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The International Critical Commentary 






Ph.D., S.T.D., D.H.L., Litt.D. 




Ph.D., S.T.D., Litt.D. 


Edinburgh : T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street 





First Impression . . • i95i 
Latest Impression . . . i960 

The Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Reserved. 











With Alice Through the Looking-Glass , 

" The time has come," the Walrus said, 

" To talk of many things ; 
Of shoes — and ships — and sealing-wax — 

Of cabbages — and kings." 

Our book is of like category on the human side, from 
' ships ' and ' seals ' and ' the hyssop that grows on the wall ' 
to ' kings ' and queens, as well as ordinary folk. But the 
collection is inspired and dominated by the belief in a unity, 
which gives the clue to the seemingly crazy checkerboard 
pattern of human history. It is at once a book ' of the ways of 
God ' and ' of men.' Hence the extent and variety of subject- 
matter involved in the following composition, which has gone 
beyond the bounds of the normal Commentary of the day. 
In English the last extensive Commentary on Kings is that 
of G. RawUnson in 1873, largely inspired by the fresh archaeo- 
logical discoveries in Egypt and Mesopotamia ; in German, 
the too Httle known but admirable work of the Catholic 
scholar, A. Sanda, of over a thousand pages, now almost 
thirty years old. Current interest has lain naturally in the 
more religiously inspiring books of the Hebrew Bible, the 
Prophets and the Poets, or critically in the still vexed Penta- 
teuchal problems, or those of many of the Prophetical books. 
Many notable current histories indeed have included the 
materials of our book, as a source of history, yet only with 
indirect display of its character. But the equally divine and 
human aspect of this book, the compilation of which was 
inspired by the belief in the God of a people who is also 
God of human history, deserves attention as part of the 
catena of the earHest surviving attempt at history in the 
large sense of the word, and that coming from a politically 
insignificant people, but unique among the ancients in its 
sense of a universal Providence, tending mistily to " One 
far-off divine event, To which the whole creation moves." 

In reviewing his work, the writer recognizes its limitations, 



which are also his own. He has been primarily a commentator, 
which duty involves the related Hnguistics, text-criticism, 
history of interpretation from the ancient versions down to 
the present, and the attempt at exact translation with critical 
display. For lack of room he has not been able to expand on 
the criticism of the Hebrew text and of the Versions, confining 
himself mostly to comment ad locos. The marvellous results 
of modern archaeology have been recorded, however im- 
perfectly, usually without more than reference to the authori- 
ties, who then may disagree among themselves, or whose 
opinions may be shattered by fresh discoveries, for Dame 
Archaeology has been a chastiser of theoretical reconstructions 
of literary and so of religious history. The writer has been 
dealing with the materials of history, but for their historical 
evaluation he must in large part refer to the many excellent 
historians, whose duty it is to have ' a vision of the whole.' 
For example, in the section of the Introduction bearing upon 
Chronology he has not been able to do much more than to 
present the bases of that vexed theme and to refer to the 
many authoritative monographs. Again the Biblical book is 
a religious compilation, but the large field of the history of 
Israel's rehgion may only be touched upon au courant, as in 
the story of the Northern Prophets, or the Southern Isaiah 
and the problem of Deuteronomy. For this field the reader 
must refer to the many and ample books on a subject that 
has especially preoccupied modern interest. In the already 
too extensive Bibliography there has been omitted reference 
to such general treatments, the eminent titles among which 
will be cited in place. Indeed the writer professes that he 
desires to make the most of these ancient records, to let them 
speak for themselves, constrained as he is to leave to others 
their proper placing in the enormous field of Oriental research. 
. .The writer would express his thanks to many good friends 
for their genial help : to Prof. O. Eissfeldt of the University 
of Halle for the generous loan of an annotated copy of his 
Commentary on Kings ; to President J. Morgenstern, Pro- 
fessors W. F. Albright, A. D. Nock, A. T. Olmstead, P. K. 
Hitti. And in particular he records his deep obligations to 
former students of his, amicis caris clarisque, for their interest 
and most helpful criticism, some of them having toilfully 


read extensive sections of the manuscript book and spent 
hours of consultation with its author ; to Professors H. S. 
Gehman, Z. S. Harris, F. James, S. L. Skoss, E. A. Speiser 
C. H. Gordon, H. M. Orlinsky. 

And to the Publishers he acknowledges warmly their accept- 
ance of a work that has grown beyond normal bounds. 

James A. Montgomery. 

February 8, 1941. 

The War prevented the American and British publishers 
from immediate publication of the volume. The writer accord- 
ingly took the manuscript back from them ad interim, and 
has spent much time in rectifications and additions, which 
has been all to the good. A Supplemental Bibliography, only 
partly drawn upon, exhibits the further extension of the 
literature on the subject in the intervening years. 

But word has at last come from the Messrs. Scribner in 
New York and T. & T. Clark in Edinburgh that the printing 
of the volume can begin. The author would express not only 
his personal gratification, but still more his deep respect for 
their venture in these days of stress and strain. 

J. A. M. 

October 18, 1944. 

As a graduate student in Semitic Languages and Old 
Testament at the University of Pennsylvania and the Phila- 
delphia Divinity School the editor took all the courses offered 
by Professor Montgomery, who aroused his interest in the 
Septuagint and other versions of the Bible and thus prepared 
him for his career in Old Testament teaching and research. 
Twice this manuscript had been ready for publication, as 
the two dates above indicate, but in each case circumstances 
beyond the author's control postponed pubhcation. In the 
meanwhile Professor Montgomery passed his eighty-second 
year, and for reasons of health he felt that he was not able 
to make another revision and to read the proofs of his forth- 
coming work. Under these conditions he asked his former 
pupil to make the final preparations of the manuscript and 
see it through the press. The editor was glad to assume this 


duty in recognition of Professor Montgomery's contributions 
to Old Testament Science and with the personal satisfaction 
of having had a part in mediating to the world of scholarship 
the crowning work of his preceptor's distinguished career. 
On February 6, 1949, Professor Montgomery passed to his 
eternal reward, and while he never saw any of the proofs, 
he had the satisfaction of knowing that the printing of the 
Commentary had actually commenced. 

The editor has brought the Bibliography up to date and 
incorporated the author's Supplementary Bibliography in the 
proper alphabetical order. For the sake of convenience of 
reference he has also inserted, at Professor Montgomery's 
request, his own Biblical Chronology of the period of the kings 
of Israel and Judah as found in the Westminster Dictionary of 
the Bible and in the Concordance of the Westminster Study 
Edition of the Holy Bible. He has also prepared the indexes 
at the end of the volume. The editor has made some changes 
and revisions in the manuscript, but these were of the type 
normally expected of a redactor. The author's spelling of 
proper names was in all cases retained, and the editor kept 
at a minimum alterations of English style. In fairness to the 
author the editor's aim was to let the final product remain 
the work of Professor Montgomer3^ The editor at this point 
wishes to express his gratitude to his colleague and former 
pupil, Dr. John Wm. Wevers, who gave him valuable assist- 
ance in the reading of the proof. While claiming no credit 
for the merits of the Commentary, the editor found pleasure 
in rendering a service to Biblical scholarship. 

Henry Snyder German. 

Princeton, N.J., 
June 1, 1950. 













1. Place in the Canon as a distinct Book ; Con- 

tents I 

2. Text and Language 3 


3. The Apparatus at Large 8 

4. The Greek Versions ......... 9 

a. The Apparatus 9 

b. The Alexandrian (Septuagintal) Group . . 10 

c. The Later Jewish Translators : Theodotion, 

Aquila, Symmachus, etc II 

d. Origen's Revision and its Successors . . 11 

e. The Lucianic Revision 12 

5. The Targum 13 

6. The Syriac Versions 13 

a. The Peshitta 13 

b. The Syro-Hexapla 14 

7. The Ethiopic 14 

8. The Arabic 15 

9 Other Oriental Versions 15 

a. The Syro-Palestinian 15 

b. The Coptic 15 

c. The Armenian 16 




10. The Latin Versions i6 

a. The Old Latin i6 

b. The Vulgate i6 


11. a. The Alexandrian Family i6 

b. The Palestinian (Origenian) Family ... 17 

c. The Lucianic Revision and its Background ; 

THE Problem of a Pre-Lucianic or Pre- 
Theodotionic Version ; Citations in Jose- 

PHUS and the New Testament ..... 18 

d. The Other Oriental Versions 21 

e. Value and Interest of the Versions . . 23 


12. Comparison with Contemporary Historical 

Writing 24 

13. The Chronicles 3° 

a. The Royal Secretariat. Archives of Royal 

Personalia 3° 

b. Further Archival Materials 33 

c. Temple Archives 37 

14. The Historical Story 3^ 

a. Political Narratives 38 

b. The Stories of the Prophets 39 

15. The Compilation 42 

16. The Chronology 45 

Recent Literature 45 

a. List of Regnal Terms and Synchronisms . 48 

b. The Synchronisms between the Chronicles 

of Judah and Israel 53 

c. The Calculation of Regnal Terms ... 54 

d. The Synchronisms with External History . 55 



I. Select Vocabulary of Hebrew Words and Phrases 571 
II. Index of Places treated with Arch^ological 

Comment 574 


The following lists include titles of general interest or frequent 

Abel, F. M. : G^ographie de la Palestine, 2 vols., 1933-38 [GP]. 
Afrem : s. Ephraem. 

AiMi-GiRON (earlier Giron), N. : Textes aram6ens d'ligypte, 1931. 
Albrecht, K. : Neuhebraische Grammatik auf Grund der Misna, 1913. 
Albright, W. F. : The Archaeology of Palestine and the Bible, ed. i, 

1932; ed. 3, 1935 [APB]. 

The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography, 1934. 

Recent Discoveries in Bible Lands, in Young's Analytical Con- 
cordance, ed. 20, 1936. 
The Ancient Near East and the Religion of Israel, JBL 59 (1940), 


From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1940 ; ed. 2, 1946 [SACj. 

An Indexed Bibliography of the Writings of . . ., ed. H. M. 

Orlinsky, 1941. 

Archaeology and the Religion of Israel, 1942 ; ed. 2, 1946 [ARI]. 

The Role of the Canaanites in the History of Civilization, in 

Studies in the History of Culture (dedicated to W. G. Leland), 

1942, pp. 11-50. 
Alt, a. : Israel u. Aegypten, 1909. 

Israels Gaue unter Salomo, BWAT 13 (1913). 

Aram, R Vg. 

Die syrische Staatenwelt vor dem Einbruch der Assyrer, ZDMG 

88 (1934), 233-58 {in re the Siajin texts). 

Israel, RGG. 

Die Staatenbildung der Israeliten in Palastina, 1930. 

— — Zur Geschichte der Grenze zwischen Judaa u. Samaria, Pjh., 31 

(1935). 94-III 
Die alteste Schilderung Palastinas im Lichte neuerFunde, Pjb., 37 

(1941), 19-49- 

see Kittel, BH. 

Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, Mitteilungen aus den oriental. Samm- 

lungen, Beriin, vol. i, 1893, vol. 4, 191 1 ; contributors J. Euting, 

F. von Luschan, E. Sachau. 

BADfe, W. E. : Manual of Excavation in the Near East, 1934. 
Baedeker, K. : Palestine and Syria, ed. 4, igo6. 
Bahr, K. C. W. F. : Die Biicher der Konige, 1868 (Eng. tr. 1873). 
Bar (Baer), S. : Libri Regum (and Heb. title), 1895. 



Barhebraeus : A. Morgenstem, Die Scholien des Gregorius Abulfarag 

. . . zum Buch der Konige, 1895. 
J. Gottsberger, Barhebraeus u. seine Scholien zur Heiligen Schrift, 

M. Sprengling and W. C. Graham, Scholia on the O.T., part I, 1931 

(see Int. 6, n. 3). 
Barnes, H. E. : A History of Historical Writing, 1937. 
Barnes, W. E. : Kings, in Cambridge Bible, 2 vols., 1908. 
Baron, S. W. : Authenticity of the Numbers in the Historical Books 

of the O.T., JBL 49 (1930), 287-91. 

A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 3 vols., 1937. 

Barrois, a. G. : La metrologie dans la Bible, RB 40. (1931), 185-213 ; 

41 (1932). 50-76. 

Manuel d'archeologie biblique, vol. i, 1939. 

Barton, G. A. : Kings, in JE. 

The Royal Inscriptions of Sumer and Akkad, 1929. 

A History of the Hebrew People, 1930. 

Archaeology and the Bible, ed. 7, 1937 [^^]- 

Baudissin, W. W. : Einleitung in die Biicher des A.T., 1901. 

Bauer, H., and Leander, P. : Historische Grammatik der hebraischen 

Sprache, vol. i, 1922 [BL], 
Baumgartner, W. : Ein Kapitel vom hebraischen Erzahlungssty] 

(Gunkel-Eucharisterion, i, 145 fE.), 1923. 
Alttestamentliche Religion (1917-27), ARw., 1928, 52 ff. ; ib., 

1928-33, 279 ff. 
Alttestamentliche Einleitung u. Religionsgeschichte, Th.R., N.F., 

8 (1936), 179-222 (reviews of literature). 

and GuNKEL, H. : Sagen u. Legenden, RGG. 

Baumstark, a. : Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 1922. 

Baur, p. V. C, and Rostovtzeff, M. I. : The Excavations at Dura- 

Europos, 1929-44. 
Beer, G. : Saul, David, Salomo, 1906. 

Zur Israel. -jiidischen Briefliteratur, BWAT 13 (1913), 20 ff. 

Bentzen, a. : Die josianische Reform und ihre Voraussetzungen, 1926. 

Indledning til det Gamie Testamente, 1941. 

Ben Tzvi, I. : Sepher ha-Shomeronim (Hebrew), Tell Aviv, 1935. 
Benzinger, I. : Die Biicher der Konige, 1899. 

Die Biicher der Chronik, 1901. 

Jahvist u. Elohist in den Konigsbiichern, BWAT, N.F., 2 (1921). 

Hebraische Archaologie, ed. 3, 1927. 

Israel, RGG. 

Bergstrasser, G. : Hebraische Grammatik, ed. 29 of Gesenius, 

2 parts, 1918-29 (unfinished) [HG]. 
Berlinger, J. : Die Peschitta zum i. Buche der Konige u. ihr Ver- 

haltniss zu Mas. Texte, LXX, u. Targum, 1897. 
Berossos : FHG 2, 495 ff. 
P. Schnabel, Berossos u. die babylonisch-hellenistische Literatur, 



Bertholet, a. : Kings, in HSA T. 

History of Hebrew Civilization, 1926, tr. of Kulturgeschichte 

Israels, 1920. 
Bevan, E. R., and Singer, C. : The Legacy of Israel, 1928 (see the 

cc. on Hebrew studies in the Middle Ages and in and after the 

Reformation period by Singer and G. H. Box). 
Bewer, J. a. : The Literature of the O.T. in its Historical Develop- 
ment, rev. ed., 1933. 
Bezold, C. : Babylonisch-assyrisches Glossar, ed. by A. Gotze, 1926 

BiRKELAND, H. : Akzcnt u. Vocalismus im Althebraischen. Mit 

Beitragen zur vergleichenden semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, 1940. 
Bleek, F. : Einleitung in das A.T., ed. i, i860 ; ed. 4, 1878, ed. by 

J. Wellhausen ; ed. 5, 1886, ed. by Wellhausen, but reverting 

to Bleek's conservative positions ; see Wellhausen, Composition. 
BoREE, W., Die alten Ortsnamen Palastinas, 1930 [AOP]. 
BosTROM, O. H. : Alternative Readings in the Hebrew of the Books 

of Samuel, 1918. 
BoTTCHER, F. : Neue exegetisch-kritische Aehrenlese zum A.T., Abt. 

1-3, 1863-65. 

Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache, vol. i, x866. 

Box, G. H. : see Bevan. 

Breasted, J. H. : Ancient Records of Egypt, 1906-07 [ARE]. 

A History of Egypt, 1905 [HE]. 

Briggs, C. a. General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, 


see Brown-Driver-Briggs. 

Brockelmann, C. : Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der 

semitischen Sprachen, 2 vols., 1908-13 [GVG]. 

■ Lexicon syriacum, ed. 2, 1928. 

Brooke, A. E., McLean, N., and Thackeray, H. St. J. : The O.T. 

in Greek, Cambridge, 1906-40, so far as issued ; vol. 2, part 2, 

Kings, 1930 [OTG]. 
Brown, F., Driver, S. R., and Briggs, C. A. : A Hebrew and English 

Lexicon of the O.T., etc. (based on Robinson's ed. of The Lexicon 

Gesenius), 1906 [BDB]. 
Bruno, A. : Das hebraische Epos, eine rhythmische u. textkritische 

Untersuchung der Biicher Samuelis u. Konige, 1935. 
Buber, M. : Konigtum Gottes, ed. 2, 1936. 

BuDDE, K. : Geschichte der althebraischen Literatur, 1906 [GAL]. 
Buhl, F. : Canon and Text of the O.T., Eng. tr., 1892. 

Geschichte der Edomiter, 1893. 

Geographie der alten Palastina, 1896 [GAP]. 

Die socialen Verhaltnisse der Israeliten, 1899. 

see Gesenius. 

Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Bibliographical 

and Topographical Indices, nos. 50, 74, 76, 80 [BASOR], 1933-40. 


BuRKiTT, F. C. : Fragments of the Books of Kings according to the 
Translation of Aquila, 1897. 

Texts and Versions, EB. 

see T. H. Robinson. 

BuRNEY, C. F. : Kings I and II, DB. 

Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Book of Kings, 1903. 

The Book of Judges, ed. 2, 1920. 

Burrows. M. : What Mean these Stones .-• 1941 [WMTS]. 

Calmet, a. : La Sainte Bible en Latin et en Fran9ais avec un com- 

mentaire litteral et critique, 23 vols., 1707 seq. 
Commentaire litteral sur tous les livres de I'Ancien et du Nouveau 

Testament, 1724-26. 
Cambridge Ancient History : edd. J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. 

Adcock. Vol. 3, 1925, cc. 1-4, S. Smith, Assyria ; cc. 6, 7, D. C. 

Hogarth, Hittites ; ch. 9, R. C. Thompson, New Babylonian 

Empire ; ch. 16, R. A. S. Macalister, Topography of Jerusalem ; 

cc. 17-20, Cook, Israel and the Neighbouring States [CAH^. 
Capellus, S. : Chronologia sacra, and, Trisagion sive templi Hierosoly- 

mitani triplex delineatio, including discussion of Josephus, transla- 
tion of Middoth, and Maimonides's notes ; in Walton's Polyglot, 

reprinted in Walton's Biblicus Apparatus. 
Causse, a. : Du groupe ethnique a la communaute religieuse : le 

probleme sociologique de la religion d'Israel, 1937. 
Chadwick, H. M., and N. K. : The Growth of Literature ; vol. 2, part 

iv. Early Hebrew Literature, 1936. 
Cheyne, T. K. : Critica Biblica ; part iv. First and Second Kings, 


Decline and Fall of the Kingdom of Judah, 1908. 

arts, in EB. 

Church, B. P. : The Israel Saga, 1932. 

Clay, A. T. : Light on the O.T. from Babel, 1907. 

Clemen, C. : Die phonikische Religion nach Philo von Byblos, MVAG 

42, Heft 3, 1939. 

see Lucian. 

Clermont-Ganneau, C. : Recueil d'arch^ologie orientale, 8 vols., 


Comptes rendus, I'Academie des Inscriptions et Beiles-Lettres [CR]. 

CoNTENAU, G. : La civilization phenicienne, 1926. 

Manuel d'arch^ologie orientale, 4 vols., 1927-47. 

CoNTi Rossini, C. : Chrestomathia Arabica meridionalis epigraphica, 

Cook, S. A. : Jews, Enc. Br. ". 

Notes on the Dj-nasties of Omri and Jehu, JQR 20 (1908), 597-630. 

The Religion of Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archaeology, 


Salient Problems in O.T. History, JBL 41 (1932), 273-99. 

The Confines of Israel and Judah, QS 1934. 60-75. 


Cook, S. A. : The O.T., a Reinterpretation, 1936. 

see CAH. 

Cooke, G. A. : A Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, 1903 [NSI]. 

Ezekiel, ICC 1937. 

COPPENS, J. : L'Histoire critique de I'Ancien Testament, 1938 ; ed. 3, 

CoRNiLL, C. H. : Introduction to the Canonical Books of the O.T., 

1907, tr. of Einleitung in das A.T., ed. 5, 1905. 
Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum, 1S81 seq. [CIS]. 
Corpus scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 1903 seq. [CSCO]. 
Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Graecorum, 1897 seq. [CSEG]. 
Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 1866 seq. [CSEL]. 
Cory's Ancient Fragments, etc., tr. and ed. by F. R. Hodges, 1876. 
Cowley, A. : Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., 1923. 
Creelman, H. : An Introduction to the O.T., Chronologically Arranged, 

Cremer, H. : Biblisch-theologisches Worterbuch der neutestament- 

lichen Gracitat, ed. 6, 1889 ; ed. 11, rev. by J. Kogel, 1923. 
Critici sacri, ed. C. Bee, i6g6 seq. 
Crockett, W. D. : A Harmony of the Books of Sam., Ki., and Chron., 

Crowfoot, J. W., Kenyon, F., and Sukenik, E. L. : The Buildings 

of Samaria, 1942. 
CuNY, A. : see Feghali. 
Curtis, E. L., and Madsen, A. A. : Chronicles, ICC 1910. 

Dalman, G. : Arbeit u. Sitte in Palastina, 7 vols., 1928-42 [A. U.S.]. 

Sacred Sites and Ways, 1935. 

Dathius (Dathe), J. A. : Libri historici V.T. (tr. with notes), 1784 ; 

ed. 2, 1832. 
De Wette, W. M. L. : Lehrbuch der historisch-kritischen Einleitung 

in die Bibel, A. u. N.T., vol. i, ed. 6, 1845, vol. 2, ed. 4, 1842 ; 

ed. 8, ed. E. Schrader, 1869. 
Deimel, a. : Pantheon Babylonicum, 1914. 

Analecta Orientalia 12 (dedicated to), 1935. 

Delitzsch, Franz : A System of Biblical Psychology, 1867. 
Delitzsch, Friedr. : Assyrisches Handworterbuch, 1896. 

Die Lese- u. Schreibfehler im A.T., 1920. 

Della Vida, G. L. : arts., Aramei, Ebrei, Semiti, in Enciclopedia 

Italiana, vol. 3, 1929, vol. 14, 1932, vol. 34, 1936. 
Desnoyers, L. : Histoire du peuple hebreu, 3 vols., 1922-30. 
Dhorme, E. ( = P.) : Les livres de Samuel, 1910. 

Les pays bibliques et TAssyrie, a series of arts, in RB 7, 8 (1910-1 1). 

Pretres, devins et mages dans I'ancienne religion des Hebreux, 

RHR 108 (1933). 113-43- 

L'fivolution religieuse d'lsrael, 1937. 

A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. James Hastings, 4 vols, and extra vol., 

1898-1904 [DB]. 


A Dictionary of Christian Biography, edd. W. Smith and H. Wace, 

4 vols., 1877-87 [DCB]. 
DiLLMANN, A. : Biblia V.T. ^thiopica, vol. 2, 1861. 

Lexicon linguae iEthiopicae, 1865. 

DiRiNGER, D. : Le inscrizioni antico-ebraiche palestinesi, 1934 [lAE]. 
DoLLER, J. : Geographische u. ethnographische Studien zum III. u. 

IV. Buche der Konige, 1904 [GES]. 
Dennefeld, L. : Histoire d'Israel et de I'Ancien Orient, 1935. 
Doughty, C. M. : Travels in Arabia Deserta, ed. 3, 1927. 
Dozy, R. : Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, 2 vols., 1881. 
Driver, S. R. : A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, etc. 

An Introduction to the Literature of the O.T., ed. 6, 1900 (=Am. 

ed. 10) ; New Ed., 1913 (Am. reprint, 1931). 

Deuteronomy, ICC 1895. 

Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of 

Samuel, ed. 2, 1913. 

see Brown-Driver-Briggs. 

DuHM, B. : Die Edomiter, 1893. 

Durr, L. : Die Wertung des gottlichen Wortes im A.T. u. im antiken 

Orient, MVAG 42, Heft I, 1938. 
DussAUD, R. : Notes de mythologie syrienne, ii-ix, 1905. 
Samarie au temps d'Achab, Syria, 6 (1925), 314-38 ; 7 (1926), 

Topographic historique de la Syrie antique et medievale, 1927 

Deschamps, p., and Seyrig, H. : La Syrie antique et medievale 

illustree (with 160 plates and map), 1931 [SAM]. 

Melanges syriens, offerts a M. . . ., I, 1939, II, 1939. 

Duval, R. : Traite de grammaire syriaque, 1881. 
La litt^rature syriaque, ed. 3, 1907. 

Ebeling, E. : see Gressmann. 

Ebstein, W. : Die Medizin im A.T., 1901. 

Ehrlich, A. B. : Randglossen zur hebraischen Bibel ; on Kings, 

vol. 7, pp. 213 ff., 1914. 
Eichhorn, J. G. : Einleitung in das A.T., ed. 4, 5 vols., 1823-24. 
EissFELDT, O. : Konige, HSAT, ed. 4, 1922-23. 
The Smallest Literary Unit in the Narrative Books of the O.T. 

Simpson, O.T. Essays, 85 ff. 

Die Komposition der Samuelisbiicher, 1931. 

Einleitung in das A.T., 1934. 

Philister u. Phonizier, AO 1936. 

Phoniker u. Phonikia, RE 1940. 

Geschichtsschreibung im A.T. Ein Kritischer Bericht uber die 

neueste Literatur dazu, 1948. 
Altertumskunde u. A.T., in Werden und Wesen des A.T., BZA W 

66 (1936), 155-67- 


EissFELDT, O. : Ba'alsamem u. Jahwe, ZAW 57 (1939), i flf. 

Ras Schamra und Sanchunjaton, 1939. 

Israelitisch-philistaische Grenzverschiebungen von David bis auf 

die Assyrerzeit, ZDPV 66 (1943), 115-28. 

see Kittel, BH. 

EiTAN, I. : Hebrew and Semitic Particles, AJSL 44 (1928), 177-205, 

254-60; 45 (1928-29), 48-60, 130-45, 197-211 ; 46 (1929), 22-51. 
Encyclopaedia Biblica, edd. T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, 4 vols., 

1899-1903, one vol. ed., 1914 [EB]. 
Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. 9, 1878; ed. 14, 1929 [Enc. Br.]. 
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings, 1917-27 [ERE]. 
Ephraem Syrus : Opera omnia S. Ephraemi Syri, ed. Petrus Bene- 

dictus, vol. I, 439-567 on Kings, 1737. 
Erbt, W. : Elia, Elisa, Jona. Beitrag zur Geschichte der 9. u. 8. 

Jahrhunderte, 1907. 
Erman, a. : Literature of the Ancient Egyptians, tr. by A. W. Black- 
man, 1927. 
and Ranke, H. : Aegypten u. aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, 

ed. 2, 1923. 
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Oesterley, W. O. E., and Robinson, T. H. : Hebrew Religion, Its 

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History of Israel, 2 vols., 1932 (vol. i cited as ' Robinson ') 


An Introduction to the Books of the O.T., 1934 


Olmstead, a. T. : Western Asia in the Reign of Sennacherib, ProCi 

Am. Hist. Assn., 1909, 94 fJ. 

Source Study and the Biblical Text, AJSL 30 (1913), 1-35. 

The Earliest Book of Kings, AJSL 31 (1915). 169-214. 

Assyrian Historiography, Univ. of Missouri Studies, Social Science 

Series, III, no. i, 1916. 

History of Assyria, 1923 [HA]. 

History of Palestine and Syria, 1931 [HPS]. 

Hebrew History and Historical Method, in G. L. Burr Vol., 

Persecution and Liberty, 1931, pp. 21 fE. 
OoRT, H. : Textus Hebraici emendationes, etc., 1900. 
VON Oppenheim, M. : Der Tell Halaf, 1931. 
Origen : E. Klostermann, Erklarung der Samuel- u. Konigsbiicher, 

the Gr. text and tr., GCS, voL 6, 1901. 

see Field. 

Orlinsky, H. M. : Problems of Kethib-Qere, JAOS 60 (1940), 30-45. 
On the Present State of Proto-Septuagint Studies, JAOS 61 

(1941) 81-91. 
Otto, W. : Handbuch der Archaologie, voL i, 1939 [HA], 

Paton, L. B. : Baal, Beal, Bel. ERE. 

Phoenicians, ih. 

Pauly, a. G., and Wissowa, G. : Real-Encylcopadie (now Real- 

enzyklopadie) der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bear- 

beitung, edd. W. Kroll and K. Mittelhaus (1894 ) [RE]. 

Peake, a. S., ed. : The People and the Book, 1925. 

Pedersen, J. : Israel : Its Life and Culture, I-II, 1926 ; III-IV, 1940. 

Die Auffassung vom A.T., ZA W 49 (1931), 161-81. 

Peet, T. E. : Egypt and the O.T., 1922. 

A Comparative Study of the Literatures of Egypt, Palestine and 

Mesopotamia, 1931. 
Perles, F. : Analekten zur Textkritik des A.T., Neue Folge, 1922. 
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. : Histoire de I'art dans I'antiquitd, 1882 

Peter Martyr (Pierre Vermigli) : Malachim, id est, Regum libri 

duo posteriores cum commentariis, Heidelberg, 1599. 
Peters, J. P. : The O.T. and the New Scholarship, 1902. 

Early Hebrew Story, 1904. 

Petrie, W. M. F. : History of Egypt, 6 vols., 1895-1927. 

Ancient Palestine, 1934. 

Palestine and Israel, Historical Notes, 1934. 

Pfeiffer, R. H. : The History, Religion and Literature of Israel. 

Research in the O.T., 1914-25, HTR 27 (1934), 241-325. 

Introduction to the O.T., 1941. 

Piepenbring, C. : Histoire du peuple Israel, 1898. 
PiETSCHMANN, R. : Gcschichtc der Phonizier, 1889. 
Pitman, J. P. : see Lightfoot. 


VAN DER Ploeg, J. ! De Litteratuut van het Oude Testament. Sociale 

en Economische Vraagstukken uit de Geschiedenis van Israel, 

Tijd der Koningen (Jaarb. Nr. 7, Ex Oriente Lux [1940], 391-99). 
Ploger, O. : Die Prophetengeschichten der Samuel- u. Konigsbiicher, 

Greifswald Diss., 1937. 
PoGNON, H. : Inscriptions semitiques de la Syrie, de la Mesopotamia 

et de la region de Mossoul, 1907-08. 
Poole (Polus), M. : Synopsis criticorum aliorumque Sacrae Scripturae 

interpretum et commentatorum, 5 vols., Frankfurt am Main, 1694. 
Procopius : Procopii Gazaei in libros Regum et Paralipomenon scholia, 

ed., I. Meursius, Leiden, 1620. 
Proosdij, E. a.: Der sogenannte orientalische , Despotismus, P. 

Koschaker Festschrift, vol. 2 {1939), 235 ff. 

VON Rad, G. : Der Anfang der Geschichtsschreibung im A.T., Archiv 

f. Kulturgesch., 32 (1944), 1-42. 
Rahlfs, a. : Septuaginta-Studien, Heft i (1904), Studien zu den 

Konigsbiichem ; Heft 3 (1911), Lucians Rezension der Konigs- 
biicher [SS], 

Verzeichnis der griechischen Handschriften des A.T., 1914. 

Septuaginta, 2 vols., 1935. 

see de Lagarde, Theodoret. 

Ranke, H. : see Erman, Gressmann. 

VON Ranke, L. : Weltgeschichte, 1881-88. 

' Rashi ' (R. Shelomo b. Isaac — also ' Yarchi ') : cited from Mikra'oth 

Gedoloth, and J. F. Breithaupt's tr., R. Salomonis Jarchi com- 

mentarius Hebraicus, etc., 2 vols., Gotha, 1 713-14. 
Rawlinson, G. : The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern 

World, ed. 2, 3 vols., 1871. 
Realencyklopadie fiir protestantische Theologie u. Kirche, ed. 3, edd. 

J. J. Herzog, A. Hauck, 1896-1913 [RPTK]. 
Reallexicon der Assyriologie, edd. E. Ebeling and B. Meissner, vols. 

I, 2, 1932-38 [RA]. 
Reallexicon der Vorgeschichte, ed. M. Ebert, 1924-32 [RVg.]. 
Record and Revelation, Essays on the O.T., ed. H. W. Robinson, 

contributors Eissfeldt, Elmslie, Hempel, Hooke, Lods, Lofthouse, 

Montefiore, Montgomery, Oesterley, Porteous, Robinson, Rowley, 

Snaith, Wardle, 1938. 
Rehm, M. : Textkritische Untersuchungen zu den ParallelsteUen der 

Samuel-Konigsbiicher u. der Chronik, 1937. 
Reisner, G. A. : see Lyon. 
Religion in Geschichte u. Gegenwart, edd. H. Gunkel and L. Zschamack, 

ed. 2, 1927-31 (5 vols., -f Registerband) [RGG]. 
Renan, E. : Mission en Phenicie, 1864. 
Reuss. E. : Das Alte Testament, 1892. 
Rhodokanakis, N. : Studien zur Lexicographic u. Grammatik des 

Altsiidarabischen, Sb., Vienna Academy, 1915, 1917, 1931- 

see Gressmann, A TB. 

see Nielsen, HA A. 


RicciOTTi, G. : Histoire d'lsrael, vol. i, Des origines a I'Exil, French 

tr.. 1939- 
Robinson, E., and Smith, E. : Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount 

Sinai and Arabia Petrasa ... in the Year 1838, 3 vols., 1841 [BR]. 
w Later Biblical Researches in Palestine and in the Adjacent 

Regions ... in the Year 1852, 1856 [LBR]. 
Robinson, G. L. : Sarcophagus of an Ancient Civilization, 1930. 
Robinson, H. W. : The History of Israel : Its Facts and Factors, 1938. 
Robinson, T. H. : Decline and Fall of the Hebrew Kingdoms, 1926. 
Hunkin, J. W., and Burkitt, F. C. : Palestine in General 

History, 1929. 
Robinson, T. H. : Some Economic and Social Factors in the History 

of Israel, Exp. Times, 45 (1934), 264-9, 294-300. 

see Oesterley and Robinson. 

Rogers, R. W. : Cuneiform Parallels to the O.T., 1912 [CP]. 

History of Babylonia and Assyria, ed. 6, 2 vols., 1915 [HBA]. 

Rosenthal, F. : Die aramaistische Forschung seit Th. Noldeke's 

Veroffentlichungen, 1939. 
DE Rossi, J. B. : Variae lectiones Veteris Testamenti, 4 vols., Parma, 

Scholia critica in V.T. libros, seu supplementa, etc., Parma, 

RosT, L. : Weidewechsel u. altisraelitischer Festkalender, ZDPV 66 

(1943), 205-16. 
RosTOVTZEFF, M. I. : A History of the Ancient World, 2 vols., 1926-30 

see Baur. 

RoTHSTEiN, J. W., and Hanel, J. : Komm. zum ersten Buch der 

Chronik, KmA T, 2 vols., 1927. 
RvcKMANS, G. : Les noms propres sud-s^mitiques, 3 vols., Louvain, 

1934-35 [NPS]. 
RvLE, H. E. : The Canon of the O.T., ed. 2, 1904. 

Sabatier, P. : Bibliorum Sacrorum Latinae versiones antiquae seu 

vetus Italica, 3 vols., 1751. 
Sachau, E. : Aramaische Papyrus u. Ostraka aus einer jiidischen 

Mill tar- Kolonie zu Elephantine, 1911 [APO]. 

see Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli. 

Sanda, a. : Untersuchungen zur Kunde des alten Orients, MVG 1902, 

part 2. 

Die Biicher der Konige, 2 vols., 1911-12. 

ScHiFFER, S. : Die Aramaer, 191 1. 

Schlatter, A. : Zur Topographie u. Geschichte Palastinas, 1893. 

ScHLEUSNER, J. F. : Novus thesaurus philologico-criticus sive lexicon 

in LXX, etc., 5 vols., 1820-21. 
ScHLOGL, N. : Die Bucher der Konige u. die Biicher der Chronik, 

Schmidt, H. : Die Geschichtsschreibung im A.T., 191 1. 
ScHNABEL, P. : see Berossos. 


ScHOENE, A. : see Eusebius. 

ScHOFF, W. H. : The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 1912. 

ScHOFiELD, J. N. : The Historical Background of the Bible, 1938. 

ScHRADER, E. : Keilinschriften u. Geschichtsforschung, 1878. 

Die Keilinschriften u. das A.T., ed. 2, 1883 = Eng. tr. by O. C. 

Whitehouse, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O.T., 2 vols., 1885-88 


ed. 3, edd. H. Zimmern and H. Winckler, 1902 [KAT]. 

Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 6 vols., 1889-1915 [KB]. 

ScHURER, E. : Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes, 3 vols., ed. 4, 1901-09 

ScHWALLY, F. : see Stade, SBOT. 

Seeligmann, J. : Problemen en Perspectieven in het Moderne Septua- 

ginta-Onderzoek (Jaarb. Nr. 7, Ex Criente Lux [1940], 359-39oe). 
Selden, J. : De dis Syris syntagmata, ed. 2, with Additamenta by 

M. A. Beyer, Leipzig, 1672. 
Sellin, E. : Tell Ta'annek, 1904. 

Geschichte des Israel. -jiidischen Volkes, 2 parts., 1924-32. 

Einleitung in das A.T., ed. 7, 1935. Eng. tr. by W. Montgomery 

Introduction to the O.T., 1923. 
Shotwell, J. T. : Introduction to the History of History, 1922. 

revised ed. of above. The History of History, vol. i, 1939. 

Simons, J. : Handbook for the Study of Egyptian Topographical 

Lists relating to Western Asia, Leiden, 1937. 
Simpson, D. C. : ed., O.T. Essays, 1927. 
Singer, C. : see Bevan. 
Skinner, J. : Genesis, ICC 1910. 

Kings (Century Bible), n.d. [ca. 1893). 

Skoss, S. L. : see al-Fasi. 

Sloet, D. a. W. H. ; Kings, Third and Fourth Book of. Catholic Encylo- 

pcsdia, 19 10. 
Slousch, N. : Representative Government among the Hebrews and 

Phoenicians, JQR, N.S., 4 (1913-14), 303-10. 
Smend, R. : Lehrbuch der alttest. Religionsgeschichte, ed. 2, 1899. 
Smith, G. A. : The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, ed. 25, 

London, 1931 [HG]. 

Jerusalem, 2 vols., 1908. 

Smith, H. P. : Samuel, ICC 1899. 

Smith, Sidney : Babylonian Historical Texts, 1924. 

see CAH. 

Smith, W. R. : The Prophets of Israel, 1882. 

Lectures on the Religion of the Semites, 1889 ; ed. 3, 1927. 

The O.T. in the Jewish Church, ed. 2, 1892. 

Kings, Enc. Br.^. 

and Kautzsch, E. : Kings, EB. 

Sophocles, E. P. : Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine 

Periods, 1870. 


Sperber, a. : Hebrew based upon Greek and Latin Transliterations. 
HUCA 12-13 (1938), 103 flf. 

Hebrew based upon Biblical Passages in Parallel Transmission, 

ib.. 14 (1939), 153 ff- 

Stade, B. : Lehrbuch der hebraischen Grammatik, 1879. 

Der Text des Berichtes iiber Salomos Bauten, i Ko. 5-7 (with 

bibliog.), ZAW 3 (1883), 129-77 ; Anmerkungen zu 2 Ko. 10-14, 
ib., 5 (1885), 275-97 ; Anmerkungen zu 2 Ko. 15-21, ib., 6 (1886), 
156-89 ; these articles collected in his Ausgewahlte akademische 
Reden, 1899, from which citation below is made. 

Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 2 vols., 1887-88 [GVI]. 

and ScHWALLY, F., with Notes by P. Haupt : The Book of 

Kings, Critical Edition . . . Printed in Colours, etc., 1904, in 
Haupt's series. The Sacred Books of the O.T. [SBOT]. 

Steuernagel, C. : Lehrbuch der Einleitung in das A.T., 191 2. 

Strack, H. : Einleitung in das A.T., ed. 4, 1895, ed. 6, 1906. 

Streck, M. : Alteste Geschichte der Aramaer, Klio, vi, 2 (1906), 193 ff. 

Strong, H. A. : see Lucian. 

Sulzberger, M. : The Am Ha-Aretz : the Ancient Hebrew Parlia- 
ment, 1909, reprint 1910. 

SwETE, H. B. : The O.T. in Greek, 3 vols., 1909-22. 

An Introduction to the O.T. in Greek, 1914. 

Taylor, C. : see Burkitt. 

Texte u. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der alttestamentlichen 

Literatur, 2nd series, 1897 seq [TU]. 
Texts and Studies, Cambridge, 1891 seq. [TS]. 
Thackeray, H. St. J. : The Septuagint and Jewish Worship, 192 1. 

Josephus, the Man and the Historian, 1929. 

see Brooke, Josephus. 

Thayer, J. B. : A Greek-English Lexicon of the N.T., 1887. 
Thenius, O. : Die Biicher der Konige, ed. 2, 1873 ; ed. 3, ed. M. 

Lohr, 1898. 
Theodoret : Theodorets Zitate aus den Konigsbiichern u. dem 2. 

Buche der Chronik, 5S i, 16-46. 
Thompson, J. E. H. : The Samaritans, 1919. 
Thompson, R. C. : see CAH. 
Thomsen, p. : Kompendium der palastinischen Altertumskunde, 


Palastina u. seine Kultur, ed. 3, 1931. 

Die Palastina-Literatur, 5 vols., 1895-1938. 

Tischendorf, C. : see Heyse. 

Todd, J. C. : Politics and Religion in Ancient Israel, 1904. 

Torczyner, H., collaborators L. Harding, A. Lewis, and J. L. 

Starkey : Lachish I, The Lachish Letters, 1937 U-L]. 
The Lachish Ostraca (in Hebrew with Hebrew title, with addi 

tional ostraca), Jerusalem, 1940. 



ToRREY, C. C. : New Notes on Old Inscriptions, ZA 26 (1912), 77-92. 

Pseudo-Ezekiel and the Original Prophecy, 1930. 

ToYNBEE, A. J. : A Study of History, 6 vols., 1934-39. 
TozER, H. F. : History of Ancient Geography, ed. 2, 1935. 
TuFNELL, O. : see Lachish II. 

Ungnad, a. : Die Zahl der von Sanherib deportierten Judaer., ZAW 
59 (1943). 199-202. 

Vanutelli, p. : Libri synoptici Veteris Testamenti sen librorum 
Regum et Chronicorum loci paralleli, 2 vols., Rome, 1931-34. 

Vatke, W. : Historisch-kritische Einleitung in das A.T., 1886. 

ViGOUROUX, F. : Dictionnaire de la Bible, 5 vols., 1895-1912 ; Supple- 
ment, vols. 1-3, 1928-38 (unfinished) [DS]. 

Vincent, H. : Jerusalem, vol. i, Jer. Antique, 1912, vol. 2, Jer. 
Nouvelle, 1926. 

La religion des judeo-arameens d'filephantine, 1937. 

VoLCK, W. : Konige, RPTK. 

VoLZ, P. : Der Geist Gottes u. die verwandten Erscheinungen im A.T. 
u. im anschliessenden Judentum, 1910. 

Die biblischen Altertiimer, ed. 2, 1925. 

Wahrmund, a. : Hwb. der arabischen u. deutschen Sprache, ed. 3, 

Walton, Brian : Biblia Pol3'glotta, 6 vols., London, 1657 (see his 

introductory studies, i, 1-122) [LP]. 
Biblicus apparatus chronologico - topographico - philosophicus, 

Ziirich, 1672. 
Wardle, W. L. : The History and Religion of Israel, 1936. 
Watzinger, C. : Denkmaler Palastinas, 2 vols., 1933-35 [DP]. 
Weber, O. : Die Literatur der Babylonier u. Assyrer, 1907. 
Weidner, E. E. : Die Konige von Assyrien, MVAG, 1921. 
Weill, R. : La cite de David : compte rendu . . . campagne de 1913- 

14, with atlas of plates, 1920. 
Weiser, A. : Glaube u. Geschichte im A.T., BWANT IV, 4 (1931). 
Die theologische Aufgabe der alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft, 

in Warden und Wesen des A.T., BZAW 66 (1936), 207-24. 

Einleitung in das A.T., 1939. 

Welch, A. C. : The Work of the Chronicler, 1939. 

Wellhausen, J. : Israel, Enc. Br.^. 

Skizzen u. Vorarbeiten, 6 vols., 1884-99 ; vol. i, Abriss der 

Geschichte Israels u. Judas, vol. 3, Reste arabischen Heidentums. 
Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, ed. 3, 1886 (ed. 6, 1905) 

Die Composition des Hexateuchs u. der historischen Biicher des 

A.T., ed. 3, 1899 ; pp. 263-301 on Kings = Bleek, Einl.*, 231-67 

Israelitische u. jiidische Geschichte, ed. 4, 1901 (also edd. 1904, 

1914) [Gesch.]. 


Wevers, J. W. : Double Readings in the Books of Kings, JBL 65 

(1946), 307-10- 
Wiener, H. M. : The Composition of Judges II. 11 to i Kings II. 46, 

Leipzig, 1929. 

The Altars of the O.T., Olz., Beigabe, 1927. 

Posthumous Essays, 1932. 

WiNCKLER, H. : Untersuchungen zu altorientalischer Geschichte, 1889. 
Beitrage zur Quellenscheidung der Konigsbucher, in Alttestament- 

liche Untersuchungen, 1892, pp. 1-54. 

Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum A.T., 1892 ; ed. 3, 1909 [KTAT]. 

Altorientalische Forschungen, 1 893-1906. 

Geschichte Israels in Einzeldarstellungen, 1895-1900 [G/]. 

see Schrader, KA T. 

Wright, G. E., and Filson, F. V. : The Westminster Historical 

Atlas to the Bible, I945- 
Wright, T. : Early Travels in Palestine, 1848. 
Wright, W. : A Grammar of the Arabic Language, ed. 3, edd. W. R. 

Smith and M. J. de Goeje, 2 vols., I933- 
WiJRTHWEiN, S. E. : Der 'amm ha'arez im A.T., BWANT IV, 17 (1936). 
Wutz, F. : see Eusebius Pamphili. 

ZiMMERMANN, F. : The Perpetuation of \'ariants in the Masoretic 

Text, JQR 34 (1944). 459-74- 
ZiMMERN, H. : see Schrader, KAT. 

ZoRELL, P. : Lexicon Hebraicum et Aramaicum V.T., Rome, 1940 . 

ZscHERNACK, L. : sce Religion in Geschichte u. Gegenwart. 



King James Bible (' Authorized Version '), 1611, current text [AV]. 

Revised Version, 1885 [RVJ. 

American Revised Version (' Standard Version '), 1901 [RV*™]. 

The Holy Scriptures, Jewish Publ. Soc. of America, 191 7 [JVj. f- 

The Holy Bible ... a New Translation, by James Moffatt, New York, :■ 

1922 [Moff.]. ' 

The Bible, an American Translation, O.T. ed. J. M. P. Smith Ki. 

tr. by L. Waterman ; Chicago, 1931 [Chic. B.]. 


Ed. by J. E. Ostervald, ed. 3, Bienne and Neuchatel, 1771 [FV]. 


Luther's tr., current text [GV]. 


O.T. by E. TremeUius and F. Junius, N.T. by T. Beza, Zurich, 1673. 

In this book the chapter divisions and verse-numberings are those 
of JV, which follows the system of all Hebrew prints. The variations 
of numbering are given in the margin of the RVV. 



See Int., §i6. 


In addition to the Palestine Exploration Fund Map of Western 
Palestine (1882), and the PEF Map of Palestine (1898), the Depart- 
ment of Lands and Surveys of Palestine has now published 14 sheets 
of Palestine, west of the Jordan, stretching northward from Beersheba 
to the Syrian frontier. The Palestine Survey has published a convenient 
folding pocket map, Palestine of the O.T. (print of 1938). In addition 
are to be noted the maps in G. A. Smith, HG, and his Historical Atlas 
of the Holy Land (ed. 2, 1936), and the rich collection in Abel, GP ; cf. 
also the ' Map of the Principal Excavated Sites of Palestine,' PEQ 1932, 
opp. 220. For Syria there are the detailed maps in Dussaud, TH. N.b. 
the very useful ' Baedekers ' for these lands. For the Bible Lands at 
arge are to be noted Guthe's Bibelatlas, ed. 2, Leipzig, 1926, the map 
in the National Geographic Magazine, Dec. 1938, the Maps of Bible 
Lands published by the American Bible Society for inclusion in its 
edition of the Bible, edited by J. O. Boyd and W. F. Albright, 1939, 
and the maps in The Westminster Historical Atlas to the Bible, edited 
by G. E. Wright and F. V. Filson, Philadelphia, 1945. 




The Moabite Stone (Mesha stele) : see Comm., II. s*"-, n. i. 

The Siloam inscription : see Comm., II. 20***. 

The tablet material : see Diringer, lAE, Torczyner's volumes. 



Ahiram inscr. : Dussaud, Syria, 1924, 135 flE. ; Torrey, JAOS 46 

(1926), 237 ff. 
Yehaumilk : CIS I, no. i ; HNE 416 ; NSI no. 3 ; AT no. 5. 

Tabnith inscr. : HNE 417 ; NSI no. 4; AT no. 6. 
Eshmunazar inscr. : CIS I, no. 3 ; HNE 417 ; NSI no. 5 ; AT 
no. 7. 


Afis (near Aleppo) 

Zakar inscr. : Pognon, Inscr. sdm., no. 86 ; Eph., 3, i £f. ; CAH 3, 
375 ; ATB I. 443. 


The Hadad, Panammuwa, Bar-Rkb inscriptions : Ausgrabungen 

in Sendschirli, vol. i, parts 3, 4 ; HNE 440 fif. ; NSI nos. 61-63. 

Kilammuwa inscr. : Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, vol. 4, 374 ; 

E. Littmann, Sb., Berlin Academy, 45 (191 1), 976; Eph., 3, 

218 ; Torrey, JAOS 1935, 364. 

Sujin (Seflreh) : see Comm., I. 18, n. i. 

Ugarit (Ras Shamra) : the texts published by C. Virolleaud, in 
Syria, 1929 seq., and subsequent vols., Danel, Keret, 1936 and in 
Rev. d'Ass., 1940-41. Compendia with introductions, glossaries, 
etc. : Montgomery and Harris, RSMT 1935 ; H. L. Ginsberg, 
The Ugarit Texts (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, 1936 ; H. Bauer, Die 
alphabetischen Keilschrifttexte von Ras Schamra, 1936 ; D. Nielsen, 
Ras Samra Mythologie u. biblische Theologie, Abh. xxi, 4 (1936) 
of the Deutsche Morgenl. Gesellschaft ; C. F. A. Schaeffer, The 
Cuneiform Texts of Ras Shamra-Ugarit, Schweich Lectures (1939), 
and Ugaritica (Paris, 1939), a full bibliography ; C. H. Gordon, 
Ugaritic Grammar, Rome, 1940. In the meanwhile Prof. Gordon 
has published a more extensive work, Ugaritic Handbook : 1. 
Revised Grammar, Paradigms ; II. Texts in Transliteration ; 
III. Comprehensive Glossary, Rome, 1947. 




Amama tablets : J. A. Knudtzon, Die el-Amarna Tafeln, 1915 ; 

S. A. B. Mercer, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, 2 vols., 1939. 
Assyrian Eponym List : i^B i, 204 ; CP 219 ; ^i?^ 2, 427 ; Olm- 

stead, ' The Ass. Chronicle,' AJSL 34, 344. 
Babylonian Chronicles : see Int., §16, n. 3. 
Babylonian King Lists : KB i, 286 ; CP 201. 
Synchronistic History (early Babylonian-Assyrian) : KB i, 194- 

KB 2, 290 ; CP 239. 


Omitted are abbreviations for Biblical books, grammatical and 
commonplace abbreviations. 

AASOR : Annual of American 
Schools of Oriental Research. 

AB : see Barton. 

Abh. : Abhandlung(en). 

Acta Or. : Acta Orientalia. 

AfO : Archiv fiir Orientforschung. 

AfR : Archiv fiir Religionswissen- 

AHNE : see R. H. HaU. 

AHR : American Historical Re- 

AJA : American Journal of 

AJSL : American Journal of 
Semitic Languages and Litera- 

AJT : American Journal of The- 

AKAT : see Jirku. 

Akk. : Akkadian. 

Albr. : Albright. 

Ant. : Josephus, Antiquities. 

AO : der alte Orient. 

Aq. : Aquila. 

ARA : see Luckenbill. 

Arab. : Arabic. 

Aram. : Aramaic. 

Arch. : Archaeology. 

Arch. Or. : Archiv Orientalni. 

ARE : see Breasted. 

Arm. : Armenian. 

art(s.) : article(s). 

ARw : Archiv fur Religions- 

Ass. : Assyrian. 

ast. : asterisk (Eusebian). 

AT : see Lidzbarski 

A.T. : Altes Testament. 

ATB : see Gressmann. 

AT LAO : see Jeremias. 
A TR : Anglican Theological Re- 
AV : Authorized Version. 

Bab. : Babylonian. 

BA : Biblical Archsologist. 

BASOR : Bulletin of American 

Schools of Oriental Research. 
BDB : see Brown-Driver-Briggs. 
BDD : Bible Dictionaries. 
Benz. : Benzinger. 
Bergstr. : Bergstrasser. 
BH : Kittel, BH\ 
BJ : Josephus, Bellum Judaicum. 
BL : see Bauer-Leander. 
BL : Biblisches Lexicon. 
BR : see Galling. 
Brock. : Brockelmann. 
Burn. : Burney. 
B WA [N) T : Beitrage zur Wissen- 

schaft vom A.(u. N.)T. 
BZA W : Beihef te to ZA W. 

CA H : Cambridge Ancient History. 

C.Ap. : Josephus, Contra Apio- 

Chic. B. : Chicago Bible. 

Chr.-Pal. : Christian-Palestinian 

CIOT : see Schrader. 

CIS : Corpus inscriptionum Sem- 

Comm. : main text of this Com- 

comm. : commenta'hor(s), com- 
mentary, -ies. 

CP : see Rogers. 




CR : Comptes Rendus, Academic 

des Inscriptions et Belles-Let- 

tres, Paris. 
CSCO : Corpus script. Christ. 

CSEG : Corpus script, eccles. 

CSEL : Corpus script, eccles. Lat. 
CT : Cuneiform Texts . . . British 

Museum (1896 seq.). 

DB : Hastings, Dictionary of the 

DCB : Dictionary of Christian 

deR. : de Rossi, 
dittog. : dittograph(y). 
Dr. : S. R. Driver. 
DZG : Deutsche Zeitschrift fiir 


EB : Encyclopsedia Biblica. 

ed., edd. : editor(s), edition(s). 

Ehrl. : EhrUch. 

Eissf. : Eissfeldt. 

Enc. Br. : Encyclopaedia Britan- 

Eph. : see Lidzbarski. 
ERE : Encyclopaedia of Religion 

and Ethics. 
Eth. : Ethiopic. 
Eus. : Eusebius. 
EVV : English Versions, AV, 

Ew. : Ewald. 

FHG : Fragmenta historicorum 

FuF : Forschungen u. Fort- 

FV : French Version. 

GB : see Gesenius-Buhl. 

GCS : Die griechischen christ- 

lichen Schriftsteller der ersten 

drei Jahrhunderte. 
Ges. : Gesenius. 
Ginsb. : Ginsburg. 
GK : see Gesenius- Kautzsch. 

Gr., Grr. : Greek, Greek texts. 
Gr. : Grammar, Grammatik. 
Gressm. : Gressmann. 
GV : German Version. 

HA : Handbuch der Altertums- 

HA A : see Nielsen. 

haplog. : haplograph(y). 

HAT : Handbuch zum A.T., ed. 

Heb. : Hebrew.- 

Her. : Herodotus. 

Hex. : Hexapla, Hexaplaric. 

HkA T : Handkommentar zum 
A.T., ed. W. Nowack. 

homoiotel. : homoioteleuton. 

HNE : see Lidzbarski. 

HP : see Holmes-Parsons. 

HSA T : see Kautzsch. 

HTR : Harvard Theological Re- 

HTS : Harvard Theological Stud- 

HUG A : Hebrew Union College 

Hwb. : Handworterbuch. 

lAE : see Diringer. 
ICC : International Critical Com- 
ILN : Illustrated London News. 

JAOS : Journal of the American 
Oriental Society. 

JBL : Journal of Biblical Litera- 

JDT : Jahrbuch fiir deutsche 

JE : Jewish Encyclopaedia. 

JNES : Journal of Near Eastern 
Studies (continuation of AJSL). 

Jos. : Josephus. 

JPOS : Journal of the Palestine 
Oriental Society. 

JPT : Jahrbiicher fiir protestan- 
tische Theologie. 

JQR : Jewish Quarterly Review. 

JR : Journal of Religion. 



JSOR : Journal of the Society 

for Oriental Research. 
JTS : Journal of Theological 

JV : Jewish Version. 

Kamph : Kamphausen. 

KAT, KB : see Schrader. 

Ken. : Kennicott. 

Ki. : Kings. 

Kit. : Kittel. 

Klost. : Klostermann. 

KmAT : Kommentar zum A.T., 

ed. E. Sellin. 
Kr. : Kre. 
kt. : Kethib. 

Lat. : Latin. 

LCS : Die lateinischen christ- 

lichen Schriftsteller der drei 

ersten Jahrhunderte. 
Lex(x) : Lexicon, -a. 
LHeb. : Late Hebrew. 
Lidzb. : Lidzbarski. 
LP : Walton's London Polyglot. 
Luc. : Lucian. 
Lucif. : Lucifer of Calaris. 

Mas. : Masora, -etic. 

Meinh. : Meinhold. 

Mel. : Melanges de la Faculte 

Orientale, Universite Saint 

Joseph, Beyrouth. 
MGWJ : Monatschrift fiir Ge- 

schichte u. Wissenschaft des 

Mich. : Michaelis's Hebrew text, 
minusc. : minuscule (s). 
MNDPV : Mittheilungen u. 

Nachrichten des Deutschen 

Mofi. : Moffatt's Bible. 
Montg. : Montgomery. 
MS., MSS. : manuscript(s). 
MVAG : Mitteilungen der Vor- 

derasiatisch-Agyptischen Ge- 

sellschaft (continuing MVG). 
MVG : Mitteilungen der Vorder- 

asiatischen Gesellschaft. 

Nab. : Nabataean. 

NHeb. : New (post-Biblical) 

Nold. : Noldeke. 
NPS : see Ryckmans. 
NSI : see Cooke. 
N.T. : New Testament, Neues 


GArab. : Old Arabic. 

OAram. : Old Aramaic. 

obel. : obelisk (Eusebian). 

Oc. : Occidental tradition of the 

Hebrew text. 
OGr. : the ' Septuagintal ' text. 
OGrr. : the above and the Luci- 

anic text. 
OLat. : Old Latin. 
OLz. : Orientalistische Literatur- 

Onom. Gr.jLat. : Onomasticon 

Graecum/Latinum ; see Euse- 

Or. : Oriental tradition of the 

Hebrew text. 
Or. Inst. Publ. : Oriental Institute 

Publications, University of 

O.T. : Old Testament. 
OTG : see Brooke. 

Palm. : Palmyrene. 

PEF : Palestine Exploration 

PEQ : Palestine Exploration 

Quarterly (continuing QS since 


PG : Migne, Patrologia Graeca. 

Phoen. : Phoenician. 

Pjb. : Palastinajahrbuch. 

PL : Migne, Patrologia Latina. 

PSBA : Proceedings of the Soci- 
ety of Biblical Archaeology. 

QS : Quarterly Statement of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund. 

RA : Reallexicon der Assyrio- 



RB : Revue Biblique. 

rdg(s.) : reading(s). 

RE : see Pauly-Wissowa. 

reflf. : references. 

RE J : Revue des fitudes Juifs. 

resp. : respectively. 

Rev. d'Ass. : Revue d'Assyri- 

RGG : Religion in Geschichte u. 
Gegenwart, ed. 2. 

RHR : Revue de I'Histoire des 

RPTK : Realencyklopadie fiir 
Protestantische Theologie u. 

RS : Revue Semitique. 

RSMT : see Montgomery and 

RV : British Revised Version of 
English Bible ; RV^" the 
American Revision ; RVV these 
and JV together, unless ex- 
ception is made. 

RVg. : Reallexicon der Vorge- 

S. Arab. : South Arabic. 

SAT : Die Schriften des A.T. in 

Auswahl (1921-25). 
Sb. : Sitzungsberichte, Philos.- 

hist. Klasse, of the Academy 

SBOT : see Stade. 
Sk. : Skinner. 
SOT : see Kent. 
SS ; Septuaginta-Studien, A. 

St. : Stade. 
sugg. : suggest(s). 

suppl. : supply, -ies. 
supplem. : supplement. 
Sym. : Symmachus. 
Syr. : Syriac. 

Targ. : Targum. 

Then. : Thenius. 

Theod. : Theodotion. 

Th. R. : Theologische Rundschau. 

Tisch. : Tischendorf's ed. of Vul- 

tr., trr. : translator (s), transla- 

TS : Texts and Studies. 

TSK : Theologische Studien und 

TU : Texte u. Untersuchungen. 

var(r.) : variant(s). 

vs. : versus. 

VS, VSS : Version(s), ancient. 

V.T. : Vetus Testamentum. 

Watz. : Watzinger. 
Wb. : Worterbuch. 
WDB : Westminster Dictionary 

of the Bible. 
Wellh. : Wellhausen. 

ZA : Zts. fiir Assyriologie. 

ZA W : Zts. fiir die alttestament- 

liche Wissenschaft. 
ZDMG : Zts. der Deutschen 

Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 
ZDPV : Zts. des Deutschen 

ZfS : Zts. fiir Semitik. 
Zts. : Zeitschrift. 
ZWT : Zts. fiir wissenschaftliche 



g : Arabic VS. 

C : Coptic VS. 

C : Ethiopic VS. 

(@ : Old Greek (' Septuagint '). 

(3^ : the Lucianic Greek. 

<@h: ; the Hexaplaric Greek. 

^ : the Hebrew text. 

H : Old Latin texts. 

jftt : Masoretic apparatus of ^ ; 
^o«, M°'. the Occidental, 
Oriental forms respectively. 

^ : Palestinian Aramaic. 

^ : Syriac VS (Peshitta). 

^H ; the Syro-Hexapla. 

^ : Targum ; tE?', de Lagarde's 
ed. ; tE^", Walton's ed. 

V : Vulgate. 

The following symbols are also used : 

j indicates that all the cases in the Hebrew Bible are cited. 

-(- a critical plus. 

II parallelism. 

> etymological process toward. 

< etj-mological process from. 

[ ] in the translation has bearing on the text of ^ ; ( ) expresses 

an interpretative addition. 
•X- as asterized plus in the Hexapla. 
-h an obelized minus in the Hexapla. 





Kings is one of ' the Twenty-Four Books,' constituting the 
sacred canon of the Jews, and the fourth book of the Former 
Prophets.^ It is a continuation of the book of S amuel, but 
without clearly marked hterary distinction. For the mechan- 
ical history of Sam.-Ki. must be postulated a series of rolls, 
which were divided for arbitrary convenience. In the Hebrew 
division Sam. and Ki. are of almost equal length, in Bar's 
edition of respectively 91 and 93 pages. The Greek scribes 
with their smaller quires went further, and equally for con- 
venience produced four volumes with the title, at ^ao-tAeiai, 
generally translated, ' The Kingdoms,' but Thackeray has 
observed (p. 263) that, following Hellenistic use, the Greek 
should be translated ' The Reigns.' There is variation as to 
the joint between Sam. and Ki. in the Greek texts, although 
there the major tradition followed the distinction of the 
Hebrew Bible. However, Lucian found another division, after 
I. 2^^, with the actual termination of David's reign, which 
for historiography might be preferred. And Josephus begins 
bk. viii of his Antiquities at this point. But there is evidence 
for yet another division in the early Greek ; after I. 2^^^ 
some supplementary material is collected, evidently assembled 
there at the end of a tome {v. ad loc). Indeed, after Hebrew 
syntax, a fresh section begins with the ensuing clause, " the 
kingdom being established in Solomon's hand." Cf. also 
remarks below on the literary ' break ' in the Greek in 4203-. 2 

^ According to the Talmud, Baba Bathra, 15a, Jeremiah was the 
author of ' his own book and the book of Kings and Lamentations.' 

2 Thackeray in his ' Greek Translators of the Four Books of Kings ' 
and in his Septuagint and Jewish Worship contends stoutly for Lucian's 
division between 2 and 3 Kgdms as original, also basing his argument 


The Greek collocation of Sam.-Ki. as one book with its 
division into four volumes was followed by all the ancient 
Versions. The Greek title as of ' The Kingdoms ' appeared 
in early titles of the Latin Bible ; the Arabic as well as the 
Ethiopic followed the Hebrew with ' Kings ' ; the Syriac used 
both titles, varying with the books. In the Latin Bible 
' Kings ' came into current use ; but this version preserved 
also a second titulation for i and 2 Ki. as ' secundum Hebrseos 
primus/secundus Malachim,' i.e., with transliteration of the 
Hebrew title.^ With the revival of learning in the Western 
Church and the direct translations from the Hebrew the 
distinction between Sam. and Ki. was established, with, how- 
ever, the continuance of the Greek division of each book into 
two halves. This distinction has been accepted in all Christian 
prints of the Bible, except in Ginsburg's and Kittel's editions, 
as it is also noted marginally in Jewish prints, e.g., in the 
encyclopaedic Mikra'oth Gedoloth. For this division see 
Burney on IL i^. 

The book continues that of Samuel with the history of the 
regency and reign of Solomon, records the disruption of North 
and South under his son, pursues in artfully articulated fashion 
the parallel histories of the two kingdoms, with a rich treasury 
of historical stories from the North, and finally centres on the 
surviving kingdom of the South, until at last, with the original 
conclusion of the book (H. 25^^*^), " Judah went into exile 
away from its land." One recalls Polybius's drama of the 
end of Greece before Rome, and, closer to the theme, Josephus's 
Antiquities of his people, after their second ruin as a nation. 
But this work, compilation as it is of many and various sources, 
precedes those others in antiquity and with a faith theyjiid 
not possess. For the editors, that history was worthy of record' 
because it was guided by the hand of God, contradicted as he 
"was by his own people. There was latent the behef that his 

on the almost exact equality of the parts of Codex B for i Kgdms 
and 2 Kgdms-3 Kgdms 2^^. But Rahlfs takes positive position against 
Thackeray {SS 3, 186 ff.). In any case such divisions were primarily 
practical. Cf. the awkward opening of 2 Ki. with the fragmentary 
item, " And Moab rebelled against Israel after the death of Ahab." 

' Cf. Jerome's observation in his Prologus Galeatus (Tischendorf's 
ed. of the Vulgate, p. xxvii) : " Melius multo est Malachim, id est, 
Regum, quam Mamlachot, id est, Regnorum, dicere." 


purpose would continue for the future, and such a postscript 
of hope was early added to the book, after II. 25^6.4 


The basic text here used is that of the third edition of 
Kittel's Biblia Hehraica (BH), the editorship of which v/as 
notably continued after that distinguished scholar's death in 
1929, appearing in parts, 1929-37 (see Bibliography). Its 
unique merit lies in the reproduction of a single manuscript, 
and that the oldest accessible one, the manuscript in the 
Pubhc Library of Leningrad (MS L). This is a pure repre- 
sentative of the family of Ben Asher, as distinguished from 
the hitherto printed texts which contain traditions of Ben 
Naphtali ; these texts follow Jacob Chayyim's Bomberg Bible 
of 1524-25, itself repeated by Kittel in the earlier editions. ^ 

As against the common tacit assumption of a fixed textus 
recephis of the Hebrew Bible the Notes in this Commentary 
cite constantly by way of example the various readings of 
the editions of Michaelis, Kennicott (his upper text). Bar, 
and the two of Ginsburg. For the thesaurus of variant texts 
recourse must still be taken primarily to Kennicott's V.T. 
Hebraicum, and to the invaluable critical digest of the 
material, along with collation of a large number of MSS of 
his own collation, by de Rossi (Kennicott's warm friend) in 
his VaricB Lediones, and the important supplementary volume 
of incidental materials, Scholia critica.^ His work is invaluable 

* The Old Greek gives additional material {e.g., the long story attached 
to I. 12), varying dispositions of the materials [e.g., the two long supple- 
ments in I. 2), rearrangements (as in I. 5-7, and the exchange of cc. 
20 and 2 1), as well as also innumerable variations in text. The pertinent 
problems will be considered ad locos. 

1 See the ' Prolegomena ' of Kittel and collaborators and successors 
prefacing the completed volume. For further recent treatments of the 
learned apparatus, reference may be made to the writer's Daniel, Int., 
§§5, 6 ; Eissf., Einl., §§100, loi ; Kahle, ' Der alttest. Bibeltext,' 
Th. R., 1933, 227 ff. ; and the admirable digest in Pfeiffer, Int., pp. 

2 Kennicott gives a descriptive and critical ' Catalogus Codicum ' in 
the ' Dissertatio Generalis ' at end of vol. 2. De Rossi in the ' Prolego- 
menon ' to vol. I repeats Kennicott's list with further description of 
prints and criticism, and adds his own list of additional manuscripts 
and prints. 


for its presentation of the agreements of the Hebrew variants 
with the Versions, including the Syriac and Arabic. Bar's 
edition is valuable for its ' Annotationes Criticae,' with the 
listing of Masoretic variants, the differences between Oriental 
and Occidental readings, and the ' Diversitates libri Regum 
a libri Chronicorum,' and ' a libri Jesaiae,' and * a libri Jeremiae.' 
Ginsburg's first edition presented variant readings. His 
second edition gives a far larger presentation of this material 
in the footnotes, page by page, along with the distinction of 
Oriental and Occidental readings, extensive citation of early 
prints, as also his own suggested correction of text, ' necesse 
est legere.' ^ And in suit the critical apparatus in Kittel- 
Noth's edition gives current citation of selected variants based 
on earher text-editors, and selected MSS, along with extensive 
citation of the Versions and critical judgments upon them 
and their bearing upon the Hebrew text.^ 

For Ki. Kennicott cites at length 66 MSS, along with very 
many cited in places for him by C. Bruns. See his ' Catalogus 
Codicum,' including synagogal Haftaroth and prints, following 
the text of Ki. For the same book de Rossi consulted 42 
original additional texts in his own library, 34 others on 
occasion. In many cases these MSS contain only the Former 

In addition to the innumerable variations, in large part 
errors, yet often scribal corrections of impossible or unintel- 
ligible Hebrew, occurring in most authoritative MSS, as also 
the variations between presence and absence of the vowel- 
letters, or their faulty placement (the simpler form often 
giving the basis of interpretation by the Versions), there are 

' See at large his invaluable Introduction, and for excellent surveys 
of the Heb. text Buhl, Canon u. Text, §§24 flf., Briggs, Int., ch. 7. For 
recent catalogues of the Heb. MSS see Bibliography in Buhl, p. 86, 
and Ginsburg, ch. 12. 

* See the extensive apparatus listed in the ' Prolegomena.' Few 
fragments of the Babylonian texts appear for Ki. ; cf. Kahle, Masoreten 
des Ostens, BWAT 15 (1913), and ' Die hebraischen Bibelhandschriften 
aus Babylonien,' ZAW 46 (1928), 113 ff. 

^ By inadvertence some numbers of Kennicott's citations are errone- 
ously cited below through the Commentary, as 'MSS,' whereas they 
are actually prints ; this correction concerns the particular numbers 
257, 260, 264. 650 [J.A.M.]. 


the many corrections by the vocal Kr^, which have again to 
be diagnosed for their correctness. There also appear cases 
of the Sebirin, instances of ' it is the opinion that it is so 
and so,' the correction marginally annotated.* 

For Ki. criticism is further complicated by the extensive 
current paralleUsms, and again towards the end of the book 
by the parallels for II. 18-20 with Isaiah, for II. 24, 25 with 
Jeremiah, and for ch. 25 by a double parallel in Jer.' Accord- 
ingly we thus possess text-traditions of great antiquity. And 
the problem is further vexed by the inter-contamination 
among the parallels (affecting particularly the Versions at 
large), the greater fullness or preciseness or more extensive 
editing of one of the parallels affecting the sister text, hence 
the influence of the text of Ch. upon that of Ki., still more 
manifest in the Grr. See such a case at II. 25*, where the 
verb demanded before " by night," was early lacking in the 
Heb., which then has been variously supplied in four MSS 
(" and they went out," " and they fled "), in the parallel in 
Jer., and in the ancient and modern VSS (AV supplies the 
verb without further note, JV inserts in brackets — so trans- 
lators must work !). A sample case of correction of the Heb., 
doubtless an original error, appears at I. 7^^ : here " the 
pillars " and " the pomegranates " should change place ; 
corrections are made by 2 MSS, reading the second word in 

* For recent discussions of Kethib-Kre are to be noticed the book 
by Cordis on the subject (with additions to Bar's list for Ki.), and 
the criticism of it by Orlinsky, both listed in the Bibliography. For 
the Sebirin see Ginsb., Int., ch. 8; e.g., cases at I. i^"- ^*- ^^ iS^', II. 2^. 
Friedr. Delitzsch, in Die Lese- u. Schreibfehler im A.T., presents a list 
of some 400 alleged errors in ^ of Ki. The acute theory of Bostrom, 
presented in his Alternative Readings in Samuel, will be pursued in the 
Notes below. 

' These parallelisms are fully presented by Bar, pp. 132 ff., cf. 
Kuenen, Einl., §45. The most comprehensive work in this regard is 
Vanutelli's Libri synoptici, presenting the parallel texts of Is., Jer., 
Ch., along with the several parallel Cr. texts, and a rich assortment 
of the Cr. variants. For an analytic study of these variants is to be 
noted Rehm, Textkritische Untersuchungen, and for such textual dis- 
crepancies Sperber, ' Hebrew Based upon Biblical Passages in Parallel 
Transmission.' Klost., Kent, Sanda most conveniently present the 
parallelisms in translation, as does also Crockett in his Harmony. For 
the particular literature on the several sections see Comm., ad locos, 
e.g., Add. Note on II. 18-20. 


both cases, again by some 50 MSS with the first word in 
both cases, while the VSS, except B>, support ^. That is, 
corrections often entailed further error. 

The pursuit of variant readings of particular MSS in the 
history of text and VSS is of interest and of possible value. 
Kennicott finds a sample case in his no. i, an excellent 
Bodleian MS ; for the Pentateuch he notes some 2000 variants, 
' not a few of them of moment,' and as confirming in some 
cases the ancient VSS.^ An example may be presented for 
Ki. in Ken. MS 30. In several cases {e.g., X. 420, 14I1, 156, 
192, II. 6^^ 9^') it has rdgs., alone or along with a few 
other MSS, agreeing variously with <§ B> ^ vs. ^ ; further 
correspondences with particular rdgs. of Gr. MSS appear at 
II. 15^^, 19^', 22^. Other MSS may be cited for occasional 
notable correspondences with the Grr., e.g., MS 2 (I. 6^^), 
23 (II. 218), 70 (I. 840- 41- 46, II. 178, 241°), 174 (II. loi, 
'Samaria' for ' Jezreel'), 180 (II. 9^2, 20*=<3^). But 
guard must be taken concerning individual MSS ; thus MS 
253 contains ' multas egregias variationes,' to quote de Rossi, 
and Kennicott holds that ' written in 1495, it was influenced 
by printed Bibles.' ^ 

Accordingly the variations of Heb. MSS, as well as of edi- 
tions, will be cited currently in the Notes, when they appear 
to be of interest, even if not of value. Their importance for 
text criticism may be judged only case by case. We must 
allow for the ecclesiastically less important Prophets a greater 
Hberty taken with the texts, often in consequence of their 
human interest. Various cautions have to be borne in mind 

* ' Dissertatio ' at end of vol. 2, p. 71. Particular study of the 
Hebrew variants and so of the classification of the MSS has been sorely 
lacking. Hempel gave a ' Chronik ' on the subject in ZA W 1930, 
187 £f., and also a further study in the Gottingen Nachrichten, Philolog.- 
hist. Klasse, 1937, 227 ff. S. H. Blank has made a comparative textual 
study of a recently discovered MS in HUCA 8-9 (1932), 227 fif. Bewer 
has treated Ken. 96 in connexion with a brief passage in the G. A. 
Kohut Vol., pp. 86 ff. For other individual studies see Orlinsky's 
note 12 in his ' Present State of Proto-Septuagint Studies.' 

* Some MSS come from the hands of Jewish proselytes to the Church, 
and so have been contaminated ; a specimen is given by the writer 
in his Daniel, p. 13, and such a MS is noted by de Rossi, his MS 69, 
commented on in vol. i, p. cxxxii. His corrections of Kennicott's 
often too early datings are to be noted. 


by the critic. For the eariy age the acquaintance of scribes 
with Greek must have insensibly, memoriter, affected their 
texts. Indeed the part of memory in ancient text trans- 
mission has been rather ignored by modern critics, who appear 
to visuahze ancient scribes as painfully collating various texts 
and parallels. This outlook explains the later variety in 
citation of the Greek Bible, as in the case of St. Paul, who 
knew his Hebrew (a disciple of Gamaliel he was, according to 
Acts 22^), the oral Targum of his day, and the current Greek 
translation, and who also could supply his own fresh transla- 
tions. See further §ii. 

For the dialectical varieties in Ki. Burney in his Hebrew 
Text ... of Kings, 207 ff., gives a useful list ; almost all of 
them belong to the North Israelite narratives, appearing also 
in Jud. and Sam., and surviving in much later literature. 
Cf. also the useful summary in Dr., Int., 188, n, i. There 
may be noted the form of the 2d fem. sing, pronoun 'atti, 
and the corresponding suffix -ki (appearing also in Punic). 
The relative se occurs once (II. 6^^). The development of 
'd§er as a demonstrative relative element =' he-of,' a replica 
of se, occurs at II. 19^^^ Noticeable is the almost absence 
of loan-words from the Aramaic. Kautzsch in his Aramais- 
men im A.T. (1902) presents only two certain cases, nn'N, 
II. 6^, and mTi, I. 10^, which occurs frequently earlier in 
Num. (E) and Jud. ; to these cases may be added D^yS"', 

I. 6^*, n'nh^, II. 2^^, and the pi. forms pnv, \"^-)n, I. ii^^, 

II. iii3. 

There occurs the frequent avoidance of the usual rules for 
consecution of verbs with Waw, e.g., II. 5^'^, 12^^; see Dr., 
Tenses, ch. 9, citing many cases in Ki., and F. T. Kelly, 
' The Impf. with Simple Waw,' JBL 1920, i ff., citing with 
analysis the cases in Ki., pp. 10 ff. There are also many cases, 
as in the Samaritan Pentateuch, of the unapocopated impf. 
with consecutive Waw.^" 

*" For the most recent study of the Canaanite development of the 
aspects ' (traditionally ' tenses ') see Harris, Development of the 
Canaanite Dialects, pp. 83 ff. 




Of the two great Polyglot Bibles containing the Oriental 
Versions, that of Paris (edited by Le Jay, completed 1645), 
and that of London (edited by Brian Walton, completed 
1657), the latter has been used in this work. For Ki. it con- 
tains in parallel columns along with the Hebrew the Latin 
of the Vulgate, the Greek, the Syriac, these 'two with Latin 
translations, and at the bottom of the opposite pages the 
Targum and the Arabic, also with like translations.^ Of 
particular value are de Rossi's summaries of the variants in 
Hebrew MSS and the Versions in selected passages. 

The Old Testament in Greek (the Cambridge OTG), edited 
by Brooke, M<^Lean, Thackeray, provides comparative textual 
apparatus for the Versions dependent upon the Greek, namely 
the Sahidic-Coptic, Ethiopic, Christian-Palestinian, the Syriac 
Hexapla, Armenian, Old Latin.^ The ' Polychrome ' edition 
of the Book of Kings in P. Haupt's SBOT, edited by Stade 
and Schwally, with constant and often contradictory notes 
by Haupt, is an invaluable select treasury of materials of the 
VSS bearing upon the text. There is to be noted also the 
extensive accumulation of variations of the VSS in Kittel's 
BH. For the Versions see Burney, Kings, pp. xx seq., and 
Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text . . . of the Books of Samuel, 
pp. xxxiii seq., discussing a text closely related to that of Ki, 
General reference may be here made to Swete, Int. to the O.T. 

i Vol. VI of this invaluable work also contains a series of pertinent 
addenda : Variants to and Observations on the Targum ; Variant 
Readings of the Syriac ; ditto of the Arabic. The extensive apparatus 
of comparisons of the Greek and Latin texts with manuscripts and 
earlier prints of the Bible is of bibliophilic interest, and the long ' Nota ' 
by Flaminius Nobilius (d. 1590), of 196 pages, on the Greek translation, 
is a fine specimen of early critical scholarship. 

2 See the Preface to vol. I, and for the increment of material the 
Prefaces to parts i and 2 of vol. II (Kgdms). The work also methodi- 
cally lists citations of the Biblical text found in Philo, the N.T., 
Josephus and the Patristic writings. For critical discussion of such 
citations and also for a much wider field, see Rahlfs, SS 3, ch. i, §§7, 
8, ch. 3 (Josephus), ch. 4. 


in Greek (for the Gr. MSS of the Historical Books, pp. 154 ff. ; 
for the sub-versions of the Gr., part I, ch. 4), and to the 
articles on the VSS in BDD, JE ; also to the bibliography 
and critical results given by the writer in Int. to his Daniel. 
There is to be added now for the Greek VSS, the Peshitta, 
the Vulgate, Pfeiffer, Int., 104 ff. 


a. The Apparatus 

The largest thesaurus of rdgs. of the Greek MSS still remains 
that of Holmes and Parsons. Its place is most conveniently, 
but not whoUy, taken by the Cambridge OTG ; see §3. Along- 
side of this monumental work is to be placed for usefulness 
in the study of Kings and Chronicles Vanutelli's Libri synoptici 
V.T., cited in §2, n. 7, presenting along with the Hebrew 
texts their respective Greek and Latin translations (the texts 
of Swete and Heyse-Tischendorf), along with a finely articu- 
lated apparatus of rdgs. of the Gr. MSS arranged in groups, 
i.e., Origenian, Lucianic, sub-Lucianic, sub-Alexandrian ; the 
rdgs. of the S5n:o-Hexapla and the parallels in Josephus are 

Tischendorf-Nestle's and Swete's editions of the Gr. O.T. 
cite for uncial codices in this book only B (Codex Vaticanus) 
and A (Codex Alexandrinus).^ The Cambridge OTG and 
Vanutelli treat as one uncial manuscript (as indeed long 
observed) the codex cited by them as N, known to HP as two 
distinct MSS, XI and 23 ; and so also an uncial MS Coislini- 
anus I, cited as M, extending only for I. 1-8*^. There are 
also fragments of an uncial Z. The most recent edition of 
the Greek text is Rahlfs's Septuaginta, presenting a revision of 
the text of B and an apparatus of the pertinent variants. 
In this connexion is to be noted the Gottingen Septuaginta, 
instituted by Rahlfs, with large critical apparatus and intro- 
ductions ; Rahlfs himself edited Genesis (1926) and Psalmi 

^ In addition to the earlier autotype facsimile of the latter codex a 
reduced facsimile reproduction has been published by the British 
Museum, edited by F. G. Kenyon, 1915, seq. See at large Kenyon's 
Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts, 1940. 


cum Odis, followed by W, Kappler, Maccabcsorum Liber I 
(1936), and J. Ziegler, Isaias (1939) .^ 

b. The Alexandrian {Septuagintal) Group ((§) 
The one uncial MS of the group, the regnant text of all 
modern editions, is Codex B, Vaticanus. Despite the correc- 
tions of ' correctores,' this noble MS abounds in glaring faults 
(shared in also by Codex A), particularly in transliterations, 
but also in other quarters, and this often uniquely, as the 
Notes will show. Its text may not, per se, be used for statistical 
comparison, except upon critical comparison with related 
MSS and sub-versions, especially the Ethiopic. Its own 
particular Greek group is small. ^ For the problem whether 

2 The first part of N (HP MS XI) is in the Vatican Library ; it 
extends over Ki. The second (HP 23) is in the Library of St. Mark's, 
Venice (hence also known as Venetus). See Swete, Int., 131 f., and vol. 
Ill of his text, p. xiv, and Montg., Daniel, 26, 51. In OTG, through 
an earlier omission, reference to this MS is to be found in Preface to 
part 3 of vol. I. For M (HP X, not cited there for Ki.) see Swete, 
Int., 140, and Rahlfs, 5S 3, 32 f. MS Z is noticed by OTG in Preface 
to Kings ; by Rahlfs, SS 3, 193, n. 2. For the MSS at large see Swete, 
Int., ch. 5, Rahlfs's encyclopaedic Verzeichnis d. griech. Handschriften 
d. A.T., and his detailed critical discussions in SS i and 3. Most 
recent is the ample discussion of the Gr. uncial MSS of the O.T. by 
J. H. Ropes in vol. 3 (1926) of The Beginnings of Christianity (ed. by 
F. J. F. Jackson and K. Lake), pp. Ixxxviii, seq. In addition to Nestle, 
' Septuagint,' DB, there are to be cited among recent studies : O. 
Procksch, Studien zur Geschichte der Septuaginta (1910), and his ' Tetra- 
plarische Studien,' ZAW 1936, 240 fi., 1937, 61 ff., covering the theme 
as far as Ruth ; Kenyon, The Text of the Greek Bible, 1937 '• ^.Iso the 
articles by Olmstead, ' Source Study and the Biblical Text,' and ' The 
Earliest Book of Kings ' (see Bibliography). The final results of M. L. 
Margolis's monumental The Book of Joshua in Greek (parts I-IV, 1931- 
36) have not yet been published. He gave a preliminary statement 
in ' The Grouping of the Codices in the Gr. Joshua,' JQR i (1910), 
259 ff. ; cf. also his essay on ' Textual Criticism of the Gr. O.T.,' Proc. 
Am. Philos. Soc, 1928, 187 ff. A. Allgeier's recent volume. Die Chester- 
Beatty Papyri zum Pentateuch ; Untersuchungen zur dlteren Vberlieferungs- 
geschichte der Septuaginta (1938), gives a full discussion of results from 
that quarter. See also further literature cited in §11, n. 6. 

The alphabetic symbols for the cursive MSS will be used below, 
following OTG and Vanutelli, with occasional references to numbered 
MSS of HP not included in the former system. 

8 The writer has expressed his criticism of uncritical use of B as 
basis of textual comparison in a review, JBL 1936, 309 ff. For a recent 
study see Sperber, Septuagintaprobleme I, BWANT III, 13 (1929). 


there was more than one archetype of the Septuagint see 
the Hterature of the discussion in §ii, note 6. 

c. The Later Jewish Translators, Theodotion, Aquila, 
Symmachus, etc. 

For placing Theodotion's name first, see the writer's Daniel, 
p. 46. For the additional texts known at large to Origen, 
but of unknown provenance, the Quinta, Sexta, Septima, see 
Field's Hexapla, vol. i, Prolegomena, ch. 5, and Swete, Int., 
pt. I, ch. 3. Field's invaluable work cites all the then known 
citations made by Origen and others from those obscure trans- 
lations ; these are also duly registered with an increment of 
additions in OTG. For Aquila there have now been recovered 
six large papyrus leaves of his translation of Kings, discovered 
by S. Schechter in the Cairo Genizah, and published by 
Burkitt and Taylor in Fragments of the Books of Kings. This 
material includes I. 20''^', II. 23^2"^'.^ The thesaurus of 
these translations is the Syriac Hexapla (see §6, b), plus 
marginal citations in some Greek MSS, notably M and j 
(=243) ; see Rahlfs, 55 3, 32 ff. Remains of the cited Quinta 
appear frequently for 2 Ki., never for i Ki.^ The effect of 
Theodotion upon the history of the Greek text remains obscure ; 
he is cited frequently along with Aquila and Symmachus, but 
rarely alone ; see further §11, c. 

d. Origen's Revision and its Successors {(^^) 

Origen prepared two texts, the Hexapla and the reduced 
Tetrapla. A further revision of his (Palestinian) text was 
produced by Eusebius under Constantine's command (the 

* Valuable textual notes are added by the editors. See in general 
J. Reider, Prolegomena to Aquila, Philadelphia, 1916. For the relation 
of Aquila and Targum see Silberstein's work, cited in Note introductory 
to L I. 

6 See Burkitt, ' The So-Called Quinta of 4 Kings,' PSBA 24 {1902), 
216 ff., citing instances where " readings of the so-called Quinta pre- 
serve a valuable emendation of the Mas. text" ; E. Nestle, ib., 25, 63 ; 
Olmstead, ' The Earliest Book of Kings,' who rediscovers Quinta 
in I Ki., proposing it as the basis of the Gr. in that portion of the 
book, and with stress on the critical importance of the version 
(pp. 184 ff.). 


Constantinopolitan text).* The MSS of this group are pro- 
miscuous in their readings. Of the uncials, A N belong here ; 
M has ' a vulgar text,' ' influenced by the Hexapla ' (Rahlfs, 
SS 3, 32). Codex A, like B, is carelessly written, and often runs 
independently of its fellows, indeed is often found in particular, 
even unique, correspondence with B.'' For Ki. Vanutelli 
selects as cursives of this group MSS c x y (HP 376 247 121).^ 
In this connexion may be noted Origen's Alexandrian 
counterpart, Hesychius (martyred under Galerius), who pro- 
duced a revision of the Greek Bible. But no precision of 
Hesychian texts has been made for Ki.' 

e. The Lucianic Revision {(S>^) 

See at large Rahlfs, SS 3, the outstanding work on the 
criticism of the problematic text of Lucian and its correla- 
tions. ^° In 1883 Paul de Lagarde published his Librorum 
V.T. canonicorum pars prior (part 2 never appeared) — a 
cryptic title indeed, for the volume is a presentation of the 
Lucianic text of Gen.-2 Esd., devoid of any textual apparatus. 
Following Vercellone he based his text on MSS 19 82 93 108 
{=OTG b' o e^b). His volume has become the staple for dis- 

* See Field's Prolegomena, Swete, Int., 18 ff., the writer's Daniel, 
Int., §14, and in particular for the present subject Rahlfs, S5 i, 47 ff., 
' Origenis Zitate aus den Konigsbiichern.' There may be noted in 
addition two important studies, by Margolis, ' Hexapla and Hexaplaric,' 
AJSL 32 (1916), 126 flf., and by Orlinsky, ' The Columnar Order of 
the Hexapla,' JQR 27 (1936), 137 ff. 

' See the full study, including much more than its title indicates, 
by S. Silberstein, ' tJber den Ursprung der im Codex Alexandrinus u. 
Vaticanus des dritten Konigsbuches der alexandrinischen tjbersetzung 
iiberlieferten Textgestalt,' ZAW 13 (1893), 1-75 ; 14, 1-30. 

* For analysis of MSS of this group see Margolis, ' Hexapla and 
Hexaplaric,' cited above. For Joshua he accepts a different group 
from the above, namely 15 (=a) 27 64 78. 

* See Nestle, DB 4, 445, col. 2 ; Swete, Int., 18 flf. 

1° For the credit for recognition of this group see ib., p. 80, n. i. 
Lucian, martyred in the year 311/12, was a Syrian of Antioch, and 
belonged to a different school of Biblical tradition than that of 
Alexandria (Septuagint, Hesychius) and that of Caesarea (Origen). For 
these three schools see Jerome's ' Praefatio in Paralip.' in his ' Prologus 
Galeatus ' (Tischendorf, p. xlvi). Burney, pp. xx-xxxi, gives a long 
list of Gr. rdgs., mostly parallelisms of (S and (©^ ; but (@ is cited only 
from faulty B. 


cussion of the text in question. But de Lagarde's method 
and text have undergone drastic criticism by Rahlfs with his 
study of all Lucianic clues and exposure of de Lagarde's 
many arbitrary readings. He adds as a major Lucianic MS 
no. 127=02, and comes to the conclusion that o and Cg are 
far superior to the others. Related MSS are 56 (=i) 158 245.^1 
Vanutelli (' Prolegomena,' vi) follows much the same grouping, 
adding other MSS as ' sub-Lucianic' Readings from this 
source have largely affected, often as glosses, other MSS 
(Rahlfs, 5S 3, 30 ff.). 

§5. THE TARGUM (tK) 

The text of the ' Targum of Jonathan ' primarily followed 
here is that of de Lagarde's ProphetcB Chaldaice {^^), based 
upon a single MS, the Codex Reuchhnianus, of date 1105, 
itself containing many annotated variants, listed in the 
Preface, along with variants of other printed texts. To 
Walton's edition of the Targum in the London Polyglot 
((K^) S. le Clerc (Clericus) has contributed a long essay in 
vol. 6, ' Vari^e lectiones in Chaldaicam paraphrasin.' ^ We 
have to postulate early oral Targums in paraphrastic citation 
of the Scriptures. Their literary composition was not effected 
until a late date ; according to Hamburger, RE 2, 1184 f., 
Targum Jonathan was not earlier than the 4th century. For 
the influence of oral Targums upon other translations, cf. 
§11, d, and P. Churgin, ' The Targum and the Septuagint,' 
AJSL 50 (1933-34), 41 ff., with discussion of earlier literature. 


a. The Peshitta (^) 

The earliest Syriac version was so named, ' the Simple,' in 
contrast to the later composite Hexaplaric text. The text 

^^ N.b. his discussion of 82 in SS i, 3 ff. 

^ Kahle, in Masoreten des Ostens (1913), 25 ff., presents a Babylonian 
text of the Hebrew and Targum of 2 Sam. 241^-1 Ki. i^*, with Bab. 
punctuation ; similarly A. Sperber, ' Zur Sprache des Propheten- 
targums,' ZAW 1927, 267 ff., presents I. 17-19 with the same punctua- 


here used is that of the London Polyglot, which is supple- 
mented in vol. 6 by H. Thorndike's ' Variantes in Syriaca 
versione V. T. lectiones.' ^ 

b. The Syro-Hexapla {^^) 

The term indicates the Syriac translation of Origen's Hexa- 
plaric Greek text, with citation of the latter's critical appa- 
ratus, made by Paul of Telia in the year 616-17, and surviving 
in one MS in the Ambrosian Library in Milan. ^ The edition 
of the text used here is de Lagarde's notable publication, 
BihliotheccB SyriaccB (1892), covering Gen.-Ki. (the earlier 
books largely fragmentary). For Sam.-i Ki. i^-*^ OTG also 
adds the glosses of a ' patchwork text,' revision of the Peshitta 
from the Greek ; see vol. 2, pt. i, p. viii. There are also 
the Hexaplaric citations in a great work by Abu-1-Faraj, 
surnamed Barhebraeus ; these are cited in OTG.^ 

§7. THE ETHIOPIC ((£) 

The text used here is that of Dillmann, V.T. Mthiopicum. 
His ' Apparatus Criticus,' following i and 2 Kgdms and 
3 and 4 Kgdms, contains variants, conspectus of variations 

^ This text is repeated in Lee's edition, published by the British and 
Foreign Bible Society (1823). For the Syriac versions in general see 
E. Nestle, ' Syriac Versions,' DB ; A. Baumstark, Gesch. d. syrischen 
Literatur, §4 (listing the Bible translations, and with full bibliography) ; 
L. Haefeli, Die Peshitta des A.T. (1927) ; and for particular notice of 
MSS and prints, W. E. Barnes, ' The Peshitta Version of 2 Kings,' 
JTS 6 (1905), 220 S. For a discussion of the relation of ^ to (@ see 
J. Bloch, ' The Influence of the Greek Bible on the Peshitta,' AJSL 36 
(1920), 161 £[., with full bibliography, but arriving at no definite 
results ; cf. also his earlier article, ' Authorship of the Peshitta,' ib., 
vol. 35, 215 £f. Of particular interest for the Syriac tradition and 
interpretation of text are the Scholia of Barhebraeus ; see note 3. 

* For the literature see Daniel, Int., §10, d, and for the translator 
and his work, Baumstark, pp. 186 ff. 

2 He lived 1225-86 ; see at length Baumstark, pp. 312-21. The 
material appears in his encyclopasdic Aiisar Raze, ' Treasury of Myster- 
ies.' A. Morgenstern has published the text for Ki., Die Scholien des 
Gregorius Abulfarag, Barhebraeus genannt, zum Buch der Konige (1925). 
M. Sprengling and W. C. Graham have published the first volume of 
Barhebraeus' Scholia on the O.T. (Chicago, 1931), covering Gen. -2 Sam. 
These scholia to the Biblical books introduce the Origenian (' Ionian ') 
readings, as also direct translations from the Hebrew. 


from the LXX, etc. There are to be noted particular presenta- 
tions of fresh MSS : by N. Roupp, ' Die alteste aethiop. Hand- 
schrift der vier Biicher der Konige,' ZA 1902, 296 ff. ; and 
H. S. Gehman, ' The Old Eth. Version of i Kings and its 
Affinities/ ]BL 1931, 81 ff.^ 

§8. THE ARABIC (13) 

The text here followed is that of the London Polyglot, 
reprint from that of Paris. For the Arabic versions at large 
see H. Hyvernat's extensive discussion, ' Arabes (Versions),' 
in Vigouroux's DB ; F. C. Burkitt, DB i, 137 f. ; P. Kahle, 
Die arab. Bibeliibersetzungen, Texte mit Glossar (1904) ; and 
the recent summary account by Gehman, ' The Polyglot 
Arabic of Daniel and its Affinities,' JBL 1925, 327 ff. OTG 
does not present the readings of this version.^ 


a. The Syro-Palestinian (^) 

For the fragments in this dialect in Ki. see Pref. Note, in 
OTG. The dialect is Judaeo-Palestinian, written in Syriac 
characters, coming from a Christian Church of Melkite per- 
suasion, which was originally dependent upon the Syrian 
Church at Edessa. A group of these Palestinians at unknown 
date migrated to Egypt. Here their literary remains have 
been found, almost all lectionary material.^ 

h. The Coptic (C) 

There exist only fragments of the Sahidic dialect for Ki. 
On the textual value of the Coptic versions see Prefatory 
Note in OTG, vol. i. 

^ Gehman has used in comparison with Dillmann's text an unpub- 
lished Eth. MS in the Vatican library, photographic copy of which is 
in the Library of the Philadelphia Divinity School ; he supplies an 
ample Bibliography. For other critical material see §11, a. 

^ There may be noted in this connexion J. F. Rhode, The Arabic 
Version of the Pentateuch in the Church of Egypt (Catholic Univ. Thesis, 
1921), and Gehman, ' The Arabic Bible in Spain,' Speculum, i (1926), 
219 ff. 

' For the dialect see Brockelmann, Grundriss, i, 16; F. Schultess, 
Lexicon Syropalaestinum (1903) ; Duval, La littirature syriaque ; 
Nestle, DB 4, 649 ; Rosenthal, Die aramaistische Forschung, pp. 144 ff. 


c. The Armenian (Arm.) 

OTG presents this text as S3. See Gehman, ' The Armenian 
Version of I and II Kings,' JAOS 1934, 53 ff., and his similar 
treatment of the Armenian text of Daniel in ZAW 1930, 
82 ff., these with full bibliographies. Over this language and 
the Coptic the present writer has no control. 


a. The Old Latin {%) 

The material from old Latin MSS with pre-Hieronymian 
text is registered in OTG ; see Pref. Note in vol. 2. Early 
Patristic citations offer still richer material ; see index of 
sources used in OTG, Pref. Note in vol. i. The citations by 
Lucifer of Cagliari are the most extensive.^ 

b. The Vulgate {V) 

The text used is the Clementine text published by Heyse 
and Tischendorf — cited under the latter's name. This has 
value for its annotation of the readings of Codex Amiatinus, 
generally more original than the textus receptus.^ The official 
Biblia Sacra, 6 (Rome, 1945) has also been consulted. 


§11. a. The Alexandrian Family 

Of the above versions onty the Grr., the Targum, the 
Syriac Peshitta, and the Vulgate are direct translations 

^ See H. A. A. Kennedy, ' Latin Versions, The Old,' DB. Extensive 
citations of 1L are given by Dr., Samuel, pp. Ixvi-lxxx, and by Burn., 
Judges, pp. xxxv-xxxix, for the most part in exhibits taken from the 
Codex Gothicus Legionensis (on which see Rahlfs, SS 3, 157 flf.). See 
Bibliography for Lucifer's text ; cf. Rahlfs, §35. For this extensive 
field see also the writer's Daniel, Int., §10, b, and R. S. Haupert, Relation 
of Cod. Vat. and the Lucianic text of . . . Kings from the Viewpoint of 
the Old Latin and Ethiopic Versions (Univ. of Penna. Thesis, 1930). 

* See W. Nowack, Die Bedeutung des Hieronymus fur die Alttest. 
Kritik (1875), H. J. White, 'Vulgate,' DB. 


from the Hebrew ; the others are translations of Greek 

Codex B and its Greek fellows rate historically as Alex- 
andrian, or Old Greek. But the text in Ki. hails evidently 
from more than one hand, and there arises the question 
whether it is, in part or altogether, properly Septuagintal, 
or of other origin, related to the obscure Theodotionic and 
Lucianic strains of translation. This will be discussed below 
in c. 

Versions of the Alexandrian family are the Coptic and the 
Ethiopic. For the former, see Pref. Note to Ki., in OTG : 
The Sahidic " cannot safely be used except when," etc. 
The Ethiopic after the general fashion of the version in its 
earliest form, is a peculiarly careful translation, and pairs 
regularly with Codex B, often uniquely, is free of its glaring 
errors, and so is its best ' corrector.' See Rahlfs and the other 
literature cited in §7, and note Olmstead's summary state- 
ment in ' The Earliest Book of Kings,' p. 171, to the effect 
that agreement of C with other groups as against B must 
mean that such a reading is correct. For possible relationship 
of C to the Lucianic group, see c below. It is possible that 
C in some cases drew directly from J^, i.e., cases where it is 
in sole agreement with the latter. 

h. The Palestinian (Origenian) Family 

The place of the Syro-Hexapla as the best exemplar of this 
group, with its critical collection of readings from Origen's 
massive work, has been described above. The close depend- 
ence of ;S upon Origen's version will be noted below in d. 
The place of the Armenian in the same group has been deter- 
mined by Gehman in his summing up {JAOS 54, p. 59) : 
" Arm. is a faithful representative of the group. . . . We can 
place Arm. on the same level with A and 247. . . . There are 
a few influences from the Lucianic MSS ..." For revisions 

^ On the character of the Oriental sub-versions the remarks in Pref. 
Note, OTG, vol. i, pt. i, are of value. For the subject at large see. 
Ropes, op. cit. (§4, n. 2), pp. cxlii, seq., for discussion of the Oriental 
versions of the N.T. There is desiderated greater co-operation between 
the students of the two Testaments, e.g., in the common problem of 
the ' Western Text.' 


and translations of the Hexaplaric text, cf. the writer's Daniel, 
Int. §14. 

c. The Lucianic Revision and its Background ; the Problem oj 
a Pre-Lucianic or Pre-Theodotionic Version ; Citations in 
Josephus and the New Testament 

The Syro-Palestinian texts known for Ki. are definitely 
Lucianic ; see Duval, Litt. syriaque, p. 60. 

The appearance of Lucianic rdgs. in centuries preceding 
Lucian (martyred a.d. 311/12), along with their occurrence in 
Old Latin texts, has raised comphcated problems still un- 
solved. This is particularly the case with the Biblical citations 
in Josephus.2 Mez established the fact that for Samuel, 
Josephus followed most largely a Greek text of pre-Lucianic, 
pre-Theodotionic character. But for Ki. Rahlfs came to the 
conclusion that Josephus chiefly used the Hebrew text, and 
he discovers only two positive Lucianic rdgs., bearing on 
I. 325 and IL ii^o. Per contra, Thackeray, ignorant of Rahlfs's 
study, asserts (p. 85) : " the Josephan text is uniformly of 
this Lucianic type from i Samuel to i Maccabees." And so 
authorities disagree in their critical results, as will also be 
exemplified further below. 

The N.T. citations from Ki. are few and cast no definite 
light ; see Rahlfs, §24, and for the subject at large Sperber, 
' N.T, and Septuagint,' JBL 1940, 193 ff., but with no refer- 
ences to the citations from Ki. The following cases to the 
point may be noted : of the some dozen citations in the N.T. 
Luke 426 r-q<; 2iScoi'ws=<g L 179 (Jos., (gi- SiScuvos) ; Luke 

4", Nat/xav=(g IL 520 ((^L Ne€/xai/) ; Rom. Il4, KarcAtTTOv^MS i, 

I. 19^^ (<@^ KaraA.en/'w, B erroneously /caraXeii/'eis). In the last 
citation again e/ca/xi/rav=(Si' I. 19I8 (<§ a,/<Aaa-av) is the only 
sure case of a Lucianic rdg. Luke 9^^ cites IL i^o, but with 
an original verb, avaXiaKuv. Rev. 11 ^ cites I. 17^ again with 

2 For earlier literature see Schiirer, GJV 1, 103. Of his references 
is to be especially cited A. Rlez, Die Bihel des Josephus untersucht fiir 
Buck V-VJI der Archdologie (1895). treating the books Josh., Jud., 
Sam. The one thorough treatment of Ki. is bj' Rahlfs in ch. 3 of his 
5S 3. Since then Thackeray has presented a study of the subject in 
Lect. 4 of his Josephus, the Man and the Historian. For the extensive 
amount of such ' Ur-Theodotionic ' material in the Greek texts of 
Daniel see the writer's Comm., Int., §§12 ff. 


an original verb, /3pex^"'- The best texts of Mt. lo^^ and 
parallels have the original and actually correct rdg., ' Baal- 
zebul,' vs. ' Baal-zebub,' at II. i^ ; see Note, ad loc. There 
is also to be noted the ancient Jewish tradition of the famine 
in EHjah's time as lasting for three and a half years, cited in 
Luke 4^5, Jam. 5^' ; see Comm., I. 17^. 

No definite results from such a quarter as Josephus, a free 
re-composer of the Bibhcal history, can be gained. One 
complication is, as Thackeray suggests (pp. 81 f.), ' the appar- 
ent influence of a Targum ' ; for such cases see Notes on 
I. 21^'^, II. 9^°. Josephus was a scholarly gentleman, who 
knew his Hebrew text fairty by heart, and could make his 
own translations ; he was acquainted with the normative 
Septuagint, and also equally with current oral Greek transla- 
tions (properly ' Targums,' i.e., ' interpretations '). His cita- 
tions are similar to those of the Apostle Paul, who cited at 
great length from Scripture, but with no manuscripts at hand 
{cf. 2 Tim. 4^'). And the Hke independence appears in the 
N.T. citations from Ki. noted above. ^ 

Rahlfs continues (ch. 4) his criticism of alleged ' Lucianic ' 
citations in the pre-Lucianic Greek Patristic writers, and finds 
but a small sheaf of gleanings. In the Latin field his study 
(ch. 5) of the pre-Hieronymian writers and excerpts of Old 
Latin MSS is crucial for a very moot question.* Driver's 
conclusion (p. Ixxvi) is worthy of citation : " The Old Latin 
must date from the second century a.d., hence it cannot be 
based upon the recension of Lucian as such ; its peculiar 
interest lies in the fact that it affords independent evidence 
of the existence of MSS containing characteristic readings 
(or renderings) considerably before the time of Lucian 

* The place of oral tradition in antiquity, as vs. the written, is now 
coming into recognition. See S. Gandz, ' Oral Tradition in the Bible,' 
G. A. Kohut Vol., pp. 248 ff. ; H. S. Nyberg, ' Das textkritische 
Problem des A.T. am Hoseabuche,' ZAW 1934, 241 ff., and Stndien 
zum Hoseabuche, Uppsala Universiieis Arskrift, 1935, pt. 6. And, as 
has not been sufficiently recognized, the mutual cross-relations of the 
extensive parallels between Ki. and Is., Jer., Ch., have been largely 
affected by intrusions tnemoriter. 

