom. i. 24).
Ver. 17. KaiToije ov/c ajJudpTvpov eavrou acjirJKev — although
lie left not Himself without witness. Although the Gentiles in
past generations had no written revelation, yet they were not
left in complete darkness : God left among them the witnesses
of His existence and perfections in the works of creation,
and in His benevolent dealings with them. And accord-
ingly we find that several of the heathen philosophers became
acquainted with God through the light of nature. Socrates
and Plato, for example, though in a certain sense heathens,
yet w^ere in another sense the w^orshippers of the true God.
And this knowledge of the true God was perhaps more ex-
tensive than is generally supposed. ^AyaOovpyMV, ovpavoOev
vfuv verov^ StSou? — doing good, and giving us rain from heaven,
and fruitful seasons. With these words the apostle would
turn the attention of the Lystrians from the false gods they
worshipped to the real Giver of every good. They were in-
debted for the blessings of life, which they ascribed to Jupiter
and Mercury, to the living God. Jupiter was regarded as
the giver of rain and fruitful seasons ; and Mercury, as the
god of merchandise, was looked upon as the dispenser of
food.^ There is a striking resemblance between this short
discourse of Paul at Lystra, and his longer discourse at
Athens (Acts xvii. 23-31), and the development of the
same ideas in the Epistle to the Romans (Rom. i. 19-25).
A Pauline character runs through the whole three, w^hich,
if it does not demonstrate that they proceeded from one
mind, yet renders it highly probable. It is also to be ob-
served that Paul in this discourse, as well as in that to the
1 The mention of rain from heaven as a proof of the divine benevo-
lence, as Lecliler observes, was so much the more appropriate, as there
was a scarcity of water in Lycaonia. Strabo mentions that in Soatra,
a Lycaonian city, water was sold (Strabo, xii. 6. 1).
56 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Athenians, dwells upon tliose truths which his hearers could
appreciate : he builds upon the principles of natural religion,
— thus affording to all succeeding missionaries an example
for imitation in their reasoning with the heathen. Egre-
giam hie liabemns formam orationis, qiiam imitari deheant,
qui apud popidos in idololatria evangelium educatos prwdi-
cant (Grotius).
Ver. 19. ^EirrjXOav Se aTro ^ AvTLO')(eLa^ kol ^Ikovlov ^Iov-
BaloL — But there came from Antioch and Iconium Jews, The
arrival of these Jews from the neighbouring city of Iconium
and the more distant city of Pisidian Antioch was certainly
not accidental. They had heard of the success of Paul and
Barnabas at Lystra, and they had come on purpose to oppose
them. Kal ireLaavre<^ tol/? oj(kov<; kol XtOdcravTe^ tov TlaiiXov
— and having persuaded the midtitude and stoned Paid. We
have here an example of the proverbial fickleness of the
multitude. In the same city where they were with difficulty
restrained from worshipping Paul as a god, they stoned him
until they thought that he was dead. Christ Himself expe-
rienced the same inconstancy : the multitude who had received
Him with hosannas, a few days afterwards cried. Crucify
him, crucify him. This popular fickleness was shown to Paul
at Malta in an opposite manner. The barbarous people there
at first regarded him as a murderer, whom vengeance suffered
not to live ; and shortly after they changed their minds, and
said that he was a god. It is observable that we read of no
injury behig offered to Barnabas. It is probable that it was
Paul's superior zeal, as being the chief speaker, that marked
him out as the special object of persecution.
Ver. 20. KvKkwadvTcov he tmv fiaOrjrcov avrov — But the
disciples standing around him. ''The disciples" — that is,
those whom he had converted at Lystra — ''stood around
him," not in order to bury him (Kuinoel, Bengel), but to
express their sympathy, to see if he were yet aHve, and if
so to assist in restoring him. 'Avaara^ — having risen up.
The impression which the narrative leaves is certainly that
Paul recovered from his stoning through a miracle ; for it
could have been nothing less than a miracle, that he who
PAUL AT ICONIUM AND LYSTRA. — XIV. 20. 57
was stoned until his enemies were satisfied that he was dead,
should be able to rise up of his own accord, walk into the
city, and the next day depart for Derbe. Elarfkdev et? tt^v
iroXiv — he came into the city, in order to show himself alive
to the disciples, and to confirm them in the faith. ^E^rjkOev
ek Aep^Tjv — he ivent to Derbe, another city of Lycaonia, at
no great distance.
SECTION y.
PAUL'S RETURN TO ANTIOCH.— Acts xiv. 21-28.
21 And preaching the gospel in that city, and having made many-
disciples, they returned to Lystra, and Iconium, and Antioch, 22 Con-
firming the souls of the disciples, exhorting them to continue in the
faith, and that " through many afflictions we must enter into the king-
dom of God." 23 And when they had chosen them elders in every
church, they commended them by prayer and fasting to the Lord, on
whom they had believed. 24 And having passed through Pisidia, they
came to Pamphylia. 25 And having preached the word in Perga, they
went down to Attaleia ; 26 And thence sailed to Antioch, whence
they had been commended to the grace of God for the work which they
had fulfilled. 27 And when they had arrived and assembled the church,
they related how much God had done with them, and how He had
opened to the Gentiles a door of faith. 28 And they remained long
time with the disciples.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 21. EvajyeXtaa/jLevoL is found in B, C, G, ^?, whereas
the present participle evayyeXi^o/jievoL is found in A, D, E, H,
and is preferred by Tischendorf and Lachmann. Ver. 28.
After hieTpi^ov he the textus receptus has e'/cet, found in
E, G, H. It is, how^ever, omitted in A, B, C, D, i<j and is
rejected by Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Meyer.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 21. EvayyeXi^o/jievoL re Tf]v ttoXlv e/ceivrjv — And
preacliiJig the gospel in that city^ and liaving made tnany dis-
cijyles. Paul and Barnabas were successful in their ministry
at Derbe : they made many disciples. They appear to have
been allowed to preach unmolested : no mention is made of
their being persecuted. Accordingly Paul omits Derbe, when
68
PAUL'S KETURN TO ANTIOCH. — XIV. 22. 59
enumerating, years afterwards to Timothy, the places where
he suffered persecution during his first missionary journey :
'' Thou hast fully know^n the persecutions, afflictions, which
came unto me at Antloch, at Iconium, at Lystra " (2 Tim. Hi.
11). There Is here, as Paley remarks, an undesigned coinci-
dence between the history and the epistle. " In the apostolic
history," he observes, "Lystra and Derbe are commonly
mentioned together. In the quotation from the epistle,
Lystra is mentioned, and not Derbe. And the distinction
will appear on this occasion to be accurate : for Paul is here
enumerating his persecutions; and although he underwent
grievous persecutions In each of the three cities through which
he passed to Derbe, at Derbe Itself he met with none. The
epistle, therefore. In the names of the cities. In the order In
which they are enumerated, and In the place at which the
enumeration stops, corresponds exactly with the history."
'Tirearpe-^av eh ttjv Avarpav — T/iei/ returned to Lystra, and
Iconium, and Antioch. In journeying from PIsidian Antioch
to Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, Paul and Barnabas were on
their way to Syrian Antioch ; and at Derbe they had arrived
near the well-known pass called the Ciliclan Gates, which
led down from the Lycaonlan plateau, through the Isaurlan
range, to Tarsus, whence they could proceed by a short
voyage to Antioch.^ But Instead of proceeding on their
journey, they retrace their steps, and traverse the road they
had formerly taken. The reason of this was evidently to
revisit their converts, to confirm them in the faith, and to
establish among them a regular ministry. From each of
the cities where they had preached the gospel they had de-
parted suddenly, before the churches had been properly
settled in the faith, and before arrangements had been made
for their government; and hence they felt constrained to
revisit them. We do not read that the persecutions w^ere
renewed on their return.
Yer. 22. ^ETnarripL^ovTe^ ra? yfrv^^a^ tmv fiaOrjrwv irapa-
KdkovvTe<; — confirming the souls of the disciples, exhorting
them. TlapaKokovvTe^ denotes the manner In which the
1 See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. i. p. 240.
60 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
apostles confirmed the disciples; not by any outward rite,
but by exhortation. Kal on — and that. "Otl . . . 0eov de-
pends on TrapafcaXovvre^, and denotes the nature of the ex-
hortation which was given. Hence Xijovre^^ or some similar
verb, requires to be supplied : " Exhorting them to continue
in the faitli, and saying that," etc. Ael yfid^ elaekOelv —
ive imist enter. Ael refers to the divine decree, the appoint-
ment of God ; perhaps also to the necessity of the case, as
the will of God is not arbitrary. Man can only be purified
through suffering. 'H/xa? — we ; that is, we Christians. Al-
ford supposes that there is here an intimation of the presence
of Luke, the historian of the Acts. " Is not this," he ob-
serves, '•' a token of the presence of the narrator ? My own
conjecture would be, that he remained in Antioch (of Pisidia)
during the journey to Iconium, etc., and back. The events
between these two limits are much more summarily related
than those before or after." ^ But such a supposition rests
on doubtful grounds. 'H/jba^i here is not part of the mere
narrative, but part of the words of the apostles. It is not
Luke who writes these words as an observation of his own ;
it is Paul and Barnabas who speak them in an address to
their converts. And if this is the case, as Alford admits,
we cannot see how there is any indication of the presence of
the author. Eh ttjv j^aaiXeiav tov Qeou — into the Jcingdom
of God; namely, the Messianic kingdom. As these converts
had already entered the church of Christ, and so were mem-
bers of Christ's visible kingdom, "the kingdom of God" here
must refer to the state of the redeemed in heaven.
Ver. 23. XeipoTovrjaavTe^ — having chosen. The meaning
of this word has been much disputed. The primary meaning
of '^ecpoToveco (compounded of ^eip and Telvco) is to stretch
out the hand ; hence to vote, to elect by voting. The word,
however, occurs where it means simply to choose, without
any voting: as in Josephus (Ant. xiii. 2. 2), ')(^6tpoTovovfji€v
Be ae ai^fiepov ap')(^bepea — " but we appoint thee to-day high
priest." It is only employed once again in the New Testa-
ment, where it is probably used in its primary sense, to choose
^ Alford's Greek Testament^ vol, ii. p. 146.
PAUL'S RETURN TO ANTIOCH. — XIV. 23. 61
by voting (2 Cor. vili. 19). The word, then, admits of two
meanings — "to choose by election," or simply " to choose :"
according to the one meaning, the churches themselves chose
their elders ; according to the other, Paul and Barnabas
selected them. The context must decide which meaning is
the more suitable. Meyer adopts the first meaning, that
the election was made by the churches — suffragiis delectos
(Erasmus) ; and for this he appeals to the manner in which
the deacons were chosen, and to the meanincf of the word in
2 Cor. viii. 19. But whereas ')(eLpoTovr}cravTe^ is not repre-
sented as the act of the churches, but of Paul and Barnabas,
he supposes the meaning to be, that the apostles conducted
or guided the election of the churches.^ This, however, is
an arbitrary supposition, for which there is no ground in the
context. We prefer, then, to take the word in its secondary
signification, meaning to choose, to select. The apostles
themselves appointed the elders. This is more in accordance
with the state of these churches, as newly formed commu-
nities. So Olshausen, De Wette, Stier, Wordsworth. There
does not appear in primitive times to have been any uniform
mode of electing the office-bearers of the church. The
deacons were elected by the whole church; here it would
appear that Paul and Barnabas chose elders ; and Titus was
empowered to ordain elders in every city (Tit. i. 5). Clemens
Romanus gives the following rule as the one handed down
by tradition from the apostles : '^ that persons should be
appointed to ecclesiastical offices by approved men, the whole
church consenting." (See Neander's Church History^ vol. i.
p. 263.)
JJpeapVTepov^ — elders. This is the second mention of
elders in the Acts. Allusion was formerly made to the
elders of the churches in Judea (Acts xi. 30).^ The mini-
sters of the church were called Trpea/Svrepooy with refer-
ence to the Jewish element in the church ; and eirlG-Koiroiy
with reference to the Greek element. *^ The bishops," says
Spanheira, '' were so called from the care of overseeing : and
1 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 295.
2 For the nature of the eldership, see note to Acts xi. 30.
62 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the same were also called Trpeor/Svrepot, from their age and
gravity ; iroifieve^, from their office of feeding ; huhdaKoXoL,
from their office of teaching ; and rjyov/jbevotj from their right
of governing."^ It would appear that there were several
elders appointed to each church (Kar eKKKrjaiav) : and this
is in accordance with the fact that there were several elders
attached to each synagogue. Hence we read of the elders
of the church of Ephesus (Acts xx. 17), and of the bishops
and deacons of the church of Philippi (Phil. i. 1). Schrader
objects to this appointment of the elders, that it anticipates
an arrangement which took place only at a later period.
But it is evident that office-bearers were essential for these
churches : they were far removed from Syrian Antioch,
their mother church ; and were cut off from the synagogues,
owing to the hostility of the Jews : and lience it was essential
for their preservation that they should have a government
of their own.
Ver. 25. Ka\ 'Xdki]aavTe<i iv Uepyrj rov Xoyov — ■and having
spoken the ivord in Perga. Perga, a city of Pamphylia on
the river Cestrus. (See note to Acts xiii. 13.) Paul and
Barnabas had formerly visited it, when they came from
Cyprus, but they appear then merely to have passed through :
now, however, they preach the gospel in it, but with what
success we are not informed. Karefirjcrav et? ^ ArToXeiav —
tliey came doivn to Attaleia. Attaleia was a seaport of Pam-
phylia, at the mouth of the river Catarrhactes, not far from
the boundary of Lycia, and about sixteen miles to the south-
west of Perga. It was built by Attalus Philadelphus, king
of Pergamos, as a port for the trade between Syria and
Egypt (Strabo, xiv. 4. 1). It seems to have been a place
of minor importance, as its name seldom occurs in ancient
history. It is now known by the name of Adala or Adalia.
Ver. 26. KaiceWev aireTrXevaav et? ^AvTLO^ttav — and tltence
they sailed to Antioch : that is, the famous Antioch, the
capital of Syria. Eh to epyov 6 iirXypcoaav — fo?' the luork
which they had fuljilled. Thus closed tlie first great mis-
sionary journey of Paul. On this occasion he was accom-
1 Quoted by Du Veil, Acts of the Apostles, p. 311.
PAUL'S RETURN TO ANTIOCH. — XIV. 27, 28. 63
panied by Barnabas. They had preached the gospel in the
island of Cyprus, and had visited the three Asiatic districts
of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. Besides individual
conversions, they had founded at least four Christian churches
in the cities of Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe.
They had thus materially extended the gospel, although the
space traversed was small compared with the countries
visited by Paul in his second and third missionary journeys.
The time spent in this journey is a matter of uncertainty.
Wieseler supposes that it must have occupied some years.
It was at the close of the year 44 that Paul returned
from Jerusalem to Antioch ; and it was about the year 51
(fourteen years after his conversion, Gal. ii. 1) that he again
went up to Jerusalem (Acts xv. 2). Six years, then, were
spent in Antioch, and in this missionary journey ; but how
the time is to be divided is uncertain. It would appear that
the greater part of it was spent in the journey. They
traversed the whole of Cyprus ; they continued so long in
Pisidian Antioch, that we are informed the word of the Lord
was diffused throughout the whole region ; at Iconium we
are told that they remained a long time ; at Lystra their stay
must have been considerable, for time must be allowed for
their success, for its fame to have reached the cities of Pisidian
Antioch and Iconium, and for the hostile Jews to come from
these cities. Nor could their stay at Derbe have been short,
for there they made many disciples. Although, then, the
space traversed was not extensive, yet, considering the length
of their residences in each city, and the time which the his-
tory allows us, the period occupied might be about three or
four years (a.d. 45-48).^
Vers. 27, 28. ^uvayay6vT€<; Tr]V eKKXt^alav avrjjyeWov — ■
And having assembled the church, they reported. Paul and
Barnabas were sent forth by the church of Antioch, and now
on their return they give in their report. Mer avTCJV —
1 Wieseler's Chronologie^ p. 224. Renan supposes the time occupied
to have been four or five years {Saint Paul, p. 53). During this period
Paul would support himself, as he afterwards did at Corinth and
Ephesus, by the labour of his hands.
64 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
loith them, i.e. in connection with tliem, assistino^ them : not
by them (Beza, Heinrichs), nor to them (Calvin, Grotius,
Kuinocl). "HvoL^ev Ovpav TTLareo)^ — had opened a door of
faith. This refers not merely to the external call and oppor-
tunity to believe the gospel afforded them by the preaching
of Paul and Barnabas, but to the internal call and opening
which the Holy Ghost made to them ; the reference being
to the numerous conversions among the Gentiles. Xpovov
ovK oXlyov — long time ; literally, not a little time. How
long is uncertain, depending on the time occupied by the
missionary journey; but probably two or three years (a.d.
49, 50).
SECTION VL
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM.— Acts xv. 1-21.
1 And certain men, having come down from Judea, taught the
brethren, If ye be not circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot
be saved. 2 And when Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension
and dispute with them, they appointed Paul and Barnabas, and certain
others of them, to go up to Jerusalem unto the apostles and elders
about this question. 3 And being sent forward by the church, they
passed through Phoenicia and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the
Gentiles : and they caused great joy unto all the brethren. 4 And
when they were come to Jerusalem, they were received by the church,
and the apostles and elders ; and they declared what things God had
done with them.
6 But there arose certain of the sect of the Pharisees who believed,
saying, That it was necessary to circumcise them, and to command them
to keep the law of Moses. 6 And the apostles and elders were gathered
together to consider this matter. 7 And when there had been much
dispute, Peter arose, and said to them. Men and brethren, ye know that
a long time ago God made choice among you, that the Gentiles by my
mouth should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. 8 And God,
who knoweth the hearts, bare them witness, giving them the Holy
Ghost, even as unto us ; 9 And put no difference between us and them,
purifying their hearts by faith. 10 Now therefore why tempt ye God,
to put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers
nor we were able to bear ? 11 But we believe that, through the grace of
the Lord Jesus, we shall be saved in the same manner as they. 12 Then
all the multitude were silent, and hearkened to Barnabas and Paul,
declaring what signs and wonders God had done among the Gentiles
by them. 13 And when they had ceased speaking, James answered,
saying, Men and brethren, hearken unto me : 14 Symeon has declared
how at first God did visit the Gentiles, to take out of tliem a people for
His name. 15 And to this agree the words of the prophets ; as it is
written, 16 After this I will return, and will rebuild the tabernacle
of David, which is fallen ; and I will rebuild its ruins, and will set
it up : 17 That the remnant of men might seek after the Lord, and
all the Gentiles, upon whom my name has been called, saith the Lord,
who doeth these things, 18 Which were known from the beginning.
VOL. II. E
QQ COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
19 Wherefore I judge, that we trouble not those from among the Gen-
tiles who are turned to God : 20 But that we enjoin them to abstain
from pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled,
and from blood. 21 For Moses from ancient generations has in e very-
city them who preach him in the synagogues, being read every Sabbath.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 2. Z7}Ti]a€(o<;^ found in A, B, C, D, G, H, tc, is
preferred by all recent critics to av^rjrrjo-eco^ of the textus
receptus, which is found in no uncial MS. Ver. 7. 'Ev v/j^Iv,
found in A, B, C, X, is preferred by Tischendorf and Lach-
mann to iv rj/xlv, found in E, G, H, which, however, is
adopted by Meyer. Ver. 11. Xpio-roO is omitted by Tischen-
dorf and Lachmann, being wanting in A, B, E, G, H, N*,
and found only in C, D. Ver. 17. After ravra the textus
receptus reads irdvra, along with E, G, H : it is, however,
rejected by recent critics, being wanting in A, B, C, D, n.
Ver. 18. The reading of this verse has been disputed.
Griesbach, Tischendorf, ]\Ieyer, De Wette, and Alford read
only 'yvo^GTa air alcovo<;, along with B, C, X. The reading of
the textus receptus, f^vcuaTa air aloyvo^ eari tw Gew Travra
ra epya avrov, is found in E. G, H. Lachmann, Lange, and
Bornemann adopt the reading, yvcoaTov aw alcovo^ rco KvpcM
TO epyou avTov, found in A, D, wdiich, however, too much
resembles a correction.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
We have here an account of the famous controversy which
arose within the primitive church, and threatened its disrup-
tion into two branches — a Jewish Christian church, and a
Gentile Christian church. Ever since the admission of the
Gentiles, in the person of Cornelius, without circumcision,
there was a strong Jewish party among believers who held
fast to their peculiar privileges as God's people, and wished
to enforce circumcision and the other rites of Judaism upon
the Gentile Christians. The defence of Peter (Acts xi. 1-18)
only quieted for a time the complaints of these Judaizers ;
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 1. 67
but on tlie report of the success of Paul and Barnabas
among the Gentiles, and of the free gospel which they
preached, these complaints broke out afresh. The church
was now passing through a great crisis. The subject to be
decided was, whether Christianity should be engrafted upon
Judaism, or whether it should be freed from the restrictions
of the Jewish law ; whether, in fact, it should be confined to
the narrowness of a Jewish sect, or be propagated as the
religion of the world. Even the decision of the question by
the apostles and elders at Jerusalem did not settle the dispute.
The controversy reappeared in various forms, and greatly
disturbed the peace of the primitive church, until at length
in the second century these Judaizing Christians finally
separated from the great body of believers, and propagated
their opinions under the names of Ebionites and Nazarites.
Ver. 1. Kal nve^; KarekdovTe^; airo Tri<^ ^IovSaLa<; — And
certain men having come down from Jiidea. These men came
from Judea, the headquarters of those who held these
Judaizing opinions, pretending perhaps to have been sent by
the apostles at Jerusalem. They came to Antloch, because
that was the headquarters of those who preached the gospel
to the Gentiles, and the chief seat of Gentile Christianity.
It is evident that they did not come accidentally, but with
the design of inculcating their opinions. Paul calls them
" false brethren, unawares brought in, who came in privily
to spy out the liberty which the Gentile Christians had in
Christ Jesus, that they might bring them into bondage"
(Gal. ii. 4).
'EBiBaaKov rov^ aS6\(j)ov<; — Tliei/ taught the brethren^ ^f y^
he not circumcised after the manner of MoseSj ye cannot be
saved. The doctrine which they taught was, that circum-
cision was essential for the salvation of the Gentiles. Of
course, obedience to the law of Moses followed : he who was
circumcised became a proselyte to Judaism (Gal. v. 3). The
opinions of the Jews themselves were divided on this point.
Thus, in the case of the convert Izates king of Adiabene, we
find that one Jewish teacher, Ananias, taught him that he
might worship God without being circumcised, and that the
68 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
worship of God was superior to circumcision ; whereas
another teacher, Eleazer, told him, that by being uncircum-
cised lie broke the chief of the Mosaic laws, and was offensive
to God (Joseph. Ant, xx. 2. 3, 4).^ In general, the Jews
held that circumcision was essential to salvation. It was a
common saying among them, that all uncircumcised persons
went to hell ; and others asserted that no uncircumcised
person would rise at the last day.
It is to be observed, that such extreme views vrere then
more plausible than they now appear to us. The Jewish
religion was of divine origin ; circumcision was the badge
of the covenant ; and hence it was not easy for Jews to
admit that its observance was to be abolished, or at least to
be regarded as unessential. The apostles themselves could
with difficulty be induced to embrace this opinion : all the
attachment of a Jew to his national religion, and all his
pride in his peculiar privileges as the favourite of Heaven,
were opposed to it ; and therefore we are not to wonder at
the extreme conservatism of a large body of the Jewish
converts. The question, however, was of vital importance :
if circumcision were held to be essential to salvation, the
whole gospel system would be overthrown. These Jewish
teachers do not seem to have denied that salvation was
only through Christ ; but with the work of Christ they
connected circumcision and the observance of the Mosaic
law as essential conditions, — thus destroying the freeness of
the gospel : in a word, substituting the law of works for free
justification.
Ver. 2. TevofievT}'^ Se ardo-ew^ koX f?;Tr;o-e6)? ovic 0X17779 —
there being no small dissension and dispute. Perhaps these
Judaizing teachers succeeded in persuading some of the
Jewish Christians at Antioch to adopt their views. ^Ava^ai-
veiv IlavXov koI Bapva^av — that Paul and Barnabas should
go tip. We here take for granted that this journey of Paul
^ Eleazer is represented as saying to Tzates, " How long wilt thou
continue uncircumcised ? Hast thou not read what the law says about
circumcision?; Dost thou not know of what great impiety thou art
guilty by neglecting it?"
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 3. 69
to Jerusalem is the same as that to which he refers in his
Epistle to the Galatians (Gal. ii. 1-10), reserving the full
discussion of this suhject until the end of the section. In
Gal. ii. 2, Paul says that he went up by revelation ; here
w^e are informed that he was appointed by the church of
Antioch. Between these statements there is no discrepancy :
the brethren may have been divinely directed to send Paul
and Barnabas ; or Paul himself may have, through the
Spirit, made the proposal. Luke, in recording the history
of the church, mentions only the appointment, not Paul's
feelings on the matter. So, in a similar manner, on Paul's
departure from Jerusalem on his first visit, the same two
motives are mentioned — the human and the divine : we are
informed by Luke, that the brethren, learning of a con-
spiracy against his life, persuaded him to retire ; whereas he
himself tells us, that he was induced to depart in conse-
quence of a revelation (Acts ix. 30, xxii. 17, 18). The one
motive, then, does not exclude the other. Tcva^ aXXov<^
— certain others. Certain others of the brethren of the
church of Antioch, among whom, as we learn from the
Epistle to the Galatians, was Titus (Gal. ii. 1). EU 'lepov-
craXrj/jL — to Jerusalem, Jerusalem was the mother church
of Christianity : it was the stated residence of the apostles,
and therefore was regarded with veneration by the other
churches. The dispute, which could not be settled at An-
tioch, was rightly transferred to Jerusalem. The time when
this journey occurred is thus stated by Paul : " Fourteen
years after I went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas" (Gal.
ii. 1). This, according to some, signifies fourteen years
after the three years previously mentioned (Gal. i. 18), that
is, seventeen years after the apostle's conversion. But others,
with greater probability, think that the apostle dates both
periods from his conversion, as the great epoch of his life.
According to the most approved chronology of the apostle's
life, this visit occurred a.d. 51.^
Ver. 3. IIp07r6/ji(f)66VT6<; vtto Trj<; iicickrjo-ia'^ — Being sent
forward hy the church ; that is, the church escorted them
1 See Lardner's Works^ vol. iii. p. 271.
70 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
part of the way, thus conferring honour upon them. This
is a proof that the churcli of Antioch in general agreed
with Paul and Barnabas in their disputes with the Judaizing
teachers : they gave them this testimony of their approba-
tion. ^ocviKTjv Koi "XajxapeLav — Phcenicia and Samaria^ the
two countries or districts which intervened between Antioch
and Jerusalem. 'Ettolovv x^P^^ fjL6yd\7]v iraacv toZ'^ ahe\-
(poh — caused great joy to all the brethren, namely, by their
visit, and their information concerning the conversion of the
Gentiles; thus proving that the disciples of Phoenicia and
Samaria sympathized with Paul and Barnabas, and not with
the Judaizers.
Yer. 4. UapehexPrjcrav — they tvere received. Not merely
they were received as deputies of the church of Antioch ;
but the words imply the favourable reception which Paul
and Barnabas, as the great missionaries of Christianity,
received from the apostles and elders at Jerusalem.
Yer. 5. "'E^avearrjaav Si — but there arose. Some (Beza,
Heinrichs) suppose that these are the words of the depu-
tation, and tliat there is here a change from the oblique to
the direct form of expression, eXeyov being understood.
The reason of this supposition is, because there is otherwise
no mention that the deputation stated the design of their
mission. But it is to be taken for granted that, in declaring
what things God had done with them, they mentioned the
reason why they came to Jerusalem. Ttve^ tmv diro Trjv
aipecreo)^ twv ^apcaalcov — certain of the sect of the Pharisees.
For the peculiar views of the Pharisees, see note to Acts
xxiii. 6. The Pharisees were the strictest adherents to the
law of Moses : they were the representatives of an extreme
Judaism. Paul himself had belonged to this sect, but he
had cast off their narrow-mindedness. Although these
Pharisees were, like him, believers in Jesus as the Christ,
yet they had not become liberal as he : they still retained
their extreme Jewish notions ; they held fast the indispens-
able oblifjation of the Mosaic law, and wished to make the
Gentiles, through the medium of Christianity, Jews.
Yer. 6. 01 uTToaToXot — the apostles. We do not know
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 7. 71
how many of the apostles were present. Mention is only
here made of Peter, and James the Lord's brother. Else-
where we learn that John was also there (Gal. ii. 9). More
might be present, but it is scarcely probable that all the
apostles were then in Jerusalem. Kal ol irpea^vTepoi —
and elders. Besides the apostles and elders, tl>e disciples
in general were present. This appears from what is after-
wards said. We read of ^' all the multitude" (ver. 12) ; we
are told that "it pleased the apostles and elders, and the
whole church, to send chosen men " (ver. 22) ; and the
decree was in the name of "the apostles, and elders, and
brethren " (ver. 23). Some (Mosheim, Kuinoel, Neander)
think that it was only the apostles and elders who delibe-
rated, and that afterwards their decision was approved of by
the church. The objection that the whole church was far
too numerous to allow of its members meeting for consulta-
tion (Neander) is without weight, as we are not informed of
the place of meeting ; and though there might be a general
meeting of the disciples, it is unnecessary to suppose that
all were present. Tiiere were in this assembly some of the
most distinguished men in the Christian church : the two
most illustrious of the original apostles, Peter and John,
James the Lord's brother, the two apostles of the Gentiles,
Paul and Barnabas, and of apostolic men, Silas and Judas.
This assembly has been denominated the Council of Jeru-
salem, and yet it bears little resemblance to the general
councils of the church. It was not composed of deputies
from all countries, but included only the church of Jeru-
salem, with those sent from Antioch. And it does not
appear to have been a representative assembly, but a general
meeting of the church.
Ver. 7. TloXkrj^ 8e o-vv^yrrjcreco^ ryevo/Jievr)<; — hut ivhen there
had been much dispute. From this it would appear that the
Judaizing party had their supporters in the assembly. This
would naturally be the case, as the church of Jerusalem was
chiefly composed of Jewish Christians ; and not only so, but
of Hebrews, who were in general stricter Jews than the
Hellenists. JTer/oo? elirev irpo'^ avTov^ — Peter said to them.
72 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Peter addresses the meeting, probably on account of his
eminent position in the assembly, and also because it was he
who first preached the gospel to the Gentiles, and admitted
them without circumcision into the Christian church. It is
evident, however, that there are no signs of Peter's head-
ship over the apostles ; for although he first addressed the
assembly, yet it would seem that it was not he, but James,
who presided, and delivered the judgment of the meeting.
Vers. 7-11. In these verses we have the substance of
Peter's speech. ^Acj)' rj/uuepcov dp')(aLcov — a long time ago ;
literally, from ancient days. The reference is evidently to
the conversion of Cornelius. That was a low^ time af^o,
when viewed in relation to the existence of Christianity.
Seventeen years had elapsed since the memorable day of
Pentecost, and perhaps ten since Peter first preached the
gospel to the Gentiles. Peter, in alluding to the time, intends
to say that it was not a new thing about which they were
contending : the reception of the believing Gentiles without
circumcision was a matter which had been settled by God
years ago. 'Ev v/jllv i^eke^aro 6 ©eo? — God made choice
among you. There is no necessity to supply e'/xe (Olshausen),
or to conceive that eV rjfuv {textus receptus) is equivalent to
yfid^ in the sense of me (Kuinoel). If the reading be iv
vfjLLVy the meaning is, among you. Christians ; if iv rifxiu, the
meaning is, among us, the apostles. (See Critical Note.)
Tov \6yov Tov €va<yje\Lov — the loord of the gospel. This
phrase is only employed in this passage ; and only once more
is the word evayyeXtov used in the Acts (ch. xx. 24).
'EjiapTvpr^crev avroh — hear them witness : testified that they
should be admitted into the Christian church by bestowing
upon them the gift of the Holy Ghost. Tfj irlaTei KaOapiaa^
ra? KupBia^ avrcov — jmrifying their hearts by faith. God
purified the hearts of the Gentiles, whereas according to the
notions of the Judaizers it was their bodies which were
unclean ; and the instrument of this purification was not
circumcision, but faith. Tiireipd^ere rov Seov — Wliy tempt
ye God f By insisting on circumcision as an essential prere-
quisite for salvation, they tempted God; because they opposed
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 12. 73
His intentions, shown by the bestowal of the Holy Ghost, of
receiving the Gentiles without circumcision into the church.
^EiinOelvab ^vyov — to put a yohe. Peter does not here call
circumcisioUj but the Mosaic law in general, and that viewed
chiefly as a condition of salvation, a yoke which neither
they themselves nor their fathers were able to bear. He
does not so much refer to the outward ceremonies which he
and the other Jewish Christians still observed, as to the law
as a ground of justification.^ The law, indeed, itself was a
heavy burden, but it was insupportable when regarded as a
condition of salvation. Ovre oi 7raT€p6<; tj/jlcov — neither our
fathers ; that is, not Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob — for circum-
cision was not a yoke to them, but a promise — but the fathers
since the time of Moses. KafcetvoL — even as they. ^EKelvoi
does not refer to the fathers (Calvin, Calovius, Melancthon),
but to the Gentile Christians, about whose salvation the
question was in debate. As they were saved not by circum-
cision, but by faith in Christ, so shall we be saved in the
same manner.
Peter's argument is plainly this : Circumcision and the
observance of the lav/ of Moses cannot be necessary for the
Gentile converts, because God by the effusion of His Spirit
has declared His acceptance of the uncircumcised Gentiles
in the person of Cornelius and his company. The argument
was conclusive, even if the Gentiles be taken in the most
extensive sense, that is, for all who are neither by birth nor
by proselytism Jews.
Ver. 12. Uav to ifkriOo'^ — all the multitude ; that is, either
the assembly of apostles and elders, or more probably the
multitude of disciples — the church of Jerusalem (see ver. 6).
^EcTLjrjcrev — were silent. The dispute was quieted : the
Judaizing Christians for the time yielded to the authority
of Peter. Kal tjkovov Bapvd^a Kal UavXov — and heard
Barnabas and Paul. Barnabas is mentioned first, because,
as the elder and better known, he probably first addressed
the assembly. By relating the signs and wonders which God
had done among the Gentiles by them, they confirmed the
^ Neander's Planting, vol. i. p. 117.
74 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
remarks of Peter, proving that in numerous instances tlie
uncircumcised Gentiles had received the gift of the Holy-
Ghost : that the conversion of Cornelius and his company
was by no means a solitary instance.
Ver. 13. James next addresses the assembly. He is the
same as James the Lord's brother (Gal. i. 19), and the
writer of the epistle which bears his name. (See note to
Section xxv.) He seems to have remained in Jerusalem,
and is called in ecclesiastical history the bishop of Jerusalem.
It is generally supposed that he was the president of this
council ; at least he was the last to speak, and he delivers
the judgment of the assembly. He is described in ecclesi-
astical history as having strong legal propensities, being a
strict observer of the Mosaic law. We are informed that,
like the ancient Nazarites, he drank neither wine nor strong
drink, and abstained from animal food. No razor ever came
upon his head. And he was continually in the temple in-
terceding for the people (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. ii. 23). The
judgment, then, of such a person must have had' great weight
with the Judaizing party ; and when it was declared in favour
of the freedom of the Gentiles, the dispute was settled. It
has been inferred that James was at the head of the Judaiz-
ing party,^ because mention is made in Galatians of certain
Judaizing teachers who came from him (riva^ airo 'laKco^ov,
Gal. ii. 12). But it is not there said that they were sent by
him, nor that he approved of their conduct ; and it is evident
from the proceedings of the council, that he was one in
sentiment with Peter and Paul. The compromise which he
proposed for the sake of peace infringed but little upon the
liberty of the Gentiles, and certainly bore no resemblance to
the demands of the pharisaical party in the church.
Yer. 14. ^vfjuecov — Symeon: a Jewish form of the name
Simon, used by Peter himself (2 Pet. i. 1). Peter's original
name Simon seems to have been still current in the church
of Jerusalem (Luke xxiv. 34). Aa/Selv ef idj^cov Xaov — to
take from the Gentiles a people. Aao^;, used generally for
the people of Israel — the people of God ; whereas tcl edvrj,
^ Kenan's Saint Paul, pp. 78-8G.
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 16, 17. 75
in the Jewish sense, sio-nifies the Gentiles, all those who are
not Israelites. Tm ovofxaTi avrov — for His name^ i.e. for the
glory of His name.
Vers. 16, 17. The quotation contained in these verses is
from Amos ix. 11, 12. It is taken, with some variations,
from the Septuagint. In the sixteenth verse the difference
is considerable. The reading of the Septuagint is as fol-
lows : ^Ev rfj '^fJ'6pa eKelvrj avaaTTjaw ttjv aKrjvrjv Aavlh rrjv
TreTTTcoKVLav, KoX avoLKoBofiijo-co TCL irenTTCdKOTa avTTj^y Kol ra
KareaKafi/jL€va avTrj<; dvaarrjcrcOj koX dvoiKO^ofirjao) avT7]v
Ka6m at ri/uLepac rod alo)vo<i. The seventeenth verse agrees
almost exactly with Amos ix. 12. The words of the
eighteenth verse, according to the most approved reading
^v(£)GTa diT alcovo^;, are not in the Septuagint. But whilst
the text agrees generally, and the sense precisely, with the
Septuagint, there is a remarkable difference between it and
the Hebrew : instead of the words, " that the remnant of
men might seek after the Lord, and all the Gentiles upon
whom my name is called," the Hebrew text has, " that they
may possess the remnant of Edom, and of all the Gentiles
that are called by my name." The Septuagint translators
seem to have possessed a different text fromx that which we
now possess. James either delivered his address in Greek,
or quoted from a Hebrew text resembling it ; or Luke, or
the Greek document employed by him, gave the words
according to the Septuagint.^
The royal house of David is here represented as a taber-
nacle that had fallen into decay. It was weakened by the
revolt of the ten tribes, and reduced by repeated disasters.
God promises to restore it, and rebuild its ruins, so that the
kingdom would again flourish as in the days of David and
Solomon. The remnant of men — that is, the Gentiles — would
become members of the theocracy. God's name would be
called upon them : they also, as well as the Israelites, would
be His people. This prophecy may be said to have received
a partial fulfilment when Zerubbabel restored the kingdom
of Judea, and when, in the time of the Maccabees, several
1 Meyer's ApostelgescJiichte, p. 305.
76 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of the surrounding nations, and especially the Edomites,
were incorporated among the Jews. But certainly such a
fulfilment was very partial ; and it can only receive its full
accomplishment in the Messiah. Viewed as a Messianic
prediction, the tabernacle of David represented the church
of God — the theocracy; and hence this prophecy foretells
that the Gentiles shall be brought within the pale of the
visible church ; that they, as well as the Jews, shall become
the people of God.
James, with good reason, applies this prophecy to exist-
ing circumstances. According to it, the Gentiles should
be called into the church of God. On them as well as
on the Jews the name of God was to be set ; and in the
conversions of the Gentiles there was a fulfilment of the
prediction. But in the prophecy there is no mention of
circumcision, nor of the observance of the law of Moses ;
and therefore, seeing that the Gentiles had already become
believers, it was not for the assembly to impose these burdens
upon them.
Ver. 18. rvcocFTa air amvo^ — wliicli were hioimi from the
beginning. The reading of the text is doubtful. (See Criti-
cal Note.) According to the reading of the textus receptus,
" known unto God are all His works from the beginning,"
the words are a reflection of James. The calling of the
Gentiles is a certain truth founded on the omniscience of
God. It is not an unexpected event : it is what He Himself
had foretold. According to the altered reading, ^' which
were known from the beginning," some (Lechler, etc.) sup-
pose that they are an addition to the prophecy by James, as
if he had said, " What has happened to-day, God has from
the beginning known and determined to do : what we live
to sec, is only tlie fulfilment of an eternal counsel of God ; " ^
whilst others (Tischendorf, Meyer, Alford) regard them as
part of the prophecy itself. The words, however, are now
found neither in the original Hebrew nor in the Septuaglnt.
rvcoard — blown; that is, those things above mentioned —
the call of the Gentiles into the church of Christ — are
^ Langc's Bibelwerk: AposklgescJdcJite. Von Lechler, p. 253.
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 19, 20. 77
known. The context decides by whom these things were
known, — namely, by God, who doeth these tilings (o ttolcou
ravra) ; not, as De Wette renders the clause, " known by
means of the prophets from of old." ^Att alodvo^ can only
mean *'from the beginning" (Luke i. 70).
Yer. 19. Alo iyo) Kplvco — therefore I judge. There does
not appear to be any weight attached to Kplvco, as if James
here gave judgment, acting as president of the meeting. It
merely signifies, " I give my opinion." Mtj Trapevo'^Xelv —
that we trouble notj by imposing upon them circumcision and
the ceremonies of the Mosaic law.
Yer. 20. 'AXka eirLarelXav avroh — hut that ice enjoin them.
^EiTiaTeXKoy signifies to send word by letter; hence, to enjoin
by an epistle. James proposes, for the sake of peace, the
abstinence from certain things on the part of the Gentiles ;
namely, from these four particulars — the pollutions of idols,
fornication, things strangled, and blood.
''Atto touv aXcayrj/idrcov twv elScokcjv — from pollutions of
idols. ^AXiay7]/jLa is not found in classical Greek, and only
occurs here in the New Testament. It is derived from the
Hellenistic verb aXLcryeiv, to pollute, which occurs twice in
the Septuagint (Dan. i. 8 ; Mai. i. 7), and in both instances
in the sense of to defile by means of food. Some (Meyer,
Lechler, Stier) extend the word okLcr^yrjiidrwv to all the
following particulars, because the preposition diro is not
repeated. Others restrict it to tmv elBcoXcov. The Greek
admits of both renderings ; but probably the latter is the
more correct, as " pollutions of idols " is a definite act, inas-
much as what is here called '' pollutions of idols " is in the
decree termed " meats offered to idols " {elhcokoOvrwv, ver. 29).
The heathen ate the flesh of their sacrifices partly in feasts
in their temples, and partly in their own houses (1 Cor. x.
27, 28). What was not eaten by the worshippers, or given
to the priests, was sold in their markets (1 Cor. x. 25).
Hence Paul, in writing on the same subject, distinguishes
between that which was partaken of in the temples — eating
which would be idolatry — and that which was sold in the
markets, or eaten in private houses — eating which was in
7S COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
itself a matter of indifference. The Jews were strictly pro-
hibited from eating anything which had been offered to an
idol (Ex. xxxiv. 15) ; and here, for the sake of peace, the
Gentiles are also enjoined to abstain.
Kal Tri<; iropveLa<; — and from fornication. The word here
given without any explanation is to be taken in its strictly
literal sense, however strange it may appear that a moral
prohibition should be mixed up with things indifferent. In
consequence of this strange connection, various meanings
have been attached to iropvela^. Some (Beza, Selden) un-
derstand by it, spiritual fornication, or idolatry; but if so,
there would be little difference between it and the pollutions
of idols. Heinrichs understands by it, fornication committed
at the religious rites of the heathen. Others refer it to
concubinage (Calvin, Calovius) ; others, to marriage within
forbidden degrees (Lightfoot, Gieseler) ; others, to marriage
with a heathen (Teller, Lardner), or to a second marriage
(Schwegler). Bentley, against the authority of all manu-
scripts, would substitute p^ot/oc/a?, swine s flesh, for Tropvela^;}
But if tlie word must be taken in its literal sense, how is it
that a moral action, namely, abstinence from fornication,
should be placed in the same category with things indifferent,
— the eating of meats offered to idols, of things strangled,
and of blood? The answer to this question seems to be,
that the moral sense of the heathen was so perverted, and
their natures so corrupt, that they looked upon fornication
as a thing indifferent. The moral evil of fornication is not
the point here in question, but its prevalence among the
Gentiles : elsewhere it is repeatedly prohibited in the Scrip-
tures as a heinous offence in the sight of God (Alford,
Wordsworth).
Kal Tov TTViKTov — aiid from things strangled. The flesh
of such animals as were killed in snares, and whose blood
was not poured forth, was forbidden to the Israelites. Hence
all strangled animals were regarded as unclean. Kal tov
ali/jLaTo^ — and from blood. Nothing was more strictly pro-
^ For these and other meanings, sec Meyer's ApofitelgcscJiichte, p. 307 ;
and De Wctte's ApostelgescMcJite, p. 122.
THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. — XV. 2L 79
hibited to the Jews than blood ; because in the blood was
the life of the animal, and because it was the blood that was
consecrated to make an atonement (Lev. xvii. 10-14). The
heathen were accustomed to drink the blood of the animals
at their sacrifices. Cyprian, Tertullian, and others, interpret
aifia " homicide," but certainly in contradiction to the text.
Ver. 21. Tap— for. James gives as a reason why the
Gentiles should abstain, that Moses from a remote period of
antiquity has in every city, where there are Jews, those who
preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath-day.
It is not, however, obvious what is here intended : different
meanings have been assigned to it. (1.) 'Some (Grotius,
Hammond) think the meaning to be, that the Jews cannot
complain that Moses is despised by the Gentile Christians,
seeing that he is read in the Christian assemblies every
Sabbath-day, even as is done from ancient times by the
Jews themselves. But evidently James speaks of Moses
being preached, not in the Christian assemblies, but in the
Jewish synagogues. (2.) Others (Chrysostom, Neander,
Whitby, Wordsworth) suppose the meaning to be, that those
instructions were for the Gentile Christians ; but that no
special instructions were necessary for the Jewish Christians,
because they already knew wliat to practise as Jews, Moses
being read every Sabbath in their synagogues. But no
dispute was raised about the conduct of the Jewish Chris-
tians. (3.) Others (Erasmus, Wetstein, Schneckenburger,
Thiersch, Ewald) think that James argues that there is no
reason to fear that the Mosaic law should be neglected or
despised, because it is read in every city on the Sabbath-
day : a meaning not to be despised, as it tended to remove
the objections of the Jewish Christians, and perhaps corre-
sponded with the sentiments of James, but yet not suflSciently
natural and simple. (4.) Lange adopts the strange meaning :
" As for Moses, we have nothing to do with him : he has
his own preachers : we are preachers, not of Moses, but of
Christ."^ (5.) Baur and Gieseler suppose the meaning to
be : Although the law of Moses is preached in every city, yet
1 Lange's apostoliscTies Zeitalter, vol. ii. p. 189.
80 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
it has completely failed in the conversion of the Gentiles : it
is an obstacle in the way which must be removed : let us then
try the preaching of the gospel without circumcision. But
this is a sentiment hardly appropriate in the mouth of James.
(6.) The true meaning appears to be, that the Gentiles
should abstain from these things, in order to avoid giving
offence to the Jews ; for in every city the law is preached
every Sabbath, and so these matters are brought prominently
forward ; and thus, unless there be an abstinence from these
particulars, the preaching of the law would perpetuate the
offence of the Jewish to the Gentile Christians. In order
then to maintain peace, let the Gentile Christians abstain
from those actions which are regarded by the Jews as causing
pollution. So approximately Meyer, Winer, Olshausen, De
Wette, Stier, Schaff, Alford.
ON THE IDENTITY OF THIS VISIT TO JERUSALEM WITH
THE VISIT MENTIONED IN GAL. ii. 1-10.
In the Acts of the Apostles, live visits of Paul to Jeru-
salem are mentioned : — 1. When he escaped from Damascus
(Acts ix. 26). 2. When he came with the collection from
Antioch (Acts xi. 30, xii. 25). 3. The visit at the Council
of Jerusalem (Acts xv.). 4. On his return from his second
missionary journey (Acts xviii. 22). 5. His last visit to
Jerusalem (Acts xxi.). In the Epistle to the Galatians two
visits are mentioned : the one three years after his con-
version (Gal. i. 18), and the other fourteen years after that
event (Gal. ii. 1). There is no difficulty in identifying the
first visit mentioned in the Galatians with the first visit men-
tioned in the Acts. The identification of the second visit
with any of these visits in the Acts is a subject of greater
difficulty.
There are four opinions: 1. That it is a journey not
mentioned in the Acts. 2. That it is identical with Paul's
second visit. 3. Tliat it is identical with Paul's fourth
PAUL'S VISIT TO JERUSALEM (ACTS XV. ; GAL. XL). 81
visit. 4. That it is identical with Paul's third visit. All
admit that it could neither be the first nor the fifth.
1. The first opinion is, that the journey in the Epistle to
the Galatians is not mentioned in the Acts. This opinion is
adopted by Beza, Paley, Schrader, and Tate. " To me,"
observes Paley, " it appears more probable that Paul and
Barnabas had taken some journey to Jerusalem, the mention
of which is omitted in the Acts." According to Pauley and
Tate, this visit occurred between the second and third re-
corded visits of Paul during his long residence at Antioch
(Acts xiv. 28). For this, however, Paley assigns no reason,
merely saying, " Is it unlikely that, during this long abode,
they might go up to Jerusalem and return to Antioch ? "
Schrader inserts it between the fourth and fifth visits during
Paul's protracted residence at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10, 22).
The ground of this opinion depends entirely on tlie impossi-
bility of showing that this visit can be identified with any
of those recorded, — an impossibility which we think does not
exist.
2. The second opinion is, that the journey mentioned in
the epistle is identical with Paul's second visit, when he
went up with Barnabas from Antioch to Jerusalem with
the collection to the saints. This opinion is adopted by
Calvin, Paulus, Kuinoel, Bottger, and Fritzsche. The great
reason on which it rests is the supposition that Paul, in the
Galatian epistle, relates his visits in the order in which they
occurred, and that therefore the second visit mentioned in
the epistle is also the second mentioned in the Acts. But,
as we have already seen, it does not appear that the apostle
mentions all his visits to Jerusalem in their order ; but only
those which he judged of importance for the object he had
in view, — namely, the establishment of his apostolic office.
(See note to Acts xii. 30.) And, not to mention other ob-
jections, the difference in time is an insurmountable obstacle
against the identification of the Galatian journey with the
second visit recorded in the Acts. Paul's second visit oc-
curred about the year 44 or 45, shortly after the death of
Herod Agrippa i., which by no calculation can be fourteen
VOL. II. F
82 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
years after his conversion, when the journey mentioned in
the epistle took place.
3. The third opinion is, that the visit mentioned in the
Galatian epistle is identical Avith Paul's fourth visit, on his
return from his second missionary journey (Acts xviii. 22).
This opinion only claims our regard because it has been
adopted by the distinguished Wieseler (Chronologie des
apostolischen Zeitalter, pp. 180-208). The argument on
which he chiefly rests is of a negative description : that in
the epistle there is no mention of the Council of Jerusalem,
and the decrees which were then issued ; whilst in Acts xv.
no notice is taken of the interview between Paul and the
three apostles. But this opinion is exposed to several objec-
tions. 1. In Gal. ii. 1, Barnabas is said to have accom-
panied Paul to Jerusalem ; whereas, according to the Acts,
Barnabas had previously separated from Paul and gone to
Cyprus (Acts xv. 39). The only answer which Wieseler gives
to this, is the arbitrary supposition that Barnabas joined Paul
during his second missionary journey, perhaps at Cyprus or
in Caisarea. 2. In recording his journeys to Jerusalem, in
the Epistle to the Galatians, Paul would hardly have omitted
his visit on the occasion of the council ; because such a visit
had a strong bearing upon his argument, for then he had
conferences with the apostles : he met at least with Peter,
and James the Lord's brother. 3. According to the Acts,
the fourth visit seems to have been unimportant : many
readers would hardly suspect from the words of the historian
that such a visit was made. He merely writes : " And when
he had landed at Caesarea, and gone up, and saluted the
church, he went down to Antioch."
4. The fourth opinion, which we regard as correct, is
that this visit, recorded in the epistle, is identical with the
third visit on the occasion of the Council of Jerusalem (Acts
XV.). This opinion is adopted by Irenious, Pearson, Eich-
horn, Winer, Olshausen, Anger, Schneckenburger, Neander,
De Wette, Ewald, Meyer, Lechler, Stier, Lange, Lardner,
Lightfoot, Burton, Davidson, Alford, Wordsworth, Cony-
beare and Howson, etc. There is a correspondence in
PAUL'S VISIT TO JERUSALEM (ACTS XV. ; GAL. II.). 83
several particulars. In both cases there is a journey of Paul
and Barnabas to Jerusalem on the question of the relation
of the Gentile Christians to the law of Moses ; in both cases,
Peter and James take an active part in the conference ;
and so far as we can judge, the dates correspond. The
objections raised to the identity of these visits are not, we
think, insuperable. 1. In Gal. ii. 2, it is said that Paul
went up by revelation ; whereas in the Acts he was sent by
the church. But, as we have already observed, there is no
contradiction between these statements : the church might
have been directed to send him. 2. In Gal. ii. 1, Titus is
mentioned as accompanying the apostle, whereas there is no
mention of him in the Acts. But he may well be included
in the " certain others" wdio, we are informed, were sent
along with Paul and Barnabas. 3. The objects of the
journey in the two cases are said to be dissimilar : according
to the Acts, it was to settle the question whether the Gentiles
should be circumcised; according to the epistle, it was to
have Paul's apostleship recognised. But here also there is
no discrepancy; on the contrary, the recognition of Paul's
apostleship depended on the question concerning the circum-
cision of the Gentiles. 4. In the Acts there is no mention
made of the private meeting which Paul had with James,
Peter, and John (Gal. ii. 2). But it is not to be expected
that there should have been, because the Acts, as a history,
deals chiefly with public transactions. In private (Kar
IBlav) Paul communicated the nature of the gospel which
he preached to those in reputation (Gal. ii. 2) ; whereas in
public he declared the signs and wonders which God had
done by him among the Gentiles (Acts xv. 2). 5. In the
epistle there is no mention of the apostolic decree. But the
apostolic decree had only an indirect reference to the subject
under discussion, — namely, the recognition of Paul's apostle-
ship by the other apostles; whereas, in the result of this
private conference with them, the reference was direct and
pertinent.
The result of the whole discussion is thus concisely and
well stated by Conybeare : "The Galatian visit could not
84 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
have happened before the third visit; because if so, the
apostles at Jerusalem had already granted to Paul and
Barnabas the liberty which was sought for the evayyeXiov
T^9 aKpo^vcrrla^ (Gal. ii. 8) : therefore there would have
been no need for the church to send them again to Jerusalem
upon the same cause. And again, the Galatian visit could
not have happened after the third visit; because almost
immediately after that period Paul and Barnabas ceased to
work together as missionaries to the Gentiles ; whereas, up
to the time of the Galatian visit, they had been working
together."^
^ For discussions ou this subject, see Davidson's former Introduction to
the New Testament^ vol. ii. pp. 112-122 ; AKord's Greek Testament, vol.
ii. pp. 26, 27 ; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. i. pp. 639-547 ;
and, as already mentioned, "Wieseler's Chronologie, pp. 180-208 ; also
Schaff's Ajjostolic History, vol. i. pp. 289-291. In his New Introduction,
vol. ii. pp. 214-222, Dr. Davidson considerably alters his opinion, but
he still asserts the identity of the Galatian visit with this visit at the
Council of Jerusalem.
SECTION TIL
THE SYNODICAL LETTER— Acts xv. 22-35.
22 Then it seemed good to the apostles and elders, with the whole
church, having chosen men from themselves, to send them to Antioch
with Paul and Barnabas ; namely, Judas named Barsabbas, and Silas,
leading men among the brethren : 23 Having written by their hands :
The apostles, and elders, and brethren, to the brethren from among the
Gentiles throughout Antioch, and Syria, and Cihcia, greeting : 24 Since
we have heard that certain having come from us have troubled you
with words, subverting your souls, whom we did not authorize ; 25 It
seemed good to us, being assembled with one accord, to choose and send
men to you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul ; 26 Men who have
hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 27 We
have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who also shall declare the same
things by word. 28 For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to
us, to lay upon you no further burden than these necessary things ;
29 That ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and
from things strangled, and from fornication : from which if ye keep
yourselves, ye shall do well. Farewell.
30 They therefore, being dismissed, came to Antioch; and having
assembled the multitude, they delivered the epistle. 31 And having
read it, they rejoiced for the consolation. 32 And Judas and Silas,
being themselves also prophets, exhorted the brethren with many
words, and confirmed them. 33 But after they had tarried some time,
they were dismissed in peace from the brethren to those who had sent
them. 34, 35 But Paul and Barnabas continued in Antioch, teaching
and preaching the word of the Lord with many others.
CKITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 23. Kal ol before ahek^ol is found in E, G, H, but
omitted in A, B, C, D, ^5. Lachmann has cancelled the
words; but Meyer and Tischendorf retain them, because
their omission was probably the result of a hierarchical feel-
ing. Ver. 24. The words Xeyovre^; irepLTeixveaOaL koI TTjpelv
85
8G COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Tov vo/jLov (textus receptus) are found in C, E, but omitted in
A, B, D, t^. They are rejected as spurious by Lachmann,
Tischendorf, and Bornemann, but retained by Meyer and
De Wette. Yer. 33. Instead of airoarokov^^ found in E,
G, H, Tischendorf, Lachmann, and Meyer read airoaTei-
\avTa<; avTov<;, found in A, B, C, D, fc5. Ver. 34. This
verse, eSofe Be tw ^tka iTTLfjuetvat avrov, is contained in C,
D, but ia omitted in A, B, E, G, H, N, and is accordingly
rejected by Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Meyer. It was
probably interpolated in order to account for the presence of
Silas at Antioch (ver. 40).
EXEGETICAL KEMARKS.
Ver. 22. "ESo^e — It seemed good. "EBo^e is used to express
the formal resolution of a senate or an assembly ; and hence
the resolutions themselves are termed Boyfjiara (Acts xvi. 4).
To'l<; aiToaTokoi<; koX tol<; 7rp€cr^VTepoi<; avv oXrj rfj eKK\r]aia
— to the apostles and elders^ ivith the whole church. The
three classes of which the assembly was composed : — 1. The
apostles — those of the original twelve then in Jerusalem.
2. The presbyters — the elders of the church of Jerusalem.
3. The members of the church : thus proving that the
disciples in general were present, not merely to listen, but
to deliberate. 'EKke^ajxevov; dvBpa<; — having chosen men.
We have here {a'Tro(jTo\oL<^ — iK\€^a/jb€vov<; — ypayjrdvTe^;) an
example of what grammarians call an anacoluthon — a loose-
ness of construction — as regards the cases of these participles.
'EKXe^afievov; is not to be taken for iK\€'^devTa<; (Kuina3l),
for the first aorist middle never has a passive signification.-^
The correct translation is, having chosen men; i.e. " the apostles
and elders, with the whole church, resolved to choose and to
send men." 'lovBav tov KaXovjievov Bapo-a/SjSav — Judas
called Barsahhas. Ewald supposes that this Judas was the
same with Joseph called Barsabbas, the candidate with
Matthias for the apostleship (Acts i. 23).^ But this is iui-
^ Meyer's ApostelgeschicJite, p. 314.
* Ewald's Geschichte des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 440.
THE SYNODICAL LETTER.— XV. 23. 87
probable, as the name of the one was Judas, and of the
other Joseph. Grotius supposes that the two were brothers,
the sons of one Sabba (Bar Sabbas). Kal SlXav — And
Silas. Silas — or, as he is elsewhere called, Silvanus — was
afterwards the companion of Paul during the greater part
of his second missionary journey. He is honourably men-
tioned in the Epistles to the Thessalonians, and in the second
Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Cor.
i. 19). It is doubtful whether he was the Silvanus by whom
the first Epistle of Peter was conveyed to the churches of
Asia (1 Pet. v. 12). His Latin name renders it probable
that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and we are informed that he
as well as Paul was a Roman citizen (Acts xvi. 37). Accord-
ing to tradition, he became bishop of Corinth.^ "Avhpa^
r)yov/jievov<; iv rot? aSeX^ot^; — leading men among the brethren,
i.e. men of influence in the church of Jerusalem. The
words do not necessarily imply that they were oflice-bearers
{Trpea-jSvrepot) of the church.
Yer. 23. Tpd'\jravT€<; Bca %et/)09 avrcbv — having written by
them, i.e. by Judas and Silas. This, as Neander observes, is
the earliest public document of the Christian church known
to us. Clemens Alexandrinus calls it 97 iinaTokri rj fcaOo-
XiKT) T03V aiTOG-ToXwv diTavTcov — the catholic epistle of all the
apostles. This epistle proves that the church of Jerusalem,
as the mother church, still exercised a superintendence over
the other churches. It was also a testimony to the unity of
the church. The Christian church was to be a united body,
not split up into separate factions, but to be regulated by the
same general rules, and animated by a spirit of love and
forbearance. It is probable that Luke has inserted the
original document verbatim. Copies of it would be distri-
buted throughout the churches, and would be easily obtained
by the historian. It was doubtless originally written in
Greek, both because it was addressed to the Gentiles, and
because its beginning, ^a/petz^, and its close, eppcoade, are in
the usual form of the Greek epistolary style. Some (Bengel,
1 For a refutation of Schwanbeck's hypothesis, that Silas was the
author of the Acts, see Introductory Observations.
88 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Bleek, Baumgarten, Stier) suppose that it was composed by
James the Lord's brother, because it agrees with his senti-
ments as stated in the council, and because the salutation
')(aip€iv is only found in the beginning of his epistle (Jas. i. 1).
But these are insufficient grounds on which to rest such an
opinion. Kai ol aSeX^ol — a7id the brethren. In some MSS.
Kol 01 are omitted (see Critical Note), and accordingly some
consider dSeXcfiol as the designation of the apostles and elders:
the apostles and elders^ brethren, to the brethren.
Kara Trjv ^AvTLO'^ecav kol ^vplav kol Kikiiciav — through-
out Antioch, and Syria, and Cilicia. In Antioch the dispute
arose, and probably the same dissension prevailed throughout
Syria and Cilicia. We here learn that there were churches
in Cilicia, probably founded by Paul when at Tarsus (Acts
ix. 30).^ Paul and Barnabas had also established churches in
the districts of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia ; but they
are not named in the epistle, perhaps because the Judaizing
teachers had not as yet propagated their doctrines in these
churches. The decrees, however, included them, and were
delivered to them (Acts xvi. 4). Indeed, the letter was
designed for the regulation of the conduct of all Christians,
wherever there were both Gentile and Jewish converts ; as
is evident from the words of James, uttered several years
afterwards : " As touching the Gentiles which believe, we
have written, and concluded that they observe no such thing,
save only that they keep themselves from things offered to
idols, and from strangled, and from fornication" (Acts
xxi. 2b).
Yer. 24. Ttz^e? ef 97/Awi^ e^ekOovje^ — certain having come
from us. The Judaizers not only came from Jerusalem,
but, as it appears, pretended that they came authorized by
the church. ^Avao-K6vd^ovT6<; — subverting; only used here
in the New Testament. 'AvaaKevd^eLV, to subvert, to destroy;
the opposite of olKohofielv, to build, to edify. AeyovT€<; irepu-
re/jiveaOat kol Trjpelv rbv vofiov {textus receptus) — saying, Ye
must be circumcised, and heep the law. These words are re-
jected by Tischendorf, but retained by Meyer and De Wette.
1 For Cilicia, see note to Acts vi. 8.
THE SYNODICAL LETTER. — XV. 25. 89
The internal evidence is in favour of their genuineness, as
otherwise the question in dispute would not have been men-
tioned in the epistle. The external evidence is strongly
against their reception. Oh ov BieaTeiXd/jieOa — whom ive did
not autJwrize ; thus charging the Judaizing Christians with
falsehood, if they pretended to use the names of the apostles.
Ver. 25. T6vofjbevoc<; 6/jLo6vfJLa86v — being assembled with
one accord. Some (Grotius, Bengel, Baumgarten, Lechler,
Meyer, Stier, Hackett) render these words, being unanimous ;
implying that the Judaizing party was silenced, and that
the council was unanimous in its decision. This, how-
ever, is not the usual meaning of 6fjLo6vjjbaS6v in the Acts
(Acts i. 14, ii. 1, iv. 24, v. 12). The meaning adopted by
Alford is to be preferred, being assembled with one accord.
The unanimity of the council cannot with certainty be in-
ferred from these words. At first it was not unanimous
(ver. 7) ; and hence Wieseler and De Wette suppose that
the decree was passed by a majority of votes. It is, however,
not improbable that unanimity prevailed at last. The reso-
lution of the council was of the nature of a compromise.
The advocates for the freedom of the Gentiles would be
satisfied, seeing that circumcision and the rites of the Mosaic
law were not to be insisted on ; whilst the Judaizing Chris-
tians might, for the time, be persuaded by the address of
James, the apostle of the circumcision, seeing that some
allowance was made for their scruples. But this unanimity,
if it did exist, was temporary. The Judaizing teachers did
not relinquish their opinions : they were more active than
ever in propagating them ; they followed the footsteps of
Paul ; and hence we find in his epistles a continual protest
against their views, and earnest warnings to his converts not
to be led astray by such teaching ; and to beware of relin-
quishing that liberty which they had in Christ Jesus, and of
being brought into bondage under the law.
Bapvd^a Kal TlavXcp — Bariiabas and Paid. Here, as in
ver. 12, Barnabas has the precedence of Paul ; whereas,
since ch. xiii. 9, Paul is generally placed first. This position
of the names is not to be considered purely accidental
90 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
(Zeller), but arises from the relation of both to the church
of Jerusalem. Barnabas is placed first, because, as already
stated, he was the elder and better known, and once occupied
an influential position in the apostolic church. It is therefore
not without reason that Bleek considers this unusual arrange-
ment as an internal proof of the genuineness of the epistle, —
a remark in which Meyer, Baumgarten, and De Wette concur.
Ver. 26. ^Av6p(07roi<; irapaSeSwKoaiv ra? A^fva? avTOiV^ etc.
— men ivlio have hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ. Zeller finds fault with this commendation of
Paul and Barnabas, as being inappropriate. " To what
purpose," he observes, '' this commendation of Paul and
Barnabas, which contrasts so strikingly with the meagre
contents of the epistle ? Those commended required no
such recommendation, as they stood in a much nearer rela-
tion to the disciples of Antioch, as being the authors of their
Christianity, than did the apostles at Jerusalem ; and not a
hint of personal attack against them occurs in the preceding
narrative. Even in a case where this did occur (2 Cor. iii. 1),
Paul says expressly that he disdained such letters of com-
mendation. Our author indeed thought otherwise, whose
entire work is nothing else than an epistle of commendation
{eTToaToXr) G-varaTLKr}) for the apostle, and who had in view
readers with whom a recommendation by the original apostles
might be neither superfluous nor ineffective." ^ But it is
highly probable that there was a Judaizing party even in
the church of Antioch (ver. 2) ; and the Judaizers from
Jerusalem would do all in their power to depreciate the
character and the labours of the Gentile apostles, represent-
ing them as falsifiers of Christianity. There was then a
special reason for the church in Jerusalem testifying to the
integrity of the two deputies from Antioch : it would serve
to counteract whatever impressions had been made by the
Judaizers.
Ver. 27. Kal avTov<; Bta Xoyov a7rayy6\ovTa<; ra avrd —
themselves also declaring the same things by ivord. Ta avrd —
the same things contained in the letter ; not the same things
1 Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 246, 247.
THE SYNODICAL LETTER. — XV. 28, 29. 91
which Paul and Barnabas taught (Neander). Ata \6jov —
b}/ toord. The church of Antioch would thus have oral and
written testimony. The letter would inform them of the
resolution of the council ; and Judas and Silas would testify-
to the genuineness of the letter, and corroborate its state-
ments. This was the more necessary, as forged letters were
then not unusual (2 Thess. ii. 2.)
Ver. 28. "EBo^ev yap to5 dylo) Uvev/jbart koI rjfitv — for it
seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us. These words are
not to be weakened, as if they were equivalent to the Holy
Ghost in lis (Olshausen), or to us hy the Holy Ghost (Grotius).
The Holy Ghost and the church are to be regarded as dis-
tinct. He bore witness by means of the miraculous in-
fluences conferred on the disciples. Or perhaps the effusion
of the Spirit on Cornelius and his company was the declara-
tion of the Holy Ghost, that the Gentiles without circum-
cision should be admitted into the Christian church. TlXr^v
TMV eirdva^Ke^^ — except these necessaiy things. The necessity
here referred to was conditioned by the circumstances of the
case. Abstinence from the things mentioned in the decree
was undoubtedly necessary to promote the free converse
between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians, and espe-
cially to secure communion among them at the Lord's table.
Ver. 29. The articles of abstinence here mentioned are
the same as those stated in the address of James (ver. 20).
ElSQ)\o6vT(oVy meats offered to idols^ is the equivalent of
d\ia<y7]/jLdT0)v tmv elScoXcDV, polhdions of idols. Ev irpd^ere
— ye shall do well. Not equivalent to o-coOriaeaOe, ye shall
be saved (Kuinoel), as if the decree were the exact counter-
part of the doctrine of the Judaizers, " Except ye be cir-
cumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved ;"
but merely, Ye shall act properly. "EppcoaOe — Farewell:
the customary conclusion of epistles among the Greeks.
Compare the epistle of Claudius Lysias to Festus, which
also begins with j^alpeLv^ and closes with eppcoao (Acts xxiii.
26-30).
Some suppose that these four articles — meats offered to
idols, things strangled, blood, and fornication — were for-
92 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
bidden, because they were included iu the seven so-called
precepts of Noah, and which were binding on " the proselytes
of the gate;"^ so that the intention of the injunction was
to convert the Gentiles, not into "proselytes of righteous-
ness" by circumcision, as the Judaizers demanded, but, as
a compromise, into '' proselytes of the gate." But all this is
entirely fanciful. Of the four articles, only one, " the eating
of blood," is directly named in the so-called precepts of
Noah. And besides, as already stated, this distinction of
proselytes into '' proselytes of righteousness " and " proselytes
of the gate," rests on doubtful authority. The evident
object of the decree was to remove, as far as possible, those
obstacles which prevented free intercourse and communion
between the believing Jews and Gentiles. The Jewish
Christians, so long as they adhered to the law of Moses,
could not partake of food with the Gentile Christians with-
out contracting ceremonial uncleanness ; unless the Gentile
Christians would agree to abstain from those articles of food
which the Jews regarded as unclean. By this means the
barrier which still separated the Jewish from the Gentile
Christians would be in a great measure broken down. The
reason why only these four articles are specified in the decree,
was because, next to circumcision, they were the greatest
obstacles to friendly intercourse between Jews and Gentiles.
From this, it follows that the decree of the Council of
Jerusalem was only of temporary obligation. It was merely
an article of peace, and was only in force so long as the
circumstances of the case lasted; that is, so long as the
Jewish Christians persevered in their legal strictness, and
held it unlawful to partake of certain kinds of food. As
soon as they were enabled to entertain more enlightened
notions, and to perceive that in Christ the distinction be-
tween clean and unclean meats was abolished, and that there
was no kind of food unclean of itself, the obligation of the
decree terminated. The moral part of it — abstinence from
fornication — is elsewhere abundantly inculcated in the word
of God. Perhaps the decree was only local, extending to
^ For the seven precepts of Noah, see note to Acts x. 2.
THE SYNODICAL LETTER.— XV. 29, 30. 93
Syria, Cillciaj and the adjoining provinces ; at least there
would be no reason for its observance v^here there were no
Jewish Christians. We find that Paul, in his first Epistle
to the Corinthians, when writing on the distinction of clean
and unclean meats, makes no allusion to it; but whilst he
asserts the lawfulness of all kinds of meats, he exhorts the
Gentile Christians to abstain from meats offered to idols, not
because they were expressly forbidden in this decree, but
from the principle of charity, lest by partaking they should
offend their weaker brethren (1 Cor. x. 23-33). It would,
however, seem that the primitive church in general con-
sidered the decree as binding upon all Christians. Augustine
appears to have been the first who asserted its temporary
obligation {Contra Manich. 32, 13). In the Western churches
generally the opinion of Augustine is adopted, whilst the
Greek Church regards the decree as still binding upon
Christians. Several distinguished modern critics, as Grotius,
Salmasius, Curcellseus, and Du Veil, also assert its permanent
obligation.^
The decision of the Council of Jerusalem was a great step
in advance. Had it been otherwise, had the council decided
that circumcision and the observance of the law of Moses
were necessary, the progress of Christianity would have been
impeded. But now Gentile Christianity could be freely
propagated without let or hindrance : all the obstacles which
stood in the way of its diffusion were removed ; and the
apostolic church was delivered from legal bondage. We
see the immediate effects of this decision in the joy and
confidence which the reading of the decree imparted to the
Christians at Antioch, and in the great success of Paul on
his second missionary journey. Christian churches soon be-
gan to arise in all the principal cities of the Roman empire.
The triumph of the free Christian over the Judaizing party
was one great element in the success of the gospel.
Yer. 30. 01 [xev ovv airokvOevre^ — They therefore, being dis-
missed. Probably there was a formal and solemn dismissal
^ See this subject discussed at great length by Lardner (Lardner's
Works^ vol. V. pp. 494-519).
94 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
on the part of the church, as when Paul and Barnabas were
sent forth on their missionary journey (Acts xiii. 3).
Yer. 31. TIapaKkrjaei — consolation. Meyer renders it ex^
hortation, because in the next verse irapeKoXecrav must neces-
sarily signify exhorted. But this is an insufficient reason.
The exhortation contained in the letter was not the cause of
the joy; but the consolation that the Gentiles were to be
freed from the yoke of the Mosaic services. It must have
been a great comfort for them to hear that these carnal
ordinances were not to be imposed, and that the cause of
Christian liberty had triumphed.
Ver. 32. Kal avrol 7rpo(j)7]TaL ovt€<; — Being themselves pw-
phets. The term prophets is here used, not to signify that
they foretold the future, but to denote that they were in-
spired men ; the reference being to their capability to exhort
(irapaKaXelv) and to confirm {iincrTrjpL^eiv) the brethren.
Ver. 33. ^ AirekuBrjaav /jl€t elp'^vrj'; — Thei/ were dismissed
with peace; in a solemn assembly, with prayer and fasting
(ver. 30). There is a probable reference to the form of
dismissal, virdyere iv elprjvr) (Jas. ii. 16). It would appear
that both Judas and Silas returned to Jerusalem, to give
in their report to the church, but that Silas came back to
Antioch. Ver. 34 is considered by the best critics as an in-
terpolation, designed to account for the presence of Silas in
Antioch. The Codex Bezse (D), which contains the clause,
has also the addition, jjlovo^ Se ^lovha^ iTropevOy.
Ver. 35. IlavXo^; Be /cat Bapva^a^ hierpipov ev "* AvTioyeia
— But Paul and Barnabas continued in Antioch. Critics are
in general agreed that it was at this time that the dispute
between Paul and Peter, mentioned in Gal. ii. 11-16,
occurred. From the order of events as given in the epistle,
it evidently occurred after the Council of Jerusalem. And
this is the only place where we are told that Paul, after the
council, remained for any length of time at Antioch. Peter,
it would appear, went down from Jerusalem to Antioch. At
first, acting upon the decrees of the council, he associated
freely with the Gentile Christians. Some Judaizing Chris-
tians, however, having come down from Jerusalem, Peter,
THE SYNODICAL LETTER. — XV. 35. 95
from fear of offending them, withdrew from the Gentiles :
he manifested an inconsistency of character — a sinful com-
pliance with the prejudices of the Jews. Other Jewish
Christians were influenced bj the conduct of the great
apostle ; and even Barnabas, one of the apostles of the uncir-
cumcision, was carried away with their dissimulation. Such
conduct, sanctioned by an apostle, evidently tended to foster
the opinions of the Judaizing Christians ; and therefore it
met with a firm resistance from Paul : the younger apostle
rebuked the elder ; and no doubt the rebuke was well taken,
and the fault corrected. It is to be observed that no change
of opinion is ascribed to Peter, but an inconsistency of con-
duct — an act of dissimulation : he displayed the same want of
moral courage and decision which he formerly showed when
he denied his Master; and as then, so now, the fault com-
mitted was doubtless followed by a speedy repentance. The
dispute is omitted by Luke, not because he would conceal
the important difference which there was between Paul and
Peter (Baur, Schrader, Schneckenburger), but because it
had no reference to the history of the church — it was fol-
lowed by no important consequences ; whereas, on the other
hand, the subsequent dispute between Paul and Barnabas
resulted in the separation of these two missionaries, and in
their occupation of different fields of missionary labour. As
already stated, the Acts of the Apostles is not a biography
of Paul, but a history of the diffusion of the gospel.
Mera kol erepcov ttoWcov — With many others also. There
was a flourishinoj church at Antioch. At this time it con-
tained more Christians than any other city in the world,
except Jerusalem. We do not know who the other teachers
were ; but among them were Mark and Silas.
SECTION YIIL
PAUL'S SECOND MISSIONAEY JOUENEY.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.— Acts xv. 36-xvi. 8.
36 And after certain days, Paul said to Barnabas, Let us return and
visit the brethren in every city in which we have preached the word of
the Lord, and see how they do. 37 But Barnabas was minded to take
with them John, surnamed Mark. 38 But Paul thought it not right to
take him with them, who had fallen away from them from Pamphylia,
and had not gone with them to the work. 39 And there was a sharp
contention, so that they separated from each other ; and Barnabas
took Mark, and sailed to Cyprus. 40 But Paul having chosen Silas,
departed, being recommended by the brethren to the grace of the Lord.
41 And he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches.
Ch. xvi. 1 Then he came to Derbe and Lystra. And, behold, a certain
disciple was there, named Timotheus, the son of a Jewish woman who
believed, but of a Greek father ; 2 "Who was well reported of by the
brethren in Lystra and Iconium. 3 Him Paul wished to go forth with
him ; and he took and circumcised him, because of the Jews who were
in these quarters : for they all knew that his father was a Greek.
4 And as they journeyed through the cities, they delivered to them the
decrees to keep, which had been determined on by the apostles and
elders who were in Jerusalem. 5 Therefore were the churches estab-
lished in the faith, and increased in number daily. 6 Now when they
had gone through Phrygia and the region of Galatia, and were pre-
vented by the Holy Ghost from speaking the word in Asia, 7 After
they were come toward ^Mysia, they attempted to go into Bithynia : and
the Spirit of Jesus suffered them not. 8 Then, having passed by Mysia,
they came down to Troas.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 36. 'H/jlcov after aBe\(j)ov^ is found in G, H, but
wanting in A, B, C, D, E, fc<, and is therefore omitted by
all recent critics. Ver. 40. KvploVj found in A, B, D, fc<, is
96
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.— XV. 36-38, 97
preferred by Lachmann and Tischendorf to Qeov, found in
C, E, G, H. Ch. xvi. 1. After yuuaLKo^ the te.vtus receptus
has Ttz^o9, found in G, H ; but it is rejected by all recent
critics, being wanting in A, B, C, T>, E, 5^. Ver. 6. AteX-
66vT6^ (textus receptus) only occurs in G, H ; but still it
is preferred by Tischendorf to BtrjXdoVj A, B, C, D, E, «,
which is considered as an emendation, to avoid the repetition
of so many participles. Yer. 7. Et? tjjv BtOvviav, A, B, C,
D, E, N*, is much better attested than Kara rrjv BtOvvlav,
G, H. ^Ir)(Tov after to Tlvevfia is found in A, B, D, E, ^,
and is adopted by all recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Yer. 36. Mera Be TLva<; rjixepa^ — Bat after certain days.
The time of the commencement of Paul's second missionary
journey is stated indefinitely : it was ^' after certain days,"
that is, certain days after the return of Judas and Silas to
Jerusalem (ver. 33). Elirev 7rpo<; Bapvdffav UavXo'; — Paul
said to Barnabas. This missionary journey was not suggested
by the church, but arose from a proposal made by Paul to
Barnabas. It was designed to be a journey of visitation to
the churches in those cities where these apostles had already
preached the gospel.
Yer. 37. Bapvdl3a<; Be i/SovXeva-aro av/jLirapaXa^etv — But
Barnabas teas minded to take ivith them John, surnamed
Marh. Barnabas was anxious to take Mark, because he was
his relative (Col. iv. 10), and felt a warm interest in him ;
and also, as we may well suppose, because he had a favour-
able opinion of him, and judged that he would be serviceable
to the mission. His conduct here was in accordance with
his benevolent spirit (Acts xi. 24), which led him to judge
favourably of his fellow-believers, and which was formerly
exercised toward Paul himself, when he introduced him to
the apostles in Jerusalem, at a time when the other disciples
regarded him with jealousy.
Yer. 38. Paul judged otherwise : he considered that Mark's
conduct in departing from them in Pamphylia (Acts xiii, 13)
VOL. II. G
98 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
had rendered him unworthy to accompany them. The word
which Paul employs in censuring his conduct is strong — rov
aTToa-Tavra^ who had apostatized; yet it is to be observed
that he does not accuse him of having apostatized from
Christ, but from them (air' avrcov), the missionaries of
Christ. We are not then to conceive that Mark departed in
obedience to the call of the apostles, who required his aid for
the conversion of the inhabitants of Palestine (Benson) ; or,
as others think, that he left on account of the feeble state of
his health : for if so, Paul would not have so severely cen-
sured his conduct. The probable reason was, that he shrank
from the labours and dangers of the mission. Inconstancy
in the service of Christ was, in the eyes of such a man as
Paul, a heinous offence, deserving of severe censure.
Ver. 39. ^E'yivero Se nrapo^vcrixo^ — And there ivas a sharp
contention. IIapo^v(Tfi6<; signifies a sharp contention, an
angry dispute : hence our English word paroxysm. It would
appear that sharp words passed between them. There is
here an instance of the imperfections of good men, which
the word of God does not conceal. Barnabas was actuated
by the mildness of his disposition, which caused him to
extenuate the fault of Mark ; Paul was actuated by a holy
severity and zeal, which led him to regard Mark's desertion
as disqualifying him for missionary work. Barnabas per-
haps saw in Mark the germs of that spirit which afterwards
rendered him a distinguished preacher of the gospel ; Paul
felt that preaching the gospel would be accompanied with
great labours and sufferings, and he judged that Mark had
already proved himself unequal for them. Barnabas was
loath to reject a relative who might be disheartened, if re-
pelled ; Paul was afraid lest, by accepting him, the interests
of the mission would suffer. A benevolent spirit actuated
the one; a just severity influenced the other. Probably
there were faults on both sides, though we do not agree
with Olshausen in conceiving that, wherever there is a con-
tention, this must necessarily be the case.^ Paul, however,
seems to have been most in the right: with Barnabas the
^ Olsbausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 423.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR. — XV. 89. 99
natural love of a relation may have caused him in a mea-
sure to overlook the higher interests of the gospel ; though
perhaps Paul's severity was also carried to excess. Paulus
severior Barnabas clementior : uterque in suo sense ahundat.
Et tamen dissensio hahet aliquid humance fragilitatis (Jerome).
Ewald supposes that Paul's confidence even in Barnabas
may before this have been somewhat shaken, and that this
dispute about Mark was augmented by reason of a previous
misunderstanding. The dispute between Peter and Paul
had occurred shortly before this ; and at that time Barnabas
had been " carried away with their dissimulation " (Gal. ii.
13) ; he also had been guilty of temporizing, and was at
least indirectly censured by Paul; and perhaps, in con-
sequence, a degree of coolness may have arisen between
them.^
^'Jflare aTT0'^ci)pta6y)vai avTov<; cLtt aXXrfkcdv — so that they
separated from each other. Since they could not agree about
Mark, they thought it better to part. And this separation was
highly conducive to the progress of the gospel. Barnabas
and Paul could now work with greater freedom. Barnabas
would be delivered from a somewhat false position, in which
he might, from the increasing importance of Paul, feel that
his own influence was diminishing; and Paul would, on the
other hand, feel more thoroughly independent. Besides,
instead of one mission, now there were two : Barnabas and
Mark labouring in one quarter, and Paul and Silas in
another ; and thus double work would be performed. " The
one stream of missionary labour thus became divided into
two parts, and the more regions were in consequence supplied
with the water of life" (Olshausen). But although Bar-
nabas and Paul separated, yet we are not to suppose that
1 Ewald's Gescliichte des apostoUscJien Zeitalters, p. 443. Eenan takes
the part of Barnabas, and accuses Paul of pride and ingratitude : " but
the exigencies of the work," he observes, "imposed this on Paul; and
what man of action has not once in his lifetime committed a great crime
of the heart?" — Kenan's Saint Paul, p. 120. But there is nothing in
the narrative to justify this opinion. Paul felt that his companions in
the mission must sacrifice themselves entirely.
100 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
they did so in anger. Paul, in his epistles, speaks of Bar-
nabas with the greatest respect and affection (1 Cor. ix. 6 ;
Gal. ii. 9). And he was afterwards not only fully reconciled
to Mark, but employed him as a companion in his labours.
He recommends him to the favourable regard of the church
of Colosse (Col. iv. 10) ; mentions him among the number
of his fellow-labourers (Philem. 24) ; and in the last epistle
which he wrote, directs Timothy to bring Mark with him,
because he was profitable for the ministry (2 Tim. iv. 11).
And doubtless also this dissension resulted in good to Mark
himself ; the severity of Paul would lead him to repentance
and renewed activity; whilst the mildness of Barnabas would
preserve him from despondency, and strengthen the good
which was in him (Lechler). There is no reason to doubt
that this is the same Mark whose praise is now in all the
churches as the author of the second Gospel, and who has
thus so nobly made amends for the fault committed in his
youth.
Tov re BapvdjBav irapaka^ovra rov MdpKov — And Barna-
bas took Mark) and sailed ivith him to Cyprus. Barnabas, in
going to Cyprus, acted on the proposal of Paul, to revisit the
places where they had formerly preached the gospel. This
is the last mention of Barnabas in tlie Acts. Of his future
career we know nothing. Tradition varies in its accounts.
According to one tradition, he went to Milan, and was the
first bishop of the church in that city. According to
another, he preached the gospel in Rome and Alexandria,
and at length was put to death by the Jews in Cyprus.
Ver. 40. Uavko^ Se iirike^dixevo^ HlXav — hut Paid having
chosen Silas. Silas was in every respect qualified to be the
companion of Paul. He was one of the deputies sent from
Jerusalem to Antioch ; he was highly esteemed by the
apostles ; and he could from personal knowledge testify to
the am-eement in doctrine between Paul and the orif]jinal
apostles, being himself present at the Council of Jerusalem.
This was also a proof of the high standing which Paul now
occupied in the Christian church, that a man of the position
of Silas should consent, as a subordinate, to accompany him
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR. — XV. 41, XVI. 1. 101
on his missionary journeys. UapaSodeh rfj %a/jtTt rov
Kvpiov vTTo T(ov aSeXcpcov — being recommended by the brethren
to the grace of the Lord. Some (Calvin, Meyer, De Wette,
Lechler, Alford, Cook) suppose that there is here an inti-
mation that the church of Antioch took part with Paul in the
dispute : he departed with the prayers of the church, whereas
Barnabas left without any expression of their sympathy.
" We may," observes Calvin, " from the context collect that
in ^this contest Paul's conduct was most approved of by the
church : for when Barnabas went away with his companion,
there is no mention of the brethren, as if he had privately
withdrawn himself, without taking leave of them ; but Paul
is recommended by the brethren to the grace of God :
whence it appears that the church rather took part with him
than with Barnabas in this matter." But too much is made
of this statement. It was not the design of Luke to pursue
the history of Barnabas further, and therefore he had no
occasion to state his departure more minutely than he has
done.
Ver. 41. AtTjp'^eTo Be rrjv Svplav koI KCkiKiav — And he
loent through Syria and Cilicia. It is to be observed that
both Barnabas and Paul go first to their native countries —
Barnabas to Cyprus, and Paul to Cilicia. The disciples in
Syria and Cilicia seem to have been disturbed by the doc-
trines of the Judaizers : to them the apostolic decree w^as
specially directed (Acts xv. 23) ; and hence Paul's work
would be to quiet these disturbances, and to establish the
Gentile Christians in their freedom from Jewish observ-
ances. By these means he would confirm the churches
(iirLG-TTjpl^wv ra^ 6KKkricrLa<;) ; and as formerly, at Antioch,
the reading of the decrees caused great joy among the
brethren, the same \yould be the case in Syria and Cilicia.
Ch. xvi. 1. KaTr)VTr}(Tev Be eh Aepfirjv Kal Avcrrpav — Then
he came to Derbe and Lystra. In journeying from Cilicia to
Lycaonia, Paul would have to cross the mountain range
of Taurus by the well-known defile called the Cilician
Gates, " a rent or fissure in the mountain chain, extend-
ing from north to south, through a distance of eighty
102 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
miles." ^ Paul came first to Derbe, the city he visited last
in his former journey, because he was now travelling in the
opposite direction.
Kai ISov [Jia67jTrj<i rt? r^v EKel ovofjuart TLfi666o<; — And, heliold,
a certain disciple ivas there, named Timotheus. It is disputed
whether Timothy was a native of Derbe or Lystra. Wieseler
and Olshausen fix on Derbe. They found this opinion on
Acts XX. 4, which they render : '^ Of the Thessalonians,
Aristarchus, and Secundus, and Gaius ; also Timotheus of
Derbe ; and of the Asiatics, Tychicus and Trophimus."
But this is an unnatural rendering of Talo<; AepPalo^ koX
TLfiodeo^i : the Kai intervening shows that AepPalo^ refers
not to Timothy, but to Gaius. On the other hand, in our
passage, rjv i/cec, was thei^e, refers most naturally to Lystra,
the place last mentioned ; and when in the next verse mention
is made of the cities where Timothy was favourably known,
Lystra is named, and the neighbouring city of Iconium,
whilst Derbe is omitted. Hence the more probable opinion
is, that Lystra was the birth-place of Timothy. So Meyer,
De Wette, Lechler, Baumgarten, Neander, Alford, and
Wordsworth. Wieseler attempts to remove these objections,
by supposing that although Timothy was a native of Derbe,
he was at present residing in Lystra.^ Timothy w^as already
a disciple (^/jiaOrjTT]^ t^?), and, as we are elsewhere informed,
a convert of Paul (1 Tim. i. 2) ; so that in all probability he
was converted during the previous visit of Paul to Lystra.
Tlo^ fyvvaLKo<i ^lovhala^ inaTrj'^, irarpo^ Se "EWtjvo^ — The
son of a Jeivish woman who believed, but of a Greek father.
Timothy was the offspring of a mixed marriage. His mother,
whose name was Eunice (2 Tim. i. 5), was a Jewish Christian.
His father was a Greek : as it is not said that he was also a
believer, it is probable that he remained a heathen, or per-
haps was by this time deceased. Such mixed marriages w^ere
not uncommon at this time. Grotius asserts that whilst the
law strictly prohibited Jews marrying Gentile women, it did
^ For a description of this route, see Conybeare and Howson, vol. i.
pp. 301-306.
2 Wieseler's Chrojiologie^ pp. 25, 26.
PAXIL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR. — XVI 3. 103
not forbid a Jewess to marry a Gentile; and he appeals
to the case of Esther. But Josephus, on the other hand,
in mentioning the marriage of Drusilla to Felix, expressly
says that Drusilla married Felix in contempt of the law
(Ant, XX. 7. 2). According to the notions of the strict
Jews, the children of such mixed marriages were regarded
as illegitimate (Ewald). Timothy, although the son of a
Jewess, was at this time uncircumcised : hence he would be
regarded by the Jews as a Gentile, or perhaps as an apostate
from Judaism, and not in any sense a proselyte. We are in-
formed that he was religiously brought up by the pious care
of his mother, so that he had never been an idolater, but,
like many devout Gentiles, had embraced the principles of
Judaism, though not actually a proselyte ; and under the
preaching of Paul, he and his mother had become Christians.
Ver. 3. TovTOV rjOeKrqaev o IlavXo^ avv avrat e^ekOeiv —
Him Paul wished to go forth ivith him. Besides Timothy's
personal qualifications and good report, the peculiarity of his
birth rendered him a suitable companion to the apostle : he
was related both to the Jews and to the Greeks. He was
now to Paul and Silas what Mark was on the former mis-
sionary journey to I^arnabas and Paul.
Kal XajScov irepLerefjiev avrov, Blcl tov<; ^lovZaiov^^ etc. —
And took and circumcised him, because of the Jews ivho loere
in these quarters, Paul circumcised Timothy, not, as Ewald
supposes, to remove the reproach of illegitimacy,^ but to
remove the offence of the Jews against the gospel. The
«Tews here mentioned are the unbelieving Jews. They would
regard Timothy not merely as an uncircumcised Gentile, but
as an apostate from Judaism ; and hence it would excite great
offence if he, being uncircumcised, assisted Paul in preach-
ing the gospel : it would perhaps have completely closed the
door of access to them. Baur objects that such conduct in
Paul is inconceivable. " That the same Paul who opposed
with all his might the circumcision of Titus out of regard to
the Jews, should, not long afterwards, from the same regard
to the Jews, cause Timothy to be circumcised, belongs
i Ewald's Geschichte des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 445.
104 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTL^:S.
certainly to those things in the Acts of the Apostles which
are incredible. It would be a denial of his principles."^
But the cases are not similar ; there are at least three
points of difference : 1. Titus was a pure Gentil? ; whereas
Timothy was a Jew by the mother's side. 2. It was the
Jewish Christians who demanded the circumcision of Titus ;
whereas it was for the sake of the unbelieving Jews that
Paul circumcised Timothy. 3. A principle of doctrine was
involved in the case of Titus, — namely, that circumcision
was essential to salvation ; whereas in the case of Timothy
there was no question of doctrine, but merely a question of
prudence. Paul here acted according to his principles of
becoming in matters of indifference all things to all men,
in order to promote the gospel of Christ ; acting as a Jew
among the Jews that he might gain the Jews, and as a
Gentile among the Gentiles that he might gain the Gentiles
(1 Cor. ix. 20-22) ; but certainly not in compliance with the
doctrine of the Judaizers, that circumcision was necessary to
salvation. It is easy to see how the want of circumcision in
Timothy would have hindered the entrance of the gospel
among the Jews, whilst his circumcision would promote that
object. We thus recognise in the apostle a grand liberal
spirit, which made all external circumstances subservient to
the advancement of the gospel; whilst in matters of principle
he would not yield one iota. He acted on the principle
which Luther promulgates when he says : " Just as I myself
in the present day, if I were to go among the Jews, and had
to preach the gospel, but saw that they were weak, should
be willing and ready to submit to circumcision, and to eat
and abstain as they did. For in whatever respect I did not
adapt myself to them, I should shut the door against myself,
and against the gospel that I preached.""
Ver. 4. 'fl<; Se hieiTopevovTO ra? iroXei^ — And as they
journeyed ihrouyh the cities. Paul revisited Derbe, Lystra,
^ Baiir's Apostel Pauhis, vol. i. p. 147.
^ For discussions on this question, see Neander's Planting^ vol. ii.
p. 119 ; Lekebusch's Quellen der ApostelgescJiichte, p. 273 ; Meyer's
ApostelgescJiichte, p. 322 ; Biscoe on the Acts, pp. 6C6-577.
PAUL'S JOUENEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR. — XVI. 5, 6. 105
and Iconium : no mention is made of Pisidian Antioch ; and
it is improbable that he revisited it, as it was out of the
route which he now took. From Iconium he woukl proceed
by the direct road to Phrygia.
Ver. 5. Al [lev ovv eicKK7)a[ai earepeovvro rfj irLarei —
Therefore wej^e the churches established in the faith^ and hi'
creased in number daily. Ovv — therefore ; in consequence
of the decrees of the Council of Jerusalem, a great hindrance
to the reception of the gospel by the Gentiles had been
removed. The churches prospered both externally and in-
ternally; externally by the increase of their numbers, and
internally by their establishment in the faith. Rarum incre-
mentum, numero simul et gradu (Bengel).
Yer. 6. AiekOovre^ he ttjv ^pvyiav — And having gone
through Plirygia. Phrygia is used in an ethnological rather
than in a political sense ; as there was at this time no
country, strictly speaking, so called. The name resembles
the old names of certain districts of Germany, such as
Westphalia, Swabia, Franconia, the Palatinate, etc., which
have ceased to have any political import. There were two
Phrygias : Phrygia Major, situated to the north of the
Taurian range ; and Phrygia Minor, along the shores of the
Hellespont (Livy, xxxviii. 39 ; Strabo, xii. 8. 1). It is
Phrygia Major that is here meant. This district cannot be
exactly defined : in the south it was separated from Pisidia
by the range of Taurus ; on the west it was bounded by
Caria, Mysia, and the other districts of proconsular Asia ; on
the north by Bithynia ; and on the east by Galatia. Its prin-
cipal cities, mentioned in the New Testament, are Colosse,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis, situated in the south of the dis-
trict. According to Josephus, numerous Jews were settled
in Phrygia in the time of the Maccabees {Ant. xii. 3. 4).
Phrygia at this time belonged to two provinces : its southern
portion was attached to proconsular Asia, and its northern
portion to Galatia.
Ta\aTLic7)v %a)/3ay — Galatian region. Galatia, or, as it is
called, Gallo-Graecia, was at this time a Roman province,
bounded on the north by Bithynia, on the east by Pontus and
106 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Cappaclocia, on the south by Pamphylia, and on the west by
proconsular Asia. Besides Galatia proper, it included the
districts of Lycaonia and the northern portion of Phrygia.
It would, however, appear that the term Galatia in the Acts
is not used politically to denote the Roman province, but
ethnologically to denote the district inhabited by the Gala-
tians, as it is in this chapter distinguished from Lycaonia
and Phrygia.^ The Galatians were the descendants of Gauls
wdio invaded Greece and Asia about B.C. 280, and after
various adventures settled down in that part of Asia. They
were reduced to a nominal dependence on the Romans by
Cneius Manlius B.C. 189 (Livy, xxxviii. 12), but were ruled
by their own princes, called at first tetrarchs, and afterwards
kings. Their last king, Amyntas, was rewarded by Augustus
for his desertion of Antony with a large extension of terri-
tory. On his death (b.c. 26), Augustus converted his king-
dom into a province (Strabo, xii. 5. 1). The language of
the Galatians was at ^first Celtic, but they soon learned
Greek, and hence were called Gallo-Grecians. Jerome tells
us that even in his time a dialect was spoken at Ancyra, the
capital of Galatia, similar to that spoken at Treves. May
there not have been some relation between this and the
dialect of the Lycaonians? (Acts xiv. 11.)^
From the incidental manner in which it is here mentioned
that Paul passed through Phrygia and Galatia, we would be
led to suppose that it was merely a flying visit which he paid
to these two districts ; but we learn from the Epistle to the
Galatians that this was not the case. Concerning his labours
in Phrygia, indeed, we have no further account. It is im-
probable that he then, as some suppose, preached the gospel
in Colosse and Laodicea ; as these cities lay too far to the
south, and indeed it is doubtful if he ever visited them
(Col. ii. 1). But it was at this time that the churches in
Galatia were founded. What cities he visited, and how
^ De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 127; Meyer's Brief an die Galatei\
pp. 2, 3.
2 Winer's WorterhucTi ; Lange's apostolisches Zeitalier ; Smith's Dic-
tionary ; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.— XVI. 6. 107
long he tarried, is not mentioned; yet we infer from the
epistle that he remained in the district for a considerable
time. He speaks of having preached to them the gospel
at the first through infirmity of the flesh (3t' acrdeveiav r?}?
(TapKo<;, Gal. iv. 13), probably some bodily afiliction under
which he then laboured. No country embraced the gospel
so readily and cordially ; Paul was received and welcomed
by them as if he were an angel sent from heaven (Gal. iv.