* See the literature noted in §10, a. Rahlfs's study of the Patristic 
texts in S5 3 was preceded in Heft i with a study of Theodoret's and 
Origen's citations frem Ki. 


himself." ^ However Rahlfs cites and directly contradicts this 
statement of Driver's (in the latter's first edition), insisting 
(pp. 158 ff.) that no certain Lucianic citations in the Latin 
appear before Lucifer of Cagliari (d. 371). This rebuttal is 
simply noted by Driver in ed. 2, p. Ixxvi, as a footnote to the 
repetition of his statement noted above. 

But Rahlfs's own argument is difficult to appraise. After 
a long discussion of Lucian's agreements with Codex B and 
(£ in Ki. he arrives at the conclusion (§57, cf. p. 255), that 
' the base of Lucian is an old pre-Hexaplaric (@-text, which 
is most closely related to B and C But this result is not 
at all satisfactory in view of the evident relation of the 
Lucianic MSS with pre-Lucianic witness. 

Thackeray, in his article in JTS and in his book. The 
Septuagint, etc., pp. 16 ff., has presented a most interesting 
thesis, evidently confirmed by statistics of language, to the 
effect that Gr. Kingdoms is the result of two partial transla- 
tions : the first (' Alexandrian ') omitting the ' unedifying ' 
portions of the history, and covering I Kgd.-IL ii^, IIL 2^^- 
21^^, the lacunae being then filled up by a later translator, 
with further discussion of the latter's relation to Theodotion, 
or rather an C7r-Theodotion, ' an anonymous Asiatic,' for 
which provenance he makes interesting argument from the 
vocabulary {Septuagint, 24 ff.). This view was anticipated 
by Olmstead in his ' Source Study ' (see above, §4, n. 2), 
arguing for an evident ' Theodotionic ' origin of at least 
portions of Ki. One line of this argument lies in the occur- 
rence of transliterations in #, an ear-mark of Theodotion. 
But Burney, in noting at length the transliterations in Gr. 
of Ki. (pp. xxviii seq.), finds the great majority of them only 
in 2 Ki., a fact that argues for different translators of the two 
books. A further argument for such an influence is the absence 
of distinct Theodotionic citations in the Hexaplaric apparatus, 
as observed in §4, c. There is to be compared C. C. Torrey's 
argument for the Theodotionic origin of Gr. Chronicles {Ezra 
Studies, 1910, 66 ff.), as also the present writer's argument 
for the existence of an t/r-Theodotion for the book of 
Daniel {Comm., Int., §13). In the latter case the preserved 
Theodotionic text, actually replacing the Old Greek text 
^ Cf. also Burkitt, 'The Old Latin and the Itala,' TS iv, 3 (1896), gff. 


in the Church's tradition of Daniel, faciUtates the present 

With a pre-Theodotionic type of translation assumed, are 
we to make a Hke assumption for a pre-Lucianic revision ? 
The two types are quite distinct, at least in the established 
characteristics of the two. Rahlfs would associate the original 
' Lucian ' very closely with Codex B and (£. ; but this does 
not explain the marked characteristics of our Lucianic text 
in common with its forbears. However, Rahlfs does recognize 
' vorlucianische Bestandteile ' (p. 291). 

The problem remains a complicated one. Alongside of 
Thackeray's distinction of different hands in the translation 
of the book, Rahlfs observes (p. 290) that by far the major 
difference between (@ and ^ exists for i Ki., whereas it is 
' minimal ' for 2 Ki. And yet the Quinta citations appear 
only in 2 Ki. ; see §4, c. In fine, we have to assume early 
translation-revisions, a matter of secondary importance to 
the Jews, whereas the Church came to recognize the need for 
an authoritative text of the Bible.' 

d. The Other Oriental Versions 

For the Targum, its history and general characteristics, 
reference may be made to the authorities. Burney gives an 
exemplary list of tl's exegetical variations, pp. xxx seq. It 
is of further interest for its exhibition, by tradition, if not by 
text, of the background of ^ and V.'' For the correspondences 

* In 1915 in TSK 88, 410 ff., Kahle advanced the view, in contra- 
diction to de Lagarde, that the MSB of the Septuagint do not go back 
essentially to one archetype, but rather to numerous independent 
translations. This theory has been pursued by Sperber in a series of 
studies {e.g., ' Probleme einer Edition der Septuaginta,' Festschrift 
P. Kahle [1935], 35 S-, ' Septuagint Recensions,' JBL 1935, 73 ff., 
' N.T. and Septuagint,' ib. 1940, 193 ff.), arguing for two and more 
early Greek translations from different Hebrew text-traditions. But 
as against this extravagant hypothesis see Orlinsky's art., ' On the 
Present Status of Proto-Septuagint Studies,' JAOS 1941, 81-91, and 
cf. review by Gehman, JBL 1941, 428 ff. 

' For discussion of the cross-relationships of S> see Dr., Samuel, 
pp. Ixxi-lxxvi ; Burn., pp. xxxii-xxxv ; J. Berlinger, Die Peschitta 
zum I. (3.) Buch der Konige u. ihr Verhdltnis zu Mas. Texte, LXX, 
u. Targum (1897) ; Sperber, ' Peshitta and Onkelos,' G. A. Kohut Vol., 
554 ff. ; and most recently Rosenthal, Aramaistische Forschung, 199 S. 


common oral Targum may be postulated, as Sperber's illumi- 
nating study for the Law argues. For the comparison of 
the two translations of the Pentateuch he comes to the 
conclusion (p. 562) that ^ represents a form of the Targum 
before its later specific Rabbinic variations. The bearing of 
Targumic tradition upon Jerome's translation is evident, as 
the Notes will show.^ 

The Arabic versions of the Bible had a varied and compH- 
cated history in their origins, as observed since Pococke's 
day ; see his study of the Arabic texts in the -London Polyglot, 
vol. 6, and Burkitt's article cited above. Cf. Cornill's careful 
analysis in his Comm. on Ezekiel (1905), pp. 49 ff., proving 
the combination of such diverse origins for the Arabic of the 
Polyglots. For Daniel Gehman came to the conclusion that 
the " Arabic of Dan. is vastly superior to (Gr.) A, and beyond 
a doubt is the best representative of the (Hexaplaric) group 
that we now possess" {op. cit. in §8). But E. Rodiger, in his 
thorough study, De origine et indole Arabicorum librorum V.T. 
historicorum interpretum (1829), had arrived at the opposite 
conclusion for the Historical Books. His result is that L i-ii 
and n. i2i'-25 (more particularly for exact translation) are 
based on the Syriac, while for L 12-n. I2^« the Hebrew, along 
with Rabbinic ' commenta Judaica,' was the basis (p. 48) ; 
to wit, as in a summary section title, the Arabic version " ex 
Grseca Alexandrina non facta est." The fault of this capable 
study is that the Greek used in parallelism was solely that of 
the text, rec, without consultation of the Hexaplaric texts. 
^ will be constantly cited below, and its constant alignment 
with Hexaplaric witnesses, notably A, of which it is often the 

Burn, cites certain cases in which " the readings of Pesh. seem to 
exhibit connexion with Targ." Berhnger reaches the conclusion that 
dependence upon these sister-translations cannot be established, and 
Rosenthal, with sole reference to Onkelos, comes to no definite results. 
For the relation of ^ to <g see also above, §6, n. i. 

8 N.b., the correct interpretation of u, I. 3I', is given by QC ^ 2[ 1^. 
as vs. the Grr. ; similarly in v.^o that of ''jsnd by the same VSS ; 
cf. i5«, etc. See S. Krauss, 'Jerome,' JE, esp. p. 117; and for an 
intensive study of another Biblical book, C. H. Gordon, ' Rabbinic 
Exegesis in the Bk. of Proverbs ' (Univ. of Penna. Thesis), JBL 1930, 
384 fif. ; on pp. 395 fif. he exhibits for that book the parallelisms of 
QC, ^. and V. 


corrector, will be adduced. But as ^ and the Hexapla are 
far more faithful to ^ than is (§, the question of the provenance 
of ^ is complicated. 

e. Value and Interest of the Versions 

In the apphcation of early versions to an ancient text the 
primary interest has been that of correcting the latter. Hence, 
as a rule, in such critical work on a Hebrew book selection is 
made of all those cases that appear to offer correction, but 
with the ignoring of the cases of mistranslation, through ignor- 
ance, or by artless or intentional improvement. The result 
has been the impression of the constant superiority of the 
versions, the pertinent cases of which are prominently booked. 
But this process of comparison does not become scientific 
until statistics of the right and wrong in a given version have 
been gathered. It will actually be found that a small per- 
centage of the variations of the Old Greek translations, for 
example, have any value for text-correction. The bulk of the 
notable ones will be found to be in the way of interpretation, 
following the endeavour to obtain sense out of a passage 
difficult rhetorically or grammatically, or to improve it, espec- 
ially when theology is involved. A modern parallel is on hand 
in that classic English translation, the King James Bible, 
in which the sense is often eked out with the very honest 
interpolation of itahcized passages, or the ambiguity of a 
passage indicated by a marginal note introduced with an 
' Or.' Even the very strict Jewish Version of our own day 
has had perforce to introduce bracketed words to make sense, 
and at times fails to translate hterally, but makes improve- 
ment {of. Preface, p. x). These cases are no guarantee of a 
better original text ; the translators, as interpreters, had per- 
force to make sense, that " he who runs may read." Such 
variations also appear automatically in the Hebrew MSS. 
Cf. the writer's similar statement in his Daniel, Int., §18, 
' Method and Use of the Textual Apparatus.' 

Accordingly in the textual Notes of this volume constant 
citation of the variants of the Versions will be given, not only 
for their value for text-correction, a small minimum indeed, 
but as exhibits, at times of their misunderstanding, at times 


of their honest effort to make sense out of nonsense, and to 
correct what appeared objectionable. The former objective 
will have comparatively small gains ; the latter will afford a 
study in the interpretation attempted by the version in 
question, and this has an interest in itself, minor though that 
interest be.' 



The Hebrew history, extending from the migrations of the 
Bne-Israel down into the Persian age, as contained in the 
Hebrew Scriptures, is the longest consecutive literary series 
that we possess from the ancient Near Orient. For long it 
was unique, the external history being eked out by Greek 
travellers like Herodotus and by the remains, in second-hand 
condition, of such native annalists as Sanchuniathon, Manetho, 
and Berossos.i j^e archaeological unveiUng of that ancient 
field has reversed the process of comparison ; the Hebrew 
records of the politically petty people of Israel can now be 
interpreted and commented upon in the light of an unbroken 
series of documents covering millennia. And so to the matter- 
of-fact historian those fresh original documents far transcend 
in interest and importance the narrow scope of the Hebrew 

It is only in the minimum that the Hebrew chronicles run 

» The writer refers with strong sympathy to J. Reider's study, ' The 
Present State of Textual Criticism of the O.T.,' HUCA 7 (1930), 285 ff.. 
and H. S. Nyberg, ' Das textkritische Problem des A.T. am Hoseabuche 
demonstriert,' ZAW 1934, 24 ff., and his ' Studien zum Hoseabuche,' 
Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift. 1935, pt. 6, with the conclusion, " Zuriick 
zum masoretischen Texte um ihn zu studieren und zu interpretieren ! " 

1 For such local archives in early days may be compared the memora- 
bilia of Edom in Gen. 36, especially the succession of nine kings " before 
there reigned a king over the Bne-Israel " (vv.""-). For the early 
spread of writing in Transjordan, cf. Jud. 8", and for the subject at 
large see J. W. Flight, ch. 4 of E. Grant's Haverford Symposium. 
For the authenticity and antiquity of Sanchuniathon's Phoenician 
History see Eissfeldt's Ras Schamra u. Sanchuniathon (as of the 
seventh century), and Albright, SAC 242 ff. (' seventh or sixth 
century '). 


pari passu with those of the great Empires, AnnaHstic items 
drawn directly or indirectly from official records are manifest 
from David's reign and on, but they play a small part and 
are a side-issue in comparison with the corresponding elements 
galore in the new discoveries, which abundantly illustrate the 
praxis. But the unique development of Hebrew history lies 
in its passage from the purely archival form, the digests by 
curious scribes of the past records of their peoples, to tb^ 
Historical Story. This may extend all the way from the 
narrative of contemporaries, like the David-Solomon story 
(2 Sam. 16-1 Ki. 2), to such midrash as appears in I. 13. 
But in this unique development the annalistic programme 
has been developed into History. A new factor has been 
introduced, the subjective one of the eye and mind of the 
historian. Critics may naturally suspect sources dubbed as 
Prophetic, Deuteronomic, Priestly, but all real history is the 
result of digestion by the historian, one-sided as the emphasis 
must be ; this is true of Thucydides, Livy, Gibbon, Macaulay, 
and so through the list of great historians. The criticism we 
should exercise is of the kind generally applied to, we 
may say, the sources of Herodotus ; the monuments he had 
seen with his eye, stories he had heard with his ears, all 
through interpreters, are entirely unknown to us, and yet the 
historical verisimilitude of his reports is being constantly 
vindicated in contradiction of the earlier sceptical judgment 
upon him as a gullible traveller.^ The Hebrew history has 
suffered in its treatment by critics too much from theological 
bias, formerly orthodox, now quite radical. Even if in our 
book the cycles of stories of the Sons of the Prophets, the 
Temple sources, the Deuteronomic editing, are all partisan, 
they remain of immense historical importance ; for it is what 
a people thinks of itself, its origins and its future, that serves 
to make history, quite as much as the current facts. It was 

* In bk. i, 8 he sums up for the dynasty of the Heraclidae preceding 
Gyges of Lydia, the contemporary of Ashurbanipal, 22 generations, 
covering 505 years, i.e., ca. 22 years per reign ; this average corresponds 
closely to that of the Judaean dynasty. For the Tyrian dynasty from 
Hiram I and on, for 1 1 reigns (one of 8 months, terminated by assassina- 
tion) Josephus reports, as from the Ephesian Menander, a regnal 
average of 16 years. I.e., in both cases the figures are reasonable and 
are based on exact sources. 


the Prophets and Priests who saved Israel's heritage for the 
future, and it was through them that the remains of the 
ancient secular chronicles were preserved.^ 

The recognition of the unique character of Hebrew history 
has been largely due in our days to the secular historian. 
From the field of historiography the eminent authority, J. T. 
Shot well may be quoted : * "No higher tribute could be paid 
to the historical worth of the Old Testament than the state- 
ment that, when considered upon the profane basis of human 
authorship, it still remains one of the greatest products in the 
history of History, a record of national tradition . . . which 
yet retains the undying charm of genuine art and the universal 
appeal to human interest " ; although, he adds, " not . , . 
a remarkable performance viewed from the standpoint of 
modern history." But criticism may be expressed of another 
statement by the same writer (p. 7, n. 6) : " The achieve- 
ment of the Hebrew historians was primarily in the field of 
art. Although sections of the early records of the Jews are 
the finest narratives we possess from so early a period — far 
earlier than any similar product in Greece ^ — the principles 
of criticism which determined the text were not what we call 
scientific. They were not sufficiently objective." However, 
comparison of modern historical writing in the way of criticism 
of history some three millennia older is hardly to the point. 
And there is no reason to put such a story as that of David- 
Solomon, or that of Jehu's destruction of the Omrid dynasty, 
to name the most brilliant political narratives, in the category 
of art as opposed to the historical. There is no consciousness 
of art, no self-expression in judgment upon the history in the 
way of moralizing or of setting forth of theodicy (as in Hero- 
dotus, equally with the Prophets) ; if the composer was 
affected by the tragedy, of which he was a contemporary, 

' How much of such local lore of the Oriental lands has been pre- 
served by the alien and inquisitive Herodotus ! Those ancient peoples 
never rendered it into literature, or, if they did, there was no interested 
tradition to preserve it. For an admirable discussion of comparison 
with that quarter see H. T. Fowler, ' Herodotus and the Early Hebrew 
Historians,' JBL 49 (1930), 207 fE. 

* Introduction to the History of History, 80 ; cf. H. E. Barnes, A 
History of Historical Writing, ch. i. 

» Hecata^us, ca. 550 B.C., is accounted as the first Greek historian. 


he leaves it to the reader to discover it for himself.^ Indeed 
such history writing, as in many cases in the Historical Books, 
falls properly into the class of Historical Story and is historia 
in the Latin sense of the word ; see Shotwell, p. 229, where 
he cites Servius, the commentator on Virgil (on Aen., i, 373), 
defining historia as contemporary narrative, while annales are 
records of the past. Reference is also to be made to Meyer 
for his brilliant section on ' Novellen und Erzahlungen mit 
novellistischer Technik,' in his IN 189 ff., in which class he 
places the story of David and Bathsheba as the most 
eminent. But ' Novelle ' may not be immediately rendered 
into English, nor is that story mere historical romance by 
any means. 

There is almost nothing to compare with this development 
of Hebrew history from the records of the great Empires, with 
possibly one exception. For Egypt, of comparative import- 
ance are the poetic descriptions of the campaigns and glories 
of Thutmose IH, Ramses II (on the battle at Kadesh), 
Merenptah.' Apart from such extravagant rhetorical eulogies 
(c/. Deborah's Song in contrast !), Egypt gives us only the 
short ' Novelle,' at the best autobiographies Hke the stories 
of Sinuhe and Wen-amon. 

With all the wealth of Babylonian-Assyrian remains we 
find hardly more than dynastic Usts, notable events dated 
by royal years, citation of omens, and annals of reigns 
extravagantly written up.^ The only exception would be 
the genuine royal autobiography that we possess from 
Ashurbanipal. Citation may be made of Weber in his 
discussion of the historical inscriptions : ^ " (Die bab.-ass. 

• Cf. citations of Olmstead in introduction to Comm. on I. 1-2 

' Erman, Lit. of the Anc. Egyptians, 254 ff. ; these were doubtless 
contemporary productions, as is known from one of them (p. 266). 
A scribe of Thutmose records how he " followed " the king, " beheld 
his victories," " recorded the victories," " putting them into writing, 
according to the facts" (Breasted, HE 312 f.). But "the priceless 
rolls have perished." 

* For the earlier material see Giiterbock, ' Die historische Tradition 
u. ihre literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniern u. Hethitern bis 1200.' 

» Die Liter atur der Babylonier u. Assyrer, ch. 15 at length, in par- 
ticular, p. 199. 


Geschichtsschreibung) hat sogar zusammenfassende Geschichts- 
werke aus den Urkunden der Vergangenheit kompiliert, freilich 
nur in der trockensten Form der Tatsachenregistrierung, die 
ohne Riicksicht auf innere Zusammenhange, ohne das Wesent- 
liche gegeniiber dem Gleichgiiltigen hervorzuheben, Zahl an 
Zahl, Kriegszug an Kriegszug, Herrscher an Herrscher reiht." 
He continues with the statement that we have nothing in 
that hterature of the hke of Hebrew history, although he 
appeals to the late Berossos for such a possibility. The result 
did not advance beyond the stage of court annals, was indeed 
" ein durchaus hofisches Produkt," as Meissner remarks.^" 
Over against this characteristic is that of the spirit of the 
Hebrew historians, always sitting in judgment upon royalty, 
most often ' anti-courtly,' from the story of Nathan the 
prophet down to that of Huldah the prophetess. The one 
feature similar in the non-Israelite field is the recognition of 

Only in one quarter, and that of the non-Semitic Hittites, 
may a parallel be found. Giiterbock, Teil 2 of his mono- 
graph cited above, expresses this judgment (p. 94) : " (Die 
hethitische Geschichtsschreibung) hat im Neuen Reich eine 
Form gefunden, die nicht nur innerhalb der hethitischen, 
sondern in der ganz vorderasiatischen Geschichtsschreibung 
den hochsten Rang einnimmt : die der Annalen." With this 
statement may be compared that of his predecessor, A. 
Gotze : 11 " Viel bedeutsamer ist es, dass bei den Hethitern 
zum ersten Male in der Weltgeschichte ein literarisches Genos 
von hoher Bedeutung in Erscheinung tritt : der literarische 
Bericht. Er sprengt den Rahmen trockener Annalistik. . . , 
Der hethitische historische Bericht versteht es in einer Weise, 
die erst in den Geschichtsberichten der Israeliten wieder 
erreicht wird, Ereignisse unter einheitlichen Geschichtspunkten 
riickschauend zusammenzufassen, Situationen eindrucksvoll 

^o Bab. u. Ass., 2, 367. For Meissner's judgment of the Babylonian 
and Assyrian chronicles see ib., ch. 20. For collections of these 
chronicles, including the early king-lists of Ur, Isin, Babylon, 
etc., see Schrader, KB 2, 273 ff., vol. 3, 2d half, 143 ff. ; Rogers, 
CP 199 ff. ; Gressmann, ATB i, 331 ff. The Bible student should 
acquaint himself with these precedents and parallels for Israelite 

^^ Hethiier, Churriter u. Assyrer (Oslo, 1936), 72 ff. 


darzustellen " ; and finally, in translation : " The Hittite 
narrative does not serve the heroization and glorification of 
the king, it serves the presentation of deed and fate, is accord- 
ingly absolutely free of the mythical, is history." ^^ 

On the quality of Hebrew historiography may be cited 
opinions from unbiassed authorities. Moore in his essay on 
' Die Eigenart der hebraischen Geschichtsschreibung,' p. 73, 
remarks, after reference to the edifying aims of the writers : 
" So schwer wir nun die Mangel der tendenziosen Geschichts- 
schreibung von dieser Seite empfinden, so miissen wir anderer- 
seits anerkennen, das in derselben der Ansatz zu einer philoso- 
phischen Geschichtsbetrachtung liegt. Die Geschichte ist 
nicht eine zufallige Zeitreihe von Geschehnissen, sondem eine 
sittliche Ordnung, die nicht allein Israel, sondem die Welt- 
machte, welche Gott als Werkzeuge der Strafe oder der Ret- 
tung gebraucht, in sich schliesst ; die korrelativen Ideen der 
Einheit Gottes und der Einheit der Geschichte ergeben sich 
aus der sittHchen Auffassung der Geschichte." And again 
(p. 66) he observes : "So haben tatsachUch nur zwei Volker 
unabhangig von einander eine historische Literatur erzeugt, 
die Israeliten namhch und einige Jahrhunderte nachher die 
Griechen." Similarly and contemporaneously Meyer in his 
essay on ' Individuality,' in his Kleine Schriften, remarks 
(p. 22) : " From the point of view from which we contemplate 
history, the Israehte people takes by far the highest rank 
among the nations of the East. ... In Israel poUtical and social 
conditions combined to produce the first great action by in- 
dividuality in the world " {i.e., the prophets, etc.). There 
may be cited Eissfeldt's similar statement (p. 157 of the 
article just cited) : " Zunachst bleibt trotz all der reichen 
Nachrichten [of Greece and Rome, the Orient] fiir weite 
Strecken der zwolf letzten vorchristlichen Jahrhunderte das 
A.T. immer noch die wichtigste Geschichtsquelle." And 
Schmidt observes {op. cit., p. 30) upon the prophet Amos : 

12 For recent literary treatment of Hebrew historiography, with 
bibliographies, are to be noted Hempel, Die aliheb. Literatur, 81 ff., 
94 ff., and Eissf., Einl., §5. Particular studies of the genius of this 
literature are to be found in H. Schmidt, Die Geschichtsschreibung im 
A.T. ; H. T. Fowler, History of the Literature of Ancient Israel, cc. 6, 
14 ; B. P. Church, The Israel Saga, e.g., ch. 9 ; Eissf.. ' Altertumskunde 
u. das A.T.' 


" Mit einem Schlage hat sich der enge Rahmen der Hof- und 
Stadtgeschichte zur Weltgeschichte erweitert." The true 
diagnosis of this unique characteristic of Hebrew historio- 
graphy has been given by Lindblom in his essay, ' Zur Frage 
der Eigenart der alttest. Rehgion,' pp. 134, 135 : " Durch 
die Erfassung Jahwes als eines Gottes der Geschichte wurde 
sein Wesen als personHcher Wille so beherrschend bestimmt, 
dass seine Gebundenheit an die Natur grundsatzhch iiber- 
wunden wurde " ; and, " Gott ist einer, ein Gott nicht nur der 
Schopfung, sondern vor allem der Geschichte. . . ." These 
statements bear witness to the too Kttle observed theologou- 
menon that the God of the Bible is the God of History. 
Israel, with its faith in its one God, who became for its theology 
the sole God of the universe, possessed a sense of the unity 
of history in its beginnings, of a divine operation in history, 
and more and more of a divine objective of all history. There 
are preserved but shattered fragments of the annals of the 
ancient great Empires, which never advanced to the creation 
of history, but Israel, petty and provincial as it was, a pawn 
of those Empires, preserved its historical philosophy, more 
simply its faith and its hope, and survived. By omens good 
and ill it learned that it and equally the world, in whose fate 
it was participant, were under the one Providence, and so 
history became intelligible. 


a. The Royal Secretariat. Archives of Royal Personalia 

In David's court there were a Scribe and a Recorder (2 Sam. 
gi6fl.^ 20^^^-), and the same two officials appear in the list of 
Solomon's cabinet, along with other officials of doubtless 
lettered attainments, one ' Over-the-Year,' and a ' Priest, 
Royal Friend,' not to speak of the intruded reference to 
* Sadok and Abiathar, Priests.' See Comm., I. 4^2-. The 
Scribe was primarily the king's Secretary ; but for his im- 
portance as the king's intimate counsellor may be compared 
the modern political development of the latter title. The 
Recorder also appears along with the Scribe on responsible 
duties {e.g., 11. i8^^- 3', 2 Ch. 34^). So the Hebrew word, 


mazkir, may best be rendered ; he kept the royal * book of 
records ' [seper haz-zikronot, Est. 6^ — cf. the divine ' Book of 
Remembrance,' Mai. 3^^). It was his duty to keep the current 
records of the reign in the technically termed ' Book of the 
Days' [seper hay-ydmtm), i.e., 'diaries,' EVV 'chronicles.'^ 
The royal business as well as pride required the keeping of 
such official journals. 

By a process paralleling the development of letters in the 
great Empires these journals came to be extracted for their 
historical interest in continuous chronicles in the two Hebrew 
kingdoms, ' the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah,' ' of Israel ' 
(I. 14^^- 29, etc.). With the development of imperium the royal 
dynasty became interested in history, and corresponding 
credit must be given to individual scribes who found a fertile 
field for their historical interest. In what form these royal 
chronicles were when they came into the hands of the editors 
of Kings we do not know ; the original records of the North 
must have been destroyed or looted in the Assyrian conquest ; 
like disaster must have befallen Jerusalem in its last days. 
By the interest of dihgent scribes and for interested patrons 
copies must have been made in abbreviated editions, and put 
in circulation ; it was such a copy that preserved the Northern 
Chronicles for the Judsean editors of Kings, brought by refu- 
gees, or obtained by Josiah's literary men in his assumption 
of dominion over the North. Such interest in historical letters 
was but the continuation of the rich literature still extant in 
Judges and Samuel. 

Our Book of Kings drew upon official chronicles contempor- 
aneously constructed. Earlier examples are found for the 
rise of the monarchy in Sam. : I. 13^ (Saul) ; II. 2^° (Ish- 
bosheth) ; 5*- ^ (David). For Solomon's reign is cited ' the 
Book of the Acts of Solomon ' (I. 11*^), which has drawn 
in extenso from official documents, as the following sub-section 
will show. Beginning with Rehoboam and Jeroboam there 
are fixed formulas for the beginning and end of each reign. 
The formula for the South includes the following items : the 
introductory synchronism with the Northern regnal datum, 

^ Cf. the Hellenistic eipTj/xepLdes ; Arrian refers {Hist. Alex., vii, 25, i) 
to the ((p-qjj.. /SacrtXeioi (var. ^aaiXiKai) of Alexander — exactly the Hebrew 


age of king, length of reign, name of his mother ; the final 
formula : the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah cited as the 
authority and for further reference, the burial of the king, 
name of his successor. There are variations, some due to 
original or scribal lapses, some to political vicissitudes. The 
synchronisms begin as between Abijam and Jeroboam (I. 15^). 
Reference to the Chronicles is omitted only in the cases of 
Ahaziah and the usurping queen-mother Athaliah, and of the 
deposed and exiled Jehoahaz and Sedekiah. The age of the 
king is omitted for Abijam, Asa, Jehoiakim. The reign is 
stated to have been ' in Jerusalem,' following Oriental royal 
parlance. The mother's name is omitted in the case of Ahaz ; 
for Josiah and his successors the local origin of the Judaean 
lady who became queen is given along with the naming of her 
father. The most frequent expression for the death and burial 
of the king is : "he slept with his fathers, and he was buried 
[or, they buried him] with his fathers " ; or one or the other 
of the phrases alone is used. The first phrase is omitted in 
some cases of violent death, e.g., Amon, Josiah. All the kings 
are said to have been buried in David's City (in Azariah's 
case plus ' in his sepulchre with his fathers,' II. 9^^), except 
Hezekiah, for whom no burial-place is reported (was his 
possible burial in his wicked son's tomb deliberately ignored ?), 
Manasseh and Amon, who were buried in ' the garden of 
Uzza,' Josiah, who was buried ' in his own sepulchre.' 

For the North, like formulas are given, but with fewer 
particulars. Reference to the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel 
is omitted only in the cases of Jehoram, Jehu's victim, and 
the exiled Hoshea. The synchronism is given in every case, 
except two, when the accompanying history made it un- 
necessary (Jeroboam I, Jehu). Baasha, Elah, Zimri, and Omri 
for his first six years, reigned ' in Tirsah,' Omri for his later 
years and his successors ' in Samaria.' The king ' slept with 
his fathers,' except in cases of violent death or divine judgment 
(Elah, Zimri, Ahaziah, Joram, Sechariah, Shallum, Pekahiah, 
Pekah, Hoshea). Jehoahaz, Jehoash were buried ' in Sam- 
aria ' ; Jeroboam II " slept with his fathers, the kings of 
Israel." Expression of this item is thus careful, not wilful. 
Cf. Driver, Int., 186, Burney, pp. ix seq. (with full data), 
Skinner, p. 12. 


b. Further Archival Materials 

Before passing to the direct citation at length of original 
archives preserved in the Acts of Solomon and the Chronicles 
of Judah and of Israel, notice may be taken of indirect refer- 
ences to such material made in connexion with the final 
formula for the respective reign. These are indeed often 
particulars for which the historian would wish that the editors 
had given more detail. 

There is citation from both series of Chronicles of the 
constant war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam (I. 14^^- ^°), 
although the preceding story tells that a man of God had 
forbidden Rehoboam to fight with his ' brethren ' (i222f-, a 
prophetic sop to the national pride !). Reference is made to 
the Chronicles for Jehoash's " might and how he warred with 
Ahaziah king of Judah " (11. 14^^), the source of the story 
given above of Jehoash's triumph over Jerusalem. There are 
frequent references to " the might " of a king and " how he 
warred " without further detail in the history : for Asa (I. 
1523), Omri (i62' — his vigorous reign was indeed ignored by 
the editors !), Jehoshaphat (22*^), Jehu (II. lo^* — another 
monarch ignored), Jehoahaz (13^, cf. v.^). More particular is 
the citation of Jeroboam II's " might, how he warred, and 
how he recovered Damascus and Hamath for Israel " — an 
otherwise unknown item in Syrian history (14^^, cf. v^^). 
The longest postscript of such items appears for Jehoshaphat's 
reign : the removal of the sodomites, politics of Edom, ship- 
ping on the Red Sea (I. 22*'-^"). There are references of 
archaeological interest, now approved by actual discovery : 
for Asa, concerning " the cities he built " (I. 15^^) ; for Ahab, 
" the ivory house that he built, and all the cities that he 
built " (22^^) ; for Hezekiah, " how he made the pool and the 
conduit, and brought water into the city " (II. 20^°). For 
the history of Zimri's conspiracy it is remarked that " the 
treason he wrought " was recorded in the Chronicles (I. 16^°), 
and there is similar citation for Shallum's conspiracy (II. 15^^). 
Very personal is the item connected with the final formula for 
Asa, that " in his old age he was diseased in his feet " (I. 15^^), 
as also that for Azariah-Uzziah, that he " was a leper until 
the day of his death," a condition involving the regency of 


his son Jotham (II. 15^). The citation for Manasseh's " sin 
that he sinned " (II. 21^') doubtless refers to his royal records 
of the innovations in the Temple. Cf. a similar annalistic 
record, I. 11' : " Then Solomon built a high-place for 

Notice is next to be taken of direct citation of archival 
materials. 2 There are cases of items asyndetically hsted, e.g. : 
" He finished the House " (I. (f^) ; " Jehoshaphat made 
Tarshish ships," etc. (22^^) ; " Came Pul king of Assyria," 
etc. (II. 15^^) ; most often the conjunction was used, e.g., 
" And Moab rebelled against Israel," etc. (II. i^). There are 
the exact datings by the year, thirteen such through II. 23. 
The most notable of these is the first one, with the dates by 
year and month for the inception and conclusion of the build- 
ing of the Temple (I. 6^^- ^^-y^ is secondary). The next ex- 
ample is I. 14^^, " In the 5th year of king Rehoboam came 
Shishak king of Egypt," etc. {n.b. the latter's name and title, 
not the customary ' Pharaoh '). With II. 24 begins a long 
series of exact datings by year, month and day. Here the 
writer is certainly well-nigh contemporary to the story. 

The original dating was often replaced with ' then,' some 
thirteen times ; e.g., I. 9^*, " Then (with correction of ^, see 
Note) Pharaoh's daughter came up from David's City to her 
house. Then he built the Millo." The adverb has no reference 
to the context in such cases. Parallel time-expressions are : 
' m that day ' (I. 8^^), ' in those days ' {e.g., II. lo^s— three 
cases), ' in his days ' {e.g., I. iG^-^ — five cases), ' in those days ' 
{e.g., 11. 10^2 — three cases), ' in his days ' {e.g., I. 16^* — five 
cases), ' at that time ' {e.g., II. 16^ — seven cases) ; these forms 
are paralleled in the Akkadian annals : ' at that time,' ' in 
these days,' ' in his day.' Such time-expressions accordingly 
are not primarily editorial, expressive of indefiniteness or 
ignorance, but of archival origin. Also there are six cases 
of the introduction of such an item with asyndetic hu, ' he ' 
{e.g., II. 14' — the Heb. pronoun is used only for emphasis) ; 
the usage presents in the third person the repeated ' I ' in 
the Moabite Mesha's record of his buildings. Again certain 
grammatical laxities may be explained : e.g., the frequent 

2 See for detail the writer's article, ' Archival Data in the Book of 


cases of alignment of historical perfects with Waw (four per- 
fects so aUgned, II. i8*). Some of the items are quite lapidary 
in form, as in records of royal building {e.g., I. g^^-i?^ with 
expanded text), with which are to be compared similar brief 
records in the inscriptions of Mesha and the Syrian kings 
Zakar and Bar-Rkb, 

The above summary accounts for isolated items of primitive 
origin. A mass of more extensive material is preserved for 
Solomon's reign, a documentary wealth corresponding to his 
glory, for which the debacle that followed offers nothing 
similar. There are to be cited : the list of his court officials 
(I. 4^"*), and that of his administrative Heutenants over the 
land (4''-^®) ; the memorandum of the daily provision for 
the palace (5^^-)' ^^'^ that of his chariotry (vv.^- ^) ; from the 
story of the negotiations and agreement with Hiram (ch. 5), 
at least the exact specifications in vv.^'*- ^^- ^^s- ; the list of 
his royal buildings and account of their construction and 
furnishing (7^'^^) ; the later diplomatic arrangements with 
Hiram, most honestly recorded (9^"-^*) ; the list of the cities 
he built (vv.^^'^^) ; a series of detached items (vv.^^-^s^ ^^^ 
10^^) ; another accumulation of such items with inserted 
matter (lo^*-^^- 26-39^^ i 1114-25^ concerning the ' adversaries ' 
whom " Yhwh raised up against Solomon," the Edomite 
Hadad and the Syrian Reson, contains most authentic 
material, in particular the biographical notice of Hadad's 
fortunes in Egypt and the brief history of the condottiere 
Reson. 3 For the documents bearing on the Temple and the 
brass work (6, yi^fl.) see c below. 

From the Chronicles of the Kingdoms we possess the follow- 
ing extended narratives of archival flavour. I, 15I6-22 ^gjjg 
of the war between Asa of Judah and Baasha of Israel, and 
the interference of Tabrimmon, king of Aram, whose aid was 
purchased by valuables stripped from the Temple. The 
histories of the usurpers Baasha and Zimri (15^'- ^^ i6^- ^^- is-is^ 

8 Stade, in SBOT, groups vv^i-^^ 3,3 introduction to the anecdote ; 
but that passage is solely introductory to the subsequent history of 
Jeroboam. The editor has cleverly aligned together the three ' adver- 
saries.' This word of Yhwh is not ' prophetic ' in style ; the Moabite 
Mesha similarly speak of ' Chemosh being angry with his people.' Cf. 
the recognition of the divine sibbdh, the ' turn ' of fate, that brought 
about the division of the kingdom (I. 12^^). 


cf. V.20) are authentically itemized. For the distinguished 
Omri, who gave his name to his land for the Assyrian histor- 
ians, there are preserved merely the exact details of his rise 
to power and of his building of Samaria (i62^"2'*). Not much 
more appears for Ahab (i6^^- ^^ — written up editorially ; v.^^^,^ 
a casual item ; 22^^) ; original details were replaced by the 
Prophetic Story. For Jehoshaphat there are summed up 
the relations with Edom and the Red Sea traffic (22*^ "5°). 
II. 8^°"^^ contains precise archival notes on the relations 
with Edom ' in the days of Jehoram of Judah '. and the revolt of 
Libnah. lo^^- ^^ is an objective account of Hazael's diminution 
of Jehu's realm. With the reign of Jehoash we have the first 
long archival history for Judah : his restoration of the Temple 
and its finances, his capitulation to Hazael, and the conspiracy 
against him, with the assassins named (12^"^^ — cf. the con- 
spiracy against Amaziah, 14^^, and the details of Sennacherib's 
assassination, 19^'', for which see the Assyrian annals). For 
the reign of Jehoahaz b. Jehu original elements appear in 
j^s. 5. 7_ por his son Jehoash's reign there are notes of prime 
value for the Syro-Palestinian history (i3^'*- ^^), and for the 
same king a precise account of his triumph over Amaziah of 
Judah (14^-1* — for Jehoash's proud challenge, cf. I. 20^^), as 
also of Amaziah's assassination by conspirators (w.^^-^"), 
along with the postscript item, " He built Elath and restored 
it to Judah " (v.^^). For Jeroboam II's reign there are but 
two original items, reporting his success against Aram 
(j^^25a. 28^ _ Pqj- ^]^g \oxig reign of Azariah-Uzziah we have, 
outside of the customary formula and editing, only the two 
statements, that " Yhwh smote the king, so that he was a 
leper unto the day of his death, and he dwelt in a house 
apart " (although " he did what was right in Yhwh's eyes " — 
a similar stroke also befalling another righteous king, Asa, 
I. 15^^), and that his son acted as regent (15^). The exact 
original details of the finale of Jeroboam's dynasty and of 
his faineant successors may only be listed : 151°- ^*- ^^- ^^- ^^•^ jy3-6^ i8^"^^; the survival of these precious 
details is remarkable. Contemporary are the extensive details 
of the alliance of Ahaz with the Assyrian Tiglath-pileser 
against the combination of Pekah of Israel and Reson of Aram 
(16^"^), and the accompanying story of Ahaz's duplication of 


a Damascene altar for the Temple along with other innova- 
tions (vv.^""^^ — all told without comment, and involving the 
priest Uriah). For the long history of Hezekiah (cc. 18-20) 
there are a few annalistic items : i8*- ^ (each introduced with 
' He ') ; vv. ^^"^^ (quite distinct with its curt form of the 
history of the surrender as over against the following long 
story) ; 19^^- ^"^ (the return home of Sennacherib, his assassina- 
tion by two sons, the succession of Esarhaddon). For Josiah's 
end there is a brief objective statement : "In his days 
Pharaoh-Necho king of Egypt went up against the king of 
Assyria to the river Euphrates, and king Josiah went against 
him. And he (Necho) slew him at Megiddo. And his servants 
carried him dead in a chariot, and brought him to Jerusalem " 
^2^29. 30) _ Pqj- Josiah's successors we have doubtless con- 
temporary memoranda with exact details."* There need 
merely to be listed these items of annalistic origin : for Jeho- 
ahaz, 23^^"^^ ; Jehoiakim, 24^"^^ (v.^ has the last reference to 
the ' Chronicles ') ; Jehoiachin, vv.''^'. For Sedekiah there 
survives an exemplary contemporary record, 24^°^-25^^, with 
yy_i5-i7 alone an intrusion. The postscript, 25^^"^°, contains 
similar contemporary material.^ 

c. Temple Archives 

The plan of the Temple and the accounts of its furnishing 
and its dedication (I. 6, 7, 8^'^^- 62-64^^ when reduced to 
simpler form, have been assigned by Kittel and others to a 
Temple source. Driver notes with approval {Int., 189) similar 
assignments of narratives concerning the Temple (II. ii^^-, 
12^2-, i6^"ff-, 22^3-), and so, e.g., Kent more extensively (see 

* See note i of the writer's art. cited above, noting the record in 
Jer. 5228'^*', which details the three deportations of the Jews and the 
figures for the victims involved, and remarking : " An exactly similar 
document describing the fall of a little state, preserved in the archives 
of a Hurrite family of about 1400 b.c, is presented by Chiera and 
Speiser in their ' Selected Kirkuk Documents,' JAOS 1927, no. 20, 
pp. 57 fit. See Speiser's admirable interpretation and his recognition 
of the correspondence with the records of the fall of the Jewish state." 

* Only brief notice may be made of the preservation in the book 
of Chronicles of like archival material, taken from sources similar to, 
even identical with, those of Kings. This fact is coming to be recog- 
nized, e.g., by Begrich, Chronologic, 208 f., Eissf., Einl., 602, Albr., 
SAC 208. 


his critical analysis, pp. xiv seq.). But the construction of 
the Temple was whoUy a royal undertaking ; there is not a 
trace of priestly composition in these narratives, even in the 
account of the dedication, in which Solomon was the officiant. 
The Temple plan may practically be the architect's specifica- 
tions ; note the doubtless contemporary postscript with the 
exact datings for the construction {6^'^- ^^) — of later origin 6^ 
and 8^. At the most the document may have been deposited 
in the temple. The story of the uprising against Athaliah 
in II. II has no specific priestly tinge ; that in I2^^- contains 
reproach of the priests' mismanagement of the sacred funds, 
and similarly i6^°^- is not complimentary to the priestly juris- 
diction. Likewise in the story of the reformation of the Temple 
in II. 22, 23 king Josiah is the reformer, the priests are his 
servants ; ' the high priest Hilkiah ' (22*) could not interpret 
the Book of the Law which was found, and recourse was had 
to a prophetess (22^*). This absence of priestly literary sources 
is very notable in comparison with such origins in other ancient 
literatures. However, the temple, as the hterary centre, may 
weU have been the natural depository of such archives. 


a. Political Narratives 

This section concerns materials other than the purely annal- 
istic. Its most extensive object is the Prophetical Story, to 
be treated in the next sub-section. But there are narratives 
quite distinct from those of that quarter. 

The first two chapters of the book are the conclusion of 
the Davidic Court History, extending from 2 Sam. 16. For 
its characterization see Comm., introduction to I. i, 2. As 
so often happens in Hterary history, this early creation is the 
most classical ; for its length and dramatic presentation it 
has no equal in the Historical Books. But it belongs to a 
literary genre that was early developed in Israel ; for its 
extent comparison may be made with the story of Joseph. 

One political story appears in the account of the negotia- 
tions with Hiram of Tyre (I. 5^^^-). It has been built upon 
authentic details : Hiram's congratulations upon Solomon's 
accession, the memorandum on the transportation of the logs, 


and the exact items quoted at length from early sources in 
yv 25. 27-32^ j^Q stories are presented illustrating Solomon's 
wisdom, that of his dream at Gibeon with the ensuing judg- 
ment between the two harlots (3*^-) and that of the Queen 
of Sheba's visit (lo^-^^). The story of the second oracle at 
Gibeon (9^"^), in which the primitive element of the ' dream ' 
is omitted, is sample of late moralizing judgment ; cf. a 
similar brief intrusion in the story of the building of the 
Temple (6ii-i3). 

In the Judasan history there are the following stories of 
early origin, historically authentic. The history of the revolt 
of the North under Solomon's former lieutenant Jeroboam 
in its original substance (I. 1126-28. 31^ 12I-5) tells the pohtical 
truth, that the revolt of the North was due to Solomon's 
heavy imposts, and that the schism came by divine fate 
(i2^- ^^). The dramatic story of the uprising against the 
usurping foreigner Athahah (II. 11) has all the earmarks of 
contemporary history, and without intrusion of a prophet. 
Parallel in character is the story of Josiah's reformation 
(II. 22, 23), when critically reduced to a simpler form. It is 
to be observed that these stories are the reflection of stirring 
events ; also that, unhke the history of the North, they do 
not hail from schools of the Prophets. Only with Hezekiah's 
history do we have a long story of the kind, but this involving 
the canonical prophet Isaiah (II. 18-20 =Is. 36-39), an early 
hagiographon indeed, but one including authentic details. 
The South was sterile in such literature in comparison with 
the riches of the North, but politics there was far less stirring ; 
we find the same proportion in the narratives of Judges. 

h. The Stones of the Prophets 

For the North the political history wa s embalmed in lengthy 
^narratives proce'eding from the schools of the Sons of the 
Prophets. Here there is revival of the literary art that had 
flourished for the history of the Judges {e.g., the story of 
Deborah and Sisera, ch. 4 ; of Gideon and his son Abimelek, 
cc. 6-9 ; of Jephthah, cc. 11, 12). The word ' school ' is used 
of purpose. The Prophetic Guilds, preceding the advent of 
the canonical Prophets, who dissociated themselves from 
their predecessors {cf. Am. 7^^ Mic. 35^-, Dt. iS^oa-, etc.), 


developed as so often in the history of the rise of enthusiastic 
rehgious bodies their own letters. The assemblages of these 
enthusiasts included exhortation and instruction, and among 
their members were found scribes who were inspired to write 
the history of the stirring times in which their leaders were 
so actively engaged.^ 

The longest example of this literary development appears 
in the Elijah cycle (I. 17-19, 21, IL 2). There follows that of 

^ See Comm. on II. 4^* for the existence of a yeshiva, 'session,' i.e., 
school, in those guilds. For the literary beginnings in the Church, 
cf. Luke's reference to the ' many ' who had ' undertaken ' a history 
of the Gospel, while back of our Gospels lie documents difficult of 
critical precision, with subsequent generations producing a welter of 
apocryphal Gospels. In Islam there were probably written ' traditions ' 
[hadit), going back to Muhammad's day ; see I. Goldziher, Muham- 
medanische Studien, 2 (1890), i £f., e.g., p. 9. 

T hese pre-c anonical Prophets and their guilds appear currentl;^_jn 

the Histories of Israel and the Histories of its Religion ; but they take 

a minor place in comparison with ' the Writing Prophets ' of the canon. 

Imirable statement on the character of these stories is given by 

^GVI 2, 186. He holds that about 800 b.c. there arose z-Projeten- 

Qchte, the centre of which was Elijah with his contest against the 

Baal-cult. The com pos er of the history belonged without doubt to the 

Nebi'im of his day, and his composition gives room for the suggestion 

that in thos?"^TriMs the art of popular historical composition was 

C£iiitivated. However this ' suggestion ' might be made more positive. 
Kittel also notes (p. 339, n. 2) the Greek xp'/cMo^'h'o^. ' purveyor of oracle- 
stories,' as distinguished from the xPV<^.i^V^<'^> 'prophet.' Per contra, 
^Stade^pref. to SBOT, holds that in their present form these stories are 
all post-exilic, " although the material, in the Elijah and Elisha cycles 
.' may be pre-ExUic ' " ; but such literary scepticism is most unfounded. 
Of value is Gunket^ small volume, Elias, Yahwe u. Baal (1906), with 
many notes deferring to similar religious phenomena in other religions. 
He recognizes (pp. 4 ff.) that injtheJElijah stories both Saga and History 
are involved, and it is the historian's business to distinguish the two, 
'although there remains a field for independent literary criticism. For 
a recent and comprehensive study see O. Ploger, Die Prophetengeschichten 
der Samuel- u. Konigshiicher (1937), ^-^^ for those early prophets at 
large, R. Kraetzschmar, Prophet u. Seher im alien Israel (1901) ; G. 
Holscher, Zum Ursprung des israelii. Propheiismus, BWAT 13 (1913), 
88 ff., and Die Propheten (1914) ; H. Junker, Prophet 11. Seher in Israel 
(1928) ; A. Jepsen, Nabi : soziologische Studien zur at. Lit. (1934). 
For earlier treatments see, inter al., A. Kuenen, Religion of Israel 
(1874), I, ch. 3 ; W^^^SmitK^yophetsj)J_Israel (1882), Lect. 2. For 
the comparative ph enomena, J. G . Frazer's Folk-Lore in the O.T. will 
be referred to ad locos. 


Elisha, entwined in the former, beginning at I. 19^^ and 
continuing to II. 9, plus an apocryphal postscript, 13^* -21. 
Elijah is a most m ysterious figure, coming out of the unknown 
and even so disappearing ; he figures only in dramatic events, 
of which the scene on Mount Carmel is the most viyid '(I. 18). 
Elisha is a secondary figure, as is his history ; but his personal 
ITfe is presented, and he is the head of a community of the 
Sons of the Prophets. The most striking story in this c^xle is 
that of Jehu's revolt (II. 9, 10), a briUiant pohtical narrative, 
in which Elisha appears only in the preface as inceptor of 
the uprising. Within this complex are inserted, with historical 
justification, two brilliant stories, connected with otherwise 
unknown prophets : the history of the rout of Ben-Hadad 
at Aphek (I. 20), in which figures an unnamed ' prophet ' or 
' man of God,' along with ' sons of the prophets ' (vv."- ^s. 35^ ■ 
and (ch. 22) the dramatic scene of the contest of the lone pro- 
phet Micaiah (c/. 19^'') with four hundred prophets and their 
named spokesman Sedekiah, the story being introductory to 
the ensuing vivid battle scene in which Ahab lost his life. 
Thus we possess a continuous series of Prophetical documents, 
broken only by annalistic items, extending from I. 17 to II. 10. 
The remaining Prophetical Stories of the North are midrash 
in the current sense of the word, of dubious historical value. 
Such is the story of Ahijah the Shilonite and his oracle to 
Jeroboam (I. ii^^-^a^ cf. 12^^). Ch. 13 is a similar midrash, 
with its echo in II. 23^'- ^^. The prophet Jehu ben Hanani 
is said to have uttered an oracle against the house of Baasha 
(I. i6^"*- '• ^2). The Chronicler alleges a large number, some 
sixteen, of such Prophetic sources for the history of the kings 
(see Curtis, Chron., 21). He twice uses the word ' midrash ' : 
' the m. of the prophet Iddo ' (11. 13-^), and ' the m. of the 
book of kings ' (24^^).^ 

* The word ' midrash ' is used above after the Chronicler's precedent. 
It was evidently an early technical literary term, which has variously 
concerned translators. The Grr. and V translate with ' book ' ; ^ 
reproduces with the corresponding madrasha. Of the modern trr. GV 
has ' Historia,' followed by AV with ' story ' ; FV ' Memoires ' ; RVV 
JV ' commentary ' ; Moff. and Chic. B, ' Midrash.' The word is to be 
explained from the semantic development of the same root (' to seek 
after, look up ') in Arabic darasa, ' to read.' And there is the interest- 
ing parallel development of the Koranic verb tala (root tlw). ' to follow 



For historical subject-matter the book falls into three 
divisions, (i) I. i, 2 is a continuation of the story of David 
in Samuel ; on this section comment is made in Comm., ad 
loc. (2) I. 3- 11 gives the history of Solomon, for which ' the 
Book of the Acts of Solomon ' is cited. The title is indefinite. 
It may refer to a strictly annalistic document, from which 

after,' coming to mean ' to read, recite.' In addition is to be remarked 
the Semitic background of Jesus' utterance, " Search the Scriptures " 
(Jn. 5'*, cf. 7*^), the original of which verb was drS, i.e., " Read the 
Scriptures." There may be compared the Latin ' legere,' ' to pick up, 
read,' cf. German ' lesen.' The word ' legend ' indeed is etymologically 
something ' to be read,' and quite corresponds with ' midrash ' and 
medieval ' story,' as GV and AV excellently translate the word, which 
means a written historical story. The Old Norse word ' saga ' has often 
been used for translation, cf. Mrs. Church's The Israel Saga, although 
that word rather referred to heroic events. On the subject of such oral 
tradition in the background of the O.T. see at large the recent works 
of Gandz and Lods, and the extensive pertinent section in the encyclo- 
paedic work of the Chadwicks, The Growth of Literature (these all cited 
in the Bibliography). This last treatment in a note on p. 642, defining 
' saga ' in opposition to ' legend ' is to the point as for the modern use 
of the latter word : "A saga, at least in the early stages of its life, need 
not of necessity contain any unhistorical element, apart from the form 
(the conversations, etc.) in which it is presented." But their judgment 
of Biblical story suffers from maintaining a now out-moded view of 
earlier Higher Criticism, as when it is stated (p. 684) that the story of 
David " carries the history of Israel back to c. 1000 B.C., perhaps 
three centuries before the general use of writing for literary purposes." 
The authors appear to be primarily authorities in Norse legends. On 
the other side stands Albright's treatment of the subject in his volume. 
From the Stone Age to Christianity, in his section on ' Oral and Written 
Transmission of History,' pp. 33 S.., encyclopaedic in brief compass with 
its analogies from other such origins of literary composition. 

^ Reference may only categorically be made to the Commentaries 
(including Burney's Hebrew Text, the Int.), Introductions, Dictionary 
articles, Histories of the Literature, cited in the Bibliography. There 
are to be noted in addition Benz., Jahvist u. Elohist in den KonigsbUchern 
(an essay at pursuing those sources in Ki.) and Holscher's study in 
the Gunhel-Eucharisterion. Of unique value is the vivid polychrome 
presentation of the sources in Stade-Haupt, SBOT ; cf. also the critical 
presentations in Kittel's and Skinner's Commentaries and Kent's SOT. 
With regard to Benz.'s thesis there is to be observed Eissf.'s caution 
{Einl., 150) that there is no clue for unravelling the possible threads 
continuing the sources of the Pentateuch. 


the editor has drawn such materials ; but it is to be noted 
that the only dates given are those for the building of the 
temple and palace, while even the forty years of reign assigned 
appears to be an invented figure, like that for David's reign. 
Or it was a compilatory work, of what extent we may only 
guess. One metrical fragment appears in the citation of ' the 
Book of Jashar ' (S^^- ^^). Kuenen regards the original work 
as wholly pre-Deuteronomic. The literary brilliance of the 
earlier Historical Story disappeared promptly under the 
magnificent Solomon. (3) There ensues the bulk of the book, 
the history of the Divided Kingdoms, I. 12-II. 17, continued 
with that of the surviving Judah, cc. 18-25. 

An exemplary formal editing appears for the history of the 
Divided Kingdoms — notable, as despite the national schism, 
for the sense of the lasting community of the two halves of 
Israel. This feature is succinctly expressed by Driver (p. 189) : 
" In the arrangement of the two series of kings a definite 
principle is followed by the compiler. When the narrative 
of a reign (in either series) has once been begun, it is continued 
to its close — even the contemporary incidents of a prophet's 
career, which stand in no immediate relation to public events, 
being included in it ; when it is ended, the reign or reigns of 
the other series, which are synchronized with it, are dealt 
with ; the reign overlapping it at the end having been com- 
pleted, the compiler resumes his narrative of the first series 
with the reign next following, and so on." ^ 

As authority for his data in each reign the editor refers to 
' the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah,' and 
ditto ' of the Kings of Israel.' In the latter case Joram and 
Hoshea are omitted in such listing, in the former Ahaziah, 
Athaliah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, Sedekiah — in most cases for 
good reason. The extent and character of these two chronicles 
constitute a problem. Their minimum basis would be com- 
parable with the Babylonian chronicles, which listed the 

2 Assemblage of these data is given by Kuenen, pp. 64 f., and most 
fully by Burney, pp. ix seq. For the vexed question of the originality 
of the synchronisms, see §16 below. For the history of the end of 
Judah exact dates are given, some of them in terms of Babylonian 
chronology. For these there was practically contemporary information 
that could be registered memoriter. 


important events in a reign. The summary expression at the 
end of almost every reign, ' and all that he did,' or ' and all 
his might,' appears to make the chronicle in question a purely 
state document. Such annalistic records must have had their 
literary expansion, but the extent of this further development 
may only be judged from individual cases. These appear 
especially in the later Judaean history, as in the stories of the 
reform of Jehoash (II. 12), the intrusion of heathenish worship 
under Ahaz (II. 16), the temple-restoration and reformation 
under Josiah (II. 22, 23). But the great bulk of the Northern 
history, I. 12-II. 17, is literary story, prophetic and other- 
wise ; for its characteristics see Burney, pp. 207 ff. It is 
most reasonable to suppose that the latter material came to 
be incorporated with the official chronicle material in Judah 
under the reign of Josiah. This literary interest was reflec- 
tion of the revival under that king, who bravely attempted 
the unification of All-Israel. We have to suppose an exodus 
of Northern literati to Jerusalem, bringing their manuscripts 
with them, and contributing to the cultural renaissance of 
the more sterile South. There such a hterary expansion 
appears in the one Judaean prophet-story, that of Isaiah, 
with the inclusion of a poetic masterpiece (II. 19, 20). The 
phenomenon would be a small parallel to the flight of Greek 
scholars to the West to escape the Turkish invasions. And 
the revival, equally national and religious, under Josiah has 
its parallel in the Reformation period in Northern Europe. 
This politically temporary revival had its permanent spiritual 
results, in religion with the Deuteronomic reform which laid 
the basis for later Judaism (the religion of a Book, a tradition 
followed by the Church), and in letters with the accumulation 
of ancient literary remains which produced a National History, 
of which Kings was the climax. 

" The Book is a history written with a religious theory and 
a practical aim. It has for subject not mere History, but the 
(^lessons of History. ■; There is honest self- judgment in this 
product of Hebrew historiography. The schism of Israel from 
the God-ordained Davidic kingdom was due to Solomon's 
sins, the fall of the North to its continued defiance of the True 
Religion, and again the ruin of Judah to the inescapable fate 
deserved by Manasseh's sin. The remarkable note is that, 


when all was lost, some one found the history of that tragic 

period worth recording as a lesson of God's discipline of his 

people. The spirit of the editor is fully Deuteronomistic.^ | | 0ULa3»<CW 

With II. 25^^^-"~regarded as a postscript, the editor was a" 

contemporary of Jeremiah, and, in his youth at least, of the' 

pubHcation of the Book found in the temple. 

The bo ok underwent its later mino r rev isions, as the varia- -^ 
tions in~Heb. Mbb and'"the eaiFIy VSS show. But extensive 
interpolations are few, if any. The midrash in II. 23^^^- may 
be a case in point. The Old Greek presents an apocryphal 
supplement to I. 12, of doubtless Hebrew and ancient origin. 
But there is, apart from minute alterations, and constant 
contaminations of text from Ch., no patent influence from the, 
later schools (Levitical, Priestly) which edited the Torah. A 
reconstruction from that point of view produced a parallel 
but fortunately distinct volume, that of Chronicles, while our 
book remained practically untouched. 


Recent Literature 

The classical essay at Biblical chronology is that of Eusebius 
in his Chronica. For the Biblical renaissance may be noted 
L. Cappel's Chronologia Sacra, published in the London 
Polyglot, vol. I, and again in Walton's Biblicus Apparatus. 
The following gives a list of recent literature bearing on the 
subject, with omission of reference to the pertinent Com- 

Albright, W. F. : The Seal of Ehakim and the Latest Pre- 

exilic History of Judah, JBL 1932, 77 ff. 
A Votive Stele Erected by Ben-hadad I of Damascus to 

the God Melcarth, BASOR 87 (1942), 23-9. 
A Third Revision of the Early Chronology of Western 

Asia, BASOR 88 (1942), 28-36. 

' Dr., Int., 200 ff., and Burn., pp. xiii seq., give full lists of phrases 
characteristic of the compiler of Ki., and their affinities with Dt. and 
Jer. Most recently Pfeiffer has made the statement {Int., 377) that 
" the date of the original edition can be fixed without misgivings 
between Josiah's reforms in 621, based on the finding of Deuteronomy, 
and the destruction of Jerusalem in 586." 


Albright, W. F. : The Chronology of the Divided Monarchy 

of Israel, BASOR lOO (1945), 16-22. 
Begrich, J. : Die Chronologic der Konige von Israel u. Juda, 

u. die Qiiellen des Rahnies der Konigshiicher [Beitrdge zur 

Historischen Theologie, 3), 1929. 
Jesaia 14, 28-32. Ein Beitrag zur Chronologic der 

israelitisch-j iidischen Konigszeit, ZDMG 86 (1932), 66 ff. 
BossE, A. : Die chronologischen Systeme im A.T, u. bei 

Josephus, MVG 1908, no. 2. 
CAH : I, 145 ff. ; vol. 3, at end, Synchronistic Tables. 
Chapman, W. J. : The Problem of Inconsequent Post-Dating 

in II Kings xv. 13, 17 and 23, HUCA 2 (1925), 57 ff. 
Palestinian Chronological Data, ib., vol. 8-9 (1932), 

151 ff. (with year by year table). 
Curtis, E. L. : Chronology, DB. 
De Vaux, R. : La chronologic de Hazael et de Benhadad III, 

rois de Damas, KB 45 (1934), 512 ff. 
Deimel, a. : Vet. Testamenti Chronologia, Rome, 1912. 
Forrer, E. : Zur Chronologie der neuassyrischen Zeit, MVG 

1915, no. 3. 
Gehman, H. S. : Chronology, WDB 1944. 
Hansler, H. : Die bibl. Chronologie des 8 Jahrhunderts vor 

Chr., Biblica, 10 (1929), 257 ff. 
HoNTHEiM, J. : Die Chronologie des 3. u. 4 Buches der 

Konige, Zeits. f. kath. Theologie, 42 (1918), 463 ff., 487 ff. 
Kamphausen, a. : Die Chronologie der hebrdischen Konige, 


Kent, C. F. : SOT 492 ff., and plate after p. 199. 

KiTTEL, R. : GVI 2, §36. 

Kleber, a. M. : The Chronology of 3 and 4 Kings and 
2 Paralipomenon, Biblica, 2 (1921), 3 ff., 170 ff. 

KoNiG, E. : Kalendarfragen, ZDMG 1906, 606 ff. 

Krey, E. : Zur Zeitrechnung des Buches der Konige, ZWT 
20 (1877), 404 ff. 

KuGLER, F. X. : Von Moses bis Paulus, 1922 (mostly devoted 
to the Biblical chronology and calendar, and with a 
section, pp. 234-300, maintaining the historical trust- 
worthiness of Chronicles). 

Lewy, J. : Forschungen zur alien Geschichte V order asiens, 
MVAG 29, Heft 2 (1924), 20 ff. 


Lewy, J. : Die Chronologie d. Konige v. Israel u. Juda, 

Lov, G. : Das synchronistische System der Konigsbiicher, 

ZWT 1900, 161 ff. 
Mahler, E. : Handbuch der jiidischen Chronologie, 1916 (with 

extensive treatment of the Jewish calendar systems, and 

a bibhography, pp. 629-35). 
Mangenot, E. V. : Chronologie, Vigouroux's DB. 
Marti, K. : Chronology, EB. 
McCuRDY, J. F. : Chronology, JE. 
Meyer, E. : Prinzipien der Rechnung nach Konigsjahren, in 

his Forschungen zur alien Geschichte, 2 (1898), 441 ff., and 

GA 2, 274 ff. 
Morgenstern, J. : The Three Calendars of Ancient Israel, 

HUCA I (1924), 3 ff., and Added Notes, vol. 3, 77 ff. 

Supplementary Studies, etc., HUCA 1935, i ff. 

The New Year for Kings, Gaster Memorial Volume (1936), 

439 ff- 
Chronological Data of the Dynasty of Omri, JBL 59 

(1940), 385-96- 
Mowinckel, S. : Die Chronologie der israelitischen u. jii- 
dischen Konige, Acta Or., 10 (1932), 161 ff. 
NiCKLiN, T. : Studies in Egyptian Chronology, Vol. i, 1928 

(in particular a study of Manetho's Dynasties). 
Robinson, T. H. : HI i. Add. Note, pp. 454 ff. 

Decline and Fall of the Hebrew Kingdoms, 228 ff . 

RosT, P. : KAT 320! 

RuHL, F. : Die tyrische Konigshste des Menander von Ephesos, 

Rheinisches Museum/. Philologie, 48 (1898), 565 ff. 
Die Chronologie der Konige von Israel u. Juda, DZG 12 

(1895), 44 ff. 
Sanda, a. : Comm., 2, 399-441. 
Sellin, E. : Geschichte, 263 ff., 323 ff. 
Stade, B. : GVI i, ch. 2. 
Thiele, E. R. : The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and 

Judah, JNES 3 (1944), 137-86. 
Thilo, M. : Die Chronologie des A.T., 1917. 
In welchem Jahre geschah die sogenannte syrisch- 

efraemitische Invasion, u. wann bestieg Hiskia den Thron ? 



Wellhausen, J. : Die Zeitrechnung des Buches der Konige, 
JDT 20 (1875), and in Bleek, Einl.^, 26^ fi.=Comp., 
299 ff. / 

WiNCKLER, H. : KAT 316 ff. 

For the astronomy involved see G, Schiaparelli, Die Astro- 
nomic im A.T., 1904, F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathe- 
matischen u. technischen Chronologie, 3 vols., 1906-14 ; and 
for the calendars, the Archaeologies of Benzinger, §36, Nowack, 
§38. Of the titles listed above, Begrich and Thilo each present 
four large tables with a year-by-year synchronistic chronology, 
Begrich's tables also schematically indicating the several 
dating systems he proposes. In simpler and more useful 
form Sanda gives such a table (2, 424-7). 


Parker, R. A., and Dubberstein, W. H. : Babylonian 

Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, Univ. of Chicago Press, 

1942 ; 2nd ed., 1946. 
Vogelstein, M. : Biblical Chronology. I. The Chronology oj 

Hezekiah and his Successors, privately printed, Cincinnati, 

Jeroboam II — The Rise and Fall of his Empire, privately 

printed, Cincinnati, 1945. 

a. List of Regnal Terms and Synchronisms ^ 

I. (i) Saul (years ? — i Sam. 13^) , 

(2) David 40 (I. 2II) 

(3) Solomon 40 (11*^) 

JuDAH Israel 

(4) Rehoboam 17 |1 Jeroboam I 22 (14^°- ^^) 

(5) Abijam 3 = „ i8th (151- 2) 

^ The following presentation is largely based on Begrich's exeniplary 
lists and discussion, pp. 58 ff. Cf. also Kuenen, pp. 64 f., and Burn., 
pp. ix seq. In the table, which presents the Hebrew data alone, cardinal 
numbers indicate years of reign, ordinals equivalence with years in the 
parallel. A common epoch for both kingdoms exists after (19), another 
after (38). Further notes, mostly textual and bearing upon the VSS, 
are given after each period. 



Asa 41 


„ 2d 


„ 3d 


„ 26th 


„ 27th 



„ 31st 


„ 38th 

§i6a. regnal terms and synchronisms 49 

=Jeroboam I 20th (159- 1°) 
=Nadab 2 (is^^) 
=Baasha 24 (15^*- ^') 
=Elah 2 (168) 
=Zimri 7 days (16^^) 

Civil war, Tibni and Omri (iG^^- ^'^) 
=Omri 12 (16^3) 
=Ahab 22 (i629) 

(14) Jehoshaphat 25 =- „ 4th (22*^- "2) 

(15) „ i7th=Ahaziah 2 (22^^) 

(16) ,, i8th=Joram/Jehoram 12 (II. 3^) 

(17) Jehoram 8 =Joram 5th (S^e- 1') 

(18) „ 2d = ,. (ii7) 

(19) Ahaziah i = „ 12th (S^s), nth (929) ; 

Jehu's accession (ch. 9) 

(i) An editor of Sam. inserted the later formula for introduction of 

a reign : " son of — years was X at his accession, and years 

he reigned " (the v. is lacking in OGrr.) ; the second blank was filled 
out with ' two.' (This numeral frequently occurs in the regnal terms, 
and may mean an indefinite number, like English ' a couple ' ; see 
Comm. on I. 17^^.) 

(2), (3). The figures appear to be round numbers in the absence of 
original data. Some scholars, e.g., Wellh., Kamph., Stade, discover 
manipulation of the regnal chronology, with the object of obtaining 
an era of 480 years from the founding of the temple to the end of the 
Exile (c/. assertion of such a preceding era in I. 6^) ; e.g., Stade {GVI 
I, 89) : the balance of Solomon's reign, 40 — 3=374-393 years of his 
successors + an alleged term of exile, 50, =480. See Begrich's criticism, 
pp. 14 f. 

(4)-(i9). The Judaean 95 years is paralleled with Israelite 98. The 
difference may be accounted for by presumption of more ante-datings 
in the latter longer list. 

(5) Abijam's reign is increased to 6 years by OGrr., so obtaining the 
desiderated equivalence. 

(6) OGrr., ' Jeroboam 24th ' for ' 20th,' in consequence of the varia- 
tion in (5). 

(7) Gr. 246, ' Asa 3d ' for ' 2d ' ; cf. note (4)-(i9). 

(8) Gr. b i c^, ' Asa 4th ' for ' 3d.' 

(9) (g om. datum here, supplies it in i6', with ' Asa 20th ' for ' 26th ' 
(so H (£) ; other Gr. variants, ' 28th,' ' 29th.' 

(11) See Comm., ad loc. 

(12) Omri is given a 12-year reign between Asa 31st and 38th = 7 
years, but the interval of civil war, (9)-(i2) 4 years, approximately 



' Asa 38th.' 
i628a^ = ' Omri 

accounts for the diflference. For ' Asa 31st ' Gr. N v x y, ' Asa 27th ' 
{al. ' 2oth/ ' 28th,' ' 29th ' ; Ant., viii, 12, 5, ' 30th ') ; the change 
gives the desiderated extra years. For the chronology of the civil 
wars see Comm. on I. is^*"-. 

(13) (§ (@^, Ahab's accession in ' Jehoshaphat 2d ' vs. 

(14) ' Ahab 4th' = Grr. in loco; in OGr. insertion, 
nth ' ; cf. the variations in (12), (13). 

(i4)-(i9) See Notes on I. 14'^^^-, 22 ""•, Comm. II. i^. 

(15) <§^, Ahaziah's accession in ' Jehoshaphat 24th,' vs. ' Jehosh. 17th.' 

(16) Gr. V Joram's accession in ' Jehosh. 22d ' vs. ' i8th ' ; cf. notes 

(12), {14)- 

(18) The datum bluntly contradicts the official data in (16), (17). 

(19) In 8" &^ B> correct ' 12th ' to ' nth '=929 ; but the latter is 
an intruded statement. 








Athaliah 6 
Joash 40 
,. 23d 

M 37th 

Amaziah 29 

II Jehu 28 (io36, III- 3) 

= „ 7th (121-2) 
=Jehoahaz 17 (13I) 
=Joash 16 (13^°) 
= „ 2d (141- 2, c/. v.") 
i5th=Jeroboam II 41 (142^) 
Uzziah 52 = „ 27th (151- 2) 

38th =Zechariah 6 months (15^) 
39th =ShaUum i month (15^^) 
39th =Menahem 10 (15^'') 
50th =Pekahiah 2 (1523) 
52d =Pekah 20 (15") 
Jotham 16 = ,, 2d (15^2. 33j 

20th =Hoshea (15^°) 
Ahaz 16 =Pekah 17th (i6i' *) 

I2th =Hoshea 9 (171- ^) 
Hezekiah 29 = ,, 3d (i8i- 2) 
4th = .. 7th (i89) 
6th = „ 9th(i8i«) 

(20) <6^ has a long absurdly repetitive interpolation after 10 

dating Jehu's accession in Athaliah's 2d year ; see Rahlfs, SS 3, 276. 

(22) Ant., ix, 8, 5, ' Joash 21st ' for ' 23d.' 

(23) For * Joash 37th/ Gr. v, ' 36th,' N + 15 MSS, ' 39th.' 

(24) II. 14^' uniquely remarks that ' Amaziah survived Joash 15 years.' 

(25) For ' Amaziah 15th ' Gr. v, ' i6th.' 

(26) For Uzziah's accession in ' Jeroboam 27th ' Gr. v Cj, ' 25th.' 

(27) For Zechariah in ' Azariah 38th,' N Cg+g MSS, ' 28th.' 

(28) For Shallum in ' Azariah 39th,' Cj, ' 28th.* 


§i6a. regnal terms and synchronisms 51 

(30) For ' Pekahiah 2,' <©^ ' 10,' N Cj + ii MSB, the same group as 
in (27), ' 12.' 

(33) For Hoshea in ' Jotham's 20th/ g) ' 2d year ' (by error). 

(34) For Ahaz in ' Pekah's 17th,' ^ ' i8th.' 

(35) For ' Ahaz 12th ' Gr. o, ' loth,' Cj, ' 14th.' 

(36) For ' Hoshea 3d/ Cj, Ant., ix, 13, i, ' 4th,' v, ' 5th.' 

(38) For date of capture of Samaria in ' Hezekiah 6th,' Cj, ' loth,' 
C ' 8th.' 

Begrich's display of the various figures in Grr. and Josephus 
is most useful and suggestive. But there are variations of 
text, accidental or indeed wilful, in ^, while the Greek varia- 
tions, innumerable as they are, most of them evident errors 
{e.g., in codex A), are most open to question. See Mowinckel's 
display of evident errors in both ^ and Grr., pp. 266 ff. 
Begrich insists on ' good tradition ' underlying odd Greek 
MSS and Josephus, and makes use of their variants — some 
of which may indeed be proper corrections, but are never- 
theless not original. No scientific result can be obtained from 
these odd quarters. MS Cg (HP 127), at times in correspond- 
ence with N, and in two cases, (23) (30), in company with a 
larger group, goes its own way, distinct from the rest of the 
Lucianic group to which it belongs ; but this phenomenon 
appears peculiarly in the complicated era, (26)-(38). Also 
the group HP 71, 245 (not directly cited in OTG) offers cases 
of exceptional readings, either alone or with other MSS. 
<g^ otherwise offers no variations of value. 

For (2o)-(38) there is between Judah and Israel disparity of 
165 years minus 143=22+2 part-year terms. But external 
evidence of the Assyrian records rigorously demands shortening 
of these figures, to be corrected by the generally accepted 
dates, 841, accession of Jehu and of Athaliah, and 722, the 
fall of Samaria in Hezekiah's 6th year — i.e., a lapse of 119 
years. For Judah this involves a disparity of 46 years. It 
is notable that the reign of the usurper Athaliah is included in 
the royal chronology ; but legally the royal heir's reign should 
have been dated from his father's death, so that subtraction 
of 6 from the overplus is to be made. The 29-year term of 
Amaziah is generally reduced by chronologers ; e.g., by dis- 
counting 13 years of previous regency ; n. b. (24), and see 
Comm. II. 14^*^. Further Azariah-Uzziah's long reign of 52 
years suggests scepticism ; there may be double counting 


with the years of his son Jotham's regency ; n. h. the conflict 
of (32) and (33). Mahler and Kugler retain the figure, vari- 
ously reducing Jotham's term. Lewy retains 52, for actual 
reign 27 years, plus 16 for Jotham's reign, plus 8 for regency 
(as alleged) of Ahaz. Others reduce the figure : e.g., Begrich 
to 38 years, Kittel to 40, Robinson to 42, with various calcula- 
tions of the regency, so diminishing Jotham's actual reign. 
Also the round figure 40 for Joash's reign [cf. the data for 
David and Solomon) arouses suspicion ; we have to reckon 
with errors and lapses in the original documents, which were 
then arbitrarily corrected or filled out {cf. 1 Sam. 13^). For 
Israel the discrepancy of some 25 years (144-119) is reduced 
by the Assyrian data. In the year 738 Menahem paid tribute 
to Shalmaneser V with resultant extent of 16 years to the 
fall of Samaria in 722. But the figures for his successors, 
Pekahiah 2, Pekah 20, Hoshea 9, make the era some 40 years 
plus X for balance of Menahem's term. The discrepancy is 
generally met by reducing Pekah's figure to i or 2 (Mahler 
6, Kugler 5 or 6). The problem is further complicated by 
the synchronistic figures. According to (33) Hoshea became 
king in Jotham's 20th year — which then must be dated 
from the latter's accession to the regency, as he reigned only 
16 years. But according to (35) Hoshea began to reign in 
Ahaz's 12th year ; yet according to (37) (38) the Assyrian 
investment of Samaria occurred in Hezekiah's 4th year = 
Hoshea's 7th, and the capture in Hezekiah's 6th:=Hoshea's 
9th. Cf. Robinson, pp. 228 ff. 

III. Judgean regnal terms. (39) Manasseh 55 years (II. 21^). 
(40) Amon 2 (2ii»). (41) Josiah 31 (22^). (42) Jehoahaz 
3 months (23^1). (43) Jehoiakim 11 {23^^). (44) Jehoiachin 
3 months (24^). (45) Sedekiah 11 (24^^). 

From Hezekiah's reign to the destruction of Jerusalem, 
587/586 B.C., crucial datings are given by external history. 
II. 18^ dates the taking of Samaria in Hezekiah's 6th year = 
722/721 B.c.^ Between these dates is a lapse of 135 years, 
which figure actually corresponds to that of the sum of the 

2 There is contradiction here with the statement, II. i8i», that the 
Assyrian invasion occurred in his 14th year; but for the secondary 
character of this figure see Comm., ad loc. 

§i6b. synchronisms between JUDAH and ISRAEL 53 

above reigns : iio+Hez. 29—6 = 135, with an overplus of 
two quarter-year reigns. Accordingly the figuration followed 
the post-dating system ; see c below. 

h. The Synchronisms between the Chronicles of Judah 

and Israel 

The regnal synchronisms have been largely disputed by 
modern criticism as secondary, constructed upon the given 
figures for the parallel reigns ; so, e.g., by Wellhausen in his 
early monograph, and Meyer, and this position is cautiously 
maintained by recent historians, Kittel and Robinson. But 
the study of Babylonian-Assyrian historical documents has 
produced a positive trend in the opposite direction. Of recent 
eminent authorities for this position may be named Begrich, 
Kugler, Lewy, Mowinckel. Their argument is based upon 
similar sjmchronisms from early days in Babylonian lists, 
cross-referencing with Assyrian regnal years.^ In view of 
these facts the writer's scepticism has yielded to a large 
extent. But considerable exceptions must be made. For the 
turbulent years following Jeroboam II official cross-reckoning 
for the Judasan dynasty must have been well-nigh impossible, 
as certain inner contradictions of synchronisms show. Further, 
in pursuance of the accepted chronological scheme Hebrew 
editors would have arbitrarily supplied lacking synchronisms, 
just as they at times made corrections, a fashion pursued 
galore by the Greek translators. It is on the safe side to 
assign to the Judaean and the early Israelite dynastic chron- 
ology prime importance, and to the synchronisms secondary 
value. This view is in contradiction to that of Lewy [Chron., 
28) and Mowinckel [Chron., 172), alleging by way of argument 
that the former class is lacking in the similar Akkadian docu- 
ments. But it is to be noted that the Hittites and the Egyp- 
tians recorded the regnal terms in their dynastic lists. The 
practical accuracy for the regnal terms Hezekiah-Jehoiachin 
has been exhibited just above. 

* E.g., Chronicle B, in KB 2, 274 ff., 330 ff., A TB 1, 330 flf., CP 208 flF.. 
for the reigns from Tiglath-pileser to Esarhaddon. For the 12th century 
six such synchronistic lists have been published by E. F. Weidner, 
Die Konige von Assyrien. Neue chronologische Dokumente, MVAG 26, 
Heft 2 (1921). 


c. The Calculation of Regnal Terms 

There is general difficulty of rendering an ancient precise 
date into modern chronological terms, due to the variation 
of New Year as between ancient systems, and as also in 
contrast with the modern beginning of the year. Internal 
conflicts appear in the ancient reckonings. In the Bab. -Ass. 
system the year i of a king did not begin until New Year 
in the spring ; the preceding initial portion of the reign was 
termed res sarriUisu, ' the beginning of his reign,' which 
appears to have its correspondent in the Hebrew dating of 
Evil-Merodach's action in II. 25^', ' in the year of his becoming 
king ' (but for this still-disputed phrase see Comm., ad loc). 
This system of post-dating avoided legal and historical compli- 
cations. If a king did not overlive New Year no date was 
assigned to him in the royal series {cf. the citation of reigns 
in months in the Hebrew lists). But when, by ante-dating, 
year i was reckoned as of the months between accession and 
New Year, there would be arithmetical doubling of that year, 
as the last of the predecessor and the first of the successor. 
This may explain the discrepancy between 95 years in the 
Judaean line and the 98 in the Israelite, as remarked above on 
nos. (4)-(i9) in the List of Regnal Terms, I. For the final 
group. III (the Judaean line alone), as observed ad loc, the 
era closely approximates the known terminal dates, and the 
post-dating system must have been used. As for the disparity 
of figures in group II, the civil wars in the North, the Assyrian 
invasions, and also the disturbances in the South interfered 
with chronological regularity. Various systems of unravelling 
the problem have been proposed in order to save the synchron- 
isms. For the discrepancy in regal periods Mahler has found 
a way out by the assumption of three regency-periods in the 
Judaean line (pp. 286 ff.), followed by Lewy. An attempt at 
obtaining an understanding of the evident disorder is that of 
Kugler's (pp. 163 ff.). He admits the many errors, which he 
attributes to later recensions ; according to his theory the 
original composer of the book without exception ante-dated 
the reigns, the subsequent revisers post-dated throughout, 
and these (he finds three) disagreed in their methods. 

The most elaborate as also most complicated system is that 

§i6d. synchronisms with external history 55 

of Begrich. He proposes four distinct chronicle methods based 
upon the variations in reckoning the calendar years and the 
regnal terms, and in four plates, listing the years 932-727, he 
presents in columnar arrangement the variations of the four 
methods. The work is of particular value for the detailed 
criticism of the data ; but its plan proposes an over-degree of 
theorization on part of the ancient writers. The contrast of 
ante-dating and post-dating is now generally recognized. 
Lewy holds (pp. 10 ff.) that the latter system came in with 
Azariah of Judah and Zechariah of Israel. Mowinckel (p. 179) 
finds it for the time after Hezekiah. Another problem lies 
in the beginning of the legal and regnal year. Did the royal 
year correspond with the ancient system dating the year from 
autumnal Tishri, or with the ecclesiastical year, dating from 
Nisan ? — the Talmud recognizes four beginnings of the year 
for as many social and economical purposes (c/. " the return 
of the year, when kings sally forth (to battle)," 2 Sam. iji), 
Mahler holds (p. 210) that the year began in the spring through- 
out the history ; Begrich that the regnal year began with the 
calendar year in autumn, with change to the spring dating in 
Josiah's time, which latter innovation Mowinckel denies 
(P- 175).' 

d. The Synchronisms with External History 

The continuous Assyrian limu- or eponym-lists, dating as 
in Roman chronology after an officer who gave his name to 
the year — such an official being also listed in Solomon's court — 
offer a few exact synchronisms with the history in Kings. ^ , \^ niiA^tv 
For the end of the kingdom the book gives dates in Babylonian ^^^~^^A 
terms. As observed above, the rendering of the ancient years '*^ fi^OylC^ '< 
into terms of the modern calendar, beginning with January, 4t^>^^ 
is further confused by the Babylonian-Assyrian inception of 

* For similar complicated datings in the books of Maccabees see 
E. Bickermann, Der Gott der Makkabder (1937), Beil. II. For like 
confusion in Eusebius's Chronicle see DCB 2, 353 f. 

* For Solomon's officer ' Over-the-Year ' see Comm., I. 42"-. For the 
/Imw-list in question, giving a signal event for each year, see KB i, 
208 £E., CP 226 fi. The precision of the latter chronology is obtained 
from the dating of an eclipse of the sun, which occurred on June 15, 
763 B.C. ; see Mahler, p. 259. 


the year at the spring equinox, while the Hebrews, at least 
down to the latter part of Judah's history, dated it in the 
autumn. Consequently double figures have in general to be 
given in corresponding modern chronology. 

853. Ahab and Ben-Hadad of Damascus named in Shal- 
maneser Ill's record of the battle at Karkar ; Comm., 

I, 16, at end. 

842/841 ; Jehu's tribute to Shalmaneser ; Comm., II. io32f-. 

738. Menahem's tribute to Tiglath-pileser ; Comm., II. 15230-. 

734-732. Ahaz's name recorded as tributary to Tiglath- 

733/732. The Assyrian capture of Damascus. For these two 
items see Comm. II. ib'^-. Deposition of Pekah, 
Assyrian elevation of Hoshea to the throne ; Comm. 

II. iS^ofl-. 

722/721 or 721/720 (Begrich). Capture of Samaria ; Comm. 
II. i8»fl-. 

701. Sennacherib's siege of Jerusalem ; Comm. II. i8i3fl._ 

597/596 ; Mowinckel, 598/597. Nebuchadnezzar's conquest 
of Jerusalem ; Comm., II. 24^^^ 

587 (Begrich, Mowinckel) ; 586 (Lewy). Destruction of Jeru- 
salem ; Comm., II. 24^^*^-. 

562/561 or 561/560. Restoration of Jehoiachin to favour by 
Evil-Merodach ; Comm., II. 25". 

For the additional dates for the last days of Jerusalem see 
Mowinckel, pp. 199 ff. ; Albright, pp. 92 ff. ; Morgenstern. 
New Year for Kings, 449 ff. 

In addition may be listed certain regal synchronisms with 
international history. 

Relations of Hiram of Tyre and Solomon (I. 5^5^-, in the 
latter's 4th year ; ()^^^-, ' after 20 years ') ; Comm., I. 5^, 
51. 37. 

A Pharaoh's daughter, wife of Solomon ; Comm., I. 3^ 
Shishak's invasion in year 5 of Rehoboam ; Comm., I. 

Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal king of Tyre, wife of Ahab ; 
Comm., I. 16^1. 

Ben-Hadad of Damascus {cf. I. 20^2.) named in the contem- 
porary Zakar inscription. 

§i6d. synchronisms with external history 57 

Ben-Hadad's successor Hazael (II. S''^-) named in the Ass^^r- 
ian inscription of 842 B.C., and the latter's son Bar-Hadad in 
the Zakar inscription. 

Mesha of Moab (c/. II. 3'*s-) records the ' 40 years of oppres- 
sion of Moab ' by Omri and his sons. 

Tiglath-pileser of Assyria, Rason of Aram contemporary 
with Ahaz of Judah, Pekah of Israel ; Comm., II. 16^*^-. 

So-Seve, king of Egypt, in league with Hoshea against 
Assyria ; Comm., II. 17*. 

Tribute of Manasseh recorded by Ashurbanipal ; Comm., 
II. 21, introd. 

Invasion of Palestine by the Ethiopian Tirhakah ; Comm., 
11. 198. 

The Egyptian Necho's defeat of Josiah at Megiddo, and his 
control of Judah ; Comm., II. 23^^. 

In addition is to be noted the unfortunately one-sided syn- 
chronism, 1. 14^^, of Shishak's invasion of Judah in Rehoboam's 
5th year ; see Comm., ad loc. Shishak I reigned 945-924 

The writer foregoes adding to the detailed chronologies 
presented in Commentaries, histories, and the many special 
monographs. Omitting the early apocryphal datings for 
David and Solomon (each assigned 40 years), the following 
variants, as proposed, may be noted for the date of the 
accession of Rehoboam and Jeroboam I : Mahler, 953 ; 
Robinson, 936 ; CAH, Olmstead, 935 ; Sanda, 933 ; Kittel, 
Skinner, Winckler, 932 ; Mowinckel, Gehman, 931 ; Kugler, 
929 ; Begrich, 926 ; Albright, Lewy, 922. The traditional 
Ussherian date is 973. The date 936 is obtained by adding 
the 95 years of the Judaean line in (4)-(i9) above to the fixed 
date 841 ; but that assumed date should be reduced on the 
theory of early ante-dating. 

Although we have to admit that no scheme of Chronology 
is perfect, it is helpful to have a table in which the kings of 
Israel and Judah and the events taking place in their reigns 
are presented in a synchronism in parallel columns. The 
editor accordingly has inserted at this place his Chronology, 
which he published in the Westminster Dictionary of the Bible 
and in the Concordance of the Westminster Study Edition of 
the Holy Bible. 

















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I. 1-11. The regency and reign of Solomon. || 2 Ch. 1-9 ; 
cf. Ant., viii, 1-7. 

CC. I and 2 continue the intimate Court History of David, 
recorded in 2 Sam. 9-20 ; the initial conjunction expresses 
the connexion.^ As a piece of literature the section stands 
wholly apart from the rest of Ki., is sequel to the material 
peculiar to Sam. The story, although evidently written by 
an intimate of the court, and one sharing in the popular 
enthusiasm for the national hero David, is by no means a 
royal encomium, for the writer is possessed with the sense 
of the tragic motive that dominated the last years of the 
king, the darling of Israel. That tragedy began with the 
taking of his neighbour's wife, Bathsheba, and his foul murder 
of her husband, relieved only by his affection for the child of 
that union, whom God took away ; there follows in dire con- 
sequence his eldest son Amnon's outrage on his half-sister, 
the vengeance taken upon him by Absalom, and then the 
latter's revolt, relieved again by the father's bitter sorrow 
over the death of the unfilial son. And in the present sequel 
we read of the court cabal which desired to raise the pre- 
sumptive heir-apparent to the regency, evidently a conspiracy 
against the favourite queen and her son Solomon, with the 
sequel in the death of Adonijah and the death or disgrace of 
the ancient ministers, Joab and Abiathar. As the tragedy 

^ Summary reference for this Court History is made to the Com- 
mentaries on Sam. and the Introductions ; for the most recent analysis 
see Eissf., Komposition der Samuelisbilcher (1931), esp. pp. 48 ff. (cf. 
his Einl., 151 ff.), and for a recent discussion L. Waterman, " Some 
Historical and Literary Consequences of Probable Displacement in 
I Kings 1-2," JAOS 1940, 383 ff. The most elaborate treatment of 
the present section is that by L. Rost, Die Uberlieferung von der 
Thronfolge Davids (BWANT 1926), insisting on its literary independ- 
ence from the earlier narratives ; cf. Eissf. 's review, OLz., 1937, 657 flf. 
For the political background see W. Caspari, Thronbesteigungen u. 
Thronfolge der israel. Konige (191 7). 



began with Bathsheba, so it ends with her figuring unwittingly 
in the death of the crown prince. With this culmination the 
story ends, without colophon, even as the origins of the 
narrative-source are unknown. 

The story is told with fine artistry. The initial verses, 
detailing an apparently gossipy detail of harem history, have 
their denouement ; the anecdote of Bathsheba's and Nathan's 
appearance before the king (i^'^^-), and that of Adonijah's 
romance and Bathsheba's plea for him (2^^^-), are brilliant 
pictures of Oriental court life. It is the last piece we possess 
of that early bloom of written historical story which had its 
apogee in the theme of the heroic David. All the glory of 
Solomon did not foster this remarkable literary development ; 
his organization of the realm into a ' modern state ' rather 
cut the spiritual nerve of his people, and the ensuing disruption 
of his kingdom shocked its proud self-consciousness. The 
praise of Solomon as poet and philosopher {S^^-), which record 
may well have historical foundation, belongs to the age of 
sophistication. Israel's genius lay dormant for a commen- 
surate theme until the rise of another class of popular heroes, 
the Prophets, who were of the people and for the people. 
Apart from that material, the history of the Kingdoms is 
fairly commonplace. But even though little of it is great 
literature, the book of Kings remains as the first ordered 
attempt at a national history that we possess from antiquity, 
itself again the development of old historical saga and story. 

For literary and historical appreciation of this document, 
citation may be made of some masters in ancient Oriental 
history. Wellhausen : ^ "In den Hergang der Begebenheiten, 
die natiirlichen Anlasse und menschlichen Motive der Hand- 
lungen gewinnen wir da vielfach einen recht tiefen Einblick, 
wenngleich der Standpunkt ein beschrankt jerusalemischer ist 
und beispielsweise die eigentlichen Griinde des Aufstandes der 
Judaer unter Absalom kaum beriihrt werden. Die Begeiste- 
rung fiir David hat wol auch hier die Feder gefiihrt, aber seine 
Schwachen werden nicht verschwiegen, die wenig erbaulichen 
Verhaltnisse seines Hofes getreu berichtet, die Palastintrigue, 
durch die Salomo auf den Thron gelangte, mit einer beinah 
boshaft scheinenden Unbefangenheit vorgetragen." Eduard 

* Prolegomena (ed. 6), 259. 

I. I, 2 (preface) 69 

Meyer in an earlier work : ^ " Die Berichte iiber David lehren 
durch ihren Inhalt unwiderleglich, dass sie aus der Zeit der 
Ereignisse selbst stammen, dass ihx Erzahler iiber das Treiben 
am Hof und die Charactere und Umtriebe der handelnden 
Personlichkeiten sehr genau informiert gewesen sein muss ; sie 
konnen nicht spater als unter Salomo niedergeschrieben sein " ; 
and later : " Es ist etwas Erstaunliches, dass eine derartige 
Geschichtsliteratur damals in Israel moglich gewesen ist. Sie 
steht weit iiber allem, was wir sonst von altorientalischer 
Geschichtsschreibung wissen, iiber den trockenen offiziellen 
Annalen der Babylonier, Assyrer, Agypter, iiber den marchen- 
haften Geschichten der agyptischen Volksliteratur." Meyer 
again, in his last, posthumously published work : * " Etwas 
ganz tJberraschendes und Einzigartiges und ein Beweis ftir 
die hohe Begabung des Volks und die von ihm erreichte Hohe 
und Selbststandigkeit der Kultur ist aber, dass daneben hier 
allein im gesamten vorderen Orient eine durchaus selbst- 
standige Geschichtsliteratur entstanden ist." The French 
scholar Lods ^ characterizes the ' dramas ' in 2 Sam. 9-20, 
as marked " avec une exactitude, une intensite de vie, une 
penetration psychologique qui trahissent un maitre historien 
informe par un temoin oculaire." And finally a citation from 
an American historian of Oriental antiquity, Olmstead : ^ 
" Whether or not Abiathar was our historian, his work is 
almost a miracle to his modem successor. History such as 
this had never before been written. Inspired annals of a 
monarch's wars, lists of kings, brief dry chronicles, folk tales 
of past heroes, this was the best that had been produced. 
Suddenly and without apparent forerunners, we have a narra- 
tive which invites comparison with many present-day accounts 
of a reign. The author is well informed, he knows court life 
from the inside, he writes simply but vividly, not for a 
monarch's favour but for the instruction of generations to 
come. What most amazes his modern successor is his com- 
plete objectivity. . . . Our author is equally careful to trace 
the degeneration of David's character under the influence of 
success and luxury, and the picture he paints, not by laboured 
description but by allowing the deeds to speak for themselves, 

" IN 485 f. * GA 2, pt. 2, 199. 

* Israel, 423. • HPS 337 f. 


is stark tragedy, true to the dramatic facts of human nature. 
. . . His name may be lost, but his modern successor must 
pay tribute to this first and strangely modern historian of 
three thousand years ago." 

Olmstead's attribution of ' objectivity ' is so true of this 
composition that in spite of the critical recognition of its 
contemporaneity and historicity as a whole, discussion of 
the authorship is still rife, i Ch. 29^^ records ' the acts of 
Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, of Gad the seer ' 
(c/. 2 Ch. 9^9) as authorities for these reigns, but the citations 
are apocryphal. Modern scholars are inclined to attribute 
these court memoirs to Abiathar, David's intimate and per- 
sonal priest, the partisan of Adonijah in the latter's attempt 
at the throne, and subsequently deposed by Solomon.' But 
the opening of the story pictures Adonijah as a wayward 
youth, in terms used of his older rebellious brother Absalom ; 
the actual items of the conspiracy are put in his adversary 
Nathan's mouth (i^^^-), but the intention of usurpation is 
bluntly given in v.^. Whatever partisanship the author may 
have held — and in the strife over the succession none could 
have been non-partisan — he skilfully conceals his interest.^ 
The present writer agrees with Kittel {Conim., and Gesch., 
2, 184) in coming to no solution on score of the author's 

Finally there is this point for the historical critic to bear 
in mind. With all the impressive ' objectivity ' of our history 
it still remains impossible to determine the details of the 
actual facts, not to say the hidden motives, in such a story 
of courtly intrigue and tragedy. All that we have are con- 
temporary stories emanating in large part from royal court 
and harem. What conversations went on in that secluded 

' So, e.g., Budde, GAL 86 (or to Abiathar's family), Olmstead, 
p. 336 — at least as likely. For Abiathar's authorship might be claimed 
the fact that the account of his dismissal from office (2^^- 2') does not 
name his successor, as in the case of Joab {2^^^-v.^ is a later insertion). 

* On the other side see Sanda's argument, pp. 49 ff., citing with 
approval Wellhausen's dictum on the ' fast boshaft vorkommende 
Aufrichtigkeit ' of the author ; but this reads into the story un- 
warranted sophistication, not found in Hebrew literature. Ehrlich 
presents [Randglossen, 213 ff.) a very sardonic view of the ' pro-Solomon 

I. I1-53 71 

circle were never known exactly outside ; current story turned 
objects of conversation into direct discourse — a not unknown 
literary art of historians. If the stories that came out of the 
harem were monarchical propaganda, so also anti-monarchical 
stories, like those of the Prophets, may equally be propaganda. 
We are confronted here with the historically almost un- 
analyzable element of the genre of the Historical Story, which, 
apart from public acts and letters, gives all we know of ancient 
personalities. The presumption in general for the present 
story is its bona fides. Were it not for the tragic sense that 
inspired the narrator, we should never have had the amount 
of indubitable historical fact which he incorporates. 

Apart from the disputed passage, 2^"^, the original story 
has been only slightly supplemented : 2^°"^^, ^^^ is editorial 
insertion of the usual data for end of a reign ; 2^' is editorial 
comment ; 2^^'^, not in <§, is a later insertion ; 2*^'^ is a fresh 
title to the subsequent history. For much more radical 
criticism see Waterman's article cited in n. i. 

i^"^. This very intime story of David's senility and the 
fair Abishag has its proper place in the history, and well 
illustrates the principle of suspense that marks Hebrew story- 
telling ; it prepares the way for the tragedy of Adonijah's 
undoing (2^^^-). For Abishag's origin from Shunem and her 
identity, or confusion, with the Shulammite of the Song of 
Solomon (7^) see Note. 2. The ministers (EVV servants), i.e., 
gentlemen of the bedchamber (Heb., the general term slaves — 
of. the honorific term SovAot 'l-qa-ov Xptarov in the N.T.), weie 
the immediate entourage of the king, who had charge of his 
personal wants. For the many seals with the honourable 
title, ' minister of the king ' see Comm., II. 22^^. The maiden 
sought was to stand before the king, i.e., wait upon him, and 
be his nurse (so the exact tr. ; EVV let her cherish him, JV 
be a companion unto him), and specifically, lie in thy bosom 
(Grr., tC euphemistically, lie with him), that the king might 
keep warm. The passage from the courtly third person to 
the second is elsewhere illustrated, e.g., 2^^, i Sam. 25^^. The 
proposed remedy of procuring a girl, a virgin (EVV a young 
virgin), both qualities being requisite for fresh physical vigour, 
is correctly attributed by Josephus to ' the advice of physi- 
cians ' [Ant., vii, 14, 3), and this practice is corroborated by a 


prescription of Galen's : " ex iis vero quae ventri extrinsecus 
applicantur camosus puellus una sic accubans, ut semper 
abdomen eius contingat " {Methodus medicus, ed. Kiihn, 1821 
seq., vol. 10, 7, 7 ; also cited by Poole) ; other similar pre- 
scriptions are cited by Keil (in the case of Frederick Barba- 
rossa) and Farrar for this ancient medical practice of y-qpoKQixia 
or yrjpof3oaKLa, modem diatherapy. 3. The search for such a 
maiden in all the territory of Israel is a bit of Oriental hyper- 
bole. 4. The rhetoric of the usual translation of the v., with 
constant repetition of and is to be improved ; the nominal 
clauses at beginning and end balance one another, and together 
constitute the main theme : And although the girl was very 
fair, and she became the king's nurse and ministered to him, yet 
the king was not intimate with her. The older commentators 
(see Poole) argued much as to her exact relations with the 
king, whether as wife or concubine, even to the extent of 
discussing whether the impotent monarch did right in taking 
a woman into such a relation. But that she was simply a 
nurse is emphasized in this v., and is corroborated by v.^^ — 
or else another woman, even the queen mother, would not 
have been admitted to the chamber — and also by the latter's 
immediate compliance with Adonijah's application for the 
young lady's hand (2^^^- ; vs. Benzinger) ; certainly that 
experienced woman would not have been caught unawares. 
To be sure, Solomon chose to understand the case otherwise. 

5-10. The court intrigue to elevate the heir-apparent to 
the regency, and its rapid development. The details of the 
hailing of Adonijah as king are given in Nathan's report to 
David (vv.22ff-). Of David's elder sons (2 Sam. 32^-) Amnon 
and Abh&xom. were dead, Chileab apparently so, leaving 
Adonijah next in succession. 5. Now Adonijah, son of Haggith, 
exalting himself, saying, I will be king, prepared for himself 
chariotry and horses [see Note] and fifty outrunners. 6. Like 
his brothers Amnon and Absalom he had never been controlled 
by his father, and like Absalom he was a very handsome man. 
Exceptionally at this period in Hebrew history we find com- 
ments on the personal appearance of heroes : of Saul, i Sam. 
9^, of David, ib. 16^^. The part of personal beauty in the 
success of political aspirants was fully recognized by the 
Athenians. 7. He obtained the support of David's old-time 

I. 1I-53 73 

priest and henchman Abiathar and of the redoubtable com- 
mander-in-chief Joab, naturally legitimists and in opposition 
to ' the Young Party ' of the court. 8-10. To the would-be 
accession-festival, like its ominous precedent in Absalom's 
uprising (2 Sam. 15^), he invited his brother princes except 
Solomon, and all the men of Judah [namely] the royal ministers ; 
the last item indicates an attempt at securing the political 
interest of Judah, jealous as it was of any North Israelite 
interference, a jealousy which Absalom made the basis of his 
revolt at Hebron. (Subsequently Solomon found it necessary 
to constitute Judah as a royal province under his direct 
control ; see Comm., 4^^.) VV.^- ^° are practically parallel in 
naming the personalities of the opposite party, who did not 
join the conspiracy or were not invited. Is this a case of 
loose writing, or is v.^ with the expanded personnel a subse- 
quent revision ? Oddly enough Sadok the priest, who heads 
the list in v.^, does not appear in v.^° ; see Comm., 2^^'^ for 
the problem as to Sadok's part in the Solomonic history. 
For Nathan's primary concern see at vv.^^^- The acme in 
the second hst of the uninvited is Solomon's name. The two 
other names in v.^, Shimei and Rei, are unknown or textually 
doubtful. The regular troops (EVV mighty men), it is to be 
noted, remained loyal to the throne, and so doubtless the 
mercenary troops of foreign origin, whose commander was 
Benaiah (c/. 2 Sam. 8^^) ; the generalissimo Joab appears 
not to have had command of these special troops, which were 
' the king's own.' A military rivalry is thus attested. 9. The 
slaughter of sheep and beeves and fallings involved a sacrificial 
occasion, however surreptitious the occasion was ; cf. the in- 
direct reference to Absalom as ' offering the sacrifices ' at 
his affair in Hebron (2 Sam. 15^^^-). En-rogel ; for the identifi- 
cation of this spring with the modern Job's well in the Kedron 
valley below Jerusalem see Smith, Jerusalem, i, 75 ff. ; Kittel, 
Studien, 150 ff. ; Dalman, Pjb., 1918, 47-72. This deep well 
strikes a subterranean stream, the drainage of the valley ; 
see the pubhcation of G. Dalton's account of his exploration 
of the shaft in 1847, published in QS 1922, 165 ff. For rogel 
Smith's identification (pp. 108 ff.) with Aram, rdgold, ' stream ' 
is correct, vs. the traditional interpretation of it as ' fuller,' 
R. Macgregor's note on the name {PEQ 1938, 257 f.) is 


baseless. For the stone of Zoheleth, ivhich is beside En-rogel, see 
Smith, I.e., Kittel, pp. 171 ff. ; the latter believed that he had 
identified the stone with a large broken block near the well. 
The word zohelet may mean ' serpent ' (of. Mic. 7^'), and there 
arises the question of its identity with the Dragon Spring 
of Neh. 2^^ ; Smith distinguishes them absolutely (then the 
latter must have disappeared), while Kittel's contemporary 
publication claims their identity. But Wellhausen [Reste arah. 
Heidentums, 146) compares the name with Arab, zuhal, 
' Saturn,' and for this identification may be added the interest- 
ing support of C which renders the word with xniDD, i.e.,= 
niDD, Am. 5^^, to be read ' Sakkuth,' i.e., the Bab. Saturn. 
Most recently G. R. Driver has proposed {ZAW 1934, 51) a 
fresh translation as from the Arab, sense of the root, ' to roll, 
slip,' and the present phrase would mean ' the rolling stone.' 
For the modern name. Job's Well, see Kittel's argument 
(pp. 164 ff.) that the name of the traditional saint has re- 
placed the older name, Joab's Well, which had come into 
vogue from the present history. 

11-14. The hurried counsel of Nathan with Bathsheba. 
The prophet, adroitly speaking of the pretender as son oj 
Haggith, rightly augurs the fate of the lady and her son in 
case of the success of the conspiracy. Arrangement is made 
for the dramatic presentation of the news to the king. The 
alleged promise on David's part of the succession of Solomon 
is the first statement of the royal intention on record. Accord- 
ingly the present story is easily stamped as that of a court 
cabal to influence the king in his dotage with the impromptu 
invention of such a promise ; so, e.g., Benzinger, who finds 
Bathsheba only a ' tool ' in the prophet's hand. However 
the present case is not without analogy in that ancient world, 
where queens themselves were masterful persons ; it is ex- 
emplified in Assyrian history in at least one double case. The 
younger son Esarhaddon was raised to the throne over elder 
brothers through the dominant spirit of his mother Nakia, 
Sennacherib's wife (her name indicates her West-Semitic 
origin), and likewise Esarhaddon's son Ashurbanipal was 
preferred by his father, through the grandmother's influence, 
over his elder brother Shamash-shum-ukin, a choice which 
brought on a destructive civil war ; see Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 

I. ll-^3 73 

I, 74 f. ; Olmstead, HA ch. 30, ' Harem Intrigues for a 
Throne.' A similar ' harem intrigue ' led by one of his wives 
in the last days of Ramses III in behalf of her son is recorded ; 
see Breasted, HE 498 ff. For the queen-mother's influential 
position see Erman-Ranke, Agypten u. dgyptisches Leben, 86, 
and for a later age Dan. 5. Subsequently the royal power, 
at all events in Judah, may have become constitutionalized ; 
n.b. the Law of the King in Dt. ly^^^-, which code insists on 
the prior right of inheritance for the first born son {21^^^'). 
David's choice of Solomon as successor may well have been 
the result of Bathsheba's influence on her old husband. But 
it may have coincided with his own judgment ; apart from 
personal sentiment there may have been good dynastic reason 
for preferring the Jerusalem-born son over those born at 
Hebron. Nathan's oracle to David (2 Sam. 7^^) that " Yhwh 
will make for thee a house," i.e., a dynasty, is futuritive, and 
critics might well regard this alleged oracle as propaganda 
for Solomon. With this oracle should be noted the intimate 
interest of the prophet in the infant Solomon, for whom he 
stood as sponsor, giving him a name of religious import, 
Jedidiah [ib. I2^'*'^-). For the prophet's part in the present 
story a parallel may be found in Assyrian history ; the old 
Esarhaddon desired to elevate his son Siniddinapal to co- 
regency with him, but the omens denied him his wish ; see 
Jastrow, Rel. Bab. u. Ass., 2, igi. 