14, 15). It is difficult to account for the omission by Luke
of these important and successful evangelistic labours of
Paul in Galatia. Meyer supposes that it was on account
of the imperfection of the records which he employed ;
Olshausen and Lange think that he hastened to record the
labours of the apostle in Europe ; Baumgarten thinks that
it was outside of his plan, which was to trace the develop-
ment of Christianity from Jerusalem to Rome ; Schnecken-
burger, that it was because there were no Jews in these
quarters; and Alford, because the narrator was not with
the apostle during this part of his route. Whatever be the
reason, the omission shows that the Acts contains only an
imperfect account of the missionary labours of Paul.
KoSXvOevre^ viro tov a^iov JJi/evfiaro^ — beiiig prevented by
the Holy Ghost. From Galatia Paul intended to go south
to proconsular Asia, but was prevented preaching there by
the Holy Ghost. By the Holy Ghost we are not to under- .
stand " the spirit of prudence, which judged correctly of
circumstances" (De Wette), or " the internal tact of the
apostle, which he regarded as the voice of the Spirit" ^
(Zeller), but the objective Spirit of God. The Spirit spoke
to him either through one of the prophets, or by an internal
impression. The reason why he was prevented preaching in
Asia cannot be referred to the absolute decrees of God
(Calvin), but because he was now to pass over to Europe —
to the very centre of heathenism. Afterwards Paul fully
preached the gospel of Christ in Asia.
'Ev rfi 'Aala — in Asia. By Asia, in the Acts of the
Apostles, as already observed, we are to understand neither
the continent of Asia nor the peninsula of Asia Minor, but
108 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the proconsular province of Asia, including the districts of
Lydia, Caria, and Mysia — the ancient kingdom of Pergamus^
(see note to Acts ii. 9).
Yer. 7. ^ExOovre^ Kara Tr]v Mvalav — after they luere come
toward Mysia^ i.e. to the borders of Mysia. Mysia \yas a
district of proconsular Asia, lying along the shores of the
Hellespont, adjoining to Bithynia (Strabo, xii. 4, 5). This is
the only place where the word occurs in the New Testament.
'ETrelpa^ov eh rip BiOvvlav nTopevOrjvai — they atteinjyted to
go into Bithynia. Bithynia was a Roman province adjoining
proconsular Asia, and situated along the south-western shores
of the Black Sea (Strabo, xii. 4. 1). It was left as a legacy
to the Romans by its last king, Nicomedes iii., B.C. 73
(Eutrop. vi. 6). In the reign of Augustus, Bithynia and
Pontus constituted one province (Dio, liii. 12) ; but under
Nero, Pontus was converted into a separate province. It
was over Bithynia that Pliny was governor, wdien he wrote
his remarkable letter concerning the purity and constancy of
the Christians to the Emperor Trajan. At that time, as
Pliny states, many of all ages, and of every rank, had
embraced the gospel, and the temples were almost forsaken
(Plin. X. 96, 97). Nicomedia, the residence of the emperors
of the East before the building of Constantinople, and Nicsea
and Chalcedon, celebrated for their ecclesiastical councils,
were cities in Bithynia. Kal ovk eiaaev avrov^ to Uvevfia
^Irjaov — and the Spirit of Jesus suffered them not. This
remarkable expression, ^' the Spirit of Jesus," which does not
elsewhere occur in Scripture, is the unquestionable reading
of the text.
Yer. 8. IlapeXOovTe^ Se t7]v Mvalav — and Jiaving passed hy
Mysia. " Passed by," not in the sense of avoiding it, for
Paul could not get to Troas without traversing IMysia ; but
in the sense of hastily passing through it. They did not
preach the gospel there, because they had been prevented by
the Holy Ghost from preaching the word in Asia. Kare-
^rjaav — they came down, descended to the coast.
^ Perhaps here the term is employed in a still more limited sense, and
is restricted to Lydian Asia, as it is distinguished from Mysia.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR. — XVI. 8. 109
Ek TpcpdSa — to Troas. Troas, or, according to its full
name, Alexandria Troas, was a seaport on the Hellespont,
between the promontories of Lectum and Sigeum, about four
miles distant from the site of ancient Troy. It was situated
in the Mysian district of proconsular Asia, and was, as we
find in the Acts, a frequent point of embarkation to Greece
from proconsular Asia (Acts xx. 5). It was built by Anti-
gonus, one of the successors of Alexander, and called by him
Antigoneia Troas ; but this name was afterwards changed
by Lysimachus into Alexandria Troas, in honour of Alexander
the Great (Strabo, xiii. 1. 26).^ Under the Romans it became
one of the most important cities of proconsular Asia : it
received from Augustus the privilege of being a Roman
colony (Plin. v. 30). According to Suetonius, Julius CaBsar
once contemplated to transfer to it the capital of the empire
(Julius Cses. Ixxix.) : and Constantine had still more serious
thoughts of doing so ; for before he ultimately, fixed on the
site of Constantinople, he commenced to build at Alexandria
Troas (Gibbon, ch. xvii.) : the name which it still bears
among the Turks is Eski-Stamboul, or Old Constantinople.
Troas is now in ruins ; but these are extensive and magni-
ficent, proving the importance that it once possessed. " The
ground in every direction," observes Fellows, " within the
walls, was strewn with carvings, mouldings, and pedestals
in marble, some of which had inscriptions, generally in the
Greek language." The harbour is still traceable, though
now shut out from the sea by a narrow strip of land.^
1 The full name on the coins is Col. Alexandria Augusta Troas. See
Eckhel, Doctrina numorum veterujji, vol. ii. p. 481.
2 Fellows' Asia Minor, pp. 59-75.
SECTION IX.
PAUL AT PHILIPPI.— Acts xvi. 9-40.
9 And a vision appeared to Paul in the night : There stood a certain
Macedonian, beseeching him, and saying, Come over into Macedonia,
and help us. 10 And after he had seen the vision, immediately we
sought to go into Macedonia, concluding that the Lord had called us to
preach the gospel to them. 11 Then, having sailed from Troas, we came
by a straight course to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis ;
12 And thence to PhilijDpi, which is the first city of the district of
Macedonia, and a colony : and we were in that city abiding certain days.
13 And on the Sabbath-day we went out of the gate to a river, where
a place of prayer was wont to be ; and we sat down, and spoke to the
women who were assembled. 14 And a certain woman named Lydia,
a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, who worshipped God, heard
us : whose heart the Lord opened, to attend to the things spoken by
Paul. 15 And when she was baptized, and her house, she besought us,
saying, If ye have judged me to be a believer in the Lord, come into
my house, and abide. And she constrained us.
16 And it came to pass, as we were going to the place of prayer, a
certain female slave having a Pythonic spirit met us, who brought her
masters much gain by soothsaying : 17 The same, following Paul and
us, cried, saying, These men are the servants of the most high God, who
announce to you the way of salvation. 18 And this she did many days.
But Paul, being grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee,
in the name of Jesus Christ, to come out of her. And he came out the
same hour. 19 And when her masters saw that the hope of their gains
was gone, they seized on Paul and Silas, and drew them to the market-
place to the rulers, 20 And brought them to the prsetors, saying,
These men, being Jews, create disturbance in our city, 21 And teach
customs which are not lawful for us to receive, nor to practise, being
Romans. 22 And the multitude rose up together against them : and the
praetors having rent off their clothes, commanded to beat them with
rods. 23 And when they had laid many stripes upon them, they cast
them into prison, having charged the jailor to keep them safely :
24 Who, having received such a charge, thrust them into the inner
prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks. 25 And at midnight
Paul and Silas praying, sang praises unto God : and the prisoners heard
110
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. Ill
them. 26 And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the
foundations of the prison were shaken : and immediately all the doors
were opened, and the bands of all were loosened. 27 And the jailor
awaking from sleep, and seeing the doors of the prison open, drew his
sword, and would have killed himself, thinking that the prisoners had
fled. 28 But Paul cried with a loud voice. Do thyself no harm : for we
are all here. 29 Then he called for lights, and sprang in, and came
trembling, and fell down before Paul and Silas, 30 And brought them
out, and said, Sirs, what must I do to be saved? 31 And they said,
Believe on the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved, and thy house.
32 And they spake to him the word of the Lord, with all who were in
his house. 33 And he took them at that hour of the night, and washed
their stripes ; and was baptized, he and all his, immediately. 34 And
when he had brought them into the house, he set meat before them, and
rejoiced, that he with all his house had believed on God.
35 But when it was day, the praetors sent the lictors, saying. Release
these men. 36 And the jailor told these words to Paul, The prsetors
have sent that ye may be released : now therefore depart, and go in
peace. 37 But Paul said to them, They have beaten us openly uncon-
demned, men who are Romans, and have cast us into prison : and now
do they thrust us out secretly ? Nay verily ; but let them come them-
selves and fetch us out. 38 And the lictors told these words to the
prsetors : and they were afraid, when they heard that they were Romans.
39 And they came and besought them, and brought them out, and
desired them to depart from the city. 40 And having come out of
prison, they went into the house of Lydia : and having seen the brethren,
they exhorted them, and departed.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 13. JToXeo)? is the reading of E, G, H ; whereas A, B,
C, D, t5 read ttuX?;?, the reading adopted by Lachmann and
Tischendorf. Ver. 16. TIvOwvo^; {textus recepfus) is found
in D, E, G, H ; whereas A, B, C, X read irvOcova^ the
reading adopted by almost all recent critics. Ver. 17.
^Tfjblv after Kara^yyeWovaiv is adopted by Lachmann and
Tischendorf, according to B, D, E, S* ; rj/ilv is the reading
of A, C, G, H, and is preferred by Meyer and Alford.
Ver. 31. Xpiarov, found in C, D, E, G, H, is wanting in
A, B, t<, and is rejected by Tischendorf, Lachmann, and
Meyer. Ver. 32. Kal iraai occurs in E, G, H ; whereas
avv iraai is the reading of A, B, C, D, i^, and is adopted by
112 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
all recent critics. Ver. 40. IIpo^ is decidedly to be pre-
ferred to 669, which is found in no uncial MS.
EXEGETICAL REMAEKS.
Ver. 9. Kai opa/ia Bia vvkto<; tm UavXM cocpOrj — And a
vision appeared to Paul in the night. The expression does
not necessarily suppose that the revelation was imparted to
Paul in a dream (Heinrichs, Kuinoel, Zeller) ; for if so, it
would have been more definitely stated (Matt. ii. 22). 'Avr]p
MaKeBcov Ti? ^v ecrra)? — there was standing a certain Mace-
donian. Paul recognised his country from the words of the
vision. Grotius arbitrarily supposes that it was the guardian
angel of IN^^acedonia who now appeared. Perhaps it might
be the form of the Philippian jailor, as rt? implies a certain
definiteness.^ We are not to suppose anything real, but
merely a representation to the mind. ^Av-qp MafceScov^ the
well-known expression of Demosthenes referring to Philip.
*' The Macedonian spirit once, as a proud concpaeror, crossed
the Hellespont, and filled Asia with his glory ; but now he
stands as a suppliant before a man who has no other weapon
than the sword of the Spirit" (Lange).^
Aiaj^a^ eh MaKehoviav — having j^cissed over to Macedonia.
This most celebrated country lay to the north of Greece.
Its boundaries varied at different periods. Under Philip and
his more distinguished son it reached the climax of its glory.
Macedonia was conquered by the Romans B.C. 167, when
Perseus, the last of its kings, was defeated by Paulus
iEmilius. It was then converted into a Roman province,
and divided into four parts, each district having a capital of
its own. Capita regionum^ uhi concilia jierent^ primce, regionis
Aniphipolin^ secundce Tltessalonicen^ tertite Pellianij quartan
Pelagoniam fecit (Li v. xlv. 29).^ Thessalonica was the
1 Just as the high priest Jaddua is said to have been seen by Alex-
ander in a vision, inviting him to come over to Asia (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8. 5).
2 Lange's das apostoHsche Zeitalter, p. 202.
3 Akerman, in his Numismatic Illustrations, gives examples of coins
of each of these four divisions, pp. 43, 44.
PAUL AT PHILIPPI.— XVI. 10. 113
general capital of the whole province, and the residence of
the Roman governor. Macedonia had numerous flourishing
cities : of these, Philippi, Thessalonica, AmphipoHs, Apollonia,
and Berea, are mentioned in the Acts.^ It now constitutes
part of Turkey ; and notwithstanding the oppression of the
Turks, Christianity, though in a poor condition, exists to this
day.
Ver. 10. ''E^ijrrjcra/iJLev — loe sought. After the vision, Paul
and his companions immediately sought to go to Macedonia,
namely, by inquiry after a ship to cross the ^gean Sea.
It is observable that the first person is here introduced for
the first time, the author thus intimating his presence. From
this, it appears that Luke joined Paul's company at Troas.
Wieseler fancifully supposes that he did so as a physician, on
account of the state of Paul's health. With regard to the
reasons why Luke never mentions his own name throughout
the whole history, Meyer supposes that it was because it
was well known to Theophilus;^ whereas Olshausen, with
more probability, suggests a feeling of modesty. Though
Paul mentions him in honourable terms in his epistles, yet
he himself omits any relation of what he did in the cause
of Christianity. With regard to the other suppositions, as
to the authorship of those portions of the Acts where the
author includes himself — that they were written by Timothy
(Schleiermacher, Mayerhoff, Ulrich, Bleek, De Wette) or by
Silas (Schwanbeck) — see introductory chapter.
^vfjL^i^d^ovT6<; on TrpoaKeKXrjrai, ly/^a? o Kvpio^ evajyekl-
caa-Oai avTov<^ — concluding that the Lord had called us to
preach the gospel to them. Paul and his companions had
been prevented by the Spirit preaching the gospel in pro-
consular Asia and Bithynia : they had now arrived at Troas,
on the ^gean Sea, directly opposite to Macedonia ; and now
a vision appears to Paul, calling him to come over to Mace-
donia and help them : hence they rightly conclude that the
call proceeded from Christ Himself.
^ The Eoman province of Macedonia comprised Macedonia proper,
Epirus, Thessaly, and part of Illyricum.
2 Meyer's ApostelgescMchte, p. 325.
VOL. II. H
114 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Ver. 11. Ev6vSpofjL7]a-afjiev — ive came hy a straight course:
a nautical expression, referring to the favourable nature of
the voyage — " we sailed before the wind." Two days were
occupied in sailing from Troas to Neapolis; whereas five
days were consumed in sailing in a contrary direction from
Neapolis to Troas (Acts xx. 6).
Scifio6paK7)v. Samothracia, a small island, eight miles
long, and six broad, in the ^gean Sea, was so called because
it lay off the coast of Thrace, and to distinguish it from the
island of Samos, off the coast of Ionia (Acts xx. 15). In
ancient times it was celebrated for its religious mysteries —
a mixture of Grecian and Oriental mythology (Strabo, x.
3. 20, 21). Its modern name is Samotraki.
Ek Nec^iToKiv. Neapolis was a seaport on the Gulf of
Strymon (Strabo, Fragm, 32), opposite the island of Thasos,
about ten miles from Philippi. At this period it was a town
of Thrace, Philippi being the frontier town of Macedonia
(Pliny, iv. 18). In the time of Vespasian, Neapolis, along
with the whole country of Thrace, was united to the Macedo-
nian province (Suetonius, Vesp. 8). It is now known by the
name of Cavallo, a small seaport belonging to the Turkish
province of Macedonia.^ A few ruins and inscriptions serve
to point out the site. It must ever be illustrious as the first
place in Europe visited by Paul, the greatest missionary of
the Christian faith.
Ver. 12. Et9 ^ L\L7nrov<; — to PhillppL Philippi was
situated about ten miles from the sea, with which it com-
municated by its port Neapolis. Its original name was
Crenides, or the Fountains, so called from its numerous
springs : afterwards it was known by the name of Datum. ^
Datum was a Thracian town, but was conquered by Philip,
who rebuilt and fortified it, giving it the name of Philippi
^ The identity of the modern Cavallo with the ancient Neapohs has
been proved by Dr. Hackett, who visited it and Phihppi in December
1858. See also Clark's Travels^ ch. xii, and xiii.
2 " Phihppi," observes Strabo, " w'as formerly called Crenides : it
was a small settlement, but increased after the defeat of Brutus and
Cassius " (Strabo, Fragm. 41, 43).
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 12. if J
after himself (b.c. 358). In the neighbourhood were gold
mines, which Philip worked to such advantage that he is said
to have acquired the supremacy of Greece by the treasures
which he thus obtained. Philippi is celebrated in history
as the battle-field where the Roman republic received its
death-blow, when Brutus and Cassius were totally over-
thrown by Augustus and Antony. But to Christians it is
still more interesting, as the city where Paul first preached
the gospel in Europe, and to the church of which he wrote
his epistle. Its site is now occupied by an insignificant
village called Filiba. The ruins are extensive, though the
only remains of importance are two gateways, supposed to
belong to the age of Claudius.
^'Htl<; iarlv Trpcorr] Trj<; /u-eptSo? t^<? M.aKehov[a<i 7r6\t<; —
zvhich is the first city of the district of Macedonia, Mepl^^ a
part or district. Some suppose that the reference is to the
division of Macedonia into four parts, made two hundred
years before this by Paulus ^milius ; but this division was
in all probability temporary. It may refer to the district or
country of Macedonia, as distinguished from the province,
which included also Epirus and Thessaly. Several meanings
have been given to this description of Philippi. 1. Some
suppose that 'Trpcorr) TroXt? signifies the capital, the chief city,
— a translation of which the words easily admit, but which
does not accord with history. Ewald thinks that Philippi
was the capital of the whole province, and the residence
of the Eoman proconsul ; but these distinctions belonged to
Thessalonica. Others suppose that it was the capital of that
part of Macedonia, Macedonia Prima, where Paul then was ;
l3ut we learn from Livy that this was Amphipolis. It is,
however, maintained that Amphipolis had by this time
decayed, and that Philippi, by reason of its increasing im-
portance, was now esteemed the chief city of Macedonia
Prima. This assertion, however, is not confirmed by history ;
and besides, the division of Macedonia into four parts had pro-
bably long before this ceased. 2. Other interpreters suppose
that the true reading is not Trpcorrj ttJ?, but Trpcorr]^ (Pierce,
Doddridge), a city of the first 'part of Macedonia ; but this is
^16 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
a critical emendation unsupported by the authority of mss.,
and is therefore to be rejected. 3. Others (Kuinoel, Hug,
Stier, Humphry) take irpcorr] TroXt? in the sense of a chief
town — a town dignified by the title Trpcorr} ; and for this they
appeal to inscriptions on coins in which certain Greek cities,
although not capitals, are styled Trpcorr]. This title is found
on the coins of Pergamus and Smyrna, cities of proconsular
Asia, as well as of Ephesus, the capital of the province.
But there is no proof from coins that this title was con-
ferred on Philippi ; and, so far as has yet been discovered,
it is restricted to the cities of proconsular Asia. 4. Others
(Grotius, Baumgarten, Meyer, Lange) combine Trpcorr] TroXt?
with KoXcovla — the first colonial city of the district : either
in point of importance the most distinguished (Meyer), or
of geographical situation the first at which Paul arrived
(Grotius). But it is more natural to consider Kokwvia as an
independent predicate. 5. Others (Bengel, Olshausen, De
Wette, Winer, Lechler, Wieseler, Davidson, Alford, Cony-
beare and Howson) render it, the first city of the district
of Macedonia — that is, of Macedonia proper, at which Paul
arrived. The expression Trpcorr] TroXt? is thus understood in
a topographical sense. This appears to be the correct mean-
ing, especially as it has been rendered probable that Neapolis
was not only the mere port of Philippi (Olshausen), but at
that time a town of Thrace, and not of Macedonia. The
objection to this rendering is, that the verb icrri, is, denotes
a permanent distinction ; whereas, had Luke meant to de-
note the first city at which they arrived, he would have used
rjvj was. But this is hypercriticism : Luke might well say,
"which is the first city of Macedonia," meaning the first city
to which they came.
KdXcovla — a colony. Augustus bestowed upon Philippi
the privilege of a colony, with the Jus Italicum (Plin. iv. 18 ;
Dio Cass. li. 4). Its full name on its coins is, Colonia
Augusta Julia Philippensis.^ The Eoman colonies are not
to be understood as similar to our colonies. They were
1 According to Akerman, there are colonial coins of Philippi from the
reign of Augustus to that of Caracalla. He gives an example of a coin
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 13. 117
rather an extension of Eome itself. The colonists were not
only governed by Roman laws, but they had their rulers —
their senate and magistrates — similar to those which Rome
possessed, and were recognised as the full citizens of the
empire, with the right of voting at Rome. Only the de-
scendants of^the colonists, and not the^ original inhabitants
of the city, had the privilege of Roman citizens. The
privileges of these colonial cities varied. Some had to pay
a tax for the land, as being provincial ground ; others re-
ceived the additional privilege of Jus Italicum, by which
they were freed from such taxation. Ager Italicus immimis
est : ager 'provincialis vectigalis est, Philippi was one of
those colonies which enjoyed the Jus Italicum (Dion Cassias,
li. 4).i
Ver. 13. TIapa TTora/jLov — ht/ a Quiver. This river was not
the Strymon (De Wette, Neander), which was nearly a day's
journey from Philippi, and between which and the town was
the plain where the celebrated battle was fought ; but pro-
bably the Gangas, or Gangites, a small rivulet which flows
close by Philippi, generally dry in summer, but swollen in
winter (Hackett). Ov ivojjLL^ero irpocrev^^rj elvai — where a
place of prayer (^proseucJia) was ivont to be. The proseuchce
were places of prayer, which the Jews had in cities where,
either on account of the smallness of their numbers, or the
prohibition of the magistrates, they had no synagogues.
Sometimes they were buildings, and at other times they were
open places, such as groves, gardens, etc. Sometimes they
were within the walls of cities, but in general without the
gates. Here it would seem from the word eVoyLt/fero that the
proseucha at Philippi was an open place. The Jews gene-
rally had these places of prayer by the sea-side, or near
rivers, for the sake of purification. Thus Josephus states
one of the terms of the decree of the city of Halicarnassus
of Claudius, which is contemporary with the visit of Paul to Philippi.
See Eckhel's Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. ii. pp. 75, 76.
1 For further information, see Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, pp.
331 and 344, and works on Roman antiquities; also Biscoe on the
Acts, pp. 120-122 ; and Alford's New Testament, vol. ii. p. 162.
118 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
in favour of the Jews to be, "that they may make their
proseucJice at the sea-side, according to the customs of their
forefathers" (Ant. xiv. 10. 23). And Tertullian mentions,
among other Jewish rites and customs, orationes littorales^
i.e. prayers offered up on the shores {adv. JVationes, i. 13).^
It would appear that there was no synagogue at Phihppi.
The number of Jews seems to have been small, as it was not
a mercantile, but a military town. We do not read of oppo-
sition from the Jew^s, as in other places ; and the j^'^oseiicha
by the river-side was frequented only by women. Tat?
(7vvek6ov(Tat<^ <yvvat^LV — to the icomen assembled. Calvin sup-
poses that the reason w^hy there were only w^omen, was be-
cause they were more susceptible of religion than the men.
Schrader thinks that the Jews had been banished. These
are mere arbitrary suppositions. Most probably these women
were chiefly Jewish proselytes, as we learn elsewhere that
Judaism was embraced by many women among the Greeks.
Lydia, here mentioned, was a proselyte.
Ver. 14. AvZla — Lydia. Lydia was a common female
name among the Greeks and Eomans ; and therefore it is
improbable that she was so called merely because she was
a Lydian by birth (Grotius). Tlop<j>vp67r(oki<^ — a seller of
pw'jyle: either of the colouring matter, or what is more
likely, of the fabric already dyed. IToXew? ©varelpcDV — of
the city of Tliyatira. Thyatira was a city of the Lydian
district of proconsular Asia. It is one of the seven churches
mentioned in the Apocalypse. We are informed that it was
a Macedonian colony (Strabo, xiii. 4. 4) ; but what is a still
more remarkable coincidence, we learn from authentic records
that the district of Lydia, and the city of Thyatira in par-
ticular, w^as famous for its purple dyes. Thus Claudian : non
sic dectis ardet erhurnum Lydia Sidonia quod fcemina tinxerit
ostro {Rapt. Proserp. i. 270). See also Homer's Iliad , iv.
141, 142. And among the ruins of Thyatira an inscription
has been found relating to the guild of dyers (ot /Sacpets;).'^
^ Lardner's Works, vol. i. pp. 61, 62.
2 It is said that the art of dyeing is still practised in the modem town
called Akhissar (Cook on the Acts, p. 195).
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 15, 16. 119
He/3o/jL€vr) TOP Seov — lulio icorsliipped God; a proselyte to
Judaism — a convert from heathenism.
Ver. 15. Kal 6 oIko<; avrrj^ — and her house. It has been
disputed whether this phrase includes the children of Lydia,
and can be adduced as an argument in favour of infant
baptism. Meyer, De Wette, Neander, and Olshausen deny
that infants are here included; Bengel, Wordsworth, and
Alford take the opposite view of the subject. Evidently the
passage in itself cannot be adduced as a proof either for or
against infant baptism : there is in it no indication whether
there were or were not children in the household of Lydia.
The argument rests not on any solitary passage, but on the
number of instances in which it is said that households were
baptized. Quis credat, in tot familiis nidlum fuisse infantem ?
(Bengel.) The subject, however, belongs to dogmatical, and
not to exegetical theology. El KeKpUari fie Trtcrrrjv toj Kvplco
elvai — if ye have judged me to he a believer in the Lord : not
faithful to the Lordj for that judgment would have been
precipitate ; but a believer in the Loi'd, The perfect here
is entirely correct, and is not to be taken for the present
(Kuinoel) ; because Paul, by administering the sacrament of
baptism, had already pronounced the judgment that she was
a believer in the Lord.
Yer. 16. ^Eyevero Be — But it came to j^ass : not on
the same day (Kuinoel), but evidently some time after.
Paul and his companions continued for several Sabbaths to
frequent the proseucha by the river-side, and to discourse
there to the w^omen assembled. Hvevfia irvOcova — a Pythonic
spirit. Python was the serpent that guarded Delphi, which
was slain by Apollo ; and hence that god was called Pythius.
In the temple of Apollo the organ of the oracle was always
a woman, said to be inspired by the god. The heathen
inhabitants of Philippi accordingly regarded this woman as
inspired by Apollo ; and Luke here uses the term in accom-
modation to their views. In later times a Pythonic spirit
was regarded as the same as a ventriloquist i&^'^adTpiyuvQoi ;
Plutarch, de oracul. defectu^ p. 414).-^ Hence some suppose
1 Augustine calls this female slave ventriloquafoemma (de Civ. Dei, ii. 23).
120 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
that tills female slave possessed the gift of ventriloquism, but
lost it through alarm at the sudden address of Paul. The
manner, however, in which Luke relates the history, plainly
implies that she was one of those who in early Christian
times were possessed with a devil : in other words, that she
was a demoniac, and not an impostor. Paul addresses the
evil spirit, and commands him to come out of her ; and we
are informed that he came out of her the same hour. We
are not, however, to suppose that Paul adopted the super-
stitious notions of the heathen, that this woman was inspired
by Apollo. He himself asserts that an idol is nothing in the
world (1 Cor. viii. 4). To him the individual deity Apollo
was a nonentity — a mere phantom of the imagination. Apollo
did not actuate this slave, but some evil spirit did. Accord-
ing to the views of the heathen, she had a Pythonic spirit ;
according to the views of Paul, she was a demoniac, similar
to those who are so frequently mentioned in the Gospels.
We reserve the discussion of demoniacal possession until we
come to consider Acts xix. 13-16. Tot^; Kvploi^ avTrj<; — to
her masters. It would appear from this that she was the
property of several masters. She was a valuable possession
to them, because her soothsaying, which was supposed to
emanate from Apollo, was a source of great gain ; just as
fortune-telling is, when men are credulous and superstitious.
Ver. 17. OmoL ol avOpcoirot SovXot rov ©eov. etc. — These
men are the servants of the most liigh God. It is unnecessary
to suppose that she merely uttered what she had heard spoken
by others ; but the case is similar to the testimonies of evil
spirits in favour of Christ recorded in the Gospels, however
such testimonies are to be explained (Matt. viii. 29 ; Mark
iii. 11 ; Luke viii. 28). Either the evil spirits were con-
strained, against their will, to bear this testimony to Christ
and His disciples, or they wished to make it appear that they
were confederate with them. Certainly not, as Walcli sup-
poses, " the damsel so called after Paul, in order to obtain
money from him."
Ver. 18. jdiaTTovydeU — being grieved. The word involves
the idea both of grief and indignation : grief for the unfor-
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 19, 20. 121
tunate condition of the slave ; indignation at the evil spirit
by whom she was possessed, TS Trvevfiarc elirev — said to the
spirit : thus distinguishing the evil spirit from the woman.
Neither Christ nor His apostles would receive testimony
from devils. ^Ev ovofxaro ^Irjaov XpccrTOv^ i^eXOelv air avrrj^
— In the name of Jesus Christ, come out of her, Christ per-
formed miracles in His own name ; the apostles did so in
the name of Christ. The one was the Son ; the others were
the servants of the household. " In my name shall they
cast out devils" (Mark xvi. 17).
Ver. 19. ^ETTLka/Bo/jLevoc rov JJavXav Kal HlXav — seizing on
Paul and Silas, as being the principal persons. Timothy
and Luke were left unmolested. Eh rrjv djopav — to the
market-place : the chief place of concourse, where the courts
of justice were held. ^Eirl tou? dp')(^ovTa<; — to the rulers : a
generic term, the same as the o-TpaT7j<yoL in the next verse.
Yer. 20. ToL(; aTparrjyoLf; — to the praetors. The usual
name of the two chief magistrates of a Roman colony was
duumviri, answering to the consuls of Rome. They, how-
ever, took a pride in calling themselves by the Roman title,
prcetores, as being a more honourable appellation. Thus
Cicero, speaking of the magistrates of Capua, says: Cum
in cceteris coloniis Duumviri appellentur, hi se Proitores ap-
pellari volehant (Be Leg. Agr. c. 34).^ And no doubt the
example set by Capua was followed by other colonial cities.
^TpaT7]ryoij then, is an appropriate term to denote the magis-
trates of Philippi, a Roman colony, being the Greek equi-
valent for the Latin pi'-cetores. Wetstein informs us that
even in the present day (1754) the inhabitants of Messina
call the prefect of their city Stradigo.^ 'lovBatoL vTrdpxovre^
— being Jews ; used in a contemptuous manner, to excite the
prsetors and the multitude against the disciples. The Jews
were despised and hated by the Gentiles, and were at this
time in special disgrace, as they had lately been banished
from Rome by Claudius. The magistrates would be espe-
cially enraged if they found that Jews were propagating
1 Biscoe on the Acts^ p. 317.
2 Lewin's St. Paul, vol. i. p. 246.
122 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
their noxious opinions among the citizens. The distinction
between Christians and Jews does not appear to have been
recognised at PhiHppi.
Yer. 21. Kal KarayeXkovaiv eOr) — and teach customs which
are not lau^fulfor us to receive or practise^ being Romans. As
Calvin strikingly remarks : " The accusation was craftily-
composed : on the one hand, they boast of the name of
Romans, than wdiich no name w^as more honourable ; on the
other handj they excite hatred against the apostles, and bring
them into contempt by calling them Jews, which name was
at that time infamous : for, as regards religion, the Romans
had less affinity to the Jews than to any other nation." It
is not clear how far the teaching of strange religious customs
was then punishable by the Roman law. The Romans
granted absolute toleration to the nations whom they con-
quered to follow their own religious customs : they took the
gods of these countries under their protection. But, on the
other hand, there were laws which forbade the introduction
of strange deities among the Romans themselves (Liv. xxxix.
16). For example, the Jews were allowed the unrestricted
observance of their own religion, but it was contrary to the
strict Roman law to propagate their opinions among the
Romans : they might make proselytes of other nations, but
not of the Romans : hence the force of the words *P(OfiaiOL<;
ovcTLv. *^ Judaism," observes Neander, ''was a religio licita
for the Jews. Nevertheless they were not allowed to pro-
pagate their religion among the Roman pagans, wdio were
expressly forbidden under heavy penalties to undergo cir-
cumcision."^ These laws were perhaps not generally acted
upon, but they might at any time be put into execution.
And on the ground of these laws, Christianity was afterwards
systematically persecuted by the Roman government : it was
regarded as a religio illicita, especially as it was the religion
of no particular country.
Yer. 22. Kal aweTrearr) 6 0^X09 Kar avrwv — And the
mxdtitude rose up together against, them. The multitude made
common cause with the masters of the female slave against
1 Neander's Church History^ vol. i. p. 123, Bohn's edition.
PAUL AT PHILIPPI.— XVI. 24. 123
the Christians : there was a popular tumult ; and the praetors,
terrified thereby, without examining into the case, hastily
commanded Paul and Silas to be beaten, in order to appease
the clamours of the people. Uepiprj^avTe^ avrcov ra l/jbdria
— having rent off their clothes. Not that the praators rent
their own clothes from indignation, as Erasmus strangely
imagines ; or that they rent off the clothes of Paul and Silas
with their own hands, as Bengel thinks ; but that they com-
manded the lictors to do so. When persons were ordered to
be scourged, the clothes were violently pulled off by the
executioners : lacere vestem (Liv., Tac). ^EKeXevov pajSSi^eLv
— thei/ commanded to beat them ivith ovds. In 2 Cor. xi. 25
Paul says, " Thrice was I beaten with rods :" this was one
of the instances ; the other two are not recorded. 'Pa/SSi^eLV
— "to beat with a rod :" the mode in which scourging was
administered by the Romans.
Ver. 24. Eh rrjv iawrepav ^vXaKrjv — into the inner prison.
The jailor having received the order to keep them safely,
adopted a double precaution : he thrust them into the inner
prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks. The stocks
(fuXoz^, Latin nervus) was an instrument not only of deten-
tion, but of torture. It consisted of a wooden block, furnished
with holes, into which the legs of the prisoner were put, and
which could be stretched from each other. Potter, in his
Roman Antiquities^ tells us that not unfrequently they dis-
located the joints. Eusebius informs us that Origen, in
his old age, was put to this torture: ^'For many days he
was extended and stretched to the distance of four holes on
the rack" {Hist. JEccl. vi. 39).
It is to be observed that here, for the first time, mention
is made of a persecution of the Christians caused by the
Roman authority. In other places, as at Jerusalem, Pisidian
Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra, either the Jews were the sole
persecutors, or else the multitude w^as stirred up by them :
there was no interference on the part of the Roman govern-
ment. But here the Jews do not seem to have been con-
cerned at all ; on the contrary, the Christians are punished
on the mistaken notion that they were propagating Jewish
124 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
opinions. The charge brought against them was, that they
were disturbers of the peace. The mob was excited against
them, and the magistrates yielded to their clamours. And
this was a prelude to those frequent persecutions to which,
during the first three centuries, the Roman government
subjected the Christians.
Ver. 25. IIpo<Tev')(oiJbevoL vfivOvv rov ©eov — Praying^ they
sang hymns to God : not, as in our version, '' prayed, and
sang praises to God." Their singing of hymns was their
prayer : probably the Psalms of David, many of which were
appropriate to their situation. Nihil cms sentit in nervOj
qiiiim animus in coalo est (TertuUian) : " The limb feels
nothing in the stocks, when the mind is in heaven.''
Ver. 26. "At^vco Se aeLo-fw^ iyevero fier/a'; — And suddenly
there was a great earthquake. There is no doubt that this is
represented by the historian as a miraculous interposition.
Whilst Paul and Silas are singing praises to God, an earth-
quake shakes the prison, all the doors are thrown open, and
the chains of all the prisoners are loosened. Natural ex-
planations are inadmissible. The objections which Baur
and Zeller advance, arise solely from the supposed incredi-
bility of the miracle, and therefore can have no weight with
those who believe in the reality of miraculous interven-
tion. Zeller observes : " The entire miracle is superfluous,
as the deliverance of the two prisoners was effected not by
the miracle, but by the order of the duumviri." ^ But it is
not our province to judge of the use or uselessness of par-
ticular miracles: and besides, the conversion of the jailor
was the result of the miracle.
Ver. 27. "E/JieWev eaurov avaipelv — would have hilled him-
self. The jailor, awaking from his sleep, seeing the prison
doors open, drew his sword, and in the excitement of the
moment would have killed himself, naturally concluding that
the prisoners had escaped. If the prisoners had escaped, he
was liable to the same punishment which they were to suffer.
Suicide was then prevalent among the Romans, and was not
regarded as a crime. On the contrary, it was at that time
^ Zeller's AposteUjeschichte^ p. 253.
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 28-30. 125
even looked upon as an honourable action.^ It had been
sanctioned by the illustrious example of Cato ; and even at
this very place, in Philippi, Brutus and Cassias, and many
of the conspirators of Caesar, put an end to their lives. It
has been asked why the jailor, before he proceeded to such
a desperate act, ''did not first go and see if things were
really as bad as he feared" (Baur). But the answer is
obvious : men will do those things in the excitement of the
moment, which they would refrain from doing in their
calmer moods.
Ver. 28. "Airavre'; fydp ecrixev ivOdSe — for we are all here.
Most probably the terrified jailor might give vent to loud
expressions of despair; for we are not to suppose that he
could have remained silent under the circumstances. And
from these exclamations Paul would become aware of the
desperate deed which he was about to commit. The other
prisoners, although their chains were loosened, and the prison
doors open, had made no attempt to escape. They would
remain panic-struck at what had happened, and would feel
a deep sense of the presence of God. The example and
authority of Paul and Silas would also exercise a powerful
influence upon them. They must have felt that there was
something supernatural about these men, seeing that Heaven
itself had interposed on their behalf. The supposition of
Chrysostom, that the prisoners did not see that the doors
were open, is wholly unnecessary.
Ver. 29. Alrijaa^ Be cjbwra — then having called for lights.
Not a light, as in our version, but lights ; several of them,
to examine everything closely. II poaeTrecrev tco Havkco kov
Xtka — he fell down before Paul and Silas. Although several
of the attendants would come in with lights, the jailor does
not scruple to throw himself, in their presence, at the feet of
his prisoners. He no longer regarded Paul and Silas as
criminals, but as the favourites of Heaven.
Ver. 30. Ilpoayajcbv avrovf; e^co — having brought them
out; namely, from the inner prison into the court of the
prison. Tl fie hel iroietv Xva (todOo) — What must I do to be
1 Biscoe on the Acts, p. 320.
126 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
saved? The salvation after which he inquires is not freedom
from the wrath of the rulers, as if he had said, What
methods shall I take for my security ? The prisoners were
all safe, and he was in no danger on that point. And,
besides, even if he felt exposed to such danger, his prisoners
could not help him. Nor are the words to be rendered as
if he had said, How shall I escape the punishment of the
gods on account of my cruelty towards you? The jailor, in
imprisoning Paul and Silas, was only the instrument in the
hands of the magistrates of Philippi : he was obeying his
superiors. It is the gospel salvation after which he inquires,
the salvation which Paul and Silas had proclaimed ; and so
Paul understood the question. Paul and Silas had probably
been for several weeks in Philippi preaching the gospel before
they had been arrested. Their preaching must have created
excitement in the city ; and, without doubt, reports of it had
reached the jailor, even if he himself had not heard them.
And thus awakened in his conscience, and believing in some
confused manner that these men were '^ the servants of the
most high God, who announce the way of salvation," he asks
the most momentous question which can be put by any
human being.
Vers. 31, 32. TIl(tt6V(tov iirl tov Kvpiov ^IrjaovVy koX acoOi^ar}
— " Believe on the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved."
Paul places before him faith in Jesus as the condition of his
salvation. He calls upon him to embrace the religion of
Christ. Paul would of course explain to him more fully the
nature of Christianity ; for we read that " he spoke the word
of the Lord to him, and to all who were in his house," ^v
KoX 6 61ko<; (TOV — thou and thy house. These words refer
both to nTiarevaov and to acodrjo-rj (Meyer). They do not
mean that his faith would save his household as well as him-
self ; but that the same way of salvation was open both to
him and to his household.
Ver. 33. "EXovaev airo rcov TrXrjycov — washed their stripes.
''AiTo has an emphatic sense. He washed and cleansed them
from their stripes ; that is, from the blood caused by their
stripes, with which they were covered. See Winer's Grammar^
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 34, 35. 127
p. 389. Kal ifiaTTTLadT) — and was baptized; apparently at
the same time, and perhaps in the same pool in which he had
washed their stripes in the court of the prison. As Chrysostom
beautifully expresses it : ekovaev avrov^ koI ikovdrj' eKeivov^
fJLev aTTo T(ov TrXrjycov eXovaeVj avT6<i Be airo tmv d/juapTiMV
iXovdr] — " He washed them, and he was washed ; he washed
them from their stripes, he himself was washed from his
sins." AvTo<; Kal ol avrov Traz/re? — he and all Ms. From the
baptism of himself and his household, Chrysostom conjec-
tures that the jailor is the person called Stephanas alluded
to in 1 Cor. i. 16, xvi. 15, 17. But Stephanas was the first-
fruits of Achaia, and not of Macedonia ; he was a native of
Corinth, and not of Philippi.
Ver. 34. ^AvayajMV avrou<; — having brought them up. This
does not necessarily imply that the dwelling of the jailor
was above the prison (Meyer), but only that it was above
the court of the prison, where they then were. IlapeOrjKev
Tpdire^av — apposuit mensam : set meat before them. UavoiKel
— with all his house ; equivalent to avv oKm tw olVft), and to
be connected with TTeiTLo-revKm* JJeiriaTevKct)^ tu> Seep: not
" believing in God" (Eng. ver.), but that he had believed on
Gody assigning a reason for his joy. That he believed also
in Jesus is implied.
Ver. 35. Tov^ pa/SSov'^ov^ — the lictors. ^Pa^hov^ot — those
who hold the rod, lictors : hence the same who had scourged
Paul and Silas the day before. The lictors accompanied the
duumviri of the colonial cities, as they did the consuls at
Rome, to execute their decrees. AejovTe<;, ''Airokvaov rovg
dv6p(t)7rov<; 6K6lvov^ — saying , Release these men. This change
in the disposition of the praetors has been differently ac-
counted for. Some (Olshausen, Meyer, De Wette, Neander)
suppose that the report of the earthquake and the mira-
culous deliverance may have terrified them ; others, that
they may have made themselves better informed as to
the character of Paul and Silas, and may have discovered
the selfish motives of their accusers ; others, that they may
have had their suspicions that they were Romans. But the
most natural reason is, that they had formerly acted in the
128 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
excitement of the moment, under the influence of popular
commotion, and that on reflection they found that they had
acted rashly and illegally ; and therefore they thought it the
wisest course to hush up the matter as quietly as possible.
Ver. 37. JTpo? aurou? — to them : namely, to the lictors.
'AKaraKpLTov^ — uncondemned. Paul here accuses the praetors
of two violations of the law : they had beaten those who
were uncondemned (Acts xxv. 16) ; and they had beaten
those who were Koman citizens. 'Pcofialov^ v7rdpxovTa<; —
being Romans. Paul on another occasion asserts that he was
a Roman citizen ; and it appears from this that Silas also
possessed the same privilege. How Silas obtained his free-
dom we do not know. Paul says of himself that he was free
born. (See, on this subject, notes to Acts xxii. 25-28.) The
pri^dlege of Roman citizenship was not so uncommon among
the Jews as some suppose. It is frequently adverted to by
Josephus : he mentions those who were by birth Jews, and
yet were Romans, and that even of the equestrian order
(Bell Jud. ii. 14. 9). Among the privileges of the Roman
citizen, one was freedom from scourging. There were two
laws which forbade a Roman citizen to be scourged : the
Valerian law, passed B.C. 508; and the Sempronian or
Porcian law, passed B.C. 300 (Liv. x. 9). The former for-
bade its infliction until an appeal to the people was decided ;
the latter forbade it absolutely. Lex Porcia virgas ah omnium
civium Romanorum corpore amovit (Cicero, Pro Rahirio) :
^' The Porcian law removes the rod from the bodies of all
Roman citizens." There are many references to this privi-
lege of the Roman citizen. '' It is," says Cicero, " a mis-
deed to bind a Roman citizen — a crime to scourge him —
almost parricide to put him to death." ^ '' How often has
this exclamation, ^ I am a Roman citizen,' brouMit aid and
safety, even among barbarians, in the remotest part of the
earth ! " " There was a Roman citizen scourcred with rods in
the market-place of Messina. In the midst of his pain and
the noise of the rods, nothing was heard from this wretched
Facinus est vinciri civem llomanum, scelus verlerari^ prope parri-
cidium necari.
PAUL AT PHILIPPI. — XVI. 37. 129
man than the words, I am a Roman citizen" (Cicero, in
Verrem)}
AdOpa rjfjLa^ eKpaXkovaLV — Do they thrust us out secretly ?
AdBpa opposed to SrjfMoa-ta. As the punishment was pubHc,
so must the reparation be public. It has been often asked,
Why Paul did not make this appeal to his privilege as a
Roman citizen before, when the praetors ordered him to be
scourged ? Why did he not then stop the proceedings with
the exclamation, Civis Borncmus sum f The common opinion
is, either that he was not heard in the tumult, or that he
knew that he would not be heard. " The execution," ob-
serv^es Biscoe, " was so hasty, that he had not time to say
anything that might make for his defence ; and the noise
and confusion were so great, that had he cried out with never
so loud a voice that he was a Roman, he might reasonably
believe that he should not be regarded."^ Others suppose
that he did not appeal because he was not questioned, and
had no opportunity of asserting his privilege. But neither of
these seems to be the correct reason. On a somewhat similar
occasion Paul avoided scourging, by appealing to his Roman
citizenship (Acts xxii. 25-28). Paul seems here voluntarily
to have waived his rights, for some reasons with which we
are unacquainted : he perhaps felt that the cause of the
gospel would be more benefited by his endurance than by
his avoidance of suffering : and this we find was actually the
case. Ou <ydp' dXka eX^oi^re? avTol r)fjia<; i^ayayercocrav —
JVay verily; but let them come and fetch us out. In the answer
which Paul now made, he had respect not merely to his own
honour, but to the honour and interest of Christianity in
Philippi. They had been publicly scourged and imprisoned :
if, therefore, they had departed without a public declaration
of their innocence, a stain would have rested on their repu-
tation, and thus the cause of the gospel would have been
injured. Besides, such a public declaration of the illegality
1 For these and other references, see Ivuinoers Novi Testamenti libri
Mstorici^ vol. iii. pp. 253, 254 ; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. i.
pp. 364, 365, etc.
^ Biscoe on the Acts of the Apostles, p. 321.
VOL. II. I
130 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of their punishment on the part of the magistrates would
undoubtedly encourage the new converts, and at the same
time shield them from popular violence.
Ver. 38. 'E(j)o^7]67jaav — tJwj feared. The praetors were
afraid, because they had violated the rights of Roman citi-
zens. Heavy penalties were denounced against those who
did so : it was regarded as an injury inflicted on the majesty
of Rome.
Ver. 39. UapeKoXeaav avrov^ — besought them; that is,
entreated them not to make any legal complaint — apologized
for their conduct, and implored forgiveness. ^ATrekOelv airo
T7}9 iToXecoq — to depart out of the city^ lest there should be any
further disturbance among the people.
Ver. 40. Ka\ e^rjXOov — and departed. Though many cir-
cumstances might have invited their continuance at Philippi,
yet, from respect to the authorities, they comply with the
request of the praetors, and depart. But although Paul and
Silas depart, Luke seems to have remained, in order to in-
struct and strengthen the infant church. The direct style of
narrative is here dropped, and is not resumed until some years
afterwards, when Paul revisited Macedonia, and Luke again
joined him (Acts xx. 5). Whether Timothy also remained,
cannot be 'determined. He is not again mentioned until
Acts xvii. 14, when he was left with Silas at Berea ; but it
cannot from this be determined whether he departed with
Paul and Silas from Philippi, or, remaining behind, joined
them again at Berea.
SECTION X.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA.— Acts xvii. 1-15.
1 And after passing through Amphipohs and ApoUonia, they came
to Thessalonica, where was the synagogue of the Jews. 2 And Paul,
according to his custom, went in unto them, and for three Sabbaths
reasoned with them from the Scriptures ; 3 Opening and propounding
that the Christ must suffer, and rise from the dead ; and that this is
the Christ, even Jesus, whom I preach unto you. 4 And some of them
were convinced, and were added to Paul and Silas ; also a great multi-
tude of the devout Greeks, and not a few of the chief women. 5 But
the Jews who did not believe, having taken to themselves certain wicked
men of the market loungers, and having raised a mob, set the city in an
uproar ; and having beset the house of Jason, they sought to bring them
out to the people. 6 But when they did not find them, they drew Jason
and certain brethren to the city rulers, crying. These who have disturbed
the world, are come hither also ; 7 Whom Jason has received : and these
all do contrary to the decrees of Ca3sar, saying that there is another
king, Jesus. 8 And they troubled the people and the city rulers when
they heard these things. 9 And after taking security from Jason and
the others, they let them go.
10 And the brethren immediately, by night, sent away Paul and
Silas to Berea : who on their arrival went mto the synagogue of the
Jews. 11 These were nobler than those m Thessalonica, inasmuch as
they received the word with all readiness of mind, searching the Scrip-
tures daily, whether these things were so. 12 Therefore many of them
believed ; and of honourable Greek women and men, not a few. 13 But
when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was
also preached by Paul in Berea, they came and stirred up the populace
there also. 14 Then immediately the brethren sent away Paul to go
toward the sea : but Silas and Timotheus remained there. 15 And they
who conducted Paul brought him to Athens ; and after receiving a com-
mandment to Silas and Timotheus, that they should come to him as
quickly as possible, they departed.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 1. 'H before avvaycoyrj is found in E, G, H, but is
wanting in A, B, D, &< : Tischendorf, De Wette, Meyer, and
131
132 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Alford retain it as genuine. Yer. 5. Tlie reading of the
textus receptuSj ^ijXcoaavre'; Be ol air€i6ovvTe<i ^lovBalot kol
irpoaXa^o/jLevoi, is found only in a few cursive MSS. The
readino; adopted by Tischendorf is, nrpocrXa^ofievoi Be ol
^lovBaloi ol aTretOovvre';, found in G, H : Meyer and Alford
read only irpoo-Xapo/jLevot Be ol ^lovBaloi. The reading best
attested by external authority is that adopted by Lachmann,
^r}\(t)(TavTe<; Be ol ^lovBaloL kol irpoaXafio/ievotj found in
A, B, E, N\
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 1. A toBevo-avTe<; Be — And having passed through.
The road which Paul and his companions traversed frorh
Philippi to Thessalonica was the Via Egnatia^ the Greek
extension of the Via Appia. It led from Dyrrhachium in
Epirus to Cypselus on the Hebrus in Thrace, a distance,
according to Strabo, of 535 miles (Strabo, vii. 7. 4), and was
afterwards continued to Constantinople. The distances be-
tween the towns mentioned are stated in the different itine-
raries. The Itinerarium Antonini Augusti gives them as
follows : From Philippi to Amphipolis, thirty-two Roman
miles ; from Amphipolis to Apollonia, thirty-two miles ;
from Apollonia to Thessalonica, thirty-six miles — in all, a
hundred miles. The Peutinger table gives a slight difference
of two miles, stating the distance between Apollonia and
Thessalonica to be thirty-eight miles.^ Thus, then, the dis-
tance between Philippi and Thessalonica is about a hundred
miles, — a journey which Paul, as he did not tarry at Amphi-
polis and Apollonia, might have accomplished in five days.
Tr]v ^AfKpLTToXLv — Amphipolis, This town was situated on
the Strymon, at the lower end of the lake Cercinitis, formed
by the river, and at a short distance from the Strymonic
Gulf. It commanded the only easy entrance from the coast
into the great Macedonian plain ; and hence its position was
important in a military point of view. Amphipolis quce
ohjecta claudit omnes ab oriente sole in Macedonium aditus
1 TVieseler's Chroyiologic, p. 40.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVIL 1. 133
(Livy, xlv. 30). Its former name was evvea oSol^ or the
"Nine ways," on account of the number of roads which met
at this point (Herod, vii. 114). The Athenians under
Cimon colonized it, and called it Amphipolis, because it
was completely surrounded by the Strymon (Thuc. iv. 102).
When Paulus ^milius conquered Macedonia, and divided
it into four districts, Amphipolis was made the capital of
Macedonia Prima (Livy, xlv. 29). It would, however, seem
in the days of the apostles to have declined in importance,
whilst Philippi flourished at its expense. It is now known
by the modern name of Emboli.
Ka\ 'AiroWcovlav — a7id Apollonia. There were several
places of this name, of which three were in the province of
•Macedonia. The Apollonia through which Paul now passed
was a colony of the Corinthians in the district of Mygdonia
(Pliny, iv. 7). It was a place of small importance, and
must not be confounded with a much more celebrated
Apollonia in Illyrian Macedonia, near Dyrrhachium. Its
situation is uncertain : some identify it with Klisali, a modern
post-station, and others with a village called Pollina.
^H\6ov eh @eaaa\ovitc7]v — TJiey came to TJiessalonica.
This celebrated city was beautifully situated on the slope of
a hill at the northern end of the Thermaic Gulf, now called
the Gulf of Salonika. Its original name w^as Therma.
Oassander, the son of Antipater, rebuilt and fortified it,
calling it after his wife Thessalonica, the sister of Alexander
the Great (Strabo, vii., Frag. 24) ; Thessalonica herself
having obtained her name on account of a victory which her
father Philip gained over the Thessalians on the day of her
birth. Under the Komans, Thessalonica became a great
commercial city. During the temporary division of Mace-
donia into four districts, it was the capital of Ilacedonia
Secunda (Liv. xlv. 29) ; and afterwards, when the province
of Macedonia was formed, it became the metropolis, and the
residence of the proconsul. It received the privilege of a
" free city " after the battle of Philippi, on account of its
attachment to the cause of Augustus and Antony. Strabo,
in the first century, mentions it as the largest city of Mace-
134 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
donia (Strabo, vii. 7. 4) ; and the same fact is asserted by
Lucian in the second century (Lucian, Asinus Aureus, xlvi.).
Since then it has always been a city of great importance ;
and at present it is considered the second city of European
Turkey, having a population of 70,000. Its modern name
is Saloniki.^
"Ottov rjv 7] (jvvw^w^y) roiv ^lovhaicov — loJiere ivas the syna-
gogue of the Jews, Critics are in general agreed that the
article before avvwywyrj is genuine. (See Critical Note.)
This signifies that it was the chief, if not the only synagogue
of the district. At Philippi there was no synagogue, but
only a proseucha ; and probably this was also the case with
Amphipolis and ApoUonia.^ Thessalonica, being a large
commercial city, would be much frequented by Jews. In
the present day there is no town in Europe which has such
a large proportion of Jews. They are said to amount to
35,000, or nearly one-half of the population, and to have no
fewer than 36 synagogues.^ Most of these Jews are the
descendants of refugees from Spain.
Ver. 2. Kara he to €lcod6<; ro) TIavkw — and. Paul, according
to his custom ; literally, " according to the custom with Paul."
Paul's custom was first to preach to the Jews, and then,
when these had either received or rejected the gospel, to
turn to the Gentiles. We never find him omitting the Jews,
and preaching only to the Gentiles. (See on this point, note
to Acts xiii. 5.) 'Eirl crd^^ara rpla — -/or thi^ee Sabbaths.
From this it has been concluded that Paul continued only
three weeks in Thessalonica ; but from statements in tlie first
Epistle to the Thessalonians, this opinion is seen to be highly
improbable. We find that a large and flourishing church,
^ The authorities for these geographical notices are Winer's UbliscJies
Worterbuch ; Wieseler's Chronologie, pp. 40, 41 ; Smith's Biblical Dic-
tionary ; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul; and Lewin's Life and
Epistles of St. Paul.
2 '•'' Articulus addiius significat Philippis, Amphipoli et Apollonix nullas
fuisse synagogas^ sed si qui ibi essent Judsei, eos synagogam adiisse Thes-
salonicensem^^ (Grotius).
^ Jewish Intelligence for 1849, quoted in a note by Conybeare and
Howson, vol. i. p. 383.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVII. 3. 135
chiefly composed of Gentile converts, was formed (1 Thess.
i. 8) ; that Paul wrought with his own hands for his support
(1 Thess. ii. 9) ; and that the Philippians sent twice to his
necessities (Phil. iv. 16), the distance between these two
cities being a hundred miles ; so that he must have remained
in Thessalonica a considerable time. Perhaps Paul preached
for three successive Sabbaths in the synagogue ; but finding
the Jews obstinate, he desisted and turned to the Gentiles.
AceXijeTo avroh — he reasoned with them. The word primarily
denotes to carry on a discussion in the form of a dialogue ;
and we elsewhere learn that this mode of discussion was not
regarded as unsuitable in the synagogues (Luke iv. 16-27 ;
John vi. 25—59). ^Airo rcov ypa(j)cov — froin the Scriptures.
It is disputed whether these words are to be connected with
BceXiyero avroh (Tischendorf, Winer, De Wette) or with
BLavotyoyv koX irapaTiOefjievo^ (Ewald, Kuinoel, Meyer) : the
former opinion seems the more natural.
Yer. 3. Aiavolycov kol TrapaTcOefievo^ — opening and pro-
pounding. As formerly remarked, the apostles, in reasoning
with the Jews, appealed to the Old Testament, proving from
the Scriptures that Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah ;
whereas with the Gentiles the appeal was to miracles.
Paul's argument here is : there are various prophecies in the
Old Testament, whose divinity you admit, which declare
that the Messiah must suffer and rise from the dead ; all
these prophecies are fulfilled in the person of Jesus of
Nazareth ; therefore this Jesus whom I preach to you is the
Messiah. Kal on ovt6<; iariv 6 Xpto-TO?, 'Ir)aov<; ov ijoD
KarayyeWo) vfilv — a7id that this is the Christ, {riamely) Jesus
ivhom I preach to you. These words have been variously
rendered, although the difference in meaning is immaterial.
The rendering here given seems the most natural, and is
that adopted by Tischendorf, Bengel, Lechler, and Hackett.
Meyer and Lange render it, " and that this Messiah is Jesus,
whom I preach to you." Others (Castalio, De Wette,
Baumgarten, Alexander) omit the comma between Xptcrro?
and 'It^o-oO?, and render the clause, " this is the Jesus Christ,"
or, " this is the Christ Jesus whom I preach to you." Alford
136 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
renders it, '' That Jesus whom I preach to you is ovto^; 6
XpLaro^i, the Christ." The meaning is obvious : the person
Jesus is the Messiah who, according to the Scriptures, was
to suffer and rise again. ^Eyco KarayyeWco — / pt^each ;
emphatic, — a change from the indirect to the direct form of
speech. See Acts i. 4.
Yer. 4. Kal TLve^ ej avrcov iTrela-Orjaav — And some of them
tcere convinced ; namely, of the Jews of Thessalonica. Kal
'7rpoa€KX7jpcodi](Tav — and were added; not in a middle sense,
"attached themselves to" (Castalio, Bengel), but in a pas-
sive sense, "were added," — as disciples, namely, by God.^
IIpocrK\7]p6(o, used only here in the New Testament, literally
signifies ''to give by lot," ''to allot," "to choose in addition
by lot." Tcov T6 ae/Sofievcov 'EXkiqvwv — and of the devout
Greeks ; pp "tly proselytes, and partly those among the re-
ligious Ge-'^'iles who attended the Jewish synagogues, al-
though the^* id not actually embraced Judaism. TwauKcov
TCOV TTpcoTcoi —of the chief women — female proselytes to Juda-
ism : these w^ere the wives or daughters of the chief people
in Thessalonica. This gives us an account of the success of
the gospel chiefly among the Jews and Jewish proselytes,
the result of the preaching for three Sabbaths in the syna-
gogue ; but we learn from the First Epistle to the Thessa-
lonians, that Paul met with still greater success among the
Gentiles (1 Thess. i. 5-10).
Ver. 5. T^v a^opaiwv dvSpa<; rivm Trovrjpov^; — certain
wicked men of the market loungers, 'AyopaloL are the market
loungers, the rabble, those who have no settled business, but
jvlio crowd about the market and other frequented places,
like the Lazzaroni at Naples. Such men are called by
Aristophanes, irovqpo^ ko,^ ayopd^; by Xenophon, rov a<yopalov
6')(kov\ by Cicero, subrostrani ; and by Plautus, suhhasilicani
(Alford). Tfj oLKia 'Idaovo^ — the house of Jason, where
Paul and Silas lodged. It is doubtful whether Jason was
a pure Gentile or a Hellenistic Jew, who changed his
Hebrew name Jesus, or Joshua, into the Greek form Jason,
as was the case with one of the apostate Jewish high priests
^ Winer's Grammar, p. 277.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVII. 6. 137
(2 Mace. i. 7 ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 5. 1). He has been Identified
with Jason, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21, whom Paul calls
one of his kinsmen. If so, he must have removed to Corinth,
from which city' the Epistle to the Romans was written.
The name, however, was common, so that such an identifica-
tion is extremely doubtful ; and as a general rule, all such
identifications are to be discountenanced.
Yer. 6. Mt] €vp6vT6<i Be avrov^ — but not finding them. The
absence of Paul and Silas was either accidental, or more
probably designed, they having received information of the
attack. 'JEttI tou? TroXirdp'^a^ — to the city rulers ; literally,
"to the politarchs." This word, in the form 'iTo\irapj(p^^
has also been found in ^^Jneas 7>-:'-^'s (b.c. 366) ; its usual
form is iroXiapxo^. It is t^ ^^^^ ^^^^"ved that the chief
magistrates of Thessalonica are nl^. ^^iled b) a title dif-
ferent from that of the chief magistrates of .^'hihppi; ,and
this difference corresponds with the differen^'^'iaracters of
the cities. Philippi was a Roman colony {K\>lonia)^ and
hence its magistrates resembled those at Rome, and were
called aTpaT7]yol, prcetores, duumviri; whereas Thessalonica
was not a Roman colony, but a " free city " (wr6s libera)^
and was governed by its own rulers ; and hence its chief
magistrates were called, not o-TparrjyoL, but iroXtrapxah city
rulers. It is a very remarkable and striking coincidence, that
this rare word is seen to this day on an inscription upon an
arch at Thessalonica. There the names of the politarchs of
Thessalonica are mentioned, seven in number ; thus proving
the extreme accuracy of Luke, in using this term to denote
the magistrates of that city. The arch is by competent
antiquarians thought to have been built iu commemoration
of the victory of Philippi ; and if so, was standing when Paul
was at Thessalonica.^ We have had frequently occasion to
notice Luke's extreme accuracy; as when he calls Herod
Agrippa i. the king (o jSao-tXev^) ; Sergius Paulus the pro-
consul of Cyprus {dvOvTrdro^i) ; Philippi a colony (KoXcovca)^
and its magistrates praetors (arparTjyoi) ; and here the
1 Bockh, No. 1967. According to Bockh, this inscription is not older
than the reign of Vespasian, a.d. G9-70.
138 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
magistrates of Thessalonica are called by the most unusual
title, politarchs {7ro\irap')(ai)j — a strong argument in favour
of the genuineness of his history.-^
01 Tr}v oIkov/j,6V7]v avaararc^cravTe^ — these who have dis-
turbed the IV or Id : an exaggerated expression, the language
of passion. T7]v oiKovfjbei'rjv — probably the Roman world —
the empire (Kuinoel).
Ver. 7. ^AirevavTi twv Sojfidrcov Kalaapo^ — contrary to
the decrees of Ccesar. Under the republic the law was, " that
whoever excited an enemy against the state, or betrayed a
citizen to an enemy, was to be punished with death ;" but
under the emperors it was declared high treason to violate
the majesty of the state — crimen majestatis. It was on this
accusation that ^^^QyeSoaivco^'^' emperors condemned those
whom they wished ^seiv^' -^ death: it admitted of an extreme
latitude of irt\erpretation (Tac. Ann, i. 72; Merivale's History,
ch. xxxi. 4) Here also the difference of the accusation
brought agamst the disciples at Thessalonica, from that
brought against them at Phihppi, is observable. In Philippi
they were accused of introducing new customs {illicita religio)
which Eoman citizens were not permitted to observe; but
Thessalonica was not a colony, and therefore such an accu-
sation could have no force there : accordingly the charge
here preferred against them is treason against Caesar (crimen
majestatis). The accusation was artfully made ; it was one
into which it behoved the city rulers to inquire : whereas if
the Jews had accused them merely of disturbing their mode
of worship, the complaint would probably not have been
listened to. Baur and Zeller object that the whole accusa-
tion is anticipatory, because it was not until the second century
that the Christian religion was regarded as dangerous to the
state.^ But it is very natural that the excited mob should
state their charge in the language of exaggeration ; and the
Romans were exceedingly jealous of any invasion of their
authority. No accusation was at this time more common
1 For these and other incidents of Luke's accuracy, see Conybearc
and Howson, vol. i. 396.
^ Zeller's ApostehjescMchte ^ p. 259.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVII. 9. 139
than that of crimen majestatis : Jesus Himself was snnilarly
accused before Pilate.
BacnXea Xe^oz^Te? erepov etvai 'Irjcrovv — saying that there
was another king, Jesus. Jesus Christ was accused by the
Jews of the crime of making Himself a king in opposition to
Caesar (John xix. 12) ; and so now His disciples are accused
of asserting His claims to the kingly office. It is not impro-
bable that the title Lord, so frequently given by Christians
to their great Master, may have given occasion to such a
charge. It would also appear from the Epistles to the Thes-
salonians, that Paul when at Thessalonica dwelt much upon
the kingdom of Christ and His second coming as the Judge
of the world; and hence certain expressions of his might be
perverted, as if he taught that Jesus was an earthly monarch.
BacnXea erepov — atiother king. The Latin title rex was not
given to tlie Roman emperor — he was called by the military
title imperator ; but the Greeks were accustomed to apply
the title pao-CXev^ to him. And although the title /SacnXev^
was not restricted to the emperor, yet in all conquered or
dependent countries no one could be called king without
his permission.
Yer. 9. Aa^ovre^ to iKavov — having taken security — satis-
datione acceptd : a legal phrase. The security might either
be personal bail or a deposit of money. Chrysostom thinks
that Jason became surety in person ; but as he was permitted
to depart, the security was probably a deposit of money.
Opinions vary as to the purpose for which the security was
given. According to Grotius, it was that Paul and Silas
should appear before the court; according to others (Ewald,
Michaelis, Heinrichs), that Jason should no longer entertain
them ; and according to others (Kuinoel, Lange), that they
should depart immediately from the city. But the evident
purpose was that the peace should be kept — ^that there should
be no violation of the majesty of the state — nothing done
contrary to the decrees of Csesar (Meyer, De Wette). Neander
supposes the two objects combined : that there should be no
violation of the public peace, and that those persons who had
been alleged as the cause of this disturbance should quit the
140 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
city.^ The conduct of the magistrates of Thessalonica ap-
pears in a favourable light, wlien compared with that of the
magistrates of Pliili|)pi in similar circumstances.
Ver. 10. A La vvkto<; i^eTre/jL-yjrav, etc. — sent away Paul
and Silas hy night. Although Paul and Silas were not
compelled to depart, yet the safety of the Christians at
Thessalonica, who had become surety for them, would be
endangered by their presence, as the disturbance might be
renewed by the Jewish faction. Ek Bepoiav — to Berea.
According to the Itinei^arium Ant07iini, Berea was sixty-one
miles from Thessalonica, and according to the Peutinger
table fifty-seven miles.^ It was situated in Macedonia Tertia^
according to the division made by Paulus iEmilius. Tertia
regio nohiles urhes Edessam et Berwam et Pellam liahet (Livy,
xlv. 30). Its former name was Phergea, but pronounced by
the Macedonians Berea : afterwards it was called Irenopolis,
" the city of peace." Little noticed by ancient writers, it
does not appear to have been a place of much consequence.
It is now a town of the second rank in European Turkey,
containing a population of about 20,000, and is known by its
most ancient name, Phersea, corrupted into Verria, or Kara-
Verria. Although we are informed that Paul met with
unusual success in Berea, yet there is no mention of this
church in any of his epistles. Baumgarten accordingly
thinks that it soon decayed, or was destroyed ; but this is a
mere arbitrary supposition. AYhen we think of the many
places where Paul preached the gospel, and the numerous
churches which he founded, it ought not to be reckoned as
anything surprising that he does not mention Berea.
Ver. 11. OvTOi Be yaav evyevearepoL roiv ev SeaaaXovUr)
— Tliese ivere nobler than those in Thessalonica. Luther and
Calvin apply eOjevearepoL to the Thessalonians : " These
were the more noble of the Thessalonians who received the
word ;" intimating, as they suppose, that it was the chief
men in Thessalonica who embraced the gospel."^ But such a
^ Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 185.
2 Wieseler's Chroiiologie^ p. 41.
^ Calvin un the AcLs, in loco.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVII. 12, 13. 141
remark would be here out of its proper place. The historian
here compares the conduct of the Jews of Berea with that of
the Jews of Thessalonlca. The Berean Jews were not so pre-
judiced or bigoted as the Thessalonian Jews : they did not
prejudge the case, nor were they actuated with envy against
the disciples, but gave Paul and Silas a fair and impartial
hearing. Evyevearepoc — not spoken of rank, but of cha-
racter — of a nobler dis])osition. ^AvaKplvovre^; ra? ypacjid^ —
searching the Scriptures. They compared what Paul said
with the Scriptures of the Old Testament, and especially the
life and sufferings of Jesus with the words of the prophets ;
and seeing the correspondence, they came to the conclusion
that this Jesus whom Paul preached unto them was the
Messiah.
Ver. 12. Ovv — therefore : in consequence of this impartial
spirit and diligent examination of the Scriptures. Tcov
*EW7]vlScov yuvacKwv tmu evG-yrjjjuovcdv koX avhpwv — of honour-
able Greek ivomen and men. ' EWrjv/dcov construed with
yvvaifCMV also refers to dvBpcov. The epithet honourable
(6VG-'^7]fx6vo)v), restricted to fyvvaiKOiv, applies to their rank :
they were among the chief people in Berea. (See note to
Acts xiii. 50.) These were not, as some think, Hellenistic
Jews, but partly proselytes and devout Gentiles who heard
Paul preacli in the synagogue, and partly heathens con-
verted to Christianity by the more private discourses of the
apostle.^ Wieseler supposes that Paul remained a consi-
derable time in Berea ; and Ewald that he made it a centre
from which to preach the gospel in the neighbouring cities.
Ver. 13. 01 diro r7]<; Seacra\ovlKr]<^ ^lovhaloi — the Jews
from Thessalonica. As the Jews of Pisidian Antioch and
Iconium came to Lystra to incense the multitude against the
disciples (Acts xiv. 19), so the Jews of Thessalonica came
for a similar purpose to Berea. KaKel — there also : to be
connected, not with rjXOov^ " came thither also," but with
G-a\evovT6^, " stirred up the populace there also," i.e. as they
formerly did in Thessalonica.
1 Among those converted, mention is elsewhere made of Sopater of
Berea (Acts xx. 4).
142 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Yer. 14. TlopeveaOai cu? eVt rr^v OaXacraav — to go toward
the sea. These words have been differently rendered. Some
(Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Olshausen, Lange) translate them,
to go as if to the sea ; and suppose that Paul and his com-
panions, in order to escape his enemies, pretended to go
away by sea, whereas in reality they went by land from
Berea to Athens.^ The words do certainly admit of this
translation. But if Paul journeyed by land to Athens, we
would have expected from Luke some account of this
journey, and the mention of some of the important cities
through which he passed, as in ver. 1 ; though it is admitted
that not much stress can be laid on this, on account of the
fragmentary nature of the Acts. The distance between
Berea and Athens by land is 250 Koman miles, and would
have occupied about twelve days ; whereas three days would
have sufficed for the voyage by sea : and it is natural to
suppose that Paul would take the most expeditious mode
of travelling. Accordingly others (Kuino^l, Lechler, Meyer,
De Wette, Winer, Wieseler, Stier, Alford, Conybeare and
Howson) render the passage, to go toward the sea. Winer
remarks that &>? joined to eVl denotes either the actual pur-
pose of following a certain direction, or even the mere pre-
tence or assumed appearance of doing so ; and that the
former acceptation is simpler and more suited to the context.^
We are not, however, to consider w? as redundant: it denotes
the definite intention of the direction, eVt ri-jv OaXaaaav.
'O TLfjioOeo^ — Timotheus. This is the first time Timothy
is mentioned since Paul's departure from Philippi. But
we are not from this to suppose that he first rejoined the
apostle at Berea. The probability is, that he was with the
apostle at Thessalonica, as he appears to have been inti-
mately connected with that church. Paul sent him to it
as his messenger, and he is joined with Paul and Silas in
both epistles to the Thessalonians.
Ver. 15. 01 he Ka6iaTduovT€<; rov UavKov — and they ivho
conducted Paid. A different word from that used in ch.
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 437.
^ AYiner's Grammar of the New Testament, p. G-IO.
PAUL AT THESSALONICA AND BEREA. — XVII. 15. 143
XV. 3, and implying a different mode of convoy. There
the word employed is ir poire fjL^6kvTe<^^ and implies that the
disciples gave Paul a convoy to do him honour. Plere the
word is Kadtcrrdvovre^, and implies that the disciples went
with Paul throughout the journey for the sake of guidance
and protection : they brought him to Athens. Aa^6vr6<i
evTo\r]v 7rpo<; tov ^IXav koI Ti/jb66eov — receiving a command-
ment to Silas and Tlmotheus, that they should come to him as
quichly as ]Jossihle. It would seem, according to Luke, that
Paul was alone at Athens, and that Silas and Timothy
did not join him until he came to Corinth (Acts xviii. 5).
In the Epistle to the Thessalonians, however, Paul says :
*^ Wherefore, when we could no longer forbear, we thought
it good to be left at Athens alone, and sent Timotheus, our
brother and minister of God, and our fellow-labourer in the
gospel of Christ, to establish you, and to comfort you con-
cerning your faith" (1 Thess. iii. 1, 2). From this some infer
that Timothy joined Paul at Athens, but was sent back to
Thessalonica to inquire into the state of the converts in that
city. Hence Meyer and De Wette suppose that there is a
mistake in Luke's narrative, which is to be acknowledged,
and not to be reconciled by attempts at agreement.^ But
certainly the mere omission by Luke of Timothy's visit to
Athens and return to Thessalonica is no discrepancy, as
the circumstance had no bearing upon his narrative. If
Timothy had remained with the apostle, and thus had not
rejoined him at Corinth, the case would have been different.
But, after all, the fact that Timothy came to Athens at all is
a mere supposition : it is not asserted in 1 Thess. iii. 1. The
probability is, that he was sent by Paul to Thessalonica from
Berea, and not from Athens ; and that after his return, he
and Silas went directly from Berea to Corinth.
1 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 346 ; De Wette's Apostelgeschichte^
p. lU.
SECTION XL
PAUL AT ATHENS.— Acts xvii. 16-34.
16 Now, while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was aroused
within him, when he observed that the city was full of idols. 17 There-
fore he disputed in the synagogue with the Jews, and with the devout
persons, and in the market-place daily with those who met with him.
18 And certain of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers encountered
him. And some said, What will this babbler say ? others. He appears
to be an announcer of strange divinities : because he preached Jesus
and the resurrection. 19 And they took him, and brought him to the
Areopagus, saying, Can we know what is this new doctrine, which thou
announcest ? 20 For thou bringest certain strange things to our ears :
we wish therefore to know what these things mean. 21 For aU the
Athenians and resident strangers spent their time in nothing else than
either to tell or to hear some new thing.
22 Then Paul, standing in the midst of the Areopagus, said, Ye
men of Athens, I perceive that in all respects ye are more God-fearing
(than others). 23 For as I passed by, and observed your sacred things,
I found also an altar on which was inscribed, To an Unknown God.
What therefore you ignorantly worship, that do I declare unto you.
24 God, who made the world, and all things therein, as He is Lord of
heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands ; 25 Neither
is ministere4 to by human hands, as if He needed anything, seeing He
giveth to all life, and breath, and all things. 26 And He made of one
blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth, having
fixed their appointed times, and the boundaries of their habitation ;
27 That they should seek God, if perchance they might feel after Him,
and find Him, although He is not far oif from any one of us : 28 For in
Him we live, and move, and are ; as also certain of your own poets have
said. For we are also His offspring. 29 Being therefore the offspring
of God, we ought not to think that the Godhead is like to gold, or
silver, or stone, to an image of art and of man's device. 30 And the
times of ignorance God has overlooked ; but now He commands all men
everywhere to repent : 31 Inasmuch as He has appointed a day in which
He is about to judge the world in righteousness by a man whom He has
ordained, having given assurance to all by raising Him from the dead.
32 But when they heard of a resurrection of the dead, some mocked ;
144
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 16. 145
but others said, We will hear thee again concerning this. 33 So Paul
departed from the midst of them. 34 But certain men joined them-
selves to him, and believed : among whom were Dionysius tlie Areopa-
gite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them.
CKITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 23. Instead of oi^ . . . tovtov^ found in E, G, H,
Tiscliendorf and Lachmann read o . . . tovto, found in A,
B, D, &?. Ver. 25. ^AvOpayirlvcov^ found in A, B, D, N*, is by
modern critics preferred to dvOpcoircov, the reading of E, Gr, H.
Ver. 26, Upoo-reray/Jbevov^y found in A, B, E, G, H, 5<, is
by Tischendorf and Lachmann preferred to irporeTwyfievov^^
found in D. Ver. 27. Qeov, in A, B, G, H, N*, is by Tischen-
dorf preferred to Kvptov, found in E. Ver. 31. KaOoriy in
A, B, D, Ej t^j is far better attested than hioTiy in G, H.
EXEGETICAL KEMAKKS.
Ver. 16. ^Ev Se rat? ''AOrjvai^ — and in Athens. Athens,
in an intellectual point of view the most notable city in early
times, was the great seat of learning among the ancients,
and might well be called the university of the world. Its
philosophers, orators, poets, and historians have been the
wonder of all ages ; and its books of genius have been read
with admiration by the scholar of every time. It merits the
eulogium of Cicero : Atlience omnium doctrinarum inventrices
(Cic. de Oral. i. 4). Athens received its name from Minerva
(^AOrjvrj)^ its tutelar goddess. Situated about five miles from
the ^gean Sea, it was connected with it by its port Piraeus.
Four small hills rose within its walls. The highest was the
celebrated Acropolis, or the citadel, being a rock about 150
feet high. On it were the most famous temples, statues,
arches, and monuments; and towering above all stood the
colossal statue of Minerva Polias, the defender of the city.
At a little distance from the Acropolis were three smaller
hills : the Areopagus, where the celebrated court held its
sittings, and to Christians still more memorable as the place
where Paul delivered his address ; the Pnyx, on which the
VOL. II. K
146 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
assemblies of the people were held ; and the Museum. In
the time of Paul, Athens belonged to the province of Achaia,
■whose capital was Corinth, and was, like Thessalonica, a free
city of the empire, governed by its own laAvs. It is still an
important city, being the capital of modern Greece ; but the
traveller is chiefly attracted to it by the remarkable ruins still
remaining as the monuments of its former greatness.^
'EiKheyoiievov avTOv<^ tov IlavXov — Paul u'aiting for them,
i.e. for Silas and Timothy, whom he had left at Berea, and who
rejoined him not at Athens, but at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5).
Uapco^vvero — icas aroused: a verb, from which our word
paroxysm is derived. Paul was filled with holy indignation
on account of the emblems of idolatry which met him at
every turn. Instead of being inspired with admiration at
those splendid monuments of genius and art, for which
Athens was so celebrated, he looked upon them with grief
and abhorrence, because he regarded them as the emblems
of idolatry, the creations of an impure religion. He could
not detach those works of art from the purpose for which
they were made : these beautiful temples and glorious statues
were designed for the worship of false gods.
Karel^coXov — full of idols. This word occurs only in this
passage ; but according to the analogy of words similarly
formed, its meaning is obvious : as KardBevSpo';, full of ti'ees
(Diod. Sic. xvi. 31) ; KardfjiTreXo^, full of vines (Strabo, iv.
1. 5) ; Kcidvypo^, full of water (Soph. Col. 158), etc. Plence
KareiBcoXov is not given to idolatry, as in our version, hut full
of idols : it applies primarily to the city, and only indirectly to
the inhabitants. This epithet appears from various testimo-
nies to have been peculiarly appropriate. Thus Xenophon
calls Athens one great altar, one great sacrifice to the gods :
oKt] jBcofio^ oXtj Ovfia Oeol^ fcal dvd6r}/jLa {De Repuh. Ath.).
Livy says that in Athens there were to be seen images of
gods and men, of all kinds and of all materials : simulacra
deorum hominumque omni gencre et materice et artium insignia
1 The reader is referred, for a full description of Atheus as it was when
Paul visited it, to Conybeare and Ilowson's St. Paid, eh. x. ; Lewin's
St. Paul, vol. i. pp. 270-275 ; and Kenan's Saint Paul, pp. 170-172.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 17, 18. 147
(Liv. xlv. 27). Pausanias observes tliat Athens had more
images than all the rest of Greece put together (^Attic, ch.
xvii. 24). Strabo says : " As in other things, the Athenians
always sliowecl their admiration of foreign customs ; so they
displayed it in what respected the gods. They adopted many
sacred ceremonies, particularly those of Thrace and Phrygia,
for which they were ridiculed in comedies" (Strabo, x. 3. 18) ;
and Petronius observes that it was easier to find a g:od at
Athens than a man (^Sat. ch. xvii.).
Yer. 17. Ovv — thei^efore : that is, not merely in conse-
quence of his being at Athens (De Wette), but because he
w^as stirred up to indignation by the sight of so much
idolatry (Meyer). He felt himself impelled to depart from
his usual practice of preaching first to the Jews, and then
to the Gentiles, and to preach to both at the same time.
Tol<; (Te^oiuLevoL<; — to the devout ^jer sons ; that is, those Gentiles,
whether proselytes to Judaism or not, who, having renounced
idolatry, were the worshippers of the true God, and attended
the synagogue. Even in Athens, the stronghold of idolatry,
there were such devout persons. ^Ev rfj dyopa — in the
market-place. Paul disputed every Sabbath in the synagogue
with the Jews and religious Gentiles, and in the market-
place daily with those who happened to meet with him.
Some suppose that there were two market-places in Athens,
an old and a new — the old in the district of the town called
the Ceramicus, and the new, called the Eretrian place
(^Eperpa) — and that the latter at this time received the
exclusive name of t; ayopa. The opinion now, however,
most generally adopted is, that there was never more than
one market-place in Athens, although it frequently varied
in size. It was situated in the valley, bounded by the four
hills — the Acropolis, the Areopagus, the Pnyx, and the
Museum. In the immediate neighbourhood, or forming a
part of it, was the celebrated porch or colonnade called the
Stoic Poecile, or painted cloister, and from which the Stoics
derived their name.
Ver. 18. Tcov 'ETTLKovpeicov Kal XtoIkwv ^iXoaocpcov — of
the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers. Besides these, there
148 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
were two other sects at Athens — the Peripatetics, or the
disciples of Aristotle, and the Academicians, or the disciples
of Plato. These are not mentioned, probably because they
did not frequent the market-place, and thus did not meet
with Paul ; the Academy of the Platonists and the Lyceum
of the Aristotelians being situated without the city. Others
suggest as the reason, that their opinions were not so much
opposed to Christianity as those of the Epicureans and
Stoics, or that they had then diminished in number.^ The
Epicureans, or the disciples of Epicurus, were in reality
atheists. Although in words they acknowledged God, yet
they denied His providence and His active superintendence
over the world. The soul, according to their notions, was ma-
terial, and annihilated at death. Pleasure was regarded as the
chief good ; and although it is said that their founder meant
only that pleasure was the inseparable attendant of virtue,
yet his disciples in the days of the apostle made sensual
pleasure the great end of their existence. If the Epicureans
were atheists, the Stoics were pantheists. According to
them, God was either the soul of the world, or the world
was God. His nature resembled fire, which diffused itself
through all parts of the world. There was no providence ;
everything was governed by unbending fate, to which God
Himself was subject. They denied the universal and per-
sonal immortality of the soul, though they differed in their
opinions as to its condition after death. Some supposed that
the soul was swallowed up in the soul of the Deity ; others
restricted immortality to the wise and the good ; and others
taught that the soul survived only until the final conflagra-
tion. They looked upon virtue as its own reward, and vice
as its own punishment ; and taught that pleasure was no
good, and pain no evil. They were so inflated with pride,
that they regarded themselves as the equals of the gods.
'' Jupiter," observes Seneca, " does not excel a good man :
Jupiter is longer good ; and a wise man does not think the
less of himself because his virtues are bounded within a short
space of time" (Epist. 73). In the days of the apostle, the
^ Meyer's ApostelgescMclite, p. 346.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 18. 149
Epicurean system was the more popular among the Greeks,
whereas Stoicism was more conformable to the Roman mind.
It would be hard to say which system was more opposed to
Christianity. The ruling principle of the one was love of
pleasure, and the ruling principle of the other was pride :
the former resembled the Sadducees in their infidelity, and
the latter the Pharisees in their self-righteousness. It must,
however, be acknowledged, that some of the most estimable
characters of antiquity belonged to the school of the Stoics,
whose philosophy involved a certain moral earnestness con-
spicuously wanting among the Epicureans.
^7r€p/xo\6yo<; — a babbler. The primary meaning of this
word is a sparrow, or rook, or other bird which frequents the
streets and markets, picking up seeds — a seed-picker. It is
so used by Aristophanes (Aw, 232). From this a variety of
secondary meanings are derived : such as a beggar or worth-
less person, who lives by picking up refuse ; a flatterer or
parasite, who lives upon others; and a babbler, who picks
up and retails scraps of knowledge or of news — a garrulous
person. The same epithet was employed by Demosthenes
concerning his rival ^schines (Pro Corona), The philo-
sophers of Athens were remarkable for their haughtiness
and self-sufBciency ; and hence they regarded Paul as a
vain babbler. And yet the doctrines which Paul taught
confounded the wisdom of the Grecian schools, and in the
end destroyed and superseded the philosophy both of Stoics
and Epicureans.
'Bevcov BaLfjLovloyjj — of strange gods ; that is, foreign divini-
ties. The Jews used the word ^aifiovia in a bad sense —
devils ; but by the Greeks it was employed in a good sense —
divinities. The introduction of strange gods was a part of
the charge brought against Socrates : " that he acknowledged
not the gods whom the city acknowledges, but introduced
other strange divinities :" "Erepa he Katva BacfMovia ela^epcov
(Xen. Mem,i. 1. 1). Different meanings have been attached
to the phrase ^ev(av Bacfiovlcov. Some (Kuinoel, Meyer) sup-
pose that Jesus only is here referred to, and that the plural
is employed either instead of the singular, or to designate
150 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the class. Others (De Wette, Alford, Hackett) think that
Jesus and the living God are the strange gods whom Paul was
supposed to announce. And others (Chrysostom, Heinrichs,
Baur, Lange, Baumgarten) imagine that the Athenians took
Jesus for a deified man, and the Kesurrection, or the Ana-
stasis, for a goddess. It is objected to this latter view, that
we cannot conceive that Paul would have expressed himself
so obscurely as to give occasion to such a mistake, or that
the philosophers would have fallen into so gross an error.
But it must be rem.embered that the heathen not only deified
heroes and great men, but also abstract ideas : there w^ere
altars in Athens to Fame, Desire, Shame, Pity, etc. ; and
hence there is nothing so very improbable in the supposition
that they might also regard the resurrection as a goddess.
The words wdiich follow appear to confirm this opinion : " for
he preached to them Jesus and the resurrection." If it were
not the intention of the historian to denote that these were
the strange gods whom Paul announced, we do not see the
reason of the addition of ttjv dvdaTaaiv. If the meaning
were only that Paul preached Jesus as the Kisen One, the
pronoun avrov would have been added.
^'Otc top ^Itjotovv kol t7]v dvdijTacnv evrjyyeXl^eTo — because
he 2^^'<^<:tcJied Jesus and the reswrection. '' They supposed,"
observes Chrysostom, " the Anastasis to be some deity, being
accustomed to worship female divinities also." Some restrict
" the resurrection" to Jesus : he preached to them Jesus as
the Risen One ; but if so, Luke would have written " Jesus
and His resurrection." The word, then, denotes the re-
surrection generally ; and hence, as an abstract idea, the
Athenians reojarded it as a goddess.
Ver. 19. ^Eirl top "Apeiov ttujov — to the Areopagus. The
Areopagus, or Mars Hill, was a rocky eminence to the w^est
of the Acropolis. It was so called from the legend of the
trial of Mars for the murder of the son of Neptune. It is
much lower than the Acropolis, being only sixty feet above
the valley. This was the meeting-place of the illustrious
senate of Athens, who were in consequence called Areopagites.
They sat in the open air, and their stone seats may still be
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 19-21. 151
discerned on the Areopagus. The court was composed of
the noblest and most virtuous men in Athens. Althouo-h the
city had now lost in a great measure its independence, yet
being a free city, it was governed by its own laws ; so that
under the Romans the council of the Areopagus was still a
constituted court, invested with considerable powers. It was
before this court that Socrates was tried and condemned.
Some (Hemsen, Zeller, Wordsworth) suppose that Paul
was forcibly taken to the Areopagus, and was there tried by
the court on the charge of introducing strange gods (illicita
religio). But such a supposition rests on no foundation.
There is nothing in the narrative to countenance, but, on
the contrary, much to oppose it. The reason Luke assigns
for bringing Paul to the Areopagus was not to accuse him,
but merely to satisfy curiosity. Nor is there mention of a
judicial process being entered into against the apostle. His
address bears no resemblance to an apology or defence ;
and his dismissal does not resemble that of a person who had
been accused. The simple reason why he was led to the
Areopagus was, that it was of easy access from the market-
place, and that he would be there better heard, and able to
speak without interruption.
Vers. 19—21. Avvd/jieda ^vwvaL — Can ive know? A polite
request, thus contradicting the notion that there was a
judicial trial. The Athenians were celebrated for their
politeness. ^AOtjvoIol Se irdvTe<^ — hut all Athenians. A
remark introduced by the historian giving the reason why
the Athenians made this request : it was to gratify their
curiosity. The omission of the article denotes that this was
their national character. Kal ol eircBTj/jLovvTef; ^evou — and
the resident straiigers. The youth of Italy repaired to Athens
for their education. This was especially the fashion at this
time : the philosophers of Athens were in high repute
throughout the world. HvKalpovv — spent their time. A
word belonging to the later Greek : vacare alicui rei (Kuinoel).
The imperfect does not refer to a past time, but denotes that
they were still engaged in doing so — were spending their
time. '\H Xeyetv tl rj aKoveiv Kacvorepov — either to tell or to
152 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
liear some new tJdng. The comparative Katvorepov renders
the expression emphatic : it denotes that they wished to hear
something newer than what was new — the latest news ; or, as
Bengel happily expresses it, Nova statim sordehant; noviora
qucerehantur : " new things became immediately depreciated ;
newer things were sought for." Demosthenes reproaches
the Athenians with the same feelings of curiosity — trifling
their time in the market-place, inquiring after the news :
*' Tell me, is it all your care to go about up and down the
market, asking each other, Is there any news?" {Phil, i.
p. 43.) " Philip acts the part of a soldier, endures fatigue,
faces danger without any regard to the seasons of the year,
and neglects no opportunity ; whilst we Athenians sit at home
doing nothing, always delaying, and making decrees, and ask-
ing in the market if there be anything new " {Phil. PJpist.),
Yer. 22. IlraOeU Be 6 Ilavko^ ev fxeaw rod 'Apeiov Trdyov
— But Paul, standing in the midst of the Areopagus. Paul is
led to Mars Hill, a place famous in Grecian history, where
the most celebrated of all their courts assembled in the open
air. Here Paul would find himself surrounded with all the
most splendid monuments of art. The Acropolis was directly
above him, and the city of Athens lay at his feet. " He
stood," observes Bishop Wordsworth, "on that hill in the
centre of Athens, with its statues and altars and temples
around him. The temple of the Eumenides was immediately
below him ; behind him was the temple of Theseus ; and he
beheld the Parthenon of the Acropolis fronting him from
above. The temple of Victory was on his right, and a count-
less multitude of temples and altars in the Agora and Cera-
micus below him. Above him, towering over the city from
its pedestal on the rock of the Acropolis, was the bronze
colossus of Minerva, the champion of Athens." ^
The remarkable speech which follows can only be fully
understood by taking into consideration the position in which
Paul was placed. His audience consisted of tlie wise and
learned of Athens — the philosophers of the Grecian schools.
He takes as his text the inscription on an altar which he saw,
^ Wordsworth on the Acts, p. 126.
PAUL AT ATHENS.— XVII. 22. 153
^' To an Unknown God ;" and from tins he proclaims the true
God as the Creator and Preserver of the world, and of all
things therein. Surrounded with splendid temples, he asserts
the folly of thinking that the Godhead resides in temples
made with hands ; and pointing to those magnificent statues
in his immediate neighbourhood, he exclaims, " We ought
not to think that the Godhead is like to gold, or silver, or
stone, to an image of art, or the device of a man." And
having thus asserted the majesty of God, and man's depend-
ence upon Him — the great truths of natural religion — he
proceeds to proclaim the message with which he was peculiarly
entrusted, the call to repentance, the future judgment and
the resurrection, when he is interrupted, and his speech left
unfinished.
"AvSpe<; ^AOr^valoi — Ye men of Athens; the usual form
of address employed by their orators. Kara irdvra — in
all respects. '/29, as, does not belong to the comparative
8€i,acSaL/jLove<7T6pov<; as an intensive particle, but denotes that
Paul recognised them as such. Aeco-LSaLfjLoveo-Tepov^s — more
God-fearing^ the comparative of heicnhalfjbwv. It is difficult
to give a correct translation of this word ; no single word
in English contains the full meaning : " more religious "
approaches nearest to it. Auat^al^o^v {heihco haip^wv) —
feariiig the gods. The word, similar to the " fear of God "
with us, is used both in a good and in a bad sense, signifying
in some places religious, and in other places superstitious, the
meaning being determined by the context. Our version
renders it too superstitious ; ^ but it cannot be supposed that
Paul would commence his discourse with an appellation
which would incense his audience against him. It is used
five times by Josephus, and always in a good sense. Chry-
sostom employs the word in a good sense, as equal to evXa^e-
aTepov^f " more religious." The word heicnhaiixovia<^ occurs
in Acts XXV. 19, rendered in our version superstition, but
evidently signifying religion ; for Festus would not call the
Jewish religion a superstition before Agrippa, who was him-
1 So also the Vulgate, which our version here follows, renders it super-
stiilosiores, and Luther translates it allzu ueberglduhig.
154 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
self a Jew. The comparative is not to be here taken as
expressing a high degree, but implies that the Athenians were
more actuated by the fear of the gods than others. German
critics in general translate it by the word gottesfilrchtig,
or still more appropriately, gottesfurchtiger. English critics
have translated the word by different phrases. Lardner
renders it " very devout ; " Hackett, '^ more religious ; "
Humphry, "exceeding scrupulous in your religion ;" Alford,
^'carrying your religious reverence very far;" Doddridge,
" exceedingly addicted to the worship of invisible powers ; "
Conybeare, " careful in your religion ; " Wordsworth, " more
fearful of the gods." In most of these translations the force
of the comparative is overlooked. The literal meaning is
evidently more demon-femnng, the word " demon " being
used in a good sense. That this was the character of the
Athenians, is abundantly confirmed by Greek writers.
Josephus says that " the Athenians are the most religious of
the Greeks " (^Against Apion, ii. 12) ; Xenophon, that they
observed twice as many festivals as any other people (De
Repuh. Athen.) ; Pausanias, that they exceeded all others in
their piety toward the gods, and that they only of all the
Greeks had an altar to Mercy (Pans. Attic.) ; Sophocles, that
they went beyond all the world in the honours they paid
to the gods {GiJd, Col. 1060) ; and Philostratus calls the
Athenians ^LkoOvraL^ "addicted to sacrificing" (Vit. Apoll.)}
Ver. 23. Ta o-e^dafiara v/icov — your sacred tilings ; not,
as in our version, " your devotions." The word denotes all
objects of their worship — their temples, altars, and images.
^Ayvcoarcp dew — to an unknown god ; not, as in our version,
" To the unknown God," the article being wanting. " That
there was at least one altar at Athens with this inscription,"
observes Meyer, " would appear historically certain from this
passage itself, even though other testimonies were wanting,
since Paul appeals to a fact of his own observation, and that,
too, in the presence of the Athenians themselves."^ But
there are other proofs that there were such altars at Athens.
^ See Biscoe on the Acts, p. 293 ; Kiiiuoel, Libi Ilistorici, vol. iii. p. 262.
2 Meyer's ApostelgeschicJite, p. 350.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 23. 155
Thus PausanlaSj who lived a.d. 174, in his description of
Athens, tells us that there were such altars at Phalerus, the
port of Athens : /Sco/lloI Oeoov re ovo/jba^ofievcov dyvcoaTcov (Paus.
i. 1. 4). And Philostratus, who lived about a.d. 244, in
his Life of Apollonius^ says : " It is more discreet to speak
well of all the gods, especially at Athens, where there are
erected altars of unknown gods " {ov kol ayvcoa-jcov Baifjuovcov
l3o3/iol '[hpvvTai^ Vit. Apoll. vi. 2). It is to be observed
that in our history it is asserted that the inscription on the
altar was, ^' To an unknown god ; " whereas Pausanias and
Philostratus assert that there were " altars of unknown gods."
Some accordingly suppose that the true inscription was,
" To the unknown gods," but that Paul for his own purpose
changed it from the plural to the singular. Thus Jerome
observes : " The inscription on the altar was not, as Paul
asserted, ' To the unknown God,' but thus, ' To the gods of
Asia, and Europe, and Africa — to unknown and foreign
gods.' But because Paul required not many unknown gods,
but only one unknown God. he used the word in the singular"
(Jerome on Tit. i. 12). But there is no historical trace
of such an inscription. As Winer observes : " It does not
follow from the language of Pausanias and Philostratus that
every altar had the inscription ayvcoaroc^; Oeoh in the plural ;
but more naturally, that each altar was dedicated to ajvwarw
66a>j but that the writers were obliged to change the sin-
gular into the plural, because they spoke of the altars taken
collectively." ^
The origin of these altars has been variously explained.
Eichhorn supposes that the altars were very ancient, erected
before writing was known, and therefore without inscription ;
and that the Athenians, ignorant of the god to whom they
were originally dedicated, and lest they should offend any
1 The passage from (Pseudo) Lucian, in his PMlopatris, where it is
asserted that the unknown god is worshipped at Athens, cannot be
cited as an authority, as it is now generally agreed that the dialogue is
spurious, and the reference is only an allusion to the statement in the
Acts.
2 Winer's hiblisches Worterbuch — Athens.
156 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
particular god, inscribed on each, ayvcoa-TO) dew. But this
is improbable, as tradition would have preserved the names
of these gods. Others give the following account of their
origin. Diogenes Laertius, in his Life of Epimenides^ in-
forms us, that when the Athenians at one time suffered
under a pestilence, Epimenides arrested the plague in this
manner : he ordered the Athenians to let go white and black
sheep from the Areopagus, and on the spots where they lay
down to sacrifice them tw Trpoaij/covri, Oew^ that is, to the
appropriate god, the unknown god who sent the pestilence ;
and Diogenes adds, " Therefore there are at Athens ^co/jlov^
av(t)vvfjLov<;,^^ that is, not altars without inscriptions, but
anonymous or unnamed altars (Vit, Epim.)} From this
then, it appears probable that, in the times of pestilence or
public calamities, altars were erected in honour of the un-
known god who sent the deliverance. Another supposition
is, that the Athenians erected such altars from superstitious
motives, in case that, in the multiplicity of gods, they had
overlooked any (Chrysostom).