15-21. Bathsheba enters the royal chamber ; the repeated 
statement of the king's age and Abishag's presence, into which 
milieu not only the queen-mother but also Nathan was ad- 
mitted (v.^^), supports the point made at v.*. Sanda draws 
the unnecessary inference that Abishag as witness to this 
' conspiracy ' was a possible danger to Solomon, and hence 
the latter had to deny Adonijah's later suit for her hand. 
The etiquette presented in vv.^^- ^^- ^^ was that of the great 
empires, already adopted by the young monarchy of Israel. 
The queen reminds her husband of his oath to her concerning 
the succession, and briefly narrates Adonijah's attempt at 
the throne in language inspired by Nathan (c/. vv.^^f-), and 
concludes. And now, here is Adonijah king ! Accordingly the 
king should make public pronouncement of his will, or else, 
if Adonijah becomes king, she and her son (a personal 


argument !) will be in default (EVV offenders — a common word 
for ' sinners,' but used secularly, as at II. iS^'*) for treason 
against the throne. 

22-27. Nathan enters, interrupting the queen, who forth- 
with retires [cf. v,^^) ; he is duly announced, for he had not 
the freedom of the palace as had the lady. He adroitly 
suggests that the king must have commanded the succession 
of Adonijah, or else why the pompous feast with public ac- 
clamation of him as king ? But why then are those nearest 
to the throne, himself, Sadok, and prince Sdlomon, left in 
the dark ? — again a personal thrust. 

28-31. Nathan retires, and the queen is summoned again 
to the royal presence. The king reassures her, rehearses the 
oath which she had recalled to him, and promises to fulfil it 
to-day. His oath, By Yhwh ivho hath redeemed my soul {i.e., 
self, person) from all adversity, repeats 2 Sam. 4^"^. The 
popular acclamation, Vive le roi 1 (vv.^s- ss, H. ii^^, i Sam. 
10^*, 2 Sam. 16^^) appears in the fuller phrase put in Bath- 
sheba's mouth : Milord king David live forever ! This is a 
phrase not only of court etiquette but also of the mysticism 
enveloping the notion of royalty ; see Gunkel, Einl. in die 
Psalmen, 160, 162 ff., citing the similar extravagant expres- 
sions in Babylonian and Egyptian documents, and correctly 
applying them for illustration of the Royal Psalms, e.g., Ps. 

32-37. The old king arouses himself to drastic action ; he 
summons his faithful ministers and orders them to anoint 
Solomon as king, giving specific instructions as to place and 
ceremony. The prince is to become co-regent with his father ; 
n.h. the acclamation of him as ' king Solomon ' (v.^*), and cf. 
the regency of Jotham (II. 15^). 33. The formal procession 
for the ceremony is to include your lord's ministers, who are 
specified at v.^*^. The prince is to ride on my own she-mule, 
a privilege symbolizing royalty, for possession of such personal 
effects was sacramental guarantee ; cf. Gen. 41**, Est. 6*. 
The horse was not yet, nor for long, the mounted animal in 
Palestine {n.h. correction of ' horsemen,' v.^). The mule was 
itself a recent innovation, being first mentioned at 2 Sam. 13^^, 
18^, and this royal she-mule was probably a rarity, the mule 
being still object of importation (see lo^^), as even in later 


I. 1I-53 77 

days (Eze. 27^*) ; the latter passage brings the animal from 
Beth-Togarmah in Asia Minor, even as Homer derives it from 
Paphlagonia and Mysia {II., ii, 852 ; xxiv, 277 — cited by 
Sanda). For the mule's early existence in Babylonia, probably 
in the third millennium, see Meissner, Bah. u. Ass., i, 219. 
The ass was the riding animal in the previous period ; see 
Gen. 49^^, Jud. 10*, 12".^ The ceremony was to take place 
at Gihon, which is identical with the Spring of the Lady 
Miriam (Mary) on the east slope of the Ophel ; the name 
(meaning something like ' gusher ') occurs only here and at 
v.^®, 2 Ch. 32^", 33^'*, being replaced by that of Shiloah-Siloam, 
which doubtless derived its name from the tunnelled aqueduct 
leading from the spring to the west side of the hill. (C/. 
II. 20^°, and see the literature cited above in re En-rogel, 
v.'). 34. The ceremony of anointing (root mdsah) was to be 
performed hy Sadok the priest and Nathan the prophet ; many 
critics, e.g., Smend, Lehrb. der alttest. Religionsgeschichte, 66, 
Benzinger, Stade, BH, Eissfeldt, delete the reference to Nathan 
here and in the repetition at v.'*^, as an interpolation, conflict- 
ing with the priestly rite appropriate only to Sadok, of. v.^^. 
But this is hypercriticism ; the plural pronoun (as also ' the 
people ') frequently appears as subject of the verb ' to anoint,' 
e.g., 2 Sam. 2*, 5^, below II. ii^^, 23^", and even in the Chron- 
icler, I. 29^^, " they anointed him (Solomon) to be prince and 
Sadok to be priest." For such usage of ritual language of. 
Amarna Tab. 37 : " When Manahbiria, king of Egypt . . . 
installed my father in Nuhasse and poured oil upon his head." 
For the addition of Nathan's name here it is to be remembered 
that Samuel who anointed David was as much seer as priest, 
and in II. 9 it is the prophet Elisha who sent the oil of con- 
secration by an inferior for the inauguration of king Jehu. 
In the present case the actual officiant was Sadok, as v.^* 
records. Indeed as to possible manipulation of the text we 
should expect that reference to the non-priestly Nathan would 
have been deleted, not inserted. Along with this compara- 
tively private ceremony went the public proclamation by a 
herald : Bloiv with the horn, and say, Long live king Solomon I 
35. He shall come and sit upon my throne ; for he shall reign 

» "N .h. the representation of the chariot drawn by four asses at Tell 
Agrab, published by H. Frankfort in ILN , Nov. 6, 1937. 


in my stead, and I have appointed him to become prince over 
Israel and Judah. The title ' king ' was used at v.^* ; ' prince ' 
(nagid) here reflects the early democratic objection to royalty; 
it is the word used in prophetic language in Sam. (I. 9^^, 13^*, 
II. 621 ^cf. V.20], 78) and in Ki. (I. 14', 162, II. 20^) ; it is also 
put in the mouth of Abigail (i Sam. 25^°) and of the people 
(2 Sam. 52). A reflection of the contrast appears in the 
people's demand for a king (i Sam. 8*^-) and Samuel's ultimate 
anointing of Saul as ' prince ' (10^). (The later equivalent 
for our word is nasi, also translated ' prince ' in-EVV, applied 
to Solomon at 11^*, and particularly prominent in Eze.) With 
the presence of this archaic term there is no reason, with Stade, 
to regard the v. as secondary. According to v.^* Solomon is 
to be king over Israel, in this v. king over Israel and Judah ; 
for the former title cf. 4I, ' king over all Israel,' and for the 
second 2 Sam. 5^, 12^. For the continued administrative 
distinction of Judah see Comm., 4^^. 36. The soldier Benaiah 
is the spokesman in loyal response, Amen, the earliest literary 
occurrence of this primarily legal formula of assent ; cf. Num. 
522, Dt. 27!^^-, and, as a reverent personal response, Jer. 11^. 
The following asseveration, as generally translated. So say 
Yhwh !, is faulted with support from the Grr. by most modern 
commentators, except Burney and Sanda (doubtfully) ; see 
Note. But the mng. of the root 'dmar, as ' to command,' 
as well as ' to say,' is early vouched for : i Sam. 16^^, 2 Sam. 
i^^ (?), 1611, I Ki. ii^^ cf. Ps. 33^ and is supported by the 
same use of the root in a Zenjirli inscription, as also by current 
Arabic ; accordingly translate : So command Yhwh ! The 
expression, Yhwh, the God of milord the king, renders the 
ancient tenet that the Deity was pecuharly the God of the 
king ; cf. the Royal Psalm, 45, v.^, etc. The customary 
address to the Pharaoh by the kings of the Amarna tablets 
was ' my Sun ' ; and there are many parallels to the present 
phrase in the Nabatsean inscriptions (see Cooke, NSI no. 92). 
Below in v.^^ by a later piety ' thy God,' Kt., has been changed 
to ' God,' Kr., a change adopted by some VSS and AV JV. 

38-40. The royal coup is promptly and effectively accom- 
plished with the support of the foreign mercenaries, the 
Kerethim and the Pelethtm, i.e., Cretans and Phihstines. These 
Peoples of the Sea,' specifically the Sherdanu (the later 

I. 11-53 79 

Sardinians), served as mercenaries in the armies of Ramses II 
and Ramses III ; for further reff. see Note. The part that 
such mercenaries played in the originally quite democratic 
nation of Israel is not to be ignored. The sacramental con- 
secration to kingship is effected by the horn of oil from the 
Tent ; a vessel of holy oil was part of the equipment of a 
sanctuary and so ready for ritual uses ; one was at Samuel's 
hand for anointing Saul and David (i Sam. 10^ and 16 ^- ^^, 
when he carried the oil-horn to Bethlehem). For this royal 
unction see the monograph by H. Weinel, ' n't^o u. seine 
Derivative,' ZAW 18 (1898), iff., in particular pp. 20 ff., 
52 ff. This rite made the king a holy person and so untouch- 
able ; cf. I Sam. 24', etc. The Tent, more exactly ' the Tent 
of Yhwh ' (2^^), was the tent that David ' pitched ' for the 
Ark, when he brought it to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6^'^) ; it is 
magnified into the Pentateuchal Tent of Meeting at 8"*. The 
herald makes proclamation with the military trumpet, the 
shofdr, and the unwitting demos joins in the acclamations ; 
such details appear again in the stories of the accession of 
Jehu and of Jehoash (II. 9^^, ii^^). For piping with pipes 
many critics adopt a correction by shght change of text, 
based upon the Grr., and obtain ' dancing with dances ' ; other 
VSS, 'praising in dances,' cf. Moff. ; see Note. But the use 
of the pipe, or flute, in processions is illustrated by Is. 30^^, 
and following Thenius's criticism, dances (Heb. =round-dances) 
could hardly accompany a procession, particularly, it may be 
added, in such a terrain as that of the Ophel ; Burney properly 
notes that the stress is laid on the noise. For the hyperbolic 
phrase, the earth was rent by the noise, Poole eft. similar expres- 
sions in the Classics, e.g., Virgil, " ferit sethera clamor " {Aen., 
v, 140). 

41-48. The surprise of Adonijah's party. He and his 
friends had finished their festive meal, which at once cele- 
brated and concealed the real occasion, when they heard the 
noise from the city ; it was the soldier Joab whose sharp 
ears detected the sound of the trumpet (so Then.). His 
exclamation (v.*^ — literally), Why the noise of the city in 
uproar ? is idiomatic enough to induce some critics to emend 
the text, in part taking the cue from Lucian, who did not 
recognize the old-fashioned word used for ' city ' (see Note). 


The news is brought them by Abiathar's son Jonathan, who 
in the past had been the faithful sleuth for his father and for 
David (2 Sam. 15-17). He tells the story in summary fashion 
— after Semitic style the terms of the earlier narrative are 
repeated — culminating in a starthng crescendo. 46. And 
further, Solomon has taken seat on the royal throne. 47. And 
further, the ministers came in [i.e., to his chamber] to bless our 
lord king David, with the words, Thy God make Solomon's 
name more famous than thine, and his throne greater than thy 
throne. And the king bowed down [in worship.] upon the bed. 
48. And further, thus spoke the king: Blessed is Yhwh, Israel's 
God, who has given to-day one to sit on my throne, and my eyes 
see it ! The session on the throne was the peak of installation. 
The prayerful greetings (the blessing) of the courtiers are 
extended to the elderly monarch in his bedchamber. And 
they flatter the father by extolling the son ; Poole cites the 
similar sentiment in Latin writers. David prostrates himself 
in worship on his bed, as did Jacob (Gen. 47^^). His response 
is a blessing on Yhwh for his favour to him. For the accession 
ceremonies here described of. the coronation scenes in H. 9^^^-, 
11^2-, and for the sentiment the Accession Psalms, e.g., Ps. 72 ; 
cf. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien, 2, 69 ff. ; Gunkel, Einl., §3, 
and for the Assyrian rites, including ' the sitting on the throne,' 
Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 63 f. For the throne as sacramental 
symbol of royalty cf. the curse invoked in the insciijition of 
Ahiram king of Tyre. 

49. 50. The scene of the consternation and flight of Adoni- 
jah's party. 50. The prince took sanctuary: he caught hold 
of the horns of the altar ; this was the altar of the Tent of 
Yhwh, as in 2^^. The horns were the most sacred part of the 
altar {cf Am. 3I*), and for their use in application of the 
sacrificial blood see Eze. 27^, etc. There are numerous Syro- 
Canaanite representations of this ritual equipment ; see Selhn, 
Tell Ta'annek, plates xii, xiii, and, for a large list of reproduc- 
tions. Galling, Der Altar in den Kulturen des alien Orients 
(1925), plates 12, 13. See at length Cook, The Religion oj 
Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archceology, 27 ff., and the 
later study by H. T. Obbink in JBL 1937, 43 ff. For the law 
of sanctuary cf. 2^^^^-. 51-53. News is brought to king Solomon, 
who is now functioning with full power, that Adonijah 

I. I1-53 81 

demands of him an oath of full indemnity before he quits 
sanctuary. This request is granted on condition that he 
behave like a gentleman (see Note on v.*^) ; the royal 
ministers conduct him from the altar, and he comes and 
does homage to the king, who bids him to go home, ' a demand 
that he retire into private life ' (Skinner). 

For analysis of Lucianic variants in this ch. see Rahlfs, 5S 3, §9. 
For the novel division in ^, vv.^-*=ch. i, w.^''-=ch. 2, see 
A. E. Silberstein, Aquila ii. Onkelos (1931), pt. 2, 27 £f. — 1. nn ~t>nn: 
this order throughout 2 Sam. (exc. 13^*, where the text is doubtful) 
and in the following story, exc. at 2^^, where Adonijah as an intimate 
puts his brother's name first ; the reverse order of apposition is 
usual ; see GK §131, g. — ^n : for ddwidum, appearing as a title 
in the Akk. Mari tablets, see G. Dossin, Syria, 1938, 109 f. — 
D'D'3 Na ]pi = Gen. 24^, etc. ; cf. n'zz':i 'a 'i, i Sam. 1712, with correction 
of ^ ; the second predicate precises the first. — Dnj:^ : bed-clothes, 
and so at i Sam. 19^^. — i'? en;. : so BH correctly, vs. un\, with Mich., 
Bar, Ginsb. ; see GK §67, p; Bergstr., HG 2, §27, d. The verb is 
impersonal, as at v. 2, Eccl. 4^^ vs. St., who cancels iS, forsooth 
because the Grr. appear to ignore it ; but cf. similar translation 
idiom in EVV. — 2. '^in : (Bf om.) milord, so used even when several 
persons speak, cf. II. 51^, and Aram. n::So 'xna in Lidzb.'s Political 
Ostracon, Altaram. Urkunden aus Assur (1921), also similar use 
of Aram, nn, 'm, and, with Sanda, of Arab, mauldya. — n'^ina myj : 
Burn.'s adducing of cases like njn'jx ncN is not to the point ; see 
Note, 31*. — ['en] •js'? mcy: = ' wait upon,' as at i Sam. 16^2 {cf. 
Dr.), etc., and so of ritual service (Dt. lo^, etc.), and the spiritual 
service of prophets (II. 5^*), the verb also so used absolutely (Dan. 
I*). Stade's elision of the passage, n:rD. . . . nacyi {cf. alteration in 
«g^) as dependent on v.* is arbitrary ; n.b. the nice balance of the 
composite period. — n:DD : pb is an official title at Is. 22^^ and so 
in Phoen. =Akk. Sakenu ; ^ = ]V, 'be a companion': Rashi, 
Kimchi, naDna, ' warming': <§ daXirovaa, ^ ' f ovens,' which verbs 
have development of mng., ' to warm '>' to cherish,' and so with 
the latter the other EVV. The Jewish scholar Ibn Barun in his 
Grammar held to the mng., ' to warm ' ; see P. Wechter, JAOS 
1941, 184, with extensive added note on the Jewish interpretations. 
— "IP''nn : Grr., exc. (3^, euphemistically, ' with him.' — 3. "^^n : 
<© (gH as though hja — by variation of labial in Heb., or by the 
frequent confusion of ck and €v ; see Dr., Samuel, p. Ixvii. — 
h-a: : i MS, (g^ om. — :b"3N : B A)3ei<ra = (£; al.. AjBfLaayJK ; the 
second element is unknown ; for the frequent fem. names with 
2K (as also in S. Arab.) see Noth, IP 15. — n'ajiB'n : also 'i^ri, -z^^- 22 
(so here 13 MSS) ; the Kr. is often expressed at the first occurrence 
of a word. Elisha's patroness was also a Shunammite, II. 4^*. 
The word is gentilic of ciz' in Issachar (Josh. 19^*, etc.), modern 


Solam. For the exchange of liquids see Brock., Gnindriss, i, 224 f., 
but without Heb. examples ; for Heb. cf. wT3||B'n'7 (and so the regional 
name I'S in the Aram. Zakar inscription =^AA. nuhasse, and a 
number of names discussed by the writer in JAOS 43 (1923), 
50 f. For identification of the place, as old as the Ono>nasticon, 
see Robinson, BR 3, 168 ft., Guerin, Galilee, i, 112 ff. The relation 
of this Shunammite and the Shulammite of Solomon's Song is an 
ancient and still mooted problem. Winckler diagnosed much of 
the present story as mythological, David and Solomon would 
have mythological names, Abishag would be Ashtart [GI 2, 246 flf. ; 
cf. IMeyer's satirizing comment, IN 485, n. i). M. Jastrow [Song 
of Songs, 192 1, 217) regarded the present story as a folk-tale to 
celebrate the ' prize-beauties ' of Shunem. With the mythological 
and ritual interpretation of the Song, pursued especially by T. J. 
Meek, ' Canticles and the Tammuz Cult,' AfSL 39 (1922), 39 ff., 
and his more developed study in W. H. Schoff's Song of Songs, A 
Symposium, 1924, pp. 4S-79, there would be no reason to com- 
bine ' Shunammite ' and ' Shulammite,' although Meek gives 
m5i;hological explanation for the characters in the Song. Over 
against many fanciful solutions is that proposed by E. J. Good- 
speed, ' The Shulammite,' AJSL 50 (1934), 102 ff., maintaining 
that there is no identity between the two figures, that there was 
no romance between Solomon and Abishag, and that ' Shulam- 
mite ' of the Song is etj^mologically the counterpart to ' Solomon.' 
The discussion, with full bibliography, is well summed up by 
H. H. Rowley, ' The Meaning of the Shulammite,' AJSL 56 (1939), 
84 ff. ; he comes to the same conclusion as Goodspeed. But in 
Waterman's art. cited above in Comm., n. i, he has presented an 
interpretation of the Song as a drama based upon the present 
story, along with some detailed literarj- criticism, e.g., ■i\ith doubt 
of the name Abishag. And indeed, follo%\ing the pattern of the 
Ugaritic comedy — which has not as yet been applied to the Song 
— such a drama appears to exist there, entirely fanciful with its 
play upon the persons of the historical storj^— -4. nnyj.i : MS 196 
"li'J'i, cf. <8>^ 7] TTttis (and so below) ; ni'J is of common gender (as is 
wah), but Kr. regularly rtr,-i for Kt. ij;:, when fern. — 5. .t:-;j< : so 
at v.18 (also on a seal, lAE 236), otherwise mmx (so here Ken. 
257) ; <3 has followed ^ here with ASuveias, as declinable, and yet 
at v. 9 with Adwi'eiov=irrr,ii, B being the most faithful to the latter 
form of transcription ; similarly {tov) Bevaiov, v.**, 2^=. It may be 
remarked that in such cases correction to the later form of the Heb. 
name was generally made at the first occurrence, the older form 
being often left untouched thereafter. <3^ has throughout the 
obscure transcription Opvia ; see Rahlfs, 5S 3, 184 f., who notes 
it as an ancient form, found also in B at 2 Sam. 3*. — 1(■^■:^'.•2^ : ace. 
to Burn., after Dr., Tenses, §135 (i), a ppl. of ' continuous develop- 
ment ' ; but it is to be taken as above as an introductory dependent 
clause. — c-cisi 221 : cf. the form at 2 Sam. 15I. ccici n:3-c, but 

I. I1-53 83 

with the collective for the first noun and a different word for 
' horse.' For the present combination cj. the parallel in the Aram. 
Zakar inscription, w-\■h^ 331'?. All VSS translate the second word 
with ' horsemen,' and so all modern trr. But it means ' horses,' 
i.e., for the chariots, as Jos. also understood it. See at length 
W. R. Arnold, ' The Word vs^ in the O.T.,' JBL 24, 43 ff.. denying 
that the word had ever the second signification as ' horsemen,' as 
is commonplace in Lexx., and that such a distinction occurs only 
in two corrupt passages in Eze. ; he holds that the word was 
pardl (not pdrdS) =ATa.h. faras (also S. Arab.), with the proper pi. 
perdSim. With the later development of cavalry there is to be 
assumed the development of the intensive for the rider (c/. rakkdb), 
and then the application of this vocalization throughout. For 
denial of Biblical references to Egyptian cavalry see Lohr, 
' Aegyptische Reiterei im A.T. ? ' OLz., 1928, 932 ff., and Albr., 
AfO 6 (1931), 159 ff., and ART 135, and n. 25, the latter placing 
the introduction of cavalry in the Semitic world not earlier than 
the 9th century. Von Oppenheim has discovered reliefs of the 
mounted horse as of the end of the second millennium, and argues 
for its priority over the use of the chariot in warfare (Der Tell 
Halaf, pi. i8b, pp. 107, 133 ff.) ; but his dating is too early ; indeed 
the horseman represented is without a saddle. Also according to 
Erman-Ranke, Aegypten u. aegyptisches Leben, 586, the mounted 
horse is not evidenced until the New Kingdom, and then as of 
foreign origin. The word pvl denoted a distinct breed of the 
genus sus. Cf. also the references at 5«, 9", lo^s, 2020. — 6. ni-y: 
' vexed, interfered with him ' : (@ aw€Kw\v<T€v avrov, hence Klost., 
following Gratz, would correct to n:sy ; but <&^, eireTifxr^aev, cor- 
roborates ^. Jos. tr. with a doublet and other verbs. Cf. the 
Gr. plus at 2 Sam. 13^1, of David's laxity towards Amnon, oi»/c 
i\inn](T€v TO TTceu/xa 'Afxfibv, the assumed original of which Dr. restores 
with the verb asy. In confirmation of ^ is to be noted G. R. 
Driver's art., ' Supposed Arabisms in the O.T.,' JBL 1936. loi 2-. 
with a long discussion of the verb from the Arabic background. — 
va'D : for partitive use of p cf. a case at v.*^, and for Semitic 
languages, Nold., Syr. Gr., §249, c; Wright, Arab. Gr., 2, 135.— 
m'?' : VSS {(TeKev, etc.) corroborate the text, exc. &^, eyevvrjae 
{cf. Jos., and so BH suggests I'Sin). The verb can hardly take 
the distant ' Haggith ' as its subject ; n.b. the circumlocutions 
in EVV. Burn., Benz. defend the form as impersonal, but this 
is hardly possible with a fem. verb {cf. Konig, Syntax, §324, f.). 
Read with St., al, ih: ; the Kal is used, although rarely, of male 
procreation, e.g., Ps. 2', and so also in Ugaritic. — inh : there is 
dispute as to the root ; GB as from nx-i, BDB as of independent 
root ; but the former derivation is paralleled by the process 
n3N>3Nn. — 7. "His words were with Joab " ; the same phrase 
for private deahngs, conspiracy, 2 Sam. 3I'.— nnN my : ' a 
pregnant construction ' (Burn.), anglice. " they followed his 


party " ; cf. Tn Q]i r\^V, i Ch. 12*2 — g. pny : Grr. ZaStojc, exc 
(gi- Za55oi;K, which latter form appears in the later books, e.g., 
Eze., Ezra ; see Schiirer, GJV 2, 477 f., Rahlfs, 55 3, 184 ; there 
appear to have been artificial variations of the vocalization. — 
in'33 : in a jar stamp, lAE 178. — 'ini 'ycsf : 'e> is approved by all 
VSS. For 'in cf. '^nu'i and the apocopated fem. form n1J;^, Palm. 
'j;"i. A number of Gr. minuscc. = ?^ ; but BAN Pijo-i. &^ read 
as vyni, 'and his friends'; Jos., ' S., David's friend,' i.e., as ij?i 
(' David ' interpolated), which Benz. accepts. Various rewritings 
have been proposed : m (i Ch. 2^^), ki'j; (2 Sam. 2020), >mn (I. 
420), n]i-\r[ 'v, ' S. the Friend,' for which court title see 4^ — but was 
' the Friend ' a distinctive title ? Probably S.- and R. were officers 
of the regular troops, and it remains best, with Kit., St., to abide 
by ^. — D'"!!!::! : prevalent error in Grr. by corruption of oi 
SvvaroL (=MS e) into vlol 8vv.- — 9. pN cy : B al. fxera aidrj ( = (E) 
for /i. \i.eov. — n'^nin : <g^ leWad, for which Rahlfs argues that it 
was primitive here in the Gr., as also Opvia, ^addovK above. For 
'in J3K g) Si have ' a great stone.' — Sai py : A M N ^^ r. injyrjs 
Paj7T7\ ; a.2 T. yris P. = € ; Bf T-n% P. — [vnN] h^ : Bf om. — Solomon 
was not invited ! — "iScn ':3 : ace. to OTG N alone of Grr. has 
(Rahlfs, 55 3, 164 finds it in (Qi^) ; B al. om., evidently as redundant, 
and so St., as taken from v.^^ ; but the phrase is titular, ' the royal 
princes.' — ^•2^^ : 10 MSS Ken., deR h:i nt<^, and so Oort corrects ; 
but at w.25t. S alone is used with Nip ; the prepositional construc- 
tion is the older idiom. There is no reason to accept Haupt's view 
favoured by Kit., finding in the prep, the emphatic particle lu. — 
'tyjN : B al., aSpouj, (g^ (g^ avdpas ; see Thackeray, JTS 8, 267 f., 
for the former rare word as coming from his ' later translator ' ; 
it may have suggested ' gentlemen,' vs. commonplace ' men.' 
As vs. St.'s deletion, ' all the men of Judah ' offers a pertinent 
political item, with the following ' royal courtiers ' as an explana- 
tory item. — 10. «<'3:n [jn:] : (g^- om., and so St. — For the name 
rtohe^ ^laXufiwv see Montg., JQR 25 (1935). 263 f., for the caritative 
form, and so Syr. Sheleimun, Arab. Sulaiman ; without further 
explanation Rahlfs (55 3, 184) regards the present form as a ' volks- 
tiimliche Aussprache.' The child had two names ace. to 2 Sam. 
22"'-, the other, Jedidiah, ' beloved of Y.,' having been given 
by Nathan, i Ch. 22'"- allegorizes upon the name as ' Man of 
Peace,' and indeed the name had political import. 

11. 'y ncN'i : ^^ enlarges with " and he came . . . and said." — 
' Bathsheba ' : for the writer's interpretation of the name as 
' daughter of the seventh day (of the week) ' see JQR 25 (i935). 
262. Cf. the fem. name ' Shabbatith,' found by Sukenik in an 
ossuary in the Kidron valley, BASOR 88 (1942), 38, and the later 
frequent name Shabbethai.— 13. ' swear to the handmaid ' ; (g^-f 
' by the Lord thy God,' from v.". — 14. rxin : many MSS n:m=: 
VSS.- — 15. n-iv'P : <mHdritt, as bai<bint ; similar cases cited in 
GK §80, d ; Ugaritic parallel, T\h^<r\ih\ RSMT 24.— 16. ick'i ; 

I. I1-53 85 

many MSS + n'?=<gi' g).— 17. i"? : Grr. om., (£ g)^ have.— 
ni.T: & (B a2 = (£) om. — as improper in a woman's mouth ? MS 
196 om. ^^^'?x "-3. — -incN"? : i MS + ■ox'? ; (@^ simply Xsycji' — by 
haplology ? — 18. 'ini'i 2° : a Sebir, ca. 250 MSS, edd. (see deR.), 
nnNi=VSS, correctly. — 19. N'lp ^<'7 T^y ncSc'^i : (gi- om. — 20. •inxi; 
ca. 120 MSS, edd., nnj,'i=2::L (g 1^ ; J^ to be retained with Kit., 
St. <g^ replaces I'^nn unx rmxi with v.^** ; see Rahlfs, S5 3, 175. — 
23. Ti'J'i : impers. pi. ; (g ad sensum k. avnyyeXrj. — 24. max : the 
query expressed by inflection of the voice, ' thou must have said ? ' ; 
cf. GK §150, 1. — 25. x^^.T nif'? : <@^ r. apx^rrparriyov Ia>a/3, Jos., 
T. apxovTo. ; but Nathan was adroit in naming Abiathar alone. — 
26. ^^av : the heir apparent was the chief ' servant of the crown ' ; 
<gL ' thy son ' is an arbitrary correction. — 27. 'Ji dk : for the 
indirect but more courteous form of question cf. GK §150, i. — 
I'-iai' Kt., imy Kr. : the latter =all VSS ; prob. preferable to 
keep Kt., with Kit., St.— 28. in iVd.t : (S (3^ om. the first noun, 
2 Heb. MSS om. the second, and one om. both. — iSon US'? bis : 
<g <@H "5^ ' before the king . . . before him ' ; (§^ om. lO ; but Sem. 
rhetoric is repetitive. — 30. p o . . . ib-xd '3 : with Burn., " the 
first '3 introduces the subject of the oath . . . the second '3 resumes 
the first '3 ... c/. I Sam. 1429." — 31. pK : vs. rtxnx, v.^s, and so here 
Sebir, 15 MSS, Talmud (deR.) ; doubtless originally pronounced 
as terminative ace, but as lacking final n read as absolute ; the 
same speUing at i Sam. 25" ; cf. nm, n:, 2^°- ". — 32. "iScn lO : 
<Q^ g) om., and so St. — 33. nn33-in : for the Hif. in this sense cf. 
Ex. 4^" ; see the writer's study of the root in JQR 25, 266. — Sk 
pnj : for "^x many MSS Kt. '75; ; at v.^^ Vj? is used ; the variation, 
an alternative rdg. [cf. Bostrom's essay), is typical of the common 
confusion of the two preps, in Ki. QT ^ render '1 with Nni'7B' = S. — 
34. nc-ai : vs. inrci, v.*^ ; for the pi. see Comm. ; St. regards the 
sing, as correct in both places ; rather we have here the two possi- 
bilities in Sem. syntax for the number of the verb with several 
subjects following ; argument might be made that the sing, here 
is secondary for distinction of Sadok. — 35. x^i nnx an-hy\ : Bf 
cm.. Hex. -x-, (£ has ; St., al., regard this as intrusion from v**, 
but such criticism is most dubious. — inxi : read by Grr., exc. (S^, 
as ':xi — t:3 : for a recent study of the word see Joiion, Biblica, 
17 (1936), 229 ff. — 36. "■• 13K' P JON : 3 MSS give the verb as na-j;' 
(=g) SI), which St., Sanda accept; but this is apparently con- 
tamination from Jer. 28'. Grr., yevoLTo ' ovtus wi<rTwaai o deos : 
i.e., the latter verb =11???:, accepted by Klost., Kit., Eissf., al., 
preferred by Sk. (as it were, ' say, Amen ') ; but the Hif. is never 
used in this transitive sense. <@^ has a doublet with, " So said the 
Lord thy God, my lord king" (see Rahlfs, SS 3, 168, 171). Bum. 
properly supports ^. The root nDN = ' to command ' occurs three 
times in the Hadad inscr., the verb possibly in line 10. — 37. '-t 
^r. n;n^=(gL^ a theological rectification of the jussive. 

38. 'nSsm 'n-i3.T : the phrase occurs for David's bodyguard at 


2 Sam. 818, 1318^ 20', 2o23 (Kr.), i Ch. iS^^ The Kerethites are 
associated with the PhiHstines in the latter's territory (i Sam. 
30^*, Eze. 25^^), and are paired with them as peoples of the sea 
(Zeph. 2*). Equation of 'hVd with 'nty'^B appears obvious, by absorp- 
tion of S in t, and the original pronunciation is presented by Gr. 
^eXeddei. The Kerethites are doubtless the Cretans, of Caphtor- 
Crete, Egjrptian Keftiu (inclusive of the opposite Anatolian coast). 
The identification is supported by the Gr. tradition for nh?, Zeph. 
2*, rendered with Kp-qr-ri, while the preceding D'mD is represented 
with wapoiKOL Kpriruv. The two words have mutually affected one 
another's pronunciation ; Gr. ^eXeddeL has induced Xepe6deL, while 
the Heb. has invented ' Pelethi ' to accord with, correct ' Kerethi ' 
For these Sea Peoples see Miiller, Asien u. Europa ; Breasted, 
HE cc. 21-23 ; F. Bilabel and A. Grohmann, Gesch. Vorderasiens 
u. Agyptens, vol. i (1927) ; Meyer, GA 2, i, 555 £f. ; H. W. Parke, 
Greek Mercenary Soldiers (1933) ; also the pertinent article by 
Albr., ' A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries in the Coast of the Negeb,' 
JPOS I (1921), 186 ff., a study of the presence of Cretans in the 
south of Palestine, from which quarter David drew his mercenaries. 
At 2 Sam. 20^3 the Kt. is n^n, with which is to be identified nan 
of II. 1 1*- 18, a royal bodyguard. These latter were the Anatolian 
Carians, settled on the coast like the Cretans ; cf. Herodotus' s state- 
ment about Psammetichus's mercenaries, ' Greeks and Carians ' 
(ii, 154) ; the same authority (i, 171 fif.) stresses the relations of 
the Carians with Crete, and relates that they were " the first who 
taught the weaving of crests on helmets," i.e., the Philistine head- 
dress. A wide perspective of the early relations of the Sea Peoples 
with Syria is now opened up by the Ugaritic tablets ; see Schaeffer's 
volume, ch. i. tIC translates the two terms with ' bowmen and 
slingers ' in all cases, and so here ^ S ; in the other cases ^ has 
j<n'7£3i NiNn (' nobles and farmers '), which is the rendering here in 
^^, preserving the original Syriac text. For 'n'?s (§^ has 4>eXr(, 
evidently without tradition, and for -rr\-2, xopph which recalls 
' Horites,' but is rather to be connected with nh, ' noble,' which 
would explain the ' nobles ' of the Syriac tradition noted above. — 
39. np'i : the consecution is that of ideas, not of time ; see Driver's 
extensive Observation on the question how far the consec. impf. 
may be temporally impf.. Tenses, 84 ff. — 40. Dyni : of Grr. only 
<S^ has (so B>) ; ^^ -x- ; SI om. — u-hhu3 D'h^m : Grr., exopevov ev 
Xopots=n'i'7nD3 c'Sphp : this interpretation is partly followed by W, 
H'i:n2 pnnro, reading the first word as D'b'pna, and the second word 
as ' dances ' (root :m), and so B>^ N^1J3 pjvD, ' responsively singing 
in dances' (NiiJ = '7inD, Ps. 149^)- But g) M = J^. &^ adds a 
doublet TivXovv ev avXois=^'^}. There was early ambiguity of inter- 
pretation; Jos. speaks {Ant., vii, 14, 5) of the people as xopei'w 
K. avXois TtpTTOfievos, as though =a''?'7n3 D'^^hp. The change on basis 
of (@ is accepted by some critics, e.g., Ew., St., BH, Sk. ; but see 
Comm.— 41. hdi.t r^^-\pn "jip j;nD:=(g (gn but treating 'o as no; 

I. 2i-^sa 87 

<§^ Tis Pot] TTji (puvtjs Tixet /J-eyo-, which has led St. (and so BH 
fortasse) to correct to nxi.T nynn.i "rip no (c/. i Sam. 4", 15") ; 
but Sanda and Rahlfs correctly recognize that Lucian read 'p 
as =nKnp (Jon. 3^, cf. Is. 40^). Stade's objection to 'd is unneces- 
sary, nor is there contamination from v.*^. Klost., Sanda prefer 
■73 for '71P, a most unlikely corruption. The noun .mp, ' city,' is 
found in prose, apart from nn. loci, only in this narrative and in 
Dt. 2'* ; the word appears in Phoen. and Ugaritic. nc^.i is second 
predicate to 'p^, cf. Song 52. — 42. '^•n c'\>< : 'n has the sense of Lat. 
' virtus ' ; for the phrase cf. i Sam. lo^^, where Vn ':n (so read 
with <g) are contrasted with "rv'Sn ":n ; the phrase = ' a brave fellow," 
or ' gentleman,' and Sanda tr. with the latter English word at 
V.52. — 43. i,T:n.x'7 : <g om. — '?2« : = ' indeed ' in ironic contradic- 
tion ; see Lexx. and Burney's note ; cf. Arab, hal and bala{y). — 
45. i-cs'i : see at v. 3* ; (&^ A al. (not 9) have sing. verb. — p-;^ : 
the prep. = ' at'; cf. yj^, 1 Sam. 29^ — c,^n : Nif. of ci.n, meta- 
plastic with -en, cf. v.*i. — 47. ^.-N'? : <§^ k. eicreXriXvdaffi. p-ouol k. 
eiirov ; Klost. attempts explanation. — C'Cf . . . za":=" give him a 
good name."— -mSx : Kt.=g) g)^ ; dm\\ Kr., MSS = Grr. (o deos. 
Kvpios), tC V; see Comm., v.^*. 

There may be noted Swete's observation. Int., 249, n. i, on 
Herzf eld's " careful treatment of the differences between <g and 
;ffl in 3 Regn." in his Gesch. d. Volkes Israel, 2. 

Ch. 2^-^. This section, David's Testament, has long lain 
under severe criticism, historical and ethical. Against its 
originality as part of the narrative of cc. i, 2 stand many 
critics ; so Reuss, Wellhausen [Proleg., 282, n. i), Stade, 
Benzinger, Meyer {GA 2, 2, 262, n. i) ; per contra may be 
named Kuenen, Driver, Cornill, Kittel (in Comm., and GVI 2, 
243 ff.). The one concrete objection is the patently Deutero- 
nomic character of vv.^- * (for cross-references see Burney, 
Skinner). But with the reasonable excision of these w., 
because of their disturbance of connexion between v.^ and 
v.5, and with some textual emendations, the story may be 
accepted as original. V.^ is a legacy of virile counsel. With 
the excision proposed this is followed by three definite injunc- 
tions, w.5-^ : to make atonement for the blood-guilt brought 
upon David by Joab's murders, with remembrance of the 
bitter days of his own flight from the throne ; to pension 
Barzillai's family ; and to find pretext for the undoing of 
Shimei, who had cursed him with a baleful curse. The ethical 
objection is made that the first and third of these injunctions 
are repellent to what we would desire to think of David's 


character — a subjective enough criterion ! As for the judg- 
ment upon Joab with the primitive horror before blood-guilt, 
an example of which David had himself exhibited in a barbar- 
ous action (2 Sam. 21), proper correction of v.^ exposes the 
king's motive with all clarity. It is a problem of psychology 
— a science that gives little control on history — why David 
did not himself take the vengeance due. More personal and 
petty is his proscription of Shimei, contradicting his earher 
unexampled clemency towards him. Was it the rankling of 
an old man's mind over a once bitter enemy and his curse ? 
If the story is a fabrication out of the whole cloth, then we 
have in it a narrative of baseless slander. But why a much 
later age (Deuteronomic) should have invented the story to 
save Solomon's virtue by throwing the odium upon David 
is unintelligible in view of the latter's canonization. In a 
word, our moral judgment is not a measure for past history. 
And so Sanda (p. 49) : " Doch sind die harten Verordnungen 
aus der unvollkommenen Moral der alten Zeit erklarlich." 
There has been a reaction, especially on the part of historians, 
towards recognition of the early origin of the narratives in 
this ch., even if they are to be distinguished from the major 
story. Thus Eissfeldt [Komposition d. Samuelisbiicher, 48 f.) 
holds that this section is ' a parallel narrative,' not ' a second- 
ary addition,' even as he presents the sources of Samuel after 
the same fashion. Lods [Israel, 425) curtly dismisses the 
objections to the testament. Robinson [HI i, 244 ff.), while 
sceptical as to the accuracy of these records, does not ascribe 
a late origin to them. Olmstead [HPS 335) suggests that 
the present story with its sequel had Nathan for its author. 
But why then the inclusion of the unimportant Barzillites, 
and why no word of warning about Adonijah ? As argued 
in the introduction to these cc, we are dealing wdth the genre 
of the ' historical story,' in this case a tale which came out 
of the inner court. The historian is justified in the position 
that so the record reads, and that we have not the means of 
exploring its ultimate truth. 

2. / am going the way of all the earth : cf. Jos. 23^*, Eccl. 
3^°, etc. Poole eft. similar Classical sentiments, e.g., " Omnium 
idem exitus, sed est idem domicilium," from Petronius, Saty- 
ricon. Be strong and play the man (EVV show thyself a man) : 

I. 2l-*6a 89 

a veritable soldier's challenge, used by the Phihstines in 
mutual encouragement (i Sam. 4^). This summons to a 
strong-handed regime is followed by the harsh injunctions of 
vv.sff-. 4. Yhwh's word which he spoke concerning me : resuming 
2 Sam. 7i2fl._ 5^ 6, Joab's treacherous assassination of Abner 
(2 Sam. 32'3-) and of Amasa (20«fl-) was to be avenged, not 
on the modern ground of vindication of the law, but for 
protection against the fate that haunted the dynasty, if it 
did not remove the blood-guilt, according to the ancient 
principle of ' Hfe for Hfe ' (Ex. 2i24), a principle that David 
had followed in visiting upon Saul's grandchildren his murder 
of the Gibeonites (2 Sam. 21). For the subject at large see 
Pedersen, Israel, I-II, 411 ff., ' Sin and Curse.' The reason 
given is rendered colourless in the text of ^, which has it 
that Joab stained his own girdle and sandal with innocent 
blood, when war was not on ; but David's point is that the 
guilt fell upon himself and his family as the responsible 
authority. Following change of the suffixed pronouns as in the 
Lucianic Greek and Old Latin we obtain the original : He 
imposed [|^ set, EVV shed] the blood of war on (the state of) 
peace, and he put the blood of war on my [^ his] girdle, that is 
on my [^ his] loins, and on my [^ his] sandal, that is on my 
[^ his] foot. The first sentence is a crux, and an interpreta- 
tion given by the old VSS named above has been accepted 
by many scholars (see Note) ; but it is legahstic, exactly 
paralleled by a law in Dt. 22^ : " When thou buildest a new 
house, thou shalt make a battlement for thy roof, that thou 
impose [EVV bring] not blood upon thy house, if any man 
fall from thence." There the blood-guilt stains the house 
and makes the owner liable ; in our passage it is a blood- 
mark against the authority even in time of peace. The horror 
of blood-guilt is illustrated by a story that Herodotus tells 
(i, 91), how Croesus, according to the Delphic oracle paid the 
penalty for " the sin of his ancestor in the fifth degree, who 
had slain his master." Do according to thy wisdom : of. v.*. 
Wisdom in the old Hebrew is always practical intelligence ; 
it is wisdom of this kind, political, legal, that the oracle in 
ch. 3 promises to Solomon. As Skinner remarks, the prince 
is bidden to ' find some specious pretext.' 7. Barzillai's hospi- 
tality to David in his flight is recounted in 2 Sam. ly^''^-. 


jg32ff,_ ji^Q phrase, ' to eat at the king's table,' meant ' to 
be pensioned ' ; cf. 2 Sam. 9', 1929, below iS^^ (of the prophets 
at Jezebel's table), Neh. 5I'. Rawhnson cites Greek sources 
for continuance of the term in Persian times, e.g., Herodotus, 
iii, 132. Cf. the corresponding Aramaic phrase, ' to eat the 
salt of the king ' (Ezr. 41*), of Babylonian origin. The same 
pensioning system existed in Egypt, e.g., at the end of the 
Sinuhe Story : " Meals were brought me from the palace, 
three and four times a day " (Erman, Lit. of the Anc. Egyptians, 
28). So they came to {drew nigh unto) me : sp EVV ; but the 
verb means ' to be neighbourly.' 8. For Shimei's curse and 
its condonation by David see 2 Sam. i6^fl-, I9i6ff'. Grievous 
curse : better, baleful curse ; see Note. Despite David's 
whilom mercy the uttered curse was still potent ; for its 
concreteness cf. Zech. s^fl-. It might ultimately be warded 
off by killing the invoker ; see extracts from magical texts in 
Jastrow, Rel. Bab. u. Ass., 2, 303 ff. ; Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 
2, 303 ff. The curse against ' a prince ' was high crime ; cf. 
21^2-, Ex. 22^7. A ' superstitious foreboding ' must have led 
to ' this utterly dishonourable action ' (Skinner). 

VV.i"- 1^ Editorial note on the death of David and the 
chronology of his reign. 10. The ' sleeping with the fathers ' 
is euphemism. The burial, as usual for people with landed 
estates [cf. 2^*, i Sam. 25^, 2 Ch. 332"), was on royal domain, 
in David's City ; for this new name for the old Jerusalem on 
the Ophel hill see 2 Sam. 5 9. This royal tomb was known for 
a thousand years or more, cf. Acts 2^^ ; it was rifled by John 
Hyrcanus for its treasures, and a similar attempt was made 
by Herod (Jos., Ant., vii, 15, 3; xvi, 7, i). For the modern 
remains of this sepulchral grotto on the Ophel see R. Weill, 
La Cite de David, and for the excavations on the Ophel in 
general, R. A. S. Macalister and J. G. Duncan, Annual IV of 
PEE (1926) ; J. W. Crowfoot and J. G. Duncan, Annual V 
(1926) ; also the excellent summary accounts in C. Watzinger, 
DP I, 86 ff., 104 ff. For burial rites in Palestine see Benzinger, 
HA §§25, 43. 11. The data of the v. are repeated from 2 Sam. 
5'*^-, where the figure for the reign is given more exactly as 
4o| years. For this round figure =a generation, so common 
in the Bible, cf. the ' 40 years ' in which Omri occupied Moab 
according to the Mesha inscription, and for its reliability here 

I. 2i-*6a gi 

see Int., §i6fl. There is an interesting Greek insertion after 
v.i2a giving Solomon's age at accession as his i2tli year. 
This datum, accepted by Olmstead {HPS 338) is surely 
legendary ; it can be traced back as far as the Jewish historian 
Eupolemos, ca. 150 B.C., and the same computation was 
adopted by the Rabbis. The calculation doubtless started 
from Solomon's description of himself as ' a little child ' (3'^), 
12 years being also the age of religious manhood {cf. Luke 2'*^). 
Similarly the other hero of the temple, king Josiah, is gratui- 
tously given by the Chronicler the age of 8 years when he 
began his religious devotion (2 Ch. 34^ — see Comm., II. 22^). 
Josephus makes Solomon 14 years old at accession {Ant., viii, 
7, 8). According to the dating of his son Rehoboam (14^^) 
the latter must have been born by the time of his father's 
accession. See more at length and for the literature Kittel, 
Stade, Rahlfs {SS 3, 112), and in particular Nestle, ' Wie alt 
war Salomo als er zur Regierung kam ? ' ZAW 1932, 311 ff., 
offering a formula whereby the figure 12 was obtained. 

YY_i2-25^ The romance and fate of Adonijah. 12. The v. 
is generally taken by trr. and comm. as sequel of vv.^°^- (and 
so the paragraphing of JfH) ; cf. the usual complement, " and 
his son X reigned in his stead" {e.g., 11*^). But the phrase 
' to sit upon the throne ' is identical with the language in 
i^^, 2*®, while the Heb. syntax makes of the v. a dependent 
nominal sentence circumstantial to the following narrative 
{cf. i^). Accordingly translate : And Solomon having taken 
his seat upon his father David's throne, and his rule being well 
established, (13) then came Adonijah, etc. We have then to 
suppose that the original narrative had a brief reference to 
David's death, which was replaced by the editorial formula 
in vv.^°f-. This paragraphing, as proposed, was recognized 
by the Lucianic revision, which prefixes to v.^^ the title ' 3 
Kingdoms,' and here indeed is the proper place for distinction 
between Samuel and Kings ; see Int., §1. The settlement of 
the kingdom (by dynastic succession, etc.) repeats literally the 
terms at i Sam. 20^^, 2 Sam. 7-^ ; cf. a similar phrase at 
Amaziah's accession after his father's murder by a court cabal 
(II. 14^). 

This short story is one of the most exquisite in Hebrew 
letters, with its subject of a romance culminating in a tragedy. 


and for its brilliant delineation of the scene and the characters. 
If the story were motivated by court propaganda, it stiU 
remains a literary gem. There is the manly figure of Adonijah, 
with his frank assertion of prior right to the throne, while he 
loyally accepts the turn of fate (v.^^, the kingdom is turned 
about — see Note) ; Bathsheba's womanly interest in his love- 
affair, to which she finds no objection ; the scene of royal 
courtesy to the Queen-Mother (v.^^), and the third persona 
dramatis, the king, who is ready to grant her any boon, but 
who on hearing her request in a burst of rude temper denies 
it to her, as though she were a fellow-conspirator against the 
throne, and condemns the upstart to death — a sentence im- 
mediately carried out (vv.^^^-). With most commentators, 
there is no reason to doubt the essential credibility of the 
story, although Olmstead {HPS 335 f.) and Robinson {HI i, 
245 f.) regard it, the one as ' partisan history,' the other as 
' almost inconceivable.' Arguments for its authenticity are 
well presented by Benzinger, Kittel, Skinner. As observed 
above, the references to Abishag (i^^- 1^) have their dramatic 
place in leading up to the present scene ; she was not David's 
wife, as is expressly stated there, and this was known to 
Bathsheba. Whether Adonijah's request followed a real 
passion, or whether he had a crafty design on the succession 
(so Benzinger), may remain a matter of dispute. On the other 
hand Solomon had legal right to interpret the request as 
involving claim upon the throne (c/. Absalom's public mal- 
treatment of his father's harem, 2 Sam. iG^*'^-, and for the 
Semitic notion in general see W. R. Smith, Kinship and 
Marriage in Early Arabia"^ [1895]. 104 ff.), while the popular 
mind might have so construed Adonijah's success ; at least 
it was a legal pretext that the king easily seized. In v.^* 
the statement, who has made me a house, i.e., ' established my 
dynasty,' cites the identical promise to David (2 Sam. 7^^). 
The one textual change of importance is at end of v.^^, where, 
in place of |^, even for him and for Abiathar the priest and 
for Joab ben Seruiah is to be read, with the VSS, and he has 
{i.e., on his side) A. the priest and Joab b. S. At v.^^ for, he 
made obeisance to her, the Grr. have the variant, he kissed her ; 
see Note. For the ' oath by Yhwh,' v.^*, of. J. Pedersen, 
Der Eid bei den Semiten (1914). 

I. 2i-^6a 93 

y_26-27^ The deposition and banishment of Abiathar. The 
king acts upon his real or assumed suspicions concerning 
Adonijah's party. 26. The priest Abiathar is ordered to go 
to Anathoth, to thy estate — cf. the similar sentence upon 
Shimei, v.^^ — for he is already potentially a dead man. His 
life is spared because of his long and faithful service to David, 
being the survivor of Eli's family, whom Saul exterminated 
(i Sam. 22, 23^3-). For the continuation of this priestly line 
at Anathoth see Jer. i^, according to which Jeremiah was 
' one of the priests at Anathoth ' ; for the bearing of this 
family tradition upon his spirit as prophet see the commen- 
taries and the studies of his person. Because thou didst bear 
the ark of Yhwh [^-{-the Lord] before my father David : see Note 
for the preferable reading of the ephod for the ark. 27. And 
Solomon suspended him from functioning as priest : there is 
no reason to doubt, as with some {e.g., Stade), the originality 
of this sentence ; Abiathar's disability did not affect his off- 
spring. The latter part of the v. cites the secondary narratives 
in I Sam. 2^^^-, 3^2-, concerning the perpetual curse that was 
to lie on Eli's family, these narratives being inspired by the 
success of the rival Sadokids. It is withal strange that 
Abiathar's replacement by Sadok is not recorded here ; see 
on v.^^t). Comparison of 2 Sam. 8^' and i Ch. 24^^-, and also 
the direct testimony of Jos., Ant., viii, i, 3, as to Eli's descent 
from Ithamar, Aaron's younger son, indicate that the Elids 
as Ithamarids functioned as a minority clan in the priesthood 
of the Second Temple. 

YY 28-35 Upon news of Adonijah's death Joab flees to 
sanctuary ; he is executed there by Benaiah, after the king 
overrules the right of sanctuary ; Benaiah is appointed in 
his place. Joab's fear is abruptly introduced, but it was 
reasonable. He took sanctuary at the Tent as his leader had 
done, supposing himself to be secure after that precedent 
(j49fl.^ The right of sanctuary was an early taboo ; but 
Hebrew law began early to regulate it, as we learn from the 
Code of the Covenant (Ex. 21^^^-), while a much more elaborate 
regulation was laid down in the Priest Code (Num. 35^^-) ; 
see Driver and Gray respectively ad locos, and at large N. M. 
Nicolsky, ' Das Asylrecht in Israel,' ZAW 1930, 146 ff.; M. Lohr, 
Das Asylwesen im A.T., Konigsberg Academy, Geisteswiss. 


Klasse, vii, 3 (1930). The more civilized Hebrew law re- 
garded the right as temporary to save the manslayer from 
the hasty application of the principle of blood-guilt. The 
new development gave time for adequate trial, and then, if 
found guilty, the criminal was surrendered to ' the blood- 
avenger ' ; the later Priest Code kept even the involuntary 
slayer in sanctuary until the death of the high priest. In 
the present case, the first on record in legal history, we see 
presented to the organized state in the person of its monarch 
the problem how to deal with that archaic .relic of primitive 
law ; royalty here assumes a superior right. Nicolsky sketches 
the history of the right of sanctuary in Mediaeval Europe, 
where it had a devious course, due to various interests of 
society. The ethics of Solomon's motive is another matter. 
Respect to the proprieties is shown in the summons to Joab 
to abandon sanctuary ; upon his refusal Benaiah must get 
further instructions from the king. A parallel appears in the 
case of Athaliah, who was forcibly removed from the temple 
by the priest's orders in advance of execution (II. iii^fl.). 
28. The parenthesis, /or Joah was an adherent of Adonijah, and 
he had not been an adherent of Absalom, appears superfluous in 
the story; the first sentence repeats what is immediately 
known to the reader, while the second introduces an appar- 
ently gratuitous reference to Joab's antagonism to the other 
pretender Absalom ; but it is an attempt at part-exculpation 
of the one-time hero of Israel. The Gr. texts, with few excep- 
tions, supported by Josephus {Ant., viii, i, 4), and all other 
VSS exc. tE (see Note) read ' Solomon ' for ' Absalom,' a rdg. 
accepted, e.g., by Thenius, Stade, Sanda ; but Keil well re- 
marks that the rebelHous ' siding with ' could hardly have 
been used of the heir-apparent's party ; the statement also 
would be mere repetition of the preceding one. The altar 
was in the tent of Yhvvh, a specification more exact than at 
i^". 29. After by the altar the Grr. have a long addition : 
And Solomon sent a message to Joab : What is the matter with 
thee that thou hast fled to the altar ? And Joab said : Because 
I was afraid of thee, and I fled to the Lord. Critics differ as 
to the originahty of this intrusion, which can be easily turned 
back into good Hebrew, while the passage may well have 
dropped out by haplog. between the two occurrences of ' he 

I. 2i-*6a 95 

sent.' Thenius, Kittel (not so definitely in BH), Burney, 
Eissfeldt allow or favour it ; Benzinger, Stade, Sanda, Skinner 
disallow it. While not necessary (c/. the parenthesis in v.^s), 
it gives a plausible motive to the king's action ; Joab con- 
fesses a guilty conscience towards the king. 31. Joab is to 
be given honourable burial, as was done for Saul and his 
family (i Sam. 311"-, 2 Sam. 2ii2fl-). 32. The v. repeats the 
substance of v.^ and Klostermann, Benzinger, Stade object 
to the repetition, but hardly with reason in this kind of 
narrative. And Yhwh will turn hack upon his head the blood 
that he shed (^ his bloodshed) : n.b. the variation of phrase in 
v.23, and cf. the similar phrases, Jud. 9", i Sam. 25^9. The 
head as the most eminent part of the body became a legal 
term expressive of the person in its civic dignity and responsi- 
bihty ; it can mean ' the person,' as at i Sam. 28^ (' keeper 
of my head ' — cf. Eze. g^'^, etc.), even as the same vocable is 
so used in Ethiopic. Abner is entitled captain of the army of 
Israel, for which cf. 2 Sam. 2^^-, and Amasa captain of the 
army of Judah, cf. ih. 17^5, 20'*^- ; these reff. contradict Ben- 
zinger, who holds that the language is subsequent to the divi- 
sion of the kingdom. 34. And went up Benaiah : cf. Adonijah's 
' coming down ' from the altar (i^^), and so in all ecclesiastical 
language, the altar being always relatively elevated. <@ 
(present in B>^ -X-) om. the sentence, and Stade unreasonably 
follows suit on the ground that the road from the palace to 
the tent ' did not ascend.' He was buried in his house in the 
Steppe : (g^, modernizing, corrects ' house ' to ' tomb ' ; but 
cf. the burial of Samuel and Manasseh each ' in his house ' 
(i Sam. 25^ 2 Ch. 332°), while this custom of burial in the 
soil under the house is vouched for by the burial remains in 
Palestine (see Watzinger, DP i, 72 ; Thomsen, Paldstina u. 
seine Kultur, 54 ff.), as also for the Euphrates valley (Meissner, 
Bab. u. Ass., 2, 496 f.). However ' house ' may mean not 
only the structure but also the house plot as well. The word 
Steppe translates Heb. midbdr (EVV by unfortunate transla- 
tion, ' wilderness ' after the Greek and Latin) ; it means a 
grazing-steppe (sheep-run), for which term see the writer's 
Arabia and the Bible, 79 f. The reference here is geographical, 
the word being used of the eastern portion of Judah (see 
Smith, HG 263 ff.), and it is so used absolutely otherwise 


(e.g., Josh. 15 61, I Sam. 23"), with the fuller phrase ' Steppe 
of Judah ' found only in the late title of Ps. 63 {cf. Mt. 3^) 
and Jud. i^^, where ' Judah ' should probably be deleted. 
Joab's family belonged to Bethlehem ; see 2 Sam. 2^^. Z5a. 
For Benaiah's title as Over-the-Army see Comm. 4^3. 35 j_ 
The statement of Sadok's appointment to succeed the de- 
posed Abiathar is out of place here ; it were desiderated after 
v.^'. The writer has argued for excision of the half- verse as 
unoriginal in his article on ' The Year-Eponymate ' ; cf. his 
' Supplement at End of 3 Kingdoms 2.' At 4^ (see further 
Comm., ad he.) the primary text represente'd by (@ has simply 
' Azariah ben Sadok,' vs. ^, the priest ' Azariah ben Sadok.' 
' The priest Sadok ' has appeared in the story above ; in 
Sam. he is named as a priest along with Ahimelek (II. 8^' — • 
but the text is to be corrected to ' Abiathar b. Ahimelek '), 
otherwise along with Abiathar (15^^^-, 20-^). There is no 
further reference to him until Eze. (40*^, etc.), Ch. (i, 6^^, 
etc.), presenting the high-priestly line as descended from him. 
YY_36-46a^ Shimei is given amnesty, but under sworn re- 
striction to reside in Jerusalem. His breach of the condition 
by an excursion into foreign territory in search of run-away 
slaves entailed his death. Solomon followed out his father's 
injunction ; he proved himself ' a clever man ' (v.^), and found 
an opportunity to get rid of Shimei on a legally faultless 
ground, for perjury to his God and king. Shimei, a member 
of the Saulid family (2 Sam. rb^^-), must have been a landed 
proprietor of wealth, and there may have been policy in 
David's leniency towards him. He was ordered not to cross 
(even) the Kidron wady, i.e., on the road to his estate at 
Bahurim to the east of Jerusalem (see Abel, GP 2, 260), and 
the restraint must have been irksome enough within the walls 
of a small acropolis city, whose circumference has been esti- 
mated at some 4500 feet (Smith, Jer., i, 142 f.). His breaking 
of bounds was careless indeed, if not presumptuous. Gath, 
whither his slaves had fled, one of the cities of the old Philistine 
pentarchy (for its location and notes on its later history see 
Comm. at II. 12^^) had doubtless been involved in the punish- 
ment inflicted by David upon the Philistines (2 Sam. 8^), 
and so rem.ained under strict legal obligations, as for instance 
the return of fugitives from justice. The report of the escape 

of the slaves reads like private Akkadian documents bear- 
ing on the same subject. Their housing in foreign territory 
required personal negotiation with the local king. The Code 
Hammurabi contains ordinances regarding slaves of extra- 
territorial origin (§§280, 281), and in the present case the slaves 
were formally extradited. There is extensive illustration of 
the extradition of fugitives in the second millennium. We 
have the treaty of Ramses and the Hittite king Hattushil, 
providing for the return of fugitives, gentlemen and men ' of 
no name ' (see Breasted, ARE 3, §§382-90, cf. his HE 
438 f.) ; there is in addition a long list of such diplomatic 
documents of Hittite kings in treaty with vassal states, 
according to which men of lower class, peasants and hand- 
workers, not noblemen, should be extradited without question 
(see Lohr, Das Asylwesen im A.T., 3 ff., with the texts in 
question cited from MVG 1923, 23 ; 1926, 21, 59, 139 ; 1930, 
75). A king of Gath, Achish ben Ma' ok, appears in the early 
history of David as his friend (i Sam. 2j}^^-, 2y^^-) ; the 
present Achish b. Ma'kah is doubtless the same prince, in 
that case a long-lived monarch. 42. The expression, I have 
heard, means / am witness, and so the South Arabic use of the 
root. 44. There is evident duplication in the v. : Thou knowest 
all the wickedness, what thy heart knows, what thou didst, etc. 
Stade suggests omitting the first words, and so reads : Thy 
heart knows, etc., which is preferable to omitting the second 
duphcate (so BH suggests), as the former improvement gives 
a more unique phrase. One may speculate whether in such 
cases we possess errors of the original written text, the author 
having reversed language or construction, and failed to delete 
the first form, for it was not ancient practice to score out 
mistakes in a manuscript. However, despite the present 
' monstrosity ' (Stade), translators and commentators have 
found sense, at least with shght correction, and so even the 
critical Thenius, while Burney ignores the difficulty. 

1. is'i : the verb used of testamentary disposition, and so at 
II. 20I, Gen. 4929 ; the same use of the root in Arab. (Wellh., 
Reste arab. Heidentums, 19) ; in later Jewish language nxjs is used 
of similar testaments. <& (B A, also ^^), aTr€KpLvaTo = ]V'> ; <3^, 
<gH (M N al.) evereiXaTo. <@^ has a considerable plus at beginning 
of the V. : " and it came to pass after these things, and David 
died, and he was buried with his fathers," followed by the substance 



of ^ ; on this addition see St. and Rahlfs (SS 3, 285) ; as has not 
been remarked, this plus is a duplicate of v.^", and points to a text- 
form in which David's testament was omitted, even as in the 
primitive Gr. the proscription of Shimei was left out (see at end 
of Notes). — 2. ';3N : (g ^70; etfii : this pedagogical peculiarity is 
generally regarded as Aquilanic, so by Reider, Prolegomena . . . 
to Aquila, 24 ; but Thackeray {JTS 8, 272 f.) notes it as typical 
of one of the several early trr. of Ki. ; cf. Rahlfs, SS 3, 259. — 
c'n'? n'M : the same phrase, and after pin, put in the mouth of the 
Philistines, i Sam. 4^ ; for the strong use of c-v< cf. ib. 26^* ; the 
phrase = Hellenistic dvdpi^ecrdat, BSir. 34^5 {^1^°), 1 Mac. 2®*, i Cor. 
16^^. (g (B A al.) literally, ea-ri ets av5pa ; ^^ exegetically plus Bwa/xewi, 
and so M N al. plus reXetop. — 3. For a list o'f the Deuteronomic 
phrases in Ki., beginning in these vv., see Dr., Int., 200 ff. — i'.i'jn: 
<3^, with theologizing improvement, r. 6eov laparjX. — 'ji iDz-h : 
text. rec. is correct, not vnisai, ice'?!, with MSS, some Grr. — vnnjn : 
an addition to the primary text, absent in ^ (B ; ^h ^s from 
Sym., Theod.). — 'ji ^'zcn : ' know how to do,' also used transitively, 
e.g., Dt. 29* ; with the following ds? njsn na'N "73 nxi = " and whither- 
soever thou turnest," there is ' a slight zeugma ' (Burn.) ; i MS 
has h^ for nx, obtaining identity with the phrase at Pr. 17*. Note 
the primary sense of ib-n as ' place.' (@^ alone of the Grr. under- 
stood the Heb., iravTaxTi ov eav etri^Xe^pTjs eKei. <§ paraphrased. — 

4. "^i! : B CE om. — ncs'? 2° : original by testimony of & ; critics 
since Then, generally delete, following <g^ N al. ; but cf. repetition 
of ncN'i, w.^^'-, of ^CNnl, 3^® ; Burn, cites numerous cases of similar 
repetitions, e.g., i*", 8^°- *i"*^ 13^^ ; and the corresponding Akk. 
umma is similarly used in long oratio directa (see Delitzsch, Ass. 
Hwb., 86). Here the repetition emphasizes the positive oracle. — 

5. nsJ'y iK'N 2° : staccato resumption of 1° ; improvement attempted 
by 12 MSS Ken., deR., with -it'n-\=&^ g)H g) !3 ; St. regards the 
clause as a doublet. — njaN : once nrax, i Sam. 14^" ; the constant 
Gr. A^evvTjp, as here, exhibits the late survival of the old Kr. ; and 
so A^ea-aaXwfi, v.'; see Noth, IP 34. — -in':=Nnn', 2 Sam. 17"; 
other forms nn*, pn^ ; the name is Arabian (S. Arab. ' Watar ' 
Old Bab. ' Yatar '), and Jether was an Ishmaelite ace. to i Ch. 
2^' and the correct Gr. at 2 Sam. 17^^, vs. ^ ; the later Iturasans 
bore a name of the same stock. For hypocoristic form in n- (so also 
Hc-cv, sup., and xnj, inf., v.*) see Noth, p. 40. — dji.ti: epexegetical, 
cf. iS^^ ; see Burn., and Dr., Tenses, 82. — 'ji de"i: by ancient 
haplog. MSS 60 80 109 125 174, and (g (B M al.) om. ncn'70 . . . d'?b'3. 
As noted in Comm., read "mjnn, ':no3, 'hi!:i-\, -him, with <§^ %. 
The same VSS render cb''i as though np'i, ' and he avenged,' 
and nnn'73 -ci 2° as though -pi ai or cjn si, ' innocent blood.' 
These corrections have been largely accepted, e.g., by Kit., Bum., 
St. (at length), Eissf., BH, in part by Sanda, al. But as for the 
verb the alleged corruption of intelligible cp-i to dc'i is improbable, 
as also that of -pi ci to 'd 'ci. The interpretation of ^ was indeed 

I. 2l-*6a 


difficult ; see Comm. tJT has a most obscure expansion. — 6. "inD^nD : 
for the noun (3^ has original (ppovriaiv vs. a-o(piav of al. ; n.b. (ppovLjj.o's, 
Gr., 2^50, and the variations in Grr., 312. — n'y ; B aj o-u, early error 
for ov = €. <£. — [i]nn"B' : B a.^ iroKiv, error for iroXiav. — 7. ''?na : 
Noth interprets (p. 225) as of personal quality, ' Iron-Man.' — 
^hjKi: for 3 = ' in class of,' cf. Q'ip:n, Am. i^. — ^z-\p : the verb as 
generally translated is not clear, and Klost. attempts emendation ; 
but cf. 31-115, 'neighbour' (|| to nyi, Ps. 15^). — 8. m-io: : the same 
ppl. at Mic. 2^", -poj Snn ; the verb nnc:, Job 6^^, is generally 
emended ; cf. Akk. namrdsu, ' sickness,' Arab, martd. — 9. •inj? : 
corroborated by (S at 2^^°, hence an early rdg. ; but the emphatic 
pron. nnx is demanded, and so (@^ read ; its absence in B al., ^^ 
is due to haplog. with foil. ov. — 8. 9. Additional Note. (@ and (gi- 
contain a parallel text to these vv. in Gr. i^^^-o ; the latter is the 
earlier translation, belonging to the appendix of materials which 
had been omitted in the first form of Kgdms ; see the writer's 
article, ' The Supplement at end of 3 Kingdoms 2,' and cf. Note 
after v.*** below. The restoration here of the onetime omitted 
passage is practically the text of <Q^, and may be regarded as 
insertion from that source. In this Supplement B A M N al. 
(not <S^) have a doublet for nij p, vlos T-ripa, vios (rov) avepixaTos, 
i.e., as though yii p ; the correct n. pr. is later insertion. For 
nnna B has xf/3pw«', one of many similar corruptions in that 
text, (gi- ra/3a^a as = nni'3J (?) cannot (as Rahlfs remarks) be 
explained from any inner-Greek variation. Priority of the Supple- 
ment further appears in the rendering of qdh with (ppovi/j.6s, vs. 
(ro4>ds. — 12. (S^ MSS prefix ^aaiXeic^i' 7' or /3. rpLrr] ; see Int., §1, n. 2. — 
V2K : A X -f eTixJv 5woe\a ; M N al. + vlos eruv i/3'=^H obel. ; 
see Comm., and for the history of the phrase, Rahlfs, SS 3, §23. — 
nma'^o : this form in early historical bks. only here and i Sam. 
20^1, otherwise nji'?,-:, e.g., i*^, i Sam. lo^^ ; the present form is 
Aramaizing. — 13. ri'jn p : B ag (£ om. — .-ia'7ij' : Grr. -|- k. irpoaeKvv-r]a€v 
avTT]. — nc.xni : i MS -|- i'7 = Grr. ; similar variations in Grr., v.^'. — 
14. "icN'i : <g om. ; see Note on ic.vV, v.*. — 15. 3Dm : for the notion 
of ' the turn of fate ' see Comm. on n^o nn'n, 12^^. — 16. nnx rhav : 
3 MSS-l-nJi3p=(gi' fxiKpav, from v.^". — ':3 : correct, cf. vv.^^- 20, vs. 
OGrr., as though tjs; the same change in <3 v.^'. — 17. ihcn nohv : 
the name given before the title by an intimate. — 19. nS innc"! 
Grr., Kai {KaT)€<pi\T]a-€v avTr]v=^'^ ; Jos., ' embracing her ' : the 
extreme Oriental etiquette towards the royal mother was not 
understood by the freer-minded Greeks. — Ci^'i : impersonal, as 
EVV recognize ; see GK §144, 3 ; eredri of Grr. and the pi. verb 
of ^H are equally correct translations, but no warrant for emenda- 
tion, vs. St., and BH ' probabiliter.' — 21. y<^":ii< nx jn; : for the 
gender syntax see GK §121, i. — 22. 3nv'7i '2,1 nn'at<'?i : read the 
nouns as subjects with all the VSS, including g)^, nxn 'j.t -in'3N. 
tE paraphrased, " in counsel are they, he and A. and J.," good 
exegesis, but no warrant for emendations proposed by Klost. and 


Benz., who would add nan or nni. — At end of v. Grr. add o apx'- 
cTTpaTTjyos eraipos ; the first word is Joab's title, the second is appar- 
ently error for the pL, epexegetical to the preceding dative avru. — 
23. Solomon is said to have sworn ' by Yhwh,' but in the oath 
itself ' God ' is used, doubtless a ' Vermilderung ' ; MS 23 has 
nin'=Gr. 71, QP' — by true tradition ? On the oath and use of '3 
see Burney's extensive note. — ntyy, h'dv : jussive forms are ex- 
pected ; for other such cases see GK §75, t, and cf. §109, k. For 
the phrase " Y. do so to me and more also," Lexx. give Arabic 
parallels ; it is capitally illustrated by the identical curse cited 
by Livy, i, 24, ad fin. : " Tu, illo die, lupiter, populum Romanum 
sic ferito, ut ego hunc porcum hie hodie feria^n ; tanto magis 
ferito quanto magis potes pollesque." — 24, 'rn^u-r : this over- 
vocalized Kt. of received texts, starting from '22av, as in MS 70, 
is due to early scribal insertion of ^ in wrong place ; other MSB 
vary in its insertion.— 25. ti ps'i : a euphemism for homicide, 
common in Jud., Sam., Ki., perhaps with notion of resistless fate, 
cf. yi y:i3, 5^*. — The Gr. plus at end of v., ' in that day,' is gratuitous. 
■ — 26. ^v: generally taken as misspelling for "?« ; see Note on i^^. — 
inty : the older, radical spelling of the sing., with all VSS (not pi., 
as in EVV) ; see GK §93, ss. — rnn Dva : Grr., ^^ transfer to 
previous clause, to avoid notion of the possibility of the priest's 
execution. — " ■< "inx p-ix ns : VSS, exc. W V, om. 'onx, which as Kr. 
has entered the text {n.b. Heb. variants). For piN many recent 
comm., following Then, (not Kit., Burn., Sk.), read niEN on basis 
of TO €(povd for piN.n, i Sam. 14^^, in correspondence with the 
statement of ' the ephod ' that Abiathar carried " in his hand," 
ace. to 23*- •, 30'. See T. C. Foote, ' The Ephod,' JBL 21 (1902), 
I ff. This position is stoutly disputed by W. R. Arnold in Ephod 
and Ark {Harvard Theol. Studies, 1917), rejecting the Gr. correction 
in text cited above. However the ark, known to have been located 
at a provincial point (2 Sam. 6^^-), could hardly have followed 
David on his marches. It is preferable to accept the change on 
the ground that the ark, with its later importance, was substituted 
for the primitive instrument of divination, the ephod. — 27. '"?!! : 
cf. 'Vvi.T, n. pr. f. in Eleph. papp. ; Sanda suggests identification 
with well-known Arab. 'All, with colouring of the first vowel ; 
Noth {IP 146) connects it with 'elydn. — 28. 'iK-a n^pi^vn: the phrase 
at 2 Sam. 13^°. — uhv^n : see Comm. ; ^ is supported among the 
ancient authorities only by Gr. B A x aj, tlT. See deR. for Jewish 
discussion with recognition of a possible halluf, or ' variant.' — 
29. ■ion : Burn, remarks, " without specific sufiix or pronoun 
following, the reference being unmistakable " ; but the word = 
primarily hinnehu, and in such a phrase the suffix was pronounced, 
or possibly as hinneh {cf. Aram.). — nainn ^aa : Grr., Karex^i- t, 
Keparwv r. dv(na<7T7]pLov=^'^ ^ ; an addition from v. 2*, vs. Then., 
Sanda ; Burn, notes it as another case of the Gr. desire for uni- 
formity. As Lev. i^", 6^ show, ' beside-the-altar ' was holy ground. 

I. 246b_328 lOI 

— At end of v. Grr. -f- " and bury him," another case of uniformity ; 
cf. v.3i._30. '3 nV : see BDB 474a, GB 341, Nestle, ZAW 25, 163 ; 
the Kr. variously accentuates the phrase; e.g., here and at ii^' 
as ' no, for,' but at 3^^ as ' not so ' ; the latter retains the old 
absolute use of '3. — 35. I'^c.i jn: j.nDn ^r^'i nx : Grr. + ets lepea. 
TrpuTov, a good example of later ecclesiastical expansion. — 36. 
n:.s-i n:N: the phrase at II. 5". — 37. At end of v. <3^ +" and the 
king swore him on that day," anticipating v.*2; accepted by Then., 
Klost., but see Burn.'s counter-argument. — 38. Q'^n d'd' : Grr., 
harmonizing with v.^*, ' three years.' — 39. e'ON:=(gH ; <g Ayxovs, 
<@L Akxovs ; cf. the name of the king of Ekron in Ashurbanipal's 
cylinder C, ' Ikauso ' {KB 2, 149 ; ARA 2, §876), which apparently 
corroborates the vocalization of OGrr. — navo : Bf Afir](Ta. — 42. 
nyxi : for preservation of i in this position see BL §56, n. — 
njNi . . . Dm : Grr. render with plus from v.^^. — 'ni'DB- . . . nnxni : 
<@ i3^ om., B>^ -x-, and so Benz., St., Eissf., but without sufficient 
reason. — 44. is>'x . . . nnx : supported by the Grr. ; Klost. attempts 
rewriting ; see Comm. — Tani : VSS, exc. K, as thought 3b';i ; but 
cf. v. 32. — 46fl. no'i : B ag € om. 

The Gr. Supplement after v.^^. See analysis by the writer in 
ZAW 1932, 124 £f. The collection of odd materials at this point 
is due to the fact that at one stage of translation the bk. of Kgdms 
was halted here, and the translator, or a successor, collected in 
postscript material omitted above along with data of interest from 
the subsequent history of Solomon's reign. The parallelisms are 
here presented with some brief comments ; and see Notes ad locos. 
Cf. also Sanda's display, i, 330 f. 

<§ V. 35a- 1" = ^ 59- 10. — v.<= = 3i.— v.'' = 5"'.— v.e, first part items 
from ch. 7, second part = ii"b. — vv.'- 2=92*- 25. — v.h = 923. — v.> = 
gi6-i8_ — v.", cf. 3I. — vv.i-o = 28- 9- 36-46 ; both parts of the Shimei 
story had been omitted in the primary version ; see Comm. ad 
loc. — v.*6a_ cf. v.36a. — -y^b — ^1. — vv. «• <* in part = 9i', in part with 
an original datum ; see Comm. — v.« = 52- s. — vv.'- ^=5*- *. — v.'' = 
4I-* ; see Comm. — vi- = 5^. — v.''=5^. — v.^ cf. 4*. 

Ch. 2^^'^-3^. The settlement of Solomon's kingdom, and his 
marriage with a Pharaoh's daughter.^ And the royal power 
being established in Solomon's hand (Solomon married, etc.). 
The phrase resumes the almost identical statement as 2^^^, 

1 This paragraphing disagrees with that of modern versions (follow- 
ing the printed Vulgate), except JV. The Hebrew syntax requires the 
division here accepted [cf. similar cases in !*• ^), and follows Bar's 
edition and BH, although Ginsburg makes no division until after v.^. 
Also Josephus starts afresh here with ch. 2 of Ant., iv. The OGrr. had 
included this material in their addenda above (see Notes at end of the 
last ch.), and then invented a fresh caption for the new book with 
" Solomon son of David reigned over Israel and Judah in Jerusalem." 


with a different word, but of the same root, for kingdom. The 
confirmation of his power is illustrated by his proud marriage, 
Ch. 3. 1. The royal marriage is given first in the editor's scheme, 
as is the case with David's wives (2 Sam. 32^-, 5^^^-), and so 
below the queen-mother's name is statedly given with each 
accession to the throne. Solomon became son-in-law of Pharaoh 
king of Egypt ; and he took (in marriage) Pharaoh's daughter ; 
and he brought her into David's City, until he had finished 
building his house and the house of Yhwh and the wall of Jeru- 
salem round about. This is the only direct .reference to the 
marriage. Cf. (f^: " Then [so correct ^] Pharaoh's daughter 
came up out of David's City to her house which he built for 
her. Then he built the Millo." Of these two archival items, 
the first is the basis of the latter part of our verse. Below, 
9^^ records the Pharaoh's capture of Gezer and his presentation 
of it as dower for his daughter. OGrr. omit our v.^ and 9^^ 
in place, and present them together after 5^^ (Gr. 4^^- ^^). 
It is a question where the historic item of the marriage origin- 
ally stood. Some scholars, e.g., Benzinger, Kittel {cf. BH), 
Burney, Sanda, Skinner, would connect the item of the mar- 
riage with 9^^, and place the material where OGrr. put it, 
after 5^*. However no authority is to be assigned to the 
placing of the additions in (g ; the passage in question is a 
convenient summary of the references to the queen. The 
introductory statement, he became son-in-law of Ph., is dupli- 
cative, but in good Semitic style, and appears to have original 
value, vs. Stade, who following (@, regards it as secondary. 
For the building of the queen's palace there is the archival 
item at 7^"^. In our passage we find for the first time the 
distinction between David's City and Jerusalem (see Smith, 
Jerusalem, i, 153). All the references to this queen have been 
cited except the parenthetic allusion at 11^, and the perversion 
of history in 2 Ch. 8^^. The princess' origin is still debated. 
Alt (in his Israel u. Aegypten, 11-41 — the fullest discussion of 
these international relations), Breasted {HE 529), Olmstead 
{HPS 340) find in her a daughter of Sheshonk I, founder of 
the 22nd or Libyan Dynasty, the Shishak of 14^^ ; Meyer thinks 
of Psusennis the last of the 21st, Tanite Dynasty {GA 2, 2, 
263) ; Sanda and Kittel prefer one of the earlier kings of this 
dynasty. Sheshonk's accepted succession as of date 945 B.C. 

I. 246b_328 ^03 

would make him a very late contemporary of Solomon, whose 
accession is generally dated some 25 yea.TS earlier. Meyer 
remarks that this distinguished marriage may have given 
Solomon the impulse to his palace constructions. Winckler's 
scoffing at the story of this marriage {GI 2, 63 ; KAT 236) 
on the basis of the Pharaonic declaration in Tell el-Amarna 
tablet no. 3 that " daughters of the king of Egypt are never 
given to others " is not pertinent for these late and degenerate 
dynasties. There is indeed the parallel and authentic story 
of an Edomite prince's marriage with a Pharaoh's sister-in- 
law and their child's adoption in the royal palace (ii^^^-). 
Gunkel, in his Einl. in die Psalmen, 151 ff., gives a long list 
of such ancient international marriages. 

VV.2- ^. An editorial moralizing introduction to the story 
of Solomon's dream at the high-place at Gibeon. 2. Only the 
people were sacrificing at the high-places, because there was no 
house built for the Name of Yhwh up to those days. The state- 
ment with its unmediated ' only ' appears to be from the hand 
of a secondary editor, who modelled the expression after the 
usual exception made subsequently in the count of the virtues 
of good kings, e.g., Jehoshaphat, 22'*^, Joash, II. 12*. It is then 
an exculpatory extension of the exception made by the first 
editor in v.^. For the definition of ' the house,' etc., see Comm. 
at 8^'. 3. And Solomon loved Yhwh, walking in the statutes 
of his father David ; only he was sacrificing and burning incense 
at the high-places. The usual interpretation of Heb. bdmdh 
with ' high-place ' (so modern VSS after the Greek and Latin 
translators) is here kept in lieu of any English word expressive 
of the Biblical aversion to those heathenish shrines. The 
Chronicler exculpates the sainted builder of the temple : " [He] 
went to the high-place at Gibeon, for there was the Tent of 
Meeting " (2 Ch. i^). Sanda suggests placing v.^'^ after v.^, 
but the passage is too much of a mosaic to attempt restoration 
of an original. For the high-places see the works on O.T. 
archaeology and religion (a recent statement by Albright is 
cited in the Notes), and in particular the reports of excava- 
tions, every one of which has revealed the remains of such 
ancient sanctuaries. He loved Yhwh : Deuteronomic phrase 
(Dt. 10^2, etc.), but with a complement, icalking in the statutes, 
i.e., those, morals, of his father David, as the word is also used 


at II. 17^- 21 of evil morals. The verb generally translated 
here with burnt incense (JV offered) may be taken in its root 
mng., ' to make to smoke,' used of the sweet savour of the 
burning sacrifice (c/. Gen. S^^^-), or as denominative from the 
noun for ' incense,' as rendered above. The earlier objection 
to the latter mng., namely that incense did not reach Palestine 
until a much later age, is now fully disposed of by the dis- 
covery of numerous and highly elaborate censers, e.g., the 
remarkable specimen found at Taanach by Sellin (presented 
by Barton, AB fig. 210), while they appear to have been of 
common domestic use, going back well into the second millen- 
nium ; indeed we know from Egypt that the Arabian incense 
trade was of early origin, and we may compare the name of 
Abraham's concubine, Keturah, doubtless related to ketoret, 
' incense.' For a study of the small censers see S. Przeworski, 
' Les censoirs de la Syrie,' Syria, 1930, 133 ff. The two terms 
' sacrificing ' and ' censing ' may express the round of worship ; 
and so at 11^ (with Solomon's heathenish wives as subject), 
II. 12^ (with the people as subject). 

4-15. Solomon at the great high-place at Gibeon has a 
dream, in which, upon the divine promise of any boon, he 
asks and receives the gift of wisdom, to judge this thy great 
people (v.^). There appears now the first extensive parallel 
of the Chronicler to Ki. (2 Ch. i^-^^). 4. And the king went to 
Gibeon to sacrifice there, for it was the great high-place ; a 
thousand burnt-offerings was Solomon wont to offer upon that 
altar. It is not so remarkable that the king went to Gibeon 
to sacrifice at its high-place, as that the story has been so 
artlessly preserved. The secondary conclusion in v.^^ makes 
the king return to Jerusalem to offer sacrifices there ' before 
the Ark ' ; the Chronicler assuages the difficulty by locating 
at Gibeon the Tent of Meeting and Bezalel's brazen altar, 
although the Ark ' in a tent ' was in Jerusalem. Gibeon has 
been identified with el-Jib, 6 mi. N.W. of Jerusalem ; for the 
earlier tradition see Robinson {BR 2, 136 ff.), for recent 
authorities Albright {AASOR 4 [1924], 104), Abel {GP 2, 
335 f.), these without question ; Galling {BR s.v.) gives a 
summary account of recent various theories for the location 
of this and other sites to the north of Jerusalem, himself 
coming to no positive conclusion. Why that sanctuary was 

I. 2*6b_32a jQ- 

pref erred as the great high-place (the Heb. expresses the super- 
lative) in Solomon's day is obscure. The Gibeonites had re- 
mained a Canaanite enclave since the conquest (Jos. 9^^-, 
ch. 10) ; their treaty rights were so respected that David 
delivered to them seven grandsons of Saul for death to atone 
for an outrage committed by that king (2 Sam. 21}^-). We 
may assume the Gibeonites' formal acceptance of the con- 
querors' deity {n.h. Jos. 9^). As extra-territorial the place 
may have been selected by royalty for policy's sake ; cf. 
David's creation of an absolutely new sacred centre with no 
Israelite tradition. There are few other cases of such local 
Yahweh-altars — on Carmel (18"^), on Nebo according to the 
Mesha stele (line 18), and cf. Absalom's vow that had to be 
fulfilled at Hebron (2 Sam. 15 ''^•). For the burnt-offering, 
properly 'holocaust,' see Nowack, Arch., 2, 214 ff., Benzinger, 
Arch., 362. The thousand of burnt-offerings need not be taken 
literally. Cf. the artificial distinction between p.vpio'; and 
[jivpLos. We possess in the Greek ' hekatomb ' the parallel of 
a loosely used ritual term ; this word, which means ' a hundred 
oxen,' is used by Homer of smaller numbers of victims, in 
one case of eight oxen {II., vi, 93, 115), or the sacrifice might 
consist of rams or sheep (xxiii, 147, 864). According to 
Herodotus, Croesus and Xerxes made sacrifices by the thou- 
sands (i, 50 ; vii, 43). South Arabian inscriptions give ex- 
travagant figures. There is no reason with Benzinger to 
regard the whole v., or with Stade the second half, as redac- 
tional ; why should a later age have magnified Solomon's 
irregular worship on a bdnidh at Gibeon ? Indeed the some- 
what conceit of the verse arouses the suspicion that the story 
springs from Gibeon, in opposition to Jerusalem, which should 
be the place where ' Yhwh is to be seen ' (Gen. 22^*). For 
the king presiding as summus sacerdos see Comm., 8^^^-. 

5-14. II 2 Ch. I'^fl-. Solomon's dream belongs to an extensive 
chapter of ancient religious psychology and praxis. The dream, 
or night vision, has its occasional part in earlier Biblical narra- 
tives ; e.g., for Isaac at Beersheba (Gen. 26^*), Jacob at Bethel, 
and with further such experiences (28^^, 31^^, 32222-^ 46"). 
The Philistine king Abimelek had a dream- warning (20^), the 
Pharaoh a symbolical dream (ch. 40), and so even a common 
soldier (Jud. 7^^). The nearest approach to the present story 


is that of the oracle by night in the sanctuary to the young 
Samuel (i Sam. 3). The dream was early recognized as one 
of the normal ways of divine revelation ; so i Sam. 28® : 
" Yhwh answered Saul neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor 
by prophets." But visions and dreams were inferior to the 
direct word-of-mouth revelations given to Moses (Num. 12 ^fi-). 
The Biblical dreams located at sanctuaries, Beersheba, Bethel, 
Shiloh, Gibeon, doubtless had connexion in fact with the 
ancient practice of oneiromancy at shrines, with a ritual 
praxis that induced such phenomena. Petrie interpreted the 
rings of stones at the turquoise mines of Serabit as cubicles 
for such incubation on part of the seekers of the precious 
stones [Researches in Sinai, 1906, 65 ff.). The present dream 
story is the last recorded in the Bible until the days of x-lpoca- 
lyptic ; the practice fell into disrepute, and Jeremiah bitterly 
inveighed against the prophets who dream dreams (23^^fi-). 
In the youngest book of the Old Testament we have Nebuchad- 
nezzar's dream, while the seer had ' his dreams and visions 
of his head upon his bed ' (Dan. cc. 2, 7 — see Montgomery 
ad locos). The several royal dreams cited above introduce 
us to a privilege extensively claimed by the Oriental monarchs 
from the day of Sumerian Gudea down through the line of 
Ashurbanipal, Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus, and outside of the 
Semitic field, the Lydian Gyges and the Persian kings, as 
also in Egypt ; there may be added the fable of Alexander's 
dream concerning the Jewish high-priest in Josephus, Ant., 
xi, 8, 5.2 

2 For the series of dreams to Gudea, prescribing his building of a 
temple, in his Cylinder A, see Barton, Royal Inscriptions of Sumer 
and Akkad, 1, 204 fit. (he had his visions by incubation, e.g., §11). Ashur- 
banipal records a divine vision by night (ARA 2, no. 835), and a dream 
of his army (no. 807), and also reports the dream of Lydian Gyges, 
which bade him seek the Assyrian alliance (no. 784). The ill-fated 
Nabonidus records two dreams (see Jastrow, cited below). For Egypt 
there are the dreams of Merenptah and Tanutamon (Breasted, ARE 3, 
no. 582 ; 4, no. 922). For dreams of or about Persian monarchs see 
Herodotus, i, 107 f., iii, 30, 124 ; vii, 19. And there is now to be added 
the dream by which El revealed himself to Keret, king of the Sidonians, 
in an Ugaritic epic (Virolleaud, Keret, 60 fif.). For the subject in general 
see Jastrow, Rel. Bab. 11. Ass., 2, 954 ff., and Index, s.v. ' Traum ' ; 
Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 244 S. ; and for the ' dream-style ' Mowinckel 
in the Gunkel-Eucharisterion, 317 ff. 

I. 2*«b_328 jQ^ 

Accordingly the present story is entirely in the colour of 
the ancient Orient, innocent of the later orthodox sentiment 
against dreams. It observes the Biblical characteristic of the 
dream for God's own people as a means of direct revelation ; 
the dream is not symbolical, requiring therefore dream- 
interpreters as in the Babylonian religion, the oneiropoloi of 
Herodotus (indeed it is God's people who interpret Pagan 
dreams, as in the case of Joseph and Daniel), but is a direct 
' word ' of Deity. The charm of this story is unique. Kittel 
comments that " there is no reason to doubt the historical 
character of this narrative " ; that it is in origin an early, 
practically contemporary story, and in so far authentic, is 
without doubt. It is connected with the North-Israelite, 
actually old-Canaanite sanctuary of Gibeon ; if it is of the 
Elohistic strain, as claimed by Holscher, it must be North- 
Israelite, and in that case primitive, because of the subsequent 
break between North and South. Moreover the divine gift 
to Solomon is not a temple-plan as in Gudea's case, and cf. 
Ex. 25^ ; such an invention might well have been inserted 
here ; cf. the oracle to David, when he purposed to build a 
temple. But the boon Solomon asks for, which is granted, 
is judicial wisdom to fit him to judge this thy great people. 
The story well antedates the extravagant tradition of Solo- 
mon's ' wisdom ' as presented in 5^^-, cf. lo^^-. It reflects one 
aspect of his administration for which we have no record, 
that is, the organization of the law of his realm ; n.h. his Hall 
of Justice (7'). His taxation system is fully reported (ch. 4) ; 
the social order of his state must have been of equal concern. 
We may well compare with Solomon the greater Hammurabi, 
who in the preface to his code says : " When Marduk sent 
me to rule man and to promulgate justice, I put justice and 
righteousness into the language of the land and promoted 
the welfare of the people." As Kittel remarks, Solomon may 
have been ' the first to systematize the law of Israel ' {GVI 2, 
150). For criticism of the narrative Burney gives an exact 
critical display of Deuteronomistic phrases, and it is reason- 
able to assign the present form to the late editors. Holscher 
would find his Elohist here, but the tradition of the divine 
Name on which he rehes is uncertain. 7. A little child : the 
phrase is that of humility, and is relative ; cf. Jesus' saying. 


Mk. 10^^, and the Arabic use of ' sheikh,' properly * old man.' 
Rashi and Kimchi follow ancient tradition here by making 
Solomon 12 years old, and so the Hexaplaric gloss at 2^^. 
Octavianus, when he assumed his uncle's toga, cstat. 18, was 
taunted by his opponents as ' a boy.' To go out and come in : 
with the home as implied object, i.e., the round of daily public 
life ; cf. I Sam. 18^®. 9. EVV, an understanding heart to judge 
thy people : but literally, a heart that listens to judge thy people. 
The first verb is a legal term {cf. use at 2^^) ; a similar phrase 
below, v.^^, where EVV render with ' to discern justice,' but 
the Heb. to hear justice means to give a just hearing ; cf. the 
English judicial term, * a hearing.' In the judicial act there 
are two operations, the hearing of the evidence, then the 
decision of the intelligence (Heb. heart). V.^* is regarded by 
Stade as a Deuteronomistic addition ; Klostermann and 
Benzinger elide only the condition of the first part ; Sanda 
finds also vv.^^^- ^^^ as secondary ; they are indeed extrava- 
gant utterances. The divine word thus simplified wiU read : 
12fl. Lo, I have done according to thy word. Lo, I have given 
thee a wise and understanding heart. 13a. And I have also 
given thee what thou didst not ask, both riches and honour. 
lAh. And I will lengthen thy days. AV ' honour,' vs. the variant 
translation elsewhere with ' glory,' when attribute of Deity, 
is the best translation of the Heb. kdbod ; here Luther was 
followed with his ' Ehre.' In the Anglican Prayer Book there 
occurs the constant doublet, ' the honour and glory ' of Deity. 
15. The V. is variously appraised by critics. Benzinger, Kittel, 
Stade regard it as wholly redactional ; Skinner accepts, allow- 
ing probable additions to the text, Holscher would excise 
only, and he came to Jerusalem, and stood before the ark of the 
covenant of the Lord, which is evidently an intruded passage, 
inserted to emphasize the primacy of Jerusalem. Cf. the 
probable excision of ' in Hebron ' at end of 2 Sam. 15^. The 
initial sentences, and he awoke, and lo, it was a dream (=Gen. 
41', E), are of indifferent importance critically. That he 
offered burnt-offerings and made peace-offerings, and made a 
feast for all his ministers (the last statement also at Gen. 40^"), 
properly concludes the scene at Gibeon, and is original. 

YY_i6-28_ The Judgment of Solomon. This story of a sum- 
mary judicial decision has widespread parallels. Grotius cites 

I. 2^6b_328 log 

a similar case given by Diodorus Siculus for a Thracian king 
Ariopharnes, as well as a case in Suetonius's Life of Claudius 
(ch. 15). A good parallel from the Indian Jataka Stories 
tells how a woman left her child on a river bank, a she-demon 
picked it up and claimed it as hers ; the two appealed to the 
deity, who ordered them to tear the child apart and each to 
take half, but the real mother refused. There is also the 
notable Pompeian fresco, depicting such a ' judgment.' ^ If 
our story is borrowed, it is idle to decide from what quarter. 
For the immediate entrance of the two women before the king, 
cf. the story of the ' wise woman ' who brought her alleged 
domestic trouble before king David (2 Sam. 14), and, for the 
' open court ' that the king should grant all his subjects, the 
clever politics of Absalom (2 Sam. 15^°-). The ancient Oriental 
king was approachable to aU {cf. i Sam. 18^^), and such open 
justice still prevails in the courts of modem Arab potentates. 
For the two harlots — on which subject the commentators 
cited by Poole have considerable and amusing discussion, 
while some ancient texts try to modify or ignore the ugly 
noun — Landersdorfer pertinently compares the women who 
kept the drinking-places, actually ' disorderly houses,' in 
Babylonia, whom the Code Hammurabi severely controlled 
{§§108-111) ; indeed the Targum uses here the word for ' inn- 
keeper ' (fem.). The ' harlot ' Rahab belonged to the same 
class. The story is told in an effective way, with a genuine 
feminine strain to it ; there is a certain amount of repetitious- 
ness, which the Grr. avoided. There is to be noted the psycho- 
logical expression in v.^^, literally, her bowels were fermented 
for her son {cf. Gen. 43^"), and so correctly for the first noun 
AV, while the other EVV euphemize with ' heart ' ; all agree 
in translating the sequence with " yearned upon/after her 
son." The development of meaning of that noun appears in 

* For the Indian tale see E. B. Cowell and W. H. D. Rouse, Jataka 
Stories, 6 (1912), 63 ff. ; H. G. Rawlinson, Intercourse between India 
and the Western World (1926), 11 ; for the Pompeian fresco Springer- 
Michaelis, Handbuch der Kunstgesch., Das Altertum^, fig. 316 ; and 
Le Blaut, Rev. Archeologique, ser. Ill, 13 (1889), p. 24 and pi. iii. 
Gressmann's study ' Das Salomonische Urteil ' in Deutsche Rundschau, 
130 (1907), 212 ff., cites some twenty-two such cases in folk-tale and 
literature. See also for more recent bibliography ERE 7 (1914), 467 ; 
J. G. Frazer, Folk-Lore in the O.T., 2, ch. 11. 


' bowels of mercy,' Lk. i'^, Col. 3^^, and finally it came to 
mean ' compassion.' See I. Eitan's study of the word in JBL 
1934, 269 ff. A nice point of language appears in the same v., 
when the real mother varies the usual word for ' child,' yeled, 
by using another, ydliid, which may be translated with the 
etymologically equivalent ' bairn.' 18. The third day : i.e., 
' the day after the morrow.' 21. Stade would delete one or 
the other of the two cases of in the morning, but the language 
is that of feminine repetitiousness. 26. 27. Omit, with OGrr. 
{the) living {baby), bis ; the addition was due to the erroneous 
notion that the dead baby also had been brought into court, 
leading to the absurd development in Josephus and Lucian 
that the king commanded the halving of both the living and 
the dead child, equal parts for each woman ; this humorous 
expansion might be based on the law in Ex. 21^^. 28. The 
story concludes with the impression made upon the people : 
All Israel heard of the verdict that the king had rendered ; and 
they stood in awe of the king, for they saw that divine wisdom 
was in him for executing justice. As observed above, it is a 
judicial wisdom that is ascribed to Solomon in these early 
stories, not the philosophy of later legend. Indeed the corre- 
sponding word for Heb. ' wisdom ' here, hokmdh, in the Arabic 
hukm means a judicial judgment. For justice as the primary 
royal virtue see Ps. J2^^-, and Gunkel's Comm. This popular 
story is sequel to that of the dream. No critical literary 
judgment can be easily given as to its age and provenance. 
Stade regards it as comparatively late ; but Kittel remarks 
that " in its liveliness and freshness the narrative recalls J of 
the Pentateuch," and with this judgment Holscher fully agrees. 

46^. HD'^oan : the noun, reminiscent of 2 Sam. 7^^, also inf., 11^^, 
etc., is generally found in prophetic diction; but note the political 
term 'd.t tj?, i Sam. 27*; in Phoen. n^'^'CD is used frequently of the 
personified royalty (Harris, Gram., 118). — <g om. this half -verse, at 
2'^ has the plus, " and the kingdom was established in Jerusalem." 

Ch. 3. 1. np'i : the verb in absolute sense also at 7^ ; (g ■z^^'^ 
-f' to wife.' — nN'3'i: here Lagarde (his 2'; (g 4^^) has a negative 
ovK, with 2 MSS, a correction after 2 Ch. S^^, but a pure sport. 
• — "■• '3 nxji inu nx : B a2 om. ((£ has), then introducing with all 
other Gr. texts ev wpwrois ; i.e., the latter distinction was arbi- 
trarily introduced to give the building of the temple precedence, 
and then in the two MSS noted the building of the palace was 
eliminated. At 9^^ the order of the items is reversed. Actually 

I. 246b_328 III 

the mention of the temple here is quite out of place in connexion 
with the queen's residence. — 2. pi : also at v.^. and so generally 
throughout the bk. ; but at 22** in. — Dvn pn : B a2 <£ om. — by 
error or of purpose ? — niD3 : the noun, already identified with 
Akk. bdmtu, ' back,' etc.. now appears in the Ugaritic prepositional 
form non"?, ' upon.' See Albr., ARI 105 f.. and accompanying 
note, defining the object as "an elevated platform on which cultic 
objects were placed " ; he accepts the derivation of Gr. bomos, 
' altar ' (otherwise of unknown etymology) from this Sem. word, 
via the Phoenician. — 3. Tcpa : Nowack, Arch., 2, 246 ff., denying 
early use of incense in Palestine, draws distinction between the Hif., 
used of the smoke, savour of sacrifice, and the Piel as denomina- 
tive from map : however, to establish this distinction, the vocaliza- 
tion of the verbal forms must at times be corrected, e.g., i Sam. 
2I8, jiTijp' lap, with combination of Pi. inf. and Hif. impf. There 
must have arisen later confusion of the two conjugations. — 4. noin 
nh)-\in : Grr., v\l/r]\oTaTri k. fieyaX-rj, paraphrasing the obnoxious words, 
and so all VSS C^ ' excelsum magnum '), exc. that ^ iS replace 
the noun with ' altar.'- — 5. The nominal sentence without conj. 
appears awkward ; VSS, exc. W. attach jiyian to prec. v., and 
prefix a conj. to the foil. verb. — d'h'^n : Grr. (exc. Aq., Sym.) = 
ntn\ — 6. 'Ji T^is'' l'''"' : Burn. eft. ' walking with God,' Gen. 5^2, 
Mic. 6*, etc. — 8. ana nss' n"?! nn' t<h: = 8^; & om. the second 
sentence and also abbreviates the parallel. — 9. loy "n bsss''? : Grr. 
-{-ey diKaioavvr] ; St. elides as repetition of the phrase below ; 
but the insistence on justice is to the point. — inan icj; : cf. Num. 
2o2o ; for the sense of the adj. cf. the noun nus. — 10. '^nx ['vj'3] : 
read with many MSS nirr ; all VSS with amelioration of the 
physical phrase: "it pleased the Lord." — 11. d'h^n :=Ch., but 
all VSS=nin' (g)H noting that Hebraeus has d^h'tn).- -ih 2° : <@ om., 
and so St. ; but note the triple 2d person with effect, l"? bis, yi'tt. — 
nhxm : for the ' irregular ' pf. with ' weak Waw ' (Ch. corrects to 
haa'm) see Dr., Tenses, §133 ; Burn, rightly notes the rhetorical 
contrast of d'pns' k^ and r\hi<-^, and we may also observe the earlier 
larger liberty in the syntax with Waw. — 12. l"-ai3 : so BH (L), 
Bar; Mich., Ken., Ginsb.. 113-13= VSS, exc. V ; the latter as 
sing., and by Oriental tradition, is correct ; at 18^^, 221^ y-^zi is 
corrected by Kr. to inan ; the fuller Kt. arose to express the 
accent. — in:i D^n : (© ^povL/j.Tjv k. aotpTjv, but Hex., cr. k. <p., exemplify- 
ing the later understanding of ddh. — 13. "I'O' "j^ : OGrr. om., and 
so St., al., correctly, unless we are to assume an original bungling 
phrase ; Klost., Benz. preserve by reading preceding hm as .t.t. 
The gloss was not restrictive in purpose, it would interpret the past 
tense so as to include the coming life of the king. Ch. expands 
into comparison with all kings, ' before thee and after thee.' Note 
punctuation of JV to avoid the difficulty. — 15. i"p: : preferable to 
Ginsb., j'p: ; see Bar's note, St. — nu'i : Grr. pref. k. avearr]. — 
jn.x "jdS ; OGrr. pref. Kara irpoaiiiirou t. 6v<na.aTn]pLov t. [/cara Trpos.], 


accepted by Then., Klost., but an addition after Ch., v.*. with Burn., 
" to remove the impression that S. passed into the immediate pre- 
sence of the Arlc." — 'jin: Ken. text, many MSS, the original w.t. 
Grr. add 'in Sion,' and the plus ' for himself [and all his servants].' 
16. nJNin : Grr., wcpdrjaav — by euphemistic change (?) ; <£ = ^. — 
D'v: :=Engl. indefinite ' certain ' ; for the same use cf. ii^^, 17^, 
Jud. 4*, 19I, and Aram. ]-\2^:, Dan. 38 ; 3 Heb. MSS, Grr. cm. — 
n:i : 6 Gr. MSS TrovrjpaL for iropvai, i MS om. — 17. '3 : EW 
'Oh'; Grr., ev e/j.01. ; g> 'ni'7 = ' chez moi ' ; JK lyan, 'at your 
leave, pray ' =^ ^ V ; on such an understanding, cf. the suppres- 
sion of y of the root nyn in nn. pr., e.g., nn, nn*?!. But A. M. 
Honeyman, in a notable article in JAOS 1944, 81 f., properly 
insists, following predecessors, but with additional proof, on its 
identification with '3n, II. 513 {q.v.), and from root nax. ' be willing,' 
and so becoming a worn-down expression for ' granted,' and the 
like. — 18. nn' : ' alone ' ; the Heb. and the Engl. adv. by like 
development. — -n'ni 1° ; <g (§^ om., and so St. — ijn:N D'nts' : cf. 
ijnjN irjB-, I Sam. 20*2. — £0. .n:t:" -ncvi : (g &- om., and so St. — 
'^^ND : Grr., e/c t. ayKaXuv /xov, reading as '^s^'?- — 21. "ipna 2^ : '^ 
distinguishes from i^ with 'clara luce'; St., BH om. — 22. '3 nS 
bis : see Note, 2^". — 'nn 'jni non in 'd n'? mox nxn : (g om., and 
so St., BH, Eissf. ; but the repetition belongs to the style. — 25. (§^ 
ad fin. plus k. to redvtjKOi o/xolojs dieXere k. Sore aix.(pOTepais, and 
so Jos. ; see Rahlfs, SS 3, loi, 284, questioning whether the 
addition was by oral tradition or from an early written source. — 

26, 1^^" : also v.^'. St. doubts the change of vocalization from 
n.?:, but here 2 Gr. MSS have -n-aidapiov vs. current TraiSiov and so 
2 Lucianic MSS at v.^^^ proving that the distinction was early 
observed. The noun is always used of the mother's relation, ni^- 
ncN. Job 14I, etc., exc. i Ch. 14*. — "nn [n'j'n] : <g (g^ om., and 
so at V.27 ; 2 Heb. MSS om. it here, a third MS om. it v.". — 

27. inn'nn n'? : positive command, vs. the precative of the woman's 
plea with hi( ; some 66 MSS read the latter. — Rahlfs presents 
(SS I, §3) a study of the text of Origen's letter to Julius Africanus, 
repeating the above story. 

CC. 4-5^^ (EW ch. 4). The power and glory of king Solomon. 
V.i is editorial, but primary, and is based upon 2 Sam. 8^^^, 
" and David reigned over all Israel," while ib. v.^^^, " and 
David was effecting justice and right for all his people," is 
paralleled by the story of Solomon's Judgment ; then Sam., 
vv.ieff-, Hsts David's officialdom, even as the hke data are 
given here. All Israel : i.e., Pan-Israel, an early nationalistic 
term from the days of the union of the tribes in a kingdom. 

VV.^'^. A list of the royal cabinet. The accompanying 
plate gives a conspectus of the textual evidence for this Ust 

I. 41-8 113 

of offices and officers. It is an expansion of the table in the 
writer's article, ' The Year-Eponymate in the Hebrew Mon- 
archy,' JBL 1930, 311-19, to which reference should be 
made for fuller demonstrations. Similar tables have been 
presented by Benzinger (p. 15) and Sanda (p. 71). For <g 
the text of B is followed, with notable variants in parentheses. 
Recognition of the ' glosses ' in Gr. ch. 2 and of their proper 
assignment is of prime importance ; their original order is 
indicated by (i), (2), (3), etc. A similar table will be given 
on next page presenting the parallelism of the present Hst 
with those of David's officers, 2 Sam. 8, 20. 

The resultant of criticism of the text is the following form. 
2. And these were his officers : Azariah b. Sadok (3) Over-the- 
Year ; and Ahijah b. Shausha, Secretary ; and Jehoshaphat 
b. Ahiliid [var. Ahilad] the Recorder ; (4a) and Benaiah b. 
Jehoiada Over-the-Army ; (5) and Azariah b. Nathan Over-the- 
Lieutenants ; and Zabud [var. Zakur] b. Nathan Priest, Royal 
Friend ; (6) and Ahiel [var. Ahishar — \vithout patronymic] 
Over-the-Palace ; and Adoram [Adoniram}] b. Abda Over-the- 

The most important reconstruction of the text occurs in 
the first and second items, namely with omission of ' the 
priest ' after ' Sadok ' (in any case the appositive should refer 
to the son Azariah), the correction of the unexplained 71. pr., 
' Elihoreph ' to ' Over-the-Year,' following a Gr. gloss, and 
the resultant of but one Secretary. In the first item ' the 
priest ' is lacking in (g here, but is supplied in 2^^^, which 
latter section otherwise ignores any Priests in the list. The 
item in v.* on the two Priests was baldly introduced from the 
list of David's officers in 2 Sam. 8^^2- (see Comm., 2^^'^) ; it 
has a most unauthentic ring, as Abiathar was immediately 
deposed upon the king's accession, indeed should have been 
named first ; we learn below of a Priest in the royal court, 
who is also Royal Friend.^ But a certain Azariah b. Sadok 

^ In note 10 of his article cited above the writer has expressed his 
scepticism concerning these data about Sadok. Only brief reference 
may be made to the extensive recent hterature on the subject of the 
Aaronids and Sadokids : Kittel, GVI 2, 196; Kennett, O.T. Essays, 
ch. 3 ; Meek, AJSL 45 (1929), 149 ff. ; J. Gabriel, Untersiichungen 
liber das alttest. Hohepriestertum (1933) ; arts, by Bentzen, Budde, 
Mohlenbrink in ZAW 1933, 173 fif. ; 1934, 4^ 2-. 184 fit. ; Morgenstem^ 






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1. 41-6 115 

is Over-the-Year, the ranking officer, doubtless of priestly 
function. The word horep in the unexplained n. pr., ' Elihorep,' 
as hitherto understood, means the autumn season, S. Arab. 
hrp {cf. Arab. Jjarif, ' autumn '), the beginning of the ancient 
Semitic year, that is, the New Year. The word hrp was then 
used for the calendar year, of which a kabir, generally two 
kabirs {cf. the Roman consuls), had charge. The ofhce was 
parallel to that of the Ass. limu, after the years of which 
functionaries all official documents were dated. It has been 
disputed among South-Arabists whether the office was sacer- 
dotal, but there is proof of this in certain cases. ^ And indeed 
the Israelite office of kohen was not necessarily sacerdotal, for 
only so can be explained the statement of 2 Sam. 8^^ that 
two sons of David were ' priests ' (a title that the EVV 
dodge !), while 2 Sam. 20^^ records a certain Jairite, ' a priest 
of David's.' Now the Gr. at the former place translates the 
Heb, with avXdpxai, and the gloss in col. iv of the table has 
over against jn^ the same translation iirl t. aiXapx^s, ' over 
the palace-service.' The interpretation offered for hrp is 
entirely satisfactory, but it was suggested to the writer and 
enforced by the Gr. gloss to the word, cVt t. irXivOiov. The 
phnthion was the quadrans (whence Engl. ' quadrant '), which 
was not only a sun-dial but also an instrument for deter- 
mining the seasons by the length of the sun's shadow, the 
instrument being adjusted to the latitude. To the references 
for this ancient instrument, long surviving in the Arabic 
world, given in the writer's article cited, are to be added two 
cases of Arabian quadrants : CIS IV, no. 161, Nabatsean ; 
Jaussen and Savignac, Mission Archeologique (1909), vol. i, 
fig. 113, p. 303, a N. Arabian specimen. Cf. comment on 
sun-dials, II. 20^^-. There is thus evidence for a fixed legal 

' The High-Priesthood,' AJSL 55 (1938), i ff. ; J. Hoschander, The 
Priests and Prophets, ch. 6. For identification of Sadok as of the old 
Canaanite priesthood in Jerusalem, proposed by Mowinckel, Bentzen, 
and independently by H. H. Rowley, see the latter's art., ' Zadok and 
Nehushtan,' JBL 1939, 115 ff., with full review of the literature. It is 
suggested that the name of the priest may be historically related to 
that of the early priest-king of Jerusalem, Melchi-sedek. See also 
Comm., 235b, S""-. 

^ See note 7 of the writer's art. cited ; add citations in Glossary of 
Conti Rossini, Chrest., p. 245, col. a, proving the priestly function. 


calendar at the beginning of the Israelite monarchy. We 
may properly infer that this institution came to involve the 
registration of important events by dates, as in the ancient 
Mesopotamian empires, and so subsequently throughout the 
Mediterranean world. The Officer-over-the-Year was counter- 
part of the Roman Pontifex Maximus. It is from such official 
calendars that the dated data scattered throughout our book 
were ultimately drawn. For the syntactically unique use of 
'al, ' over x,' here and below, cf. the instances cited in BDB 
755a ; cf. the correspondent Akk. sa pan, sa eli ; and for the 
later Gr. equivalent, eVt with the gen., see Thayer, Lex., 231'^. 
After this titularly ranking officer comes the Scribe or 
Secretary. The Heb. word soper has been understood as 
corresponding to Akk. sdperii, on which office Meissner re- 
marks that it was ' one of the most frequent, but also most 
ambiguous offices ' ; but R. P. Dougherty, with philological 
correctness, relates it to simple Akk. seperu, ' scribe.' ^ In 
the Israelite menage there was one such officer par excellence, 
e.g., II. 22^ etc. The title ' Recorder,' by usual translation, 
is ambiguous, alongside of ' Scribe.' The Heb. word demands 
rather the translation (the king's) ' Remembrancer,' as Ben- 
zinger. Driver, Sanda, suggest.'* For the ' Lieutenants ' (EVV 
' chief, principal officers ') cf. ^^^. In ' Zabud b. Nathan 
Priest and Royal Friend ' we have a case of the wide use of 
the first title [cf. preceding paragraph). The other, * Royal 
Friend,' was Egyptian (A. Wiedemann, Gesch. von altem 
Aegypten, 1891, 63, Erman-Ranke, Aegypten u. aegyptisches 
Leben, 85), appears in early Canaan, Gen. 26^^, and in 
South Arabia {mwdt in construction with the king's name, 
Conti Rossini, Chrest., 134) ; it was also an Ethiopian title 

'Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 133; Dougherty, JAOS 1928, 109 ff. 
See GB and Bezold, BAG, sub vv. For the Egyptian scribe and his 
high position see Erman, Lit. of the Anc. Egyptians, p. xxvii. and at 
length J. Begrich, ' Sofer und Mazkir,' ZAW 17 (1940), i flE. 

* One Gr. translation, dvafjLtiJ.vrjaKwv, gives this mng. ; the variant 
parallel word is in line with the common virofiv-fjixaTa, ' memoranda, 
minutes ' ; at i Ch. 1 8^* the word is translated with viroixvqfxaToypa.<pos, 
title of a high officer at Alexandria, according to Strabo (xvii, i, 12). 
For possible Old Egyptian correspondents see Bertholet, Hist, of Heb. 
Civilization, 247, and Gressmann, i, 212, the latter noting the Narrator 
of the Egyptian court. 

I. 4^- 


{ZA 30, 6). Hushai was 'friend' of David (2 Sam. 15^'), and 
the title has been found by some at i^. 

The officer ' Over-the-House,' i.e., royal Chamberlain, Major- 
domo, ranks low in the present list ; at 11. 18^^ he precedes 
the Scribe and the Recorder, and the title was borne by Jotham 
as his father's regent (II. 15^), as also by Obadiah, Ahab's 
chief minister (18^) ; the intimate office doubtless advanced 
in importance, like that of the later European chamberlain. 
For the title in a Lachish letter see Comm., II. 25^^*^-. The 
office corresponds to that of the Bab. muzaz ekallim, the Ass. 
§a pan ekalli (Meissner, pp. 120, 131), and the late Bab. sa eli 
hltdni (Dougherty, AASOR 5 [1924], 40 ff.). For the form of 
the title cf. that of the mayor, ' Over-the-City,' II. 10^. There 
is finally the ' Levy Officer,' in charge of the corvee ; cf. 5^^. 
We learn of this unpopular incumbent's fate in ch. 12. In this 
connexion is to be noted Mendelsohn's very thorough treatment 
in his article on ' State Slavery,' cited in the Bibliography. 

In regard to the historical character of this list, it is unneces- 
sary, as with Benzinger, to hold that the variant textual 
authorities represent lists of different epochs. But a problem 
lies in the relation of the present list to those of David's officers 
in 2 Sam. 8^®2- and 2o2Sff-. The parallelisms appear as follows : 

I. 2 Sam. 8 

Joab b. Zeruiah over 

the host 
Jehoshaphat b. Ahi- 

lud recorder 
Sadok b. Ahitub and 

Ahimelek b. Abi- 

athar priests 
Seraiah scribe 

Benaiah b. Jehoiada 
over the Chere- 
thites and Pele- 

David's sons priests 

II. 2 Sam. 20 

(i) Joab over all the 
host of Israel 

(4) Jehosh. b. Ahil. 

(6) Sadok and Abi- 
athar priests 

(5) Sheva scribe 

(2) Ben. b. Jeh. over 
C. and P. 

(3) Adoram over the 

{7) The Jairite Ira 

(The above items ar- 
ranged to correspond 
with col. I.) 

III. I Ki. 4 

Azariah b. Sadok over 
the year 

Ahijah b. Shausha 

Jehosh. b. Ahilud re- 

Benaiah b. Jeh. over 

the host 
Sadok and Abiathar 


Azariah b. Nathan 
over the officers 

Ahishar over the 

Adoniram b. Abda 
over the levy 


Note that in Ki. three names, Azariah b. Sadok, Azariah b. 
Nathan, Ahishar are independent of the earher hsts. The 
two priests we have seen reason to exclude ; n.b. they are not 
provided with patronymics in 2 Sam. 20 and Ki. For Solo- 
mon's accepted reign it would be highly improbable that 
Adoram/Adoniram, who died after that king, was a minister 
of David's. There remain only Jehoshaphat b. A. and Benaiah 
b. J. as ministers in both reigns. We may therefore, with 
Sanda, assign the list in Ki. to the first half of Solomon's reign. 
The list in 2 Sam. 8 appears to be authentic, unless the priests 
there are to be excluded ; that in 2 Sam. 20 is entirely second- 
ary, except for the original datum of ' the Jairite Ira priest ' ; 
' Sheva ' is corruption of ' Shausha ' in Ki. 

1, h^: Grr. om., and so some critics, e.g., St., BH ; but the v. 
is editorial repetition of 2 Sam. 8^^ where ' all Israel ' appears ; 
the same political phrase below, v.', 12^. — 2. o'ltr : at its earliest 
occurrence, Jud. 51^, the word means ' chieftain ' ; while it 
developed in Akk. to the mng., ' king,' the usual tr. as ' prince ' 
is contrary to Israel's simple constitution. — 3. i"in''?N : read innn Sy, 
and see Comm. above. For other attempts at etymology see 
Sanda. — n-nx : on a Lachish tablet i.thn. — nb-c : read i<f^]P with 
I Ch. iS^' ; the same person's nanie=<g Sowa, 2 Sam. 20^5 (of 
which B Jriffovs is patent corruption), for the deformed Kr. of ^ ; 
A <S^ here ^ovaa^li. <g Sa/Sa here may be corruption of 2a/3(ra- 
[n]b'ic=b'cc, 'sun'; cf. the Aram, name ti'w 'd 'like the sun' 
{CIS II, no. 65), the variation of the labial in D'^c (Is. 3^*), a 
diminutive =st<feazs, and the Ugaritic form SpS. Brockelmann's 
section on dissimilation of labials is quite incomplete ; but note 
H. Bauer's art. in ZfS 1935, 11 ff. There is no reason to displace 
the name with n'-iK-, the scribe's name at 2 Sam. 8^' {vs. GB). — 
ni'^'nx (also v.^-) :=Gr. h j Ax'Xoi;5 ; other Grr. read as i^'ot?, for 
which cf. names signifying divine procreation, e.g., in-i2, and Akk. 
forms with bdnu. The variant AxtSaXafi, supporting ^, is a play 
upon our word ; the second element = J. Aram. NcSn, ' twin,' i.e., 
'a brother-is-born ' = ' twin-brother. ' — 4. N^iS'i . . . i.T:a : B v a, 
® om. ; St. prefers the novel ' Eliab b. Joab ' of <g^, 2**'' ; but 
for prob. invention of this name see below on -ia"P'<. — 5. inmy : 
Grr., Opveiov, Opvias, the word read as vtzik, inducing the usual 
transcription. — n-n^i^n : see Note, v.'. — ^UI : the name also at 
Ezr. 81* Kt., n. fern. n-ii3T, II. 23^^ Kr. The root = ' to give,' is 
used in Aram, and S. Arab names. For the name in Ezr. ICr. 
reads -\f2], and so here 12 MSS Ken., deR., which rdg. is supported 
here by <@^ (also 'Qi i MS, ^), and at 2*^^ by all Grr. There appear 
to have been cross-currents of tradition. — [hd : <g (g^ om., B>^ -x- ; 
the double title is indeed remarkable. — n>'i ; for abnormal final 



I. 4'-^' 119 

vowel see BL 388. The word was found by some in Amarna 
tablet no. 288, ruhi Sarri, but the vocalization is contradictory ; 
the word=ni^i ' shepherd ' ; cf. II. 3*. — 6. n'^n hy nti-'nN : the name 
is quite uncertain (corrections proposed by Noth, p. 189, n. 5), 
and absence of patronymic is unique in this list. B al., Axet rjv 
oLKovo/xos K. EXiaK oiKovofMos, where Tjf may be error for r]\, with 
resultant '^N'nx, and isy as remainder of the original patronymic. 
The duplicate phrase is a clumsy variant of the foil. k. E\ta/3 itos 
1,a(p [<§^ Ici;a/3] iwi r. Trarpias, the last word to be corrected with 
(S^ to (TTparias (Rahlfs, 5S 3, 201). This phrase is an intrusion 
from Gr. z*^'^ with A/3« (MS i A/3ta = e£) wos Iwa/3 (MS i Iwad) ; 
the variant IwaS recalls Benaiah's father Jehoiada, and accordingly 
A^et is reduction of ' Abiathar.' There is no reason to reconstruct 
]^ from the frail <&, vs. St. — dtjix :=DnnN, 12^8, 2 Sam. 20^*. 
The Grr. here = ^, in the other cases vary : in Sam. B Aduvipa/x, 
al. A8o}pafi=]os. ; in the parallel, 2**'', the variant Gr. rdgs. sup- 
port the shorter form ; at 12^* (g and Jos. support ^. As name 
of the same person a-fin appears, 2 Ch. lo^^ (also name of a Syrian 
prince, i Ch. iS^", of an Aram, tribe, i Ch. i-^). Critics generally 
correct the form at 12^* after the spelling here ; but the rarer 
pagan Hadoram/Adoram, with the divine element Haddu/Addu, 
by far deserves preference. We may indeed have merely variant 
forms in the two names, since 'ddon is development of 'ad, ' father,' 
as appears from Ugaritic texts ; see H. Ginsberg, OLz., 1934, 473» 
and Cook, CAH 3, 349, who had earlier made the identification. — 
Niaj; : on a Samarian ostracon, and in Phoenician (Harris, Gram., 
Glossary) ; amazing Gr. variations, e.g., B E^pa, (g^- E5pa^ = E5paec 
2*'"i, the two latter forms explaining the preceding Tfemarkable 
gloss in the same v., k. edpa/xev eiri r. oikov avrov. — DD : for the 
etymology as =S. Arab. mnS', ' levy,' see Montg., JQR 25 (1934), 267. 

yY_7-i9_ Solomon's districting of his kingdom and the re- 
spective lieutenants. For recent discussions of this adminis- 
trative list see Alt, Israels Gaue unter Salomo, and Albright, 
' The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah,' JPOS 
1925, 17 ff., with map ; for subsequent exchange of opinion 
between these two scholars see Alt, Pjb., 1925, 100 ff., Albright, 
ZAW 1926, 225 ff. For the geography there are further to 
be noted Jack, Samaria in Ahab's Time, ch. 3, with map ; 
Alt, Die Staatenbildung der Israeliten in Paldstina ; Robinson, 
HI I, 263 ff., with map ; Abel, GP 2, 79 ff., with map. For 
the commentators see especially Kittel and Sanda. For the 
place-names in the list are to be consulted D511er, GES ; 
Boree, AOP vol. 2 ; Galling, BR. For Beth-shean see the 
extensive monograph by A. Rowe, Topography and History 
of Beth-shan (1930) ; for Beth-shemesh, E. Grant, Beth Shemesh 


(1929) ; for Megiddo see Comm., 9^^ for Sarethan, ib. 7*^ ; 
for the Transjordan domain A. Bergman, ' The IsraeHte Occu- 
pation of Eastern Palestine,' etc., JAOS 1934, 169 ff., and ' The 
Israehte Tribe of Half-Manasseh,' JPOS 1936, 224 ff. Im- 
portant topographical reviews and discussions for Palestine 
and the neighbouring lands by Albright are listed in the 
Indexed Bibliography of his publications, pp. 3-18. Of illumina- 
ting comparative interest is R. P. Dougherty's presentation 
of ' Cuneiform Parallels to Solomon's Provisioning System,' 
AASOR 5 (1925), with several illustrative plates.^ 

7. And Solomon had twelve Lieutenants over all Israel, that 
they might provision the king and his household ; for a month 
in the year it lay upon each one to make provision. ' Lieutenant ' 
(in the old English sense — Kittel, ' Pasha,' Albright, ' Prefect ') 
corresponds to the Ass. sakenjsaknu ; for a political comparison 
with this list from the Assyrian quarter see E. Forrer, Die 
Provinzeinteilung des ass. Reiches (1919). It is notable that 
there is no alignment with the Twelve Tribes (as ' according 
to the number of the tribes,' e.g., 18^^) ; the economic reason 
alone is given, the monthly allotment among the twelve divi- 
sions for payment of the royal dues. Such an apportionment 
was as a matter of bookkeeping ; the income could have been 
paid in kind or money, according to the seasons. For itemiza- 
tion of the impost cf. 5^2-. A caricature of this 12-month 
system as for David's reign appears in i Ch. 27^'^^, with a 
subsequent list of twelve officers over David's budget, w.^^^-. 
The number has been explained by Noth as arising from the 
ancient twelve-tribe Amphictyony, with each member obli- 
gated for definite supplies in a definite month. Das System der 
Zwolf Stdmme Israels, esp. pp. 85 ff . 

An accident early befell the document, a vertical break at 
the right hand of the papyrus (?) left blank the initial names 
in vv,^"^^, with a further blank in v.^^. In v.^- there has been 
some shuffling of the geographical data ; in vv.^^- ^^^ some 
glosses have been added. 

^ For identification of Abel-Meholah and Sarethan there is now to be 
added the study by Glueck, cited in n. i to 7*03.^ and further on the 
former place BASOR 91, 15 flf. Also is to be noted his fresh identifica- 
tion of much mooted Ramoth-Gilead (see Comm., 22^) with Tell Ramit, 
presented in BASOR 92 (1943), 10 fif. 

I. 4'-i9 121 

8. And these are their names : 

I. b. Hur : in Highland of Ephraim. 

11. 9. b. Deker : in Makas [?] and in [? - or Be- ?] 

Shaalbim and Beth-shemesh and Ayyalon [^ 
Elon'] and [so MSS] Beth-hanan. 

III. 10. b. Hesed : in Arubboth ; his Socho and all the 

land of Hepher. 

IV. 11. b. Abinadab : all Naphath-Dor. — Solomon's 

daughter Taphath became his wife. 
V. 12. Baana b. Ahilud : Taanach and Megiddo [the 
following are transpositions] : 

(4) to beyond Jokmeam, (i) and all Beth-shean 
(3) below Jezreel, from Beth-shean (2) as far as 
Abel-meholah, which is near Sarethan. 

VI. 13. b. Geber : in || 19a. Geber b. Uri : in the land 

Ramoth of Gilead. of Gilead [gloss land of 

Sihon king of the A mo- 
rites and Og king of 
[gloss his the Camps of J air b. Manasseh] his the 

district of Argob 
[gloss which is in Bashan, sixty great cities with walls 
and bronze bars]. 
VII. 14. Ahinadab b. Iddo : Mahanaim. 

VIII. 15. b. Ahimaas : in Naphthali. — He too married 

Bosmath Solomon's daughter. 
IX. 16. Baana b. Hushai : in Asher and Bealoth [?]. 
X. 17. J ehoshaphat b. Paruah : in Issachar. 
XI. 18. Shimei b. Ela : in Benjamin. 
XII. 19&. And one lieutenant, He-in-the-Land. 

The problem at once arises as to the allocation of the twelve 
districts. Twelve districts are distinguished, plus ' one lieu- 
tenant in the land.' This item has been from of old inter- 
preted as ' over the (whole) land ' ; or the word ' Judah ' 
has been taken from the beginning of the next v., but this 
would give thirteen lieutenants, and accordingly the item is 
largely elided as a gloss (see at length Notes below). And it 
is held by many critics, e.g., Kittel, Sanda, Alt, Robinson, 
that ' All Israel ' means simply the North. Pan-Israel would 


then have remained theoretically a separate kingdom, com- 
bined with Judah under one crown — cf. the union of England 
and Scotland. On this basis might be explained the non- 
mention of the officer's name in v.^^'\ if ' Judah ' is to be 
interpolated there. The logical result is to regard v.^^*^ as a 
gloss. However Albright (in his first article, pp. 26 ff.) acutely 
points a way out of the difficulty. V.^^, ' b. Geber in Ramoth 
of Gilead,' as he shows, pairs with ' Geber b. Uri in the land 
of Gilead,' v.^^^ {n.h. repetition of ' Geber ' and ' Gilead ') ; 
they are literally identical, despite the attempt of scholars, 
e.g., Kittel, Stade, Sanda, to correct ' Gilead ' 2*^ to ' Gad ' 
after (^ ; but the Greek desired to avoid the duplicate for the 
same reason that impels modern scholars. The officer for the 
district including Gad was the one at Mahanaim, v.^^, which 
was Gadite [cf. Josh. 21^^, etc.). And so, with but one 
Gileadite province surviving, we require a twelfth item, which 
is represented by the ' lieutenant ' in v.^^*'. In this case ' All 
Israel ' included Judah. The ancient interpretation of this 
official is as of a superior over the twelve lieutenants ; so Jos., 

Ant., viii, 2, 3, l-n-l 8c tovtcov els TraXti' ap^^wv aTToSe'Sci/CTO, and 

so Rashi (identifying the person with Azariah, v.^), Kimchi ; 
V ^ '^ variously and curiously alter the obscure statement. 
Klostermann proposed a corresponding change of text, which 
has been favourably regarded by Benzinger, Burney, and so 
JV interpolates. Thenius understood the phrase in continua- 
tion as a statement of surprise, ' just one lieutenant in that 
(great) land (of Gilead) ' {cf. V ' super omnia quae erant in 
ilia terra ') ; he was followed by Kittel, but reading ' Gad ' 
in place of ' Gilead.' But with acceptance of Albright's criti- 
cism it is necessary to find the twelfth lieutenant here, and 
indeed Judah must have been included. The simplest solution, 
following the Grr., has appeared to some to be the detachment 
of ' Judah ' from v.-°, reading here ' land of Judah ' ; others 
suppose the loss of the word here by haplog. with the follow- 
ing same word (so Stade). But the problem is solved, and 
without text-correction, by maintaining that the Judaean 
archivist used the expression ' in the land ' in a domestic, 
provincial sense as of the royal province of Judah. This 
phrase for the home-land appears at 9^^, concerning Judaean 
' Tamar-in-the-Steppe in the Land.' And for a very much 

I. 4'-i9 123 

later age Torrey discovers the usage in Acts ii^^, in the pro- 
phecy uttered in the Christian Church at Antioch that there 
would be a famine i(f> oXrjv ti^v olKovjxiVTjv, which nominal phrase 
translates original Aram, xynx ^D, ' all the land ' (misunder- 
stood as ' all the earth '), i.e., Judaea — there was no such univer- 
sal famine at that time {Composition and Date of Acts, HTS 1 
[1916], 20 ff.). Also the exact parallel to such official designa- 
tion appears in the Ass. saken ina mdti, i.e., the governor of 
the home-province of Assyria ; see Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 
7, and for the high rank of this officer in the empire the plate 
opposite p. 6. There is also the common expression for the 
king's remaining ' at home,' ina mdti, e.g., Rogers, CP 226 ff., 
n.b. p. 234. The ' one lieutenant ' is in contrast to the many 
in North Israel ; he is unnamed, and may have been only a 
functionary in the royal chancellery. 

A common modern judgment upon Solomon's creation of 
these administrative districts is expressed by Lods {Israel, 
430) : " S. a voulu — comme la Constituante en 1790 — briser 
les cadres de la vie provinciale autonome," and by Olmstead 
{HPS 342) : " Solomon had no need to flatter tribal suscepti- 
bihties." But the studies of Alt and Albright recognize that 
in general the partition respected the older tribal lines, which 
after all were fairly vague. Alt's brilliant identification (in 
Israels Gaiie) of Socho (v.^°) dismisses two Judsean towns of 
the same name, and finds it in modern Shuwekah at exit into 
the plain of the road from Shechem to the sea (indicated in 
the Survey Map). Arubboth, i.e., modern 'Arrabeh (so 
Albright), 11 miles NE of Shuwekah is named along with 
Hepher, a Manassite clan ; the latter identification has been 
uncertain ; on ground of occurrence of Hepher and Arubboth 
on a Samarian tablet, it may be identified with Haflrch, 
2 miles E of Arubboth (Jack, Samaria, 79). With this Manas- 
site division defined we obtain a systematic order : A. Central 
Israel : (i) the Ephraimite HiU-country ; (2) the old Danite 
land (with Makesh unidentified) ; (3) Manasseh ; (4) Naphath- 
Dor, the coastal district between Phoenicia and Philistia, 
probably a recent acquisition and requiring distinct adminis- 
tration ; (5) the strategic E-W series of depressions, com- 
monly known as Esdraelon — here no tribe is named; B. 
Transjordan : (6), with combination of w,^^- ^^a. East Manasseh, 


i.e., North Gilead (for Ramoth, see Comm., 22^) ; (7) South 
Gilead, the Biblical Gad ; C. North Israel : (8) Naphtali ; 
(9) Asher ; (10) Issachar ; D. the South : (11) Benjamin ; 
(12) Judah. Of the above only (2), (4), (5) represent fresh 
political geography. As Alt suggests, the naming of several 
cities in (2) and (5) may indicate a certain autonomy preserved 
by non-Israelite communes ; n.b. the term ' aU Beth-shean.' 
Of particular personal interest are the references to the matri- 
monial alliances of two of the lieutenants with the royal house 
(vv.^^- 1^) ; the archival document was accompanied with such 
personal data. 

For a study of the Gr. variants in this section see Rahlfs, S5 3, 
224-39. — 7. c'z-iy. pointed as Nif. ppl., as at v.^ 5', and so 
understood by Grr., Kadearanevoi, vs. distinction of 3'i'j, v.^^, by 
transhteration ; but 9 MSS here du'sj, and, with Sanda, this 
nominal form is to be preferred, in parallel with n'^} below ; the 
ancient scribes followed the rule of paucity in spelling, 3'k:, but 
D'ai'3 ; like variation in 22**. — iSd'jdi :=5' ; Grr. as though hjhjh, 
which St. prefers. — nnx : Kr. in!\Ti= many MSS, Grr. ; but the article 
is not necessary, vs. Burn. ; cf. i Sam, 13^', etc. — 8. " These 
their names" : the same introductory phrase 2 Sam. 23 8, and in 
the Elephantine papp., Cowley, nos. 22, 34, 66. — nin : a general 
Sem. name ; of a Calebite (i Ch. 2^^), a Midianite king (Num. 31*), 
in an Aram, inscription {CIS II, no. 140), in S. Arab. (Ryckmans, 
NPS 2, 58), and in such cases not Egyptian as = ' Horus.' — After 
the several items the Grr. add irregularly eh ( = ini\), 7 identical 
cases in B and Luc, plus 2 in Luc. ; see Rahlfs's full discussion of 
the Gr. evidence, pp. 235-9, with the inference that ' one ' is 
an irregularly interpolated word ; but actually it is an archaic 
survival, preserved irregularly. The check appears throughout the 
list of kings in Jos. 12^*^- ; cf. a list of names in an Elephantine 
pap., Cowley, no. 33, occurring after ' X his name,' with which 
cf. the checking system by strokes in nos. 22, 81. Add to these 
instances the Ugaritic tablet, Dhorme, no. 29, RB 193 1, 54, in 
which two surviving names are followed by inx. The tiresome 
check came to be omitted sporadically in ultimate use. — 9. ip"i : 
for identity with the root nat see Montg. JQR 25 (1935), 264 ; 
cf. npnn, II. g^^ ; the n. pr. is identical with the royal name in the 
Zakar inscription. — ypa : Grr., Max(e)y"as, by erroneous identifica- 
tion with Michmash ; see Abel, GP 2, 377, and for possible identifi- 
cation with AIlis in Thutmose Ill's list, the opposite views of Alt, 
p. 10, and Albright, p. 27. — □'^^ft':;! : so the noun at Jud. i'^, 
but Jos. 19*2 r2^ii.P ; the word = Akk. ielabulMabbu, ' fox.' <3 <S^ 
have an interesting phonetic transcription with 6a\afjLei{i>), cf. 
Arab, ta'lab, ' fox,' which etymology is recognized at Jud. i^^ 

I. 47-19 12^ 

with a! a\d)TrijK€i. The prep., lacking in (3^, is represented in <© 
(B a.2 = (£.) with ]hj[6aXafj.eiv], as though bel, ' house ' were in mind ; 
and this was carried over into Hex. texts in expanded form with 
BrjOffaXaBt/j.. For the final syllable of the place-name see Note on 
Shomeron, 16^*. For identification see GB, Abel, GP 2, 438. St. 
would read V i'? in parallelism ; or 3 might be omitted with <§^ ; 
but there is no uniformity in the list. — p'^'x : St. follows Bar's 
abbreviated Kt., pH, which has no support in MSS and other edd. 
OGrr. support Kr., and so ^, but (S^ g[ read the word as [i'^^N, 
as at Josh. 19*^, Jud. i^^ (in the same geographical connexion), 
and so to be read here. — pn nu : so tK^ ^ !3 ; but read with 11 MSS 
'n '31 ; the Grr. observed the asyndeton and inserted ews, which 
Kit., Burn., St., BH unnecessarily accept as for original ly. — For 
w. ^°- iia the Grr. give a barbarous gibberish ; Rahlfs finds in 
general only transliteration. — 10. ion : a name-element found only 
in nnon and non 2ar (?), sons of Zerubbabel, i Ch. 3^0 ; the element 
also in S. Arab, names {NPS i, 96), but not with the editor's 
interpretation as ' envieux,' after literary Arabic, but in the N. 
Sem. sense. — .i^t^ : cf. n^io in a jar stamp, lAE 143. — nsn : A M N 
al., O0ep=g)H and so B (corrupt here) at Josh. 12^'' ; ^ 'Si = ]l^. — 
11. nxT nsj : see G. Dahl, Materials for the History of Dor (1915), 
21 ff. (noting Sym.'s translation with wapaXias), Albr. as cited 
above, p. 26, n. 18, and for a novel interpretation of the name 
D. W. Thomas, ' Naphath-Dor,' QS 1935, 89 ff. For the variants 
"iKt and 11 {e.g., Josh. 12^3) an original ppl. form is to be assumed, 
dd'ir, ' encircler.' — nsa : Noth, IP 226, as from Aram, root, ' to 
drop.' — 12. Various arrangements of the v. with deletions have 
been proposed, e.g., by St., BH ; the tr. above follows Albr. — 
K3V3 : the name appears on coins of N. Syrian origin, and poss. 
in Punic (Lidzb., HNE 242) ; Minsan |5;n is to be noted {NPS i, 
54). It doubtless = ^^"7^3, with hypocoristic x ; cf. ko'Di, 15^^ 
and see Noth, IP 40. — Duap.y. {BH dj;D|T) :=Dy op;, ' may (the 
god) Am take stand ' ; for similar vowel variations cf. "^Ncp; , 
II. 14', q.v. — 13. nb-i : MSS vary here and elsewhere : mm, noxi, 
niDNT; <g (B (£) (gi- read as ' Ramath '=g)H g) g[ ; <g^ = T^. The 
variations in nn. loci of such formation are constant, e.g., mSyn 
below and nhm. With the preservation of original -t there came 
heightening of the preceding vowel for emphasis. At II. 8^9 the 
simple form appears ; for discussion see Boree, AOP 43-9. — 
11:^:2 . . . mn iV, which OGrr. om., and n:;'n: — jB-an ncN are patent 
borrowings from Dt. 3I*, Josh. 13^", etc. The same indictment is 
to be made against ' land of Sihon . . . Bashan,' v.^*. For ' Haw- 
woth-Jair' and ' Argob ' cf. the correction of J^ at II. 15^*. — 

14. no'jnn : the terminative ace. in popular speech usurped the 
absolute form — cf. ' Stamboul ' ; see Meek, JBL 40, 292. — 

15. ncu'n : doubtless with root-mng., ' fragrant,' e.g., Arab. baSdm 
is used of a fragrant shrub. The name as BSmt occurs in S. Arab., 
but is wrongly interpreted by Ryckmans {NPS i, 56). — 16. '""in ; 


possibly David's Friend, and so Ahimaas in v.^* has been identified 
by some with Sadok's son ; see 2 Sam. is^'- ^^. — m':>v3i ncNn : or 
the second vocable to be read rnVj^am. Bealoth occurs as a place- 
name in Judah (Josh. 15^*). But collocation of a tribe-name with 
that of an unknown town is surprising. <S (g^ om. ' in Asher and.' 
Klost., with favourable opinion from Burn., Alt, Albr., conjectures 
an original ' Asher and Zebulon,' but could this expected rdg. 
have been so wilfully changed ? Following rdgs. of (S, B MaaXa, 
A MaaXwr, Then, suggested recovering m'7j;D = ' ascents,' and finding 
in it the Ladder of Tyre, KXlfxa^ Tvpov (i Mac. ii^^, etc.), Jos. also 
rdg. here r. irepL ApKrjv (i.e., A.kk7)v ?) with further rectification to 
lis niSyn ny. Sanda, Eissf. (cf. BH) accept this identification ; 
for contradiction see St.'s extensive note, leaving the word with a 
question-mark, which is wisest. — 17. nna : cf. S. Arab. Prh [NPS 
I, 180), with root = ' to be at rest.'- — 19. '1n : Grr., A5(8)ai, etc. ; 
cf. the names "iin, nniN, on which latter see Montg., JAOS 1935, 
94. — -\v'^i : (g (B O <S^ ' Gad ' ; Burn, prefers ^, Sanda accepts 
<g, St. is uncertain. — pN3 tvH -inN 3's:i : see Comm. BH presents 
three of the suggested alterations ; Sanda brackets the whole 
half- verse, ' land of Sihon,' etc., as secondary ; Eissf. om. the 
present phrase as ' nicht klar.' 

420-514 (AV EVV 420-34).! A miscellany : Solomon's might 
and wisdom. Cf. Ant., viii, 2, 4, 5. 

See Int., §1, for the various distinctions of volumes in Gr. 
Kgdms. Also here after the archival lists above there ap- 
peared to be opportunity before the story of the temple, cc. 
6 ff., for a pot-pourri of material bearing on the reign, much 
of it duplicated in cc. 9 and 10. Evidently Heb. Kings early 
underwent transformations, and the Greek litterateurs also 
recognized the nature of the material, and did not hesitate to 
rearrange here and also to make transference to the Supple- 
ment to 2*^. The following list presents the parallelisms : 


<@ ch. 4 

# ch. 2 




vv.b. k = io30 


VV.22- " 




V.^6f. ga 



56 = 102* 



W.20. 21 


W.25. 30 

1 The chapter divisions in Hebrew printed Bibles = J V, following 
the Polyglots (as marginally noted in EVV), is contrary to that of V 
and the Protestant translations, which properly distinguish the Hiram 
story as beginning a fresh chapter, ch. 5. 


I. 420-51* 127 

With the freedom of (3 in rearrangement of this supplementary 
material no stress is to be laid upon its authority as to text 
and order. 

Ch. 4^*^-5^. Solomon's might. Two editorial essays from 
different hands sum up the security of the realm, (i) 4^''-5^ : 
Judah and Israel were many like the sand by the sea for multitude, 
eating and drinking and enjoying themselves. And Solomon was 
ruling over all the kingdoms from the River [gloss 4-^/^^ land of 
Philistia] even to the border of Egypt — they were bringing tribute 
and serving Solomon all the days of his life. And (2) vv.*- ^ : 
For he had sway over all Across-the-River from Tiphsah (Thap- 
sacus) even to Gaza, over all the kings of Across-the-River ; and 
he had peace on all borders round about. And Judah and Israel 
dwelt in security, every one under his vine and fig-tree, from Dan 
to Beersheba, all the days of Solomon. Of these vv. only v.^ 
is represented in (g here, but the others were omitted as 
already given in the Gr. appendix to ch. 2 ; hence agreement 
cannot be given to Kittel, who holds that 4^''-5^ was " added 
by a late editor from 2*^ of LXX." Each of the above pairs 
of vv. is followed by a statement on the supplies for the royal 
menage: vv.^- ^ on the supplies for the royal table, vv.^'^ 
on the table and also the stabhng of the horses. But v.^, 
giving the number of the horses, is an insertion with an 
exaggerated figure (40,000 stalls) from lo^^ {q-'^-), induced by 
the reference to the stabling in v.^. Against the opinion of 
Kittel and Stade, v.' appears to be quite secondary, repeating 
4'' ; there remains as original only v.^ on the stabling, as 
sequence of vv.^- ^. Out of 4^"-5® these alone appear to be 
early items — how authentic there is no saying, although docu- 
mentary specifications of the royal budget may well have 
survived. The provisioning of the stables in the chariot cities 
was a particularly important item ; cf. 9^^, lo^®^-. The word 
translated ' straw ' is the modern Arab, tibn, used of mixed 
grain and straw, the usual fodder for horses. For the table 
budget given here may be compared the comparatively small 
menage of Nehemiah, which required daily ' one ox, six fattened 
sheep, and fowls ' per diem for his suite of 150 men and guests 
(Neh. 5^''')- Most variant estimates have been suggested, as 
by Thenius, Keil, Sanda (ranging from 14,000 to 32,000 per- 
sons) ; Skinner makes the shrewdest estimate from comparison 


with Nehemiah's figures, calculating that the budget provided 
for 4000-5000 persons, which would include the large families ; 
and Kittel suggests 3000-4000 heads of families, with 8-10 
in a famity. Lurje in his Stiidien, p. 42, calculates that the 
food implied some 20,000 souls, and then arbitrarily reduces 
the figure to 7000. For Mesopotamian royal budgets see 
R. P. Dougherty, ' Cuneiform Parallels to Solomon's Provision- 
ing System,' AASOR 5 (1925), 23 ff. Cf. the menage of the 
Persian kings, as noted b^^ Meyer, GA 3, i, §54. There is re- 
corded the provision for the daily table of a.Tiilunid potentate 
of Egypt {ca. a.d. 966) : 100 sheep, 100 lambs, fowls of all 
kinds (P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, 456). The rest 
of the section is of secondary character historically, often 
hyperbohc. For ' many Hke the sand by the sea ' (v.^*^), cf. 
Gen. 41*^, Hos. 2^, Is. lo^^. ' Eating and drinking ' has its 
early parallel in the Old Aramaic Hadad inscription, " in my 
days Ya'di ate and drank," with a similar but broken passage 
in the Panammuwa inscr., "... ate and drank ..." Idyllic 
is the picture of Judah's and Israel's security in v.^ ; see Mic. 
4^ Zech. 310, and cf. II. iS^^. 

The extent of Solomon's empire, variously expressed in 
vv.^- * is exaggerated, at least in its political impHcations. 
The reference to Over-the-River, Trans-Euphrates (also Josh. 
24^, etc.), represents the Ass. imperial phrase, eher ndri, appear- 
ing actually not earlier than Ashurbanipal's time {KB 2, 
238-9), and of general use in the Westland later, e.g., Neh. 2' ; 
cf. Meyer, GA 3, i, 136 ff. ; Forrer, Reallexicon, i, 134. The 
phrase here is of late origin, when the Assyrian empire had 
made current its political language. For statistics of the use 
of the ambiguous term see Burney, ad loc. Solomon was 
doubtless the most potent monarch in the area ; Damascus 
under its fresh Aramaean rulers had not in his early years 
achieved political importance, although it later gained auton- 
omy (ii^^2.)_ He possessed some rights in the Lebanon ; cf. 
9^^, and the accompanying enigmatic statement in Gr. 2*^°. 
His father David had received gifts from King Toi of the 
Aramaic dynasty at Hamath, and defeated the Aramsean 
king of Sobah in Coele (?)-Syria along with his allies of 
Damascus, the campaign being waged to cut off Sobah's 
control of the route to the river (2 Sam. 8^s-). The item of 


1. 4^"-5i* 129 

Tiphsah-Thapsacus ^ no doubt belongs to the correct tradition 
of a one-time right which the dynasty had gained in the trade- 
routes across the desert to the river. Solomon's control of 
Transjordan northwards from the Red Sea naturally induced 
a commercial exploitation in that direction. This was the one 
epoch in Israel's history when such an external commercial 
control was possible. For Flinders Petrie's recent excavations 
at Gaza see his reports on ' Ancient Gaza ' in Publications of 
the British School of Archaeology in Egypt, vols. 53-56 (-1934). 
Ch. 59-1^ (EVV 429-34). The wisdom of Solomon. In addition 
to Gr. here, vv.^^- also appear in Gr. 2^^^- ^, and the passage is 
summarized below, io23f-=2 Ch. g^^^-. The present theme is 
an exuberant flowering of the tradition of Solomon's wisdom, 
of which tradition we can trace the progress. There is the 
pious prayer of Solomon for ' a discerning heart to judge thy 
people,' with the expansion of the divine boon to a wisdom 
beyond human compare (3*2-) ; a case given of his judicial 
wisdom (3^^^-) ; his political wisdom in his diplomacy with 
Hiram of Tyre (5^^) ; the visit of the Queen of Sheba ' to 
prove him with riddles ' (lo^fl-) ; the rehable literary tradition 
of " the proverbs of Solomon which the men of king Hezekiah 
copied out " (Pr. 25^). The declamation here knows not only 
of three thousand proverbs but also of songs, a thousand and five 
(v.^2)_ Indeed Solomon's reputation as an encyclopedic 
philosopher was early established, late as are the canonical 
and deutero-canonical books ascribed to him. This literary 
genre of Wisdom had antique roots in the Orient, as also in 
the Occident {cf. Hesiod) ; there may be noted MargoUs's 
finding of the three early categories of Hebrew literature in 
Torah, Word or Prophecy, Wisdom {Hebrew Scriptures in 
the Making, ch. 4). The focusing of all Wisdom upon one 
personage of the past ^ is similar to the heroization of Moses 
for Law and David for Psalms. As father of the realm the 
ancient king was by duty patron of the arts and sciences ; 

* The site, at Kala'at ad-Dibs, at the eastern bend of the Euphrates, 
E of Aleppo, was discovered, as he held, by J. P. Peters ; see his Nippur 
(1897), I, ch. 4 ; but see Dussaud, SAM Index, s.v. 

^ For Wisdom, cf. Daniel in a Phoen. tradition (Eze. 28^), now con- 
firmed by the person of Danel in the Ugaritic literature ; see Virolleaud, 



as such a wise king appears Ashurbanipal, who has left a full 
and exuberant account of his education and attainments.* 
The most ancient wise man known to history is Ptahhotep, 
vizier of a Pharaoh in the first half of the third millennium 
B.C., with a book dedicated to, and composed under the 
patronage of, the king. For this wisdom of Egypt (v.^*') refer- 
ence may be made to Erman, Lit. of the Ancient Egyptians, 
54 ff., 234 ff. ; the cosmopolitan influence of that Wisdom has 
been suggested in comparison of Pro v. 22^^-24 with the 
proverbs of the Egyptian Amen-em-ope.^ For the wisdom of 
all the sons of the East {Bne Kedem), whose professors are 
herewith actually named, with Arabic names, see Note, and 
Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, 169 ff. ' The words of 
Agur b. Jakeh ' (Prov. 30), and ' of Lemuel king of Massa ' 
(31^-^), must be attributed to Arabian sources. The wisdom 
of Solomon, the subjects of which are detailed in v.^^, from 
the cedar in Lebanon to the hyssop that comes out in the wall, 
along with the following round of zoology, was particularly 
a moral, fable wisdom ; there are to be compared Jotham's 
parable of the trees (Jud. 9), that of Jehoash of the thistle 
and the cedar (II. 14^), the parables from nature (Prov. 
30^^fl-), and the cameo, ' Go to the ant, thou sluggard ' (6^). 
The listing of all creatures also recalls the learned Akkadian 
lists of plants, animals, birds, etc.^ It is notable that the 
Bible contains no development of the animal fable, so luxuriant 
in the contemporary Oriental literatures, in the Akkadian and 
in the Old Aramaic, to wit the Ahikar papyri, and later in 
Arabic literature, e.g.. The Thousand and One Nights. The 
figure of a thousand and five songs (v.^^) appears quite casual ; 

* See Luckenbill, ARA 2, §§767, 934, 9S6 ; cf. Olmstead, HA ch. 38. 

^ Only brief reference may be made to the extensive recent biblio- 
graphy for the subject at large : W. Baumgartner, Israel u. altor. 
Weisheit (1933) ; J- Fichtner, Die altor. Weislieit in ihrer israel.- 

jiidischen Auspragung, BZAW 62 (1933) ; Hempel, Altheb. Lit., 44 ff. ; 
Robinson and Oesterley, Int., 150 ff., 437 ff. ; Eissfeldt, Einl., §10 ; 
B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos, 1937. N.b. Eissf.'s conclusion (p. 527) 
that the tradition of Solomon's patronage of letters is ' eine richtig 
festgehaltene Tatsache.' 

* See Weber, Lit. d. Babylonier n. Assyrer, 293 flf. ; Meissner, Bah. u. 
Ass., ch. 22 ; Ebeling, Die babylonische Fabel . . ., Mitteilungen det 
Altor. Gesellschaft, 2, Heft 3, 1927. 

1. 420-514 131 

but light may be thrown upon it from Egypt. Erman observes 
(p. 293) concerning a papyrus pubHshed by Gardiner that the 
composition " might have once borne the title of The Thousand 
Songs, for ... its individual sections bear each a number. 
Of these numbers only two are wanting to complete the thou- 
sand, and they will have stood in the break at the end of the 
page." The additional ' five ' in the BibHcal figure then may 
have been added for good measure, as in the Arabic The 
Thousand and One Nights. We may compare the 1000 women 
of Solomon's harem (11^). The advent of all the kings of the 
earth, who came to hear the wisdom of Solomon (v.^*), naturally 
implied the royal sport of riddles, conundrums, as presented 
below in the Queen of Sheba's visit (ch. 10). Such a tourney 
of wits is described by Josephus {Ant., viii, 5, 3 ; C. Ap., i, 17, 
citing from Dios) : there was a heavy wager on between 
Solomon and Hiram of Tyre for the solution of riddles, and 
Solomon won ; to which Tyrian tradition added the story that 
a certain Tyrian proposed further riddles which Solomon could 
not answer, and the latter had to refund the money he had 
won. A similar theme is used in the late Ahikar legend, in 
which Ahikar wins himself back to royal favour by saving his 
master's realm and honour in a riddle contest with the king 
of Egypt. (For this late legend see reff. in Cowley, Aramaic 
Papyri, p. 204.) For the early development of the later 
exuberant theme of Solomon's magical wisdom see Jos., Ant., 
viii, 2, 5. See further Comm. on the Queen of Sheba's visit, 
ch. 10. For the later expansion of this genre in connexion 
with Solomon's name Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, vol. 4, 
should be consulted. 

Ch. 4. 20. □•■! : 9 MSS deR. pref. r\zv:=^ g, but a borrowing 
from the similar phrase elsewhere, e.g., v.*. — Ch. 5. 1. c^nt-Vs p.x : 
2 Ch. 9^6 pref. lyi, and so <g 2*6i£ ; but our text is authoritative, 
found in Hex. (A x g)H), ® g) ^, with the unconstruable phrase 
translated ' the river of the land of P.' ; it is doubtless an early 
gloss, to the foil, phrase. — d'^jd : such verbal use of the ppl. is 
generally late, Aramaizing, but this case is in rhetorical parallelism 
with 420. — 2. -\2 : the kor has been estimated at 364 litres ; see 
Nowack, Arch., i, §35, Benz., Arch., §40, Sanda, pp. 93, 106. — 
"■jD : ' grits,' translated here with ae/j-iSaXis and identical with 
modern Arabic stnld ; see Dalman, BWAT 13 (1913), 69, for the 
proportions as given here, and A. u. S., 3, 284, 28S ff.— 3. 'in npa : 


' pastured cattle'; ^ construes as appositional ; see GK §139, c. 
— nicn' : Grr. ignore. — □•Din.x nnana : ' cribbed x ' ; VSS, exc. 
Grr., ' fattened birds,' recalling the hand-stuffed poultry of the 
modern Orient ; (@ for '2 opvL6cov cKXeKTcou, construing '.x=o-trei'Ta, 
with the prec. accusatives ; Jos. finds ' fishes ' in this noun. — 
4. "injn . . . ncsnc: <g om. here {B>^ -x-), prob. to avoid contra- 
diction of 2*^'-, where 'n is represented with Fa<p€L. For 'n W. A. 
Heidel ingeniously proposes etymology from ncr, ' to cross over ' 
(The Day of Yahweh, 1929, 185).- — m^y: very many MSS, edd., vnay 
(see deR.)=GV.— 6. niiN : cf. 2 Ch. g^s, 3228. The tr. 'stalls' 
comes down by Jewish tradition (Jastrow, Diet., 34a). The noun 
with this mng. appears in Syr., and also in Akk. (Bezold, BAG 3) ; 
the same column in Bezold notes a verb arii, ' to become pregnant,' 
which may well be the basis of Gr. ro\-d5es, drjXeiai. — 7. -^S : one 
who has entrie, regular guest ; Grr., SiayyeKixaTo., which ^^ repeats ; 
^ ' necessaria.' — 8. «;•:- : this species of horse has not been identified ; 
it is used of the chariot horse, Mic. i^*, of the post horse. Est. S^"; 
Grr., apfiara, as for 331 ? — 9. cnhn: Grr., ^^ tC as n^n- ; similar use 
of 'God' at 3^^-28, lo^*; this as with the thought of 'the Divine 
Wisdom.' — am: Grr., exc. Sym., x^f^°-i ' overflow '=^h — 2.0. 
cip 'J2 : Grr., apxa.i-<jji' avdpuiwoiv, similarly 2^^'', also Jos.,=^^. — 
11a. ciN.T : Sanda ingeniously suggests n'Cixn, ' the Edomites.' — 
The foil, names have Arabian connexions, jn'^ is elative from 
Arab, watana, and so prob. p'.T=Sabaean jd"n [NPS 2, 27) ; for 
'miN ef. Minaean drh [ih., p. 47). Cf. the genealogy in i Ch. 2*. — 
11&. <g <g^ om., and so Kit., St., Sanda, as superfluous with v.". — 

12. iTw : Kit., Sanda would read as pi. ; but the m. sing, is 
primarily collective in contrast to the fern. — i"?."*! nrcn : Grr., 
xeiTttKio-xtXiot (=^^), scribal error for irevre /cai x'^""=Jos. — 

13. 2nx : ' hyssop ' ; for identification see Post, DB s.v.. Kit., 
Sanda, and Dalman, A. u. S., i, 2, 370 f., 543 ff. — 14fe. St. reasonably 
elides as induced by lo^*'-. (g^ (gH ^h g, preface ' he took gifts,' 
after 2 Ch. 9^^'-. — nxc : Burn, proposes as ' deputed by (all the 
kings),' eft. 2 Sam. 15^. 

W.15-32 (_jv ; EVV ch. 5). li 2 Ch. 2 ; cf. Ant., \iii, 2, 6-9. 
Introduction to the history of the building of the Temple. 

yy i5-26_ ^Yhe negotiations wdth Hiram of Tyre. This 
section presents an early picture of correct historical simili- 
tude, reporting diplomatic and commercial relations between 
two states of Syro-Palestine — actually in its extent a fairly 
unique report. The initial ' conversations ' between the two 
monarchs are stated in diplomatic fonn : 15. And Hiram King 
of Tyre sent his ministers to Solomon, for he heard that they 
had anointed him king in his father's place ; for Hiram had 
always been a friend of David. 16. And Solomon sent (a message) 

I. 5''-'=^ 133 

to Hiram, as follows : . There ensues (vv.^'-^^) an ex- 
panded statement of Solomon's object in pursuing the kindly 
relations with Hiram, the procuring of cedar timbers for the 
buildings he had in mind. There is patent dependence upon 
the story of Nathan's oracle in 2 Sam. 7, in its present, second- 
ary form (as first recognized by Budde), replacing the original 
notion of ' a house ' as a dynasty, with that of ' a house for 
Yhwh.' ^ On the other hand v.^" correctly, even if in imagined 
language, gives the gist of Solomon's reply {n.h. the item of 
' the Sidonians,' after early usage), even as vv.^^"^^ aptly com- 
pose Hiram's answer. The invented material here is simple 
in comparison with that of the Chronicler, who makes Solomon 
the initiator of the diplomatic correspondence, along with 
bloated epistles, and the tradition accepted by Josephus, who 
presents these letters in altered form and alleges that " they 
are still in the public records of Tyre." For such brotherly 
congratulations on a royal accession there is an example in 
David's embassy to Hanun king of Ammon (2 Sam. 10), and 
for a much earlier period the congratulatory letter of the king 
of Alashia (Cyprus) to the king of Egypt on the latter's acces- 
sion, contained in the Amarna letters ; they were accompanied 
with gifts for the sacred festival. ^ Hiram (the name shortened 
from ' Ahiram,' as the inscription of an earlier Ahiram of 
Byblos, ca. 1200 B.C., now shows ^) can be dated only approxi- 
mately from Josephus's citation of the Phoenician annals : 
Meyer, ca. 969-936 ; Kittel, 972-932 ; Mahler (p. 175), 979- 
945 ; Olmstead, HPS 981-947 ; Albright with more reserve, 
ARI 69, ' about the middle of the tenth century.' He is 
correctly designated king of Tyre, as over against the later 
revival of the ancient title, ' king of Sidonia,' upon the exten- 
sion of the Tyrian power over all Phoenicia ; the latter title 
is properly used of Ahab's father-in-law (i6-'^^).* Hiram is 

1 For various forms of criticism of the whole section see Stade, ZA W 
3 (1883), 129 ff. ; Sanda, ' Salomo u. seine Zeit,' Biblische Zeitfragen, 
1913, I ff. ; Holscher in the Gnnk.Q\-Eucharisterion, i, 158 flE. 

2 Knudtzon, nos. 33, 34. 

^ See Bibliography of Inscriptions. 

* See Meyer, GA 2, 2, sect. 11, ' Die Phbniker,' esp. pp. 62, 126 f., 
and for the succession, pp. 437 ff. ; Kittel, GVI 2, 210 ff. For a more 
specific statement of synchronism between Hiram and Solomon, see 
below, Comm. 6^- ^'. 


called a friend [Heb. primary mng., lover, and so EVV] of 
David, with Solomon's reminiscence of his aid in building 
David's palace (2 Sam. 5^^) ; the diplomatic title would have 
been ' my brother,' as in the Amarna letters and inf., 9^3, 
2o32f._ Hiram's blessing of Yhwh (v.^i) has its parallel in an 
Amarna letter with its blessings of Shamash and Ishtar upon 
the Pharaoh's head.^ Criticism has been keen upon the alleged 
intrusion of the epithet for Solomon as a wise son (v.^i), and 
especially against v.^^a as an interpolation based upon v.^i, 
with reference to ' the wisdom given Solomon by Yhwh ' ; 
so Klostermann, and other critics, and according to Stade 
this whole story is a continuation of that of the dream in 
ch. 3. But the wisdom declared here is of political character • 
v.^^^ is to be translated : And Yhwh giving wisdom to Solomon, 
as he had spoken to him, there ensued amity [Heb., the general 
word peace'] between Hiram and Solomon, and the two made a 
league together. This passage may well have been original to 
the story developed above, and so Kittel assigns it to his 
Solomon-source. Apart from ' the covenant ' between Asa 
and the Syrian Ben-hadad (2 Ch. ib"^^-), severely castigated 
by the seer Hanani, this is the only reference to a league with 
another state ; the term could hardly have been used by late 
writers, Deuteronomists, etc., in view of the prohibition in 
Jud. 2^.^ The wisdom with which Solomon was endowed, ' to 
judge this thy great people ' (see above on 3*^.^ 5^^-), included 
diplomac}^ and the erection of splendid buildings. Such 
political use of ' wisdom ' is illustrated in Ashur's boast, " By 
my wisdom have I done this " (Is. lo^^), and for Solomon's 
wisdom as a builder may be compared Tiglath-Pileser's self- 
congratulation : " With the keen understanding and grasp 
of intellect with which the Master of the Gods, the prince, 
Nudinwat (Ea) endowed me, a palace of cedar . . . and a portico 
patterned after a Hittite palace for my enjoyment I built in 
Calah " [ARA i, §804). The Assyrian king's construction of a 

^ Knudtzon, no. 21. Most of the early VSS dodged the use of ' Yhwh ' 
in the alien's mouth ; but for the naming of the national deity of an- 
other people, cf. Jephthah's reference to ' Chemosh thy god ' (Jud. 
ii24), the Ass. Tartan's knowledge of Yhwh (II. iS-^i-), and the Moabite 
Mesha's naming of him in his inscription. 

* EVV tr. berit, otherwise always rendered with ' covenant,' in these 
secular relations with ' league ' — a survival of the ancient objection ! 

I. 5^^-^^ 135 

palace after Hittite, i.e., Syrian style, is a parallel to Solomon's 
use of Phoenician art and artists. We may compare the re- 
markable letter of Hammurabi informing Zimrilim king of 
Mari, on the Euphrates, of the desire of the king of Ugarit 
(Ras Shamra) to see the palace in Mari (G. Dossin, CR 1937, 
19 ; cf. A Parrot, Syria, 1937, 75, n.). And, coming nearer 
home, Josephus has preserved to us, on the authority of Dios 
{Ant., viii, 5, 3), the record that the same Hiram " went up 
to Mount Lebanon and cut down woods for the building of 
the temples " — the temple of Jupiter having been named 
immediately before.'' Sanda gives a summary of Ass.-Bab. 
and Greek references, and Olmstead presents ample Akk. 
references, along with a relief of the floating of cedar logs 
down the Euphrates.^ Further reference to the use of cedar 
in temple and palace will be given below in Comm. on cc. 6, 7. 
In comparison with v.^a, detailing the transportation of the 
logs to the sea and their rafting to the Palestinian coast, an 
inscription of Nebuchadnezzar's, found in the Lebanese Wadi 
Brisa, is pertinent.^ In a broken text, after naming the 
temples of Nabu and Marduk, he speaks of " the Lebanon, 
the cedar mountain . . . the scent is pleasant of the cedars ; " 
and then : " What no former king had accomplished, I cleaved 
high mountains, lime-stone I broke off, I opened. I cut a 
road for the cedars, and before Marduk my king (I brought) 
massive, tall, strong cedars, of wonderful beauty, whose dark 
appearance was impressive, the mighty product of the Leba- 
non." (Of course the work was done by the skilled Syrian 
engineers and labourers.) A following broken passage records 
their transportation ' like reeds ' on ' the canal Arahtu.' To 
this material are to be added far earher references from the 
Egyptian quarter, and notably the autobiographical Voyage 
of Wen-amon, detailing all his trials as purchasing agent in 
Phoenicia on the Pharaoh's demand for the valuable wood 

' For cedar, cypress, fir, see BDD s.vv., Dalman, A. u. S., 1, i, 259. 
For the most recent study in determination of the genus of the Lebanon 
cedar used by the ancient builders, see L. Kohler, ZA W 1937, 163 flf. ; 
he holds that the Heb. word is inclusive of several genera, but does 
not mean the Cedrus Libani, which is unfit for building. 

* HA ijT. ff., with accompanying fig. 108, cf. Index, s.v. ' Cedar ' ; 
see also Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 1, Index, s.v. ' Zeder.' 

9 See Winckler, KTA T 56 ff. ; Rogers, CP 365 f. 


{ca. 1 100 B.c.),^" of which this brief extract may be given : 
" The prince rejoiced and appointed 300 men and 300 oxen, 
and set overseers at their head, in order that they might fell 
the trees. And they felled them, and they remained lying 
over the winter. But in the third month of summer they 
were dragged to the shore." In our passage the method of 
water-transportation is given as by rafts (the word=etymo- 
logically tow-rafts), the only possible method for such huge 
timbers. The Chronicler (2 Ch. 2^^) makes Joppa the port of 
entry, by doubtless good tradition. 

The payment made annually by Solomon to Hiram of 
20,000 kors of wheat as food for his household and 20 kors of 
bruised-olive oil {v.^^), with a kor estimated at 364 litres (see 
Note, V.2), is indeed an extravagant figure for the item of 
the wheat. Solomon's provision of wheat foods for the year 
amounted to 32,850 kors (v.^). The easy exaggeration of 
figures in tradition appears in 2 Ch. 2^ with ' 20,000 baths of 
oil,' which the Grr. read in here, while Ch. further exaggerates 
items and figures most absurdly. This provision was not 
for the workers, only the luxuries of wheat and oil are listed 
here ; by the house of Hiram is meant his privy budget, and 
if the high figure is to be maintained at all, he must have made 
good business by exporting the grain foods, as Sanda remarks. 
Whatever the value of the figures may be, a datum at 9^^ 
frankly reports that Solomon went bankrupt for a 20-years' 
debt and had to cede to Hiram twenty Galilasan cities. 

Only the outlines of this section can be regarded as authentic 
history. But there is the undoubted fact that Solomon entered 
into a league with Hiram for trade purposes, the details of 
which league and its operation are fully illustrated by con- 
temporary documents. The further interest of Hiram in this 
international compact appears in his aiding Solomon's ven- 
tures in the waters of the Indian Ocean {g^^^-, lo^^- ~^), on 
which his shippers were to ply to his profit. 

^° See Breasted, ARE vol. 4, no. 578 ; Erman, Lit. of the Anc. 
Egyptians, 174 flf. ; Gressmann, ATB i, 71 ff. ; Barton, AB ch. 18. 
Of earlier date is Thutmose Ill's record of his procurement of cedar 
logs ' of 60 ells of length with a thick top,' which were brought to 
Eg^'pt ' with a good wind ' ; see K. Sethe, Sb., Berlin Academy, 15 
(1906), 356 ff. ; Gressmann, p. 90. For the ancient relations of Egypt 
and Phoenicia see P. Montet, Byblos et I'^gypte (1928-29). 

I. 5''-'' 137 

W.27-32 (AV RW vv.13-18). The work in the Lebanon and 
the Phoenician co-operation. It is generally recognized that 
of this section only w.^^- ^^ are secondary. Stade cautiously 
decides (p. 148) that the section vv.^'- 28 ig " eine alte glaub- 
wiirdige, mit spateren Vorstellungen wie g^i- 22 stark contra- 
stierende Nachricht. . . . Vielleicht ist 5^^ erst nach 7^- ^^ 
gearbeitet. . . . Allerdings konnten in v. ^2 Triimmer des 
urspriinglichen Berichtes gesucht werden." The inserted vv. 
have exaggerated figures as compared with vv.27- 28^ figures 
similar to the Chronicler's, while v.^*"^ is patent expansion of 
a simpler statement at 92^. According to v.27 the levy was 
raised out of all Israel, with no contamination from the later 
invention of the enslavement of the Canaanites for this duty, 
as according to 920-22 a,nd the parallel in Ch. The figures for 
the drafted labourers, 30,000, and for the allotment of duty, 
10,000 for every third month, are reasonable. This corvee of 
Israelites provided the raw labour in the Lebanon, in contrast 
with the skilled labour of the Sidonians (v. 2°). The superin- 
tendents (lit., chiefs of the overseers) number 3300 ; the figure 
has been expanded from the ' 550 ' of 92^, the development of 
550 to 3300 being in the ratio of the 30,000 of v.28 to the 
180,000 (the 150,000 of the interpolated v.29 plus the original 
30,000) — a nice piece of editorial arithmetic. (See the writer's 
Note, JAOS 1938, 135.) For textual variations from ' 3300 ' 
and for other calculations see Note. The figure 550 would 
give one superintendent to every gang of about 54 labourers. 
The archival character of the items need not be doubted. 
Witness the tremendous figures given for food-supplies in 
the two royal South Arabic inscriptions contemporary to 
the reconstruction of the Marib Dam in the Yemen, a.d. 450, 
543, in each of which inscriptions, inter al., 200,000 or 207,000 
sheep are reported to have been butchered for the labourers 
in a year's job in each case.^^ The reference to the stone- 
cutting in vv.^^^- is parallel with 7^^-, and properly intro- 
duces the Phoenician master carpenters and masons whom 
Solomon employed in Jerusalem. These are specifically 

^^ See E. Glaser, ' Zwei Inschriften iiber den Dammbruch von Marib,' 
MVG 1897, and CIS IV, nos. 540, 541. For the Biblical and parallel 
Oriental references to the corvie see I. Mendelsohn, ' State Slavery in 
Ancient Palestine.' 



named as the Giblites, citizens of ancient and famous Gubl- 
Gupn-Byblos on the Syrian coast. For its distinguished place 
in ancient history see Montet, op. cit., and for the present 
record Dussaud, ' Byblos et la mention des Giblites dans I'A.T.,' 
Syria, 1923, 300 ff. For various ancient misunderstandings 
of the word and modern attempts at re-writing see Note. 
There is no reason to doubt this novel datum ; later editors 
of the tradition and the text would not have introduced the 
Gentile Giblites as co-operators in the building of the Temple ; 
in 7^^f- pains are taken to note that the Tyrran artist Hiram 
had an Israelite mother. The Giblites were employed by 
Solomon in the same way as Solomon used Phoenician naval 
experts to build and man his ships in the Red Sea (9^^^-), 
as Sennacherib used Phoenician carpenters to build ' Hittite ' 
ships for him in the Persian Gulf {ARA 2, pp. 145, 148, 154). 

15. (S prefixed with report of the Egyptian marriage from 3^, 
adding 9I®, in re the dowry — an artificial arrangement to group 
together these international alliances, vs. Kit., Coram., and BH, 
who regards the Gr. order original. — -D-i'.i :=Grr., Xeipafi, but cr.'n, 
Yv 24. 32 (after later Phcen. pronunciation ; see Harris, Gram., §11), 
and so Jos., Etpcj/xoj ; the same change of spelling for the TjTian 
artist's name, 7^^* *". Such variations stand for legitimate double 
pronunciations, the older Kre being given first as a rule, and so 
here. The full form of the name, CTn.s (see Comm.) occurs at 
Num. 26^^ ; cf. ':'.x'n<'7X"nx, 16^*. Ch. has throughout, Kt. or Kr., 
the unexplained onin. — i'?.':'? . . . 'c S.x : (@ (3^ XP'""**' ■'"•2- (')• — 
inK'a : indef. pi. — 17. 'ji ni'T '"I'In : for proleptic construction cf. 
GK §117, e. — vhSn : Grr., 'my God,' by subtle change. — -i::-'7an 
'ji nn iv in^5P t^-h : the Grr. improve upon the difficult grammar. 
St. would read either a pi. subject, or a sing, verb ; Kit. interprets, 
" the hostility with which they surrounded me " (for double ace. 
cf. Ps. 109^), and so Sanda ; or the noun may be taken in collective 
sense, cf. ]'\t\3 ^h-m, Jud. 5' (so Burn.), and for such cases with 
fem. sing. subj. see GK §145, e. ; or 'd may be an old prepositional 
form, ^^25?. — ni.T 2° : B aj ignore. — iSjt Kt., ''^p. Kr. : many 
MSS v'?jn, with which all VSS agree (also JV). The Kr. arose 
from the sophisticated notion that then David himself should have 
built the temple. St. regards the half-verse as a stupid gloss. 
But IV, like Arab, hata, has final sense = " until at last Y. put them 
under his feet," and sc, " now I, S., will build." For the figurative 
expression cf. Ps. iio^, and Gunkel, ad loc, comparing the declara- 
tion of a Canaanite vassel in an Amarna letter that he is the 
Pharaoh's ' footstool.' — 18. no enemy, etc. : this was true of the 
beginning of the reign, despite Benz.'s criticism. — 19. i.'ix : in sense 

I. 5"'^ 139 

of • to think, intend,' e.g., Ex. 2i*._20. -n;'i : usual introduction to 
the substance of a letter ; see Note, II. 5*. — o'lnx : Grr. as though 
D'XV, preferred by Benz., St., Sanda, because of the two species 
named v. 22 ; but with Burn, this is a sophisticated correction ; 
the cedars were the prime object. — -nay i^b- : B a^f have reduced 
to dovXaas aov. — Bf idius for eidus. — 21. ni.T : so all Heb. MSS , 
Grr. tr. with ' God,' and so all the other VSS, except (gL ' the 
Lord God of Israel ' ; there is no reason, with Klost. Burn., to 
be concerned over the original. — 23. nay : BH sugg. inay, but cf. 
w."ff— iiT : Grr. as though cm', which St., BH accept on 
ground of haplog. ; but the emendation, natural in a translation, 
is not necessary. — nnm : the root = ' to lead'; Ch. has an un- 
explained word, nncan ; the present word may have required 
further explication. — The following ' pregnant construction ' (St.) 
does not require an additional verb (the ppl. has verbal force), 
such as Ch. supplies with cn'3:i, or as BH sugg., cs-'axi. — ca : 
OGrr. om.— 24. P'si-na 'syi : <3 om. — Sj : 10 MSS deR., hih ; 
Luc. MSS Kara wav, correcting error in (g MSS, /cai irav=^^. — 
25. \n^ ncWi : parallel with [n: mi-n 'nn, v. 2* ; for the antithesis 
cf nominal clauses see Dr., Tenses, §160. — r6:iD : OGrr. (kul) fxaxeip, 
Hex. MSS fiaxaX, etc. ; Aq., in MS j, 8iaTpo(pT]u, cited as a gloss by 
MS 7i=g)H ; for ';D<'-Na (Is. 9*) see Haupt as ' phonetic speUing,' 
eft. Akk. parallels ; Bergstr., HG 91, mf., regards it as ' wohl 
Schreibfehler.'— 28. W3a:=tr: g, ; Grr., g)H 'in their house,' 
by translators' improvement ; prob. to be read with St., BH, 
irna, 'at home.'— 29. hzo Ni;':=VSS ; Ch., '0 alone, and possibly 
here conflation between the parallels ; Burn. sugg. apposition ; 
it is best, with St., to read '750, as at ii^s.^For the ' 150,000' 
note the expansion in Ch. — 30. The v. drawn from 9^3 = Gr. 2^'^. — 
noW?: St. elides, arguing that preceding ncx is expected, but this 
is not necessary (Sanda) ; the parallel text has a better order. — 
'3300' : = Jos. ; the following variations may be noted : B al. 3600 
(a round number, not to be preferred, with Burn.)=Ch. ; (g^ 
' 3700/ Hex., ' 3500.' Sanda makes a clever attempt at exact 
calculation of the ratio 3300/3600 chiefs to 180,000 labourers, on 
the basis of some Egyptian figures ; but, as noted above, the writer 
was working on the given figure, 550.— 31. 32. These vv. have been 
transposed in (g after 6^, to make these building operations come 
after the start of the temple. — 31. nnp' : the identification with 
Akk. akru, used of precious stones, fails in this connexion ; Conti 
Rossini ingeniously and correctly connects the word with Eth. 
wakara, used particularly of stone-cutting, and with S. Arab, tkr, 
which appears in parallelism with ' wood ' in building texts (Chrest., 
257). Dillmann in his Lex. had earlier compared the Eth. root 
with Arab. kdra. n'u vnx at end of the v. may be exegetical to 
that word or a gloss. — 32. '^2 bis : Grr., ' sons of,' as for \:5=^h 
with 'servants' in marg. ; W ''^dt\k = Akk. arde ekalli, possibly 
'builders' (Bezold, BAG 66), a notable survival. — d'V::.t : (g 


e^oKav airrous, <S^ eve^aXov avr. ; Jos., ot Bi/3Xiot=^H^ ^g from Aq. • 
^ ' Giblii/Biblii ' ; QC ^ N'Sai:nN, also used at II. 1212 for c'Ja ; 
see St. and Haupt for attempts to explain this word of evidently 
Akk. origin. Unnecessary corrections have been advanced : 
mSaj'i, " bordered them with grooved edges " (!), so Then., BDB, 
Bum., cf. BH ; DiS'S'i, so Klost., with most dubious interpretation. 

Ch. 6. The building of the Temple. || 2 Ch. 31-1* ; cf. Ant., 
viii, 3, 1-3. Cf. the Mishnaic tractate, Middoth, which was 
translated and fully commented upon by L. Cappel in his 
Trisagion, with extensive citations from Maimonides's mono- 
graph on the Temple, Beth habbehirah, reprinted by Walton 
in his Biblicus Apparatus, 120-207 ; see also F. J. Mollis, 
The ArchcBology of Herod's Temple, With a Commentary on the 
Tractate ' Middoth,' 1934, and for a translation, H. Danby, 
The Mishnah (1933), 5S9 ff. For particular criticism of the 
text see Stade, ' Der Text des Berichtes iiber Salomos Bauten,' 
ZAW 3, I29ff. =his Akad. Reden, 143 ff., and his Geschichte, 
I, 325 ff. Of the extensive literature may be cited : Ewald, 
HI 3, 226 ff. ; Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de I' art dans 
I'antiquite; the articles on ' Temple ' in DB (T. W. Davies), 
EB (Benzinger), JE (Barton), on ' Tempel ' by Galling in 
RGG and BR ; G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, 2, ch. 3 ; S. A. Cook ; 
The Religion of Ancient Palestine, passim ; E. Klamroth, 
Lade u. Tempel, 1932 ; K. Mohlenbrink, Der Tempel Salomos, 
1932 ; K. Galling, ' Das allerheiligste in Salomos Tempel,' 
JPOS 1932, 43 ff. ; C. Watzinger, DP i, 88 ff. ; the iUuminat- 
ing brief essay by G. E. Wright, ' Solomon's Temple Resur- 
rected,' BA 4, 2 (1941), 17 ff. The volumes by W. C. Shaw, 
Solomon's Temple (1907), The Second Temple in Jerusalem 
(1908), are most uncritical. Plans and elevations of the build- 
ing, especially those of Stade and Benzinger, have been repro- 
duced in many of the works cited above, and, e.g., in Skinner's 
Comm., Kent, SOT, Barton, AB. Most recent is Albright's 
presentation in ARI ch. 5, sect. 2, with detail of the archaeo- 
logical light thrown upon the temple and its furnishings. To 
this list is to be added L. Waterman's monograph, " The 
Damaged ' Blueprints ' of the Temple of Solomon," in JNES 
1943, 284 ff. This, with revision of text, e.g., 6^°, presents a 
fresh and reasonable basis for understanding of the temple plans. 

For comparison with ancient styles of architecture the 

I. 6 (preface) 141 

following literature may be noted. Nowack {Arch., 2, 34!) 
argues against Benzinger's theory of Egyptian type for the 
Syrian influences on this structure, and refers to Puchstein, 
' Die Saule in d. ass. Architektur ' {Jahrb. of the German Arch. 
Inst., 7, Heft i), whom he cites as follows (from p. 13) : 
" Nach den noch gegenwartig wenig sicheren Beispielen 
syrischen Tempelbaues gehorten zu einem vollstandigen alt- 
syrischen Tempelbaue Vorhalle, Celle, Allerheihgste und 
Seitenbau." W. Andrae in his Das Gotteshaus u. die Urformen 
des Battens im Alien Orient (1930) finds (p. 25) Solomon's 
temple, as ' Langenhaustempel ' with portico, hall, sanctuary, 
to be in correspondence with Assyrian architecture. In criti- 
cism of this view see Galling, BR 516 ff. There may be noted 
here H. Thiersch, ' Ein altmediterraner Tempeltypus,' ZAW 
1932, 73 ff., presenting comparison of the ancient temple- 
plans at Tell el-Hesy, Gerar, and Shechem with types distri- 
buted over the Mediterranean. For temple-construction in 
Babylonia and Assyria see Meissner, Bah. u. Ass., i, 302 ff., 
and Mowinckel's analysis of the Near-Oriental building in- 
scriptions, in the Gunkel-Eucharisterion, 1, 278 ff., esp. 293 ff. 
M. von Oppenheim's Der Tell Halaf presents the remains of 
the temple, royal buildings, art objects of that Syrian site 
of the second millennium B.C., all illustrative of Solomon's 
creation. For a later period may be compared, for the effect 
upon the observer, Lucian's description of the temple of the 
Syrian goddess (cc. 30 ff.). For South Arabian architecture 
may be noted the inscriptions with full building specifications, 
as well as figures for the workers and their food supplies 
(examples in Conti Rossini, Chrest., nos. 67 ff.) ; for the subject 
at large see D. Nielsen, HAA i, 135 ff. 

For the proposition of the exact orientation of the Temple, 
so that at the equinox the rising sun illuminated the debir, 
the remote shrine, a theory that has produced a mass of 
literature, see Morgenstern, ' The Gates of Righteousness,' 
HUCA 6 (1929), I ff., and ' The Calendars of Anc. Israel,' 
ib., 10 (1935), I ff., 76 ff., etc. ; F. J. Hollis, ' The Sun-Cult 
and the Temple at Jerusalem,' in Hooke, Myth and Ritual 
(esp. pp. 89 ff.) ; Graham and May, Culture and Conscience 
(Index, s.v. ' Sun '), and May, ' Some Aspects of Solar Worship 
at Jerusalem,' ZAW 1937, 269 ff. However, such orientation, 


whatever its origin, does not involve sun-worship ; compare 
the ancient and abiding ritual habit of the Church's worship 
towards the east. According to Lucian his goddess's temple 
' looks to the rising sun ' (§29), and this aspect of a sanctuary- 
appears in Nabataean shrines (Glueck, BASOR 69 [1938]. 17) • 
The ancient temples at Teh en-Nasbeh, Gerar, Shechem 
' faced ' {i.e., with their doors) the approximate east (Thiersch, 
op. cit., plate opp. p. 80). The Phoenician inscription of 
Mas'ub (3d cent. B.C.— Lidzb., HNE 419 ; Cooke, NSI no. 10) 
records a porch ' on the east and to the north (.?) ' for a temple. 
C. Rathjens and H. v. Wissmann in vol. 2 of their Siidara- 
bien-Reise (1932 — pp. 61 ff.) describe the temple at Hugga 
as orientated Hke Solomon's. On the subject at large see 
G. Martigny, ' Die geographische u. astronomische Orientation 
altmesopotamischer Tempel,' OLz., 1938, Aug.-Sept., and for 
the Hellenic world the thorough discussion by W. B. Dins- 
moor, ' Archseology and Astronomy,' Proc. Am. Philosoph. 
Soc, 80 (1939), 95-173. The established current opinion is 
that the Temple faced eastwards towards the Rock (Arabic, 
es-sahrah), of hoary rehgious significance, which was the site 
of Solomon's brazen altar. For the Rock and its significance 
see Kittel, Studien z. hebr. Archdologie, 1-96. Hans Schmidt 
in Der Heilige Pels (1933) defends the traditional view of the 
location of the debir, hke the Mosque of Omar, over the Rock ; 
see reviews in JPOS 1934, 304 ff., JQR 24, 194 ff. 

The present document is particularly original. Note 
Watzinger's judgment {op. cit., 88) : the record " muss doch 
auf eine urkundliche Quelle aus der Zeit, vielleicht einen 
Baubericht des Konigs selbst, zuriickgehen." Compare the 
stone figure of Sumerian Gudea planning his temple according 
to his god's specifications (see Clay, Light on the O.T. from 
Babel, plate opp. p. 160 ; Gressman, ATB 2, Abb. 44). But 
unlike Gudea's sense of divine inspiration, and in the Bible 
the divine plans for the Tabernacle and Ezekiel's second 
Temple, this record is coolly objective : Solomon built the 
temple. We actually possess in these chapters concerning 
the construction and furnishing of a temple the fullest and 
most detailed specifications from the ancient Oriental world. 

For literary analysis of the text see in particular SBOT. 
There is to be noted Sanda's radical rearrangement : vv.^- 2. 

I. 61-1*. I, 537. 38 143 

19, 17. 20a. 3. 4. 9. 15. 16. 18. 29. 21. 20b. 22. 30. 23a. 26. 23b. 24. 25. 27. 28. 

31-35. 5. 6. 8. 10. 36. 11-14. 7. 37. 38_ Moffatt in Ws translation of 
the Bible has also made a rearrangement. But such reordering 
of materials has no authority, is only of possible advantage 
to the eye in study of details ; ancient specifications need not 
have been as orderly as modern. Many of the passages that 
appear out of place are glosses, as the text below will attempt 
to exhibit. 

1. Aitd it came to pass in the 480//^ year of the exodus of the 
Bne-Israel from the land of Egypt, 

in the fourth year, in the month 37. In the fourth year was 
Ziv {that is, the second month), founded the house of Yhwh, 
of Solomon's reign over Israel, in the moon Ziv. 38. And in 
that he built the house to Yhwh. the eleventh year, in the moon 

Bui {that is, the eighth month), 
the house was finished accord- 
ing to all its details and all its 
art ; and he built it in seven 

yY_37. 38^ ^yitj^ ii^Q inclusive dates of the construction, give 
the original archival datum and in the proper place ; for 
convenience of parallelism they are presented here. The 
duplication of the first item here was due to a logical disposi- 
tion in connexion with the era-date 4S0. Cf. the arbitrary 
rearrangement in (& (g^ by which 5"i- ^^a^ 537. 38 ^re introduced 
after v.i, as belonging technically here. Ch. knows the day 
of inception, ' the second day of the second month.' 

la. The Grr. faulted ' the 480th year ' and corrected it to 
' the 440th year ' ; this is probably due to the fact that the 
genealogy of Aaron to Sadok inclusive (i Ch. 5^^^-) counts 
but eleven persons, i.e., 11x40=440; ^^ also follows this 
reckoning, and Aquila's and Symmachus's agreement with %} 
is known only from Codex M. For acceptance of the round 
number 480 as historical see Keil, with reff. ; Sanda ; H. 
Hansler, Biblica, 12 (1931), 395 ff. ; Marston, New Bible 
Evidence, ch. 10; W. J. Chapman, ZAW 1935, 185 ff. (pro- 
posing Egyptian sources for the chronology). Marston, accept- 
ing the Biblical figure, dates the Exodus at 1447-1437, the 
founding of the temple at 967-957 {The Bible Comes Alive, 


App. IV). But along with the present lowering of the date for 
the Exodus on the basis of archaeolog}^ it is new generally 
recognized that we have here an artificial date of secondary 
origin, balanced by the attempt of likeminded chronologers 
to find 480 years between this date and the Exile. Note the 
conservative Rawlinson's scepticism on the datum here in 
note to end of the chapter. See Int., §16. For a recent careful 
study see H. H. Rowley, ' Israel's Sojourn in Egypt,' Bull. 
John Rylands Library, 22 (1938), i ff. The whole of v.^ is 
accordingly editorial. On the authority of Menander Josephus 
[Contra Apionem, i, 18) sets the date of the building in the 
12th year of Hiram. Such dating as from the Tyrian annals 
has evidently been accepted from Jewish sources ; see R. 
Pietschmann, Gesch. d. Phonizier, 132 ff., Meyer, GA 2, 2, 
79 ff . However, the scribal calculation, if it be such, is approxi- 
mately correct and so to be honoured ; according to Meyer's 
chronology (p. 43S) Hiram's 12th year was ca. 957, Solomon's 
4th year 956/951. The rare archaic names for the months 
are evidence of the originality of the document, as also the 
older word for the lunar period, ' moon.' They are converted 
into terms of the numbered months of the later calendar, 
starting in the spring. See also Comm., 12^22-. 

YY 2-io_ -Yhe construction of the Temple. 

2. And the house which King Solomon built for Yhwh : 60 
cubits its length, and 20 ^cubits'' [plus with MSS, VSS] its 
width, and 30 cubits its height ; 3. and the portico ['illam] in 
front of the hall [hekdl] of the house : 20 ctibits its width [Heb. 
length] along the front of the width of the house, ''and'^ [plus with 
some MSS, VSS] 10 cubits its depth [Heb. width] along the 
front of the house. 4. And he made for the house windows 
''embrasured, latticed'' [?]. 5. And he built on the wall of the 
house a side-wing about [om. with some VSS the walls of the 
house about] the hall and the shrine [debir] ; and he made stories 
round about : 6. the lowest ''story'' [with some VSS — Heb. 
side-wing] 5 cubits its width, and the middle one 6 cubits its 
width, and the third 7 cubits its width, for rebatements were made 
for the house on the outside, so as not to make inset into the walls 
of the house ; [7. And the house in its building was built with 
finished stone, quarry-cut, and as for hammers and the saw 
'"and"' [plus with MSS, some VSS] all tools of iron, naught was 

I. 61-1* 145 

heard in the house at its building — secondary, cf. S^^'*.] 8. the 
doorway of the ''lowesf [with some VSS — Heb. middle] story 
at the right side of the house, and by winding-stairs they would 
go up to the middle (story), and from the middle to the third. 
9. [And he built the house and finished it — secondary, cf. 
yy 14. 38_j ^^^ /jg ceiled the house in coffers and serried-rafters 
[?] with cedar beams. [10. And he built the side-wing against 
all the house, five cubits its height, and it fastened on to the 
house with timbers of cedar — a gloss to v.^.] 

The translation above attempts to present the staccato, 
almost purely substantival diction, as of archival character. 
The document concerns the structure of the house, walls and 
roof, as a whole ; the inner shrine is mentioned but once. 
Other non-pertinent items must be regarded as intrusions. 

2. The cubit (Engl. ' ell ') was according to 2 Ch. 3^ ' after 
the ancient measure,' in contrast with the later measure of 
' a cubit and a hand ' (Eze. 40^, 43^^) ; see BDD, s.v. ' Weights 
and Measures,' the Archaeologies of Nowack (§34) and Ben- 
zinger (§39), Sanda. The Grr. arbitrarily vary the figures 
here. Josephus doubles the height, then adds another story 
of equal dimension, obtaining a height for the temple of 120 
cubits, the extravagant figure for the height of the portico in 
2 Ch. 3^. 3. The ancient Sumerian word ekallu, Heb. hekdl, 
used of a royal palace (and so 21I, etc.), is used of the 
main chamber, Moffatt quite properly ' nave ' ; only supple- 
mentarily is the rear sanctuary, itself a walled-off chamber, 
mentioned (v.^). 4. For the obscure adjectives translated 
embrasured, latticed, see Note ; here and below we have to 
deal with technical terms of architecture, which may not be 
explained offhand by etymology. 5. This last remark is 
illustrated by the term translated side-wing {ydsi') ; as will 
appear below, it was early confused, indeed in ||, with the 
word for ' story ' [sela') ; see Note. The word debir means 
radically ' rear-room ' ; see below, v.^^. 6. The word trans- 
lated story is primarily ' rib ' ; the necessary correction of 
the confusion here has been noted above. Of interest is the 
meticulous concern lest these side service-chambers {cf. ' the 
vestry,' II. lo^^) should be structurally part of the house ; the 
beams of the stories rested on the recessed walls, not in them. 
7. The V. evidently interrupts the architectural specifications ; 


cf. the punctuation in JV. It is doubtless the fact that 
all the stone-dressing was done at the quarry {cf. 5^^- ^^) ; 
there may be noted the great semi-detached stone at the 
Baalbek quarry. 8. The strange error of ^ which places the 
doorway on the level of the second story is due to careless 
confusion of two similar words ; even JV makes the correc- 
tion, noting the Heb. in the margin. TJie doorway . . . at the 
right side of the house : the question is whether the adj . is 
used structurally, and so means the north side, or according 
to the point of the compass, and so the «outh side. The 
former view is preferable ; cf. the main entrance of the Syrian 
goddess, which was ' towards the north ' (Lucian, §28). By 
winding stairs they would go up. Since the Greek versions the 
noun has been so rendered in Western translations (see Note) ; 
correction of it in line with modern criticism appears in the 
Moffatt and Chicago Bibles with trap ioors. The argument 
against the traditional interpretation was based by Stade on 
the fact that there was no example of such a construction in 
ancient Oriental architecture [Akad. Reden, 150 f.). But an 
example has now been discovered, 1939, by Leonard Woolley 
at Atchana near Antioch in an extensive palace of the 
eighteenth century B.C. Speaking of one door from the court 
to the palace he reports : "A stair- well just inside the door 
contained a newel stair (of which the first two flights were 
nearly perfectly preserved), whereby one reached the first- 
floor rooms." ^ The tradition is thus confirmed. There may 
be compared the remarkable Paneion at Alexandria, a high 
circular tower with a winding stairway on its exterior, fully 
described by Strabo [Geographica, xvii, 10). 9a. The sentence 
appears to be quite secondary ; the annotator thought of 
the stone construction, which was first ' finished ' ; yet an 
unroofed house is hardly finished, while that verb is used 
correctly at the end of the specificatioiiS (v.^^). 96. The roof 
is observed from within as the ceiling. The crossing of the 
rafters at right angles formed hollow squares, in technical 
phraseology, coffers ; these may have been further set forth 

^ Cited in TJie New York Times, Aug. 26, 1939, from the London 
Times ; cf. Albr., BASOR 77 (1940), 23, referring to the report by S. 
Smith in The Anliquaries Journal, 19 (1939), 39 If. The newel is the 
centre-post of a winding stairway. 

I. 61-4_ I_ 537. 38 


by decoration, as in modern architecture. 10. The v. is 
apparently a gloss to v.^, with the one fresh item of the height 
of the side-wing ; but a height of five cubits for the three- 
story structure is absurd. Comm. cited by Poole make the 
figure refer to the chambers in the several stories {cf. Eze. 
416), and so AV with Grr. here ; RW JV, Moff., Chic. B., 
similarly modify the translation. Keil defends the text as a 
bit of ' Breviloquenz ' ; Stade turns ' five ' into ' fifteen,' 
which would be a proper figure. The statement is a clumsy 
insertion by an interpolator who had the figure for the single 
story in mind. 

11-14. VV.ii-13 contain an oracle of the continued divine 
residence in the house on condition of Solomon's obedience. 
It is absent in OGrr., and is a late intrusion, repeating 2'^^-, 
3^*. See Burney's analysis of the phraseology, showing that 
the colour is that of P rather than of D. V.^* repeats v.^ 
on ' the finishing of the house,' introduced because there 
follow here again items of the cedar work. 

1, 37. v.i IT nna: v.^' 11 m'3, with the older word for 'month,' 
as exclusively in Ugaritic and Phoen. The Heb. month name is 
preserved most exactly among the Grr. by MS o, ^lov, n, Seiov, 
cf. H, ' Xiiu,' but is otherwise corrupted by dittogr. of preceding 
i/^v]"'; resulting in a variety of forms, vlo-uj, veiaco (uncials), vLnav 
= (£, by identification with Nisan. — Similarly the month name 
Bui is sadly mishandled by the Grr. here ; the Hexaplaric re- 
insertion of vv.37- 38 in their place transliterates the names properly. 
• — 37. ^?; : Grr. : edefxeXLuaev-av. — 38. v-im, mero : the Grr. read both 
nouns as sing., and so tE: with epexegetical translation ; gj S[ 
both as pi. ; ^ lO as sing., 2^ as pi. It is best to read the latter 
as icrro. For the interesting secondary sense of this noun cf. 
II- i'. — 2. c'ts-e': Grr., '40,' exc. A x, which with Jos., € = ^. — 
nne'j;! : 5 MSS + n,':x=VSS.— □'b-Vc : <g <@^ = ' 25,' Jos., ' 60 ' ; with 
St., the cause of variation is ' obscure.' — 3. ch-\ii : so g)^ trans- 
literates ; Jos., Trpbvaiov, Sym., TvpoTTiiXov ; otherwise the Grr. trans- 
literate with a£Xa^ = cV.N!, as in Eze. 40, passim, accepted by Stade- 
Haupt, Kit. (not BH), GB, as = Akk. prep, elldmu, ' over against.' 
But ^ is corroborated by 2 Ch. 3^, Eze. S^^, and is authentic, 
derived from root 'wl, ' to be in front.' — n'nn hy:^ : (§ as hynn, 
accepted by St. — lay : 15 MSS icni. — nm nnxn icy : (g om., 
added by (g^ at end of v.=lL (£.— [n':in] 'jd hv : ^ as plus -ix, 
accepted by Klost., Benz., St., BH ; but this is an explicative 
addition. — The Grr., g)H have repeated v."^ at end of this v. — 
4. cpcN; D'Bi^y' 'ji'^n : 'r construed with onm occurs at 7*, and ^^p''? 
at 7". The Hif. of the verb means ' to look out,' so II. g^"- ** (of 


Jezebel at the window), and the derivative here may refer to 
windows with sides sloping inwards towards one another ; cf. 
the embrasures of military fortification. The second questioned 
word occurs in like connexion, moax mai^n, Eze. 40I*, 4ii«- ^s (see 
Cooke's Comm.), and comes from a root well known in Aram., 
Arab. =' to close, cover,' and may mean ' latticed.' And so the 
Grr. interpreted the two words : (@ dvpiSat wapaKvirTo/xeuai KpvtrTas, 
the ppl. in which <S^ replaces with 8edLKTvwfj.evas, ' netted, latticed.' 
Other VSS vary : tK ' windows open inside and closed outside '; 
^ ' windows open and closed ' ; §[ ' windows narrow outside, broad 
inside' : ^ simply, ' obliquas fenestras.' Cf. varieties in EVV ; 
JV follows the margin of AV, ' windows broad within and narrow 
without'; i.e., moderns know little more than the ancients. The 
VSS read the first word as absolute (and so i MS), which construc- 
tion with the foil. ppls. is required {cf. Eze. 40^*), unless with Sanda 
the second word be read o'Dij^*. — 5. i^^'i : Grr. read as in'i. — v^^\ 
Kr. K'v; : a technical term = ' layer,' and then 'side-layer, wing.' 
Grr. here /meXadpa (thinking of the cells in the temple ?) ; ^^ with 
Syr. borrowing of Gr. iiTLarvXia, ' architraves.' — a"3D n-^n nn'p nx : 
the unnecessary repetition was not known to ^ <S (S'^ ; Theod. 
(in g)H), g) g[ simplify. — 2'20 ni^Ss tyj/'i : B N a^ v It om., prob. 
in view of /xeXadpa above. — n^l}^^ : primarily ' ribs,' then ' stories ' ; 
the word occurs at v.^^, 7^, of ' beams ' (of cedar) ; the word appears 
in Syr. as an architectural term, ace. to Bar-Bahlul's Lex. (ed. 
Duval, 1886), s.v. ]l^K, also in Brock., Lex. — 6. Vi^*'"i : Kr. as 
above; Grr., -q -n-Xevpa, i.e.,=v^^n=^^, and this must be read. 
^ tr. the word here and niySx, v.*, with the one word sn^'no, 
' compartment,' etc. (see Jastrow, Did.). But Eze. 4i*''- uses 
i!^% as of a side-chamber. These similar words have contaminated 
one another. The fem. gender of the foil. adj. supports ySi-.i here, 
whereas yis' is masc. {cf. v.^"), although the Mishna treats the 
word as fem. (Rosenberg, ZAW 1905, 331), doubtless by depen- 
dence on the Biblical construction. — niyian : B al., Smcmj^a, A M N 
al., -p.aTa=%.- — 7. ^nScy px : St.'s argument {cf. BH) that the 
same phrase occurs at Josh. 8*^ of ' unhewn stone ' would plausibly 
stamp the adj. as secondary ; but the term is qualified by the foil, 
appositive yoa. — hz : read hy\ with many MSS, Grr., ^. — 8. n^D'nn : 
tK Grr., ^^ = njnTOL', to be accepted; see Comm. — □''71'?: Grr., 
eKiKTT) ava^aais, ' winding stairway,' and so QT ; V ' coc(h)lea,' 
' snail-sheU, spiral ' ; ^ uses the Gr. word for ' cataract.' Ety- 
mology has connected the word with Arab, lawlaba, ' to wind,' 
lawlab, ' snail-shell ' (so Ew. in his Lehrb., §158, b, and Konig, 
Lehrgeb., i, 2, 52, recent grammarians ignoring the word). It 
has been overlooked that Dozy in his Supplement presents a parallel 
Arab, root, lawlawa, which supports the origin of the present 
bUiteral from m'?, ' to wind ' ; cf. also nix^^, ' girdles,' Ex. 26", 
etc., poss. Akk. lulu (Bezold, BAG 156). For the obscure phrase 
n3o:i nami, Eze. 41', tE renders the second word with j''?i'?. It 


I. 615-22 149 

may be observed that Gr. XalXai/', ' whirlwind,' otherwise unex- 
plained, comes from this Semitic origin. The interpretation 
' hatchways ' comes from later Jewish tradition ; Talmudic Mid- 
doth, iv, 5, speaks of ["mna yh-h, " open lulin by which they let 
down workmen by chains," and Maimonides (cited by Cappel, 
p. 207) defines hih as p^p nna, ' small opening ' ; cf. also Jastrow, 
Did., s.v. for other applications of the word in sense of ' hole.' 
Similar interpretation has been followed by Benz., Burn., St., 
Nowack, Sanda, and cf. Sk. — D'ty'^tyn : read n".y — , with 4 MSS ; 
Grr. read the pi., ra Tpiu}(popa ; ^ was contaminated from the 
obscure □'tf'jE'^, Eze 42^, unless the pi. is to be regarded, with 
Sanda, as ' a standing expression ' for the third floor. — 9. |SD'i : 
for the verb used in the sense of ' ceil ' see Jer. 22^*, and cf. Phoen. 
njsDS, ' roof,' and so the verb is used at 7'. — miri 0^22 : (g <§^ om. ; 
for the first word Hex. has (pdrvio/^a used of a panelled ceiling =Lat. 
' laquear,' used here by V, which om. the foil, word ; ^^ kerdm 
dappe, ' ceiling of tables ' ; ^ renders as ' hollows,' and the foil, 
word as ' sawn ' ; ^ paraphrases remarkably. 2i is used at II. 
3^^, referring to the ' trenches ' ; it means here the hollow squares 
between the criss-cross rows, mic (^^ tukkdse, ' alignments '), of 
the beams. The noun gwb appears in S. Arab, for an architectural 
feature (Conti Rossini, Chrest., 121). — 10. I'is'n, Kr. j,"s;ri : Grr. 
T. ei'Secr/xoDS. — n'3n nx : B al., r. <Tvv5ecriJ.op, <§^ r. €v8ea/j.ovi, A N 
al., T. euSeff/uLov^^^ ; IE- 'the gallery' (j<p'n=Targ. for npyo, Dt. 22*, 
and p'nN, Eze. 4ii^'-), as ' above all the house ' ; ^ ' circular 
passage-ways ' {hdddretd) above all the house ' ; ^ ' tabulatum 
super omnem domum,' i.e., all applying the item quite logically to 
the roofing of the house ; cf. ' the galleries ' in Eze. 41^*. The 
discrepancy of only 5 cubits height for the side-wing has been 
noted above. Sanda replaces that word with niy'jsn and reads con- 
sequently iDSip. Jos. makes the word refer to the side-chambers, 
which he measures as 5 cubits square, 20 cubits high (see Marcus, 
ad loc). — 11-14. For the Hex. addition see note in MS j. — 14. 
The V. was transferred by <& to end of v.^, was repeated here 
by Hex. 

Yy_i5-22 The inner wood-work ; the partition of the shrine ; 
the decoration. 

15. And he built the walls of 18. And cedar for the house on 
the house on the inside with the inside, carved work of 
cedar planks from the floor of gourds and flower-calyxes ; 
the house to the ^ beams'^ [with Hhe whole was cedar, no stone 
OGrr. ; |^ walls'] of the roof ; was seen'^ [OGrr. om.]. 
he panelled with wood within, 
and he laid the floor of the 
house with cypress planks. 


16. And he built off 20 19. And a shrine ivithin the 
cubits at the rear of the house house, deep within, he pre- 
with cedar planks from the pared, to set there the ark of 
Aoor up to the ^beams'^ [with the covenant of Yhwh. 
OGrr. ; 51 1^ alls'], and he built 
within [with correction of ||] 
for a shrine \J!^-\-for the holy 
of holies'] ; 17. and 40 cubits 
[long] was [^-\-the house, that 
is ; OGrr. om.] the hall ^in 
front of^ [with correction of 
Kr.] ^the shrine'^ [plus with 
Grr., V] ; 20. and Hhe shrine'^ 
[with V ; ^ in front of the 
shrine] : 20 cubits in length, 
and 20 cubits in width, and 20 

cubits its height; and he over- 91a. And Solomon overlaid the 
laid it with refined gold. And house within with refined gold, 
he ^made'^ [with Grr. ; ^ over- and he drew chains of gold 
laid] an altar of cedar {21b) in across. 22. And all the house 
front of the shrine, and overlaid he overlaid with gold, until at 
it with gold. last the house was finished. 

^And all the altar that belonged 
to the shrine he overlaid with 
goW [OGrr. om.]. 

The above display presents in the second column a number 
of extensive additions that have been interpolated in the text, 
as also many glosses to the earher form in the first column. 
The criticism is largely supported by the OGr. texts, and may 
in general explain itself. V.^^ parallels v.^^, setting forth the 
shrine as the depository of the ark. The plus of ' the holy of 
holies ' (v.^^ — the Semitic =the hoHest) is a current term pecuHar 
to P in the Pentateuch and to the latest BibHcal books. 
YY_2ia. 22a are wondrously extravagant with the gold-plating 
of the whole house. The original specifications concerned the 
house as a whole ; cf. ' the altar in front of the shrine ' (vv. 
20. 21b) and the later item of ' the altar of the shrine ' (v.22b). 
With the above independent analysis should be compared 
Benzinger's elaborate criticism, pp. xvi-xviii. 

I. 615-22 151 

For the wood-work and decoration may be compared similar 
specifications in Ass. and Late-Bab. royal inscriptions. Esar- 
haddon on his Black Stone (col. iv, ARA 2, §653) announces : 
"... with mighty beams, products of Mount Amanus [the 
cedar locality], the snow-capped mountain, I spanned its roof. 
Door-leaves of cypress [burdsu—Heh. herds], whose odour is 
pleasant, I bound with a band of gold and silver and hung 
them in their doors " (c/. §659 D). ' Door-leaves of cypress ' 
are again recorded for a palace {ib., §§698, 711) ; and the last 
citation proceeds : " The sanctuary of x\ssur, my lord, I 
inlaid with gold. Lahme and cherubim of ruddy sariru I set 
side by side. . . . The walls I plastered with gold like plaster." 
Ashurbanipal, for the rebuilding of his palace, records 
(Rassam, Cylinder ib., §837) : " great beams of cedar . . . 
door-leaves of juniper , . . with a sheathing of copper . . . tall 
columns I enclosed with shining bronze and laid (thereon) the 
cornices of its portico (bU-hildni)." In the East India House 
inscription Nebuchadnezzar boasts of the cedar timbers and 
other woods for the Marduk temple, and expatiates on the 
gilding ; the hall he adorned with ' glowing gold,' where silver 
had been before ; the cedar beams he covered with gold ; 
etc. (cols, ii, iii, KB iii, 2, 13 ff.). A text of Esarhaddon's 
similarly reports work of cypress, cedar, and gold {ARA 2, 
§653). With these inscriptions may be compared the elabora- 
tion of the present description in 2 Ch, 3^'^. For the combina- 
tion of cedar and gilding may be noted Thutmose IV's account 
of the sacred bark he built, ' all decorated with gold ' {ARE 2, 
no. 878, ATB I, 92). For a mythical and still more exuberant 
description, in a Ras Shamra text, of a temple, that of Aleyan- 
Baal, built of Lebanon cedar and gilded all over with gold and 
silver, see Virolleaud's publication in Syria, 1932, ii3ff.= 
RSMT text B ; C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Handbook, 2, Text 51 ; 
cf. U. Cassuto, ' The Palace of Baal,' JBL 1942, 51 ff. For 
the inner decoration of the wall with plant-themes in Meso- 
potamian art from ancient times see Andrae, Das Gotteshaus, 
35 f., 40, Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 2, 330 {e.g., ' palm-leaves 
and pomegranates ') . Such decoration abounded in Egyptian 
architecture. Capitals with hly ornamentation have now been 
found at Megiddo {ILN May 26, 1934, 836 f.), and the Oriental 
VSS so understand the word rendered above as ' flower.' The 


word translated above as ' gourds ' (EVV with archaic 
' knops '=' knobs,' see A. R. S. Kennedy, s.v., DB) is un- 
certain ; that rendering is based on etymological relation with 
the word for ' gourds ' (II. 4^^) ; see GB for variant opinion. 
^ tr. with ' eggs,' recalling the common egg-ornamentation 
of capitals since ancient times. The same detail appears on 
the bronze sea (7^*). Solomon's temple differed from those 
in Egypt and Mesopotamia in being wainscotted with wood, 
in contrast to stone and tile interiors. 