- Another opinion, but more improbable, is, that the altar
with the inscription " To an unknown god," was actually
erected in honour of Jehovah the God of the Jews.^ The
reasons for this conjecture are, that the Athenians erected
altars to the gods of other nations, and that therefore it is not
improbable that there should have been at Athens an altar
to Jehovah. The Jews, however, religiously abstained from
pronouncing the name of God to the Greeks, and hence He
was called " The Unknown." The Emperor Caligula speaks
of Him as " the unnamed God " (Philo, Leg. ad Caium) ; and
Lucan calls Him incertxis Deus {Pliars. ii. 593). And thus
it is supposed that the inscription on the altar to the God
of the Jews was *' To the unknown God," because His
appropriate name was unknown. It is not, however, to be
supposed that the Athenians would be so ignorant of the
Jewish religion as this opinion supposes, especially as the
Jews were so numerous at Athens as to have a synagogue.
^ See Lardner's Works, vol. iv. pp. 171-176.
2 Biscoe on the Acts, pp. 295-297.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 24, 25. 157
'^O ovv a^voovvre<; eva-epelre^ tovto iyo) KarayyeXXco vfilv —
What therefore ye worship without knounng, that declare I unto
you. The neuters o . . . tovto are critically to be preferred
to the masculines ov . . . tovtov of the textus receptus. (See
Critical Note.) Paul does not exactly identify the true God
with the unknown god to whom the altar was inscribed;
but draws the inference that the Athenians, besides the known
gods, recognised something divine to be worshipped which
was different from them. And justly might Paul make this
application : Ye worship an unknown god : ye thus acknow-
ledge that there is a divinity whom you know not : now such
a divinity do I declare to you. The Athenians, it may be
said, did not understand the inscription in the sense given by
the apostle, but according to their heathen notions ; but still,
underneath their religious errors there was, especially among
their philosophers, some dim idea of God.^ 'AyvoovvT€<; —
without hno'wiyig. The apostle, in using this term, does not
directly find fault with the Athenians ; but the reference is
to the inscription on the altar — "an unknown god:" they
confessed themselves to be ignorant of the god whom they
worshipped.
Ver. 24. 'O 0€o? 6 irou^aa'^ tov /cocr/mov — God luho made
the ivorld. The apostle here announces God as the Creator
of the world. This fundamental doctrine of natural religion
was lost sight of by the Epicureans and the Stoics. The
idea of an absolute Creator was not recognised by them.
The Epicureans either supposed the world eternal, or ascribed
its formation to chance ; and the Stoics supposed that God
animated the world, or that the world itself was God : they
admitted an organization, but not a creation of the world by
God. The recognition of the one Creator is antagonistic to
polytheism ; and hence this doctrine of creation was in general
overlooked or denied by the ancient schools of philosophy.
Ver. 25. OvSe viro '^etpcov av6pwiTiV(cv OepaireveTai —
neither is ministered to by human hands ; namely, by sacrifices,
etc. The heathen were accustomed to clothe the images of
their gods with splendid garments, and to minister to them
^ See Note to cli. xiv. 17.
158 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
in various ways. IIpoaS66jjbevo<; rivb^; — as if He needed any-
thing. The heathen certainly had on striking occasions their
expiatory sacrifices, where the idea of an atonement was
brought forward ; but in general, they regarded their sacri-
fices as if they were gifts to their deities — presents to pro-
pitiate their favour — as if the friendship of the gods could be
purchased by gifts. Zwrjv koI ttvotjv — life and breath ; not
merely life, but the breath by which it is continued : God
is the Preserver as well as the Creator. Others take the
words as synonymous, " life, namely breath " — as in the
Old Testament, '' the breath of life ; " but this is a feeble
renderinop.
Ver. 26. 'E7roL7)a-ev re ef evb^ aifjuarog irav e6vo<^ avOpcoircov
— And He made of one blood all nations of men. Paul here
asserts the unity of the human race. Olshausen supposes
that this statement was designed to represent the contempt in
which the Jews were held among the Greeks as absurd ; but
there is no allusion to the Jews in the whole of the discourse.-^
Kuinoel thinks that it was especially directed against the pride
of the Athenians, who boasted that they were avTo^Oove^^
or the children of the soil ;'^ but such an allusion appears far-
fetched. Paul introduces this remark in opposition to the
polytheism of the heathen, who regarded the different nations
as derived from different sources, and as consequently under
the superintendence of different divinities. " On the poly-
theistic standpoint," observes Neander, " a knowledge of the
unity of human nature is wanting, because it is closely con-
nected with a knowledge of the unity of God. Polytheism
prefers the idea of distinct races, over whom their respective
gods preside, to the idea of one race proceeding from one origin.
As the idea of one God is divided into a muhiplicity of gods,
so the idea of one human race is divided into the multiplicity
of national character, over each of which a god is supposed to
preside, corresponding to the particular nation. On tlie other
hand, the idea of one human race, and their descent from
one man, is connected with the idea of one God. Thus Paul
1 Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 412.
2 Kuinoel's Libri Ilistorici, vol. iii. pp. 270, 271.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 27, 28. 159
sets the unity of the theistic conceptions in contrast with the
multipHcity existing in the deification of nature."-^
'Oplcra(; r[TpocyTeray/jLevov<; Kaipov^^ etc. — having fixed their
appointed times, and the boundaries of their habitation. God
has appointed the residence of the nations both according to
tlieir duration and according to their boundaries. He is not
only the Creator and Preserver, but also the Governor of
the nations. This statement is made in opposition to the
doctrine of the Epicureans, who denied God's superintend-
ence of the world, and to the notion of the Stoics, who
supposed that all things were subject to fate.
Yer. 27. ZrjTelv rov Seov — to seek God ; the intention- of
God's providential government. It does not necessarily de-
note a previous acquaintance with God, and a subsequent
apostasy (Olshausen), but rather a present ignorance of Him.
El apa <y€ — if p)erchance : implying a contingency in the
result of the search. WrjXacprjcreiav avrov — that they might
feel after Him, as one who gropes in the dark. Kai<ye ov
[laKpav, etc. — although He is not far from any one of us.\
It is not God who is distant from us, so that He requires to
be sought and found: it is we who are ignorant of God.
God is near to us, but we know it not.
Ver. 28. 'Ev avrw yap ^aJfjiev Kal KivoufxeOa /cal ia/juev —
for in Him tve live, and move, and are. ^Ev avTcp, not by
Him or on Him, but in Him as the element of life. Some
understand these w^ords as a climax ; and others as an anti-
climax. Thus Olshausen supposes that they contain a climax,
— ^fjv denoting the life of the body (aco/jia), Ktvetadac the
activity of the soul ('^v'^tj), and ehat the true life of the
spirit {nrvevp^a). Meyer, on the other hand, supposes an
anti-climax : '' Without God we can have no life : not even
motion, which many lifeless things have, as plants, water,
etc. ; not even bare existence, such as a stone has." ^ Evi-
dently wdiat is here stated is something peculiar to man, and
which is not shared in by the inferior animals ; because the
apostle adds as an illustration of the statement, the saying of
the poet, " We are also His offspring." Still, however, the
^ Neander's Planting^ i. p. 192. ^ Meyer's ApostelgeschicJite, p. 356.
160 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
words are not to be interpreted in a pantheistic sense, as if we
were emanations from God. The apostle had ah^eady suffi-
ciently guarded against such a sense, by asserting the majesty,
independence, and moral government of God — His supe-
riority to the world as its Creator and Preserver. There is,
however, a deep truth that lies at the bottom of the error of
pantheism — the relation of the human spirit to the divine,
and its dependence on it ; keeping always in view tlie per-
sonality of God, and the essential difference which there is
y\ between Him and the creature. In a true and deep sense,
all things, and especially all men, are in God.
'/29 Kai TLve'^ TMV Ka9' uyu-a? TTOLrjTwv elprjKacnVy etc. — as
some of your jioets have saicl^ For lue are also His offspring.
The words rov 'yap Kal <y6vo<; icr/juev are an exact quotation
from the poet Aratus : iravrrj 8e J to? Ke^prjfjLeOa iravTer tov
yap Kal <y6Vo<; iapbev (ArsLins, PlicenomeJia, 5). Aratus was a
native of Soli in Cilicia, and hence a countryman of Paul :
he flourished about B.C. 270, and wrote several astronomical
poems, of which two remain. A similar expression is found
in the hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter, one of the noblest
pieces of antiquity: e/c (tou yap yevo^ icr/xev — "For from
Thee we are the offspring " (Hymn, in Jov. 5). Cleanthes
was a native of Assos in Troas, and a contemporary of Aratus:
he was one of the most celebrated of the Stoic philosophers,
and taught at Athens. The apostle, in using the plural
TTOLTjTMV, had perhaps several poets in view. The extent of
Paul's knowledge of Greek literature has been often dis-
cussed; some asserting that his quotations from the Greek
poets are no proofs of a Grecian education, and others
maintaining the opposite view. But although such quota-
tions are in themselves no decisive proofs of his learning, yet
when we recollect that Paul was a native of Tarsus, a city
celebrated for its schools, it is by no means unhkely tliat he
had a liberal, and not a mere rabbinical education. Besides
this quotation, he elsewhere quotes from Menander (1 Cor.
XV. 33), and from Epimenides (Tit. i. 12). The apostle, in
giving this quotation from Aratus, evidently approves of the
sentiment it contains.
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 29-31. 161
Ver. 29. Tevo<^ ovv v7rdp')(pvTe<^ rod ©eov — being therefore
the offspring of God. The apostle proceeds to infer from
this the absurdity of image-worship. We cannot conceive
that the Godhead is like to gold, or silver, or stone : to do so
would be to call in question our divine origin. These words
must have made a deep impression upon his hearers. The
most splendid images of the gods stood before them — the
masterpieces of ancient sculpture ; and in sight of them Paul
asserts the contrast which there must be between them and
God. It is true that the thinkers among the Greeks had
risen above such a degraded view of the gods as to suppose
that they resembled their images ; but anthropomorphism
was very prevalent among the people, and in all probability
Paul's audience was not entirely composed of philosophers.
Yer. 30. Paul having shown the unreasonableness of
idolatry, now proceeds to discourse on the doctrines of Chris-
tianity. Hitherto he has dwelt on the truths of natural
religion ; now he turns to those of revelation. 'Tirepihiov —
having overlooked : that is, did not appear to take notice
of them, by sending express messages to them, as He for-
merly did to the Jews ; or did not observe them with a
view to punishment : God in His mercy passed them by.
But now the time of forbearance is past, there is a uni-
versal call to repentance. The ignorance of the heathen
is not an excuse, but an extenuation of their guilt. TJaa-iv
TravTa'^ov — all 7nen everywhere : thus emphatically asserting
the universal character of Christianity. MeTavoelv — to
repent : to change their mind and their views, to renounce
their idolatries.
Yer. 31. Kadort — inasmuch as: the reason given why God
now commands all men to repent. The day of judgment
is appointed ; and if they do not repent, they will be con-
demned. 'Ev avhpl — in a man : i.e. in the person of a man
who will be God's representative. TIlaTiv irapaa-^cbv iracnv —
having given assurance to all ; or, as others render it, " having
rendered faith possible to all." Until Christ came, a belief
in a future state of retribution was hardly possible ; and
hence the greater number of philosophers denied it. As we
VOL. II. L
162 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
have seen, it formed no part of the creed of Epicurus ; and
the notions of the Stoics regarding it were very confused.
^Ava(TT7](Ta<i avTov etc veKpwv — having raised Him from the
dead. The resurrection of Christ is the proof which God
has giA^en of the certainty of a future state.
Yer. 32. '"AKovaavref; 8e avdo-raaiv veKpwv — hut ivhen they
heard of a resurrection of the dead. Whenever Paul spoke
of the resurrection he was interrupted, and thus his speech
remains unfinished. He had not as yet even named Jesus,
but had directed attention to His person ; and evidently, had
he been allowed to proceed, he would have discoursed upon
His life and sufferings. ^Avdcnacriv veKpwv — a resurrection
of the dead : not specifically the resurrection of Christ, but
the resurrection generally. 01 fiev . . . ol Be — some . . . others.
If we be permitted to distinguish between these two parties,
we would refer the some who mocked to the Epicureans, and
the others who deferred the further hearing of the apostle
to the Stoics ; but there are not sufficient grounds for this
distinction. ^AKovao/jieda aov irepX tovtov Kal iroXiv — We
icill hear thee again concerning this. Some (Calvin, Grotius,
Rosenmiiller, Alford) suppose that these words were spoken
in earnest ; but if so, we would have expected an account of
the apostle's continuance and further labours in Athens :
instead of this, we are informed that he soon afterwards
departed. The words contain merely a polite dismissal,
although those who spoke them might for the time be im-
pressed, perhaps feeling that there was some truth in what
Paul said.
Ver. 33. Oiitco<; — thus : with such a result. Paul seems
to have had less success in Athens than in any other city ;
whereas we might have supposed that the superior education
of its inhabitants would have prepared them for the recep-
tion of the gospel. The pride of philosophy was here the
great obstacle to the success of the gospel. But " though
the immediate effect of the apostle's sermon was not great,
the Parthenon in time became a Christian church. Athens
ceased to be /caretSwXo? vroXt? ; and the repugnance of the
Greeks to images became so great, as to be a principal cause
PAUL AT ATHENS. — XVII. 34. 163
of the schism between the churches of the East and West in
the eighth century."^
Ver. 34. Atovvcno^ 6 ^ ApeoirwyeiTrj^ — Dionysius the Areo-
pagite. The members of the court of the Areopagus were
chosen from among the best and noblest famihes in Atliens,
and therefore Dionysius must have been a man of distinction.
Nothing certain is known about him. According to the
statement of Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, he became bishop
of Athens (Euseb. Hist, Eccl. iv. 23), where, according to
another tradition, he suffered martyrdom (Niceph. iii. 11).
The mystical writings ascribed to him are beyond question
spurious. Kal <yvvr] ovofiarL Adfiapi<^ — and a looman naraed
Damaris, Probably a woman of distinction in Athens.
Chrysostom supposes that she was the wife of Dionysius, but
only on the ground that she is named along with him.
Grotius conjectures that her proper name was AdfidXi^;, a
common female name amono; the Greeks. The names differ
only in one letter ; and the interchange of the letters p and
X was not without example. The supposition, however, is
entirely arbitrary.
Such is the memorable speech of Paul at Athens. It is
a specimen of eloquence at once dignified and sublime.
The prudence which he displays in not needlessly offend-
ing his auditors, the art he shows in the application of the
inscription to an unknown god, the lofty views he expresses
of the nature of God, the great principle of the unity of the
human race which he advances in opposition to polytheism,
are all proofs of the eloquence and wisdom of the apostle.
He did not denounce the philosophy of his opponents ; he
endeavoured calmly to convince them, not harshly to censure
them; he does not so much confute error as establish truth.
^'The address of Paul before this assembly," observes Neander,
" is a living proof of his apostolic wisdom and eloquence : we
perceive here how the apostle, according to his own expres-
sion, could become a Gentile to the Gentiles, to win the
Gentiles to the gospel." On the other hand, Zeller supposes
that the whole discourse is only a counterpart to the defence
1 Humphry on the Acts, p. 139.
164 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of Stephen in Jerusalem, and differs chiefly in the tragical
end of Stephen, and the free dismissal of Paul.-^ But the
resemblance between these discourses is certainly very slight,
and hardly traceable. Indeed, there is rather a contrast;
Stephen's speech being an apology, and Paul's a simple ad-
dress. The ideas are purely Pauline, and bear the internal
impress of Paul's mind. The speech is incomplete : it was
interrupted before it was finished ; but there is no reason to
consider that it is a meagre abridgment of wdiat Paul said,
though in the opinion of some it is more fully given at the
beginning than at the conclusion. If it be inquired how
Luke obtained it, seeing he was certainly not present, nor
indeed any other Christian, for Paul was alone at Athens,
the reply is obvious : Paul himself communicated it ; and in
this portion of the Acts we have, it may be, a document
composed by the apostle himself.
1 Zeller's Apostelgescliiclite^ p. 261.
SECTION XIL
PAUL AT CORINTH : CLOSE OF PAUL'S SECOND MISSIONARY
JOURNEY.— Acts xviii. 1-22.
1 And after these things, having departed from Athens, he came to
Corinth ; 2 And finding a certain Jew, named Aquila, born in Pontus,
lately come from Italy, and his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had
commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome, he came to them.
3 And because he was of the same trade, he abode with them, and
wrought : for by trade they were tentmakers. 4 And he reasoned in
the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded both Jews and Greeks.
5 And when Silas and Timotheus came from Macedonia, Paul was
engrossed with the word, testifying to the Jews Jesus as the Christ.
6 And when they opposed, and blasphemed, he shook his garments,
and said to them. Your blood be upon your own heads ; I, pure, shall
henceforth go to the Gentiles. 7 And having departed thence, he
came into the house of one named Justus, a worshipper of God, whose
house adjoined the synagogue. 8 And Crispus, the chief ruler of the
synagogue, believed on the Lord with all his house : and many of the
Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized. 9 And the Lord said
to Paul in the night by a vision. Fear not, but speak, and be not
silent : 10 Because I am with thee, and no one shall set on thee to
hurt thee ; because I have much people in this city. 11 And he con-
tinued there a year and six months, teaching the word of God among
them. 12 But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one
accord assaulted Paul, and brought him to the judgment-seat, 13 Say-
ing, This person persuadeth men to worship God contrary to the law.
14 And when Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the
Jews, If it were a wrong or a vile crime, ye Jews, I should then
reasonably bear with you : 15 But if it be questions concerning a word
and names, and your law, look ye to it yourselves ; I will be no judge
of such matters. 16 And he drove them from the judgment- seat.
17 Then all seized on Sosthenes, the chief ruler of the synagogue, and
beat him before the judgment-seat : and Gallio cared for none of these
things.
18 And Paul remained there yet a considerable time; and having
165
166 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
taken leave of the brethren, he sailed to Syria, and with liim Priscilla
and Aquila, having shaved his head in Cenchrea : for he had a vow.
19 And they came to Ephesus, and he left them there ; but he himself
entered into the synagogue, and reasoned with the Jews. 20 But when
they desired him to remain longer time with them, he consented not :
21 But taking leave of them, and saying, I will return to you, if God
will, he sailed from Ephesus. 22 And when he had landed at Csesarea,
and gone up and saluted the church, he came down to Antioch. .
CRITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 1. 'O Tlavko^ is found in A, E, but omitted in B,
D, t^ : it is rejected by Tischendorf and Lachmann, being
inserted as the commencement of a church lesson. Yer. 5.
The reading tw Trvev/maTO is found in only one uncial MS. (H),
whereas A, B, D^ E, G, i< read ra> Xoycp^ which is adopted
by all the recent critics. Yer. 7. The reading Tltov, or
Tltlov 'lovaroVj is found in B, D (corrected), E, t5, and the
Yulgate; whereas A, D (original), G, H read simply
^lovarov, which is the reading adopted by Tischendorf.
Yer. 17. After irdvTe^ the textus receptus has ol ''EW7)V6<;,
found in D, E : the words are wanting in A, B, J<, and are
rejected by Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Meyer. Yer. 19.
The plural KaT7]VT7]aaVy found in A, B, E, ^5, is by recent
critics preferred to the singular, found in G, H. Yer. 21.
The sentence, Sel fie 7rdvT03<; t7)v eopTrjv ttjv ip')(oiJiev7]v TroiTJaai
€t9 'lepoaoXvjjLa (textus receptus), is found in D, G, H, but
is omitted in A, B, E, i< : it is rejected by Tischendorf and
Lachmann, but retained by Meyer and Alford.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Yer. 1. "HxOev eU KopivOov — He came to Coinntlu Paul,
in going from Athens to Corinth, came in contact with a
very different society. Athens was the great seat of philo-
sophy ; Corinth was celebrated for its commerce and luxury.
Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, was the tutelar divinity of
the one ; Yenus, the goddess of love, was the chief object of
the worship of the other. And yet Paul was more successful
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 1. 167
in sensual Corinth than in intellectual Athens. In ilia urhe^
literce et philosopliia ; in hdcj mercatura maxime florehat. Inde
utriusque whis habitus ad evangelium pulcre inter se conferri
possit. Midto 7najorem fructum CorintM Paulus habuit, quam
Atlienis (Bengel). Corinth, originally called Ephyra, was
situated on the isthmus which connects the Peloponnesus
with the rest of Greece, and separates the iEgean from the
Ionian Sea. In a military point of view it was of great im-
portance, as it commanded the entrance into the peninsula,
and hence was called by Xenophon " the gate of the Pelo-
ponnesus." It was also most favourably situated for the
commerce both of the East and the West. It had two
ports ; of which the eastern, Cenchrsea, on the ^gean Sea
toward Asia, was about eight miles distant; and the western,
Lechaeum, on the Ionian Sea toward Italy, was about a mile
and a half from the city (Strabo, viii. 6. 20). In its imme-
diate neighbourhood was the citadel, or Acrocorinthus, a hill
rising to the height of 2000 feet, and so difficult of ascent
that it was almost impregnable. It was to Corinth what the
Acropolis was to Athens. The Greek town of Corinth was
completely destroyed by the Romans under Lucius Mum-
mius, B.C. 146, about the same time that Carthage was
destroyed. After lying in ruins about a hundred years,
Corinth was rebuilt by Julius Caesar, and converted into a
Roman colony (Strabo, viii. 6. 23). Its proper name was
Colonia Laus Julia Corinthus.^ Under the Romans it
speedily recovered its former prosperity : it became a great
commercial city, and was constituted the capital of the pro-
vince of Achaia. It was celebrated for its wealth and
magnificence, as well as for the refinement of its inhabitants.
Cicero calls it "the light of all Greece" {totius Groecice
lu77ien), and Florus " the capital of Achaia, and the glory of
Greece" (Achaioi caput Gi^wcioi decus). It was, however,
infamous for its hcentiousness : Venus, whose temple was
on the Acrocorinthus, was its favourite goddess; and im-
purity prevailed to such an extent, that KopLvdid^etv, '' to live
like a Corinthian," was equivalent to scortari. Dio Chry-
^ See Eckhel's Doctr'ma numorum veterum, vol. ii. p. 237.
168 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
sostom terms it a city " the most licentious of all that are or
have been." Corinth is now a miserable village, still bearing
its ancient name.^
Ver. 2. ^ AKvkav^ TIovriKov rcp'yevei, — Aquila, horn in Pontus,
Some suppose that Uovtikov too ^yevei is an error of the
transcriber, and that the name of Aquila was Pontius. A
Pontius Aquila is mentioned by Suetonius as an opponent
of Julius Caesar (Cses. 78) ; and it has been supposed that
the Aquila of the Acts may have been one of his freemen.
This, however, is a mere conjecture, which rests on no
foundation, and is unsupported by the reading of any MS.^
It has been disputed whether Aquila and Priscilla were
already Christians when Paul met with them. Some (Meyer,
De Wette, Lechler, Alford) consider that they were not at
that time Christians. The reasons for this supposition are :
that Aquila is called only a Jew, and not a disciple or a
believer; that he is classed among the Jews who were
expelled from Eome; and that Paul joined him, not on
account of their common Christianity, but on account of
their common trade. Others (Kuinoel, Neander, Wieseler,
Olshausen, Lange, Ewald), with greater probability, suppose
that they were already disciples. There is no mention of
their conversion ; and Paul's companionship affords a pre-
sumption in favour of their Christianity. Only among
Christians could the apostle feel himself at home. They
are frequently noticed in Paul's epistles : they were with
him at Ephesus when he wrote the first Epistle to the
Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 19) ; and we find them again at
Rome when he wrote the Epistle to the Romans (Rom. xvi.
3, 4). On some occasion they rendered Paul very important
service ; for in the Epistle to the Romans he speaks of them
as having for his life laid down their own necks. Pontus,
where Aquila was born, was situated along the shores of the
Black Sea. Christianity was early introduced into it, pro-
^ See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, ch. xii. ; Lange's apostolisclies
Zeitalter, pp. 233, 234 ; Kuincel's Novi Testamenti Lihri Historici, p.
275 ; Kenan's Saint Paul, pp. 212-214.
2 Lange's BiheliverJc: ApostehjescMclite. Von Lechler, p. 299.
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 2. 169
bably by some Jews, natives of Pontus, who were converted
on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 9). It is a singular coin-
cidence that the Aquila who translated the Old Testament
into Greek was also a native of Pontus.
A La TO Siarera'^evai KXavBiov ^((opi^eaOaL iravra^; rou?
'lovBalovf; airo t?;? 'Pw/it]^ — because Claudius had commanded
all Jeios to depart from Rome. The Jews were very numerous
at Eome, and inhabited a separate district of the town, on the
banks of the Tiber. They were often very troublesome, and
were several times expelled from Rome. Suetonius expressly
informs us that they were banished by the Emperor Claudius.
His words are remarkable : Judoeos impulsore Chresto assidue
tumidtuantes Roma expidit — " He banished the Jews from
Rome, who were continually making disturbances at the
instigation of Chrestus" (Claudius, 26), Meyer supposes
Chrestus to have been some unknown Jewish demagogue at
Rome, whose treasonable attempts led to this decree of expul-
sion. But it is more probable that Chrestus is a mistake for
Christus, especially as, according to Tertullian, the word was
often thus wrongly pronounced (^Apol. 3). Some (Kuinoel,
Gieseler) accordingly suppose that the cause of the disturb-
ance was a tumult raised by the Jews against the Christians,
as we find from the Acts was their frequent practice, and
that Claudius, without examining which party was in the
wrong, banished them all from Rome. The most probable
opinion is, that the Jews were excited to rebellion by the
expectation of the Messiah, perhaps by a false Christ, as was
frequently the case in Judea. The Jewish expectation of
the Messiah was known to the Romans, and is mentioned
both by Tacitus and Suetonius. The statement of Suetonius
concerning the expulsion of the Jews is, however, apparently
at variance with another statement of Dio Cassius, who tells
us that Claudius was afraid to expel so vast a multitude, and
only prohibited their assemblies (Dio Cassius, Ix. 6). But it
is probable that Dio Cassius refers to a decree which pre-
ceded the edict of expulsion, and may have been the cause of
the disturbances among the Jews. At all events, the fact of
the expulsion mentioned by Luke is corroborated by the
170 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
testimony of Suetonius. It would appear that this edict of
Claudius was soon reversed, or at least ceased to be acted
upon ; for when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Eomans,
Aquila and Priscilla had returned to Rome; and when he
himself came to Rome, he found numerous Jews. Some
suppose that the edict was reversed when Nero ascended the
imperial throne.
Ver. 3. "^Haav yap crKr]voiroiol rfj re-^vy — -/or tJiei/ were tent-
makei's by trade. It was the custom of the Jews, even of the
richest families among them, to train up their children to
some useful trade. The reasons of this were probably the
esteem which the Jews had for trade, and their prudence in
providing against the changes of fortune. " He," says Rabbi
Judah, " that teaches not his son a trade, does the same as if
he taught him to be a thief." The word aKr}voiroi6<^ has been
variously translated. Luther renders it Teppichmacher, a
carpet manufacturer. Michaelis thinks that Paul and Aquila
were makers of instruments. De Dieu thinks the word sig-
nifies a worker in leather, a saddler, because tents were in
general made of leather. Hug supposes that Paul was a
maker of tent-cloth ; and he adverts to the fact that in Cilicia,
Paul's native country, there was a manufactory of tent-cloth
from the hair of the Cihcian goats, and which was called
KLkUia (Cilician cloth). •"• The word literally signifies a tent-
maker, and probably refers to the manufactory of tent-cloth,
a trade which Paul may have learned in his native country ;
or to the making of the cloth into tents. This passage is
peculiarly interesting, as it informs us of the trade by which
Paul supported himself and his companions when he preached
the gospel. " Paul," observes St. Chrysostom, "after working
miracles, stood in his workshop at Corinth, and stitched
hides of leather together with his hands ; and the angels
regarded him with love, and the devils with fear." We learn
that Paul supported himself by his trade at Thessalonica
(1 Thess. ii. 9 ; 2 Thess. iii. 8) and Ephesus (Acts xx. 34),
as well as at Corinth (1 Cor. iv. 12).
^ For other opinions, see Kuinoel's Lihri Ilistorici^ vol. iii. p. 276, and
Meyers Apostelgeschichte, p. 3G5.
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 5, 6. 171
Yer. 5. ^L\a<; Koi 6 TifioOeo^ — Silas and Timotheus. Paul
had left Silas and Timothy at Berea, with directions to follow
him to Athens. Timothy had, however, been sent by Paul
to Thessalonica to confirm the church there ; and in conse-
quence of this delay, they did not rejoin the apostle until he
came to Corinth. Xvvei')(eTo to5 Xo^w 6 Tlavko<i — Paul was
engrossed loith the word. There is a variety in the reading.
(See Critical Note.) In the textus receptus it is crvv6i')(eT0
TO) TIvevfiaTb — ims i^ressed by the Spirit ; that is, was power-
fully excited by the Holy Spirit. The reading rat X07W,
however, is to be preferred. Xwe^w signifies to hold
together, to press together, to constrain, to urge. Such is
the evident meaning of the word in 2 Cor. v. 14, " The love
of Christ constrains (crvve'^ei) us." Hence in the passive it
signifies to be constrained, to be pressed, to be much occupied
— Paul was engrossed by the ivord. So Kuinoel, Olshausen,
De Wette, and Meyer. The meaning is not, that when Silas
and Timothy came they found Paul thus occupied ; but that
their arrival imparted a new impulse to him : he felt that he
was no longer alone, that he had fellow-workers in the great
cause, and therefore he devoted himself to it with greater
earnestness. He himself tells us, that when he first came to
Corinth he was with them "• in weakness and in fear, and in
much trembling" (1 Cor. ii. 3) ; and we can easily conceive
how the arrival of such associates as Silas and Timothy must
have encouraged him.
Yer. 6. ^EjcTtva^afjievof; tcl ifiaTia — shaking his garments.
A symbol of similar import with shaking off the dust from
the feet (Acts xiii. 51), denoting his entire separation from
them. To al/jua v/jlcov iirl rrjv K€(j)a\r]v vficov — your blood be
upon your heads ;■ not an imprecation, but a statement of
fact, that by their resistance they brought destruction upon
themselves. The expression has no reference to the custom
of laying the hand on the head of the sacrifice (Eisner), or of
witnesses laying their hands on the head of the accused (Pis-
cator) ; but is a proverbial expression, denoting the destruc-
tion which one brings upon himself, the head being here
used for the person. The destruction here alluded to is the
172 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
eternal destruction which will come upon all who reject the
gospel.^ KaOapo'; eyco — / pure ; that is, I with a pure con-
science. There is a probable reference to Ezek. xxxiii. 1-9.
Paul, in warning the Jews in Corinth of their clanger, had
delivered his own soul — their blood was upon their own
head.
Yer. 7. Kal /jLera^a^ eKeWev — and having departed thence :
that is, from the synagogue, the nearest and most natural
antecedent ; not from the house of Aquila (Heinrichs, Alford).
'lovcTTov — Justus, There is a variety in the reading here.
(See Critical Note.) Some MSS. read, Titus Justus. If this
be the correct reading, then Titus is here mentioned, who,
as we otherwise learn, was with the apostle in some part of
his missionary journeys (Gal. ii. 1).
Ver. 8. Kpi(77ro<; Se 6 ap'^co-vva'yco'yo^ iTrio-revaev — But
Crispus, the chief ruler of the synagogue^ believed. Probably
Paul's separation from the synagogue brought matters to
a crisis, so that many waverers became avowed disciples.
Crispus was one of those who in Corinth received the ordi-
nance of baptism at the hands of the apostle. " I thank
God," says he, '' that I baptized none of you but Crispus
and Gains " (1 Cor. i. 14).
Vers. 9, 10. Al^ 6pdfj.aT0<; iv vvktI — hy a vision at night.
(See note to Acts xvi. 9.) At Troas, a man of Macedonia
appeared to Paul in a vision at night, entreating him to come
over to Macedonia and help them ; but here we learn that
this call to Macedonia was not to be restricted to that par-
ticular country, but was intended to embrace the adjoining
countries. Jesus Himself appears in a vision, and enjoins
Paul to remain for some time in Corinth. Alotl \a6<; earl fiat
TToXvg — because I have much jjeojyle. Aao^, the word employed
for Israel, the people of God, in contrast to eOi^rj. This does
not include those who were already converted, but refers
to those who should be converted by the preaching of the
apostle. Even in this wicked and abandoned city of Corinth,
Christ had a people : the gospel met with great success.
Perhaps Paul may have been somewhat discouraged with his
^ Meyer's AjwstelgeschicJite, p. 366.
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 11. 173
comparative want of success at Athens ; and hence the en-
couragement now given to him was opportune and needful.
Ver. 11. ^EKciOiaev re iviavrov kol fir]va<; ef — and he con-
tinued a year and six months. Some (Riickert, Meyer, De
Wette) suppose that this denotes only his residence in Corinth
until the disturbance occasioned by the Jews arose. They
think that, according to the Lord's promise, Paul continued
in quiet for a year and a half, but that afterwards dis-
turbances arose. So that to denote the whole period of his
residence, the time which Paul remained after the tumult
must be added to the year and a half. But the fruitless
attempt of the Jews against Paul, the complete failure of
the assault which they made upon him, was a remarkable
fulfilment of Christ's promise to him, ''that no one would
attack him to hurt him." Others (Wieseler, Anger, Lechler,
Alford) suppose that the whole period of Paul's residence in
Corinth is mentioned, both the period before and the many
days which he remained after the tumult. " This opinion,"
observes Wieseler, " appears to me to be undoubtedly correct,
for several reasons. The particle re connects this verse in
the closest manner with the preceding : ' The Lord said,
Fear not, but speak, and be not silent ; and so he con-
tinued a year and six months teaching among them the word
of God.' The main thought of the words which the Lord
spoke to Paul in the vision is undoubtedly, ' Speak in this
city, and be not silent ; ' and accordingly the period of time
during which the apostle obeys this command of Christ must
refer to the whole time in which he spoke at Corinth, and
therefore must include the time until his departure. The
same conclusion follows from the general expression i/cdOicre,
he continued in Corinth. Meyer, indeed, understands the
expression in the sense of ' he remained in quiet ; ' but I can-
not see how the word can have that meaning." ^ AuhdaKcov
ev avToh tov \6<yov rod Oeov — teaching among them, the ivord
of God. Corinth being a commercial and maritime city,
visited by strangers from all parts, Paul had an opportunity
of preaching the gospel to the natives of many countries.
^ Wieseler's Clironologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 46.
174 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
It was dnrinor his long residence in Corinth that he wrote
the two Epistles to the Thessalonians.
Ver. 12. TaXkiwvo^ — Gallio, Gallio belonged to an
illustrious family. His fatlier was the rhetorician Marcus
Anng3us Seneca, and liis brothers were Lucius Annaeus
Seneca, the celebrated philosopher and tutor of Nero, and
Annaeus Mela, the father of the poet Lucan. His original
name was Marcus Annaeus Novatus ; but being adopted by
the rhetorician Lucius Junius GaUio, he took tlie name of
Junius Annaeus Gallio. Tacitus alludes to him several
times in his Annals : once when he was rebuked by Tiberius,
whom he attempted to flatter {Ann. vi. 3) ; and another
time on the occasion of the death of his more distinguished
brother Seneca, wlien he showed some degree of cowardice,
" being terrified at the death of his brother, and earnestly
praying that his life might be spared" (.4?in. xv. 73). Seneca
speaks of him in the highest terms as a man of a most
amiable disposition, and. greatly beloved by all : Gallionem
fratrem meum, quern nemo ?ion parum amat, etiam qui amare
plus non potest — " My brother Gallio, whom every one
loves too little, even he who loves him to the utmost." And
again : Nemo enim mortalium mihi tain clulcis est^ quam hie
omnibus — " No one is so delightful to me, as he is to all "
(Nat. Ques. iv.). Statins calls him dulcis Gallio (Silv. n.
7. 32). His fate is doubtful : according to one account, he
committed suicide (Euseb.) ; according to another, he was
put to death by Nero (Dio Cassius), whereas according to
Tacitus he seems to have been spared.
^AvOvTrarevovTo^ rr}? ^A')(ata<; — beiiig p)roconsiil of Acliaia.
The province of Achaia was almost of the same extent with
the modern kingdom of Greece: it included the Peloponnesus
and the rest of Greece proper ; whereas Macedonia, Epirus,
Thessaly, and part of Illyria formed the province of Mace-
donia. These two provinces were granted by Augustus to
the senate ; but Tacitus informs us that Tiberius, at the
entreaty of the provinces themselves, converted them into
imperial provinces, so that they would then be governed not
by proconsuls, but by propraetors {Ann. i. 76). Suetonius,
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 13-15. 175
however, tells us that ^' Claudius gave up to the senate the
provinces of Achaia and Macedonia, which Tiberius had
transferred to his own administration " (Claud, xxv.). And
it was toward the latter end of the reign of Claudius that
Paul was at Corinth. This is another remarkable confirma-
tion of the extreme accuracy of Luke. As Tholuck well
remarks, if only the passage of Tacitus were extant, and the
passage of Suetonius wanting, it might have been supposed
that Luke had committed a mistake, whereas his accuracy
is now undoubted.^ We have no precise information from
other authorities that Gallio was the proconsul of Achaia ;
but in one of Seneca's epistles mention is made of his being
forced to leave Achaia on account of his health. ^' The say-
ing of Gallio occurred to me, who, when he was taken ill of
a fever in Achaia, immediately embarked, saying it was the
disorder not of the body, but of the place" {EpisL 104).
KaT€7r6(TT7]aav rw TIavKco — assaulted Paul. The verb
KaT€(pi(7Tr}/jLL ouly occurs here in the New Testament ; it is
not found in the Septuagint. Probably the change of
government on the arrival of Gallio encouraged the unbe-
lievino; Jews to make this assault on Paul.
Ver. lo/'OriTrapa tovvo/jlov, etc. — This person persiiadeth
men to worsJiijy God contrary to the law. The law here
spoken of is not so much the Roman as the Jewish law.
It is evident, from the answer of Gallio, that the accusers
mentioned wherein Paul had violated the law. The Romans
had granted the Jews full liberty to practise their own
religion ; and therefore Paul's accusers hoped that Gallio
would interfere and punish him for teaching doctrines
which they asserted were in opposition to the law of Moses.
According to their views, it was the duty of the Roman
government to prevent any attempt to pervert or overturn
their religion.
Vers. 14, 15. MeXkovro^ Be rev TlavXov dvoiyetv to aTOfA,a
— hit tvhen Paid ivas about to open his mouth. Gallio does
not permit Paul to reply, — not from any disrespect to the
apostle, but because he did not think it necessary for him to
1 Tholuck's Glaubiviirdigkeit^ p. 173.
176 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
enter upon his defence. He was accused of no crime wliicli
came under the cognizance of the Roman law. Although
the Romans protected the Jews in the performance of their
religion, yet it belonged to the Jews themselves to regulate
their own affairs. ^ABUy/ia — a ivrong ; an act of injustice,
an infringement of private rights, which might be the ground
of a civil action. 'PaStovpyrj/jba irovrjpov — a iviched crime,
which might be the ground of a criminal action. Kara
Xoyov — according to reason — reasonably. '' If it were either
of these, I should have given you a patient hearing." El he
^Tjrrjfxara eart irepl \6<yov, etc. — hut if it is a question con-
cerning a word, and names, and your law. The accusers had
doubtless mentioned the names of the Messiah, and of Jesus
of Nazareth ; for Paul's assertion that Jesus was the Messiah
was the main cause of the opposition of the Jews. NofMov
rod fcaO^ v/ulu^; — i/our law. The special law of the Jews, and
not the law of the Romans. Kara^ with the accusative of
the personal pronoun, is to be considered as a circumlocution
for the possessive pronoun.-"^ "O-^eaOe avToL — looh ye to it
yourselves ; i.e. decide upon it according to your own laws.
KpiTT]^ iyoD Tovrcov ou jBovkoixai elvat — / tvill be no judge
of such matters. Gallio here acted the part of a wise and
equitable judge. Had the charge referred to an act of dis-
honesty or to a criminal action, he would have examined into
it ; but as it referred merely to a question of the Jewish law,
he declined to interfere, as it dfd not fall under his jurisdic-
tion. This conduct entirely agrees with the character of
Gallio given by his brother Seneca — that of an amiable and
upright man.
Ver. 16. Kal a7n]\aa€v avTOv<; airo tov ^7]fjiaT0^ — And he
drove them from the tribunal. ^Ainqkaaev implies that some
force had to be employed to expel the Jews from the court.
Ver. 17. 'ETTiXaPojievoi Be TraVre? ^coadevrjv tov ap')(^L-
(Tvvd'yw'yov — And all seized on Sosthenes^ the ruler of the
synagogue. This Sosthenes was evidently the leader of
the Jewish party opposed to Paul. He was the ruler of
the synagogue, having, as some suppose, succeeded Crispus,
^ Winer's Grammar of the New Testament^ p. 1G7.
PAUL AT CORINTH. — XVIII. 17. 177
who was expelled when he became a Christian ; or, as others
think, being along with Crispus among the chief rulers ; or,
according to Grotius, the chief ruler of another synagogue,
there being probably several in the large commercial city of
Corinth. There is no reason for identifying him with the
Sosthenes who is united with Paul in the salutation of the
first Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. i. 1). But who are
the 7rdvTe<; who beat Sosthenes before the judgment-seat ?
The reading of the MSS. here varies. Some MSS. read ol
^lovhalotj the Jews^ — a gloss arising probably from mistaking
this Sosthenes with the person mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1, and
supposing that he was a Christian. But it is very improbable
that, after judgment had been given against the Jews, they
would have been permitted to beat one of their opponents.
Other MSS. read ol "E\\7]V€<;, the Greeks. This also is a
^loss, but approaches nearer the truth. Tlavre^ are those
round the tribunal — the officers of the governor. Enraged
at the pertinacity of the Jews, they took their leader and
beat him. Calvin strangely imagines that Sosthenes was
one of Paul's companions whoQi the Greeks beat, although
the Jews were the acknowledged authors of the tumult, and
the defeated party .^
Kal ovSev tovtcov tw TaXKlcovL ejiekev — And Gallio cared
for none of these things. This is usually charged upon Gallio
as a matter of reproach, as if he were indifferent to religion ;
and hence a Gallio is often used to denote an indifferent
person : we speak of religious Gallios and political Gallios.
But this charge arises from a complete misunderstanding of
the passage. That Gallio was indifferent to religious matters
is possible, but this is not the fact which is here stated. All
that is asserted is that Gallio did not choose to interfere.
He was wrong in not interfering ; he should have prevented
this assault on Sosthenes ; he should have kept the peace ;
but no doubt he was incensed at the intolerance and pertinacity
of the Jews. Perhaps also the beating took place when the
Jews were forcibly driven from the judgment-seat. "The
object of this remark," observes Meyer, " is to represent
^ Calvin, in loco.
VOL. II. M
178 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the complete failure of the attempt of the Jews. So little
did the charge against Paul prosper, that the accusers were
themselves beaten without tlie interference of the judge,
who by this indifference declared himself on the side of the
accused." ^
Yer. 18. 'EfeVXet ek rrjv ^vpiav — he sailed to Syria.
Paul, after the tumult, remained for a considerable time
longer (ijfjbepa^ Uava^) in Corinth, and afterwards set sail
for Antiocli, in Syria, as his ultimate destination. As there
is no mention of Silas and Timothy accompanying him, it is
probable that he left them to minister to the church at
Corinth.
Keipdiievo<^ ttjv Kec^oXiqv — having shaved the head. It is
disputed whether this shaving of the head refers to Aquila
or Paul. Some (Castalio, Grotius, Heinrichs, Kuinoel,
Schneckenburger, Meyer, Wieseler, and Howson) suppose
that it was Aquila who shaved his head. The reasons of
this supposition are because Aquila is last named, and that
in a noticeable manner, after his wife Priscilla : a position
supposed to be designedly chosen by Luke for the purpose
of making the reference of Keipafievo^ to Aquila more evi-
dent. Besides, it is argued that it is contrary to Paul's
character to suppose that he was still so bound to Judaism
as voluntarily, and without any purpose, to submit to the
ceremony of shaving his head. When afterwards in Jeru-
salem, he took upon himself the vow of the Nazarites, he
regarded it as a matter of indifference, and did so for a
particular purpose. Nothing, however, can be inferred
from Priscilla being named before Aquila, as they are else-
where thrice named in the same order (Rom. xvi. 3 ; 1 Cor.
xvi. 9 ; 2 Tim. iv. 19). Besides, Paul is the important
person, and Aquila and Priscilla are entirely subordinate,
so that it is more natural to refer the shaving of the head
to Paul. That Aquila shaved his head cannot possibly be
a matter of any moment, and would not have been noticed
by the historian.
Accordingly the other opinion, adopted by Augustine,
1 Meyer's ApostelgescJucJite, p. 370.
CLOSE OF PAUL'S SECOND JOURNEY. — XVIIL 18. 179
Luther, Beza, Calvin, Bengel, De Wette, Baumgarten,
Olshausen, Neander, Lange, Lechler, Zeller, Hackett,
Alford, Wordsworth, referring the shaving of the head to
Paul, is the more correct. Meyer, indeed, objects that this
opinion is at variance with Paul's character, and incon-
sistent with his principles concerning the abrogation of the
Jewish law. But although Paul held that the Jewish law
was not binding on the Gentile Christians, and not essential
to the Jewish Christians, yet he was far from forbidding the
Jewish Christians to observe it. He himself, as a Jew, no
doubt would keep the law in many particulars, otherwise
his influence among the Jews would have been gone : " To
the Jews he became as a Jew, that he might gain the Jews."
He did not renounce the ceremonies of Judaism ; but, on
the contrary, James could testify that he walked orderly,
and kept the law (Acts xxi. 24). The objection, then, arises
from a misconception of Paul's character and conduct.
'Ev Ke7%/)eat9 — in Cenchrcea. Cenchraea was the eastern
harbour of Corinth, on the iEgean Sea, the emporium of its
trade with the East. " The port of Cenchrsea," observes
Strabo, " was about seventy stadia from the city : it served
for the commerce of Asia; whereas the other port Lechseum
served for the commerce of Italy " (Strabo, viii. 6. 22). There
was a church in Cenchrsea which was probably planted at
this time by the apostle (Rom. xvi. 1). It is now known
by the modern name Kikries. Paul went from Corinth to
Cenchraea for the purpose of taking his passage in some
vessel bound for Ephesus.
Elx^v jap evxnv—for he had a vow. We are not informed
what was the precise nature of this vow. Most critics sup-
pose that it was the vow of the Nazarites, called by Philo
the great vow {ev^r) /jieydXr])^ according to which a man
abstained from shaving his head. It was either taken for life,
as in the case of Samson, or for a definite period : if for a
period, the Nazarite at its termination shaved his hair. Such
a vow was frequently taken by the Jews at this time. We
have an example of it in the case of the four men who had
a vow on them, whom Paul accompanied into the temple to
180 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
be at charges with them, that they might shave their heads
(Acts xxi. 23, 24). Josephus observes, that it was usual
with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper or
with any otlier distress to make vows ; to abstain from wine
for thirty days before they offered their sacrifices, and to
shave their heads {Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 1). It does not, how-
ever, appear that this vow of Paul was precisely similar to
that of the Nazarites, because the loosening of the vow could
only be effected in the tabernacle or temple, and there is no
account of any relaxation of the law for the sake of foreign
Jews (Num. vi. 1-21). Some suppose that Paul's vow had
been broken by some ceremonial impurity, as contact with a
dead body, or intercourse with the Gentiles ; and that the
shaving of his head represented the renewal of his vow.
But not to insist that the text refers to the termination of
his vow, such a renewal could only be made in the temple.
Others accordingly (Salmasius, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Meyer)
suppose that it was a private vow ; that Paul made a vow, on
the occasion of some remarkable deliverance, that he would
not shave his head for a certain period. Permitting the hair
to grow was with the Nazarites a sign of consecration to God ;
and hence a vow to do so was a similar symbol. The opinion
of Neander seems to be the most correct, that although this
vow was not precisely the same as the Nazarite vow, yet it
was a modification of it, practised by those Jews who were
abroad, and who were necessarily prevented from strictly
observing the conditions of the law.^ This vow was probably
an expression of gratitude on the part of the apostle for the
divine goodness in preserving him from imminent danger
durinfr his loncj abode at Corinth.
Ver. 19. KaT7JvT7]aav Se et? "E(f)6aov — and they came to
Ephesus. Paul crossed the JEgean Sea from Corinth to
Ephesus. Means of communication between these large cities
would at this time be frequent. For a description of Ephesus,
see note to Acts xix. 1. KaKelvov^ KarekiTrev avrov — and he
left them there. ^lentioned by anticipation that Paul left
Aquila and Priscilla at Ephesus, when he journeyed to
^ Neander's Planting, vol. i. p. 207.
CLOSE OF PAUL'S SECOND JOURNEY.— XVIIL 21, 22. 181
Csesarea. The Syriac version inserts this clause at the be-
ginning of ver. 21, which seems its most natural place :
" And he left Aquila and Priscilla at Ephesus, and he him-
self sailed and came to Csesarea."
Ver. 21. The reading of this verse has been disputed. See
Critical Note. Critics are nearly equally divided in their
opinions. The clause, Bel fie TTavT(o<i t7]v koprr^v ttjv ep^ojjbivrjv
TTOLTja-ao et? 'lepoaoXvfjba — / must by all means keep the coming
feast at Jerusalem — is rejected by Bengel, Griesbach, Kuinoel,
Neander, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Lechler ; but retained
by Bornemann, Meyer, De Wette, Olshausen, Wieseler,
Baumgarten, Wordsworth, and Alford. The preponderance
of external evidence is slightly against it ; whereas the in-
ternal evidence is in its favour : if not originally in the text,
no good reason can be assigned for its insertion. In such a
doubtful case, perhaps the preferable plan is to retain the
reading. It has been disputed what feast is here meant.
Wieseler supposes it to be the feast of Pentecost, whereas
Ewald considers it to be the Passover. No argument in
favour of the Passover can be drawn from the article r7]v
iopr^v (Ewald), as if it denoted the chief feast, namely the
Passover, for the particular feast is further defined as the
coming (t7]j/ ip'^o/jbiprjv) feast.
Ver. 22. Kal KareXOcov el^ Kaiadpetav — And having come
down to Ccesarea, Paul sailed from Ephesus to Csesarea,
then the Roman capital of Judea. 'Ava/Ba^ Kal aairaadiJbevo^
rrjp eKKXr^alav — and having gone up and saluted the church.
Some (Calovius, Kuinoel, Schott) refer these words to
Csesarea, and suppose that they mean only that Paul went
lip from the shore to the city. Others (Calvin, Bengel,
Olshausen, Neander, Meyer, De Wette, Wieseler, Lange,
Lechler) refer them to Jerusalem ; that Paul went up from
Csesarea to Jerusalem, and saluted the mother church.
Certainly the mere going up from the shore to the city is too
unimportant to be mentioned ; whereas dva^d^ is a fitting
term to represent a journey from Ca3sarea to Jerusalem.
The following words also — Kare^r} eh ^ AvTi6')(eLaVj went
down to Antioch — are inappropriate to represent a journey
182 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
from Csesarea to Antloch, as Antloch is in a more elevated
situation ; but appropriate to represent a journey from Jeru-
salem to Antioch. If the words, " I must by all means keep
this feast that cometh in Jerusalem" (ver. 21), be genuine,
there can be little doubt that the reference is to a visit to
Jerusalem. If, on the other hand, the words be spurious,
still, although there is not the same certainty, the above
reasons are of weiMit. This was Paul's fourth visit to Jeru-
salem after his conversion, and is only alluded to in this
passage. His stay was probably short and unimportant.
Wieseler's opinion, that this was the visit mentioned in the
Epistle to the Galatians, has been already stated and anim-
adverted^ upon. KarejSr] ek ^Avri6')(eiav — ivent down to
Antioch. Paul thus returns to the city from which he had
set out on this his second missionary journey. Neander,
Kenan, and others, suppose that it was during this visit of
Paul to Antioch that the dispute arose between him and
Peter concerning the relation of the Jewish law to the
Gentiles.-^
Thus terminated Paul's second missionary journey. It
was much more extensive than the first. Besides visiting
the churches formerly planted by him in Cilicia and Pisidia,
he established churches in Phrygia and Galatia, and then
crossed over to Europe and planted Christianity in at least
four cities — Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth, —
perhaps also in Athens. The time spent in this journey has
been variously estimated. In Corinth we are told that he
resided for at least a year and a half ; and to this has to be
added the time spent in preaching the gospel in the countries
of Phrygia, Galatia, and Macedonia. Wieseler supposes
two years and six months ; but this is too short a period to
embrace all that Paul performed: in all probability, the
journey occupied at least three years. If we suppose, as is
most probable, that he left Antioch in the year a.d. 51, his
return may be fixed in the year A.D. 54.
1 See, on this subject, note to Acts xv. 35.
SECTION XIIL
ON APOLLOS.— Acts xviii. 23-28.
23 And having spent some time, he departed, passing in succession
through the Galatian region and Phrygia, strengthening all the disciples.
24 And a certain Jew named ApoUos, an Alexandrian by birth, an
eloquent man, being mighty in the Scriptures, came down to Ephesus.
25 This man was instructed in the way of the Lord ; and being fervent
in the Spirit, he spoke and taught accurately the things concerning
Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John. 26 And he began to speak
boldly in the synagogue,- but when Aquila and Priscilla heard him,
they took him to them, and explained to him the way of God more
accurately. 27 And when he wished to go to Achaia, the brethren, ex-
horting, wrote to the disciples to receive him ; who, when he was come,
helped them much who had believed through grace : 28 For he power-
fully confuted the Jews in public, showing by means of the Scriptures
that Jesus was the Christ.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 25. Uepl rov Kvpiov, the reading of the textus
receptus, is found in G, H ; whereas Trepl rov ^Irjcrov is far
better attested, being found in A, B, D, E, and ^, and is
adopted by modern critics. Yer. 26. ^AKv\a<^ koL nplo-KoWa
is found in D, G, and H, and is adopted by Tischendorf,
Lechler, and Meyer : on the other hand, TIpla-KLXka koX
'AKv\a<^ is the reading of A, B, E, and ^y and is adopted by
Lachmann and Alford.
EXEGETICAL REMAEKS.
Yer. 23. Kal iroir]am xpo^ov tlvcl e^rp^Oev — And having
spent some time, he departed. This was the commencement
of Paul's third missionary journey. It is probable that his
183
184 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
residence at Antioch at this time was short, and that he left
it in the year a.d. 54 or 55. Like liis second missionary
journey, this was at first a journey of visitation : he visited
those churches in Galatia and Phrygia which he had already
established. We are not informed who his companions were.
Silas had ceased to accompany him : he had been left behind
at Corinth, and had probably returned afterwards to Jeru-
salem : the next time we read of him he is the associate of
Peter (1 Pet. v. 12). Paul had several associates during his
long residence at Ephesus : mention is made of Timothy
and Erastus (Acts xix. 22), and of Gaius and Aristarchus
(Acts xix. 29) ; but we do not know whether these joined him
at Ephesus, or accompanied him from Antioch. Timothy,
at least, must have joined him at Ephesus, if, as is probable,
he had been left behind at Corinth (Acts xviii. 18). Titus,
though not mentioned in the Acts (see, however, note to
Acts xviii. 7), was also with the apostle during the early
part of this journey, as he was sent \>y him from Ephesus to
Corinth (2 Cor. xii. 18). Aiep^oiievo^ KaOe^rj^ rrjv TaXa-
TtKTjv '^(opav KoX ^pvyiav — passing in succession through the
Galatian territory and Phrygia. The exact route of the
apostle is uncertain. It is probable, though not mentioned
in the Acts, that he passed through Cilicia and Lycaonia,
visiting the churches in these countries, and went from them
into Galatia.^ Wieseler supposes that he did not revisit
Lycaonia at this time, but journeyed northward through
Cappadocia into Galatia, and thence into Phrygia.^ The
direction he now took was the reverse of his former journey :
then " he went throughout Phrygia and the region of
Galatia" (Acts xvi. 6) ; but now he goes first to Galatia,
and then to Phrygia ; and the reason was, because he had
proconsular Asia, adjoining to Phrygia, and especially
Ephesus, in view.
Ver. 24. ^lovSalo^ 8e tls ^AttoWco^; ovofjuan — hut a certain
Jewy named Apollos. '^ttoXXco?, a contraction for ^AttoX-
^ See a description of the route which Paul probably took in Kenan's
Saint Paul, pp. 331-333.
^ Wieseler's Clironoloyie des apostolischen Zcitalters, p. 52.
ON APOLLOS.— XVIII. 24. 185
\(t)VLo^. as the Codex Bezas reads.^ We know nothino; of
his previous history beyond what is here stated : that he was
born of Jewish parents, and a native of Alexandria. He
laboured successfully in Corinth. Shortly afterwards he
joined Paul at Ephesus ; for he was with him when he wrote
the first Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 12). The
last mention made of him is in one of the later epistles of
Paul, written many years after this, when, writing to Titus,
he says, " Bring Zenas the lawyer, and Apollos, on their
journey diligently, that nothing be wanting to them" (Tit.
iii. 13). According to an uncertain tradition, he became
bishop of Csesarea.
^A\6^avSpev<; rat ryevec — an A lexandrimi hy birth, (For a
description of Alexandria and its Jewish population, see note
to Acts vi. 9). The alabarch or governor of the Jews at
this time, in all probability, was Alexander the brother of
the celebrated Philo (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 8. 11). Alexandria
was famous for its schools, and especially for its eclectic
philosophy, a mixture of Greek and Oriental systems. At
this period there was a celebrated school of Jewish learning,
the school of Philo, which in freedom from mere form,
liberty of thought, and spirituality, was in advance of the
age ; and which, though tainted with mysticism in its doc-
trine of the Logos, approached nearest the truth of the
gospel. In the third century, the Alexandrian philosophy,
as taught by Clement and Origen, exercised on Christianity
an important influence, both for good and evil. It is pro-
bable that Apollos, in the Jewish school of Alexandria,
enjoyed the benefit of a liberal education.
^Avrjp \6yLo<^ — an eloquent man, Aoyto^ is used in three
senses : 1. One skilled in history — historicus^ Herod, ii. 3.
2. Learned — doctiis, Herod, ii. 77 ; Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi.
5. 3. 3. Eloquent — eloquens^ facundus^ Joseph. Ant. xvii.
6. 2.^ Neander supposes that the meaning here is learned,
because a learned literary education, and not eloquence, was
the distinction of the Alexandrians ; and the disputation of
^ The Sinaitic manuscript reads 'A^rgAAijj.
2 Kuinoel's Lihri Historici, vol. iii. p. 284.
186 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Apollos with the Jews at Corinth suits this meaning of
XojLo^, taken from the Jewish standpoint.-'- But the usual
meaning eloquent corresponds equally well with an Alex-
andrian education, and is more appropriate to represent the
effect of the labours of Apollos at Corinth. Besides, the
learning of Apollos is afterwards alluded to by the words,
" being mighty in the Scriptures." Hence most critics adopt
the meaning eloquent. So De Wette, Meyer, Olshausen,
Lange, Lechler. AvvaTo^ cov iv Tal<^ 'ypac^ah — being mighty
in the Scriptures. He possessed an accurate knowledge of
the Old Testament, and an abiHty to explain and apply it.
Ver. 25. Ovro^ r]v Karrj^Tj/nevo'^ rrjv oSov rod Kvpiov —
this man ivas instructed in the nmy of the Lord. " The way
of the Lord" is a phrase which is elsewhere only used in
relation to the ministry of the Baptist (Matt. iii. 3 ; Mark
i. 3). By the Lord here is not meant God (Lechler), but
Christ ; and hence " the way of the Lord" is the doctrine
of Christ: the divine plan to redeem Israel through the
Messiah. It would appear that Apollos recognised Jesus as
the Messiah, and was acquainted with the chief incidents of
His life ; for we read that " he spoke and taught accurately
the things concerning Jesus." He did not merely regard
Jesus as the forerunner of the Messiah (Baumgarten), but,
like the Baptist, as the Messiah Himself. The amount of
his knowledge seems to have been, that he had correct views
of the spiritual nature of the Messiah's kingdom, and be-
lieved in Jesus. He appears, however, to have been ignorant
of the effects of Christ's mission and sufferings, and of the
outpouring of the Holy Ghost (Acts xix. 2) : he knew only,
we are informed, the baptism of John. It is improbable
that he was one of the Baptist's immediate disciples ; but
rather that he received his rell£fious instructions from one
of John's disciples who had come to Alexandria, and who
was ignorant of the great events which followed the death
of Christ.
Kal ^ecov tu> irvevfian — and being fervent in the Spirit.
The same phrase is employed in Rom. xii. 11, toS Trpeufiarc
^ Neander's Planting, vol. i. p. 229.
ON APOLLOS. — XVIII. 25. 187
feoz^re?. On account of the article before irvev^arL, some,
and especially the Fathers, suppose that the Holy Spirit is
meant. So Chrysostom and Theophylact. '' Luke," ob-
serves Calvin, " attributes zeal to the Spirit, because it is a
rare and peculiar gift : neither do I so expound it, that
Apollos was moved forward by the instinct of his ov/n mind,
but by the motion of the Holy Spirit." The objection to
supposing the Holy Spirit to be here meant is that Apollos
was only baptized to John's baptism, and was ignorant of
the mission of the Holy Spirit. But this did not prevent him
from being actuated by the Spirit ; and in all likelihood his
ignorance referred not to the existence, but to the miraculous
influences, of the Spirit.
^EXakei Koi ehlhaa-Kev aKpi^(0<; ra nrepl rov ^Irjaov — He
spoke and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus.
'EXdXei — spoke in conversation. ^ESlSacrKev — taught in
public, in the synagogue. 'Akpl/Sm^ must have the same
meaning as its comparative aKpi/Searepov in ver. 2Q : hence
not cliligentli/, as in our version, but accurately. He taught
accurately, according to the measure of his knowledge. His
knowledge, however, is limited by the statement which fol-
lows : " knowing only the baptism of John." Ta nrepl rov
^Ir]crov — the things concerning Jesus ; i.e. what he knew con-
cerning the life of Jesus, recognising Him as the Messiah.
^E7naTd/ji€vo<; jjlovov to ^airriapba ^Icodvvov — knowing only
the baptism of John. This does not mean that Apollos
only believed in a Messiah to come, and was ignorant of the
fact that He had already appeared in the person of Jesus
of Nazareth ; for the Baptist had pointed out Jesus to his
disciples as the Messiah. Nor does it even imply an absolute
ignorance of Christian baptism, but merely that Apollos did
not recognise the characteristic distinction between it and the
baptism of John : he regarded them as the same — the baptism
of repentance.-^ He had only received the baptism of John,
and still wanted baptism in the name of Jesus. He was
ignorant of the outpouring of the Holy Ghost, and perhaps
of the glorification of Christ (Acts xix. 2). Baur and Zeller
1 Meyer's AposielgescJiichte, p. 376.
188 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
object that there is here a contradiction in terms : Apollos
is said to have been instructed in the way of the Lord, and
to teach accurately the things concerning Jesus ; and yet
notwithstanding he knows nothing of the baptism of Christ,
but only of the baptism of John, and requires to be more
accurately instructed by Aquila.^ But there is here no con-
tradiction : the imperfection, and even the partial erroneous-
ness of his knowledge, w^ere not incompatible with his
zealj or w^ith his accurate teaching of Jesus according to the
measure of his knowledge. Still, however, it is somewhat
difficult to account for his ignorance. His residence at
Alexandria will not entirely explain it. More than twenty
years had elapsed since the death of Christ and the outpour-
ing of the Spirit ; and we are informed that among those
present at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost were dwellers
in Egypt : hence, doubtless, long before this the gospel must
have penetrated to Alexandria. Perhaps, however, the
number of Christians at Alexandria were then few ; and as
the city was immensely populous, containing about 600,000
inhabitants, Apollos had not come in contact with them. —
With regard to the disciples of John, they may be divided
into three classes. The greater number of them, as several
of the apostles, passed over to Christianity : from being the
disciples of John, they became the disciples of Christ. Others
opposed Christianity, establishing a sect of their own, after-
wards know^n by the name Zabeans, and teaching that the
Baptist, contrary to his own declarations, was the Messiah.
And a third, and probably a small party, in consequence
of their connection with Palestine being early broken off,
remained stationary, like Apollos and the twelve men at
Ephesus, knowing only the baptism of John, but being
ignorant of the effusion of the Spirit (Olshausen).
Ver. 26. 'AKpL/Siarepov auru) i^iOevro ttjv tov ©eov ohov —
eocplained to him the icay of God more accurately. Trjv tov
©eov ohov is synonymous with t7]v oSov tov Kvplov (ver. 25),
inasmuch as the doctrine of Christ is from God. Aquila and
^ Zeller's ApostelgescJiichte, p. 263 ; Baur's Apostel Paulas, vol. i.
p. 280.
ON APOLLOS. — XVIII. 27. 189
Priscllla would inform him of the resurrection of Christ, the
effects of His death, the universality of His religion, and the
mission of the Holy Ghost ; and thus, from being a disciple
of John, Apollos became a disciple of Christ, and an eloquent
preacher of Christianity. It has been disputed whether
Apollos was rebaptized. We are informed that the twelve
disciples of John at Ephesus were baptized in the name of
the Lord Jesus (Acts xix. 2, 5), whereas there is no mention
made of the baptism of Apollos. Some (Grotius, Lange,
Wordsworth) suppose that his baptism is necessarily to be
taken for granted. Olshausen thinks that he was baptized
in the name of Christ at Ephesus by Aquila, but first received
the Holy Ghost through means of Paul at Corinth.-^ Others
(Chrysostom, Bengel, De Wette, Meyer, Ewald) think that
he was not rebaptized. He stood on a different footing from
the twelve disciples of John at Ephesus : he had already
received the thing signified — the baptism of the Holy Ghost ;
and therefore did not require the sign — the baptism of water.
But this is an insufficient reason : both Paul and Cornelius
were baptized after they had received the Holy Ghost. The
first opinion, then, is the more probable, that Aquila, when
he instructed Apollos, also baptized him in the name of
Jesus.
Yer. 27. BovXo/jbevov Be avrov hiekOelv eU ttjv ^A'^atav —
hut he, wishing to pass into Achaia. Achaia was the Roman
province of which Corinth was the capital ; and it was to
Corinth that Apollos repaired. Perhaps what he had heard
from Aquila and Priscilla concerning the work of Paul in
Corinth, may have excited within him the desire to go into
Achaia. nporpeylrd/jieuoL ol aSeX^ol — the brethren exhorting.
The language is ambiguous : it may either mean that the
brethren wrote to the Corinthian disciples, exhorting them to
receive Apollos, or that the brethren exhorted Apollos to go
to Achaia. Accordingly some (Luther, Castalio, De Wette,
Meyer) adopt the former meaning — that the brethren wrote
exhorting the Corinthian disciples. Others (Calvin, Erasmus,
Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Kuinoel, Lange, Lechler) adopt the
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and Acts, vol. iv. p. 455.
190 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
latter meaning, that the brethren exhorted and encouraged
ApoUos to go to Achaia. The position of the words, irpo-
Tpe-^aixevoi preceding ol aSe\(f)ol eypa-yfrav, rather favours
this latter meaning : nor does there seem any good reason to
object that, if this were the meaning, avrov would have been
expressed. According to the other rendering, irporpe-^dixevoL
indicates the tone of the epistle, or the spirit in which it was
written : '' The brethren, exhorting, wrote to the disciples."
"Eypayfrav TOL<i ixa6rjTal<; airohe^aaOai avrov — wrote to the
disciples to receive him. This is the first instance which we
have of a Christian letter of commendation (iTnaroXr] aucr-
rariKrj). There is no reason, however, to suppose, with
Hackett, that this letter is alluded to in 2 Cor. iii. 1.
^vve^akero iroXv — helped them much. The best comment
on these words is what Paul says in his first Epistle to the
Corinthians : " I have planted, Apollos watered, but God
gave the increase" (1 Cor. iii. 6). Tol^ TreiriarevKoaLv — icho
had believed. Rigavit Apollos non plantavit (Bengel). Jta
tt)? j(apiTo^ — through grace. Some (Calvin, Grotius, Kuinoel,
Bengel, Olshausen, Meyer, Lange, Lechler, Wordsworth)
connect these words with crvve/BakeTo, and apply them to
Apollos : " Apollos, through the grace which was in him,
helped believers ;" because the design of the text is to cha-
racterize Apollos and his labours, and not the Corinthian
Christians. This, however, is contrary to the position of
the words, and consequently to their natural meaning. Others
accordingly (Hammond, De Wette, Hackett, Alford) more
correctly connect them with rot? ireiriarevKoa-Lv — " who had
believed through grace." By grace here is not meant the
gospel (Hammond), or grace in speech and utterance (Hein-
richs), but the grace of God — divine influence.
Ver. 28. EvT6vco<i — migJdihj: used by the Greeks of orators.
Tol^ ^IovSaLOL<; hiaKarrjke.'y^eTo — confuted the Jews : a strong
expression — " utterly confuted," " effectually silenced all
their opposition." He would thus be a great assistance to
the Corinthian disciples in their disputations with the unbe-
lieving Jews. ArjfjLoala — publicly: preaching in the syna-
gogues and elsewhere — in public controversies. ^EiriheiKvv^;
ON APOLLOS. — XVIII. 28. 1^1
Sia Tcov 'ypa<f>a)v — sJioiving hy means of the Scriptures : proving
from the predictions of the Old Testament ; using its expres-
sions for the purpose of establishing the truth of the proposi-
tion that Jesus of Nazareth is the Christ. Apollos, though
eminently successful at Corinth, yet was the involuntary
instrument of exciting a sectarian spirit among the disciples.
After his departure, factions arose in the Corinthian church :
one party called themselves by the name of Paul, as being
the founder of the church ; and another party called them-
selves by the name of Apollos, being attracted by his elo-
quence. Such a state of matters was as displeasing to Apollos
as it was to Paul : there was no rivalship between these two
great men, whatever there might be between their admirers
and followers ; each was perfectly disinterested ; each worked
simply for the cause of Christ. Hence it was that Apollos,
though requested by the Corinthians and urged by Paul,
declined to go to Corinth ; because he thought his presence
there might only increase the factious spirit which prevailed.
" As touching our brother Apollos, I greatly desired him to
come to you with the brethren ; but his will was not at all to
come at this time, but he will come when he shall have a
convenient time" (1 Cor. xvi. 12).
SECTION XIV.
PAUL AT EPHESUS.— Acts xix. 1-20.
1 And it came to pass, while Apollos was at Corinth, that Paul, having
passed through the upper districts, came to Ephesus, and found certain
disciples. 2 And he said to them. Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when
ye believed? And they said to him, We did not even hear whether
there be a Holy Ghost. 3 And he said. Unto what, then, were ye
baptized? And they said, Unto John's baptism. 4 But Paul said,
John indeed administered the baptism of repentance, saying to the
people that they should believe on Him who should come after him,
that is, on Jesus. 5 When they heard this, they were baptized into
the name of the Lord Jesus. 6 And when Paul had laid his hands
on them, the Holy Ghost came on them ; and they spoke with tongues,
and prophesied. 7 And all the men were about twelve.
8 And having entered into the synagogue, he spoke boldly for three
months, discoursmg and persuading concerning the kingdom of God.
9 And when some were hardened and unbelieving, speaking evil of
that way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated
the disciples, discoursing daily in the school of Tyrannus. 10 And this
continued for two years ; so that all the inhabitants of Asia heard the
word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks. 11 And God wrought extra-
ordinary miracles by the hands of Paul : 12 So that handkerchiefs or
aprons from his body were carried to the sick, and the diseases departed
from them, and the evil spirits went out. 13 But some of the strolling
Jews, exorcists, also took upon them to invoke the name of the Lord
Jesus over those who had evil spirits, saying, I adjure you by Jesus,
whom Paal preacheth. 14 And there were certain men, seven sons of
Sceva, a Jewish chief priest, who did this. 15 And the evil spirit
answering, said, Jesus I know, and with Paul I am acquainted ; but
who are ye? 16 And the man in whom the evil spirit was, leaping on
them, having overcome both, prevailed against them, so that they fled
from that house naked and wounded. 17 And this was known to all
the Jews and Greeks dwelling in Ephesus : and fear fell on them all,
and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. 18 And many who
believed came, confessing, and acknowledging their deeds. 19 And
many of them who had practised curious arts brought their books
192
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 1. 193
together, and burned them before all : and they counted the price of
them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. 20 So mightily grew
the word of the Lord, and prevailed.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Yer. 1. Eupetv is found in A, B, X, and is preferred by
Tischendorf and Lachmann to evpcov, found in E, G, H.
Yer. 4. XpidTov before 'Ir)crovv is found in G, H, but is
wanting in A, B, E, X, and omitted by recent critics.
Yer. 9. Tlv6<; after Tvpavvov is found in D, E, G, H, but
is wanting in A, B, ^, and omitted by Lachmann and
Tischendorf. Yer. 10. 'Irjaov after Kvplov is only found
in G, and is omitted by all recent critics. Yer. 13. The
singular opKL^co is found in A, B, D, E, 65, and is preferred
by recent editors to the plural opKi^ofjuev^ found in G, H.
Yer. 16. ^ AiJL<f)OTepwv is found in A, B, D, &5, and is preferred
by Lachmann and Tischendorf to avrcov, found in G, H.
Yer. 20. Kvplov of the textus receptus is the reading of A,
B, X, and is retained by Tischendorf and Lachmann in pre-
ference to ©eovj the reading of D and E. The English
version deviates from the textus receptus^ and follows the
reading of the Yulgate, Dei.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Yer. 1. Ta avcorepLKa ixepj) — the upper districts ; that is,
the inland districts compared with Ephesus, which was on
the coast : the more elevated regions of Galatia and Phrygia,
at a distance from the Mediterranean.
Ek "E(j)6(Tov — to Ephesus, This celebrated city of Ionia,
situated between Smyrna and Miletus, on the Cayster, not
far from its mouth, was built partly on Mount Prion, partly
on Mount Coressus, and partly on the valley which separates
these hills. It had a commodious harbour, called Panormus,
formed by the river, which here widened out into a spacious
basin (Strabo, xiv. 1. 20). The situation of the city was
favourable both for inland and maritime commerce : it lay
VOL. II. N
194 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
on the main road of traffic between the East and the West,
and became the resort of all nations. Ephesus was built
by Androclus the Athenian, and gradually rose under the
Macedonian and Roman governments to be one of the chief
cities of the East. Under the Romans it became the capital
of the province of Asia, and was reputed to be the metropolis
of no less than five hundred cities. Although the residence
of the Roman proconsul, yet it enjoyed the privileges of a
free city of the empire, and was self-governed. The magni-
ficent temple of Diana, reckoned one of the seven wonders
of the world, added to its celebrity. Ephesus is famous in
the history of the church. Here, according to tradition, the
Apostle John spent his old age, and was buried ; and here
also w^as the grave of Mary the mother of Jesus. The
city gradually declined ; and now nothing remains of the
metropolis of Asia, but a wretched Turkish village called
Ayasaluch or Asalook, said to be a corruption of 07^0?
^60X0709, the name by which the Apostle John was known.^
The renowned harbour is now converted into an unhealthy
marsh. The ruins of the ancient city are extensive and
interesting : the theatre may yet be traced ; but of the
celebrated temple not one stone remains above another.^
Tiva^ fiaOrjrdf; — certain disciples. By this we can only
understand Christians, especially as Paul addresses them as
believers {Trcarevaavre^). These men were indeed the dis-
ciples of the Baptist ; but they seem to have attached them-
selves to the Christians at Ephesus, and to have acknowledged
Jesus as the Messiah. Their knowledge was very imperfect,
as they were ignorant of the mission of the Spirit ; and
hence they may be regarded as a kind of half-Christians.
Kuinoel thinks that the word " disciples" is to be taken w^ith
considerable latitude, meaning the disciples of Christ or the
^ Ayasaluch is about a mile and a half distant from Ephesus. Fellows'
Asia Minor, p. 275.
* For descriptions of Ephesus, see Winer's Worterhuch ; Lange's
apnstolisches Zeitalter, vol. ii. p. 2G2 ; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul,
vol. ii, p. 81 ff. ; and Lewin's Life and Epistles of St. Paul^ vol. i.
p. 355 ff.
PAUL AT EPHESUS.— XIX. 2. 195
Messiah — persons believing in a coming Messiah, but not
acknowledging Jesus as the Messiah.^ But in this sense all
the Jews were disciples. Besides, the expressions are too
strong to admit of such an interpretation. Paul regards
them as believers, which must mean that at least they be-
lieved in the Messiahship of Jesus.
Yer. 2. El Ilvevfia aytov iXdfiere TnarevaavTe^ — Did you
receive the Holy Ghost ivhen you believed f The aorist form
of both verbs intimates that both actions, believing and the
reception of the Holy Ghost, were regarded as simultaneous.,
There is no question as to what happened after believing,
but the question is about what occurred when they believed.
Hence the clause is not to be rendered, as in our version,
" Have ye received the Holy Ghost since ye believed ? " but,
"Did you receive Him on believing?" (Alford, Hackett.)
Paul, on conversing with them, may have discovered some-
thing defective in their knowledge or attainments, and thus
have been induced to put this question to them. By the
Holy Ghost here is meant His divine influences, which were
especially conferred under the Christian dispensation ; per-
haps the miraculous gifts of the Spirit, since these were
bestowed on those Ephesian converts (ver. 6). From this
it would almost appear that, in general, there was among
the early Christians a sensible outpouring of the Holy Ghost
in the way of miraculous gifts at baptism ; for otherwise the
inquiry of the apostle into the nature of their baptism cannot
be accounted for.
'AX}C ovBe el TlveviJua ar^iov iartv, y/covcra/jLev — We did not
even hear whether there be a Holy Ghost. These words
cannot be taken absolutely, as if these Ephesian converts had
never heard of the existence of the Holy Ghost. As Jews,
and especially as disciples of John, whose baptism of water
pointed to the baptism of the Holy Ghost, they must have heard
of His existence. JVam neque Mosen^ neque Johannem Baptistam
sequi potuissentj quin de Spiritu Sancto ipso aiidissent — '^ They
could not have followed either Moses or John the Baptist,
without hearing of the Holy Ghost" (Bengel). The words,
^ Kuinoel's Libri Historici, vol. iii. p. 286.
196 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
then, must signify that they did not know that the Holy
Ghost was already given : they were ignorant of His effusion
upon tlie church. They knew nothing of His miraculous
influences. Olshausen understands their answer in a dog-
matic point of view, that they were ignorant of the Holy
Ghost as a distinct personality of the Godhead ; but such
an interpretation appears inappropriate and far-fetched.^
Ver 3. Eh TO ^Icodvvov /SdirTLcr/ia — into Johns baptism ;
that is, into a belief of the truths which John's baptism
declared, — namely, faith in a coming Messiah, and the ne-
cessity of repentance. These men, as the Baptist himself,
recognised Jesus as that Messiah ; but still they were igno-
rant of the effects of His sufferings, of the effusion of His
Spirit, and of all those truths which are declared in Christian
baptism, as distinguished from the baptism of John. Some
(Heinrichs, Wetstein, Renan) suppose that these men were
the disciples of Apollos, and had been instructed and bap-
tized by him, before he himself was fully instructed. But
this is improbable : for Apollos would not have left these
disciples in ignorance ; and besides, in their intercourse with
the other Christians, especially with Aquila and Priscilla,
information would have been communicated to them concern-
ing the Holy Ghost. The probability is, that they were dis-
ciples of the Baptist, who had lately come from some remote
country to Ephesus, and had not enjoyed any opportunity of
being instructed regarding the Holy Ghost, beyond what, as
Jews, they had already acquired from the Old Testament,
and hence were ignorant that the promised effusion of the
Spirit had taken place. They appear to have been in a
condition similar to that of Apollos when he first came to
Ephesus, though in a lower stage of development.
Yer. 4. Mev — indeed. Mev is here without its corre-
sponding Be. Instead of completing the sentence by men-
tioning the manner in which Christ would baptize, the
apostle adds, " that is, on Jesus." ^E^dirTia-ev ^aTrTccrfia
/jL€TavoLa<; — administered the baptism of repentance. John's
baptism was the baptism of repentance, of mortification ;
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 457.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 5. 197
Christ's baptism is the baptism of revival, of vivificatiori
(Melancthon). ^'Iva Trta-revcrcoo-iv — tJiat they should believe :
the purpose or design of John's baptism. It was wholly
preparatory : it prefigured and had its fulfilment in the
Christian baptism ; as the Baptist himself said : " I indeed
baptize you with water unto repentance ; but He that
Cometh after me shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost"
(Matt. iii. 11). Tovr eariv eU top "'Irjaovv — that is^ on
Jesus. An explanatory clause added by Paul. «Tohn taught
them to believe on a Messiah to come, and that Messiah is
Jesus.
Ver. 5. ^ AK0V(TavTe<i 8e. epairTiaOrjo-av^ etc. — And lohen
they heard thisj they were baptized into the name of the Lord
Jesus. It has been disputed whether these disciples of John
were rebaptized. The early Protestant divines, from dog-
matic views, in opposition not only to the Anabaptists, but
also to the doctrine of the Romanists on the essential differ-
ence between the baptism of John and the Christian baptism,
adopted the negative side of the question. The Council of
Trent maintained : Si quis dixerit baptismum Johannis eandem
vim cum baptismo Christi habuisse, anathema esto. Different
hypotheses have accordingly been advanced to explain the
text. 1. Some (Beza, Calixtus, Calovius, Drusius, Da Veil)
suppose that the words are not those of the evangelist, but
a continuation of the address of Paul. They read them as
follows : " When they — namely, the people to whom John
spoke — heard this testimony of his concerning Christ, they
were baptized by John in the name of Jesus." ^ Their great
argument for this rendering is, that the Be in ver. 5 answers
to the /JL6V in ver. 4. But fiev frequently occurs without
being followed by Be (Acts i. 1). And we nowhere read
that John baptized his disciples into the name of Jesus,
although he directed them to Him as the Messiah. 2. Calvin
and others maintain, that not the baptism of water, but the
baptism of the Holy Ghost, is here meant. " I deny,"
observes Calvin, " that the baptism of water was repeated ;
because the words of Luke only import that they were bap-
1 Du Veil on the Acts, p. 405.
198 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
tized with the Spirit."^ But the baptism of the Holy Ghost
is never spoken of by the phrase of ^' being baptized in the
name of Jesus." 3. Ziegler supposes that these disciples of
John believed that the Baptist himself V7as the Messiah ; so
that they had never received the true baptism of John, and
thus might well be regarded as unbaptized. But it is not
said that they were baptized to John, but into John's baptism,
namely, into a belief of the Messiah who was to come ; and
besides, they are expressly called disciples, that is, believers
in the Messiahship of Jesus. Hence, then, the natural
meaning of the passage is, that these disciples were rebap-
tized with the Christian baptism, either by Paul himself or
by some of his associates.
It is, however, disputed by those who adopt this meaning,
whether this rebaptism was the general rule, or only an ex-
ception ; in other words, whether those who were baptized
by the baptism of John were, as a matter of course, rebap-
tized on their believing in Christ. Nothing is said of the
second baptism of Apollos, though no argument can be de-
rived from this omission. The apostles certainly, several of
w^hom were baptized by John, do not appear to have received
the Christian baptism ; but then they were the disciples of
Christ before the institution of baptism. The same may be
affirmed of the original disciples before the day of Pentecost.
On the other hand, the numerous converts who were con-
verted on that day were all baptized as a matter of course,
and no inquiry w^as made as to whether they had or had not
received the baptism of John ; although it is almost certain,
that among such a great multitude there were some of John's
disciples.
Ver. 6. "^HXOev to Hvevfia to djtov iir avTov^ — the Holy
Ghost came upon them. They received the miraculous gifts
of the Spirit, which is a presumption that the inquiry as to
their reception of the Holy Ghost referred to His miraculous
influences. They spoke with tongues — gave vent to inspired
utterances ; and prophesied — discoursed in such a manner
as to show that they were gifted with spiritual knowledge.
1 Calvin on the Acts^ in loco.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 7-9. 199
Baur, Zeller, and Schneckenburger suppose that this narra-
tive is merely an imitation of the conversion of Cornelius ;
but there is this important difference between these two
accounts, that the miraculous influences of the Spirit were
conferred on Cornelius before baptism ; whereas here they
were conferred after baptism.
Ver. 7. ^Hcrav Se ol 7rdvT6<; dvBpe^ axret Se/caSuo — and all
the men were about twelve. Baumgarten fancifully supposes
that the number twelve answers to the twelve tribes of
Israel, and that these disciples are set forth as a new Israel.^
It is also fanciful to suppose that they were set apart for
the ministry: the gift of prophecy was not restricted to the
office-bearers of the church.
Ver. 8. ElaeXdcbv et? rrjv avvaycoyrjv — having entered into
the synagogue. We learn from Josephus that there were not
only numerous Jews at Ephesus, but that many of them
were Roman citizens {Ant. xiv. 10. 13).
Ver. 9. 'Ev rfj a-'XpXfj Tvpavvov — in the school of Tyrannus.
As the word Tyrannus signifies a king or prince, some
(KnatchbuU and others) suppose that a certain nobleman or
ruler of the city is meant. But there is no reason for this
supposition, as Tyrannus, like " King" with us, was a proper
name among the Greeks. Others (Vitringa, Hammond,
Wolfius, Meyer) suppose that Tyrannus was a Jewish teacher,
and that his school was a private synagogue — a Beth-Mid-
rasch, as the Jews called it. In Beth-Midrasch docuerunt tra-
ditiones atque earum expositiones (see Vitringa, Synag. p. 137).
Paul and his converts withdrew from the public synagogue to
the private synagogue of Tyrannus, where he could preach
to Jews and Gentiles without fear of disturbance.^ Others
(Lechler, Ewald, Lange), with greater probability, suppose
that Tyrannus was a Greek, and a public teacher of philo-
sophy or rhetoric, who had become a convert to Christianity.
The lecture-rooms of philosophers were called in later Greek
(TXo'^^aL Tyrannus is also not a Jewish, but a Greek name,
and occurs as such in Josephus {Ant. xvi. 10. 3). Suidas
i Baumgarten's Apostolic History^ vol. ii. p. 270.
2 Meyer's AposteJgeschichte, p. 385.
200 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
mentions a rhetorician of tliis name who wrote a work entitled
irepl (TTd(T6(o<; kol Siatpea-eco^; Xoyoi^ without, however, men-
tioning his age or nation.
Ver. 10. ^EttI err) Bvo — fo7' two years. This period refers
to the time after Paul had separated the disciples from the
Jewish synagogue ; so that, to reckon the whole time which
Paul spent at Ephesus, we must at least add to these two
years the three months during which he preached in the
synagogue. In his farewell address to the Ephesian elders,
however, he says that by the space of three years he ceased
not to warn every one (Acts xx. 31). Some suppose that
" three years" is merely a general expression, and corre-
sponds with the two years and three months here mentioned.
Wieseler, however, thinks that to this period of two years
and three months, about nine months have to be added. He
supposes that the two years mentioned in ver. 10 terminates
at ver. 20, as the next verse begins with the chronological
notice, 0)9 Se eifKr^pwOT] ravra, " when these things were
accomplished ;" and after this we are informed that Paul,
having sent away Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia,
tarried in Asia for a season (ver. 22).^ Upon the whole, it
is probable that the two years here mentioned are not only
exclusive of the three months during which Paul discoursed
in the synagogue, but also of the time occupied by the events
which occurred after ver. 20.
'flare iravTa^; TOv<i KaroLKovvra^; rrjv ^Aaiav^ etc. — so that
all the inhabitants of Asia heard the word of the Lord, loth
Jews and Greeks. By Asia is meant proconsular Asia, of
which Ephesus was the capital.^ The expression is hyper-
bolical, denoting the extensive diffusion of the gospel ; yet
it may have been almost literally true. It is not asserted that
all the inhabitants of Asia heard Paul preach, but only that
they heard the word of the Lord. Ephesus being a large
commercial city, and the centre of a great district, there was a
constant influx of people, both of Jews and Gentiles, for the
purpose of commerce, and the latter also as pilgrims to the
^ Wieseler, Chronologie cles apostollschen Zeitalters, pp. 62, 53.
2 Perhaps it may even be restricted to Lydian Asia, as in Acts xvi. 6.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 11, 12. 201
temple of Diana. The sensation which Paul made would ex-
cite multitudes to hear him ; and the lecture-room of Tyrannus
was daily occupied by him, and open for the free admission
of all. Those who had visited Ephesus, and had heard Paul,
would report to their different cities what they had heard,
so that the fame of the gospel may well have been diffused
throughout all Asia. Besides, during his long residence of
three years, Paul would probably make circuits into the
neighbouring cities and places ; and his companions, such
as Timothy, Titus, Aquila, Erastus, Gains, and Aristarchus,
would be sent by him to preach the gospel in other parts
of the province. It is not improbable that the foundation
of the seven churches of Asia was now laid. " The whole
western part," observes Renan, '^ of Asia Minor, especially
the basins of the Meander and the Hermus, were about this
time covered with churches, and without doubt Paul was
in a more or less direct manner their founder. Smyrna,
Pergamus, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and probably
Tralles, thus received the germs of the faith." ^ It seems
also to have been at this time that the churches of Colosse,
Hierapolis, and Laodicea were founded by Epaphras (Col.
i. 7, iv. 12, 13), though' these cities were not visited by Paul
in person (Col. ii. 1).
Ver. 11. Avva/jLeL<; ov ra? TV-^ovam — extraordinary mira-
cles. Tv')((i)v signifies vulgar, common, one of the people ;
hence ov tcl^ Tvyovaa^ is uncommon, extraordinary. Moses
Judceorum legislator dicitur ou% o rvxoov dvrjp, non vulgaris
intelligenticB Jiomo (Longinus, ix.). Instances of these extra-
ordinary miracles are mentioned in the next verse.
Ver. 12. ^ovBapta rj aLfiLKivOia — handkerchiefs or aprons.
Both words are Latin. ^ovSdpca (Lat. sudaria) are hand-
kerchiefs, which, on account of the heat and the dust, are
constantly in the hands of the Orientals. It is the same
word which occurs in Luke xix. 20, John xi. 44, xx. 7, and
is there translated " napkin." ^L/juLfCLvdca (Lat. semicinctia)
are aprons or waist-bands ; probably the aprons employed
by workmen when engaged at work. They may have been
1 Kenan's Saint Paul, p. 351.
202 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the clothes worn by Paul when engaged in his occupation
of a tentmaker. It is possible, however, that these hand-
kerchiefs and aprons were brought to Paul, that he might
touch them, by those who desired to be cured. Ta<; vocrov^
rd re Trvev/xara ra Trovypa — diseases and evil spirits. Luke
here distinguishes natural diseases from demoniacal posses-
sions.
These miracles performed by Paul are called '' extra-
ordinary." There are two instances somewhat similar
recorded in sacred history ; the cure of the woman who
touched the hem of the Saviour's garment (Matt. ix. 20),
and the miracles performed by the shadow of Peter (Acts
V. 15). As might have been expected, they are attacked by
rationalistic critics. ^' Even on the basis of a belief in miracles,"
observes Zeller, " such a coarse and magical representation
of the healing power of the apostle is too absurd for belief.
We do not know what legends of relics we need be ashamed
to credit, if such things as are here related demand our
belief. The apostolic miraculous power of Paul certainly
throws all Jewish and heathen magic completely into the
shade." ^ Some have accordingly attempted to soften the
objection, by supposing that Paul was ignorant of what was
done ; and that although much superstition was displayed
by the people, yet, as their faith was real, God's mercy
overlooked what was amiss. '' When," observes Olshausen,
" these articles of clothing have a healing efficacy ascribed
to them which is traced back to God, this can only be
regarded as a condescension of the divine mercy to indi-
viduals who, although erring, are yet well-intentioned. The
apostles themselves certainly have not given countenance
to such ideas, for there is no trace of them anywhere to be
found." ^ But this is a lame defence. It is impossible to
suppose that Paul could have been ignorant of what was
done : it was, no doubt, with his consent and approbation
that the clothes were brought to the sick. These were the
^ Zeller's ApostelgeschicJde, p. 265.
2 Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 460 ; see also
Humphry on the Acts, p. 152.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 13. 203
instruments by which the miraculous efficacy was conveyed ;
and, so far from obscuring, they displayed in a striking
manner the supernatural power of the apostle — there was
healing even in the very clothes he wore. Paul in Ephesus
was in the very heart of superstition : he was, like Moses in
Egypt, surrounded by magicians and exorcists ; and there-
fore, to manifest beyond dispute his superior power, God
granted that extraordinary miracles should be wrought by
him — miracles more striking than those which he was
accustomed to perform : and the effect of these miracles was
not to foster superstition, but to root it out, to confound the
exorcists of Ephesus, and to destroy their magical works.^
Ver. 13. Tive^ tmv Trepcep'^o/jLivcov ^lovhamv i^opKiarcov —
certain of the strolling Jews, exorcists. These were Jews
who wandered about from place to place as magicians or
sorcerers, practising exorcism. ^E^opKLcrT7]<; is derived from
i^opKi^Q), to adjure, to use the name of God, to expel demons.
Such exorcists were very numerous in the days of Christ and
the apostles, especially among the Jews. Our Lord alludes
to them when He says : " If I by Beelzebub cast out devils,
by whom do your children cast them out ? " (Matt. xii. 27.)
These Jewish exorcists pretended to a power of casting
out evil spirits by some magical arts which they affirmed
were derived from Solomon. Allusion is made to this by
Josephus : " God," says he, " enabled Solomon to learn the
art of expelling demons. He left behind him the manner
of using exorcisms by which demons are driven away, so
that they never return ; and this manner of cure is of
great force unto this day." And he relates the case of one
Eleazar, who before Vespasian and his officers cast out
demons by means of certain incantations which Solomon
composed {Ant. viii. 2. 5). He also mentions a certain rare
root which it was dangerous to gather, and which, being
brought to those who were possessed, quickly expelled the
demons out of their bodies {BelL Jud. vii. 6. 3). 'OpKi^co
vpLCL^ Tov 'Irjaovv — / adjure you by Jesus. The exorcists use
the name of Jesus, because this name was employed by Paul
1 See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17.
204 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
in the expulsion of demons. As Jesus was a common name
among the Jews, they add '' whom Paul preaches " as a
description of his person.
Ver. 14. '^Haav Be rive^ — and there were certain. Tive^ is
not to be understood as qualifying eTrra, " about seven ; " for
if so, the words would have been placed together — kind nve^.
The correct meaning seems to be, ^' There were certain men,
namely seven sons of Sceva, a Jewish chief priest." ^Keva
^lovSalov ap')(^i€pea)^ — of Sceva, a Jewish chief priest. The
title ap^iepev^ applied to a Jew in Ephesus creates a diffi-
culty. Some suppose that he was once high priest in Jeru-
salem ; but this is contrary to history, as Josephus in his list
of high priests makes no mention of one of that name.
Others think that he was chief of one of the twenty-four
courses of priests (Wordsworth) ; but it is improbable that
such a person should be resident in Ephesus, and not in
Jerusalem. Others, that he was an apostate Jew, and that
the term chief priest has reference to the worship of Diana ;
but there is nothing in the text to support this view. The
most probable opinion is, that he was one of the chiefs of
the Ephesian Jews — perhaps one of the chief rulers of the
synagogue.
Ver. 15. '' ATTOKpiOev 8e to Trvevfxa to Trovrjpov — but the evil
spirit answered; that is, the man under the influence of the
evil spirit. The evil spirit was compelled to bear an unwill-
ing testimony to Jesus and His servant Paul. Tov ^Irjaovv
yLvcocTKCi), KoX Tov TlavXov eiriarafjbao — Jesus I knoiv^ and with
Paul I am acquainted. Different verbs are employed to
denote the evil spirit's knowledge of Jesus and Paul — a
difference which is overlooked in our English version. 'TfjLel^
he Tive^ iare — but ivho are ye? " The question," observes
Raphelius, " is not one of ignorance, but of censure, because
they arrogated to themselves what belonged not to them ; and
of contempt, because they considered not their own and their
opponents' strength, but with rashness dared to contend with
one more powerful, to whom it was mere play to overcome
them." 1
^ Quoted in Kuinoel's Lihri Ilidorici, vol. iii. p. 291.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. —XIX. 16-18, 205
Ver. 16. KaTaKvpi,6v<Ta<; d/jL(l>OT€pcov — having overcome both.
(See Critical Note.) If this be the correct meaning, then it
would appear that only two of the seven sons of Sceva on
this particular occasion undertook to cast out the evil spirit.
According to Ewald, afjL(f>oT6pcov is neuter ; and the meaning
is, that the evil spirit attacked them on both sides, that is,
from above and from below : ^ but this would have been
expressed by cltt a/jL(f)0T6pa)v or afi^oripoydev. Others think
that afM(f>0T6p(Dv refers to Sceva and his seven sons ; but it is
not mentioned that Sceva took any part in the exorcism.
Kuinoel supposes that avTcov is the correct reading, and
aiJi(f)OTep(tiv a gloss, because it was regarded as inconceivable
that the person possessed should overcome seven men.
Ver. 17. 'E/jLeyaXvvero to ovofia rod Kvplov ^Irjaov — The
name of the Lord Jesus was magnified, Tlie first impression
w^hich the event made on the Ephesian multitude was that of
fear : they were constrained to feel that there was something
supernatural about Paul. The failure of the sons of Sceva
in their attempt to cast out devils showed that the miracles
performed by Paul in the name of the Lord Jesus were real,
and were therefore undoubted evidences of the truth of
Christianity.
Ver. 18. UoWoi re tcdu TieTTLaTevKOTcov — many of those
who believed. The previous verse informed us of the eifect
of the transaction on unbelievers; this informs us of its
effect on believers. Many who, although professed disciples,
were not entirely delivered from their former superstitions,
but secretly practised magical arts, now come forward and
confess and renounce them. Meyer supposes that these were
new converts, who had become believers in consequence of
the events just recorded ; but the use of the perfect tense
would seem to imply that they had been believers for
some time. They had not, in consequence of their faith,
entirely renounced their superstitious practices : the old
was not so easily destroyed. Ta? irpd^ei^ avrwv — their
deeds. Certainly not the acts of faith which they had per-
formed (Luther), nor their sins in a general sense (Kuincel,
1 Ewald's Geschichte des apostoUschen Zeitalters, p. 478.
206 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Lechler), but their magical practices, as is evident from
what follows.
Ver. 19. Ta Treplepja — curious arts, Ephesus was noted
even in that age of superstition for the addiction of its in-
habitants to sorcery, magic, and such like curious arts ; and
these are now revealed by the gospel, as the introduction
of light reveals what formerly was shrouded in darkness.
^vvevejKavre^ ra? fil^Xov^ — hrougJit their hooks together. The
'E(j)e(7La ypa/jLfiaTa (Ephesian letters) are frequently alluded
to by heathen writers. They appear to have been mysterious
symbols or magical sentences, written on paper, which the
Ephesians were accustomed to carry about with them as
charms or amulets, either to secure them from harm or to
procure benefits for them. Plutarch observes that the ma-
gicians prescribe to those who were possessed with devils
to read and recite ra ^Ecpiata <ypdfjL/xaTa (Plut. Sp7ip.),
Eustathius informs us that Croesus, when on his funeral pile,
repeated the Ephesian letters ; and he mentions that, in the
Olympian games, an Ephesian wrestler struggled successfully
against his opponent from Miletus, because he had around
his ankle Ephesian letters, but that, being deprived of them,
he was thrice overthrown (Eustath. ad Horn. Odys, i. 247).^
'ApyvpLov fjivpcdSa^; irevre — fifty thousand pieces of silver.
Some (Grotius, Hammond) suppose that these are to be
reckoned as Jewish money ; and if so, the sum would amount
to £7000. But it is highly improbable that the Jewish
shekel would be employed in a Greek city, and by those
who were doubtless Greeks. The Roman denarius is in all
probability the coin here alluded to, the value of which was
about ninepence, so that the entire sum would amount to
£1875. This vast sum is to be accounted for by considering
the rarity of books in those days, and their consequent
expensiveness : probably also magical works brought a ficti-
tious price.
Ver. 20. OuTco? Kara KpdTo<; rev Kvpiov 6 \6<yo<; rjv^avev
Ka\ Xa')(yev — so mightily grew the word of the Lord, and 'pre-
1 Kuincel, Lihri Historici, vol. iv. p. 293 ; Conybeare and Howson's
St. Paul, vol. ii. 16.
PAUL AT EPHESUS. — XIX 20. 207
vailed. The value of the books burned was a proof of the
success of the gospel. Its power must have been mighty
indeed, when it made men willing not only to give up their
superstitious practices, but also to destroy their valuable
property.
In this passage mention is made of the successful expul-
sion of evil spirits by Paul, and of the failure of the attempt
by the sons of Sceva. It is not only in the New Testament
that we read of such demoniacal possessions, but likewise
in Josephus, Plutarch, and other Greek writers. Strauss
and his school explain them on the mythical principle ; but
the accounts of them are so involved in the gospel narra-
tive, that they cannot be thus separated from it. Others,
again, suppose that many natural diseases, such as dumbness,
blindness, epilepsy, and especially insanity, were ascribed by
the Jews to evil spirits ; and that our Saviour and His
apostles accommodated themselves to such views.^ But not
to speak of the doubtful morality of such accommodations,
the evil spirits are represented acting as distinct personalities,
and in this chapter possession is distinguished from natural
disease (ver. 12). That there was a real possession, that
evil spirits exerted a direct influence over the bodies and
souls of men, is undoubtedly the natural meaning of those
passages of Scripture where demoniacs are mentioned. No
doubt madness seems to have been an inseparable accom-
paniment of possession : the man was deprived of his own
free will, and ruled by the evil spirit. For all that we know,
such possessions may occur in our days : if we had the power
of discerning spirits, it might be discovered that such cases
were not unknown ; and therefore that they occurred only in
the days of our Saviour and His apostles, is a statement which
cannot be proved. In an age of such extreme sensuality, it
is not improbable that demoniacal possession was more fre-
quent ; but we are not at all sure that it has entirely ceased in
our days : at least, cases occur which bear a close resemblance
to the descriptions of demoniacal possession given in the
1 See this opinion stated at great length, and defended with much
erudition, in Lardner's Works^ vol. i. pp. 235-272.
208 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
New Testament. We live in a spiritual world: there are
powers and agencies around us and within us ; and in the
case of mental disease especially, it is often impossible to say
whether the mere derangement of the physical organs, or
some spiritual disorder, is the cause of the disease. At all
events, there is no reason to call in question the reality of
demoniacal possession in the early days of Christianity, as if
it were contrary to reason, and savoured only of superstition,
or were the result of mythical exaggeration.
SECTION XY.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS.— Acts xix. 21-41.
21 And when these things were fulfilled, Paul purposed in the Spirit,
after passing through Macedonia and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying,
After I have been there, I must also see Rome. 22 And having sent
into Macedonia two of them who ministered to him, Timotheus and
Erastus, he himself remained in Asia for a season.
23 And about that time there arose no small commotion about that
way. 24 For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, who made
silver shrines of Diana, brought no small gain to the artisans ; 25 Whom
having called together with the workmen of the same occupation, he
said. Sirs, ye know that by this craft we have our prosperity. 26 And
you see and hear, that not only at Ephesus, but almost throughout all
Asia, this Paul has persuaded and perverted much people, saying that
they are no gods which are made with hands : 27 So that not only this
our craft is in danger of being brought into contempt ; but also that
the temple of the great goddess Diana should be counted for nothing,
and that her greatness should be destroyed, whom all Asia and the
world worship. 28 And when they heard these things, they were full
of wrath, and cried, saying. Great is Diana of the Ephesians. 29 And
the city was filled with the confusion : and having caught Gains and
Aristarchus, Macedonians, Paul's companions in travel, they rushed with
one accord into the theatre. 30 And when Paul wished to enter in
unto the people, the disciples suifered him not. 31 Also certain of
the Asiarchs, who were his friends, sent to him, and besought him not
to venture into the theatre. 32 Some therefore cried one thing, and
some another : for the assembly was confused ; and the greater part
knew not wherefore they were come together. 33 And they drew
Alexander out of the crowd, the Jews putting him forward. And
Alexander, beckoning with his hand, wished to make his defence to
the people. 34 But when they knew that he was a Jew, all with one
voice cried out, for about two hours. Great is Diana of the Ephesians.
35 And when the town-clerk had appeased the multitude, he said. Ye
men of Ephesus, who is there that knows not that the city of the
Ephesians is the guardian of the great Diana, and of the image which
fell from Jupiter ? 36 Seeing, then, that these things cannot be con-
tradicted, ye ought to be quiet, and to do nothing rashly. 37 For
VOL. II. O
210 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
ye have brouglit these men, who are neither robbers of temples, nor
blasphemers of your goddess. 38 Wherefore if Demetrius, and the
artisans with him, have a matter against any man, court-days are held,
and there are proconsuls ; let them accuse one another. 39 But if
you have any further demand, it shall be settled in a legal assembly.
40 For we are in danger of being called in question for this day's
uproar, there being no ground on which we could give an account
of this concourse. 41 And having said this, he dismissed the assembly.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 27. The textus receptus has \oyia6)']vat, /jLeWeiv Se
Koi KaOaipelaOat rrjv fieyaXetoTTjra ctur?}?, in accordance with
G, H, the reading adopted by Tischendorf. Lachmann, on
the other hand, reads XoyLcr6)]aeTaLj /uLeWei Se /cal KaOatpelcrOai
TTj^ /ubejdXeiOTTjTo^ avTYj^. Ver. 29. "0\r)^ found in D, E, G,
H, is wanting in A, B, i^, and is omitted by Tischendorf
and Lachmann. Ver. 33. The textus receptus has Trpoe/Sl-
pacrav, in accordance with D^, G, H^ the reading adopted by
Tischendorf. On the other hand, crvveffl^aaav is much better
attested, being found in A, B, E, t< ; but it yields no sense.
Ver. 35. 0ea? is found in G, H, but is wanting in A, B, D,
E, i<, and rejected by recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 21. '/29 Se iirXypwOr] ravra — And when these things
loere fulfilled ; namely, those things which are recorded in
the previous verses (vers. 1-20) — after Paul had already
spent two years and three months in Ephesus. (See note to
ver. 10.) Doubtless many things occurred during this long
residence at Ephesus which are not recorded in the Acts. Most
critics suppose that Paul made at that time a second visit to
Corinth (2 Cor. xii. 14), which Luke has not recorded ; ^
and it was during his residence in Ephesus that he wrote
his first Epistle to the Corinthians. "EOero 6 JTaDXo? iv tw
TTvevfjuan — Paul purposed in the Spirit. By this we are
probably to understand neither a direct intimation of the
' See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 21-2-4.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 21. 211
Spirit, as in Acts xvi. 6, nor yet a mere resolution formed
by Paul himself ; but a secret impulse of the Spirit by whom
he was directed in all his journeys. In such a man as Paul
it is difficult to distinguish between his own determinations
and the suggestions of the Spirit. AieXOcov rrjv MaKehovlav
Kol ^A'^atav — after passing through Macedonia and Achaia.
These provinces are mentioned in the order of his proposed
journey. In these he had already planted several flourishing
churches, as at Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth.
Two reasons are to be assigned for Paul's desire to visit
Macedonia and Achaia : first, as we learn from his epistles,
he desired to promote the collection for the poor saints at
Jerusalem ; and secondly, he had received intelligence of
the disorders which prevailed in the church of Corinth,
and he was anxious to rectify them. A el fjue kol 'PcofMrjv
Ihelv — / must also see Rome. Pie felt that Rome, the political
capital of the world, the great centre of power and influence,
was the goal of his apostolic activity. Paley notices an
undesiijned coincidence between this verse and Rom. i. 13
and XV. 23-28. '' The conformity," he observes, " between
the history and the epistle is perfect. In the first quotation
from the epistle, we find that a design of visiting Rome had
long dwelt in the apostle's mind ; in the quotation from the
Acts, we find that design expressed a considerable time before
the epistle was written. In the history, we find that the
plan which Paul had formed was to pass through Macedonia
and Achaia ; after that to go to Jerusalem ; and when he
had finished his visit there, to sail for Rome. When the
epistle was written, he had executed so much of his plan as
to have passed through Macedonia and Achaia, and was
preparing to pursue the remainder of it, by speedily setting
out toward Jerusalem ; and in this point of his travels he
tells his friends at Rome, that when he had completed the
business which carried him to Jerusalem, he would come to
them. The very inspection of the passages will satisfy us
that they were not made up from one another. In the
Epistle to the Romans, we are informed of Paul's intention
to go to Spain. If, then, the passage in the epistle was
212 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
taken from that of the Acts, why was Spain put in ? If
the passage in the Acts was taken from that in the epistle,
why was Spain left out ? If the two passages were unknown
to each other, nothing can account for their conformity but
truth." 1
Ver. 22. TifjLodeov — Timotheus, In order to prepare the
churches for his own visit, and to forward the collection of
the saints, Paul sent two of his companions, Timothy and
Erastus, before him. Timothy, who had been left at Corinth
(Acts xviii. 18), seems to have rejoined the apostle at
Ephesus. Here also there is another coincidence between
the history and the epistles of Paul. From the history we
learn that Timothy was sent into Macedonia ; and though
Achaia, whose capital is Corinth, is not directly mentioned,
yet it is included, as Timothy was sent before Paul, and
Paul purposed to pass through Macedonia and Achaia. In
the first Epistle to the Corinthians, written shortly after
this, we are informed of the mission of Timothy to Corinth :
" For this cause I have sent to you Timotheus, who is my
beloved son, and faithful in the Lord, who shall bring you
into remembrance of my ways which be in Christ, as I teach
everywhere in every church" (1 Cor. iv. 17). " Now, if
Timotheus come, see that he may be with you without fear"
(1 Cor. xvi. 10).'
Kal "Epaarov — aiid Erastus, In the Epistle to the
Romans, which Paul wrote at a later period from Corinth,
he sends to the Koman Christians the salutations of Erastus,
the chamberlain of the city (Rom. xvi. 23). Most critics
suppose that this is a different person from the Erastus of
the Acts, as his office of chamberlain would necessarily
detain him at Corinth. In the Second Epistle to Timothy,
mention is made of an Erastus in close relation to the
apostle : " Erastus abode at Corinth" (2 Tim. iv. 20) ; but
his identity with the Erastus of our text is also uncertain.^
AvTo<; eirecT'^ev '^(^povov — he himself stayed for a season. In
* Paley's Horx PauUnue — Romans, No. III.
* Paley's Hone Paulinx — 1st Corinthians, Nos. III. and IV.
^ Perhaps the same Erastus may be alluded to in all these three pas-
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 23, 24. 213
the first Epistle to the Corinthians, written shortly after he
had sent away Timothy, he writes, " I will tarry at Ephesus
until Pentecost" (1 Cor. xvi. 8). Ek Trjv ^Acrlav — in Asia,
The use of eh here is peculiar. Some (Heinrichs, Kuinoel,
De Wette) suppose that it stands for ev rfj ^Aala ; others
(Winer, Olshausen) understand by it " for Asia," that is,
for tlie good of Asia. Meyer gives its force more correctly,
" in the direction of Asia."
Ver. 23. Uepl Trj<; oBov — concerning that luay ; that is,
concerning the religion of Jesus Christ which Paul incul-
cated : that method of worshipping God, and securing an
interest in eternal life, which he taught. (See ch. ix. 2.)
Ver. 24. JVaou? apyvpov<; 'Apre/jLtSof; — silver shrines (lite-
rally temples) of Diana. These silver shrines were small
models of the temple of Diana, containing an image of the
goddess. They were purchased by the pilgrims to the
temple, and on their return home were set up as objects
of domestic worship. Such images of temples were called
a4>L8pv/jLaTa^ and are frequently adverted to. Thus, Dio-
dorus Siculus tells us that the Carthaginians, to propitiate
their god Hercules at Tyre, sent golden shrines to hold the
miniature images : ^pucroO? vaov<i rok a(pcBpv/jLacri (Diod.
Sic. XX. 14). Ammianus Marcellinus observes of the philo-
sopher Asclepiades : decs coelestis argenteum hreve Jigmentum
quocunque ihat secum solitus efferre (Amm. Marc. xxii. 13).
And Dionysius Halicarnassus directly mentions these shrines
of the Ephesian Diana : ra r?}? 'Ecfyeala^; 'AprefitSo^; d<pc-
hpv^iara (Dion. Hal. ii. 22).^ Others think that not small
models of the temple are meant, but medals or coins, on the
reverse of which the temple was represented, and many of
which are still extant. But the words vaov^ dpyvpov^ cannot
be made to signify coins.
'AprefMiSo^ — Diana. Diana was worshipped under a variety
of characters, as the goddess of hunting, of travelling, of the
night, of childbirth ; and under different names ; in heaven
sages (Acts xix. 22 ; Rom. xvi. 23 ; 2 Tim. iv. 20), as he may have
resigned the office of chamberlain on becoming a Christian.
1 Biscoe on the Acts, p. 275 ; Hmnphry on the Acts, p. 153.
214 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
she was Luna, in the woods Diana, and in hell Hecate.
There is, however, a decided difference between the Greek
and the Ephesian Diana. The Greek Diana is represented
with a bow in her hand, and dressed in a hunting habit ;
whilst the Ephesian Diana is represented as a female with
many breasts, supposed to signify the fruitful attributes
of Nature.^ Thus Jerome observes : Scribebat Paulus ad
Ephesios Dianam colentes^ non hanc venatricem quce arcum
tenet atque succincta estj sed illam multimammiam^ qimm Groeci
TToXv/jLao-rrjv voca7it. It has been supposed that when the
Athenians colonized Ephesus, they found the worship of
some Asiatic goddess established there, whose name they
changed into Diana, from some fancied points of resem-
blance between her and their own goddess. According to
tradition, the worship of the Ephesian Diana was introduced
by the Amazons.
Uapeij(eTo rot? reyylraLf; kp^aaiav ovk oXcyrjv — brought no
small gain to the artisa7is. The miniature temples would
doubtless find a great sale. The temple of Diana was cele-
brated throughout the world ; and the goddess was the chief
object of the worship of proconsular Asia : and thus tra-
vellers and pilgrims to Ephesus would be anxious to carry
away with them memorials of their visit.
Ver. 25. Tov^ irepl ra roLavra ipyaTa<^ — the worhnen of
the same occupation ; literally, the workmen about such things.
The difference between re'^vlrai and ipydrac is supposed to
be that between skilled and unskilled workmen. Alii erant
T6j(ylTai^ artifices nobiliores ; alii ipydrai operarii (Bengel).
It is probable that Demetrius not only assembled his own
workmen, but likewise the workmen of other silversmiths,
and all those who derived their subsistence from trades con-
nected with the worship of Diana.
Ver. 26. Ov fiovov ^Ecpeaov dWa aj^ehov Tracr?;? tt}?
'Aaia^j etc. — not only at Ephesus^ but almost throughout all
^ There are many Ephesian coins with the figure of Diana. See
Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, pp. 47-49. He gives a coin of
Claudius, which must have been contemporary with this visit of the
apostle.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 27. 215
Asia^ this Paul has persuaded and perverted much people. We
have here the forced testimony of a heathen to the success
of the ministry of Paul in Ephesus and proconsular Asia.
The sale of the silver shrines for Diana had greatly dimi-
nished ; the trade of making them had declined ; the workmen
were in danger of losing their means of livelihood. This
would be more sensibly felt if, as is probable, the Ephesian
games in honour of Diana were now being celebrated,^ and
the city was crowded with visitors, when Demetrius and his
craftsmen expected to have had a greater demand for their
silver shrines. There is a close resemblance between this
tumult at Ephesus and the tumult at Philippi. Both arose,
not from the Jews, but from the Gentiles : this peculiarity
distinguishes them from all the persecutions recorded in the
Acts, to which the Christians were exposed : all others were
persecutions instigated by the Jews. And both originated
from sordid motives : in Philippi, the masters of the Pythonic
slave feared that they would lose their gains ; in Ephesus,
Demetrius and his craftsmen feared that their craft would
be brought to nought. Aer^wv ore ovk elalv deol ol Sta %etpwz^
yLv6/jL6V0L — saying that they are no gods ivhich are made ivith
hands. The people identified the images of the gods with
the deities themselves, or at least thought that a kind of
divinity resided in them. The philosophers may have re-
garded the images as mere symbols, but the multitude could
not rise to their refined notions.
Yer. 27. Ov /jlovov Se tovto KtvBvvevei, tj/jllv to fjiepo^ — so
that not only this our craft is in danger; literally, "our part,"
the department of trade in which we are engaged. To Trj<i
fieyaX7](s Oea^ lepov 'AprefjuSof; — the temple of the great goddess
Diana. This celebrated temple was regarded as one of the
wonders of the world. Its building commenced even before
the Persian empire. Croesus king of Lydia, and all the
Greek cities of Asia, contributed to its erection. More than
two hundred years were spent in the building. Xerxes, in his
war against images, when he burned all the temples of Asia,
spared it on account of its magnificence (Strabo, xiv. 1. 5).
^ See note to ver. 31.
216 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
But this edifice was burned by Herostratus, who wished by
this action to gain for himself an immortal name. The date
of the burning is given as the day on which Alexander the
Great was born, B.C. 355 (Strabo, xiv. 1. 22 ; Plut. Alex,).
A second temple, of still greater magnificence, rose on the
ruins of the first, the work of Cheirocrates, the same who
built Alexandria. Its length was 425 feet, and its breadth
220 feet: 127 pillars, each 60 feet high, the gifts of illus-
trious kings, adorned and supported the building : the roof
of that part which was not open to the sky was formed of
beams of cedar, and its altar was adorned with the matchless
sculptures of Praxiteles. It was regarded as the only house
fit for the residence of the gods : 6 r?}? ^AprifMcBof; vao^ ev
^E (flier (p fiovo^ icrrl Oeoiv o'lko^ (Philo, Bt/z. Sped. Mund. 7).
In the time of Paul the temple of Diana was in all its glory,
and pilgrims from all nations flocked to its shrine : it was to
polytheism what the temple of Jerusalem was to the Jews.
Strabo informs us that the chief object of worship at Mar-
seilles was the Ephesian Diana ; and that all the colonies sent
out from Marseilles held this goddess in peculiar reverence,
preserving both the shape of the image of the goddess, and
also every rite observed in the metropolis (Strabo, iv. 1. 4).
This magnificent temple was destroyed by the Goths in the
reign of Gallienus, about a.d. 260. No ruins of it remain,
and the site on which it stood is doubtful : " its remains are
to be sought for in mediaeval buildings, in the columns of
green jasper which support the dome of St. Sophia, or even
in the naves of Italian cathedrals."^ T^ f^€yak7)<; Oed<;
'AprefiLSo^ — the great goddess Diana. The epithet "great"
was the usual appellation of the gods, but particularly of the
Ephesian Diana. Thus Xenophon Ephesius (a.d. 408) calls
1 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 85, 86; Winer's
Worterbuch, and Smith's Biblical Dictionary, article Ephesus ; Gibbon's
Eoman History. Hamilton places the temple at the western extremity
of the town, near the harbour. " Here," he observes, " must have stood
the celebrated temple of the Ephesian Diana, immediately in front of the
port, raised upon a base thirty or forty feet high, and approached by a
grand flight of steps, the ruins of which are still visible." Hamilton's
Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 23-25.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 29. 217
her rrjv fiejaXrjv ^E(j)€a-Lcov ^Aprefiiv (Xen. Eph. i. 15); and
there is an inscription in Boeckh containing the words, rr}?
fi6r/d\r](; 6ea^ 'ApTe/jLtBo<; irpo TroXeo)?.^ The artful character of
the address of Demetrius is here to be observed : he appeals
both to the mercenary feelings of the workmen and to the
fanaticism of the people : not only is our trade in danger of
being destroyed, but the worship of the great goddess Diana is
endangered : that temple which is the glory of our city and
of the world is attacked ; we are called upon to fight for our
hearths and our altars. Ephesus depended for its wealth
upon its temple : both rose and fell together.
Ver. 29. "flp/irjaav — thei/ rushed ; namely, Demetrius and
his workmen, and those among the Ephesians who were
stirred up. Ek ro dearpov — into the theatre. The theatres
among the Greeks were used not only for the representation
of the games, but also for popular assemblies. Thus Josephus
speaks of the people of Antioch meeting together for debate
in the theatre {Bell Jud. vii. 3. 3). And Tacitus, in his
history of Vespasian, observes that Mucianus, one of his great
supporters, went into the theatre, where the inhabitants were
accustomed to hold their public debates (Tac. Hist. ii. 80).
The theatre of Ephesus may still be traced. It is the largest
which has yet been discovered, and is said to have been
capable of containing fifty-six thousand persons. It was
built on the flank of Mount Prion, with rows of seats rising
above one another ; and was, according to the custom of the
ancients, open to the sky. "Of the site of the theatre,"
observes Sir C. Fellows, " the scene of the tumult raised by
Demetrius, there can be no doubt, its ruins being a wreck of
immense grandeur. I think it must have been larger than
the one at Miletus, and that exceeds any I have elsewhere
seen in scale, although not in ornament. Its form alone can
now be spoken of, for cA-ery seat is removed, and the pro-
scenium is a hill of ruins." ^
Xwapiraaavre^ — having caught^ probably on their way to
the theatre. Fdlov — Gains. Gains is the Greek form of
the Latin Caius, one of the most common names among the
1 Boeckh, No. 2963. ^ Fellows, Asia Minor, p. 274.
218 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Romans. This Gaius, otherwise unknown to us, is distin-
guislied by his being a Macedonian from three persons of
the same name mentioned in Scripture : first, from Gaius of
Derbe, who at a later period joined the apostle (Acts xx. 4) ;
secondly, from Gaius of Corinth, who was among those few
persons whom Paul baptized (1 Cor. i. 14), and with whom
Paul lodged during liis second (third?) visit to Corinth
(Rom. xvi. 23) ; and thirdly, from Gaius of Ephesus, to
whom long after this John wrote his third epistle (3 John 1).
'Aplarap'^ov — Aristarchiis. Aristarchus, on the other hand,
is elsewhere mentioned in Scripture. He accompanied Paul
on his memorable journey to Jerusalem (Acts xx. 4), and
sailed with him, either as a fellow-prisoner or a volunteer,
from Csesarea to Rome (Acts xxvii. 2). In one of his
epistles, Paul speaks of him as his "fellow-prisoner" (Col.
iv. 10), and in another as his " fellow-worker" (Philem. 24).
Tradition varies in its account of him : according to one
account, he was beheaded with Paul at Rome ; and according
to another, he became bishop of Apamea.
Ver. 30. Eh rov Br/fiov — mto the peojole. Arj^o^, the
people assembled in council, a different word from o;)^Xo9,
the multitude.
Ver. 31. Ttve<; Be koI twv "'Aaiap-^odv — also certain of the
Asiarchs. The Asiarchs were persons chosen from the pro-
vince of Asia, on account of their influence and wealth, to
preside at and to defray the expenses of the public games
in honour of the emperor and of the gods. According to
Strabo, the Asiarchs were generally selected from the city of
Tralles, as the inhabitants of that city were reckoned among
the most wealthy in Asia (Strabo, xiv. 1. 42). There w^ere
similar persons in the other provinces : thus we read of the
Galatarchs, the Bithyniarchs, the Syriarchs, Lyciarchs, etc.
The manner in which the Asiarchs were chosen was as
follows : Each city of the province of Asia elected a dele-
gate ; these delegates met together in a council (to kolvov),
and elected ten who were to be the Asiarchs for that year.
The election was annual, and had to be confirmed by the
Roman proconsul before it was valid. It has been disputed
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 32, 33. 219
whether there were ten Asiarchs, or whether there was only
one chosen by the proconsul out of the ten whom the cities
of Asia had elected. Those who think that there was only
one Asiarch suppose that the plural is here used, either be-
cause the whole ten bore the honorary title, or because the
former Asiarchs, like the Jewish high priests, retained the
name. The probability is, that one out of the ten was
elected president, but that the whole ten bore the expenses
of the games.^ Eusebius, in his history, speaks of Philip
the Asiarch at Smyrna declining to let loose a lion upon
Polycarp, because he had ah'eady completed the exhibition
of the games {Hist. Eccl. iv. 15). From the presence of
the Asiarchs at Ephesus, it has been plausibly inferred that
it was the season of the celebration of the games in honour
of Diana. These Ephesian games, we are informed, occurred
in the month of May ; and the month itself was called Arte-
mision in honour of the goddess. Now the riot evidently
took place toward the close of Paul's residence : he had
resolved to remain at Ephesus until Pentecost, and this
Jewish feast occurred about the end of May. From the
great influx of the worshippers of Diana, the fanaticism
of the people would be the more easily stirred up. "Ovre^
avrcp (jylXoL — wJio were his friends : not that they were con-
verts to Christianity, but they entertained a respect for
Paul, and wished to befriend him. Paul had so conducted
himself during his long residence at Ephesus, as to secure
the friendship of the chief inhabitants of the city.^
Ver. 32. "AXXoc [xev ovv oXko rt eKpa^ov — Some therefore
cried one thing, and some another. This is a description of a
tumultuous meeting taken from life : assembled, they knew
not for what purpose ; driven about by every gust of passion ;
drawn together by noise and excitement ; and giving vent to
their feelings by senseless outcries.
Ver. 33. ^Eic he rov o'^Xov TrpoefiLjSao-av 'AXe^avBpov — And
they drew Alexander out of the crowdj the Jews putting him
^ Meyer's ApostelgescMchte, p. 392.
2 See Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, pp. 50-22. He justly ob-
serves : " That the very maintainers and presidents of the heathen sports
220 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
forward. The abrupt manner in which Alexander is men-
tioned has given rise to various conjectures concerning him.
Some (Calvin, Meyer, Baumgarten, Wieseler) suppose that
he was a Christian, whom the Jews, hating as an apos-
tate to their religion, wished to sacrifice to the rage of the
people. They think that this is evident from the expression
aTroXoyecaOaL, " he wished to make his defence," which they
refer to the accusation against the Christians. Others (Gro-
tius and others) suppose that he was once a professed Chris-
tian, but at this time an apostate and an enemy of Paul, and
that he now stood forth to accuse him. And others (Beza,
Winer, Neander, Lechler, Olshausen, Lange, Ewald, How-
son, Davidson) suppose that he was a Jew, who was now
put forth as an advocate for his countrymen to turn away the
violence of the multitude from them to the Christians. This
is certainly the most probable opinion. In the uproarious
meeting there would be loud exclamations ai^ainst all the
opponents of the gods ; and among these opponents the Jews
as well as the Christians would be included ; the rage of
the multitude would be directed against both parties with-
out distinction ; both would be attacked as the enemies of
the gods. "HdeXev airoXoyelaOai rS hrjjjicp — ivished to make
his defence to the people; that is, he would apologize to the
people — make a defence, not of himself as an individual, but
of his countrymen the Jews : he wished to throw the whole
blame of the tumult on Paul and the Christians, and to ex-
culpate the Jews. It is disputed whether this Alexander is
the same with Alexander the coppersmith (o 'x^a\K€v<;) men-
tioned in the second Epistle to Timothy, and against whom
Paul wrote with so great severity (2 Tim. iv. 14). The
generality of critics distinguish between them. Ewald, how-
ever, observes that this Alexander so abruptly named must
have been a well-known person. Had he not been long
known in Ephesus as a fluent mob-orator and as an enemy
of Paul, the Jews would not have put him forward; and
and festivals of a people to whom the doctrine of Christ and the resur-
rection was foolishness, were the friends of Paul, was an assertion which
no fabricator of a forgery would have ventured upon."
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 34, 35. 221
hence he infers that he is the same with the bitter opponent
of the apostle mentioned in the epistle.^ Besides, the Alex-
ander of the epistle was a coppersmith, and his trade may-
have brought him into connection with Demetrius and the
craftsmen of like occupation. The identity between them
is not improbable.
Ver. 34. ^ ETrcyvovref; Be on ^IovBaLO<; iariv — but when they
knew that lie was a Jew. ^Eanv in the present, for the sake
of vividness in the description. This would seem to prove
that Alexander was an unconverted Jew ; for if he were a
Christian, that alone would have been sufficient to excite the
fury of the multitude. The Jews were as much opposed
to idolatry as the Christians, and, besides, were regarded
by their heathen neighbours with feelings of contempt and
dislike.
Ver. 35. 'O ypa/jUfxarev^; — the town-clerh. The town-clerk
(o ypafifiarevf; 6 rrj^ TroXeo)?, Thuc. vii. 10) was not, as some
suppose, the officer chosen by the people to preside over the
games, for this was the duty and office of the Asiarchs ; but
the person who had the care of the archives of the city, and
whose duty it was to draw up the official decrees, and to read
them in the assemblies of the people. Next to the com-
mander (^o-TpaT7]y6^)y he was the person of greatest import-
ance in the Greek free cities. His name frequently occurs
on coins and inscriptions.^ The town-clerk here, like the
Asiarchs, seems to have been friendly to Paul.
NecoKopov T^9 /jb€>yd\7]<; ^AprefiLBo^ — the guardian of the
great Diana. The usual meaning of vecoKopo^ is a temple-
sweeper, or temple-keeper (vem, a temple, and Kopeco^ to
sweep) : it afterwards became an honorary title, and is so
used in this passage. It was conferred on persons and cities.
Particular cities were appointed guardians of particular
deities ; and thus Ephesus received the honourable appella-
tion of the guardian {ye(oic6po<;) of the great Diana. This
title is of frequent occurrence on the coins of Ephesus.
^ Ewald's Geschichte des apostolischen Zeitaliers, p. 484.
2 Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, p. 53 ; Eckhel's Doctrina numo-
rum veterum^ vol. ii. p. 519.
222 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Thus, one of the coins of Nero, given by Akerman, has on
it the figure of the temple Diana, with the word vecoKopov : a
coin which is of pecuHar interest, as it was contemporary
with the time of Paul's residence in Ephesus.^ There are
other coins in which this title is conferred on individuals.
Thus we have on the coins of Hadrian, ''E(^e<7iwv 8t? vew-
Kopwv. So also on the coins of Heliogabalus is the in-
scription, ^E(j)6o-ia)v rerpaKL^ vecoKopwv ; and of Geta and
Caracalla, 'E^ecrtwv TpL<; vecoKopcov koI t?)? '^/)T6/x.i8o9.^
Tov AioireTov'^ — of the image lohich fell from Jupiter,
AL07r6Tij<; compounded of zJto?, Jupiter, and ttlittco, to fall.
^AjaX/jLaro^ has to be suppUed to rod AioireTov^ : the image
of Diana worshipped in the temple of Ephesus, which was
supposed to have fallen from heaven. There is no other
mention of the supposed heavenly origin of this image ; but
the heathen attached this superstitious notion to many of the
images of their gods. Thus the image of the same goddess,
the Diana of Tauris (Eurip. Iph. 977), the Minerva Polias of
Athens (Pans. i. 26. 6), the Palladium of Troy (Apollod. iii.
12. 3), the Ceres of Sicily (Cic. in Verr.), the Cybele of Pes-
sinus (Herodian, i. 35), and the Ancile at Rome (Dion. Hal.
ii. 71 : Plut. in Numa Pom.), were all said to have fallen
from heaven.'^ Olshausen accounts for this superstition on the
supposition that many of these images were aerolites. " The
stone," he observes, " which the Romans brought from Asia
to Rome as the image of Cybele, was undoubtedly a meteoric
stone." ^ This, -however, was not the case with the image of
the Ephesian Diana, as we are expressly informed that it
was of wood (Plin. xvi. 79 ; Xen. Anah. v. 3). The image
was like a rude mummy with many breasts ; in each hand
was a rod of iron ; and the head was surmounted with a
mural crown. It bore no resemblance to the works of
Grecian art, but rather to the images of the Hindoos. In
1 Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, p. 55 ; Ecklicl, Doctrina riu-
morum veterum, vol. ii. p. 619.
^ Eckhel's Doctrina numorum, vol. ii. p. 520.
^ Biscoe on the Acts, p. 281.
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and Acts, vol. iv. p. -405.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 36-38. 223
all probability, it was the image which the Greeks found as
the object of worship when they colonized Ionia, and to
which they attached a mysterious significance. It must
have escaped the burning of the temple by Herostratus.
Vers. 36, 37. ^AvavnpprjTcov ovv ovtcov tovtcov — tJiese
things, then, being incontrovertible. Spoken from the stand-
point of a heathen : " since no one can call in question the
zeal of the Ephesians, or doubt the sincerity and truth of
their belief." Ovre lepoai}\ov<^ — neither robbers of temples :
not guilty of sacrilege; they have made no attempt to
plunder the temple or altar of Diana. The early preachers
of Christianity avoided everything the least approaching to
violence; the only weapon which they employed was per-
suasion. Ovre p\a(T(f)r]pbovvTa<; rrjv Oeav v/jlwv — nor blas-
phemers of your goddess. They have employed no harsh or
reproachful language against Diana. Different meanings
have been attached to this part of the speech of the town-
clerk. As Paul must certainly have denounced idolatry,
some suppose that the assertion that he was not a blas-
phemer of the goddess was a mere falsehood, designed to
calm the multitude ; others, that it only affirmed that Paul
did not directly attack the worship of Diana ; and others,
that in attacking idolatry he used no opprobrious language.
The words, however, it is to be observed, were spoken not
with reference to the conduct of Paul at all, but to that of
his companions Gains and Aristarchus. At all events, we
may well believe that Paul exercised the utmost prudence
and moderation in preaching to the heathen : he did not
needlessly hurt their prejudices by invective and offensive
language : he reasoned with the people, but did not revile
their gods : he did not so much attack error, as establish
truth. In his speech to the Athenians we have probably
only an instance of the remarkable prudence which pervaded
his discourses.
Ver. 38. ^Ayopaiot dyovraL — court-days are held. The
governors of the Roman provinces held courts in the chief
cities to which they repaired on circuit. Ephesus, as we
learn from Pliny, was one of these assize towns (Pliny, v.
224 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
31). Besides this, it was a free town, and had also its own
courts and magistrates. The senate (yepovcrLa) of the Ephe-
sians is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 10. 25), and the
popular assembly (Btj/xo?) is alluded to in this passage (vers.
30,33). Kal avOviraroL elcTLv — and there are proconsuls. It
is undoubtedly certain that Asia was in the time of Paul a
senatorial province, and hence governed by proconsuls : the
title avOvTraro^ frequently appears on the coins of this
period.^ The use of the term in the plural here (avOvTrarot)
has given rise to some discussion, as there does not appear to
have been ever more than one proconsul at a time. Some
(Basnage, Biscoe, Doddridge, Lewin), however, suppose that
at this particular time there were two men who executed the
proconsular office in Asia. In the beginning of the reign of
Nero, Junius Silanus, the proconsul of Asia, was murdered
by Celer and Helius at the instigation of Agrippina, the
emperor's mother (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1) ; and it is supposed that
they now administered the proconsular office until a new
appointment was made.^ Tacitus, however, does not say
that they succeeded to the office of Silanus ; nor would they
be called proconsuls, even although they had the temporary
management of the province during the vacancy. Howsoa
conjectures that some of the proconsuls of the neighbouring
provinces, as Achaia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Bithynia, Pamphylia,
might be present at the public games ; but the mention of
them could not tend to quiet the multitude, as they would
have no jurisdiction beyond the boundaries of their respec-
tive provinces. Grotius thinks that the proconsul and his
lieutenant are meant ; and Alford understands the proconsul
and his assessors. The opinion of Meyer appears to be the
most probable, that the term proconsuls is used in a general
sense, and that the meaning is, that there is always a pro-
consul ; just as we speak of Asia being governed by pro-
consuls, or India being ruled by governors-general.
Ver. 39. ^Ev rfj ipvo/xa) iKKkrja-ia — in a legal assembly:
an assembly convened according to law. Legitimus cactus
^ Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, p. 55.
2 Lcwin's St. Paul, vol. i. p. 450.
THE TUMULT AT EPHESUS. — XIX. 40, 41. 225
est, qui a magistratu civitatis convocatur et regitur (Grotius).
The town-clerk thus indirectly affirmed that the present
assembly was an illegal one. The rule of the people (Br^fjid^i)
was recognised in Ephesus as a free city, but it was neces-
sary that their assemblies should be called in a legal manner,
and not on the mere excitement of the moment.
Vers. 40, 41. Kivhwevofiev iy/caXetadai, aTdaeco<; nrepi Trj<;
arifiepov — we are in danger of being called in question for this
days uproar. The Komans, although they granted freedom
to many of the Greek cities, yet were very jealous of their
popular assemblies. There was a Roman law which made
it capital to raise a riot. Qui costum et concursum fecerit
capite puniatur (Sulpicius Victor, Instit. Orat.) ; Qui ccetum
et concursum fecerit cajntale sit (Seneca, Controv. iii. 8). The
Greek w^ords here used, ardcrecof; and (jvarpoc^rj^y correspond
to the Latin terms in the law, ccetum and concursum. My-
Bevo^ alriov virdp'^ovTO^^ etc. — there being no ground on ivhich
we could give an account of this concourse; such as fire,
sudden invasion, or some similar emergency, which might
justify a concourse of the people. 'Airekvaev rrjv iKKkTja-lav
— he dismissed the assembly. " Thus he extinguished their
wrath. For as it is easily kindled, it is easily extinguished "
(Chrysostom).
VOL. II.
SECTION XYL
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA AND PROCON-
SULAR ASIA,— Acts xx. 1-16.
1 And after the uproar was ceased, Paul, having called the disciples,
and embraced them, departed to go to Macedonia. 2 And when he had
gone through those parts, and had given them much exhortation, he
came to Greece. 3 And after staying three months, a conspiracy against
him being formed by the Jews as he was about to sail to Syria, he pur-
posed to return through Macedonia. 4 And there accompanied him as
far as Asia, Sopater the son of Pyrrhus of Berea ; and of the Thessa-
lonians, Aristarchus and Secundus ; and Gains of Derbe, and Timotheus ;
and of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus. 5 These, having gone before,
waited for us at Troas. 6 But we sailed from Philippi after the days of
unleavened bread, and came to them to Troas in five days ; where we
remained seven days.
7 And upon the first day of the week, when we came together to
break bread, Paul discoursed to them, ready to depart on the morrow ; and
continued his speech until midnight. 8 And there were many lights in
the upper chamber, where we were assembled. 9 And a certain young
man named Eutychus sat at the window, being fallen into a deep sleep :
and as Paul was long discoursing, he was overcome by sleep, and fell
from the third storey, and was taken up dead. 10 But Paul, having
gone down, fell on him, and embracing him, said. Trouble not your-
selves; for his life is in him. 11 Then having gone up, and broken
bread, and eaten, and discoursed a long while, even till break of day, so
he departed. 12 And they brought the lad alive, and were not a little
comforted.
13 And we went before to ship, and sailed to Assos, there intending
to take up Paul : for so he had appointed, intending himself to go by
land. 14 And when he met with us at Assos, we took him up, and
came to Mitylene. 15 And we sailed thence, and came on tbe following
day over against Chios ; and the next day we arrived at Samos, and
tarried at Trogyllium ; and the next day we came to Miletus. 16 For
Paul had determined to sail past Ephesus, because he would not spend
the time in Asia ; for he was hastening, if it were possible for him, to be
at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost.
226
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX 1. 227
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 1. A, B, D, 5< insert koI irapaKaXeaa^^ before aaira-
adfievo^y the reading adopted by Lachmann and Alford :
these words are, however, omitted by Tischendorf and Meyer,
in accordance with G, H. Ver. 4. "A-^pi ttj^ ^Aala<; are
omitted in B, t?, but found in A, D, E, G, H, and regarded
as spurious by Lekebusch, but retained by Tischendorf and
Meyer. TJvppov after ^(OTrarpo^; is found in A, B, D, E, t?,
and is inserted by all the later critics. Ver. 7. Tcov fiaOrjrcov
{textus receptus) are found in G, H ; whereas A, B, D, E, t<
have rj/jLcov^ the reading adopted by Lachmann, Tischendorf,
and Bornemann. So also rj/j,ev before o-vv7]jfji6vot., in ver. 8,
is to be preferred to r/aav. Ver. 15. The words /cal /ubeivavref;
iv TpcoyvXlo) are omitted in A, B, C, E, ^?, and are rejected
by Lachmann : they are contained in D, G, H, and retained
by Tischendorf and Meyer. The probable reason of their
omission is, that the text would seem to imply that Trogyllium
was in the island of Samos, whereas in reality it was on
the mainland. Ver. 16. G, H read eKpive^ whereas A, B,
C, D, E, 5< read KeKpUeCy the reading adopted by modern
critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 1. Mera Be to TravaaaOai rov Oopv/Sov — Aiid after the
uproar was ceased. Some (Hug, Michaelis, Ewald) suppose
that the uproar was the occasion of Paul's departure ; but its
cessation and failure are arguments against this view of the
subject. The words indicate the time, not the motive, of
Paul's departure. He had, before the disturbance, made his
arrangements to leave Ephesus (Acts xix. 22). It is pro-
bable, then, that he did not depart sooner than he intended
— namely, at Pentecost of the year 57 ; for, writing to the
Corinthians, he says, " I will tarry at Ephesus until Pente-
cost" (1 Cor. xvi. 8) ; exactly a year before he came to
Jerusalem, where he arrived on the Pentecost of the follow-
ing year (Acts xx. 16). ^E^yXdev — departed. Paul had
228 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
remained at Ephesus longer than at any other city : he him-
self says that he had continued there for the space of three
years (Acts xx. 31) ; during which period it is probable that
he preached the gospel in other cities of proconsular Asia.
UopevOrjvaL eh ttjv MaKehovlav — to go into Macedonia, We
learn from the second Epistle to the Corinthians that he
went to Macedonia by the way of Alexandria Troas (2 Cor.
ii. 12, 13), sailing in all probability from Ephesus to Troas.
In Troas he remained for some time preaching the gospel :
" a door was opened unto him of the Lord." But he did not
continue long there : he had expected the arrival of Titus
with tidings from the church of Corinth ; but being disap-
pointed in this, and unable to endure longer suspense, he
left Troas and crossed over to Macedonia, where he met with
Titus (2 Cor. vii. 5, 6).
Ver. 2. AiekOcav Ce ra fiepT] eKelva — and having gone
through these parts. He would again visit those cities of
Macedonia where he had founded churches — namely, Philippi,
Thessalonica, and Berea. Six years had elapsed since Paul
had first visited Macedonia, and been beaten with rods in
the market-place of Philippi. It was at this time that Paul
preached the gospel in the neighbourhood of Illyricum. In
the Epistle to the Romans, written a few months later, he
says : '' From Jerusalem, and round about unto Illyricum, I
have fully preached the gospel of Christ" (Rom. xv. 19).
By Illyricum is meant the district of country along the shores
of the Adriatic to the west of Macedonia. Now Paul had
only visited Macedonia twice: on his former visit he had
traversed only the eastern part, whereas this second visit is
here stated in general terms : it must, then, have been on
this occasion that he crossed over to the western part of the
country adjoining Illyricum.^ The whole province of Mace-
donia was thus fully evangelized. Paul had visited the four
districts into which the country was divided : Philippi and
Amphipolls were in Macedonia Prima ; Thessalonica was
the capital of Macedonia Secunda ; Berea was a town of
Macedonia Tertia ; and now in his second visit he completed
^ See Paley's Horx Paulinx— Romans, No. lY.
PAUL'S JOUENEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC.— XX. 3. 229
the circuit of the province by preaching the gospel in Mace-
donia Quarta, bordering on Illyricum (Liv. xlv. 30).
It was during the earlier part of his journey through
Macedonia that Paul wrote the second Epistle to the Corin-
thians. It was in Macedonia that Titus met the apostle
(2 Cor. vii. 6) : in his epistle he speaks of the liberality of
the churches of Macedonia (2 Cor. viii. 1, 2), and announces
his intention of coming to Corinth (2 Cor. xiii. 1). Titus
was accordingly sent back to Corinth with the epistle, accom-
panied by two brethren (2 Cor. viii. 18-22). It has been
plausibly conjectured that one of these brethren was Luke,
the author of the Acts. He had been left behind by Paul
on his former visit at Philippi (Acts xvi. 40), and must now
have rejoined him; but it is not until Paul's return from
Corinth that the narrative takes the direct form (Acts xx. 5).^
Hence, then, it is probable that, during this visitation of the
churches of Macedonia, Luke was not with the apostle, but
had been sent by him to Corinth in company with Titus, as
one of the messengers of the churches (2 Cor. viii. 23).
"^HxOev ek rrjv 'EXkdBa — came into Greece. Schrader
supposes that by Greece is meant the district between the
Peloponnesus and Thessaly, especially Attica, of which
Athens was the capital. But it would rather seem that
Greece here denotes the Roman province of Achaia, com-
prehending Greece proper and the Peloponnesus, the capital
of which was Corinth (Acts xix. 21). As Paul must have
spent several months in Macedonia and Illyricum,^ it would
be the winter season, and hence it is probable that he went
to Greece (Corinth) by land. Athens is not again mentioned
after Acts xviii. 1, so that it is uncertain if he revisited that
city.
Ver. 3. HoiTjaa^ is an example of what grammarians call
an anacoluthon — an instance of altered construction : gram-
matically it should be in the dative, TTOL-qcravTV^ to agree with
avTcp understood.^ Iloi7](Ta^ re fjuriva^ rpel^i — having stayed
^ See Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 277, note.
2 Probably from June to November 57 : Kenan's Saint Paul, 439.
^ Winer's Grammar of the New Testament, p. 589.
230 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
there three months. These three months-^ were doubtless spent
at Corinth, and in its neighbourhood. His long-promised
visit to that city was accomplished, and he now carried into
fulfilment his purpose of wintering there (1 Cor. xvi. 6).
It was during this residence at Corinth that Paul wrote
the Epistle to the Romans. In it he mentions the " contribu-
tions for the poor saints " which were then being made in the
churches of Macedonia and Achaia, and with which he was
going to Jerusalem (Rom. xv. 25-27) : he speaks of Gaius,
his host (Rom. xvi. 23), and there was a Corinthian convert of
that name (1 Cor. i. 24) : salutations are sent from Timothy
and Sosipater (Sopater) (Rom. xvi. 21), and these two ac-
companied the apostle from Corinth into Asia (Acts xx. 4) :
and the epistle was sent by Phoebe, a deaconess of the church
at Cenchrea, the port of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 1).
Fevojievrj^ iTTL^ovXi]^ avrcp viro tmv ^lovSaicoVj etc. — a con-
spiracy against Mm being formed by the Jews as he was about
to sail to Syria. Paul intended to sail direct from Cenchrea,
the western port of Corinth, to Antioch in Syria, but was
prevented by a conspiracy of the Jews. It does not appear
how a journey by land was less dangerous than a voyage by
sea. Some suppose that Paul was constrained to leave Corinth
earlier than he intended in the winter season, when no voyages
were made ; but according to the text, the conspiracy occurred
as he was about to sail to Syria. The probability is, that the
Jews became aware of Paul's intention to sail, and watched
the port of Cenchrea in order to kill him. The apostle thus
concluded his ministry in Macedonia and Achaia ; and, as he
writes to the Romans, he had no more place in those parts,
and now casts a longing look toward Rome (Rom. xv. 23).
The work of the collection was finished ; the gospel was pro-
pagated to Illyricum; now he was on his way to Jerusalem,
and thence to Rome.
Ver. 4. XwelireTo he avrw — but there accompanied him:
from Macedonia, but possibly also from Corinth. "^%/3t rr,^
'AaLa<; — as far as Asia. The genuineness of these words
has been questioned. They are wanting in the Vatican and
^ Probably from December 57 to February 58.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 4. 231
Sinaitic manuscripts, in two cursive manuscripts (13, 81),
in the Vulgate, Arabic, and Ethiopic versions.^ Tliej have,
however, been received by the majority of recent critics. If
genuine, the meaning is, that the following persons accom-
panied Paul as far as proconsular Asia : they went with him
the length of Miletus. But this appears at variance with the
fact that we find Trophimus with the apostle in Jerusalem
(Acts xxi. 29), and Aristarchus accompanying him to Eome
(Acts xxvii. 2). Either, then, the words are a general state-
ment that the whole seven went no farther than Asia, although
some of them may have accompanied the apostle to Jerusalem;
or, what is less probable, that Trophimus and Aristarchus,
although they remained behind with the rest, yet afterwards
rejoined the apostle.^
XoiTrarpo^ Uvppov Bepovalo^ — Sopater the son of Pyrrhus
of Berea; the same name as Sosipater, and probably the
same as Paul's kinsman of that name mentioned in Rom.
xvi. 21, who was with him at Corinth. Seao-aXovcKecov Be
^Ap[crTap^o<; koI ^6kovi>So^ — and of the Thessalonians, Aristar-
chus and Secundus. Aristarchus was already mentioned as a
Macedonian (Acts xix. 29), with which his being a native of
Thessalonica agrees. He attended Paul on his voyage to
Rome, and was a fellow-labourer and a fellow-prisoner with
him in that city.^ Secundus is nowhere again mentioned.
Kal Taio<; AepPalo^;^ koX Tl/jl66€o<; — and Gains of Derbe^ and
Timotheus. This Gains was a different person from Gains
the Macedonian formerly mentioned (Acts xix. 29), as Derbe
was a city of Lycaonia. Some (Kuinoel, Wieseler,01shausen),
in order to identify them, render the passage thus : " Of the
Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus and Gains, also
Timotheus of Derbe;" thus referring the epithet J ep/Sato?
not to Gains, but to Timothy. The conjunction Kal, how-
ever, occurring in this list of names, and intervening between
Aep,8am and Ti/juoOeo^, does not admit of this rendering.
To obviate this objection, Kuinoel, contrary to the authority
^ See Lekebusch's ApostelgescJiichte, p. 164.
2 Oertel's Paulus in der Apostelgeschichte, p. 50.
^ See note to Acts xix. 29.
232 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
of manuscripts, would read Aep^alo^ Se TcfioOeof;; but con-
jectural emendation is inadmissible. Besides, Timothy was
most probably a native not of Derbe, but of Lystra.^ No
local epithet is attached to Timothy, perhaps because his
residence was supposed to be well known. The Syriac ver-
sion reads, " Timotheus of Lystra." ^Aaiavol Se, Tv'x^lk6<; koI
Tp6(j)i/jio<; — a7id of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus. Both are
elsewhere alluded to in Scripture. Tychicus was the bearer
of the Epistles to the Colossians and Ephesians (Col. iv.
7, 8; Eph. vi. 21, 22). Paul there calls him " a beloved
brother and faithful minister of the Lord." In the Epistle
to Titus he mentions his intention of sending him to Crete
(Tit. iii. 12) ; and in his last epistle he tells Timothy that
he had sent Tychicus to Ephesus (2 Tim. iv. 12). Accord-
ing to tradition, he afterwards became bishop of Chalcedon
in Bithynia. Trophimus appears on this occasion to have
accompanied the apostle not only to Asia, but to Jerusalem ;
for his being in Paul's company in that city w^as the occasion
of the apostle's apprehension (Acts xxi. 29). He is again
mentioned in Paul's last epistle : " Trophimus have I left at
Miletum sick" (2 Tim. iv. 20). According to tradition,
Trophimus was one of the seventy disciples, and after the
death of Paul was beheaded under Nero. Besides the above
seven, the historian Luke was of the number of Paul's
companions.
The number and mention of the names of Paul's com-
panions do not permit us to suppose that it was accidental.
Some think that they accompanied Paul as a body-guard, to
protect him from the violence of the Jews. Others imagine
that it was to aid him in his missionary work. Baumgarten
supposes that they went with Paul to Jerusalem, as the
representatives of the converted Gentile world, both to the
community of believers in Jerusalem and to the unbelieving
inhabitants of the city ; and that they were seven in number,
to correspond with the number of the deacons.^ Were it not
for the disputed words, a^pu t^? ^Aala^, we would assent to
^ See note to Acts xvi. 1.
^ Baumgarten's Apostolic History, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 6, 6. 233
the opinion that they were the messengers of their respective
churches, carrying the contributions to the poor saints at
Jerusalem. Such contributions we know were made, and
Paul advised the churches to appoint messengers to accom-
pany him (1 Cor. xvi. 3, 4). Perhaps several of those who
now accompanied Paul, as Aristarchus, Trophimus, and Luke,
and who went with him to Jerusalem, were those messengers
of the churches.
Ver. 5. OvroL TrpoeXOovre'; — these going before. The natu-
ral rendering is to refer ovroc to the whole seven who went
before, as distinguished from rj/id^^ us, who remained behind
at Philippi. If so, this verse is decisive against the hypothesis
that Timothy is the writer of those parts of the Acts where
the author speaks of himself ; inasmuch as Timothy was one
of those who went before and waited for the apostle and
author at Troas.^ "E/xevov r}/jLds — waited for us. Here the
author rejoins the apostle, and the direct style of narrative
is continued until the arrival at Jerusalem. There is now a
freshness and minuteness about the narrative, indicating the
description of an eye-witness. Luke seems, on Paul's first
visit to Macedonia, to have remained behind at Philippi, as
the direct style of narrative is there dropped (Acts xvi. 16) ;
and now when Paul, passing again through Macedonia, came
to Philippi, Luke rejoins him, and the direct style is re-
sumed. 'Ev TpcpdSi — at Troas, For a description of Alex-
andria Troas, see note to Acts xvi. 8.
Ver. 6. Mera Ta<; rjfjLepa^ rcov d^vficov — after the days of
unleavened bread. No reason is assigned why Paul's com-
panions preceded him. Meyer supposes that Paul remained
behind at Philippi to celebrate the Passover. This reason
certainly did not equally apply to his companions, as most of
them were Gentiles ; but it hardly accords with the freedom
of Paul's views. The days of unleavened bread seem to
be merely mentioned as a date. The section Acts xx. 1-6
comprehends a period of ten months, from Pentecost of the
year 57 to the Passover of the year 58 ; three of which
months Paul spent in Corinth. "^X/^f- rj/juepcov irevre — in five
^ See remarks upon the authorship of the Acts iii the Introduction.
234 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
days. When Paul on a former occasion sailed from Troas
to Neapolis, he accomplished the voyage in two days (Acts
xvl. 11) ; whereas five days were now consumed in sailing
in the opposite direction, from Neapolis to Troas. The
navigation of the sea was uncertain, and they were perhaps
hindered by contrary winds or by a calm.
Yer. 7. ''Ev he rfj /jua tmv aajS/Sdrcov — and upon the first
day of the iceek. Mca, the cardinal number, is here used for
TTpcorf}, the ordinal number. ^a/S/Sdrcov in the plural, used
for the singular, in imitation of the Hebrew form. The
word is frequently used after numerals in the signification of
a week (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 2 ; John xx. 19 ; 1 Cor.
xvi. 2). Meyer supposes that it was perhaps only accidental
that this assembly took place on the first day of the week,
because Paul intended to depart on the morrow ;^ but such a
supposition hardly accounts for the mention of the particular
day. Accordingly it is generally supposed that we have here
an incidental proof of the observance of the Lord's day.
Such a day was consecrated by the resurrection of Christ ;
and it was requisite that a particular day should be fixed for
the meeting of the Gentile converts for worship. We learn
not merely from ecclesiastical history, but from Scripture,
that the first day of the week was set apart for this purpose.
The apostle advises the Corinthians, each on the first day of
the week to lay by him in store as God had prospered him
(1 Cor. xvi. 2) ; and the phrase eV rfj KvpLUKy rj/mepa occurs
in Eev. i. 10. Justin Martyr observes that the Christians
in his time, both in the cities and in the country, were
accustomed to assemble for worship on the day called Sun-
day (rfj rod rjXLOV Xeyo/xevr] rj/juepa).
KXdaat dpTov — to break bread; that is, to celebrate the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper, with the observance of which
the Agapse, or love-feast, seems to have been united at this
time.^ Me^pi fieaovvicTLov — until midnight. The assembly
was held at night, as seems generally to have been the
practice with the early Christians. Perhaps Luke mentions
^ Meyer's AposteJgeschichte, p. 400.
2 See note to Acts ii. 42.
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 8, 9. 235
the day in accordance with the Jewish method of reckoning
from evening to evening, according to which method the
first day of the week would commence with the evening
of Saturday ; so that the assembly would meet on Satur-
day evening, and Paul and his companions would depart
on Sunday morning. As, however, the congregation were
chiefly Gentiles, the reckoning is more probably in accord-
ance with their practice ; so that the evening of the first day
of the week would be the evening of Sunday.^
Ver. 8. '^Haav Be XafjL7rdSe<; Uaval — and there ivere maTiy
lights. Kuinoel thinks that the room was brilliantly illumined
on account of the solemnity of the occasion, for so the Jews
were accustomed to celebrate their festive days ; Calvin and
Bengel suppose that many lights were used in order that
all suspicion might be removed from the assembly ; Meyer
thinks that the liorhts are noticed to show that the fall of
Eutychus was at once perceived. But, as Hackett observes,
^' it has much more the appearance of having proceeded
from an eye-witness, who mentions the incident not for the
purpose of obviating a difficulty which might occur to the
reader, but because the entire scene stood now with such
minuteness and vividness before his mind." ^
Ver. 9. 'EttI t^9 Ovpiho^ — at the window. The windows
in the East are without glass, and closed with lattice-work.
They are in general large, and reach down to the floor, so
that they resemble a door rather than a modern window.
They open for the most part not to the street, but to the
court below, and are generally kept open on account of the
heat of the climate. KaTeve')(6eU cltto tov vttvov — being over-
come by sleep. The construction of the four participles is as
follows : — " A certain young man, named Eutychus, sitting
at the window, falling into a deep sleep, as Paul was long
preaching, being overcome with sleep, fell from the third
storey."^ The article is placed before virvov, because the
1 Hackett on the Acts of the Apostles^ p. 330 ; Wordsworth on the Acts,
p. 138.
2 Hackett on the Acts of the Apostles, p. 331.
3 Lange's Bihelwerk : Apostelgeschichte. Von Lechler, p. 327.
236 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
sleep was already mentioned. Kal rjpOrj veKp6<; — and was
taken up dead. These words plainly intimate that he was
taken up lifeless, and do not admit of the interpretation
" as dead," which would require the addition of co? before
veKpo^.
Ver. 10. Kara^af; 8e 6 ITauXo? — but Paul having gone
down ; that is, from the upper room to the court below.
^EireTreo-ev avrat Kal (TV/jLTreptXa^cbv — fell on Jiim, and embrac-
ing him ; employing the same actions which Elijah used
when he restored to life the son of the widow of Sarepta
(1 Kings xviii. 21), and Elisha when he raised the son of
the Shunammite woman (2 Kings iv. 34). 'H 7a/) -^vxv
avTov iv avTO) iariv — for his life is in him : in a similar
manner as our Saviour, when about to restore the daughter
of Jairus to life, said, " The damsel is not dead, but sleepeth"
(Luke viii. 52).
It has been disputed whether we have here a mere revival
of suspended animation or an actual restoration to life.
Some (Kuinoel, Olshausen, Ewald, De Wette) suppose that
Eutychus was stunned by the fall, and was only apparently
dead. In support of this, they appeal to the words of Paul,
" his life is in him." But it is to be observed that these
words were spoken after Paul had fallen on him and em-
braced him ; that is, after he had performed those actions
which in the case of the prophets accompanied the raising
of the dead ; so that his life may already have been restored.
Paul, then, in saying, " his life is in him," may have been
asserting that he was recalled to life. On the other hand,
we are expressly informed that he was taken up dead ; and
it is inadmissible to translate the word veKpo^; as if it were
equivalent to 0)9 veKpo<;, Besides, ijya'yov ^(ovra, " they led
him alive " (ver. 12), is opposed to ^jpOij veKpo^^ ^' he was taken
up dead" (ver. 9). The whole account of the incident, the
actions of the apostle and the importance of the occurrence
which occasioned its insertion in the narrative, decidedly
leave the impression that Luke intended to relate an actual
raising from the dead. The words " his life is in him " no
more intimate that Eutychus had not been dead, than do the
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 11-13. 237
words of our Saviour, "The damsel is not dead, but sleepeth,"
that the daughter of Jairus was not actually dead.^ Nor is
there any reason to affirm, with Lekebusch, that there is a
designed ambiguity in the expression, because the author
himself was not perfectly convinced of the miraculous nature
of the incident.^
Ver. 11. ^AvaPa<; Be — aiid having gone up ; that is, from
the court below to the upper room. Kal K\dcra<^ rov dprovj
Kol yeva-dfievo<; — and having broken bread, and eaten. The
article before aprov refers to the bread formerly mentioned
(ver. 7). Hence it would seem that it is the same breaking
of bread which is mentioned in both verses. The disciples
had met together to celebrate the Lord's Supper, and to
partake of the Agapae. Before doing so, Paul discoursed to
them : the feast was interrupted by the fall and death of
Eutychus ; but after the raising of Eutychus it was resumed.
The Agapse was actually a meal ; and hence the term yeuad-
/jL€vo^j having eaten, is not inappropriate. Others (Grotius,
Kuinoel, Howson) suppose that the Lord's Supper and the
Agapse were observed as soon as they assembled, and that
the act of eating here mentioned was a common refreshment,
of which Paul and his companions partook before their de-
parture.
Ver. 12. "Hyayov Se rov iralha ^Mvra — and they led the
lad alive ; that is, not they brought him home, but they led
him into the assembly. Zcovra opposed to v€Kp6<; (ver. 9).
Kal 7rap6K\rj67]crav ov fierpico^ — and ivere not a little com-
forted, by the fact that he was alive, and also by the evidence
which such a wonderful miracle as the restoration to life
imparted to the gospel.
Ver. 13. 'Hfieh — ive ; that is, Luke and Paul's other
companions. ^Ettl rrjv "Aaaov — to Assos. Assos, called
also by Phny Apollonia (Plin. v. 32), was a seaport of
proconsular Asia, in the district of Mysia, nearly opposite
to the island of Lesbos (Strabo, xiii. 1. 51). Assos is now
called Beahrahm. The ruins, according to Sir C. Fellows,
1 See Zeller's ApostelgeschicJite, p. 269.
2 Lekebuscli's Entstehung der Apostelgescliichte, p. 381.
238 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
extend for miles : on every side are columns of beautiful
sculpture, and many of them with exquisite carvings. But
the most singular of these remains is the Via Sacra^ or the
Street of Tombs, stretching for miles. The distance of
Assos from Troas by land was about twenty miles; whilst
it was more than twice that distance by sea, as in sailing a
vessel had to go round Cape Lectum. Hackett mentions
that a friend of his travelled on foot between these two
places in five hours. Sir C. Fellows, however, took eight
hours to travel from Assos to Troas, and calculated the
distance at thirty miles.^
MeXkcov avTo<; ire^eveiv — intending himself to go by land.
Paul's companions went from Troas to Assos by sea, but he
himself went on foot. Calvin supposes that Paul's journey
by land was from a regard to health (valetudinis causa), in
order to escape sea-sickness ; Michaelis, in order to avoid
the snares of the Jews ; Meyer and Alford, for the sake of
ministerial usefulness in the intermediate places ; Olshausen,
that he might enjoy the company of believers from Troas ;
Ewald, Baumgarten, and Howson, from a desire to be alone.
^' The desire for solitude," observes Howson, ''was one reason
why he lingered at Troas after his companions. The dis-
comfort of a crowded ship is unfavourable for devotion ; and
prayer and meditation are necessary for maintaining the
religious life even of an apostle. That Saviour to whose
service he was devoted, had often prayed in solitude on the
mountain, and crossed the brook Kedron to kneel under the
olives of Gethsemane. And strength and peace were sought
and obtained by the apostle from the Redeemer, as he pursued
his lonely road that Sunday afternoon in spring among the
oak woods and streams of Ida." ' All these, however, are
mere conjectures, as no reason is assigned by the evangelist.
Ver. 14. Eh MltvXijvtjv — to Mitylene. From Assos Paul
and his companions sailed to Mitylene, a distance of about
thirty miles. Mitylene, the capital of the Island of Lesbos,
^ For a minute and very interesting description of the ruins of Assos,
see Fellows' Asia Minor ^ pp. 46-56.
^ Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 259
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 15. 239
was celebrated for the beauty of its situation and the mag-
nificence of its buildings. Horace calls it Mitylene pulchra
{Epis. i. 11. 17) ; and Cicero observes, et natura et descriptione
cedificiorum et pulchritudine imprimis nohilis (Cic. contra
Bull, ii. 16). It was famous as the birth-place of Sappho
and the poet Alcseus (Strabo, xiii. 2. 2). Like most of the
Greek cities, it received from the Komans the privilege of
freedom. The whole island is now under the Turkish power,
and is called by the ancient name of its capital, Mitylene.
The capital itself, upon the same site, is now called Castro :
there are extensive ruins in the neighbourhood.
Ver. 15. 'AvTLKpv<; Xlov — over against Chios, Chios, a
fertile island in the Archipelago, between Lesbos and Samos,
off the coast of Ionia, was celebrated in ancient times for its
products of wine and gum (Strabo, xiv. 1. 15, 35). In the
time of Paul it enjoyed the privileges of freedom. It is
now called Scio, and was the scene of the memorable
massacre of the Greeks by the Turks in 1823.
IIape^aXo/ji€V et? ^dfiov — we arrived at Samos. Samos
was at this time a very populous island, off the coast of
Lydia, from which it was separated by a narrow channel. It
was celebrated for its fertility and numerous products. Under
the rule of the Turks it has greatly decreased in population.
The vessel in which Paul sailed did not remain over-night
at Samos, but crossed over to Trogyllium on the mainland.
'Etv TpcoyvWiw — in Trogyllium, Trogyllium was the name
of a city and promontory between Ephesus and the mouth
of the Meander, at the foot of Mount Mycale. The channel
between it and the island of Samos was very narrow, being
only about a mile broad (Strabo, xiv. 1. 12). A little to
the east of the head of the promontory there is an anchorage
which is still called St. Paul's Port.
EU Mi\7]Tov — to Miletus, Miletus, called also Miletum,
was a very celebrated city in ancient times, situated near the
mouth of the Meander. It was the ancient capital of Ionia,
the mother of numerous colonies, and the birth-place of a
great number of distinguished men. When in its glory it
possessed four harbours, and was renowned for its riches and
240 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
commerce. ^'This city," observes Strabo, "has four harbours,
one of which will admit a fleet of ships. The citizens have
achieved many great deeds, but the most important is the
number of colonies which they established. The whole
Euxine and the Propontis, and many other places, are
peopled with their settlers." Miletus suffered much from
war : it was successively taken and destroyed by the Lydians,
Persians, and Greeks (Strabo, xiv. 1. 6). In the time of
Paul it had declined, and was only a second-rate town. The
silting up of the Meander damaged its commerce, and the
neighbouring city of Ephesus flourished at its expense. The
site of the once famous city of Miletus is now a swamp, and
few remains exist of the proud capital of lonia.^
Ver. 16. JJapaifKevaaL Trjv"E(j)€crov — to sail jxist Ephesus.
Miletus was about thirty miles to the south of Ephesus.
Paul had already sailed past Ephesus when he came to
Samos, and he was much nearer it at Trogyllium than at
Miletus. But the ship only anchored for the night at
Trogyllium ; whereas at Miletus, being a commercial town,
it remained for some days. Paul did not himself go to
Ephesus, because he might be detained in that city ; and
therefore he sent for the Ephesian elders to come to him.
Some suppose that there is evidence from the narrative that
the ship was at Paul's disposal, and had been hired at Troas
for the voyage to Patara (Acts xxi. 1). There does not, how-
ever, seem to be sufficient grounds for this : there is nothing
to show that it depended on Paul's decision whether they
stopped or proceeded : if so, we would have expected that he
would have met with the Ephesian elders at Trogyllium
rather than at the more distant city Miletus. His journey
to Assos on foot is easily accounted for, as the ship had
double the distance to sail, and anchored at Assos for the
night, so that Paul would arrive there in perfect time.
"Eanrevhev yap^ el Bvvarov rjv avru), rrjv '^fiepav r^? JJevTT)-
KoaTTj^ — for he ivas hastening, if it ic ere possible for him^ to be
at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost. Paul did not think
^ See Fellows' Asia Minor, pp. 264, 265. Also for these geograpliical
notices generally, see Lewin, and Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul
PAUL'S JOURNEY THROUGH MACEDONIA, ETC. — XX. 16. 241
that he was under any moral obligation to go up regularly
to the annual festivals at Jerusalem. Although a Jew, he
was free from the strictness of the Jewish laws. But he
would have an opportunity at the great annual feast of
meeting a vast number of Jews, assembled from all quarters
at Jerusalem ; and thus, as he trusted, of removing many
prejudices which had been formed against his person and
ministry. For this reason he thought it most important to
be at Jerusalem on Pentecost. Already three of the seven
weeks which intervened between the Passover and Pentecost
had elapsed, and still a great distance had to be traversed,
and many delays might be expected, so that no time could
be lost. We shall find that the purpose of Paul was accom-
plished, and that he actually arrived at Jerusalem a few days
before Pentecost.
VOL. II.
SECTION XVII.
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS.— Acts xx. 17-38.
17 And sending from Miletus to Ephesus, he called the elders of the
church. 18 And when they came to hun, he said to them, You know
how, from the first day that I came into Asia, I have been with you the
whole time, 19 Serving the Lord with all humility, and with tears,
and temptations, which befell me by the plots of the Jews : 20 How I
kept back none of those things which were profitable, but have declared
them to you, and have taught you publicly, and from house to house,
21 Testifying both to Jews and Greeks, repentance toward God, and
faith toward our Lord Jesus. 22 And now, behold, I go bound in the
spu-it to Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there :
23 Save that the Holy Ghost witnesses to me in every city, saying that
bonds and afflictions await me. 24 But I esteem my hfe of no account,
as if it were precious to myself, in order that I might finish my course,
and the ministry which I received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the
gospel of the grace of God. 25 And now, behold, I know that you all,
among whom I went preaching the kingdom, will see my face no more.
26 Wherefore I testify to you this day, that I am pure from the blood
of all ; 27 For I have not shrunk from declaring to you the whole
counsel of God. 28 Take heed therefore to yourselves, and to all the
flock among whom the Holy Ghost has set you as bishops, to feed the
church of the Lord, which He purchased by His own blood. 29 For I
know this, that after my departure grievous wolves shall enter in among
you, not sparing the flock. 30 And from yourselves shall men arise,
speaking perverse things, to draw away the disciples after them.
31 Therefore watch, and remember that, for the space of three years,
I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears. 32 And now
I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace, who is able to
build up, and to give an inheritance among all the sanctified. 33 I
coveted no man's silver, or gold, or raiment. 34 Ye yourselves know
that these hands have ministered to my necessities, and to those who
were with me. 35 I have showed you all things, how that, so labouring,
you ought to assist the weak ; and to remember the words of the Lord
Jesus, how He said. It is more blessed to give than to receive.
36 And when he had thus spoken, he kneeled down, and prayed with
242
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. 243
them all. 37 And there was much weeping among all, and they fell
on Paul's neck and kissed him, 38 Sorrowing most for the word which
he had spoken, that they should see his face no more. And they accom-
panied him to the ship.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 19. IIoWcjv before BaKpvcov, found in C, G, PI, is
wanting in A, B, D, E, t<, and is omitted by recent critics.
Yer. 23. A, B, C, D, E, t^ insert fjuot after Sia/jbaprvperaLy a
reading received by all recent critics. Ver. 24. The reading
of the textus receptiis^ aX?C ovBevo<; \6<yov iroLovfJiav ovBe e^co
rr)v '\jrv')(rjv fxov TL/Jblav ifiavro), is found in E, G, H : it is
rejected by Tischendorf, who reads, aXX* ovSevo^ \6yov ttolov-
flat TTjv 'y^vyrjv TifJiiav ifxavrw, in accordance with B, C, i<.
The words /jbera %apav, found in C, E, G, H, are wanting in
A, B, D, N, and are rejected by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
Ver. 25. Tov ©eov after /SaaiXelav, found in E, G, H, are
wanting in A, B, C, ^5, and omitted by Lachmann, Tischen-
dorf, and Meyer. Ver. 28. In this verse we have one of the
most important variations in the text of the New Testament.
The two important readings are, rrjv eKKXrjo-lav rod Geov^ and
TTJV iKKXrjalav tov Kvplov. The following is a summary of
the evidence in favour of either reading. In favour of tov
©eov are the two oldest uncial MSS. (B, s), about twenty
cursive MSS., the Vulgate, the Philoxenian Syriac in the text,
Epiphanius and Ambrose ; Ignatius has, in his Epistle to the
Ephesians, the expression alixa ©eov ; and Tertullian uses
the expression sanguine Dei {ad Uxor. ii. 3). In favour of
TOV Kvplov are A, C, D, E, about fourteen cursive MSS.,
the Armenian and Coptic versions, the Apostolic Constitu-
tions (belonging to the third century), Eusebius, Augustin,
Jerome. From this it would appear that the external evi-
dence is rather in favour of ©eov. The internal evidence is
also, if anything, in favour of tov ©eov, as the expression
iKKXrjala tov ©eov is Pauline, whereas eKfcXrja-ia tov Kvplov
is nowhere else employed by the apostle ; others, however,
assert that Kvplov might be changed into ©eov to adapt it
to the Pauline usage. Critics are divided in their opinions :
244 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the reading Oeov is adopted by Beza, Mill, Wolf, Bengel,
Knapp, Matthise, Scholz, Kinck, Stier, Bloomfield, Alford,
Wordsworth ; whereas Kvplov is adopted by Grotius, Le
Clerc, Wetstein, Griesbach, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer,
Lechler, Lange, Tischendorf, Bornemann, Olshausen, Baum-
garten, Lachmann, Conybeare, Hackett, Davidson.^ (See
Exegetical Kemarks.) Ver. 32. ^ABe\(pol after vfia^ is want-
ing in A, B, D, &5, and omitted by most recent critics. 'Tf^lv
after Bovvai is found in C, G, H, but wanting in A, B,
D, E, 5^, and is rejected by recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 17. ^Atto 8e t^? MiXyrov 7r6fjLyjra<; 6U"E(^eaov — And
from Miletus having sent to Ephesus. Miletus, as already
observed, was about thirty miles to the south of Ephesus,
so that Paul must have remained there from three to four
days. To 1*9 irpecrpvTepov^; Trj<; iKK\r](TLa<; — the elders of the
church. Some, from prelatic views, because these elders
are called bishops (ver. 28), suppose that, besides the rulers
of the church of Ephesus, the rulers of the neighbouring
churches were also present. Thus Irenseus observes : In
Mileto convocatis episcopis et preshyteris^ qui erant ah Epheso
et a reliquis proximis civitatihus (iii. 14. 2). It is certainly
possible that the elders of the church of Miletus, and of the
churches in the immediate neighbourhood, might be present ;
but there was evidently no time to summon the elders of the
various churches of Asia. Mention, however, is made only
of the Ephesian elders. That there were several elders
belonging to the church of Ephesus, was in accordance with
the practice of apostolic times, and with the custom in the
Jewish synagogues. Those who are here called irpecrpv-
Tepov;, are in ver. 28 termed einaKoirov^; \ thus proving
that at this early period there was no difference between
presbyters and bishops. See Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2, 8 ;
^ It is, however, to be observed, that many of those critics who adopt
Kvpiov, did so before it was ascertained that Qeou was the reading of the
Vatican, and before the discovery of the Sinaitic MS.
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 18-21. 245
Tit. i. 7. On this subject the reader is referred to note on
Acts xi. 30.
Yer. 18. ^Airo irpcorrji; rifi6pa<; acj) ^9 iire^rjv et? rrjv
'Aalav — from the first day on which I came into Asia, These
words are to be connected with irm iyevofjbrjv^ " how I have
been with you," and not with eTrlcrTaade^ '^ ye know."
Ver. 19. Mera 7rda7j<; Ta7r6Lvo(j)poavv7]<i — ivith all humility,
A favourite expression of the apostle. The word Taireivo'
(ppoavvrj is used by him five times — Eph. iv. 2 ; Phil. ii. 3 ;
Col. ii. 18, 23, iii. 12 : whereas elsewhere it only occurs once,
in 1 Pet. V. 5. Kal Batcpvcov — and with tears : because the
opposition of the Jews impeded his work, and retarded the
progress of the gospel among the Gentiles. ^Eu rah ein-
^ovXaU Tcov ^lovSaicov — in the plots of the Jews. There is
no distinct mention in the Acts of the machinations of the
Jews at Ephesus ; but we are informed that their disposition
was so hostile, that Paul had to separate himself and his
disciples from the synagogue ; and in the tumult, Alexander
a Jew came forward, with the evident intention of accusing
the disciples (Acts xix. 9, 23). That the condition of the
apostle in Ephesus was one of great danger, we learn from
his Epistles to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 31, 32 ; 2 Cor.
i. 8-10).
Ver. 20. '/i? — how — depends still on eTria-TaaOe, " you
know how." 'TTreareLkdfjLrjv — I kept hack: suppressed from
fear of giving offence. Tov fjbrj dvayecXaL vpZv — hut have
declared to you : the object or design of vTreo-TetXdfnjv ;
literally, " in order that I shall not declare to you, and
teach you," — namely, " the things which were profitable to
you." Arjfioala — puhlicly : as when he taught three months
in the synagogue, and two years in the school of Tyrannus.
Ver. 21. Kepentance toward God, and faith toward the
Lord Jesus, were the great subjects of the apostle's preach-
ing — the two chief duties of Christianity. Summa eorum
quce utilia sunt, summa doctrinal Christiance, summa consilii
divini, Poenitentia et Fides (Bengel). We are not, with Beza,
Kuinoel, and Bengel, to refer repentance toward God to the
Gentiles, and faith toward the Lord Jesus to the Jews ; for
246 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
although the Jews were not guilty of idolatry, yet they had
apostatized in heart from God, and equally with the Gentiles
required repentance.
Ver. 22. AeBe/nevo'^ tc3 irveviiarL — hound in the spirit. The
meaning of this phrase is doubtful. Some (Erasmus, Grotius,
Bengel) take SeSe/xei^ov in its primary sense, " bound with
chains ;" as if Paul had said, I feel myself already bound :
the chains are present before my mind. So also Conybeare :
" SeSefiivo^ — that is, a prisoner in chains, but as yet only
in the spirit, tw Trvev/jLari, not in body." This, however,
is too artificial a meaning : it is simpler to take the word in
its metaphorical sense — constrained, impelled, necessitated.
Again, some understand by rw irvevfiarL the Holy Spirit :
" constrained by the Holy Spirit" (Beza, Calvin, Stier,
Wordsworth) ; " restrained by the Holy Spirit" — that is,
from knowing certainly what should befall him (Alexander) ;
"on the impulse of the Holy Spirit" (Theophylact) ; "bound
to the Holy Spirit" (Meyer, 1st edition); "led captive by
the Holy Spirit" (Humphry). The objection to these inter-
pretations is, that the Holy Spirit is mentioned in the next
verse, and is apparently distinguished from tw irvevfiaTi in
this verse by the epithet to dyiov ; otherwise, " constrained
by the Spirit " would afford an excellent sense. It is perhaps
better to understand by tw Trvev^aro Paul's own spirit :
"bound in the spirit;" that is, constrained by an overpower-
ing sense of duty. He felt himself shut up to the conclusion
that he must go up to Jerusalem, and therefore he could
neither be terrified by dangers, nor moved by entreaties and
remonstrances : he had no choice in the matter : a necessity
was laid upon him. So approximately Heinrichs, Kuinoel,
Meyer, De Wette, Lange, Lechler, Ewald, Alford. Ta iv
avrfi (jwavTrjaovra fioi firj elBco^ — not knowing the things that
shall befall me hi it. He knew that severe trials and cala-
mities of some kind awaited him; but he did not know of
what description they would be, or in what they would ter-
minate : he had a general, but not a particular knowledge.
Ver. 23. To TJveviia to dycov /cara iroXiv hiafiapTVpeTal
fioi — the Holy Ghost witnesses to me in every city. This
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 23, 24. 247
refers, not to internal intimations by the Spirit, but to
prophetic declarations. In every city through which the
apostle journeyed — as in Philippi, Troas, Assos, Mitylene,
Trogyllium, and Miletus — he received such communications.
Two instances of these are afterwards mentioned by Luke :
one at Tyre, and the other at Csesarea (Acts xxi. 4, 11).
Hence Schneckenburger asserts that, in this remark in the
address to the Ephesian elders, the historian is guilty of an
historical prolepsis, as such communications did not occur
until afterwards. But in answer to this, it is sufficient to
observe that the account which Luke gives is summary, so
that earlier prophetical intimations may have been omitted ;
and that it is natural to suppose that, as Paul drew nearer
Jerusalem, these intimations became more frequent and dis-
tinct. Already at Corinth, as Paley observes, where he wrote
his Epistle to the Romans, he was under the same appre-
hensions that his journey to Jerusalem would be disastrous.
He there beseeches the Roman Christians to strive together
in their prayers for him, that he might be delivered from
them who do not believe in Judea (Rom. xv. 30). Com-
paring this with our passage, Paley remarks : " The two
passages, without any resemblance between them that could
induce us to suspect that they were borrowed from one
another, represent the state of Paul's mind with respect to
the event of the journey in terms of substantial agreement.
They both express his sense of danger in the approaching
visit to Jerusalem ; they both express the doubt which dwelt
upon his thoughts concerning what might befall him there.
The only difference is, that in the history his thoughts are
more inclined to despondency than in the epistle, . . . which
is no other alteration than might well be expected, since
these prophetic intimations to which he refers when he says,
*The Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city,' had probably
been received by him in the course of his journey." ^
Ver. 24. ' A\X\ ovB6vo<; \6yov iroiovfiai ttjv ^^vxn^ rtfiiav
ifjLavTM — but I esteem my life of no account, as if it were
precious to myself; that is, the preservation of my life is
1 Paley 's Horse Paulinse — Romans, No. V.
248 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
nothing compared with the performance of my ministry: I
esteem it of no value, 'fl^ reXeiMaac — in order that 1 might
finish. The infinitive with w? expresses design : it gives the
reason why he did not esteem his life as precious. Tov ^pojjLov
[xov — my course : a figure common and peculiar to Paul
(1 Cor. ix. 24-27; Phil. iii. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 7).'
Ver. 25. ^Ejco olSa — / know : expressing either conviction
or a strong presentiment. The grounds of his knowledge
w^ere the intimations which he received from the Holy Ghost
that bonds and afflictions awaited him at Jerusalem. He felt
as one condemned to die ; that calamities, and perhaps mar-
tyrdom, were in store for him : and hence his presentiment
that he would never return to Ephesus. '^Otl ovKeTC o-^eaOe
TO irpoa-oairov /jLov v/jLeU iravre^ — that ye all shall see my face
no more. The natural meaning of these words is, that the
apostle was strongly impressed with the idea that he would
not revisit Ephesus. Many, how^ever, affirm that the apostle
some years after this did return to Ephesus. This depends
upon the question whether he was released from his Roman im-
prisonment. The journeys alluded to in the pastoral epistles,
it is affirmed, can only be accounted for on the supposition
of his release.^ But supposing that Paul was released from
his Roman imprisonment, is it necessary also to suppose that
he revisited Ephesus ? We think that this question must
be answered in the affirmative. In his Epistle to Philemon,
Paul requests that a lodging might be prepared for him at
Colosse (Philem. 22) ; and in the second Epistle to Timothy
mention is made of his having been at Troas Alexandria,
and Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 13, 20). Paul, then, was again in
^ On these words, Lechler, in his last edition of his Apostelgeschichte,
has the following instructive remark : " "Without doubt, Paul, as a
Hellenist, had seen in his youth the Greek games. In fact, there has
been found at Tarsus a Greek inscription {^Corpus Inscr. Grsec. iii. 209,
No. 4437) which was set up as a monument at the termination of the
walls surrounding the racecourse ; by which is proved, what is not else-
where found in written sources, that the native city of Paul possessed a
racecourse."
2 This point is afterwards fully discussed in the last section of this
Commentary.
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 26-28. 249
proconsular Asia ; and it can hardly be supposed that he
should have been in the immediate neighbourhood of Ephesus
without revisiting it ; although it is possible, but hardly pro-
bable, that circumstances might have prevented him doing
so. Paul, in stating to the Ephesian elders that they would
see his face no more, merely gives his strong impression that
he would not revisit Ephesus : if he were in this mistaken,
his mistake does not derogate from his apostolic character or
from his inspiration. He was not infallible, and he does not
make this statement as an intimation proceeding from the
Holy Ghost ; for he expressly says that he knew not wdiat
should befall him — that the knowledge of the result of his
bonds and afflictions was withheld from him. Other inter-
pretations are to be rejected : as, that rrravre^ is here em-
phatic, "Ye all shall see my face no more;" for although
some saw him, yet all did not : or that all the elders then
present were dead before Paul returned to Ephesus. Some
(De Wette, Baur, Schneckenburger, Zeller) assert that this
declaration was made post eventum^ after the death of Paul,
and is therefore a proof that Paul was not delivered from his
Koman imprisonment ; but the strong language of the text,
the only reason which they give, is no proof of this assertion.^
Vers. 26, 27. XrjfJ^epov rj/^epa — this very day : emphatic ;
it was the day of separation ; his ministry among them was
finished. Ov yap vTreaTeLXdfjUTjv — /o?' / have not shrunk.
The same word as in ver. 20.
Yer. 28. Ovv — therefore : as I am innocent, take heed
lest the guilt of neglect shall fall on you. Tlavrl rco ttolixvlco
— to all the flock: a common metaphor both in the Old and
in the New Testament. To TlvevfJia to aycov — the Holy
Ghost. The Holy Ghost, as the great Agent in the selec-
tion of ministers ; the Lord of the harvest, who sends forth
labourers into His harvest (Acts xiii. 2). 'EiriaKOTTov^ —
bishops, denoting the official duty of the presbyters. Jta rov
aifjiaro^ rov IBlov — through His oivn blood ; " by the shedding
of which He has redeemed believers from the dominion of
the devil, and has constituted them the heirs of His eternal
1 De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 155.
250 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
salvation" (Meyer). By the shedding of which also He has
offered up Himself as a sacrifice for our sins, and has satis-
fied the justice of God.
Trjv eKKkrjaiav tov Kvplov — the church of the Lord. (See
Critical Note.) The reading of Tischendorf is adopted, not
that it seems in itself preferable, but because Tischendorf's
text has been made the groundwork of our translation. Dr.
Davidson enumerates six different readings of this passage :
1. Tr]v €KK\7]crLav TOV ©60V — the church of God ; 2. tov
KvpLov — the church of the Lord ; 3. tov Kvplov koX ©eov —
tJie church of the Lord and God; 4. Kvpiov ©eov — the church
of the Lord God ; 5. ©eov Koi Kvplov — the church of God
and the Lord ; 6. XpicrTov — the church of Christ. Of these,
however, only the two first are entitled to examination ; the
other four being weakly attested. Formerly, the external
evidence was decidedly in favour of Kvplov ; but lately new
evidence has been obtained, ©eov is ascertained to be the
undoubted reading of the Vatican, whereas formerly it was
doubtful, and it is the reading of the newly-discovered Sina-
itic manuscript : so that the external evidence is now rather
in favour of ©eov. The internal evidence has been claimed
on both sides, and is a point of great nicety. 'EKK\7]ala
TOV ©eov is a favourite expression of Paul, being used by
him at least ten times ; whereas the expression eKfcXTjala
TOV Kvplov does not elsewhere occur. The expression " the
blood of God" is certainly very bold, and one which a prion
we would not have expected ; but it is an expression em-
ployed by the Fathers as early as Ignatius and Tertullian,
and the probability is that it was not invented by them, but
derived from this passage. Upon the whole, we are disposed
to think that the preponderance of evidence is in favour of
the reading ttjv eKKKrjalav tov ©eov}
Yer. 29. Mera ttjv dcpL^lv fMov — after my departure. The
^ This whole subject is very fully discussed by Dr. Davidson in his
Biblical Criticism^ vol. ii. pp. 441-448. He gives the preference to rov
Kvptov. When, however, that work was written, the Sinaitic MS. had
not been discovered. The subject is also well discussed in Humphry's
Commentary on the Acts, p. 163.
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 30. 251
usual meaning of a^tft? is arrival, coming ; and hence some
(Bengel, Lechler) translate it " after my coming : " primmn
venit Faulus; deinde venient lupi (Bengel). Here, however,
it v^^ould seem to be employed in the unusual sense of depar-
ture (Demosth. de Pace, p. 58). Paul does not specially mean
his death, but his absence, of which the false teachers would
take advantage to propagate their errors. Aukol ^apel^ —
grievous ivolves. The apostle makes a distinction between
two classes of teachers — the grievous wolves who shall enter
in from without, and the perverse teachers who shall arise
from within. The former class he compares to grievous
wolves not sparing the flock (see Matt. vii. 15). By these
grievous wolves Grotius understands the Roman persecutors,
persecutio sub Nerone; but they are evidently false teachers
who *' entered in among them." Accordingly it is probable
that the Judaizing teachers who came from a distance, and
M'ho had already done much mischief at Corinth and in
Galatia, are intended.
Yer. 30. "Avhpe^ XaXodvre^ hieaTpafjup^eva — men speaking
perverse tilings. The other class of false teachers : they were
to arise from within (e| v/jLcov) ; ^ from among the Ephesians
themselves, not necessarily from the elders whom Paul now
addressed. By these perverse teachers are probably meant
the gnostic heretics, whose headquarters were proconsular
Asia. There were many such false teachers afterwards in
the church of Ephesus. Mention is made in Scripture of
no fewer than six belonging to Ephesus ; Hymeneus and
Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20), Phygellus and Hermogenes (2 Tim.
i. 15), Philetus (2 Tim. ii. 17), and Diotrephes (3 John 9). In
the apocalyptic epistle to the church of Ephesus, it is said that
there were those among them who held the doctrine of the
Nicolaitanes (Rev. ii. 6). And according to church history,
it was at Ephesus that the heresiarch Cerinthus encountered
the Apostle John (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iv. 14). It is not im-
probable that during his three years' residence in Ephesus
^ See 1 John ii. 19, — an epistle written probably from Ephesus. When
speaking of false teachers, St. John says, " they went out from us" Q^
252 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
and proconsular Asia, Paul already saw symptoms of here-
tical doctrines. The Ephesian mind was especially given to
speculation. " Ephesus," observes Creuzer, " was, above all
others, the place where oriental views were in various ways
combined with the philosophy and mythology of Greece. In
truth, this city was a complete storehouse of magical arts
and deceptions." And although in Paul's Epistle to the
Ephesians there is no direct allusion to false teachers, yet
it is evident from his epistle to the neighbouring church of
Colosse, written at the same time as the Ephesian epistle,
that errors of a gnostic character were already propagated
in proconsular Asia. Zeller asserts that the author of the
Acts inserts an anachronism in the speech of the apostle, in
alluding to heretics, who did not exist until afterwards, and
that he mentions them in indefinite terms for the purpose of
concealing his error. " We have here," he observes, " an
historical prolepsis, not of the apostle, but of his biographer."^
But there is certainly no ground for such an assertion : it
arises solely from the denial of the prophetical element in
the address of the apostle.
Yer. 31. Tpi€Tiav — the space of three years, Paul was at
least two years and three months in Ephesus : three months
preaching in the synagogue of the Jews, and two years in
the school of Tyrannus (Acts xix. 8, 10). Some accordingly
suppose that by three years are meant two years and part of
a third. But, as has already been shown, it is probable that
Paul remained still longer at Ephesus. (See note to Acts
xix. 10.) Wieseler supposes that Paul was at Jerusalem at
a feast of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 22, 23), and from Jeru-
salem he went to Ephesus by way of Galatia and Phrygia
(Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1), and remained there until after an-
other Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi. 8) ; so that there is a space of
three years from one Pentecost to another, ail of which
Paul spent at Ephesus, with the exception of the short
period occupied with his journey from Jerusalem.^
Ver. 32. Tw Svva/jievcp—who is able. Some (Erasmus,
1 Zeller's ApostelgescMchte, p. 271.
2 Wieseler's Chronologie ties apostolisclien Zeitalters, pp. 53-60.
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 33, 34. 253
Heinriclis, Kuinoel, Lange) refer these words to rw \6j(p,
which, i,e. the doctrine of God, is able. But although it
might be said that the word is able to build up or edify
{eiroLKohofjurjaat), yet such a personal action as the bestowal of
the inheritance {Bovvat, KkTjpovojjbLav) could hardly be ascribed
to it. Others (Gomarius, Witsius, Wordsworth) think that
by Tw Xoyo) is meant the personal Word, the Logos ; but
this is a form of expression confined to the Apostle John.
Others (Beza, Calvin, Grotius, De Wette, Meyer, Stier,
Alford) more correctly refer tm Bwa/ubivcp to rw ©ew.
Ver. 33. / coveted no man^s silver^ or gold, oi^ raiment.
Paul concludes his address with an assertion of his disin-
terestedness, not iu order to refute the calumnies of the
Jews (Olshausen), or from a regard to the preservation of
the liberty and independence of the church in the world
(Baumgarten), but as an example to the Ephesian elders,
and as a warning against avarice and covetousness (Meyer).
*IfjLaTi(T/iiov — raiment. Raiment is here mentioned along
with gold and silver, because among the Orientals it was a
chief part of their wealth. The Ephesians, we are informed,
were celebrated for their luxurious apparel (Athena3us, xii.
p. 525).
Ver. 34. Ac ;\;etpe9 avrat — these hands: no doubt stretch-
ing out his hands toward his audience. This refers to the
fact that Paul and his companions supported themselves
chiefly by their own labour. No mention is made of this
fact in the account of Paul's residence at Ephesus. Luke,
however, informs us that he laboured as a tentmaker at
Corinth ; and in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, written
from Ephesus, express mention is made of his still con-
tinuing to work with his own hands : *' Even unto this
present hour, we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked,
and are buffeted, and have no certain dwelling-place ; and
labour, working with our own hands" (1 Cor. iv. 11, 12).
Here, then, is another example of the undesigned coinci-
dences between the Acts of the Apostles and the epistles of
St. Paul.^
^ See Paley's Hor£e PauUnse — 1st Corinthians, No. VI.
254 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Yer. 35. Twv dadevovvrcov — the weak. Some (Calvin,
Beza, Bengel, Neander, Tholuck, Baumgarten, Lechler,
Meyer) understand by the weak, the weak in faith. They
suppose that the meaning of the apostle is, that by refusing
any maintenance when in Ephesus, he had given them an
example which they should follow, on account of the weak-
ness of the disciples. If those who were weak in the faith
saw a teacher receiving money, they might think that he
was labouring for the sake of gain ; and therefore they
would be prejudiced both against his person and his doctrine.
But this would contradict the apostle's view. Although
he himself, in his peculiar circumstances, waived his right
to support, yet he ever maintained that the labourer was
worthy of his hire, and that he who preaches the gospel
should live by the gospel : and this was a point on which he
would not yield to the prejudices of others. Others (Wet-
stein, Heinrichs, Kuinoel, Olshausen, De Wette, Hackett,
Alford, Conybeare) understand by the weak, the poor, or
the physically weak. According to this opinion, the apostle
is here inculcating liberality : that we should labour in order
that we might possess the means of relieving the poor. To
this it is objected, that although the adjective aaOevr]^
signifies " poor," yet the verb aaOevelv and its participle
never have that meaning. This, however, has been disputed
by Wetstein and others. According to Kuinoel, although
the word aadevovvrcov, taken by itself, may not signify the
poor, yet tliis meaning is derived from the context.
MaKapLov eanv /jbdXkov SiBovat 77 \a/ij3dv6iv — it is
more blessed to give than to receive. These words are not
to be. found among the sayings of Jesus recorded in the
Gospels. Paul therefore gives them, either as an inference
drawn from similar expressions of Christ, or as the actual
words spoken by Him. This, as has been well remarked, is
a true and precious monument of apostolic tradition. The
primary intention of the quotation is to enforce liberality to
the poor ; but the words are evidently capable of a much
higher meaning. They assert the superior blessedness of
giving to receiving as a universal maxim. It is true in its
PAUL'S ADDRESS TO THE EPHESIAN ELDERS. — XX. 36-38. 255
application to God, who alone is perfectly blessed, because
He gives everything, and receives nothing. The sentiment
of the heathen was the reverse ; avor)To<; 6 StSou?, evrv^Tj^
Be 6 \a/jb/3dvcov — " The giver is foolish, but the receiver is
fortunate" (Athenseus, viii. 5).
Such is the celebrated address of Paul to the Ephesian
elders. Its authenticity has not escaped question. Schnecken-
burger, De Wette, and Renan, although they admit that the
general outline may be correct, yet think that the historian
has inserted several remarks of his own. Baur and Zeller,
on the other hand, assert that it is entirely the free com-
position of the author, and wholly unhistorical.^ But the
speech bears impressed on it the mark of Paul's mind : its
ideas, its idioms, and even its very words, are Pauline ; so
much so as to lead Alford to observe, that we have probably
the literal report of the words spoken by Paul. " It is,"
he remarks, " a treasure-house of w^ords, idioms, and sen-
timents peculiar to the apostle himself." And Ewald, no
partial critic, remarks, " an Hirer GescJdchtlichkeit in allge-
meinen zu zweifeln ist die Thorlieit selhst — " To doubt of its
authenticity in general is folly." ^
Vers. 36-38. ©eh ra yovara avrov — having knelt down.
The attitude of prayer, indicating reverence and humility.
The early Christians were accustomed to pray standing on
the Lord's day, and during the seven weeks which inter-
vened between the Passover and Pentecost, as the appro-
priate posture of exultation and thanksgiving : on other
occasions they knelt. It cannot, however, be shown that
this distinction of postures was observed in apostolic times.
1 See Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 269-274.
2 Ewald's Geschichte des apostoUschen Zeitalters, p. 488. Lekebusch
gives an interesting list of linguistic affinities between this speech and
the writings of Paul (Lekebusch's Apostelgeschichte, p. 339). The speech
is also minutely analyzed by Oertel, in his recent work on the Apostle
Paul (Oertel's Paulus in der ApostelgeschicJite, pp. 69, 70). See also
some valuable remarks by Neander, in his Planting of Christianity^ vol.
i. pp. 296, 297. He observes : " AVhoever might have forged after
the event an address of Paul, would have made him speak in a very
different and more decided tone."
256 COMMENTARY. ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
'lKavo<; he KXav6/jL0<; iyevero ttclvtwv — And there was much
weeping among all, and they fell on PauVs neck and kis,sed
him. Well might Lekebusch observe : " A living picture,
such as only could be drawn by an eye-witness, himself
deeply affected, from personal recollection." IIpoeTrefMTrov
8e avTov 6t9 TO irXoiov — and they conducted him to the shijj.
The site of the ancient Miletus is at present some miles from
the sea ; and probably even in the time of Paul it was at
some little distance.
SECTION XVIII.
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM.— Acts xxi. 1-16.