The whole house is roofed, panelled, and floored with wood ; 
the flooring is of cypress ; the rest of the construction, in cedar. 
The shrine or sanctuary (see Note for the various translations) 
is a cube of 20 cubits ; for such proportion cf. the Meccan 
Ka'ba {i.e., 'dice-cube'), which is 12x12 m. square, 15 m. 
high ; see Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le pelerinage a Mekke 
(1926), 26. The figure for the length of the hall agrees with 
the dimensions given above (v.^). Nothing is said about the 
presumed vacant loft above the sanctuary ; Ch. knows of it 
as containing gilded ' upper-chambers ' (II. 3^), and Middoth 
iv, 5, reports for the Herodian temple hatchways through 
which workmen were lowered into the sanctuary. Galling, 
' Das Allerheiligste in Salomo's Tempel,' JPOS 1932, 43 ff., 
denies existence of such an upper chamber, and postulates a 
raised podium for the debir, with steps leading up to the latter. 
The gilding of the furnishings, as of the altar, is reasonable, 
but not that of the whole interior ; cf. Stade, and Nowack, 
Arch., 2, 29, n. i. Sanda attempts to support the description, 
referring to Hezekiah's tribute to Sennacherib ; but for the 
text as vs. the usual translation see Comm., II. 18^^. Such 
extravagant description appears to be a step forward in the 
process of exuberant imagination, continued by the Chronicler, 
for whose fancy even the 120-cubit high portico was overlaid 
with fine gold (2 Ch. 3^*^-)- Refined gold (v.^o) : the pass. ppl. 
translates a word of Akk. origin, and is technical for a certain 
specie value. For the chains of gold see Note ; the word is 
different from that at 7^'' {cf. EVV). For the altar in front oj 
the shrine cf. the altar, with dimensions given, in Eze.'s plan 
{41^^), and the incense altar specified in Ex. 30^^-, of acacia 
wood, with dimensions given, to be placed " before the veil 
that is by the ark of the testimony." In the citation from 

I. 615-22 153 

Eze. (see Cooke, ad loc.) there is the further specification of 
the Guide that " this is the table which is before Yhwh," 
thus comphcating our altar with the table of showbread ; 
cf. the reference inserted below (7*^) to both a golden altar 
and a golden showbread-table. Herodotus (i, 183) refers to 
a golden altar in the temple of Bel in Babylon. The word for 
altar (from the root ' to slaughter ') has become generalized, 
and no longer imports the kind of offering made upon it. 
This altar may be identified with the altar of incense in the 
hekdl at which Uzziah presumptuously officiated (2 Ch. 
25i6ff.^ c/. Luke i^fl-). For such table-altars see K. Galling, 
Der Altar in den Kulturen des alien Orients (1925), 68 ff., with 
plates ; ATB 2, plates clxxv seq. ; H. Wiener, The Altars of 
the O.T. (1927), 23 ff., for incense altars, with plate illustrating 
the incense altars found at Gezer, Taanach, Shechem ; Al- 
bright, APB 108, notes p. 200 ; for general discussion, cf. 
Nowack, Arch., 2, 39!; and Morgenstern, HUCA 12-13 
(1937-38), 7 f. At 8®* {cf. W.22* ^^) we learn casually of ' the 
bronze altar before Yhwh ' ; see Comm. on the passage. 
The innovations and reformations {e.g., II. 21, 23) that pro- 
ceeded through the four centuries of the temple's existence 
preclude the rigorous application of later data, and especially 
of theoretical plans like those in Ex. and Eze., for illumination 
of the present antique record. 

15. nn'nn : (g (g^ om. ; St., Kit. (not BH) excise ; but with 
Burn., Sanda, the word is essential, indicating the inner construc- 
tion.- — mi'^^ : the technical word in another sense at v.*. — I'pnp : 
'floor'; cf. Num. 5I'. — nn-p ny : 22 MSS Ken., deR., -ij;i = Grr., 
exc. X. <3 &^ = rii-\'p np nnip nj;, i.e., an early double rdg. ; g>H 
obelizes the first term, agreeing with ^ ; m-iip, ' beams,' is re- 
quired, as also at v.^^. — nun yv i^si- : Klost., St., al. regard as an 
addition {cf. BH) ; otherwise Burn., Sanda.- — □'ts'i-in : the genus 
is uncertain ; see Comm., 6^^^- ; Post in DB renders with the 
inclusive word ' fir ' (v. sub voce). The lumber for the floor is 
other than that for the roof ; cf. the list of woods used in ship- 
building, Eze. 27^'-. — 16. ncN [dt^n nx] : Sanda would read naxn, 
but for the construction see GK, §117, d. — 'hidtd : Kr. correctly 
'DSl'P, and so many MSS Kt.— no.T : Grr. by clumsy error, 
T. Toixov^^^, exc. (S^ T. oiKov. — cpN niy'^sn : Grr., to wXevpov 
TO ev=^^, a remarkable interpretation, so St., q.v. — nii'p : read 
nmp. — p'l 2° : Grr., ^^ V ' and he made,' an exegetical varia- 
tion. — -\'2ih n'3D 1'? p'l : (g <8^ ignore i'? ; Hex., avrw, var. ai<ro ; 
tic ^ after Aram, use regard the phrase as accusatival, anticipating 


the foil. ace. ; Junius (in Poole) as = ' for God ' ; JV ' for himself,' 
and so Burn., interprets it as dativiis commodi, referring to the 
king's privilege as pontifex maximus, but this would be arrogance. 
St. refrains from altering. Sanda reduces the phrase to rrnc':' 
I'm'?, regarding the verb as superfluous ; but by retaining the verb 
and with his further correction a suitable sense is obtained, as 
in the tr. above. — T3t : the Grr. transliterate the word here and 
below with oa^eip (=^^), and for the nominal phrase <@ texts have 
eK Tov d. ((@^ + r. TOix°''), but <§^ eawdev tov 8.=^^. For the 
word as radically = ' rear part ' see Burn., who notes the history 
of its transliteration. Aq., Sytn., xP'?M<i<''t"^P'o'' =^ 'oraculum' = 
AV RVV FV ' oracle ' ; C ' house of atonement ' — the same for 
cover of the lid of the ark, Ex. 25^' ; JV ' Sanctuary ' ; GV most 
ingeniously, ' Chor.' — 17. ['73'nn] n-i.i n^an : (g (§^ om., and in fact 
the house was not the hall. — 'i^h : the pointing is impossible 
(= ""before me"'), indicative of the dilemma of the Masoretes ; 
n.b. I MS deR., pj3'7=tE: ; cf. E"VV ' before the oracle/Sanctuary.' 
The introduction to v.^", Tmn 'j^'ji, an impossible clause in the 
connexion (cf. the attempts of EVV, exc. J'V), is survival of 
original Tann 'jr*? at the end of this v., represented by the frag- 
ment 'ith, and this by early corruption affected the original 
beginning of v.2''=T3-ini. — 18. The intrusion of this v., absent in 
<g <§^, and of V.19, early disturbed the text ; see tr. above, which 
follows St. — n'n.T hx : the prep, is remarkable ; 2 MSS h]i ; Burn, 
tries to explain ; ^ ingeniously understood as "jd. — D'i'ps nahpa 
D'sif niDEi : 'D also at vv.^*- ^-. The "VSS distinguish 'cb as in 
abs. form, gaining three motives of decoration. QC tr. 'ps with 
' eggs ' ; tE ^ !3 for 'x ' lilies.' — 19. inn"? : error for r\^T)h or nnb ; 
cf. erroneous jnn, 17I*. — 20. "hjd 3nr:=nijp, Job 28"; the term = 
Akk. hurdsu sagru (Bezold, BAG 210) ; for the mng. of 'o see 
Note on ijdo, II. 24^*. — i^"! : read B'i"i with Grr. ; OGrr. re- 
arrange w.^oti- 21. — 21. nip-ma Kt., nipimg Kr. ; at Is. 40^8 nipin-) = 
' chains,' and so here QC ; pwi, Eze. y^^, is most obscure ; see 
Cooke, Comm. ; Hex. here ' nails,' and so V, as of applying gold 
foil with nails, which item seems to have come from 2 Ch. 3^. 
Sanda accepts Then.'s suggestion to read n^ncn, ' the veil,' as at 
2 Ch. 3^* ; but how could so well known a technical term have 
become obscured ? The second half of the v. is omitted by OGrr. — 
22b. The sentence, omitted by OGrr., is represented in Hex. with 
" and all within the dabir he overlaid with gold." 

YY 23-27_ jjig t^Q cherubs in the shrine. 

23a. And he made in the shrine two cherubs of oleaster wood : 
26. the height of the one cherub lo cubits, and so the secoyid 
cherub (236) ten cubits its height ; 24. and five cubits (long) 
the one wing of the cherub, and five cubits the second wing of 
the cherub, lo cubits from end of its ^wing'^ to end of its [wing'\ 

I. 623-38 155 

[^ wings] ; 25. [and ten cubits the second cherub — repetition] 
one measure and one form to the two cherubs. 27. {And he set 
the cherubs within the inner house — secondary, repeating v.^^^j 
And they spread out ''their wings'^ [with OGrr. ; ^ the wings 
of the cherubs'], and the wing of the one touched the (side-) wall, 
and the wing of the other [Heb. second] cherub was touching the 
other [Heb. second] wall, with their wings in the centre of the 
house, touching wing to wing. 

The text is fairly intact, with the necessity of transfer of 
v.^^ into V.23 (with Stade and subsequent comm.) and of 
excision of an evident doublet (v.^'^), which is dependent 
upon Eze.'s peculiar term for the debtr (41^''), and avoids the 
' making ' of the cherubs in the holy place. 

Since antiquity the cherub figures have been subject of 
mystical interest — indeed with later artistic degradation of 
the theme — even as they remain to-day one of technical 
dispute. The obscure word kerub has been finally etymolo- 
gized by Langdon as from the Akk. root=' to adore,' from 
which was developed the noun karebdti (fem. pi. — also a form 
kurebu), used in association with lamasati, the protecting 
genii in sculptured form at entrance of temples.^ The problem 
is complicated by the kaleidoscopic forms of the figure de- 
picted elsewhere in the Bible. Ezekiel (lo^^- ^^) presents four 
cherubs each with four faces, four wings, and so expanding 
the vision of ch. i ; according to Ex. 25^^s- the two golden 
cherubs at the ends of the ark screen the kapporet with their 
wings, i.e., as guardians, and this feature since Josephus has 
largely entered into reconstructions of the picture of Solomon's 
cherubs. However, the item in the present specifications is 
long anterior to those later figments, doubtless developed 
under impressions from Bab. art, its historicity being estab- 
Hshed by its independence of them, and it may justly be 

^ In addition to the literature cited above, Comm., v.^, see S. Langdon, 
Epic of Creation (1923), 190, n. i ; Dhorme and Vincent, ' Les cheru- 
bins,' RB 35 (1926), 328 ff., 481 flf. ; Cooke, Ezekiel, 112 ff. ; also for 
general discussions Gressmann, Die Lade Jahves (1920) with 10 plates, 
and H. Schmidt, ' Kenibenthron u. Lade,' Gunkel-Eucharisterion, i, 
120 flf. For such winged figures in general, cherub, grifEn, sphinx, see 
L. Waterman, AJSL 31 (1915), 249 ff., who supports the connexion of 
the word 'cherub' with ypv^l/ (but see below) ; Cook, Rel. of Anc. 
Pal., 47 flf. ; and Calling's summary art., ' Mischwesen,' in BR. 


explained from earlier native and primitive language. Yhwh 
has the ancient epithet of " seated on the cherubs " (II. 19^^= 
Is. 37^^ ; Ps. 80^, 99^), and these winged creatures constitute 
his heavenly chariot, as in the theophany in 2 Sam. 22^^- = 
Ps. 18^2.^ according to which " he rode upon a cherub and 
flew, and swooped down on the wings of the wdnd," while 
the naturalistic basis of the theme appears in Ps. 104^ : Yhwh 
" makes the clouds his chariot." And this original form of 
the theme recurs in i Ch. 28^^, ' the pattern of the chariot, 
the cherubs ' (with probable play on keruh and merkdbah, 
cf. Dhorme and Vincent, p. 329) ; that is, the cherubs are 
bearers of the Deity. And as such they appear in the present 
artistic composition, standing with their wings stretched out 
to the full width of the sanctuary, constituting the throne of 
the Presence. They stand erect, without doubt ' in human 
likeness ' (so Eze. i^), ' on their feet ' (2 Ch. ^^^), 10 cubits 
in height, with the same space above, which is empty, to the 
mystical imagination for the session of the Deity.^ This is in 
contrast to the drooping, protective wings of the ancient 
Oriental art, and the independence of the Solomonic cherubs 
from those visualized in the later literature is to be insisted 
upon. There may be noted in the relief accompanying the 
Yehaumilk inscription the overshadowing of the two figures 
with an evident pair of wide-spreading wings. N.b. the 
transfer of the wings to Deity himself, Ps. 17^, and see Gunkel 
at length, ad loc. The present scene retains the natural 
simplicity of the Deity riding on the wings of the wind. And 
indeed too much stress may not be laid upon Mesopotamian 
art and etymology. The cherub was native to Phoenician 
religious language, as appears in Eze. 28^*, and the root of 
the word appears, as noted by Dhorme and Vincent, in the 
far-flung Ethiopic, in mekrah, ' sanctuary.' 

Yy_28-30^ An addition of extravagant details. The gilding 
of the cherubs would be in place at v. 2^, the item depending 
upon the ' golden cherubs ' of Ex. 25^^ ; the gilding of the 
floor is absurd. The figuration of the decoration of the house 
inside and out depends literally upon Eze. ^i^"^^- in the details 
of cherubs and palm-trees ; the flower-calyxes, repeating v.^^, 
do not appear in the OGrr. For the decoration, recalling the 
' Josephus arbitrarily reduces the height to 5 cubits. 

I. 623-38 1^7 

winged genii who fertilize the palm-tree in Ashurnasirpal's 
temple at Nimrud, see Cook, p. 53, Cooke on Eze. 41^^. 

24. VEja bis : read isj? with VSS ; the pi. was induced by 
regard of nisp as pi. — 25. a^p : in this mng. again 7^'. — 27. isyis'i : 
Grr., exc. N h i, as sing., by early error. — cmDn 's:j : read with 
(S (g^ c.TSJD ; the corruption caused by 2 Ch. 3^^. — 29. -do a noun 
used as adv., vs. 3'^d of the old document, v.^ ; St. would correct 
to 2'2DZ. — men : a technical word used elsewhere only by Eze., 
Ch. ; for its unique vocalization, a diminutive form, see GB. — 
D':?Va : with odd vocalization ; but nc^a'? v.^". Then., Bum., 
St. would correct to 'P'^e"? in correspondence with the parallel 
Eze. 41^'. 

Yy_3i-35_ jj^g portals and doors of shrine and hall. 

31. And the doonvay of the 32. and two doors of oleaster 

shrine : he made doors of wood, and he carved upon them 

oleaster wood, the portal [^ carvings of cherubs and palm- 

-{-jambs] a pentagon. trees and lily-calyxes ; and he 

overlaid gold, and he plated the 
gold upon the cherubs and 

33. And so he made for the 

doorway of the hall : jambs 

of oleaster wood [5^+ obscure 

particle], a tetragon; 34. and 

two doors of cypress wood, two 

leaves the one door, folding, 

and two leaves the second door, 


35. And he carved cherubs and 
palm-trees and lily-calyxes, and 
he overlaid with gold, applied 
to the graving. 

VV.32. 35 are displayed above as literarily secondary {cf. 
Stade), for reasons similar to the criticism of vv.^^-^^ ; and 
yet the data have authentic colour. The particular artistic 
care for portal and doors is illustrated by Nebuchadnezzar's 
East India House inscription cited above (Comm., vv.^^s-) . 
" Door-leaves of cedar wood with copper overlay, thresholds 
and hinges of bronze in their doors I erected. Mighty bull- 
colossi of bronze and mighty serpent-forms I placed at their 


entrance. These doors I furnished with beauty, for the 
wonder of the hosts of people " (col. vi). Quite similar is 
Nabonidus's enthusiastic description of the doors in the re- 
stored temple of Marduk, concluding with the boast that he 
" made them bright as the day " (Messerschmidt, MVAG 1896, 
no. I, col. viii, 31 ff.). Similar artistic care was applied by the 
Eg3"ptians to doorways of temples, tombs, etc., with reliefs 
heightened by brilliant colours, and also with metal inlay ; 
see O. Konigsberger, Die Konstruktion der dgyptischen Tiir 
[Agyptologische Forschungen, Heft 2, 1936, with 15 plates). 
For the end of v.^^ more particular reference should be made 
to the Notes. The word translated portal is ignored in the 
VSS, exc. tlu, and appears at Eze. 40^, etc., with mng. ' jambs,' 
and hence the gloss-insertion of this word here {cf. Burney). 
For the difficulties cf. the several English translations. The 
pentagonal doorway, i.e., with a peaked roof, is illustrated on 
a coin of Byblos (a.d. 217), presenting such a temple doorway 
(Contenau, La civilization phenicienne, 86 ; cf. p. 108 ; Cook, 
Rel. of Anc. Palestine, pi. xxxiii). 32. The statement of the 
heavy gilding of the doors here and v.^^ is corroborated for a 
later age by II. 18^^, detailing how in addition to his heavy 
tribute " Hezekiah cut off the doors of the temple of Yhwh 
and the door-posts which H. king of Judah had overlaid, and 
gave them to the king of Assyria," i.e., these of value for the 
gold-overlay. 33. For the four-square vestibule cf. the ceramic 
model of a Cyprian temple presented by Contenau, p. 87. 
34. For the folding two-leaved doors within the large doors, 
inserted for convenience of ordinary entrance, the like in 
Christian architecture may be compared. Esarhaddon boasts 
more than once of ' door-leaves of cypress ' (cited above, 
Comm., vv.^^^-). For the hea\y doors and inevitable stone 
door-sockets in Mesopotamian architecture, see Andrae, Das 
Gotteshaus, pp. 32, 36. 35. The last two terms in the v. are 
technical ; as Sanda remarks, the gold was apphed only to 
the incised lines. 

36. The construction of the wall of the temple court. And 
he built the inner court : three courses of hewn stone to [=^ 
and] a course of beams of cedars. This was the area in front 
of the temple, enclosing the sacred stone and the great altar, 
the place of convocation for the people (ch. 8). ' The other 

I. 623-38 


court ' (7^) contained Solomon's palaces, and ' the great court ' 
(79. 12^ would have included those courts and a more extensive 
area. For the proposed plans see the Uterature cited above 
in introduction to the ch. Interpretation of the specifications, 
repeated for the great court (712) has greatly varied ; see 
Castel in Walton's Apparatus, Thenius, Sanda, et al. The 
most apparent sense is that of three layers of stone, capped 
by a layer of wood, but to what purpose this covering ? Or, 
it has been suggested, occasional upright palisades between 
the stones, or rows of stones with an inner facing of wood 
(so Sanda). But the construction is similar to that expressed 
for the building of the second temple, ' with three courses of 
great stone and a row of new timber ' (Ezra 6^), in which the 
timber was used for ahgnment of the courses. Such construc- 
tion is corroborated by the discovery of layers of wood between 
the stone-courses in the city wall of Senjirli, and of wood with 
brick layers above (Watz., DP i, 97, 99). According to per- 
sonal communication from E. A. Speiser such construction 
was common at Ashur, Tell Billah, Tepe Gawra. The height 
of the wall is not herewith presented.^ 

37. 38. These w., here in their original place, have been 
treated, for convenience, at the beginning of the ch. For 
the annalistic dating of completion of a temple cf. the item 
in the Ass. Eponym List for 787 B.C., when " Nabu entered 
the new house," the rebuilding of the house having been 
recorded for the preceding year {KB i, 211 ; ARA 2, 434). 

31. T'm.T nn2 n.\'i : ace. ad sensum; see GK §117, m, and for the 
corresponding extensive Arabic use Wright's Grammar, 2, §35. — 
pv ■'sy (v.33) . . . i^^NH : <g (B a^) (£ om. by parablepsis due to foil, 
identical phrase. — mnio h^an : the Grr. ignore the first noun, which 
C read as \r\hK, ' but.' 3L ' iuniperi et limina,' V ' postesque angu- 
lorum.' For h^K in Eze. see Cooke on 40*, etc., the text confusing 
it with c^iN. But etymologically the word is of the same origin, and 
means ' projection,' and so it may mean the upper lintel, gable, 
with Kimchi (so the Aram. mng. ace. to Buxtorf, Jastrow), and 

^ The explanation given above of the wood as bonding to the stone 
courses is supported by Barrois in his Manuel, p. 14. See now for the 
whole problem S. Smith, ' Timber and Brick or Masonry Construction,' 
with Add. Note by C. F. A. Schaefifer, PEQ 1941, 5 ff. Smith, with 
extensive criticism of Ezra 6*, denies for the present passage the bond- 
ing with wood, regarding the latter as only ' surface ornament ' (p. 14), 


then, supplying conj. and article with the foil. noun = ' the lintel 
and the jambs pentagonal ' ; but it is preferable, with Burn., to 
regard the asyndetic ' jambs ' as a gloss, and to understand our 
noun as the projecting framework, porch, of the doorway. The 
word may have been added in order to picture the side-posts. — 
n^uan : parallel to nU'm, v.^^ ; in the latter case <S, rendering 
with cTToai rerpawXws, read the numeral adverbially as in ^, and so 
supports the latter, vs. Sanda's correction to adjectives, niv^i, 
nii:'.';n. St. remains uncertain. The adv. means ' pentagon-wise ' ; 
for similar adverbial use of such forms see GK §ioo, 3. — miuD : 
for Akk. origin see Schwally, ZDMG 52, 134. — 32. N.b. late syntax 
of yS''i. '"'S'ii, and so at v.^^. — oni'jj; : for the .irregular masc. suffix 
is to be noted the study by M. G. Slonim, ' The Substitution of the 
Masc. for the Fem. Heb. Pronominal Suffixes to Express Rever- 
ence,' JQR 29 (1939), 397 ff., and so here of a holy thing ; he 
notes in Ki. also 7-*- *"• ^^, II. 16I', 18^^. For this irregularity see 
further Note to 9^'. — tt"! : from root nm, ' to spread,' used in 
the Targum as equivalent to Heb. ypn (Burn.). — 33. ri^'jz-\ nxD : 
since Then, there has been generally accepted the emendation to 
n'ly^-i nintD on basis of the Grr., but the corruptions were hardly 
possible ; it is best to cancel nxo, and to regard 'n as parallel to 
n''K'an above. — 34. C'v'??: a misspelling for cv't^ (so Ken. 150, and 
as all translations understand), under O.Aram, influence, where 
original d appears as k. — 36. Grr. ad finetn plus kvk\oO€v (which 
St. adopts in the text with 3''aD), and a long addition. — 38. See 
above after v.^. 

Ch. 7^ "^2. Solomon's palaces. Cf. Ant., viii, 5, 2. OGrr. 
transferred this description of secular constructions to the 
end of the ch., while Jos. further defers it, after the history of 
ch. 8, for still more pronounced distinction. See the classic 
studies by Stade in ZAW ^=Akad. Reden, 159 ff., GVI 1, 
318 ff., with architectural plans, which have been reproduced 
at large in subsequent publications ; the Archaeologies of 
Nowack (i, 255 ff.) and Benzinger (pp. 211 ff.), and the latter's 
art., ' Palace ' in EB (these with earlier bibliography) ; Th. 
Friedrich, Tempel u. Palast Salomos, 1887 ; G. Richter, ' Der 
salomonische Konigspalast,' ZDPV 1917, 171-225, with two 
plates, offering original reconstructions (criticized by Wat- 
zinger as " eine architektonische unmogUche Wiederherstel- 
lung ") ; C. Van Gelderen, ' Der salomonische Palastbau,' 
AfO 6 (1930-31), 100 ff., with text-critical study ; and in 
particular, as from a technical expert, Watzinger, DP i, 95 ff. 

I. And Solomon, having built his house for thirteen years, 
finished all his house : so more exactly after the Hebrew syntax 

I. 71-12 i6t 

than in the usual translations. The word ' house ' is used 
of the complex of buildings. In 9^" the present ' 13 ' and 
the ' 7 ' of 6^^ are editorially summed up as ' twenty years,' 
as though the building of the king's house was subsequent to 
that of Yhwh's house. V.^ is transferred by OGrr. to the end 
of the specifications, after the Greek sense of better order. 
The position of the v. appears to be secondary ; note its 
syntactical dependence in the Heb. upon 6^^. As Van Gelderen 
remarks, Solomon's completion of the whole operation is ex- 
ceptional in ancient history. For parallels to such a palace- 
complex cf. the explorations at Senjirli {Ausgrabungen in 
Sendschirli, vol. 4, plates xlix, I ) ; at Samaria (Reisner, 
Excavations at Samaria, vol. 2, plate 5) ; and the recent un- 
covering of the far earlier, more extensive and beautifully 
decorated palace at Mari on the upper Euphrates ; see A. 
Parrot, Syria, 1937, 54 ff. ; 1938, 8 ff. ; 1939, 14 ff., all articles 
with numerous plates and photographs [cf. ILN, May 28, 1938). 
Parrot reports that he has uncovered some 220 rooms and 
courts of a building extending over more than five acres. 
The stress laid here upon windows and doors reveals the 
novel hildni architecture of Syria, for which are to be com- 
pared the palaces at Senjirli (see von Luschan). For the 
Mesopotamian field brief reference may be made to the lengthy 
and glowing inscriptions celebrating the palace-construction 
of many monarchs ; e.g., Tiglath-pileser III, with his reference 
to his ' palace of cedar . . . patterned after a Hittite {i.e., 
Syrian) palace,' such artistry being boasted of by subsequent 
monarchs {ARA 1, no. 804) ; Sargon {ARA 2, nos. 83 ff., 121, 
referring to palaces of ivory, marble, etc., and no. 138, of a 
palace used as a treasure-house) ; Sennacherib {ARA 2, in 
extenso, e.g., nos. 382-94, 407-33, n.b. no. 429, according to 
which the palace is both an armoury and a store-house for 
booty) ; cf. Olmstead, HA 318 ff., with map of the palace 

For the archival character of the following document is to 
be noted the series of items without immediate verbal govern- 
ment (supphed in EVV), viz. ' and the porch of pillars ' (v.®— 
the following verb ' he made ' is secondary, as also in v.'), 
' and the porch of the throne ' (v.'), ' and his house where he 
was to dwell ' {v.^^), ' and a house for Pharaoh's daughter ' 


( — om. with the impossible Heb., ' he will make '), and 
also the following purely nominal statements. Cf. the syntax 
in w.15-20. 

2. And he built the House of the Lebanon Forest : loo cubits 
its length, and 50 cubits its width, and 30 cubits its height 
(storied), upon four [Grr. three] rows of pillars of cedars, and 
beams [Grr. capitals'] of cedars upon the pillars ; 3. and roofed 
with cedar above, over the side-chambers that were upon the 
pillars — forty-five, fifteen to a row ; 4. and embrasured windows, 
three rows, and looking towards each other [iieb. =^vis-d-vis] in 

triplicate ; 5. and all the doorways, and the jambs squared 

[embrasure ?] and opposite, looking towards each other in tripli- 
cate ; 6. and the portico of pillars [^-l- he made], 50 cubits its 
width [Heb. length] and 30 cubits its depth [Heb. breadth], ''and 
a portico in front of them? [?], and pillars, and a cornice above 
them ; 7. and the portico of the throne where he was to judge, 
the Portico of Justice [^-{-he made ; OGrr. om.], and panelled 
with cedar from floor to floor ; 8. and his own house, where 
he was to dwell — the second court — within the portico, after the 
same fashion ; and the house [^ -\-he was going to make ; 
OGrr. om.] for Pharaoh's daughter [whom Solomon married — a 
gloss] like this portico ; 9. all these (of) cut [EVV costly] stones, 
^according to hewing specifications'^ [OGrr. om.], sawn with a 
saw on the inside and outside faces , and {disposed) from founda- 
tion to ''the eaves'' [?], ''and outside unto the great court'' [?] ; 
10. and founded with cut [EVV costly] stones, great stones, 
stones of ten and eight cubits (in length) ; 11. and above stones 
hewn according to hewing specifications, and cedar ; 12. and 
the great court round about, three courses of hewn stone, and a 
course of timbers of cedars, ''and for the inner court of the House 
of Yhwh, and for the portico of the house'' [?]. 

2-7. The House of the Lebanon Forest. The aesthetic name 
was taken from its cedar construction. W makes it ' a house 
of cooling ' {cf. Jud. 3^''), and this interpretation was developed 
by Kimchi into a summer palace in Mount Lebanon. The 
purpose of the building and its relation to the subsequent 
items has long been a matter of dispute ; to summarize 
Watzinger's statement : The record of these buildings is so 
abbreviated and contradictory that all attempts at a plausible 
reconstruction are wrecked, and it is evident that the tradition 

I. 71-12 163 

preserved memoranda only of notable elements. Interpreta- 
tion of the specifications depend critically upon text {e.g., 
' four,' V.2), and interpretation [e.g., the word, v.^, translated 
' beams ' in EVV, ' side-chambers ' in JV), and syntactical 
reference {e.g., ' forty-five,' v.^). Josephus held that the build- 
ing was a great hall of justice, and Sanda follows suit, obtaining 
by the translation ' architraves ' in place of ' side-chambers ' 
a building of " imposante Grossartigkeit," comparable with 
the Roman basilica or the mosque at Cordova. But the sub- 
sequent reff. to this building by name indicate that it was a 
royal store-house ; at 10^' we read of the 300 shields of gold 
placed in this house, evidently for decoration, while Is. 22* 
definitely refers to ' the armour in the House of the Forest,' 
kept there for military purposes, and this interpretation 
appears here in S, ' a house for his weapons.' That such was 
the objective is now generally accepted, and it is supported 
and brilliantly illustrated by Watzinger (p. 96) from the 
description of a plan by the Greek architect Philon {ca. 350 
B.C.) for a magazine at Athens, as reproduced by Dorpfeld ; 
this building was a vast, long, three-naved hall, supported by 
Ionic columns in two rows ; the lower space was an open 
chamber, in the upper story the side naves on the breadth 
(short sides) of the house were formed in two-story store- 
rooms, while in the upper part of the ends of the long sides 
were windows opposite windows for lighting the interior. 
Watzinger properly insists upon the close relationship of 
Solomon's and Philon's plans. For the three-nave construc- 
tion of megara in the ancient Levant see H. Thiersch, ' Ein 
altmediterraner Tempeltyp,' ZAW 1932, y^ ff., with accom- 
panying plates. The present writer presents below his own 
reconstruction of the vague description, with preference for 
many a question-mark in lieu of text-correction. It is to be 
remarked that the description comes from a spectator of the 
visible interior. 

The dimensions of the interior, 100x50 cubits, foUow the 
common proportions of the ancient megaron, etc. (c/. Wat- 
zinger, p. 90). Four rows of cedar pillars appear, the first and 
the fourth of which rows must have been set as pilasters against 
the walls, affording three aisles, while all the upper wooden 
construction was based upon the several two pairs of the four 


rows of columns. Above each of the two pairs of columns in 
their long parallelism were built-in rooms in stories, leaving a 
lofty nave, which afforded a view of the cedar roof stretching 
over the width of the building. The terminal walls at the 
ends of each of the three aisles were pierced with doors {in 
triplicate), and above with three superimposed windows. With 
this specification of storied windows it appears that the built- 
in stories did not extend to the terminal walls, and at these 
open ends may well have stood the staircases to the upper 
stories, while the open spaces afforded light.- 

2. The specification oifour roivs of pillars has been generally 
corrected by comm. (Stade, et al., not by Richter, Van Gelderen, 
Watzinger) to ' three rows ' with Grr., in view of the equal 
division of the assumed forty-five pillars, fifteen to a row, v.'. 
But the three last-named authorities assign the forty-five to 
the number of chambers in the stories, and this interpretation 
is the most reasonable in the syntax of the v., although the 
assignment of the number of chambers appears unimportant, 
and the odd numbers 45 and 15 raise a question as to the 
division of the chambers on the two sides ; the only explana- 
tion is that the observation has to do with one side of the 
nave, on which side there were three stories each with fifteen 
rooms, and this would provide closets of close to ten feet in 
width. For this and the foil. vv. see the Notes at length. 
The word beams appeared at 6^^ ; comm., following the Grr., 
largely correct it to ' capitals,' with which cf. C and Jos., 
who amusingly find in it a transcription from a Greek word. 
3. Side-chambers : so at 6^, but at 6^^ used of cedar boards ; 
cf. EVV. 4. The initial adjective ' embrasured ' appeared at 
6*. 5. For the opening words a simplification may be pro- 
posed : and all the doorways squared, embrasured and opposite, 
etc. ; cf. Note. The sum of the statement is that the three 
doors at the opposite ends faced one another ; the addition 
of ' windows ' with commentators, after the Grr., would only 
repeat v.^. 6. The v. evidently describes the pillared portico 
in front of this house, its width of 50 cubits agreeing with 
that of the house. Y.^^ appears to present a pillared vestibule 
in front of that great portico, and so V paraphrases : ' another 
portico in front of that greater portico ' ; but the description 
as a whole is unintelligible. Kittel om. translation of v.*', 

I. 7'-^' 165 

Sanda om. as secondary, ' and a portico in front of them and 
the pillars,' and indeed the repetition of the identical Heb. 
phrase, which must be translated variously as in front of fhem 
and upon them, looks like a dittograph. Van Gelderen trans- 
lates at end : ' and to wit (und zwar) pillars with a roof over 
them ' — he holds that these rows of columns are a continua- 
tion of those in the interior. Klostermann by a change of 
vocahzation of D''TiDyn i^ changes ' the pillars ' into ' the 
courtiers,' making the building a reception hall — to be noted 
as a clever suggestion. 7. After the evidently frontal portico 
of v.^ the word here must have another significance, probably 
that of the Gate, the Porte, i.e., of justice, as in common 
Oriental language, and so expressed in the following exact 
term, the Portico of Justice. This chamber was distinct, wholly 
panelled with cedar and roofed ; its position in the House of 
the Lebanon Forest may have lain at the other end of the 
building from the front portico, and the clients of royal 
justice had then to pass through the length of the imposing 
portico and great hall. Sanda regards the portico and this 
audience chamber as a distinct building. For the magnificent 
throne this chamber was to house see lo'^^^-. 8. The private 
palaces, the Harem in the Arabic language, of which as a 
matter of taste little might be said, are listed. They lie in a 
separate enclosure, the second court, as distinguished from the 
royal public buildings (v.^^). 

Ch. 9^^ records the queen's entrance into her palace. 

9-10. The actual material of these buildings — all of stone 
(as for the temple, cf. 5^^^-), hewn according to given measure- 
ments, with the upper blocks above the basement cut so as 
to expose a smooth surface on the outside and inside walls, 
the foundation stones being particularly specified as to their 
dimensions ; the timbering was of cedar. The present register 
is well illustrated by the excellent summary review of the 
remains of stone construction at Samaria given by Watzinger, 
vol. I, pp. 98 ff., based upon the Harvard excavations. 9. As 
against the usual translation ' costly stones ' see Note, 521. 
The final phrase is unintelligible ; with correction of text 
Stade would read, ' and from the house of Yhwh to the great 
court ' ; Burney, ' and from the court of the house,' etc. ; 
Sanda, ' and from the second court to the great court ' ; 


Richter and Van Gelderen, ' and indeed from the street to 
the great court,' conjecturing apparently a long view of the 
palaces up through the great court. 12. V.'^ repeats the specifi- 
cations for the walls of the inner court, that of the temple 
(6^^) ; for these courts see Comm. there. V.^^*^ is absent in 
OGrr. ; no sense can be made of the unconstruable words ; 
cf. the makeshifts in EVV. The topography is so uncertain 
that the house, while generally identified with the temple, is 
claimed to be the palace by Burney, Richter, Van Gelderen. 

2. ' and 30 cubits its height ' : (g (@^ om., ^^ .<^.^ b^t Jos. has. — 
^V : <S Kttt, by early scribal error. — nyaiN : Grr. as ' three,' in- 
fluenced by the numerals below, largely accepted by critics, e.g., 
St., BH ; but Jos.=^, making of the phrase 'quadrangular 
pillars' (!). — nima : Grr., difiiai, ' shoulder-pieces '= mm:!, as at 
w.*"- 3« ; tj; jmTianp ' their Corinthian capitals,' paralleled by 
Jos.'s remark that the roof was ' according to Corinthian style,' 
i.e., he knew Targumic tradition ; ^ Nnono, used at w.^*'- for 
msriD, ' capitals ' ; St., Kit., al. correct, after the Gr., to nisnD as 
struts for support of the roof-beams ; Sanda prefers nnna, ' crowns, ' 
as presenting the finesse of the art. But ^ (and so V, ' ligna 
exciderat '), as at 6^*, suffices. — 3. ny'^s : 'stories,' as at 6*; at 
6^^ ' beams,' hence Sanda here, ' architraves.' — 4. cspB' : cf. 6* ; 
Grr. here fxe\adpa, vs. the translation there. — ntno Vx ninn literally, 
' look to look ' ; Grr., X'^po- f""' X'^po^^, as though Aram. xjnc. — 
5. nino Sn nino ViDi fjpB' cv^i nininni D^innsn Sdi : the tr. above 
represents the text, which is authenticated word for word by the 
Grr., along with wild perversions of reading and rendering. The 
second noun appears unnecessary ; the phrase might be under- 
stood as ' the doors with the jambs.' '\pv is grammatically 
obscure ; Eissf. ingeniously, ' in Durchblick,' eft. Hif. of the verb. 
It may be a scribe's gloss to bring in the item of DispB' from v.*. 
Kit., like ^, om. translation, "^id, unique as adv., may have been 
introduced to explain the foil, phrase ; or that phrase may be 
conversely secondary. The Grr. read 'o.ii as niinani (at x'^P'". 3,s 
above) ; '?iDi as jdi ; and for 'no ha 'no 6vpw/jiaTosj6vpas ein dvpav, 
i.e., as though = '£3 Sn nns. The first of these rdgs., with minD = 
' windows ' (the assumed noun unique), and the third have been 
approved by comm., e.g., Burn., St., Eissf. ; but such correction 
would repeat the vis-d-vis position of the windows in v.*. — 6. ohM< : 
Grr., TO ai\a/x, and so infra ; see Note 6^. — nv'rty :<©(£' fifty.' — 
13m: Grr.+e^uywfj.ei'a, which Klost. and Richter have attempted 
to explain. — nj? : also Eze. 41''* ; Cooke's suggestion ' cornice,' 
has been adopted above. Gr. Traxos is etymological. — 7. . . . ncy 
yp-ip.i : & <S^ om. — yp-\pn [ij;] : Jer. Talmud nnip'i, as at 6^^, and 
so here ^ ; the change, as nnipn, is accepted here by Then., St., 

I. 7"-26 167 

BH., not by Sanda, al. The phrase is technical, EW correctly, 
' from floor to floor ' = ' from bottom to top.' — 8. mnN.i nsn : for 
the noun, its etymology and gender, see the full discussion by 
Orlinsky, AJSL 1939, 22 ff. ; for the article confined to the adj. 
see GK §126, 5, with sequence by Dr., Tenses, §209 ; similar cases 
below, V.12, II. 20* Kr. The Grr. read the adj. as nmn. — n"'no 
d'?in'? : n.b. the compound prep, after Aram, usage ; Grr., e^eXto-- 
ffofi€V7] (?) TovTois, f .c, = d'jnS. — nK'y : (g (gi- om. ; the gloss from a 
punctilious scribe, who would date the event where it belonged ; 
cf. 92*. — 9. pnni lO : (g (@l om. — ninEan : the only light on this 
technical word comes from Gr. yeiaai, ' eaves.' 

VV.13-47. The bronze work for the temple. Cf. 2 Ch. 2^3, 
2i5_4i8. ^w^.^viii, 3, 4-7. The Chronicler makes Hiram master 
of all the arts, and indirectly at least the artist of the gold 
and silver vessels. This section, plus w.^^-^i, is prefixed in 
OGrr. to vv.^-^^ ^vith the pious purpose of placing the sacred 
before the profane. Hex. (A x) has it in place ; it is missing 
in the leaves of ^^. 

13. 14. Introduction of Hiram of Tyre. For the introduc- 
tion of foreign artists cf. the statement by the Hittite king 
Kuranta of Tarhuntas of his fetching an Egyptian artist to 
build his palace (Winckler, MVG 18, 4 (1913), 15 ; cf. Meissner, 
Bah. u. Ass., i, 228 ff.), and Sennacherib's reference to his 
' palace patterned after a Hittite (Syrian) palace ' (cited 
above). For named Egyptian architects, father and son, at 
Beth-shean see Albright, From the Stone Age, 159. The inter- 
national interest in art is now well illustrated by an Akk. 
tablet found at Mari on the upper Euphrates, a letter from 
Hammurabi to Zimrilu, king of that city, stating that the 
prince of Ugarit desires a description of the palace of Zimrilu 
and wishes to see it (A. Parrot, Syria, 1937, 74). Solomon's 
great supply of bronze is corroborated by N. Glueck's dis- 
coveries and excavations in Edom on the shores of the Red 
Sea ; see the comment at length on Esyon-geber, (f^. The 
foundry-work is detailed below, v.*«. For the Egyptian im- 
ports of ' Asiatic copper ' from the land of Retenu see W. M. 
Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 33, 126. Sennacherib reports the 
making of large bull-colossi of bronze {ARA 2, nos. 392, 412 f.). 
His statement, in the first passage, of enclosing pillars of 
cedars ' in a sheathing of bronze ' is now illustrated by 
Parrot's report {ILN, May 26, 1938, p. 952) of his discovery 


at Mari of " two bronze lions . . . actually made of wood, 
over which a thin bronze leaf had been passed." For ancient 
bronze work see P. Thomsen, ' Bronzeguss,' RVg ; for study 
and illustration of the brass work here described Stade, GVI 
I, 330 ff. ; Nowack, Arch., §§76, 77 ; Benzinger, Arch., §44 ; 
also the literature cited above in introduction to the ch., and 
current references below. 

Solomon retains the services of Hiram of Tyre, a worker in 
bronze, son of a widow of the tribe of Naphtali, and his father 
a man of Tyre. . . . He came . . . and did all his (Solomon's) 
work. His manifold talents are expressed in the words gener- 
ally translated as wisdom, understanding, knowledge ; similar 
words are used for the endowment of the Messiah in Is. 11^ ; 
they might be translated here with artistry, intelligence, skill. 

15-22. The two bronze pillars. For the text, along with 
the abbreviated parallel, 2 Ch. 3^^"^'', we have the recapitula- 
tion of the brass work, Jer. 521^-23^ which again is briefly 
summarized in H. 25^^- ^'', with another varying summary 
below, vv.'*i- *2. For criticism of the text see Thenius, Stade 
(remarking, Akad. Reden, 162, that the whole section on the 
brass work " gehort zu den am schlimmsten iiberlieferten des 
a.t. Textes "), Sanda. In the following presentation of the 
text bracketed portions are secondary. Footnote references 
immediately follow. 

15. And he ^casf^ ^ the two Jer. ch. 52. 21. And the 

pillars (of) bronze ^ 18 cubits pillars 18 ^^ cubits the height 
the height of the one pillar, of the one pillar, with a tape 
with a tape of 12 cubits ''en- of 12 cubits encircling it, and 
circling it, and its thickness its thickness 4 fingers, hollow ; 
(of the bronze) 4 fingers, 22. and a capital upon it, 
hollow'^ 2 ; 16. and two capitals bronze, and the height of the one 
[he made] * to put upon the top capital 5 ^* cubits ; 
of the pillars, cast in bronze ; 
5 cubits the height of the one 
capital, and 5 cubits the height 
of the second capital ; 17. 
checker-works ^ [checker-make, 
festoons, chain-work] ^ ^for the 
capitals'^ ' on top of the pillars. 

I. 713-26 169 

^a checker-work'' [^ seven] ^ 
for the one capital, and a 
checker-work [^ seven] for the 
second capital ; 18. \_and he 
made the pillars] ^ and two 

rows ^of pomegranates of and pomegranates upon the 
bronze'^ ^" round about upon capital round about, the whole 
the one checker-work [to cover bronze ; and like this for the 
the capitals on top of the pome- second pillar ; [and pome- 
granates]'^^ ; and so [he granates]'^^. 2Z. and the pome- 
made] "^ for the second capital ; granates were 96, ^pendanf,'^^ 
206. ; and the pomegranates all the pomegranates 100, upon 
200 in rows round about upon the checker-work round about. 
Hhe one'^ [^ second] ^^ pillar. 

1 -\^^-i : corrected by St., BH, al. to p-i-'^ {cf. v.*«) ; but see Comm.. 
II. 12^^ for use of the verb in sense of ' minting.' ^ Grr. 4-rcj aiKafj. rov 
oiKov (B Ej TO for TO}), a gloss from v.^i ; see SBOT. * The text of Jer. 
accepted: 31a: niyasx y^ix rayi mid^=<§ (g^. * Otiose in this 
originally verbless list, and so in v.^*. * Grr., ' and he made two checker- 
works.' * Grr. om. this supernumerary passage, except for Lucian's 
plus at end of the v., ixeyaXa, i.e., rdg. niy-if For the chain-work see 
2 Ch. 3^^. ' ' For the capitals ' is emended by the Grr., for the sake of 
precision to ' to cover the capitals,' as in the insertion in v.i* ; the 
addition is generally accepted. ^ Read 7\^^-^ with Grr. ; cf. Jer., vs. 
.^;•3t^•. * Grr. om. the superfluous statement ; on basis of two Heb. MSS 
some critics [e.g., Burn., St., BH) would read cjmn for amoiM. i" For 
ci-iiB Grr. a plus=ns5'n] ■'Jdi {cf. v.*^), which gives the expected detail. 
^1 Grr. om. ; variant duplicate of v.^' ; for cjm.T read Ciisyn, with 
some 50 MSS Ken., deR. =g) g[. ^^ Yqx rviwn is read nnxn with St. ; 
Benz., Burn, propose a lacuna to be filled out from v.^' ; or possibly 
there was originally no numeral. ^^ ' 18 (cubits) ' : 2 Ch. 3^^, ' 35.' 
" ' 5 (cubits) ' : II. 25l^ ' 3.' ^^ q,;^^, . a,n evident doublet ; II. 25I', 
HDncT h];. 1^ nnn : the unique adv. of direction has been variously 
understood, but ^, ' pendentibus,' 'hanging' {cf. German ' luftwarts ') 
gives the mng. (see Cornill, ad loc, citing Rashi) ; four of the nodules 
of the loop were attached to the column, the remainder hanging free. 
Jer.'s figure ' 100 ' refers to the single loop. 

19. 20a. 22. These sections are additions to the presenta- 
tion above, with some fresh items, but repetitive, along with 
a unique Hebrew word. OGrr rearranged in the order vv.^^- 
i9.2oa^ omitting vv.^ob. 22 (mS v has v.22b). 19. And capitals 
that were on top of the two pillars, lily-work, in the portico, 
4 cubits. 20fl. And capitals upon the two pillars, even above, 


close to the globe-top [Heb. belly] that was opposite to the checker- 
work. 22. And upon top of the pillars lily-work. And the 
business of the pillars was finished. 

Authentic items are given with the lily-work, four cubits 
(high), and the technical word belly, doubtless identical with 
the word translated bowl, vv.*^- ^2. In the portico, v.^^, may 
be gloss from v.^^. The word translated close to (v. 2°) is a 
novel preposition ; the Grr. read or guessed at the impossible 
' chambers ' (c/. 6^). V.^^'^ was suggested by v.*°b. 

41. 42. This summary account from below is presented 
here for convenience of comparison. 41. Two pillars, and the 
bowls of the capitals that were on top of the pillars, two, and 
the checker -works, two, to cover the two bowls of the capitals that 
were on top of the pillars ; 42. and the pomegranates, 400, for 
the two checker-works, two rows of pomegranates to the one 
checker-work, to cover the two bowls of the capitals that were 
upon the pillars. 

For the last prep. ' upon,' ^ ■<:£) Sj;, (g=^:E' ^y ; 11 MSS i^Ni Sy 
{cf. v.*i) =^ V. The passage presents a fresh technical term, 
n^j, ' bowls,' used evidently for a structure of bowl shape, and 
corresponding to Heb. ' belly,' v. 2". Also the figure for the whole 
sum of pomegranates is given. 

21. And he erected the pillars for the portico of the hall ; and 
he erected the right-hand pillar, and called its name Jachin ; 
and he erected the left-hand pillar, and called its name Boaz. 
For V.22 see above. 

For the name Yakin, ' he (deity not named) establishes ' see 
Albright, JBL 1924, 375, wdth the more pregnant translation, ' he 
creates.' For the verbal element cf. the later royal name Yehoiakin, 
and it is frequent in Phoen. names, compounded with a divine 
subject (Harris, Gram., no — citing also a n. pr., ykn.). Cf. the 
S. Arab, name of a gate at Obne, ykn, ' it (he ?) stands (is ?),' 
Ryckmans, NPS i, 344. For the second name as Ba'al-'az, ' Baal 
is strong,' the writer refers to his Note in JQR 25 (1935), 265. 
Ugaritic b'l 'z appears in a thrice-repeated acclamation, ' Baal is 
strong ! ', in Virolleaud's first long text [Syria, 12, 220, col. vi, lines 
i-j~2o=MTRS 56; C. H. Gordon, Ugar. Hdbk., 2, Text 49: vi : 
17-20). Also, as has not been otherwise observed, there was a 
true Gr. tradition of this etymology ; IMS h (55) here has BooXaj', 
in which the 00 represents a Palm, vocalization (Lidzb., HNE 
234) ; for other diminutives of the divine name with loss of the / 
in Phoen., see ib., p. 239, and Harris, p. 24. But nearer home 

I. 713-26 171 

is the name of Solomon's ancestor, Bo'az = Ba'al-'az. For the 
most recent discussion with review of the many various inter- 
pretations see R. B. Y. Scott, ' The Pillars Jachin and Boaz,' 
JBL 1939, 143 £f. But he finds in the name a kind of cryptogram 
for " In the strength of Yhwh shall the king rejoice " ; and with 
this Albright agrees, SAC 139. However, in Solomon's day ' Baal' 
was not a taboo word, and in any case the Phoenician artist had 
the right to name his own creations. There are to be added 
supplementarily to the literature the full archaeological treatment 
of the subject by Albright in his art., ' Two Cressets from Marisa 
and the Pillars of Jachin and Boaz,' BASOR 85 (1942), 18 ff., and 
the article by H. G. May, ' The Two Pillars before the Temple of 
Solomon,' ib. no. 88, 19 flf. 

Apart from the indifferent testimony of Ch. we thus have 
three notices of the pillars, each contributing independent 
information. The single pillar was 18 cubits high, with a 
circumference of 5 cubits, and so with diameter of 1.58 cubits. 
It possessed a capital 5 cubits high, which bellied, rounded 
out (to use the Hebrew terms), forming a bowl-shaped top, 
and was covered with a checker-work pattern, along with an 
ornamentation of leaves of the lily [i.e., a species Uke the iris, 
flag, etc.), the long, narrow leaves being given a height of 
4 cubits. From the capital were suspended two strings of 
technical pomegranates, each string being strung with a 
hundred of them, four being attached at the several quarters, 
leaving ninety-six in suspension. The lily-work (similar to 
the use of the lotus in Egyptian architecture) for capitals is 
illustrated in a coin of Byblos with superimposed series of 
lily-like leaves, the capital itself being one quarter the height 
of the whole length of the pillar {ca. a.d. 218, in the British 
Museum, and figured in Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de I'art, 
3, cut 67 ; Gressmann, ATB 2, cut 522) ; cf. also the small 
clay ' dove-house,' from Cyprus, representing a temple with 
two robust pillars at the entrance, surmounted with large 
capitals (Perrot and Chipiez, cut 58 ; cf. Gressman, cut 523 ; 
Benzinger, Arch., cut 424) ; in these cases they stand indepen- 
dent, like Jachin and Boaz. Cf. also the Hadhrumetum stone, 
presenting two pillars surmounted with female busts (Pietsch- 
mann, Gesch. d. Phon., 219). A common type of Sidonian 
coinage presents the front of a temple with a tall independent 
pillar on either side. Also, according to Herodotus, ii, 44, the 
temple of Heracles at Tyre had "in it two pillars, one or 


refined gold [cf. the term at 6^^], one of emerald." Lucian 
reports {De Dea Syra, 28) phalli at the entrance of the goddess's 
temple, ' 30 fathoms high ' (!). The origin of such an archi- 
tectural feature may be found in the primitive massebot, pairs 
of which have been found at Ta'anach and Megiddo.^ The 
relation of the lily-leaves to the capital has been a problem. 
Benzinger presents a design (Comm., p. 44, reproduced in 
Eissfeldt's Comm.) with the leaves surmounting the bowl, in 
which case the total height would be 18+5+4=27 cubits. 
But as one description speaks only of the capital with 
the Uly-work, while the other identifies the capital with the 
flowers, it is rather evident that the bowl was nested in the 
fohate adornment, the latter projecting upwards about the 
bowl for 4 cubits, with the globe, 5 cubits high, appearing 
through the interstices of the leaves and above ; so Stade, 
GVI I, 332, reproduced in Kittel's Comm. — although in dis- 
agreement with the design — and in Barton, AB fig. 247. The 
pendant loops are a unique item to archaeological knowledge. 
For the extensive development of brass work in small figures, 
tools, and the like, see Contenau, La civilization phenicienne, 
209 f . Finally a note of admiration must be struck for these 
several technical specifications, the earliest of the kind in 
history, and based upon exact knowledge, e.g., the thickness 
of the bronze in the hollow pillars. The same quaHty distin- 
guishes the subordinate two sets of specifications. 

23-26. The bronze sea. 23. And he made the sea, cast work, 
10 cubits (across) from brim to brim, all round about {i.e., 
circular), and 5 cubits its height, with a measuring-line of 30 
cubits encircling it about ; 24. and gourds under its brim about, 
encircling it [10 cubits encircling the sea about — an intrusion 
from v.^^] ,• two rows the gourds, cast with its casting ; 26. and 
its thickness a hand's breadth ; and its brim like the work of 
the rim of a cup, a lily flower {i.e., a lily-shaped brim) ; holding 
2000 baths ; 25. standing upon twelve oxen, three facing north, and 
three facing west, and three facing south, and three facing east, 
with the sea upon them above, and all their hinder parts inwards. 

^ E.g., Benzinger, cut 413. See for further examples Cook, Rel. of 
Anc. Pal., 166 ff., and the extensive documentation in Scott's study. 
J. P. Peters suggested the existence of such a pair of pillars at Nippui 
(Nippur, 1897, 2, 47). 

i. y^^--^" 173 

The transposition of vv.^s- 26 follows the OGrr. and the 
general judgment of modern scholars, and is required for 
syntactical construction. But v.^^ gives an independent speci- 
fication of the brim, inserted as a colophon. The description 
is clear and picturesque. In the matter of circumference to 
diameter, given as 3.0, the Grr. change the figures to 33-rio= 
3.3, obtaining a value farther from actual 3.1416.^ The 
capacity of the sea is given at 2000 baths. The bath has been 
variously estimated : by Nowack, Benzinger at 36.44 Htres, 
with the total for the sea =72,880 htres. This figure has now 
been greatly increased by C. H. Inge, in PEQ 1941, 106 ff. ; 
among three ancient jars from Lachish, one, too fragmentary 
for reconstruction, was marked with bt Imlk, ' a bath of the 
king ' ; another, with a private seal ; a third, with Imlk, ' the 
king's,' i.e., standard measure. Concerning the latter two, he 
holds that the former would have held some 46 litres, the 
latter 45. For the subject at large are to be noted the dis- 
cussions by Nowack {Arch., i, 206) and Sanda, who hold 
that too little is known of the form of the vessel to estimate 
its capacity. 2 The Chronicler, as often, expands the figure 
to 3000 baths, followed by Josephus. The purpose of this 
great reservoir was primarily for ablutions, and so Ch. adds 
the note that " the sea was for the priests to wash in." 
There was the Rabbinic rule for bare feet in the temple 
courts, which would have required their washing (Dalman, 
A. u. S., 5, 152, 296). The sea was doubtless the source 
of supply for the lavers described below. Artificial pools 
of water were constant in ancient temples, and with like 
technical name as here. ' Seas ' were built in Babylonian 
temples (Jeremias, AT LAO 494 f., cf. Sanda, and Albright, 
JAOS 1920, 316 f.). Close to the temple of the Dea Syra 
was a great sacred lake (Lucian, §45). And such basins, 

1 T. Dantzig, in his Numbers, the Language of Science (1930), 113, 
comments on the Hebrew proportion here as " 5% short of the actual. 
The Egyptians made a closer estimate ; we find in the papyrus Rhind 
(1700 B.C.) the value of tt as equal to 3!^ . . . which is only ^ of 1% 
in excess." But the figuration here in either Hebrew or Greek was a 
round figure. 

2 Mostly recently Albright, arguing from the same jars, contradicts 
the large figures of Inge and others, reducing the size of the bath to 
22 litres {AASOR 21-2 [1943]. 58. n. 7). 


supplied with running water, at the entrance of temples are 
vouched for in S. Arab, inscriptions ; for a case see N. Rhodo- 
kanakis, Sb., Vienna Academy, no. 177, pt. 2 (1915), 7. 
The source of w-ater-supply for this reservoir is not stated ; 
Sanda is inclined to think that there already existed the 
conduit from the so-called Solomon's Pools ; but see Smith, 
Jerusalem, 1, ch. 5. The sea must have been filled by wind- 
lasses or otherwise from the underground cisterns, for which 
see Smith, op. cit., 119 ff. Nowack [Arch., 2, 44) cites Rosters, 
who notes the elimination of the sea in Ezc, in which apoca- 
lypse it is replaced on its site by the spring of the temple 
(Eze. 47^^-) • This great bronze laver was, as far as we 
know, indeed a unique masterpiece, with the artistry of the 
lily-like brim, decorated below with rows of gourds {cf. 6^^), 
all of one casting, and resting on twelve bulls of the same 
metal. For the essay at reproducing this work of art see 
Stade, GVI i, 336, whose plan is repeated in the BDD, Com- 
mentaries and Archaeologies in general. But a criticism is to 
be made of this now conventional design, which presents the 
great bowl as wholl}^ supported upon the backs of the oxen — 
an extraordinary^ load for such figures. Rather the oxen were 
pediment figures, with their ' hinder parts ' suppressed under 
the curve of the bowl, which latter rested on the ground. 
And such an artistic feature appears in von Oppenheim's 
plate 47, in his Tell Halaf, presenting the socket for an image 
with six lions underneath in like fashion. 

23. D"! : cf. S. Arab, mbhr used of a pool (Conti Rossini, Chrest., 
112), and in the same region of South Arabia a reservoir is called 
a ' sea,' ace. to D. Van der Meulen and H. von Wissmann, Hadra- 
maut and Some of its Mysteries Unveiled (Leiden, 1932), 94. — psiD : 
(@ <gi' (£ om. ; Hex. x^vv (A avT-qv). — 2^10: B aj (£ om. — nip; 
Kr. 113 : the Kt. also appears elsewhere ; the word is synonymous 
with mn, v.^^ — 24. mpica . . . ■^w : B a^ om. — 25. nSi'c'^D Dn"«^i; cm : 
Grr., exc. A x, transfer to end of v. — nn^i : <§ (gs ^^j ^ qi^q;,^ ,gL 
correctly, eis to fi>8ov. 

27-39. The wheeled stands and their la vers ; their location 
along with that of the sea. Ch. om., except for summary 
in re the lavers, and note of their use by the priests to wash 
in, along with statement as to position of the sea. Josephus 
has an elaborate varying description, probably prompted by 

I. 727-39 175 

his knowledge of similar vessels, Ant., viii, 3, 6. For extensive 
studies see Klostermann, Stade {ZAW 3, 159 fi.=Akad. Reden, 
166 ff.), Bumey (with careful study of the text and language), 
Stade and Haupt in SBOT, Kittel in his Studien, pp. 189-242 
(the most extensive of all the discussions). For reconstruc- 
tions, and reproductions of the Cypriote vessels to be men- 
tioned below, see Stade, GVI i, 340 f. ; Burney, Kittel; 
Nowack, Arch., 2, 43 f. ; Gressmann, ATB vol. i, pis. cciii, 
cciv ; Benzinger, Arch., 44 f. ; Barton, AB pi. 87 ; also BDD, 

For such wheeled vessels in temple use may be noted the 
low-lying bronze wagon found by von Oppenheim {Tell Halaf, 
190, and pi. 58b) ; also incense wagons have been discovered 
at Tell-Khafaje in Babylonia, for which see Frankfort in 
ILN, June 8, 1934, pp. 910 ff. But it is two archaic vessels 
from Cyprus that particularly illustrate the creations of the 
Phoenician artist Hiram, both of bronze, the one from Enkome, 
with the wheels now lost, the other a rather well-preserved 
miniature vessel found in a grave at Larnaka. For primary 
pubUcation of these rehcs see A. S. Murray, Journal of Royal 
Inst, of British Architects, 1899, pp. 20 ff. (cited by Burney), 
and at length, with comparison of the Solomonic objects, 
A. Furtwangler, in Sh. of the Munich Academy, vol. 2, pt. 2 
(1899) . Watzinger rightly remarks, in an excellent summary of 
the subject {DP i, 104 f.) : " Every attempt at reconstruction 
of the stands of the temple will have to start from the agree- 
ment of the construction with the Cypriote kettle-wagons. . . . 
It is accordingly evident that the kettle-wagons and the stands 
must have come from neighbouring workshops." 

Also pertinent to our subject is the account that Pausanias 
gives (x, 16, 2) of an iron stand and bowl, the honorific gift 
to a temple from the Lydian king Alyattes (first half of the 
6th cent. B.C.). The passage is commented upon at length 
by G. Karo, ' Das Weihgeschenk des Alyattes,' in ARw., 
Beiheft to vol. 8 (1905), 54-65 ; and this item has been en- 
larged upon by Kittel, Studien, 189 ff. Because of its interest 
the translation by W. M. S. Jones in the Loeh Library is 
herewith given. " Of the offerings sent by the Lydian kings 
I found nothing remaining except the iron stand of the bowl 
of Alyattes. This is the work of Glaukos the Chian. the 


man who discovered how to weld iron. Each plate of the 
stand is fastened to another, not by bolts or rivets, but by 
the welding, which is the only thing that fastens and holds 
together the iron. The shape of the stand is very like that 
of a tower, wider at the bottom and rising to a narrow top. 
Each side of the stand is not sohd throughout, but the iron 
cross-strips are placed hke the rungs of a ladder. The upright 
iron plates are turned outwards at the top, so forming a seat 
for the bowl." We have here the stand with crown at the 
top to hold the bowl as in our text, the open 'work and welding 
as here, and the cross-pieces ' like the rungs of a ladder ' 
exactly defining an obscure work of our text. 

27. And he made the stands, ten, of bronze ; 4 cubits the 
length of the one stand, and 4 cubits its width, and 3 cubits its 
height ; 28. and this the make of the stand : frame-pieces to 
them [so ^ — error for it], and frame-pieces between the cross- 
pieces ; 29. and upon the frame-pieces between the cross-pieces 
lions, cattle, and cherubs, and so upon the cross-pieces ; ^and" 
[plus with Grr.] above and [with correction of Heb. punctua- 
tion] below the lions and the cattle spirals, hammered work ; 
30. and four wheels of bronze to the one stand, and axles of 
bronze ; and its four feet, with shoulder-pieces under the laver, 
the shoulder-pieces welded ...[?] spirals ; 31. and its mouth 
within the crown and above at a cubit (high), and its mouth 
rounded, the make of a container, ii cubits (high) ; and further 
upon its mouth gravings ; ^and their [so ^ ; cf. v.^s] frame-pieces 
squared, not rounded'^ [an addition, out of place]. 

32. and the quartette of wheels underneath the 
frame-pieces, and the axles [Heb. hands] of the 
wheels in the stand ; and the height of the one 
wheel i| cubits ; 33. and the work of the wheels 
like the work of a chariot wheel, their axles and 
felloes and spokes and hubs welded {i.e., as one 
piece) ; 34. and four shoulder-pieces at the four 
corners of the one stand, its shoulder-pieces part 
of the stand; 35. and at the top of the stand 
[a lacuna here— c/. v.^i] i| ctibits in height, round 
about ; and at the top of the stand its handles 
[? Heb. hands] and its frame-pieces, (being) part 
of tt. 36. And he engraved upon the panels 

1. 727-39 J77 

[^-\-its handles] and upon its frame-pieces 
cherubs, lions and palms . . . [? — cf. v.^"] and 
spirals round about. 
37. Like this he made the ten stands, cast in one piece, one 
measure, one form for them all. 38. And he made ten lavers 
of bronze, (each) holding [Heb. verb in sing.] 40 baths, 4 cubits 
(high) the one laver ; one laver upon the one stand for the ten 
stands. 39. And he placed the stands, five at the corner of the 
house at the right (=south), and five at the corner of the house 
at its left (=north), and the sea ''he placed'' [secondary] at the 
right-hand corner of the house to the southeast. 

The above presentation of the text regards vv.^^-se^ offset 
to the right, as secondary vs. Stade, who so considers vv.^^-^^*^, 
but in agreement with Kittel. The former assumes vv.^'*- ^^ 
to be secondary as parallel to vv.^^- 3i, but retains v.^^ as 
primary ; yet we have here a parallel to v.^^, disagreeing with 
it only in the terms of the panels and the pictured figures, 
which latter point he would overcome by artful distribution 
of the decorations presented in his plate. Sanda, following 
his critical method for the text of the description of the 
temple (ch. 6), obtains harmony by rearrangement of the vv. 
in this sequence : vv.^^- 28. 29. 36. 31. 30. 32. 33^ ^^th vv.^^- ^^ 
inset as a parallel to v.^° ; but such chaotic disarrangements 
are most improbable in text-transmission. 

The writer's results, in large part independent, are as 
follows : the frame-pieces i^ in v.^^ are the upright corner- 
pieces ; frame-pieces 2P are additional uprights on the face 
of the stand, and so between the cross-pieces, a phrase other- 
wise insoluble ; the cross-pieces are horizontal, and they are 
panelled (the noun translated panel is also used of a writing- 
tablet, even as here the panel is engraved), and so the frame- 
pieces and cross-pieces of v.^s correspond to the frame-pieces 
and panels of v.^^ ; the crown, v.^i, is retained, as vs. the 
common correction to shoulder-pieces, producing confusion 
with the inferior shoulder-pieces of v.^o, while just such a 
circular crown is represented in the Larnaka kettle (see Note). 
This brass work was evidently open, not full-plated all about, 
as some reproductions present the object, for the water was 
contained in the inset laver. The whole account, apart from 
some interpolations, is derived from reports of interested and 


technically trained eye-witnesses ; while their testimony is 
confusing, as here presented, we have evidence of unique 
interest in a work of high art. 

There remains the difficult problem of the practical use of 
these vessels. This has been considered by Kittel uniquely 
and at length, pp. 236-42. His argument is as follows : 
the 40 baths at 36.4 litres = 1456 htres=384 gallons, and in 
weight, 1400 kilograms =3086 lb. ; adding to this at a hazard 
the assumed weight of laver and stand he obtains for the 
loaded truck 3400 kg. =7495 lb. =3| short tons. The mobility 
of an ancient truck under such a load is inconceivable. In 
Kittel's view also the practicability of the vessel is spoiled 
by its height, which at its lowest terms, according to his 
calculation, is 5| cubits =8 ft. 3 in. ; how then was the water 
filled in and drawn out ? The primitive cup-pump may have 
been used for filhng the vessel ; cf. Comm. on the bronze 
sea above. For drawing the water may the siphon have been 
used so early ? Kittel's consequent deduction is that these 
vessels were purely ' symbols of the water-dispensing Deity,' 
even as he earlier interpreted the bronze sea. While his 
practical argument cannot be gainsaid, the abundance of such 
massive and useless ritual vessels would seem quite de trop. 
The bronze sea might have been symbolical, but these lavers 
appear practical for the distribution of water — most necessary 
indeed in connexion with the bloody rites of the temple.^ 

39. From the position of the bronze sea at the south- 
eastern point of the temple arose Ezekiel's eschatological 
expectation of the stream issuing and trickling at the south 
side of the eastern portal of the temple (47^^-). 

1 As for the term laver [kiyor], used of cooking pots (i Sam. 2^*) 
and actual priestly lavers (Ex. 30^*"-, etc.), this must have been a vessel 
of bowl shape. For the Sumerian origin of the word see Albr., JAOS 
36 (1916), 232. The laver on top of the stand projected one cubit above 
the latter and thus formed with it a perfect cube with a capacity of 
64 cubic cubits ; the laver, however, contained only a quarter of this 
amount, which is the equivalent of some 1525 litres. This fits well 
with the 40 baths (1456 litres) of v. 38. If, however, the laver occupied 
the whole interior of the stand and projected one cubit above it, we 
have to assume that it was not filled, but that only 40 baths of water 
were poured into it. Supplementary reference is to be made to n. 2 
of Comm., vv.2^'26^ fQj- Albright's diminution of the bath to about two- 
thirds of the currently accepted figures. 

I. 7"-39 179 

27. ni33D : ' stands,' so by proper etymology Chic. B. (Moff., 
'trolleys'!); EVV ' bases '='^ ' bases '=tE; x'D>D3 ; g) 'aggdne 
' basins '=S. Grr. transliterate with fj.€x<^vwd, indifferently for 
sing, and pi. Hommel's opinion (EGAO 144) that the Heb. word 
occurs with the same mng. in S. Arab, is not to be accepted ; see 
Conti Rossini, Chrest., 168. — The dimensions, 4X4X3 are altered 
by Grr. to 5x4x6; the last figure may be explained as due to 
the addition of the figures for wheels and top-piece, v.^^ ; cf. the 
purposed change of figure at v.^^. — 28. mjoD, d-'dSc : the first 
word translated above as (upright) frame-pieces ; Grr., <TvyK\eia-Tov, 
' rim ' (?), and so prob. ?K ^ ; 1^ for lO ' interrasile ' (' low-relief- 
work '), but for 20 ' sculpturae.' The word is used technically 
for the rim of the show-bread table (Ex. 25^*, etc.). This mng. 
is generally accepted (e.g., by St., Burn., Kit., Sanda), with applica- 
tion of the word to the horizontal base and top border of the 
square vessel. The word occurs also in a gloss, II. 16^'. The 
second technical term, translated here with cross-pieces, has corre- 
sponding Pu. ppl., used of boards mortised together (Ex. 26^^, 
36''2) ; our noun prob. occurs in the Phoen. Marseilles Tariff [CIS 
I, no. 165= Cooke, NSI no. 42) in sense of 'ribs' of sacrificial 
animals, and so with query Cooke and Harris (Gram., 150). t!C tr. 
with the cognate NniVc, ' rung ' of a ladder, ' ledge ' ; cf. V ' iunc- 
turas.' The word then corresponds exactly to the ' cross-strips ' of 
Pausanias's description, cited above. (The uncertainty of interpre- 
tation of the two words is displayed in EVV : AV ' borders ' and 
' ledges,' RVV ' panels ' and ' ledges,' JV ' borders ' and ' stays.') 
As this feature is then etymologically a horizontal cross-piece 
(' rib '), the misgerot must logically be, in the first place, the upright 
comer-pieces of the vessel ; and such is Jos.'s interpretation, ' four 
tetragonal small pillars (kiov'ktkol), standing at each comer.' But 
interpreters have generally reversed the mng. of the terms, making 
the ' ribs ' stand upright, and the msgrt the top and bottom. 
V.*" accordingly becomes a crux ; some would change the text, 
e.g., Klost., Burn., Sanda, while Kit. and St. (with change of mind 
in SBOT) hesitate at alteration. The relation denoted by the frame- 
pieces between the cross-pieces has appeared most obscure ; see 
Kit., pp. 208 fi^. But with the new designation of the first item 
we may understand reference to intermediate vertical pieces be- 
tween the horizontal bars. The stand was open within this frame 
of upright- and cross-pieces. — crh : easily corrected by critics to 
nS, or to ]r\h ; but below there are several grammatical errors, 
prob. original. — 29. "vik : for the lion-motif cf. lo^^f. jgg gj^es 
lion, bull, eagle, and subsequently makes the laver rest on the 
paws of lion and eagle. — ipn : Grr. =-ipai. — H'^a p : read p (with 
athnah) Vvcdi, with Grr., St., al. — nnin hk-i'd m-'h : Grr. x^P°-^ (?) 
epyov Kara^aaewi ; tE tt'iiD i3iy pmD, ' attachment of welding-work ' ; 
^ ' quasi lora ex aere dependentia ' ; g> is free ; AV ' certain 
additions made of thin work,' cf. tJC ; RVV JV ' wreaths of hanging 


work,' which presents the current interpretation for the first 
word as to be connected with n^)h, ' crown,' Pr. i^ (so Keil), and 
hence Kit. argues (pp. 221 f.) for correction to the pi. of the latter 
word, nS'^f? ; similar renderings, ' garlands,' ' rosettes,' have been 
suggested. But Kit. in postscript (p. 235) pertinently calls atten- 
tion to ' das beliebte Strickomament ' on the Enkomi vessel, i.e., 
the series of connected spiral rings. In AJA 43 (1939), are plates 
illustrating a variety of such spiraliform motives of different 
origins and ages : C. W. Blegen's article on Post-Mycenaean art, 
figs. 6, 16 (pp. 416, 429), and Glueck's presentation of a Naba- 
taean temple, figs. 3, 4 (p. 382). The other obscure word, tiid,, is 
interpreted by ^ as from it, and so Kamp., Burn, render with 
' stepped/bevelled work.' Kit., followed by Sanda, offers the best 
solution with derivation from Tn, ' to hammer in, inlay,' even as 
the Hif . was used above, 6^^. — 30, i"'nD!,'B : another case of careless 
grammar ; the fem. suff. is expected. — The passage nsn^n to nSysi, 
v.^i, fails in (g &^, is supplied by A x. — ni'''? lyn nayo : || to the equally 
obscure 2^20 mi'71 f\s' ivcd, end of v.^'. tlT is arbitrarily different, 
reading the first word as i2]!a=^ ; Hex. (A x), airo irepav avdpoi 
■trpoffKeifievai : 10 ' contra se invicem respectantes ' ; RW JV attempt 
a plausible interpretation, ' with wreaths at the side of each,' 
and similarly Burn. But Kit., St. (SBOT), Sanda despair of 
interpretation. Early comm., cited by Poole, followed a novelty 
of Jewish exegesis, which is presented by Kit. (p. 224) from Yoma 
55a : " the cherubs who are attached to each other are a symbol 
of God's love, like the love of man and wife " ; and similarly 
Rashi tr. here with " associations (ni'^i'?) of man and wife pictured," 
this interpretation arising from the obscure nyo, v.^*, which he 
derives from the root my, used of sexual connexion, and so he 
baldly expounds v.^*. AV tr. lyna with ' according to the pro- 
portion (RVV JV space) of each,' with marginal note to the noun, 
' Heb. nakedness,' faithfully following old Jewish exegesis. The 
whole phrase with its item of the decorative spirals is in place 
below, not here. — 31. wsi 1° : the suffix has been carelessly 
attracted to preceding T3 ; correct to ■T'di as immediately below, 
the reference being to the stand. — nmjh niaa : the noun occurs 
at v.^* in architectural sense of ' capital,' which does not suit here ; 
here it = ins, ' crown,' Est. i^^, and refers to the round top. Correc- 
tion to nin?'?, ' shoulder-pieces,' has been generally adopted since 
Ewald's suggestion, but this term is associated with the feet 
of the stand, vv.^"- 3*, while here we are engaged with the 
top. Sanda appropriately calls attention to the Larnaka kettle, 
in which the square tray at top is surmounted with a cylinder. 
In similar fashion, the laver was to be inserted in this crown. 
This circular top-piece projected above the stand proper by 
a cubit; but just below the height is given as a cubit and a half, 
for which augment cf. the extra half-cubit of v.**. The extra 
figure may refer to the projection of the laver above the holder. 

I. 7*»-5i i8i 

Or there may be noted the (artificial ?) summation of cubits : 
i + ij (v.'i)+i^ (v.^^)=4 (v.38). — p nryo : p appears as the con- 
tainer, standard of a laver in Ex. 30^*, 31^, etc. — n^^hpo : also 
above, 6^^, etc. — c.T'm:DCi : the fem. sing. suff. is demanded as 
referring to the stand, v. 2' ; cf. the similar distant reference of rfB, 
v.". — 32. The v. expands v.^". — niT" : ' axle-trees,' so the generally- 
received tr., following '^, ' axes,' v.^s. — 33. cninj : for the 'felloe,' 
or ' rim,' and its prominent part in a chariot wheel cf. Eze. i^*'*, 
and see Cooke, ad loc. — Dnnu'ni □.T'piJ'n : for the two unique words 
see Lexx. (g <g^ om. (by honest ignorance ?) ; A e f w present one 
of the two items with avxeve's, and so x with a further plus, oj/iiat. — 
34. Sx, Or. Sy : Grr., e-wi ; cf. the extensive irregular use of h», 
e.g., 6^^, S*". — Zba. The v. is parallel to v.'^. A subject is expected, 
hence p is inserted by St. (or hd), Sanda, BH (' fortasse ') ; but 
the phrase is another case of broken grammar, and hence the 
absolute naip, corrected generally by critics to incip with Grr. — 
35&. The passage is quite unintelligible. n:3DiT vhi 'ryi is apparently 
a duplicate of the phrase in v.* ; Kit. [cf. BH) would add ' and 
underneath the stand,' an arbitrary addition without fresh light. 
rrrn"' was used in connexion with the wheels, v.^^, but cannot have 
that mng. here ; it might mean the handles at top in which the 
frame-pieces terminated, and as represented in Kit.'s plate, p. 237, 
Gressmann, fig. 508. The w^ord is also glossed into v.**. — 36. 
nrhn : B ej pref. rea-aapas, error for ras. The pairing of this item 
with the frame-pieces is parallel to the pairing of the cross-pieces 
with the frame-pieces, w.^^'-, and proves the identity of the panels 
with the cross-pieces. The word is used of a writing tablet. Is. 
30*. — rTTiT' : a gloss, as noted above, and so St., Kit., who also 
so adjudge the foil, phrase. — nim:DDi Vyi : MSS, K!r. correctly 
'dd Syi. — m"iSi t^N ni'D3 : see the parallel with discussion at v.'". 
Grr., tE are fairly unintelligible ; ^ i3 om. ; V a long paraphrase, 
" quasi in similitudinem hominis stantis, ut non celata, sed apposita, 
per circuitum viderentur " ; cf. Jos., " that those who viewed them 
would think that they were one piece." — 37. inx nvp -.=6^^ ; Grr. 
om., exc. A. — n:nS;S : for similar odd forms see GK §91, f, BL 
§98, p. — 39. The final term of location of the sea = south-east, 
makes the former terms ' right '= south, and ' left '=north. — 
[n: : <@ om. ; an intrusion from Ch. 

40-47. Summary of Hiram's work, mostly secondary in 
origin. || 2 Ch. 4^^"^^, and cf. II. 25^^^-. This is prefaced with 
an item repeated from v.'^^^,^ and secondary here (so with 
Sanda, vs. Stade). 40. And Hiram made the pots (with v.*^ ; 
^ laver s, by careless slip ; see Note) and the shovels and the 
sprinkling-vessels. The last object was for applying the 
sacrificial blood {e.g., Lev. 7^^). The three terms are repeated 
from Ex. 27^, " its pots to take away its ashes, its shovels 


and sprinkling- vessels." 41. 42. These vv. concerning the 
pillars have been presented above, Comm. 713-22 45^ jj^g 
vessels are declared to have been of polished bronze. 46. The 
V. contains the one original and novel statement in the section : 
In the circuit of the Jordan did he [with OGrr., ^ the king] 
cast them, in the clay ground between Succoth and Sarethan. 
So practically EVV, following the ancient VSS. The original 
of ' in the clay ground,' hm'hh h'dmh, has been a major object 
of dispute. It has been characterized by Moore (Comm., 
Jud. 7^2), seconded by Stade, as meaningless here, followed 
by Comm. generally, and so by Abel, GP 2, 238 ; they read 
with slight change of the Heb., bm'brt 'dmh, ' at the ford of 
Adamah,' which then is identified with Adam, ' the city beside 
Sarethan,' at the ford by which the Israelites crossed the 
Jordan (Josh. 3^^).^ But Albright holds that the preposition 
in such a phrase, ' in the ford,' makes this change impossible. 
He accordingly reads ' in the foundries of Adamah ' {JPOS 
1925, 33). But the objection to this location is that it cannot 
be said to he ' between Succoth and Sarethan,' on any identifi- 
cation of these places. Most recently Glueck, in an extensive 
article, ' Three Israelite Towns in the Jordan Valley, Zarethan, 
Succoth, Zaphon,' BASOR 90 (1943), 2-23, has returned to 
the non-geographical interpretation of the passage, following 
Albright, in one word, ' in the earthen foundries ' (pp. 13 f.). 
The noun in this rendering (actually singular in the Heb.= 
' foundry- work ') means moulds of clay for casting of the 
bronze. Reference is to be made to Glueck's study also for 
his identification of Succoth as Deir-'AUa (following Albright, 
AASOR 6 [1926], 46 f.), with Sarethan in question ; for the 
latter cf. Abel, GP 450 f. Note is to be made of the ancient 
culture now discovered at Transjordanic Tuleilat el-Ghassul, 
E. of Jericho, where early bronze axes have been discovered ; 
see Mallon, Koeppel, Neuville, Teleilat Ghassul (Rome, 1934), 
pi. 34, and for the chalcolithic age in that region Albright, 

^ The place-name as Damiyeh survives in a wady, tell and ford at 
the confluence of the Jabbok with the Jordan, 24 miles N of the 
Dead Sea ; see Albr., BASOR 35 (1929), 13, with picture of the present 
ferry, and similarly J. D. Whiting in Nat. Geog. Mag., 1940, 82. It was 
by this ford doubtless that Gideon crossed over to Succoth (Jud. 8*'-). 
Sellin in his Comm. has suggested finding the name in Hos. 6^, reading 
b'dm for k'dm. 

I. 74"-5i 183 

JPOS 1935, 199 ff. — 47. And Solomon deposited all the vessels. 
Because of the exceeding great multitude the weight of the bronze 
could not be reckoned. The first sentence appears to be correc- 
tion of " S. made all the vessels," v.*^. Rashi, Kimchi saw 
the difficulty of the statement in the sequence, and following 
LHeb. and Aramaic usage of the verb, translated, as in the 
language of the Protestant VSS, e.g., EVV, with : And S. 
left all the vessels unweighed, because they were exceeding many. 
With omission of the first sentence, the balance is a natural 
sequel of v.*®. The Grr. attached this statement to v.*^, as 
does §anda. 

48-51. Solomon's gilded furnishings of the temple, and the 
completion of all the work. || 2 Ch. 4^^-5^. The whole passage, 
with exception of v.^^^^ is late, vv.^^- *^ being drawn from the 
specifications for the tabernacle furniture in Ex. 48. The 
golden altar : cf. the wooden altar overlaid with pure gold, 
Ex. 30^^- ; the table on which is the bread of the Presence, of 
gold, ib. 2523^-, where again the table is simply overlaid with 
gold. 49. Apart from the parallel in Ch. history knows of 
only one candelabrum, as against the ten noted here, of refined 
gold ; cf. the elaborate description of it in Ex. 25^^^-, the 
details of which are pursued here with the flower-work, the 
(seven) lamps, and the tongs, all of gold. The original document 
in II. 25^^^-, recording the first despoliation of the temple by 
Nebuchadnezzar, speaks only in general terms of his looting 
of temple and palace and his breaking in pieces all the vessels 
of gold which Solomon king of Israel made in the house of 
Yhwh. 50a. The passage is dependent upon II. 25"'^-=Jer. 
52^^'-, listing the booty taken from the temple at its destruc- 
tion, but with the exaggeration of making all the vessels of 
refined gold, whereas the original document distinguishes them 
as some of silver and some of gold. Cups : or rather large 
bowls : otherwise than here and in the parallels only of pro- 
fane use, Ex. 12^2, 2 Sam. 17^^ ; snuffers : only here and in 
the parallels ; sprinkling-basins : sup. v.*", and e.g., Ex. 27^ ; 
pans : e.g., ib. 25^9 ; fire-pans : e.g., ib. 27^ — these latter two 
doubtless for incense. 60b. The hinge-sockets : EVV hinges. 
The whole passage is clumsy and profuse ; (@ reads it, and 
Stade retains it ; Sanda reduces it to and the hinges of the 
doors of the inner house and of the hall, of gold {cf. BH). See 


Notes further for some of these words. 51a. And was finished 
all the work which king Solomon did in the house of Yhwh : an 
editorial finale. 51b. Historical memorandum on Solomon's 
placement in the temple of his father David's dedications, 
namely ' the vessels of gold and silver and bronze,' taken 
from Hadadezer and all the nations, according to 2 Sam. 
8^"^^. But the passage is read with difficulty ; c/. the attempts 
in EVV. It might be simplest to reduce it to : And Solomon 
brought the dedications of his father David, the silver and the 
gold, into the treasuries of the house of Yhwh, and to regard 
the inset, and the vessels he gave, as an added reference to 
Solomon's own gifts. For such additional ' treasures ' cf. 
the shields of gold which Solomon made and Shishak looted 

40. DiT'n : but 21 MSS oth, Grr., Xeipa/i ; this variant from v.^^ 
has been intruded from Ch. — nn^jn ; read mT'nn with 43 MSS 
Ken., deR., Ch., Grr., V, as at v.*^. — "'' n'^2 : for this locative use 
cf. v.*5 — 45_ ■jnxn : Kr. nj-xrt is required ; the word is unnecessary 
and is to be omitted with Grr., V- — "'' n''^ : Grr., exc. g i, plus 
" and the 48 pillars of the king's house and the Lord's house, all 
the works of the king made Hiram (of bronze)." The item of ' the 
48 pillars ' Then., Sanda regard as of Heb. origin and historical 
mocient. — Dnoo: the fem. is expected; Grr., apSriv (?), exc. <3^ -qv. 
— 46. I'^n.T : <@ (g^ 3 om. ; the unexpected subject may indicate 
the royal factory. — nmxn nnj;oa : Ch., 'n.i i^yn ; the first noun 
Albright reads as pL, and om. art. in the second ; see Comm. — 48. 
B'V''i ; Grr., k. eduKev (exc. B. k. eXa^ev), on the ground that S. was not 
the maker. — ma : the noun is locative, as at v.*". — 50. rnsan : the 
ob£v:ure word is variously rendered in \^SS ; Engl. ' cups ' comes 
from ' hydriae ' oi V ; see Honeyman, JTS 37 (1936), 56 S., for 
attempt to find the primitive threshold altar in this ritual object. — 
ntzjn : EVV 'spoons,' JV 'pans.' Albr. identifies such a vessel, 
understood as a censer, with a bowl (found at Tell Beit Mirsim) 
with figuration of a lion's mouth, in which a pipe was inserted for 
blowing the incense ; see BASOR 47 (1932), 15 ff., with additional 
plate, no. 48, i, and his further remarks in AASOR 21-22 (1943), 
73, n. 2. For such sacred vessels see F. Prezeworski's study of 
Syrian censers, Syria, 1930, 139 ff., and for Palestine that by G. IM. 
Crowfoot, PEQ 1940, 150 ff. ; cf. also Burrows, WMTS 214 f., 
with two plates. — nins.i : EVV ' hinges,' with QT ^ ; Grr., dupw^ara, 
' doorways.' Haupt has a diffuse discussion of the word ; G. R. 
Driver connects it with Akk. putu, ' forehead ' (JTS 38, 38 ; 
ZDMG 1937, 347). followed by L. Kohler (JBL 1940, 36). But 
it means the ' cardines feminae ' ; cf. Is. 3^'. — 61. '?3 : OGrr. om., 
not desiring to limit Solomon's works 

I. 81-11 185 

Ch. 8. The dedication of the temple. || 2 Ch. 5-7 ; cf. Ant.., 
viii, 4. The chapter contains the history of the entry of the 
ark into the shrine of the temple, vv.i-n ; a poetic word of 
Solomon, taken from an ancient collection, vv.^^- 1^ ; his 
prayers of dedication, vv.i^-*i ; the sequel, the sacrifices and 
the great feast, vv.^2-64, 65-66_ 

The history has its simpler, primitive parallel in the story 
of David's fetching of the ark to David's City in 2 Sam. 6, 
and a late parallel in the accounts of the dedication of the 
second temple, Ezra 6^®-i^, i Esd. 5*'^-. From Assyria we 
possess numerous foundation-stones with inscriptions invoking 
divine blessing upon the monarch and his offspring, e.g., of 
Sennacherib [ARA 2, nos. 440, 455, 458), and also dedicatory 
texts, of which order is one of Ashurbanipal's with regard to a 
golden incense-altar [ih. nos. 999 ff.) : " For all time may 
Marduk look with favour upon that incense-altar, and on me, 
Ashurbanipal, have mercy when I call upon thee, may he 
receive my petitions, hear my prayers, freedom from sickness 
grant me." 

The chapter is very composite. An ancient citation is balanced 
by long prayers in Deuteronomistic style, while the historical 
sections have been extensively swollen with later accretions. 

1.1 Then convoked ^ Solomon ^ the elders of Israel,'*- all the 
heads of the tribes, Hhe hereditary chiefs of the Bne-Israel to 
king Solomon'', ^ ''to Jerusalem'' ^ to bring up the ark of ''the 
covenant of^ "^ Yhwh from David's City, that is Sion. 2. ''And 
were convoked to king Solomon all the men of IsraeV ** ''in the 
moon of Ethanim'' ^ ''at the Haj, that is the seventh month''.^^ 
3. ^And came all the elders of IsraeF.^^ And the priests bore 
the ark 4. ^and they brought up the ark of Yhwh^ i^ and the 
tent of meeting and all the holy vessels that were in the tent, 
''and there brought them up the priests and the Levites'',^^ 
5. and the king ^Solomon'' 1^ and all ""the assembly of 1^ 
Israel, ^ those assembled to him along with him'' 1^ before the 
ark, sacrificing sheep and cattle that might not be counted ''nor 
measured for quantity'' .^'^ 6. And the priests brought in the 
ark ''of the covenant of Yhwh'' 1^ to its place, to the shrine of 
the house, to the holy of holies under the wings of the cherubs. 
7. For the cherubs were spreading wings over the place of the 
ark, and the cherubs shrouded the ark and its staves above ; 


8. and the staves were so long that the ends of the staves were 
seen from the sanctity in front of the shrine, but they could not 
he seen outside ; ''and they are there to this day''.^^ 9. There 
was nothing in the ark except the two tables of stone that Moses 
deposited there at Horeb, by which Yhwh made a covenant with 
the Bne-Israel, when they came out of the land of Egypt. 10. And 
it came to pass, when the priests came out of the sanctity — now 
the cloud was filling the house of Yhwh — 11. that the priests 
were not able to stand to minister in the presence of the cloud, 
for the Glory of Yhwh filled the house ''of Yh.wh\^^ 

The original elements of the story may be contained in the 
following simplification : 

1. Then convoked Solomon the elders of Israel to bring up 
the ark of Yhwh from David's City in the moon of Ethanim. 
3. And the priests bore the ark, 5. with the king and all Israel 
before the ark, sacrificing sheep and cattle that might not be 
counted. 6. And the priests brought in the ark to its place, to 
the shrine of the house. 

* <S <g^ a preceding plus : " and it came to pass, when S. finished 
building the house of the Lord and his own house after 20 years [=9^°], 
then," etc. « (g_|_' the king.' » 46 MSS+' all '=Grr., g) a. « Many 
MSS, edd. + ' and '=Ch. « =Ch. ; <g (Q^ om. ^ Qrr., 'in Sion.' 
» MS 107 om. 8 =Ch. ; <@ <@l om. » Ch. om. i" =Ch. ; Grr. om., 
exc. A=^ 9. " =Ch. ; Grr. om., exx. A. ^^ Grr. om., exc. A x. 
" =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. A Z g x ej. " =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. A x. 
" =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. A. ^* =Ch., omitting ' with him ' ; Grr. om., 
exc. A X. ^^ =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. A x. ^* =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. 
A Z X eg al. " =Ch. ; Grr. om., exc. Ax. 2" <g om. ; cf. Ch. The 
following notes may be added here. 2, c^nx : n.b. tSC nuaip, Sym., 
TO} apxo-ii^- — 3. ' the priests ' : Ch., ' the Levites,' cf. v.*, where Ch. 
' the priests, the Levites.' — 7. i^o^i : Ch. idd''i ; St. properly defends 
the forceful verb of the text. Jos. combines both texts. — f^-ij : Grr., 
ra ayta avrrjs^Ta ayiafffieva, V.*, i.e., read as i"'-!3 ; cf. Jer. 4^^. — 8. B'npn : 
mng. ? Ch., jiiNH ; Kamp. prop, oipnn ; see Burn., St. — 9. □''J^Kn ninS : 
Grr. + ' the tables of the covenant'; the duplicate being simplified 
in 2 MSS. The same exegesis appears in the plus of t!C : " the ten 
words of the covenant (which the Lord decreed with the Sons of Israel, 
when they came out of Egypt)." The addition was made to obtain 
an antecedent for -\vh 2° ; hence the proposed insertion of nnnn mnS 
before the relative clause {cf. BH — but this not ' cum Grasco ' as 
alleged, in regard to the position of the phrase). But mj is used 
absolutely of making a covenant, e.g., i Sam. 11 2, and the rel. pron. 
is used loosely ; for defence of the text, see Keil, Burn. — 10. Ch. has 
a long insertion between the two halves of the v. 

I. 81-11 187 

The criticism of the text of these vv. has been most varied, 
depending in part upon the authority of the OGr. text in its 
greatly apocopated form, in part upon subjective judgment 
of the strata of the document. In addition to the comm. are 
to be specially noted Stade's extensive treatment in SBOT 
pp. g8-ioi, Burney, pp. 104-9, ^oi" ^^^ treatment of the 
language, and Holscher, ' Das Buch der Konige,' in the 
Gunkel-Euchartsterion, pp. 164-6. In vv.i"^ there are many 
redundant phrases, all of late stamp (see Burney), e.g., the 
heads of the tribes, the hereditary chiefs (EW princes of the 
fathers' houses), v.i ; the introduction of the Levites, v.^ (c/. 
Ch.'s corrections in favour of the Levites, vv.*- ^, and cf. 
2 Sam. 15^"*) ; the assembly . . . those assembled, v.^ ; etc. 
V.^ is reduced above to in the moon of Ethanim with OGrr. ; 
the appositional in the seventh month is the equivalent dating 
of the later calendar, cf. Bui as the eighth month, 6^^. There 
arises the problem of the sequence of dates, the dedication 
being assigned to the seventh month, but the completion of 
the temple (6^^) to the eighth month. Following older comm, 
cited by Poole, Ewald held that the dedication anticipated the 
complete furnishing and so ' finishing ' of the temple by a 
month, and Keil that he waited for eleven months, thus pro- 
viding time for the brass work of ch. 7, and so Sanda. Kittel, 
attributing the present datum to a later source than that of 
6^^'-, makes the dating a conformation to the celebration of 
the Succoth festival in the seventh month, for which dispute 
see below, Comm., 12^^. Benzinger excises the reference to 
Ethanim. Morgenstern in his ' Three Calendars of Ancient 
Israel,' HUCA 1 (1924), 67 ff. {cf also his Amos Studies, 
146 ff.), argues that the assembly of the people was in Ethanim 
and the octave-feast had its climax on the first of Bui. Stade 
(SBOT), after a long discussion, retracting his earlier cancella- 
tion of the dating as an insertion, retains it, but cannot 
accommodate it to the datum of 6^^. Schmidt (see note i, 
Comm., 6^^^') properly holds that the antique terms ' moon ' 
and ' Ethanim ' cannot be late glosses. Morgenstern's theory 
is most attractive with his argument for a change in Israelite 
calendars, with the older calendar having its culmination in 
Bui. The word, the Haj, had best be excised, as a back- 
reference from v.^^ ; as Kittel remarks, the word is out of 


place. For the accumulation of feasts at this period cf. 

Most variety of critical opinion has arisen over the stratifica- 
tion of vv.'"^^, Stade assigns vv.'- ^ to his ' unknown source,' 
v.^ to the Deuteronomist, vv.^°- ^^ to the basic document along 
with v.^2. Sanda (p. 243) holds that vv.'"^ interfere with the 
flow of the narrative, and sagaciously observes that vv.'- ^^ 
properly belong to the section on the cherubs, 6^^fi-, while 
v.^ is Deuteronomic and is to be transposed before v.^^. 
Holscher, with some deletions, accepts vv.^"^ as integral, 
yyio. 11 as a late addition. The present writer however is 
sceptical as to originality of all of these vv., inclusive of the 
final phrase in v,^, to the holy of holies, under the wings of the 
chernhs, the first phrase of which is generally admitted to be 
secondary, even as it is a gloss in 6^^, while the location as 
under the cherubs appears superfluous. Certainly w.'- ^ with 
the stress on the staves of the ark is a very subordinate item 
indeed ; see below. The sanctity (Heb. the holiness) is a late 
term, used in Lev. (16^, etc.) and Eze. (41^^, etc.), and so some 
critics have proposed replacing it with a more concrete word, 
' the place.' VV.^°- ^^ record a miraculous phenomenon with 
a clumsy, reiterative statement ; it is quite in line with the 
passage Ex. 40^'*^-, how " after Moses finished the work " on 
the tabernacle, " Then the cloud covered the tent of meeting, 
and the Glory of Yhwh filled the tabernacle ; and Moses 
was not able to enter the tent of meeting, because the cloud 
abode thereon, and the Glory of Yhwh filled the tabernacle." 
Cf. also the entry of the Glory into the temple in Eze.'s vision, 
43^fl-. The Glory is the perceptible Presence of Deity, visually 
represented as a cloud. 

1. The adv. then belongs to the archival style, and definitely 
so at v.^2, and did not originally refer to 6^^ ; see Burney, 
and the writer's ' Archival Data in the Book of Kings,' 49. 
A preceding plus in OGrr. (see Note above) attempted to 
precise the time. The elders were the community chiefs, 
hereditary sheikhs ; cf. 2i^^-. That is Sion : a gloss from 
Ch., ' David's City ' having become archaic. 7. 8. The staves 
of the ark and their Hmited visibility have caused interminable 
discussion ; see Kimchi at length, the comm. cited by Poole 
(a whole column), and of moderns may be noted Thenius, 

I. 812. 13 i3g 

Keil, and Sanda. The optics is a problem, with the ancient 
question whether the staves extended on the Hne of the axis 
of the building or at right angles to it. Galling in his ' Das 
Allerheiligste/ JPOS 1932, 43 ff., contends for the former view, 
finding strained support from his argument for a raised podium 
in the sanctuary. But it appears to have been generally 
ignored that there could have been no interest in the extension 
of the staves except so far as these indicated the presence of 
the ark, which was not visible, and thus we have to assume the 
presence of ' the veil ' (an important item in the tabernacle- 
furnishing [Ex. 26^1^', etc.]) as concealing the sacred object 
from vulgar gaze, so making the staves themselves of profound 
interest to the devotee (c/. the specifications, Ex. 2^^^^-). The 
veil concealed the ark, only the staves might be seen pro- 
jecting right and left by one standing near the narrow door of 
the sanctuary, but not from a greater distance. For the veil 
in the later temple cf. 1 Mac. 1^2, Mt. 27^1, Heb. 6^^, etc. Our 
passage comes from one who had actually seen so much of 
the holy shrine. On an Akko-Ptolemaic coin of Gallienus a 
portable shrine with the accompanying poles is exhibited 
(Cook, Rel. of Anc. Palestine, 104). The comment, and they 
are there unto this day, is not a guarantee of originality, vs. 
Burney, as Olmstead argues {AJSL 30 [1913], 33 f.) ; of. 9^1, 
1219 ; II. 822, io27^ 1723. 34. 4i_ 9^ xhe note that there was 
nothing in the ark except the two tables of stone is the remark 
of an anxious commentator, who may have wished to dissipate 
false rumours to the contrary (so Benzinger). There was the 
later tradition that Aaron's staff and the pot of manna were 
also included (Heb. 9*) ; see the older comm., cited by Poole 
at length. 

yy 12. 13 Citation of Solomon's ode. 

12. Then spake Solomon : 

Yhwh said, he would dwell in the dense-cloud. 
13. Built indeed have I an exalted house for thee, 
A place for thy dwelling forever. 

One change is made from the EVV, etc., in the translation 'an 
exalted house,' in place of ' a house of habitation ' ; see Note. 

The OGrr. transferred the passage to the end of v.^^, pre- 
sumably regarding it as ritually secondary to the following 
solemn prayer of consecration, (g^ MSS have it in both places. 


Of radical critical importance are the additions in the OGrr. : 
a prefixed hemistich, a variant from the theme of ' building,' 
and at the end citation of the source of the passage. For 
the expanded Gr. form see Wellhausen, Comp., 208 ff. ; J. 
Halevy, RS 8 (1900), 218 ff. ; Driver, Int., 192 ; Kittel, 
Biirney, and Stade in SBOT, the last scholar adopting none 
of the additions from <g. Further for the Gr. text see Burkitt, 
JTS 10 (1909), 439 ff. ; Thackeray, ih., 11, 518 ff., and The 
Septuagint and Jewish Worship, 76 ff. The OGr. preface reads, 
^Xioi/ iyvwpiaev iv ovpavio Kw/Dios, " the sun did the Lord make 
known in heaven " ; for the verb (§^ has tdT-qaiv, ' set,' and 
this indeed makes better sense. It has been proposed that 
pDH as the basis of the latter rdg. was misread I'an, giving the 
rdg. of (g. But "{'IT^ is never so translated in the Greek. 
Wellhausen accepted Lucian's rdg., and has been largely 
followed ; but see Kamphausen, Burkitt, Thackeray, and 
now Rahlfs {SS 3, 62) for the conclusion that this text is 
merely an ' amelioration.' Burkitt's suggestion of yDin, i.e., 
" (Sun,) shine forth," is arbitrary. There is the distinction 
between the so evident sun and the Deity who will not be 
seen, a fine theological contrast, and so the fragment in the 
Gr. appears to be original. 

The interior variant of the OGrr. is the change of " I will 
build (a house)," to the impv., " Build (a house)," and for this 
Wellhausen has reconstructed what he regards as the original 
Hebrew. Sanda has attempted combination of both forms. 
But it is best to abide by the judgment of Kittel (also in 
BH), Benzinger, Stade for the preservation of i|. The Hebrew 
is bold and original, in contrast to the divine self-assertion 

The original purport and circumstances of this ode, of which 
only the first hues are quoted, are wholly obscure. Was it 
cautious censorship which deleted from the Hebrew the first 
hemistich, preserved however in the Greek ? The theme, 
curtly expressed, is that of the manifest phenomenon of the 
brilliant sun in contrast to the invisibihty of Deity, who 
prefers the deep darkness, is invisible, e.g., Ps. 18^^ (and so 
even to the spiritually minded, cf. Is. ^S^^), and for whom 
Solomon prepared a dark adytum. This interpretation is in 

I. 812. 13 igi 

contrast to current theories, largely starting from the present 
passage, concerning the sun-cult at Jerusalem, in combination 
with the theory of the penetration of the rays of the equinoctial 
sun through the eastern door of the temple into the adytum. 
See literature cited above in introduction to ch. 6. There 
may be noted here the argument in F. J. Hollis's essay, cited 
there, adopting and expanding a theory proposed by von 
Gall, that these vv. were part of an oracle delivered in con- 
nexion with an eclipse of the sun, which may be identified 
with the one that occurred May 22, 948 B.C. — as approximate 
enough (!). But the contrast of Deity as artist and his creation 
is a constant theme in Hebrew poetry, e.g., Ps. 19. Dussaud 
properly argues {RHR 63 [191 1], 336 ff.) that here Yhwh is 
aligned rather with Hadad the storm-god, not with the sun. 
For the dense-cloud (EVV thick darkness — see Haupt in SBOT) 
cf. ' the cloud,' v.^", which also normally shrouds Deity, e.g., in 
Ex. 241^^-. Critical views on the passage are indeed polarized. 
Morgenstern in his 'Book of the Covenant,' HUCA 5 (1928), 
40, n. 46, comes to the conclusion that these verses " smack so 
strongly of this Deuteronomic theology that it is practically 
impossible to ascribe an earlier origin to them " — an uncon- 
vincing argument ; that school was not poetical. Others, 
wishing to find original paganism, would rewrite the text ; 
e.g., Gunkel: "Baal estabhshes the sun in the heavens, Yah- 
weh said he would dwell in gloom " [Die Lade Jahves, 1920, 
62 f.) ; and H. G. May, rejecting the Greek first hemistich 
as an attempt of the Seventy to disassociate Yhwh from the 
sun-cult, proceeds to invent out of line 3 : " Verily I have 
built a shrine of Zebul for you " (' Some Aspects of Solar 
Worship at Jerusalem,' ZAW 1937, 269 ff.). But rewriting 
of ancient poetic fragments is all in vain. 

There follows in the OGrr. the postscript : At the dedication. 
Is it not written in the Book of Song ? A documentary source 
is thus asserted. For the last word Wellhausen suggested a 
corruption from yashar, and the collection would then have 
been the Book of Jashar, cited Josh. lo^^ 2 Sam. i^^ Kittel 
(but cf. BH), Sanda retain ^. See Note. 

12. Saiya : (@ (Si^ €k yvo(pov. — 13. '72] : ' exalted,' and so correctly 
for the mng. of the root and its derivatives at large BDB, but 
subsequent Lexx., Konig, HA W, GB, have abandoned this mng.. 


replacing it with ' dwelling ' ; the latter sense is that of the VSS, 
EVV, etc. Schrader [CIOT i, 174) recognized the correct mng. 
here, and offers an Akk. parallel to the phrase. For the use of 
the word as ' exalted,' and so as divine ' prince,' see at length 
Note on ' Jezebel,' i6*S also on ' Beel-zebub,' II. i^. — Gr. supple- 
ment, fTTt KcxLvoT7]TOi^=nT.n2. — [fc TU3 ^i.ff\io3 T.] wSt^s t the word 
' song ' was used in the collective sense, as noted in later canonical 
lists by J. R. Harris, Odes and Psalms of Solomon (1920), 2, 2 f. 
It may be proposed that instead of the alleged misreading of 
ydSdr as haSSir, the reverse is the case for the former word in its 
occurrences, since it has never been explained. 

W.^^"^^. Solomon's prayer of dedication : vv.^^-^i, the 
history of the undertaking ; vv.^^"^^, the prayers, with htany, 
yy 31-53 . yY_54-6i^ ^YiQ blessing and exhortation. || 2 Ch. 6^"^^, 
with omission of the royal blessing, and addition of citation 
from Ps. 132. Cf. Ant., viii, 4, 2, 3. 

Apart from the rather casual references to the priests in 
yy_6. 10 supra, the king appears as the sole Hturgist, summus 
sacerdos, the officiant in prayer, in exhortation, in blessing. 
The like royal function is presented in the case of David 
(2 Sam. 6), of Jeroboam (12^^, 13), of Hezekiah at his prayer 
before the Presence (II. ig^"*^-) ; only indirectly do we learn 
of a high priest (II. 22^^-). This unique position of the king is 
not to be ascribed to foreign ideas ; rather it was the genuine 
development of the natural priesthood of the father of the 
family, its representative before Deity. The development of 
the cult in its technical details, especially in the central 
sanctuary of the people, produced the increasingly potent 
castes of priests and Levites (' attendants '), who in the later 
history of the kingdom established themselves as a powerful 
estate spiritual, which could defy the king himself {cf. the 
tradition in 2 Ch. 26^ ^2. ^_ Jhe dispute between the spiritual 
and the temporal power characterizes all history of estab- 
lished religion. Early Israelite royalty thus followed the 
oriental tradition of priestly prerogative.^ For recent studies 
of the sacred function of Israelite monarchy see Mowinckel, 
Psalmenstudien, 2 (1922), 297 fi. ; C. R. North, ' Religious 
Aspects of Hebrew Monarchy,' ZAW 1932, 8 ff. ; H. Gunkel, 

^ For Mesopotamia see Jastrow, Religious Beliefs, 269 fif. ; Jeremias, 
HAG 284; Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 2, 67 fif. ; C. W. McEwan, The 
Oriental Origins of Hellenistic Kingship (1934), ^^p. pp. 11 fif. 