1 And it came to pass, having separated from them, we set sail, and
came by a straight course to Cos, and the next day to Rhodes, and
thence to Patara : 2 And finding a ship sailing over to Phoenicia, we
embarked and set sail. 3 And after sightmg Cyprus, and passing it
on the left, we sailed to Syria, and landed at Tyre : for there the ship
was to unlade its cargo. 4 And having found out the disciples, we
remained there seven days ; who said to Paul through the Spirit, that
he should not go up to Jerusalem. 5 And when we had completed those
days, we departed, and proceeded on our jom-ney ; they all accompanying
us, with their wives and childi-en, until we were out of the city. And
havmg knelt down on the shore, and prayed, 6 "We took leave one of
another, and we embarked ; but they returned home.
7 And we, finishing our voyage, came from Tyre to Ptolemais, and
saluted the brethren, and remained with them one day. 8 And depart-
ing on the morrow, we came to Csesarea ; and entering into the house
of Philip the evangelist, being one of the seven, we abode with him.
9 Now this man had four daughters, virgins, who did prophesy. 10 And
as we remained there several days, there came down from Judea a cer-
tain prophet, named Agabus. 11 And when he was come to us, he
took Paul's girdle, and boimd his own feet and hands, and said. Thus
saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man who
owns this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles.
12 And when we heard these things, both we and they of that place
besought him not to go up to Jerusalem. 13 Then Paul answered,
What do ye, weeping and breaking my heart ? for I am ready not to be
bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.
14 And when he would not be persuaded, we ceased, saying, The will
of the Lord be done.
15 And after those days we packed up our baggage, and went up
to Jerusalem. 16 There went with us also some of the disciples of
Csesarea, conducting us to one Mnason, a Cyprian, an old disciple, with
whom we should lodge.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 4. Tou9 before /jia67]Ta<;, the reading of the textus
receptus^ is found in A, B, C, E, ^5, and is retained by
VOL. II. R
258 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Tiscliendorf and Meyer : it is omitted in G, H. Vers. 5, 6.
II po<T7}v^d/jie6a /cat aairaadfievoi is found, in G, H ; whereas
A, B, C, E, ^, with some orthographical variations, read
TTpoaev^djjbevoi aTrrjcnracrd/iieOay the reading adopted by Lach-
mann and Tischendorf. Yer. 8. After e^ekOovre^ the textus
receptus has ol wepl tov IlavXov^ found in G, H. The words,
however, are omitted in A, B, C, E, N, and rejected by all
recent critics. Ver. 11. Avrov or aurov is found in G, H;
whereas iavrov is the reading of A, B, C, D, E, &5, and is
adopted by all recent critics. Ver. 15. ^ AiroaKevaadiievoL,
the reading of the textus receptus, is not found in any uncial
MS. A, B, E, G, X have eTncrKevaad/jLevoc, the reading
adopted by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
EXEGETICAL EEMARKS.
Ver. 1. 'fl<; 8e iyevero dva'^Orivai r}/jid<^ — When noio it came
to pass that ice set sail. Those who now journeyed with
Paul to Jerusalem were Luke, the author of the Acts,
Trophimus (Acts xxi. 29), and Aristarchus (Acts xxvii. 2).
No mention is made of the others who accompanied him
into Asia (a%/ot rrj? 'Aala^, Acts xx. 4) ; so that it is pro-
bable they remained behind at Miletus. ^ AiroaTraadevTm
diT avTMV — having departed froin them. Some (Cluysostom,
Kuinoel, Meyer, Alford) suppose that diroairaaOevTa'^ is em-
phatic — " having torn ourselves away from them ;" express-
ing the grief and reluctance with which they parted from
one another. The verb, however, is elsewhere employed
by Luke, where such an emphasis is inappropriate (Luke
xxii. 41).
"HXOofj^ev eh rrjv Km — ive came to Cos. Cos or Coos is a
small island in the Archipelago, about forty miles directly
south of Miletus, opposite the cities of Cnidus (Acts xxvii. 7)
and Halicarnassus. It was famous for its wines (Pliny,
XV. 18 ; Strabo, xiv. 2. 19), its ointments (Athen. xv. 688),
and its fabrics (^uec Cow referunt jam tibi j^urpww, Hor. Od.
iv. 13. 13). The chief town of the same name, situated at
the eastern extremity of the island, was celebrated for a
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. — XXL 1. 259
temple to ^sculapius, and was a renowned school of medi-
cine. It was the birthplace of Hippocrates the ph^-sician,
and Apelles the painter (Strabo, xiv. 2. 19). We learn
from Josephus that many Jews were resident in the island
(Ant. xiv. 7. 2). The Emperor Claudius, shortly before this,
had granted to its inhabitants an immunity from taxes
(Tac. Ami. xii. 61). Cos is noticed in church history as
having a succession of bishops. Its modern name is Stanchio,
and it is still renowned for its fertility.
Tfj Be i^fjf; ek rrjv 'Pohov — and on the next day to Bliodes.
This famous island lay about fifty miles to the south of Cos.
It was celebrated for its beauty, its fertility, and the variety
of its products. It was a proverb, that the sun shone every
day in Khodes (Plin. ii. 62). The city of the same name,
situated at the western extremity of the island, was cele-
brated for its schools, its navies, and its colossal statue of
the sun, which was regarded as one of the wonders of the
world. In the time of Paul this statue was lying prostrate
on the ground, being overthrown by an earthquake. Rhodes
occupies a not unimportant place in history. In the Greek
age, its navy possessed the supremacy of the sea, and was
eminently useful in the suppression of piracy. When the
Romans came into power, Rhodes became their faithful ally,
and was rewarded by -the preservation of its freedom, and
the gift of certain portions of land in the neighbouring pro-
vinces of Lycia and Caria. Before the time of Paul, how-
ever, it had been deprived of its continental possessions, but
still enjoyed a nominal freedom. Thus Tacitus tells ns that
Claudius restored to the Rhodians their liberty, which had
been often withdrawn and re-established, according as they
obliged the Romans by their assistance in foreign wars, or
provoked them by their seditions at home (Ann. xii. 58).
It was not until the reign of Vespasian that it was finally
reduced to the condition of a province. In the middle ages,
Rhodes became still more famous as the residence of the
Knights of St. John. It was rescued by them from the
Saracens in the year 1310, and retained until 1523, when it
was conquered by Solyman the Magnificent. It now belongs
260 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
to tlie Turks, still bears its ancient name, and has a popula-
tion of about 20,000.'
KaKeWev e^? Udrapa — and thence to Patara, Patara,
called by Strabo a large city, was a seaport of Lycia, situ-
ated near the mouth of the river Xanthus, and opposite to
the island of Rhodes. It may be considered as the port of
the city Xanthus,^ the capital of Lycia, from which it was
ten miles distant. Here was a famous oracle of Apollo,
which gave responses for the six winter months, and was
regarded as scarcely inferior to the oracle at Delphi (Strabo,
xiv. 3. 6). Hence Horace calls that god Deliiis et Patareus
Ajoollo (Od. iii. 4. 64). Patara is now in ruins, exhibiting
some interesting remains, especially many tombs with Greek
inscriptions, a theatre, and a triple arch which was one of
the gates of the city. Its port is now an inland marsh,
blocked up with sandhills.'^
Ver. 2. Evpovre^ ttXolov Siavrepcov ek ^otvUijv — finding a
ship sailing over to Phoenicia. At Patara Paul quitted the
vessel in which he had sailed from Alexandria Troas, or
perhaps from Neapolis in Macedonia, probably because it
had reached the termination of its voyage, and embarked
in another ship. The vessel was on the point of sailing to
Phoenicia, so that no time was lost at Patara.
Ver. 3. 'Ava(f)av6VT€<i Se ryv Kvirpov — and having sighted
Cyprus; literally, "having been shown Cyprus:" a nautical
expression, as, when sailing, the land to which the vessel ap-
proaches appears to rise out of the sea. Paul might see in
the distance New Paphos, which he had visited thirteen years
before, at the commencement of his missionary career (Renan).
Kal KaTa\/,7r6vT€<i avrrjv evciovv/jiov — and having passed it on
the left liand. They thus kept Cyprus to the east, and sailed
1 For a description of the modern city of Rhodes, see Hamilton's Asia
Minor, vol. ii. pp. 46-52.
^ Celebrated for its artistic remains : the Xauthian marbles now in the
British Museum.
^ For these geographical notices, sec Smith's Dictionary of the Bihle^
Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, Lewin's Life and Letters of St. Paul.,
and Winer's hiUisches Worterhucli. For a description of the ruins of
Patara, see Fellows' Asia Minor, pp. 222-224.
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. — XXL 4. 2G1
to the south of it. 'ETrXeo/mev ek ^vplav — we sailed to
Syria. Syria is here used to denote the Roman province,
including Phoenicia, of which Tyre was the capitaL Kar?;;)^-
67]fjiev ek Tvpov — lue landed at Tyre. The voyage between
Patara and Tyre was in the open sea : the distance was
about 340 geographical miles, and might be accomplished
with a favourable wind in three or four days.
It would be out of place to describe in a note the city of
Tyre, about which so much has been written : a notice of its
condition in the days of the apostle must suffice. The Tyre
of the apostolic times was built upon a peninsula ; the for-
mer island having been connected with the mainland by the
embankment formed by Alexander. Although much shorn
of its glory, and injured by the rise of the rival commercial
cities of Antioch and Csesarea, it was still a large city, and
possessed a considerable commerce, especially in purple dyes
and fabrics (Strabo, xvi. 2. 22, 23). According to some, it
was little inferior in point of population to Jerusalem.
Although attached to the province of Syria, it enjoyed the
privilege of being a free city of the empire.^ Tyre con-
tinued a city of considerable importance until the year 1291,
when it was taken and completely destroyed by the Saracens.
After that period it never rose above the condition of a
wretched village. 'E/cetcre r^ap—for there; literally "thither:"
the meaning being, that the vessel was sailing to Tyre in order
to unload (Winer, Meyer). There is no necessity to take
i/celae for e'/cet.
Ver. 4. 'Avevpovre^ he rov^ fiaOTjra^ — and having found out
the disciples. There were disciples at Tyre : the gospel had
been preached in that city. The preachers of the dispersion,
we are informed, travelled as far as Phoenicia (Acts xi. 19) ;
and Paul himself had in all probability been at Tyre, for he
had passed through Phoenicia on his journey to the Council
of Jerusalem (Acts xv. 3). But still the disciples appear to
have been few in number in comparison with the heathen
and Jewish inhabitants of the city; for they required to
1 It was not until tlie reign of Septimius Severus that Tyre became a
colony (Eckhel's Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. iii. p. 387).
262 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
be sought out. This is easily accounted for, when we
consider that Tyre was at this time a populous commercial
city. Some suppose that the article before fiaOi^Taf; denotes
that the disciples whom Paul found out were those with
whom he was previously acquainted (Lewin). This, however,
is a forced interpretation. 'ETre/ubeiva/jLev avrov rjiJbepm eiTTd
— ive remaiiied tliere seven days. The reason why the apostle,
after hurrying away from Asia, remained seven days at
Tyre, was probably because he had to wait until the vessel
in which he sailed had unladen its cargo and received
another freight. OiTtve^ t(o TIavXcp eXeyov Sta rov Tlvev-
fjiaro^ — who said to Paid through the Spirit^ that he should not
go up to Jerusalem. There is here an apparent discrepancy
in the declarations of the Spirit. The disciples of Tyre
through the Spirit assert that Paul should not go up to
Jerusalem ; whereas the apostle himself felt constrained in
the spirit — impelled by a strong sense of duty — to go up (Acts
XX. 23). We must here distinguish between the intimations
of the Spirit, and the inferences drawn by men from these
intimations. The Spirit revealed to the Tyrian disciples the
dangers that awaited the apostle at Jerusalem ; and they,
from love to the apostle, besought him not to go up. But
Paul entertained a juster view of the matter; he recognised
more correctly the voice of the Spirit : he was certain that,
in spite of these bonds and sufferings which the Holy Ghost
witnessed in every city, it was his duty to proceed. If the
Spirit had actually forbidden him to go up to Jerusalem,
he would have desisted from his dangerous journey. As
Chrysostom well remarks on these words : rovreaTi Sta tov
Uvev/jLaTos elSore^;' ov yap Srj rrjv Trapaiveaiv 8ia tov Uvev-
fiaro^ eTTOiovvTo : ''' that is, knowing by the Spirit (namely,
tliat afflictions awaited the apostle) ; for of course they did
not make the exhortation by the Spirit." ^
Ver. 5. ^E^apTLcraL r}fjid<; ra? r^jxepa^ — when we had com-
pleted these days. Some understand i^aprL^o) as a naval
expression, to equip or fit out — " when we had refitted during
these days " (Meyer — first edition) ; but such a meaning
1 Cluysostom on the Acts — Homily xlv.
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. — XXL 7. 263
does not well suit the context. The meaning is, when the
seven days spent at Tyre had come to an end (Meyer — last
edition), ^vv yvvac^l kol TeKvof^ — icith wives and children.
Baumgarten observes that this is the first time, in the notice
of a Christian church, that children are mentioned — that
" we have here the first recorded instance of Christianity
pervading a whole family." 'EttI tov alyLoXov — on the shore.
Evidently because this was the place of departure ; not, as
Hammond supposes, because there was here a proseucha or
place of prayer.
Ver. 7. Tov irXovv hiavvaavre^ — finishing onr voyage. The
verb Siavvco only occurs in this place in the New Testament,
but it is frequently used in the classics in the sense of to
complete a journey. Meyer observes that hiauvaavTe^ is
contemporaneous with KaryvrTjaa/uiep, as both verbs are in
the aorist, and is therefore to be translated, ^' finishing our
voyage, we came." ^ ^Atto Tvpov — fi'om Tyre. These words
are not to be connected with tov ifKovv^ as in our version, but
with KarrjvTT^aa/jbev. It is the whole voyage from Neapolis
to Ptolemais that is alluded to. The voyage was finished by
sailing from Tyre to Ptolemais ; the rest of the journey to
Jerusalem was made by land.
KaT7]VT/]aa/uL6v et? UroXefjiatSa — loe came to Ptolemais.
Ptolemais was situated on the coast of the ^Mediterranean, at
the northern extremity of that spacious bay, the southern
extremity of which was foruied by the promontory of Mount
Carmel. It is called in tlie book of Judges Accho (Judg.
i. 31), and was assigned to the tribe of Asher. It seems,
however, never to have been possessed by the Israelites, but
was always considered as a city of Phoenicia. It was
regarded as the key of Galilee from the Mediterranean,
and was a place of considerable importance in a military
point of view. On the division of the Macedonian empire,
it fell to the lot of the kings of Egypt, and received its name
Ptolemais from one of the Ptolemies, probably Lathurus.
Strabo mentions it as a great city (xvi. 2. 25). The Emperor
Claudius raised it to the rank of a colony with the name
1 Meyer's Ajwstelgeschichte, p. 416.
264 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Colonia Claudii Csesaris Ptolemais (Plin. H. N. c. 17).^ In
the middle ages, under the name of St. Jean d'Acre, it was
famous in the wars of the Crusaders, being among the last
towns of Palestine which surrendered to the Saracens (a.d.
1291) ; and in modern times it has received additional
notoriety from its successful defence by Sir Sidney Smith
against the arms of Napoleon in 1799, and its bombardment
by the English fleet under Sir Charles Napier in 1840. It
is now called Acre, and has a population of about 15,000.
Yer. 8. Eh KaicrdpeLav — to Ccesarea, Paul and his com-
panions proceeded from Ptolemais to Ca3sarea by land,
although that city was also a seaport. The distance between
these cities is from thirty to forty miles. It is variously
given in the different itineraries : according to the Jeru-
salem Itinerary, the distance is thirty-one miles ; whereas
according to the Antonine Itinerary it is forty-four miles."
For a description of Csesarea Palestinee, see note to Acts
viii. 40.
Ek Tov oIkov ^iXlttttov tov evayyeXtaTOVj etc. — to the
house of Philip the evangelist^ being one of the seven. This was
Philip whose evangelistic labours in Samaria were already
recorded (Acts viii.). We were informed that he went to
Csesarea (Acts viii. 40) ; and now in this city, twenty years
afterwards, he is visited by Paul. As his usual residence
seems to have been Csesarea, he must either have resigned
the office which he held in Jerusalem as almoner of the poor ;
or perhaps rather that office was only temporary, to meet an
emergency that had occurred in the history of the church.
Philip is here called the evangelist, a term which hterally
denotes one who preaches the gospel. In the apostolic ages,
evangelists seem to have held an office similar to that of
missionaries : they were set over no particular church, but
preached the gospel among the heathen : they were itinerant
preachers. Eusebius thus describes their office : ^' After
laying the foundation of the faith in foreign parts, as the
peculiar object of their mission, and after appointing others
^ Eckhel's Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. ill. p. 424.
2 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul^ vol. ii. p. 287.
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JEEUSALEM. — XXI. 9. 265
as shepherds to the flock, and committing to them the care
of those that had been recently introduced, they went again
to other regions and nations with the grace and co-operation
of God" (Hist, Eccl. iii. 37). Afterwards the name became
appropriated to the four writers of the life of Christ. Hence
John is surnamed in a peculiar manner ^' the evangelist," to
distinguish him from John the Baptist. Philip is here called
the evangelist, probably on account of his missionary labours
in Samaria. "Oz^ro? eV tmv eiTTa — being one of the seven.
Meyer translates these words, " who was the evangelist of
the seven ;" i.e. he was the one of the seven who performed
the office of an evangelist. Such an interpretation, however,
is forced : the words simply mean that Philip was one of the
seven deacons.
Ver. 9. TovTcp 8e '^aav irapOevot dvyarepe^; reaaape^; irpo-
<f>r)Tevovaat — Noiv this man had four daughters^ virgins^ ivho
did prophesy. This remark does not seem to be merely inci-
dentally introduced ; but is probably an indication that the
daughters of Philip, influenced by the spirit of prophecy,
foretold the sufferings which awaited the apostle at Jeru-
salem. Some suppose that the notice of their virginity is
intended to intimate that they had devoted themselves to the
service of Christ ; but perhaps it is a simple statement of
fact : at least it is not to be adduced as an argument in
favour of the condition of a nun. Eusebius, in his Church
History^ confounds Philip the evangelist with Philip the
apostle. He informs us, after Papias and Polycrates, that
Philip the apostle had four daughters who did prophesy;
that he resided in Hierapolis in Asia ; and that their tombs
are to be seen there {Hist. Eccl. iii. 31, 39). He further
states that two of these daughters afterwards married, and
that two continued virgins. " Philip," he observes, " gave
his daughters in marriage to husbands." And again : " Philip,
one of the twelve apostles, who sleeps in Hierapolis, and his
two aged virgin daughters" {Hist. Eccl. iii. 30, 31). These
traditions are probably of little value ; at least there is an
evident confusion of two different persons. Gieseler, how-
ever, infers from these passages in Eusebius, that ver. 9 is an
26Q COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
interpolation, originating from some one confounding Philip
the evangelist with Philip the apostle. But such an infer-
ence is completely unfounded, as all manuscripts are in
favour of the genuineness of the passage. Of all reporters
of tradition in the early ages, Papias, as Eusebius admits, is
the least trustworthy.
Ver. 10. npoc^rjTri^ ovofjuari "Ayaffo<; — a prophet named
Agahus. There is no reason to doubt that this is the same
Agabus as he who predicted the famine which occurred
in the reign of Claudius (Acts xi. 28). It certainly seems
as if Agabus were here introduced to the reader for the first
time. This is explained by some on the ground that Luke
drew his information of these two incidents from different
sources ; and by others, that he had forgotten that he had
previously mentioned him. But there is no necessity for
assigning a reason for a mere form of expression.
Ver. 11. "Apa^ rrjv ^oovtjv tov IlavXov — having taken PauVs
girdle. The girdle was an indispensable part of the oriental
dress. The loose flowing robes worn in eastern countries
are bound by a girdle or sash round the body. Ari(7a<;
iavTov Toi)^ TroSa? Kal ra? '^elpa^ — having bound his own feet
and hands. Agabus did not bind Paul's feet and hands, as
the reading of the textus receptus renders doubtful (avrov or
avTov), but his own feet and hands (eavrov). In doing so,
he imitated the symbolical actions of the prophets of the Old
Testament. (See examples of this in 1 Kings xxii. 11 ; Isa.
XX. 1 ; Jer. xiii. 1 ; Ezek. iv. 1, etc.) So also our Saviour,
when He taught His disciples humility and charity, had
recourse to a similar method of teaching by symbols, when
He washed the feet of His disciples, and wiped them with
the towel wherewith He was girded (John xiii. 5). Ovtco<;
hrjaovaLV iv 'lepovaaXyfi ol ^lovSatot — thus shall the Jews
in Jerusalem birid. It was, indeed, the Komans who bound
Paul, but it was at the instigation of the Jews in Jerusalem.
It is to be observed that in the same city where Paul's im-
prisonment was so plainly revealed to him, he was afterwards
bound for two years.
Ver. 12. 01 evToinoi — theij of that place ; namely, the
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. — XXL 13-15. 267
Christians of Csesarea : used only here in the New Testa-
ment. Tov fJUT] avajBalvev avrov eh ^lepovcraXrjiJb — not to go
up to Jerusalem. Not only the Christians of Ceesarea, but
Luke and Paul's other companions, made this request. There
is here a commendable affection for Paul, and yet a mixture
of human infirmity, as Paul's companions at least must have
known that he had undertaken the journey by divine direc-
tion ; that he went up by the Spirit to Jerusalem. The
incident reminds us of the similar conduct of Peter, when
he tried to dissuade our Lord from the path of suffering on
which He had entered.
Ver. 13. Ti iroLelre KkaiovTe<^ koI crvvO pv7rT0VTe<i jjlov t?;!/
Kaphlav — Wliat do ye^ weeping and breaking my heart f This
teaches us at once the loving spirit of the apostle, and his
inflexible determination to follow the path of duty. At no
time does the apostle appear more noble. We are strongly
reminded of some incidents in the life of Luther, especially
when on his journey to the Diet of Worms. Placed in almost
precisely similar circumstances, surrounded by weeping friends
who tried to dissuade him from his perilous journey, he ex-
hibited the same loving spirit and holy determination.
Ver. 14. Tov Kvplov to OekTjjjba ^ivkaQoi — tlie will of the
Lord he done. Kvplov refers not to God (Calvin, Kuinoel,
De Wette), but to the Lord Jesus, as mentioned in the pre-
vious verse (Meyer). Alford and Wordsworth suppose that
there is here an allusion to the second petition of the Lord's
prayer, and that this is a proof that that prayer was used by
the Christians of the apostolic age ; but such an opinion is
far-fetched.
Ver. 15. ' E'TTLo-Kevaa-dfjievoi — hamng packed up our baggage.
There is a variety in the text. (See Critical Note.) According
to the reading of the textus receptus, airoaKevaadfjievoij de-
fended by Olshausen, the meaning is, " having packed away
our baggage " — having stored away in Csesarea the luggage
that had been necessary on a long sea- voyage (Robinson).
According to this meaning, Paul left the greater part of his
baggage in Csesarea, and took with him only those things
which were necessary. The better attested reading, eTroaKeva-
268 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
ad/jLevotj is more suitable, " having packed up our baggage."
There is in our English version a singular use of the word
carriages, " we took up our carriages," signifying not the
means of conveyance, but the articles conveyed. ^Ave/Sal-
vofiev 669 'lepoaoXv/jba — we came up to Jerusalem. Paul
purposed being at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts
XX. 16) ; and we find, on examining the minute account of
his journey given us by Luke, who was also his fellow-
traveller, that he accomplished his purpose. He left Philippi
after the days of unleavened bread, that is, six days after the
passover, and came to Troas in five days, where he abode
seven days (Acts xx. 6) : in all, eighteen days after the
passover. The voyage from Troas to Miletus occupied
four days (Acts xx. 13-15) ; and at Miletus he must have
remained tw^o days ; in all, twenty-four. The voyage from
Miletus to Patara occupied three days (Acts xxi. 1) ; and
from Patara to Tyre would in all probability take four days :
in all, thirty-one. In Tyre he remained seven days : in all,
thirty-eight. The voyage from Tyre to Ptolemais would
be easily accomplished in one day, and the journey from
Ptolemais to Csesarea in two days : in all, forty-one. So
that Paul would have four or five days to spend in Csesarea,
as three days would suffice for a journey between Ca3sarea
and Jerusalem ; and on the fiftieth day after the Passover,
the feast of Pentecost occurred.^
Ver. 16. "A<yovTe^ irap w ^evKjOoyjJbev Mvdacovc — conduct-
ing us to one MnasoUy ivith ivJiom loe should lodge. These
words admit of two renderings, which are to be judged of by
the context. Some (Erasmus, Beza, Calvin, Wordsworth)
render them, as in our English version, " brought with tliem
one Mnason, with whom we should lod^e." Accordinoj to
this view, MvdacavL is in the dative, agreeing by attraction
with o5. This is an improbable rendering, as we must sup-
pose that Mnason was at CoBsarea, and that he went with
Paul and his companions to Jerusalem ; whereas there must
have been many Christians in Jerusalem who would gladly
have received the apostle. Others, again (Meyer, De Wette,
^ See Wieseler's Chronolojie, p. 100.
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. — XXL 16. 269
Lechler), resolve the attractive construction thus : dyovT€<;
irapa Mvdacova Trap' a> ^evLo-Ociyfiev — " conducting us to
Mnason, with whom we should lodge." The object, then,
of the disciples of Caesarea accompanying the apostle, was to
introduce him to Mnason, with whom they were more inti-
mately acquainted. Nothing is further known of Mnason :
he is here called an old disciple, and a native of Cyprus.
Some (Grotius, Hammond) suppose that he was converted
by Paul and Barnabas on their visit to Cyprus ; but this
is an arbitrary and improbable supposition, for he is here
represented as unacquainted with Paul. The words " an
old disciple" would induce us to believe that he was con-
verted on the day of Pentecost, or at least in the early days
of the church. The name is Greek ; so that in all proba-
bility he was a Hellenist, or Greek Jew. Considering the
disposition of the Hebrew Christians against Paul, it was
prudent in him to fix his abode with one who was a Hel-
lenist.
SECTION 111.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT.— Acts xxi. 17-40.
17 Now when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren gladly
received us. 18 And on the next day Paul went with us to James ;
and all the elders were present. 19 And having saluted them, he
declared particularly what things God had done among the Gentiles by
his ministry. 20 And when they heard it, they glorified God, and said
to him, Thou seest, brother, how many myriads there are among the
Jews who have believed ; and they are all zealots for the law : 21 And
they have been informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the
Jews among the Gentiles apostasy from Moses, saying that they should
not circumcise their children, nor walk after the customs. 22 What is
it therefore ? a multitude is sure to come together : for they will hear
that thou hast come. 23 Do therefore this that we say to thee : We
have four men who have a vow on themselves ; 24 Them take, and
purify thyself with them, and be at charges with them, that they may
shave their heads : and all shall know that those things, whereof they
were informed concerning thee, are nothing ; but that thou thyself also
walkest, keeping the law. 25 But concerning the Gentiles who have
believed, we have written and decided that they observe no such thing,
save only that they keep themselves from things offered to idols, and
from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication. 26 Then
Paul having taken the men, the next day purifying himself with them,
entered into the temple, giving notice of the fulfilment of the days of
the purification, until the offering was brought for each of them.
27 And when the seven days were almost ended, the Jews from Asia,
having observed him in the temple, stirred up all the people, and laid
hands on him, 28 Crying out, !Men of Israel, help : This is the man
who teacheth all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and
this place : and further brought Greeks also into the temple, and has
polluted this holy place. 29 For they had seen before with him in the
city Trophimus the Ephesian, whom they supposed that Paul had
brought into the temple. 30 And the whole city was stirred up, and
there was a concourse of people : and they took Paul, and drew him
out of the temple, and immediately the doors were shut. 31 And while
they sought to kill him, tidings came to the tribune of the cohort, that
all Jerusalem was in an uproar ; 32 Who immediately took soldiers
270
i OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 17. 271
and centurions, and ran down to them : and when they saw the tribune
and the soldiers, they ceased beating Paul. 33 Then the tribune
coming up, took him, and commanded him to be bound with two
chains ; and inquired who he might be, and what he had done. 34 And
some cried one thing, and some another, among the multitude : and
when he could not know the certainty because of the tumult, he com-
manded him to be led into the barracks. 35 And when he was upon
the stairs, it came to pass, that he was borne by the soldiers on account
of the violence of the people. 36 For the multitude of the people fol-
lowed after, crying, Away with him. 37 And as he was about to be
led into the barracks, Paul said to the tribune. May I speak to thee ?
And he said, Knowest thou Greek ? 38 Art not thou that Egyptian,
who before these days madest an uproar, and leddest out to the desert
the four thousand men of the Sicarii ? 39 But Paul said, I am a Jew
of Tarsus, a citizen of no insignificant city of Cilicia : I pray thee,
suffer me to speak to the people. 40 But when he had permitted hun,
Paul, standing on the stairs, beckoned with the hand to the people.
And when there was made a great silence, he addressed them in the
Hebrew dialect, saying.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver, 20. Seov, the reading of A, B, C, E, G, N*, is pre-
ferred by Tischendorf, Lachmann, and Meyer, to Kvptov^ the
reading of D, H. The words iv rot? 'lovhaloi^^ found in
A, B, C, E, are preferred by Tischendorf and Lachmann to
^lovSalcoVy found in G, H. The words are wanting in the
Sinaitic, which has only the words iroaav fjuvpLaSe^; elaiv roov
ireina-TevKOTCdv^ the reading adopted by Lechler. Ver. 24.
rvoiaovrat, found in A, B, C, D, E, i^, is preferred by recent
critics to yvcoaij the reading of G, H. Ver. 34. 'Eirecpcovovv,
the reading of A, B, D, E, i<, is preferred by Lachmann and
Tischendorf to ifiowv, the reading of G, H. Ver. 36. Kpd-
foz/re?, the reading of A, B, E, t?, is adopted by Lachmann
and Tischendorf in preference to Kpd^ov, the reading of
D, G, H.
EXEGETICAL REMAEKS.
Ver. 17. revo/jbivcov Se rj/xcov eh 'lepoaoXvpia — hut ive,
having come to Jerusalem, This was Paul's fifth visit to
272 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Jerusalem since his conversion, and occurred at Pentecost
(May) in the year 58 (Acts xx. 16). 01 aSeX^ol — tJie brethren.
The brethren here particularly alluded to are Mnason and his
friends. Kuinoel supposes that the apostles and elders are
meant; but Paul did not meet with them until the followin.-^
day.
Ver. 18. Elcryei 6 Tlavko<; avv r]iuv — Paul ivent in ivith us,
Hvv rj/Mv is an attestation of the credibility of the narrative ;
Luke himself was present at the interview. ITpo? 'IdKco/3ov —
to James. This was undoubtedly James the brother of the
Lord ; but whether one of the twelve — James the son of
Alphseus — or a son of Joseph and Mary, is a matter of dispute.
He seems to have resided in Jerusalem, and is known in
church history as bishop of Jerusalem (Euseb. Hist. Eccl.
iv. 5). He was, we are informed, a strict observer of the
law of Moses, lived like a Nazarite, and was, on account of
his virtues, surnamed "the Just."^ It does not appear that
Peter, or any of the other apostles, was then at Jerusalem ;
for otherwise they would have been mentioned. TIdvT6<^ re
irapeyevovTo ol Trpea/BvTepoi — aiicl all the elders icere present ;
that is, the elders of the church of Jerusalem. A formal
assembly of the elders was called to receive Paul and the
deputies of the Gentile churches.
Ver. 19. Ka\ acrTrao-a/xew? avTov^ — and having saluted
them. At this interview with the elders, Paul and the deputies
of the Gentile churches would deliver over the collection
which had been made for the saints in Jerusalem. Then
Paul gave an account of his ministry from the time he had
last visited Jerusalem — " what things God had done among
the Gentiles by his ministry."
Ver. 20. 01 Se dKovaawe^ iBo^a^ov rov Qeov — aiid ichen
they heard it, they glorified God. The elders, with James at
their head, acknowledge the hand of God in the ministry of
Paul among the Gentiles ; at the same time, they inform him
that the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem were in general
prejudiced against him. 06(op6t<; iroaai pLvpidhe^ elalv ev rot?
^lovBatoL^ TMV TreiriaTevKOTwv — Thou seest how many myriads
^ See au account of James iu a note attached to Section xxv. vol. i.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 20. 273
among the Jews there are who have believed. This vast number
of Jewish behevers in Jerusalem has been called in question.
Baur supposes that the words tmv TreiriarevKOToov are a gloss,
and that the Jewish multitude in Jerusalem in general are
spoken of, and not merely those who believed.^ Zeller thinks
that there is an exaggeration on the part of the author, and
that he puts into the mouth of James what could only be
true of the Jewish Christians throuo-hout the world taken
collectively.^ It is, however, to be observed, that the expres-
sion here employed is one which is often used for a large
but indefinite number (1 Cor. iv. 15, xiv. 19) : it does not
necessarily mean that the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem,
or even in Judea, amounted to many tens of thousands, but
that there were vast multitudes of them. Further, the
expression is not necessarily to be restricted to the Jewish
Christians resident in Jerusalem ; for at the feast of Pente-
cost many would come from all quarters, and the Jews
throughout Judea are probably included. Now we are in-
formed that, about twenty years before this, the Jewish Chris-
tians at Jerusalem amounted to 5000 (Acts iv. 4). Since
then, Christianity had continued to spread, and churches had
been established throughout Judea, Galilee, and Samaria ;
so that it might be no exaggeration to affirm that there were
at this time many myriads of Hebrew Jews (as distinguished
from Hellenists) who acknowledged Jesus as the Messiah.^
Hegesippus informs us that, a few years before the destruction
of Jerusalem, many of the rulers believed, and that there
arose a tumult among the Jews, the scribes and Pharisees
saying that there was danger that the people would now
accept Jesus as the Messiah (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. ii. 23). So
that to a large extent Christianity had spread even among
the bigoted Jews. It is very probable that many of these
^ Baur's Apostel Paulus, vol. i. p. 228.
2 Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, p. 280.
^ LecUer supposes that the reference is not to the Christian Jews in
Judea, but to the converted Jews throughout the world ; and there is
nothing in the text against this opinion. (Lange's Bibelwerk: Apostel-
geschichte. Von Lechler, p. 346).
VOL. II. S
274 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Jewish converts differed from other Jews only in confessing
that Jesus was the Messiah ; and that in the hour of trial
they either relapsed into Judaism, or, separating themselves
from the Christian church, formed a Jewish Christian sect
of tlieir own.
Kal 7rdvT€<; ^rfKcoral rov vojjlov virdp^ovcnv — and they are
all zealots of the law. These Jewish Christians, although
baptized, and acknowledging Jesus as the Messiah, yet held
by the ^losaic law: they diligently observed its peculiar rites;
they conceived that it was of perpetual obligation for the
Jews at least ; and perhaps they still considered the Jews to
be in a peculiar sense the people of God, and more highly
favoured than the Gentiles. Their religion was not pure
Christianity, but a mixture of Judaism and Christianity.
After the death of the apostles, many of them seceded from
the Christian church, and are known in church history under
the names Ebionites and Nazarites. After the lapse of a
few centuries, the sect became extinct.
Ver. 21. Kary'^rjOrjo-av Be irepi aov — and they have been
infoimed concerning thee : probably by the Judaizing teachers.
Actual instruction is here meant. "On dTroaraaiav BtSdcrK6L^
diTo McoiJaea)^ — that thou teachest all the Jews among the
Gentiles apostasy from Moses^ saying that they should 7iot
circumcise their children, nor walk after the customs. The
charge brought against Paul w^as, that he taught the Jews of
the dispersion that they should relinquish their Jewish pecu-
liarities, cease circumcising their children, and live as do the
Christian Gentiles. Zeller affirms that this charge was true ;
and he appeals to the views expressed by Paul in his Epistle
to the Galatians, of the uselessness and even pernicious nature
of circumcision, and of the freedom of Christians from the
\sLW. But to this it is replied that Paul is there addressing the
Gentile Christians, and warning them against the Judaizing
teachers, who wished to bring them into bondage under the
law. Paul certainly strongly insisted that circumcision and
the observance of the law were ineffectual for justification in
the sight of God ; that there was no merit in legal ceremonies;
that they were mere matters of indifference and forbearance ;
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 22, 23. 275
and hence we may easily perceive how such an accusation
may have arisen. Indeed, his principles, carried out, naturally
led to the abolition of the law. But still he never taught
that the Jewish Christians should forsake the law, and cease
to circumcise their children ; he left this to the development
of the spirit of the gospel : he inculcated a mild conservatism.
"Is any called being circumcised? let him not become un-
circumcised. Is any called in uncircumcision ? let him not
be circumcised. Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision
is nothing, but the keeping of the commandments of God.
Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was
called" (1 Cor. vii. 18-20). And he himself several times
showed the example of keeping the law, as when he shaved
his head at Cenchrea, circumcised Timothy, and lived as a
Jew with the Jews, that he might gain the Jews. The
charge, then, brought against Paul was untrue : he would not
permit the Gentile Christians to be circumcised, but he did
not forbid circumcision to the Jewish Christians.
Ver. 22. Tl ovv ecTTiv—Wliat is it, therefore f not, " What
is your opinion upon this matter ? " but, " What is now to be
done ? " ndvTco<; Set avveXOelv 7r\rj6o<; — a multitude must
needs come together ; that is, a multitude of Jewish Christians.
By this is not meant that James and the elders feared a
tumultuous onset on the part of the Jewish Christians
(Kuinoel) : the actual uproar was caused by the unbelieving
Jews. Nor is a regular assembly of the Christian church
here referred to (Calvin, Grotius, Bengel) ; otherwise the
definite article would have preceded ttX^^o?. But by ttX^^o?
is meant a multitude drawn together from curiosity, to hear
and see the supposed Christian opponent of Judaism. James
and the elders were afraid of a collision in sentiment between
Paul and these Jewish Christians. Baur asserts that there
is a discrepancy between this and the previous assertion that
the brethren received Paul gladly ; but although the Jewish
Christians in general were hostile, yet James and the elders
were friendly.
Ver. 23. Tovto ovv irolr^crov 6 aou \e<yo/jb€v — Do therefore
this that we say to thee. The advice given was the united
276 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
opinion of James and the elders ; and we are not permitted
to separate James from the other members of the assembly,
as if the proposal originated not with him, but with them
(Howson). The proposal, of course, must have been made
on the understanding that Paul could with a safe conscience
assent to it. Elalv rj/jbtv dvSp€<; Teaaape<; — we have four men.
These four men were Jewish Christians. Ev'^rjv e^ovTe<; i(f>
eavTcbv — having a vow on themselves. This vow corresponds
with the vow of the Nazarite, described in Num. vi. 1-21.
It is a different vow from that of Paul, when he shaved
his head at Cenchrea. (See note to Acts xviii. 18.) The
offerings and the shaving of the head were here to be per-
formed, according to the Mosaic rites, in the temple. The
vow of the Nazarite was undertaken either by man or woman.
The person who took it bound himself to abstain from wine,
and to allow the hair of his head to grow. The vow was
either for life, as in the cases of Samson and Samuel, and
perhaps also of John the Baptist, and according to tradition
of James the brother of the Lord ; or it was for a certain
definite period. No precise time is stated in the law of
Moses; but we learn from the Talmud {Tract Nazir) and
Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 15, 1), that the customary period
among the Jews was thirty days. At its expiry, the Nazarite
repaired to the temple, and offered a he-lamb for a burnt-
offering, a ewe-lamb for a sin-offering, a ram for a peace-
offerincr, together with a basket of unleavened bread, cakes
of fine flour mingled with oil, and a drink-offering ; his hair
was then shaven, and cast into the fire when the thank-
offering was burning (Num. vi. 15-18). The import of this
vow appears to be, that the Nazarite dedicated himself spe-
cially to the service of God : his vow was a solemn act of
self-sacrifice.^
Ver. 24. 'AyvLcrOijTL avv avTol<; — purify thyself with them.
It is a matter of dispute whether, according to this advice of
James and the elders, and upon which Paul acted, he took
upon himself the Nazaritic vow ; or whether he merely
joined with the four Nazarites, by paying the expenses of
^ Winer's Ublisches Worterbiich — Nasiriier.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 24. 277
their sacrifices. Some (Meyer, De Wette, Oertel, Hackett,
Alford, Wordsworth) affirm that Paul actually took upon
himself the vow of a Nazarite. He purified himself with
them (avv avroh) ; that is, he entered with them upon their
course of purification. The four Nazarites had before this
entered upon their period of separation, and that period was
drawing to a close when Paul joined them; but it is supposed
that if a person joined himself to a Nazarite, and paid the
expenses, the period of separation which had already run was
put to his credit.^ According to this view, Paul and the
four Nazarites would be freed from their vow on the same
day. This, however, is a mere conjecture, and not a very
probable one, and is unsupported by any authority. Others,
again (Wieseler, Lechler, Schaff, Zeller, Howson), suppose
that the purification here mentioned only referred to the
appearance in the temple, and to the prayers and offerings
to be made there, for which the worshipper must prepare
and purify himself. The word djvLo-dTjri, is certainly used
of the vow of the Nazarite (Septuagint, Num. vi. 3), but this
does not appear to be its meaning in this connection ; and
the addition crvv avTol^ merely intimates that Paul should
unite with them in their acts of worship, but not that he
himself should take the actual vow of the Nazarite along
with them.
Ral SaTrdvrjaov eir avroU — a7id be at charges with them,
A person who was not a Nazarite might bind himself to take
part of the sacrifices. It was regarded by the Jews as a
meritorious action to contribute to defray the expenses of the
Nazarites. Thus Josephus informs us, that when Herod
Agrippa I. came to Jerusalem, in order to obtain the favour
of the Jews, and to be regarded by them as a devout adhe-
rent to the law, he offered all the sacrifices that belonged to
him, and omitted nothing which the law required ; on which
account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have
1 According to Wordsworth, Paul was probably already under the
vow of Nazariteship when he joined the four Nazarites. This opinion
is founded on what we consider an erroneous interpretation of Acts
xviii. 18.
278 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
their heads shaved (Aiit. xix. 6. 1). And the Gemara relates
that Alexander Jannaeus contributed towards supplying nine
hundred victims for three hundred Nazarites. The charges
of these four Nazarites would be the price of eight lambs,
four rams, besides unleavened bread, fine flour, and drink-
offerings (Num. vi. 14, 15).
'^Iva ^vprja-ovraL ttjv K6(j)aX7]v — that they might shave the
head. This was an essential part of the ceremony of loosening
a Nazarite from his vow. So we read in Numbers : " And
the Nazarite shall shave the head of his separation at the
door of the tabernacle of the concrrefjation, and shall take
the hair of the head of his separation, and put it in the fire
which is under the sacrifice of the peace-offerino;s" (Num.
vi. 18).^
Kal 'yvchaovTai iravre^ on o)v Karij'^rjVTai irepl cod ovBev
eariv — and all shall know that these things ichereof they ivere
informed concerning thee are notldng ; hut that thou thyself
walkest in the observance of the law. The reason assigned
for this advice was, that Paul, by taking part in the Jewish
ceremonies, might show that, so far from teaching apostasy
from the law, he himself observed it. It is evident from
this that James and the elders had not relinquished the
Jewish ceremonies, but, although Christians, still conformed
themselves to the law ; and this was almost a necessity with
the church at Jerusalem, otherwise they would have been
persecuted by the Sanhedrim as apostates. Paul, however,
living without the limits of Judea, exercised greater freedom,
although he also does not seem to have relinquished Jewish
observances. The words, '' that thou thyself walkest in the
observance of the law," are certainly not to be understood
that Paul should by his actions declare that he observed the
law always, and under all circumstances ; but merely that
he had not himself apostatized from the law.
Ver. 25. lie pi Be rcov weTrKTrevKorayv eOvwv i)fxeh iire-
(TTelXa/iieu — but concerning the Gentiles tvho have believed, ive
have ivritten. The object of this remark was to remove a
probable scruple on the part of Paul ; lest, by acting on the
^ See also Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 1.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 26. 279
advice of James and the elders, he should infringe on the
liberty of the Gentile Christians. They respect the decision
of the Council of Jerusalem, and assert the perfect freedom
of the Gentiles from the law of Moses, except from the four
mentioned particulars, which were still to be observed as
articles of peace.
Ver. 26. Tore o JTaOXo? TrapaXajScov tou? dvSpa^ — Then
Paul, having taken the men^ the next day purifying himself
with them, entered into the temple. Paul's conduct in this
instance has given rise to much discussion : its propriety has
been called in question.^ Baur, indeed, admits that Paul
might have consented to such a course of action, without any
contradiction to his principles, in order to contradict a wide-
spread prejudice against him, and to diminish the hatred
of his enemies ; but that he could not do so from the motives
presented by James, in order that all might know that he
liimself walked in the observance of the law, as this was in
point of fact not the case.^ But if by walking in the
observance of the law be only meant a general conformity
to it, or that he had not apostatized from it, then there is
no contradiction between this action and Paul's principles.
According to Paul's views, the ceremonies of the law were
matters of indifference : he himself appears to have observed
them, though with no great strictness ; hence he felt him-
self at liberty to accommodate himself to the conduct of
others in these indifferent things. And it was this very
liberality of spirit, this freedom of action, that enabled
him to comply with the request of James and the elders.
Christian love, which was the grand moving principle of
his conduct, caused him to accommodate himself to the
views of the Jews, when he could do so without any sacrifice
of principle, in order to remove their prejudices.^ It must,
however, be admitted that Paul could only consistently unite
1 SchafE's History of the Apostolic Church, vol. i. p. 360.
2 Baur's Apostel Paulas, vol. i. pp. 224-226 ; Zeller's Apostelgeschichte,
pp. 275, 276.
3 See an excellent remark on this subject in Neander's Planting of
Christianity, vol. i. pp. 302-305.
280 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
with the Nazarites in their vow, provided he gave no coun-
tenance to the erroneous notion of the Judaizing teachers,
that salvation was by the works of the law. Hence Meyer
observes, that Paul could only comply with the proposal on
the supposition that the four Nazarites did not regard the
ceremony as a work of justification ; otherwise Paul must
at once have rejected it, in order to give no countenance to
the error of justification by the law. Moreover, he must
have been convinced that his observance of the law was
not demanded in the sense of justification by the law, by
those who regarded him as an opponent of it ; otherwise
he would as little have consented to the proposal made to
him, as he formerly did to the demand that Titus should
be circumcised. And no explanations, which Schnecken-
burger supposes he must have made, would have sufficed,
but rather stamped his accommodation as a mere empty
show.^
/iiajykWcov ttjv ifCTrXijpcocrcv tmv rj/juepMV rod dyvtafiov, eco<;
ov 'Trpoarjve')(6ri virep evo<^ eKaarov avrcov rj Trpoa^opd —
giving notice of the fulfilment of the days of purification, until
the offering ivas brought for each one. There is here a variety
of translation, and consequently of meaning. The difficulty
lies with the verb irpoayve'x^Br) being the indicative instead of
the subjunctive of the aorist. Howson connects the sentence
with elayev eh to lepov, and gives the following translation :
'^ He entered into the temple, giving public notice that the
days of purification were fulfilled, (and stayed there) until
the offering for each one of the Nazarites was brought." ^
According to this view, wliich is also the view of Wieseler,
the period of the Nazarite vow was accomplished ; and Paul
now made to the priests the official announcement of its
fulfilment, and his readiness to pay for the necessary sacri-
fices which were to be offered on the same day. Most in-
terpreters, however, regard the announcement as having
^ Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 424. See also, for some excellent
remarks on this subject, SchafF's History of the Apostolic Church, vol. i.
pp. 3G0, 361.
2 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 302.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 27. 281
reference to the future : that Paul here announced to the
priest when the days of purification were completed — namely,
in seven days (ver. 27) ; and that then, at the close of them,
the offering would be made for each of the Nazarites.
Meyer regards the occurrence of the indicative instead of
the subjunctive as an instance of the direct instead of the
indirect form of communication. According to the other
interpretation, the words " and stayed there " have to be
supplied.
Ver. 27. '/i? Se e/jieWov at eirra rj/mepai, crvvTeKelaOat —
hut when the seven days luere almost ended. There is con-
siderable difficulty with regard to the seven days. (1.) Some
(Neander and others) suppose that they refer to the time to
which the Nazarite vow used to extend. But this is obviously
erroneous, as a week is too short a period to permit of any
perceptible growth of the hair, and as we learn from the
Talmud and Josephus the customary period was thirty days.
The seven days mentioned in Num. vi. 9 are, as Neander
admits, not applicable to the case, as they refer to the inter-
ruption of the vow by a person who during the course of
it has defiled himself by touching the dead.^ (2.) Others
(Wieseler, Schaff, Howson) suppose that the seven days are
the Pentecostal week, wdiich the Jews were accustomed to
observe before the feast, and that they were now concluded at
Pentecost. They suppose that on the day of Pentecost Paul
and the four Nazarites came to present their offerings.^ But
to this it is objected that such days of preparation before Pen-
tecost are not elsewhere mentioned ; and that when Paul was
seized, the seven days had not elapsed, but were only almost
ended. (3.) Others (Olshausen, Meyer, De Wette, Lechler,
Wordsworth), with greater reason, suppose that the seven
days are the same with " the days of purification " in ver. 26,
and denote the period to which the vow of the Nazarites yet
extended. When these seven days expired, they would be
released from their vows. These seven days were drawing
to a close (efMeWov avvTekelaOai) ; and it was during their
^ Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 306.
2 Wieseler's Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 109.
282 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
course — on the fifth clay, as we shall afterwards see — that
Paul was arrested.
01 aiTo TTji; ^Aala^ ^lovBaloc — the Jews ivJio ivere fi^om
Asia ; that is, proconsular Asia, of which Ephesus was the
capital. Paul had spent three years there, and had met
with great opposition from the Jews : he was therefore well
known to tlie Asiatic Jews, and hated by them. They were
amazed to see him whom they regarded as a bitter enemy to
Judaism in the temple ; and having seen him formerly in
company with uncircumcised Gentiles, they hastily drew the
conclusion that he had polluted the temple.
Vers. 28, 29. ^'Etl re Kai "EW7)va<; ela^yayev et? to lepov
— And further also, he brought Greeks into the temple, and lias
polluted this holy place. Any stranger might worship in the
outer court, called " the court of the Gentiles ;" but these
Asiatic Jews asserted that Paul had brought some uncir-
cumcised Greeks into the inner court, which was restricted
to the Jews. Josephus informs us that there was a stone
partition between the court of the Gentiles and the court of
the Israelites, and several pillars, on which there was the
following inscription in Greek and Latin : Mrj Beiv aXko-
<j)v\ov ivTOfi Tov dylov irapievai — " No foreigner must enter
within the sanctuary" {BelL Jud, v. 5. 2). The punishment
in case of disobedience was death. Titus is represented as
saying : " Have you not been allowed to put up pillars,
and to engrave on them in Greek the prohibition that no
foreigner shall go beyond the partition-wall % Have we not
given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were
a Roman r' {Bell Jud. vi. 2. 4.) "EXX7]va<;— Greeks : the
plural of the class ; only one is mentioned. To lepov — the
temple : here the inner court, or that of the Israelites, is
meant. Tpocj^L/jLov tov ^E(j:>eaLov — Trophimus the Ephesian.
Trophimus was one of those who accompanied Paul on his
journey from PhiHppi in Macedonia to Jerusalem. Being an
Ephesian, he would be personally known to the Asiatic Jews.
Ver. 30. ^EKivrjOr) re rj TroXt? oXrj — and the ivhole city was
moved. The fanaticism of the Jews was excited. No doubt
Paul was known, at least by name, among them ; and they,
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT.— XXI. 31. 283
entertainme: the views of the Christians of Jerusalem in a stiil
o
stronger form, regarded him as an apostate to Judaism, and
the great enemy of their rehgion. Kal ev6eo)<; eKXeiaOrjaav
al Ovpai — and immediately the doors were shut. The Jews
dragged Paul out from the court of the Israelites, and shut
the doors, that is, the gates between the inner and the outer
courts. Some (Bengel, Baumgarten) suppose that the gates
were shut in order to prevent Paul flying for refuge to the
altar. But by seizing Paul they had sufficiently guarded
against this ; and the right of asylum referred only to
those who had committed unpremeditated murder. Accord-
ins to Lan^e, the closinfr of the doors was an intimation
of the temporary suspension of worship, in order that it
might be ascertained whether the temple had been pro-
faned.^ But the obvious reason why the doors were shut,
was to guard against the spaces of the temple being stained
by the shedding of blood (De Wette, Meyer), and, as it was
already supposed that the inner court had been polluted by
the entrance of a Gentile, to prevent its further pollution
(Lechler).
Ver. 31. ZrjTovvTcov re avrov airoKrelvaL — and while they
sought to kill him. Philo says that any uncircumcised person
who came within the separating wall might be stoned to
death without any further process {Legat. ad Caium). But
in this case, even supposing Paul had taken Trophimus into
the temple, it would have been Trophimus, and not Paul,
who had incurred the penalty of death. XiXidp^w r?}?
cnreipr]'^ — to the tribune of the cohort. XCklap')(p^ — a chiliarch :
the Greek translation for the military tribune among the
Romans ; a commander of a thousand men. The name of
this tribune was Claudius Lysias (Acts xxiii. 26). A de-
tachment of Roman soldiers was always quartered in the
Castle of Antonia, adjoining the temple, to overawe the
Jews, and to prevent popular tumults : this detachment was
increased during the celebration of their three great annual
festivals. In the same manner, in the present day, the
Turks have a detachment of soldiers to guard the holy
^ Lange's apostolisches Zeitalter, vol. ii. p. 306.
284 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
sepulchre, and to prevent any tumults which might arise
from a collision between the Greek and Latin Christians
during the celebration of their feasts.
Ver. 34. Eh tjjv irapeixjBoX'qv — into the barracks, Hapefju-
l3o\7] is an encampment, and is here used for the barracks in
which the Roman soldiers were quartered. These barracks
were in the Castle of Antonia. This castle was built by the
high priest John Hyrcanus I., and called by him Baris, in
order that there the priestly robes might be laid up, which
the high priest wore only when he offered sacrifice. It was
afterwards enlarged, ornamented, and strongly fortified by
Herod the Great, and called by him Antonia in honour of
Mark Antony. It was situated on the north-west corner of
the temple, on a rock fifty cubits high, and surrounded by
great walls. The interior had the extent and arrangements
of a palace, and had broad open places which were used for
encampments. The entire structure resembled a tower ; and
it had also four distinct towers, of which the tower at the
south-east corner was the largest, being seventy cubits high,
and overlooked the temple. In it there was always quartered
a band of soldiers to command the temple ; for, as Josephus
observes, as the temple was a fortress that guarded the city,
so was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple (Joseph.
A7it. xviii. 4. 3; Bell. Jud. v. 5. 8).^
Vers. 35, 36. ^Eirl tov<; dva^a6fiov<; — on the stairs. These
stairs are particularly mentioned by Josephus as leading up
from the temple to the Castle of Antonia. There were two
flights of stairs, one leading to the northern and the other to
the western cloister. ^' On the corner," observes Josephus,
" where the castle joined to the two cloisters of the temple,
it had passages down to them both, through which the guard
went several ways among the cloisters with their arms on
the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people " (BelL
Jud. V. 5. 8). Alps avTov — away ivith him. The same cry
that was uttered by the infuriated multitude against his
Divine Master (Luke xxiii. 18).
^ For a minute description of the Castle of Antonia, see Robinson's
Biblical Researches, pp. 230-238. John Murray, London 1856.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXI. 37, 38. 285
Ver. 37. 'EXXrjvLo-rl fytvooaKet^ — Knowest thou Greek?
Paul addressed the tribune in Greek ; at which that officer
expressed his surprise. According to Bengel, he drew from
this the inference that he was the Egyptian impostor ; but it
is evident from the text that it was an opposite inference
which he drew — that he was not the Egyptian whom he at
first suspected him of being. Such an inference could hardly
be derived from the mere language, as Greek was at this
time generally spoken in Egypt, unless indeed it was a
notorious fact that this impostor could not speak Greek.
Yer. 38. Ovk dpa crv el 6 AljvTrTto^; — AH thou not that
Egyptian who before these days madest an uproar, and leddest
out to the desert the four thousand of the Sicarii f We have
two accounts of this Egyptian impostor by Josephus (A^it.
XX. 8. 6 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 5). He was a false prophet, who
in the reign of Nero, when Felix was governor of Judea,
collected a multitude of thirty thousand, whom he led out
from the wilderness to the Mount of Olives, saying that the
walls of Jerusalem would fall down at his command, and
that they would have a free entrance into the city. But
Felix with an army dispersed the multitude, slew four
hundred, and took two hundred alive, whilst the Egyptian
himself escaped and was never more heard of. This account
agrees with the narrative of Luke in several particulars.
In Luke's narrative, the Egyptian is said to have led his
men out into the desert ; and Josephus tells us that he led
them round about from the wilderness. According to both
narratives, the Egyptian himself escaped. But there is a
disagreement in the numbers. According to Luke, the
Roman tribune mentions only 4000 Sicarii ; whereas Jose-
phus says that 30,000 were deluded by him. In the state-
ment of number, however, the two accounts of Josephus
differ: in the one, he asserts that the greater part were
destroyed by Felix ; while in the other, that only 400 were
slain. We would almost suspect that the 30,000 mentioned
by Josephus was an exaggerated number. Perhaps, how-
ever, they denote the deluded rabble, whilst the 4000 were
the armed followers — the Sicarii. Eusebius alludes to this
286 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Egyptian ; but his account is taken from Josephus {Hist.
EccL ii. 21).
Tov<; T€TpaKio-'^t\Lov<; dvSpa<; tmv Xiicapmv — the four
tlwusand men of the Sicarii. The Sicarii were so called
from the Latin ska, a short sword or dagger, which they
carried and concealed under their garments. These dis-
turbers of the public peace are frequently mentioned by
Josephus. They were a set of murderers who arose in these
unfortunate times. They frequented Jerusalem especially
at the times of the feasts, and mingling themselves among
the multitude, murdered their enemies. They were also
ready to be hired by others for the purpose of assassination
{Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 3). Felix is said to have hired one of
these Sicarii to murder the high priest Jonathan, and to
have protected the murderer {Ant, xx. 6. 7). After such a
crime, according to Josephus, many were slain every day :
no man deemed his life secure, and the Sicarii increased in
boldness and excesses.
Ver. 39. 'Eyco dvdp(07ro<^ (lev elfii ^lovSalo^; Tapaev<; — /
am a Jew of Tarsus. The force of /jLev may be : I am not
indeed an Egyptian, but a Jew. T-^? KtXLKia<; — of Cilicia.
This depends not on Tapcrev^;, as in our version — "in Cilicia;"
but on TToXeo)? — " of no insignificant city of Cilicia."
Yer. 40. ^EiriTpey^ravTo^ he avrov — having permitted him,
Baur and Zeller object that it is most improbable that the
Roman tribune would permit Paul to address the multitude.
"Is it probable," asks Baur, " that the tribune who had taken
the apostle in a tumult, whom he suspected of being a danger-
ous conspirator, and concerning whom he knew nothing more
than what he heard from himself, would grant him permission
to make a speech, the effect of which upon the excited mul-
titude he could not foresee?"^ But Paul had already dis-
armed the suspicions of the tribune, and there was doubtless
something about him which swayed the minds of men ; so
that the Roman officer did not withhold his consent. Trj
'E^patBi, BiaXeKTO) — in the Hebrew dialect ; that is, in the
language then spoken by the Jews in Palestine. It was a
^ Baur's Apostel Pauhis, vol. i. p. 238.
OCCASION OF PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT. — XXL 40. 287
mixture of Syriac and Chaldaic, hence called Syro-Chaldaic.
Paul does not address them in Greek, the language probably
most familiar to himself, but in the Syro-Chaldaic, in order
to obtain a favourable hearing from the multitude, since he
addressed them in their native tongue — the dialect most
loved and best understood by them.
SECTION XL
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS.— Acts xxii. 1-29.
1 Men, brethren, and fathers, hearken to my defence now made unto
you. 2 And when they heard that he addressed them in the Hebrew
dialect, they kept the more silence : and he said, 3 I am a Jew, born
in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this city, and instructed at the
feet of Gamaliel, according to the strictness of the ancestral law, being
a zealot for God, as ye all are this day. 4 And I persecuted this
way unto death, binding and delivering into prisons both men and
women. 5 As also the high priest bears me witness, and all the elder-
ship : from whom also, having received letters to the brethren, I went to
Damascus, to bring them who were there bound to Jerusalem, that they
might be punished. 6 And it came to pass, that, as I joOTneyed, and
drew nigh to Damascus, suddenly, about noon, there flashed around me
a great light from heaven, 7 And I fell to the ground, and heard a
voice saying to me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? 8 And I
answered. Who art thou. Lord? And He said to me, I am Jesus the
Nazarene, whom thou persecutest. 9 And they who were with me saw
the light, and were afraid ; but they heard not the voice of Him who
spoke to me. 10 And I said. What shall I do, Lord ? And the Lord
said to me, Arise, and go into Damascus ; and there it will be told thee
of all things that are appointed thee to do. 11 But when I could not
see for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them who were
with me, I came to Damascus. 12 And one Ananias, a devout man
according to the law, having a good report of all the resident Jews,
13 Came to me, and stood, and said to me. Brother Saul, look up. And
on the same hour I looked up upon him. 14 And he said, The God of
our fathers chose thee to know His will, and to see the Just One, and to
hear the voice of His mouth. 15 For thou shalt be His witness to all
men of what thou hast seen and heard. 16 And now, why tarriest
thou ? Arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on His
name. 17 And it came to pass, that, when I was come again to Jeru-
salem, and was praying in the temple, I was in an ecstasy ; 18 And
saw Him saying to me. Make haste, and depart quickly from Jerusalem ;
for they will not receive thy testimony concerning me. 19 And I said,
Lord, they know that I imprisoned and scourged in every synagogue
those who believed on Thee : 20 And when the blood of Stephen, Thy
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. 289
witness, was slied, I also was standing by, and consenting, and keeping
the garments of those who slew him. 21 And he said unto me, Depart :
because I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles.
22 And they heard him unto this word, and then raised their voices,
saying. Away with such a fellow from the earth ; for it was not fit that
he should live. 23 And as they cried out, and threw up their garments,
and cast dust into the air, 24 The tribune commanded him to be brought
into the barracks, saying that he should be examined with scourges ;
that he might know for what cause they so cried out against him.
25 And as they stretched him out to the thongs, Paul said to the cen-
turion standing by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman,
and uncondemned? 26 AYhen the centurion heard that, he went to the
tribune, and told him, saying. What art thou about to do ? for this man
is a Roman. 27 Then the tribune came, and said to him, Tell me, art
thou a Roman? And he said. Yes. 28 And the tribune answered, I
procured this citizenship with a great sum. But Paul said, But I was
so born. 29 Then immediately they who were about to examine him
departed from him : and the tribune also was afraid, after he knew that
he was a Roman, and because he had bound him.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 9. Kal e/ji(f)o^ot iyevovro are wanting in A, B, H, N,
and are omitted by Lachmann ; they are found in D, E, G,
and are retained hy Tischendorf, Meyer, and Alford. Ver.
16. Tov KvfJiov are found in G, H ; whereas A, B, E, x have
avTovj the reading adopted by recent critics. Ver. 20. The
words TTJ avaipeaei avrou are found in G, H, but are wanting
in A, B, D, E, N, and rejected by all recent critics. Ver.
25. The singular Trpoereivev is not found in any uncial MS. ;
the plural irpoeTetvav is considered the best attested reading
by Tischendorf and Meyer. Ver. 26. "Opa before rC
yLteXXet? is found in D, G, H; it is wanting in A, B, C,
E, i^, and rejected by recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMAEKS.
This speech of Paul to the Jews was an apology in answer
to the accusation that he taught all men everywhere against
the people, the law, and the temple (Acts xxi. 28). In his
defence he adapts himself to his hearers, using every lawful
VOL. XL T
290 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
method to propitiate their favour, and secure a patient hear-
ing. He addresses them in their native language ; he men-
tions that he himself, although a Greek Jew, was brought
up in Jerusalem, and educated under one of their most
renowned rabbis ; he alludes to his former zeal for Judaism,
and his persecution of the Christians ; he represents Ananias,
who administered to him the initiatory rite of Christianity,
as a devout man according to the law, and well reported of
by all the Jews resident in Damascus; and he tells them
that even after his conversion he did not neglect the rites of
Judaism, but that it was while he was worshipping in the
temple that a vision was imparted to him. He was not
interrupted until lie came to announce his mission to the
Gentiles.
Vers. 1, 2. Tfj 'E^pat^i SiaXeKrco — In the Hehreiu dialect.
Paul addresses the Jews in their native language, the better
to secure an attentive hearing. This, however, implies that
he might have addressed them in Greek, and would have
been understood by them. Greek w^as probably at this time
pretty generally understood in Judea.^ MaXXov irapea^ov
r]crv')(^Lav — they kept the more silence ; because Hebrew was
their favourite language, and better understood by them.
Just as Highlanders, although they understand English,
prefer being addressed in Gaelic.
Ver. 3. Feyevvyfjievo'; iv Tapacp — horn in Tarsus. Hence
we see how unfounded is the assertion of Jerome, that Paul
was born in Gischalis of Judea : Paulus cle tribu Benjamin
et oppido Judcece Gischalis fuit^ quo a Bomanis capto cum
piarentihus suis Tarsum Cilicice commigravit (de Script. Eccles.
c. 5). *AvaT69pa/jL/ji€vo<; — brought up). The verb avarpedo)
signifies "to nourish," "to bring up a child;" but also, in the
secondary sense of mental training, " to educate," " to train
up." Ilapa Tov<^ TToSa? TafiaXirfK — at the feet of Gamaliel.
Critics differ in the punctuation of this passage. Some
(Calvin, Beza, Castalio, Meyer, Alford) place a comma after
TaiJba\irj\ and render the clause, as in our English version,
^ It seems also to imply that the addresses of the apostle were gene-
rally in Greek.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 3, 4. 291
*' but brought up in this city, at the feet of Gamaliel." The
reason of this is, that it is more in accordance with the struc-
ture of the sentence, according to which a new circumstance
is introduced after each of the three participles, y6yevvr)/jL6vo<;,
avareOpa/jLfjievo^, and ireiraihevfjbevo';} Others (Griesbach,
Lachmann, Tischendorf, De Wette, Lechler) place the
comma after ravrj], and render the passage, "brought up in
this city, and instructed at the feet of Gamaliel." The
reason for this is because Trapa tov<; iro^a^ seems more ap-
propriate to TreTratSeu/xeVo?, " instructed," than to avareOpajju-
fjL€vo<^, " brought up."^ The difference is of slight importance.
The expression " at the feet of Gamaliel " refers to a custom
of the Jews, according to which the scholars sat partly on
benches and partly on the floor, whilst the teacher was raised
on an elevated platform.^
Kara aKpi^eiav rov irarpMOV v6/iov — according to the
strictiiess of the ancestral law. These words are not to be
weakened by rendering Kara aKpl^eiav adverbially, " care-
fully instructed in the ancestral law" (Castalio). The refer-
ence is to the strictness of the pharisaical sect. Gamaliel
was a Pharisee ; and Paul was educated according to the
tenets of that sect. Hence he says : " After the most strictest
sect (Kara ryv aKpi/SearaTrjv aipeatv) of oar religion, I lived
a Pharisee." So also Josephus speaks of the sect of the
Pharisees in similar terms : ^apicraloi ol hoKovvre^ /xera
cLKpi/Selaf; i^rjjetaOaL to, vofitfia {Bell. Jiid. ii. 8. 14). Zr)\(OTr]<^
V7rdpj(aiv rov Geov — being a zealot for God. The apostle
here uses the word zealot in an indifferent sense, capable of
being taken either in a good or in a bad meaning (Rom.
X. 2). He does not find fault with them for their zeal, but
rather commends them.
Ver. 4. "^%pt OavaTov — unto death: that is, intending to
put them to death (Grotius, Meyer). Paul did not actually
put any to death himself, but he was the agent employed
in committing them to prison ; and, as he himself says,
^ Meyer's ApostelgescJuclite, p. 431.
2 De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 163.
2 For an account of Gamaliel, see note to Acts v. 34.
292 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
^' when they were put to death, I gave my voice against
them" (Acts xxvi. 10). Mention is only made of the mar-
tyrdom of Stephen in this persecution ; but it seems pro-
bable, from these expressions in the Acts, that Stephen was
not the only victim.
Ver. 5. 'lO? kol 6 ap'^tepev'; fiapTVpel jjlol — as also the liigh
priest hears me loitness. By the high priest, to whom he
appeals, and from whom he received letters, is probably
meant the high priest in office when Paul went to Damascus.
This is generally supposed to have been Theophilus the son
of Annas, who was still living (see note to Acts ix. 1).
Others suppose that the high priest now in office, namely
Ananias (but see note to Acts xxiii. 2), is meant. Although
not high priest when Paul persecuted the Christians, yet he
was then most probably a member of the Sanhedrim. The
words which follow, " from whom having received letters,"
favour the first of these opinions. Kal irav to irpeaj^vrepiov
— and all the eldership. By the eldership is meant the
Sanhedrim, the supreme court of the Jews. Although
deprived by the Romans of the power of life and death, yet
it exercised absolute authority in all ecclesiastical matters,
and from its sentence there was no appeal. Hence Paul,
furnished with letters from them to Damascus, was invested
with great authority.^ Tlpo<^ tou<; d8eX(f)ov<; — to the brethren ;
that is, to the Jews resident in Damascus. Paul here speaks
as a Jew, and hence regards his countrymen as brethren.
The rendering of Bornemann, '' against the brethren," that
is, the Christians, is inadmissible. ^ETropeuo/uL'ijv — / luent, or
more literally, " I was journeying," the verb being in the
imperfect. Ek AafjuaaKov — to Damascus. For a description
of Damascus, see note to Acts ix. 2. 'EKelae — thither:
according to some, used instead of eVet, there (De Wette,
Robinson) ; or perhaps referring to the Christians, who, by
reason of the persecution which had arisen after the death of
Stephen, had gone to Damascus.
Vers. 6-11. These words contain an account of Paul's
conversion, given by himself, the same in essential points
^ See an account of the Sanhedrim, attached to Section vn. vol. i.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 12, 13. 293
with the account given by Luke. For the particulars here
mentioned, see notes to Acts ix. 3-8 ; and for the variations
and supposed discrepancies in the accounts, see note to Acts
ix. 7. The following are the chief points of difference. We
are here informed that the appearance of Christ took place
irepl fjLearjfi/SpLav, about 7ioon (r}/ji€pa<; fJL6ar]<;^ ch. xxvi. 13), —
a fact which is not mentioned in ch. ix. ; so that there could
be no possibility of mistaking it for a visionary deception.
Our Lord, in answer to the question of Paul, " Who art
thou. Lord?" reveals Himself under the title of Jesus o
Nas^copalo^, the Nazcu^ene^ a title which occurs neither in
ch. ix. nor in ch. xxvi. Paul was going to Damascus to
persecute the Christians, perhaps even then called by their
enemies Nazarenes (Acts xxiv. 5), when he was stopped
by the Lord announcing Himself as Jesus the Nazarene.
Others suppose that the name is here mentioned as a title of
distinction, because Paul mentions Jesus for the first time
before an assembly of unconverted Jews (Lechler). It is
said of Paul's companions, that rrjv (fycovrjv ovk y/covcrav rod
XaXovvTo^ jULoc — thei/ heard not the voice of Him ivho spoke to
me. By this is meant, from a comparison with the other
accounts, that they heard only a confused sound, but did not
understand the words which were spoken : to Paul the words
were intelligible, but to his companions they were unintelli-
gible. In the former account we were merely told that Paul
was blinded ; here we are informed as to the cause of his
blindness : he could not see, aTro tt}? B6^r)<; rov </)ft)To? eKelvov
— for the glory of that light. He was dazzled with the
heavenly glory, and deprived of natural sight (see note to
Acts ix. 8).
Ver. 12. ^Avavla^ Se rt?, avr)p evXa^rj^; Kara rou vojjlov —
And one Ananias^ a devout man according to the law. It
is not here stated, as in Acts ix,, that Ananias was a
disciple ; but that he was avrjp evXa^r]^) a strict observer of
the Mosaic law. Thus Paul affirms that he was not intro-
duced to Christianity by an opponent of Judaism, but by a
strict Jew.
Ver. 13. ^aovX aSeX^e, avd^e-^ov. Kajco avrfj rfj copa
294 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
dve/SXeyjra et? avrov — Brotlier Saidj look \ip. And on the
same hour I looked up upon him. The same verb, dva^XeTray,
is used in both clauses, although translated in our English
version by different words : " Brother Saul, receive thy sight.
And on the same hour I looked up upon him." It admits of
both translations — to recover sight, and to look up (Robinson's
Lexicon of the New Testament). The latter meaning is here,
however, the correct one, as is evident from et9 avrov — "I
looked up upon him." De Wette unites the two meanings :
'' I looked up with recovered sight upon him."
Vers. 14-16. In the address of Ananias there is the same
accommodation to the views and feelings of the audience.
God and Christ are both mentioned by their purely Jewish
names — o ©eo? tcov irarepoov 7]/jlu)v, and o SLKaio<;. Ananias
here asserts that Paul saw Christ; so that we infer that
an actual appearance of Christ was granted him, which
is not indeed precisely stated either in Luke's account of
tlie transaction, or in either of the accounts given by the
apostle himself (see, on this point, note to Acts ix. 17).
The universal ministry of Paul is expressed in these terms :
Trpo? Trdvra^ dv6pci)7rov<i — to all men, the Gentiles being as
yet not directly mentioned, for fear of irritating the Jews ;
whereas, on the contrary, in Acts ix. 15 the commission is
to bear the name of Jesus before the Gentiles {e6v(x)v\ and
kings, and the people of Israel. ^Avaara^ ^dTrncrat kol
diToXovorai Td<; afxapTia^ aov — Arise and be baptized,, and luash
away thy sins. Baptism in the adult, except in the peculiar
case of our Lord, was accompanied by a confession of sin,
and was a sign of its remission ; hence called baptism in
order to the forgiveness of sins (Acts ii. 38). 'ETTLKaXeadjuLo^
TO ovofia avTov — calling on His name. Evidently Christ, as
being the Person mentioned directly before and after; not
God (Grotius). This is one of those incidental proofs of
the divinity of Christ which continually occur in the sacred
narrative. He was the object of Christian worship ; and
hence Christians are represented as those who in every place
call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ (1 Cor. i. 2).
And Pliny, in his celebrated letter, when describing the wor-
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 17-19. 295
ship of the Christians, says that they sang a hymn of praise
to Christ as God.
Yer. 17. 'TiroaTpey^ravTi eU 'lepovaaXy/jb — having returned
to Jerusalem. Paul did not immediately after his conversion
return to Jerusalem ; but he went, as he himself tells us, to
Arabia, where he abode for nearly three years, spending the
time probably in prayer and preparation for the great work
of the ministry ; and then, as he himself writes, " after three
years, I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter, and abode with
him fifteen days" (Gal. i. 17, 18).-^ 'Ev iKaTaaec—m an
ecstasy, Wieseler supposes that this ecstasy was the same
as that mentioned in 2 Cor. xii. 1-3, when Paul was taken
up into the third heavens.^ But the revelations made in these
ecstasies were different: here Paul was constituted the apostle
of the Gentiles; there a vision of heaven was imparted to
him. The importance of the revelation made to him at this
time cannot be over-estimated. Three years ago Paul had
been converted from being a persecutor of the Christians to
be a preacher of Christianity ; now, at a time when lie was
regarded with hatred or suspicion by the Jews, he is called
to be the apostle of the Gentiles : his sphere of labour is not
to be Jerusalem, but the world.
Ver. 18. Ov irapahe^ovTal crov ttjv fiaprvpiav ire pi i/iov —
They will not receive thy testimony concerning me. " They,"
that is, certainly the unbelieving Jews, but perhaps also the
Jewish Christians. The former hated Paul as an apostate
from Judaism ; and the latter, remembering his former per-
secutions, regarded him with suspicion (Acts ix. 26).
Ver. 19. Ka^oo elTrov Kvpue, avroi eTTLaravTai. on iyo), etc.
— And I saidj Lord, they hioiv that I imprisoned and scourged
in every synagogue those ivho believed on Thee. Paul here, as
it were, expostulates with Christ. He does not express his
unwillingness to go to the Gentiles, but his unwillingness to
leave Jerusalem. He alludes to his former persecutions of
the Christians as a matter of notoriety : " Lord, they know
that I imprisoned and scourged in every synagogue them
1 See note to Acts ix. 25.
2 Wieseler's Chronologie der Apostelgeschichte, pp. 163-165.
296 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
that believed on Thee ;" as if lie had said : I was once as
hostile to the Christians as they now are ; surely they will
not resist my testimony concerning Thee : the fact of my
conversion, and the miraculous circumstances attending it,
must have weight with them. Or perhaps he wished, by
his continued ministry in Jerusalem, in some measure to
repair the injury he had done. Aepcov Kara ra? avvaycoya^; —
scourged in every synagogue. It was the custom of the Jews
to scourge offenders or heretics in their synagogues. Thus
EusebiuSj in citing from a writer against the Montanists,
represents this as no uncommon practice with the Jews
{Hist. Ecd. V. 16).
Yer. 20. ^recpdvov rev ixdpTVp6<^ aov — of Stephen^ Thy
witness. The technical meaning of the term /jidprvp or
jubdprv^j martyr, as signifying one who by his death bears
witness to the truth of Christianity, was probably not in use
at this time, so that it is better to render the word in its
primary sense, ivitness. It certainly, however, occurs in this
technical sense in the Apocalypse (Rev. ii. 13, xvii. 6), and
was soon thus generally employed by the Christians. Thus
Eusebius, speaking of Steplien, says : " He first received the
crown, answering to his name (o-rec^aw?), of the victorious
martyrs of Christ'' (Hist. Eccl. ii. 1). The martyrs at Lyons
in the second century refused the title, because they con-
sidered it to be appropriate only to Christ. ^' If any of us,
either by letter or in conversation, called them martyrs, they
seriously reproved us ; for they cheerfully yielded the title
of martyr to Christ, the true and faithful Martyr, the first
begotten from the dead, the Prince of divine life" (Hist.
Eccl V. 2).
Ver. 21. UopevoVj on ijco et? edvr) fiaKpav e^airoareXo) ae
— Depart, because I ivill send thee far hence to the Gentiles.
Paul, in the relation of this vision, declares to the Jews his
intense love for their nation ; that he did not willingly for-
sake Jerusalem, but departed in consequence of the repeated
command of Christ. In the narrative we are informed that
his departure was occasioned by the plots of the Jews to kill
him ; here the motive which he assigns was an express com-
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 22, 23. 297
mancl from Christ. There is no discrepancy ; both reasons
may be true (see note to Acts ix. 30).
Ver. 22. "H/covov Be avrov a')(^pi' tovtov rod Xoyov — And
they heard him to this word; namely, the word "Gentiles."
The national pride of the Jews was wounded, and their
bigotry excited. The assertion of Paul, that the Messiah
Himself, in the very temple, commanded him to forsake the
Jews, the peculiar people, and repair to the uncircumcised
Gentiles, w^as regarded by them as blasphemy. The Jews
no doubt expected that the Gentiles should own the Messiah,
but it was by becoming Jews. They alone w^ere the peculiar
people of God — the favourites of Heaven. They could not
bear the thought of the Gentiles being admitted to equal
privileges with themselves; far less that they should be
rejected, and the Gentiles accepted. Such an assertion must
have been regarded by them as the greatest blasphemy : to
their minds, the accusation preferred against Paul, that he
blasphemed the Mosaic law and the temple, was fully proved.
And this was the great stumbling-block in the way of the
Jews accepting Christianity. They must relinquish their
fondly cherished privileges ; they must cease considering
themselves the peculiar people of God ; they must regard
the Gentiles as on a religious equality with themselves. Nor
can we wonder at the strength of their prejudices : the
sacrifice which they were required to make was the re-
nunciation of Jewish hopes and privileges — the heirloom
of centuries. It was the doctrine of equality between Jews
and Gentiles, so strongly insisted on by Paul, that was the
cause of the bitter hatred of the unconverted Jews, and of
the suspicions of the Jewish Christians. This, and not any
supposed profanation of the temple, was the real cause of
the present attack upon him. It cannot, then, be surprising
that when he alluded to his mission to the Gentiles, his
speech was interrupted by the clamours of the Jews, and
was left unfinished, like the defence of Stephen before the
Sanhedrim, and his own noble address to the Athenians.
Ver. 23. Kpavya^ovrwv re avrcov^ kol piirrovvrwv ra ifidrLa,
etc. — And as they cried out^ and threw up their garments,
298 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
and cast dust in the air. Some (Grotius, Meyer, Baum-
garten) suppose that by these actions they showed their
readiness and eagerness to stone Paul. They cast off their
garments as preparing to stone him, and threw up dust as
the symbol of throwing stones.^ But it is a sufficient answer
to this, that Paul was in the custody of the Roman tribune,
and that any attempt at stoning would be futile. It is better
to regard the actions as proofs of the intense excitement
which prevailed. The multitude were roused into a fury ;
they uttered loud cries, waved their garments, and threw
dust in the air.
Yer. 24. Elira^ ^dan^LV dverd^eadaL avrov — saying that
lie should be examined icith scourges. Scourging was a com-
mon method of examination resorted to by the Pomans. It
was administered by the lictors, and was usually inflicted by
rods. The tribune, how^ever, in ordering Paul to be imme-
diately scourged, acted contrary to the Poman law, which
enjoined that no examination should commence with scourg-
ing : et non esse a tormerdis incipieyidum^ Div. Augustus con-
stitidt (Digest, Leg. 48, tit. 18, c. 1). Perhaps, in ordering
Paul to be scourged, he designed to appease the w^rath of the
multitude, as Pilate for this reason scourged Jesus (John
xix. 1). "Iva eTTLyvw St' rjv alrcav ovtw^ iirec^oovovv avrat —
that he might know for what cause they so cried out against
him. As Paul addressed the nmltitude in Hebrew, the
tribune, being ignorant of that language, was not able to
understand what he said. But when he saw the result, the
rage and violent actions of the Jews, he naturally concluded
that he had before him some dangerous criminal.
Ver. 25. 'fl^ he Trpoeretvav auTov toZ? Ijiaaiv — and as
they stretched him out to the thongs, IIpoTetvcOj to extend, to
stretch out. These words admit of two meanings, according
as we understand tol^ ifidaiv as the instruments by which,
or the objects to which, he was stretched out. Some
(Erasjnus, Bengel, Alford, Humphry, Hackett, Wordsworth)
render it, " while they stretched him out with the thongs ;"
i,e, while they bound him with thongs in a stretched-out
^ Meyer's ApostelgescMchte, p. 435.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 26-28. 299
position. According to this view, fjidaTt^Lv (ver. 24) are
the instruments of torture, and l/JLaaiv the thongs by which
he was bound. But by this rendering the force of irpo
in TTpoeTeivav is weakened, and the article before IfidaLv is
unnecessary. Others (I^Ieyer, De Wette, Lechler, Lange,
Howson, Eobinson) render it, " while they stretched him out
to the thongs," as the instruments of torture. According to
this view, Ifjuaaiv is not precisely equivalent to fjidaTi^iv ; for
the scourge was composed of several thongs. Ei avOpwirov
'Pcofialov Kol aKard/cptTOV e^eartv vfjulv /laaTt^eLV — Is it
lawful for you to scourge a man icho is a Roinan^ and uncon-
demned ? Two violations of the law are here mentioned :
first, that they were about to scourge a Roman citizen ; and
secondly, that they were about to scourge a man without
examination.^
Ver. 26. Ti /z-eXXet? TToielv ; 6 <yap dv6po)7ro<; ovto<; 'Pay-
fialo^ iartv — What art thou about to do? for this man is a
Roman. Paul here stood on vantage-ground. The appeal
to his privilege as a Koman citizen had its instant effect, as
it formerly had when he made a similar appeal at Philippi.
The Roman tribune was afraid that he had already gone
too far.
Ver. 27. Ae^e fioLy av ^PwpLalo^; el ; 6 Se ecpr] Nal — Tell
•me J a'rt thou a Roman ? And he said, Yes. It is to be observed
that the tribune does not call in question Paul's statement,
but takes its truth for granted. According to the Roman
law, it was death for any falsely to assert that he was en-
titled to the privileges of a Roman citizen. " Claudius," writes
Suetonius, '' prohibited foreigners from adopting Roman
names, especially those which belonged to families. Those
who falsely pretended to the freedom of Rome he beheaded
on the Esquiline " (C/cmc?. xxv.). Perhaps also Roman citi-
zens would carry with them documents containing evidence
of their freedom.
Ver. 28. '£70) ttoWov KecpaXalov rrv iroXcreiav ravTTjv
iKTrjcrd/ji7]v — I procured this citizenship with a great sum.
^ See the privileges of the Koman citizen mentioned in a note to Acts
xvi. 37.
300 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Ke^akacov, literally the head, hence capital, a sum of
money. Lysias was not by birth a Roman, but had pro-
cured his citizenship by purchase. The name Lysias is not
Roman, but either Syriac or Greek : he adopted the Roman
name Claudius, probably because he had obtained his citizen-
ship from the Emperor Claudius. Under the first emperors
the freedom of Rome was obtained wdth great difficulty, and
by the payment of a large sum of money. In the early part
of the reign of Claudius it was sold at a high rate ; but when
that emperor came under the influence of Messalina, it was
sold with shameless indifference, and could be procured for
a trifle (Dio Cassius, Ix. 17).
'Eyco Se Kol <y€'yevv7]/jLaL — hut I luas horn so. Paul, on the
other hand, was a Roman citizen by birth. Some suppose
that he became entitled to this privilege because he was a
native of Tarsus. But that city was not a Roman colony,
like Pisidian Antioch, Troas Alexandria, and Philippi, but
merely a free city (w'hs liherd) : it was exempt from certain
taxes, and had rulers of its own ; but it did not possess the
privilege of citizenship. It w^as highly favoured both by
Julius Caesar and Augustus, on account of its services
during the civil wars ; but neither of them exalted it to the
rank of a colony. Paul, then, must have obtained his free-
dom from his father, or some ancestor. The Roman citi-
zenship was conferred as a reward for some service done to
the emperor ; or a slave who was manumitted according to
certain forms became a citizen ; or, as in the case of Lysias,
this citizenship could be purchased for a sum of money.
In one of these ways Paul's family became free ; but all
more definite explanations are mere conjectures. We learn
from Josephus that the Jews were not un frequently Roman
citizens : he mentions several Jews, residents at Ephesus,
who were citizens of Rome {Ant. xiv. 10. 13) ; and certain
Jews who, though Roman citizens of the equestrian order,
were illegally scourged and crucified by Florus shortly
before the Jewish war (Bell. Jud. ii. 11. 9.)^
1 Eenan supposes that Luke, on his own authority, confers on Paul
the title of a Koman citizen ; but the only reason he assigns is, that
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE THE JEWS. — XXII. 29. 301
Ver. 29. Ev6eo)<; ovv airkdTiqcTav air avrov, etc. — And im-
mediately/ they who luere about to examine him departed from
him ; that is, the centurion and soldiers who were about to
examine him by scourging. Kal ore rjv avrov SeSeK(o<; — and
because he had bound him. Here we are informed that the
Koman tribune was afraid of the consequences arising from
having bound Paul. And yet we find that he did not loose
Paul from his chains until the next day ; and even after
that he was again bound and retained as a prisoner in chains
(Acts xxvi. 29). Besides, the tribune bound Paul in ignor-
ance of his citizenship, and for the purpose of securing him
from the rage of the Jews. Hence De Wette supposes that
this supposed fear of the tribune rests on an error of the
reporter.^ Meyer thinks that, although the tribune was con-
vinced of his mistake in binding Paul, yet he did not release
him at once, because his pride would not permit him to
acknowledge his error to his prisoner.^ But the true ex-
planation seems to be, that the binding refers to his being
bound with a view to scourging, which was regarded as an
outrage upon the person of a Roman citizen ; whereas it
was not unlawful to bind a Roman citizen with a view to
custody. As Calvin remarks : " How can this correspond,
that the tribune was afraid because he had bound a Roman
citizen, and yet did not loose him from his bonds until the
morrow ? It may be he deferred it until the next day, lest
he should show some token of fear. But I judge that
the tribune was afraid because Paul was bound at his com-
mand in order to be scourged, this being an injury done to
a Roman citizen, although it was lawful to put a Roman in
prison" (Calvin, in loco),
Paul was thrice beaten with rods. These illegal acts might, however,
easily have been committed in popular tumults. There is positively
nothing to countenance the suspicion. Kenan's Saint Paul, p. 526.
1 De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 166.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 437.
SECTION XXI.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDEIM.— Acts xxii. 30-xxiii. 11.
30 And on the morrow, wisliing to know the certainty why he was
accused of the Jews, he released him, and commanded the chief priests
and all the Sanhedrim to assemble ; and having brought down Paul, he
set him before them. Ch. xxiii. 1 And Paul, looking stedfastly on the
Sanhedrim, said. Men and brethren, I have lived as a citizen in all good
conscience toward God until this day. 2 And the high priest Ananias
commanded those who stood near hun to smite him on the mouth.
3 Then Paul said to him, God is about to smite thee, thou whited wall ;
and dost thou sit judging me according to the law, and commandest me
to be smitten contrary to the law ? 4 And the bystanders said, Revilest
thou the high priest of God? 5 Then Paul said, I did not know,
brethren, that he is the high priest ; for it is written, Thou shalt not
speak evil of a ruler of thy people. 6 But Paul, perceiving that the one
part were of the Sadducees, and the other part of the Pharisees, caUed
aloud in the Sanhedrim, Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of
Pharisees ; concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am
judged. 7 And when he had said this, there arose a discussion be-
tween the Pharisees and the Sadducees ; and the multitude was divided.
8 For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, nor angel, nor
spirit ; but the Pharisees acknowledge both. 9 And there was a great
outcry ; and the scribes of the Pharisees' party arose and contended,
saying, "We find nothing evil in this man ; but if a spirit or an angel
spoke to him? 10 And when there arose a great uproar, the tribune,
fearing lest Paul should be torn in pieces by them, commanded the
guard to go dowTi and rescue him from the midst of them, and to
bring him into the barracks.
11 And on the following night the Lord stood by him, and said, Be
of good courage ; for as thou hast testified of me at Jerusalem, so must
thou also testify at Rome.
CKITICAL NOTES.
Ch. xxii. 30. The words airo rwv Secr/jboov, found in G,
H, are wanting in A, B, C, E, ^, and rejected by recent
302
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXII. 30. 303
critics. AvToyv after o-vviBpiov^ the reading of G, H, is
wanting in A, B, C, E, N, and omitted by recent critics.
Ch. xxiii. 6. TLo<i ^apiaalov is the reading of E, G, H;
whereas vlo^ ^apiaalcov is the reading of A, B, C, «, and is
preferred by Laclimann, INIeyer, and Tischendorf. Ver. 8.
Mrjhe dyyeXov pbrjre TTvev/iia {textus recephis) is the reading
of G, H ; whereas A, B, 0, E, J5 read pn^re dyyeXou jirjTe
iTvevfia^ the reading preferred by Lachmann and Alford,
whilst Tischendorf retains the reading of the textus receptiis.
Ver. 9. The textus receptus reads ol ypaiifiaTeh, which is not
fonnd in any uncial MS. ; G, H read ypapLfiareh, the reading
adopted by Tischendorf; B, C, X have rivh tmv ypafjufia-
rewvy the reading adopted by Meyer and Bornemann ; A, E
have simply nvh tmv ^apiaamv, the reading adopted by
Lachmann. The words /a?; Oeofia'^co/jiev, fonnd in G, H,
are omitted in A, B, C, E, ^?, and rejected by most recent
critics. Yer. 11. IlavXe is found in G, H, but is wanting
in A, B, C, E, &?, and omitted by recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. SO. Bov\6fJLevo<^ yvoovai to aacpaXi'^ — imshing to hioic
the certainty. The accusations brought against Paul were
vague and general ; and the tribune was anxious to know
the truth of the matter — what was the reason of the popular
clamour. TIapa tcov 'lovhaioiv — on the p)art of the Jeius.
Ilapa, " on the side of the Jews," a more exact preposition
than viTo (the reading of certain MSS.), ^' by the Jews," as
no formal charo-e had been laid against him.-^ ^EfceXevcrev
— he ordered. In the absence of the procurator, the com-
mander of the Roman forces in Jerusalem had the chief
authority ; and the Sanhedrim at this time was much under
the power of the Romans, and had to obey their orders.
This accounts for the convocation of the Sanhedrim in obe-
dience to the command of the Roman tribune. 'XvveXOelv
Tov<i ap'^^tepel^; kol irav to avveSpiov — the chief priests and all
the Sanhedrim to assemble. The Sanhedrim formerly assem-
^ Winer's Grammar^ p. 383.
304 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
bled in a room called the Hall of Gazzlth, situated within
the sacred spaces of the temple ; but, according to the
Talmud, they removed from it forty years before the de-
struction of Jerusalem, and assembled in a chamber situated
in the upper city, near the foot of the bridge leading across
the ravine from the western court of the temple (Lewin,
Biscoe).^ This removal was doubtless caused by the Romans,
as they would thus have the Sanhedrim more completely
under control. Plad the Sanhedrim continued to meet within
the temple, its assemblies could not have been directly inter-
fered with, as no Roman could pass the sacred limits on
pain of death. This accounts for Lysias being able to lead
his soldiers into the place of meeting. Kal Karayaycov rov
JJavXov — and having brought down Paul; that is, down
from the Castle of Antonia to the council-room of the San-
hedrim.
Ch. xxiii. 1. IIe7ro\iT€UfjLai — I have lived as a citizen. The
verb TroXcrevco, derived from ttoXlttj^;, signifies " to live as a
citizen," " to conduct oneself as a citizen ; " and there is no
reason why the word should not have here its full meaning.
Meyer thinks the reference is to the Christian church, and
renders the clause, " I have performed my apostolic office."
But it seems rather to refer to the Jewish theocracy, and to
be a direct answer to the charge preferred against him, that
he taught men everywhere against the law and the temple.
According to this view, the meaning is : ''I have, according
to my conscience, lived as a loyal subject of the Jewish
theocracy." So also Alford explains it : "I have lived a
true and loyal Jew." Paul might well assert this as a
Christian, inasmuch as Christianity was in an important
sense the fulfilment of the law. "A'^pL TavTr)<; t5? r}/jL€pa<;
— until this daij. Most writers (Calvin, Meyer, De Wette,
Hackett) limit this assertion to the time after his conversion ;
as it was his conduct after he became a Christian that was
attacked, and because Paul often accuses himself on account
of his former life. But there is no reason for this restric-
1 Lewin's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, p. 672 ; Biscoe on the Acts,
p. 205.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXIII. 2. 305
tion : Paul acted conscientiously before as well as after his
conversion ; he walked up to the hght which he then had ;
he thought that he was doing God service, even when per-
secuting the disciples of Christ.
Yer. 2. 'O 8e dp^x^cepev^ ^Avavia<; — hut the high priest
Ananias. This was undoubtedly Ananias the son of Nebe-
daus, a man who played an important part in Jewish history.
He was made high priest by Herod king of Chalcis about
the year 47, when Tiberius Alexander was governor of
Judea. "Herod king of Chalcis," writes Josephus, "re-
moved Joseph the son of Camydus from the high-priest-
hood, and made Ananias the son of Nebedaus his successor"
(^Ant. XX. 5. 5), In the procuratorship of Cumanus, in con-
sequence of certain complaints of the Samaritans against
the Jews, Ananias was sent prisoner to Rome by Quadratus,
the president of Syria, to answer for himself and the nation
before the Emperor Claudius (a.d. 52) (^Ant. xx. 6. 2).
Owing to the influence of Herod Agrippa the younger, the
Jews were acquitted, and the Samaritans punished. The
further history of Ananias is doubtful. According to some,
he was deposed from the high-priesthood, and Jonathan the
son of Annas, afterwards murdered by Felix, was appointed
his successor. According to others, he retained the priest-
hood until displaced by Herod Agrippa the younger in the
year 59, who gave the office to Ismael the son of Phabi,
shortly before the departure of Felix from Judea {Ant. xx.
8. 8).^ Even after he ceased being the actual high priest, he
still exercised great influence among the Jews, and obtained
the favour and esteem of the citizens, although he used his
power in a violent and illegal manner {Ant. xx. 9. 2).
TvirreLV avrov to arofia — to smite him on the mouth. A
common mode of treating offenders in the East. Our Saviour
was thus treated when on His trial before the same council
(John xviii. 22). In Persia it is still customary for a person
in authority to cause those who have made unpalatable remarks
to be thus smitten. " As soon as the ambassador came,"
^ According to this, Ananias would be high priest for the compara-
tively long period of twelve years.
VOL. II. U
306 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
writes Morier, '' the king punished the principal offenders by
causing them to be beaten before him ; and those who had
spoken their minds too freely, he smote on the mouth with a
shoe." ^ It is not probable that this order of the high priest was
put in force ; it would be prevented by the stern rebuke of Paul.
Ver. 3. Tvirreiv ae fieWei 6 ©eo? — God is about to smite
thee. These w^ords are not to be understood as an impreca-
tion, but rather as a prophetic denunciation of punishment
— that his violent dealino; would be returned on his own
head. It has been disputed whether these words were rashly
spoken, as if Paul for a moment lost command of himself ;
or whether they were w^arranted by the conduct of the high
priest. Certainly they are not much to be blamed : they are
the language of moral indignation. Still it is perfectly allow-
able to contrast the conduct of Paul with the meekness and
gentleness of Christ under similar circumstances. This con-
trast is well brought out by Jerome when he says : Ubi est
ilia patientia Salvatoris^ qui quasi agnus ductus ad victimam
non aperuit os sicum^ sed clementer loquitur verberanti : Si
male locutus, argue de malo, si autem hene^ quid me coidis f
But with justice he adds : Non apostolo detraJmnus, sed
gloviam Domini prcBdicamus, qui in came j^cissus carnis inju-
riam sujyerat et fragilitatem. Tol'^e KeKoviafjueve — tliou ivhited
wall. Alluding to the beautiful outside of some w^alls, which
were constructed with mud and other base materials. This
proverbial expression is analogous to our Saviour's words, in
which he compares the Pharisees to whited sepulchres : beau-
tiful outside, but within full of dead men's bones and of all
uncleanness (Matt, xxiii. 27). And that such a character
was exhibited by Ananias, is fully borne out by the account
of his violent and unjust conduct given us by Josephus,
who informs us that he violently took away the tithes that
belonged to the priests, and did not refrain from beating
such as would not surrender these tithes (^Ant. xx. 9. 2).
The words of Paul, whether a denunciation or a prediction,
were remarkably fulfilled in the death of Ananias at the
commencement of the Jewish war. We are informed that,
1 Quoted by Ilackett, p. 371.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXIII. 4, 5. 307
in consequence of commotions raised by his own son Eleazer,
the Sicaril, led by Manahem, a son of Judas of GaUlee,
entered Jerusalem, and committed the greatest atrocities.
They attacked and burned the palace of Ananias, captured
him in a drain where he had in vain attempted to conceal
himself, and murdered him, along with his brother Hezekiah
{Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 9). Kal av KaOrj Kplvcov fie Kara tov vojjlov
— and dost thou sit judging me according to the law ? Thus
fully realizing that he was addressing Ananias, and not, as •
some suppose, that he was ignorant of the person by whom
the insulting words were uttered. J
Yer. 4. 01 Be irapeaTcoTe^ — hut the bystanders : either the
members of the court or the audience generally. They were
struck with the boldness, and, as they conceived, the impiety
of Paul's language. Tov ap-^iepea tov Qeov — the high priest
of God. It was contrary to the law to revile those in autho-
rity ; but especially it must have been regarded as great
impiety to revile so sacred a person as the high priest — the
visible head of the theocracy — the representative of God.