I. 81^-66 193 

Einl. in die Psalmen, 159 ff. ; A. R, Johnson's chapter on 
' The Role of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus,' in The 
Labyrinth, ed. S. H, Hooke, pp. 8 ff. ; Morgenstern, ' A 
Chapter in the History of the High-Priesthood,' AJSL 55 
{1938), I ff., asserting that throughout the pre-Exilic period 
in both kingdoms " the king discharged the function of high- 
priest." Of course in these sacrificial functions the king was 
the prcBsidens, the menial offices of handUng the rites being the 
charge of the priests. The actual royal part of the king appears 
in the account of Ahaz's personal ritual in connexion with 
his new altar (H. 16^2'-). It should be noted that the term, 
' sacrificing,' is used loosely, of the patrons of the sacrifice, 
e.g., Solomon's wives, with the participles in the feminine (11^). 
The whole composition is Deuteronomistic, for which fact 
see Burney's detailed analysis, also Sanda. The problem 
arises as to its integrity, in detection of various strata and 
interpolations, with the particular inquiry whether any por- 
tions are pre-Exilic. Wellhausen {Comp., 268 f,), Stade {GVI 
I, 74 — cf. SBOT), Kittel, Kent, al., regard the whole as Exihc 
at the earliest, along with multiple subsequent additions. On 
the other hand, Burney considers the document as a whole to 
be akin to the earliest elements of Deut., and so pre-Exilic. 
The most crucial of the points of criticism is the section 
yy 44-53^ repeating the theme of the brief section vv.^^^*, and 
with the hypothesis of an exile of the nation. On the other 
hand, a sure core of pre-Exilic origin may be found, with 
Sanda, in the litany of w.^^'^**, with intercessions for divine 
justice, in case of defeat in battle, and as against natural 
plagues, presupposing an independent people on its own soil. 
Yy_22-26^ repeating David's charge to his son (2^^-), with prom- 
ise of a dynasty, are of pre-Exilic character without question ; 
cf. the usual forms in Ass. building inscriptions of prayers for 
the dynasty (see above, Comm., v.^). VV.^'"^" continue the 
prayer for the king. V.^', Will God in very truth dwell on the 
earth ? Behold, heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain 
thee ; how much less this house that I have built, is regarded 
even by Burney (p. 115), as of Exilic, age comparing Is. 60^. 
But the celestial abode of the highest deities was a common- 
place in ancient Semitic reHgion ; we need only recall ' Baal- 
of-the-Heavens,' or ' Heaven,' as he is actually named in the 


Sujin inscription ; see the writer's note, HTR 31 {1938), 145, 
and cf. Am. 9®, Hab. 2^°. In the history of the Israehte religion 
Yhwh came to be locahzed pecuHariy only with the building 
of the temple, and even then it was his distinct Presence 
(Person in Christian theology), or Name, or Glory-Shekinah, 
that was in residence. As with one development in Christian 
doctrine, that of the Presence on the altar, along %vith the 
dogma of the absolute celestial Deity, so in Israel : e.g., Ps. 20^ 
is a prayer that Yhwh " send thee help out of his sanctuary, 
and support thee out of Sion," while acpording to v.' the 
Deity " will answer him from his holy heaven." There may 
be noted the admirable discussion by Morgenstem in HUCA 5 
(1928), 37 ff. In the history of religion art has played a large 
part in definitely locaUzing the deities. The above presenta- 
tion argues for the early origin of vv.^^"^". VV.*^'*^ are a 
prayer, not for the later caste of proselytes, but for aUens 
whose piety may be aroused by the fame of Israel's God and 
his temple, and this, as will be detailed below, is not neces- 
sarily a late feature. To the portion of the composition so 
analyzed was added a prefatory, w.^^'^^, a duplicate to 
w.22-26^ but based on the secondary interpretation of the 
oracle to David in 2 Sam. y^^-. VV.'*'*"^^, as observed above, 
have definite post-Exilic characteristics. The final distinct 
section, w.^*"*^, the blessing, culminating in an exhortation 
to the people — in Christian language a sermon — is an evident 
addition ; n.b. the contradiction of Solomon's rising from his 
knees, v.^*, and his erect posture before the altar, v.22. 

To cite some essays at minute criticism : Stade (SBOT) 
makes the whole section as practically of one piece, with a 
few interpolated passages, and excepting vv.**"^^ as a late 
addition. Sanda attempts minute analysis, and finds the 
original record of dedication, following w.^"^*, in w.^^. 31-39. 
^*2', and attributes to Redactors (R and Rj) the remaining 
sections. Holscher finds three strata, in this chronological 
order : A w.^-^s- as. 29 . g ^ 27. 30-43. 52 -ei . q vv.^^-^i. 

These prayers attributed to Solomon compose one of the 
noblest flights in sacred oratory from the Deuteronomic school. 
There are the notes of the infiniteness of Deity and yet of his 
readiness to dwell with his faithful, of divine grace and of 
human responsibility, not only of the people but of the 

I. 8i*-«« 195 

individual conscience (v.'®), of the stern righteousness of God 
which can scatter the nation, and equally of the door of 
repentance by which they may regain his favour. The chapter 
was properly chosen as an alternative Haphtarah (lection) 
for the Succoth festival {Meg. B. 21a). It is our earhest 
representative of such Uturgical forms from the ancient temple. 
Gunkel's Einleitung in die Psalmen contains much that 
illuminates the present liturgy. 

14. And the king turned his face about, and blessed all the 
assembly of Israel ; and all the assembly of Israel was standing. 
15a. And he said : Blessed is Yhwh, the God of Israel. The 
common liturgical phrase, Blessed is Yhwh (see the hsting of 
the cases in Gunkel, Einl., 40), is taken from social language ; 
cf. II. 4^^, where EW properly translate the verb with 
' salute ' ; cf. also v.^^ inf. The phrase has its parallel in 
Ugaritic texts ; see Virolleaud, Syria, 1935, 186 f., one of 
the texts certainly reading, " We have blessed Baal ." 

16. / did not choose a city . . . but I chose David, etc. The 
person of David came first in the divine selection. After 
the first sentence <@ interpolates : " and I chose Jerusalem, 
that my name might abide there." This plus, to save the 
hoary fame of the holy city, has been largely accepted, e.g., 
by BH, Holscher, but is rejected by Stade {SBOT), Sanda ; 
see Stade's reasonable discussion. 17 ff. The reference is to 
the history in 2 Sam. 7, which, as Wellhausen has argued 
{Comp., 254, etc.), and as is generally accepted, is an ex- 
panded form of the original promise to build a house, i.e., 
a dynasty ; the dynastic promise appears there in vv.^^fr.^ 

17. To build a house for the Name of Yhwh. Cf. 3^, the Name 
of Yhwh. The Name is a manifestation form of Deity, e.g., 
physically at Is. 30^' ; as in all legal language the name is 
the person. For ancient parallels, Akkadian and Egyptian, 
see Sanda ; there may be added the use of ' the name ' in 
legal sense in an Amarna tablet from Jerusalem, " Behold, 
the king (Pharaoh) has put his name on the land forever " 
(Knudtzon, no. 287, hnes 60 ff.). 21. Wherein is the covenant 
of Yhwh : i.e., the tables, as an engrossed document. 22. 
And Solomon stood before the altar of Yhwh. For the altar, 
ignored in ch, 7, but assumed here and at v.*^, see Corom., 
yy 6411.^ The standing position of the officiant was the rule 


as all ancient designs show. Ch. (6^^) has a long addition 
in re a brazen scaffold, which Solomon used as an oratory, 
upon which " he stood, and (then) kneeled down " ; this 
relieves the contradiction of the two positions given to him, 
and also separates locally the royal laj^man from the altar. 
23. There is none like thee as God. Cf. Ex. 15^^, Ps. 86^ 
27. But in very truth will God dwell on the earth ? Behold, 
heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain thee ; how 
much less this house that I have built I The v. is as noble an 
expression as is found anywhere for the infiniteness of Deity. 
Cf. Jer. 232*, " Do I not fill heaven and earth ? — saith Yhwh." 
And in the Biblical tradition Augustine's corresponding con- 
fession may be recalled : " et quis locus est in me, quo veniat 
in me Deus mens ? quo Deus veniat in me, Deus qui fecit 
caelum et terram ? . . . An vero caelum et terra, quae fecisti, et 
in quibus me fecisti, capiunt te ? " [Conf., i, 2). Grotius com- 
pares Virgil {Eel., iii, 60) : " lovis omnia plena," and Lucan, 
" Estne dei sedes nisi terra, et pontus, et aer, et coelum et 
virtus ? " 30. A contradiction is found by some critics be- 
tween the prayer unto this place, as the Muslim kiblah, and 
the divine audience unto the place of thy abode, the latter as 
being a later, spiritualizing addition. But the criticism is 
far-fetched ; the kiblah is merely the point d'appui, and the 
contrast, not contradiction, is not amiss after v. 2' ; cf. the 
like contrast in Ps. 20^- '. There follows, w.^^"^^, in the 
language of the Church, the earliest extensive Litany. 31. 32. 
A prayer for divine judgment in the purgation by oath. 
There is to be noted the primacy of order given by this litany 
to the element of justice between man and man. 31. The v. 
has difficulties of text, for which cf. the various renderings in 
EVV, and see Note. For the subject see J. Pedersen, Der 
Eid bei den Semiten (1914), with parallels from Akkadian, 
Greek, Roman fields, and for the present subject in particular 
cc. 5, 6 ; also H. Schmidt, ' Die Gebete der Angeklagten,' in 
O.T. Essays, ed. Simpson, 143 ff., and his enlarged treatment 
in ZAW Beiheft 49 (1928). The word generally translated 
' oath ' {'dldh) is more exactly a ' hypothetical curse,' or ' Bann ' 
v'so Pedersen, pp. 113 ff.) ; at Lev. 5^, Prov. 29^* JV excellently 
renders it with ' adjuration.' With these passages cf. the 
adjuration of a suspected wife in Num. 5^^^-, where the ordeal 

I. 814-66 jg^ 

is enacted ' before Yhwh,' even as here, ' before the altar in 
this house.' 32. According to his right {sedek), not righteousness, 
but primarily a legal term ; cf. K. F. Euler, ZAW 1938, 278 f. 
33. 34. The major external disaster would come from foreign 
enemies. 35. 36. The major internal calamity, namely the 
drought, arises from the peculiar physical features of Canaan ; 
cf. Jer. i^^^-, Joel i^^-, etc. 37. Other famine-producing 
plagues are listed : blasting {e.g., ' by the east wind,' Gen. 
416), mildew, locust, grasshopper (with asyndeton) ; the last 
term is wrongly translated ' caterpillar ' by EW. For these 
last two practically synonymous words along with other 
synonyms see Commentaries on Joel i, and for such plagues 
in general Dalman, A. u. S., 2, 296!, 323 ff., 344 ff., etc. 
38. Whatsoever prayer and supplication be made by any man 
''of all thy people IsraeP [OGrr. om.], who shall know each 
one the affliction of his own heart, and shall spread forth his 
palms toward this house : 39. then do thou hear in heaven, 
the place of thy abode, and forgive, and do, and give to each 
man according to all his ways, as thou knowest his heart, for 
thou alone knowest the heart of all the sons of men. The word 
translated ' affliction ' is general term for any kind of plague 
{e.g., Ex. ii^, etc. — and so EVV here after V ' plaga ') ; 
but the closest approach to the denotation of the word here 
appears at i Sam. lo^^, where the verb of the same root 
appears : " and there went with him (Saul) the men of valour 
whose hearts God had touched " (origin of a phrase of Christian 
piety). For such ancient scrupulousness cf. Pss. 51 ; 19I', 
and see Gunkel, pp. 192 ff., 222 f. Kimchi rightly interprets 
the point here as of the hidden knowledge or concern of the 
heart as distinct from public knowledge, i.e., the sense of 
conscience, and indeed with the latter word Heb. heart may 
well be translated here. It is anticipation of the ' conscience ' 
of the N.T., e.g., Jn. 8^, Acts 24^^, and Paul's great confession 
in Rom. 9. See Poole for various interpretations. For the 
spreading forth of the open hands towards this house, cf. Ps. 
28^, etc. This section advances from communal causes to 
those of the individual whose heart is touched by God, and 
who would find release. For the divine knowledge of the 
human heart cf. Jer. ly^^-. 40. In order that they may revere 
thee, etc. : cf. Dt. 311^, etc. The usual EngUsh for the verb. 


' fear,' is most unfortunate ; the noun of the same root should 
be translated ' reHgion.' 41-43. The prayer for the foreigner 
(EW stranger) who comes to worship in the temple. This 
refers to ahens from a foreign land (not the ger, the settled 
ahen, whose liberties were provided for, Num. I5^'*^'), who 
may be attracted to the glorious national shrine and its God ; 
the basis of this generous prayer may have been diplomatic 
missions which paid their respects to the national Deity, as 
in the proposed case of the Cushite embassy (Is. 18'), and the 
legend about Alexander, how he went up into the temple and 
offered sacrifice there [Ant., xi, 8, 5 — -per se a possible occur- 
rence). But there may well have been cases of sincere devotion 
on part of Gentiles ; cf. the story of Naaman (II. 5). For the 
prospect of a wider conversion see Ps. 68^°'-. 44. 45. The 
prayer in war : parallel to w.^^^-, but the war here is precised 
as a holy enterprise. 46-53. The prayer in defeat and exile. 
The prayer toward Jerusalem from abroad is witnessed to in 
story in Dan. 6^^, i Esd. 4^^, Tob. 3^^. For the religion of the 
pre-Exilic Diaspora cf. Gunkel, pp. 262 f., holding that Pss. 
61, 63 have such origin. 46. Deportation to a land of the 
enemy, far off or near, has caused question as to the second 
item ; but among the colonists settled by the Assyrians in 
Samaria were people from Syrian Hamath as well as from 
Mesopotamia. 52. That thine eyes may he opened, etc. : Stade 
regards this as without connexion with ' the interpolation 
of w.'**-^^, but fails to restore a connexion ; in the profuse 
diction of the prayer too great nicety of consecution may 
not be expected. 54-61. The peroration of the prayer : 
Solomon blessed all the congregation of Israel, along with prayer 
for divine grace and exhortation to the people. Ch. omitted 
this section because of its character as a benediction (per- 
quisite of the priests, see Num. b^^^-), replacing it with account 
of the descent of fire from heaven, which consumed the sacri- 
fices. 54. For the contradiction between the king's arising 
from his knees and v.^^ see above. Stade, criticizing piece- 
meal the phraseology of the second half of the v., would excise 
he arose — (v.^^) and stood, but this appears as an arbitrary 
attempt to get order out of a composite narrative. For such 
a royal prayer of thanksgiving cf. Babylonian examples cited 
by Gunkel, 284 ff. 57. 58. The blessing proper. Sanda rightly 

I. 8i4-«« 199 

comments that according to this blessing the people have need 
of the divine grace for aid in keeping God's laws, and " das 
ist eine sittliche Auffassung, welche iiber die Moral anderer 
Kulturvolker Vorderasiens weit hinausreicht." 60. Yhwh, he 
is the God. This credal expression appears in a strenuous 
scene, 18^^ i^l-V-), and may have been a current battle-cry. 
Cf. Islamic " There is no god but God " {allah, ' the God,' 
as here in the Hebrew). 

YY 62-66 jj^g great dedication feast and dismissal of the 
congregation. || 2 Ch. 74-10 ; cf. Ant., viii, 4, 45. 

62. And the king and all ^Israel with him? [OGrr. the sons 
of Israel] were making sacrifice before Yhwh. 63. And Solomon 
[Ch., OGxv. -\-the king] sacrificed the sacrifice of peace-offerings 
''which he sacrificed to Yhwh'^ [an added id est], 22,000 cattle 
''and 120,000 sheep^ [<@ (B Z ag) om., Jos. has] ; and they 
dedicated the house of Yhwh, the king and all the Bne-Israel. 
64. On that day the king consecrated the centre of the court that 
is before the house of Yhwh, for he offered there the holocaust 
''and the oblation'^ (Ch. om.) and the fat sacrifices of the peace- 
offerings, for the bronze altar that was before Yhwh was too 
small to contain the holocaust and the oblation ''and the fat 
sacrifices'^ [<g (B Z ag) om.] of the peace-offerings. 65. And 
Solomon celebrated at that time the Haj and all Israel with 
him, a great convocation, from the Entrance to Hamath to the 
Wady of Egypt, before Yhwh our God [OGrr.-fm the house 
that he built, eating and drinking and rejoicing before the 
Lord our God], seven days ''and seven days, fourteen days'' 
[OGrr. om. ; Jos. ' twice seven days ']. 66. On the eighth 
day he dismissed the people, and ''they blessed the king"^ [(§ 
(B Z ag) he blessed it] ; and they went home rejoicing and happy 
of heart for ''alP [OGrr. om.] the goodness which Yhwh had 
done to his servant David and his people Israel. 

The above display presents the materials for the criticism 
of the text. The section is late, Deuteronomic according to 
Kittel, Stade, al., and offers a picture of the celebration as it 
might have been ; as Mowinckel remarks : later editors had 
no records of such an event, " they pictured the ceremonies 
as they were practised in their own times " {Psalmenstudien, 
2, 109). Holscher regards the whole section as a late mid- 
rash-Uke story, reminiscent of the Chronicler. Ch. omits 


peace- off erings which he sacrificed to Yhwh (v.*^), as an only 
partial duplicate of the list in v.®*. The items of the thousands 
of sacrificial victims (that for the sheep is doubtless secondary) 
are exaggerations ; cf. the far simpler figures for a similar 
celebration, 2 Ch. 29^^^-. There may be compared the tradition 
of Croesus offering to the Delphic god ' 3000 beasts of every 
kind fit for sacrifice ' (Her., i, 50) ; and similarly the assertion 
in a Minasan building inscription of dedicatory sacrifices ' in 
fifteen courts ' (the Arab, noun the same as the Heb. word 
here ; see Halevy, nos. 192, 199, Hommel, Chrest., 102). For 
Assyrian amplification of numbers see Olmstead, Ass. Historio- 
graphy, e.g., p. 41, with a case where an original of 1253 sheep 
has been expanded by later scribes to 100,225. They dedicated : 
the communal plural is of interest. In Ch., v.^, the later festal 
term for dedication, hanukkdh, is used (but for the dedication 
of the altar, cf. Num. 7^**). 64. The centre of the court cannot 
be further precised ; the reference must be to the enlarged area 
surrounding the altar, generally supposed to have stood on 
the Rock (es-Sahrah), which large space would have been 
used for extraordinary festivals. The item of the oblation, 
a vegetable offering, is repeated, but appears de trop. The 
bronze altar is described at 2 Ch. 4^, and ascribed to Hiram 
as the artist ; strangely enough it is omitted in the Hst of 
Hiram's works above, although currently accepted in the 
narrative ; Benzinger attributes the omission to Puritan 
objection, and eft. Ex. 20^^'-. This altar is referred to below, 
9^^, and again, II. i6^^^-, in the story of its removal and re- 
placement with another of new fashion. A bronze altar (with 
the same Hebrew words) is recorded by Yehaumilk, king of 
Gebal, among his donations to the temple of the Lady of 
Gebal. The present altar doubtless replaced that of David's 
on Araunah's threshing-floor (2 Sam. 24^^). See the literature 
bearing on the temple cited in introduction to Comm. on 
ch. 6 and on 6^°^-, and in particular Kittel, ' Der Brandopfer- 
altar,' in his Studien, 146 ff., and J. De Groot, Die Altdre 
des salomonischen Tempelhofes, BWAT 2 (1924). 65. From 
the Entrance to Hamath to the Wady of Egypt : cf. the terms 
for the extent of the IsraeUte state, ' from the Entrance to 
Hamath to the Sea/Wady of the Arabah,' II. 1425, Am. 6^*. 
The first term indicates the opening into the Syrian Bik'ah, 

I. 81*-«« 201 

the great valley between the two Lebanons, while the second 
is identified with the Wady el-'Arish ; see Abel, GP i, pt. 2, 
ch. 2, and K. ElJiger, ' Die Nordgrenze des Reiches Davids,' 
Pjb., 32 (1936), 34 ff. 65. 66. The passage has its parallel 
in Ch., vv.^^- : " And they made on the eighth day a solemn 
assembly, for the dedication of the altar they celebrated seven 
days, and the Haj seven days. And on the twenty-third 
day of the seventh month he dismissed the people," etc. 
From this quarter Ki. has been contaminated with the plus 
{seven days) and seven days, fourteen days, failing in <§. Ch. 
distinguishes two feasts, one of the dedication of the altar 
(not of the temple !), the other of the yearly Haj, Succoth 
or feast of Booths, with Jos. here a-KTjvoirrjyLa. For such a 
reputed additional feast of seven days cf. the one attached 
to Hezekiah's great festival ace. to 2 Ch. ^o^^^-. For the 
accumulation of festivals at this season of the year see 
Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien, II. Das Thronhesteigungsfest 
Jahwdhs und der Ur sprung der Eschatologie, 44-145, with 
which cf. Gunkel's criticism and partial acceptance, Einl. in 
die Psalmen, 100 ff. See also Morgenstern, ' Supplementary 
Studies in the Calendars of Ancient Israel,' HUCA 10 (1935), 
with bibliography of his extensive treatments of the subject. 
There may be contained in the Chronicler's report of a double 
feast a true tradition of an annual pre-Exilic feast of Hanukkah 
or Dedication ; see Montgomery, ' The Dedication Feast in 
the O.T.,' JBL 29 (1910), 29 ff., with parallels from the Greek, 
Roman, Christian fields for the ' natal day ' of temples and 
churches. In sacred calendars there is always careful arrange- 
ment of feasts so that they may not interfere with one another, 
and there may well have been a later distinction between 
Succoth and Dedication. For the accompanying festal meal 
cf. 2 Sam. 6^^, Neh. 8^"^-. They blessed the king : (@ trans- 
posed subject and object ; but the people's blessing here, as 
in good Oriental use, was the grateful response of the people ; 
cf. the royal ' blessing of Yhwh,' vv.^^- ^*. 

In the following Notes the variations of Ch. are noted only when 
they bear upon the present text. 14. '?np lO : OGrr. om., even 
as Heb. MS Ken. i om. 2.0 — 15. V^nB" ; Grr. + ' to-day,' and so at 
V.** ; cf. 5^*. — 16. ''036' Sdd : (S and &^ variously. There is an 
inconcinnity between the ' choosing of any tribe ' and the ' choosing 



of David,' which Ch. and (& attempt to amend with plusses, partly 
accepted by Kit. and BH ; Heb. MS Ken. 187 overcomes the same 
difl&culty by omitting t>V3 ; but, with St., ^ is to be kept. — 19. 
pi : B a, om. — 21. pix^ Qipn : Ch., p-ixa nx, preferred by St., 
5anda, cf. BH ; but ^, which they cite, abbreviates the whole 
passage. — 22. a^ott/n : see Meek, ' The Heb. Accusative,' JBL 1940, 
224 fit. ; St., Holscher regard as a gloss contradicting v.^®, but 
here the prayer is made in the holy place. — 23. icn : see the full 
discussion of the word by N. Glueck in ZAW Beih. 47 (1927). — 
Ti^p'^ : 3 MSS Ti^y"?, and Grr. read as sing., and singularizing the 
foil, ppl-, followed by &^ with plus ' to David my father.' — 24. 
^h mai net* nx : Grr., exc. A = g[, om. through mistranslation of 
ncN lO with a. — 26. nnyi : 35 MSS, Ch.+nirT'=VSS, to be accepted. 
— T131 Kt. : ^r. as sing. =<@ ^ correctly ; cf. similar cases vv.^'- *•. 
— liny'? man ifx : OGrr. om. — 27. o^^SK : Ch. +D1N.T nN = OGrr. 
here, with scruple against nature religion. — ''n"<:a : Grr., exc. A = i3, 
plus ' to thy name,' again with theological restriction. — 28. & 
has an abbreviated form, made basis of various corrections, e.g., 
by Kamp., St., Sanda, but the results are not convincing ; cf. 
Burn., BH. — 29. l^ll : ancient scriptio defectiva ; see Bar, and cf. 
GK §91, k. — DTii T\h'h : so the order of the parts of the ancient 
day, e.g., Gen. i* ; Ch., Grr. with the reverse, and so below, v.^'. — 
30. njnn : 15 MSS n'^sn ; & t. 5er]aeus=x + K. r. Trpocrei'X'jJ, A r. 
<t>uvr]s. — WDv/n hit innB' oipn hn yccm : the prep, "^n with vdc is 
unique, but in the pregnant sense of ' even unto ' is, as Burn, 
shows, illustrated elsewhere, e.g., 6^*, II. lo^*. Ch. corrected the 
prep, to p, and the Grr. to ev. The objection of some critics 
(St. and Haupt at length, Sanda) to the adverbial phrase has been 
commented on above, v.**. On the other hand the unsyntactical 
CDc-n, w.^'- 3*- '*• *^, and the developed phrase -\nzv/ p3D Vn, 
w.»»- "• " (rendered by Ch., VSS, EW with ' in/from heaven,' 
etc.) are to be elided as glosses from the present passage. — 31. 
ntt'N nv. : Ch., dn ; the prevailing text of Gr. oaa av, with variant 
ws av, OS 0.V (the last interpretation appearing in Heb. MS Ken. 
150, rdg. the causative x''t:n''). — kc?: : so Bar, Ginsb.^ BH ; variant 
Nb3, Mich., Ginsb.* ; the variants also in the text of Ch. Gr. 
\a^7] = ^i<m ; W "'i5'"i\ the verb used as tr. of nk':, Dt. 15^, and so 
here=' exact against him a curse.' This rdg. is generally pre- 
ferred ; but Akk. nlSu, ' oath ' (=Heb. root Kiy:, used of ' lifting 
up ' hands at an oath), suggests that Ni^: is here much more tenable. 
— n'?N [n3i] : Grr., k. e^ayopevaij (verb = ' to confess,' e.g., Lev. 5^) ; 
W ' and swear himself ' =^, i.e., as for rhii^ : V ' propter iuramen- 
tum.' See Bum. for several revisions proposed ; preferable is the 
rdg. n'7N3, for which cf. Neh. lo*", nht<2 □"'xn, and so Kamph., St., 
Sanda, BH. — 32. c^':s^'.^ : for the word as secondary, also below, 
see above, v.^". — 33. "its'N : 10 MSS ij=Ch. ; Grr., on. For the 
conditional use of the relative particle see Lexx., and C. Gaenssle, 
AJSL 31 (1915). 109 f.— tVk iO : Ch., OGrr. om.— t'?k 2° : Ch.. 

I. 9'-^^ 203 

T327 ; OGrr. om. — 35. oyjn : so tC ^ ; Grr., raireiraxrTjj airrovi 
(==EVV), i.e., as am {=V 'propter afflictionem suam '), which 
is to be accepted, with Then., al. — 36. Ti^V : 6 MSS ii3j? = Grr., 
as at w.^"- ** ; the sing, to be accepted, with Klost., al. — mm ^3 
!i3 laS^ . . . : St. regards as a gloss ; yet it may be kept as a paren- 
thesis, like Djyn 13, v.^*. — -i)f\H : (g r. yrji', avoiding the provincial- 
ism. — 37. 3vn, 121 : for the rhetorical prefixation of the subject 
cf. Is. 28i». Mic. 5*, as also later in P (Bum.). — pxa lO ; OGrr. 
om. — ]^p'i^ : OGrr. om. — [T-nyiy] pK3 : with Grr., ^ read nnht? ; 
n.b. V ' eius portas obsidens ' ; for the phrase cf. Dt. 12^*, etc. — 
[nhno] Vs : n.b. the asyndeton, as also in v.** ; some MSS prefix the 
conj. in both cases. — 38. '^nik''' IDV bj'? : OGrr. om. ; apparently a 
restrictive gloss to ciKn hjh. — 40. ""JB : MSS 70 94 614 om., and 
so OGrr. — 41. VNisy : MS 70 om., and so &. — VV.*ib. 42a om. 
by OGrr. by homoiot. — 43. nnx : 33 MSS {e.g., 70), Ch., nnm = 
Grr., g>.— 44. i3''J< : 2 MSS, Ch., T'i'-ik =VSS ; but the sing, at 
v.««. nin> Sk : Ch.. t'?k, avoiding the Name ; cf. Grr., ' in the 
name of the Lord.' — 46. ^\SM^ : for the obscure Gr. variants here 
and in Ch. see Burn. — 2''inn : MS 70, Ch., OGrr. om. — 47. niB'm 
□3^ Vn : for the phrase, used of careful consideration, see Dt. 4^*, 
30^- — °'"'"'2'5' : Ch., d;3?*. — [i:«iiv^i]i : 3 MSS, Ch. properly om., and 
even the Grr. retain the asyndeton. — 48. T'J/n : another case of 
the frequent asyndeton in this composition ; 18 MSS, Ch. with 
the conj. = Grr., exc. B A i xaj.— 49. Dastyn . . . onSsn t\h : OGrr. 
om. ; a gloss from v.** ; with Burn., in this case Israel had no 
legal cause. — 62. n^>nb : Ch., i\T, cf. Grr.— 53. For the Gr. trans- 
position of vv. i2f. to "a see Comm. ad loc. — ^54. np : perhaps care- 
less grammar ; the expected cp^i was read or understood by Grr. 
— 56. m.T : Grr. +' to-day ' ; cf. v.".— 58. iJaaS : some 40 MSS 
i3"'33'7=the Grr. with pi. — voEifDi : Grr. om., exc. x. — 59. mv BSiyDi : 
B al. om. by homoiotel. — 10113 : Gr. ev rj/iepa avrov corrupted in 
B Z, 5 minuscc. to eviaurov. — 60. '"ii'i^ : <S Kvpioi o 0eot, and so (6^, 
which omits foil, avros Oeoi. — px : 30 MSS pKi = Grr., ^ '^. — 
61. DsaaS : Grr., V ' our heart.' — n^h'y : Grr. pref. ocriwj.— 62. For 
further textual notes on vv.**-*° see tr. above. — loy Vn-iipi : OGrr. 
as V^ ^i2 : cf. MS Ken. 30, V> Dj;n. — 63. njj : OGrr. as pi.— 65. After 
' before Y. our God ' OGrr. insert " in the house which he built, 
eating and drinking and rejoicing (<S^+and praising) before the 
Lord our God," which is perhaps to be accepted, ace. to BH ; 
but this is a superfluous scene. — 66. D^>2. Grr., k> V prefix ' and.' — 
170:1 nK 13-1311 : (g k. evXoyrja-ev avrov ; (3^ a doublet of <S and ^ (see 
Rahlfs, SS 3, 193) ; St. unnecessarily corrects to " and they blessed 
him " ; Benz., on Gr. authority to " and he blessed it (the people)," 
but the Greeks were ignorant of the use of the Oriental verb. 

Ch. 9^-'. The second vision to Solomon, of conditional 
promise and dire threat. || 2 Ch. 7I1-22 (with long expansion 
of our V.2). The section is a late postlude to the vision in 


2^°'. It is thoroughly Deuteronomic in language, is not 
affected by the Priestly literature. Comm. generally assign 
it to Exilic or post-Exilic composition. But Burney (with 
close study of the language, pp. 129-33) and Sanda argue 
for probable pre-Exilic dating ; there is but a brief reference 
to exile, v,'^ ; cf. Micah's prophecy of the destruction of the 
holy city, Mic. 3^^. For similar hortatory material cf. David's 
charge to his son, 2^'*, of which there is reminiscence here, 
w,*' ^. 8. Read with correction of || : This house shall 
become ruins, as against the absurd shall become lofty ; for 
devious evasions of the text cf. EVV ; of these JV, on Targumic 
authority, interestingly introduces the original text by way 
of a parenthesis : " this house which is so high [shall become 
desolate]." See Note. 

gi**-!©. A miscellany : Solomon's buildings, trade, magnifi- 
cence, cosmopolitan reputation. 

9^°-^^. Solomon's financial dealings with Hiram. I| 2 Ch. 
81- 2 ; cf Ant., viii, 6, 4. 

This brief record must be considerably sifted to obtain a 
historical residuum. The twenty years (v.^°) is evidently sum 
of the 7 years for building the temple and the 13 for building 
the palace (6^^, 7^). There remains : 116. Then king Solomon 
gave to Hiram twenty cities in the land of Galilee ; 14. and 
Hiram sent to the king 120 talents of gold. In JBL 1934, 49, 
the writer has argued for the archival character of the adverb 
' then ' i'dz), occurring in Ki. some thirteen times {e.g., v.^*, 
q.v.), where the original may have given an exact date. The 
bargain between the two kings was for a loan to replenish 
Solomon's empty treasury, for which the latter pawned twenty 
cantons in Gahlee. Sanda endeavours to make exact calcula- 
tions upon the date of the present transaction, proposing that 
the Ophir voyage was subsequent, and its profits refilled the 
treasury, so that the pawned towns could be redeemed ; 
accordingly he accepts the historicity of the parallel in Ch., 
which speaks of " the cities that Huram gave to Solomon " ; 
but this is a bald perversion of our passage. Various hypo- 
theses have been offered by critics for v.^* ; Gratz arbitrarily 
changed the statement into " sent the king to H.," i.e., of 
Solomon's repayment for the pawned cantons ; Benzinger 
makes it a gloss to ' gold,' v.^^. Stade regards the v. as 

I. 91-28 205 

secondary. For the talent see the Archaeologies of Nowack 
(§37) and Benzinger (§42), Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 356 (with 
Ass. relief representing the ring-form of the gold specie) ; for 
calculations of the value of 120 talents Kittel (1900) proposes 
an equivalent of 19^ milHon marks, Sanda (191 1) 25 million 
francs, Meyer (1931) 16 milHon marks — ' but gold of less value 
than now ' {GA 2, 2, 264). There is no control of the large 
figure ; cf. the exorbitant figures for gold, 9^^, lo^*^-. In the 
insertion, of good tradition, vv.^^f.^ jg reported Hiram's dis- 
pleasure at the bargain, when he looked into it ; the name 
of the district, as allegedly given by him, has been, since 
Josephus's day, generally regarded as a depreciatory nick- 
name, and is explained by a forced interpretation of the Heb. 
vocable as meaning ' good for nothing ' (so Moffatt translates). 
But the Grr. translate with the word ' boundary,' opiov, 
identifying kebul of ^ with the common word for ' boundary,' 
gebul, i.e., ' march-land ' ; see Note for the quite possible 
variation between g and k. Then the verb, generally trans- 
lated he called, is to be rendered they called, with impersonal use 
of the sing, verb [cf. Gen. 16^^, etc.), as Sanda has also argued. 
A place of the same name, Kebul, in Asher appears at Josh. 
19", known also from Josephus's Vita, 43 f., XaftaXw, where 
he was posted with his troops for a while, the place surviving 
as Kabul to this day, 8 miles SE of Akko ; see Robinson, LBR 
88 ; Abel, GP 2, 14, 67, 287, the latter scholar suggesting that 
the name is a survival of the Solomonic term. Accordingly 
translate : It was called March-land. For the ancient address 
of courtesy between kings, my brother, cf. 20^2!. _ 

VV.15-23 Solomon's levy and the cities that he built. || 
2 Ch. 8, 3-10 ; cf. Ant., viii, 6, i, 3. 

V.^a is introduction to w.20-23 ; the insertion, w.^^b-w^ 
the list of cities built, is of original archival type, for which 
see the writer's " Archival Data in the Book of Kings." But 
the objective of the passage as a whole is the enslavement of 
the Canaanites, with contradiction of the notion that Solomon 
put his own free people to hard labour ; compare the demo- 
cratic criticism of ' the manner of a king ' put in Samuel's 
mouth (i Sam. ^^^^•), and the actual contradiction of the 
apology here in the revolt against Solomon's tyrannical 
administration as described in ch. 12. 


15a. And this is the business of the levy that king Solomon 
raised to build the house of Yhwh and his own house and the 
Millo and the wall of Jerusalem. For the organized levy see 
Comm. on 4^. There are abundant testimonies to this brief 
statement ; in 51, v. 2* inf., 3I, and ii^'b j jn (g with transla- 
tions of the Heb. texts, 3^ being located at end of eh. 4 and 
with fragments, 2^^^- ^^^^. The presumably oldest form of the 
present datum is ii^'^ (connected with Jeroboam's fortunes) : 
" Solomon built the Millo. He closed up the breach of the 
City of David his father." This full archivally phrased text 
remarkably enough appears here in the Hexapla, e.g., A, also 
^H_ There was prefixed to this text for sake of completeness 
the item of " the building of his house and Yhwh's house " 
(so the order in 3^). There are further echoes of ii^' : for 
" and the Millo and the wall of Jerusalem " Gr. 2^^^^ has 
simply, " then he built the Akra " ; " and the wall of Jeru- 
salem round about "=Gr. 2^^^, cf. 3^ "and the wall of 
Jerusalem." That is, the details of ii^' are variously reduced 
and allocated. For the Millo, traditionally identified with the 
famous Akra of Maccabaean and subsequent ages, see Smith, 
Jerusalem, 2, 40 ff. This identification is regarded as uncertain 
by Burrows, WMTS 66. 

The list of cities built by Solomon is interrupted by a 
pertinent detail of Gezer (v.^^, and the repetition of the name 
in the opening of v.^' — v. inf.) ; with this omitted, the list 
reads : 156. and Hasor, and Megiddo, and Gezer, 17. and 
Lower Beth-horon, 18. and Baalath, and Tamar-in-the-Steppe 
in the Land. Cf. 2 Ch. 8^'®, Ant., viii, 6, i. Reports of the 
building, rather rebuilding, of cities are innumerable in the 
Ass. inscriptions. Closer to hand are the similar inscriptions 
from lands contiguous to Palestine. Mesha of Moab in his 
stele gives a list of some eight cities which ' I built ' ; the 
Syrian stele of Zakar {ca. 800 B.C.) records building operations 
in a broken passage. Indeed the present list may well have 
been taken from a contemporary royal inscription, and this 
is equally possible for later references in Kings to city-building. 
In general, for identification of the cities named see Smith's 
and Abel's Geographies, Watzinger's Denkmaler Paldstinas, 
Galling, BR, and for review of earlier opinions Doller, GES 
160 ff., Sanda, p. 257. Hasor, still Israelite at the end of the 

I. 91-28 207 

Northern kingdom {II. 15^®), has only recently been identified, 
by Garstang in 1926, and as the present Tell el-Kedah (not 
on the Survey Map, but on the recent small Map of the Survey, 
and that of the Am. Bible Society), 4 miles W of the Jesr Banat 
"Ya'kub, the bridge across the Jordan, just south of the Huleh 
Lake ; see Garstang, Liverpool Annals of Archceology and 
Anthropology, 14, 35 ff., and the several references to the site 
by Albright in BASOR 29 (1928), 33 (1929), 47 (1932), 68 
(1937) ; to resume Albright : it has an acropolis half again 
as large in area as Megiddo, was itself a city some eight times 
as large as Megiddo, was " an important link in the chain of 
fortified camps, of rectangular form and earthwork defences," 
on the route of the barbarian irruptions of the i8th century, 
while traces of rebuilding in the loth century are to be referred 
to Solomon's operations. For the recent fruitful excavations 
at Megiddo by the University of Chicago see C. S. Fisher, The 
Excavation of Armageddon (1929) ; P. L. O. Guy, New Light 
from Armageddon (Or. Inst. Communications, No. 9, 1931) ; * 
Olmstead, HPS 343 f. ; Breasted, The Oriental Institute (1933), 
ch. II ; Albright, APB 45 ff. There is difference of opinion 
as to the strata to be referred to Solomon's construction ; 
see Albright in A] A 1935, 138 ; R. S. Lamon, Megiddo I, 
Strata I-V (1939 — by personal communication from Dr. R. M. 
Engberg). Olmstead's and Breasted's volumes, and especially 
Guy's monograph, give illustrations of the royal stables found 
at Megiddo, to which constructions v.^^ refers. But now for 
a later dating of these stables see J. W. Crowfoot, ' Megiddo, 
A Review,' JBL 1940, 132 ff. Such stables have also been 
found at Tell el-Hesy, Gezer, Taanach (Guy, pp. 42 ff.). For 
Gezer there is Macalister's classical Excavation of Gezer, for 
which cf. Albright, APB 25 ff. ; excavation there has been 
renewed by A. Rowe (see the first report in QS 1935, 19 ff., 
with map and 6 plates). For the history of the place see Alt, 
JPOS 1935, 294 ff. ; 1937, 218 ff. Lower Beth-horon is the 
defensive post on the road from the Valley of Ajalon to Gibeon, 
N of Jerusalem, the historical route of advance into the heart 
of the country from Joshua's day to AUenby's campaign (the 
latter described in the last edition of Smith's HG). Baalath 

^ But for final disposal of the current equation of Megiddo and 
Armageddon, see Comm. II. 23^*. 


is doubtless the Danite Baalath, not yet identified, grouped 
with Ajalon, Ekron, Gibbethon, et al., Josh, ig^is- ; cf. Ant., 
viii, 6, I. Tamar is the city placed by Eze. 471^, 48^8, at ths 
southern boundary of the Holy Land, the Thamara of the 
Onomasiicon, now identified with Kurnub, 35 km. SE of 
Beersheba, and as the Onomasticon notes, ' on the route 
between Elath and Hebron ' (see Robinson, BR 2, 622, and 
cf. Albright, JPOS 1925, 44 f.). But a romantic identification 
was early read into the name. In Ch. 8^ it is spelled ' Tadmcr,' 
the item connected with Solomon's operations at Syrian 
Hamath and Sobah ; this reading has been adopted by the 
KrS in our text, and ' Tadmor ' appears here in (gi-. The 
illusion was created by the later fame of Tadmor-PalmjTa, 
situated actually ' in the desert above Sjnia,' as Josephus 
remarks on the present text. This identification is early 
indicated in Gr. 2*^^- ^ by pairing together ' the fortresses of 
the Lebanon and Thodmor [so (§^] in the desert.' V follows 
with the tr., ' Palmyra.' These Bibhcal texts were our earliest 
references to that famous city until Dhorme read the name, 
Tadmar, in an inscription of Tiglath-pileser I, ca. iioo B.C. 
{RB 1924, 106). An Aramaic inscription, as early as 9 B.C., 
has been found there (Cooke, NSI no. 141). See at large 
Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities (1932), cc. 4, 5. It may be noted 
that Forrer, in RA 1, 135, regards the reading of Tadmor 
and so the traditional interpretation as ' durchaus glaub- 
wiirdig.' But there is further definition of the place in our 
text, in the wilderness, in the land. This has ever been a crux 
for translators and commentators (see Notes) ; various addi- 
tions have been proposed for ' the land,' and so Kittel (in his 
Comm.) plus ' of Judah,' arguing that identification with 
Tadmor involved excision of ' Judah.' But the text is fully 
confirmed by explaining ' in the land ' as at 4^^ {q.v.), i.e., 
the native expression for the home-land. The two cases 
corroborate one another. 

The fist follows geographical order, and evinces excellent 
strategical dispositions : Hasor, in the far north near an 
Upper-Jordan ford ; Megiddo, commanding the great hollow 
between Gahlee and the Ephraimite highlands ; Gezer, the 
dower-fief from Pharaoh, on the PhiHstine border, along with 
Beth-horon and Baalath controlling the easiest route into the 

I. 9^-2^ 209 

interior towards Jerusalem ; in the south Tamar, on the route 
to the Red Sea. 

The intruded passage, v.^^, but of original historical 
authority, reads : Pharaoh king of Egypt, having gone up and 
taken Gezer and burned it with fire, and having killed off the 
Canaanite citizenry [Heb. the Canaanite dwelling in the city], 
gave it as dower to his daughter, Solomon's wife. See Comm., 
3^, for the historical circumstances, also for the Greek attach- 
ment of the two verses together and their location at end of 
ch. 4.2 

19. and all the store-cities of Solomon's [OGrr. om.], a7td 
the cities for chariots, and the cities for horses [EVV horsemen], 
and the pleasure of Solomon, what he was pleased to build in 
Jerusalem [om. with OGrr. and in the Lebanon] and in all 
the land of his dominion. The v. is identical with 2 Ch. 8^^, 
the Chronicler having expanded the original and so contamin- 
ated the text here, as the Greek omissions prove. The item 
of chariot cities is supplemented with original details in lo^^fl-. 
The present v. probably expanded a brief termination of the 
archival Ust, naming or referring to these depots for the 
chariots and horses, as in the Zakar stele cited above (Note 
to i^). As observed there, horses is to be read. As for the 
intrusion from Ch., and in the Lebanon, tradition came to 
include that region in the royal domain on basis of 5^*, and 
also because of the item of the House of the Forest of Lebanon 
(7^, 10^^). In this connexion is to be noted the cryptic passage 

in OGrr., 2*®^ : koX 2aXw/xwv rjp^aro avotyeiv ra 8vva(XT€VfxaTa 

[(^^ — reuovra] tov Al/Solvov ; for this see the writer's Note in 
JAOS 1936, 137, interpreting avoiyuv in the frequent sense 
of bk' , ' to breach, capture,' the following unique noun — 
' fortresses,' presenting the object. The passage is thus based 
on a Hebrew original. 

yy 20-23 Resumption of the account of the administration, 
continuing v.^^*, || 2 Ch. 8'"^. The levy, it is alleged {per 
contra, 5^'°-)> bore only upon the unexterminated Canaanites, 
in the language of the Deuteronomists. The Israelites were 

* There is supplementally to be noted Albright's article on ' The 
Gezer Calendar,' in BASOR 92 (1943), 16 ff., placing that remarkable 
relic in Solomon's reign, along with further historical discussion and 
extensive bibliography. 


the royal servants in charge of civil and military administra- 
tion. Only five of the Canaanite peoples are named as against 
the classical seven (Dt. 7I, etc.). The Hex. Gr. interlards the 
two lacking. For ' Hivites ' we have to read throughout the 
Bible ' Horites,' even as this spelling appears in the Grr. at 
Gen. 342, Josh, g'.^ The second of the official titles, EW 

servants,' rather ' ministers ' (see at i^) is properly repre- 
sented by Gr. TraZSes, i.e., ' courtiers ' ; Ch. omits it, perhaps 
from democratic objection. The fourth title (EW ' captains ') 
is etymologically ' thirdhng,' that is the third in the royal 
chariot, along with the king and charioteer, the bearer of the 
shield and bodyguard, the title then developing into a general 
court honour ; see Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 93. Finally 
there are the captains of his chariots and his horses : the 
second item belongs to a late age, after the introduction of 
cavalry. Indeed the whole v. is bombastic and late, as though 
the IsraeUtes were largely royal officers. V.^^ with introductory 
these were is an awkward termination of the whole period ; 
the verbal phrase may well be omitted. The figure ' 550 ' is 
doubtless authentic ; the passage is repeated from the present 
connexion with the figure multipHed at s^" {q.v.) ; see Note 

V.24. Two archival data. Then (^ only) Pharaoh's daughter 
came up out of the city of David to her house that he built for 
her. Then he built the Millo. || 2 Ch. S^^. There is no explana- 
tion of the introductory adverb in H, relieved in EW with 
' but,' by Kittel with ' sofort,' etc. Grr. in one place (g^) 
give the solution with ' then ' (rdg. 'z instead of 'k), and thus 
we have two data, without necessary connexion, the adverb 
in each case representing the original dating in the royal year, 
as noted above. This datum is the basis of 3^ " he brought 
her into David's City, until he finished building his house " ; 
the queen's palace appears in the hst of royal constructions 
(7^^). Ch. presents a gross perversion of the item — the foreign 
queen might not dweU in David's " holy places " whereas the 
Oriental lady always has her own ' house.' 

* For the Hiirrians Horites see Speiser, Mesopotamian Origins (1930), 
ch. 5, in re Hivites, p. 132 ; Albright, SAC 109 ff. (with recent bibho- 
graphy). The extent of Hurrian letters appears now in Speiser's 
' Introduction to Hurrian,' AASOR 20 (1940-41). 

I. 9^-2^ 211 

25. And Solomon was wont to offer three times a year holo- 
causts and peace-offerings upon the altar which he built to 
Yhwh, and to burn incense . . . [^ with it which — cf. EW] 
before Yhwh. And he completed the house. The v. stands by 
itself ; it contains ungrammatical elements. V.^ may be an 
archival element that has been abused ; Kittel would place 
it after v.^^, §anda after g^ ; but it should be left with its 
obscurity in this miscellany. The item may have referred to 
the time before the completion of the temple, when sacred 
functions were celebrated by the king at the renewed Davidic 
altar of 2 Sam. 24^^ ; cf. sup. 8^^. V.^, as it is, is a useless 
repetition ; cf. 6^*, etc. 

yy 26-28_ Solomon's enterprise on the Red Sea. || 2 Ch. 
8^''' ; cf., Ant. viii, 6, 4. 26. And king Solomon made a navy 
at Esyon-geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red 
Sea, in the land of Edom. 27. And Hiram sent in the navy his 
servants, skippers [Heb. men of ships], who knew the sea, along 
with the servants of Solomon. 28. And they came to Ophir, and 
fetched from thence gold, 120 [with <g ; ^ 420 ; Ch. 450] talents, 
and brought it to king Solomon. This is an authentic record, to 
be compared with the Egyptian narratives of similar enter- 
prises in that sea. Only the exaggerated figure for the gold 
is to be corrected. Solomon made use of Phoenician sailors 
and ship-builders on those distant waters {cf. ' the Tarshish 
navy with Hiram's navy,' lo^^) in the same way as the Egyp- 
tian monarchs from the Old Kingdom down employed Giblite- 
Byblian (so specifically) seamen in their enterprises in the Red 
Sea ; see P. Montet, Byblos et I'Egypte (1928/29), especially 
pp. 8 ff., 224 ff. For Queen Hatshepsut's famous enterprise 
to Punt in the first half of the 15th century see Breasted, 
ARE 2, nos. 285 ff., and HE 273 ff. (with the frescos depicting 
the fleet) ; also on the Biblical relations with that quarter the 
writer's Arabia and the Bible, 175 ff. This sea-trade with Arabia 
was undertaken in competition with the Arab monopoly 
of the overland routes, and was resumed by the Persians, 
Greeks and Romans with the final despoilment of the Arab 
monopoly. See more at length Comm., lo^^. Esyon-geber 
was the earlier port, hence located as ' hard by Eloth,' which 
latter name survives as Ayla, near Akaba. Earlier identifica- 
tions of the place {e.g., by Phythian-Adams, QS 1933, 137 ff., 


cf. Montgomery, op. cit., 177, n. 29) have been upset by the 
brilliant discoveries and excavations made by Nelson Glueck, 
formerly director of the American School in Jerusalem, who 
has identified it with Tell el-Kheleifeh, to the west of Akabah, 
now some 500 metres inland, but earlier situated on the Red 
Sea. Only summary reference may be made here to Glueck's 
publications in the Annual of the American Schools, vols. 
18-19 (^939)' ^^^ ^^^ many current reports in the Bulletin, 
nos. 71-2, 75, 79, 80, 82 (1938-41) ; his summary accounts 
in The Other Side of the Jordan, in particular cc. 3, 4, and 
in Smithsonian Report for 1941, pp. 453 ff. ; also more popular 
articles in ILN, July 30, 1938, in Asia, Oct. 1938, Sept. 1939, 
and Nat. Geog. Mag., 1944, 233 ff. He notes three activi- 
ties of this ancient ' factory town,' the smelting of the local 
copper in remarkably devised furnaces, manufacture of copper 
tools, and ship-building. This was accordingly the storehouse 
for Solomon's great supply of bronze. The discovery of pot- 
sherds with South Arabic lettering exhibits the ancient trade 
with Arabia. Cf. the excellent survey of the region, based 
mostly on Glueck's results, in Abel, GP 2, 35 ff., with a final 
section on "La route de cuivre dans la 'Araba." The dis- 
covery of iron deposits and mines in the same region illustrates 
Dt. 8^, and corroborates the tradition of the extensive use of 
that metal in the temple. No exact location for Ophir has 
been discovered ; it doubtless lay in Arabia, despite extrava- 
gant theories ; that land once possessed rich deposits of 
alluvial gold, for which see Arabia and the Bible, 38, n. 5, and 
for Ophir Note below. In earlier literary tradition the present 
passage may have been associated with lo^^, or with the 
account of Solomon's trade in horses and chariots, lo^^'-. 
The passage serves here as preface to the following story of 
the Queen of Sheba. 

1. psfn, |*£3n : emendations have been proposed on basis of v.*' 
and VSS ; see BH. The half-verse appears to be dependent upon 
v.^*, the other buildings of ' Solomon's desire ' are not yet listed. — 
8. ""nnp.T : Grr. pref. a plus. — 4. ."inK : there is no reason, vs. St., 
to elide the word, despite its omission in some pre-Hex. texts. — 
Vn : Ch., ipm=VSS, accepted by St., BH, al. ; but the appositive 
syntax is correct. — 5. hn-w"' h]i : <3^ ' in Jerusalem ' — by historical 
criticism ? — [nn] ha : 23 MSS W, to be accepted ; cf. 2*. — 6. ok : 
2 MSS DJ<i=Ch., VSS, exc. W.—^i^pn: 15 MSS ■'m=VSS, exc. ®; 

I. 91-28 213 

to be accepted. — ""nn: : Grr., ' Moses gave ' ; (£ ' I gave to Moses.' 
— 7. ""an : i MS. Ch.+nin=Grr. — nWx : the Piel is supported by 
Jer. 15I ; Ch. t'^k'k ; for the phrase with the Hif. see II. 13*', etc. 
— nj-'ocSi WdS : the phrase at Dt. 28^', Jer. 24*. — 8. p'''?V :=Grr., 
v<pT]\os ; Ch. expands, i^fhi; n^n nt^x ; tC preserves ancient remin- 
iscence, " this house which was high shall be desolate " (and so 
JV exactly) ; the same adj., ann, in place of 'y, appears in & 
and such is the tr. in % iS. Read i"y^, with Bottcher, al. The 
case is one of alphabetic logomachy ; for such alterations see 
Bleek, Einl., §270. For the phrase here see Mic. 3^^ Jer. 26^*. — 
9. onnx OM'^xa ipinM : the phrase only here and in Ch. ; the verb + 
Yhwh as obj. at Is. 64*. — innc'^i : many MSS nnntyii, and so the 
:^r. — ^2 : <& om. — At end (@ (gi- a plus from v.^*. 

10. nj3 ncN r\w Dntj'y n^po ^^^l : " and it came to pass at the 
end of (the) 20 years that S. took to build," etc. The Heb. is 
good, does not require correction, as with Klost., St., al., and is 
to be construed with the period through v.^^, v.^^* being paren- 
thetical, v.^^'* apodosis ; and so the EW present with proper 
parenthesis. OGrr ignored this syntax, and made revision of the 
opening two words : "in those days [attached to prec. v.]. For 
20 years in which S. built the two houses . . . (v.^^) H. k. of T. was 
helping S." Hex. prefixed from ^ " and it was," then followed 
OGr. — 11. N'^; : but xa-j, 2 Sam. 5*^ ; for confusion of n'V and n"*? 
roots see GK §75, 00. The root is properly w^jwi (see GB), with 
mng. ' to lend ' ; cf. confusion of similar roots at 8^^. — 13. on^ : 
for the inaccurate gender, presumably arising from the vernacular, 
see GK §135, o, citing cases in Ruth, Sam., etc. ; the same phen- 
omenon appears in Ugaritic and is frequent in OAram. A recent 
study by M. G. Slonin, ' The Deliberate Substitution of the Masc. 
for the Fem. Pronominal Suffixes,' JQR 32 (1942), lists this use 
with reference to cities on pp. 149 ff. ; a similar case at II. 18^*. — 
pN : Grr. om., exc. f m w with a plus, v. inf. ; &^ om. in text, 
with gloss of rdg. in Aq., Sym. — Sdd : Grr., Hpiov, ' boundary ' ; 
Jos. renders with Xa^aXoiv, proposing a Phoen. mng., ovk 6.peaKov, 
evidently interpreted as from ka-bal, followed by Ewald and 
successors, as noted above. It is of interest that in his Vita, as 
cited above, Jos. speaks of the place as /j.e06piov to Ptolemais, i.e., 
' a march-land.' For the identification of the word with Sua 
such a process appears in the Amarna letters, e.g., Kubli for Gubli 
(Byblos) ; see F. Bohl, Sprache der Amarnabriefe (1909), §7, d. 
Against the discovery of bal, ' nothing,' in the word, it is to be 
noted that the Grr. read that syllable as bul. For other attempts 
at interpretation see Doller, GES §61. Add to these references the 
Talmudic citation, Sabb. 54a, where "jud is given the mng. of 
' sterility,' with the further remark that " the district was called 
'3 because there were people there who were chained (pS^no) with 
silver and gold " (Jastrow, Diet., 608b). This explains the gloss 
in the three Gr. cursives, cited above, 717 SouXetas Kara, to eySpat/cov 


— 14. nW'' : <& TjveyKev, suggesting Hiram's personal conference 
with Solomon. 

15-26. The transpositions and duplicates in <S (B) are as 

follows: VV."- ""-19. 20-22 =<g IO"-26; v.»«=(§ 4^*; V."=(g 2«». 
^33 . v."=(§ 2"»-*«1; V.23=(g 2»51l ; v.2* = <S 2"'-, Q*". C/. 

Montg., ' The Supplement at End of 3 Kingdoms.' — 15. "inn 
DD,T : Grr., 7] wpay/xareia ttjs Trpovofxrjs ; Trpo;'. =' plundering,' and so 
S>^ ; BH sugg. lan, as read by the translators (?) ; Sym., cited 
in g)H, understood Kieo ' tribute.' — niVd.i : OGrr., r. aKpav, which 
S>^ tr. with reSd, ' the head ' ; Aquilanic gloss in ^h transliterates. 
— For ' Hasor,' etc., <3 has duplicates, 2**'. — 16. i"ii "i"'y3 : <6 
etf Mepya^ — <£■ ; <g^ ev Apoe/3. — □''n'jtJ' : see Burrows, ' The Basis 
of Israelite Marriage,' Am. Oriental Series, 15 (1938), 41 ff. The 
word appears in a Ugaritic poem on marriage of gods in Virolleaud's 
Nikal text (Syria, 17, 209 fE.), line 47 ; cf. Gordon's interpretation, 
BASOR 65 (1937). 29 fE.— 17. ' Beth-horon the Lower ' : <@. ' B. 
the Upper ' ; Ch. has both terms. — 18. rhv^ : & om. here, has it at 
2361^ where Tamar is omitted. — -ron : Kr. "lo-in, and so many MSS 
Kt = 2 Ch. 8* ; <g texts, Qep/xai ; &^ eo8{a)fx.op ; <&h Qepfxad, but ^ 
' Tadmor ' ; V Palmyra.' — pxn ^:3^D3 ; <g om. pN3 in both places ; 
(S 2*»<i has ' in the desert '=Ch. ; <gH • jq the desert and in the 
land,' then omitting the foil, conj., and attaching the second 
phrase to the foil. v. ; g)H • which is in the land, in the desert ' ; 
1§ ' in terra solitudinis.' These variations indicate the embarrass- 
ment of ancient interpreters, followed by modern scholars, e.g., 
B6ttcher+' (land) of Paran ' ; Kit. + ' of Judah ' ; §anda + ' of the 
Negeb ' ; see Comm. — 19. " and all the store cities of Solomon's " : 
<@ om., ^H .X. ; possibly an inset from Ch. — huddd : Akk. maSkdnu ; 
see GB, Bezold, Glossar, 273. — ccns : see above on i*. — pB'n : 
many MSS pref. h2='W % V, by contamination from Ch. — |ua'?ai : 
OGrr. om., an addition by similar process. — inSe-DD : Grr., rov fit) 
Karap^ai avTov=^^, construed with nyn b2, v.*', as subject, i.e., as 
though with prefixed iD=iW^o. — 20. Correct B-f- tov vTrodeSeiyfj-tvov 
vTTo to T. uTToXeXfiMfoi' a7ro = C. — The Grr. have variants for the 
Canaanite names. — 21. i2v dd'? : <$ «s (popov=&^+Sov\etai. — 
22. i^li : Grr., irpay/xa, after Aram. mng. of the root=g)H ; Aq., 
' a doer of service,' i.e., ppl., as at v.^i, which is to be accepted, the 
sing, being used collectively. Ch. clarifies with Qiiay'?. — ■>'<ef'<hef\ t^iv : 
Ch., 'b" nts' ; <@ om. ; <@l inserts later in the series. — 23. casj.T n» : 
Grr. as though 'm c-^an ; the text might well be simplified by 
omitting the first word, along with preceding nSw, as suggested 
above. — ' 550 ' : Ch., ' 250.' — 24. in : (S^ ttX^v ; at 2^"- <6 ovtus, 
by Aram, interpretation {cf. Syr. 'ak, Noldeke, Syr. Gr., §23, C), 
but C ' then ' ; in the citation after 9* <5 has rore, for the doubt- 
less original jk, with further defining gloss, ev t. r]fj.epais eseivait. 
Probably in replaced the awkward m as restrictive particle, " she 
went up only to her house " ; cf. Ch. Also at 9* & has ' his house ' 
and ' for himself,' by misreading of suffix n. — 25. "isfK wn T'??!?'!') 

I. I01-29 215 

man riK d'?b'i m.T ""JD^ : 'beyond translation,* 'conglomeration of 
marginal glosses,' so St. remarks. The first verb should be read 
Topni. The next two words (which (g conveniently ignored, and 
for which <gH has avros), Klost., al., would correct to itfN nx, ' his 
fire-offering,' but, as St. notes, only ' Yhwh ' is elsewhere so 
construed with that noun. Apart from the improper consecution 
of the last verb its mng., ' to finish,' is Aram., not Heb. It may 
originally have stood alone, continuing the previous verbs, with 
the sense of ' paying vows ' {cf. Ps. 76^^), and then misunderstood, 
' the house ' was added as object. — 26. '"^n : sing, as collective, 
ace. to Sem. usage, prevalent in Arab., vs. the fem. of the unit 
in the foil. pi. ; cf. 22*' ; Grr. as sing., but ^^ as pi. ; "^ properly 
' classem.' Grr. +i/7rep 01^, for which Klost. sugg. corruption of 
U(peLpa. — niVx : MSB n'^x, nS'«K=Grr., with -at, as J^, II. 14''*; see 
Note, 4^'. — I'D w : Grr. here exceptionally t. ecrxarTj? da\aff<n}i = 
g)3, and so = f|iD □\ i.e., 'Mare Ultimum,' the Indian Ocean, for 
which see Montg., JAOS 1938, 131 f. — 28. ■tt'Sik : Grr. (exc. g e^) 
with initial sigma, which is naturally explained as dittog. from 
prec. [ei]f. and so Rahlfs, SS 3, 100. However this spelling is 
constant in the Sept. as also in Jos., and the new form came to 
have its own geographical identification ; see W. E. Clark, AJSL 
36 (1920), 113, who also notes the Gr. of Gen. 10'° Sw^T/pa opoj 
avaTo\(j}v, and Jerome's comment thereon {PL 23, 970), ' mons 
orientis pertinens ad Indiae regionem.' Growing knowledge of the 
Orient may have identified this ' Sopher ' with the Indian port, 
ancient Suppara, modern Sopara, near Bombay ; see Periplus 
ErythrcBi Maris, ch. 52, and Schofif's translation and comments, 
PP- 43. 197- 

loi-io. 13. The visit of the Queen of Sheba. || 2 Ch. qI-s- 12 ; 
cf. Ant., viii, 6, 5f. The narrative is interrupted by a paren- 
thesis, vv.^^'-, an editorial footnote ; see below. The narra- 
tive is still regarded by many historians as a legend, so 
Meyer, GA 2, 2, 268 ; Olmstead, UPS 341, while Lods and 
Robinson ignore it. That a Yemenite queen (Josephus makes 
of her ' a queen of Egypt and Ethiopia ') should have travelled 
some 1400 miles for such a visit is out of question, while the 
item of Arabian queens has appeared absurd. But the Sab- 
aeans were still in North Arabia, had not yet pressed south, 
although doubtless, like the later Nabatseans, they controlled 
the northern trade-routes from South Arabia ; they are listed 
with Massa, Teima, Ephah, aU northern tribes, in Gen. 252^*, 
and the tradition of Job makes them neighbours and plunderers 
of the land of Uz (Job i^^). Remarkably enough the Assyrian 
records of the eighth and seventh centuries give the names of 


five North Arabian queens, and queens appear in the North 
Minaean and the late Lihyanian inscriptions ; indeed late 
legend would hardly have invented a queen. ^ Legend has 
naturally developed about the historical tradition and insisted 
on the pomp and pride of the royal meeting. In matter of 
fact sheer diplomacy would have been the object of the 
queen's visit, politely veiled in the desire to behold the king's 
glory. Kittel {GVI 2, 153) compares the visit of Hittite 
Hattushil to Ramses II on the occasion of the marriage of his 
daughter to the latter (Breasted, HE 439), although the father's 
visit is denied by Meyer {GA 2, i, 485). It is of interest, as 
Meyer observes, that a romantic legend grew up in Egypt 
about this foreign princess, preserved in a late narrative {ARE 
3, 429 ff.). For the ancient cosmopolitan interest in wisdom 
see Comm. above, ^^^•. 

3. And Solomon told her all her questions : so EVV ; but 
the same verb is translated at Jud. 14^2 with ' declaring ' a 
riddle ; rather in modern English, S. explained all her problems 
[Heb. words.'] 4. And the queen of Sheba saw all the wisdom of 
Solomon, and the house which he built, etc. ' Wisdom ' is used 
here in the older sense of practical sagacity (see above, on 
3^2-), in particular of Solomon's construction and equipment 
of his palace (not the temple). 5. The v. nicely dehneates 
the womanly observation of details : the food of his table, and 
the seating of his courtiers, and the attendance [Heb. standing] 
of his servants, and his [with most Grr. ; ^ their] apparel, 
and his drinking-service [EVV cup-bearers], and ''his holocaust 
which he was wont to offer in'' [?] the house of Yhwh. It is a 
matter of taste to decide between ' his ' and ' their ' apparel ; 
the former is preferred by Stade, Sanda, the latter by Kittel ; 
but it is best to preserve the sing, pronoun throughout. Cf. 
also the word of Jesus on Solomon's array, Mt. 6^9. There is 
question over the word translated drinking-service, i.e., the 
plate for serving wine ; but cupbearers were included in the 
servants. The viniculture of Syria-Palestine was famous from 
of yore ; there may be noted the Egyptian Sinuhe's experi- 

^ See Montg., Arabia and the Bible, 58 ff., 180 ff. ; Sanda, ad loc, 
the only commentator who has presented these historical data ; also, 
in extenso, Lagrange, RB 1902, 256 ff. ; 1927, 597, and Hommel, EGAO 
142 ff.. and his treatment of Sabaean history in Nielsen, HAA 65, 75. 

a -29 

1. lo^-^" 217 

ences [ca. 1970 B.C.) in Syria, declaring that there " wine was 
more plentiful than water " (Gressmann, ATB i, 56 ; Barton, 
AB 372). The Ras Shamra texts constantly refer to wine and 
wine-cups, e.g., the luscious scene in the introduction to the 
Anat Poem, i Ch. 27^' records the wine-cellars attributed to 
David's menage. The climax of marvels was, according to 
the common modem translation, the great holocausts of the 
king, the spectacular ritual, as it were fascinating the woman's 
eye. But Ch. gives a variation of spelling for the critical word, 
and the change induced here the usual translation (GV FV 
EVV, exc. JV), ' his ascent by which he went up into — ,* 
following Jewish tradition and comm. This ' ascent ' was 
identified by the rabbis with ' the ascending causeway ' of 
I Ch. 26^^ (see Lightfoot, ' Descriptio templi ' in his Opera, 
I. 559 I c/- Keil) ; but why this architectural item should have 
been selected is not obvious. With slight change of ^ here 
we can obtain his going up hy which he ascended to Yhwh's 
house, and the reference would then be to the great proces- 
sionals ; cf. the Psalms of Ascent. And there was no more 
spirit in her : so EVV ; but following the original physical 
meaning of the Heb. noun, she ' was left breathless ' by her 
amazement. 6. EVV, concerning thy acts and concerning thy 
wisdom : but read with Grr., concerning thee, etc, 7. Heb., 
thou hast added wisdom and goodness to the fame that I heard : 
OGrr. lack ' wisdom and,' Ch. om. ' and goodness.' What is 
meant by the latter word is not at all clear, as the variety of 
trr. exhibits : Grr., ayaOd, V ' opera,' EVV ' prosperity.' It 
does not mean ethical goodness in the modern English sense ; 
it might mean Uberality, but this royal characteristic is pre- 
sented below. The sentence may possibly be translated, 
following OGrr., with thou hast added much to the fame which I 
heard (see Note). 8. Happy thy men ! : but this is redundant 
along with the following congratulation of the courtiers ; the 
Grr. have thy wives {i.e., n§yk for 'nsyk), followed by ^^ ^ g[^ 
and this correction is to be accepted with modern commenta- 
tors in general ; here again a case of feminine psychology. 
Prof. P. K. Hitti has informed the writer that it is good 
Oriental etiquette for a lady to ask after a gentleman's wife, 
not for a gentleman to do so. But to later moralizing those 
wives of Solomon's were a bete noire, cf. ch. 11. 13a. EVV, 


And king Solomon gave to the queen of Sheba all her desire, 
whatsoever she asked, beside that which Solomon gave her of his 
royal bounty. But the English tries to improve upon the Heb., 
which reads, apart from what he gave her according to the hand 
of king Solomon. This awkward sentence is to be reheved 
by omitting with some Gr. MSS and most VSS the final 
Solomon, with the resultant by royal bounty, even as the phrase 
is used at Est. i', 2^®. All her desire has been romantically 
interpreted by Jewish legend as of the queen's desire for off- 
spring by Solomon, and so Rashi comments : " He went in 
unto her, and there was born of her Nebuchadnezzar." ^ 

yy 11. 12 Solomon's imports from the Red Sea. || 2 Ch. 
gio. 11 . ^y_ Ant., viii, 7, i. This interpolation in the above story 
is independent of the other two similar notes, 926-28^ ^j^(j 
infra, v.^^, all of them indeed independent. 11. Hiram's navy 
is specified as Phoenician even more exactly than at g^^f. ; 
Ch. reheves the notion of alien control by substituting ' the 
servants of H. and of S.' The almug timbers (so pi. in ^) 
remain a mystery as to botanical identity and origin. Ch. 
has ' algum ' ; Grr. vary between two contradictory words, 
' plane ' and ' unplaned ' (wood) ; Jos. makes it a pine-wood ; 
Sym. and ^ translate with ' thyina,' a N. African wood used 
for fine furniture ; Aquila identifies with amber, the Talmud 
with red coral (Jastrow, Diet.). Since the botanist Celsus 
(1748) the identification with Indian sandalwood has become 
common, and has been adopted by JV — this supported by 
alleged etymology from Sanskrit ' valgu ' ; but see the San- 
skritist W. E. Clark's fuU discussion of ' The Sandalwood and 
Peacocks of Ophir,' AJSL 36 (1920), 103 ff., dismissing as 
wholly unproved any Indian etymology. An ingenious sugges- 
tion, presented by Sanda, identifies the word with Egyptian 

* For the Jewish development of the story and the riddles the queen 
put to the king see Targum 2 to Esther, ch. 2 ; Fabricius, Codex 
Pseudepigraphicus, 1013 S. ; Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, vol. 4 ; 
for the Ethiopic saga of the descent of the Abyssinian d5Tiasty from 
the union of the couple, Budge, The Queen of Sheba (1922). For the 
Arabic romance of the Bilkis legend (so the lady is named), in which 
Solomon's answer to the riddle she proposed to him converted her to 
the true religion, see the text in the Chrestomathy of Socin's Arabic 
Grammar (1922), and cf. Rosch, JPT 6, 544 flf. For comparative stories 
see Frazer, Folklore in the O.T., 2, ch. 10. 

I. ioi-29 219 

kmy, which he finds in Herodotus's word Kofi/xi (ii, 96), then 
supposing that the initial syllable is the Arabic article, thus 
approving the spelling of Ch. ; however, Herodotus merely 
states that the sap of the wood in question (aKavOr), Mimosa 
Nilotica, still used for ship-building in Egypt) is /co'/a/xi, i.e., 
gum ; see also Albright, AJSL 37 (1921), 144 f. ; 39 (1922), 31. 
12. The word translated pillars in EVV (but the Heb. word 
is sing.), following the VSS, ' supports,' on the basis of the 
Heb. root, is unknown for its technical mng. ; Ch. appears 
to have guessed at it with ' highways '=EVV ' terraces,' JV 
' paths.' The further reference to the use of the wood for 
musical instruments shows that it was of dehcate nature, 
used perhaps for inlay, wainscotting. 

yY_i4-29 jj^jg section is a compilation of membra disjecta, 
following clues in the story of the Queen of Sheba's visit. 
YY 14-25 accumulate the items of Solomon's wealth and mag- 
nificence ; vv.^^- ^^ state his yearly income in taxes and customs 
duties ; vv.^^- ^'^ describe the honorific golden shields in his 
palace, and vv.^^"^" his throne of ivory and gold — the latter 
two sections having early documentary basis ; v.^^ is an 
exaggerated item on the golden service in the palace, which 
induces, v.^^^ citation from a source parallel to 926-28^ jqH^ 
relating to his imports by sea ; vv.^^"^^ are a summary climax 
on his wisdom and wealth. Finally there is a postscript, 
vy 26-29^ concerning his accumulation of chariots and horses, 
parallel to 5^ ; the interpolated v.^', a commonplace upon 
his wealth, intruded from Ch., is followed by a record of his 
trading in horses and chariots, also of ancient origin. The 
materials have been loosely shuffled about, recalling the two 
pots pourris in Gr. 2^^^ «^<i> *^^ ^eq.^ cf. a brief Note by the 
writer in JBL 1931, 115 f. 

YY 14. i5_ Solomon's income. I| 2 Ch. 913. i4; cf. Ant., viii, 
7, 2. After the interlude of the Queen of Sheba's visit the 
register of Solomon's wealth and glory is resumed. For the 
meagre details we possess of the royal budget see Bertholet, 
History of Heb. Civilization, 249 ff., and Lurje, Studien, 27 ff. 
The enormous figure of 666 talents gold for yearly royal income 
is a late exaggeration ; the sum may have been reached ap- 
proximately, with Sanda, by adding the previous figures for 
gold, at 9^^- 2^, 10^''. On the other hand the comparatively 


petty item of v.^^*, the taxes on the traders, may well be an 
early note, and possibly was a postscript to ch. 9. But v.^^'' 
appears to be late, lamely introducing the tribute of kings and 
satraps after the merchants and pedlars, a criticism supported 
by the use of the Akk. word for satraps (as the Gr. translates 
it here, EVV governors), a word however early domesticated in 
Syria, being put in Syrian mouths at 20^*. The difficulty in the 
brief phrase of v.^^^, js glossed over in the translations, e.g., 
JV, heside that which came of the merchants and of the traffic 
of the traders ; but the Heb. for the first noun- is the impossible 
men of the merchants ; the text is clarified by the Grr., which 
read or understood 'nsy for 'nsy, with the resultant taxes of 
the merchants. In the later addition, v.^^^, the current kings 
of the mixed people (RVV JV) must be replaced with kings 
of Arabia (or better the Arabs), with Aquila, Sjmi., and so 
AV here. On the general correction of the Heb. word, with 
one possible exception, Ex. 12^*, see Arabia and the Bible, 
29, n.5. The reference to taxation of international merchand- 
izing is of interest as probably the earliest record of the kind 
that we possess. Such excises were highly developed in the 
ancient Orient ; the factor entered into the appreciation of 
Indian wares, which reached Rome at one hundred times their 
original cost according to Pliny, NH, vi, 26. For later local 
octrois of this nature is to be compared the Palmyrene Tariff 
(Cooke, NSI no. 147, with parallel texts listed, p. 332). The 
history of the Crusades presents the flourishing and profitable 
character of this method of taxation. 

VV.16- 17. The golden shields. || 2 Ch. 915. le ; cf. Ant., viii, 
7, 2. Two patterns of shield are denoted : the first {sinndh) 
the long shield proper, covering the length of the body, and 
the small round shield [mdgen) ; AV RV JV call the former 
' target,' RV-^™ ' buckler,' which is preferable, and they agree 
for the latter word with ' shield ' ; but the two terms of the 
Enghsh should be exchanged, and so below. For these varieties 
of shields see Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, 1, 428 ff. ; 
Meissner, Bah. u. Ass., i, 96 f. As appears from the later refer- 
ence to these shields upon Shishak's looting of the palace 
(142^0-), and their replacement by Rehoboam with bronze 
shields to be worn by the guard when the king went into the 
house of Yhwh, these shields were of honorific use ; they might 

I. 10I-29 221 

be compared with the chivalric shields hung in chapels of the 
knightly orders, as here they are hung in the Lebanon Palace, 
But they were also carried pompously into battle, as a list 
of David's booty shows (2 Sam. 8'). The word translated 
beaten [gold] in EVV, i.e., hammered, refers to gold inlay and 
overlay ; the shields were not of solid gold. The figures differ 
in the textual authorities. For the 200 shields of ^ (=Jos.), 
Grr. have 300. Sanda observes that according to 2 Sam. 15^^ 
David's bodyguard numbered 600 men, and this may well 
account for the higher figure of the Greek, i.e., 300 shields + 
300 bucklers =600 in all. To each shield was applied 600 
(shekels) gold, the denomination being omitted as frequently, 
e.g., Gen. 24^^ ; to each buckler three minus gold, for which Ch. 
has ' 300 (shekels) gold ' ; the mina then containing 60 shekels, 
thus giving a figure two-thirds larger than Ki. ; the denomina- 
tion in minas here is remarkable. Also the Grr. have for the 
gold value of the shield 300 shekels vs. 600 of ^. Sanda has 
attempted calculation of the value of the gold, as at 4,000,000 
francs (value as of the year 191 1) ; but the figures are 
historically most dubious. 

VV.i8-2o_ The gold and ivory throne. || 2 Ch. gi'-i^ ; cf. 
Ant., viii, 5, 2. With this description is to be compared that 
of Ashurbanipal's throne ; see Luckenbill, ARA 2, §§1012-14 ; 
Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 2, cuts 117, 118. 18. For the proble- 
matic word, translated pure {gold), see Note. 19. ^ and the 
top of the throne was round{ed) behind ='EYY ; this is to be 
corrected with the Grr. : and the throne had a calf's head at 
its back. The Masoretic pointing changed the original word, 
doubtless to get rid of unhappy associations with the calf, as 
in the case of Aaron and the people (Ex. 32), and of Jeroboam 
{inf. 12^^^-). Ch. replaced the word with the less objectionable 
' lamb,' which an arbitrary change of pointing in most MSS 
and edd. changed into ' footstool ' ; see Note. The lamb 
had its vogue in ancient art ; Meissner, i, 248, gives a cut of 
a ' Prunkstuhl ' decorated with lambs' heads, and Sanda cites 
the throne of a seated Baal flanked with lambs (from Frohn- 
meyer-Benzinger, Bilder atlas, 129). There were six steps to the 
throne : this structure, with a seventh level for the dais, has 
been well compared with the seven levels of Babylonian cosmog- 
ony and the seven stories of Babylonian temples (A. Wiinsche, 


Salomos Thron u. Hippodrom, 1906 ; Gressmann, Die alteste 
Geschichtsschreibung u. Prophetic Israels, 219 ; C. R. North, 
ZAW 1932, 28). 19. 20. And there were arms [EVV stays] 
on either side of the place of the seat, And there were two lions 
standing beside the arms, and twelve lions standing ''there^ 
[OGrr. om.] on the one side and on the other upon the six 
steps. The Hon was type of royal strength, possibly once 
the totem of Judah ; cf. Gen. 49^, Rev. 5^ ; but it was a 
common theme in such art. There is the early occurrence of 
stone Hons at Tell Halaf ; see von Oppenheim, pp. 85 ff., 
with plates. Bronze Hons were frequent in Syrian art (Dussaud, 
SAM plates 19, 23), and Parrot has recently discovered at 
Mari bronze Hons, ' of menacing attitude ' {Syria, 1938, pt. i, 
pi. x; ILN, May 28, 1938). Sennacherib proudly describes 
the bronze lion-colossi furnishing his palace [ARA 2, §§367, 
391). The sphinx appears on either side of the throne of 
Hiram of Tyre (Dussaud, pi. 7). This ivory and gold throne 
is abundantly illustrated from ancient sources. Ashur-nasir- 
pal of Assyria received from an Aramsean king, Ammibaal, 
' ivory couches overlaid with gold ' {KB i, 92 ; ARA i, §466) ; 
Hezekiah of Judah sent to Sennacherib beds and chairs of 
ivory (see Comm. on II. i8i^b). See further Comm. on 2239f- 
for the recent marvellous finds of ivory at Megiddo, Samaria, 
and elsewhere. Ivory was weU into the first miUennium B.C. 
a product of the North Syrian lands, where the elephant still 
roamed. Thutmose II received tribute of elephants from 
Syria, and Thutmose III took part in a hunt of 120 elephants 
near the upper Euphrates (Breasted, HE 271, 304). Tiglath- 
pileser I hunted and captured elephants in Mitanni-land {ARA 
I, §247) ; elephants are portrayed on Shalmaneser Ill's Black 
Obelisk {cf. Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., 2, 270, 273, 326). For the 
ancient wide distribution of the Asiatic elephant see C. W. 
Bishop, ' The Elephant and its Ivory in Ancient China,' 
JAOS 1921, 290 ff. But v.22 with its reference to ivory im- 
portation from the Red Sea, suggests another quarter for the 
supply. This description of the throne is doubtless authentic, 
based, as its simple terms suggest, upon an early document. 
For the later marvellous Jewish legends about this throne, 
with its wonderful mechanical equipment, see Targum 2 to 
Esther, ch. 2, Ginzberg, Legends, and Wiinsche, cited above. 

I. 10^ '2^ 223 

V.^*, on Solomon's all-gold service vessels, is a late exaggera- 
tion indeed. 

V.22. The source of Solomon's gold and silver and other 
exotic imports. || 2 Ch. 9^1 ; cf. Ant., viii, 7, 2, 3. The v. is 
parallel to g26-28^ jq^^, but of different content. The earlier 
authentic references to Hiram's fleet are augmented here with 
the king's Tarshish fleet along with Hiram's fleet ; this statement 
suggests a free port for both parties. For the term ' Tarshish 
fleet ' used of ships in waters of the Indian Ocean cf. the term 
* Hittite,' i.e., Phoenician, used by Sennacherib for the fleet 
built for his operations in the Persian Gulf by Phoenicians, 
and manned by ' Tyrians, Sidonians, lonians (?) ' [ARA 2, 
§§319. 329, 350) ; cf. Olmstead, HA 200, and Hall, AHNE^ 
488, with accompanying plate from an Assyrian monument 
depicting such a ship with its oarsmen in action.^ Once 
in three years the Tarshish fleet would come in (to port). 
L. WooUey, in his Abraham (1936), p. 121, sums up a still un- 
published document from Babylonian Ur, reporting a voyage 

' Tarshish has generally been identified with Classical Tartessos on 
the Guadalquivir, N. of Cadiz, on the Atlantic front ; see A. Schulten, 
Tartessos (1922) ; Meyer, GA 2, 2, 94 flf. (in his chapter on the PhcEni- 
cians, pp. 61-136) ; A. Herrmann, Die Erdkarte der Urbihel, with an 
Appendix on Tartessos ; Tozer, History of Ancient Geography, Add. 
Note, p. iv. Schulten's very high dating for the founding of the colony 
is sharply criticized by Meyer, p. 105, n. 2, the latter dating the event 
in the nth century. P. Bosch-Gimpera dates it as not much earlier 
than the 8th century, Klio 22 (1929), 345 fE., with reply by Schulten, ih., 
284 ff. ; Albright's dating, as cited below, is ca. 950. The place-name 
appears on an alabaster tablet of Esarhaddon's, with correction of 
previously read ' Nusisi,' in ARA 2, §710 ; see Meyer, p. 102, n. 2. 
The place is aligned with C5rprus and Yawan (Greece) as subject to 
the royal power. Also in another text of Esarhaddon's (§690) Carthage 
is named. The Grr. translate the word with ' Carthage ' at Is. 23*, 
Eze. 27I*. C has here ' an African ship.' Ch. has the fleet sailing to 
Tarshish. Josephus with his ' Tarsian sea ' identified the place with 
Tarsos. The most trenchant fresh point in archaeology is Albright's 
definite reading of the initial line of a stone inscription from ancient 
Nora in Sardinia {CIS I, 144 ; Cooke, NSI, no. 41) : htrSS . . . Srdn. 
in Tarshish . . . Sardinia.' See his presentation, with fresh translation 
of the text, in BASOR 83 (1941), 14 fi., and his further discussion at 
large in the Leland Volume, pp. 41 f. He derives the noun from Akk. 
raSdSu, ' to melt,' with a parallel Arabic root, and holds that the term 
means a refinery and in the inscription refers to a local smelting-place. 


of two years from and back to that harbour. (The writer owes 
the following citation to the kindness of Professor Albright.) 
" We have the bill of lading of one such (ship) that in circa 
2040 B.C. [Albright corrects to ca. 1830] had come up from 
the Persian Gulf after a cruise of two years ; it brought copper 
ore and gold and ivory, hard woods for the cabinet-maker, 
diorite and alabaster for the sculptor's workshop. Not all of 
these things would have come from the shores of the Gulf 
itself, but from much farther afield, carried in foreign vessels 
to be transshipped in the Gulf ports." He mentions in par- 
ticular lapis lazuli, brought via Persia from the Pamir Kioun- 
tains. If commerce as far as India is to be found in the 
Biblical passage, the round voyage, with many transship- 
ments, in the third year is most reasonable. For the Indian 
voyages in a later age see W. H. Schoff, The Periplus of the 
Erythraan Sea, with its valuable notes. In the present case 
the products brought back, in addition to gold and silver, were 
ivory and apes and peacocks, according to current translations, 
based on the VSS subsequent to the OGrr., the latter having 
for the three terms only two, ' stones carved and cut ' (?). 
Jos. presents ' much ivory, Ethiopians and apes.' The word 
here and in Ch. for ' ivory ' is unique ; it means ' elephant- 
tooth.' The following two words are now to be interpreted 
as of ape-species, for convenience of translation as apes and 
baboons ; see Albright, AJSL 37 (1921), 144. In a personal 
communication the same scholar notes the use of Egyptian 
originals of these two words as occurring together among the 
rarities that the Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor reports as 
brought home from the voyage (Erman, Lit. Anc. Egyptians, 
34). A species of baboon still exists in the Yemen and 
Hadhramaut (G. W. Bury, Arabia Infelix [1914], 27 f. ; British 
Admiralty's Handbook of Arabia, 227). Monkeys from Punt, 
Somaliland, were a favourite import de luxe into Egypt, e.g., 
the report on Hatshepsut's Red Sea expedition {ARE 2, §265 ; 
Breasted, HE 276). The like zoological interest appears 
in an Assyrian monarch. Ashur-nasir-pal tells of his cap- 
ture and caging of divers wild animals, including the elephant, 
and sending them to his capital ; and a reUef represents the 
bringing of tribute of monkeys to him {ARA i, §519 ; 01m- 
stead, HA 95, and fig. 59). See at large W. C. McDermott, 

I. ioi-^» 225 

The Ape in Antiquity (Baltimore, 1938). No etymological 
corroboration of the traditional translation ' peacocks,' an 
Indian bird, has been found ; see Clark's article cited above 
on vv.^^- ^^. For importation of foreign birds by Assyrian 
monarchs see Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 223, 353 (with a possible 
reference to the peacock), and in extenso Albright and Dumont, 
JAOS 1934, 108 f. W. F. Bad6, discussing a seal representing 
' an exquisitely carved cock,' found at Tell en-Nasbeh, of date 
ca. 600 B.C., suggests, following Maisler, that also the word in 
our passage refers to this only late domesticated fowl, and so 
Albright, loc. cit. For importation of the peacock into the West 
see E. H, Warmington, Commerce between the Roman Empire 
and India (1928), 147, 152. But proof of IsraeHte trade with 
India is not demonstrated by our text. 

YY 23 -25_ jj^g fame of Solomon's wealth and wisdom beyond 
all the kings of the earth, and how all the world attended upon 
him to hear his divine wisdom, bringing their respective annual 
tributes. || 2 Ch. 922-24 . (-j-^ Ant., viii, 7, 3. Cf. 5^^-, with here 
superabundant exaggeration, e.g., all the world, and each one 
his tribute, by rate year by year — ' tribute ' as the context re- 
quires, not ' present ' with EVV. V.^^ appears to be phrased 
after the pompous lists of booty in Ass. inscriptions ; e.g., a 
text of Tiglath-pileser III : " Tribute of . . . (named kings of 
Syria and Arabia), gold, silver, lead, iron, elephants' hides, 
ivory . . . garments . . . lambs . . . winged birds . . . horses, 
mules, cattle, sheep, camels, she-camels with their young I 
received " {ARA i, §772 ; Rogers, CF 316 ; Barton, AB 464). 
A more limited parallel appears in the report of the author 
of the Periplus of the tribute rendered to the Arabian king 
of Muza : " horses and sumpter-mules, vessels of gold and 
poHshed silver, finely woven clothing and copper vessels " 
(Schoff's tr., §24). The word currently translated for one of 
the gifts as armour should be rendered myrrh, or stacte with 
the Grr. ; for this reading see Note, and for that valuable 
commodity in ancient trade Schoff, pp. 112 ff. 

YY.26-29^ Solomon's chariotry and horses, and his trade in 
horses and chariots. || 2 Ch. i^^- 1', with duplicate, 925-28- 
cf. Ant., viii, 7, 3, 4. V.^' is a late intrusion on the cheapness 
of silver {cf. v.^i) and cedar in the realm, probably introduced 
from Ch. 26. And Solomon collected chariotry and horses, and 


he had 1400 chariots and 12,000 horses, which he stationed in 
the chariot cities and Hn the royal quarters'" [Heb. with the king] 
in Jerusalem. See Note on i^ for the word generally trans- 
lated horsemen ; horsemen were not deposited as though in 
barracks in the chariot cities. The figure for chariots, 1400, 
is expanded in 5« to ' 40,000 horse-stalls,' while the figure 
in Ch. 925 is 4000. <g (B a.^) here also has 4000, which is 
expanded by all other MSS and ^h to 40,000, and so the 
figure in Gr, 2*^' ; Jos. discovered 22,000 horses. These 
are classic instances of the expansion of numerals in text- 
tradition. For ' stables ' the Grr. have a novel interpreta- 
tion, ' mares ' (see Note). The figure of 1400 chariots — not 
a round number — is quite credible. Ancient tradition reports 
900 chariots for Sisera (Jud. 4^) ; Shalmaneser III records 
for his invasion of Syria in 854 B.C. booty of 1200 chariots 
from Ben-Hadad of Damascus, 700 from Hamath, 2000 from 
Ahab the IsraeHte {ARA i, §611, CP 295 f., AB 458), and for 
his invasion twelve years later booty of 1121 chariots of 
Hazael {ARA §663, CP 303, AB 459). Royal stables in definite 
chariot cities are now brilliantly confirmed and illustrated by 
the University of Chicago's expedition at Megiddo, with the 
uncovering of stabUng for some 400 horses ; see Comm., 9^^ 
(where, however, the present doubt as to their Solomonic con- 
struction is cited). For traces of stables at Tell el-Hesy and 
Beth-shean see Watzinger, DP i, 87 f. Sanda notes that 
Jos. 195 lists along with Ziklag two places called Chariot- 
House and Mare-Court, which may go back to Solomon's 
foundations. There may be noted Josephus's report, however 
extravagant, of the fine stone roads laid out by Solomon, and of 
his frequent excursions with a brilHant knightly party to Ethan, 
50 furlongs distant, a paradise of waters, probably the earliest 
reference to the Pools of Solomon, 8 miles S of Jerusalem. 

28. And for the export (=: import) of the horses for Solomon 
from Musri [^ Misraim-Egypt] and Jrom Kue'' [with Grr., 
V] the royal traders would bring them from Kue'^ [with Grr., V] 
at a (fixed) price. 29. Atid a chariot came up by export (lit., 
and came out) from Musri [^ Misraim] at six hundred [Grr., a 
hundred] (shekel-weight) silver, and a horse at one hundred and 
fifty [Grr., fifty], and so for all the kings of the Hittites and the 
kings of Syria, making export (=import) through their agency. 

I. 101-29 227 

Even with certain corrections of text the whole passage 
reads roughly, much like a business memorandum. The Grr. 
and V have preserved a true and interesting item, first identi- 
fied by Lenormant {Histoire ancienne, 3, 9), namely the ancient 
trade-relations with Kue, i.e., Cilicia. The trouble the word 
has given to translators appears in modern VSS : GV ' allerlei ' 
(from the mng. of the Heb. word as ' collection ') ; FV ' fil ' ; 
Tremellius and Junius, ' netum ' (yarn), and so AV, ' linen 
yarn ' ; these following Rashi, Kimchi, with reference to the 
fine Hnen of Egypt ; RVV ' droves ' ; finally JV ' from 
Keveh,' and Moffatt and Chic. B., ' from Kue ' ; see Note. 
Further, Winckler brilliantly identified at least the first 
' Misraim ' with the land of Musri, the later Cappadocia, 
lying N of the Taurus ; and later the kings of Musri, with 
same correction of ^, appear as confederates of the invading 
Hittites, II. 7^. These two lands are known from the Ass. 
inscriptions, and in one case are named together, in Shal- 
maneser Ill's Monolith Inscription (col. ii, 92 ; ARA 1, §611, 
CP 296, AB 458) ; see Winckler, KAT 238, for his early 
discussion. And now Kue appears as one of the allies of 
Ben-Hadad of Damascus against Zakar of Hamath in the 
latter's 8th-century inscription, and the other name, Msr, 
occurs in the Aramaic Sujln text {ca. 755 B.C., line 5 of tablet i ; 
Bauer's ed., pp. i ff., with hterature on Musri, p. 10). For the 
location of these lands see S. Smith, Early History of Assyria, 
262, 389 ; CAH 3, 357, 474 ; also for Musri cf. Alt, ZDMG 
1934, 255, n. I. Thus two new names of district and folk 
have been added to the Hebrew lexicon. Anatolia, the land 
of all the kings of the Hittites (for which people see Comm., 
II. 7®) and in particular Musri were lands of horse-breeding, 
as has been known from the Amarna letters and subsequent 
Ass. texts at length, with which are to be compared Eze. 
27I*, 38^2- ■*. The early intensity of Anatohan horse-breeding 
is exhibited in the Hittite text on horse-training published by 

* See Meissner, Bab. u. Ass., i, 2175.; CAH 3, 256; Meyer, GA i, 
2, §§455. 577 (note his denial, p. xx, of the horse as ridden by the 
Indogermans) ; Olmstead, HA, Index, s.v. ; A. Gotze, Hethiter, Chur- 
riter u. Assyrer (1936), Index, s.v. ' Pferd ' ; GalHng, BR ' Pferd (u. 
Wagen),' with statement that the ridden horse did not appear in 
Assyria until the 8th century. See also Note on i^. 


Hrozny, Arch. Or., 3 (193 1), 431 ff., and the extension of the 
industry into Syria is now shown by the Ugaritic veterinary 
treatise (14th century), published by Virolleaud {Syria, 1934, 
75 ff.). A problem arises whether the second ' Misraim ' should 
also be corrected to ' Musri,' with Winckler, Kittel, Skinner, 
Moffatt, Chic. B., and Sanda after lengthy discussion. With 
51 preserved here we have detail of international exchange of 
Anatolian horses and Egyptian-made chariots. This is an 
attractive hypothesis with its prospect of ancient trade, and 
might be supported by Breasted, who after stating the intro- 
duction of the horse into Egypt by the Hyksos {HE 222), 
speaks of the Egyptians as subsequently becoming deft chariot- 
makers, and presents plate of an Egyptian chariot that has 
been preserved, now in the Florence Museum (pp. 234 f., fig. 
105). But this position is denied by Meyer {GA 2, i, 23, n. 2) 
with the proof that the wood is not Egyptian. Solomon then 
would have been the middleman for import of both horses 
and chariots from Anatoha into Egypt. The horse indeed 
came to be domesticated in Egypt at a later day ; cf. Dt. 
17^^, Is. 31^^-, and Egypt rendered tribute of horses to Sargon 
and Ashurbanipal (Olmstead, HA 383, 416). For the compara- 
tive prices of chariot and horse, the Grr. give the ratio of 
2 : I as against 4 : i of Heb. ; see Sanda's discussion, citing 
the price of an ass in Cambyses' time at 50 shekels ; the Gr. 
figures are probably a correction to meet later proportions of 
value. For the shekel see DB ' Money ' ; EB ' Shekel ' ; 
Nowack, Arch., 1, 209 ff. ; Benzinger, Arch., §42 ; GaUing, 
BR ' Geld,' with added bibhography. 

1. '"I ce/h : om. with Ch. ; added ad majorem gloriam Dei ; the 
Grr. helped out the awkward phrase with ' and the name of the 
Lord.'— 2. c'^cj : the asyndeton, relieved in Ch. and Grr. (exc. 
44) with the conj., is correct. — nc'?^' : MSS pref. l'?Dn, and similar 
variations occur below in VSS in use of name and title.— 5. "^mhm 
Grr. as rn^hvi. — Dn''E'n'7D :=Ch.. Jos., 4 Gr. MSS; other Grr. as 
icu'^'D. — i-ipcD : Ch. +D.T'Cu'?Di, interpreting as 'his cupbearers ' = 
Gr. oivoxoovs ((g^ ewooxous) =t!C V ; but it means the ' drinking 
service ' {cf. Gen. 4021), with variant spelling of sufif. ; see GK 
§93, ss. — Sr\)v=Gn:. ; tC g> ^ as pi., which St., BH, al. accept; 
Ch., in;'?];, understood as ' ascent,' and so here the Jewish comm. ; 
but .tSj; otherwise = ' upper story.' The word can be pointed inV, 
' his going up ' ; cf. Comm. — nn . . . n\T : Haupt properly defends 
the gender of the verb, as preceding the subj. — 6. ^^"l : Ch., Grr. 

I. ioi-29 229 

om., and so St., al. ; but it has force =' has become.' — T13t ['^v] : 

1 MS 1131 = Grr., to be accepted ; for 'i '?5; = ' on account of ' cf. 

2 Sam. i8«. — 7. D'-in'? : Grr., g> 1^ as ppl. — [3ib]i noan : ® (gi- 
cm. — aiBi : Ch. om. ; for possible adverbial sense of 'o cf. Aram. 
3L). — Vn : MSS and Ch., hv, to be accepted. — nvicts-n : Grr. pref. 
'all,' as though ^2, as also before "inn^n, v.^ and <S before niiav, 
V.18 ; but such addition is exaggeration. — •'nyoB' : Grr. + 'in my 
land.'— 8. TB'JN:=Ch.. GC V ; Grr., ^h g, ia=;i'«B>3, and so most 
moderns since Bottcher. — 9. d''v'? : i.e., the divinely appointed 
dynasty is sign of the divine ' love ' ' for ever.' Ch. pref. iT'DV'i'?, 
cf. <3, (rTriaai=&^ + avToi', but the incomplete <TTr]crai is a glossed 
cross-reference to Ch., and has no authority ; Burn, holds that 
the plus of Ch. is ' almost indispensable,' which St. rightly denies. — 
i?ah : Grr. + ' over them.' — .ipisi : OGrr. as though 'xa, and then 
with correcting gloss k. ev Kpifiacnv avrivv (<@^ avrov). — For defence 
of this somewhat plethoric v. see St., as vs. Klost., Kit. ; cf. 
further elaboration in Ch. — 11. B a, -nv [aipovcra], for 7?. — tekd: 
to be omitted with Ch., OGrr. — d-'jdSn : Ch., csi^x (also arbi- 
trarily introduced among the woods of Lebanon, 2 Ch. 2') ; <§ 
( = (£) TTfXe/cTjra ; ^^ (g^ (=g,H) aweX. {cf. similar variation in v.") ; 
Aq., crovxi-va—'Lat. ' sucinum ' (amber); Sym., dviva {cf. ^vXov 
dvivov, Rev. i8^'^)=V ; Grr. in Ch., wevKiva, where V ' pinea,' and 
so Jos. — 12. "lyoD : Ch., mSoD ; Grr. vn-oaTr^pi-yfxara ; ^ ' fulcra ' ; 
g) ' for decoration,' cf. gl ; see St., Haupt. — d-'jd'jn 2° : Grr. -|-e7ri 
r. 77;?, evidently gloss from Ch., niin'' px::. — 13. r\r:hv ["i'jd.i iid] : 
absent in 7 Gr. MSS {cf. 1L (E), g) 3 ^. 

15. ■'B'JN : Grr., r. (popuu, (popoi translating b^jj?, II. 23'^ ; cf. QC 
13K, ' rental,' etc., the root being used of tax-collection in the 
Palmyrene Tariif (Cooke, NSI, p. 333) ; and so correct to v^j;. with 
Bottcher, al. Kamp.'s correction of the text, accepted by Burn., 
has no basis. — niin : ppl. of iin = Arab. tdra, with the noun tawr, 
' go-between, agent,' and so equal to [ihon] iino, ' the royal traders,' 
v.''* ; the root occurs in the tribe-name iin\ the Ituraeans, a migrant 
folk. This root is to be distinguished from iin, ' to spy out,' 
Num. 13^, etc., which, like Arab, ta'ara, Chr.-Pal. ixn, and the 
Heb. noun iijri, ' form,' is metaplastic reflexive from r'y, 'to see.' 
The root ixn, ' to circumscribe,' e.g., Jos. 15', is metaplastic from 
the first root specified. See H. Bauer, ZfS 1935, 174 ff., for similar 
processes. Grr., t. viroTiTayfj.evojf, ' the subjects,' a guess ; tE^ S> 13 
' artisans,' rdg. □''153. Correction is unnecessary, as with St., to 
Aram. C"!?!?, ' merchants,' or with Kit. to civ, ' cities,' with, 
further textual change {cf. BH). — irpp? : read with Klost. inpci 
' from the profit ' ; Ch., cinon, and similarly OGrr. here. — 
Di'?3i : a word of inter-dialectical usage = Heb. root Sn ; & &' 
om. ; (@H pwTroTrcjjXojv, ' hucksters.'— my n : read with Ch. 3ij;., and 
so, ' Arabia '=Aq., Sym.. g)H g) g[ 1^ ; & &^ tov Trepav, as igyii. 
i.e. ' Across-the-River ' ; tC ' the allies ' ; n.b. GV ' die Grenz- 
fursten.' — pN.i mns : ' the land -governors ' ; for compound idea. 


see GK §124, p. Ch. has an exaggerated plus. For the foreign 
word nns there are to be added to the citations in GB its appear- 
ance in a Lihyanite text of the 5th century B.C. ; see F. W. 
Winnett, ' A Study of the Lihyanite and Thamudic Inscrip- 
tions,' University of Toronto Studies, 1937, 5° ^- — 16. 'i^^ : Grr., 
Sopara ; had the translator in mind conventional groups of 
gifts ? Croesus gave a gold shield and a gold spear to the oracle 
at Delphi (Her. i, 52). ainss- : the same word, Kr., in 'c i*n, 
Jer. 9', ' whetted arrow.' The root mng. is dubious, Arab, and 
Akk. congeners being very polysemantic. Talmudic Heb. has a 
root V, ' to draw out,' and so Yoma Jer., iv, 41 d, explains the 
phrase, nii'K'3 "ic'O n>ntr, ' which was drawn out like wax,' and 
similarly Kimchi (but identifying the root with nosf) ; this agrees 
with Gr. iXard, used of drawn gold. — 18. 'sm : Ch., nma ; ^ 
' good,' ^ ' from Ophir,' 'Si ' from India,' V ' yellow.' But read 
151 [cf. isiK DfiD, Dan. 10^, and see Montg. ad loc), as proposed 
by Haupt in SBOT and earlier. However 12, aligned with 3ii 
and cnr, remains unidentified. There are three current names for 
gold : 3nt, Arabian river-gold (see Arabia and the Bible, 38 ff.), 
p^^ (Anatolian word ?), cn3, these representing different origins 
or qualities. Another variety of nm appears in v.**, 6*^, etc., 
with the adjective nuo. — 19. 'Idd 6is = Job 26*; many MSS kd3 ; 
was the first case intended for kissehu ? — Suv trNi : so ^ S[ ^ ; 
QT SjSjd, of a revolving mechanism ; but Grr., vpoTOfj-ai ixoax^^v, 
{=^^)=^'hVJ.. ''V^l, now generally accepted since Then.; how- 
ever the sing., Say rtii, is preferable for the ornament, and so Jos., 
Ant., viii, 5, 20. Ch. has 3nta 1^33 so generally pointed in edd.= 
' footstool,' but read bg?, ' lamb ' (see Curtis, ad loc). — T>-!nNa : 
Ch. DMriNC, generally taken as error for the former ; but it may 
correctly represent Akk. tthhuzu, ' overlaid.' — 20. C'ik : vs. nrnx, 
v.^*, the usual pi., which Ch. has and critics prefer here ; but the 
variant may be a double rdg., with intent of giving a different form 
for the artificial ' lion ' ; see numerous cases cited in GK §87, o. — 
CB" : OGrr. om. ; it is not necessary. — nijSsa : Ch., ns'Jcn, and 
so as sing. Grr., ^^ ^ • j-ead ni^pQ. — 21. The faulty rdg. of Gr. 
MSS (exc. x), ra ffKevT] ra wo tov 2., is to be corrected to ra a-Kevrj 
Tov noTov S. — gni : Grr., exc. p, k. Xovrripes xpi'(roi = 'i niT'oi. — ''pj pN 
atynj nS : Ch. om. kS, which rdg. St. adopts here; but Grr. = ^, 
which is entirely acceptable : " there was no silver ; it was not 
taken into account." 

22. "'JK : tris : Grr. have successively sing., pi., sing. ; Ch. has 
pi. in all cases. St. revises i^ and 2° to the sing. n^JN. But the 
present form is to be retained as collective (so 9^®) ; it disagrees 
in gender as fem. with ■'Jn, v. 11, but the noun is fem. at Is. 33*1 ; 
grammatical regularity is not essential. — DTn i:k : iS^ ' servants 
of H.'=Ch. — nNt;': : for the vocalization see GK §74, i. — o^Dn : 
' Ethiopians ' of Jos. is prob. to be explained from c":d, listed 
along with Egyptians, Libyans, Cushites, 2 Ch. 12^, rendered there 

I. Ill-" 231 

by ^ Qr with ' Troglodytes.' — 23. Bf ignores p^n. — 24. pNt '731 : 
Ch., 'ni la'jD "731 and so Grr., ^ g[ ; but this is a grammatical 
intrusion ; for the syntax see GK §145, e. — o'^nhtt : Grr., ' the 
Lord ' ; cf. 5', etc. — 25. [:1'1t I'^rji r]D3 "hj : OGrr. om. in view of 
the discount of silver, v.'^i. — P?'J=' armour,' II. lo^, and so here 
the VSS (exc. Grr.) and modern VSS ; Grr., araKT-qv, ' myrrh ' ; 
the Gr. interpretation is correct, based on Arab. nSk, ' to smell ' = 
Heb. nSk, 'to kiss'; see the writer's Note, JAOS 1938, 137. For 
the presence of such spices in the royal treasuries cf. II. 20^^. — 
26. ur\y,\ : read with Ch., on?:!, and so VSS. — 28. nipp bis : Ch. 
Kii?n ; Grr., e/c QsKove, Eus., Onom., e/c K(<ja=^ ' de Coa ' ; read 
ni.i'pn. N.b. the lengthy discussions in Poole, some of the scholars 
comparing the ' fila Coa ' of Egyptian Cos, famous in the ancient 
world {e.g., Horace, C. 4, 13, 13, ' Cose purpuras '). One Jewish 
scholar related the word to alleged mpn, ' thread.' — inp> : generally 
corrected {e.g., St., BH) to Dinp"" ; but it can stand, with nsid as 
actual or implied obj. — 29. ■I'^l'ni : again the full form of the verb ; 
see GK §75, t. — Ni-n[i] : Grr., exc. Ax,?; efoSos. — cnnn : MS z, 
Kara Kvirpiav, with Cyprian Kition in mind. — CT'^ : Grr., Kara 
OaKaaaav, as though D^3. — ?«V':=Ch., ^^ ; Grr., QT as ins', pre- 
ferred by St., Sanda ; but the Hif. is used absolutely. 