Ver. 5. OvK fjSeLV on iarlv ap^iepev^^ — / did not know that
he is the high pjiest. These w^ords have occasioned consider-
able difficulty. How can Paul's ignorance be accounted
for? 1. Baur and Zeller cut the knot. They understand
the words as containing an actual untruth, and assert that
they were never spoken by Paul, but put into his mouth by
the historian. Zeller supposes that there may have been a
tradition of the hasty answer of Paul to the high priest, and
that the historian, in order to justify the apostle, used this
untruthful expression.^ But exactly such a supposition, that
the words contain a falsehood, would cause an inventor of
history to avoid them ; and the very difficulty of explanation
is a presumption in favour of their genuineness. 2. Some_j
(Chrysostom, Beza, Calovius, Lechler) take the words in
their most literal sense, and suppose that Paul did not per-
sonally know the high priest. The apostle was for many
years absent from Jerusalem, and the high priest was fre-
quently changed, so that he did not know by sight the person
1 Zeller's AposieJgeschichte, p. 233.
308 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
now holding the office. Nor was it always the case that tlie
high priest presided at the meetings of the Sanhedrim : his
place was sometimes occupied by a vice-president, called in
the Tahnud " the father of the house of judgment." This
is a possible solution, but hardly a probable one. Paul
must have been well acquainted with the meetings of the
Sanhedrim, so as to be able to distinguish the high priest ;
and Ananias, if still high priest, had been so for ten years,
and was a noted man in Jerusalem, and among the Jews.
3. Some (Clericus, Alford) think that Paul was not aware
of the person who addressed him, and thus did not know
that it was the high priest whom he rebuked. They suppose
that Paul only heard a voice, but did not in the crowd see
the speaker. Alford thinks that the solution of his ignorance
lies in the fact of his imperfect vision. But it is expressly
said that Paul, in addressing the Sanhedrim, fixed his eyes
on them {areviaa^) ; and that when Ananias uttered his in-
solent command, Paul spoke to him (tt/oo? avrov). 4. Others
(Calvin, Grotius, Heinriclis, Thiess, Meyer, Baumgarten,
Stier) think that Paul meant that he did not acknowledge
or own Ananias to be the high priest. According to them,
the words were spoken ironically, as if he had said, " A man
who has given such an unjust command cannot surely be the
high priest ; I do not regard him as such : by his conduct he
has forfeited his right to so sacred an office."^ But such a
solution is unnatural and far-fetched : the irony, if present,
is certainly not apparent. 5. Others (Alexander, etc.) think
that Paul did not acknowledge Ananias to be the high priest,
because that now, when Jesus Christ, the great High Priest,
had appeared, the office was abolished ; as if Paul had said,
" I did not know, and do not know, that he is the high priest
of God: the office exists only in appearance and in name."^
Such a solution requires no refutation : were this Paul's
meaning, his answer would be a mere evasion. 6. Others
(Lightfoot, Michaelis, Eichhorn, Winston, Lewin) assert
that Ananias was not at this time the high priest. They
^ Sticr's Words of (lie Apostles, pp. 401-408, Clark's translation.
^ Alexander on the Acts, vol. ii. p. 32G.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXIII. 5. 309
suppose that, when Ananias was sent prisoner to Eome, he
was deprived of the high-priesthood, and that, although
acquitted, he was not restored to his former dignity, but that
the office was conferred on Jonathan the son of Annas. In
the account given of the murder of Jonathan by Fehx, he
is called the high priest (Ant. xx. 8. 5). Accordingly, it is
thought that there was a vacancy in the office in consequence
of the late assassination of Jonathan, and that Ananias, as
the former high priest, and by reason of his influence, merely
supplied the vacancy. Such a solution is plausible, and is
not destitute of support. Still, however, as Winer and
Wieseler show, it is more probable that Ananias w^as not de-
posed, there being no mention of his deposition in Josephus ;
that he was then the actual high priest, and was not super-
seded until the appointment of Ismael the son of Phabi by
Agrippa. It is true that Josephus calls Jonathan the high
priest ; but he may have done so not on account of his
present, but of his former occupancy of the office. This is
the more probable, as Josephus is very particular in men-
tioning the succession of high priests. In one passage he
mentions Jonathan and Ananias together as high priests, at
a time when Ananias was the actual high priest [Bell. Jud.
ii. 12. 6).^ 7. Others (Wetstein, Kuinoel, Bengel, Olshausen,
Neander, Schaff, Hackett, Wordsworth, Howson) suppose
that Paul meant that he did not recollect or consider that it
was the high priest whom he was addressing. According to
this view, Paul apologizes for his rash words ; that they were
spoken inadvertently, without reflecting on the sacred office
of the person whom he addressed. And this well suits the
words which follow : " for it is written. Thou shalt not speak
evil of a ruler of thy people." This certainly appears to be
the most plausible solution. It suits the connection, and
is in keeping with the courteous character of the apostle.
There are, however, two objections to it. The verb rjheiv
can scarcely be rendered considered (reputaham) ; and the
passages adduced in favour of such a meaning (Eph. vi. 8 ;
1 Wmer's UblischesWdrterhich, article Ananias ; WieaeleY''s,Chronologie,
p. 77.
310 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Col. iii. 24) are not sufficient to support it, unless indeed
such a meaning can be expressed in the form, " I did not
perceive {i.e. I forgot) that he was the high priest." And
the idea that Paul's language was improper, and required to
be apologized for and retracted, appears to be inconsistent
with the promise made to the disciples, that the Holy Ghost
would assist them in their defence before kings and rulers ;
though such a promise may not exclude the element of per-
sonal frailty.
riypaTrrat ycipj "Apyovra rod Xaov aov ov/c ipet^ /caKm —
Foi' it is ivritten, Thou shall not speak evil of a ruler of thy
people. The quotation is from Ex. xxii. 28, exactly according
to the Septuagint. According to the opinion that Paul forgot
that he was addressing the high priest, this quotation gives
the reason why he should apologize for the words he had
spoken. But if, according to the other opinion, the apostle
declined to acknowledge Ananias as high priest, it gives the
reason of ovk y^ehv, and is a vindication of his language :
" Certainly one must not speak evil of a ruler of his people,
but on account of his conduct I do not know or recognise
him as such."^
Ver. 6. rvov<; he 6 IIavXo<; oil to ev /xe/^o? iarlv ^aSSovKaicov,
etc. — but Paul, perceiving that the one p)art ivere of the Sad-
duceesj and the other p)avt of the Pharisees. The Sanhedrim
was at this time divided between these two factions. The
Pharisees were the popular party, and were perhaps the
more numerous ; but Josephus informs us that many of the
sect of the Sadducees were high in office. It would almost
appear that the high-priesthood was frequently conferred
on those of this party. We are expressly informed that
An an us, afterwards high priest, was a Sadducee (Joseph.
Ant. XX. 9. 1). It was no doubt favourable for the church
that there was at this time this division of parties in the
Sanhedrim. The Sadducees were chiefly incensed against
the Christians, because they taught the doctrine of the resur-
rection ; whereas the Pharisees, out of opposition to their
rival sect, were sometimes inclined to favour them.
^ Meyer's ApostelgescUchte^ p. 443.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXIII. 6. 311
For a description of the Sadducees, see note to Acts iv. 1.
The Pharisees are supposed to derive their name from a
Hebrew word signifying ^' separated," and were so called be-
cause of the strictness with which they kept the law. Some
suppose that they are the Assideans mentioned in the books
of Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 42 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 6). They are
first noticed alonec with the Sadducees and the Essenes in
the time of Jonathan Maccabeus (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5. 9),
though perhaps their origin may have been as early as the
time of Ezra. The Pharisees had the appearance of great
piety, and gained the favour of the people. " They have,"
observes Josephus, " such great power over the multitude,
that when they say anything against the king or the high
priest, they are presently believed" (^Ant. xiii. 10. 5). Hence
they exercised a most important influence in the state ; and
this was the greater, as they were not confined to Jeru-
salem, but scattered throughout the country.
The Pharisees differed from the Sadducees in the three
following points : — 1. They recognised, besides the Scriptures
of the Old Testament, oral traditions either as explanatory of
the law or enjoining new ordinances (f) irapdhocn^; twz^ irpea-
fiurepcovj Matt, xv. 2). " The Pharisees," observes Josephus,
'' have delivered to the people a great many observances by
succession from their fathers, which are not written in the
law of Moses" (^Ant, xiii. 10. 6). In consequence of these
traditions, the law was often made void, and pernicious prac-
tices inculcated. 2. The Pharisees, in contradistinction to
the Sadducees, inculcated the doctrine of a future state.
" They believe," says Josephus, " that souls have an immortal
vigour in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards
or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or
viciously in this life ; that the latter are to be detained in an
everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to
revive and live again" (^Aiit. xviii. 1. 3). "All souls are
corruptible ; but the souls of good men are only removed
into other bodies, whilst the souls of bad men are chastised
by eternal punishment" (Bell, Jud. ii. 8. 14). From this it
would appear that the Pharisees taught a doctrine somewhat
312 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
similar to that of the heathen idea of transmigration. But
it is generally supposed that Joseph us here misrepresents the
views of the Pharisees, in order to bring them into a nearer
agreement with the philosophy of the Greeks, and that, as
appears from certain expressions in the Talmud, their views
had a much closer correspondence with the Christian doctrine
of the resurrection. 3. Whilst the Sadducees appeared to
have denied the doctrine of divine influences, the Pharisees
insisted upon it ; and whilst they admitted the free will of
man, taught also a subjection to Providence. " The Phari-
sees say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate :
that some things are in our own power, and that these are
liable to fate, but are not caused by fate" (Ant. xiii. 5. 9).
" They ascribe all to fate and to God, but yet allow that to
do what is right or the contrary is in the power of men,
although fate does co-operate in every action" (Bell. Jud.
ii. 8. 14). By fate in these passages is probably meant
Providence. From all this it appears that the Pharisees
approached much nearer Christianity than the Sadducees.
In the age of Christ and His apostles, the Pharisees were
themselves divided into two schools — the school of Hillel and
the school of Schammai. The school of Hillel, to which
Gamaliel belonged, were the most liberal in their senti-
ments ; whilst the school of Schammai were bigoted Jewish
zealots. It was chiefly the latter party who persecuted the
Christians.
There is a remarkable resemblance between these two
sects, the Sadducees and the Pharisees, and the two cele-
brated schools of antiquity, the Stoics and Epicureans, both in
their views and practices : the Sadducees may be regarded
as Jewish Epicureans, and the Pharisees as Jewish Stoics.
Both parties were opposed to Christianity : the rationalism
of the former, and the hypocrisy and formalism of the latter,
were equally antagonistic to the supernatural and spiritual
religion taught by Christ and His apostles.-^
"E/cpa^ev ev tm avveBpiw — called aloud in the Sanhedrim.
^ Smith's Biblical Dictionary ; Winer's hibUsclies Worterluch ; Lardner's
Works^ vol. i. pp. 66-69 ; Biscoe on the Acts, pp. 83-93.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM. — XXIII. 6. 313
When Paul saw that it was impossible to obtain a fair hear-
ing, he made the attempt to enlist the better part of the
council on his side. " Pie availed himself," as Neander
observes, " of that means for the victory of truth which
has often been used against it — divide et impera in a good
sense." ^ ^E'yoi ^apidalo^ elfii, vlo<; ^aptaalcov — / am a
Pharisee, the son of Pharisees. The plural (see Critical
Note) ^apio-alwv refers not to his parents (Grotius), but to
his ancestors in general. The meaning is, that he was not
only a Pharisee himself, but that he belonged to a family
who were Pharisees. Zeller objects that Paul loas certainly
a Pharisee, but he could not at that time affirm that he is
a Pharisee ; on the contrary, his views of the Jewish law
were diametrically opposed to those entertained by that
sect.^ But evidently the meaning is, that Paul agreed with
the Pharisees on those points wherein they differed from the
Sadducees, especially the doctrines of the Messiahship and
the resurrection. On these points, which alone are here
stated, he was a Pharisee : like them, he was a believer in
the hope of the Messiah, and in the resurrection. He could
say to them what he formerly said to the Athenians : That
which ye, without knowing it, profess to believe, declare I
unto you in the person of Jesus and His resurrection.
Uepl eXTr/So? koX avaaTdae(o<^ veKpcov iyoo Kplvofiac — Con-
cerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am judged.
By the hope and resurrection, some (Bengel, Baumgarten,
Meyer, De Wette) understand the hope of the resurrec-
tion ; but it gives a more complete sense to understand two
points as here meant — the hope of the Messiah, and the
resurrection of the dead (Lechler). According to this view,
the resurrection here refers primarily to the resurrection of
Christ, and in a secondary sense to the resurrection generally,
inasmuch as the apostle grounds his doctrine on Christ's
resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 12-20). Here again the apostle is
accused of misrepresenting the point in dispute, which was
not the doctrine of the resurrection, but whether the apostle
^ Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 307.
2 Zeller's ApostelgescMchte, p. 284.
314 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
had or had not inveighed against the Mosaic law. But it
was the apostle's Christianity that was the great cause of
offence, and he ever founded Christianity on the resur-
rection of Christ : this was the great subject of his testi-
mony ; so that he could justly say that this was the great
principle at issue. And from the language of Festus, it
would appear that this was actually a great point in dis-
pute : ^' Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they
brought none accusation of such things as I supposed ; but
had certain questions against him of their own religion, and
of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be
alive" (Acts xxv. 18, 19). But to this it is replied that
this does not remove the difficulty : Paul's notion of the
resurrection was different from that of the Pharisees. The
essential points of dispute were, whether the hope of Israel
was fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth, and whether His resur-
rection was the earnest of the general resurrection.^ But
although Paul and the Pharisees did not agree on these
points, yet they did agree on the fact of the resurrection :
both held, in opposition to the Sadducees, that there was a
resurrection ; and this is the sole point on which Paul insists.
In thus addressing the Pharisees, he makes a last appeal to
them. There was a principle between him and them in
common : what they held as a mere abstract truth, he em-
braced as a reality ; and thus he urged on them to believe
on Jesus Christ, in whom the hope of Israel and the resur-
rection were both fulfilled.
Ver. 7. ^Eyevero o-rdai^ rcov ^apiaatcov kol ^ aBSovfcalcov
— The7i arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sad-
ducees. The Pharisees, especially the school of Ilillel, were
more inclined to Christianity than the Sadducees. Gamaliel
had formerly protected the Christians in the council, and
many of the Jewish converts were from the Pharisees (Acts
vi. 7, XV. 5). Probably several of the Pharisees in the
council were half disposed toward Christianity; perhaps a
few may have been, like NIcodemus, secret disciples; and
others may have admitted the possibility of Jesus of Naza-
^ Baur's Apostel Paulas^ vol. i. p. 232 ; Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, p. 283.
PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDKIM. — XXIII. 8, 9. 315
retli being the Messiah. This feeling in favour of Paul is
not at variance with those hostile feelings which were soon
afterwards displayed.^ These hostile feelings probably arose
from the Sadducees, and their hostility would not be dimi-
nished, but increased, by the Pharisees siding with the apostle.
Besides, in all probability, this favourable disposition of the
council was transitory ; it was the mere result of a passing
impression : afterwards, both Pharisees and Sadducees united
against the apostle. We cannot suppose that the pharisaical
faction would long be favourable to him, seeing he was such
a determined opponent to their views of legal righteousness.
Ver. 8. ^aSSov/calot Xeyovaiv firj elvau avdaTaaiv, /jurjSe
ajyeXoVy fjbrjre irvevjjia — The Sadducees say that there is no
resurrection, nor angel^ nor spirit. There are not three
things, but two classes of objects stated — the resurrection,
and the existence of spirits, whether angels or the souls of
men. ^apLaacoL o/uLoXoryovo-Lv ra dficporepa — the Pharisees
confess both; namely, (1) dvdaraatfiy and (2) dyyeXo'i and
TTvevfjia.^ The Pharisees, as we have seen, were believers
in a future state. The Sadducees, on the other hand, were
materialists, and denied both the immortality of the soul and
the resurrection of the body (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 14).
Ver. 9. ^Eyevero Be Kpavyrj fieydXri — and tliere was a great
outcry. The Sanhedrim was converted from a deliberative
council into a tumultuous assembly. rpa/mfMareU rod [lepov;
Twv ^apiaalwv — scribes of the party of the Pharisees. The
scribes in general belonged to the Pharisees, as that sect
paid most attention to the Mosaic law, which it was the duty
of the scribes to interpret; whereas the Sadducees were
rationalistic in their views. It would, however, appear from
this that there were also scribes of the party of the Sad-
ducees. Ovheu Ka/cov eupicrKO/uLev iv tw dv6pco7rq) tovto) — we
fmd nothing evil in this man. So in a similar manner Pilate
asserted the innocence of Jesus. " Thus party spirit," observes
Hess, '' sometimes even forces us both to do and say things
which a love of truth and justice would never have extorted
1 Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, p. 285.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 445.
316 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
from us." El Se irvevixa iXaXrjo-ev avraj f/ ayyeXo^; — hut if a
spirit or angel has spoken to him ? An abrupt sentence : the
words by which it is completed in the textus receptuSj firj
6eoiiayo3iJLev, are spurious, being borrowed from Acts v. 39.
The clause may either be understood as implying that a
spirit or angel may have spoken to him ; or interrogatively,
that supposing this to be the case, what is to be done?
Ilvevfia and dyyeXo^; are mentioned designedly, as their
existence was denied by the Sadducees. There may perhaps
be a reference to what Paul said in his defence to the Jews
concerning the appearance of Jesus ; or, more probably, the
words are to be taken as a general statement that Paul may
have received his knowledge by revelation.
Ver. 10. Mr] ^LaairaaOfi 6 TIav\o<i — lest Paul should he torn
in pieces ; not merely murdered (Kuinoel), but literally torn
in pieces. Evidently a tumult had arisen in the council, and
Paul was seized by both parties : the Pharisees laying hold
on him to rescue and protect him ; the Sadducees endeavour-
ing to obtain possession of him in order to kill him. ^Ekg-
Xevaev to arpdrev/jia Kara^av apirdaai avrov — he commanded
the guard to go down and rescue him. Paul, being a Poman
citizen, was under the special protection of the Roman
commander.
Yer. 11. ^EirLaraf; avru) 6 Kvpio^ — the Lord stood hy him.
We are not informed whether this vision of Christ to Paul
took place in a dream or in an ecstasy. Oyro)? ae Bel /cal
et9 'Pcti/xrjv fiaprvprjcrat — so imist thou cdso testify of me at
Home. Thus Paul was assured of his safety in this present
attack made upon him by the Jews : and this vision would
comfort and console him in his subsequent trials — his long
imprisonment at Ceesarea, and his voyage to Pome. For-
merly he expressed his wish to preach the gospel at Rome
(Pom. i. 10, 11 ; Acts xix. 21) ; now he has the assurance
that his desire will be gratified. 'lepovaaXrjfjb — 'Pcofjbrjv.
Jerusalem, Romce, duce metropoles orhis (Bengel) ; Jerusalem
being the metropolis of the religious, and Rome of the civil
world.
SECTION XXII.
PAUL SENT PRISONER TO C^SAREA.— Acts xxiii. 12-35.
12 But when it was day, the Jews made a conspiracj, and bound
themselves by a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till
they had killed Paul. 13 And there were more than forty who made
this conspiracy ; 14 Who came to the chief priests and elders, and said,
We have bound ourselves with a great curse, to taste nothing until we
have killed Paul. 15 Now therefore do ye with the Sanhedrim give
notice to the tribune, that he bring him down to you, as though ye
would inquire something more accurately concerning him : and we, be-
fore he has come near, are ready to kill him. 16 But the son of Paul's
sister heard of the plot, and went and entered into the barracks, and told
Paul. 17 Then Paul, having called one of the centurions, said. Bring this
young man to the tribune ; for he has something to tell him. 18 So he
took him, and brought him to the tribune, and said. The prisoner Paul
called me, and requested that I should bring this young man to thee,
who has something to say to thee. 19 Then the tribune, taking him by
the hand, and going aside privately, inquired. What is it that thou hast
to tell me ? 20 And he said. The Jews have agreed to ask thee that
thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow to the Sanhedrim, as though
they would inquire something more accurately concerning him. 21 But
be not thou persuaded by them : for there lie in wait for him more than
forty men of them, who have bound themselves with a curse, neither to
eat nor to drink until they have killed him : and now are they ready,
expecting a promise from thee. 22 Then the tribune let the young man
depart, after charging him to tell no man that thou hast showed these
things to me.
23 And having called two centurions, he said. Make ready two hun-
dred soldiers to go to Csesarea, and seventy horsemen, and two hundred
spearmen, at the third hour of the night. 24 And that they should
provide beasts, to set Paul on, and to bring him in safety to Felix the
governor. 25 And he wrote a letter after this manner : 26 Claudius
Lysias to the most noble governor Felix, greeting. 27 I, having come
with the guard, rescued this man, who was taken by the Jews, and was
about to be slain, having learned that he was a Roman. 28 And wish-
ing to know the cause whereof they accused him, I brought him down
to their Sanhedrim ; 29 Whom I found to be accused of questions of
317
318 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
their law, but to have nothing Laid to his charge worthy of death or of
bonds. 30 And when it was told me that they laid in wait for the man,
I immediately sent him to thee, and enjoined his accusers to say before
thee what they had against him.
31 Then the soldiers, according to their instructions, took Paul, and
brought him by night to Antipatris. 32 On the morrow, leaving the
horsemen to go with him, they returned to the barracks: 33 "Who,
when they came to C?esarea, and delivered the epistle to the governor,
presented Paul also before him. 34 And after reading the letter, and
asking of what province he was, and learning that he was of Cilicia, he
said : 35 I shall liear thee when thine accusers are also come. And he
commanded him to be kept in the prsetorium of Herod.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 12. Tive<; rcov ^lovSaicov is the reading of G, H ;
whereas A, B, C, E, X read ol 'lovSaloLj the reading adopted
by most recent critics. Ver. 15. Avpiov after otto)? is found
in G, H, but is wanting in A, B, 0, E, X, and rejected by
recent critics. Ver. 20. 'fl^ /jbeWovre^;, the reading of the
textus receptus, is found in no uncial MS. ; A, B, E read &>?
/jieWcov, the reading adopted by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
The Sinaitic MS. reads w? fiiWov. Ver. 30. 'Tiro rwv
'lovhaloov are found in G, H; e^ avTwv is the reading of
A, E, t< ; whereas B simply omits the words : this last is the
reading adopted by Tischendorf. "Eppcoao is found in E,
G, N*, but omitted in A, B, and rejected by Tischendorf and
Lachmann. Ver. 34. 'O rjyefjLoiyv^ found in G, H, is omitted
in A, B, E, ^?, and rejected by most recent critics. Ver.
35. 'EKeXevae re are found in G, H; whereas A, B, E
read Ke\€V(Ta<^, the reading adopted by most recent critics.
The Sinaitic MS. reads fceXeixravro^.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 12. IIoiriaavTe<; av(TTpo(f>rjv — having made a conspiracy.
^vcrTpo(j)r]V, a concourse, a combination, a confederacy : here
more exactly defined by crvvco/jLoaiav (ver. 13), a conspiracy.
01 'lovBaloL — the Jews; that is, those Jews who were hostile
to Paul ; the Jews from Asia (Acts xxi. 27), according to
PAUL SENT PRISONER TO C^SAREA.— XXIII. 14. 319
Ewald. Kuinoel supposes that they belonged to the Sicarii,
and were instigated by Ananias the high priest, who, he
judges, was a Sadducee. This opinion, however, is not proved
from the text ; though it is evident that they were fanatical
Jews or zealots, who thought it their duty to slay those whom
they esteemed to be breakers of the law, but whose death
could not be effected by a legal process. ^Avede/uidriaav
kavTov^ — hound themselves with cm oath; literally, "anathe-
matized themselves" — invoked the curse of God upon them-
selves, in case of violation of their vow, asserting that they
would neither eat nor drink until they had killed Paul.
Such was at this period the state of Jewish society, that such
execrable oaths were not only made by the fanatical Jews,
but made with the cognizance and approval of their rulers.
Josephus mentions a similar conspiracy against Herod the
Great, into which a number of Jews entered, on account of
his introducing new customs, which they esteemed violations
of the Mosaic law. Ten men conspired to slay him, and
swore to undergo any dangers In the attempt ; and when
the plot was discovered, and they were put to death, they
declared that the conspiracy to which they had sworn was a
holy and pious act (^Ant. xv. 8. 3, 4). See also 1 Mace. ii.
23-26, where Mattathias, the father of the Maccabees, put
to death the apostate Jews. Even the philosophic Philo
justifies assassination in the case of apostates. The Jews
who had made such oaths could, in case of failure, easily
procure absolution from their rabbis. Lightfoot gives the
following quotation from the Talmud : " He that hath made
a vow not to eat anything, woe to him if he eat, and woe to
him if he eat not. If he eat, he sinneth against his vow ; if
he eat not, he sinneth against his life. AYhat must a man
do in his case ? Let him go to the wise men, and they will
loose his vow ; according as it is written. The tongue of the
wise is health" {Ilorce Hehraicce^ vol. iv. p. 147).
Ver. 14. IIpoo-eXOovTe^ rot? apj^iepevaiv kol roh irpea-
^vT6poc^ — having come to the chief priests and elders. It is
generally supposed that it was to the Sadducean faction of
the Sanhedrim that the forty conspirators repaired, as the
320 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Pharisees rather favoured the apostle (Meyer, De Wette).
But it is more probable that this favourable feeling on the
part of the Pharisees was transient, being the impulse of the
moment, and that they soon united with the Sadducees in
hostility to the apostle. It is evident that they as well as the
Sadducees accused him before Felix (Acts xxiv. 15). ^Ava-
OefjiaTL avedefiaTLcra/JLev eavrov^s — we have bound om^selves with
a great curse : literally, " we have anathematized ourselves
with an anathema;" the notion of intenseness being here
expressed by prefixing to the verb its cognate noun.^
Ver. 15. '/i? ixeXKovra'^ SiayLvcoaKeiv aKpt^eo-repov ra irepl
avTov — as though you would inquire something more accurately
concerning him. The reason assigned for again bringing
Paul before the Sanhedrim was plausible ; as the former
hearing was interrupted, and the information obtained im-
perfect. If God had not in His providence interfered,
Lysias would in all likelihood have granted the request, and
the conspiracy of the Jews might have been successful.
Ver. 16. Ae 6 vi6<^ ttj? ahe\<^r]^ TIavKov — hut the son of
PauVs sister. This is the only direct reference which we
have in Scripture to Paul's family. It is altogether uncer-
tain whether Paul's nephew had his stated residence in
Jerusalem, or whether he was one of those who had come up
with Paul. Ewald supposes that the whole family settled in
Jerusalem when Paul was a young man. Others think that
the nephew, like the apostle himself, was sent to Jerusalem
for education. 'A!covo-a<^ to eveBpov — having heard of the
plot. "EveBpov, a snare, an ambush, a lying in wait ; referring
to the plot to assassinate Paul when he went from the Castle
of Anton ia to the council-room. We are not informed how
Paul's nephew obtained his knowledge of the conspiracy ; but
as the conspirators were numerous, and as they had given
information of their designs to the chief priests and elders,
the plot could not have remained long concealed. "^ Airry^^ei-
Xev Tu> JJaiikw — he told Paul. Paul, although a prisoner,
yet being a Roman and uncondemned, was not prevented
from receiving visits from his friends. Perhaps also Lysias,
^ Winer's Grammar^ p. 487.
PAUL SENT PRISONER TO CJISAREA. — XXIII. 17-22. 321
who seems to have been favourably impressed with him,
treated him with pecuhar indulgence. Such also was the
lenient nature of his two years' imprisonment at Caesarea
(Acts xxiv. 23), and again at Rome (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).
Ver. 17. Tov veavlav tovtov dird^a'ye 7rpo<; rbv yjXiapypv
— hriiig this young man to the tribune. Althougli Paul had
an express promise from Christ of security, that he would
escape the snares of the Jews, and bear witness for Him at
Kome, yet he did not neglect any proper means of safety ;
thus proving how far removed he was from the character of
an enthusiast. His prudence also is here observable : he
does not tell the centurion, but thinks it safer to inform the
tribune himself.
Yer. 18. 'O heafiio^ TlavXo^ — the prisoner Paul. Aeo-fjuLo^;
signifies " one bound :" hence it is generally supposed that
Paul was still bound by a chain to the arm of a soldier,
according to the Roman manner of cdnfinement. As a
Roman citizen, he was in custodia militaris. Perhaps, how-
ever, as we were previously informed that Paul was loosened
from his chains (Acts xxii. 30), the term may be here used
in a general sense, and may only signify that Paul was kept
in confinement in the Castle of Antonia, without being again
bound.
Ver. 19. ^Ava'^wprjaa'; Kar IB lav — having gone aside pri-
vately. Both expressions, '' aside" and '^ privately," are in
the original, — the former being included in the verb, and the
latter in the phrase Kar IStav. — ^Ava'^copeco, to withdraw for
privacy, to go aside.
Ver. 21. TIpoahe')(OfjbevoL Tr]v diro aov eTra'yyeklav — expect-
ing the promise from you. 'ETrayyeXta is not to be rendered
jussumj " an order" (Rosenmiiller), nor nuntiusj '•' a message"
(Beza, Grotius) ; but, according to its usual meaning in the
New Testament, ^romz5.szo, " a promise" (Meyer).
Ver. 22. IlapayjeiXa^ /Jbr)8evl iKXakijaai, etc. — having
charged him to tell no man ^' that thou hast showed these
things to me." Here there is a change from the indirect to
the direct form of expression. See a similar instance of such
a variation in Acts i. 4.
VOL. II. X
322 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Ver. 2o. Avo riva^ — some two: "two or three," "about
two." Compare Luke vii. 19. '^rpaTKcra^ — soldiers;
namely, the heavy-armed foot-soldiers, the legionaries — here
distinguished from the horsemen and spearmen. Ae^io-
XdjSov^i — spearmen. This word, compounded of 3e|io9 and
XafjLJBdvw, " one taking the right," is not found in classical
Greek, and occurs only in a passage from the writings of
the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitns. The he^toKa^oi
are here distinguished from the heavy-armed legionary soldiers
(o-TpancoTaL), and from the horsemen ((TTTret?), and hence
are generally supposed to denote a species of light-armed
troops. In the passage from the Emperor Constantine
Porphyrogenitns, quoted by Meyer, they are also distin-
guished from bowmen (ro^o(j)6pov<;) and from targeteers (ireX-
raa-Tci^). Some (Suidas, Beza, Kuinoel) suppose that they
were a kind of body-guard, those who protected the right side
of the commander ; and others (Meursius) that they were a
kind of military lictors — those who were bound to the right
side of their prisoners. But their number, two hundred, is
against both of these opinions, as it is not to be supposed
that the commander of a cohort should have so large a body-
guard or so m.any lictors at his command. Meyer supposes
that the name refers to the nature of their weapons — those
who grasped their weapons with the right hand — and that
they were slingers or javelin-throwers. Ewald thinks that
they were Arabian auxiliaries, because Arabia was celebrated
for its slingers. Perhaps our English version " spearmen "
is as correct as any. The Codex Alexandrinus reads Sefto-
^oXov^ij from ^efio? and /SdWco, " javelin-throwers," the
reading preferred by Lachmann ; and which Meyer, although
he looks upon it as a later correction, regards as the correct
interpretation.^ 'Airo rpirr]^ copa<; r?}? vvkto^ — -from the third
hour of the night. The mihtary guard was to be ready to
depart at the third hour of the mght, that is, at nine in the
evening, for the sake of safety, when they would be favoured
by the darkness.
The whole number of soldiers appointed to convey Paul
^ See Meyer's Apostelgeschichte^ pp. 448, 449.
PAUL SENT PRISONER TO C^SAREA.— XXIII. 24. 323
to Csesarea was 470 ; so that we are inclined to say, with
Bengel, " Far too large a number of soldiers was put in
motion against more than forty zealots." But the disturbed
state of Judea must be kept in view. Then, as we learn
from Josephus, the Sicarii abounded, and murders were of
daily occurrence. So numerous were these zealots, that a
few years after this an army of them took possession of
Jerusalem, and held it for several days, murdering the prin-
cipal men, and committing great atrocities. Besides, the
conspiracy against Paul was of a formidable nature, as it
was countenanced and supported by the Sanhedrim ; and as
he was a Roman citizen, it was the bounden duty of the
tribune to protect him to the utmost of his power. The
Roman soldiers were also kept in constant action, and em-
ployment was sought for them ; and being numerous in
Jerusalem, such a number might well be spared for two or
three days. Claudius Lysias probably erred in sending so
many, but it was natural for him to err on the safe side.
Ver. 24. np6<; ^rjXiKa top r/ye/jLova — to Felix the governor.
Felix is elsewhere known to us from the writings of Tacitus,
Suetonius, and Josephus. He is called by Suidas, Claudius
Felix ; but from Tacitus it would appear that his proper
name was Antonius Felix. He was the brother of Pallas,
the favourite and minister of the Emperors Claudius and
Nero ; and was originally a freed man of the Empress An-
tonia, the mother of Claudius, from whom he received the
name Antonius. According to Tacitus, he was the governor
of Samaria when Cumanus was procurator of Judea (a.d.
48) (Tac. Ann, xii. 54), — a fact not mentioned by Josephus,
and which is generally supposed to be a mistake. On the
deposition of Cumanus, he was, chiefly by the influejice of
the high priest Jonathan, appointed procurator of Judea, in
the twelfth year of the reign of Claudius, a.d. 52 (Jos. Ant.
XX. 8. 5), and was continued in his procuratorship by Nero
through the influence of his brother Pallas. His character
and government are thus succinctly described by Tacitus :
jus regium servili ingenio exercuit — " he exercised the autho-
rity of a king with the spirit of a slave" (^Hist. v. 9) ; and
324 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
.again he says of him, cuncta malefacta sibi impune ratus
tarda potentid suhnixo — " Relying on such powerful protec-
tion (namely, the influence of his brother Pallas), he supposed
he might perpetrate with impunity every kind of villany"
{Ann. xii. 54). And the character which Josephus gives of
him entirely corresponds with this description of Tacitus.
He certainly displayed considerable vigour in clearing the
country of robbers, and putting down rebellions ; but he was
cruel, tyrannical, and avaricious in his government. One of
his worst actions was to employ the Sicarii to murder the
high priest Jonathan, to whom he was partly indebted for
his procuratorship, who had excited his displeasure by advis-
ing him to be more moderate in his government (Joseph.
Ant. XX. 8. 5). According to Suetonius, he was the husband
of three queens — trium 7'eginarum maritum (Claud, xxviii.) :
one of them was Drusilla, the daughter of Herod Agrippa i.
(see note to Acts xxiv. 24) ; a second, as we learn from
Tacitus, was the granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra,
the niece of the Empress Antonia, and the full cousin of
Claudius {Hist. v. 9) ; the third is unknown. After ruling
over Judea for the comparatively long period of seven or
eight years, he was recalled by Nero, and succeeded by
Festus, A.D. 60. Josephus informs us that, after his recall,
the Jewish inhabitants of CaBsarea sent a deputation after
him to Rome to accuse him before the emperor, and that he
would certainly have been punished for his misgovernment
had he not been protected by Pallas, who at that time was
high in favour with the court {Ant. xx. 8. 9). According to
Merivale, however, Pallas was disgraced as early as the year
56, although he was not put to death by Nero until the
year 63 {History of the Romans, vol. vii. p. 196). But
although Pallas was then in partial disgrace, yet he might
still retain sufficient influence to screen his brother.
Ver. 25. rpd^jra^ eincrToXr^v irepie'^ovaav rov tvttov tovtov
— having written a letter after this maimer. Tvtto^^ a type, a
pattern, an outline, corresponds with the Latin exemplum.
The Koman law required that a subordinate officer, in send-
ing a prisoner to his superior, should send along with him
PAUL SENT PRISONEE TO C^SAREA. — XXIII. 26, 27. 325
a written statement of the case. Such letters were called
elogia (Hackett). Probably the letter, being a public docu-
ment, was read in open court, so that Luke might obtain
a copy of it. Alford supposes that its contents transpired
through some officers at Jerusalem or at Cassarea friendly to
Paul.
Ver. 26. KXavBio^ Av(Tia<; — Claudius Lysias. Here the
name of the tribune is incidentally given. There is no men-
tion of him in Roman history ; but certainly his character
and conduct contrast most favourably with that of his
superior Antonius Felix, and with that of Pontius Pilate,
when placed in somewhat similar circumstances. He ex-
hibited energy, decision, and prudence : he had evidently
taken a great interest in his prisoner, and was determined
to rescue him at all hazards. The letter (elogium) which
he sent along with him was a testimonial in his favour,
rather than an accusation. Tu> Kpariaro) rjye/jLovi — to the
most noble governor: the official title of FeHx, as in our
country the governor of a colony is addressed as " his ex-
cellency the governor." So Tertullus addresses Felix (Acts
xxiv. 3), and Paul Festus (Acts xxvi. 25). Luke uses the
same term in the dedication of his Gospel to Theophilus
(Luke i. 3).
Yer. 27. '^TTio-ra? avv tw arpaTevjJLaTi, i^eLXdfjbrjv avrov^
juiadcbv ore 'Pwfialo^ iom — /, having come with the guard,
rescued him, having leaimed that he is a Roman. It would
seem from this that Lysias wished to convey the impression
that Paul's citizenship was the cause of his rescuing him,
whereas he did not know this until afterwards. Du Bois
thinks that the tribune here alludes to the second rescue,
when he stood before the Sanhedrim (Acts xxiii. 10) ; but
this is opposed to ver. 28, where it is stated that after the
rescue Lysias brought him before the Sanhedrim. Others
(Beza, Grotius, Doddridge, Lechler) think that [laOayv does
not refer to any definite time, but is equivalent to koX
/jiaOcDv, "and I learned that he was a Roman." Others
(Meyer, De Wette, Lechler, Wordsworth, Baumgarten) think
that the tribune intentionally told a falsehood in order to
326 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
make his conduct appear more praiseworthy. He wished
to conceal the fault he had committed in ordering a Roman
citizen to be scourged, and misrepresented the circumstances
of the case for his own advantage. Probably, however, we
have only an instance of mere negligence in composition,
and not any wilful falsehood. All that the tribune wished
to say was, that he had taken special precautions for the
safety of his prisoner, because he had learned that he was a
Roman.
Ver. 29. MijSevSe a^iov davdrov rj Secrficov e'^ovra eyKXyfjia
— but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of
bonds, Oavdrov the highest penalty, and hecrfxciov the lowest
penalty of the law. It is observable that all the judges —
Claudius Lysias, Felix, King Agrippa, and Festus — testify
to the innocence of the apostle.
Ver. 30. M7]vv6eLar)(; Se fiOL ein^ovkr]^ eh rov avSpa fxek-
Xeiv eaeaOat — and ivhen it was told me that they laid in wait
for the man ; literally, " a plot having been warned to me
that it was about to be laid ao^ainst the man." There is here
an anacoluthon : the conclusion of the clause should have
been, t^? fieXkovarj^ eaeaOai}
Ver. 31. Et9 ttjv 'AvTiiraTpiha — to Antipatris. Antipa-
tris was a town on the way from Jerusalem to Csesarea,
about twelve miles from Joppa, situated in a fruitful and
well-watered plain. Its former name was Capharsalama ;
and under this name it is mentioned in the wars of the
Maccabees (1 Mace. vii. 31 ; Ant. xiii. 15. 1). Herod the
Great rebuilt it, and called it Antipatris in honour of his
father Antipater. " Herod," says Josephus, " erected another
city in the plain, called Capharsaba, where he chose out a
fit place both for plenty of water and goodness of soil ; this
he named Antipatris from his father Antipater " {^Ant. xvi.
5. 2).'"^ At the commencement of the Jewish war, we are
informed that Vespasian led his army from Csesarea to
Antipatris {Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 1). Afterwards the city fell
into decay, and is mentioned by Jerome as semirutum oppi-
dulum. It has been identified with the village Kefr Saba,
^ Winer's Grammar, p. 590. ^ See also Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 9.
PAUL SENT PRISONER TO CiESAREA. — XXIII. 32-34. 327
supposed to be a corruption of its old name Capharsaba.
No ruins have been discovered in the neighbourhood.^
The distance of Antipatris from Jerusalem was about
forty Roman miles. The Jerusalem Itinerary gives the dis-
tance as follows : from Jerusalem to Nicopolis, twenty-two
miles ; to Lydda, ten miles ; and to Antipatris, ten miles.
Such a distance could not have been traversed, even by a
forced march, in a single night. Probably they reached
Nicopolis on the morning of the first day, and having rested
there, would arrive at Antiparis on the second day.^ Accord-
ing to this, hta vvKTo^y ^' by night," must refer either to their
travelling during the night — namely, two nights (Kuinoel) ;
or more probably to their departure — that they left Jerusalem
during the night (De Wette).
Yer. 32. Ty he iiravpiov — and oji the morrow ; that is,
not on the morrow after leaving Jerusalem, as the text
would at first sight suggest, but on the morrow after they
arrived at Antipatris, — having taken, in all, part of three days
to accomplish their journey from Jerusalem to Csesarea.
'Tireo-Tpey^av eU tijv irapejjipo'Ki'-jv — tliey returned to the
barracks. When they reached Antipatris, the foot-soldiers
left and returned to Jerusalem, whilst the horsemen pro-
ceeded with Paul to Csesarea. The foot-soldiers were no
longer necessary to secure Paul's safety, as they were forty
miles distant from Jerusalem, and no plot by the way was
now to be apprehended. The distance between Antipatris
and Csesarea was about twenty-six miles.
Yer. 34. This is a participial sentence, being composed of
three participles — dvayvov<;, eirepcoTriaa^^ and 7rv6ofMevo<; ; lite-
rally translated, '' And after reading the letter, and asking
of wdiat province he is, and learning that he was of Cilicia,
1 Robinson's Biblical Researches, pp. 138, 139. London : John
Murray, 1856.
2 There are two roads from Jerusalem to Antipatris, — the one by
Beth-horon, the other by Gophna. The hatter road is the shorter, and
was traversed by Dr. Eli Smith, an American, for the express purpose
of illustrating this night march. It is barely possible that by a forced
march the distance could be traversed in a single night ; but the narra-
tive does not constrain us to this supposition.
1
328 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
I shall hear you, he said," etc. Felix does not inquire
whether Paul was a Koman, as this was stated in the letter ;
but of what province he was, concerning which no informa-
tion was given.
Ver. 35. AiaKovao^aL (tou — / sJiall hear thee. AiaKoveiv,
" to hear fully in a judicial sense" — ad Jinem usque audire.
According to the Roman law, the governor of the province
to whom a prisoner was sent was not to be satisfied with the
statement of the case sent by his subordinate, but was to
examine into it for himself. Qui cum elogio mittuntur^ ex
integro audiendi sunt (Bottger's Beitrdge^ ii. 8).^ ^Ev rep
TrpaLTcopiO) Tov 'HpcoSov — in the prwtorium of Herod. This
was the palace built by Herod the Great wdien he rebuilt
Csesarea, and made it his residence. Judea being now a
Roman province, the palace of its former kings had become
the ofhcial residence of the governor. Probably some tower
belonging to it might be used as a kind of state prison.
From this it appears that Paul was leniently dealt with : he
was not cast into the common prison, but detained in the
governor's own residence, and was also, as we are informed,
allowed a considerable degree of liberty, and permitted to
receive the visits of his friends (Acts xxiv. 23). For this his
position as a Roman citizen, and uncondemned, and the
favourable letter of Lysias, sufficiently account.
^ Quoted by De Wette, Apostelgeschichte, p. 170.
SECTION XXIIL
PAUL BEFORE FELIX.— Acts xxiv. 1-27.
1 And after five days the high priest Ananias came down with the
elders, and a certain orator Tertullus, and informed the governor against
Paul. 2 And when he was summoned, Tertullus began to accuse hjra,
saying, That through thee we enjoy much peace and many excellent
arrangements effected to this nation through thy providence, 3 We
acknowledge it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all
thankfulness. 4 But that I may not weary thee too much, I entreat
thee to hear us briefly of thy clemency. 5 For we have found this man
a pest, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the
world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes : 6 Who also
attempted to profane the temple : whom also we seized. 7, 8 From
whom thou thyself mayest learn, by examination, concerning all those
things of which we accuse him. 9 And the Jews also assailed him,
saying that these things were so.
10 Then Paul, the governor having beckoned on him to speak, an-
swered. As I know that thou hast been for many years a judge of this
nation, I do cheerfully defend myself : 11 Since thou art able to ascer-
tain that there are no more than twelve days since I came up to Jeru-
salem to worship. 12 And they neither found me in the temple disputing
with any man, nor raising up a popular tumult, neither in the synagogues
nor in the city : 13 Nor can they prove the things of which they now
accuse me. 14 But this I confess to thee, that after the way which
they call a sect, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things
which are written in the law and in the prophets : 15 Having a hope
toward God, which they themselves also admit, that there shall be a
resurrection, both of the just and unjust. 16 Herein also do I exercise
myself, to have always a blameless conscience toward God and men.
17 Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and
offerings. 18 AVhile doing this, they foimd me purified in the temple,
neither with multitude, nor with tumult ; but certain Jews of Asia
(found me), 19 Who ought to have been here before thee, and to have
accused me, if they had anything against me. 20 Or let these same
say what crime they have found in me, while I stood before the Sanhe-
drim, 21 Except it be for this one exclamation, that I cried standing
329
330 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
among them, Concerning the resurrection of the dead I am judged by
you this day.
22 But Felix deferred them, being more accurately instructed con-
cerning that way, saying, When Lysias the tribune shall have come
down, I will fully hear you. 23 And he commanded the centurion to
keep him, and to grant him indulgence, and to prevent none of his
friends from ministering unto him.
24 And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Brasilia,
who was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith
in Christ. 25 And as he discoursed concerning righteousness, and
chastity, and the judgment which is to come, Felix trembled, and an-
swered. Go thy way for this time ; when I obtain a convenient season,
I shall call for thee. 26 At the same time he hoped that money would
be given him by Paul : wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and com-
muned with him. 27 But after two years had elapsed Felix received
Porcius Festus as his successor : and Felix, wishing to win the favour of
the Jews, left Paul bound.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Vers. 6-8. The following words — koX Kara top rj/jueTepov
vofiov rj6e\r)aa/j.€V Kplveiv. UapeXOcdv Se Avatar 6 ^Cklap^o^^
fjuera TroWf/? yS/a? e/c twz^ '^eipoiv rj/jicov dTTTjyaje' Kokevaa^
Tou? KaT7]j6pov<i avTGv ep^eaOat iirl ai — of tlie textus receptus
are only found in one uncial MS. (E), and are wanting in
A, B, G, H, Jn\ The mss. C and D are here deficient. The
words are rejected by Griesbach, De Wette, Meyer, Lach-
mann, and Tischendorf. (See Exegetical Remarks.) Ver. 9.
^vveOevTo is found in no uncial MS. ; A, B, E, G, H, N
have crvveTredevTo, the reading adopted by recent critics.
Ver. 10. Evdv/uLorepov is found in G, H ; whereas A, B, E, t?
read 6v6v/jLa)<;, the reading adopted by Lachmann and Tischen-
dorf. Ver. 15. NeKpcov, found in E, G, H, is wanting in
A, B, C, X, and is omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
Ver. 18. Tcve(; without Bh is found in G, H ; whereas A, B,
C, E, ^5 read Ttvl<; 3e, the reading adopted by Tischendorf.
Ver. 20. El after elTrdrcoaav is wanting in A, B, C, E, G,
H, i<, and is rejected by all recent critics. Ver. 22. ^AKovaa<;
Be ravra are found only in one uncial MS. (G), and are rejected
by recent critics. Ver. 23. Tov HavKov are found in G, H ;
whereas A, B, C, E, « read avrov, the reading generally
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 1. 331
adopted by recent critics. ''H irpoaepx^aOaL, found in G, H,
are wanting in A, B, 0, E, t5, and are generally rejected.
Ver. 26. The words ottoj? Xvar] avrov occur in G, H, but
are omitted in A, B, C, E, 5<, and are generally rejected.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 1. Mera he irevre rjiikpm — but after five days. These
five days have been differently reckoned. Some (Basnage,
Michaelis, Rosenmiiller) reckon them from the imprisonment
of Paul in Jerusalem ; but this would not aiford sufficient
time, as it was probably five days after that event before
Paul himself arrived at Csesarea. (See note to Acts xxiii.
31, 32.) Others (Wieseler, Anger) reckon them from the
arrival of Paul at Caesarea ; but it is difficult to reconcile
this with ver. 11, as in that case more than twelve days
would have elapsed since he came to Jerusalem. (See note
to ver. 11.) The most natural meaning is, five days after
Paul's departure from Jerusalem. So Heinrichs, Kuinoel,
Meyer, De Wette, Lange, Kenan, Howson. Mera rwv
TTpecr^vrepcov — icith the elders ; obviously not with the whole
Sanhedrim, but a deputation from it. Ananias and certain
members of the Sanhedrim came in obedience to the order
of Lysias to Caesarea, as the accusers of Paul.
Kal pTjTopo^ — and an orator : that is, orator forensis, or
caiisidicusj an advocate. Such advocates were called p7jT0pe<;;
in the older classical Greek, avvrj^opoi. They were numerous
in the provincial courts, because the young Romans used to
practise there to prepare themselves for the political con-
tentions of the forum (Cicero, -pro Coelioy c. 30).^ The Jews,
as subjects of the Roman empire, seem to have had no pro-
fessed advocates of thdr own ; and being themselves little
acquainted with the laws and forms in use among the
Romans, they had to employ Roman advocates. It is a
matter of dispute whether the pleading in the provincial
courts was in Latin or in the language of the province.
Valerius Maximus tells us that Latin was the language of
^ Humphry on the Acts, p. 182.
332 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the law courts throughout the Roman empire (Val. Max.
ii. 2). But it would appear from a passage in Dio Cassius,
that under the emperors trials were permitted in Greek even
in Rome itself (Dion Cass. Ivii. 15). TeprvWov — Tertullus.
Tertullus was a common Latin name, being a diminutive of
Tertius ; as Tertullianus, again, is similarly derived from
Tertullus. From this it is inferred that he was a Roman
advocate. Otrtz^e? ev€<pdvLaav toj rjye/JLOVL — ivJio informed the
governor against Paul. According to the Roman mode of
procedure, a special charge had first to be made by the
accuser ; and this was intimated to the accused, and then
the trial proceeded in the presence of both parties (Acts
XXV. 16).
Ver. 2. "Hp^aro Kan^yopelu 6 TeprvWo^; — Tertullus began
to accuse hiri. The charge against Paul being made, and
he being called into court, Tertullus, the advocate of the
Jews, commences as the accuser. It is probable that we
have here the mere outlines of his speech. The commence-
ment is elaborate, but the contents are very meagre, and
this is especially the case if the passage contained in vers.
6-8 is spurious. But still, from what we have, it is evident
that Tertullus must have been a skilful advocate : the
eulogium which he pronounces was at once delicate and
artful ; and the charges brought against Paul were well
chosen, being such as it became the Roman governor to
investigate.
Vers. 2, 3. IIoWrj<i €lpr}vri<^ TV'y')(avovT€^ — that ive enjoT/
much peace. Tv^yavoi signifies to obtain, to receive, hence
to enjoy. KaTopOco/jidrayv — excellent regulations. This word
occurs only here in the New Testament : it is governed by
Tv<y'^dvovTe<;, forming part of one participial sentence. Karop-
Oay/xa is anything rightly or successfully done ; it most fre-
quently applies to military deeds or achievements. Here
the meaning seems to be, improved regulations 'of govern-
ment. Most critics suppose that TroWrjq applies to both
ideas, and hence supply rroXkajv (De Wette, Hackett). A La
T^9 o-t}? Trpovola^ — tlirough thy providence — tud providentid.
So Providentia Augusti is a common title on the coins of the
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 3. 333
emperors. Uavrr) re Kal iravTa')(pv — always and in all places.
These words, according to Meyer, are to be referred to 'yivo-
fiivcov — " excellent regulations effected on every side, and in
all places ; " but it is more in accordance with their position
in the text to refer them, as Tischendorf does^ to airoBe'^o-
fjbeda — " we receive them always, and in all places." Accord-
ingly the passage may be rendered thus : " That through
thee we enjoy much peace, and many excellent arrangements
effected to this nation through thy providence, we acknow-
ledge it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all
gratitude."
Tertullus commences his speech by flattering Felix. He
thus proves himself to be skilled in that art of oratory men-
tioned by Grotius : " It is one of the rules of rhetoric to
secure the good-will of the judge by praising him." He
praises him for the peace and improved regulations which
resulted from his government ; and, as Ulpian states, it is the
first duty of a procurator to secure peace for his province
(Ulpian us, De officio prcesidis). Nor was such praise entirely
undeserved. Felix showed considerable vigour and decision
in suppressing robberies and rebellions. " As to the number
of robbers," observes Josephus, ^^ whom he caused to be
crucified, and of those whom he brought to be punished, they
were a multitude not to be enumerated" (^Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 2).
He seized and sent to Rome a famous brigand called Eleazer,
who had ravaged the country for nearly twenty years ; he
repressed the rebellion of the Egyptian impostor ; and quieted
a sedition which arose between the Jewish and Greek inha-
bitants of Csesarea {Ant. xx. 8. 5-7). Yet, notwithstanding,
he was probably the worst governor that Judea had. He
had a number of the Sicarii continually in his employment ;
and instead of pacifying the Jews, he only fanned the spirit
of sedition. " Felix," observes Tacitus, " by applying un-
seasonable remedies, inflamed the dissatisfaction, emulated,
as he was, in his abandoned courses by Ventidius Cumanus"
{Aym. xii. 54 ; Hist. v. 9). As has been well remarked, he
was more criminal than those robbers and rebels whom he
put to death: ipse tamen his omnibus erat nocentior (Wetstein).
334 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Ver. 5. Evpovre^ 'yap rov avSpa tovtov — -for having found
this man. We have here an anacoluthon : eKparrjaafxev avrov
should have followed dh'ectly ; but instead of this a relative
clause intervenes, and the principal verb itself is annexed to
it.^ AoLfjLov — a pest. Aol/io^; signifies the plague, the pest ;
but it is also employed in classical writers for a mischievous
person. Ktvovvra ardcriv — a mover of sedition — a disturber
of the public peace. Kara Tr)V oiKoviJbeviqv — throughout the
world: here, in the mouth of a Roman, before a Roman
court of justice, it signifies '' throughout the Roman empire."
Trj^ Twv Na^copalcov aipea€co<; — of the sect of the Nazarenes.
This is the only place in Scripture where the term Nazarenes
is used to denote the Christians. It was doubtless the Jewish
appellation for them, as the Jews could not employ the sacred
name of Christ to denote those w^hom they regarded as
apostates. The name originated from Jesus being known
by the distinction "Jesus the Nazarene" (Matt. ii. 23), just
as the followers of Judas of Galilee were called Galileans.
There does not appear to be anything pecuharly offensive in
the appellation. The name afterwards came to be applied
to those Judaizing Christians who, after the death of the
apostles, separated themselves from the Christian church.
Ver. 6. '^O? ical to lepov iireipaaev jBelBrfKocxjaL — who also
attempted to profane the temjjle. The charge was cleverly
chosen : TertuUus does not accuse Paul of the actual pro-
fanation of the temple (as in Acts xxi. 28), — an accusation
which could easily be refuted ; but of an attempt to do so —
of actions which led the Jews to suspect that this was his
object. The Romans granted the Jews the power of punish-
ing any of their countrymen who profaned their worship ;
and it would almost appear that they could put to death any
Gentile, even though he were a Roman, who crossed the
barrier between the court of the Gentiles and that of the
Jews {Bell Jud. vi. 2. 4).
The charges which Tcrtullus brought against Paul w^ere
three. First, that he created disturbances among the Jews
1 Winer's Grammar of the New Testament^ p. 368 ; Meyer's Apostel-
geschichte, p. 454.
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 6-8. 335
throughout the empire — an offence against the Roman
government — crimen majestatis. Secondly, that he was a
ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes — disturbed the Jews
in the exercise of their religion, guaranteed by the state —
introduced new gods, a thing prohibited by the Romans.
And thirdly, that he attempted to profane the temple, — a
crime which the Jews were permitted to punish.
Vers. 6-8. The genuineness of the entire passage, Kai
Kara . . . ep'^ecrOe eVt o-e, has been called in question. The
external evidence is decidedly against its reception. It is
wanting in the uncial MSS. A, B, G, H, t^ (0 and D are
here defective), and in several important versions ; and in
those cursive versions where it occurs there are many varia-
tions. The only uncial MS. in which it is found is E. Had
the words been genuine, no reason can be assigned for their
omission. On the other hand, the internal evidence is rather
in their favour. Without them, the speech of Tertullus is
apparently defective, and awkward in point of construction.
The words which follow the disputed passage — irap' ou, from
ivhom — give a much better sense when referred to Lysias,
to whom they would apply were the passage genuine, than
when referred to the prisoner Paul, to whom otherwise they
must apply. Besides, there is nothing in the words them-
selves out of place : on the contrary, it was very natural in
Tertullus to allude to the conduct of Lysias, and to refer
Felix to him for further information ; and it is a corrobora-
tion of this, that we find that Felix actually put off the trial
until the arrival of Lysias (ver. 22). But where the external
evidence is so defective, much weight is not to be placed on
these purely subjective reasons. Accordingly, the passage
has been rejected by the most distinguished of our modern
critics. So Mill, Bengel, Griesbach, Matthias, Lachmann,
Tischendorf, De Wette, Meyer, Lechler.^
Ver. 8. Hap ov — from ichom ; that is, " from Paul," if
the disputed passage be rejected. Grotius supposes that
examination by torture is here meant, but this was inad-
1 Alford retains it, but encloses it within brackets ; Wordsworth con-
siders it to be genuine. See De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 171.
336 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
missible in the case of a Roman citizen ; perhaps, however,
Tertullus, knowing the character of the judge, insinuates
that other means having failed, this might be resorted to.
The object of the speech was evidently to persuade Felix to
permit Paul to be tried by the Jewish courts, as the offences
with which he was charged v/ere offences against the Jewish
law ; in which case it is probable they would have attempted
his assassination (Acts xxv. 3).
Ver. 9. XweireOevTo Be koX ol ^lovhaloi — and the Jews also
assailed him. .The Jews — that is, Ananias and the elders —
joined with their advocate in accusing Paul, and assented to
the truth of the charges brought against him. ^vveTnTiOrjfjiL,
to put or lay together, to assail, to join in assailing.
Ver. 10. ^AireKplOrj re 6 Ilav\o<; —t and Paul ansivered.
The accuser having brought forward his charges, it was now
the part of the accused to answer. This he could either do
himself or through an advocate. Paul adopted the former
alternative. After a brief exordium (vers. 10, 11), he takes
up the charges brought against him, and refutes them in
succession : that he w^as not a disturber of the public peace
(vers. 12, 13) ; that although belonging to the so-called sect
of the Nazarenes, he was not an apostate from the Jewish
religion (vers. 14-16) ; and that, far from making any
attempt to profane the temple, the sole purpose of his pre-
sence there was to honour it (vers. 17-21).
^Ek ttoWcov ircov ovra ae Kptrrjv tw e6vet tovtm eTnaTafievo^
— As I hwio that thou hast been for many years a judge unto
this 7iation, Paul, without descending to the flattery of
Tertullus, opens his address in a respectful manner. With
a view of gaining a favourable hearing from his judge, he
commences w^itli the statement of a known fact, that Felix
had been for many years a judge of the nation, and there-
fore was better acquainted with their affairs than a stranger
would be, so that he could speak to him with the greater
confidence. Felix was appointed procurator of Judea, after
the recall of Cumanus, A.D. 51 or 52 (Joseph. Ant. xx. 7. 1),
and had therefore been governor for a period of six or seven
years. According to Tacitus, he was governor of Samaria
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. U. 337
when Cumanus was procurator of Judea (Ann. xii. 54) : if
this were the case, he would have come into the country
as early as a.d. 48. And even although the statement of
Tacitus, that Felix then exercised an independent command
in Samaria, is doubtful, yet it may have arisen from his
holding some important subordinate office in that province
under Cumanus. Bat even six or seven years, during which
he was procurator of Judea, were "many years" compared
with the short periods of the administrations of his three
immediate predecessors. Cuspius Fad us was governor for
two years ; Tiberius Alexander for two ; and Ventidius
Cumanus for four : so that the government of all these
three together lasted only eight years.
Ver. 11. "On ov TrA-etou? elaiv /jLoi rjfiepaL SeKaBuo — that
there are no more than twelve days since I came up to Jerusalem
to worship. Paul means that, as it was only twelve days
since his arrival at Jerusalem, the crime of which he was
accused — namely, an attempt to profane the temple — must
have been of recent occurrence, and therefore could be
easily investigated. These twelve days have been variously
calculated. They evidently denote the whole time since
Paul had come to Jerusalem ; and therefore the idea tliat the
days which he spent at Csesarea are not to be included, is to
be rejected (Heinrichs, Kuinoel). Wieseler reckons them as
follows : Two days for his journey to Jerusalem ; the third
day, his interview with James ; the fourth (Pentecost), his
arrest in the temple ; the fifth, his appearance before the
Sanhedrim ; the sixth, his departure to Csesarea at night ;
the seventh, his arrival at Csesarea ; the twelfth (five days
after that), the departure of Ananias from Jerusalem ; and
the thirteenth, the arrival of Ananias at Csesarea, and the
trial of Paul before Felix.^ This reckoning proceeds on the
supposition that Paul was arrested on the day of Pentecost,
the very day on which he entered the temple with the four
Nazarites ; an opinion which we have endeavoured to show
is erroneous (see note to Acts xxi. 27). Besides, it is from
the time of his arrival at Jerusalem that the twelve days are
^ Wieseler's Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 104.
VOL. II. T
338 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
to be calculated, so that two days are not to be reckoned for
his journey to that city. The arrangement adopted by Meyer
is perhaps the most correct. According to him, the first day
was the arrival in Jerusalem (ch. xxi. 15-17) ; the second,
the interview with James (ch. xxi. 18) ; the third, the
uniting with the Nazarites in their vow (ch. xxi. 26) ; the
fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh days, the days of the Naza-
ritic offering, interrupted by the arrest of Paul in the temple
(ch. xxi. 27) ; the eighth day, the apostle before the San-
hedrim (ch. xxii. 30) ; the ninth, the conspiracy of the Jews
(ch. xxiii. 12), and the departure of Paul the same night
from Jerusalem (ch. xxiii. 23) ; the tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth days (including part of the ninth and thirteenth),
the five days after which Ananias and the elders came down
to Csesarea (ch. xxiv. 1) ; and the thirteenth day, the trial
before Felix.^
Yer. 12. In this verse we have Paul's answer to the first
charcre, that he was a mover of sedition amono- all the Jews
throughout the Roman empire. To this he replies, that
this was a mere assertion incapable of proof. Kal ovre ev rat
lepcp evpov fie — and they neither found me in the tp.mple dis-
puting with any mauj nor raising up a popular tumult^ neither
in the synagogues nor in the city. Before the words, '^neither
in the synagogues nor in the city," are to be supplied, " They
found me disputing with any man, or raising up a popular
tumult." So that these acts — disputing, and raising up a
popular tumult — are denied with reference to these three
places — the temple, the synagogues, and the city (Hackett).
Ver. 14. 'O/JLoXoyoj Be tovto gol — hut this 1 confess to thee.
Paul now comes to the second charge, that he was a ring-
leader of the sect of the Nazarenes. He at once admits that
he did belong to this so-called sect ; but at the same time
maintains that, by doing so, he did not relinquish the reli-
gion of his fathers. Kara ti]v oSov — after the way ; that is,
according to the views, the mode of thinking, the religious
opinions, of those whom they called Nazarenes. '^Hv Xeyovaiv
alpeatv — which they call a sect. The allusion is to the
* Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 457, 458.
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 14. 339
speech of Tertullus, in which he speaks of the sect of the
Nazarenes, — an allusion lost sight of in our English version,
by the same word being rendered sect in ver. 5 and heresy in
ver. 14. The word aipea-i^ is generally used in Scripture,
and especially in the Acts, in an indifferent sense {vox media)^
as signifying a sect, a school, a party. Thus it is said that
some believers were of "the sect of the Pharisees" (Acts
XV. 5) ; Paul says, " According to the strictest sect of our
religion, I lived a Pharisee" (Acts xxvi. 5) ; and the Jews
at Rome inquired of Paul ''what he thought of this sect,"
that is, the Christians (Acts xxviii. 22) : in all these passages
the word is used in an indifferent sense. It would, however,
seem that it was here employed by Tertullus in a bad sense,
as signifying a schismatic sect ; in which sense the word is
also used by Paul in 1 Cor. xi. 19. Ovtco^ Xarpevco rw
Trarpaxp Qeo) — so worship I my fathers^ God: a classical
phrase familiar to Felix, and highly appropriate on the pre-
sent occasion. The Romans protected the Jews in their
national religion, and regarded any attempt to disturb them
in its exercise as a crime. They also looked with disfavour
at the introduction of new and foreign gods. Hence Paul
here asserts that he was no schismatic — that he was a wor-
shipper of the God of the Jews ; and thus he maintains that
according to the Roman law, which allowed all men to wor-
ship according to the religion of their country, he was not
open to any charge of schism. According to him, Chris-
tianity was not a new religion, but the true development of
Judaism : he was a Jew in the truest sense of the term ; he
had carried out the principles of the Jewish religion to their
legitimate conclusion. As Lange well expresses it : '' By
these words Paul maintains that, along with his Christian
faith, he was a true Jew; for Christianity is the fulfilment
and truth of Judaism. He was a Jew who believed all
things which were written in the law and the prophets, not
a mere half-believer as the Sadducees, nor an erroneous
believer as the Pharisees. He possessed the hope of the re-
surrection, the centre truth of the Old Testament, which
these half- Jews, it is true, expected, but only expected. But
340 COMMENTAPwY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the chief matter was, that he possessed this faith in its moral
influence, and that it constrained him to make it his constant
endeavour to have a conscience void of offence toward God
and men."^
Ver. 15. '""Hv koL avrol ovtol TrpocrBi'^ovTai, — ivhicJi they
themselves also admit, that there shall be a resurrection both
of the just and unjust. From this it would appear that the
Pharisees were among the accusers of Paul before Felix ;
and that the favourable impression produced upon them
by his speech before the Sanhedrim was only momentary
(Acts xxiii. 9). Paul here asserts that the doctrine of the
resurrection formed part of the general belief of his nation ;
because the opinions of the Sadducees were embraced only
by few, whereas the nation in general adopted the views
of the Pharisees. Josephus expressly tells us, that while
the Sadducees were able to persuade none but the rich, the
Pharisees had the multitude on their side {Ant. xiii. 10. 6).
Yer. 16. ^Ev tovtw — herein; that is, "on this account," —
" because of my belief in the resurrection." My belief is
not merely speculative, but real and living. ^AirpocrKOTrov
avvelBrjcTLv e^ecv — to have a conscience void of offence. Paul
appeals to the general rectitude of his conduct, in proof of
his freedom from the charges brought against him. What-
ever accusations are brought against me, it has been my
constant endeavour to live free of blame.
Ver. 17. AC ircov Se nrXeLovcov — But after many years.
Paul now proceeds to the third charge — that he had at-
tempted to profane the temple. More than four years had
elapsed since his former visit to Jerusalem (Acts xviii. 22).
'E\er]iio(TVva<^ irotijacov eh to edvo<^ fiov Trapeyevo/Jirjv — /
came to bring alms to my 7iaiion ; namely, the alms which
he had collected from the churches in Macedonia and
Achaia for the poor saints at Jerusalem (Rom. xv. 26).
This is the only place in the Acts where these collections
are mentioned, and that in a most incidental manner ; and
is an instance of one of those undesigned coincidences which
^ Lange's das apostolische Zeitalter, vol. ii. p. 323. See also Stier's
Words of the Apostles, p. 428, Clark's translation.
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 18-21. 341
exist between the Acts and the epistles.^ The contributions
were for the saints at Jerusalem, and the church of Jeru-
salem was then chiefly composed of Jewish Christians. (See
also Rom. xv. 27.) Kal 7rpoo-(f)opd<; — and offerings. The
alms for the people, and the offerings for the temple. If
this was one special purpose of Paul's visit to Jerusalem,
then it would appear that he had not desisted from taking
part in the sacrifices of the temple. The allusion, however,
may be to his joining the four Nazarites in their offerings
(Acts xxi. 24-26). So far from any attempt to profane
the temple, he had come there to engage in its religious
exercises.
Ver. 18. ^Ev oU — in which; that is, "while so engaged"
— " in the midst of these occupations." Evpov fie — thei/
found me ; that is, " my accusers found me ; " or indefinitely,
"I was found." 'Hyvia/mivov — purified: taking part in the
religious exercises of the Nazarites. Ttvh ^e — but certain :
the reading considered best attested' by modern critics.
(See Critical Note.) According to this reading, a verb re-
quires to be supplied ; and accordingly different verbs have
been suggested. Hackett supplies idopv^ijcrav : " not I, but
certain Jews from Asia, excited the tumult." Bengel sup-
plies elSov : " certain Jews from Asia saw me." But it is
most natural to supply evpov from the previous sentence:
" not they, the Jewish rulers, found me in the temple, but
certain Jews from Asia."
Ver. 21. ''H irepl fiid^; ravrr]^ cpcovrj^; — except it be for
this one exclamation, ^coprj^^, "voice," here "exclamation."
Paul speaks in irony : for, so far from any fault being found
in this exclamation, it met with the highest approval from
the Pharisaical faction of the Sanhedrim ; as if the apostle
had said : In this exclamation they must discover my crime.
The speech of Paul, which in all probability Luke heard,
was a most appropriate defence. His answer corresponds
to the three articles of the charge of Tertullus — sedition,
heresy, and the profanation of the temple. It is, as Bengel
observes, a candid, spontaneous, and full confession : con-
1 See Paley's Horse Paulinas — Romans, No. I.
342 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
fessio ingenuoj voluntaria^ flena. It has not, however, escaped
the animadversions of critics of a certain school, who con-
sider it as an attempt of the writer to make Paul appear in
a favourable light to the Judaizing portion of the Christian
church (Baur, Zeller, Schneckenburger). But there is
nothing in the speech contrary to Pauline notions : the
relation of Christianity to Judaism as its development and
perfection, the establishment of the law by faith, is a truth
which he, beyond all the New Testament writers, sought to
inculcate.
Yer. 22. ^AvejSdXero Be avTov<; 6 ^rjki^ — hut Felix deferred
them, Felix adjourned the case : ampliavit eos (both parties).
^AvaffdWo/jLai,, to put off, to defer in a judicial sense. He
thus adopted a middle course : he was convinced of the inno-
cence of Paul, and so would not condemn him; but he was
unwilling to incur the displeasure of the Jews, and so would
not acquit him. ^ AKpi pearepov elSco^ rd irepl t?)9 o8ov —
being more accurately instructed concerning that way. These
words have been differently rendered. Some (Beza, Grotius,
Heinrichs, Doddridge, Ewald) regard them as part of the
speech of Felix : " saying, When I have been more accu-
rately informed concerning that way, and when Lysias is
come down." But to this rendering it is objected that etVa?
would not then follow at such a distance. Others think that
the meaning is, " since he had now obtained more accurate
knowledge concerning Christianity;" the reference being to
the information contained in Paul's speech. But elhib<; can-
not be rendered certior factus ; and besides, this would not be
a reason for delay, but for delivering judgment. Kuinoel
renders the passage : " being desirous to know more accu-
rately what belonged to that doctrine." But elhm cannot
admit of such a rendering. The only meaning of which the
words will admit, is that Felix was more accurately instructed
concerning Christianity ; that is, probably more than the
accusers of Paul supposed. So approximately Chrysostora,
Meyer, De Wette, Wieseler, Stier, Lechler, Howson, Words-
worth. Felix had already been procurator of Judea for six
years ; his stated residence was Ca^sarea, where Philip the
PAUL BEFORE FELIX.— XXIV. 23. 343
evangelist and other Christians resided ; his wife Brasilia
was a Jewess : so that he could not have been ignorant of
the nature of Christianity. "Orav Avcria<^ 6 '^iXlap^o^; KaTa/3fj
— When Lysias the tribune shall have come down, I will fully
hear you. This was a mere pretext on the part of Felix : he
required no further information : his mind was already made
up to decide neither the one way nor the other ; and accord-
ingly we hear nothing more of the coming of Lysias.
Ver. 23. "E')(eLv re aveatv — and to grant kirn indidgence.
"Aveai<^, not " liberty," as in our version, but "remission,"
" relaxation." Although kept in confinement, Paul was to
be leniently dealt with. The Romans had three kinds of
custody. First, confinement in the public prison (custodia
puhlica)j as when Paul and Silas were cast into prison at
Philippi. Secondly, military custody (custodia militaris),
when the prisoner was bound to a soldier, whose duty it was
to keep him ; which appears to have been the nature of Paul's
imprisonment at Rome. Thirdly, free custody {custodia
libera)^ when the prisoner was either given in charge to a
magistrate, who became responsible for his appearance {cus-
todia apud magistratus), or when he was released on bail
{custodia apud vades).^ Some (De Wette, Lange, Renan)
suppose that dvecnv here signifies free custody {custodia libera,
(^vKaKT) dSea/jLo^). But, as Wieseler shows, it was only illus-
trious men who were consigned to the care of magistrates ;
and there is no mention of Paul having been bailed. Be-
sides, we are informed that Felix commanded a centurion
to keep him. The imprisonment, then, to which Paul was
now subjected was custodia militaris, but with such allevia-
tions as that kind of imprisonment would admit of. The
same word dveau^ is applied to the confinement of Herod
Agrippa I., although he was in custodia militaris {Ant.
xviii. 6. 10). Probably Paul was not kept always in chains ;
but was merely guarded by a soldier, to whom, however, he
was not necessarily bound. On the other hand, it is said,
that when Felix departed from the province, he left Paul
bound {BeBe/jbevov). Kal /jurjBeva KcoKveiv tmv IBlcov avrov
^ See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 355.
344 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
v7r7]peT6tv ai)T(p — and to hinder none of his friends from mini-
stering unto him. Tmv ihicov avrov ; that is, those belonging
to the apostle — his relatives, liis friends, his disciples. This
circumstance would render Paul's confinement much lighter
than it would otherwise have been, and would give him an
opportunity of greater usefulness. Among those friends who
ministered unto him we are doubtless to reckon Luke and
Aristarchus, who had come with him to Jerusalem, and both
of whom accompanied him on his voyage to Rome ; and
Philip the evangelist and his family, who were resident in
Csesarea.
Ver. 24. ^vv Apova'CKkr) ry <yvvaLKl — ivith Drusilla his
wife. Drusilla was the second daughter of Herod Agrippa I.,
an account of whose death we have in Acts xii. She was, in
the lifetime of her father, betrothed to Antiochus Epiphanes,
the prince of Commagene ; but as he declined to become a
Jew, the marriage was broken off. Pier brother, Herod
Agrippa ii., gave her in marriage to Azizus the king of
Emesa, who for her sake embraced the Jewish religion.
This marriage, however, was of short duration ; for, when
Felix saw her, he became enamoured with her beauty, and
employed Simon, a Cyprian magician, who persuaded her to
forsake her husband Azizus and to marry Felix. She bore
him a son named Agrippa, and both mother and son perished
at the eruption of Vesuvius in the reign of Titus (Joseph.
Ant. XX. 7. 2, 3). According to Tacitus, the wife of Felix
was Drusilla, the granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra
(Hist. V. 9). Considering the sameness of the names, this
statement of Tacitus would undoubtedly be regarded as
a complete contradiction of the statements of Luke and
Joseph us, had not the apparent discrepancy been removed
by a statement of Suetonius, that Felix was the husband of
three queens (Claud, xxviii.). One of these was Drusilla,
the granddaughter of Cleopatra ; and another the Drusilla
here mentioned, the daughter of Herod Agrippa I.
Ver. 25. Ilepl BLKatoavv7)<; Kal 6<yKpaT€ca^ kol tov Kpi/JLarof;
Tov fieXkovTo^ eaeaOai — concerning righteousness, and cliastity,
and the judgment which is to come. How suitable was this
PAUL BEFORE FELIX. — XXIV. 26. 345
discourse to so unjust, lewd, and tyrannical a prince as Felix !
Paul reasoned of righteousness, in opposition to his injustice ;
and Tacitus remarks, that he acted as if he might commit
every kind of villany with impunity. Paul reasoned of
chastity, in opposition to his sensuality ; and Drusilla, the
partner of his gnilt, sat by his side. Paul reasoned of a
future judgment ; and Felix was the murderer of Jonathan
the high priest, whose only crime was, that, like Paul, he
acted the part of a censor. No wonder that Felix was
conscience-struck, though he quickly recovered from his
fears. It is to be observed, that in public Paul treats
Felix with all the respect due to a judge, and that it is
in private that he expostulates with him on account of his
wickedness. Before others, Paul recognises the judge ; with
Felix alone, Paul sees the sinner. MeraKaXeaoiial ae — /
shall call for thee. Pie thought that it did not become
the dignity of a judge to listen to such reproofs from his
prisoner, and therefore he dismissed him with a trifling
excuse.
Yer. 26. ''Afia Kal iXTrl^cov ort '^prj/xara Bo6r](T6Tac avrw
VTTO Tov TIavXov — at the same time hoping that money would
be given him by Paul. He hoped that the Christians would
contribute to purchase Paul's liberation. Perhaps his ex-
pectations were founded on the knowledge that Paul had
been entrusted with the alms for the brethren at Jeru-
salem, and that accordingly he was probably possessed of
funds. Felix could not be ignorant of the love which the
Christians had to one another, for he must have seen inany
instances of it ; but he was ignorant of the high principles
by which they were actuated, and which did not permit
them to tamper with the ends of justice by bribery. To take
bribes was in direct violation of the Roman law, but was
in perfect accordance with the character of this unjust and
avaricious judge. The Julian law, De Rep)eiundis, expressly
prohibited a judge to receive anything for a person's im-
prisonment or liberation {Dig. xlviii. 11. 7). Nor was Felix
the only instance of a governor of Judea who was guilty
of taking bribes. Albinus, one of his successors, on his
346 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
departure from the province, freed all those prisoners who
gave him money ; " by which means," as Josephus remarks,
" the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was
filled with robbers" (AnL xx. 9. 5).
Ver. 27. J term? Se ifkripwOelaT)^ — hut two years being
completed. For two years Paul remained in confinement in
Caesarea : two years apparently cut off from his active and
useful life ; two years lost to the world and to the church.
No epistles have come down to us written during this im-
prisonment. We do not know how Paul employed himself,
and it is useless to conjecture. Doubtless Luke was one of
those friends who ministered to him ; but he has left us no
record of this part of his life. But perhaps Paul required
repose after so much laborious service, and in order to
prepare himself for still greater and more beneficial labours
— for preaching the gospel at Rome. Besides, he was not
altogether laid aside, for he was permitted to see and con-
verse with his friends ; and w^e can hardly believe that he
was entirely prevented from still taking upon himself the
care of all the churches. Olshausen well remarks : " Two
years appear now to have been completely lost by the apostle ;
for in Csesarea itself he probably had but small opportunity
of labouring. But the main design of God in this remark-
able procedure might perhaps be, to grant the apostle a quiet
period for inward recollection and meditation. The con-
tinual movement of Paul's life must have made it difficult
for him to be occupied with his own state, although this is
the necessary condition of a blessed inward development.
Divine grace, therefore, is able to unite both objects ; for
while it uses its instruments for the advancement of truth
among others, it sometimes takes these instruments them-
selves to school for their own personal improvement."^
0e\(ov '^dpira^ KaradeaOaL toI^ ^lovhaloi^ — ivishmg to put
the Jews wider ohligatioiis. The meaning is, that Felix not
only wished to please the Jews, but to lay them under obliga-
tions to himself, so that on his departure they might be the
less inclined to accuse him to the emperor. KarekiTrev top
^ Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 491.
PAUL BEFORE FELIX.— XXIV. 27, 347
UavXov Zehe^evov — lie left Paul hound; that is, in custodia
militaris. Lange and De Wette suppose that Felix, before
his departure, revoked the liberty (avea-Lv) which he had
formerly granted Paul, and changed his confinement from
custodia libera into custodia militaris. But it does not appear
that any change was made in the nature of Paul's confine-
ment. The same reason, the desire to please the Jews, which
induced Pilate to deliver up Christ to be crucified, caused
Felix to leave the apostle bound. This act of Felix, how-
ever, was not sufficient to remove the resentment of the
Jews ; for, as Josephus informs us, after his recall the
Jewish inhabitants of Csesarea went to Rome to accuse him;
and he had certainly been brought to punishment, had not
Nero yielded to the pressing solicitations of his brother
Pallas {Ant. xx. 8. 9).
SECTION XXIY.
PAUL'S APPEAL TO CiESAR.— Acts xxv. 1-12.
1 Now, when Festus was entered upon the province, after three days
he went up from Csesarea to Jerusalem. 2 Then the chief priests, and
the chief of the Jews, informed him against Paul, and besought him,
3 Asking a favour against him, that he would send for him to Jeru-
salem, laying wait in the way to kill him. 4 But Festus answered,
that Paul was kept at Csesarea, and that he himself was about shortly
to depart. 5 Let then, he said, those in power among you go down
with me, and accuse him, if there be anything in this man. 6 And
when he had tarried among them not more than eight or ten days, he
went down to Csesarea ; and on the morrow, having taken his seat on
the tribunal, he commanded Paul to be brought. 7 And when he was
come, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem stood round about,
and preferred many and grievous accusations, which they were not able
to prove. 8 While Paul defended himself, Neither against the law of
the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Csesar, have I offended
in anything. 9 But Festus, wishing to win the favour of the Jews,
answered Paul, and said. Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be
judged before me concernmg these matters? 10 Then Paul said, I
stand before Caesar's tribunal, where I ought to be judged : to the
Jews I have done no wrong, as thou thyself also knowest very well.
11 If, therefore, I be an offender, or have committed anything deserv-
ing of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be nothing in those
things whereof these men accuse me, no man can deliver me unto
them. I appeal unto Csesar, 12 Then Festus, having conferred with
his counsellors, answered : Thou hast appealed unto Csesar ; unto Csesar
shalt thou go.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 2. 'O ap^f'^pev^ is the reading of H ; whereas ol
apxi^^p^l'i is found in A, B, C, E, G, t<, the reading preferred
by most recent critics. Ver. 4. 'Ev Kaiaapela are found in
G, H ; whereas et? Kacadpeoav are supported by A, B, C,
348
PAUL'S APPEAL TO CJISAR. — XXV. 1. 349
E, i<, and adopted by Tischendorf and Lachmann. Ver. 6.
nXetof? rj hUa is the reading of G, H ; whereas ov irXelov^
oKTOt) rj BeKa is the reading of A, B, 0, E, N» (except that
B reads TrXetom?, E omits ou, and X inserts rj/nepa^ after
TrXetou?), the reading adopted by Tischendorf and Lach-
mann. Yer. 7. ^epovrefi Kara tov TIavXov are found in
G, H ; whilst A, B, C, K read only Karai^epovre^^ the reading
adopted by Tischendorf. Ver. 11. Tap is the reading of
G, H ; whereas ovv is attested by A, B, 0, E, x, and adopted
by most recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 1. $7)(JT09 — Festiis. Porcius Festus, the successor
of Felix, was made procurator of Judea about the year 60
or 61.^ Nothing is known of his previous history, as he is
not mentioned either by Tacitus or Suetonius. When he
arrived, the country was in an unsettled state, being infested
by the Sicarii. They not only committed numerous murders,
but attacked and plundered villages. Festus acted with
vigour against them, suppressed all robbers and murderers,
and defeated a certain false prophet who had deceived the
multitude with the promise of deliverance from the Roman
yoke. He became involved in a dispute with the Jews in
reference to a wall which they built in front of the temple,
and which screened it from the view of the Roman guard
quartered in the Castle of Antonia ; a dispute which, through
the influence of Poppeea (who was a proselyte), the wife of
Nero, terminated in favour of the Jews {Ant. xx. 8. 9-11).
From the character given him by Josephus, he seems to have
been a very different ruler from either his predecessor Felix
or his successor Albinus, and to have governed Judea with
energy and justice {Bell. Jud. ii. 14. 1). ''The new pro-
curator," observes Lewin, " had a straightforward honesty
about him, which forms a strong contrast to the mean
rascality of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all
^ See remarks on the chronology of the Acts in the introductory
chapter, vol. i. p. 35.
350 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the justice which he might have done ; but allowing some-
what for the natural desire to ingratiate himself with the
most influential men of the nation subject to his government,
his conduct, on the whole, was exemplary ; and his firmness
on many trying occasions cannot fail to elicit our highest
admiration."^ Unfortunately for Judea, his endeavours to
restore quietness to the country were cut short by his death,
after he had been procurator for less than two years. He
is the only procurator of Judea who is mentioned as having
died in office.
^E'7rL/3a<; rfj eTrap^la — haviiig entered upon the province.
Some render it, " having entered upon his office," or " having
undertaken the government." 'ETrap'^la is generally used
to denote the greater provinces, whether imperial, over which
propraetors {avriaTparri^oX) were appointed ; or senatorial,
which were governed by proconsuls (avOviraroL). Judea was
a lesser or subordinate province, being part of the im-
perial province of Syria, and governed by a deputy. Such
a province was usually called eiriTpoirr]^ and its governors
were called procurators (eTrlrpoTroL, procurator es)» The word
eiTap')(^La^ however, was sometimes employed to denote a
province governed by a procurator. Josephus calls Festus
eirap^o^ (^A?it.xx. 8. 11).^ Judea might receive this name on
account of its importance. Mera Tpet<; rjfjLepa^ — after three
days, Festus here showed that decision of character for which
he was noted. Having entered upon his province, he only
remained three days in Csesarea, and then went up to Jeru-
salem. 'Ave^r) et? 'lepoaokvfjba — he went up to Jerusalem.
He visited without delay the chief city of his province,
perhaps not so much from curiosity, as from a desire to
acquaint himself with the character of the nation he was
appointed to govern.
Ver. 2. 01 ap^Lepel^ — the high priests. (See Critical Note.)
If 6 ap')(^Lepev^ be the correct reading, the high priest in office
here mentioned was Ismael the son of Phabi, who shortly
before the recall of Felix was appointed high priest by Herod
1 Lewin's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 699.
2 Kuinoel's Libri Illstorici, vol. iii. p. 350.
PAUL'S APPEAL TO CiESAR.— XXV. 3. 351
Agrippa II., in the room of Ananias the son of Nebedgeus,
shortly before the appointment of Festus as governor (Ant.
XX. 8. 8). Kal 01 irpMroi rcov 'lovhalcov — and the chief of the
Jews. By ol Trpcorot are meant the chief people of the Jews ;
and as most of these were members of the Sanhedrim, it
probably denotes a deputation from that body (jrpeo-^urepoi,),
as in ch. xxiv. 1. Festus, in mentioning this application, calls
them Trpecr/Svrepoi,. So Grotius, De Wette, Ewald. Meyer
supposes that it is a more general term, including the prin-
cipal men of the Jews, although not members of the Sanhe-
drim, and that this is a proof that the feeling of hatred to
Paul, as the enemy of their religion, had spread throughout
the nation.^ Two years had elapsed since Ananias and the
elders had appeared before Felix to accuse Paul ; yet their
enmity against the apostle had not decreased. They had
found themselves baffled by the procrastinating spirit of
Felix ; but now that a new governor of greater decision had
arrived, they thought they might succeed better with him ;
and as it was his policy to ingratiate himself with- them on
his entrance into office, they had reason to hope that their
request would be granted.
Ver. 3. AlTovfievoL %a/oti^ — asking favour ; that is, request-
ing it as a favour from Festus on his accession to office.
"Oircd^ fMerairefi-y^riTai avrov ek 'lepovaaXijfM — that he ivould
send f 07' him to Jerusalem. According to the account which
Festus gave of the transaction, the Jews first asked that
judgment might be pronounced against Paul ; and to this
request Festus replied that it was not the manner of the
Romans to deliver any man to death before the accused had
his accusers face to face, and has had opportunity to answer
for himself concerning the crime laid against him (vers. 15, 16).
Having failed in this, they then requested that Paul might be
brought up to Jerusalem, and there tried. The plea would
doubtless be, that he was accused of offences chiefly against
the Jewish law, and that his accusers and the witnesses
against him were in Jerusalem ; whereas the real purpose
was to assassinate him on the way. 'EveBpav iroiovvTe^ —
1 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 467.
352 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
forming an ambuscade. Perhaps they had ah'eady made
arrangements by hiring the Sicarii, not doubting that Festus
would grant their request. 'AveXe'lv avTov Kara rrjv oBov —
to slay him by the way. According to Josephus, the chief
priests and principal men among the Jews were for the most
part infamous for their wickedness, so that we are not to
wonder that such a design should have been formed by the
rulers of the nation.
Yer. 4. TrjpetaOai rov IlavXov eh Kaiadpetav — that Paul
was kept ; not " should be kept," as in our version, which
expresses the denial too strongly and peremptorily. Festus
refused the request of the Jews, but he did so in as con-
ciliatory a manner as possible. The request of the Jews
was so plausible, and the answer of Festus so contrary
to what might naturally have been expected, that we may
well discern here the interposition of God, in whose hands
are the hearts of all men. " Here," says St. Chrysostom,
'' God's providence interposed, not permitting the governor
to do this : for it was natural that he, having just come to
the government, should wish to gratify them ; but God
suffered him not." Observe also the contrast between
Jewish wickedness and the strict order of the Roman govern-
ment (Meyer).
Ver. 5. 01 ovv iv v/juv Svvarol — Let those in power among
you. These words have been differently rendered. Bengel
supposes that their meaning is, " those among you who are
able to perform the journey ; " Festus thus answering the
Jews who objected to the inconvenience of the journey.
Others (Beza, Calvin, Grotius) in a similar manner render
the clause, " those to whom it is convenient ; " others
(Schmid, Castalio), " those who are able to prove the guilt
of Paul" — who can give evidence against him; others
(Meyer, Lechler, Howson), " those who are authorized to
prosecute " — who are invested with official authority. But
there is no reason to depart from the usual meaning of the
word hvvaTo\ " those who are powerful among you." So
Kuinoel, Hackett, Robinson, Wordsworth. According to
this, 01 hvvarol is equivalent to ol irpwroL (ver. 2) ; and these
PAUL'S APPEAL TO C^SAR. — XXV. 6-9. 353
were for the most part members of the Sanhedrim (ol irpea-
^vrepoi). El Ti iarlv ev tm avBpl tovtw — if there he any-
thing in this man. The answer of Festus was dignified, and
worthy of his character. Paul was a Roman citizen ; and
the law forbade that he should be hastily tried, and com-
manded that he should have full opportunity for his defence.
Ver. 6. ^HfJLepm ov TrXe/ou? okto) rj SeKa — not more than
eight or ten days. (See Critical Note.) This denotes the
whole period of the residence of Festus in Jerusalem, and
not merely the time which elapsed after his answer to the
Jewish rulers. Tfj iiravpLov — on the morroiv. Here we have
another proof of the decided character of Festus : on the
next day after his arrival at Caesarea, he took his seat on
the tribunal, and commanded Paul to be brought into court.
Ver. 7. UoWa Kal /Sapea alTLco/jLara Karacpepovre^^ — having
preferred many and grievous accusations. The charges brought
against Paul were probably the same as those urged by Ter-
tuUus : that Paul was a disturber of the public peace, a
ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, and a profaner of
the temple. These charges may be classed under three heads
— treason, heresy, and sacrilege.
Ver. 8. Ovre eh top vofjuov tmv 'lovSalcov^ ovre eh to lepov.,
ovre eh Kalaapa rl rjfjbapTov — Neither against the law of the
Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Ccvsar, have I offended
in anything. This denial corresponded with the three prin-
cipal charges of the Jews above referred to : heresy against
the law of the Jews, sacrilege against the temple, and treason
against Caesar. Wieseler supposes that a new charge is here
brought against Paul, not mentioned in the trial before
Felix, — namely, treason against Caesar, similar to the charge
that was brought against him in Thessalonica, that he did
contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there was
another king, Jesus (Acts xvii. 7) ; but the accusation cor-
responds with that mentioned by TertuUus, that he was a
mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world
(Acts xxiv. 5).
Ver. 9. 'O ^rjaro^ 6e\(ov rah ^lovhaioi^ X^P^^ KaraOeaOai
— Festus, wishing to lay the Jews under obligations. Festus,
VOL. II. Z
354 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
being newly come into the province, naturally wished to in-
gratiate him^self with the rulers of the Jews, provided he
could do so without any great injustice to his prisoner. But
although he perhaps carried his desire to please the Jews too
far, he did not act the part of Pilate, who from the same
motive sacrificed Jesus to the Jews; nor of Felix, who detained
Paul in confinement. ©eXet? eh 'lepoaoXu/xa ava^a^; eKel
irepl TOVTccv KpiOrjvai iir i/juov ; — Wilt thou go up to Jeru-
salem^ and there be judged before me concernijig these matters?
The question is ambiguous : it may mean either that the trial
of Paul should be transferred from Caesarea to Jerusalem,
being conducted by Festus according to the Poman law ; or
it may mean that Festus would transfer the trial to the Jewish
Sanhedrim, whilst he himself would be present, and see that
matters were properly conducted : eV ifjuov may be under-
stood either as me judice or coram me. The latter seems to
be the correct meaning ; for so Paul understood it, as a wish
of Festus to transfer the trial to the Jews : and if a chancre
of the court itself were not intended, a removal to Jerusalem
w^ould have been superfluous. The meaning then is. Whether
he would go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged by the
Jews, in the presence of Festus ? The question is asked Paul
as a Roman citizen, having a right to be tried by the Roman
law : he could not be transferred to the jurisdiction of the
Sanhedrim without his consent. Perhaps Festus anticipated
the rejection of his proposal by Paul ; but in making it, he
wished to show his willingness to gratify the Jews, and to
make it appear that the frustration of their wishes was no
fault of his (Meyer).
Ver. 10. ^Ettl rod ^tjfjLaro^; KaLO-apc; ecrrw? elfiL — T stand
before Ccesars tribunal. The tribunal of the Roman gover-
nors in the provinces, as it was held in Caesar's name, was
looked upon as Caesar's tribunal. The arms of Rome, the
golden eagle, were engraven upon it. Ulpianus, on the
duty of procurators, observes : qiioi acta gestaque sunt a pro-
curatore Ccesaris, sic ab eo comprobantur^ atque si a Ca^sare
ij^so gesta sint (Ulpianus, De Officio Procuratoris).^ This
^ Quoted by Wieseler, Chronolofjie des apostoUschen Zeitalteis, p. 383.
PAUL'S APPEAL TO CJISAR. — XXV. 11. 355
rule especially held good with reference to Judea, because
Syria, of which Judea was a part, was not a senatorial, but
an imperial province, under the direct government of the
emperor. With regard to these two kinds of provinces,
Nero, on his accession to the government, had enjoined,
" that Italy and the public provinces should address them-
selves to the tribunals of the consuls, and have access to the
senate ; but that he himself would provide for the provinces
and the armies committed to the emperor " (Tac. Ann. xiii. 4).
'Sl<; Kol av koXKlov ein'yLvodaKei^; — as thou thyself also knowest
better. KoXXlov is not to be here taken for the superla-
tive — "as thou very well knowest;" but is the comparative
elliptically expressed. The ellipsis is to be supplied from the
context : '' as thou thyself knowest better than appears from
thy question, or than thou choosest to confess." Paul here
asserts that Feslus was better acquainted with his innocence
than he pretended to be, and that therefore it was disin-
genuous to make such a proposal, as if he had been an
actual offender against the laws of the Jews.
Ver. 11. El fJLev ovv ahiKco^ Kal a^cov Oavdrov TreTrpa'^d re,
etc. — If therefore I be an offender ^ or have committed anything
deserving of death, I refuse 7iot to die ; but if there be nothing
in these things whereof these men accuse me^ no man can deliver
me unto them. The dilemma put by Paul is as follows : — I
am either guilty or not guilty : if guilty, I can be legally
tried and condemned, not by them, but by Osesar, at whose
tribunal I stand, and I shall acquiesce in the sentence ; but
if not guilty, no man can deliver me, a Roman citizen, into
their power : and therefore, guilty or not guilty, I shall not
be judged by them (Alford). The above declaration by no
means proves that the Jews had the power of life and death.
But Paul might reasonably apprehend not only that he
might be murdered on the way to Jerusalem ; but that, if
tried before the Sanhedrim and condemned by them, Festus
might permit and warrant the execution.
Kalaapa iTriKaXovjiaL — / appeal to Ccesar — Ccesarem
appello. The right of appeal from a subordinate judge to
the emperor was one of the privileges of a Roman citizen
356 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
By the Valerian law, a Eoman citizen could appeal from the
sentence of any magistrate to the tribunes of the people
{appellatio ad trihunos) ; afterwards the tribunitial power
was conferred upon the emperor, so that the appeal was to
him. And the Lex Julia strictly forbade any unnecessary
impediment to be put in the way of a Roman citizen who
had thus appealed. After such an appeal had been ad-
mitted, the inferior magistrate had no further power in
the case ; it became highly penal after that to proceed to
extremities. Mere provincials had not this privilege, but
were entirely subject to the jurisdiction of their respective
magistrates without appeal. Thus Pliny, whilst he punished
the provincials, sent to Rome the Bitliynian Christians who
were Roman citizens and had appealed to Caesar. Fuerunt
alii similis amentice ; guos, quia elves Romani eraiit^ adnotavi
in urhem remittendos {Ep. x. 97). These appeals were gene-
rally made in writing; but when it was done in the open
court, it was sufficient for the accused to declare his intention
of appealing to Cassar by uttering the single word Appello.
Of course, such appeals could not all be heard by the
emperor in person ; and accordingly the Emperor Augustus
appointed persons of consular dignity, one for each province,
to hear them. " All appeals," observes Suetonius, ^' in causes
between the inhabitants of Rome, Augustus assigned every
year to the prjctor of the city ; and where provincials were
concerned, to men of consular rank, to one of whom the
business of each province was referred" (^mqI. Augustus^ 33).
Some suppose that Paul's desire to see Rome (Acts xix. 21),
and the promise of the Lord that he would bear witness for
Him in that city, may have influenced him in making this
appeal ; but he was naturally led to do so by the course of
circumstances.
Ver. 12. ^v\Xa\'^aa<; //.era rod av/jL^ovXiov — having con-
ferred ivith the council. Not with the Jewish council (Chry-
sostom), but with his own council. It was the custom of
the Roman governors to have a council consisting of their
friends and other chief Romans of the province. These
counsellors are called by Suetonius consiliarii {Tib. 33) and
PAUL'S APPEAL TO C^SAR. — XXV. 12. 357
assessores (Galba, 19). They appear merely to have acted as
advisers in questions of difficulty. Thus, Josephus informs
us that Cumanus took the advice of his friends before he
put to death a Roman soklier who had wantonly destroyed
the sacred books of the Jews (Ajit. xx. 5. 4) ; and that
Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, on receiving contra-
dictory reports from Florus the procurator of Judea, and
from the rulers of Jerusalem, concerning the disturbances
among the Jews, consulted with his principal men (fiera
r)ry€fi6va)v i^ovXevero), that is, with his council (Bell. Jud.
ii. 16. 1).^ The point of consultation in the present instance
was, whether the appeal of Paul should be admitted. The
governors of provinces were permitted to exercise a certain
degree of discretion on this point : they were to throw no
unnecessary obstacles in the way ; but an appeal to the
emperor might be disallowed if the affair did not admit of
delay,^ or if the criminal were a known robber or pirate.
As no reason for refusal could be stated in the case of Paul,
his right of appeal to Caesar was at once conceded.^ Festus
accordingly pronounced the decision of the court : "" Thou
hast appealed unto Caesar ; unto Caesar shalt thou go."
^ See Lardner's "Works, vol. i. p. 59.
^ Si res dilationem non recipiat, non permittitur appellare {Dig,
xlix. 5. 7).
^ See Lewin's Life and Letters of St. Paul, vol. ii. p, 705.
SECTION XXV.
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA.— Acts xxv. 13-27.
13 And after the lapse of certain days, king Agrippa and Bernice
came down to Csesarea to salute Festus. 14 And when they had spent
many days there, Festus declared unto the king the charge against Paul,
saying, There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix ; 15 About
whom, when I was in Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the
Jews lodged information, desiring judgment against him. 16 To whom
I answered, It is not a custom with the Romans to deliver up any man,
before the accused has his accusers face to face, and an opportunity be
granted of defending himself regarding the charge. 17 Therefore, when
they were come thither, without any delay, the next day I sat on the
tribunal, and commanded the man to be brought. 18 Standing around
whom, the accusers brought no accusation of such things as I supposed ;
19 But they had certain questions against him concerning their own
religion, and concerning a certain Jesus who was dead, whom Paul
affirmed to be alive. 20 And as I was perplexed regarding these
matters in dispute, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and
there be judged concerning these things. 21 But when Paul had
appealed to be kept for the judgment of Augustus, I commanded him
to be kept till I might send him to Csesar. 22 Then Agrippa said
unto Festus, I myself also would wish to hear the man. To-morrow,
said he, thou shalt hear him.
23 On the morrow, therefore, Agrippa and Bernice having come with
great pomp, and having entered into the place of hearing with the
tribunes and principal men of the city, at the command of Festus, Paul
was brought forth. 24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men
who are present with us, ye see this man about whom all the multitude
of the Jews, both in Jerusalem and here, pleaded with me, crying out
that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But when I found that he
had committed nothing worthy of death, and as he himself appealed to
Augustus, I resolved to send him. 26 Concerning whom I have nothing
certain to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him before
you, and especially before thee, king Agrippa, that, after examination,
I may know what I should write. 27 For it appears to me unreasonable
to send a prisoner, and not to signify the charges against him.
358
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXV. 13. 359
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 16. The words ek airwKeiav after avOpoiirov, found
in G, H, are wanting in A, B, C, E, X, and omitted by most
recent critics. Ver. 20. Tovrov before ^TjTrja-Lv is only found
in H ; whereas A, B, C, E, G, ^5 read tovtcov, the reading
adopted by most recent critics. Yer. 26. ^%w n fypdy^ai is
the reading of E, G, H ; whereas A, B, C, 5< have cr^w tl
jpdylrco, the reading adopted by Lachmann, Tischendorf,
and Bornemann.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Yer. 13. 'AypiTTTra^ 6 ^aatXev^ — Agrippa the king. This
was Herod Agrippa ii., or the younger. His full name, as
appears from his coins, was Marcus Agrippa/ so named, as
Eckhel supposes, from Marcus Agrippa, tlie son-in-law and
minister of Augustus. He was the only son of Herod, the
king whose terrible death is recorded in Acts xii. 20-23,
and the great-grandson of Herod the Great. According to
Eusebius, he was appointed king of the Jews by Claudius
{Hist. Eccl. ii. 19) ; but this is a mistake, if by it is meant
that he succeeded his father as king of Judea. When his
father died, a.d. 44, he was only seventeen, and was then
detained as a hostage at Rome. Claudius wished to bestow
upon him his father's kingdom, but was dissuaded by his
counsellors, as it was judged dangerous to commit the
government of so important a kingdom to one who was only
a youth ; and accordingly Judea was again converted into a
Roman province, and Cuspius Fadus was sent as procurator
{Ant. xix. 9. 1, 2). Four years afterwards, a.d. 48, his
uncle Herod king of Chalcis died ; and Claudius, in the
eighth year of his reign, a.d. 49, conferred on him the prin-
cipality of Chalcis, with the oversight of the temple, and the
power of appointing the high priests {Ant. xx. 5. 2). Four
1 Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations^ pp. 57, 58 ; Madden's Jewish
Coinage^ pp. 117-120 ; Eckhel's Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. iii.
p. 494.
360 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
years after this, a.d. 53, instead of that principality, Claudius
bestowed on him a larger kingdom, — namely, the tetrarchies
of Philip and Lysanias (Luke iii. 1), including Batanea,
Trachonitis, Auranitis, and Abilene, with the title of king
(Ant. XX. 7. 1). He then fixed his residence in Csesarea
Philippi, as the capital of his dominions. To this greater
kingdom Nero, on his accession, a.d. 55, added Tiberias and
part of Galilee, and Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen
neighbouring villages (Ant. xx. 8. 4).
Herod Agrippa was a Jew^ in his religion, though he does
not appear to have been actuated by any religious feelings ;
nor was he, like his father, careful to accommodate himself to
the Jewish customs. In the Talmud there is indeed a story
that he wept at the reading of the law, because it forbade a
foreigner to reign over Israel, and he was an Idumean by
descent ; but this is an obvious fable, and contrary to his
character. He was by no means a popular prince among
the Jews, and was regarded by them with suspicion, as if he
were a spy set over them by the Romans. His frequent and
arbitrary removals of the high priests, and his compliance
with heathen customs, gave great offence. He had also a
quarrel with the Jewish rulers in the procuratorship of
Festus : he had raised the walls of his palace so that he
could overlook the temple, and the Jews in retaliation had
raised the w^alls of the sanctuary to shut out his view. The
dispute was carried by appeal to Rome, and terminated in
favour of the Jews, and served to increase the dislike with
which they regarded him (Ant. xx. 8. 11). Like the other
princes of the Herodian house, Agrippa expended great sums
of money in magnificent buildings : he enlarged and beau-
tified his capital Csesarea Philippi, and called it Neronias in
honour of the emperor (Ajit. xx. 9. 4).^ At the commence-
ment of the Jewish war Agrippa did all he could to prevent
it, and acted as mediator between the Jews and the Romans
(Bell. Jucl. ii. 4). But after the war had broken out he
joined the Romans (Bell. Jud. iii. 2. 4), though on various
1 This fact is confirmed by the coins of Agrippa n. See Eckliel's
Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. iii. 493.
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXV. 13. 361
occasions he exerted himself to procure peace at the risk of
his person. Agrippa survived the destruction of Jerusalem
for a great number of years, residing chiefly at Rome/ and
is said to have died at an advanced age, in the third year of
the reign of Trajan, a.d. 99. He was the last of the cele-
brated Herodian family. At this period, when he came to
salute Festus, A.D. 60, he would be in the thirty-first year of
his age.
BepvUrj — Bernice. Bernice, or as she is otherwise called,
Berenice {BepevUrj : Dio Cassius), was the sister of Agrippa,
and the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa i., and conse-
quently the sister of Drusilla, the wife of Felix. She was
celebrated for her beauty and her profligacy, and is frequently
mentioned both by Josephus and by Roman writers. In the
lifetime of her father she was betrothed to Marcus the son
of Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch of Alexandria ; but
in consequence of the death of Marcus, this marriage was
never consummated (^Ant. xix. 5. 1). After this she was
married to her uncle Herod the king of Chalcis, by whom
she had two sons, Berenicianus and Hyrcanus {Ant. xx. 5. 1).
On the death of her husband she resided with her brother
Agrippa, who had succeeded to the kingdom of Chalcis.
According to a widespread report, their intercourse was of a
criminal nature. To this Juvenal alludes when he says :
Adamas 7iotissimus^ et Berenices in digito f actus 'pvetiosior :
liunc dedit olim harharus incestcEy dedit hunc Agrippa sorori
(Sat. vi. 156). And Josephus informs us that, in order to
avoid suspicion, she persuaded Polemo, the king of Cilicia,
to be circumcised, and to marry her ; which he was induced
to do by reason of her beauty and riches. This marriage,
however, was soon dissolved, as Bernice deserted him and
returned to her brother {Ant. xx. 7. 3). It was at this period,
after she had returned to her brother a second time, that
she accompanied him to C^sarea to salute Festus. During
the disturbances which arose before the Jewish war, in the
1 Madden gives specimens of the coins of Agrippa ii. under the
Emperors Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian (Madden's
Jewish Coinage, pp. 113-133).
362 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
absence of her brother in Egj^pt, Bernice acted a patriotic
part, and exerted herself on behalf of the Jews. We are
informed that she stood barefoot as a suppliant before the
tribunal of Florus the procurator, and besought him to spare
the Jews ; and this she did at the risk of her own life (^BelL
Jud. ii. 15. 1). On the outbreak of the w^ar, however, she,
along with her brother Agrippa, attached herself to the side
of the Romans. Tacitus seems to insinuate that she became
the mistress of the Emperor Vespasian : Regina Berenice
partes juvahat^ florens cetate formdque^ et seni qiioque Ves-
pasiano 7nagnifice7itid munerum grata — " Queen Bernice,- at
that time in the bloom of youth and beauty, espoused the
interest of Vespasian, to whom, notwithstanding his old age,
she had made herself agreeable by magnificent presents"
(Tac. Hist. ii. 81). It is certain that she was the mistress of
his son Titus, although she must have been thirty-nine years
of age, and twelve years his senior, when she first became
acquainted with him (Merivale, vii. p. 210). This connection
is mentioned by Tacitus {Hist. ii. 2),^ Suetonius (Titus, 7),
and Dio Cassius (Ixvi. 5). According to Dio Cassius, Titus
would have made her his empress, had not the clamours of
the Romans at his marrying a Jewish princess prevented it ;
and Suetonius informs us that he sent away Bernice from
the city against both their inclinations : Berenicen statim ab
urhe dimisit invitus invitam.
^AaTraao/jLevoL rov ^rjarov — having saluted Festvs. Although
Agrippa was king of a district partly in Palestine and partly
bordering upon it, yet he was completely dependent on the
Roman empire ; and therefore it was his interest as a vassal to
cultivate a good understanding with the Roman procurators
of Judea ; and throughout his long life he was always a par-
tisan of Rome. Hence the occasion of his present journey
from Csesarea Philippi to Csesarea Palestinae was to con-
gratulate the new governor Festus on his accession to office.
This would occur soon after the arrival of Festus, in the
^ Fuere qui adcensum desiderio Berenices reginx^ vertisse iter crederent.
Ncque ahhorrelat a Berenice juvenilis animus; sed (jerendis rehus nullum
ex eo impedimcntum.
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXV. 14-18. 363
short interval between the appeal of Paul to Cassar, and his
departure for Rome.
Ver. 14. 'O ^rjaro^; tw ^aaCkel aveOero tcl Kara tov
UavXov — Festus informed the king of the charge agahist Paul.
Paul, having appealed to Cassar, was beyond the jurisdiction
of Festus, and could not be again tried by him. But the
object of Festus was to procure more definite information re-
garding the accusations against Paul; and hence he took the
opportunity of consulting King Agrippa, who as a Jew might
probably be better acquainted with the points of dispute
between Paul and his accusers. Besides, Agrippa was the
legal guardian of the temple, and one of the crimes laid to
the charge of Paul was that he had attempted to profane the
temple.
Ver. 15. AItov/ul€vol Kar avrov SUtjv — desiring judgment
against him. Alkt^v here evidently signifies sentence of con-
demnation, to be followed by punishment. The judgment
which the Jews requested from Festus was not that Paul
should be tried by him ; but a sentence upon a previous con-
viction, which, as they falsely pretended, had been procured
in the trial before the former governor Felix. As, however,
Paul was a Roman citizen, Festus determined to examine
into the matter himself.
Ver. 16. OvK eartv e6o<; 'Po)fjLaLOL<; '^apl^eadat rtva dvOpco-
TTOV — It is not a custom of the Romans to surrender any man
before the accused have his accusers face to face, and have an
opportunity of defending himself in regard to the charge. This
noble law of the Romans was at this period by no means
common among other nations. " They (the Romans) be-
came," says Philo, ^'common judges, hearing equally the
accusers and the accused, condemning no man unheard, but
judging without favour or enmity, according to the nature
of the case" {in Flaccum). Toirov^ literally "place," here
used metaphorically in the sense of " opportunity," " occa-
sion :" such a use of the word is unknown in classical Greek.
Ver. 18. Uepl ov — around whom. These words are not
to be connected with €<p€pov, as in our English version,
"against whom they brought:" but with araOevre^;, " stand-
364 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
ing around whom," the preposition being used in a local
sense.^ OvEefjulav air lav ecjyepov oyv vTrevoovv ijco — they
brought no accusation of such thijigs as I supposed. Paul
was accused of treason against Caesar, and of stirring up
the Jews throughout the whole Roman empire, and the
rulers of the Jews were furious against him; and hence
Festus naturally supposed that he must be some great
criminal, perhaps a leader of one of those bands of robbers
with which Judea was at this time infested. But when he
came to examine into the matter, he found not a vestige of
proof of any such treasonable designs ; but merely a dispute
between Paul and the Jews concerning certain points of
their religion which he, Festus, could not understand; and
particularly concerning Jesus, whom the Jews asserted was
crucified, but whom Paul affirmed to have been raised from
the dead.
Ver. 19. Uepl t^? t^/a? SeLaLSaL/jLovia<; — concerning their
own religion. ^eta-tSai/jLovla is a word which may be under-
stood either in a good or in a bad sense (vox media). (See
note to Acts xvii. 22.) Here it is to be understood in a
good sense, and is not to be rendered, as in our version,
^' superstition," — a word which is always used in a bad sense.
Agrippa was himself a Jew by religion, and therefore we
cannot imagine that Festus would employ so uncourteous a
term as " superstition" when adverting to the Jewish religion,
although the Romans regarded it as such (Judaica superstitio ;
Quinctilian, iii. 8). We have no proper term answering to
the Greek in our language, as the word "religion" without
any qualifying adjective is generally used in a good sense.
At the same time, Festus, by speaking of it not as Agrippa's
religion, but as the religion of the Jews, seems to imply that
he considered Agrippa as far too enlightened really to believe
in it, although for political reasons he might outwardly pro-
fess it. IlepL Ttvo<; ^Irjaov — concerning a certain Jesus. These
words convey the impression not of mere ignorance, but also
of indifference ; as if the point of dispute between Paul and
the Jews was a matter of no importance.
^ Winer's Grammar, p. 300.
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXV. 20-22. 365
Ver. 20. ^ Airopovfxevo^; he iyo) et? Tr]v irepl tovtcov ^Tjrrjcnv
— but as I was perplexed concerning these matters in dispute.
Festus confesses his ignorance before Agrippa, and appeals
to his better knowledge. El ^ovKohro iropeveaOai eh 'lepo-
GoXvfjba — if he icere luilling to go to Jerusalem, and there he
judged concerning these things. He proposed to shift the trial
to Jerusalem, as if he wished to obtain more accurate infor-
mation. It is generally supposed that Festus here wilfully
misrepresents the case. He wishes to convey the impression
to Agrippa that he desired to transfer the trial to Jerusalem
in order that he might obtain better information, and that
consequently Paul's appeal to Caesar was a rash and un-
called-for proceeding ; whereas his real reason was a wish to
please the Jews, and to lay them under obligations. Still,
however, Festus may have had more than one reason for
wishing to transfer the trial to Jerusalem — both to please
the Jews and to obtain better information.
Yer. 21. Tov ^e/Saarov — of Augustus. ^e^ao-ro^;, an
adjective signifying venerable, venerandus ; a religious title.
It was applied to the first emperor, whose original name was
Octavianus, and afterwards became the royal title conferred
on the Roman emperors in general. Caesar, on the other
hand, was, properly speaking, the family name conveyed to
the reigning Emperor Nero by adoption, though used as
synonymous with imperator. Toward the decline of the
empire, Augustus was the title of the elder and superior,
and Csesar that of the younger and subordinate emperors.
Ver. 22. 'E^ovXo/jLtjv Kal avro^ tov avdpwirov aKovaai —
I myself also would wish to hear the man. The narrative of
Festus had excited the curiosity of the young Jewish prince.
Agrippa could not have been ignorant of the Christian re-
ligion. He was the son of that Herod who had taken an
active part in the persecution of the Christians, who had
slain the Apostle James, and imprisoned the Apostle Peter.
He had spent much of his life among the Jews, and there-
fore must frequently have heard of that new sect which
had sprung up among them. He was acquainted with the
Messianic prophecies, and doubtless also with the claims of
366 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Jesus to be the Messiah. Hence he would naturally be
curious to see and discourse with so distinguished a teacher
of Christianity as Paul — one who was esteemed a ringleader
of the sect of the Nazarenes.
Ver. 23. Mera ttoW?)? ^avracrla^ — with great pomp,
^avraala properly signifies appearance, a lively image in
the mind, phantasy ; but by the later Greeks it is used to
signify pomp, splendour, parade. Wetstein well remarks
on these words : " Agrippa and Bernice appear with great
pomp, in the same city where their father, being eaten with
worms, perished on account of his pride." El<; to aKpoa-
TtjpLov — into the place of hearing : in Latin, auditorium.
Either the usual place where such causes w^ere heard, the
judgment-hall, or perhaps rather the place of hearing, set
apart for the present occasion, ^vu ^/.Xiap^ot? — with the
tribunes. These were the commanders of the Roman cohorts
stationed at Csesarea. According to Josephus, the number
of cohorts, and consequently of tribunes, at C^sarea, were
five (Bell. Jud. iii. 4. 2). Kal avSpaacv roU Kar i^o-^rjv
TYj^i TToXeco^ — and with the chief men of the city. Among
them were the assessoreSy or counsellors of the governor
(Acts xxvi. 29, 30). Thus Paul was brought before Festus,
the representative of Caesar ; King Agrippa, the representa-
tive of the Jews ; and all the nobles of Csesarea. Now was
our Lord's prophecy fulfilled : " Ye shall be brought before
governors and kings for my sake, for a testimony against
them" (Matt. x. 18). But we know too little of the history
of the other apostles to be able to affirm, with Olshausen,
that this prediction was then fulfilled for the first time.
Perhaps James the brother of John, and Peter, appeared
before Herod Agrippa i. (Meyer).
Ver. 25. KaTaXa/So/jbevo^; fxyBev a^iov avrov Oavarou ire-
TTpa'^evai — having found that he had committed notldng worthy
of death. Festus having discovered the innocence of Paul,
should, as a just judge, at once have released him ; but
instead of this, he weakly and wrongfully proposed to
transfer the trial to the Jews, and thus perhaps surrender
him to their rage : so that, in order to prevent this, Paul
PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA — XXV. 26, 27. 367
felt constrained to appeal unto Caesar. Perhaps, however,
Pestus was in reality somewhat perplexed about the matter ;
as, having lately come to the province, he would know less
about Christianity than Felix, and therefore would have
greater difficulty in coming to a decision.
Ver. 26. Tcp Kvplw — to the lord. In the use of this title,
as applied to the emperor, we have an instance of the ex-
treme accuracy of the historian of the Acts. It was a title
which was refused by the two first emperors. Thus Suetonius
says of Augustus : " He always abhorred the title Lord, as
ill-omened and offensive ; and he would not suifer himself
to be addressed in that manner, even by his own children or
grandchildren, either in jest or in earnest" {Aug. 53) ; and
of Tiberius he says : " Being once called Lord by some
person, he desired that he might no more be affronted in
that manner" {Tib. 27). So also TertuUian says : "Augustus,
the founder of the empire, did not wish any to call him
Lord" {Apol. 34). The emperors who followed, however,
accepted the appellation. Caligula accepted the title ; Herod
Agrippa I. applied it to Claudius ; in the time of Domitian
it was a recognised title ; and Pliny addressed Trajan as My
Lord Trajan. Antoninus Pius was the first who put it on
his coins.^
Ver. 27. Mr] kol Ta<^ Kar avTou alTLa<; cnjfjLavai, — and not
to signify the charges laid against him. In sending a prisoner
to Rome, it was necessary for the provincial governor to send
along with him to the emperor a specification of the crimes
with which he was charged, and an account of the legal
proceedings which had been instituted against him. Such
documents were called litei^ce dimissorice.
^ See Eckhel's Doctrina numorum veterum, vol. viii. pp. 364-366.
SECTION XXYL
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.— Acts xxvi. 1-32.
1 Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to speak con-
cerning thyself. Then Paul, stretching forth his hand, defended
himself.
2 I think myself happy, king Agrippa, because I may defend myself
this day before thee concerning all the things of which 1 am accused
by Jews ; 3 Especially because thou art acquainted with all the cus-
toms and questions among the Jews : wherefore I pray thee to hear
me patiently. 4 My manner of life from my youth, which was from
the beginning among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know all Jews ;
5 "Who knew me from the first, if they would testify, that according to
the strictest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee. 6 And now I stand
on my trial for the hope of the promise made by God unto our fathers ;
7 Unto which promise our twelve tribes, earnestly serving God night
and day, hope to attain. On account of this hope, king, I am accused
by Jews. 8 Why is it judged incredible with you, if God raises the
dead ? 9 I uideed thought with myself, that I ought to do many things
contrary to the name of Jesus the Nazarene. 10 Which I also did in
Jerusalem : and many of the saints did I shut up in j)i"ison, having
received authority from the chief priests ; and when they were put to
death, I gave my vote against them. 11 And punishing them often
in all the synagogues, I compelled them to blaspheme ; and being ex-
ceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them even to foreign cities.
12 Whereupon, as I went to Damascus with authority and commission
from the chief priests, 13 At mid-day, king, I saw on the road a
light from heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about
me, and them who journeyed with me. 14 And when we were all
fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking to me, and saying in the
Hebrew dialect, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? it is hard for thee
to kick against the goads. 15 And I said. Who art thou, Lord ? And
the Lord said, 1 am Jesus whom thou jDcrsecutest. 16 But arise, and
stand on thy feet : for to this end have I appeared to thee, to appoint
thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen,
and of those things in which I shall appear to thee ; 17 Delivering
thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, to whom I send thee,
18 To open their eyes, that they may be turned from darkness to light,
aG8
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. 369
and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgive-
ness of sins, and inheritance among the sanctified by faith which is
in me. 19 Whereupon, king Agrippa, I was not disobedient to the
heavenly vision : 20 But announced first to them at Damascus, and at
Jerusalem, and in all the region of Judea, and to the Gentiles, that they
should repent and turn to Gt)d, and do works worthy of repentance.
21 On account of these thmgs, the Jews caught me in the temple, and
attempted to kill me. 22 Having therefore obtamed help of God, I
continue to this day, testifying both to small and great, saying none
other things than what the prophets and Moses have said should happen :
23 Whether the Christ is liable to suffering, and whether He, as the first
of the resurrection of the dead, should proclaim light to the people and
to the Gentiles.
24 And whilst he thus defended himself, Festus said with a loud
voice. Thou art mad, Paul ; much learning makes thee mad. 25 But
he said, I am not mad, most noble Festus ; but speak the words of truth
and soberness. 26 For the king knows of these things, to whom also I
speak boldly : for I am persuaded that none of these things are con-
cealed from him ; for this thing was not done in a corner. 27 King
Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou believest.
28 Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou somewhat persuadest me to be
a Christian. 29 And Paul said, I would to God, that both in a small
measure and in a great, not only thou, but also all that hear me this
day, might become such as I am, except these bonds. 30 Then arose
the king, and the governor, and Bernice, and those who sat with them :
31 And having retu-ed, they communed together, saying, This man
doeth nothing deserving of death or of bonds. 32 Then Agrippa said
unto Festus, This man could have been set at liberty, had he not
appealed unto Csesar.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 1. 'Tirep before aeavrov is found in B, G ; whereas
A, Cj E, H, t^ read Trepl, the reading adopted by recent
critics. Ver. 7. The proper name ^AypiTrTra is found in
G, H, but is wanting in A, B, C, E, &<, and is rejected by
recent critics. Tcciv before ^lovhaiwv is found in no uncial
MS. J and is rejected by all recent critics. Ver. 15. 'O Be is
the reading of H ; whereas A, B, C, E, i< have o Be Kvpco^;,
the reading adopted by Lachmanu and Tischendorf. Ver.
17. Instead of pvVj all the uncial MSS. read iyco. Ver.
22. Ma/0Ti;j0ou/A6z/o9 is f ound in E ; whereas A, B, G, H, i<
have /jiapTvpo/jLevo^, the reading adopted by Lachmann and
VOL. II. 2 A
370 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Tischendorf. Ver. 28. Teveo-Qai is the reading of E, G, H,
whereas iroirjaai is the reading of A, B, «. Tischendorf,
Meyer, and Alford adopt ^yeveaOai^ and Lachmann and
Bornemann read irotrjaaL. Ver. 29. lToXXo3 is the reading
of G, H ; whereas A, B, ^ have fierydXcp^ the reading adopted
by Tischendorf and Lachmann. Ver. 30. The words koI
ravra etVoz^To? avrov are found in G, H, but are wanting in
A, B, {<j and rejected by recent critics.
EXEGETICAL REMAKKS.
This speech, like Paul's address to the Jews from the
stairs of the Castle of Antonia, was a defence (^aTroXoyLo) ;
but it was spoken to a very different audience. Then, Paul
addressed a hostile multitude, and had to propitiate their
favour in order to secure their attention ; but now, at their
own request, he addresses the greatest men of the land, who
are already prepared to give him a patient hearing. Hence
this speech of Paul is not so much a defence against the
crimes of which he was accused by the Jews, as an apology
for Christianity. Addressing himself specially to King
Agrippa, he tells him that in reality the accusation against
him referred to the Messianic hope which was embraced by
the whole nation, inasmuch as he held that hope was fulfilled
in the person of Jesus of Nazareth. He then relates the
circumstances of his conversion, and the chief points of
dispute between him and his Jewish opponents ; and does so
with such force of reasoning and eloquence, as to produce a
sensible impression upon his illustrious audience.
Ver. 1. ^ETrcTpeirerai croi ire pi aeavrov Xeyetv — it is jier-
mitted thee to speak concerning thyself. Paul was brought
before Agrippa at his special request ; and accordingly that
king opens the proceedings by requesting Paul to address
the audience. It is, however, to be observed that Paul did
not on this occasion stand as a prisoner at the bar before his
lawful judges : his appeal to Caesar had placed him beyond
their jurisdiction ; but he was called upon to give a state-
ment of his own peculiar religious notions, and especially of
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 3, 4. 371
the points of dispute between liim and the Jews. ^Etcrelva^
TTjv %eZ'pa — having stretched forth the hand ; that is, the hand
which was at hberty, if we are to suppose from ver. 29 that
Paul pled before Agrippa in chains (but see note). This
was not the same action as Karacreicra^; rfj %etpl (Acts xii. 17),
" havino; beckoned with the hand : " that was done to secure
silence, wdiereas this was a formal attitude used by orators.^
Yer. 3. rvcoarrjv ovra ae — that thou art acquainted ; literally,
" a knower." We have here an example of an anacoluthon.
Tlie words ought properly to have been in the genitive, to
correspond with aov in the previous verse. Some explain it
of the accusative absolute, but such a construction is unknown
in the New Testament.^ Beza supplies et'Sco?, but without any
authority from manuscripts. So also does our English ver-
sion, ''because I know thee to be expert." 'EOmv re Kal ^rjTrj-
jjbdrcov — customs and questions, ZrjTTjfidrwv signifies points
of dispute, inquiries, controversies. Agrippa was not only a
Jewish king, but a Jew in his religion. He must have had
great advantages for gaining an accurate acquaintance with
Jewish customs and questions, both from his education under
his father Herod Agrippa i., who was a rigid observer of
Jewish ordinances, and from his frequent intercourse with
the Jews. From an expression used by Paul, he appears
not only to have been acquainted with Jewish prophecies,
but also to have been a believer in them (see below) ; and
mention is made by rabbinical writers of his knowledge of
the law. Agrippa w^as peculiarly qualified to appreciate
Paul's defence. As a Jew, he had a knowledge of Jewish
affairs ; as a king, he was invested with civil power ; and as
the guardian of the temple, he possessed religious authority.
And hence it was that Paul esteemed himself happy to have
such a hearer, who could understand the points of dispute
between him and the Jews, and who could pronounce a
judgment upon them.
Ver. 4. Ttjv /uuev ovv ^[coatv /jLov i/c v66t7]to<;j etc. — my
^ Demosthenes and otlier Greek orators employed this gesture. See
a quotation from Apuleius given by Meyer, ApostelgescMclite, p. 475.
2 Winer's Grammar of the New Testament^ p. 244.
372 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
maimer of life from my youth, wJiich was from the beginning
among mine oivn nation in Jerusalem, So also, in his defence
before the Jews, he says that he was avareOpa/xfievof; iv rfj
TToXet ravTT], "brought up in this city" (Acts xxii. 3). From
these expressions it would appear that Paul went from Tarsus
to Jerusalem in early youth, when he came to study under
the celebrated Gamaliel. He could hardly have been older
than sixteen. "laacriv irdvTe^ ^lovSaLOL — knoio all the Jews.
Here Paul mentions how long the Jews knew him — from
his youth ; where they knew him — in Jerusalem ; and how
they knew him — as a member of their strictest sect, a
Pharisee.
Ver. 5. Kara t7^v aKpLj3€aTdT7]v aipeaiv — According to the
strictest sect of our o^eligion^ I lived a Pharisee. Similar ex-
pressions are used by Josephus to denote the opinions of the
Pharisees. '' The Pharisees," he observes, " are a certain
sect of the Jews who appear more religious than others, and
seem to interpret the laws more strictly" {Bell. Jud. i. 5. 2).
And in another place he observes : " The Pharisees are those
who are esteemed most skilful in the exact explication of the
law" {Bell Jud. ii. 8. 14). ^
Yer. 6. 'JEtt' ekirihi rr}^ eira'y^eXia^ — on the hope of the
promise. The promise here referred to is not the promise
of the resurrection (Grotius), for in such a hope all the Jews
were not agreed ; but the promise of the Messiah. This was
the great promise made to the Jewish nation, and the ful-
filment of which all sects appear to have expected. The
advent of the Messiah was in a peculiar sense the promise
made to the Old Testament church, as the coming of the
Spirit is the promise made to the New Testament church.
Agrippa, as a Jew, would without further explanation under-
stand what w^as meant by the promise made by God unto the
fathers.
Ver. 7. To S(oh€Ku<f)v\ov ijjxmv — our tivelve tribes. AcoSe-
Kd(pvXov, a word only found here in the New Testament.
The twelve tribes are also mentioned in the Epistle of James
{TaL<i ScoSeKa (pvXal^, Jas. i. 1). This is probably an expres-
^ See notes to Acts xxii. 3 and xxiii. 6.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 8. 373
sion used for the Israelites in general ; for although ten of
the tribes were carried away into captivity, and appear to
have been lost among the nations, yet the Jews did not dis-
sever themselves from the twelve tribes of Israel. Besides,
several of the ten tribes returned with the tribes of Judali
and Benjamin from the Babylonish captivity (Ezra vi. 17,
viii. 35) ; and although as a nation they were carried captive
to Assyria, yet several remained behind, and lived among
the Samaritans. 'Ev i/crevia vvKra kol rj/iepav Xarpevov —
with earnestness serving God night and day : alluding to the
zeal and earnestness with which the Jews cluno; to their
religion ; a zeal which has carried them through the severest
jDersecutions, and which still preserves them as a separate
people, distinct among the nations in the midst of whom they
dwell ; a zeal which no violence has been able to destroy,
and no persuasion to overcome. Ilepl ^9 eXTr/So? iyKaXovfiac
vTTo 'lovSatcov — concerning ivhich hope I am accused by Jews.
The accusations brought against Paul by the Jews referred
to the Messianic hope, because he had taught that Jesus of
Nazareth was the Messiah : he had preached the fulfilment
of the hope in the risen Jesus. Hence, then, Paul affirms
that he was not chargeable with apostasy from Judaism. He
was no apostate, but, on the contrary, a true Jew : along
with his accusers, he believed in the promise of the Messiah
made to the fathers ; but whilst they looked forward to His
advent, he affirmed that He had already come. Thus, then,
in his defence before Agrippa, as well as in his defence
before Felix, he connects Christianity with Judaism, affirm-
ing that it is its development, the legitimate carrying out of
its principles. From this it follows that he was not a teacher
of a new religion unrecognised by the State {religio illicita),
but a believer in a religion already recognised and protected.^
Yer. 8. Tl dirLarov Kpiverat Trap' vjmv — WJiy is it judged
incredible with you? Some (Beza, Griesbach, Kuinoel, De
Wette, Lange, Conybeare), by giving another punctuation
to these words, impart a slight variation to the meaning.
They place a point of interrogation after rt, and read thus :
^ See note to Acts xxiv. 14.
374 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
" What ? Is it to be judged incredible with you whether
God raises the dead ?" But the other rendering seems more
suited to the cahn dignity of Paul's address ; and besides, as
Meyer observes, ri by itself is not thus used : the expression
requires to be tL yap, ri Se, or tI ovv} The best critics —
Tischendorf and Lachmann — read tl ainaTov without any
mark of interrogation. El 6 Oeo^ vsKpov^ eyelpei ; — if God
raises the dead ? El here is not to be taken for oVt, " that
God raises the dead" (Luther, Beza, Grotius, Conybeare,
Eng. ver.) ; or in the sense of " whether" (De Wette) ; but
according to its ordinary meaning, " if " (Meyer, Alford,
Lechler). These w^ords are not to be considered as an inter-
ruption of the speech. We have probably a mere outline of
the defence. The connection seems to be : "I am accused
concerning the hope of the promise made unto the fathers,
because I affirm that the resurrection of Jesus constitutes
Him the Messiah ; but His resurrection the Jews will not
believe. But what is there incredible if God raises the
dead ?" This was an argumentum ad hominem^ as the Jews,
from instances in the history of their nation, admitted that
this power resided in God. It is to be observed that the
question was not put to Festus, who had only confused ideas
about a resurrection ; but to Agrippa, a professor of the
Jewish religion. Its propriety would be still more evident,
if it were true, as is commonly asserted, that the Herodian
family were tainted with Sadduceism.
Ver. 9. IT/309 to ovo^a — against the name ; in a hostile
sense. Paul's endeavour at that time was to prevent the con-
fession of Jesus of Nazareth as the Messiah. Aelv iroWa
ivavTia irpa^ai — ouglit to do many contra^^y tilings ; that is,
I felt it to be my bounden duty to do what I could to sup-
press the name of Jesus. It is to be observed that Paul's
zeal was at all times sincere. Even when persecuting
Christ's people, he thought that he was doing not only what
was lawful, but what was praiseworthy : he considered that
he was doing God service.
Ver. 10. IIoXX.ov<; twv ayioav — many of the saints, Paul
^ Meyer's ApostelgeschicJite^ p. -ill.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 10. 375
did not call Christians by this name when he was addressing
the hostile Jews, for this would only have served to in-
crease their fury; but before Agrippa he speaks from a
Christian standpoint, without any danger of giving offence.
'Avacpovfiivcop avrcov — thei/ being 2?ut to death. As in the
Acts mention is only made of the death of Stephen, many
critics (Grotius, Kuinoel) suppose that the plural is here
used for the singular ; but there is nothing improbable in
the supposition that several other Christians were put to
death in the persecution which arose after the death of
Stephen, although this fact is not recorded in the Acts
(Meyer). KarT^vey/ca '>^rj(^ov — / gave my vote against them.
WrjcpQf; is literally the voting-stone. Black and white stones
were used for voting, as in the ballot : if the person was to
be condemned, a black stone was given ; if acquitted, a white
stone. Hence yjrficpov Karat^epeLv is literally to lay down the
voting-stone. Some (Alford, Wordsworth) understand the
words literally, and suppose that Paul was a member of the
Sanhedrim, and voted with the other judges to put the
Christians to death. But this is extremely improbable, be-
cause the Jews who held this office were not only men of
years, but also the most distinguished and influential among
the nation — the aristocracy of the Jews ; and there is nothing
to lead us to suppose that Paul belonged to this class. Be-
sides, according to tradition, one of the necessary qualifica-
tions of a member of the Sanhedrim was that he should be
married and have a family, — a qualification which we have
every reason to believe Paul did not possess. The phrase is
frequently used metaphorically, signifying to assent. ''Wrjcj)ov
fcaracpepeLv,^^ observes Lechler, "is as little as the German
word beistimmeHf originally signifying the same thing, to be
understood literally of a vote given by a judge and lawful
assessor in a court, but it expresses only moral assent and
approval." ^ Paul took an active part in the persecution of
the Christians ; he instigated the multitude against them ;
their death met with his approval : so that to all intents and
purposes he was art and part in their murder.
1 Lange's Bibelwerk: ApostelgescJiichte. Von Lechler, p. 389.
376 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Yer. 11. ^HvdyKa^ov P\a<T(j)r]/jLeLv — / compelled them to
blaspheme. The same measures were resorted to by the
heathen persecutors. They obHged those who were brought
before them not only to renounce the Christian rehgion, but
if they denied that they were Cliristians, to blaspheme Christ
as a test of their sincerity. Thus Pliny, in his celebrated
letter to Trajan, says : qui negarent se esse Christianos aut
fuisse^ quum prceunte vie decs app)ellarerit et imagini tuce,
quam 'propter hoc jusseram cum simidacris numinum adferri^
thure ac vino supplicarentj p)ra3terea tnaledicerent Christo :
quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur qui sunt revera Christiani.
Ergo dimittendos putavi. " Some denied that they were or
had been Christians : those repeated after me a supplication
to the gods and thy image, which I ordered for this purpose
to be brought along with the images of the gods, at the same
time reviling Christ ; none of which things it is said that
those who were really Christians could be compelled to do. I
then concluded that they might be dismissed" [Epist. x. 97).
Vers. 12-15. We have in these verses the third account of
Paul's conversion. For remarks, see notes to Acts ix. 3-8.
The following are the chief points which are peculiar to this
narrative : — We are informed that the lio;ht which shone
from heaven was above the brightness of the sun (vTrep ttjv
Xa/uLTTporrjTa tov rjXlov) ; whereas in Acts ix. it is merely
called a light from heaven, and in Acts xxii. a great light.
It is here said that Paul and his companions were all fallen
to the ground (irdvrwv KaraireaovTcov tj/jLcov eh tj^jv 'yrjv). By
this, from a comparison with the other accounts, is meant
that they were all terror-stricken, prostrate through fear.
The voice is here said to have addressed Paul in the Hebrew
dialect {jfj 'E^paiBt hLa\eKT(p)y — a circumstance which is not
alluded to in either of the other narratives, and which in
Acts xxii. could not well be mentioned, as Paul addressed
the multitude in Hebrew. Here, however, he speaks before
Agrippa and Festus in Greek, and hence it was natural that
he should state that the voice spoke to him in the Hebrew
dialect. Hehrwa lingua^ Christi lingua in terra et e coelo
(Bengel). The addition, " it is hard for thee to kick against
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 16-18. 377
the goads" (crK\7]p6v ctol irpo^ Kevrpa XaKrl^ecv), is only found
in this passage. The words which occur in the iextus receptiis
of Acts ix. 5 are spurious ; and in Acts xxii. 7 they are only
found in one uncial manuscript (E). The metaphor or proverb
is derived from oxen at the plough, which, on being pricked
with the goad, kick against it, and so cause it to pierce them
more severely. The meaning is obvious : that it was both
unavailing and injurious to resist Christ by persecuting His
disciples. This metaphor was probably a Jewish proverb,
though not discovered in Jewish writings. It was frequently
employed by Greek and Roman writers. Thus Euripides
applied it as here : 6v/jbov/uL6vo(; 7rpo9 Kevrpa \aKTL(^oiiJLt, 6vr]To<;
cov Oecp (^Bacch. 791). Pindar employs it thus : ttotI Kevrpov
he TOL XaKTL^e/jiev reXedei o\ia67]po<; oI/^o9 (Pytli. ii. 173).
So also, among the Latin writers, Terence uses the proverb.
Nam quce huciiia est^ advorsiim stimidum calces (Phovjn. i. 2.
27). And Plautus : Si stimulos pugnis cwdis, manihus plus
dolet {True. iv. 2. 59).^
Vers. 16-18. These verses contain the address of Christ to
Paul. ^AXKa avaarrjOb Kal arrjOi eVt tou9 7roS<X9 crou — hut
arise^ and stand on thy feet. " Christ," observes Calvin, " did
throw down Paul, that He might humble him ; now He
lifteth him up, and biddeth him be of good courage." Ek
TovTO — to this purpose, referring to what follows, "^flv re
6(^6rjaopia[ aoL — and of those things in which I shall appear
to thee, '^flv is to be resolved into tovtcov a. '0(f)drj(To/xai,
is not to be rendered, " of those things which I shall make
thee see" (Luther) ; but is passive, '' in which I shall be seen
to thee," that is, " appear to thee." "'E^aipovjjLevo^ ae —
delivering thee. Some (Heinrichs, Kuinoel, Robinson, Cony-
beare) render these words '' choosing thee," to correspond
with the designation then given to Paul as a chosen vessel
(Acts ix. 15). But although Paul was chosen from the
people of Israel (e'/c tov Xaov), yet he could hardly be said to
be chosen from the Gentiles (e'/c twv eOvwv). 'Ek tov Xaov —
fivm the people ; the theocratic nation — the Jews. Ek 0^9 —
1 Humphry on the Acts, p. 195 ; Hackett on the Acts, p. 402 5 Kuincel's
Libri Histoiici, vol. iii. p. 154.
378 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
to whom; referring not exclusively to the Gentiles (Calvin),
but to the people and the Gentiles. Tov iTno-rpe^jrat — that
they might he turned ; denoting the purpose why Paul was
sent to open their eyes. 'Airo aKorov^ ek 4>oo^ — from dark-
ness to light ; that is, from sin and error to holiness and truth.
The expression which follows is similar, '•'-from the power of
Satan, whose kingdom is darkness, unto God, who is Light."
UldTeL rf) ek e/xe — by faith ivhich is iyi me. These words are
not to be restricted to ri^iaayikvoi'^, " sanctified by faith which
is in me;" but extend to the whole clause, and denote that
both the forgiveness of sins and the inheritance among the
sanctified result from faith in Christ.
Some suppose that the above words were spoken by Christ
to Paul when He met him on the road to Damascus. Baum-
garten thinks that Jesus, on His first appearance to Paul,
gave him a survey of his later ministry.^ But a portion of
this address is the message which Ananias was inspired to
deliver unto Paul (Acts xxii. 14, 15) ; and it is improbable
that the words uttered by Christ Himself to Paul at his
conversion would again be repeated to him by Ananias.
Hence, then, the more probable opinion is, that Paul here
condenses into one saying of Christ the various utterances
which were made to him by the Lord at different periods.
According to this opinion, we do not suppose that ^' Paul
here puts his own thoughts into the mouth of the Lord"
(Stier) ;"^ for the thoughts alluded to are not those of Paul
or of Ananias, but of the Lord Himself.^
Ver. 20. ^ AKka tol<; ev Aafxaaicw Trpcorov, etc. — hut an-
nounced first to them at Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and to
all the region of Judea, and to the Gentiles. The extent of
Paul's ministry is here stated — from the period of his con-
version down to the time at which he now addressed Agrippa.
Meravoelv kol emaTpec^eiv eirl tov Oeov — that they should
repent and turn to God. This refers both to Jews and Gen-
^ Baumgarten's Apostolic History, vol. iii. pp. 136, 137.
2 See Stier's Words of the Apostles, pp 467, 468, Clark's translation.
^ Lange's Bibelwerk: Apostelgeschichte. Von Lecbler, p. 389. Also
Alford's Greek Testament, vol. ii. p. 259.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 22, 23. 379
tiles, and is not to be understood as if /jLeravoetv referred
chiefly to the Jews, and iTrccrrpecpeiv evrt rov ©ebv chiefly to
the Gentiles (Bengel). Although the Gentiles were idola-
ters, and the Jews professed worshippers of the true God,
yet the Jews, by reason of their wickedness and unbelief,
required, as well as the Gentiles, to be turned to God. "A^ta
T^9 fjieravola^ epya 7rpaaaovTa<; — that they should do ivorks
worthy of repentance. Zeller objects to these words, that
they remind us rather of the preaching of the Baptist or of
the discourses of Peter, than of the doctrine of Paul con-
cerning justification by faith alone.^ But there is nothing
un-pauline in this statement : Paul had already stated that
all the blessings of the gospel flowed from faith (ver. 18) ;
and he ever held that good works were the necessary evi-
dences of faith.
Yer. 22. 'EirtKOvplaf; ovv tv^cov t% airo rov ©eov — having
tlierefore obtained help from God. Perhaps Paul here alludes
to the many remarkable interpositions of Providence in his
favour, after he had been arrested by the Jews in the temple,
being frequently delivered from their rage, first by the
tribune Lysias, and then by the procurators Fehx and Festus.
"A'^po T^9 r}/ji6pa<; Tavrrj^ ecrrrjKa — / continue even to this day.
"EarrjKaj I stand unharmed, notwithstanding the fury of my
enemies. MapTvp6fji6vo<; [iLKp^ re Kal fieyaXo) — witnessing
both to small and great. (See Critical Note.) Meyer retains
the reading of the textus receptus, pbaprvpoviievo^. This,
accordingly, must be rendered in the passive, '' witnessed to
by small and great." ^ To this, however, it is objected that
Paul, instead of being favourably regarded, was despised and
persecuted by the Jews. But notwithstanding he might be
" witnessed to," even by the consciences of his persecutors :
even they might be forced to bear witness to his integrity.
The other reading, pbaprvpoiievo^, however, is decidedly to
be preferred, and certainly gives the best meaning.
Yer. 23. 'O XpLCFTo^ — the Christ ; not here denoting the
person Christ Jesus, but the Messiah. UaOTjTo^s — passibilis
1 Zeller's ApostelgescMcTite^ p. 300.
2 Meyer's Apostelgescliiclite^ p. 481.
380 COMMENTARY" ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
(Vulg.) — liable to suffering; and yet not in a metaphysical
sense, " capable of suffering ;" but whether the prophets
predicted a suffering Messiah. This was, in general, dis-
believed by the Jews : they believed in a triumphant and
victorious Messiah ; and the sufferings of Jesus were a great
obstacle to their receivino^ Him as the Messiah. Hence
Paul endeavoured to remove this obstacle, by proving from
the books of the prophets that the Messiah was liable to
suffering. This constituted the first great point of dispute
between Paul and the Jews. The other point had reference
to the call of the Gentiles into the Christian church.
JTpcoTo? 6^ avacrTacre(o<^ venpoiv — tlie jii'st from the resur-
rection from the dead. Compare with this the following
similar expressions : airap'^r] twv KeKoiixrjjjbevwv^ 1 Cor. xv.
20 ; TTpcoTOTOfco^ ifc Tcov veKpMV^ Col. i. 18 ; and 6 irpcoro-
TOKo<; TCOV vefcpMV, Rev. i. 5. The Messiah is called " the
first from the resurrection of the dead," not because He was
the first who rose from the dead, but because He is the
efficient cause of the resurrection — the Prince of life, ^w?
/iieWei KarayyeXXecv tqj re \aM koX toc^ eOveaiv — should
proclaim light both to the jjeople and to the Gentiles. The
reference is to those numerous prophecies which predicted
the Messiah as a Light unto the Jews and the Gentiles (Isa.
ix. 2, xlii. 16, xlix. 6, Ix. 2). This was the other point of
dispute between Paul and his Jewish opponents ; Paul main-
taining that, in preaching the gospel to the Gentiles, he was
only acting in accordance with the predictions of their
prophets.
Ver. 24. Malvrj TlavXe — Thou art mad., Paul. Festus
heard Paul with patience until he commenced to insist on
the resurrection, and then he interrupted him with the ex-
clamation, " Thou art mad ! " The force of these words is
not to be weakened, as if they meant only, ^'Thou art an
entliusiast." Ta TroXkd ae <ypd/ji/jLaTa et? fiavlav irepiTpeiret
— Thy much learning is turning thee to madness. Some
(Heinrichs, Kuinoel) render ypdfjLfjbara, writings, books :
" Thy many writings which thou readest have made thee
mad." But were this the case, we would have expected the
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 25, 26. 381
word ^i^Xla. Paul would be known as a distinguished
scholar, and an eloquent teacher among the Christians ; and
no doubt the speech which he now made would impress
Festus with a high idea of his learning and eloquence. Much
of what Paul had said must have been utterly unintelligible
to Festus ; and the warm eloquence of the apostle must
have appeared strange to the cold-hearted Poman statesman
(Neander). But when he commenced to speak of the resur-
rection of the dead as accomplished by a man whom the
Romans had crucified ; when he asserted that one proceeding
from such a barbarous nation as the Jews should come to
enlighten such civilised nations as the Greeks and Romans,
Festus could no longer forbear. Paul probably appeared to
him as some visionary enthusiast, who had disordered his
intellect by overmuch study. " Festus saw that it is not
nature which acts in Paul; he was not capable of seeing
grace : wherefore he supposes that it was a Jewish kind of
enthusiastic frenzy of the same kind as was that among the
Gentiles according to their fables " (Bengel). Olshausen
supposes that the words were spoken by Festus in jest : but
they seem to have been uttered in earnest.
Ver. 25. Ov fialvoixai Kpdriare ^rjare — / ain not mad,
most noble Festus, but speak the icords of truth and soberness.
Truth in opposition to the fancies, and soberness to the ex-
travagances of madness. By this answer Paul demonstrated
that, so far from being a madman, he was not even an
enthusiast; for this calm and respectful answer is not the
language of enthusiasm. He does not for a moment forget
the position of Festus as his judge.
Ver. 26. 'ETriararat ^ap jrepl tovtcov 6 l3a(7tXev^ — for
the king knoivs of these things. Those assertions which were
unintelligible and seemed as madness to Festus, conveyed an
intelligent meaning to the better informed Agrippa. Ov yap
ear IV iv ywvla ireirpaypievov tovto — -/or this thing was not
done in a corner. The death of Christ and His resurrection
were events which took place, not in some obscure corner of
Judea, but in Jerusalem itself, during the paschal week, at
a time of more than ordinary publicity. And so also Paul's
382 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
former life as a Pharisee and a persecutor, and his sudden
conversion to Christianity, were facts which were well known.
Ver. 27. ITtcrTeuet?, jSaackev ^AypiTTTra^ rot? 7rpo(j)rjTat<; ;
olSa ore iridTevei'^ — King Agoippa, believest thou the pi^ophetsf
Iknoio that thou believest. With these words Paul brings the
truth home to the conscience of Agrippa. He, as a professor
of the Jewish religion, professed at the same time to be a
believer in the Jewish prophets. Perhaps, how^ever, these
words are to be taken in a stronger sense, — namely, that
Agrippa was actually a believer in the prophets : for otSa is
not to be weakened, as if it signified " I think." This would
impress us with a higher opinion of the religious and moral
character of Agrippa than is generally entertained ; and
would incline us to believe that all those rumours of incest
against him were mere falsehoods. Certainly nowhere does
King Agrippa appear in so favourable a light as in this
chapter of the Acts of the Apostles: there is something
noble and kingly about his conduct.
Ver. 28. 'Ev oXljco fxe ireiOei'^ XpidTiavov ^eveaOai — In a
little thou p)ersuadest me to become a Chinstian. These words
have been variously represented as the language of sincere
conviction, as being uttered in irony, as a mere complimen-
tary form of expression, and as a bitter sarcasm. 'OXt^ft),
an adjective in the neuter, without a supplement ; as in Eph.
iii. 3, 'Trpoeypa-ylra iv oXiyo). Consequently some noun has
to be supplied. Tiie meaning also depends on the contrast
contained in Paul's answer in the next verse, eV oXlyw koI iv
fxeyakfp (ttoWw) ; and the sense of Paul's answer depends
on the critical reading of the verse, whether /jieyaXa) or
TToWw is to be preferred. (See Critical Note.) The Douay
version translates the words literally, without any supple-
ment : " In a little thou persuadest me to become a Christian.
And Paul said, I would to God that both in a little and in
much (ttoXXw)," etc. Different nouns have been supplied,
as ypovcp^ XoyWy irovo), and fxepet.
Among the various explanations which have been given,
there are four which are deserving of notice. 1. Some
(Chrysostom, Luther, Castalio, Btza, Grotius, Du Veil,
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 28. 383
Bengel, Ewald, Stier) render them, as in our English ver-
sion, ^' Almost thou persuadest me :" i^'^'^P^''^^^^'''''^^ (Beza,
Castalio). But there are two objections to this rendering.
No clear instance has been adduced of iv oXtycp signifying
almost. This sense requires oXcyov^ or oXiyou Bel, or Trap'
oXiyov. And it is equally objectionable to translate the con-
trast altogether. For these reasons, the translation " almost"
has, in general, been rejected by recent critics. 2. Others
(Qllcumenius, Olshausen, Baumgarten, Meyer, Lechler, Al-
ford) render the clause, " With little labour, or with few
w^ords, persuadest thou me to become a Christian !" As if
he had said, Do you think to persuade me with such reason-
ings as these ? Alford adopts the old English word lifjhtly :
" Lightly art thou persuading me to be a Christian !" Q^cu-
menius gives the following explanation : iv oXtyM' rovTeari,
Bl oXiycov f)7]fidT0jV, iv ppa'^eat X6<yoL<;, ev oXiyr) StSaaKaXia^
^a)/3t? TToXXov irovov /cal crvv6^ov<i BtaXe^eo)';.^ According to
this view, Xoyo) or Trovq) have to be supplied ; and in Eph.
iii. 3 X6j(p is perhaps the word which requires to be supplied.
The great objection to this view is, that it supposes that the
words were spoken in irony ; which is not in any way inti-
mated in the context, and which appears unnatural, as being
inconsistent with the impression which we feel such a speech
as that of Paul must have made upon Agrippa. (See below.)
3. Others (Calvin, Wetstein, Kuinoel, Neander, De Wette,
Lange, Eobinson, Hackett, Conybeare) render the clause,
" In a Httle time thou persuadest me :" which may either be
understood as spoken in earnest, "Tf thou go on speaking
as thou art doing, thou wilt soon persuade me to become a
Christian ;" or in irony, " Thinkest thou to persuade me in
a little time ? " According to this view, %/)oz^« is the word
which has to be supplied. And certainly this is more in
conformity with the usage of the Greek language : the
phrase ev oXlyw in general means ''in a little time," "briefly."
It also suits the contrast, provided ttoXXm be the correct
reading ; but hardly if fxeydXa) be preferred. Accordingly
Neander remarks : " If the reading ev /leydXo) in Paul's
1 Quoted by Meyer, Apostelgeschichte, p. 484.
384 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
answer be adopted, the words of Agrippa must be thus ex-
plained : With a little or with few reasons (which will not
cost you much trouble) you think of making me a Chris-
tian."^ 4. Another rendering — which, however, has been
embraced only by few critics (Tyndale, Cranmer, Alex-
ander) — is, ^'Thou persuadest me in a small measure :" some-
what (Cranmer). According to this view, fiepei has to be
supplied. If the reading eV /jbeyaXo) in Paul's answer be
adopted, this rendering is perhaps the least objectionable.
Some (Chrysostom, Calvin, Humphry) think that Agrippa
used the word in one sense, and Paul in his answer em-
ployed it in another. Thus Chrysostom observes : ov/c
ivoTjaev 6 IIav\o<; rl ianv ev oXljco' dXX! evofxiaev on ej
oXlyov — "Paul did not understand what the plirase iv
oXlycp meant ; but he thought that it meant i^ oXljov.'^
But there is no ground for this opinion in the text. Upon
the whole, we think that if iv ttoXXm in Paul's answer be
the correct reading, ev oXlya) is to be rendered " in a little
time;" but if iv fieydXcp be preferred, then iv oXlyo) is perhaps
to be rendered "in a little measure."^
But another question arises, In what spirit were these
words spoken ? The general opinion among recent critics
is, that they were spoken in irony or in jest. In support
of this, it is argued that the word Christian was then the
designation employed by the enemies of the church. But
although this may have been the case, yet the term was not
used in a contemptuous sense, but merely for the sake of
distinction. We rather think that Paul's speech had made
a deep impression upon the king, but that he was unwilling
to show this before Festus and the nobles of Cgesarea ; and
that the words were spoken to conceal his feelings : as if he
had said, Certainly there is some little truth in what you
have said. He dismisses Paul with a slight compliment.
Ver. 29. 'Ev oXlyw kuI iv ^eydXw — in little and in great.
The meaning of these words depends on the interpretation
^ Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 310.
2 See an excellent and exhaustive note on these words in Meyer's
Apostelyescldchte^ pp. 484, 485.
PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA. — XXVI. 30-33. 385
given to iv oXljo) in the preceding verse. 1. If these words
mean " almost," then Paul says, " I would to God that not
only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both
almost and altogether such as I am :" propemodum et plane
(Castalio). 2. If, on the other hand, Agrippa said, " With
little trouble persuadest thou me !" then Paul's answer is, " I
would that you were persuaded, whether with little trouble
or with great difficulty." 3. If Agrippa's words are to be
rendered, " Truly in a short time thou wilt make me a
Christian," Paul replies, '' I pray God that in a longer or
shorter time (sooner or later) He would make you such as I
am." 4. If Agrippa meant that he was in a small measure
impressed, Paul replies, " I would to God that you and all
my hearers were not only in a small, but in a great measure,
such as I am." UapeKTo^ tcjv heafjbwv tovtwv — except these
bonds. Some think that this refers to his imprisonment in
general, as there would be an impropriety in Paul pleading
before Agrippa in chains. But we learn from Tacitus that
it was not unusual for prisoners to be bound when they pled
before their judges (Tac. Ann. iv. 28).
Vers. 30-33. 'Avearr) re o /8acrtXeu9, etc. — And the king
arose, and the governor, and Bernice, aiid those who sat with
them. They arose in the order of their rank. This appa-
rently trivial notice proceeds from an eye-witness — indicating
that Luke, in all probability, was present in court when Paul
made his noble defence. 01 av^KaOi'jfjievoi are the asses-
sores, the counsellors of the governor. OvShv Oavdrov a^iov
rj Becr/JLWV irpdaaet — This man does 7iothing icorihy of death or
of bonds. Updaaet refers not to Paul's past conduct, but
to the general tenor of his life — his general character and
views. The defence of Paul had the natural effect of im-
pressing his judges with a sense of his innocence. El firj
€7r6K€K\r]T0 Kalaapa — if he had not appealed to Caesar. The
appeal to Csesar had placed him beyond their jurisdiction :
they could now neither condemn nor acquit him, but had to
refer the matter simply to the emperor (Grotius). It might
seem an unfortunate circumstance that Paul had appealed
to Caesar, as otherwise he would probably have been set at
VOL. II. 2 B
386 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
liberty ; but his visit to Eome in the character of a prisoner
was overruled by Providence for the highest good. One
result of Agrippa's decision, and the favourable opinion of
Paul's judges, may have been that Festus sent a favourable
despatch to the emperor, in consequence of v^hich Paul was
treated with great indulgence by the centurion in charge
during his voyage to Rome ; and when at Rome, instead of
being detained in prison, was permitted to dwell in his own
hired house.^
^ Stier also observes: "As far as King Agrippa was concerned, this
much at least was attained by his hearing of the apostle's discourse,
that the king did not persecute the Christians, but rather protected
those whom he had almost joined ; for at the outbreak of the Jewish
war he gave them succour, and received them kindly into his territory."
— Words of the Apostles, p. 492.
SECTION XXVII.
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME : ARRIVAL AT CRETE.—
Acts xxvii. 1-12.
1 Now when it was determined that we should sail to Italy, they
delivered Paul, and certain other prisoners, to a centurion named
Julius, of the Augustan cohort. 2 And having embarked in a ship of
Adramyttium, which was about to sail to the places along the coasts of
Asia, we set sail ; Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, being
with us. 3 And the next day we landed at Sidon ; and Julius, treating
Paul courteously, permitted him to go to his friends, and to receive
their attentions. 4 And having set sail from it, we sailed under
Cyprus, because the winds were contrary. 6 And when we had sailed
over the sea off the coasts of Cilicia and Pamphylia, we came to Myra
in Lycia. 6 And there the centurion having found a ship of Alex-
andria sailing to Italy, he put us on board. 7 And when we had sailed
slowly many days, and had with difficulty come over against Cnidus,
the wind not suffering us, we sailed under Crete, over against Salmone ;
8 And coasting it with difficulty, we came to a place called Kaloi
Limenes, near to which is the city of Lasea.
9 Now, when much time had elapsed, and when the voyage was
now dangerous, because the fast was already past, Paul exhorted them,
10 Saying to them. Sirs, I perceive that this voyage is about to be with
hardship and much damage, not only of the lading and ship, but also
of our lives. 11 But the centurion was persuaded by the steersman
and shipowner, more than by those things which were spoken by Paul.
12 And as the haven was inconvenient for wintering, the majority
advised to sail thence also, if by any means they might reach Phenice,
a haven of Crete, looking toward the south-west and north-west, and
winter there.
CRITICAL NOTE.
Yer. 2. The nominative plural fieXkovre^ is found in G,
H ; whereas the dative singular /jLeWovn is contained in A,
B, X, and is preferred by Tischendorf, Lachmann, and
Meyer.
387
388 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
In no writing of ancient times which has come down to us,
have we in so small a compass such a minute description of
a voyage as that contained in this chapter of the Acts. The
passage abounds in nautical words and expressions.^ We
can trace with exactness the ship's course, and can determine
even the direction of the winds ; and we receive from the
narrative information regarding the nature of the ships, and
the mode of the navigation of the ancients. This passage
has been so fully explained and illustrated by the late Mr.
Smith of Jordanhill, in his Voyage and Shipwrech of St. Paul
— a work of European reputation — that it may be almost
affirmed that the subject is exhausted. All modern com-
mentators, whether English or German, have derived their
information from this work, and appeal to it as their autho-
rity. Mr. Smith has applied his nautical knowledge to the
elucidation of this chapter, and by doing so has furnished
us with a new and independent argument in favour of the
authenticity of the Acts. Dr. Hackett also, in his Com-
mentary, is particularly full and minute on this portion of
the Acts.^ To account for the great minuteness with which
this voyage is described, Olshausen supposes that Luke kept
a diary at the time, and afterwards inserted it unchanged
into his work.^ But the supposition is unnecessary, as such
minuteness is sufficiently explained by the fact that the his-
torian himself was on board the vessel.
Ver. 1. '/29 he eKplOr) rev airoTrXelv rj/jbd^i et? rrjv ^IraXiav
— Now ivhen it was determined that we should sail into Italy.
The determination here does not refer to the fact that they
should sail into Italy, for this had been previously resolved
upon ; but to the time and manner of the voyage. Tov
1 See a list of these nautical words and expressions in Baumgarten's
Apostolic History^ vol. iii. pp. 237, 238.
2 Hackett on the Acts, pp. 408-444. See also Conybeare and Howson's
St. Paul, ch. xxiii. ; and Lewin's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, pp.
713-742.
3 See also Tholuck's Glauhwunligkeit, p. 37G, zweite Auflage.
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 1. 389
aTTOTrXetv expresses the purpose of the determination. 'H/jLd<;
— that we. The direct style is here resumed, which had
been dropped since Acts xxi. 18 ; Luke thus indicating that
he accompanied Paul on his voyage to Rome. napeSlSovv
Tov Uavkov — they delivered Paul ; namely, tliose who were
entrusted with the execution of the decree of the governor.
Kal TLva<; erepov^; heajjiwra^; — and certain other prisoners.
Meyer supposes that erepov^ is designedly used instead of
aWov^y to indicate that these prisoners were of another kind,
not Christians. Luke, however, employs the terms aWou?
and 6T€pou^ indiscriminately (Luke viii. 3). It was a common
practice for provincial governors to send prisoners of import-
ance to Rome ; and especially was this the case with Roman
citizens who had appealed to C^sar. Thus Josephus men-
tions that, when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were
certain priests of his acquaintance who on a small and
trifling occasion were put into bonds, and sent to Rome to
plead their cause before Caesar (Jos. Vit. 3). 'Enarovrdp'^rf
ovopiaTi ^lovkup — to a centurion named Julius. It has been
conjectured that this Julius was a freedman of the Julian
or imperial family. Some (Wieseler, Howson), but without
assigning any reasons, identify him with Julius Priscus,
who, from being a centurion, was advanced to the command
of the praetorian guards under the Emperor Vitellius (Tac.
Hist. ii. 92, iv. 11).
^7reLpr)<; ^6^aaT7]<; — of the Augustan cohort. It has been
proved that several legions, particularly the second, the
third, and the eighth, were honoured with the title Augusta,
and accordingly some suppose that the Augustan cohort
miMit be a cohort of one of these leo^ions. But there is no
proof that any of these legions were at this time quartered
in the East, nor is there any mention elsewhere of an
Augustan cohort (cohors Augusta).^ 1. Some (Schwarz,
Kuinoel, Akerman) suppose that by the Augustan or Sebas-
tene cohort is meant a cohort composed of Samaritans, called
Sebastene, from Sebaste, the capital of Samaria. These
^ See Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, p. 69 ; Hackett on the Acts,
vol. ii. p. 409.
390 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
troops are twice mentioned by Josephus as being quartered
in Csesarea. Thus, in narrating the quarrel between the
Samaritans and the Jews, under the procuratorship of
Cumanus, he says : " Cumanus took the Sebastene cohort,
with four regiments of foot, and armed the Samaritans,
and marched against the Jews" (Ant. xx. 6. 1); and in
another place, that he took a troop of horsemen, called the
Sebastene troop CiXrjv iTnrecov Kd\ov/JL€vr}V ^e^aarrjvojv)^ out
of Csesarea (Bell. Jud. ii. 12. 5). The Roman troops in
Caesarea were recruited from the province, and thus were
chiefly composed of Syrians and Samaritans, as the Jews
did not serve as soldiers ; and therefore it is supposed that
one of the five cohorts which were stationed at Csesarea was
called the Sebastene cohort, as being composed of Samaritans.
But the adjective employed by Josephus C^e^aarTjvcov) is
different from the word used by Luke, and signifies natives
of Sebaste ; whereas here the term Xe^aaTr)^ is the name of
the city, and calling a cohort by the name of a city (the
cohort of Sebaste) is said to be without example.-^ 2. Others
(Wieseler, Alford, Howson, Wordsworth) suppose that by a
centurion of the Augustan cohort is meant an officer of the
body-guard of Nero, called Aiigustani.^ Nero, as Tacitus
informs us, organized a body-guard, composed of Eoman
knights selected from the pra3torian guard, whom he called
Augustani (^Ann. xiv. 15). It is supposed that Julius was
a centurion of this distinguished cohort, who happened to
be at Caesarea on some special mission, and that Festus
took advantage of his return to entrust the prisoners to his
care. But this body-guard of Nero was not formed until
the year 60, the very year in wdiich, in all probability, Paul
sailed from Csesarea to Rome. Besides, according to this
supposition, the centurion Julius would be independent of
Festus, and it is improbable that the governor would entrust
the matter to one who was not under his command. 8. Others
(Meyer, Olshausen) suppose that the cohort in question was
^ Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 489.
2 This opinion is stated and supported in a long and valuable note by
Wieseler, Chronologic des apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 389-393.
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 2, 3. 391
a body-guard of the emperor ; that one of the five cohorts
stationed at Cassarea was called the Augustan or imperial
cohort, because it was set apart for the emperor's special
service ; and that a centurion from that cohort was therefore
chosen on the present occasion. Such an opinion, however,
is unsupported by authority. The most probable opinion
seems to be, that the Augustan cohort was the body-guard
of the governor, and was so called because it bore the same
relation to him as the praetorian guard did to the emperor.
According to this view, the Augustan cohort was the same as
the Italian cohort (see note to Acts x. 1) : the title Augustan
was the honorary appellation, and it was called Italian because
it was composed of soldiers from Italy.
Ver. 2. ^ E7nl3dvT6<s Se ifkoico ^ASpa/uiVTTrjva> — hut having
embarked on hoard a ship of Adramyttium. This was not
Adrametum on the north coast of Africa (Grotius), for with
this the spelling does not agree ; but Adramyttium, a seaport
of Mysia, opposite Lesbos. Adramyttium was an Athenian
colony, and was at this time a town of considerable import-
ance (Strabo, xiii. 1. 51). Paid never reached Adramyttium:
he was only put on board a ship belonging to that town, in
the expectation that they would find in one of the numerous
seaports of Asia a vessel sailing direct to Italy. "Ovro^
<7vv r]fuv 'Apiardp^ov — Aristarchus heing ivith us. Aris-
tarchus was with the apostle at Ephesus (Acts xix. 29),
accompanied him from Macedonia to Asia (Acts xx. 4), and
probably to Jerusalem, and now he sails with him to Rome.
Paul, in his Epistle to the Colossians, speaks of him as his
fellow-prisoner (Col. iv. 10) ; and hence some have inferred
that he was now sent as a prisoner to Rome. But there is
nothing in the narrative to favour this opinion : Luke accom-
panied Paul of his own accord, and so in all probability did
Aristarchus.
Yer. 3. Tjj re erepa Karri )(^67]/jLev ek ^cBcova — and the next
day ice landed at Sidon. The. distance between C^sarea and
Sidon was about seventy miles ; and therefore, with a favour-
able wind, the voyage might be accomplished in one day.
This celebrated city of Phoenicia was situated about twenty-
392 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
five miles to the north of Tyre. It is one of the oldest cities
in the world, being mentioned in the book of Genesis before
the time of Abraham (Gen. x. 19), and being spoken of in
the book of Joshua as " the great Sidon" (Josh. xix. 28).
Homer alludes to it both in the Iliad and in the Odyssey
(11. xxiii. 743 ; Od. xv. 425). In all probability, it was the
mother-city of the still more famous Tyre. In the time of
Solomon it appears to have been subject to Tyre, but revolted
when Shalmaneser the king of Assyria invaded Phoenicia,
and thus did not suffer in the Assyrian and Babylonian wars.
Under the Persian empire it reached its highest prosperity,
and encountered its greatest disaster when, having revolted
in the reign of Artaxerxes Ochus, it was taken and destroyed
(Diod. Sic. xvi. 42-45). Soon after it was rebuilt ; and on
the invasion of Alexander, from hatred to the Persian rule,
it united its fleet with that of the Macedonians, and mate-
rially assisted them at the siege of Tyre. After the death
of Alexander, Sidon belonged sometimes to the Syrian and
sometimes to the Egyptian kingdom, until at length it fell
into the hands of the Romans. In the days of the apostles
Sidon was a flourishing city ; so much so, that Strabo says,
" Both (Tyre and Sidon) were formerly, and are at present,
distinguished and illustrious cities ; but which should be
called the capital of Phoenicia, is a matter of dispute among
the inhabitants" (Strabo, xvi. 2. 16). Sidon carried on a
great traffic by sea and land : its glass and linen manu-
factures, and its articles of vertUj were famous throughout
the Poman empire. Sidon, or as it is now called, Saida, is
still a seaport of some importance, having a population of
about 6000, though its harbour is now partially silted up,
and the trade between Syria and Europe has in a great
measure removed to Beyrout.
^ CkavO pooTTw^ T6 6 ^Iov\Lo<i Tu> TIav\(p '^pr]ad/jL6vo<; — and
Julius treating Paul courteously. The character of Paul must
have favourably impressed such a humane centurion as
Julius: no noble mind could come in contact with the
apostle without being attracted toward hiin. Perhaps also
Festus, being convinced of the innocence of Paul, had
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 4, 5. 393
given directions to Julias to treat him with courtesy and
mildness. '^Trt/xeXe/a? rv^etv — to receive their attentions.
Perhaps by this is meant, that Paul was to receive from them
such things as were necessary for so long a voyage.
Yer. 4. 'TireirXevaafxev rrjv Kvirpov Sect to tov<; dvefjiovg
elvai ivavrlov; — We sailed under Cyprus^ because the winds
loere contrary, 'TireTrkevaajjiev is a nautical expression :
" we sailed under the lee of Cyprus," i.e. under the protec-
tion of the land. Some suppose that they sailed to the south
of Cyprus, and kept the island to their right. Others, more
correctly, that their course was to the north-east of the
island, leaving Cyprus on their left. Had the wind been
favourable, the direct course was to sail to the south of
Cyprus, and then across to Myra, as in Acts xxi. 3 ; but they
were prevented doing so by contrary winds. Besides, the
expression sailing through the sea off the coasts of Cilicia
and Pamphylia, indicates that they must have sailed between
the coasts of Cilicia and Cyprus.
Ver. 5. To re TreXajo^ to kutcl t^v KCkiKiav kol Tlafi-
(fivXlav Bca7r\€vo-avT6<; — and having sailed through the sea off
the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia; that is, they sailed between
the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia and the northern coast
of Cyprus. By doing so, according to Smith, they were
" favoured by the land breeze (off the coast of Cilicia) which
prevails there during the summer months, as well as by the
current which constantly runs to the westward along the
south coast of Asia Minor." ^
KaT7]\6afjL6v et9 Mvpa — 2ve came to Myra. The reading
of MSS. varies : some read Xfivpvav, and others AvaTpa ;
but Smyrna is too far to the north, and Lystra is inland.
Myra was an important city of Lycia, distant, according to
Strabo, about two miles and a half froni the sea on a navi-
gable river (Strabo, xiv. 3. 7) ; its port was called Andriace.
On the establishment of Christianity it became the eccle-
siastical and political capital of Lycia. It is now in ruins,
but the magnitude of its theatre attests its former great-
ness. Its splendid tombs are adverted to by every traveller :
1 Smith's Voyage of St. Paul, p. 67.
394 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
" sepulchres, which for elegance of their design, costliness
of execution, and size, seem to have been suited rather for
the keeping of the ashes of rulers and kings than of common
citizens."^ T?/? AvKia<; — of Lycia. Lycia was a district of
proconsular Asia, attached at this time to the province of
Pamphylia. In its prosperous times it possessed twenty-
three considerable cities.
Ver. 6. IIXoLov ^AXe^avSpivov — a ship of Ale.xandria. At
Myra, Paul and the other prisoners were transferred from
the vessel of Adramyttium into an Alexandrian ship bound
for Italy. According to Lewin, the centurion here changed
his purpose. His original intention was, that Paul and his
party should sail direct to Adramyttium, then cross over to
Macedonia, and proceed overland by the Via Egnatia to
Italy ; but on finding an Alexandrian vessel, he unluckily
changed his plan, and resolved to proceed to Italy by sea.^
There was a great traffic in corn between Alexandria and
Rome, Egypt being at this time the granary of Italy; and
it would appear from the narrative that this ship was laden
with wheat (ver. 38). The Alexandrian ships were of great
size, equal to our largest merchant vessels, fully capable of
containing on board 276 persons (ver. 37). The vessel in
which Josephus was wrecked on his voyage to Italy con-
tained 600 persons (Fz'to, 3). Myra was due north of Alex-
andria, and out of the direct course from that city to Rome,
which is by the south of Crete. " But," as Smith remarks,
" with the westerly winds which prevail in those seas, ships,
particularly those of the ancients, unprovided with a com-
pass, and ill calculated to work to windward, would naturally
stand to the north till they made the land of Asia Minor,
which is peculiarly favourable for such a mode of navigation,
because the coast is bold and safe, and the elevation of the
mountains makes it visible at a great distance. . . . The
Alexandrian ship was not therefore out of her course at
Myra, even if she had no call to touch there for the purpose
^ Spratt and Forbes' Lycia, vol. i. p. 132.
^ Such, also, is the opinion of Wordsworth : Commentary on the Acts,
p. 162.
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 7. 395
of commerce. We may suppose that the same westerly-
winds which forced the Adramyttian ship to the east of
Cyprus drove the Alexandrian ship to Myra."^
Yer. 7. ^Ev iKavah Be '^/jLepa^; ^pa8v7r\oovvT6<; — and sailing
slowly many clays. The distance between Myra and Cnidus
is about 130 miles, and might, with a favourable wind, have
been accomplished in one or two days. Kal /jloXl^ yevo/jLevoc
Kara ttjv KvlSov — and with difficulty luere come over against
Cnidus. Cnidus was a city of Caria, a district of procon-
sular Asia, situated on a promontory of the same name, the
modern Cape Crio, nearly opposite the island of Chios (Acts
XX. 15). It stood upon the brow of a hill rising gradually
from the sea. It was celebrated for the worship of Venus.
The celebrated Venus of Praxiteles was kept here, and
was visited by great multitudes (Plin. II. N. xxxvi. 5. 4).
According to Strabo, there were two excellent harbours at
Cnidus, sheltered by a small island which was united by a
mole to the continent (Strabo, xiv. 2. 15).^ Mr] irpoaeMVTO^
Tj/ubd^ Tov dve/jiov — the wind not suffering us. According to
Meyer, the meaning of this clause is, that the wind did not
suffer them to put into Cnidus, where there was an excellent
harbour. According to others (Alford, Howson, Smith,
Robinson), the meaning is that the wind did not suffer them
to proceed farther on their intended voyage : they had to
alter their course, and make for the island of Crete. Smith
proves that the wind must have been north-west — the Etesian
winds which prevail in those parts of the Mediterranean to-
ward the close of summer.^ According to Pliny, these winds
begin in August, and blow for forty days (Plin. H. iV. ii. 4).
'TireTrXevaa/uLEv rrjv Kprjrrjv — lue sailed under Crete; that
is, under the lee of Crete. They sailed to the south of
Crete, which would protect them from the north-west winds
as far as Cape Matala. Crete, the modern Candia, is one
of the largest islands in the Mediterranean. It is from east
1 Smitli's Voyage^ p. 71.
2 For a description of the ruins of Cnidus, see Hamilton's Asia Minor ^
vol. ii. pp. 39-45.
^ Smith's Voyage, p. 74.
396 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
to west about 150 miles long, and has an average breadth
of thirty miles. Though mountainous, it is a fertile island,
and abounds in fruitful valleys. It is more celebrated in
mythological than in real history. Homer calls it eKa-
TofjLiroXi^ (II. ii. 649), from its possessing a hundred cities.
It was conquered by the Romans under Metellus (b.c. 67),
and along with Cyrenaica in Africa was converted into a
Roman province. We learn both from Tacitus and Josephus
that it was the residence of numerous Jews. Cretes are
mentioned among the nations who came to Jerusalem to
worship at Pentecost (Acts ii. 11) ; and it is evident from
the Epistle to Titus, that many of the Christians of Crete
were converted Jews (Tit. i. 10, iii. 9). Paul must have
preached the gospel in Crete (Tit. i. 5), but there is no
mention of this in the Acts of the Apostles : hence it is
generally supposed that he did so in the interval between
his first and second imprisonments. Under the despotic
rule of the Turks, Crete has lost much of its fertility. Two-
thirds of its inhabitants are Greeks, and one-third Moham-
medans. Greek is the language spoken. Kara IldX/jucovrju
— towards Sahnone. Salmone, or Sammonium, was a cape
or promontory on the eastern extremity of Crete. It still
retains its ancient name.
Ver. 8. M6\t<; re irapaXejo/juevot, avTTjv — coasting it with
difficulty. IlapaXi'yo/jiaL, as a nautical term, signifies to sail
near or along a coast. Avrrjv does not refer to Cape Sal-
mone, but to the island of Crete. They coasted along the
south of the island.
Ka\ov(; Aijieva^. Kaloi Limenes, or the Fair Havens, is
not mentioned by any ancient writer, but there is no doubt
as to its situation. The place is still known by its ancient
name. "In searching after Libena," observes Pococke,
"farther to the west, I found out a place which I thought
to be of greater consequence, because mentioned in Holy
Scripture, and also honoured by the presence of St. Paul,
that is, the Fair Havens, near unto the city of Lasea ; for
there is another small bay about two leagues to the east of
Cape Matala, which is now called by the Greeks Good or
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 9. 397
Fair Havens" (Aifieove^; KaXoL/?: Travels in the East, ii. 250).
The harbour consists of an open roadstead, and affords
shelter from the north-west winds. According to Captain
Spratt, the bay receives its name Fair Havens only by com-
parison with the less sheltered bays on the south-east of
Crete. It is situated within two or three islets, and is open
to the east and south-east ; so that, as he remarks, as the
east and south-east winds blow direct into the bay, it would
be both inconvenient and unsafe in winter for any vessel not
particularly well found in anchors and cables, and not well
secured to the island itself.^ It is possible that while the
ship anchored for some time at the Fair Havens, waiting for
a change of wind, Paul might employ himself in preaching
the gospel in the neighbouring city of Lasea (Spratt).
Christianity had probably been already introduced into Crete,
perhaps by some of the converts on the day of Pentecost.
'"Q €771)9 rjv 7r6\c<; Aaaia — near to which ivas the city of
Lasea. There is a variety in the reading of the name of
this town. The Alexandrian MS. reads "AXaaaa^ the read-
ing adopted by Lachmann ; the Vulgate, Tiialassa ; and
other Latin versions, Thessala. Pliny mentions Lasos among
the cities of Crete, but does not indicate its situation. In
the Peutincrer Table the town of Lisia occurs as sixteen miles
to the east of Gortyna, which agrees with the situation stated
in the Acts. It is therefore probable that Lisia, or, as it
might otherwise have been pronounced, Lasos, is the same
with the Lasea of our passage. Its exact situation was,
however, unknown until very recently. In the year 1856
it was identified by the Rev. G. Brown. He ascertained
that the natives of Crete gave the name Lasea to some
ruins on the coast, about five miles to the east of the Fair
Havens. Two white pillars and other remains still mark the
spot.^
Ver. 9. 'iKavov Se '^povov Siayevo/uievov — much time having
elapsed. Although they might have left Csesarea early
^ Spratt's Travels and Researches in Crete^ vol. ii. pp. 1-5.
2 Smith's Voyage^ pp. 262, 263. See also Spratt's Crete, vol. ii. pp.
7,8.
398 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
enough, yet in consequence of the delay they could not now
expect to reach Italy before winter. Kat ovro'; rj^rj eina^a-
\ov<; Tov ttXoo? — and the voyage being now dangerous. The
Greeks and Romans considered navigation unsafe from the
beginning of November until the middle of March (Plin.
H. N. ii. 47). Although that period of the year had not
arrived, yet it was perilous to attempt so long a voyage as to
Home. Alcl to xal Tr]v vrjarelav rJS?/ TrapeXfrjXvOevab — because
the fast ivas already past. The fast mentioned was the great
day of atonement, called by the Jews " the fast" by way of
eminence. It occurred on the tenth day of the seventh
month (Lev. xxiii. 27), that is, about the end of September ;
so that the time referred to was probably the beginning of
October. The ancients were destitute of the compass, and
therefore could not navigate their ships when exposed to
storms, and when the heavens were obscured by clouds.
Uapyvet 6 IlavXo^ — Paul exhorted them ; advised them to
winter at the Fair Havens, and not to continue the voyage.
That he was allowed to give his advice, although a prisoner,
shows the estimation in which he was held in the ship.
Yer. 10. Mera v^p€a)<; — icith hardship. "Tl3pc<; primarily
signifies pride, arrogance, presumption. Hence Meyer and
Ewald translate it "presumption;'.' meaning that in the near
approach of winter it would be presumptuous to continue
the voyage : they thus take the word in a subjective sense,
as applied to the people on board the ship. But taken in
connection with ^rjjjila^^ it is evidently used in a metaphorical
sense: this is the case in ver. 21 [Kephrjo-al Te tijv vjBpLv
TavT7)v KoX Trjv ^7]iJLiav)j where it cannot be a term of re-
proach. It here refers, then, to the violence or insolence of
the tempest : soivitia tenipestaiis. Such a figurative use of the
term is by no means uncommon. "TjBpeo)^ refers to the fury
of the tempest, and ^7]fjiia^ to the damage to the cargo and
the ship, and the danger to which the lives of those on board
were exposed.
Yer. 11. 'O Se eKarovrdp'^r}'; tm Kvpepvi^rr) Kal tm vav-
Kkrjpw eTrelOeTO — but the centurion luas persuaded by the steers-
man and owner of the ship. KvjSepvTjTTj^ was the steersman,
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 12. 399
who had the sole direction of the ship — the captain of the
vessel — guhernator. Navjc\r)po<; was the shipowner, the pro-
prietor of the vessel and its cargo. It was natural in the
centurion to follow the advice of these persons rather than
that of Paul. He would naturally suppose that the captain
of the ship was better acquainted with sailing than a mere
landsman ; and that the owner of the ship would be suffi-
ciently interested in the safety of his vessel and its cargo not
to incur any great risk. Besides, what determined him and
them the more, was that the haven was not convenient for
wintering in.
Ver. 12. Ol irXelov; Wevro /SovXrjv ava'^Oijvao KaKeWev —
the majority advised to sail thence also. The affair was con-
sidered of such importance that it was put to the vote of the
persons on board ; and the majority decided that they should
proceed. The idea of sailing to Italy was indeed given up
by all ; but it was thought advisable to shift their quarters,
and to winter at the more commodious haven of Phenice,
which was at no great distance, and might be reached in a
few hours.
Ek ^oLViKa — to Phenice. Phenice, or, as it is more properly
rendered. Phoenix, is a seaport in the south of Crete, to the
west of the Fair Havens. Strabo mentions it as a seaport
(x. 4. 3) ; Ptolemy calls the haven Phoenicus, and the town
situated a little inland Phoenix. There is a difference of
opinion regarding the exact situation of the ancient Phoenix.
Lutro, Sphakia, and Franco Castello, places on the south
coast of Crete, to the west of Cape Matala, have each been
fixed upon. Most modern commentators are now agreed that
the modern port of Lutro is meant. This is the only port,
as Spratt tells us, on the south coast of Crete in wdiich a
vessel could find security for the whole season ; and he
informs us that a wide bay a little to the west of it is still
known by the name of Phoenix.^ Most probably it is this
bay to the west which is meant ; as the haven of Lutro is
open to the east, and therefore does not suit the description
of it given by Luke, as looking toward the south-west and
1 Spratt's Crete, vol. ii. pp. 250-254.
400 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
north-west, whereas the bay of Phoenice does, being open to
the west.^
BXiirovra Kara \i^a koX Kara %w/30^' — looking toward the
south-west and north-west. Al-^ is the south-west wind —
Africus ; %w/309 is the north-west wind — Chorus. Some
(Smith, Alford) suppose that Kara denotes, not the quarter
from which these winds come, but the direction toward
which they blow — down the icmd ; and accordingly translate
the words, " looking toward the north-east and the south-
east." In this manner they identify the ancient Phenice
with Lutro, which is a haven open to the east. But this
gives an unnatural sense, and is contrary to the usage of the
Greek language ; besides, it would assign opposite meanings
to \t73a and '^copov.'^ Howson attempts to remove the diffi-
culty by supposing that the words w^re spoken from a sailor's
point of view, and that the harbour of Lutro does look — from
the water toward the land which encloses it — in the direction
of the south-west and north-west.^ But, as Alford observes,
this is a mere confusion of ideas : not even sailors could speak
of a harbour as looking in the direction which they would
look when entering it. The ancient interpretation, then, is to
be maintained, " looking toward the south-west and the north-
west." So Kuinoel, Meyer, Olshausen, Lechler, Hackett,
Pobinson, Humphry, Wordsworth. According to this, the
harbour was open to the west, which is against the identifica-
1 According to Captain Spratt, though his language is not very clear,
there is a promontory, on the eastern side of which is I.utro, with its
port looking toward the east, and on the western side a wide bay looking
toward the west, known by the name of Phenice ; and on the promon-
tory itself are the ruins of the city Phenice. This view, that Phenice
is not Lutro, but the adjoining bay to the west, is also adopted by
Humphry {Commentary on the Acts, p. 202) and by Bishop Wordsworth
(^Commentary, pp. 163, 164).
2 See this point discussed at considerable length in Smith's Voyaxje,
pp. 84-93, on the one side ; and Hackett's Commentary, pp. 421, 422, on
the other side.
^ See Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 400. See another
solution of the difficulty in Spratt's Crete, vol. ii. p. 18 ; as if Luke's
intention was not to describe the port Phenice, but to mark the direc-
tions in which the vessel must steer to reach it.
PAUL'S VOYAGE TO ROME. — XXVII. 12. 401
tion of the ancient Phenice with Lutro, but rather identifies
it with the bay adjacent to Lutro, open to the west, and
still known by the name Phenice/
^ A place named Phoenikias in Pashley's map, and Finikias in Spratt's
map, is situated near Plaka Bay ; but it is not on the coast. It may
possibly be the inland city which Ptolemy mentions, which also had a
port of the same name : so. that, after all, the ancient Phoenix may be at
Plaka Bay, which is open to the south-west ; and if so, its situation has
yet to be discovered.
VOL. IT. 2
SECTION XXVIII.
PAUL'S SHIPAYRECK.— Acts xxvii. 13-44.
13 And when the south wind blew softly, thinking that they had
gained their purpose, having weighed anchor, they coasted close to
Crete. 14 But not long after there rushed down from it a tempestuous
wind, called Euroclydon. 15 And when the ship was hurried along,
and was unable to bear up against the wind, we yielded to it, and were
carried along. 16 And running under a certain island called Clauda,
we were with difficulty able to become masters of the boat. 17 And
when they had taken it up, they used helps, undergirding the ship;
and fearing lest they should fall on the Syrtis, having lowered the
tackhng, they were thus borne along. 18 And we being exceedingly
tempest-tossed, the next day they lightened the ship. 19 And the third
day with our own hands we cast out the furniture of the ship. 20 And
when neither sun nor stars appeared for many days, and no small tem-
pest pressed on us, henceforth all hope that we should be saved was
taken away. 21 But, after long abstinence, Paul stood forth in the
midst of them, and said, Sirs, ye should have yielded to me, and not
have set sail from Crete, and so have saved yourselves this hardship and
loss. 22 And now I exhort you to be of good cheer : for there shall be
no loss of life among you, but only of the ship. 23 For there stood by
me this night an angel of God, whose I am, and whom I serve, 24 Say-
ing, Fear not, Paul : thou must stand before C?esar ; and, behold, God
has given thee all who sail with thee. 25 Wherefore, sirs, be of good
cheer : for I believe God, that it shall be according as it has been told
me. 26 But we must be stranded on a certain island.
27 But when the fourteenth night was come, as Ave were driven up
and down in the Adriatic, about midnight the sailors thought that land
came near to them. 28 And having sounded, they found it twenty
fathoms ; and when they had gone a little further on, sounding again,
they found it fifteen fathoms. 29 Then, fearing lest we should be
stranded on the rocks, they cast four anchors out from the stern, and
wished for day. 30 And as the sailors sought to escape from the ship,
and had lowered the boat into the sea, on the pretext of letting down
anchors from the bow, 31 Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers,
If these do not remain in the ship, ye cannot be saved. 32 Then the
soldiers cut away the ropes of the boat, and let it fall off. 33 And
until it began to be day, Paul exhorted them all to take meat, saying,
402
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. 403
Waiting until this fourteenth day, ye continue fasting, having taken
nothing. 34 Wherefore I exhort you to take food ; for this is for your
safety : for there shall not a hair perish from the head of any of you.
35 And having said this, and having taken bread, he blessed God in the
presence of all ; and when he had broken it, he began to eat. 86 Then
were they all of good courage, and they also took food. 37 And we
were all in the ship two hundred and seventy-six persons. 38 And
when they had eaten enough, they lightened the ship, by casting out
the corn into the sea. 39 And when it was day, they did not recognise
the land : but they perceived a certain creek with a beach, into which
they resolved, if it were possible, to drive the ship. 40 And having
cut away the anchors, they let them fall into the sea ; having at the
same time loosened the bands of the rudders, and hoisted up the foresail
to the wind, they made toward the beach. 41 And having fallen into
a place where two seas met, they ran the ship aground ; and the bow
stuck fast, and remained unmoveable, but the stern was broken with
violence. 42 And the soldiers' plan was that they should kill the
prisoners, lest any of them should escape by swimming. 43 But the
centurion, wishing to save Paul, restrained them from their purpose,
and commanded that those who could swim should throw themselves
first into the sea, and get to land : 44 And the rest to do so, some on
planks, and others on pieces of the ship. And thus it happened that
they all came safe to land.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 19. 'Epply\rafjLev^ in the first person, is supported by
G, H, and adopted by Tischendorf and Lachmann ; whereas
A, C, ^? liave the third person, eppLyfrav, the reading adopted
by Meyer. Ver. 29. ''EKireacocnv is not found in any uncial
MS. ; whereas A, B, C, G, H have iKireaco/jLeu, the reading
adopted by recent critics. Ver. 34. necrelrat, is found in
Gj H; whereas A, B, 0, ^« have airoXelTai^ the reading adopted
by Lachmann and Tischendorf. Ver. 40. ^Aprefjuova is the
reading of G ; whereas A, B, C, H, X have apre/jicovaj the
reading adopted by most recent critics. Ver. 41. The words
Twz/ Kv/jbdrcov are found in 0, G, H, but are wanting in
A, B, ^?, and are rejected by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
EXEGETICAL REMAEKS.
Ver. 13. 'T'jT07rvev(TavTe<^ he votov — but ivheti the south
wind blew softly. Having formed the resolution of removing
404 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
from the Fair Havens to Phenlce^ they waited for a change
of wind ; and when the south wind began to blow, they
tliought that they might accomplish their purpose. As,
about four miles from the Fair Havens, the coast at Cape
Matala turns to the north, and the direction to Phenice is
north-west, the south wind was favourable for their purpose.
The distance between the Fair Havens and Phenice was
less than forty miles, and might with a fair wind be accom-
plished in a few hours. "Apavre^ — having weighed anchor.
A nautical expression, signifying either having weighed
anchor, or having set sail, as sometimes ra? w^Kvpa<^ is sup-
plied, and sometimes tcl larla. The word also occurs by
itself, as here, w^ithout any supplement. '^Aaaov TrapeXeyovro
TTjv Kpr}T7)v — they coasted close to Crete. Some suppose
aaaov to be the name of a city of Crete ; and a town of
Crete called Asus is mentioned by Pliny, but situated in the
interior {Nat. Hist. iv. 12). The Vulgate renders the words,
cum sustulissent de Asson^ but the construction does not
admit of such a translation. Others (Luther, Castalio) sup-
pose Asson to be in the accusative of direction — " when
they had sailed to Assus" (apavre^ aaaov). But, as already
stated, Asus was inland ; and there is no example of apavT6<^
by itself expressing locomotion.-^ It is now generally agreed
that aaaov is an adverb, being the comparative of a7%t, more
nearly. They had to coast close by Crete, until they came
to Cape Matala, after which the wind was favourable.
Ver. 14. Mer ou ttoXv — not long after; probably when
they had reached Cape Matala. "E/3a\6v Kar avrij^ — thei'e
rushed down from it. Different interpretations have been
i^iven to Kar avrrj^. Some (Luther, Lange) suppose that it
refers to the preceding Trpodeaeax; — " there arose against their
purpose." ^ The south wind favoured their design, whilst
the Euroclydon w^as against it. But such a rendering is
harsh and unnatural. Others (Kuinoel, De Wette, Words-
worth) refer avrPji: to the nearest antecedent, Kp/jrrjv, and
^ Meyer's Aposfek/cschicJite, pp. 493, 494.
- So also Spratt renders the expression. Spratt's Crete, vol. ii. pp.
17, 18.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. —XXVII. 14, 405
render it, " there arose against Crete a tempestuous wind;'
But if such were the case, they would have been driven
against the island, and stranded on its shores ; whereas, in
reality, we are informed that they yielded to the wind,
and were driven from Crete. Others (Lechler, Bloomfield,
Hackett) refer avrrj^ to the ship — " there arose against the
ship." According to them, avrrj^ refers to the idea chiefly in
the writer's mind, namely the ship, although the word does
not occur in the context. The great objection to this is that
aiirrj^; is feminine ; whereas the word which Luke generally
employs for a ship is not the feminine noun vav^ (which
occurs only in ver. 41), but the neuter noun ifkolov. The
most approved rendering is still to refer avTrj<^ to Kp7]T7)v^
as the nearest and most obvious antecedent, but to give to
the preposition a different meaning. Kara governing the
genitive often signifies a downward direction, as /Srj Se Kar
OvXij/jLiTOLo Kapijvcov (Homer). Hence the words may be
rendered, '' there rushed down from it ;" that Is, from Crete.
So Alford, Howson, Humphry, Smith.^ The wind was
from the land, and accordingly drove the vessel out to sea.
"Avefio<; TV(pcovLKo<; — a typhonic wind. TvcpwvtKo^: describes
the violence of the wind : it denotes a sudden squall, a hurri-
cane, a whirlwind. Thus Pliny, speaking of sudden blasts,
says that they cause a vortex which is called a typhoon :
vorticem faciunt qui Typlion vocatur (lib. ii. 48). 'O koXov-
fjL6vo<; evpoKXvBcov — called Euroclydo7i, Manuscripts vary in
their reading of this word. EvpaKvkcov is the reading of
the Alexandrian and Sinaitic MSS., and is adopted by Lach-
mann, Ewald, Lechler, Olshausen, Wordsworth, Smith,
Hackett. So also the Vulgate has Euroaquilo. If this be
the correct reading, there is no difficulty in the meaning of
the term, as evpaKvXcov Is tlie north-east wind, or rather
E.N.E., being compounded of eiiriis, the east wind, and aquilo,
the north wind. But the words o KoXovfjuevo^ would be
inappropriate, as such a wind was well known. Besides,
evpaKiikcov resembles too much a correction, the transcriber
not understanding what was meant by evpoKkvScov. Hence
1 Humphry 07i the Acts, p. 203. Alford, in loco.
406 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
many critics (Tischendorf, Meyer, Howsori, Alford) prefer
the less supported reading evpoKXvBcov, found in G, H, as
being the more difficult. It is generally supposed to be com-
pounded of ei;/509, the east wind, and kXvBcov, a wave, and
to denote a violent agitation of the waters caused by an
easterly wind : Eurus fiuctus excitans. Meyer, on the other
hand, supposes it to be compounded of evpo^, breadth, and
k\v^(o, to wash, to dash; a wind forming broad waves. Alford
thinks that it is a corruption by the Greek sailors of €upa-
KvXcov, as the last part of that word was not Greek, but Latin.
The addition o KoXoviievo^ denotes that it w^as a popular
name given to the wind by the sailors ; just as a similar wind
in the Mediterranean is now known to our seamen by the
name of the Levanter. As the wind came down from Crete,
and drove the ship from it in a south- westefly direction
toward the small island of Clauda, and as the sailors were
afraid that they should be driven on the Syrtis, still further
to the south-west, it is evident that the gale must have been
from the north-east ; so that the reading evpaKvXcov rightly
denotes the direction of the wind. We learn from voyagers
that such a sudden change from a southern to a violent
northern wind is not uncommon in those seas. Thus Cap-
tain Stewart, in his remarks on the Archipelago, as quoted
by Smith, observes : "It is always safe to anchor under the
lee of an island with a northerly wind, as it dies away gra-
dually ; but it would be extremely dangerous with southerly
winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly
wind." 1
Ver. 15. ^ AvTo^OaXiielv toj dvi/jLO) — to hear up against the
wind; literally, "to look the wind in the face." ^Eirihovre^
it^epofxeOa — giving up^ we were driven along : that is, either
supplying from the context, " giving up the ship to the wind,
we were driven " (Vulgate, Luther) ; or, using the verb in a
reflex sense, " giving ourselves up." The meaning Is : Since
we could not resist the wind, we were forced to permit the
ship to be driven before it.