Ch. II. Solomon's apostasy ; a direful oracle for the future ; 
revolt and insurrection in his domains ; the pericope on the 
end of the reign and the succession. Ch. ignores except the 
conclusion. Cf. Ant., viii, 7, 5-8. 

VV.i-^. Solomon's many foreign wives, who led him astray. 
The following presentation, along with a revised text, dis- 
tinguishes an older, simpler account in the left-hand column, 
and a later, Deuteronomistic and extravagant explanation of 
the king's fall from virtue. 

1. And king Solomon loved many foreign women 
[+gloss and Pharaoh's daughter], women of 
Moab, Ammon [OGrv.-\- and Aram], Edom, 
''Sidon'^ [Grr., exc. Aq., Sym., om.], Hittites 
[OGrr. -faw^ Amorites], 2. from the peoples as to 
which Yhwh commanded the Bne-Israel, Ye shall 
not intermarry with them, nor they with you, lest 
they pervert your heart after their gods. Solomon 
clave unto these in love. 3. And he had seven 
hundred wives, princesses, and three hundred 
concubines ; ''and his wives perverted his hearty 
[A al. ^H under asterisk]. 


6. And Solomon did what was 4. And it was, when Solomon 
evil in Yhwh's eyes, and he grew old, that his [Grr.+ 
was not loyal to Yhwh like his foreign'] wives perverted his 
father David. heart after other gods, and his 

heart was not at one with 
Yhwh his God, as was his 
father David's heart. 

7. Then built Solomon a high- 5. And Solomon followed after 
place for Chemosh, the god [^ Ashtart [Grr. Astarte ; ^ 
abomination ; Grr. idol] of Ashtoreth], the god{dess) of 
Moab '^on the hill that is Sidonia, and after Milcom, the 
opposite to Jerusalem'^ [OGrr. god [^ abomination] of the 
om.], and for Milkom [=11. Ammonites [OGrr. om. the 
23", and so here (g^ ; (& their v.]. 8. And so he did for all 
king: ^ Molek], the god [^ his foreign wives they censing 
abomination ; Grr. idol] of the and sacrificing to their gods. 
Ammonites \(jxx.-\-and to As- 
tarte, the abomination of Sid- 
onia — from v.^],^ 

For the unravelhng of this skein see the various attempts 
at analysis by Kamphausen, Benzinger, Kittel, Burney, Stade, 
Holscher, the last critic finding two independent themes, the 
many wives, and Solomon's polytheism. Criticism naturally 
proceeds from <@, which varies notably from ^ in order of 
elements and also in omissions and additions. The most 
signal difference is in the rearrangement of the introduction, 
thus : " And king S. was a woman-lover (<^iAoyw7?s), and he 
had 700 princesses and 300 concubines. And he took foreign 
women, and Pharaoh's daughter, Moabitesses, etc." This 
order has been preferred by the above-named scholars, except 
Stade and Holscher, whose soberer judgment is to be accepted, 
that (S represents editorial smoothing of the harshnesses and 
repetitions of the original. The independent analysis offered 
above finds a primary simple statement of Solomon's defection, 
as based on historical testimony to his construction of shrines 
for foreign gods. The datum in the primary document for the 

^ For the variants for the heathen ' gods ' see Pfeiffer, ' The Polemic 
against Idolatry in the O.T.,' JBL 1924, 229 S. The original ' god ' 
appears in all three cases in the repeated passage, v.". 

I. Ill-*^ 233 

king's apostasy is expressed in annalistic style, Then built 
Solomon a high-place for Chemosh the god of Moah, which has 
its interesting parallel in Mesha's Moabite stele, " And I made 
this high-place for Chemosh." Critics vary as to balance of 
the v., on assumed contamination from II, 23^^; e.g., Stade 
and Holscher omit ' and for Molek,' which the Grr. have, but 
retain ' on the hill opposite to Jerusalem,' which Grr. om., 
while Kittel proceeds vice versa. Acknowledgment of the 
provincial deities of Moab and Ammon was quite within the 
range of Solomon's statecraft. But the secondary document 
in v.^ (omitted by the Grr.) with its initial reference to ' Ash- 
tart of Sidonia ' is evidently based on II. 23^^ ; the Grr. 
further introduced it in v.'. For the location of the Chemosh 
sanctuary on the hill opposite to Jerusalem, cf. 2 Sam. 15^^, 
how " David came to the top of the ascent, where one was 
wont to worship God " ; this datum may have caused the 
pious Greek excision of the datum here.^ 

2 Of the alien deities named, Ashtart and Mlkm now appear in the 
Ras Shamra texts. For a full study of the archaeological and literary- 
references to that goddess, as also to Asherah and Anat, see J. B. 
Pritchard, Palestine Figurines in Relation to Certain Goddesses Known 
through Literature, vol. 24 of Oriental Series of the Am. Or. Soc, 1943. 
For the second of the above deities the Masoretic vocalization of the 
name, ' Milcom,' in v.*" is supported by <S^ in v.'', where 1^ has ' Molek ' ; 
the Grr. otherwise read malkdm, ' their king.' For this deity may be 
cited, inter al., G. F. Moore, ' Molech,' EB ; M. Buber, Konigtum 
Gottes, ch. 5, and notes, pp. 211 ff. ; Dhorme, L'6.volution religieuse 
d' Israel, 331 flf. (and for Asherah, pp. 325 ff.). G. Dossin has published 
a text from Mari, Rev. d'Ass., 35 (1938). 178, presenting a deity, Ilum- 
Muluk; A. Bea, Biblica, 20 (i939). 415. identifies the god-name as 
vocalized with Gr. Molech, and claims its identification with the variant 
Ilu-Malik ; cf. also N. Schneider, Biblica, 18, 337 f. ; 19, 204. For the 
determinative ending, -dm -dm = -dn -on, see D. Nielsen, Ras Shamra 
Mythologie, 17 &., 43, and the writer's Note, JAOS 1938, 130 f. ; i.e., 
the name means ' the King.' Cf. the place-name Shomeron, 16^' 
{v. ad loc). The vocalization in molek follows that of the word, boSet, 
' shame,' replacing a heathen god's name, e.g., Hos. g^", and the n. pr., 
' Mephibosheth.' Eissfeldt has proposed a novel and notable re- 
interpretation of the name as merely a noun representing a cult-practice, 
the theory based on Punic inscriptions ; see his Molk als Opferbegriff 
im Punischen u. Hebrdischen u. das Ende des Gottes Moloch (Beitrdge 
zur Religionsgeschichte des Altertums, Heft 3, i935). and ' Molochs 
Gliick u. Ende,' FuF 1935. 285 ff. The present writer agrees with 
the adverse criticism of this hypothesis; see Buber, 2H ff., and 


The statements as to Solomon's thousand-fold amours can- 
not be accredited to a formal chronicle, as with some critics, 
e.g., Holscher, who finds the only original data therein and in 
the note of the shrine for Chemosh ; chroniclers do not men- 
tion such private items, which in the Orient are the gentleman's 
own business. Apart from the marriage with Pharaoh's 
daughter (which has been glossed into this text unsyntactic- 
ally) we know that one of Solomon's wives was an Ammonitess, 
i.e., mother of Rehoboam (14^^). Menander of Tyre reports 
that Solomon married a daughter of Hiram of Tyre (Clem. 
Alex., Stromata, i, 114, 2). David married at least one foreign 
princess (i Ch. 3^, cf. 2 Sam. 13^^). The rather absurd figure 
for the harem is due to popular Schwelgerei of the Solomonic 
legend ; this has been adopted by a moralizing editor to ex- 
plain the king's defection — an early case of cherchez la femme. 
Seven wives and fifteen sons are attributed to David (i Ch. 
3^fl-), and he abandoned ten concubines in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 
15^^, 20^). According to Song of So7igs 6^ Solomon's harem 
consisted of ' 60 queens and 80 concubines and maidens with- 
out number.' Cf. Rehoboam's 18 wives and 60 concubines 
(2 Ch. 11^^), and the 14 wives of Abijah {ib. 13^^). We may 
compare the figure given in Solomon's 1005 songs (5^^ ; v. ad 
loc). Bertholet {History of Heb. Civilization, 149) presents 
some comparative cases of such fabulous figures, to which may 
be added others. Ramses II had ' an enormous harem,' with 
100 sons and as many daughters, so Breasted, HE 461 ; 
according to Meyer, GA 2, i, 576, 138 children. Chosroes 
II had, it was said, concubines ranging in estimates from 
3000 to 12,000 (Rawlinson, Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 2, 302). 
Ali, Mohammed's son-in-law and fourth caliph, had 13 wives, 
395 concubines, and his son Hasan 60 and 395 respectively 

Dhorme, 213 ff. The most recent exposition of the subject is by 
Albright, ARI 162 ff. (in a study, ch. 5, §3, bearing upon the heathen 
gods of Palestine), including the somewhat indefinite statement : 
" Philologically Eissfeldt's argument is convincing, but it now seems 
certain that the original conception was more complex than he was 
able to guess at the time," continuing with the archaeological data 
bearing on mlk. — ' Sidonia ' in the above translation represents the 
unarticulated plural, ' Sidonians ' ; the pi. has become the land designa- 
tion, and so for a Greek text, XlSuvIwv ij irdXis (Dussaud, TH i, 90), 
The pi. ' Philistines ' is similarly used without the article, e.g., 5^. 

I. IIl-« 235 

(D. M. Donaldson, The Shiite Religion, 1933, pp. 15, 74). 
The Sultan Mulay Ismail (1672-1727), who recovered Tangier 
from Catharine of Braganza's dowry, had 500 wives, 1500 
children (Margaret Boverie, Mediterranean Cross-Currents, 
I938> 87). Subsequently a well-informed writer, W. Price, 
in the Nat. Geog. Mag. for May, 1943, p. 84, reports from that 
locality the tradition for the same sultan of ' his great palace 
for his 2,000 wives and 800 concubines.' And Prof. P, K. 
Hitti has given the writer a parallel for this tradition from 
C. A. Julien, Histoire de I'Afrique du Nord, p. 492, assigning 
the monarch ' 700 sons and an indefinite number of daughters.' 
A recent report of an American traveller in Arabia, Whitney 
Carpenter {N.Y. Times, Sept. 11, 1939), states that Ibn Saud, 
king of Arabia, has had 250 wives and 51 children ; but by 
Islamic law he may have only four at one time. 

However justified later condemnation may be, the king 
with his foreign marriages was obhgated to honour the cults 
his wives brought with them ; a later example is the case of 
Jezebel. On the other hand such intrusions were not popular, 
for Yhwh was the sole national deity, and what we refer to 
critically as the later Deuteronomic objection to such inter- 
marriages was only the theological development of deep 
nationalistic sentiment, early manifested in the prophetic guilds. 

yy_9-i3_ jj^g divine anger and threatening oracle. The 
mass of this section is compilatory and late. VV.^^^- depend 
upon vv.29fi- (vs. Holscher) ; Yhwh's twofold appearances are 
based on 3^^- and 6^^ -^^ ; and the language is Deuteronomistic. 
' For David's sake ' the dynasty will continue ; so far the 
divine purpose is maintained. However v.^^.^ ^^^ Yhwh was 
angered at Solomon, because his heart inclined away, may well 
be early, and have been originally continued by v.^^, And 
Yhwh raised up an adversary to Solomon. More than a century 
later Mesha king of Moab used the same verb as here i^np) of 
his god's anger : "He [Omri] afflicted Moab many days, for 
Chemosh was angry against his land." The same theme of 
theodicy appears early in Babylonia, as in the Sargon Chronicle 
(L. W. King, Chronicles Concerning Early Bab. Kings, 2, 3 ff. ; 
Rogers, CP 203 ff. ; obv. 1. 20) with the judgment on Sargon 
(with Rogers's translation) : " But because of the evil which 
he had committed the great lord Marduk was angry, and he 


destroyed his people by famine. From the rising of the sun 
unto the setting of the sun they rebelled against him and 
gave him no rest " {n.b. rebelUon as in the present story) ; 
and of Shulgi (Dungi) it is recorded (rev. 1. 5) : " (He) richly 
adorned the city of Eridu . . . but he sought after evil, and the 
treasure of E-sagila and of Babylon, he brought as spoil. And 
Bel . . . made an end of him." Similarly an inscription of 
Nabonidus (published by L. Messerschmidt, MVG 1896, pt. i, 
col. I, 11. 35 ff.) records that " the king of Assyria, who during 
the anger of Marduk had worked destruction of the country, 
was smitten with a weapon by his own son." Like moral- 
izing appears in Hittite texts, as in the inscription of king 
Telepinus, who details the story of bloodshed in the preceding 
reigns, and how " at that time the gods exacted of the royal 
family the penalty for it " (E. H. Sturtevant and G. Bechtel, 
A Hittite Chrestomathy, 1935, 175 ff., ' The Proclamation of 
Telepinus '). The same theme is manifest in classical histor- 
ians, notably in the earhest of them, Herodotus. H. T. 
Fowler has well portrayed the parallehsm : " Both Herodotus 
and the Hebrew historians assume a knowledge of the ways 
of the unseen powers to which a modern historian would not 
lay claim. With the Greek, there is that terrible sense of 
Fate, so familiar in the great tragedies, and the sense, too, 
that human self-exaltation must receive divine rebuke " 
(' Herodotus and the Early Hebrew Historians,' 216). And 
ShotweU in his Introduction to the History of History, p. 159, 
after remarking that " Herodotus remained a devoutly reH- 
gious man," quotes from Rawlinson, History of Herodotus, 
I, 94, how in Herodotus's pages " King Croesus, whom the 
auriferous Pactoius made the richest of men, Polycrates, 
tyrant of Samos, or Periander, despot of opulent Corinth — 
their pride and their end are merely reverberations of the 
stern melody of human success and divine retribution and 
the humiliation of men, exemplified most signally in Xerxes 

YV.i*-4o^ The adversaries whom Yhwh raised up against 

W.14-22. 25b. Hadad of Edom. 

14. And Yhwh raised up an adversary to Solomon, Hadad an 
Edomite [OGrr. insert w.23-26] qJ fj^^ ^eed royal [gloss+that 

\ I. Ill -^3 237 

is in Edom]. 15. And it was, when David ''smote^ [with Grr., 
^^ ^ S — the Heb. impossible ; cf. EW] Edom, when Joab, 
commander of the host, had gone up to bury the slain, and had 
smitten etery male in Edom — 16. for Joab and all Israel re- 
mained there six months, ''until he had cut off every male in 
Edom'^ [repetitious gloss ?] — 17. that Hadad [^ Adad] fled, 
with certain Edomites of his father's servants with him, to come 
to Egypt, Hadad being a young boy. 18. And they arose from 
Midian, and came to Paran ; and they took some men with 
them ''from Paran'' [OGrr. om.], and came ''to EgypV [OGrr, 
om.], to Pharaoh king of Egypt [Gxv.-\-and Ader came in to 
Pharaoh]. And he gave him a house, ordering sustenance for 
him, ''and giving him land'' [<§ om.] 19. And Hadad found 
great favour with Pharaoh, and he gave him for wife the sister 
of his own wife, the sister of Tahpenes the queen. 20. And the 
sister of Tahpenes bore him Genubath his son, and Tahpenes 
weaned [Grr. reared] him ''within Pharaoh's household'' [3 Ken. 
MSS and Grr., among Pharaoh's sons] ; and Genubath was ''in 
Pharaoh's household'' [Grr., exc. x, om. ; ^^ under asterisk] 
among Pharaoh's sons. 21. And when Hadad heard in Egypt 
that David slept with his fathers, and that Joab, commander 
of the host, was dead, Hadad said to Pharaoh : Let me depart, 
that I may go to my country. 22. And Pharaoh said to him : 
But what lackest thou with me, that thou seekest to go to thy 
country.^ But he said: Nay, but let me go off. [Grr. -{-And 
Hadad returned to his country.] (VV.^^"^^^, ; y^ ^^y,) 256. And 
the evil which Hadad — [so ^ ; OGrr., this is the evil which 
Hadad did ; cf. EVV]. And he despised Israel, and reigned over 
'Edom'' [with 3 Heb. MSS, Grr., B^, B ^ ; ^ Aram]. 

In ^ the reading ' Aram ' for ' Edom,' by confusion of two 
similar letters, has caused here the interpolation of the narra- 
tive of the Aramaean Hadadezer, vv.^^-^^*. On the other hand 
<@ transferred w.^^ -^^^ in abbreviated form to the end of v." ; 
was this passage omitted in the earhest form of (@, and then 
subsequently introduced gloss-wise in parallehsm with the 
other theme of an ' adversary ' ? ^ In the Hadad narrative 

' The order of (@ would be sustained by Winckler's arbitrary thesis 
that Hadad was an Aramsean, so that the narrative opened with refer- 
ence to two Aramaean adversaries ; see GI 2, 270 ff., KA T 240 flf. An 
earlier thesis of Winckler's found in the present story a composition 


there are certain broken connexions, some possible duplicates, 
which give the appearance of compilation from two sources ; 
<§ recognized the condition, and tried to improve it ; and 
criticism on this basis was followed not only by W'inckler in 
his theses referred to, but also by Klostermann, Meyer at 
length {IN 355 ff.), and Holscher, p. 177, who finds his two 
sources, J and E. But the present commentator agrees with 
Kittel and Stade in rejecting such source-analyses here. With 
the realization that we possess in the present case one of the 
most unique historical stories in the Hebrew , Bible, the bio- 
graphy of a fugitive Edomite prince, who fled to Egypt and 
subsequently regained his throne, we may hardly think of its 
appearance in two separate editions, J and E, or what not. 
The details, unimportant enough in sacred history (Winckler 
would find traces of myth !), were evidently taken from a 
reliable first-hand document, and the roughnesses of the 
present text may best be ascribed to some evident glosses, 
along with mutilation in the tradition. Sanda well remarks : 
" Mit welcher Treue R(edakteur) diese (alten Quellen) wider- 
gibt, zeigt die Liickenhaftigkeit des durch das Alter beschadig- 
ten Dokuments." Of parallel interest is the list of the royal 
Edomite line in Gen. 36^^fl-. How such sources came into the 
hands of Israelite archivists is a problem for historiography. 
One clue to the editor may be found in the use of ' God ' at 
v.^^, with the supposition that this name was changed to 
' Yhwh ' at the introduction of the narrative, v.^'* ; he would 
then have been an ' Elohist.' 

14. For the good Edomite and S. Arabic name Hadad see 
below. 15. 16. The grammar, even with correction of ^, 
is clumsy, asyndetic, literally, " in David's smiting ... in 
Joab's going up." The first item appears in 2 Sam. 8^^, the 
second in the title of Ps. 60, " and Joab returned and smote 
of Edom in the Valley of Salt twelve thousand " (dependent 
on our passage), while yet another hero is named in i Ch. 
18^2 : " Abishai b. Seruiah smote of the Edomites in the 
Valley of Salt eighteen thousand." The references to Joab 

of two narratives, of the Edomite Hadad, and a Midianite Adad (on 
basis of the spelling in v.^' ; see his Alttest. Untersuckungen, i fif.) ; 
his analysis is presented by Burney, with apparently the latter's 
favourable opinion ; a similar analysis is followed by Benzinger. 

I. IIl-*3 239 

are doubted by Wellhausen, Driver, Meyer {IN 359 f.) ; and 
yet his nime could not have been introduced gratuitously in 
a Davidic anecdote. The material is evidently a prime his- 
torical note, early contributed by an Israelite annotator. The 
repeated statement of the annihilation of all Edomite males 
is indeed an exaggeration. The ' burying of the dead ' affords 
trouble ; Kittel suggests that there was a massacre of Israel- 
ites, which Joab was sent to avenge ; Sanda would find some- 
thing quite different by changing the text. But the phrase 
may mean the celebration of triumph ; the first act of the 
victor being the honour due to the dead ; the planned exter- 
mination of the Edomites followed. 17. 18. The fugitive's 
itinerary is given in broken style ; it is beyond our control, 
and the amendment of ' Midian ' to ' Maon,' proposed by 
Thenius, accepted by Stade, is gratuitous ; the reverse correc- 
tion with the Gr. at Jud. lo^^ proves nothing here. Maon, 
modern Ma'an, lies E of Petra, but the flight was made first 
into the desert land of Midian, E of the Red Sea, whence 
Hadad subsequently fled westwards across the Sinai desert 
to Egypt (so Sanda). Paran is indefinite enough ; according 
to Num. 132^ Kadesh of the Wanderings lay in Paran ; the 
Mount of Paran occurs in the sacred legend, Dt. 33^, in parallel- 
ism with Sinai and Seir, and in Hab. 3^ along with Teman. 
An oasis Feiran, of ancient Christian tradition, lies N of Jebel 
Serbal in Sinai (see E. H. Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 1872, 
Index, S.V., Kittel, GVI i, 345, n. 3) ; Arabic geographers 
know of a Faran, 40 Arabic miles S of Suez (Le Strange, 
Palestine under the Moslems, 440). A possibility is identifica- 
tion with El-paran on Chedorlaomer's route (Gen. 14®) ; see 
GB 30b ; this identification is accepted by Meyer {IN 60, 
n. 5), but denied by Skinner in his Genesis, ad loc. If our 
Paran be so identified, then Hadad would have pivoted about 
it in proceeding from Midian to Egypt. For his itinerary of. 
Glueck's statement {BASOR 71 [1938], 7) that " a direct road 
led in ancient times, as to-day, from the head of the Gulf of 
'Aqabah through Sinai to Egypt." Hadad's reception and 
treatment as a prince by Pharaoh was proper Oriental etiquette, 
and in this case, as with Jeroboam (v.**'), good politics. For 
the royal matrimonial alliance of. 3^. The item of this marriage 
has been taken over bodily into the secondary Jeroboam 


midrash of the Gr., i224e. f.. 19. 20. The repeateG sister is 
necessary to precise the proper name as that of :he queen 
(so Stade, vs. Kittel). Klostermann, Kittel (not 3H), Ben- 
zinger follow the Greek midrash at 12^*, where the second 
' sister ' is represented with a proper name, Avw 'which may 
possibly represent an Egyptian name as 'hnt or 'hnh or 'nwt), 
but there is no ground to accept the text of that perverted 
story. The word for ' queen ' here is the unusual ' Mistress,' 
otherwise used for the queen-mother, e.g., 1513 20. The v. 
implies that the child of the marriage was adopted into the 
royal family. There has been retained above the text of ^, 
that the queen weaned him, vs. the misreading or simplifica- 
tion of the Grr., accepted by Klost. and most subsequent 
critics, that she reared htm ; not to the point is Stade's com- 
ment that " T. is neither mother nor the wet-nurse of the 
child " ; there may well be allusion to an adoptive rite, Hke 
the ' bearing on the knees ' by the adoptive mother, e.g.. 
Gen. 30^ (see Skinner, ad loc). For the item cf. Esarhaddon's 
reference to the Arab Queen Tabua, " born in my palace " 
(Esarh., Prism A, col. 3 ; CP 355 ; ARA 2, §536). 22. The 
impUcation at end of the verse was sufficient in ancient 
story, and the Gr. plus, that " he returned to his land," 
is not demanded, as with critics {e.g., Klost., Stade). 25. 
In the first sentence it is aU too easy to accept the Gr. 
rendering, with Bottcher, Thenius, and most successors ; 
but that was only a guess at a mutilated passage, for what 
was "the evil that Hadad did" after all? There is an 
evident lacuna before the passage. The word translated 
despised expresses political contempt ; Bumey well defines 
it as of racial hostility, eft. Ex. 1^^, Num. 22^ ; there is no 
reason, as with some critics, to change the text and to read 
' oppressed,' 

The above narrative, of decidedly original order — to be com- 
pared with some Herodotean anecdotes — touches both Edomite 
and Egyptian history. Gen. 3631-39 gives a series of eight kings 
who reigned in Edom " before there reigned a king in Israel." 
Two of the series are named Hadad, including the last king, 
with whom our prince may have been closely connected. 
For the variant spelhng ' Adad,' v.", see Notes ; cf. Bibl. 
names Hadoram and Adoram. For the Edomite history 

I. Ill-*' 241 

see Buhl, Geschichte der Edomiter, and Meyer, IN 370-86. 
Which member of Dynasty XXII is the Pharaoh indicated 
is no clearer than in the case of Solomon's father-in-law (3^, 
q.v.). The name of the queen (with variants in Heb. MSS and 
the Grr.) has not been identified ; it occurs as name of a city, 
Jer. 2^^, etc. Such a matrimonial alliance, despite Solomon's 
relation with the dynasty, was quite in keeping with inter- 
national double-dealing. Hadad returned upon hearing of 
David's death. Cf. Glueck's sagacious statement {BASOR 
71 [1938], 9, n. 21) that Solomon inherited Esion-geber from 
David, comparing Joab's attempted extermination of the 
Edomites, and that David's hold over Edom " must have 
been more absolute than Solomon's." 

23-25a. Rezon of Damascus. 23. And God raised up an 
adversary to him, Rezon ben Eliada, who fled from his lord 
Hadadezer king of Damascus ; 24. and ''there were gathered'^ 
[with Grr. ; ^ he gathered] certain men to him, and he 
became captain of a bandit-band [when David smote them — <@ 
<§^ om. ; gloss from 2 Sam. 8^] ; and he took [with OGrr. ; 
J!^ went to] Damascus, and settled there, and became king in 
Damascus [the three verbs in sing, with OGrr. {cf. note) ; 
^ has pi.]. 25a. And he was adversary to Israel all the days 
of Solomon. 

This is another authentic record, with details of Syrian 
history, concluding with the statement of Rezon's hostiUty 
to Solomon during the latter's whole reign, in striking contrast 
to the fulsome description of Solomon's empire and his security 
from all wars (5*^-) ; cf. the remark at end of the previous para- 
graph. The anecdote connects with the original records of 
David's successful wars against Aram, represented by Hadad- 
ezer, king of Sobah (2 Sam. 8, 10) ; cf. the Gr. plus in 1426 
of the booty which " David took from the sons of Hadadezer, 
king of Sobah." The crushing of that kingdom threw Syria 
into confusion, out of which arose one of the king's captains, 
Rezon, first appearing as a captain of condottieri, Hke David 
at Adullam (i Sam. 22), and finally seizing the important city- 
state of Damascus. He is the first king of Damascus known 
to us by name. Throughout history Syria has been the theatre 
of such seizures of power by bold men ; witness the Arab 
dynasties of later days in Chalkis, Itursea, Emesa ; and indeed 


Rezon, with a name to be explained from the Arabic, may have 
been of the same stock.* 

VV.26-40. The rise of Jeroboam. For the late midrash-Hke 
legend of Jeroboam in the Gr. after 12^* see discussion in 
loco. The present story is editorially attached to those of the 
two ' adversaries,' but is of different origin. Of the whole 
narrative only w.^e-ss. 4o contain original material, w.^^-^a 
belonging to a later Prophet-Saga. Of the remainder v.^^b is 
an intruded archival datum (c/. Meyer, IN 367, n. 5), in no 
way ahgned with the story of Jeroboam, who was actually 
over the levy of the house of Joseph (v.^s). There is also evident 
lacuna between v.^'^, And this is the account how he (Jeroboam) 
raised his hand {i.e., rebelled) against the king, and v.^^-'^. And 
Solomon sought to kill Jeroboam. We have to suppose loss of 
some definite overt act on Jeroboam's part, which caused his 
flight, and which would equally account for the partisans who 
ultimately made him king of the North. That datum has 
been replaced with the popular story of the prophet Ahijah 
(vv.29-39), who appears again in a similar story in ch. 14. 
But the story may well have foundation in fact in view of 
the early prophetical objection to royalty. For the motivation 
of Solomon's hostihty supplied by the Gr., v.^^b, see below. 
26. Jeroboam's home, Seredah, has been located at the spring 
'Ain Seridah in the Wady Deir Baimt in western Samaria, 
is not to be confused with the corrupt ' Seredah ' of 2 Ch. 4^'' ; 
see Albright, BASOR 11 (1923), 5 ff- 1 49 (i933)» 26 ff. ; 
JPOS 1925, 37 ; cf Abel, GP 2, 457. The place-name sur- 
vived as appellative of one of the early Tanna'im (P. Aboth, 
i, 4). There is good historic reminiscence in the item that 
Jeroboam's mother was a widow, whose name, Seru'ah, means 
leprous (in the broad sense of skin diseases) ; accordingly 
many critics, e.g., Kittel, Stade, Sanda, regard this name, 

* Sobah has not been certainly identified ; see Dussaud, TH 
233 i. ; 2 Ch. 83 connects it with ' Hamath-Sobah.' For the Ass. 
references to Subat/Subit see Schiffer, Die Aramaer, 135 flf. ; Kraeling, 
Aram and Israel, 41 f., making identification with Chalcis-al-Anjar 
in Ccele-S5Tia ; Forrer, Die Provinzeinteiling d. ass. Reiches, pt. i, 62, 
identifying with Baalbek. For the reports of David's wars see Meyer, 
GA 2, 2, 251 flf. E. Cavaignac identifies Hadadezer with the Sar mat 
Arumu, referred to in an inscription of Assurabi II of Assyria, ca. 
1000 B.C. {RHR 107 [1923]. 134 ff-)- 

I. Ill-*3 243 

omitted here by the Grr., as an opprobrious addition, 
comparing Gr. 12^^'', where she is called ' a harlot,' with 
the logical omission of the father's name, Nebat. But 
names indicating personal deformities were in vogue with 
the intent of averting the corresponding demons ; see Noth, 
IP 227, and e.g., Simon the Leper, properly Simon Garba, 
Mt. 266. 

276. Solomon built the Millo. He closed up the breach of the 
City of David (with unnecessary plus, his father). Of these 
two archival items, probably in their original order, the first 
is cited in 9^^. This breach and its reconstruction have been 
revealed by Macahster and Duncan in their Excavation of the 
Hill of Ophel (PEF Annual, 4 [1926]), esp. 74 ff., and Crowfoot 
and Fitzgerald, Excavations in the Tyropceon Valley (vol. 5) ; 
also current reports in QS 1924-25, and Duncan, ZAW 1924, 
221 ff. ; photographs of the excavations are given by 01m- 
stead, HPS, plates 134-7. 0^ ^^^ present passage see also 
Weill, La cite de David, 24 ff. 28. The epithet applied to 
Jeroboam, translated in EVV with ' a mighty man of valour ' 
(' valour ' =Heb. hayl—hsit. virtus) means in the present con- 
nexion ' capable ' and the following ' doer of work ' corre- 
sponds to English ' efficient.' There may be noticed Meyer's 
view (7A^ 367) that the former term means ' ein waffenpflich- 
tiger Grundbesitzer,' and that the young Jeroboam had already 
come into his inheritance ; for this interpretation cf. 11. 15^**. 
His function as over the labour [literally porterage — see at 5^^ ; 
another word than ' levy,' e.g., 4^, but they were practically 
identical, cf. Gen. 49^^] of the house of Joseph is absolute contra- 
diction of 9^^^-. We may suppose that this office gave him an 
insight into the dissatisfaction of the people, which aroused his 
ambitions and made him a rebel. 34. I will make him prince. 
The noun ' prince ' translates nasi' , and so is distinct from 
the other term similarly translated, ndgid, used in the oracles 
concerning Saul (i Sam. 9^^, 10^) and David (2 Sam. 5^, i Ki. 
i^^, etc.). Within Israelite politics our word does not appear 
again until Ezekiel, whose favourite term it was for the lay 
head of the church-state. As Noth has shown at length in his 
System der Zwoljstdmme Israels, 93, and Exc. Ill, the word 
early implied a religious function, used of tribal representatives 
at solemnities, and so ' the princes of the tribes,' Num. 7',, 


etc. The same word is used of sacred functionaries in the 
Phoenician crown-inscription from the Piraeus (Lidzbarski, 
HNE 425 ; Cooke, NSI no. 33). But the term is of ancient 
poHtical standing, used of the IshmaeHte princes (Gen. 17^°), 
of the Midianites (Josh. 13^^), and, as not observed by Noth, it 
appears in S. Arab. (Conti Rossini, Chrestoniathte, 190). The 
use of the word here is a true tradition of the early rehgious and 
also democratic objection to monarchy. Cf. Ibn Khaldun's 
illuminating discussion of the transformation of the caliphate 
into monarchy, mulk, in Islam {Prolegomena, bk. 3, ch. 28). 
40. Jeroboam fled to Egypt like the Edomite Hadad. The 
name of a Pharaoh is here given for the first time in the Bible ; 
for Shishak see Comm., 14^5. This drama took place in the 
latter part of Solomon's reign. 

yy_4i-43_ ji^Q death of Solomon and the succession. V.*^ 
with its reference to the Book of the Acts of Solomon, presents 
the first chapter, as it were, of the series subsequently known 
as ' the Chronicles of the Acts of the Kings of Judah/Israel,' 
e.g., 14^^- 29 ; see Int., §13, b. 42. The alleged reign of forty 
years is the same as that ascribed to David ; this round figure 
of the average generation again indicates absence of such 
data in the early archives. The forty-one years ascribed to 
Rehoboam (14^^) may be similarly artificial, the datum putting 
his birth in Solomon's first royal year ; or the reverse may be 
the case, this datum being original, and Solomon's reign being 
dated from it. 43. And his son Rehoboam reigned in his stead. 
The story of the inception of the civil war, interrupting the 
coronation ceremony at Shechem, and its consequences 
(12-14^'^), disturbed the sequence elsewhere followed of per- 
sonal details concerning the new king, as e.g., 15^'^. For 
Rehoboam these are given at 14218-. The paralleHsm of the 
names of the rivals, R. and Jeroboam, with the common 
element 'am, is of interest, but accidental. Despite its use 
as specification of a Pagan deity, the divine ' Kinsman,' or 
' Uncle,' it was constant in Hebrew names, e.g., Amram, Ammi- 
shaddai, and in the immediate family line Eham, father of 
Bathsheba (2 Sam. ii^), given in Ch. as Ammiel (i Ch, 3^). 
The name of the king, ' Rehab'am ' (and so GV ' Rehabeam '), 
was assimilated by # to ' Jeroboam,' and became ' Roboam ' 
(and so V FV), which the Enghsh Bible followed with 

I. II^-" 245 

' Rehoboam.' See Note further, and especially for another 
and ingenious explanation of the name. 

For the Gr. of w.^-' see Rahlfs, 5S 3, 215 f., cf. 116 f., finding 
the primitive text only in B (£ (S^ and Irenaeus. — 1. nj?lD ro ns: 
the clause is syntactically impossible. Older commentators dis- 
cussed whether this princess was to be included in the ban on 
' strange women,' some making of her a convert, adducing Ps. 45^^ ; 
see Poole, Hitz. — nvj^;', r\-y\yi : the pointing of 'v as at Neh. 
j^zs . tjie heavy final syllables induced shortening of the internal 
long syllables, e.g., D'nv, v.*. — Gr. 2i/paj k. l5ov/iaias presents the 
double rdg. ms/ms. — 2. I^x : usual tr. ' surely,' but inappropriate 
here ; Klost, St., al. as error for p =Gr. fxri ; but it is to be equated 
with Syr. 'aikan, ' so that ' ; see Montg., JBL 191 2, 144 ff. — 3. 
■'iT'l, nuM : for the grammatical disagreements with the subjects 
see GK §145. — 5. '"i ■'H'jk mnry : the deformation of the divine name 
after the pattern of ba'al>bosheih. Bibl. Heb. lacks a fern, to 
'?K ; r\bK appears in Phoen., Ugaritic. Burn. eft. Phoen. mntry ''bub, 
' to his god Asht., and further Phoen. exx. are given by Nielsen, 
Ras Samra Mythologie, 22 f. — 8. mT'UpJj : for the independent 
syntax of the ppl. cf. n"'ria, 5\ and see GK §116, s. — 9. nN-ijn : 
the ppl. pointed as pf., the art. then being treated as rel. pron. ; cf. 
the same use of art. at Gen. 12', 35^ ; for discussion of these and 
similar anomalies see Bum., GK §138, 3b. — 10. mxi : Klost, Bum., 
comparing the Gr., correct to the ppl., msai ; St. is properly 
dubious ; but the pf. is in consecutive order after the prec. ppl. — 
'il nott? k"ji : the clause is parenthetical, is not to be changed to 
'Jl ICE''?! with Klost., Bum., after the Grr. — ms 2° ; 4 MSS \r\vt, so 
VSS exc. Grr. g e,. — 11. icy : for the prep, in psychological sense 
see BDB 768b; e.g.. Job 10", iD^HinaVa. — 'npm 'nna : Gr. missed the 
usual in^fD, and translated the first word with ecroXas ; ^ 9 added 
it at the end. — 12. n^nps : Grr., \rtfM\po/xaL avTrjv, as though nnps 
which change is accepted by Klost., Burn., on ground of corre- 
spondence with vv.**' 3^ ; rather the Gr. avoided the harsh verb, 
and so again at v.^^. — 13. ubmv : Grr., ^, i3 + ' the city,' after 
common usage. — 14. laty : Grr. here and below Iiaraf. — nnn : also 
MSS "nn = Gr. ASep ; at Gen. 36^^' ** ^ has both forms ; see also 
Comm., 15^*. This divine name, common in W. Sem. nn. pr. 
(see Lidzb., HNE 258), also occurs singly for such names in S. 
Arab. (MPS i, 71 f.). In v.^' Akkadizing ms appears. The name 
nn, alternate to byz, occurs in Ugaritic. For the divine name used 
for human nomenclature cf. ' Jehu,' II. 9^. — iban yit : the correc- 
tion to n3i'?an, after Gr. r. /Sao-tXetas (=11. 25"), with Klost., St., 
is not necessary. — ansa Kin : recognized by some critics as gloss 
to preceding iSa.i ; rather it is gloss to the impossible nns ns, 
V." ; sc. understand ns as a ! — 15. nrna : very early error for 
ni3n2 = 2 Sam. 8^', and so here Grr. tov ef oXe^pevo-ai =S)° 3 S>. — 
17. W'Win : the word = Engl. ' certain ' ; see Note, 3^*. Grr., exc. 


<6^, pref. 'all.' — 18. pa: <S ^^ r. TroXews MaSiafi; for 'city of 
Midian ' see Musil, Topographical Itineraries. No. I, Index. — pssD, 
D''"ixa 1°: OGrr. om. — iss'' : B*f apxovrei for epxei-Tat. — las: 
' ordered,' the mng. as in Arab. — i'? ]n psi : <g om. ; the verbal 
sequence is abnormal. — 19. D'':Enn : MSS have variants ; Grr., 
QeKe/j.€iva!, etc. Cf. the identical place-name, Jer. 2^*, etc., Eze. 
30^8 ; fQj. suggested interpretations see GB, and most recently 
B. H. Strieker, Analecta Orientalia, 15 (1937), n- — n'T'aJn : Grr. 
TTjy /uetj'w, suggesting to Klost. riT'san (!), 'the elder,' to Kit., 
St. n'?njn ; both suggestions quite unnecessary. — 20. "3^3 : the 
mng. of the name cannot be explained from the Heb., with the 
root mng. ' to steal,' but from the Arabic, with its diverse develop- 
ments, e.g., junub = ' guest.' Safaitic n. pr. Gnb occurs (NPS 2, 
43). The Grr. read as ' Genibat,' which would represent a diminu- 
tive formation, gunaibat. The fem. form for masc. names is 
common in Old Sem., e.g., Canaanite nins, Edomitic nruo, Thtt^, 
Ammonite nyott', and appears in Nab., e.g., nmn. Palm. nrns. — 
in'?oin : Grr., e^€dpe\p€v avrov, i.e., as from in'?"iJn ; see Comm. — 
21. "i'?si [''Jn'?t£'] : the cohortative is expected ; see Orlinsky, JQR 
32 (1941), 197- — 22. vh : 'No!' (EVV 'Nothing'); a similar 
case at Gen. 19* approves such mng. here, vs. Burn. 22 MSS i'? = 
Grr., avTw. See Bar's note on the Masoretic punctuation. 

VV.23-26a^ inserted in v." by OGrr., are in place in Hex. — 
23. pn : = ' prince,' Pr. 14^*; the name Rzn occurs in Sabaean 
{NPS I, 199) ; OGrr., Ecrpw/x/v. — j;T''?k : the name and 'jk^T' are 
frequent in S. Arab, (ib., 2, 28, 69). — [nij;]iin=(gH ^ ^ ■ 47 MSS 
-nn=<g (gi- g)H g) ^ ; see Note, v.^*. — nso ma iirs : OGrr. tran- 
scribed with Tov (=ni?K) eif Pae/ia6 (so the simplest form of many 
variants, see Rahlfs, SS 3, 217) : <@h has a variant transcription, 
TOP Bapafi€e6, in which ^^ found a patronymic, nsas -i3. — 24. pp""! : 
Grr., ^H (S) as ?s3|7i, generally adopted since Then. — nnx : Klost., 
Sanda, BH propose mK with 2 Sam. 8^ ; but the gloss may have 
been carelessly expressed. — 13'?'>1, ut:"'i, is'jaM : (g (but B al. om. 
clauses 2 and 3 through homoiotel. of ' Damascus ') ; (@ read 
n3'?''l (the false rdg. 13'?M having induced the foil. pis. in ^), •i'?oii, 
at:'''!, and so B>^, a correction generally accepted. — 25a. " and he 
was an adversary to Israel " ; n.b. the contradiction in <3^, 2**8, 
" there was no Satan (the Heb. word !) in Solomon's days." — 25b. 
mn ntrs nyin riSl : OGrr., avry -q KaKia v" eiroL-rjaev A., as though rdg. 
the verb ntrj?, and so tE ^, followed by EVV (JV not noting the 
addition to ^) ; (g^ avr-q rj KUKia A. (=^h ^)_ " this is the evil of 
A." (treating it:^ as ■? itrK=NHeb. '7^)=V; 6 MSS attempted 
improvement with plus [nnn] ns " (which was) with H." — ypM : 
VSS, exc. W ^ as = P5{n (to avoid the former contemptuous word), 
accepted by Gratz, BH, but see St.'s long note ; that " he op- 
pressed Israel " is historically most improbable ; also that verb 
requires the foil. prep. '?. Joiion sugg. dj^m. , after v.^s, but an 
object is then desiderated. 

I. IIl-« 247 

26. DV2V : for the name see Comm. and Note on v.*'. — taaj : 
the name only in this connexion ; it is frequent in S. Arab, by 
itself and in composition (NPS 2, 92). — rmxn = Hex. ; OGrr., 
Zapetpa, as at iz^^b. — nynx : OGrr. om. the name of the mother 
here, have it at 12^*'', where the variants suggest a confusion with 
the place-name mixn. — ibaa T" m^i : <§ 12^*'', " and he was rising 
up against the kingdom." — 27. Kiban : see Lexx. for connexion 
with Akk. mulu, ' an artificial terrace ' ; but there is also the use 
of the verb, in S. Arab, in parallelism with bny, ' to build ' (Conti 
Rossini, Chrest., 177) ; the same name for the fortress at Shechem, 
Jud. 9«- 20.-27^,. Grr. here = ||. Gr. 12^^^ has the plus, " (he buUt 
the Akra) with the levies of the house of Ephraim " ; but Gr. 2^*^ 
K. (iiKodo/x-qaev t, aKpav {ttoK^lv ew avTrjs' SuKOipev t. ttoKlv A., i.e., 
rdg. nx -\:d as n-ijDD=?7raX^ij, ' fortress,' and pj as p? ; see 
Montg., ZAW 1932, 127. — 28. '?3 : Grr., g)^ om.— Sno : see Note, 
5"*. — 29. n''nK : both this form and in'"ns appear in 14*"-, the latter 
also in 2 Ch. iqI^. The latter spelling appears in a 7th century 
Jerusalem ostracon ; see Albr., JPOS 1926, 38 ff., Diringer, lAE 
74. — Tna : OGrr. plus " and stood him off from the road " (not 
in Lucif.) ; but below for m'-'a (S^ has ' on the road.' — sim : Grr. 
exegetically, k. o Axfias. — 31. Grr. om. the art. in ' the ten tribes,' 
which appears preferable, but is correction of a careless phrase ; 
art. in n"'a2B'n prob. by dittography. — 32. inNn u:rn : Grr., g)H 
' two tribes,' and so at v.^^. As Rahlfs notes (SS 3, 99), Jos. 
knew the Heb. text, but compromised with <g, producing : ' one 
tribe and the one adjoining it.' There is no reason for cor- 
rection of the previous figure ' 10 ' to ' 11 ' (cf. BH) ; in later 
parlance there were the ten tribes of the North, and the one, 
Judah, constituting the South. — 33. ''3l2iy (3 MSS -Jaiy), nnriB''' 
(3 other MSS inriB'''), i3'?n : the VSS, including Aq., Sym. properly 
as singulars. — ^nVx tris : original as vs. the abusive terms in vv.*-', 
which terms are reproduced in Grr. here. — )''Jns : 15 MSS a/. — 
""taDtffai Tipm : OGrr. om. ; an addition suggested by v.". — 34. ^3 
lO : Kit. (Comm., BH) elides without good reason. — i:nrK s'"B'i 
(4 MSS 's KUfi) : Grr., avrLracraofxevos avTiTa^o/j-ai avru), ' I will oppose 
him'=^H^ with same translation as at Hos. i', cnV nb'x kc^j. 
Lucian in view of inconsequence of the statement at this point 
transferred it to beginning of the v., obtaining, " I will oppose 
him . . . and will not take the kingdom from his hand " ; see 
Rahlfs, S5 3, 201 f. — •<npni . . . nti'x 2°: & om. — 35. nai^o : but 
n:bso vv.^i- '*. — a''a2tt7i mts'y ns : to be omitted with St., al. as gram- 
matically superfluous after the verbal suffix, although exegetically 
proper ; Grr. ignore the suffix. — 36. "ins DStp : Grr., ^h, ' the two 
tribes.' — tj : (S (g^ 6€ffts=^^ seydma — by what kind of inter- 
pretation ? (gL by corruption de\r)(jLs. The word is translated 
with KardXeififia at 15*, but correctly with Xoxfos, II. 8^', with 
which word the Three render it in all places. — 37. '?3[3] : Grr. 
arbitrarily om. — 386/3. 39. <S om. — 39. JiiUni: for the pointing cf. 


Zee. 11'; see Bar and Ginsb.*. — 40. Dvai'' 2° : OGrr. om. — n"i3M : 
Bf a doublet, k. auearrj k. airecT-q. — p^>iO : but Kt. 14^^ pB'iK' ; 
V. ad loc. — 41. inaan : Grr. (exc. 71), ^^ pref. ' all.' — r^tthv i-im 2° : 
&^ (£. as though 'mb u^K>''n ''nm, after the usual form. <g tr. the first 
noun with prj/xara, but <§^ correctly with Xdyoi. — 42. 'pkib'"' '?3 '?r : 
<S om. — 43. T"3K : 2 MSS om. OGrr. intrude here 12^, with further 
complication. — nyam : the verbal element is common in Heb. 
names and also in S. Arab, names (see NPS 2, 123). It may be 
explained from derivative mngs. of the Arabic, as though ' to be 
broadminded, generous,' and hence Stem II, ' to welcome.' A 
parallel name appears in irT'sm, i Ch. 23^^, in which connexion 
GB cites a possible Bab. correspondent, ' Ra'Bi-ilu.' But Albr., 
in AJSL 38 (1922), 140 f., eft. the name with Bab. ' Hammu-rabi,' 
as = ' the family is extended,' and presents other like early names 
in that language. And for ' Rehoboam ' as a possible ' throne- 
name ' see the same scholar in AASOR 21-22 (1943), 67, adducing 
Pharaonic examples. But there are no similar correspondents in 
Heb. names, and the parallelism seems far afield. If it be accepted, 
then Jeroboam's name may have been a defiant alias on part of 
the rebel, ' the people is great, is master,' after the Arab, and 
Aram. mng. of the root rbb ; but there is the good old name, 

12^"^*. The division of the kingdom. || 2 Ch. 10; cf. Ant., 
viii, 8, 1-3. The Heb. text, treated by itself apart from the 
Gr. supplement (see at end of this section) has a grave incon- 
cinnity in that it connects Jeroboam's return from Egypt, his 
being summoned to the parliament, and his leadership in its 
demands, with the succession of Rehoboam, while according 
to v.2° the news of the return of Jeroboam and the summons 
to him are subsequent to the revolt. This disagreement is 
solved by excising vv.^- ^^, absent in OGrr. [n.h. the parenthesis 
in EVV) as an intrusion from Ch. {n.h. Ch.'s common word 
kdhdl vs. 'eddh, w.^^, both translated usually with ' congrega- 
tion '), excising ' Jeroboam ' in v.^^ (with the Grr.), and adding, 
v.^o, the phrase ' from Egypt ' to ' Jeroboam returned ' (with 
Grr. MSS). VV.^* ^^ are necessary to Ch.'s narrative, in which 
Jeroboam's early history was omitted, but are superfluous here. 
With these excisions, excluding certain contradictions and 
superfluities, Jeroboam does not appear as ringleader of the 
revolt, but his election is an afterthought of the rebels. The 
above criticism is that of Meyer's {IN 363 ff.). Holscher would 
excise only v.^^ ; Kittel transfers v.^ to beginning of the ch., 
and so Stade ; Klostermann and Kittel expand this v. from 

I. 12^ -31 249 

the Gr. suppl., inserted in ii^^ and 122**^, viz., " and J. heard 
in Egypt that S. was dead, and he came to his city Sareira," 
3tc. The text so revised appears as follows : 1. And Rehohoam 
went to Shechem, for all Israel came to Shechem to make him 
king. [2. And it was, when Jeroboam hen Nebat heard, while 
he was still in Egypt, whither he had fled from king Solomon, 
that Jeroboam ^returned from Egypf (with Ch., <§« ^^ j ^ 
dwelt in Egypt). 3. and they sent and called him. And came 
Jeroboam and all the congregation of Israel.] And they [Grr. 
the people] spoke to Rehoboam, etc. 12. And came [Jeroboam 
and] all Israel [so most Grr. ; ^^ all the people=^Ch.] to Reho- 
boam, etc. (vv.^^'^®). 20. And it was, when all Israel heard 
that Jeroboam had returned ^from Egypf^ [with some Grr. 
C ^°], that they sent and called him to the assembly, and they 
made him king over all Israel, etc. ' From Egypt,' v.^o, was 
omitted as repeating and contradicting v.^ ; then the sentence 
in the latter v. was changed by slight scribal and oral touch 
to ' he dwelt in Egypt,' to avoid repetition of the ' returning ' 
below. Also v.^', a disturbing interlude, is an intrusion from 
Ch. Kittel prefers the text of Gr. v.^^^- ' to vv.^-^, but without 
sufficient reason. Meyer {IN, 365) regards as an original 
element the addition to v.* in Gr. v.^*p, k. i/3dpvvev ra (Spuifj-ara 

Trj<; rpa-rre^r]^ avTov ', cf. 5'^'' 

Shechem was the place chosen by all Israel for the formal 
recognition of Rehoboam as Solomon's successor, to make him 
king. It was central and accessible, and, further, following 
Noth's thesis of an Israelite amphictyony, it may have been 
the traditional gathering-place of the tribes {Das System der 
Zwblfstdmme Israels). It is reasonable to accept the state- 
ment about the assembly, with Lods {Israel, 432), as against 
Stade {GVI i, 344 f.) and Kittel {GVI 2, 219 f.), who regard 
the assembly at Shechem as primarily mutinous ; but would not 
the king have taken proper military precautions ? K. Mohlen- 
brink has attempted to review the city's ancient history in 
his article, " Sichem als altpalastinische Konigsstadt," Chris- 
tentum u. Wissenschaft 10 (1934), 125-34; ^/- ^AW 1934, 
129. Alt finds good historic background for the public declara- 
tion of blessing and curse in this locahty ; cf. Dt. 27, 28 {Die 
Urspriinge des israel. Rechts, 1934, 61 ff.). The ancient 
Shechem has been long identified with Balata, near Jacob's 


Well, SE of modern Shechem.^ The hereditary rights of the 
Davidic dynasty were not yet established,^ and the discon- 
tented Northern tribes had now the opportunity of making 
their bargain with the new king. He postponed reply tiU 
the day after the morrow {the third day) for time to consult 
his counsellors ; but he took the advice of his young com- 
panions, the hoys, as the Hebrew means. The story phrases 
his reply in metrical form : 

11. My father loaded upon you a heavy yoke,_ 

And I will add to your yoke ; 

12. My father chastised you with rods, 

And I will chastise you with lashes. 

The last word — scorpion in Heb. — is technical for some kind 
of stinging whip. 15. The unfortunate decision of the young 
king is attributed to a ' sihhdh from Yhwh,' i.e., as the root 
means, a turn-about of fate ; the much later Koheleth marks 
this endless cycle in natural things (Eccl. i^^-) ; the phrase 
is predestinarian, without morahzing as in the case of 
Abimelech's fate (Jud. g^^). Holscher claims that sibbdh is 
' ein sehr junges Wort,' on what ground is not evident ; 
rather the term belongs to ancient fatahsm ; cf. 2^^. The 
following explication, to establish his word which Yhwh spake 
by Ahijah, may itself be secondary. In any case Rehoboam's 
folly effected the divine purpose. 16. The v. repeats like a 
national anthem the lyric outcry of the earher rebels against 
the dynasty (2 Sam. 20^), with an additional line : 

What portion have we in David .^ 
Neither have we inheritance in Jesse's son. 

To your tents, Israel ! 

Now see to thine own house, David ! 

1 For earlier literature see Montg., The Samaritans, ch. 2. Excava- 
tions at Shechem have been pursued by German expeditions, in 1913-14 
under Sellin, and since 1926 ; see Sellin's reports in ZDPV 1926 seq., 
and a criticism of the later campaigns in ZAW I933, 146 ff. ; also 
G. Welter in Archdologischer Anzeiger, 1932, 292 fif. A fresh enterprise 
was undertaken in 1934 [AJA 1935, 142). See Albr., APB 55 ff. ; 
Abel, GP 2, 458 fif. ; Olmstead, HPS 285, with photographic plates. 

« For the various interpretations of royal succession in the small 
states of the ancient Orient see Galling, Die israeliiische Staatsverfassung, 
12 ff. 

I. 121-31 251 

" To your tents " smacks of the old Arabian life=English 
" Go home ! " " See to thine own house " (c/. Gen. 39^^) is 
in modern Enghsh, " Look after your own business ! " 18. 19. 
The stoning of Adoram, Over-the-Levy (the Adoniram of 4* — 
see Note), the energetic flight of the king, and the consumma- 
tion of the rebellion are briefly narrated. As to the source of 
this narrative, which Holscher characterizes as possessing ' all 
the traits of good old saga-narrative,' critics differ. Well- 
hausen (in Bleek, Einl*, 243) and Holscher regard it as 
Judaean ; Kittel and Sanda, as Ephraimite. This variance of 
opinion reflects the pure objectivity of the story ; nothing in 
the context exhibits any partiality for Jeroboam ; according 
to ii^''^- he was given the opportunity ' to make good,' while, 
with 12^^^- he ' went wrong.' On the other hand Rehoboam's 
foolish political blunder is coolly narrated : it was divinely 
' fated.' Later a moral reason was found in Solomon's in- 
fidehty, but it is not stated here, indeed his despotism goes 
unchallenged by the writer. The Judaean origin appears the 
more probable. This is supported, as Wellhausen holds (p. 
277), by the correspondence of v.^^ with 2 Sam. 20^. 

21-24. The failure to suppress the revolt. The story is 
almost ad verbum identical with Ch. The latter ignored the 
earUer Ahijah narrative (except for casual references, IL 9^^, 
lo^^) as quite too anti-djmastic, but it had to explain here 
why the rupture was not suppressed. The otherwise ignored 
tribe of Benjamin now appears. Shemaiah the man of God 
(the first appearance of the title in Ki.) appears to be a late 
fiction, appearing again in 2 Ch. ii^^-, I25^-, and actually 
replacing Ahijah in the Gr. supplement, v.^^o. The figure of 
180,000 select warriors (also in Ch.) is absurd ; (g has a lower 
figure, 120,000. 

The Greek supplement to the history of Jeroboam, v.2*a-z_ 
This addition in the OGrr., Old Latin (ignored by Josephus), 
was excised by the Hexaplaric recension, although still retained 
in some MSS of that later strain, e.g., N. The following is a 
digest of its contents : 

a==i42i. — b. Jeroboam was son of a harlot, was ap^wv 
o-/cvTaA7js, ' lash-master ' ; he built Sareda for Solomon ; he 
had 300 horse-chariots ; he built the Akra by the levies of 
Ephraim ; he shut up the City of David, rising against the 


kingdom. — c. Solomon attempted to kill him ; he fled to 
Shishak. — d. He heard of Solomon's death, and desired to 
return. — e. Parenthesis on his marriage to Shishak's sister- 
in-law {cf. the marriage of the Edomite prince Hadad, ii^*^-). — 
/. His return ; the tribe of Ephraim gathered to him ; he 
built there a fort. — g-na. Sickness of his child, episode of 
Ahijah's prophecy, death of the child [cf. ch. 14). — n(3. He 
came to Shechem, and gathered the tribes there. — 0. The 
prophecy of Shemaiah {cf. ii^^fl-). — ^ et seq. ]| 12^"^*. 
' "with its unique length as an insertion in the earlier books 
of the Septuagint, no passage has provoked a wider difference 
of opinion than this narrative, which is throughout contra- 
dictory of that in ^. Distinguished historians have taken 
opposite positions {cf. Olmstead's citations, ' Source Study,' 
15) : von Ranke for the supplement as ' the earlier and more 
trustworthy of the two ' {Weltgeschichte, 3, 2, 412) ; Meyer, 
on the contrary : " fiir jeden, der ohne vorgefasste Meinung 
den Sachverhalt priift, kann die Prioritat des hebraischen 
Berichts und die ganzliche Wertlosigkeit der daraus zurecht- 
gemachten Erzahlung von LXX auch hier nicht zweifelhaft 
sein " {IN 369 f.). Biblical critics are as sharply polarized. 
Says Stade : " The Hebrew text from which <@ was translated 
had after this verse a midrash describing Jeroboam's life and 
adventures. This late addition is rather fanciful and very 
clumsily compiled from elements in the narratives of ill, in 
cc. II, 12, 14 " {SBOT 130) ; to which Olmstead replies : 
" When scholars of such deserved reputation can take this 
attitude, it is clear that a somewhat detailed examination of 
this ' midrash ' is demanded if we are to free the Jeroboam 
narrative from this reproach. That it forms a well-balanced, 
consistent, and probable story can best be shown by allowing 
the narrator to speak in his own words " — there follows a 
full translation {AJSL 30 [1913], 17 ; cf. ib., 31 [1915], 169 ff. ; 
HPS 350). Cheyne takes similar position {JQR 1899, 551 ff., 
and art. ' Jeroboam ' in EB). Definitely on the other side 
stand, inter al., Kuenen, Einl., 1, 2, 97, n. 10, Kittel in his 
Comm., and Burney, pp. 163 ff. Benzinger mediatingly holds 
that <g has preserved what ^ has lost (pp. 82, 86 f.) ; and 
Sanda pursues an elaborate criticism, separating the older 
body of the narrative from the later accretions (pp. 375 ff.). 

I. I2l-^^ 253 

Skinner in his short Commentary has given an admirable 
critique of the question (Note II, pp. 443 ff.) ; to the problem 
as to which of the two accounts is the more original he finds 
it impossible to give a decided answer ; the present form of 
(@, he holds, does not compare well with ^, but, and here in 
line with Sanda, when the former text is cleared of excres- 
cences, there remains a kernel whose inferiority to ^ is by 
no means obvious. Also Robinson in his presentation {HI 1, 
270 ff.) is dubious as between the two. 

The present writer agrees with the negative judgment. He 
holds in brief that when the text of ^ is cleared of the inter- 
polations indicated above, there remains an abbreviated but 
clear story of Jeroboam ; the latter had fled to Egypt, there 
followed upon Solomon's death the conclave at Shechem and 
the revolt of the North, and then, when the Northerners heard 
that the capable Jeroboam had returned in the interregnum, 
they offered him the crown. One disturbance indeed in the 
sequence is that the long story of Ahijah's prophecy (ii^^-^s) 
dovetails awkwardly between the introduction, " and this is 
the story how J. raised his hand against king S." (v.^'), and 
the sequel, " and so S. sought to kill him " (v.*"). But the 
supplement presents a motive for Solomon's hostility, alleging 
that Jeroboam had three hundred chariots, and that " he was 
exalting himself against the regime " {cf. Num. 16^). This 
may be index that the need of a motivation was early felt 
and supplied. But, as Meyer observes, no nobleman in 
Solomon's day could have acted in such high-handed fashion ; 
Absalom's pomp (2 Sam. 15^) was child's play in comparison. 
It is evident that the whole animus of the story is against 
Jeroboam ; his mother was a harlot, and he was high-handed 
from the beginning ; he had no original prophetic auspices, 
but Ahijah appears on the scene to predict his child's death 
as penalty for the abominations he will one day commit — a 
story arrantly transplanted hither from ch. 14. Ahijah's 
oracle, as given by ^, is put in the mouth of the almost 
fictitious Shemaiah (v.^'^o), while the favourable conditional 
promise is omitted. To make the subject more interesting 
Jeroboam is given the part at Shishak's court which a most 
reliable and original document gives to the Edomite prince ; 
a Pharaoh would not have given his daughter to a commoner. 


There is in (§ none of the cool objectivity of the story in ^, 
which may well be Judsean in origin, but which passes no judg- 
ment upon Jeroboam in advance, rather offers him God-given 
opportunity. The supplement in a word is midrashic, rather 
a jumble to an extent that does not appear until the Chronicler, 
which fact may not exclude the presence of detached items of 
tradition. As the supplement harks back to the early form of 
^, it may serve at times for text-correction ; but any judg- 
ment in accepting definite historical data must be arbitrary. 
The general opinion that the original was Hebrew is doubtless 
correct, and for that reason it is of literary interest as index 
of the extent of such literature at an early date — we may 
compare the midrashic stories in Josephus. The translators 
of (§ simply attached it to their ' unauthorized ' translation 
of the Scriptures as a variant historical document of interest. 
one which made of Jeroboam a more sinister person than did 
the sober history preserved in 5|. See further Comm. on 1412-, 

V.25-1420. The reign of Jeroboam. Cf. 2 Ch. iji^-is, 13I-20 • 
Ant., viii, 8, 4-9, 4. 

25. And Jeroboam built {i.e., rebuilt) Shechem in the Highland 
of Ephraim, and resided in it. And he went out from there, and 
built Penuel. The v. is of archival origin, and is the only 
purely secular datum, except 1420, preserved for Jeroboam's 
reign. Shishak's invasion must have affected the young 
Northern kingdom even more than Judah, and hence the 
paucity of data. Penuel across the Jordan on the Jabbok 
(Gen. 32^2, etc. ; cf. Abel, GP 2, 406) may be one of the places 
(no. 53) listed by Shishak among his conquests (see Comm., 
I425fi-). Lods {Israel, 434) and Olmstead {HPS 355) propose 
that Penuel was built by Jeroboam upon Shishak's retreat 
from his invasion. The object of this military undertaking' 
was doubtless the control of the trade-routes across Jordan 
with the intention of usurping Judah's heritage. The verb 
' to go out ' is used of military campaigns. There is no reason 
to think, with Stade {GVI 1, 351) and Lods, that a new capital 
was attempted. Only indirectly do we learn of another royal 
seat, Tirzah (14^', 15^^, etc.). 

Yy_26-3i^ Jeroboam's religious innovations. The history of 
the reign is composed of this late popular tradition and two 
prophetic stories, v.32_ch, 13, and 14^-18. Critics differ widely 

I. 121-31 255 

upon the analysis of these few verses. Kittel regards w.^^- 27 
as secondary, Stade only v.^^, while Holscher, in addition to 
numerous minor points speaks of w.^^-^^ as ' Flickwerk.' 
28. 29. Confusion occurs over the two calves. Jeroboam 
made two calves of gold, then proclaimed, Behold thy gods, G 
Israel, who brought thee up from the land of Egypt, and finally 
he placed the one at Bethel and the other at Dan. With only 
one calf there was danger of confusion of the image with 
Yhwh ; with the introduction of a second one the worship 
in the Northern Kingdom is presented as clearly polytheistic. 
Accordingly the present text is a development of the original 
tradition that he set up a calf at Bethel, concerning which 
he would have proclaimed. This is thy God who brought 
[reading sing, verb] thee, etc., exactly as at Neh. 9^^, although 
at Ex. 32'*' ^ the sing, has been changed into the pi., " these 
are thy gods." The similar spirit of correction appears in 
the text of Hos. 10^, where with Gr. ' the calves (of Beth-aven) ' 
is to be restored to ' the calf.' 30fl. And this thing became a 
sin : an evident interpolation from 13^*. 306. And the people 
went before the one as far as Dan : an awkward statement in 
the context, as translators have seen from early days, (g^ 
adds the desiderated complement, ' and before the other to 
Bethel,' and Oort, Kittel, Burney, BH would still further 
improve the text by inserting this Lucianic addition before 
the ' going to Dan.' Kamphausen boldly rewrites the whole 
passage ; Benzinger and Sanda unnecessarily find in the state- 
ment a cultic procession ' before the calf ' from Bethel to 
Dan for its installation there, comparing 2 Sam. 6.^ The 
indictment is further continued : 31. He made the houses of 
the high-places, and he instituted a new order of priests, not 
of the sons of Levi, but from the whole range of the people. The 
last phrase is to be so translated, and not as from the lowest 
of the people, with AV, following a Renaissance interpretation, 
e.g., ' ex faece popuH.' And yet the high-places had not been 
destroyed nor the local priest-guilds abolished ; but neither 
is such a reformation attributed to David and Solomon. 

The nature of these alleged religious ' innovations ' of 
Jeroboam has long been recognized by historians as reaction 

'Jos. still knew of ' the temple of the golden calf above the Little 
Jordan ' [BJ iv, i, i). 


against the growing dominance of Solomon's temple in 
Jerusalem, which was at once the religious expression of his 
autocratic claims : see for example Stade, GVI i, 351 ff. ; 
Kittel, GVI 2, 301 ff. ; Robinson, HI i, 277 ff. There is 
nothing to show that Solomon repressed the local cults ; but 
his ambition to make Jerusalem supreme, in the double aspect 
of political and religious capital, tended inevitably to the 
depreciation of the provincial holy places, to the poHtical 
irritation of the local communities and the tribes at large, 
and to the relative depression of the country priests, who 
doubtless came to play the role of agitators against the family 
of Sadok. It was these elements of opposition to which as a 
clever politician Jeroboam made his appeal. However, reaction 
in itself has no positive value. The fact stands forth that the 
cult at Jerusalem contained positive elements of good, in its 
imagelessness and freedom from depraved practices, and for 
its position in the capital, where excesses were checked by a 
restrained culture and a political control. The part played 
by princes in religious advance and reformation is often over- 
looked ; it is well exhibited in the subsequent history of Judah. 
Religion is generally of a higher character in cities than in 
country communities, among the ' pagani,' to use the ancient 
Christian term for the heathen of the countryside, and similarly 
Teutonic ' heathen,' ' Heiden.' At all events this reaction 
boded no good for the North, as its weakness through its 
several dynasties proved. Jeroboam's enterprise was purely 
political, indeed cleverly founded on the opposition to Solo- 
mon's autocracy and centralization of religion. But he had 
no religious interest beyond the restoration of the local cults 
{ye have gone up long enough to Jerusalem), and this policy, in 
contrast to the history of Judah, worked ill for the unity of 
the North. Olmstead indeed remarks as follows [HPS 353) : 
" Jeroboam's revolt was no revolt against Yahweh's cult. 
If not instigated by the prophetic party, it met with their 
approval, and history proves that they were right. During 
the centuries which immediately followed, every fundamental 
advance in Hebrew religion originated in the north." But 
the prophetic guilds and prophets of the North had no associa- 
tion with the local cults ; they represented a reaction against 
the debasing tendencies of Canaanitism, which were not so 

I. I21-31 257 

active in the more unified South, where the temple in Jerusalem 
stood for the sober national religion. 

The calves (depreciatory for ' bulls ' ? — cf. the ' she-calves ' 
of Hos. 10^) are generally regarded as aboriginal to the 
IsraeHte cult ; see Nowack, Arch., 2, 23 ; but Benzinger 
[Arch., 326) observes that ' surprisingly enough ' Palestinian 
archaeology has found only small god-images ; cf. Kittel 
[GVI 2, 61, notes 2, 3), who would reduce the bull to the 
function of bearer of the deity. Against the general view 
Eissfeldt (' Der Gott Bethel,' ARiv., 1930) argues that the 
calf-worship was introduced by Jeroboam and was not original, 
and similarly Meek holds that he introduced another religion 
[Hebrew Origins, 158 ff.).* For Bethel, in addition to the 
standard authorities, see now the reports of the American 
School's excavations at modern Beitin by Albright, BASOR 
nos. 55, 56, 57 (1934-35), and Abel, GP 2, 270. For Dussaud's 
view that Bethel meant originally a deity and not a place, 
and that this fact has been deleted here [Origines cananeennes 
du sacrifice israelite, 1921, 69 f., 234 ff.) see Kittel's criticism, 
p. 230, n. 2. The houses of the high-places may refer simply 
to the rock-hewn sacred precincts, as at Gezer, which were 
themselves ' houses of deity ' ; or for possible architectural 
construction in the sacred areas may be compared G. L. 
Robinson's description of a high-place at Petra, and hard by 
" outlines of what once was probably a roofed-in guest chamber 
or hall, in which sacrificial feasts may have been celebrated " 
[Sarcophagus of an Ancient Civilization, 140, cf. 154 ff.). 

1. k: : original, and so (g^ ; 10 MSS iK2=OGrr.. Ch. — 2. IK'S : = 
'where,' from the original mng., 'place'; cf. Ps. 41*; see 
C. Gaenssle, ' The Heb. Particle -wx,' AJSL 31 (191 4), 15 ff. (not 
noting these cases). — 'tr l'?an : so the order by earlier usage, i^, 

* The bull was the holy animal over a widespread area ; see art. 
' Stier ' in Pauly-Wissowa, RE, esp. col. 2503 seq., 2512 seq. ; for Canaan, 
L. Waterman, ' Bull- Worship in Israel," AJSL 31 (1915). 229 £f. ; 
S. A. Cook, The Religion of Anc. Palestine, 27 ff. For its vogue in S. 
Arabian sacred art see A. Grohmann, Gottersymhole u. Symholtiere auf 
siidarab. Denkmdlern, 1914, 41, 65 ff. ' The bull of El ' now appears 
in the Ugaritic texts. Albright {From the Stone Age, 228 ff.) supports 
at length Kittel's position. Art has had its part in the deterioration 
of religion, the sign becoming the thing signified, and hence the drastic 
Second Commandment. 



etc. ; many MSS reverse the order with Ch. — Dni;D3 '' aBi'i : 
read 'sa '' ayn ; see Comm. — 3. i^^'i Kt., !<n;i ]Kar. =17 MSS: 
the latter correct ; cf. Note, v.i. — 5. ^V : VSS, exc. tJT, as ny ; such 
correction is not required, vs. BH. — nyn : Grr. om. ; probably 
insertion from Ch. — 6. pri : there is no reason for emendation 
on basis of Gr., for which see presentation in BH. — nvam : OGrr. 
om., as unnecessary, as also St. holds ; similar variations in v.^^ — 
'v ""iD rs : for the prepositional phrase see GB 641b. — 7. laT'i 
Kt., ns-ip. Kr. : Kt. case of ancient ' defective spelling,' or im- 
personal ? — mmi cri'':j;T nmayi : <g om. the second verb, prob. 
through misunderstanding of it as implying ' humility ' ; (gi- (gH tr., 
with the verb e'Uuv, ' to yield.' Ch. found similar objection to the 
preceding nay nTiri, rendering it with aits'? n'^nn, and changing nmayi 
to DD'^yn ; see St. and Haupt for attempted simplifications. — 8. Iti-K 
rJD"? w^iavT] : for the syntax of the phrase cf. 21" ; Ch. om. -iffx, and 
so BH ; but cf. "^iffD ti-s nns ibaa in the Eshmunazar inscr., line 9. — 
9. 3"'tt'J=Ch. ; VSS as sing., as appropriate to the royal ego; 
but the case is one of the ' communicative plural ' ; cf. Gen. i^*, 
Is. 6*, and see Haupt. — 10, nns : Grr., a duplicate, av wv, as 
presenting 'k and nnv ; i MS reads the latter. — ir'?ya : ace. to 
St., al., it is far preferable to read '^H'P, cf. v.* ; but why the 
variation from the obvious ? Some MSS spell the preceding case 
with ir'jv. — '5Qi3 : so Ginsb.*, BH ; other edd., 'jbjj — 12. UM. Kt., 
Kia;i Kr., MSS saM ; (S as pi. ; the sing, is to be kept, as in 
w.i- 3- ".—15. mri'' 20 : 2 MSS, OGrr. om.— 16. 'jstj''' : correct, 
vs. ' the people ' of <3^ V. — "lai : 3 MSS, Ch., OGrr. om. — no : in 
the negative sense, like Arab, md ; see GB 401b. — i"''?nK'? : one 
of the 18 TikkiinS Sdferim, this case being alleged to be correction 
of Tn'?s'?, 'to thy gods'; see Ginsb., Int., 355 f.. Dr. on 2 Sam. 20^. 
— r\Ki : Grr., ^oaK€=ni/-t (accepted by Then., al.) ; &^ a plus at 
end of v., Kpivfjvai, ' choose '= Aram, nyi, 'to delight in'; XS, 
bv nba, by periphrasis. — 18. nms : 3 MSS n"nn=Ch. ; Gr. texts 
with various forms; Jos. =^; OGrr. revised to ' Adoniram,' 
which is accepted by Kit., Burn., St., BH ; but see Note on 4'. — 
bx-itP'' '73 : B aa om. ; cf. Note, v.". — 20. Dya-|> : B*t Fo^oapi,. — 
['jK-iB'''] '?3 2°: Grr. om. — min'' : Grr. + ' and Benjamin,' despite na^. 
—22. DTi'^Nn: read mrr' with 4 MSS, Ch.=VSS.— 24. ria'?'? latpii : 
for the phrase = ' returned ' cf. 13^', etc. ; for the first word Grr., 
KaTfiravffap, as though for inaiff-ii, and so BH ' fortasse.' — 26. ' in 
his heart ' : the same phrase used of the fool's blasphemy, Ps. 53*. 
— 27. ■T'"i 2° : OGrr. om. — aTiinK : Grr. (exc. i a^), Kvpiov k. Kvpiov 
avTO)v. — ^jjim : 5 MSS om. — 'Ji i3tri : OGrr. om. — 28. l'?on : so 
most Gr. MSS, but g>H with -x- ; N om. ; <©!• ' Jeroboam ' (and 
so adding in v.'^) ; the subject is an intrusion. — cnbn : Grr. as 
for ayn '?y , which BH, al. prefer, but St. rejects ; the Gr. would 
clarify the reference of the pronoun. — m'jyo aa'? an : see Burn., 
GK §133, c. — n'jvn : on basis of argument above read the sing., 
?l^;;n, with Kit., St., al. {BH with question). — 30. riKian'? : <g^ + ' to 

I. I232-I334 259 

Israel ' (confining the sin to the North), which Burn., BH adopt. 
— p -\v '• OGrr. + ' and before the other to Bethel ' ; see Comm. — 
Sub fin., a plus in some Gr. minuscc, and noted in marg. of ^h 
" and they left the house of the Lord." — 31. ns : to be deleted 
with Bum., BH. — nina nia : for the composite pi. phrase cf. 
II. 1729-32, and see GK §124, r: per contra, 'an '•ra, 13^^. — mxp : 
see GB s.v. ; a sing, from kasawat ; cf. the Aramaizing nyp, e.g., 
Dan. i^, and see Montg. ad loc. 

12^^-13. Jeroboam's presumptuous impiety ; the penalty- 
pronounced by the word of a man of God ; the sequel of the 
latter's sad fate ; Jeroboam's recalcitrancy and the inevitable 
doom of the dynasty. Critics differ as to the ahgnment of 
yy 32. 33^ which themselves contain duplicate material. E.g., 
Kittel, Benzinger attach v.^^ to the preceding narrative, and 
Bumey and Skinner include also v.^^. But the fresh story 
begins with v.^^^ ^s recognized by Stade, Sanda, Its theme is 
independent of the notes of the cults of the high-places ; 
Jeroboam is punished for usurpation of priestly prerogative. 
The unravelling of the duplicates is also a problem. A simple 
narrative is obtained by accepting as the original introduction 
to the story these two elements : v.^^^, And Jeroboam made 
a pilgrimage-feast [Heb.=Arab. haj'] in the eighth month like 
the feast that is in Judah ; and v.^^ {ad finem), And he went up 
upon the altar to burn incense. The intervening redactorial 
material was introduced to round out and emphasize Jero- 
boam's innovations before the story of the man of God : 
his acting as priest, sacrificing to the calves (here both at 
Bethel !), institution of priests of high-places, and notably, 
v.^^^, the gratuitous condemnation of the assumed heretical 
innovation of a new date for the Haj , of which condemnation 
there is no breath in v.^^ — it was like the feast that is in Judah. 
This summary completes the indictment of Jeroboam, and 
serves as introduction to the story of the man of God. The 
alleged innovation of the date of the Haj has been most 
variously interpreted. Some scholars have assumed that the 
eighth month was the original dating of Sukkoth, at least 
in North Palestine, as more agreeable to its climate, and 
hence the assignment of the seventh month for the Judaean 
practice would be an innovation which became standardized 
in the later Law ; so Kittel, cf. Benzinger. But Dalman 
{A. u. S., 2, 41 ; cf. p. 121, etc., and cf. Sanda) takes direct 


issue with Kittel, noting that between Jerusalem and Samaria 
there is no difference of harvest time — if chmatic difference 
there be, Samaria is warmer than Judah — there may have 
been a variance of opinion as to the conclusion of harvest, 
e.g., the olive harvest coming latest. The problem is con- 
nected with that of the apparent conflict between the date 
of the completion of the temple in Bui, the eighth month 
(6^^), and the dedication in Ethanim, the seventh month (8^). 
See the discussion in connexion with the latter passage, and 
note Morgenstern's solution. Then Jeroboam would have 
been following the old Israelite practice, like the feast that is in 
Judah (and so Mowinckel, Chronologie, 174). But the later 
Judaean calendar, which threw that festival wholly into the 
seventh month, was the innovation, while the North retained 
the old calendar. The distinction of the celebrations may 
have been further accentuated, as is the wont of sectarian 
divisions, and this may be the basis of the condemnatory 
remark, on the fifteenth day in the eighth month, in the month 
which he had invented hy himself (see Note), and then the day- 
date may have been clumsily introduced into v.^* ; cf. 
Morgenstern, p. 69, n. 93, holding these day-dates to be very 
late glosses. The crowning presumption was, according to 
the narrator, that he went up on (the place of) the altar to hum 
incense ; this is the late criticism of the ancient prerogative 
of monarchy ; see Comm. on S^*^-. 

13^-^2. The story of the nameless man of God, as the hero 
is entitled throughout, is the first extensive case of midrash 
in the historical books, to be continued in extenso in the later 
stories of the prophets, and is for that reason of literary 
interest. Ch. names as authority for the reign of Rehoboam's 
son Abijah ' the Midrash of the Prophet Iddo ' (II. 13^2), 
which compilation may have contained the present story. 
Later development gave this prophet's name to the present 
man of God ; so Jos., with Yadon, and Rabbinic tradition 
(see Marcus). Even the ultra-conservative Keil dodged the 
explicit vaticinium post eventum of the name Josiah (v.^) ; he 
held that the man of God pronounced the name as an ' appella- 
tive,' ' he whom Y. supports,' subsequently providentially 
fulfilled in the actual name, and similar, as he holds, to the 
prediction of Cyrus's name in Isaiah, these then being the 

I. I232-I334 261 

only cases of such explicit prediction in the Scriptures. The 
relation of the story to that of Josiah's cognizance of ' the 
man of God's sepulchre ' (II. 23^^^-) has been disputed. Well- 
hausen claims {Comp., 277) the literary dependence of our 
story upon that history ; but Thenius's recognition of that 
passage as an interpolation from our story is to be accepted. 
It is impossible to date the documentary fixation of such a 
legend ; with Sanda, the redaction would have taken place in 
Josiah's time. There is indeed no particular indication of late 
post-Exilic date ; the reference to the ' cities of Samaria ' 
(v.^^) can be pre-ExiUc. Interest in such prophets did not 
continue after the Exile. There may be noted the peculiar, 
evidently popular term man of God (the later Christian 
' divine ') for the Judaean over against the Northern title 
prophet {cf. vv.^- ^^). The repeated and apparently redundant 
phrase, by the word of Yhwh, has been noted by Wellhausen 
as late ; but see Note, v.^. The probable fact is that among 
the sepulchres that Josiah destroyed was the tomb of an un- 
named Judaean holy man, celebrated with a legend ; cf. Arabic 
wali. There is to be noted the dramatic feature of the lion 
which remained standing by the carcase (v.^^), for its preserva- 
tion until it came into the prophet's pious hands ; similarly a 
lion figures in the case of a man who disobeyed a prophet 
^2o35£f.) ; for the nuisance of lions in Palestine see Comm. on 
II. 172^'-. The story has its moral in the theme of the dis- 
obedient prophet ; cf. the Balaam story and that of Jonah. It 
is true to religious psychology ; the man of God's errand is to 
be devoted singly to the divine purpose ; cf. the word of Jesus, 
Luke 10*. No punishment is entailed upon the lying prophet, 
who subsequently became the medium of the true word of 
God, on which fact Grotius curtly remarks, " Revelatio pro- 
phetica saepe fit malis hominibus." But his history is not the 
point of the story, while in any case false inspiration of the 
prophets was a matter of common knowledge, and was given 
its explanation as coming from a ' lying spirit ' {22^^^-). 
Indeed in the latter story Micaiah gives first a false oracle 
(v.^^). It is to be noted that the old prophet ascribes his 
inspiration to an angel (v.^^), which at least reUeves the divine 
responsibility. Sanda holds that the final staccato sentence, 
he lied to him, is an interpolation. The legend developed to 


explain the untimely end of some holy man upon his return 
from a mission ; he must have committed some fault on the 
way. The narrative is diffuse, and the text is subject to much 
criticism and correction. In v.^^ is to be read the pL, his sons 
came, with the VSS ; in v.^^ and they showed him, for the make- 
shift translation, for they had seen. At end of v.^^ the words 
appearing in E VV as to wit (or namely) , for the prophet whom 
he had brought back, are to be elided, as erroneous gloss to 
define the preceding subject. V.^^^ on the basis of (§ may be 
simplified ; in v.^^ in place of lay my bones beside his bones, 
the Grr. read, lay me, etc. ; see Notes. 

In vv.^^- ^* as sequel to the above story and with repetition 
of 12^^ Jeroboam's incorrigible perversity is depicted. Well- 
hausen {Comp., 278), followed by Stade, regards v.^^'^' as con- 
tinuation of that story, and vv.^*'^- ^* as redactorial ; it is 
simpler, with Sanda, to consider both vv. as redactorial with 
emphasis on the illegitimate priesthood. The usual translation 
of v.^^ is that he again made priests, an obscure note indeed ; 
the meaning of the Heb. verbs is rather : he turned back and 
made priests, since he was now proved to be physically in- 
capacitated. For such use of the first verb cf. II. 24^, Jer. 
34^1- ^^. The bastard priesthood is here the object of denuncia- 
tion, as the calves were at 12^°. Some minor corrections of 
the Heb. text are to be noted (see Notes). At end of v.^^ 
read : he would consecrate him, and he would become a high- 
place priest (EVV paraphrase). In v.^* correct by this thing, 
and read with MSS, VSS, EW exc. JV : this thing became the 
sin of the house of Jeroboam ; critics vary as to the interpreta- 
tion, some preferring the Gr., " and this thing became a sin 
to the house of J." The terse Hebrew at end of the same v. 
may be literally translated : and to (the end of) abolition and 
destruction from off the earth ; the second phrase occurs at 
Dt 6^*, Am. 9^. The phrase translated ' to consecrate ' is 
literally ' to fill the hand of,' as used in the ritual of consecra- 
tion, Ex. 28*^, etc. ; it was however of ancient usage, appear- 
ing in the story of Micah's consecration of the Levite (Jud. 
17°' ^2). Exactly the same phrase occurs in Akk. mullu [and) 
katd, of the solemn placing of the sceptre in the new king's 
hand (in Hammurabi's case, KB 3, i, 122), not however of 
sacred functions. See the full discussions by Nowack {Arch., 

1, I2^2_J234 263 

2, 120 ff.) and Sanda. Sanda argues convincingly that the 
term denotes the assignment of the benefice to the priest, 
some symbol being used in the rite of ' filling the hand.' The 
term is originally secular, not necessarily of Mesopotamian 
origin. Compare the history of the Muslim term for the 
election of the caliph, bai'at, literally ' purchase-contract,' 
accompanied with the handshake, a term that passed into 
the Syriac Churches for the consecration of the higher clergy. 
In the Anglican Church the key of the church is placed in the 
hand of the newly instituted rector. 

32. p : Grr. the relative 8, by correction of a careless passage. — 
TiBym : again a case of dialectical or late syntax. — 33. ba r'^an : 
(@ (g^ om. — tfnna 2^ : Grr., eu tij eopTrj. — na'ja sia : the verb has 
the Arab, sense, ' to invent, improvise ' ; comparison with Neh. 6*, 
Bsnu nrs la'^o, " for out of thy heart thou art inventing them " 
(i.e., the preceding ' words '), early induced the Kr. here, 13'rp (also 
in MSS), as also early known to the Grr. with avo Kapdias avrov, a 
correction generally accepted by critics ; but the point is that he 
invented the new dating ' all by himself '=i^)>d. 

Ch. 13. 1. (mn-') 1313 : also vv.«- ^- »• "• is, 2o35, i Sam. 3". The 
cryptic character of the expression appears in the variety of 
translations : EVV in general, ' in the word,' GV ' durch das 
Wort,' FV ' avec la parole,' Chic. B., ' at the command,' Moff., 
' moved by ' ; the last rendering approaches closest to the 
supernatural idea involved, and so Sanda, ' Kraft gottlicher 
Eingebung.' The expression appears to be rather overworked in 
the narrative, e.g., v.", but it is a bit of religious diction. For 
the term see the excellent discussion by Smend, Lehrbuch der 
alttest. Rel.-gesch. (1899), 87, with the initial statement : " das 
Wort Jahves ist friih als eine gottliche Potenz gedacht," and now 
the recent particular studies by F. Haeussermann, Wortempfang 
in der alttest. Prophetie, ZAW Beih. 58 (1932), esp. pp. 122 £f. ; 
O. Grether, Name u. Wort Gottes im A.T., ZAW Beih. 64 (1934), 
Teil II ; L. Diirr, Die Wertung des gottl. Wortes im A.T. u. im 
Antiken Orient, MVAG 42, Heft i (1938). For the Bab. parallels see 
KAT 608, n. 2. Probably ' invested with the word,' i.e., in the 
divine aura, would best express the notion, which is equivalent 
to iv 5vvdfj.fl Tn>€viJ.a.Tos of the N.T., e.g., Rom. 15^*. In i Sam. 3*^ 
the phrase is used as a gloss to ease up the too physical assertion 
that " Yhwh appeared to Samuel." — 2. "las"'! : Bf om. — latff : for 
the idiom, frequent in Aram., cf. i Sam. 17*, etc. — leits'"' : impers. 
pi. ; Grr., ^ V change to sing. — 3. J?"ip3 naicn n:n : the ppl.= 
' delendum est,' hence followed by perf. iDtyji {vs. Sanda). — 4. nyaT' : 
to be omitted with <&^ ; <S <gH ^h intrude ' the king.' — 6. ]V1 
-laxM -[ban : <& <3^ ' and said the king Jer.' — "'n;?3 '?^cnm : OGrr., 


Ti om. ; prob. a gloss to the preceding antique and anthropomorphic 
phrase (cf. Engl. ' curry favour '). — 7. nij;c? : so BH with MSS 
C L. accepted by Ginsb.*. vs. ^yjc\ on which cf. Bum. ; the verb 
is used absolutely as in LHeb., other\vise-|-2'7. — n^a : the noun is 
otherwise late in Heb.— 9. [""' -lii:] 'rs mi' : the Grr. generally 
obtained a subject by rdg. the foil. gen. Kvpiov as nom. Kvpios, but 
MSS e f y preserve the original genitive. The text has been com- 
monly emended (e.g., by St., BH) to 'n'^v;, and then consequently 
-ig^ is read in v.^' ; but the two are cases of the impersonal sing, 
used in language of religious mystery ; cf. n^ie, Zech. g^^. and see 
Ew., Lehrb., §294, i (2), who eft. N.T. Xeyei ; the text is to be 
kept. — 10, ins Tii : the noun construed as masc." (cf. v.*^) ; in the 
foil, na S3 ni:'N the fem. prepositional phrase is an intrusion with 
contradictory gender ; cf. n3'?n itt-x T\i2, v.^. — 11. nnK=Engl. ' a 
certain ' ; frequent in N. Pal. narratives and LHeb. ; see Burn., 
pp. 181, 209, GB 23a. — iDDM us SUM : Ken. 30 tisdm ria ik2"'T=VSS, 
exc. C and correct.— nrn : ' on that day ' ; cf. Arab, equivalent = 
' to-day.'— ns 2°: 2 MSS n»<i=some Grr., VSS (exc. W), accepted 
by Then., BH, al; St. regards ns to the end of the verse as second- 
ary ; it is simpler to read rsi, and to take 'ii dtibdii as secondary. 
For this last verb Grr. read remarkably n'-is tT'D-'I. — 12, £3T'2N : 
OGrr.+Xe7wj' ; i MS replaces with las'?. — 1KT1 : read Hif., in"):!, 
with tE ; cf. similar absolute use in Est. i* ; other VSS with obj., 
as though inx-in. — 14. n'^sn : for the picturesque use of the deter- 
minate noun see GK §126, 4. — 15. nn^sn : there is no reason to 
omit the word, with OGrr., and so St. ; the phrase = Engl. " come 
home with me." — 16. ins sis'?! : 2 MSS, OGrr. om., and so St., 
BH ; but ^ with plus in-'i offers the true mng., ' a entrer chez 
toi.' — ins [nnrs] : OGrr. om., and so St., BH ; in the parallel, 
v.", St. also om. cr.— 17. i?-J : Grr., B>, as passive, and so E\"V 
translate ; it is easy to correct with many critics to the Pual ; 
but the Pual is rare, occurring only twice ; see Note, v.*. — 
[3irn] s'? : ca. 50 MSS s'?i =VSS. — ns':'? : St. finds superfluous, 
arguing from Gr. eiriaTpef-q^, but this is correct translation of the 
Heb. verbs, ' to return.' — 18. etis : circumstantial, ' lying to 
him'; cf. Dr., Tenses, §163.-19. ins 22'''i : = Engl. "and he 
turned in with him " ; read by OGrr. as ink 3b*;i. — 20. [\rh^ '?s : 
read bv with 19 MSS ; cf. 2 Sam. 9". — N.b. the ' piskah-in- 
middle-of- verse,' a long spacing, in this case giving dignity to the 
foil, statement; a similar case II. i^' ; see Graetz, MGWJ 27 
{1878), 481 ff. ; 36 (1887), 193 ff.— 21. "■' ■'s : W reduced the 
anthropomorphism with ' the word of Y.' — 23. imn-j' innsi : Grr. + 
• water,' accepted by BH ; but, with St., the whole phrase is 
unnecessary. — u^CT Trs s^a:'? : this vague phrase is not repre- 
sented in OGrr. exc. for the verb k. (TrecrTpexpei', which emendation 
is accepted by Bum., BH. Hex. then inserted in place rui irpoipTiT-q. 
But s"'2i'? is an erroneous gloss to explain the ethical dative i"?, 
c'inM being misunderstood as action of the host, and then was 

I. 14^-31 265 

added " who brought him back," but the guest is never called 
' the prophet.' St. properly rejects the whole phrase. — 24. The 
root x:fa includes the mng. of Aram. '<aa, ' to chance upon ' = Eth. 
mase'a; in v.** it means 'to find.' — 25. 2 iSi^ MSS om. through 
r\b2:r\ 2^ ; i MS Ken. om. through isnM. — 266-27. OGrr. om. ; 
BH as ' probably an addition ' ; rather the Gr. is an abbreviation, 
and so St. decides. — 28. "nam : 12 MSS -ncnni = Grr., and to be 
accepted. — 29. 'jx 1° : 12 MSS correctly '?y = Grr.— 296. OGrr. 
oiler a simpler text, omitting n2"'1, rdg. as though T'yn '?« (so 
I Heb. MS), retaining s''2Jn (as nom.), omitting [n2p'?]l ibd'? \\>''ti; 
the simplest revision is VM^^b T'yn '?k ina-'CM with St. ; cf. Burn. — 306. 
nso"'! : the pi. of community action, and so recognized by &, 
but <Si^ and (g^ MSS tr. with sing, (so i Heb. MS), induced by ' my 
brother.' — th ''in : fuller statements of the mourning cry appear 
in Jer. 22^*, 34*, cf. Am. 5^*, and also OGr., 12^*^, for which 
passage see Note, 14^^. Sanda eft. similar dirges in the modem 
Lebanon, beginning with " Ah, my dear one, ah, my friend." — 

31. ins r\ip nns; Grr., 'after (his) bewailing him,' a sophisticated 
improvement. — Taxy ns win : Grr., ' me ' for the obj., i.e., ^ntt, 
which is preferable (a living man would hardly have used the 
other expression), with which cf. II. 23^* ; Grr. were affected by 
the parallel account and added " that my bones be saved with 
his bones," which addition is accepted by St. and BH {q.v.). — 

32. "js : Grr. om. — piDB' •'-ij?3 : Grr., ' in Samaria.' — 33. nyin lama : 
Grr. as though inyn p. — s'?a\ \T'i : potential imperfs., and not to 
be corrected ; see GK §159, d. — ijna 20 : read the sing, with VSS, 
with antecedent in y^vm ; the pi. was induced by the preceding 
pi. — 34. nana: read -isnn with 7 MSS = VSS, exc. V. — n^i nKUn"? : 
Grr., g>H ^ as though 'aS mnrh; ^ is to be retained, with 
St., vs. Bum., BH ; the same phrase, with correction of text, 
at II. 136. 

14I-18, The prophet Ahijah, besought by Jeroboam's wife, 
who goes in disguise on behalf of their sick son, predicts his 
immediate death, and elaborates at length the doom upon 
Jeroboam's family. The story belongs to the same collection 
as that of the Old Prophet, ch. 13. It fails here in the OGrr. 
But the Hexaplaric texts {e.g., A Cg ^^ with -x-) have inserted 
it here in a form variant from ^, and of this variant the OGrr. 
preserve a variant form in 12^^"-'^. For this Gr. supplement 
see Comm. after 12^*. The judgment passed there on its 
secondary and worthless character as a primary document 
is maintained here for this particular story. An absolute 
choice must be made between the two stories. In '^ the 
prophet Ahijah is well known as the predicter of Jeroboam's 
fortunes ; but in the supplement he must be named and 


described (vv.^*^') as a man of 60 years and of poor eyesight, 
while in the original story he was vigorous enough to accost 
Jeroboam ' alone in the open country ' (n^'). The supple- 
ment definitely ignored Ahijah's earher prophecy in order to 
turn him into a prophet of doom ab origine, and assigned that 
duty to Shemaiah who appears later in ^, in a truncated, 
apparently unfinished passage (v.^^o). In a word the historical 
tragedy presented in ^, the auspicious oracle to Jeroboam and 
his miserable failure, is utterly contradicted. The OGr. story 
is integrated with the other materials of the supplement : 
Jeroboam's wife's name is repeated from v.^"*® as Ano, i.e., 
Pharaoh's sister-in-law, following the utterly false attribution 
of the Edomite Hadad's history to Jeroboam ; Jeroboam is 
housed at Serira (w.^'*^-!')^ but in ^ at Tirsah (v.^^). As 
Kittel remarks, the mother's disguise is omitted, for she was 
not yet a queen. To the humble gifts she is to take to the 
prophet (v.^) OGr. adds ' and cakes for his children,' apparently 
a playful touch, while the list of gifts is repeated below in 
puerile fashion (vv.^^''-'). There remains the question of the 
literary relation of ^ and the supplement. The latter is 
shorter, but for the most part by the elision of the long 
denunciation (vv.'*^^), which is stoutly Deuteronomic ; but 
such omission was necessary in the setting of the midrash, 
for that condemnation damns Jeroboam for what he has done 
as king ; and so the mourning for the child by ' all Israel ' 
(v.^^) had to be eliminated. The difference of opinion of 
critics as to the relation between ^ and the Gr. supplement 
has been discussed above. In regard to the present narrative 
even conservative critics, e.g., Sanda, Skinner (p. 445 f.), 
regard the Greek as an earlier and simpler strain, which 
survived in Hebrew by some chance and fell into the hands 
of a Greek translator, while ^ is the result of subsequent 
Deuteronomic editing. The Greek appears indeed to have 
depended upon a Hebrew midrash, which however transformed 
the original to suit the entirely absurd setting in which it is 
placed. Only one phrase pecuHar to the Greek has a note 
of originahty, the plus in v.^*"", " [they will bewail the child,] 
Ah, lord " (see Note, v.^^). 

3. For the cracknels /cakes /biscuits, as the EVV render, see 
Note. 4. For the blind man's second sight cf. 2i^''fl-, II. 6^^^^-, 

I. I41-31 267 

and see Volz, Der Geist Gottes, 36 ff. 5. Gunkel {Einl. in die 
Psalmen, 146, 160 ff.) lists similar ' royal oracles ' in the O.T. 
and their parallels in non-IsraeUte sources. 14&. Cf. the variant 
English translations, and see Note. 16. Read : because of the 
sin [^ pi.] of Jeroboam that he has sinned, and in which he has 
involved Israel ; the latter phrase is juridical. 17. For Tirsah, 
incidentally mentioned as the royal residence, see Comm., 15^^. 
18. Gunkel {Einl., 160) lists the similar ' Leichenklagen ' in 
the O.T. 

yyig. 20^ jj^e conclusion : Jeroboam's death, and the 
succession. How he warred, and how he reigned. We know 
through Egyptian sources of Shishak's invasion of Palestine, 
which involved North Israel ; see below, vv.^^^-. V.^° notes 
that " there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam con- 
tinually," and 2 Ch. 13 details Jeroboam's disastrous defeat 
by Abijah of Judah. 

yy_2i-3i_ jjjg reign of Rehoboam. || 2 Ch. 11^-12; cf. Ant., 
viii, 10. 21. There appears for the first time the usual intro- 
ductory formula giving the age of the king at accession, the 
length of his reign, and the queen-mother's name ; see Int., 
§13, b. The age at accession is at first only occasionally given, 
and never for the Northern dynasty ; the next case is that 
of Jehoshaphat (22*^), then Jehoash (II. 12^), after that 
regularly. Rehoboam's age of 40 years may point to the fact 
(or to the theory, if Solomon's regnal term of 40 years is an 
invention) that he was the first-born son after his father's 
accession, a status which had its claim in Oriental dynasties. 
His reign lasted 17 years. These datings are contradicted by 
(g 1224a (not (3^), where the figures 16 and 12 are given respec- 
tively. These figures (despite BH, ' fortasse recte ') are doubt- 
less artificial, invented perhaps to agree with the statement 
of Rehoboam's advising with " the youths who had grown up 
with him " (12^) ; cf. the invention of 12 years for Solomon's 
age at accession in Hex. texts, 2^^. The queen-mother's name 
is given, as regularly below ; her formal title was ' Lady ' 
(gebhah), e.g., 1^^^. This datum fails for the North. The 
lady in question was Naamah the Ammonitess ; the Or. 
supplement makes of her a daughter of Hanun b. Nahash, 
a construction based upon 2 Sam lo^. At v.^^^ this item of 
the queen-mother is erroneously repeated, being absent in 


OGrr. The intrusive phrase, [Jerusalem] the city which Yhwh 
chose out of all the tribes of Israel to set his name there, is 
evidently interpolation from Ch. 12^^. 

YY_22-24 present a moralizing condemnation of the religious 
perversions of the reign. According to '^ Judah did what was 
evil in the eyes of Yhwh, and they provoked him, etc. OGrr. 
replaced ' Judah ' with ' Rehoboam ' ; cf. 2 Ch, 12^*, and the 
reference below to Abijam's ' father's sins ' (15^). The heathen- 
ish reaction after the reigns of David and Solomon (but n.h. 
11^^-) is presented in the later customary language : the con- 
struction of high-places [bdmot] and pillars [massebot] and 
Asherah-symbols [EVV transliterate with Asherim] upon every 
high hill and under every green tree ; cf. Dt. 122^-, Jer. 2^", 
3^- ^3, Is. 57^, Eze. 6^^-, etc. ; for the archaeological light cast 
upon these institutions see the Archaeologies of Nowack and 
Benzinger, Gressmann, ATB vol. 2 with extensive plates ; 
Cook, Religion ofAnc. Palestine ; Barton, AB ch. 11 ; Burrows, 
WMTS §§130 ff. ; Albright, ARI (see Index). Sodomites 
of EVV (see the story in Gen. 19) translates an adjective 
differing only vocalically as kddes from the word for ' holy,' 
kddoL The group appears again in 15^^^ 22*'', II. 23' ; they 
are the ' dogs ' whose hire may not be brought into Yhwh's 
house (Dt. 23^^^'), which caste of ' dogs ' appears among the 
Phoenician hierodules {CIS I, no. 8), In an interesting note 
of Jerome's, Comm. ad Hoseam, iii, 1261, cited by Movers, 
Die Phonizier, 683, and Keil, ad loc, he remarks that the 
term means the Galli, religious self-castrated eunuchs of the 
Attis religion of his day {cf. Lucian, De Dea Syra, 15, etc.) : 
but ' in other places,' he says ' Cadesim ' is used of ' viri 
exsecti libidine,' i.e., male prostitutes ; he notes Aquila's 
rendering, ivrjXXay/xivoi {' denatured,' cf. ^cr^AAa^av, Rom. i^^ 
of female perverts), and Symmachus's use of rcrcAecr/xeVoi, i.e., 
' initiates.' See Note further. For the subject at large see 
B. A. Brooks, ' Fertility Cult Functionaries in the O.T.,' 
JBL 60 (1941), 227 ff. 

YY 25-28 briefly present Shishak's raid in Palestine, with 
particular note of his spoliation of the sacred and royal 
treasures. This note is of archival origin, with the editorial 
introduction, and it came to pass (see the writer's article, JBL 
53 [i934]» 4^) ' t^^ Pharaoh's name is given (as also in the 

I. I41-31 269 

story of Jeroboam, 11*°), a specification that does not occur 
again until Hezekiah's reign (II. 19^) . The regnal year is given, 
as before only in connexion with temple history (6^). The 
date is the first of international reference in the Bible. The 
item refers to the palace-complex ; it notes the looting of 
temple and palace, but is especially concerned with the dis- 
appearance of Solomon's golden shields (c/. lo^®^-). A similar 
archival note appears at 15^^. For the processionals of Assyrian 
kings see Meissner, Bah. u. Ass., i, 67 f., and for a procession 
at coronation cf. II. ii^^-. For the guards, literally runners, 
cf. II. io25, iii3. 19^ I Sam. 22^', etc. ; they were technically 
the escort before the royal chariot {cf. i^). The Pharaoh's 
name is variously given by H, Kt. and Kr., as Shishak, 
Shushak (see Note further). Egyptologists still variously 
vocaUze the Pharaoh's name, e.g., Sheshenk (Petrie), Sheshonk 
(Breasted), Shoshenk (Miiller, Meyer). The fifth year of the 
reign is chronologically dubious.^ That monarch's famous 
inscription at Karnak records his extensive raid throughout 
Palestine ; see for the translation Breasted, ARE 4, §§709 ff., 
and for its historical interpretation Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 
166 ff. ; Alt, Israel u. Aegypten, 11-41 ; also for various 
expositions the historians Breasted, Kittel, Meyer, Olmstead, 
Robinson ; cf. Petrie, Palestine and Israel. For the question 
concerning Solomon's father-in-law, whether Shishak or a pre- 
decessor, see Comm., 3^. From the inscription Shishak does 
not appear as an ally of Jeroboam, as the partial Judsean 
record suggested to past scholars (although Robinson, HI 275, 
still maintains this position, holding that Jeroboam, in his 
' desperate straits ' was rescued by ' his patron and overlord 
Sheshonk '), but rather as the enemy who took advantage 
of the now divided and weakened Hebrew state to raid and 

^ The Egyptian records give no dating for the Pharaoh's expedition 
into Palestine, and with the uncertain early chronology of the Davidic 
line agreement of scholars has not been attained for the Biblical date. 
Petrie dates the event from the Bible chronology and arrives at 933 
B.C. {Hist, of Egypt, 3, 235) ; Breasted as about the year 926 (Hist, of 
Egypt, 529) ; Meyer about 930 (GA 2, 2, 46) ; Olmstead at 931 [HPS 
354) ; Lewy and Albr. date the accession of Rehoboam about 922, and 
accordingly his fifth year would be about 917 (Albr., BASOR 87 [1942], 
28). See Petrie at large (pp. 227 flf.) for the chronological problems 
connected with the 22d Dynasty. 


despoil it, but with no permanent results. The Hst of some 
150 ' captured ' cities {cf. especially Miiller, Alt, Olmstead), 
each represented by a cartouche figuring a bound captive 
with a place-name attached, includes such Northern cities 
as Taanach, Megiddo, Shunem, Beth-shean, as well as many 
towns in the west and south of Judah. At Megiddo the 
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago has discovered 
a large but broken monument erected by Shishak ; see C. S. 
Fisher, Or. Institute Communications, No. 4 (1929), figs. JA, 
7B, and Petrie reports a massive brick construction of the 
monarch at Beth-pelet {Beth-Pelet, I, 1930). It is generally 
recognized for the other cities which Shishak ' took,' that it 
was rather their tribute he received ; so Jerusalem was not 
actually taken, but the king would have paid a sumptuous 
indemnity in specie and ohjets d'art, hke the gold shields. 
For subsequent history of the reign 2 Ch. ii^ff- has an authentic 
note concerning Rehoboam's fortification of fifteen ' cities of 
defence,' all to the south and west of Jerusalem, evidently 
after Shishak's raid. Glueck has come definitely to the con- 
clusion that the destruction of Esyon-geber I by fire was 
caused by Shishak's invasion, thus greatly extending the map 
of that onslaught and confirming Ch. ; see BASOR 75 (1939), 
17 ff., and The Other Side of the Jordan, 105. V.^" with the 
report that there was war between Rehohoam and Jeroboam 
continually [Heb. all the days] is presumably true history, if 
literarily only a deduction from 15168- ; it manifestly contra- 
dicts the prophet-story in I22ifl-. 31. And his mother's name 
was Naamah the Ammonitess : this inserted repetition of v.^^ 
is absent in OGrr., ^. 