Ver. 16. Nrjaiov Si tl vTroSpa/jLovre^; KaXov/xevov KXavhrjv —
^ Smith's Voyage of St. Paul, p. 99.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. — XXVII. 17. 407
bat running under a certain island called Clauda. Clauda, called
by Ptolemy Claudos, and by Pliny Glaudos, is a small island
off the south-west corner of Crete. It was about twenty-five
miles nearly due south from the port of Phenice, which the
sailors had desired to reach. It is now called by the Greeks
Gaudo or Gaudonesi, and by the Italians Gozzo, and is
inhabited by about seventy families, scattered over three or
four hamlets.^ 'la'^vaa/jLev /uloXl^; irepiKpareh ^eveaOau rrj'i
(TKd(j)7]<; — we were ivith difficulty able to become masters of the
boat. ^Kd(f)7j was the small boat attached to the vessel.
Then, as at present, large vessels had one or more boats
along with them. At the commencement of a voyage, and
when the sea was calm, the boat was in general not taken up
and secured on the deck, but left in the v^^ater, attached to
the stern of the vessel by a rope. This w-as more convenient,
as in sailing the ancients had frequent communications with
the land, because, from want of the compass, they were con-
strained to keep as near the coast as possible. When a storm
arose, and there was danger of the boat being either swept
away or dashed in pieces against the sides of the vessel, it
was drawn up and secured on deck. The difficulty here
experienced in securing the boat probably arose from its
being filled with water, and from the violence of the tempest.
When under the lee of Clauda, they would be partially
sheltered, so that they were able, although with difficulty,
to effect their object.
Yer. 17. Bor]6€Lai^ i'^pcovro — they used helps. By helps
here are meant the ropes and chains (not planks, as is some-
times supposed), called uTro^w/iara, which were used in
undergirding the ship. We learn that all large vessels car-
ried these vTro^cofjuara with them. ' TTro^covvvuTe^; to ifko'lov —
undergirding the ship. It was the custom of the ancients in
a storm to draw thick cables round their ships, and so to
undergird them, in order to prevent the planks yielding.
Horace is thought to allude to this practice w^hen he says :
Sine funibus vix durare carinoe possint imperiosius cequor
1 For a description of the island of Clauda, see Spratt's Crete^ vol. ii.
pp. 274-280.
408 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
(Od, i. 14. 6). This process, called in nautical language
/rapping^ is thus described by Falconer in his Marine Dic-
tionary : " To frap a ship is to pass four or five turns of a
large rope round the hull or frame of a ship, to support her
in a great storm, or otherwise when it is apprehended that
she is not strong enough to resist the violent efforts of the
sea." Some suppose that the ropes were drawn in a hori-
zontal manner, lengtlnvays, from the stern to the prow
(Boeckh) ; but it has been ascertained that, as is the case in
modern times, the ropes were drawn perpendicular to the
ship, around the hull at the middle, and fastened on the
deck. They were sunk from the prow, and then drawn
toward the middle of the vessel. This expedient, however,
is seldom put in practice in modern times. Smith in his
Voyage of St. Paul, and Conybeare and Howson in their
Life of St. Paul, adduce modern instances of it.^
Ek TTjv 'XvpTLv — on the Syrtis : not, as in our English
version, "on quicksands;" but ''on the Syrtis," the article
defining it. There were two shoals of this name — the Syrtis
INIajor and the Syrtis Minor. It was the Syrtis Major that
they were in danger of falling upon, as the Syrtis Minor
lay too far to the west. The Syrtis Major, now called the
Gulf of Siclra, is a dangerous shallow on the coast of
Africa, between Tripoli and Barca, south-west of the island
of Crete.
Xa\d(TavTe<; to aK6vo<; — having lowered the tackling. Xicevo^
signifies a utensil, an implement ; and hence, when applied
to a ship, it denotes all the ship's appurtenances, such as
masts, sails, rigging, anchors, cables, boats, etc. Hence its
meaning has to be discovered from the context. Some
(Kypke) suppose that the anchor is meant ; but this is con-
tradicted by the words which follow, ^' and thus were driven."
Castalio renders it demissd scaphd, having let down the boat ;
a meaning also to be rejected, as they had just lifted up the
boat. Others (Grotius, Kuinoel, Olshausen) refer it to the
mast — " having lowered the mast ;" but it is not probable that
^ Smitli's Voyage, pp. 102-106 ; Conybeare and Howson, vol. ii. pp.
404, 405.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. — XXVII. 18, 19. 409
the masts of such large ships were capable of being let down;
on the contrary, they seem to have been fixed, as the masts
in our vessels. Others (Meyer, Lechler, Hackett) refer it to
the sails — having "lowered the sails," or, as in our version,
" having strake sail ;" that is, they allowed the vessel to be
driven without sails. But, as Smith remarks, this w^ould
be a sure way of running into the very danger which they
wished to avoid ; for without sails they would inevitably be
driven on the Syrtis. Accordingly he translates the words
" lowering the gear," and supposes that by it is .meant that
they lowered down upon the deck the gear connected wdth
the fair-weather sails, such as the suppara or topsails, but
that they hoisted the small storm-sail. " They had," as he
observes, " but one course to pursue to avoid the apprehended
danger, which was to turn the ship's head off shore, and to
set such sail as the violence of the gale would permit them
to carry." Ovrco^ i(j)epovTo — and thus were driven. " Not
only with the ship undergirded, but with the storm-sails set,
and on the starboard tack, which was the only course by
which she could avoid falling into the Syrtis." ^
Ver. 18. ^Ek^oXtjv eTroiovvTo — they lightened the ship ;
literally, " they made a casting out :" a nautical phrase, used
by the ancients to denote the lightening of a ship at sea.
They had recourse to the same expedient as the sailors in
Jonah's vessel : " Then the mariners were afraid, and cried
every man unto his god, and cast forth the wares that were
in the ship into the sea, to hghten it " (Jonah i. 5). We
are not told what was at this time thrown overboard. Meyer
supposes that it was the cargo, as being in the circumstances
the least indispensable, and the heaviest article. But if the
cargo was wheat, as was probably the case with an Alexan-
drian vessel trading to Italy, this was reserved to the last
extremity (ver. 38) ; and it is natural to suppose that they
would make many sacrifices before they destroyed it.
Ver. 19. Tr}v a/cevrjv tov nrXolov ippl^^rajjiev — we cast out
the furniture of the vessel. Smith thinks that by Tr]v aKevr^v
the mainyard is meant — " an immense spar, probably as long
1 Smith's Voyage of St. Paul, pp. 108-111.
410 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
as the vessel, and which would require the united efforts of
the passengers and crew to launch overboard ;" and he adds,
^' The relief which a ship would experience by this would be
of the same kind as in a modern vessel when the guns are
thrown overboard." ^ But, as Howson observes, it is impro-
bable that the sailors would sacrifice so large a spar, which in
case of a shipwreck would be capable of supporting thirty or
forty men in the water. Some (Erasmus, Grotius, Olshausen,
Ewald) suppose the implements of the ship are meant —
armamenta navis — such as masts, rudders, anchors, and the
like. But this is still more improbable, as these articles are
indispensable in the time of danger, and besides were at a
later period actually put to use. Others (Wetstein, Kuinoel)
suppose that the baggage of the passengers is intended. But
although it is probable that this also was sacrificed, yet the
words Tov ifkolov imply that it was something belonging to
the ship which was cast out. The most generally received
opinion is that it was the furniture of the ship — beds, tables,
chests, and all those articles which were not absolutely essen-
tial. So Meyer, De Wette, Lange, Hackett, AYordsworth.
Yer. 20. Mi^re Se tjXlov jJbrjTe darpayv eTncpaivovroyv — but
7ieither sun nor stars appearing. TJie ancients had no
mariner's compass; and therefore, when they did venture out
to open sea, it was only by the appearance of the heavenly
bodies that they could guide their course. When, then, as
in the present case, they were out of sight of land, and the
heavens were obscured by clouds, it was impossible for them
to know whither they were drifting. ^Eirl ifKelova^ y/jiepaf;
— for many days. Fourteen days elapsed from the time
they left Crete to the time when they were stranded on the
coast of Malta ; and probably during the greater part of this
period the heavens were obscured by clouds, and the tem-
pest continued to rage. Aolttov irepiripelro iXirU iraaa tov
(joo^eaOai r)ijLd<; — henceforth all hope that ive should he saved
was taken away. Tliey were now in a state of extreme peril,
without any instrument to direct thir course, drifting they
knew not whither, whilst the sea raged, and the tempestuous
^ Smith's Voyage, p. 112.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. — XXVII. 21, 22. 411
wind continued to blow. Smith, from various notices, sup-
poses that the ship also had sprung a leak, and that all their
exertions by successive lightenings to subdue it had been
unavailing ; so that unless they could fall in with land to run
their ship ashore, they must founder at sea. Their appre-
hensions, therefore, were not so much caused by the unabated
fury of the tempest, as by the leaky condition of the vessel.^
Ver. 21. IToXX'/79 t6 aGiTia<; V7rap'^ovo-r)<; — aiid after long
abstinence. Their abstinence was not owing to want of pro-
visions, for the cargo of wheat was still secure (ver. 38).
But, as Kuinoel observes, their mental anxiety and fatigue
had deprived them of all desire for food.^ Besides, it was
difficult to prepare food in these circumstances, and much of
the provisions might have been damaged by the leaking of
the vessel. Tore aradeU 6 IlavXo^ iv fJieacp avrcov — The?i
Paulj standing in the midst of them. Paul stood forth in this
extremity to comfort and encourage them. Tore — then :
bringing vividly before us the state of matters. "EBec /iiev
iretOap'^rjcravTd'^ fioL — i/e should have yielded to me. Paul's
object in alluding to the correctness of his former advice
was not to taunt those who rejected it, now that it could not
be remedied, but to induce them to follow his present counsel.
Kephrjaal re rrjv {j/Sptv ravTrjv Kal ttjv ^rjfjLLav — a?id to have
escaped this hardship a7id loss. KepBrjaai, literally signifies
" to have gained." But the word was employed not only in
the sense of positively gaining an advantage, but also of
negatively avoiding or escaping a loss : in doing so, a person
has gained by the avoidance of calamity. In a similar manner
the verb lucrari is employed.
Ver. 22. ^ATro^oXy <yap '\frv')(rj^ ovhepbla earai i^ vjjlmv —
for there shall be no loss of life among you. 'Atto^oXt], lite-
rally " a casting away," " a rejection." In warning them
not to sail from the Fair Havens, Paul had said that the
voyage would be with hardship and much damage, not only
of the lading and ship, but also of their lives ; but here, as
the messenger of God, he asserts that no life would be lost.
1 Smith's Voyage, p. 113.
2 Kuincel's Novi Testamenti Libri Historici, vol. iii. p. 372.
412 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Then he spoke from a cahn consideration of the state of
matters, but now he speaks from revelation ; then he gave
his own opinion, but now he announces the purpose of God.
Ver. 23. JJapearif) yap fiot ravry rfj vvktI tov Oeov
dyyeXo^; — for there stood by me this itight an angel of God.
The words rod Oeov are added because Paul addressed
heathens, who otherwise would have understood by an angel
a messenger of the gods. The context does not determine
whether this vision was made to Paul in a dream, or when
awake ; probably the latter. There is certainly no ground
for Zeller's rationalistic explanation, that Paul, thinking on
the importance of his journey, might have implored the
safety of himself and his companions, and that he dreamed
that his request was granted.^ The narrative evidently inti-
mates that the vision imparted to Paul was supernatural,
being a revelation from God.
Ver. 24. 'IBov^ /ce^dpiarai crot 6 ©€o<; Trai/ra? tov<; irKeov-
Ta<; fiera aov — behold, God has given thee all who sail ivith
thee. Doubtless Paul prayed earnestly for the safety of
those who were in the ship with him ; and their lives were
granted in answer to his prayers. De Wette thinks that
these words savour of vanity ; and he supposes that they
were not the words of the apostle, but of the author, who
wished to honour the apostle.^ But Paul does not here exalt
himself, but merely states what was revealed to him. Bengel
well remarks on this passage : Facilius multi niali cum paucis
piis servantur, quam wins pius cum multis reis pe^^it. Navi
hide similisj mundus.
Ver. 27. Teo-aapeaKaSeKdrT] vv^ — the fourteenth night.
That is, the fourteenth night since tliey left the Fair Havens.
^Ev Tco 'ASpla — in the Adriatic. 'ASpla is not to be restricted
to what is now called the Gulf of Venice, but embraces all
that part of the Mediterranean which lay south of Italy, east
of Sicily, and west of Greece, and thus included the Ionian
Sea. This is certain from the writings of Strabo, Ovid,
Statins, and Ptolemy. Procopius says that the island of
1 Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, p. 290.
^ De Wette's Apostelgeschichte, p. 184.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. — XXVII. 28, 29. 413
Malta separates the Adriatic from the Tuscan Sea.^ It was
in this part of the Mediterranean, between Crete and Sicily,
that the vessel containing Paul and his companions was
driven up and down, npocrdyeiv tlvcl avroh X^P^^ — ^^^^^
land came near them. According to appearance, when sailing
to a place, the land approaches ; whereas in sailing from a
place the land recedes. Thus Virgil : Proveliimur portu : ter-
ra^que, urbesque recedunt {JEn. iii. 72). According to Smith,
if we assume that St. Paul's Bay in Malta was the scene of
the shipwreck, the sailors would perceive that they drew near
land by the noise of the breakers off the point of Koura.
Ver. 28. Bo\Lo-avT6<;, evpov 6pyvca<; eiKocn — having soundedy
they found it twenty fathoms. BoXl^etv (from /SoXt?, the
sounding-lead) is to cast or let down the sounding-line.
'Opyvta is a fathom or six feet, the space measured by the
arms stretched out. The decrease in their soundings, at first
twenty fathoms, and a little farther on fifteen fathoms, con-
vinced them that their supposition was correct, and that they
could not be far distant from land.
Ver. 29. ^E/c Trpv/ivr]^; plylravre^ cv^Kvpa^ reaaapa^ — having
cast out from the stern four anchors. The design of anchoring
was to arrest the motion of the ship during the night, and
thus to prevent it being stranded in the dark. It would seem
that they were successful in this. We are informed that in
St. Paul's Bay the anchorage is good; and that while the
cables hold, there is no danger, as the anchors will never
start.^ The anchors in use at this time bore a close resem-
blance to modern ones : they were, however, much smaller,
as the ancients were deficient in mechanical means for lower-
ing and raising heavy anchors. Some suppose that the four
anchors here mentioned was a four-fluked anchor. A large
ship, however, often carried several anchors. Athenseus
mentions a ship that had eight iron anchors. Caesar speaks
of ships with four : Naves quaternis ancoris destinahat, ne
fiuctihus moverentur (Bell. Civ. i. 25). The ship in which
Paul was, although they had already dropped four anchors
1 For authorities on this point, see Biscoe on (lie Acts, pp. 349, 350.
2 Smith's Voyage, p. 128.
414 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
from the stern, had more remaining, as is evident from the
next verse. In general, the ancients, Hke the moderns,
anchored from the bow, but their ships were also fitted for
anchoring from the stern. The reasons why anchoring from
the stern was resorted to on the present occasion are obvious :
it stopped at once the progress of the ship ; for if anchored
from the bow, the wind would have caused it to swing round ;
and it kept the bow directed toward the land, so as to be
ready to push forward. At the battle of Copenhagen, Nelson
ordered the fleet to anchor from the stern, in order to keep
the vessels in their proper positions ; and we are informed of
the singular fact, that this measure was suggested to him by
his having read that morning this twenty-seventh chapter of
the Acts of the Apostles.^
Ver. 30. Toop vavrow ^tjtovvtcov cf)v<yelv gk tov ifkoiov —
tlie sailors, seeking to escape fvom the ship. Whilst they lay
at anchor, and the progress of the ship was thus happily
arrested, the sailors made the natural but ungenerous attempt
to escape by means of the boat. They let down the boat, on
the pretext of casting anchors from the prow, which would
certainly have the effect of keeping the ship in a steadier
position ; but with the real design of getting ashore, and
leaving the soldiers and the passengers, along with the ship,
to their fate.
Ver. 31. ElTrev 6 IIav\o<^ tw eKarovrdp'^r] — Paril said to
the centurion and to the soldiers. The plot of the sailors was
discovered by Paul, and communicated by him to the cen-
turion and the soldiers, because they had the power in the
urgency of the moment instantly to avert the danger by
force. ^Eav fXTj ovtol /leLVcoaLv iv tc5 TrXola), etc. — If these
do not abide in the ship^ ye cannot he saved. Although Paul
was divinely assured of the safety of all on board, yet he
does not hesitate to affirm that, if the sailors left the ship,
their safety would be impossible. Notwithstanding the
divine promise, means were to be employed, and these were
ordained as well as the end. It was ordained that the ship's
company should be saved through the instrumentality of the
^ Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 414.
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK.— XXVII. 33-35. 415
sailors. The sailors, by their skill, brought the vessel as near
the land as possible before it struck ; which if they had fled
could not have been effected, and thus the ship would have
foundered at a greater distance from the shore, so that escape
would have been more difficult, if not impossible.
Yer. 33. "A'^pc Se ov rjixeWev rj/iiepa 'ylveaOat — and until it
began to be day. So long as the darkness continued, nothing
could be done in the way of rescue. Teaa-apeo-KatSeKdrrjv
o'rjfjLepov rj/iiepav 7rpoa8oKa)VT6^ — waiting until the fourteenth
day; that is, waiting for the abatement of the storm. "AaLToi
hiaTeKelre fiTjdev TrpoaXa^ofievoL — ye continue fasting, having
taken nothing. By this is not meant that they had taken
nothing at all for fourteen days, but that they had taken no
regular meal. Paul uses a strong expression, which could
not be misunderstood by his hearers. So Appian speaks of
an army which for twenty days took neither food nor sleep ;
by which he must mean that they neither took regular meals,
nor slept whole nights together.
Ver. 34. Tovro yap tt^o? t^? v/ierepa^ acoT7]pLa<^ virdp'^ei,
— for this is for your safety. It would be necessary on the
morrow that each should exert himself to the uttermost ; and
therefore it was important that they should be strengthened
and refreshed by food. Ovhevo^ 'yap v/jlwv 6p\^ diro rrj^
/c€<pa\r]<; diroXeljaL — for there shall not a hair perish from the
head of any of you. A proverbial expression denoting their
entire safety. The same expression occurs in Luke's Gospel
(Luke xxi. 18).
Ver. 35. Ev-^aplarrjaev rw 0ec3 evooinov Trdvrcov — he gave
thanks to God in the presence of all. Paul does not here
observe the agapge with the disciples on board, as Olshausen
strangely imagines ; nor does he, as the father of a family,
offer up the thanksgiving over the bread at the commence-
ment of a meal, as Meyer thinks ; but he conducts himself
as a pious Jew, wdio gives thanks to God before he eats (De
Wette). Kal K\daa<i rjp^aro eaOieiv — and having broken it,
he began to eat. He showed them the example; and en-
couraged by his words and actions, they were ail of good
courage, and partook of food. Paul, although a prisoner,
416 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
must now have obtained a great influence over the soldiers
and the crew.
Ver. o7. AiaKoa-Lai e/SSo/juriKovTa ef — tivo hundred and
semnUj-six. For the size of the ships of the ancients, see
note to ver. 6. Lucian describes an Alexandrian vessel,
sailing from Egypt to Italy, which by stress of weather was
driven into the port of Athens ; and from what he states, it
must have been about 1200 tons burden.
Ver. 38. ^EK^aWo/jbevot rov alrov ek Trjv OaXaacrav —
casting the corn into the sea. Some (Meyer, Lange, Alford)
suppose that by g-Itov the provisions of the ship are meant,
which would consist chiefly of prepared corn, as meat and
bread. The reasons given for this opinion are, because the
castino- out of the corn is mentioned in connection with their
partaking of food ; and because the ship's cargo, which it is
otherwise supposed to denote, was in all probability already
thrown overboard (ver. 18). Others (Baumgarten, Lechler,
Hackett, Wordsworth, and Smith) suppose that gItov denotes
the freight or cargo of the vessel; and this is certainly the more
probable opinion. The provisions of the ship would afford only
a trifling lightening. The ship was a merchant vessel bound
from Alexandria to Kome, and the imperial city derived its
chief supply of corn from Egypt, which was regarded as the
granary of Italy ; and therefore it is reasonable to suppose
that it was laden with grain. The cargo of corn had pro-
bably been damaged by the leaking of the vessel ; but if not,
it was of no value compared with the lives of those on board;
besides, it was known that the vessel would be lost. This
lightening was for a different purpose than when the same
expedient was resorted to on two former occasions : then it
was done if possible to preserve both the ship and cargo;
but now their object was to drive the vessel as near the
shore as possible, in order to save their lives : hence both
ship and cargo were now to be sacrificed.
Ver. 39. Tr^v ^r]V ovk lire'^ivwdKov — they recognised not the
land ; that is, although they saw the shore before them, yet
they did not know the name of the coast. Malta might be
well known to the Alexandrian sailors, yet the particular
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK. — XXVII. 40. 417
spot on which they were driven was distant from all the
great harbours, and possessed no marked features by which
it could be recognised (Smith). KoXirov Be riva Karevoovv
e^ovTa alycaXov — but they perceived a certain creek ivith a
beach. Aljta\6<; is a smooth or sandy beach, thus fitted for
landing, as distinguished from clktoJ^ a stony beach. The
people of Malta have from time immemorial considered this
creek to be what is now called St. Paul's Bay ; and Smith,
from a great variety of particulars, has proved that this
opinion is correct. " The conditions," he observes, " required
to be fulfilled in order to make any locality agree with that
of the shipwreck, are so numerous as to render it morally
impossible to suppose that the agreement which we here find
can be the effect of chance." ^ St. Paul's Bay is at the
north-eastern extremity of Malta, and is formed by the
island of Salmonetta on the north and the point of Koura
on the south : it is about two miles deep and one broad.
There is now a smooth beach {al^idko'^) at that part of it
called the Mestara valley ; but Smith supposes that the beach
on which the ship stranded is a little to the north of that —
on a spot where, although there is no longer a sandy beach,
there must formerly have been one.^
Ver. 40. Kal ra? a<yKvpa<i irepieXovTe^ — and having cut
away the anchors; not, as in our English version, "when
they had taken up the anchors." Uepiaipeco^ to take away,
to remove. Hept may refer to their cutting the cables round
about. They now prepare to strand the vessel. First they
cut away the anchors, as there was now no use of spending
time in raising them. Etwv eh ttjv OaXaa-aav — letting them
fall into the sea : not, as in our English version, " they com-
mitted themselves to the sea," but '' they committed the
anchors to the sea." "Apia avevre^; ra? ^6VKTr)pLa<; tmv ttt}-
BdXlcov — having at the same time loosened the bands of the
rudders. Secondly, they loose the rudder-bands : irTjBaXLcov
not used for the singular (Beza) ; for the ships of the
ancients had generally two rudders, one on each side of the
stern. These rudders did not resemble our helms, but were
1 Smith's Voyage, p. 126. 2 75^77. pp. 137, 138.
VOL. II. 2 D
418 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
rather like large and broad oars or paddles. They were
joined together at the extremities by a pole, and were
managed by one man, the steersman (Kv/Sepvrjrrj^;, ver. 11),
and kept parallel to each other. When occasion required,
they could be pulled out of the water, and fastened with
bands {^evKrrjpiai,) to the ship. This had been done on the
preceding night, in order to anchor at the stern, and as the
ship was brought to rest. But now, wishing to drive the vessel
forwards, they loosened the bands of the rudders, in order that
they might act in propelling it. Kal iirdpavre'; rov dpre--
/jLCJva rfi TTveovar) — and having hoisted up the foresail to the
ivind. Tiiirdly, they hoist up the foresail. ^Apre/jicov does
not occur elsewhere in Greek. The artemon is not the
mast, but a species of sail : Luther's translation, '' the mast"
{Segelbaum), is erroneous. It has been variously supposed
to be the mainsail, the foresail, the mizzen-sail at the stern,
and the topsail. It is now generally agreed to have been the
foresail, as this was the sail which was employed for speed,
and would be the most useful in driving the ship forward.
So Grotius, Kuinoel, Smith, Humphry, Alford, Wordsworth.
Ver. 41. IIepi7rea6vT6<; Se et? toitov SiOaXaaaov — but hav-
ing fallen into a place ivhere two seas met. Some suppose
TOTTov hiOaXaaaov to have been a concealed shoal or sand-
bank formed by the action of two opposite currents. Such
sandbanks may have worn away, even if none at present
exist in St. Paul's Bay. Others suppose it to have been a
tongue of land or promontory running out into the sea, and
the extremity of which was covered by the waves ; so that,
when the ship struck upon it, they were still separated from
the dry land by a considerable surface of water. Others
render it, as in our English version, " a place where two
seas met," and suppose it to be at the north of St. Paul's
Bay, near to the narrow channel which separates the island
of Salmonetta from the mainland. Two seas would there
meet ; the sea on the outside of the island would communi-
cate with the sea within the bay.
Ver. 42. Todv Be <7t par lcotmv /SovXrj iyeuero, etc. — hut the
plan of the soldiers was to kill the j^'^'^soners. BovX?]^ not
PAUL'S SHIPWRECK.— XXVII. 43, 44. 419
merely a purpose, but a counsel, an advice, a plan. Paul
and his fellow-prisoners might have escaped death by sea ;
but they were exposed to another danger — death by the
soldiers. The Koman soldiers were answerable with their
lives for the detention of their prisoners : hence their cruel
proposal made to the centurion, to kill the prisoners, lest any
of them should escape.
Ver. 43. ^EKciyXvcrev avrov^ rod ^ovXijfiaTo^ — kept them
from their purpose. Thus God, for Paul's sake, not only
saved all the rest of the ship's company from being drowned,
but kept the prisoners from being murdered, according to
the barbarous proposal of the soldiers.
Ver. 44. Kal tov<; XotTrou? — and the rest. These words
depend on eKeXevaev, " he ordered the rest," soil, e^ievai
iirl Trjv ryrjvy '' to get to land." 'EttI a-avla-iv — on planks^
which were at hand in the ship. 'Ettl tlvcov twv airo rov
ttXolov — on things from the ship ; that is, probably on broken
pieces of the ship, the hinder part of which had been broken
up. Kal ovTco<; iyevero 7rdvTa<; Btao-codrjpai iirl rrjp yrjv —
and thus it happened that all came safe to land. Tiius were
Paul's words fulfilled : " There shall be no loss of life among
you. There shall not a hair fall from the head of any of
you."
SECTION XXIX.
PAUL AT MALTA.— Acts xxviii. 1-10.
1 And having escaped, then we learned that the island is called
Malta. 2 And the foreigners showed iis extraordinary kindness : for,
having kindled a fire, they received us all on account of the rain which
had set in, and on account of the cold. 3 But when Paul had gathered
a bundle of sticks and laid them on the fire, there came out a viper
on account of the heat, and fastened on his hand. 4 And when the
foreigners saw the beast hang from his hand, they said among them-
selves, Doubtless this man is a murderer, whom, though he has escaped
the sea, Justice suffered not to live. 5 But he shook off the beast into
the fire, and suffered no harm. 6 But they expected that he would
have swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly : but after they had waited
long and saw no harm come to him, they clianged their minds, and said
that he was a god. 7 In the neighbourhood of that place were estates
belonging to the first man of the island, Publius by name ; who received
us, and lodged us three days courteously. 8 And it came to pass that
the father of Publius lay sick of a fever and of dysentery : to whom
Paul entered in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him, and healed him.
9 Now when this was done, the rest also who had diseases in the island
came and were healed : 10 Who also honoured us with many honours ;
and when we set sail, supplied us with what was necessary.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 1. ^ETriyvcoaav is found in G, H ; whereas A, B,
C, ^5 have iTreyvay/ijLeVy the reading adopted by Lachmann
and Tischendorf. Yer. 3. The words e/c ti}? Oepfir)^ are
found only in cursive MSS. ; all the uncial MSS. have diro t^9
6ep/jL7]<;y the reading adopted by recent critics. ^ E^ekOovaa
is the reading of B, C, ^? ; whereas A, G, H have Sce^eX-
Oovaa^ the reading adopted by Tischendorf.
EXEGETICAL REMARKS.
Ver. 1. "Otl MeXiTT] i) vrjao<; KaXelrai — that the island is
called Mellta. Formerly there was an opinion, now generally
420
PAUL AT MALTA. — XXVIIL 1. 421
exploded, that this island was Meleda in the Gulf of Venice.
This opinion was first advanced by the Emperor Constantino
Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century, and was adopted and
defended by Giorgi, a Venetian ; and in more modern times
it has been embraced by Bryant, Falconer, and Coleridge
among our countrymen, and by Paulus among the Germans.
The great objection against Malta is that the ship was said
to be driven up and down in the Adriatic (ez^ rw ^ASpla)^
by which the Gulf of Venice is supposed to have been
meant. But we have seen that the Adriatic, as the term
was employed by the ancients, includes all that part of the
Mediterranean which lies between Sicily and Greece. (See
note to Acts xxvii. 27.)^ The other objections against Malta
— that the inhabitants are called barbarians, that there are
now no venomous serpents in the island, and that the disease
of dysentery is there unknown — are singularly weak, and
will be referred to in the course of the exposition. On the
other hand, the positive arguments in favour of Malta
amount almost to a demonstration : the north-east wind
would drive the ship to Malta ; the nature of St. Paul's Bay,
and the soundings in the neighbourhood, correspond in a
remarkable manner with the locality of the shipwreck ; and
an uninterrupted tradition fixes on Malta as the scene of
the occurrence. The voyage to Puteoli suits a vessel sailing
from Malta, but not one saiUng from Meleda. Besides, a
vessel from Meleda would certainly not sail first to Syracuse
and then to Ehegium, as Rhegium is nearer than Syracuse
to Meleda. Nor is it at all probable that the Alexandrian
vessel, on board of which Paul again embarked, would
winter so far out of its course at such an obscure island as
Meleda, whereas Malta lies on the direct course between
Alexandria and Puteoli.^
The island of Melita, now called Malta, situated near the
middle of the Mediterranean, between Europe and Africa,
^ Ptolemy distinguished between the Adriatic Sea and the Adriatic
Gulf.
'^ See this point discussed at length in Smith's Voyage of St, Paul,
pp. 161-172.
422 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
is about sixty miles distant from Cape Passaro, the nearest
point in Sicily, and about 200 miles from the African coast.
Malta was originally colonized by the Phoenicians, from whom
it was taken by the Greek colonists of Sicily : afterwards it
became part of the Carthaginian dominions, and was in a
flourishing condition during the continuance of that republic.
It was taken possession of by the Romans during the second
Punic war (Liv. xxi. 51) ; and when Paul visited it, it con-
stituted a part of the province of Sicily (Cic. Verr, iv. 18).
After the fall of the Roman empire, its celebrity greatly
increased. In the ninth century it fell into the hands of
the Saracens, from whom it was taken toward the close of
the eleventh century by the Normans. After the fall of
Rhodes, Malta became the residence of the Knights of St.
John ; and after various changes, it now constitutes a part
of the British empire. To Christians, an additional interest
is imparted to it by its being the now undoubted locality of
Paul's shipwreck.
Ver. 2. Oi re ^dp^apot — and the barbarians. This desig-
nation of the inhabitants has been thought to militate against
the opinion that the island was Malta ; because, from the
proximity of Malta to Sicily and Italy, the Maltese were
undoubtedly civilised. But the term ^dp(3apo<; does not
necessarily signify uncivilised. The Greeks and Romans
regarded all nations as barbarians, who, like the natives of
Malta, spoke neither the Greek nor the Latin language.
^^We are," remarks Strabo, "to understand the expressions
^barbarous speaking' and ^barbarous speakers' of persons
whose pronunciation of the Greek language is faulty" (xiv.
2. 28). Hence the term jBdp^apo^ more properly denotes
a foreigner, one whose language was not understood ; and
we have so translated it. In this sense the word is used by
Paul: "If I know not the meaning of the voice, I shall be
unto him that speaketh a barbarian, and he that speaketh
shall be a barbarian unto me" (1 Cor. xiv. 11). And hence
he employs the term to signify all who are not Greeks : '^ I
am debtor both to the Greeks and to the barbarians "
(Rom. i. 14). The inhabitants of Malta at this time were
PAUL AT MALTA. — XXVIIL 3. '423
of Phoenician or Carthaginian descent, and appear to have
spoken the Punic language, with perhaps an admixture of
Greek. Although under the dominion of the Romans, yet
that nation had not been able to impose tlieir language on
them. Even in the present day the natives of Malta have
a pecuHar language, termed the Maltese, which has been
proved to be essentially an Arabic dialect, with an admixture
of Italian, — a result from the fact that Malta was for nearly
two centuries under the dominion of the Arabs. In the
original sense of the term, the inhabitants of Malta might
still be called barbarians both by the English and the Italians.
Tbv icpecrrcoTa — ivliich had set in ; not '^ which had come
suddenly," but '^ which was upon us." The storm which
drove them to Malta was accompanied by the rain.
Ver. 3. "Exi^Sva — a viper. As another objection against
the island being Malta, it is asserted that there are no
venomous serpents there. But this is no objection to the
existence of such reptiles in the time of Paul. The increased
population and high cultivation of the island would have
extirpated them. No portion of Europe is so densely popu-
lated as Malta: it is said to contain 1200 persons to every
square mile ; and therefore it is no wonder that vipers were
exterminated from so small a space of territory. At6^e\6ovaa
— coming through. A more vivid description of the occur-
rence than the simple verb e^ekOovaa {textus receptus)^
denoting that the viper came forth through the bundle of
sticks where it had lain concealed.
Ka6ri'\\rev t?)? %ei/909 avrov — it fastened on his hand. It is
certainly not positively asserted that the viper bit Paul ; but
that is clearly implied. The viper fastened on his hand ;
he shook it off ; and the islanders expected that he would
have swollen or fallen down dead suddenly. They must
have known that the bite of that particular serpent was
deadly, and it was not doubted by them that it had bitten the
apostle. From the whole narrative it is evident that Paul's
escape from death is represented as miraculous. Hence all
rationalistic explanations are to be rejected as conflicting
with the narrative. Bochart supposes that the serpent
424 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
fastened on Paul's hand, but did not bite him ; an opinion
also adopted by Lange and Ewald. Lekebusch puts the
alternative : " Either the serpent was poisonous, and then it
did not bite the apostle; or if it bit him, it was not poison-
ous." ^ So also Kuinoel makes the same remark ; Erat autem
vipera ista aid non venenata^ etsi Melitenses earn pro venenata
hahuerint, aut si erat, insinuavit quidem se Pauli manui non
vero momordit? De Wette, on the other hand, in order to
get rid of the miraculous in the narrative, observes : " That
the serpent bit Paul's hand is not said, but is probable ; that
it was poisonous, the natives supposed ; but Luke does not
so much as hint that any divine intervention took place." ^
But if the viper was poisonous, and if it actually bit the
apostle, a divine intervention in his favour follows as a
necessary consequence.
Ver. 4. Uaz^Tft)? ^oi^eu? eanv o dv6pcc7ro<; ovro^j etc. —
Doubtless this man is a murderer^ ivhoni, though he has escaped
the sea, Justice suffers not to live. The inhabitants of Malta,
when they saw the viper hanging on Paul's hand, concluded
that it was an instance of divine retribution, the work of
Justice, which punishes death with death. The ancients
believed that a murderer, although he might evade human
justice, yet would not finally escape the avenging justice of
Heaven. The islanders were also probably informed that
Paul was a prisoner, and hence naturally concluded that he
had been guilty of some grave offence. Some (Eisner,
Kuinoel, Lange) suppose that they drew the inference that
he was a murderer from seeing the viper fastening on his
hand ; because, according to their ideas. Justice inflicted
punishment upon the member that committed the crime.
But this is fanciful, as the same remark would equally apply
to all crimes committed by the hand. The fact that, as they
supposed, Paul was bitten to death by a viper, was their
reason for thinking him a murderer, because death was the
punishment of murder. Alkt] — Justice, or Nemesis : the
1 Lekebnscli's Apostelgeschichte, p. 382.
2 Kuinoers Libri llistorici^ vol. iii. p. 378.
2 De Wette's Aposklfjeschichte, p. 186.
PAUL AT MALTA. — XXVI IL 5, 6. 425
personification of justice — Justitia, Justice was regarded by
the Greeks as the daughter of Jupiter. The text does not
determine whether the inhabitants of Maha used the well-
known Greek epithet Alkt), although it is probable that the
Greek mythology was known to them. The idea, however,
of Justice following on the footsteps of crime is common to
all nations.
Ver. 5. 'O fiev ovv aironva^dfjievof; to Orjpiov eh to irvp
eiraOev ovBev KaKov — he therij having shaken off the beast into
the fire^ suffered no harm. Thus our Saviour's promise to
His disciples was in this instance fulfilled : " They shall take
up serpents ; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not
hurt them" (Mark xvi. 18).
Ver. 6. 01 he TrpoaehoKwv avTov fieWeiv Trlfiirpao-Oai rj
KaTairiiTTeLV dcpvco ve/cpov — but they expected that he would
have swollen or fallen down dead suddenly. Both these effects
— the inflammation of the body, and the falling down dead
suddenly — are recorded as the results of the bite of the
African serpent (Alford). 'Eirl ttoXv Se avTOiv irpoahoKcov-
T(ov — but after they had waited long ; or, more literally,
" while they were long expecting." MeTa/SaXo/jbevoL — having
changed their opinio7i. MeTajSaWo/juai, is often used by
classical writers to express a change of view or opinion.^
The Maltese change their opinion ; they first regard Paul as
a criminal, and then as a god : but they do so in an opposite
manner from the Lystrians, who first wished to sacrifice to
Paul as a god, and then stoned him as a criminal (Acts xiv.
11). "EXeyov avjov elvat Oeov — they said that he was a god.
They considered him a god in human appearance, seeing
that the poison of serpents could do him no harm. Eisner
supposes that the inhabitants of Malta formed this opinion,
because the ancients attributed a divine nature to serpents,
and frequently worshipped them as gods. The Egyptians
were peculiarly addicted to the worship of serpents ; and the
Babylonians in the time of Daniel worshipped the dragon.
Some (Grotius, Whitby) suppose that the particular god
here meant w^as Hercules, who strangled serpents in his
^ See Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 510.
426 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
cradle, and was worshipped by the Phoenicians ; others
(Wetstein) think that it was ^sculapius, as that god is
represented witli a serpent : but both suppositions are ex-
tremely fanciful.
Ver. 7. To) Trpcorco t^? vrjcrov ovo/iaro HoifXiw — to the first
mem of the island, hy name Piddius. The title o 7r/ocoT09 t^9
vrjaov is the official title of Publius, and does not refer to
his rank or possessions, as in that sense his father, who was
then alive, would have been the first man of the island.
It is accordingly thought that Publius was the governor of
Malta, being the legate of the praetor of Sicily. This title
6 TT/dwro? does not indeed occur as the official title of the
governor of Malta in any ancient author ; but it is a remark-
able fact that it has been found in two inscriptions, one in
Greek and the other in Latin, which were discovered at
Citta Yecchia in Malta. The Greek inscription has the
words TT/ocoTo? MekLTaicov, and the Latin the words Mel.
Primus.^ It is indeed doubtful what is the precise meaning
of this title, whether it denotes the Roman governor of
Malta, or some other distinction ; but unquestionably it is
an official title : and this is another instance of the extreme
accuracy of Luke as a historian. According to tradition,
not only Publius, but almost all the inhabitants of Malta,
were converted to Christianity by the preaching and miracles
of Paul. Publius is said to have been the first bishop of
Malta, and afterwards to have succeeded Dionysius as bishop
of Athens. Jerome records a tradition of his havinoj suffered
martyrdom.
' AvaB6^dfjL€vo<; rjfia<;^ etc. — having received us, lodged us
three days courteously. It is disputed to whom r)/jid<; refers.
Baumgarten, Stier, and Lewin refer it to the whole com-
pany ; whereas Meyer limits it to Paul and his companions.
It is to be observed, that when it is said that the islanders
received the whole company, the words iravra^ t)^ia<^ (all of
1 The most important of these inscriptions is that in Greek (Boeckh,
Corp. Insc. grsec. 5754) : it was first explained in 1G47. The Latin
inscription was discovered at Citta Vecchia in 1747. Smith, however,
when in Malta, was unable to find either of these inscriptions.
PAUL AT MALTA. — XXVIIL 8, 9. 427
■us) are employed ; whereas here it is simply r]fjia^ (us) :
besides, in ver. 10 ^J/ia? can only refer to Paul and his friends.
Hence, then, it is the more probable opinion that Publius
received for three days as his guests, Paul, Luke, and Aris-
tarchus, and perhaps also the centurion Julius (Lechler).
The report of his miraculous escape from the bite of the
viper would direct the attention of Publius to Paul as a
remarkable man ; and Paul repaid his kindness by restoring
his father to health. " He that receiveth a propliet in the
name of a prophet, shall receive a prophet's reward."
Ver. 8. Uvperoh /cal hvcrevTepUp — of a fever and of
dysentery. Luke, as a physician, particularizes the nature
of the complaint of the father of Publius. TlvpeToh, in
the plural, denotes successive attacks of fever. This also
has been adduced as an argument against the island being
Malta. '' The disease," says Dr. Falconer, " with which the
father of Publius was affected (dysentery combined with
fever) affords a presumptive evidence of the nature of the
island. Such a place as Melita Africana (Malta), dry and
rocky, and remarkably healthy, was not likely to produce a
disease which is almost peculiar to moist situations." But
this is founded on an entire mistake. Smith states that in
point of fact, according to the statement of a physician in
the island made to him, such a disease is by no means un-
common in Malta.
Ver. 9. 01 Xoiirol ol ev rr} vrjcra 6')(pvTe<^ aaOevela^ — the
rest ivho had diseases in the island. It is probable, considering
the small extent of the island, and the comparatively long
stay of Paul upon it, that, as Baumgarten remarks, there
did not remain one sick person who did not find healing ;
but it is fanciful to suppose that Luke records this as a repre-
sentation of the completed kingdom of God.^ IIpocrrip'^ovTo
KoX iOepairevovTo — came and icere healed. Lekebusch sup-
poses, from ?7/xa9 occurring in the next verse, that the inhabit-
ants of Malta owed their recovery partly to the professional
skill and treatment of Luke as a physician.^ But such a
1 Baumgarten's Apostolic History, vol. iii. p. 302.
^ Lekebusch's Apostelgeschichte, p. 382.
428 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
rationalistic explanation is directly opposed to the account of
the cure of Publius (ver. 8), and to the general sense of the
narrative. Zeller, on the other hand, avoids the miraculous
in the narrative, by supposing the account to be a mythical
exaggeration.^ Such unfounded assertions cannot be met
with arguments. As interpreters, our business is to discover
the meaning of the author ; and beyond question he records
a number of miraculous cures effected by the Apostle Paul.
By no natural explanations can the miraculous element be
expunged from the narrative.
Ver. 10. Ol Koi TroXXai? rtyitat? eTL/jLTjaai' r^jxa^ — ivlio also
honoured us with many honours. 'H/Jba^; — us : evidently Paul
and his friends, in consequence of the miracles wrought.
Some render nixal^ rewards or gifts — honoraria ; but it is
more natural to translate them distinctions or honours. Paul
could receive no rewards as a recompense for the miracles
performed (Matt. x. 8). At his departure, indeed, he and
his friends were supplied with what things were necessary
for their wants ; but even these were received not as rewards
for services done, but as tokens of gratitude. ^EireOevro ra
7rpo<i ra? '^pela^ — sujyplied us with what ivas necessary. This
would be the more needful, as all their clothing had been
lost at sea.
^ Zeller's Apostelgeschichte, p. 291.
SECTION XXL
PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM MALTA TO ROME.—
Acts xxviii. 11-16.
11 Now after three months we set sail in an Alexandrian vessel,
which had wintered in the island, having the sign of the Dioscuri.
12 And landing at Syracuse, we remained there three days. 13 From
which place, by tacking about, we came to Rhegium ; and after one day,
the south wind having arisen, we came on the second day to Puteoli ;
14 Where finding brethren, we were desired to tarry with them seven
days : and so we came to Rome. 15 And the brethren having heard of
us, came thence to meet us as far as Appii Forum, and Tres Tabernse ;
whom when Paul saw, he thanked God, and took courage. 16 And
when we came to Rome, Paul was permitted to dwell by himself with
the soldier who guarded him.
CRITICAL NOTE.
Ver. 16. The words o eKaT6vTap')(o<i irapeBcoKe tov<; Be(rfjLLOv<i
Tw (TTpaToireBdp'^r)^ found in G, H, are omitted in A, B, {<,
and the Vulgate. They are retained by Meyer, De Wette,
and Alford, but are rejected by Griesbachj Lachmann,
Tischendorf, and Lechler.
EXEGETICAL EEMAEKS.
Yer. 11. Mera he Tpeh [xrjva^ — hut after tliree months.
Paul and his company wintered at Malta. They had set
sail from the Fair Havens about the beginning of October
(see note to Acts xxvii. 9) ; and consequently it must have
been toward the end of that month when they were ship-
wrecked. The three months' residence, then, would embrace
November, December, and January ; and the voyage from
429
430 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Malta would commence in the February of the following
year (a.d. 61).
Uapaarffio) AioaKovpoL^ — icith the sign of the Dioscuri.
TIapaarjpLW may be taken either as an adjective — Dioscu-
rorum effigiehus insignita^ " distinguished by the Dioscuri"
(De Wette, Lechler) ; or as a substantive dependent upon
avijx^V/^^^i '^ with the sign of the Dioscuri" (Meyer). Tlapa^
G-r}fjLov or eTTLcrrj/jLov is the sign of a ship, insigne — that which
distinguishes it from other ships, and gives it its name : this
might be the image of a god, of a man, or of a beast, a helmet,
the shield of Minerva, or some other object. Such a figure
was sculptured or painted on the prow of the ship. It differed
from the tutela^ which was the figure of the guardian deity
affixed to the stern of the vessel. Thus in Ovid we read, Est
mihi, sitqiie precor, fiavce tutela MinervoB navis ; et a picta cas-
side noynen habet (Ovid, TiHst. i. 10. 1). Here the insigne or
name of the ship was a helmet, whilst the tutela or guardian
divinity was Minerva. In the instance before us, probably
the insigne and the tutela were the same, namely figures of the
Dioscuri.^ The Dioscuri were Castor and Pollux, the sons,
according to the mythology of the ancients, of Jupiter and
Leda. They were represented either by two stars, or as two
young men on horseback. These divinities were regarded as
the tutelar gods (6eol acorrjpe^;) of sailors. Thus in Catullus
we have mention of a vessel placed under their special pro-
tection (Catul. iv. 27). So also Horace alludes to them as
fratres Helence lucida sidera {Od. i. 3. 2). The ancients
identified them with the phosphoric lights which are some-
times seen on the masts of ships, and which are called the
fires of St. Elmo. Luke does not mention that the ship had
this particular sign to show tliat Paul was constrained to sail
in a vessel with an idolatrous sign, or, as Baumgarten thinks,
to intimate that " on that vessel there did not reign any
confident security, but confidence in superhuman protection
and assistance ;" ^ but merely as a historical fact, being the
reminiscence of one who sailed in the same vessel with Paul.
1 Kuinoers Novi Testamenti Lihri Uhtorici^ vol. iii. p. 380.
2 Baumgarten's Apostolic History, vol. iii. p. 303.
PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM MALTA TO ROME. — XXVIIL 12, 13. 431
Ver. 12. Kal Kara'^Oevre^; et? ^vpaKovcra<; — and having
landed at Syracuse. This famous city was situated on the
east coast of the island of Sicily, about eighty miles, or a day's
sailj from Malta. It was made up of five cities — namely, the
island of Ortygia, Achradina, Tycha, Epipolse, and Neapolis
— and hence probably its plural termination. According to
Strabo, its wall was twenty-two miles in circumference, and
it rivalled Carthage in wealth (vi. 2. 4). It was originally a
Corinthian colony, founded B.C. 700. Syracuse long main-
tained its independence against the attacks of the Cartha-
ginians and the Romans; but about B.C. 212 it was taken
and destroyed by the Romans under Marcellus, during the
second Punic war. It soon recovered from its desolation,
and received the privilege of a Roman colony from Augustus.
In the time of Paul it was much reduced from its former
greatness, and occupied only the island of Ortygia, with a
small portion of the mainland (Strabo, vi. 2. 4). At pre-
sent, although not now the capital of Sicily, it still survives
as a town of some importance, having a population of about
18,000.
Ver. 13. "OOev TrepteXOovre^ — -/rom which place having gone
round. The meaning of irepieXOovre^ is doubtful. The verb
irepiep^ofiaL signifies '' to go about," '' to wander up and
down." See Acts xix. 13 ; 1 Tim. v. 13 ; Heb. xi. 37. De
Wette supposes that they sailed round the island of Sicily,
or the southern extremity of Italy ; others suppose that they
coasted round the eastern shore of Sicily. Lewin thinks
that the wind was westerl}^ ; and as they were under shelter
of the high mountainous range of Etna, they were obliged
to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so came
to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep ; and he adds in a note :
" I was informed by a friend many years ago, that when
he made the voyage himself from Syracuse to Rhegium,
the vessel in which he sailed took a similar circuit for a
similar reason." ^ Smith supposes that the wind was north-
west, and that they worked to windward, availing them-
selves of the sinuosities of the coast ; but that with this
1 Lewin's St. Paul, p. 736.
432 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
wind they could not proceed through the Straits of Messina,
and were therefore obliged to put into Rhegium, at the
entrance of the straits.^ Probably the word signifies that,
on account of contrary wnnds, they were obliged to sail in
a zigzag direction by tacking. So Lechler, Alford, Howson,
Wordsworth.
KaT7)VT'^cra/jL€v el<; 'PijyLov — ive came to Rhegium. Rhegium
received its name from the Greek verb prjjvvco or prjyvvfiL,
" to break," because it was thought that the island of Sicily
was at this point broken off from Italy (Strabo, vi. 1. 6).
It was situated in the Bruttian territory, near the southern
extremity of the Straits of Messina. It was originally a
Greek colony, and was destroyed by Dionysius, the tyrant
of Syracuse ; but was afterwards rebuilt, and in the time
of Paul was a considerable city. Ptolemy calls it Julian
Rhegium. It still exists under the modern name of Reggio,
having a population of about 15,000, and is the seat of an
archbishopric. Howson mentions as a singular coincidence,
that the figures on the coins of Rhegium are Castor and
Pollux, the same divinities whose forms were sculptured or
painted on the vessel in which Paul sailed.'^
^ ETnyevofievov vorov — the soiith-ivest ivind having arisen.
The south wind was favourable both for sailing through the
Straits of Messina and for sailing north to Puteoli. Aevre-
paloL rfkOojiev eh IIoTiokov<i — on the second day we came to
Puteoli. This celebrated seaport, called by Howson " the
Liverpool of Italy," was situated on the northern extremity
of the Bay of Naples, about 120 miles from Rome. In
its immediate neiMibourhood were Baiai, the resort of the
wealthy Romans ; and Misenum, the station of the Roman
navy. Its original name was Dicsearchia, which was changed
into Puteoli (from putei^ wells) on account of its mineral
springs (Strabo, v. 4. 6). Josephus mentions it twice by its
Greek name, Dicaearchia {Ant. xvii. 12. 2, xviii. 7. 2) ; and
^ Smith's Voyage of St. Paul, p. 151.
2 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 430. This coin is not
noticed by Eckhel. There is, however, a coin of Locri, a neighbouring,'
city, with the figures of the Dioscuri (Eckhel, i. p. 175).
PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM MALTA TO ROME. — XXVIH. 13. 433
in a third passage he says : '' I came to Dic^archia, which
the Itahans call Puteoli" (Vita, 3). Puteoli, originally a
Greek colony, came into notice daring the second Punic war.
At an early period it became a Roman colony (Liv. xxxiv. 42),
which privilege, according to Tacitus, was renewed in the
reign of Nero (Tac. Ann. xiv. 37). It was the principal
seaport of southern Italy, and was at this time a Roman city
of the first rank. The ships of Alexandria resorted to this
port, and there discharged their merchandise. Thus Strabo
says : " Alexandria exports to Italy more than it receives
from it, as any one may see who visits both ports, Alexandria
and Dicsearchia (Puteoli), and watches the arrival and de-
parture of the merchant vessels" (Strabo, xvii. 1. 7). The
Alexandrian corn vessels, as we are informed by Seneca, had
the peculiar privilege of sailing into the harbour of Puteoli
with all their sails set, whereas other vessels were com-
pelled to lower their topsails (Ep. 27) ; so that we are
acquainted with the very manner in which this wheat ship
of Alexandria entered into port. Puteoli was also the point
of embarkation for the East. Thus Suetonius tells us that
Titus, in coming from Alexandria, arrived first at Khegium,
and sailed thence in a merchant vessel to Puteoli (Suet.
Titus, v.). It was also familiar to the Jews, as they were
accustomed to land and embark there in their journeys to
and from Rome (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 7. 2). Puteoli is now a
small town, or rather village, known by the name of Pozzuoli.
The remains of the ancient town are considerable. The most
worthy of note are sixteen piers, forming a part of the ancient
mole, which stretched into the sea, and over which Paul must
have walked ; and the so-called temple of Serapis, which, on
account of its being pierced in several places at different
altitudes by lithodomi^ affords unquestionable evidence of the
subsidence and rise of the land (see Lyell's Principles of
Geology).
The distance between Rhegium and Puteoli, which is about
a hundred and eighty miles, was accomplished by the Alex-
andrian vessel " Castor and Pollux " in less than two days.
The voyage must have been a rapid one, at the rate of six or
VOL. II. 2 E
434 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
seven miles an hour ; the south wind being extremely favour-
able. The rate of sailing among the ancients was often very
considerable : there is mention of long voyages made in a
short space of time. Strabo mentions that a vessel could
sail from Sammonium (Salmone in Crete) to Egypt in four
days, — a distance of 5000 furlongs, or 625 miles, which gives
a rate of six and a half miles an hour (Strabo, x. 4. 5).
Herodotus tells us that a ship could sail in twenty-four hours
1300 furlongs, or about six and a half miles an hour. Pliny
mentions passages from the Straits of Gibraltar to Ostia in
seven days ; from the nearest port of Spain in four ; from
the province of Narbonne in three ; and from Africa in
two ; which would afford an average rate of seven miles an
hour. Thus, then, the rapid voyage of the apostle between
Rhegium and Puteoli is not unexampled in voyages made by
the ancients.^
Ver. 14. Ou evp6vTe<^ aZeK(^ov^ — luliere finding brethren.
At Puteoli Paul met Christian brethren. Being a seaport of
great resort, and the usual landing-place from Syria, the
gospel might easily be carried there by travellers from the
East. Alford supposes that these Christians were Alexan-
drians, because the commerce was so considerable between
these two places. But there is no necessity for this suppo-
sition : they were in all probability natives of Puteoli. JJape-
K\r]6r)(iev iir avTol<=; emixelva i^iiepa^ eTrrd — lue were desired
to tarry with them seven days. We are not informed who
made this request, but probably it was the brethren of
Puteoli ; nor are we told whether this request was granted,
but this is evidently to be understood. It was doubtless
with the permission of Julius that Paul, and consequently
the whole company, remained at Puteoli for seven days.
This is another proof of the high esteem in which Paul was
held by the centurion. Kal ovtco^ ek ttjv 'Pco/jltjv ifkOafiev
— and thus lue went to Home : either mentioned by anticipa-
iion, or a statement that after the seven days they proceeded
on their journey to Rome. They would first proceed to
^ Sec Biscoe on the Acts, p. 3-15 ; Smith's Vuyage of St. Paul, pp.
208, 209.
PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM MALTA TO ROME. — XXVIIL 15. 435
Capua, about twelve miles distant, where they would join
the celebrated Appian Way, which led direct to Eome.
Ver. 15. KaKeWev ol aSeXcpol aKovcravre'; ra ire pi rjfjLMVy
etc. — And the brethren^ havmg heard the things concerning us,
came thence to meet us. By the brethren here are meant the
native Christians, resident at Eome. As Paul tarried seven
days at Puteoll, the news of his arrival would easily have
reached Eome, so as to afford time for the brethren to meet
him. It is remarkable that we have no certain information
by whom Christianity was introduced into Eome. Probably
it was by some of the Jewish residents there, who, being at
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, were then converted
(Acts II. 10). At first the church would be composed chiefly
of Jewish Christians ; but these would be dispersed, when
Claudius banished all the Jews from Eome. Afterwards,
when the edict was reversed, numerous Christians, as appears
from the Epistle to the Eomans, came and settled there;
and an intimacy would be kept up between Paul and the
church by means of Aqulla and Priscllla, and others of Paul's
friends who were among the leading Christians at Eome.
The Eoman Christians had also been made aware that
Paul had been for some years desirous to visit them (Eom.
i. 10-15, XV. 28).
"A^pL<; 'Airirlov ^opov — as far as Appii Forum. Appii
Forum was an obscure town on the Appian Way, about
forty miles from Eome. It probably received its name from
Appius Claudius, the constructor of this part of the road.
It is mentioned both by Cicero {ad Att. li. 10) and by
Horace {Sat. i. 5. 4), The latter speaks of it as the resort
of boatmen and low tavern-keepers : Inde Forum Appi,
differtum nautis, cauponibus atque malignis} The celebrated
Via Appia, along which Paul travelled, called by Statins
" the queen of ways," was the oldest and most frequented
road in Italy. It was constructed by Appius Claudius, and
^ Appii Forum was an inland town, but it was at the extremity of
the canal formed by Augustus for draining the Pomptine marshes ; and
hence the sailors (nautis) mentioned by Horace were the boatmen
employed on this canal.
436 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
led from Rome to Capua, and thence was continued to
Brundusium on the Adriatic Gulf, on the other side of
which it was succeeded by the Via Egnatia.
Kal TpLcov Ta^epvMV — ajid Tres Tahernce. Tres Tabernge
was another obscure town on the Appian Way, about ten
miles nearer Rome. The Antonine Itinerary gives the fol-
lowing table of distances, reckoning southwards from Rome :
to Aricia, sixteen miles ; to Tres Tabernae, seventeen miles ; to
Appii Forum, ten miles. Cicero mentions both towns in one
of his epistles: Ah Appii Foro liora qnarta; dederam aliam
paullo ante Tribiis Tahernis (Cic. ad Att. ii. 10). Tres
Tabernse was in the reis^n of Constantino the seat of a
bishopric ; for among the bishops appointed by that emperor
to decide the controversy between Donatus and Csecilianus,
there is mention of Felix the bishop of Tres Tabernge. The
brethren from Rome thus met Paul in two parties : some
came as far as Appii Forum, forty-three miles distant ; and
others to Tres Taberna?, thirty-three miles distant.
Oi)? Ihoiv IIav\o<;, 6iJ'^apLorT^(Ta<; toS 0€o5, eXa/Sev 6dpao<;
— wJiom Paul seeing^ having thanked God^ took courage. Paul
knew that there was a flourishing church in Rome, to which
several years ago he had written a long epistle, and which
he had earnestly desired to visit ; and now this friendly
reception by the brethren who had come so many miles to
meet him, even although he was a prisoner, must have
cheered his heart, and greatly encouraged him in the work
of the Lord. Videhat Christum etiam Romce esse. Non
semper idem impetus etiam in Paulo fuit. Jam obliviscitur
molestiarum itineris (Bengel).
Ver. 16. ''Ore 8e elarjXOa/jiev et? 'Pm/jltjv — hut ivhen ice came
to Rome. Paul entered Rome by the Appian Way through
the gate Capena.^ He would then be led to the Pr?e-
torium, the quarter of the household troops attached to the
palace on the Palatine hill ; or to the great praetorian camp
{Castrum Prcetorium) situated outside the wall to the nortli-
^ Paul arrived at Rome in March 61, in the seventh year of the reign
of Nero, in the consulship of Coesonius Paetus and Petronius Turpihanus
(Tac. Ann. xiv. 29).
PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM MALTA TO ROME. — XXVIIL 16. 437
east of the city. And now Paul found himself in Romej
the political metropolis of the world, where were assembled
the representatives of all nations, and where Jesus Christ
had already a flourishing church. We cannot over-estimate
the importance of this event in the history of the church and
of the world. Paul was probably the first of the apostles of
Christ who trod the streets of the imperial city : his long
residence there, and the liberty which he enjoyed in preach-
ing the gospel, must have given a mighty impetus to the
spread of Christianity.
'O eK.aT6vTap')(o<^ irapehwKev tov<^ heaiilov^ rw crrpaTO-
TreSdp'^r} — The centurion delivered up the prisoners to the
praetorian prefect. The genuineness of these words is dis-
puted. (See Critical Note.) The external authorities are
against their admission ; whereas the internal evidence is
in favour of their reception. By aTpaToirehdp')(ri is un-
doubtedly meant the prefect of the praetorian guard — prce-
fectus prcetorio. The praetorian camp was first formed by
SejanuSj the favourite of Tiberius ; and the commander of
it was the most influential subject of the empire. In general,
the power was shared between two, as it was regarded too
great to be entrusted to one person. One of the duties of
the praetorian prefect was to keep in custody all accused
persons who were to be tried before the emperor. Thus
Herod Agrippa i., when a prisoner at Rome, was entrusted
to the care of Macro, the successor of Sejanus (Joseph. Ant.
xviii. 6. 6). And we learn from Pliny that this was usually
the case with prisoners sent from the provinces : vinctus mitti
ad prcefectos prcetorii met debet (Plin. Up. x. 65). In the
early part of the reign of Nero, the celebrated Afranius
Burrus was the prefect of the praetorian guard. Wieseler
endeavours to determine the chronology of Paul's life from
the fact that the word arparoTreSap'^w is in the singular.
Both before and after Burrus there were two praetorian
prefects, whereas Burrus occupied this office alone ; hence
Wieseler infers that aTparo'ireSdp'^a) necessarily refers to
Burrus, and that consequently Paul must have come to Kome
in the spring of the year 61, as Burrus died early in the year
438 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
62/ But to this Meyer replies, that by the singular is meant
no more than the praetorian prefect who acted in this parti-
cular case, and who took the charge of Paul and the other
prisoners.^ And certainly the expression may be so under-
stood; so that no chronological date can be inferred from
this statement.
'EireTpaiTr) rw Tlavkw jxeveiv KaO^ eavTov — hut it was 'per-
mitted to Paul to choell hy himself. The prisoners who were
sent from the provinces were usually confined in a prison
adjoining the praetorian camp ; but sometimes indulgence
was given to those not charged with heinous crimes, or who
possessed sufficient influence, to dwell by themselves. This
favour was accorded to Herod Agrippa i. when a prisoner at
Rome (Jos. A7it. xviii. 6. 11). Paul received this privilege
probably from the favourable report that was sent from
Festus and Agrippa ; and the centurion Julius would cer-
tainly use what influence he possessed on his behalf. Thus
Paul was not kept in the praetorian prison, where he would
have had no opportunity of preaching the gospel ; but in his
own house, where liberty of intercourse with all who came
was granted him. " Let us know," observes Calvin, " that
God did govern from heaven the bonds of His servant ; not
only that He might ease him of his trouble, but that the
faithful might have freer access unto him. For He would
not have the treasure of his faith shut up in prison ; but He
would have it laid open, that it might enrich many far and
wide." Svv Tft) (f)v\daaovTt avTov arparLcorrj — with the
soldier tvho guarded him. Paul thus remained in custodia
militaris. As the soldiers were frequently relieved, Paul
would by this means become known to several of the prae-
torian guard ; and thus Christianity might find an entrance
among them. Hence Paul speaks of his bonds in Christ
being manifested in the Praetorium, and in all other places
(Phil. i. 23).
^ "Wieseler's Chronologie des apostolisclien Zeitalters, p. 86.
^ Meyer's ApostelgescJiichte, p. 513.
SECTION XXXI.
PAUL AT ROME.— Acts xxviii. 17-31.
17 And it came to pass, after three days, that he summoned those
who were the chief of the Jews : and when they were assembled, he said
to them, Men and brethren, I, havmg done nothing against this people
or the customs of our fathers, was delivered a prisoner from Jerusalem
into the hands of the Romans : 18 Who, having examined me, wished to
release me, because there was no cause of death in me. 19 But the Jews
speaking against it, I was constrained to appeal unto Caesar ; not as
having anything to accuse my nation of. 20 For this cause therefore I
desired to see you, and to speak with you : because for the hope of Israel
I am encompassed with this chain. 21 j But they said to him. We
neither received letters from Judea concerning you, neither did any
of the brethren wlio came hither relate or speak any evil concerning
you. 22 But we think it right to hear from you what you think : for
concerning this sect, we know that it is everywhere spoken against.
23 And when they had appointed him a day, more came to him to his
lodging ; to whom he expounded, testifying the kingdom of God, and
persuading them concerning Jesus, both from the law of Moses and from
the prophets, from morning till evening, 24 And some were convinced
by what was spoken, but others believed not. 25 And when they
agreed not among themselves, they departed, after that Paul had spoken
one word. Well spoke the Holy Ghost by Isaiah the prophet to your
fathers, 26 Saying, Go ye to this people, and say, With hearing you
shall hear, and shall not understand; and seeing you shall see, and
not perceive : 27 For the heart of this people has become fat, and they
have heard heavily with their ears, and their eyes have they closed ; lest
they should see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and under-
stand with their heart, and be converted, and I will heal them. 28 Be
it known therefore unto you, that this salvation of God has been sent
to the Gentiles, and they shall hear.
29, 30 And he dwelt for two whole years in his own hired house, and
received all who came to him, 31 Preaching the kingdom of God, and
teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness,
without hindrance.
440 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
CRITICAL NOTES.
Ver. 17. Tov UaiiXov is the reading of G, H ; whereas
A, B, 5< have avrov, the reading generally adopted by recent
critics. Ver. 2b. 'H/xcov after 7raT6pa<; is found in G, H ;
whereas A, B, &< have v/jLwi^, the reading adopted by Lacli-
mann and Tischendorf. Ver. 28. To acorrjpLov is the read-
ing of E, G, H ; whereas A, B, N have rovro to crcor'^piov,
the reading approved of by Lachmann and Tischendorf.
Ver. 29. This whole verse, fcal ravra avrov elirovTO'^ airifkOov
ol ^lovSatoL TToXkrjv e^ovre^ iv eavTol<=i o-v^Tjrrjacv^ found in
G, H, is wanting in A, B, E, N*, and the Syriac, and is
omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf. Ver. 30. The words
ITa£)Xo?j found in G, H, are wanting in A, B, E, ii, and
are rejected by most recent critics.
EXEGETICAL EEMAEKS.
Ver. 17. ^Eyevero Se /jbera rj/jL€pa<; rpel^ — hut it came
to pass after three days. Paul showed his earnestness^ in
sending for the rulers of the Jews only three days after
his arrival at Eome. The three days would probably be
spent in intercourse with the Roman Christians, in procuring
a lodging, and in refreshing himself after his long journey.
^vvKa\eaaa6aL avrov Tov<i ovra^; rwv ^lovSalcov irpwrov^ —
that he summoned those ivlio ivere the chief of the Jews. The
Jews were very numerous at Rome, and were confined to a
particular quarter of the city on the other side of the Tiber
(Trans- tiberine). There were so many of them, that when
a petition was sent to the emperor from Jerusalem against
Archelaus, the son of Herod the Great, it was supported by
eight thousand Jews resident in Rome (Joseph. Ant. xvii.
11. 1).-^ They had indeed been banished by Claudius ; but
this decree had been abrogated on the accession of Nero, if
not in the lifetime of Claudius himself. Aquila and Priscilhi
several years before this had returned to Rome (Rom.
^ See Lewin's St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 753, 754.
PAUL AT ROME. — XXVIII. 17. 441
xvi. 3).^ By the chief of the Jews are here meant the rulers
of the synagogues, or the heads of the principal Jewish
families at Rome. Paul was naturally anxious to justify
himself before them, and thus to remove any obstacle which
might hinder the reception of the gospel. He thought that
reports prejudicial to him might have been sent and cir-
culated among them by the Jews of Judea — that he was an
apostate from Judaism, that everywhere he attacked the
Mosaic law, and that by appealing to Csesar he intended to
accuse the Jews. Besides, the fact that he was a prisoner
might cause the Roman Jews to regard him with suspicion.
In all this he had not a regard to his own interests, but he did
all things for the sake of the gospel. He also acted upon
his principle of preaching the gospel to the Jew first, and
then to the Gentile (Rom. i. 16). Zeller objects that it is
highly improbable that Paul should seek to justify himself
to the Jews, before he had first made acquaintance with the
Christian church, whom according to the Epistle to the
Romans he desired so greatly to see ; and hence he affirms
that the author of the Acts here ignores the existence of this
church, from a wish to represent Paul as the founder of
Christianity at Rome.^ But Luke had already mentioned
the existence of Christians at Rome who had come to meet
the apostle (ver. 15). Besides, the object of his history was
not to represent the labours of the apostle among those who
were Christians, but the progress of Christianity among
those who were not. And it is highly probable that part of
the three previous days were spent with the Christians ; or
if not, the apostle would have ample opportunities of seeing
and conversing with them afterwards.
^E^Gi ovhev ^vavTLOv iroLrjcras; rat Xaoj rj rot? eOeaiv rot?
TvaTpwoi^ — / having done notliing against this ^people or the
customs of the fathers. Here again Zeller objects : ^' With
what conscience can the apostle say that he has done nothing
against the Mosaic institutions — he, whose whole aim in life
was nothing else than an endeavour to supplant these institu-
^ See note to Acts xviii. 2.
2 Zeller's ApostelgescMchte, pp. 292, 372.
442 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
tions by faith in Christ, whose whole religious consciousness
had its centre in the abolition of the law by the gospel ? " ^
But this objection arises from a mistaken view of the
apostle's opinions. He held that, so far from abolishing, he
fulfilled the law by the gospel ; that Christianity was the
true development of Judaism; and that the Christian was
the true Jew. His opposition was not against the law, but
against its abuse — against the opinion that it was sufficient
for justification ; but, so far from calling in question, he
maintained and defended its divine origin and authority.
Ver. 18. Otrtz^e? dvaKpLvavT€<; fxe i^ovXovTO airoKvaai —
ly/io, having examined me^ wished to release me. Had the
Koman rulers been left to their own judgment, Paul would
certainly have been released. Aia to fjLrjSe/uLiav alrcav davd-
Tov vTrdp^ecv iv e/JLol — because there teas no cause of death in
me. The Roman governors united in pronouncing Paul
innocent. Lysias, the chief captain, declared that there was
nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds (Acts
xxiii. 29). Felix did not treat him as a criminal (Acts
xxiv. 23). Festus affirmed that he had committed nothing
worthy of death (Acts xxv. 25). And the judgment of
King Agrippa was : " This man might have been set at
liberty, if he had not appealed u^to Caesar" (Acts xxvi. 32).
Ver. 19. ^AvTiXeyovTcov 8e rcov ^lovhalcov rjva^KdaOai ein-
KaXeaaaOat Kalaapa — but the Jews contradicting, I was con-
strained to appeal to Ccesar. This notice, as Meyer observes,
completes the narrative of Paul's appeal to Caesar (Acts
xxv. 2-12). We are thus to conceive of the matter : After
Paul had made his defence, Festus expressed his willingness
to release him ; the Jews, however, opposed his doing so ;
whereupon Festus proposed that the trial should be removed
to Jerusalem, and then it was that Paul felt himself con-
strained in self-defence to appeal to Ca3sar.^ Ov-^ &>? tgv
eOvov^ fjLov e^ojv ri KaTrfjopelv — not as having anything to
accuse my nation of. Paul's appeal was entirely defensive :
1 Zeller's Apostehjescldclite, p. 292. See also Davidson's New Intro-
duction^ vol. ii. pp. 225, 226, wliere the same objection is stated.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 515.
PAUL AT ROME. — XXVIII. 20, 21. 443
lie saw that the Jews were determined to destroy him, and
he felt that he could not trust the protection of Festus ; and
hence, to save himself, he exercised his privilege as a Roman
citizen of appealing to Caesar. The Jews seem to have
insinuated that he appealed in order that he might have
an opportunity of accusing his nation of maltreating him ;
but such a charge the apostle repudiates. Although most
unjustly and cruelly treated, he was not an accuser of his
brethren.
Ver. 20. "EveKev fyap ttj^ ikiri^o^ rod 'laparfk — because on
account of the hope of Israel. By " the hope of Israel" here
is meant the Messianic hope — the promise of the Messiah.
(See note to Acts xxvi. 6.) As if the apostle had said : " My
sufferings are caused on account of my belief in the fulfil-
ment of the hope of Israel." And this was certainly the case.
It was his belief in Jesus as the promised Messiah that was
the cause of the hatred of the Jews, and of all those per-
secutions and sufferings which he endured. Ttjv aXvcnv
ravTijv 7r€pLK€L/jLaL — / ain encompassed with this chain. Hepi-
KECfiat, " to surround," " to encompass," referring perhaps
to the fact that the chain encompassed his arm. As already
noticed, it was the custom of the Romans to bind their
prisoners to soldiers who kept them. Perhaps, however, the
expression may be a general allusion to his Imprisonment,
without necessarily implying that he was always bound to a
soldier.
Ver. 21. 'U/xet? ovre ypd/jL/jLara iBe^d/jLeda irepl aov diro
Trj^ ^lovSaia^j etc. — We neither' received letter's from Jiidea
concerning thee^ neither did any of the brethren who came
hither relate or speak any evil of thee. At first sight, it
appears strange that the Roman Jews should profess such
ignorance of Paul. It is, however, probable that no official
letter from the Sanhedrim concerning him had reached
Rome. During Paul's two years' imprisonment at Csesarea,
the Jews in Jerusalem would have no cause to communicate
with the Roman Jews, because Paul was in their own country,
and they trusted that they might destroy him there, and his
removal to Rome was not expected. After his' appeal, and
444 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
the resolution of Festus to send him to Caesar, the Jews
had not time to send information. Paul left shortly after
the appeal, about autumn, and the sea was soon closed ;
and besides, it was with a favourable voyage that he came
from IMalta to Puteoli, so that he would be at Rome sooner
than any intelligence from Jerusalem (Meyer). But although
no official letters from Judea may have reached Rome, yet
it is strange that the Jews there had not heard something to
Paul's disadvantage from the brethren who came from Judea.
For many years Paul was one of the most prominent leaders
of Christianity, and was everywhere hated by the Jews ; and
three years before this, all Jerusalem was in an uproar in
consequence of his appearance in the temple. The com-
munication between Jerusalem and Rome Avas frequent, and
about this very time a deputation of the chief of the Jews in
Caesarea had come with a petition against Felix (Joseph.
Ant. XX. 8. 9).^ Olshausen supposes that, as the Jews
had been expelled from Rome by Claudius, the connections
which the Jews of Jerusalem had with them were inter-
rupted, and had not been as yet completely resumed, and
thus it happened that no intelligence had been sent to Rome.^
This, however, is in the highest degree improbable, if not
historically erroneous. Meyer supposes that the Roman
Jews here acted with reserve, and affirm only that they had
no official information, in order to appear impartial, and to
encourage Paul to an unreserved communication.^ The
probability is, that they express themselves politely to Paul ;
for although they may have heard of him, and that to his
disadvantage, yet they do not feel themselves obliged to
acknowledge it. Removed from the scene, they had no reason
to be prejudiced against him. There was no official com-
munication concerning him, and the reports which reached
them were mere rumours.*
1 Zeller's ApnstcIgescJdchtc, pp. 295-297.
2 Olshausen on the Gospels and the Acts, vol. iv. p. 505.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, pp. 516, 517.
* According to Stier and others, the Roman Jews here show a want
of candour, and utter a falsehood (Stier's Words of the Apostles, p. 510).
PAUL AT ROME. — XXVIII. 22. 445
Ver. 22. Uepl fiev <yap t>5? alpeaeo)^ TavTrj<;, etc. — for con-
cerning this sect we know that it is everywhere spoken against}
Baur and Zeller object to this statement of the Jews, that
it represents their knowledge of Christianity as proceeding
entirely from hearsay, whereas there was at this time in Kome
a large and flourishing church. " We know," observes
Zeller, " from the Epistle to the Eomans, that some years
before this a very considerable Christian church existed in
Eome, — a church whose faith was spoken of throughout the
whole world (Rom. i. 8). We learn also from the same
document, that several of its members were Jewish Chris-
tians, and that it had in it a considerable Judaizing element,
from which it is evident that it could not have existed with-
out a connection with the Roman Jews. How, then, is it
possible that of such a church nothing further should be
known by the chief of the Jews, than that their doctrine was
everywhere spoken against? " ^ Different answers have been
given to this objection. Olshausen thinks that, since the
expulsion of the Jews by Claudius, both Jews and Chris-
tians alike maintained a designed separation, and thus gra-
dually lost their acquaintance with one another. Neander
observes : " If we consider the immense size of the metropolis,
and the vast confluence of human beings it contained, and if
to this we add that the main body of that church consisted
of Gentiles, and that those wealthy Jews busied themselves
far more about other objects than the concerns of religion,
it is not inconceivable that they knew little or nothing of
the Christian church which existed in the same city with
themselves."^ Some (Schneckenburger, Tholuck) think that
the Jews dissimulated, and purposely concealed their better
acquaintance with Christianity ; others (Philippi, Hackett,
Humphry), that since their expulsion by Claudius the situa-
tion of the Jews at Rome was insecure, and that as it is
probable from the statement of Suetonius they had been
1 For the hostility of the Jews to Christianity, see note to Acts xiv. 2.
2 Zeller's Apostelgeschichte^ pp. 293, 294 ; Baur's Apostel Paulus^ vol. i.
p. 363.
2 Neander's Planting^ vol. i. p. 311.
446 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
expelled on account of their dissensions about Christianity,
they were extremely guarded in their statements, for fear of
again bringing themselves into trouble ; ^ and others (Meyer,
Lechler), that there was an intentional reserve, partly from
caution toward the Roman authorities, and partly in order
that Paul might explain himself freely and unreservedly.^
But we do not see that the statement of the Jews requires
any apology. With full knowledge of the existence of a
Christian church among them, they might with perfect
truthfulness express themselves as they do : " Concerning
this sect, we know that it is everywhere spoken against."
Ver. 23. TI\eiove<^ — more; that is, more than were with
him on the former occasion. AiajjbapTvpofjbevo^ ttjv /SaatXelav
rod ©eov — testifying the kingdom of God; that is, the Mes-
sianic kingdom. The apostle insisted on the spiritual nature
of this kingdom, in opposition to the common Jewish notion
of a temporal kingdom. nelOwv — persuading; not "teach-
ing" (Kuinoel), but arguing, reasoning with them. JJepl
Tov ^Ir](Tov — concerning Jesus ; maintaining from the predic-
tions concerning the Messiah in the law of Moses and in the
prophets, that Jesus was the Messiah. Thus, then, the apostle
insisted on these two points : that the Messianic kingdom
was spiritual, and that Jesus was the Messiah.
Yer. 24. Kal ol fiev iireidovio rot? Xejo/juevoi^;, ol he rjirlo--
Tovv — And some were persuaded by ivhat was spoken^ and others
believed not. The result of Paul's reasonino; with the Jews
was various : some were convinced, and embraced Chris-
tianity ; others remained in unbelief. It would appear from
the words which follow, that the majority of the meeting did
not believe.
Ver. 25. ^Ao-v/jLcj^couol Se ovre^ rrrpo^ aWrjXov; — and as they
agreed not among themselves. From tliis it would appear that
the believing and unbelieving Jews disputed among them-
selves : the gospel was the cause of dissension. " The malice
and wickedness of unbelievers," observes Calvin, " is the
cause that Christ, who is our peace, and the only bond of
1 Humphry on the Acts, p. 216 ; Hackett oji the Acts, p. 458.
^ Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 518.
PAUL AT ROME. — XXVIII. 26-28. 447
holy union, becomes' the occasion of dissension among those
who were friends before. For when these Jews came too^ether
to hear Paul, they were all of one mind, and all professed
that they embraced the law of Moses. But so soon as they
hear the doctrine of reconciliation, a dissension arises among
them, so that they are divided. And yet we must not think
that the preaching of the gospel is the cause of discord, but
that enmity which before lay hid in their wicked hearts does
then break out ; as the brightness of the sun does not create
new colours, but shows the difference which in the darkness
was not discernible."^ Elirovro^ rov UavXov prjfjLa ev — Paul^
having said to them one ivord. Just as they were in the act
of departing, Paul addressed to them an important remark.
''Ev — 07ie. An additional observation after so much discourse,
and that a saying of great moment. Of course the apostle
did not apply the passage from the prophecies of Isaiah to all,
but only to those who rejected the gospel.
Vers. 26, 27. The prediction contained in these verses is a
quotation from Isa. vi. 9, 10 ; and the words almost exactly
agree with those in the Septuagint. It is quoted oftener than
any other passage from the Old Testament, being found in
the New Testament no less than six times (Matt. xiii. 14 ;
Mark iv. 12 ; Luke viii. 10 ; John xii. 40 ; Eom. xi. 8 ; and
here, Acts xxviii. 26, 27). The original meaning of the pre-
diction is obvious. It is contained in a passage wherein
Isaiah receives his divine commission to be a prophet in
Israel. He is told that the effect of his preaching on the
great mass of the people would not be to convert, but to
blind and harden them ; that they would obstinately harden
themselves against his declarations. The words themselves
require no explanation. The passage received its Messianic
fulfilment in the impenitence of the Jews, and in their oppo-
sition to the gospel. The only effect which Christianity had
upon the great mass of the nation was to harden them.
Ver. 28. Ovv — therefore; because ye are hardened and
irreclaimable. Not, however, that the preaching of the
gospel to the Gentiles depended on its rejection by the
1 Calvin, in loco.
448 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Jews. Tovro to (TcoTtjptov tov ©eov — this salvation of God:
not merely the Christian doctrine (Kuinoel, Grotius), but
this Messianic salvation announced in the above prediction
(Meyer). Avrol kol aKovaovrab — and they shall hear it : thus
predicting the success of the gospel among the Gentiles.
And this was in general the result of the apostles' preaching :
the Gentiles were convinced, whilst the Jews remained in
unbelief.
Ver. 30. ^Eve/jL€Lvev Se Sierlav 6\7]v — hut he remained for
two whole years. Bottger supposes that Paul was a prisoner
only for a few days after his arrival at Eome; that then
he obtained his liberty, and lived for these two years in
absolute freedom.^ But this is not borne out by the narra-
tive. We read, indeed, that he received all who came to
him ; but we do not read that he had liberty to visit the
synagogues or the Christian assemblies. And the very ex-
pression with which Luke concludes his narrative, that he
preached the word with all boldness and without molestation,
implies that it was something remarkable, which it w^ould not
have been were the apostle at perfect liberty. Besides, in
the epistles which Paul wrote at this time, he makes mention
of his bonds in Christ (Phil. i. 13, 16) ; thus showing that
he was still in custody. These two years' imprisonment at
Home remind us of his two years' imprisonment at C^esarea.
On both occasions Paul was treated with mildness ; but it
appears that greater freedom was granted him at Rome
than at Csesarea. At Csesarea he was confined in the Prse-
torium, and was only permitted to receive the visits of his
friends ; whereas at Rome he dwelt in his own hired house,
and received all who came to him. We read nothing of his
preaching the gospel at Ca^sarea, and no epistles written
during that imprisonment have come down to us; whereas
at Rome he was allowed to preach without molestation, and
to correspond with the churches which he had planted.
We are not to wonder at the delay of the trial, when
we consider the forms and procrastinating nature of the
^ Bottger, Beitrdge zur historisch-kritischen Einleitung in die pauli-
nischcn Briefe.
PAUL AT ROME. — XXVIII. 31. 449"
Eoman law. It was requisite that Paul's accusers should
appear in person : the witnesses against him had also to be
summoned from Jerusalem ; and, as Howson observes, per-
haps another cause of delay may have arisen from the official
notice of the case by Festus having been lost in the ship-
wreck, so that another had to be procured. Many of the
emperors also were noted for their procrastinating habits.
Thus Josephus, in speaking of the imprisonment of Herod
Agrippa I., says that Tiberius, according to his usual custom,
kept him in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there
was a king or tyrant that was so {Ant. xviii. 6. 5).
^Ev IBl<p fj^Ladcofiari — in his oivn hired house. Many critics
(Meyer, Wieseler, Hackett, Howson) consider that there is
a difference between eh rrjv ^evlav^ to which the Jews came
by appointment (ver. 23), and iv ISlg) fjUtaOcofjiaTC^ where
Paul dwelt for two years. According to them, the former
implies the temporary residence of a guest with friends,
whereas the latter is a hired lodging which Paul took for a
permanent residence. The Christians at Pome, and the
contributions which he received from the Philippian (Phil,
iv. 10-14) and other churches, would support the apostle
in his imprisonment. Perhaps also, although a prisoner, he
was not prevented from working with his own hands, as he
formerly did at Corinth and Ephesus.
Ver. 31. Krjpvcracov Tr]v ^aaCKelav tov Qeov — preaching
the kingdom of God, and teaching the thirigs concerning the
Lord Jesus Christ. Tarn viva voce prcesentibus^ quam per
literas absentibus (Kuinoel). Paul's chief employment at
Rome was preaching the gospel. His liberty was, indeed,
in some measure restricted. He could not go where he
would. He could not, as in other cities, teach in the syna-
gogues of the Jews. He had to confine himself to his own
house. But, on the other hand, he was under the protection
of the Roman government, and met with no molestation
either from the unbelieving Jews or from the ignorant
multitude. And from his epistles we learn that his preach-
ing was successful, and that the gospel of Christ penetrated
even into the Praetorium of Caesar. It was also during these
VOL. II. 2 F
450 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
two years that he wrote several of his immortal epistles.
Critics are in general agreed that it was during this im-
prisonment that the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians,
Phihppians, and Philemon were written. ^A/ccoXvrco^; —
ivithoiit hindrance. With this word closes the Acts of the
Apostles, thus shadowing forth the final victory of the gospel.
Victoria verhi Dei. Paulus RomcB^ apex evangeliij Actoimm
finis : ■ quoi Lucus alioqui facile potuisset ad exitum Pauli per-
diicere. Hierosolymis ccepit, Homes desinit (Bengel).
Thus Luke concludes his history with the two years' im-
prisonment of Paul at Pome. We are not informed, as
some might expect, and all w^ould desire, what occurred
after the lapse of these two years ; whether Paul then suffered
martyrdom, or whether he w^as released from his imprison-
ment, or whether his condition remained unchanged. Some,
indeed (Wieseler, Lekebusch), assert that the words e^eive he
BteTLav okr)v iv IBiw jjUicrOoo/jiaTL, w^ith which Luke concludes
his account of Paul, necessarily imply that at the end of
the two years some important change took place in the
situation of the apostle — either his release or his martyr-
dom ; for if his situation remained unchanged, Luke would
have used either the present or the perfect tense.^ But the
force of this observation is by no means apparent. Luke
might well employ the historical tense in describing a situa-
tion which still continued. And yet we are not to infer that
the conclusion of the work is abrupt : for, as Meyer well
observes, the two last verses are linguistically sonorous and
rounded, and form a suitable conclusion ; indeed, a conclu-
sion similar to that with which the author ends his Gospel
(Luke xxiv. 52, 53).^ A great variety of opinions have been
formed to account for the reason why Luke concludes his
work as he does, without giving us information concerning
the fate of tlie apostle. Schleiermacher supposes that he
was prevented finishing the work, and Schott thinks that
the conclusion is lost ; but both explanations are contradicted
by the concluding words of the historian. Others suppose
^ Lckebuscli's AjwsteJgcscltichte, pp. 415, 416.
2 Meyer's Apostelgeschichte, p. 520.
ON PAUL'S SECOND ROMAN IMPEISONMENT. 451
that the author had exhausted the documents from which
he drew his history. One of the most common opinions is,
that after his second treatise Luke intended to write a third,
but was prevented doing so perhaps by his death : so ap-
proximately Heinrichs, Credner, Ewald, Estius, Meyer. Hug
supposes that Luke did not mention the fate of Paul, because
it was already known to Theophilus, for whose use he wrote
this history. Alford and Schaff think that the narrative
was carried up to the time that Luke wrote ; that then no
considerable change in the circumstances of the apostle took
place ; and that, consequently, he had nothing further to
relate. The most probable opinion is, that Luke had accom-
plished the purpose which he intended in the composition of
the work. It must ever be remembered that the Acts of the
Apostles is not a biography of Paul, and therefore, however
interesting his fate might be to us, it formed no part of the
design of the author. What Luke intended, was to give an
account of the 'progress of Christianity. He commences
with its rise at Jerusalem, and concludes with its reception
at Rome ; and having arrived at this point, he seems to
have felt that his work was accomplished ; and thus, with an
emphatic and artistically formed sentence, he concludes his
history. So approximately Hilgenfeld, Baumgarten, De
Wette, Lekebusch, Alexander, Wordsworth.
ON PAUL'S SECOND EOMAN IMPEISONMENT.
It is a question much discussed, whether Paul was released
after his two years' imprisonment at Rome. Some hold that,
after the lapse of two years, Paul was tried and acquitted ;
that he then left Rome, and for several years preached the
gospel in Macedonia, Achaia, Crete, proconsular Asia, and
perhaps accomplished his intended journey to Spain (Rom.
XV. 24) ; that he was again arrested and imprisoned for the
second time at Rome, and there suffered martyrdom. Others,
again, hold that Paul was never released from his imprison-
452 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
ment, but that it terminated with his martyrdom. The belief
of two Roman imprisonments was almost universal among
the Fathers and ancient commentators ; modern critics are
much divided in their opinions. Baronius, Hug, Mosheim,
Schott, Credner, Guericke, Gieseler, Neudecker, Neander,
Olshausen, Lange, Bunsen ; and of English divines, Usher,
Pearson, Lardner, Paley, Alford, Humphry, Lewin, and
Howson; and Hackett of America — are among those who
maintain that there are two imprisonments; whereas on
the other side of the question are to be named Petavius,
Schrader, Schmidt, Hemsen, Eichhorn, Winer, De Wette,
Baur, Zeller, Wieseler, Schaff, Thiersch, Eenan, and among
English divines, Davidson.
The arguments in favour of a second Roman imprisonment
may be arranged under two heads — the argument derived
from the tradition of the church, and the argument derived
from certain allusions in the pastoral epistles.
Clemens Romanus, a disciple of Paul, asserts that Paul
preached the gospel in the East and in the West, that he
taught the whole world righteousness, that he came to the
extremity of the West, and bore witness before the rulers
(Clem. Rom. i. ch. v.) : the expression " the extremity of
the West " (to repfia ttj^ Bvaeco^) is, in a letter from Rome,
supposed to denote Spain. In the Muratorian Canon,
written about a.d. 180, we have the following statement :
*' Luke relates to Theophilus the events of which he was an
eye-witness, as also in a separate place he evidently declares
the martyrdom of Peter (viz. in Luke xxii. 31-33), but
(omits) the journey from Rome to Spain." ^ Eusebius in-
forms us that " Paul, after pleading his cause, is said to have
again gone forth to preach the gospel, and afterwards came
to Rome a second time, where he finished his life with
martyrdom" (Hist. Eccl. ii. 22). Chrysostom says, '' Paul,
^ The words of this fragment are : Lucus optime Theopliilo conprindit
(comprehendit) quia {qux) suh prxsentia ejus singida gerehantui\ sicuti et
semote i)assionern Petri evidenter declarat, sed profectionem Pauli ah urhe
ad Spaniam projiciscentis. To make sense of them, omittit has to be
supplied. See Westcott on the Canon, pp. 4G6-473.
ON PAUL'S SECOND ROMAN IMPRISONMENT. 453
after a residence in Eome, departed for Spain ;" and Jerome
tells us that ^' Paul was dismissed by Nero, that he might
preach the gospel in the West."^
To these testimonies, however, it is replied that the words
of Irenseus are declamatory, and that the expression " the
extremity of the West" does not necessarily denote Spain ;
that the statement found in the Muratorian Canon is corrupt
in the text, and ambiguous in its meaning ; that Eusebius
mentions the release of Paul from imprisonment, not as his
own opinion, but as a tradition (X0709 e')(eL) ; and that Chry-
sostom and Jerome lived at too distant a period from the
event to be received as authorities. The tradition that Paul
preached in Spain is supposed to have had its origin from
Rom. XV. 24, where the apostle expresses his intention of
visiting that country ; and certainly those who hold the
hypothesis of a second imprisonment find a difficulty in
introducing a visit to Spain in the apostle's journey (see
below). Upon the whole, we think that the argument from
tradition is by no means conclusive, and that if this were all
that could be said in favour of a second imprisonment, this
hypothesis could not be maintained.
When, however, we turn to the pastoral epistles, the case
is altered. We do not, indeed, place much weight upon
certain expressions in Paul's epistles, written during his two
years' imprisonment, in which he expresses his expectation
of being restored to liberty ; as when he writes to the Philip-
plans, that he trusts in the Lord that he would come shortly
to them (Phil. ii. 24), and asks Philemon to prepare for him
a lodging (Philem. 22) ; because circumstances might have
altered, and these expectations might have been disappointed.
But it is different with the three pastoral epistles (1st and
2d Timothy, and Titus) ; for in them journeys are mentioned
which do not fit in or correspond with any of the missionary
journeys recorded in the Acts, and which can only be
accounted for by the supposition that Paul was released from
^ Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 637, 538 ; Alford's
New Testament, vol. iii. pp. 92, 93 ; Schaff's Apostolic Churchy vol. i.
pp. 397-401.
454 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
his imprisonment, and again visited the East. Thus, in the
first Epistle to Timothy he says : " I besought thee to abide
still at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia" (1 Tim. i. 3).
In the second Epistle he speaks of having left Trophimus
at Miletum sick (2 Tim. iv. 20). And in the Epistle to Titus
mention is made of a visit which he had paid to Crete, and
of his intention to ^vinter at Nicopolis (Tit. i. 5, iii. 12). All
attempts to make these allusions agree with the narrative of
Paul's journeys in the Acts have signally failed. The only
plausible hypothesis is that of Wieseler, supported with great
ingenuity. He supposes a journey of Paul, omitted in the
Acts, during his three years' residence at Ephesus. According
to his view, Paul, after labouring for two years at Ephesus,
departed from it on a journey of visitation, first to Mace-
donia (1 Tim. i. 3), and then to Corinth, and returned to
Ephesus by Crete, where he left Titus (Tit. i. 5) ; and he
supposes that it was after his final departure from Ephesus,
as mentioned in Acts xx. 1, that he proposed spending the
winter in Nicopolis, a city of Epirus (Tit. iii. 12), in the
province of Achaia (Acts xx. 3), where Titus was to join him.
Wieseler further supposes that the first Epistle to Timothy
was written during the course of his journey, the Epistle to
Titus on his return to Ephesus, and the second Epistle to
Timothy at the close of his imprisonment.^ But this hypo-
thesis does not agree with the nature and character of the
epistles. From the peculiarity of thought and diction, they
were evidently composed about the same period ; and they
treat of heresies which must have arisen at a later period of
Paul's ministry :^ not to mention the improbability of so long
a journey occurring during the apostle's residence at Ephesus,
which would militate against his assertion to the elders of
Ephesus, that for the space of three years he had not ceased
to warn every one (Acts xx. 31). The statement that Paul
left Trophimus at Miletum sick (2 Tim. iv. 20), can only be
made to correspond with the narrative of the Acts by a most
arbitrary supposition. When Paul was at Miletum, Trophi-
1 Wieseler's Chronologie, pp. 347-354.
^ See Kenan's Saint Paul, p. xxvii.
ON PAUL'S SECOND ROMAN IMPRISONMENT. 455
mus was witli him (Acts xx. 4, 15) ; but so far from being
left behind, he accompanied the apostle to Jerusalem, and
was the innocent occasion of his imprisonment. Wieseler
accordingly supposes that Trophimus sailed with the apostle
for Rome, in order as a witness to testify to his innocence,
but left at Myra, with the understanding that he should
proceed in the Adramyttian vessel to Miletum.^
Those who adopt the hypothesis of only one imprisonment,
have no positive arguments to produce. They rest their
opinion merely on the negative ground, that the theory of
two imprisonments has not been proved. There is one
passage of Scripture, indeed, which appears to favour their
views — that in which Paul, in his address to the Ephesian
elders, states his conviction (olBa) that he would see their
face no more (Acts xx. 25) ; whereas, according to the hypo-
thesis of a second imprisonment, he must again have visited
Ephesus (1 Tim. i. 3).^ (See note to Acts xx. 25.) But the
argument tells two ways : in his Epistle to the Philippians
Paul uses the same word (olBa) to denote his confidence that
he would again visit Philippi (Phil. i. 25), and consequently
be released from his imprisonment. Either in the one case
or in the other the apostle was mistaken in his confidence :
if he was released from his imprisonment, he was mistaken
when he said to the Ephesian elders that he should see their
faces no more ; if he was not released, he was mistaken when
he wrote to the Philippians that he would come and see them
again.^
^ Wieseler's Chronologie, pp. 466, 467.
2 Another objection against the hypothesis of a second imprisonment
is drawn from the fact that Timothy is spoken of in the pastoral
epistles as a young man (1 Tim. iv. 12 ; 2 Tim. ii. 22). If Paul was
released from his Eoman imprisonment, and the two epistles to Timothy
were written some years after (a.d. 67), it must have been sixteen, years
since Timothy first joined the apostle (a.d. 51) ; so that Timothy would
at least be thirty-four. But granting this, he may well have been called
young, considering the important office which he was to occupy, and
the high authority entrusted to him.
3 This question is discussed at great length by Alf ord in his Greek
Testament, vol. iii., Prolegomena, pp. 87-97; by Conybeare and Howson
in their Life of St. Paul, vol. ii., Appendix ii., in support of the hypo-
456 COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
The arguments in favour of two imprisonments certainly
preponderate. The rest of the life of the great apostle,
however, is involved in uncertainty. If released from im-
prisonment, it must have been before the summer of the
year 64, when the great persecution of the Christians in
the reign of Nero, occasioned by the conflagration of Kome,
occurred ; and after his release, Paul visited again procon-
sular Asia, Macedonia, and Achaia, went into Crete, where
he left Titus, and proposed spending a winter at Nicopolis in
Epirus.^ His visit to Spain is more doubtful, as it rests not
on Scripture, but on tradition. Afterwards he was again
arrested, in all probability by the Romans, as a leader of the
now proscribed sect of the Christians, who had been accused
of setting fire to Rome. There is nothing improbable in
Howson's conjecture, that this arrest was by the magistrates
of Nicopolis, then a Roman city. Paul was brought a second
time to Rome, probably in the year 67 or 68, and there
suffered martyrdom by being beheaded, his privilege of
Roman citizenship saving him from crucifixion. '' Paul,"
says Eusebius, " is said to have been beheaded at Rome, and
Peter to have been crucified, under Nero. This account is
confirmed by the fact that the names of Peter and Paul
still remain in the cemeteries of that city, even to this day"
{Eccl. Hist. ii. 25). And Jerome informs us that Paul was
beheaded in the fourteenth year of Nero (a.d. 68), on the
road to Ostia (Hieron. Cat. Script.). Thus in all probability
died the most illustrious of Christian missionaries, the prince
of the apostles, the noblest of the noble army of martyrs.
thesis of two imprisonments. And on the other side of the question,
by Wieseler in his Chronologic des apostolisclien Zeitalters, pp. 286-315 ;
by Schaff in his History of the Apostolic Church, vol. i. pp. 384-401 ;
and by Davidson in his Introduction to the New Testament. In his new
edition, Dr. Davidson avoids the difficulty by denying the authenticity
of the pastoral epistles.
^ Howson supposes that five years intervened between Paul's first and
second imprisonments.
END OF VOL. II.
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