For the assumed Aquilanic character of the Hexaplaric text in 
this section (e.g., in A ^^) see Burkitt's discussion in his Fragments 
of the Book of Kings, 33 f., and Reider, Prolegomena to . . . Aquila, 
156 £f. (see Int., §4, c) ; Burkitt proves that the Hexaplaric text 
is not an extract from Aquila but is the LXX text of la^^g-n, 
emended into general, but not complete concord with Aquila's 
translation. This judgment explains the plus of ' the cakes for 
his children,' v.*, and the appearance of Zapipa in place of Aquilanic 
e€paa8e=nr\)r\n. — 1. K'^nn nya : indefinite, ' at a time,' as in Aram, 
use of the pronoun. — 2. n-'jntffm : Ginsb. records a variant, in — , 
in agreement with foil. Tn Kt. ; for occurrence of these older 
forms see GK §32, h.— run : 12 MSS njm=Grr. — \^e^ : corrected 

I. I41-31 271 

by St., BH, al., to i^oh, forsooth on ground of the inf. in Gr. ; 
but the parallel nyiVi, 15", supports ^ here ; also cf. nnx ny, 
Num. 24"". — 3. en'? nxT : for the exceptional sing, see GK §134, f. 
— (gi2"i' adds K. KoWvpia T. reKvoLS avrov, which (6° inserts here, 
rdg. Ko\Xvpi5a ; the latter word at 2 Sam. 13* tr. msa'?, ' poultices ' ; 
both Heb. and Gr. {cf. Sophocles, Lex.) used the respective wordb 
in both senses, ' cakes/poultices.' — nnp: : in Josh. 9^- "=crumbled 
bread. Here & aTa(pv\t)v, (g^ (TTa(^t5as = ' raisins ' ; tC pD3=^, 
' sweetmeats,' as in Talmud. — trm p^pi : for such cruses in bee- 
hive shape see Bad6, Some Tombs at Tell en-Nasbeh (1931). 27, pi. 
ix, and on '2 A. M. Honeyman, PEQ 1939, 79. The second noun 
may have been used of any sweet syrup, like the current Arab. 
dibs ; Sanda cites Jos., BJ iv, 8, 3, on the excellent ' honey,' 
fieXi. made from dates of the Ghor. For such sweetmeats see 
Benz., Arch., 68. — 5. [nia] bt( : read '?p ; the same change to be 
made with some MSS in v.^'. — majna s-rn nioa inM : St. regards 
as an insertion into the divine word ; however the apparently 
ungrammatical 'rt'i ((S^ read as 'nn, accepted by Burn., BH. al.) 
is conditional, i.e., " though be it, when she enters she be dis- 
guised " ; cf. GK §159, d, and the similar use of the jussive in 
Arabic, Wright, Arab. Gr., 2, §13.-6. nsa n-''?il : the apparently 
non-syntactical phrase is generally corrected, e.g., by BH to 
ns:n '•bii : but Haupt properly identifies the Heb. with the fial 
construction of the Arabic, where the ppl. is in the ace, referring 
to the suffixed pron. ; see Wright, vol. 2, 113. Bum. also defends 
^, and eft. Ps. 69*, bn^D ■'J"'j; :'?3 ; for similar cases see Ewald, 
Lehrb., §317, c ; and so (§^ correctly translates. — m noV : for this 
and similar combinations, as in Arab., Aram., see Burn. — 
n^U y^K m'7B' = (SH aTrocrroXos irpos ere ckXtj^os (the only case of the 
noun in Gr. O.T.), sc. as riz>P, ; but the fern, is adverbial ace. to the 
passive, the active meaning ' to send one with a hard message ' ; 
see Ewald, §284, c. Bum. — 7. T'iJ : the antique word, as at i«*. — 
10. [rr'a] '?N:=(gH gis ; but read '?y with 7 MSS. — T'pa ^w^d 
aiij/l mxy : the whole phrase is repeated at 21"*, II. 9* (but rdg. 
mxyi), and cf. II. 14^*. Of Engl. VSS AV alone properly translates 
the initial obscene word, ' him that pisseth against the wall,' 
subsequent VSS euphemizing, ' every man-child.' The verbal form 
has been explained as a secondary root from ye;, ' to piss ' (see 
Lexx.), but impossibly. Stade, on II. 14''*, has suggested the 
Hithp. with change of vocalization. But it is best explained as 
Ifteal, which mode of Akk. imw appears (Bezold, BAG s.v.), while 
it also occurs in the Moabite Stone (nnn'?K), and now in the Ugaritic ; 
see RSMT 22 ; Gordon, Ugar. Handbook, i, §9, 29. For reviews of 
interpretations of the two pass. ppls. see Burn., Sanda, Driver on 
the occurrence of the phrase at Dt. 32^*, and now J. Lewy, HUG A 
12-13 (i937~38)> 99 fi- Lewy cites seven various interpretations, 
all revolving about the theme of ' bond and free,' and adds a fresh 
solution, ' unborn (shut up in the womb) and bom ' (eft. Akk. izbu. 


' new-born child '). But why should the unborn child be a concern 
here ? Eissf. notes another view expressed by P. Saydon at the 
Brussels Congress of Orientalists, 1938 {Theol. Blatter, 1938, 303), 
translating with ' gehemmt u. hilflos.' The writer may suggest that 
after the initial obscene phrase the pass. ppls. mean ' in private and 
unrestrained,' i.e., distinguishing between the gentleman and the 
boor in the street. — ^^m : not the prep., but = ' the last of ' ; nnstP, 
nnnN are used similarly.— "ij^a"' : impers. sing. ; change to the pass., 
as BH suggests, is unnecessary ; for the root, generally distin- 
guished semantically into two, see Gray, Isaiah, xxi, seq. — 12. nsaa ; 
read H'2^. — yh^-i : i MS ■]h:\ and so the Gr. as sing.— 13. iiddi 
7Nna'' 73 1? : <g 12^^™, k. to iraidapLov Koipovrai otai Kvpie, i.e., the 
mourning cry, ;nK "in as at Jer. 22I8, 346, appropriate to a prince 
(otherwise 1330, ' Ah, my brother ! ') ; the phrase may well be 
original and have been euphemistically omitted by ^ ; the Gr. 
camouflaged the possibly heathenish expression ('dddn = ' Adonis '), 
with an added gloss, on evpedrj ev avru pruxa, koKov irepi t. Kvpiov ; 
see W. W. Baudissin, Adonis u. Esmun (191 1), 91 ; C. W. North, 
ZAW 1932, 31 f. — "^ ba. 2ia lin : St. thinks that "jk is 'beyond 
explanation ' ; a similar phrase. Est. 5*, but with prep, bv, which 
Haupt would read here, comparing Akk. tlba ell ; but ?| may 
stand. — 14. nny a: noi nrn ni : and so exactly the Gr. ; ace. to 
St. the phrase is ' unintelligible ' ; EVV " that day, but what ? 
even now " ; JV " that day. But what is it even then ? " ; Kit., 
" an jenem Tag. Aber dann noch (v.^^) wird J. Israel schlagen " 
(rdg. n2m as ns"' ), and so Moff., Chic. B., and with cautious approval 
Sk. tl attempts an elucidation : " he who exists to-day, and he 
who will be born to-morrow." Joiion {M61., 5, 475) proposes to 
read nr for nc, eft. V ' in hoc tempore ' ; Klost. absurdly finds in 
it original " and this was Abijah b. Maacah," eft. 2 Ch. i3i"'-. 
Interpretation may be ventured as follows : nrn nr = ' the matter 
of the day,' i.e., ' as regards to-day ' (for this use of the demon- 
strative relative see the writer's Note in JBL 43 [1924], 227), ' and 
what also is now,' i.e., ' to-day and at once.' — 15. nJpn nir iti-KO : 
Kit., BH find a lacuna preceding, and write in mi:rim, following 
the example of Graetz, who replaced the preceding nsm with 
T-Jm ; but the diction can be explained, with St., as elliptical, or 
rather as mixture of metaphors. — 16. \tV'\ : an irregular, late 
consecution ; for mng. of the verb, ' to give up,' cf. Mic. 5^. — 
niKBn : many MSS nsDn ; the sing, is to be adopted, as at 15" ; 
the pi. was an easy amplification.— 20. DiJ : cf. now the name on 
a seal, 'psai: {lAE, 189), and wan: in a Lachish letter (Torczyner, 
no. iii) ; the verbal element is also Thamudene {NPS i, 136). 

21. ' Judah ' : (8i^-\-' Benjamin.' — noya : Bf Maaxa^, cf. nsyo, 
name of Abijam's wife, 1510 ; otherwise Grr. here and at i2"» 
support ?|.— 22. mm"' : OGrr., ' Rehoboam,' with consequent 
change of the following verbs (but not in v.^^) into singulars, yet 
stopping at the change of ' their fathers ' into ' his fathers," which 

I. I41-31 273 

would have involved condemnation of the royal paragon David 
(cf. 15'. etc.) ; yet St. makes this further change as well, regarding 
Rehoboam as the implied subject throughout. — 23. ncn bj : OGrr. 
om., and so St. ; but the phrase accentuates the part the new 
generation played. ^ — 24. cni^ : the inarticulate sing, collective is 
noticeable ; at 22*' i:-npn, at 15^^ the pi. ; the sing, is derogatory, 
aligning the subject with brute species, e.g., ipa, qij? ; cf. Ew., 
Lehrb.. §176, b. Sanda properly thinks of the inclusion of both 
sexes. Grr., o-i'fSeo-^uos, which has suggested to some critics original 
yrp, 'conspiracy,' as at II. 11^*; but (Tvi'5.=(Tv/\oKri, i6'**<', and 
the two words are synonymous, used of sexual copulation ; see 
Sophocles, Lex., s.vv. awS., crii/iTrXfKTiKOf, for their secular mngs. 
Sym. has here TiKerri. and similarly the Grr., including the Three, 
at I5^^ ras reXerds (this noun not in Sophocles = ' rites ' ?) ; see 
Note, ibid., and also Note to 22*' for the Grr. there. — 25. pB'W 
Kt., pi?T I<:r. = Kt. II*", and so Ch., and tC g) SI ^ here. Grr. 
'ZovaaKeifi in both places ; Ant., vii, 5, 3 ; viii, 10, 2, vulgar text 
2oDo-aKos, but Niese JawKoi in the latter ref. (see Rahlfs, SS 3, 97, for 
tradition of the name in Jos.) ; Manetho, ZeawyKis ; in an Akk. 
text of Ashurbanipal's (KB 2, 162) appears a n. pr. Susinku. H. 
Gauthier, Les rois d'Egypte, vol. 3 (1914), cites 2e(rw7xwcris, ' Sene- 
chosis.' Rahlfs explains the Gr. termination -eifi as dittog. of foil. 
m(lk). — 26. nnviK : OGrr. pref. ' all.' — np'? "^an rsi : the phrase may 
be preserved by omitting the conj . ; or is it an et cetera, preceding 
the following detail ? — To ' all the shields of gold ' Grr. pref. 
" the golden spears which David took from the hand of the servants 
of Adraazar king of Soba, and brought to Jerusalem," taken from 
2 Sam. 8', where in reverse Grr. have added cross-reference to 
Shishak's despoliation here; but according to II. ii^° these 
Davidic donations were in the temple at a much later date. The 
Gr. texts have become confused by the intrusion; e.g., B N lost 
the words " which S. made," and several MSS = (£ have the plus, 
" and brought them into Egypt." — 27. nmn : in 20" cn\nnn ; 
see Orlinsky's study, ' The Bibl. Prepositions tahat,' etc., HUCA 
17 (1943), 267 ff. The pi. appears to have arisen to express the 
idea of extension, for which cf. pdnim, etc. — Tp?'71 : the pf. with 
Waw-consec. can be understood as iterative, " and he would com- 
mit (them) " ; St. would correct to abs. inf., for which cf. GK 
§113, z. Grr. translated as though a pass. pi. — -"^en [n'':] : (@^ H 
' the Lord.' — 31. rnrs nj/ 2° : om., with <£ and Ch. ; the same 
repetition at 15^*. — crs : 10 MSS Ken., deR., Ch., n^2S ; Grr., 
A^Lov, AjSia. r^N occurs on a Samarian ostracon and on a seal 
{lAE 221). For the form see Noth, IP 234, who eft. the Tell 
Ta'annak Ahiyami, deciding correctly that it is a hypocoristic in 
-am ; cf. cjnN, dj;^3. The element is common in S. Arab. nn. pr., 
see D. H. Miiller, ZDMG 32, 543 £E. G. R. Driver has suggested 
{ZAW 46 [1928], 12, n. 6) that the form is derogatory ; but rather 
it was popular ; cf. Scottish ' King Jamie,' ' Prince Charlie.' 


151-8. The reign of Abijam of Judah. || 2 Ch. 13 ; cf. Ant., 
viii, II, 2, 3. 1. Abijam's accession is dated, perhaps loosely, 
in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam, on the count of Rehoboam's 
seventeen years (14^^) as full years. 2. His mother's name 
is given as Maacah hath A hishalom ; for the problems concern- 
ing the lady's name see below on v.^". Jos. {Ant., viii, 10, i) 
ingeniously discovers in her a daughter of Absalom's daughter 
Tamar {cf. 2 Sam. 131^-). Such late traditions {of. Ch.) are 
probably worthless. VV.*- ^^ are an evident Deuteronomic 
intrusion ; for the lamp cf. ii^^. 5. except in the case of 
Uriah the Hittite : a unique moralizing judgment, and a 
late addition, absent in <3 (£.. 6. And there was war between 
Rehoboam and Jeroboam, etc., lacking in OGrr., is a senseless 
repetition of 14^°. lb. And there was war between Abijam 
and Jeroboam : this is out of place after v.^, is secondary, 
induced by Ch.'s long story of the conflict between the two 

yy 9-24^ The reign of Asa of Judah. || 2 Ch. 14-16; cf. 
Ant., viii, 12. 

W.^-i^. His reform of the religious abuses introduced by 
the queen-dowager. 9. In the twentieth year of Jeroboam : 
the 3-year reign of Abijam is correctly treated as only two 
full years. 10. The mother's name is the same as that of the 
grandmother, v.^. Wellhausen has accordingly suggested 
{Prolegomena, 216) that Asa was Abijam's brother, entailing 
correction of ' his son ' (v.^) to ' his brother.' Ch. actually 
gives the king two mothers, Maacah bath Absalom (ii^'*), 
and Micaiah (Grr., Maacah) bath Uriel of Gibeah (13^). These 
variations appear as attempts to dispose of the identity of 
name for the two queens. We may best suppose that the 
subsequent reference to Maacah his mother . . . the Lady (v.^^) 
has introduced a change from the original name of the mother 
(so Kittel, Burney), or that there was no tradition of the 
queen's name because of the grandmother's domination. The 
title Lady {gebtrdh — EVV queen) is that of the queen-mother, 
as at n. 10^^. VV.i^'i^ report the reforms, of which the prime 
step was the removal of the dowager. For the influence of 
this personage in the ancient Orient there are, in addition to 
Jezebel (16^^, etc.) and Athahah (H. 11), the cases of Sam- 
muramat (Semiramis), who ruled for five years during the 

1. 151-32 275 

minority of her son Adad-nirari III {ARA i, §§730 ff. ; 
Olmstead, HA ch. 13) and Sennacherib's wife (see Comm., 
II. 18^*). For Egypt Hatshepsut's power in the Thutmosid 
dynasty is a most striking case (Breasted, HE ch. 15). 12. Of 
the several abominations purged by Asa the sodomites have 
appeared above (14^^) ; the idols of EVV represents a con- 
temptuous word, gillul, vocaUzed after the formation Bkkus, 
' something to be abhorred,' as the root is used of abhorrence 
of things rituaUy tabooed, e.g., Lev. ii^^, etc. (C/. the pro- 
nunciation ' Molek ' for ' Melek '). 13. The word translated 
' abominable image ' and later ' image ' by EVV (exc. AV 
with ' idol '), ' obscene image ' by Chic. B., implies something 
' shocking.' The following vocable translated by EVV ' for an 
Asherah ' means to Asherah, which is supported by the follow- 
ing reference to her abominable image. On this goddess, whose 
name came to be used of her conventional image, cf. 18^^, 
II. 23*' ®. The goddess plays a large part as divine mother 
in the Ugaritic mythology ; see D. Nielsen, Ras Samra 
Mythologie u. biblische Mythologie, and his subsequent study 
at large, ' Die altsem. Muttergottin,' ZDMG 92 (1938), 594 ff. 
This image, possibly of wood, was subsequently burned at the 
Josianic reformation in the Kidron Wady, where the city 
dump was (II. 23^). 15. The reference to his father's and his 
own dedications, which he brought into Yhwh's house, is obscure. 
Sanda pertinently remarks that we may have here a summary 
of some ample temple document ; the father may have 
patronized other sanctuaries, the son now collected all such 
dedications in the one legitimate temple. 

yy 16-22 jjjg ^a.r with Baasha of Israel and the league 
with Damascus. 16. 17. The energetic Baasha of the North, 
who seized the throne in Asa's third year, found himself free 
to take vigorous measures against Judah. His natural aim 
was to recover the march-land of Benjamin, which belonged 
historically and economically to the North, and by control 
of the open country north of Jerusalem to hem in its com- 
mercial and military avenues — that he might allow none to go 
out or come in. {Vice versa, according to 2 Ch. 13^^ Abijam 
had taken three cities, including Bethel, in an aggressive 
campaign against Jeroboam.) Baasha proceeded to build 
Ramah as a controlling fortress on his southern boundary. 


21. Upon Asa's coalition with Damascus Baasha left off 
building Ramah, and returned to Tirsah [so to read with Grr. : 
^ dwelt at Tirsah] ; for this place, evidently his capital, see 
Comm., V.3'. 22. Asa proceeded to dismantle Ramah ; he 
made a levy of all Judah, with none exempt, and using the 
stones and timbers of Ramah, he built Gibeah [^ Geba] of Ben- 
jamin and Mispah. These three sites have been much sub 
judice for their identification. Albright has now satisfactorily 
identified Gibeah with Tell el-Ful, a hill 5 km. N of Jerusalem, 
possessing ' a remarkably fine view in all directions ' ; and he 
finds proof of Asa's hasty construction of his new fortress ; see 
his ' Excavations and Results at Tell el-Ful (Gibeah of Saul),' 
AASOR 4 (1924), and Abel, GP 2, 334. The place remained 
the northern boundary of Judah until Josiah's reign (II. 23). 
Mispah {mispah, ' watch-tower ') had long been identified with 
Tell en-Nasbeh, 13 km. N of Jerusalem on the Nablus road, as 
is Tell el-Fiil. Excavations undertaken there by W. F. Bade 
have corroborated that identification. It was a strongly 
fortified place, to use the excavator's words, " with the 
thickest and strongest city wall which has as yet been un- 
earthed in Palestine," and he would assign it to Asa's age. 
The identification has appeared to have support from jar- 
handles stamped with msp, as read by Bade, but the reading 
is most uncertain ; of special interest is the discovery of the 
seal of Gedahah, who centuries later acted as governor at 
Mispah ; see Comm., II. 25223-. See Bade's reports, Palestine 
Institute Publications (1926 and later, Berkeley, Calif.), and 
for his last statement, ZAW, Beih. 66 (1936), 30 ff. A brief 
survey of these operations is given by Olmstead, HPS 357 f. 
A full discussion of attempted identification is presented by 
Albright in AASOR 4, Appendix I, pp. 90 ff., making identifi- 
cation with Neby-Samwil (this retracted in AJA 1936, 158 f.). 
The identification with Tell en-Nasbeh is accepted by Abel, 
GP 2, 388 ff. ; Galhng, BR 386. Ramah is generally identified 
with er-Ram 4 miles to the N of Jerusalem.^ 18-20. Asa 
purchased the favour of an ally with all the silver and the gold 
that were left in the treasuries of the house of Yhwh and ''in'^ 

^ Albright offers a very useful map for distinction of the localities 
N of Jerusalem in the same Annual, p. 75. For the history of this 
frontier see Smith's instructive chapter in his HG, ch. 12. 

I. I51-32 277 

[with Heb. MSS] the treasuries of the king's house. The 
limitation on the treasures harks back to 14^®. The coahtion 
with Damascus is of interest as presenting the earUest datum 
upon the vigour of the young Aramaean dynasty of that 
ancient city.^ A certain Reson b. EHada, a fugitive from the 
kingdom of Sobah, had estabhshed himself in Damascus, and 
was ' an adversary to Israel all the days of Solomon ' (ii^^s-). 
His reign or dynasty must have been ephemeral. Asa's ally 
was Ben-Hadad hen Tah-Rimmon hen Hezion, king of Aram, 
who had his seat in Damascus. The state bears the name of 
the controUing folk ; it later became more specifically Aram 
of Damascus. Ben-Hadad, the first of the name, is the same 
as the king who appears subsequently in the conflicts of 
Damascus with the Omrid dynasty, surviving at least until 
853 B.C., for which date he is recorded in Shalmaneser's 
monoHth inscription. There is now to be added the very 
interesting contribution rendered by Albright in presenting 
(BASOR 87 [1942], 23 ff.) along with extensive historical 
survey, a study of an Aramaic inscription recently pubHshed 
by Dunand in the Bulletin du Musee de Beyrouth, 3, 65 ff. The 
inscription records the erection of a stele to his lord Melkart 
by ' Bar-Hadad b. Tab-Ramman b. Hazyan,' i.e., the monarch 
in question, and his genealogy is identical with the Biblical 
datum. For the nn. pr., their mngs. and traditional variations 
see Notes. Yet another king of the same name, Ben (Bar)- 
Hadad ben Hazael appears below in 20^, cf. 19^^. Albright 
argues, following Meyer, justifiably for only two monarchs 
of the name, vs. the opinion that there were three such. See 
further Comm. on 20^*. V.^* is phrased staccato : A league 
hetween me and thee, and [plus with MSS VSS, in sense =' as 
there was '] hetween my father and thy father ! See, I have 
sent thee a gift of silver and gold ; go, break thy league with 
Baasha, etc. Judah had not hitherto been in preferred 
position. 20. The districts which Ben-Hadad smote, i.e., 
harried, are hsted in N-S direction. The name lyon (EVV 
Ijon) survives in the present Merj-'Aiyun (Spring-Meadow), 

- For the early Syrian history see the particular monographs of E. G. 
H. Kraeling, Aram and Israel, A. Alt, ' Aram,' in RVg, and ' Die syrische 
Staatenwelt vor dem Einbruch der Assyrer,' ZDMG 1934, 233 fi., and 
for the chronology Albright, BASOR 87 (1942), 23 flE. 


the lower part of the noble valley between the Lebanons ; ' 
for the geography of the whole region see Robinson, LBR 
361 ff. ; Albright, ' The Jordan Valley in the Bronze Age,' 
AASOR 6 (1926), 13 ff. ; Dussaud, TH 22 ff. ; Abel, GP 1, 
12 ff. ; and for identification of this site ib., 2, 352. Dan, the 
ancient northern limit of Israel {cf. 122^'-) is the modern Tell 
el-Kadi (' Hill of the Judge '), 5 km. from Banias. Abel- 
beth-Maachah was location of the House of Maachah, a tribe 
aUied with the Aramaeans against David (2 Sam. lo^''-), and 
has been identified with Abil el-Kamh, W of "Dan (see GB, 
Sanda ; Abel, GP 2, 233) ; the name appears as Abilakka in 
Tiglath-pileser's annals in connexion with the campaign in 
which he deposed Pekah king of Israel (Rogers, CP 320).* 
Kinneroth, an artificial plural form, denotes the region about 
Kinnereth, l3ang by the Lake of Galilee, and giving the latter 
its name (Num. 34^^, etc.), which name was later replaced with 
Gennesaret ; for the place and history of the name see Abel, 
GP I, 494 ff.. also Albright, AASOR 6 (1926), 25 ff. The 
raids covered all the land of Naphtali. They constitute the first 
chapter in the long history of Aram's superiority over Israel, 
yy 23. 24^ jj^e conclusion of the reign. 23. The formal 
phrase, all his might and all that he did, is paralleled in the 
inscription of Eshmunazar king of the Sidonians, " accord- 
ing to the great things that I did " (line 9). The reference 
to the cities that he built, absent in OGrr., is an intrusion 
from 2 Ch. 14^^'. The statement that in his growing old 
he became diseased in his feet, may well be archival ; cf. 
the self-pity expressed by the Sidonian king in the same in- 
scription. Hues 12 f. The disease is easily diagnosed as a 
dropsy ; see W. Epstein, Die Medizin im A.T. (1901), 148. 
The introductory particle only (EVV nevertheless /but) notes 
the disparity of this fate with the king's godliness (v.^^). Ch. 
moralizes : "In his disease he sought not to Yhwh but to 

* The place appears in the list of Thutmose I's Syrian conquests 
(Breasted, ARE 2, 31 ff.)- In BASOR 89 (1943) Albr. presents a fresh 
version of the Amarna tablet which names lyon, as Ayyanu (p. 14). 
He derives the name from Heb. 'ai, ' ruin.' 

* The place appears as Abel-mayim in the duplicate account in 2 Ch. 
16*, cited by Glueck along with other similar changes of place-names 
{BASOR 91 [1943], 16). He notes, ib., Albright's interpretation of 
abel as not ' meadow,' but ' brook.' 

I. I51-32 279 

the physicians," in this unlike the other pious king Hezekiah 
(II. 20). Lucian went further by prefixing to the statement 
of the disease the bald invention that " he did evil (before 
the Lord)." 24. The repeated with his fathers is to be elided 
{cf. 14^^), as also, with OGrr., the epithet for David as his 
father ; the burial was in David's City, the Ophel. 

yy 25-32_ jjjg reign of Nadab of Israel, his overthrow by 
the rebel Baasha, and the foredoomed end of the short-lived 
dynasty. Cf. Ant., viii, 11, 4. With equation of the accession 
in Asa's second year and the reign of two years (v.^^) with its 
termination in Asa's third year (v.^s), the reign would have 
lasted one year and a fraction. The new king had vigour 
enough to lay siege to a Philistine stronghold in the old 
Danite territory, Gibbethon, named in the Hst of such cities, 
Josh. 19*1-*^, but which remains not certainly identified (see 
Doller, GES 215 ; Abel, GP 2, 333) ; it continued to be a 
military objective of Israel (iS^^^-). Baasha was doubtless 
leader of a military revolt hke that of Jehu (II. 9), The 
resultant destruction of Jeroboam's whole family (vv.^^^-), 
adjudged as fulfilment of Ahijah's prophecy (14^*'), was the 
usual fate of a fallen dynasty, 30. for the sin [H sms] of 
ferohoam {which he sinned and — OGrr. om.] wherein he involved 
Israel, for the provocation whereby he provoked Yhwh, the God 
of Israel : for the first indictment, usual as against the 
Northern kings, cf. 14^^, etc. ; the bracketed reference to 
his personal sin is unnecessary, that is condemned in the 
following indictment, with which cf. 21^2. 32. The v., absent 
in OGrr., is a secondary repetition of v.^^. 

Ch. 15. 1. r\iW2^ : the conj (absent in Ch., <g^) is unusual 
'in this formula, appearing elsewhere only at v.*, II. 8^', 9**. — 
2. tabw : OGrr., ' six,' by common confusion with at:' ; the erroneous 
computation is maintained by OGrr. in v.*, as also in the plus in 
v.*. — D'?S'n"'3 : <© (B v) <£ om. ; similar omission in OGrr., v.*, 
forsooth as limitation of the kingdom. — 3. ''S : OGrr. om. — msun : 
many MSS read the sing, with v. 2*, etc. ; cf. 14^* ; the preceding 
^3 is then secondary. — nn : B u om. ; David was not his father !— 
4. vr\in : OGrr. om., as too restrictive. — '1:3 : now generally 
corrected to 1:? with Grr. ; but the sing, is reminiscent of 11*', 
and is to be retained (so Sanda). — 6. ' Rehoboam ' : to avoid the 
absurdity Grr. N al. have A^ia. — 8. vnas : OGrr. plus ' in the 
24th year of Jeroboam,' from v.*. — sdk : for the hypocoristic K — 
see Noth, IP 40 ; the root may be 'ws, ' to give,' common in 


OArab. names ; see NFS i, 41 f. — 9. mw "ftio many MSS 
'> ^y 'B = Grr. ; both uses occur; see Bar, and St.'s full note on 
the formula. — 12. n''t:'npn : <& (S^ tm reXeras, to which g>H has 
a gloss, ' shameful rites ' ; see Field. <©^ t. arriXas, for which 
Rahlfs (SS 3, 202 f.) eft. 14" ; but it is corruption of obscure 
reXeras. — C'ibi : Grr., ewiT-qdevixaTa, 'practices.' The semantic de- 
velopment is uncertain ; gal, ' stone-heap,' galal, ' dung,' have 
been compared ; see Baudissin, ZDMG 58, 395 ff. — 13. nT'SJO : 
for the construction cf. I'ra'?, 14*. — ns'^Ba :=Ch. ; the verb =' to 
shake ' at Job 9* : Grr., uvvo5ov=^^ [cf. ^ ST^j?), i.e., ' concourse ' 
— by what etymology ? The Grr. connect with the following by 
translating mrs'? with ' in her (the queen's) groVe,' with thought 
of the vegetation rites. — ^msM : Perles remarks that rather the 
verb nn3 is expected, as in similar contexts, e.g., Dt. 9^^ UQ^ 2 
[1911], 115). — nns'pDa Grr., t. KaraSutreis aimjs, 'her descents'; 
(£ ' caverns '=^^, prob. with reminiscence of Is. 65* ; also variant 
KaraXvaeLs, ' lodgings.' ^ is most expansive, with two interpreta- 
tions of the word, rendering with " ne asset princeps in sacris 
Priapi, et in luco (' grove ') eius, quem consecravit, subvertitque 
specum (' cave ') eius, et conf regit simulacrum turpissimum." — 
\\y\p & Tuv KeSpwv, (@^ KeSpoju. — 14. nD=Ch. ; Grr. as though 
n"'Dn ; similar variation at 22*'', etc. ; ^ is to be retained, the 
intransitive avoiding direct blame of the king ; see St.'s lengthy 
note. — 15. i-npi, Kt., •c'-iij] ;^r. : read with Kt. W1\^]. and so Ch., 
VSS. For the repeated noun Grr. have Kiova^, ' pillars ' ; Sanda 
suggests tr. as of B'np for which Grr., Ex. 26^^, have o-tCXoj. 16. 
The v. is protasis to v.^' : " And there being war," etc. — xvni : 
so Ginsb., BH, as also in Ch. ; Bar nwjn ( = JV) throughout; see 
those editors ad loc, and for extra-Biblical cases GB. The first 
element was bj/a, cf. n:i'2, 4^'', the second has been reduced to a 
caritative, cf. ndk. — 18. ""' n"'3 nnsisa : Grr., (£ !3 om. out of 
reverence ; introduced by ^^ from Aq. — nnxis nsi : over 20 
MSS and Targumic texts (see deR.), 'k21=^ V, to be preferred ; 
Ch. has another variant. — ^'?o : 6 MSS ^'?a^, and so T^x. ; the 
combination ^'pa iT'a appears at II. 11'"', 15^*, again corrected by 
IKr. ; but the antique grammar is supported by "i'?b na in the 
Mesha inscr., line 23. — inn p : the name appears throughout in 
the Grr. as ' son of Ader,' supported by 3 Heb. MSS, mn p, and 
Shalmaneser's opponent was for long so read, Bir-Idri [e.g., Rogers, 
CP 297), so supporting the Gr. variant. But the first element in 
the Akk. transcription is now preferably understood as ideogram 
for the god Adad/Hadad, resulting in Adad-idri, identical then 
with the name Hadadezer, that of the king of Sobah (11"'). See 
Deimel, Pantheon babylonicum, 45 ; Meyer, GA 2, 2, 332.^ The 

* As vs. the Biblical Gr. it is to be noted that Josephus in the subse- 
quent mention of the name corroborates ^ with the rendering 'A5ado$, 
e.g.. Ant., viii, 14, passim. The Gr. name ^apaddS-qs has been found at 
Dura-Europos ; see Baur and Rostovtzeff, Excavations, 46 f. 

I. I533-I634 281 

Heb. form is now corroborated by its Aramaic equivalent in the 
Zakar inscription, naming Bar-Hadad (the second), king of 
Damascus. — pi2B : the second element, playfully vocalized 
rimmon, i.e., ' pomegranate,' is properly rammdn, a constant Akk. 
epithet of Addu-Hadad, and with this name as Rimmon that 
deity appears at II. 5^*. — jnn : the name, despite suggested 
corrections {e.g., by Dhorme to the ' Rezon ' of ii^^ RB 7 [1910], 
71), is finally vouched for by Albr.'s art., cited above. His n. 7 
is a discussion of the name. — 19. •I'rV'i : the jussive byi is ex- 
pected ; see Orlinsky, JQR 32 (194 1), 200 f. — 26. mstsn : read 
again the sing., here and below, v.*". — 27. nsB'tpi j^^^b : ' of the 
house of Issachar ' ; the phrase is unique. The Gr. texts are 
woefully confused in this v. ; cf. Klost., Rahlfs, SS 3, 203, for 
attempted restorations. — 28. The ' third ' year is changed to the 
' fourth,' and below, v.»3. ' third ' to the ' fifth,' by Gr. MSS 
b i Cg ; ace. to Rahlfs (ib., 67) this is a revision after Eusebius's 
system. — rnnn : <S om. because of indefiniteness of antecedent ; <g^ 
supplied with ' Baasha over Israel.' — 29. 13':b3 : for a in this tem- 
poral sense see GB 327 ; MSS 13'703. — '73 1° : 2 MSS, <6 om. 
as superfluous — a matter of literary taste, vs. St. — 30. [ntrx] 
ntTKi Kun : OGrr. om. ; see Comm. — loyaa : =&^ ; al. Grr. prefix 
' and ' (and so BH), an improvement indeed. St. takes v.^"'' as 
a marginal gloss, Klost. would elide cj/sn itPK, but such criticism 
is unbased. 

15^^-16'. The reign of Baasha of Israel. Cf. Ant., viii, 12, 
3, 4. 33. In the third year of Asa king of Judah Baasha ben 
Ahijah became king over all Israel in Tirsah [sc. and was king] 
twenty-four years. Tirsah as the royal residence has already 
appeared indirectly above, 14^', 15^^. It remained the capital 
until Omri's reign (i6^^^-), and appears later in the history 
(II. 15^^- ^®). It was once a royal Canaanite city (Jos. 12^^), 
and was famous for its beauty like Jerusalem (Cant. 6*). 
For its identification see BDD s.v., Doller, GES 214 f., and 
Albright's extensive study, ' The Site of Tirzah,' JPOS 1931, 
241 ff. ; he rejects certain proposed identifications on philo- 
logical and critical grounds, and finds the site at Tell el-Far'ah, 
II km. NE of Nablus ; for criticism of this view see Alt, 
Pjb., 1932, 40 ff., and also Abel, GP 2, 485, who leaves the 
place unidentified. Ch. 16. 1. The only additional item to 
Baasha's history given here is a prophetic denunciation. The 
prophet Jehu ben Hanani appears also in the Chronicler's 
narrative of Jehoshaphat's reign (II. 19^'-, 20^*). The oracle 
depends for its elements upon that of Ahijah to Jeroboam's 


wife (i4'*'-). 7. The v. appears to be a useless repetition 
of what precedes, is possibly a variant form from another 

And moreover through Jehu ben Hanani [om. the prophet — see 
Note] the word of Yhwh came to Baasha and to his house [|^ + 
and] because of all the evil that he did in Yhwh's eyes in provoking 
him by the work of his hands, in becoming like the house of 
Jeroboam, and because he smote it [EVV him]. No unimportant 
passage has provoked more dispute than the last sentence. 
^ renders with " ob hanc causam occidit eum-." Poole gives 
a half column to the varieties of interpretation, discussing 
whether the object is Jeroboam in loco Nadab, or Nadab, or 
the house. Klostermann would find here trace of an oracle of 
Jehu's commissioning Baasha to destroy Jeroboam's house, 
with ample rewriting of the text. Sanda omits the sentence, 
and finds in the v. an oracle by an unnamed prophet, so elid- 
ing Jehu's name. The sentence is generally recognized as a 
moralizing explanation of the doom upon Baasha for his own 
actual sin in exterminating Jeroboam's family, after the 
manner of Hoshea's condemnation of Jehu's bloody massacre 
of the Omrids (Hos. i^). But such fine ethical moralizing does 
not appear in these late pious additions. The simplest solution 
would he in the understanding of the conjunctive phrase 
' because that ' as ' despite that,' which is possible in the Heb. 
particle involved (see Note). See Poole and Keil for theologiz- 
ing at length over the human sin that is involved in such cases 
of theodicy. 

j58-i4 jjjg reign of Elah of Israel. Cf. Ant., viii, 12, 4. 
8. The twenty-sixth year of Asa appears in #, v.*, as ' the 
20th ' (see Note, v.^^), in Hex. as ' the 29th,' which is a learned 
correction. The two years of Elah's reign were completed 
according to v.^" in Asa's 27th year, i.e., it terminated within 
the second year ; for similar calculation cf. Nadab's reign, 
J225fl._ jj^g dating for the end of the reign in v.^° is in unusual 
place ; it is missing in OGrr., and has been introduced from 
v.^^. Cf. Begrich, Chronologic, 181. 9. 10. The regicide Zimri 
(a nobody, as his father is not named) took advantage of the 
absence of the army at Gibbethon, having the co-operation 
of his half-squadron of the chariotry. In an otherwise dry 
historical passage the tradition of Elah's drunken bout is of 

I. 1533-163* 283 

interest. 11-13. The originality of much of this material is 
disputed. V.^^^, and Zimri destroyed, all the house of Baasha, 
missing in OGrr., repeats v.^^. Also OGrr. omit in v.^^ he did 
not leave him a male ( = 14^'') and his nearest of kin and friends ; 
the uniqueness of the final clause may guarantee the originaUty 
of the passage, which is to be kept, with Stade. V.^^ is verbose, 
is briefer in OGrr. ; otherwise it is always Jeroboam's sin 
that brought guilt upon Israel, and there is no background 
for the indictment of this brief dynasty as renegades, coupling 
them with the vanities (idolatrous practices) of Israel ; Stade 
suggests a rewriting of the passage. 

yy 15-22 Turmoil in the North ; the reign of Zimri for a 
week, civil war between Omri and Tibni for some three years, 
with the success and accession of the former. Cf. Ant., viii, 12, 
4, 5. Following the futile attempts of Jeroboam and Baasha 
to found dynasties, three ambitious commanders strove to seize 
the throne. Zimri, captain of the half-squadron of the chariotry 
(v.^), had been able by a coup to get rid of the sot Elah in 
his palace. 15. 16. The army, which was besieging Gibbethon, 
in resumption of the earlier bootless operation (15^'), hearing 
the news, made Omri, the army-commander , king over Israel (the 
real subject being designated as ' all Israel '). 17. 18. Omri 
proceeded rapidly, within seven days, to Tirsah, where Zimri 
the would-be king fled into the castle (some technical archi- 
tectural term) of the royal palace, which he burned down over 
his own head. 21. 22. These few explicit details are followed 
with a brief statement of civil war : half of the people following 
a certain Tibni ben Ginath and the other half, Omri ; the 
struggle lasted for three to four years {cf. w.^^- ^3), terminating 
with Tibni's death, whereupon Omri became king. It is of 
interest to observe that while the army hailed Omri as king, 
the dating of his legal accession is four years later ; we have 
to suppose a formal, popular affirmation at that time, as in 
the case of the assembly at Shechem (ch. 12). A further detail 
with respect to Tibni is preserved by the Grr., which add to 
the statement in v.^^ that Tibni died the plus, " and Joram 
his brother at that time." This appears hke an original, if 
abbreviated, memorandum ; it is generally accepted by com- 
mentators and historians, e.g., Thenius, Kamphausen, Ben- 
zinger, Kittel, Skinner, Olmstead, Robinson ; Stade disputes 


this position. The amount of striking detail in this confused 
history is remarkable ; the account of Zimri's conspiracy is 
definitely docketed as from the Annals (v.^^). 

For the chronology of this period of civil war v,^^ dates the 
rise of the conflict between Omri and Tibni in Asa's 27th year 
(the Grr. varying here), and v.^^ assigns Omri's accession to 
the 31st year ; the interval of 4 years must then have been 
officially accredited to Tibni, and so the Grr. add at end of 
v. 22, " (Omri reigned) after Tibni." This interval is generally 
accepted by chronologers. Also (3, followed by <§^, introduces 
after v.^^ the section on Jehoshaphat's reign, 22*^-^^, <g again 
repeating it in place as in |^. # in this intruded passage dates 
Jehoshaphat's accession in Omri's nth year, instead of Ahab's 
4th year. The difference of 6/7 years may be accounted for 
by assuming that the ' 6 years ' of Omri's reign ' in Tirzah ' 
was added to the term of ' 12 years ' (v.^^). With such varia- 
tions the chronology of this period is under vexed dispute. 
Lewy {Chronologie, 22 f.) supports the dating of original <g. 
Stade's critical discussion in SBOT is sceptical as to final 
conclusions as between ^ and (§. He wisely remarks that 
" the numbers given in cc. 16 and 22 by M and (@ show at 
how late a period the Book of Kings and the dates contained 
in it were still being worked over." His statement that " the 
paragraph on Jehoshaphat is more appropriate after 16^^ 
than it is after 22*°," is not supported by the usual form of 
the history. On the other hand the Greek editor felt that in 
view of the history of Ahab and Jehoshaphat in ch. 22 the 
latter should be previously introduced in formal terms. 
Begrich {Chron., 178) would reduce the 22 years of Ahab to 
20, arguing that v.^^*^ is secondary in view of the repeated 
' Ahab ben Omri.' 

yy 23-28^ The reign of Omri of Israel. Cf. Ani., viii, 12, 5. 
It is a sad loss to secular history that we possess only these 
few verses in record of the most capable of the North Israelite 
monarchs. His is the only name of an Israelite king in 
Mesha's inscription, which records Omri's ' afflictions ' upon 
Moab for ' many years,' but does not name ' his sons.' After 
the passing of the dynasty the usurper Jehu was known to 
the Assyrians as ' son of Omri,' as in Shahnaneser Ill's obelisk 
inscription, bis (842 B.C.). Half a century later Adadnirari IV 

I. 1533-163* 285 

in his Calah inscription calls Israel ' the land of Omri,' a 
geographical designation repeated (733-732 B.C.) by Tiglath 
-pileser III ; see CP 304, 306 ; AB 459, 462, 465. We learn 
below (v.3i) that Omri's son Ahab married Jezebel, daughter 
of Ethbaal, priest-king of Sidonia, himself a capable monarch ; 
the alHance was doubtless of political purpose to counteract 
the growing power of Damascus, which was to ' afflict ' Israel 
in his son's day. Only the foundation of his new capital, 
Shomeron, the Samaria of the VSS, in a central and com- 
manding position (see Smith, HG ch. 17), is recorded for the 
reign, with petty detail as to its purchase. As for the new 
capital, which was to rank with, or rather politically beyond, 
Jerusalem as first among the cities of Palestine, the one-time 
doubt as to Omri's creation of the city, and the interpretation 
of the statement that he built up the hill . . . Shomeron as of a 
rebuilding, are now dissipated by the results of the Harvard 
excavations at modern Sebastiyeh, which show that the lowest 
levels of remains belong to Omri's construction.^ The city 
was to give its name to the whole province in the Assyrian 
empire (c/. the local usage, II. 172^, etc.), and so the prophet 
Hoshea always designates his home-land. 

yy 29-34^ Introduction to the reign of Ahab of Israel. Cf. 
Ant., viii, 12-13, i. For native precedents for marriage with 
a foreign princess and the influence exerted by such queens 
on politics and religion in the ancient world cf. ii^^-, 15^3^ 
The prophetic tradition memorializes Jezebel as spearhead of 
propaganda in Israel for the peculiarly fanatical Phoenician 
religion ; see E. Meyer, ' Phoenicia,' EB 3740 ff. ; GA 2, 
2, ch. 3 ; G. Contenau, La civilization phenicienne, ch. 2 ; 
F. Cumont, Les religions orientates dans le paganisme romaine 
(ed. 4, 1929) ; L. B. Paton, ' Phoenicians,' ERE. For the 
part of royal women in politics in that ancient field see 
A. Goetze, Kleinasien {HA, Abt. 3, i, 3, 3, i), 80 ff. The battle 
was on between the God of Israel and the foreign Baal, the 

1 See Lyon, Reisner, Fisher, Harvard Excavations at Samaria (1924), 
with subsequent reports in QS. For summaries of results see Dussaud, 
' Samaria au temps d'Achab,' Syria, 1925, 314 £f. ; J. W. Jack, Samaria 
in Ahab's Time (1929) ; Olmstead, HPS 369 £E. ; Watzinger, DP 1, 
97 ff. (all these with illustrations) ; Abel, GP 2, 443 ff. ; Galling, BR 
438 ff. ; Barton, AB pi. 29 ; also for earlier literature Montgomery, 
The Samaritans, ch. 2. 


first long step in the development of Israel's religion since the 
desert days ; the national as well as the religious spirit was 
appealed to by the reaction of prophets and their guilds. 
According to Josephus's transcript of Menander of Ephesus' 
annals of the Phoenician kings (C. Ap., i, i8) Ittobaal ('I^w/SaXos 
— see Note), Ethbaal of 5^, is recorded as having seized the 
throne by violence and reigning for 32 years ; he is entitled 
* priest of Astarte,' and this sacerdotal origin may well explain 
Jezebel's extreme zeal in spreading her religion in the land of 
her adoption. This king's title as king of Sidonta (see Comm., 
11^) is historically correct, even as is for Solomon's age the 
title of Hiram I as ' king of Tyre ' (5^^). ' Sidonians ' was the 
older and more comprehensive name of the Phoenicians (as in 
Homer), and when the Tyrian kings gained ascendancy over 
Sidon, they assumed the larger title and its dignity ; Josephus 
here entitles Ethbaal properly as ' king of Tyrians and Sidon- 
ians.' The epigraphic title of Hiram II {ca. 738 B.C.) was 
' king of Sidonians ' {CIS I, no. 5 ; HNE 419 ; NSI no. 11), 
as it was much later of Tabnit priest of Astarte, ca. 300 B.C. 
{HNE 417, NSI no. 4). For these titles see Cooke, pp. 53 f. ; 
Meyer, GA 2, 2, 63 ff. ; for the history Contenau, pp. 69 ff. 
(chronological tables, pp. 384 ff.), Meyer, ch. 2 (tables, pp. 
436 ff.) ; Olmstead, HPS 368 ff. Meyer dates Ittobaal ca. 
887-856, Olmstead 889-867. Y.^^ records Ahab's erection of 
an altar to the Baal in the Baal's house, which he built in Samaria; 
no remains of this temple have been found ; it was probably 
part of the enceinte of Ahab's magnificent palace {cf. 22^^), 
easily distinguished from that of Omri's, and one which a 
recent authoritative statement describes as " incomparably 
the finest construction of the kind that has been found any- 
where in Palestine " {QS 1936, 61). 

Apart from these few facts bearing upon the alien elements 
of religion that Ahab introduced and the brief summary in 
22^®, whatever official records of the reign that may have 
existed have been replaced by the following lively stories of 
the prophets, which indirectly throw abundant light upon 
the history of the reign. The one exception is v.^'*, recording 
a unique local item, that of the rebuilding of Jericho (appar- 
ently as unimportant or too brutal it is ignored by (@^ and 
Josephus). It is introduced with the first occurrence of the 

I. 1533-163* 287 

archival note in his days (see JBL 53 [1934], 49). The massive 
fortifications of Jericho had lain in ruins since the destruction 
assigned to Joshua by Biblical tradition, although it still 
remained a settlement (Jos. 18^^, Jud. 3^3^ 2 Sam. 10^). The 
present rebuilding was probably due to royal auspices, so 
Sanda suggests, as integral to Ahab's operations against 
Mesha of Moab ; in the concluding summary of the reign 
Ahab is celebrated as a builder of cities. Jericho has been 
the object of two notable enterprises : the first by Sellin and 
Watzinger, 1907-09 (see their Jericho, 1913) ; the second by 
Garstang, since 1929, whose reports have appeared in QS 
1930 and later, and more fully in Liverpool Annals of Art and 
Archceology (Reports I-III in vols. 19, 20 [1932-33]) ; see the 
summaries in Albright, APB 30 f., 55 ; Watzinger, DP i, 55, 
100 ; Abel, GP 2, 357 ff. Our memorandum, at least for a 
modest rebuilding of the city at this period, is borne out by 
these excavations ; according to Garstang [QS 1932, 153) : 
" The outer fortifications of the city . . . were not restored 
until the second phase of the Iron Age, about 900 B.C." 
According to the narrative with the usual translation of the 
prepositions, Hi el [Grr. preserve the full form A hi el] the 
Bethelite built Jericho ; he laid its foundations in his eldest 
son Ahiram, and set up its doors in his youngest son Segub. 
The mng. of the prep. ' in ' is obscure. ^ V AV translate 
literally as above ; the Grr. have in in the first case, the 
dative without the preposition in the second ; tC expands 
after the first sentence : " he killed his eldest son A. when 
he built it, and he killed his youngest son S. when he set 
up its doors." RVV translate with ' with the loss of,' JV 
with ' with,' Chic. B. with ' upon ' ; Moffatt best renders 
the mng. of ^ {cf 2^^, iK'QDa, ' at the cost of his fife.' But 
the method of the penalty expressed by the editor as fulfil- 
ment of Joshua's curse (Jos. 6^^) is obscure. According to 
Rashi and successors (see Poole) Hiel lost all his sons by 
divine visitation. The Targumic interpretation, that he killed 
his sons, comes closest to the current modern explanation, 
according to which we have here a case of foundation sacrifice 
with its inaugural counterpart ; cf. H. C. Trumbull, The 
Threshold Covenant (1896), 46 ff. Such ritual devotion has 
appeared to be substantiated by archaeological finds of bodies, 


but particularly of infants immured in building foundations ; 
see at length Cook, Religion of Anc. Palestine, 82 ff. (with 
extensive citation of similar phenomena throughout the 
ancient world), Graham and May, Culture and Conscience 
. . . in Anc. Palestine, 77 f., and so, of recent commentators, 
Sanda and Barnes. But there has been strong reaction against 
this sacrificial interpretation of house-burials ; see Watzinger, 
DP I, 72, stating that only the burial of infants was the usual 
practice. At the more distant Tepe Gawra, in the old Assyrian 
land, only child-burials were found in the buildings, with one 
possible exception of a foundation sacrifice (E. A. Speiser, 
Excavations at Tepe Gawra, 1935, 25, 140 ff.). In his Comm. 
Kittel takes strong ground against the theory, and most 
recently P. Thomsen has expressed his scepticism : " zweif el- 
haft ist die Deutung einiger Funde als Bau- oder Griindungs- 
opfer " {Palastina u. seine Kultur, 51). It remains wisest, 
with Kittel, Benzinger, Skinner, to refer the statement to 
fatalities in the builder's family, which the popular mind 
interpreted as fulfilment of an original curse. This tradition 
was independent of the book of Joshua, but it induced the 
final editor of that book to incorporate the note of fulfilment 
in 6^^ ; then here, in reverse, our editor cites Joshua to prove 
the finale of the curse ; it was this interest that made the 
editor preserve the unimportant item. 

There follows, ch. 17-22^^, the long insertion of prophetic 
story bearing upon the reign ; the usual formula for its con- 
clusion is given in 22^^- ^°. Those stories give full details of 
the wars with Damascus and their varying results. But there 
is not a word of the first encounter of Israel with the might 
of Assyria, in 854/853 B.C., on the field of Karkar, where 
Ahab fought among Ben-Hadad's allies against Shalmaneser 
III. The victor records in his Monolith inscription the pres- 
ence of ' Ahab the IsraeUte ' with ' 2000 chariots, 10,000 men ' 
{KB I, 151 ff. ; CP 294 ff. ; ARA 1, §611 ; AB 458). This 
is the first extraneous reference by name to an Israehte ; 
later the Mesha stone names his father. 

Ch. 15. 33. ['?s-iiP"i] '?3 : absent in similar formulas below, but 
the same nationalistic expression at 12^- ^^, 16^' ; 3 MSS, OGrr. 
om. (cf. BH), but the deletion was due to later Jewish objection. — 
34. Dy2T : Grr. +'son of Nebat ' ; the same variation in i6^*; 

I. 1533-163* 289 

see St.'s note there with statistics of the vartant usages, and with 
proper hesitation in correcting ^. 

Ch. 16. 1. For the name Jehu see Note, II. g*. — 'jk : Grr., 
^H ' by the hand of '=v.' ; similar variation 21'*. — 2. The con- 
secution of grammatical persons, vv.^- ^, is harsh ; but the Gr. 
variations are arbitrary. — 2. nr,sarQ : Grr. =Bn"''?3n3 of vv."- ''*. 
— 3. -i^yaa : 2 MSS 1^20 ; Piel is demanded, cf. 14^"'. — 6. n'?K : 
the spelling k'?x is expected for the caritative, as at 4^*. — 
7. K^2in : 3 MSS. OGrr. om. ; absent in v.^.—byi 1° : & <&^ &« 
om. ; 9 MSS, ^ by, to be preferred. — na'K "jjri : for adversative 
use of the prep, and the conjunctival phrase, as adopted above, 
see BDB 754b, 758a, GB 586b, 589a. — 8. nri' xxvi rua'a : so 
vv."- 29, II. 825, g29^ j^i7 • ace. to Begrich (pp. 179. 182 f.) this 
use is characteristic of one of his Chronicles. — 9. nay : <g <S^ 
om., by misunderstanding of the of&cial title. — i-ioi : the VSS, 
Jos. speak unanimously for ' Zamri,' presenting the older vocaliza- 
tion. The element is ancient, appearing in the Amama letters, 
occurring on a Palestinian seal (Diringer, lAE 211), and on 
Akk. tablets from the ancient palace of Mari, addressed by Ham- 
murabi to ' Zimri-ilim ' (A. Parrot, Syria, 1937, 74 f- .' I939. 97 ff-)- 
The root, as dmr, is frequent in S. Arab, names {NFS 2, 46 f.), 
with its mng. much debated (see Lexx. ; Sanda, ' protection '). 
But it is to be identified with Aram. (Syriac) dmr with sense of 
' awe, wonder.' Cf. Phoen. Zei^s Ae/xapoOr, ace. to Philo of Byblos 
(Eus., Prcsp. ev., i, 10, 31). C. Clemen correctly recognizes (MVAG 
42, Heft 3 [1939], 66) philological identity with Syrian Nahr ed- 
Damur (named also in Polybius, v, 68). — ^^2\ff nnv; = 2o^^. — snu : 
Noth, IP 230, following Noldeke, identifies with Arab, 'aradatu, 
' wood-worm,' but it is doubtless from the root n:fi, ' to be gracious,' 
with prosthetic K (as common in Aram, before such a consonantal 
combination) ; cf. the divine name q'i'-ipns, ' Favour-of-Reshep,' 
in the Zenjirli Hadad inscr., also the Palm. n. del, ixis. — nxina 2°: 
St. deletes; but the term is official. — 11. isd3 by inaB'a is'^aa : = 
' at his accession, at his ascending the throne ' : vs. St. the second 
vocable is not superfluous. — i^xttn s'? through vwyz, v. ^2 : OGrr. 
om. by homoiotel. — vbs: : the exceptional pi. is prob. to be read 
in II. 10^^. — intn : pi., and so at i Sam. 302* ; later spellings are 
wyi, v:?"!. — 12. bv. : read by with 4 MSS = Grr. ; the same correc- 
tion in V.13. — T12 : (© &^ Kai irpos—B)^. — 13. niffxi indh : OGrr. 
om. — a clumsy insertion. — 14. '?3i : i MS, (g om. 

15. " In the 27th year of Asa king of Judah " : <S (B al.), 
(£■ om. ; (S^ ' in the 22d year' MSS Cj i, ' in the 31st year,' so 
agreeing with v. 2* ; the variations display the unreliability of the 
Grr. — o'D'' nyitt' : <@ (B aj) (£ ' 7 years ' ; this error in place of 
' days ' accounts for the plus ' in the 20th year of Asa ' in <6 
(B A al.) <£, v.* ; other Grr. give a variety of numerals. — 16. nj?n 
n^ain : n.b. the variation in number, ad sensum ; the Gr. ' the people 
in the camp ' induced by ' in the camp,' inf. — bir\\:;> bD : (S Hex., 



' in Israel ' ; <©^ ' the people ' ; the changes were made because the 
ideal All-Israel was not involved ; cf. 15^^. — noy : the element 
is doubtless Arabic ; cf. 'Omar and its frequency in S. Arab. 
(NPS 2, 109). Omri and Zimri were evidently mercenaries of 
non-Israelite stock. Gr. texts by unfortunate confusion have 
Zafx^pei, exc. &^ AfijSpi {=% g)H), which Rahlfs (SS 3, 285) regards 
as the original Gr. form. — 18. p»"iK : Grr., ' cave ' =^h ; gr; 
' chamber ' ; ^ V ' palace ' ; Ginsberg insists properly on 
' fortress,' JBL 62 (1943), 113 f. For etymology see E. A. Speiser, 
JQR N.S. 14 {1924), 329, as from root ' to cast foundation ' ; eft. 
Akk. rimiiu, ' dwelling.' The word in the same connexion occurs 
at II. 152*. — 19. iriNEn Or. Kt. and Kr. =Ginsb., BH ; to be accepted 
vs. Occ. Kr. irixtun (also rnNun = Bar) ; VSS have pi. — x^tann'? nz'v itk: 
8 MSS sun for ntPV ; Grr. =K''tsnn "irx, the usual formula; the 
whole V. is clumsy. — 20. "iB-p yz'H ^•\mp :=II. 15".— 21. ■'sn'? : to be 
omitted with Grr., g)^ ; a dittogr. of 'sn '?[k-ii^"]. — "jnn : Grr. and 
Jos. support original vocalization as ' Tabni ' ; Sanda eft. Akk. 
' Tabni-Ea ' ; for the name cf. n^ian in the Phoen. Tabnith inscr. — 
nr^ : also Ginsb. variant nr: ; 13 MSS nw : ^^ B> =ri''ii ; Grr., Twva0, 
-md, etc. — 22. pi/T" : in active sense, ' to prevail over,' as at Jer. 
20^, 2 Ch. 28^" ; cf. Konig., Syntax, §§210 ff. Grr. texts of v.*" 
early suffered abbreviation by homoiotel. of repeated cj'n; C (S^ 
1L = ^ ; see Rahlfs, SS 3, 67 f.— 23. mm'' : <S € om.— 24. p-ies' -\r\T\ : 
' the Hill Shomeron ' ; there is no reason to elide V (with St.), 
or either the art. or inn (with Sanda). — pn.'pB' : Bibl. Aram., 
inp^' ; Syr., j'lp^ ; Akk. Samerina, also Sabara'in (Bab. Chron. 
B, col. I, line 28 ; KAT 2, 276, CP 210) ; Grr. (except in this 
one V. for exactness) ^a/xapeia. For the process of the initial vowel, 
d>d, see Harris, Development of the Canaanite Dialects, 43 ff. 
For the process of the final vowel, d>ay>i, by 'imdlah, cf. Brock., 
GVG I, 141 ff. For place-names in -dm-, -ayim, -im, and -6n, 
-ayin, -in, see Boree, AOP 50-67, with full lists. For Sameronj 
Samerayin cf. modern Syrian Libnen<Libndn, along with Bibl. 
Lebanon. The final nasal with preceding varying vowel as above 
noted {cf. n-'n'^ya' 4') is demonstrative, parallel to -dn in S. Arabic ; 
see Comm., ch. 11, n. 2, on MalkamjMilkom. Place-names in -6 
with loss of the nasal are of similar origin, e.g., Shilo. In this v. 
there is wide variety in the Gr. spellings of the repeated name. 
In the first case OGr., followed by Hex., played on the man's 
name with lefxepwv, so B, and with ^a.e/j.ijpuv in the second case ; 
but (g^ has for the first vowel =11. The n. pr. occurs elsewhere as 
clan-name, also on a Palestinian bulla {lAE 142), and in name- 
composition. There also appear forms accommodated to the place- 
name, e.g., ^ofxni]p=lL, V, ' Somer.' There is no reason to correct 
the Heb. vocalization of the place-name so as to gain a in the 
first syllable, and so to relate the name more closely to ' Shemer ' 
(so e.g., DoUer, Sanda, and the queried correction in BH) ; the 
play on the man's name remained, whatever was the vocalization 

I. i5*-i634 291 

of the derivative. The new name probably involved the participial 
sense of ' Watch-tower,' with Smith, HG 346. — 26. rnsDn : the 
correct Kr. inNEn = Kt. of many MSS. — bvr\w^ "^rbn "> ns : B al., 
€ om.— 27. '\m lO : 40 MSS Ken., deR. pref. '?3i=Grr. ; St. 
denies its originality (otherwise BH) ; it was indeed suitable for 
Omri's activities, but the word was often carelessly introduced 
in similar cases, e.g., 15^1, and see Bar's note on II. 15^^. — nipy nt:'K 
20 : om. with OGrr. — 28. :sns : tradition of older vocalization in 
-A^X'«i3, Jer. ag^i'-, as also in the name of a nephew of Herod, 
'AxioL^os {Ant., XV, 7, 8). The Heb. name now appears on the 
Shebna seal from Tell ed-Duweir {lAE 214). 

29. OGrr. date the accession in the 2d year ; Gr. MSS also 
greatly abbreviate the text. — 30. bso : OGrr. prefix k. eirov-qpevaaToj 
=n''l, as in v.''^, approved by Burn., BH, but it is an expansion to 
accentuate Ahab's wickedness (c/. St.). — 31. ^\>}n : the interroga- 
tive appears to have been first noticed by the Renaissance scholars 
(see Poole), with the result, " et fuit, nonne leve fuit ire ipsum," 
etc., and so AV™s. The VSS all paraphrase ; since Klost. the 
accepted amendment is 'rpjn, ' the lightest thing ' {e.g., St., BH) ; 
but change is unnecessary. The syntax, with interrogative in 
place of conditional particle is quite possible; cf. Eze. 8^', and see 
Bum. — bars : the first syllable is to be interpreted as abbreviation 
of •'nx; see H. Bauer, ZAW 1933, 89, n. i, who eft. -nv^ii=Axie(;ep, 
Num. 26^" ; cf. also the possible play on the name ni3D''K<maD"'nK. 
The interpretation of the second element has varied because 
of the questioned mng. of the root ; see Note on hn], 8". As 
there the present element has the primary sense of ' exaltation.' 
Light is now cast by the Ugaritic texts, where zbl occurs with the 
mng. of * prince,' e.g., zbl b'l 'rs, ' the Prince, Lord of the earth,' 
zbl ym, ' the Prince Sea,' with its parallel, ' Prince River ' ; see 
Gordon, Ugar. Handbook, i, §9, 45, and at length Albr.'s extensive 
art., JPOS 1936, 17 ff. A pejorative sense may have been intro- 
duced by playing upon Arab, and Akk. (?) zibl, ' dung ' ; cf. the 
process ' Baal-zebul '>' Baal-zebub,' II. i*. In Syria, 1935, 185, 
n. I, Virolleaud has proposed identity with the repeated phrase in 
the first published Ugaritic epic, iy zbl, ' where is Zbl ? ' (the 
passages cited by Gordon, ib., §12, 5). But such a name as original 
is impossible ; there might be in the Biblical form a taunting 
nickname. — 'jyaiis : Grr., lede^aaX, etc. ; Jos., C. Ap., i, 18, lewjSaXos, 
which transcription, on good Phcen. authority = '7MinN, ' With-him- 
Baal ' ; cf. the abbreviated form of the name of a Sidonian king, 
Tuba'lu, in Sennacherib's Prism inscr., ii, 44 {CP 340 ; ARA 2, 
no. 239). See Harris, Phcen. Gram., Glossary. For such preposi- 
tional name-formations cf. '?KUoy na'nsn, and see Noth, IP 32. — 
32. '?J?2n JT'a Grr., ev olkw t. irpoaoxdia/xaTuv avrov^^^ ; irpoaoxO- renders 
Y^V as applied to Astarte and Chemosh in II. 23". — 33. rnrKn : 
Grr., {to) akaos, as at 15^^. — wv^nb nwy'? 'k qon : (@ (g^ insert [r. 
iroiijffai] irapopyia/xaTa, which as n'<Dy3 is introduced into the text by 


Kit., St., Sanda, BH (with ?) ; but cf. Burn.'s note on the use of 
the noun {e.g., II. 23"*). ^ can well be preserved by treating the 
second infinitive as gerundial, " he did still more in provoking." — 
34. (©^ om., Jos. ignores the v. — rca : B-f om. — biv^n : Grr., 
Axii7X=g)H='jK'<n»< ; cf. DTn/nrnx, 5^*. — rwy : also MSS in''T' ; for 
the final vowel and Kt. cf. rhi, rh'v. — yyo Kt., y\ys ]^r. =many 
MSS, and so at i Ch. 2*^ ; Grr. = K[r. ; the element is a S. Arab 
name {NPS 2, 401). 

CC. 17-19. The first part of the EHjah cycle. Cf. Ant., 
viii, 13, 1-7.1 

Ch. 17. Elijah's sudden appearance and announcement to 
Ahab of the coming drought (v.^) ; the divine provision for 
him at the Wady Cherith (vv.^-') ; the Phoenician woman's 
care of him by divine provision, and his miracle of resuscita- 
tion of her son (vv.^'^*). V.^. " With the eagle-like sudden- 
ness which characterizes all his movements EUjah appears 
abruptly before Ahab with the announcement of a drought 
which is to continue for some years, and not to be removed 
except in accordance with his prophetic word " (Skinner, p. 
223). For his equally mysterious disappearances cf. 18^^, II. 2. 
It is held by some commentators {e.g., Klostermanrij Benzinger) 
"that the original introduction to the story, giving the motive 
of Elijah's appearance, has been lost ; but, again with 
Skinner : "... it is doubtful if any introduction would not 
weaken the dramatic effect of the great prophet's advent on 
the scene." Elijah's chosen self-expression, ' before Whom I 
stand ' (also 18^^) designates him solemnly as Yhwh's courtier 
{cf. i^). The true Oriental reserve of the story also appears 
in the point that not until the bidding, hide thyself, do we 
learn that the prophet had to flee from the king. Ehjah is 
bluntly introduced without even a patronymic (Grr. add the 

1 For linguistic and literary criticism of these prophet-cycles see 
Bum., pp. 207 flE., ' Narratives of the Northern Kingdom.' To the 
literature noted in Int., §14, b, n. i, are to be added for the historical 
environment of Elijah and Elisha the following : Ewald, HI 4, 63 flf. ; 
Kittel, GVI 2, §§30-9 ; Cook, CAH 3, cc. 17-20 ; Lods, Israel, 485 fif., 
513 fif. ; Olmstead, HPS cc. 24 ff. ; Robinson, HI ch. 16 ; Morgenstem, 
* The Historical Antecedents of Amos' Prophecy,' pt. 3 of his Amos 
Studies ; for the prophets under discussion Gunkel, Elias, Jahwe u. 
Baal (1906), and his Geschichten von Elisa (1922) ; James, Personalities 
of the O.T., cc. 9, 10. For the later Jewish traditions see Hamburger, 
RE, and JE, s. vv., and L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, vol. 4. 

I. I71-2* 293 

reverential title ' the prophet,' which he was not technically 
— cf. Amos), as the Tishbite, of Tishbe of Gilead — so with the 
Grr. {cf. Jos.), vs. ^, of the settlers of Gilead, with variation of 
vocalization (see Note). The Gileadite Tishbe is to be dis- 
tinguished from the GaHlsean ©co-ySr/, ' on the right of Kadesh 
of NaphtaU,' the ancestral home of Tobit's family (Tob. i^). 
For possible identification with el-lstib, 13 km. N of the 
Jabbok on Jebel Ajlun, on the southern slope of which 
locahty he remains of a chapel of Mar Ehas, see Buhl, GAP 
257 ; Doller, GES 223 f. ; Abel GP 2, 486. The site was 
early so identified, and was visited by the pilgrim Sylvia in 
the fourth century : " euntes aliquandiu per uallem lordanis 
super ripam fiuminis ipsius ... ad subito uidimus ciuitatem 
sancti prophetae HeHas, id est Thesbe, unde ille habuit nomen 
Helias Thesbites. Inibi est ergo usque in hodie spelunca, in 
qua sedit ipse sanctus " {Peregrinatio, ch. 16, in CSEL 39, 58). 
The indefinite these years is further precised at iS^^-, in which 
the dating in the third year dates the recurrence of rain ; i.e., 
normal conditions would have been restored in the third 
year. The ' three and a half years ' to which the term is 
extended in Lu. 4^^, Ja. 5I' followed Jewish tradition {Yalkut 
Shimeoni, see B. Weiss on Luke). Was the extra half added 
to give space for the history in ch. 18' ? It has been observed 
that 3 1 years, half of a sabbatic period, represented a mystical 
cycle of disaster ; cf. Dan. j^^, etc., and see Montgomery, 
ad loc. This exceptional drought is corroborated by Josephus's 
citation from Menander in the latter's ' acts of Ithobalos, 
king of Tyre ' : " There was a drought in his reign, which 
lasted from the month of Hyperberetaios until the month of 
Hyperberetaios in the following year. But he made supplica- 
tion to the gods, whereupon a heavy thunderstorm broke 
out." For the continuation of droughts over periods of years 
in Palestine see E. Huntington, ' Transformation of Palestine ' 
{Bull. Am. Geog. Soc, June, 1912), and his table of the rainfall 
recorded for 1846-1909, fig. 9 in App. ; the dry period of 1868-74 
is 'the worst in modern times' (p. 352). But Huntington, 
with his theory of deterioration of the Palestinian climate 
does not include notice of ancient tradition of such calamities. 
See also at length Dalman, A. u. S., i, i, 194 ff. A parallel 
tradition of a drought is given in the Ehsha cycle, II. ^^^tt.^ 


W.^"'. Elijah is bidden by the word of Yhwh (see Cornm., 
13^) : Go from here . . . and hide thyself in the Wady Cherith, 
which is in front of the Jordan. The wady in question, with 
its indefinite name (=' cutting ') has been located at many 
places, e.g., by Robinson {BR 2, 28) as the deep and difficult 
Wady el-Kelt, W of Jordan, N of Jericho. But the story 
demands that Elijah fled out of Ahab's jurisdiction. Jerome 
places Chorath as ' a torrent across Jordan ' (Onom., 113, 18), 
following pilgrim tradition ; this view is supported by the 
presumable meaning of the prep, as to east of {t.g., Gen. 23^^, 
other reff. in GB 649a). For the various identifications see 
Doller, GES 224 ff. The divine provision of the prophet's 
food was simply miraculous. Such a miracle has long aroused 
rationalistic doubts, and the word for ravens has been given 
other interpretations by change of vocalization ; and so as 
' merchants,' identified with a word at Eze. 27^', and Kimchi 
notes such an interpretation ; or as ' Arabs ' (the reverse 
process has taken place in Jer. 3^, where Heb. ' Arab ' is 
rendered as ' crow ' by Grr., ^) ; a gentilic interpretation 
appears in ^ with the ethnic name 'Orabim. Poole excoriates 
such interpretations in his day as due to ' morosa ingenia ' ; 
this rationalizing still survives, e.g., in Barnes's Comm. Com- 
parison has long been made with similar tales, classical and 
otherwise, of such feedings by animals, by Grotius, Keil, 
Gunkel in his Elias, 68, nn. 7-9, most recently by Frazer, 
Folk-Lore in the O.T., pt. 3, ch. 14, noting the part played 
by the raven in ancient lore. 

yy 8-24_ In retiring later to Sarephath of Sidon EHjah still 
keeps out of Ahab's jurisdiction. The place is the Gr. Sarepta 
{e.g., Lu. 4^^) ; the name survives in modern Sarafend, 7 miles 
S of Sidon, near the coast, while remains of the ancient sea- 
port exist on the shore below ; see Dussaud, La Syrie antique 
et medievale, 42. Note that it is Phoenician testimony that 
corroborates this tradition of a long and widespread drought. 
Oriental generosity is shown by the woman's readiness to 
give a drink of water to the stranger {cf. Mt. 10*^), but she is 
embarrassed by the request for food. For the jar and the 
cruse (v.^2), see A. M. Honeyman, PEQ 1939, 81, 89. The 
two sticks is equivalent to the English ' a couple,' Germ. ' ein 
Paar ' {cf Am. i^). In the same v. the Grr. understood the 

I. I71-24 295 

Heb. of my son as pi., ' my sons ' (as the Kt. can also be 
interpreted), then continued the pi. in v.^^, and also rendered 
her household (v.^^) with ' her children.' But only the (one) 
son of the mistress of the house is named below (v.^') ; the pi. 
of the Grr. appears to have been induced by the expansive 
word house /household, which includes servants ; change indeed 
might be made in v.^^, with many comm., of her house to 
her son. The woman was a person of property, a householder, 
with a dwelling stout enough to have an upper chamber (v.^^), 
i.e., a ' lean-to ' on the roof ; cf. the description of Elisha's 
quarters in similar circumstances, 11. 4^°, and see Dussaud, 
Syria, 1935, 350. 

YY 17-24 ji^Q story of the revival of the lifeless child has 
its parallel in numerous folk-tales concerning the gratitude 
of divine persons for hospitality rendered them, especially by 
poor people ; e.g., the story of Lot and his divine visitors, 
that of Philemon and Baucis, also numerous German tales 
cited by Gunkel [Elias Jahve u. Baal, 69, n. 12). The mother's 
passionate cry to Elijah (v.^^) : What is there between me and 
thee, Man of God .^ Hast thou come into my home to record 
my sin and to slay my son ?, is expression of ancient religion, 
the ' Scheu vor Heiligkeit.' What had escaped divine notice 
before is now revealed by the discovery of a divine in her 
house, who has acted as detective of holiness ; cf. Peter's 
discovery of his Lord's divinity (Lu. 5^), and the centurion's 
fear of him (Mt. 8^). Physical calamity was taken to point 
to human sin, to some case of ' hidden faults ' (Ps. 19^^) ; 
cf. the disciples' query about the man who was born bHnd 
(Jn 9^). The next to the last clause is generally translated 
' to bring my sin to remembrance ' ; Moffatt, ' to call atten- 
tion to some sin of mine ' ; Chic. B., ' to remind me of my 
iniquity.' But the meaning of the verb is ' to register,' i.e., 
legally before Deity, and so Skinner interprets ; such and 
such a sin becomes a matter of record before God, and judg- 
ment is immediately passed {cf. Dan. y^"). The praxis of the 
resuscitation of the child, in whom there was no breath left 
(v.^') lay in this (v.^i) that the man of God stretched himself 
upon the child three times, along with a prayer to my God, 
that the child's soul might return into him. The treatment is 
identical with that of Ehsha in his cure of a child, when " h 


lay upon the child " at full length, etc., II. 4^*^- (q.v.). In 
similar fashion Paul revived (eVeTreo-ev airw) the youth Euty- 
chus, who was taken up as dead from a fall (Acts 20®^-). 
Landersdorfer suggests that this was a kind of ritual praxis 
closely related to Babylonian incantations ; but the praxis 
here is not of ritual order. The Gr., not understanding the 
verb of the praxis, translated with " he breathed into the 
boy " ; but there is no reason, along with some critics, to 
change the Heb. here, or to accept the abbreviated text pre- 
sented by OGr. at v.^^ ; see Note. It is somewhat an academic 
question whether the child actually died ; it is not so specific- 
ally stated, and Josephus reasonably understands the case as 
one of apparent death. Cf. a similar act of resuscitation by 
Jesus (Mt. g^^°-=:M.k., Lu.). Antiquity recognized that the 
fact of death was not certain until after a certain delay ; 
cf. the raising of Lazarus, and the delay of Jesus till the third 
calendar day (Jn. 11). The woman's final confession, Now I 
know, etc. (v.2*) is the conviction of the mother's heart ; 
what might have been a passing incident has become to her 
an abiding reality. Indirectly she recognizes Elijah's God, 
but the point she makes is that the word of Yhwh is in thy 
mouth of a truth (so Moffatt, ' really ' : not, as generally, ' the 
word ... is true '). The story is paralleled by Jesus' benefac- 
tion of the Syro-Phcenician woman (Mk. y^^^-). Here as also 
in the Gospel incident there is no evangelization of the alien ; 
the S5n:ian Naaman voluntarily became a proselyte (II. 5^'*'-)- 

1. yrvbH : for formation of such ' Bekenntnisnamen ' in the 
ancient religions see Noth, IP 139 ff. ; the name may have been 
an assumed religious alias. (@ here and below HXetou ; <^^ always 
HXittj, declinable; Grr., exc. <S^+' the prophet.' — intiTia : ' of the 
settlers of (GUead),' a strange expression ; Grr., e/c Qic^tjjv ; §^^ 
'from T§bi ' ; Jos., €k TroXecos Qeaae^wv-qs ; accordingly read 
'3p!np ; see Then, at length ; but cf. Ew., HI 4, 64. — mn"' : Grr. with 
magnification +' the God of Hosts'; some MSS om. foil, 'the 
God of Israel ' ; cf. the Gr. in v.". — 2. r'?K : Grr.=in^'?K *?«, and 
so v.* ; the Gr. preferred precision, e.g., vv.^'- ^^- ^^- ^^, etc. — 
3. niD : ' from here,' exceptional ; cf. niffo, v.^'. — ^b jt'Jdi : Grr., 
g)H om., but there is no reason, vs. St., to delete it. — 5. l'?"'1 1° ; 
I MS Ken.. <S om. ; i'?''! 20 ; i MS Ken., OGrr. om. ; but the 
phrase ' to go and do ' is usual, cf. v.^*, and e.g., Mt. 9^', Lu. lo^' ; 
20 is geographical. — ^B'yi : <S^ om. ; on the Gr. rdgs. here cf. 
Rahlfs, SS 3, 242. — 6. n''3-ij?n : see Comm. above.— "itrai 1° : 

I. 171-2* 297 

I MS, OGrr. om. ; tnbi 2^ : i MS, OGrr. om. ; emendation of 
^ is accordingly made by some, as in correspondence with Oriental 
meals, e.g., by Klost., Kamp., St., BH ; but the simplification may 
have been induced by Ex. i6*- ^^ so Benz., Sk. — 9. '■'nsi;^ : so 
Mich., Bar, BH ; Ginsb., nn^nit ; cf. n:ri-)y, 4". The «. /oci =Eg. 
Darpata (Albr., Vocalization, 42), Akk. ^ariptu, Gr. 'Zapeirra. — 
Dtp narM : OGrr. om., prob. on ground that he did not legally 
dwell there, vs. St.'s approval of the excision. — njo'?K ncs : ' a 
certain widow ' ; cf. Ex. 16*', Jud. 4*, Dan. 3*. — 10. saM : OGrr. 
om. — r\^bn : Grr., owiaw aurr?!, and so v.^^ as though for n'^nnx ; 
the correction in the latter place is accepted by some {e.g., Kamp., 
Kit., St. ; BH frt.), with the laboured idea of vice versa corruption 
in ^ (so Sanda). — 11. ^np'? : so the full radical impv. in Ex. 29^ 
Eze. 37^*, Pr. 20I* ; correction to 'n^i n), ostensibly after the Gr. 
{cf. St., BH), is not corroborated by the Gr. order of words. — 

12. JiVDf (exc. in the corrupt text of Ps. 35^*) : interpreted from 
njy {^-g-, v.i^) ; Grr., evKpv(j)iaz=a. cake baked in hot ashes ; tC §b 
as noiKD, ' anything,' accepted by Klost., BH as likely original, 
properly rejected by St. — wys : 4 MSS om. the meagre figure. — 

13. l'?i : MSS Ken., Ginsb., ''3'?i, in accord with the woman's 
dialect. — 14. 'jkib''' '"n'jK : OGrr. om. {cf. similar omission, v.*), 
but to the point here, vs. St. ; the omission of the nationalistic 
phrase was due to Hellenistic universalism. — .i^?n : n.b. -a, a 
case to be added to those given in GK §75, 6. — [nn Kt., nn Kr. : 
for the Kt. cf. 6^*. — 15. in'''?K nana : OGrr. om., as in conflict with 
'"" nana, v.^*. — s-'m sin Kt., Kim, n'.i Kr. (the Kt. in some MSS): 
ICr.=VSS, exc. Gr. A v, auros k. avrr] ; the original text was prob. 
Km sn, and subsequent vocalization wrongly gave precedence to 
the prophet. — nri''3i : prob. to be read njni, cf. Grr. =n''Ui ; see 
Comm. — ca'' : OGrr. om. ; A Cj ^^ supply from Sym., Theod., 
with 'and from that day,' accepted by Sanda as=sinn nrnai ; 
St., Sk. om. ; Kit. sugg. nr nr {cf. BH) ; but the indefinite 
word = ' for some time,' needs not to be faulted ; cf. n^a"' TiM, 18^. — 
16. The V. is dependent upon v.^*. — non s'? piiTi nnox : for similar 
predominance of gender of the nom. regens cf. Ewald, Lehrb., 
§317, c. Such syntax does not appear for the preceding napn na, 
hence St. corrects the verb there to fem. ; however, original 
grammar may be careless. — 18. nsa : 9 MSS pref. ""a. — 20. mn'' 
Ti'jK : Grr. ((©^ corrupt), ol/xol Kvpie, as though for ""< '<'? ""W. — 
by niPt : Grr., o /uaprus (!), a variation that has caused attempts 
at rewriting, e.g., by Klost. (cf. BH), suggesting n'Ti'' "jioi s"? bk, 
" should there not be a reward . . . ? " — -inuna : the word = anglice 
' boarder.' — 21. tibjim : cf. in:''!, II. 4'^, and see discussion there ; 
there is no reason on basis of Gr. ev^pva-qav to change to ns"'! {cf. 
.Bi/).— la-ip '?y=v.22; a few MSS 'p '?.s = Gr. eis avrov, exc. MS f, 
€7r avTov = <£ ; but CD: is the aura enveloping the person ; cf. ''by in 
the refrain of Ps. 42-43. — 22-23. ib'^n (v.^s) . . . 'ji yat?"'! ; reduced 
by <S (for mixed text of &^ see Rahlfs, SS 3, 242 f.) to k. eyevtra 



ovTU)i AC. avepiwaev, " and it was so, and he revived [so with MS u, 
Jos., vs. the corruption ave^o-rjaev, e.g., B=^h, " and he called to"] 
TO iraibapiov, as though from original -'jTi ''n"'! p \n^i ; such a corrected 
text has been favourably regarded by some, e.g., St., BH ; but it 
has arisen through haplog. of the similar phrases and then assimila- 
tion of laip bv, v.^i, to "'nM mp bv, v. 22 (as i Heb. MS actually reads 
in v. 21), %-i''i 1° then being read in doublet as "'nM. — 24. ht nnv : 
the phrase also at II. 5^^ ; for the enclitic element cf. 14*. — nas : 
adverbial, as at Jer. lo^", Ps. 132I1. ^^ has a marginal note, 
citing from Severus of Antioch, that (with play on the word) this 
child was the prophet Jonah ben Amittai, ace. to Hebrew authori- 
ties, and so Jerome, Prolog, in Jonam ; see Field, also Poole, 
ad loc. 

Ch. 18. The scene on Carmel. The drama falls into three 
acts: (i) vv.^"^^, the providentially arranged meeting of 
Elijah with king Ahab ; (2) vv.^""^", the great convocation on 
Carmel, and Yhwh's victory in the contest with the Baal ; 
yy_4i-46^ the coming of the great downpour of rain, and 
Elijah's triumphal escort of the king to his residence in 
Jezreel. For the fire from heaven see Additional Note below. 

1. For the third year see Comm., 17^. 2h. And the famine 
being sore in Samaria : in the Heb. syntax the sentence is 
subordinate to the following. VV.^- ^ give a parenthetic 
description of Obadiah, who was Over-the-House, i.e., of the 
king, for which title cf. 4^. He was one who revered Yhwh 
greatly. His name is composed with the element 'obed, 
' servitor, worshipper,' a word also used of Baal's devotees 
(n. lo^^s-). The name may have been assumed by the zealot, 
as probably was the case in Ehjah's name. The virtue of this 
royal officer had been exhibited by his having concealed, in 
Jezebel's persecution of the national religion, a hundred 
prophets . . . by fifties in the cave-region (the last word in ^, 
' cave,' is generic). One of such regions is Mount Carmel, 
which is largely of chalk formation, abounding in caves, some 
2000 of which have been counted, an abode of prehistoric 
man, and through history a resort of fugitives {cf. the story 
in I Sam. 24), and of Christian hermits.^ This is the first, 

1 See Dollar, GES 228 f. ; Abel, GP i, 438 fE. ; Barton, AB 131 f.. 
and for a more recent review of the discoveries of prehistoric man's 
remains in the Palestinian caves, Albr., SAC 88 f. Supplementally 
there is to be added the vivid account in ch. 4 of McCown's The Ladder 
of Progress in Palestine. 

I. 181-46 299 

although indirect, reference to a systematic persecution of 
the sons of the prophets, brought on by Jezebel's high-handed 
policy, as also to the existence of such large groups of their 

W.^' ^ present the straits to which the regime Wcis put by 
the drought for provisioning the royal horses and mules. The 
demand of the royal stables is illustrated by Shalmaneser 
Ill's figuring of the chariots of ' Ahab the Israelite ' at 2000 
(Monolith inscr., col. 2, 91, Rogers, CP 296 ; Barton, AB 
458). The opening imperative should probably be expanded 
with the Grr. : Come, let us go through the land ; cf. i Sam. 
141- ^. 7. Obadiah recognized (EVV knew) Ehjah ; he had 
never met him, but knew him by repute, possibly recognized 
him by his hair mantle {cf. II. i^). 8-15. Obadiah deprecated 
the prophet's commission to him : Go, tell thy lord : Here is 
Elijah I Elijah's volatility, his sudden appearances and 
vanishings were known to all ; upon himself the king would 
take revenge, if Elijah escaped summary arrest. But the plea 
may have been only a generous excuse ; Obadiah was thinking 
of the prophet's safety. Ahab had been seeking everywhere 
for the fugitive prophet, even in foreign lands, laying every 
regime (see Note) and nation under oath in the search for him. 
For such adjurations, involving fearful execrations, cf. the 
Aramaic texts from Syrian Sujin of this order. ^ 15. Here 
occurs for the first time in Kings the divine name Yhwh 
Sebaoth, elsewhere in the book five times, and only in pro- 
phetic utterances.^ 

16-19. EHjah's meeting with Ahab. The clash of words 
between him and the undaunted man of God is classical. 
The epithet, Troubler of Israel, is flung back in the king's 
teeth : * I have not troubled Israel ; but thou and thy father's 
house, with added specific indictment of the court : in your 
leaving [with Grr. om. the commandments of] Yhwh and thy 

* The texts were first published by Dussaud, CR 1930, 155 flf., further 
treated by H. Bauer, AfO 8 (1932), i fE. ; S. Ronzevalle, Mdl., 15, 
fasc. 7 (1931), 232 fE. For further execrations cf. the treaty imposed 
by Ashur-Nirari V upon the local Syrian king, 755 B.C., of which extracts 
are presented by Olmstead, HA 172 ff. 

' See W. W. Baudissin, Kurios, ah Gotiesname im Judentum, 1926-29. 

* The root ' to trouble ' had some religious significance ; cf. Josh. 
6^^ especially 7^*"- with play upon the root meaning. 


going after the Baals. 19. Elijah proceeds to a summary 
demand for a convocation of all Israel on Mount Carmel, 
along with the prophets of the Baal. The following figure 
four hundred and fifty is an evident intrusion from v.^^. As 
intrusion also appears to be the reference to the prophets of 
the Asherah four hundred, on the ground that the followers of 
this cult are not mentioned in the subsequent story. But the 
argument that (the) Asherah was not a deity now falls to the 
ground ; see Comm. on 15^^, and on II. 23* for the Ugaritic 
pairing of Baal and Asherah. Whether or not the clause is 
secondary, the reference to Jezebel's patronage of that deity 
is pertinent ; her father was priest of the corresponding 
goddess Ashtart ; see above on 16^^. For the eaters at Jezebel's 
table cf. 2' ; they were the queen's subsidized clergy. She 
was well within her extra-territorial rights {cf. ii^^-), but she 
abused her wifely influence to persecute the native zealots. 
Those organized castes of the Baal and the Asherah with their 
orgiastic rites were an abhorrent innovation in Israel, and 
aroused the nationalistic-religious antipathy of the people at 
large, to whom Ehjah and the fraternities of ' the sons of the 
prophets ' gave voice and leadership. Elijah was right ; 
not he but the responsible monarch was the innovator. This 
must be maintained as against many current scholars, who 
would hold that Israel never found its rehgion until the 
eighth century. 

yy 2o-4o_ jjjg convocation of all Israel and the prophets of 
the Baal on Carmel. For this mountain promontory, called 
in Arabic Jebel Mar Elyas, see the BDD, Guerin, Samarie, 
ch. 60 (with ample historical citation) ; Smith, HG ch. 14, 
sect, iv ; DoUer and Abel, cited above ; also C. Klopp, Elias 
u. Christentum auf dem Karmel (1929). Sanda would precise 
the location of the present scene, the traditional site of which 
is pointed out at el-Muhraka (' place of burning '). This 
splendid complex, 1800 ft. above the sea at its top, must 
have been from of yore ' a holy mount.' ^ JambHchus in his 
life of Pythagoras (iii, i) tells that his hero sojourned there ; 

• In the Palestine List of Thutmose III immediately after 'A=Acco 
is listed r§kd§=E'np e^"i, ' Holy Mount,' according to some scholars 
{e.g., Abel, GP i, 350 f.), our Carmel; but according to personal in- 
formation from W. F. Albright the identity is not established. 

I. i8i-*6 30J 

Tacitus (Hist., ii, 78) relates that there was a sanctuary there 
with altar but without image ; Suetonius in his life of Vespa- 
sian (ch. v) records how he sacrificed there, and was given by 
the priests an oracle of his coming greatness ; Elijah appears 
to have daringly chosen Pagan ground for his defiance of 
Ahab and the Baal. The mountain gives a dramatic setting 
for the appearance of a little cloud the size of a man's palm 
coming up out of the sea ' (vv.*^^-). 20. The convocation of 
all [om. with Grr. the sons of] Israel has its parallel in the 
assembly at Shechem (ch. 12). 21. The translation of Elijah's 
query to the people as given by EVV, How long halt ye between 
two opinions ?, well expresses the sense ; more exactly it 
means, How long are ye hobbling [so Moffatt, cf. GV FV] at 
the two forks (of the road), i.e., hopping now on one leg, now on 
the other, before the dilemma. Grotius gives a capital parallel 
for the verb in the Gr. d/^K^oTept^eiv. For other interpretations 
see Note. Elijah is here using some popular phrase. It 
finely introduces, passing from the satiric to the serious, his 
peremptory demand : // Yhwh be the God [the Deity), follow 
him ; and if the Baal, follow him ! And, as so often in history, 
the demos answered him not a word. 

22. And Elijah said to the people : I am left a prophet of 
Yhwh's alone by myself. Elijah is speaking to his present 
audience, contrasting himself with the hundreds of Baal- 
prophets ; but his sense of utter lonehness is expressed 
again at 19^*. VV.^^^-. There follows the summons of the 
people to serve as jury in the ordeal between Yhwh and the 
Baal, and this the people approves : and it shall be, the God 
who answers by fire, he is the God {—the Deity). The Baal- 
folk had the first choice. 26. With no response from their 
god, the prophets enacted some peculiar rite at, or rather 
about [not upon with AV] the altar. This is doubtless to be 
explained as some kind of limping dance ; see Note, v.^^. 
For the ritual dance in Phoenician religion Pietschmann notes 
(Gesch. d. Phonizier, 220) the report in Heliodorus {Mthiopica, 
iv, 17) of a raving dance in honour of Herakles celebrated by 
Tyrian merchants, and a Phoenician ' Baal of the Dance ' 
{b'l mrkd) is known from classical texts (Harris, Grammar, 88, 
147). There have pertinently been compared the ' encom- 
passing of the altar ' in Ps. 26^ {cf. Gunkel, ad loc), and the 


running circumambulation of the sacred stone at Mecca at 
the Haj festival ; cf. Wellhausen, Reste arah. Heidentums, 
109 ff. D. B. Macdonald in his Hebrew Literary Genius, 35, 
further develops the comparison : " The fundamental idea in 
both words [i.e., haj in both languages] is dancing around 
something and the essence of the Muslim hajj is a ceremonial 
dance around the Ka'ba at Mecca. This has to be done with 
a certain ritual-step which is described as resembling dragging 
the feet in deep sand." He proceeds to compare the similar 
' limping about the altar ' in the present passage. General 
reference may be made to W. O. E. Oesterley, The Sacred 
Dance (1923). 27. And it was at noon that Elijah mocked them, 
and said : Cry with a loud voice, for he is God ! The sequence 
of the following clauses reads practically the same in EVV, 
e.g., JV : either he is musing, or he is gone aside, or he is on a 
journey, or peradventure he sleepeth, and must he awaked. The 
ascription to the deity of musing is rather absurd (an inter- 
pretation from the late special meaning of the root used of 
reUgious ' study ' of the Scriptures) ; rather, he has some busi- 
ness or conversation. The item, he is gone aside, has been best 
explained by Rashi (and so Thenius) as a euphemism, i.e., to 
reUeve himself {cf. Germ. ' Abort '), and this interpretation is 
reinforced for Rashi by his addition to the next clause, he 
has a journey on hand, i.e., ' to the privy.' See Notes at 
length. Finally the ' waking up ' of the deity is illustrated 
by an Ugaritic text (ViroUeaud, Syria, 1929, pi. Ixii), in which 
after each one of a series of choral stanzas and following a 
god's name occurs the choric " he has waked up " [hn V) ; 
see Montgomery JAOS 55 (1935), 89 ff. Elijah's satire in 
a nut-shell is the raciest comment ever made on Pagan 
mythology. 28. A stage in the Baal-ritual is enacted at 
noon : They cut themselves after their manner with knives and 
lances, until the blood gushed out upon them. This bloody rite 
in extreme cases of propitiation of a deity is frequently re- 
ferred to in the O.T. : Hos. 7^* (with correction of ^), Mic. 
4^* (?). Jer. 16*, 41^ (a case of actual practice of the rite by 
Jeremiah's co-religionists), 47^ (the rite ascribed also to Phil- 
istia) ; the custom is proscribed by the Law (Dt. 14^, Lev. 
19^®). A close territorial parallel to the present scene is that 
described by Lucian as practised by the Syrian Galli of his 

I. i8i-46 303 

day : " these gash their arms and turn their backs to be 
lashed " {De Dea Syr a, 50). For such widespread rites in 
antiquity see Poole, ad loc, W, R. Smith, Rel. of the Semites. 
303 ; Dhorme, L' Evolution religieuse d'Israel, i, 259 ff. The 
' flowing of the blood upon them ' was of the essence of the 
rite. 29. In the third act, at the passing of noon they prophesied. 
The verb can only be paraphrased in Christian language, 
which confines ' prophecy ' to the higher levels of revelation ; 
it might be translated colloquially with semantic right, they 
enthused ; cf Moffatt, ' raved,' Chic. B., ' worked themselves 
into a prophetic frenzy.' The action was that of ' the raving 
dervish ' (Sanda), cf. 1 Sam. lo^^fl-, etc. For these prophets 
see further Comm. at end of the ch. They prophesied until 
the offering of the [EYV -j- evening] oblation [with RVV ; Heb. 
minhdh] : there are in the Law two oblations, Ex. 29^^^-, 
Num. 28^2-, one in the morning, and one ' between the even- 
ings,' which peculiar phrase has given much room for argu- 
ment, as in the Mishnic Pesahim, v, i. The morning oblation 
is referred to in II. 32** (the phrase as here). The second 
oblation was in the afternoon after three o'clock, and was 
the chief daily service for the people, so according to Josephus, 
Ant., xiv, 4, 3, ' about the ninth hour,' so corresponding with 
Acts 3^, timing the visit of Peter and John to the temple 
for prayer. Cf. Hamburger, RE ' Minchagebet,' Gunkel Einl. 
in die Psalmen, 177. This afternoon minhdh was the chief 
public service in early Semitic custom, preserved in the 
Muslim service of the 'asr, celebrated about the same hour ; 
cf. Ezr. 9^^-, Dan. 6^^, 9^^ (see Montgomery, ad locos). There 
is no reason to suppose here a reflection from Jerusalemite 
practice or later Law. Also in II. 16^^ in Ahaz's reign there 
is recorded the royal prescription for ' the morning burnt 
offering and the evening oblation ' ; see the extensive discus- 
sion in Nowack, Arch., 2, 221, n. i. And there was no voice, 
and none to answer, and no attention ! — a rhetorical pyramiding 
of the earlier phrase, v.^^. 

YV,3o-35 Elijah rebuilds the altar of Yhwh, sets upon it 
the wood and the dismembered bullock, and orders all to be 
doused with water three times, in addition to filling the sur- 
rounding trench with water. These details indicate the 
current knowledge of hocus-pocus practised in producing 


sacred fire. The only considerable insertion in the text of 
the whole story is detected by many commentators in the 
reference to the twelve stones, with which the altar was built, 
according to the number of the tribes of the sons of Jacob, to whom 
came the word of Yhwh : Thy name shall be called Israel. The 
reference to the twelve tribes appears to belong to later 
schematic history, and late seems to be the reference to the 
renaming of Jacob, citing P in Gen. 35^° (but cf. J in Gen. 
3228'-), repeated formuhstically at II. 17^*. purther, v.^"'', 
and he restored the ruined altar of Yhwh, appears to render 
unnecessary v.^^a^ ^^^ j^g built the stones into an altar in the 
name of Yhwh. These grounds have induced some critics, 
e.g., Kamphausen, Kittel, Benzinger, Skinner, Eissfeldt to 
regard vv.^^'^^a as an intrusion, a position denied however by 
Burney, Sanda. The classical reminiscence of the twelve 
tribes and the naming of Israel may well be of late origin. 
But it may be suggested that these vv. (which provoked the 
Or. translators to considerable changes) include early variant 
notions as to the altar. The one (y.^^^) was of an altar of 
Yhwh's rebuilt, after presumed destruction by Jezebel's 
fanaticism [cf. 19^°) ; however not a single tradition points to 
any such occupation of Carmel, and a striking point of the 
story is that Elijah chose Baal's own ground to defy him. 
The other line of narrative (v.^^a) makes Ehjah build a new 
altar, and so the original sequence may have been : (v.^^) 
And Elijah took stones, (v.^^) and he built the stones into an 
altar in the name of Yhwh, the final phrase ' in Yhwh's name ' 
(omitted by some Gr. texts) phrasing the benediction of the 
new altar. 32&. And he made a trench according to the capacity 
of two seahs of seed. The figure has aroused unsettled dispute. 
Rashi found a rectangle, 100 X 50 cubits, like the court of the 
tabernacle (Ex. 38^^-). Early commentators (see Poole), and 
so Sanda, made the item refer to the capacity of the trench 
for holding so much seed, but the quantum =ca. 26 Htres, is 
too small. Bahr, Klostermann think of the ' well-known 
measure ' of a double seah fixing the depth and breadth of the 
trench — a reasonable suggestion. Thenius, followed by Kittel, 
Benzinger, Skinner, compares the Mishnic term nXD n^3 {e.g., 
Shebi'ith, iii, 2) used for the extent of land to be planted with 
a seah, i.e., 1568 sq. metres (see Benzinger, ad loc, and in 

I. i8i-4« 305 

RPTK I, 136), and so Kimchi, ' according to standard size ' ; 
but two such plots would make an absurdly large territory. 
The twelve jars full of water (v.^^) would seem to be an 
ample statement of the amount used. Similar expansion of 
the story appears in v.^^ with a duplicate : The water ran about 
the altar, and, he filled the trench with water. 36. 37. Elijah 
prays for a sign that to-day it may be known that thou art 
God in Israel, and with variant, that thou, Yhwh, art the Deity. 
There is no reason to abbreviate the prayer with (@^, followed 
by Benzinger ; liturgical language is diffuse. Yhwh is 
addressed as God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel (so the title 
in I Ch. 29^^, 2 Ch. 30^), varying from Ex. 3^, etc. : ' God of 
A., I., and Jacob.' V.^'^ offers a crux interpretum : EW, 
for thou didst turn their heart back again, but RVV mng., 
JV . . . their heart backward. The latter interpretation is the 
true one, it is thou (emphatic pron. in Heb.), who didst so 
affect them, i.e., the divine Providence, not the heathen Baal 
who was the cause of the people's backsliding, all ad majorem 
gloriam Dei, as in ' the hardening of the heart of the people ' 
in Egypt, and the temptations in the desert. Such is Rashi's 
interpretation : " Thou gavest them place to depart from 
thee, and in thy hand it is to establish their heart toward 
thee." Kimchi, following Saadia, took the opposite interpreta- 
tion : " Their heart, which was backward, thou wilt turn 
back." Such also was Lucian's interpretation, and this 
appears to be the prevaihng exegesis, e.g., of Kittel, Sanda, 
Eissfeldt, but not of Skinner. However not only is the past 
tense of the Heb. verb against this interpretation, but also 
the adverb backward, occurring at Gen. 9^^, i Sam. 4^^, 2 Ki. 
20^°^-, Is. 38^, is always used in that sense, never as ' back 
again.' 38. And the fire of Yhwh fell, and consumed the holo- 
caust and the wood and the stones and the dust, licking up the 
water. The ' fire of Yhwh ' appears at Num. ii^^-, the ' fire 
of God ' at II. i^^fi- ; there is no reason to adopt, with Thenius, 
al., the expansion (c/. Gen. ig^*) of the Grr., ' fire from the 
Lord (=tl) from heaven.' The stones and the dust — quite de 
trop ! — is best explained by Clericus (cited by Keil), " redegit 
in calcem." 39. At sight of the miracle the people/?// on their 
faces ; cf. the fuller formula in Neh. 8^, " they bowed . . . and 
worshipped Yhwh with their faces to the ground." This rite 


is the same as the Muslim sajdah (see Hughes, Diet, of Islam, 
s.v. ' Prayer '), accompanying the cry, ' Allah akbar.' And 
such a confession is attributed to the people here : Yhwh, 
He is the God, Yhwh, He is the God. For the people He was 
the God as against the defeated rival Baal ; only subsequently 
does the expression become absolute as of the sole Deity, as 
in Solomon's prayer (8^") and in Islamic ' Allah.' 40. Elijah 
promptly orders the arrest of the Baal prophets, and as leader 
in the bloody scene, he brought them down to the Wady Kishon, 
and slaughtered them there — down in the valley' away from the 
sacred hill, and where flowing water might wash away the 
blood. For the ugly sequel, if authentic, the history of religion 
and politics down to our own day is sad apology. 

VV.41-46. Elijah's triumph. 41-42a. Elijah courteously 
bids his monarch to refresh himself ; there is no longer need 
of abstinence, for there is the sound of the roar [EVV abundance] 
of the rain. 4:2b AAa. Elijah's vigil for the rain. Elijah went 
up to the top of Carmel, his servant ' going up ' to a higher 
point (by implication) for his lookout. Elijah bowed over to 
the ground and put his face between his knees : Keil gives 
reference to travellers' notes recording a similar attitude used 
by modern dervishes ; the attitude implies ecstatic absorption, 
the subject sees nothing, another must be his eyes. 43-44a. 
He commands his servant (who appears again, 19^) to look 
toward the sea ; he reports. There is nothing. And he said : 
Go again seven times. And it was at the seventh time that he 
(the servant) said : Behold, there is a little cloud like a man's 
palm coming up out of the sea. The OGrr. have expanded 
the curtness of the story, followed by some modern critics, but 
without textual reason. Seven times means a total of seven 
times altogether. 44&-46. Elijah sends word to the king to 
hasten home before the coming storm to Jezreel, and he 
himself serves as his outrunner. The instruction to the 
servant to go up to Ahab is geographically difficult ; was it 
a verb of courtesy ? 45. The introductory adverbial phrase, 
rendered by EVV with ' in a little while,' means moment by 
moment {the heavens grew dark). For Jezreel and its royal 
estate see Comm., 21^. The distance of the drive is variously 
estimated by Skinner at 17/18 miles, a long chariot-drive in- 
deed at end of the day. 46. The running of Elijah before the 

I. i8i-^6 307 

royal chariot was in truth a gymnastic feat, and is attributed 
to divine impulse : the hand of Yhwh was upon him (c/. II. 3^^, 
Eze. i^, etc.). It was not impossible for such a son of the 
desert ; it is reported that Arab runners in the desert can 
cover 100 miles in less than two days (P. W. Harrison, The 
Arab at Home, 1924, p. 2). For the 'girding of the loins,' cf. 
Dalman, A. u. S., 5, 236 f., and for the ' running at the wheel 
of one's lord ' as a proud duty the 8th-century Aram, inscrip- 
tion of Bar-Rkb. The datum can hardly be fiction, for a 
later age would not have made Elijah outrunner {cf. 1^) of 
the wicked Ahab. EHjah assumes this office of herald because 
he had to all appearance won the king and all the people 
over to the cause of the nation's God — a proud moment, to 
be followed by bitter disappointment. 


For the above remarkable story, in addition to literature cited in 
n. I to introduction to cc. 17-19, reference is to be made to L. B. 
Paton, ' Baal,' etc., ERE ; R. H. Kennett, O.T. Essays (1928), ch. 4, 
' Altar Fire ' ; Alt, ' Das Gottesurteil,' in the G. Beer Festschrift (1935), 
pp. I ff. ; Frazer, The Golden Bough, i, ch. 5, on ' Magic Control of 
Weather and Rain ' ; R. Patai, ' The Control of Rain in Anc. Palestine,' 
HUCA 14 (1939), 251 ff., esp. pp. 254 ff. ; Eissfeldt, ' Ba'alSamem u. 
Yahwe,' ZAW 56 (1939), i ff. And finally there is to be listed a mono- 
graph by R. de Vaux in the Bulletin du Musie de Beyrouth, 5 (1944), 
7-20, ' Les prophetes de Baal sur le Mont Carmel.' This gives an 
admirable study of the Pagan rites presented in the present story with 
full documentation from all sources. There is to be noted a plate 
presenting a bas-relief in the Musee des Thermes in Rome, illustrating 
an orgy of ritual dancing (to cite the author) " qui tourne en derision 
une ceremonie isiaque " — a striking parallel indeed to Elijah's sarcasm. 

The marvel of the kindling of Elijah's sacrifice has provoked natural 
discussion. Hitzig {Gesch. Israels, i, 176) suggested the use of nearby 
naphtha deposits (a geological absurdity) ; with this suggestion is to 
be compared the story in 2 Mac. i^^^-. The annual rekindling of the 
Holy Fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem is a survival 
of ancient ritual magic. Kennett suggests (pp. 103 ff.) Elijah's use of a 
naphtha supply and a mirror reflecting the sun's rays, adding that 
" we need not suppose that Elijah would have been very scrupulous," 
although he would have " sincerely believed " that such a fire came 
from heaven. Such rationalizing would preserve the historicity of the 
story at cost of its morality. Indeed the item of the water-pouring 
upon the altar contradicts such ritual humbug, doubtless weU known 
in his day. Again an explanation of the lavish water-pouring is 


presented by Patai in a fully documented essay on ancient weather- 
control, rites, etc., e.g., the water-pouring at the Sukkoth feast. Cf. 
Mowinckel, Psalmen-Studien 2 (1922), 100 f[., citing P. Volz, Das 
Neujakrsfest Jahwes, 31, for the suggestion. But this comparison 
simply makes of Elijah a superstitious parallel to the Baal prophets, 
whUe it does not account for what happened. The ritual water-pouring 
was never applied to altar and sacrifice. The story is naturally told — 
a stroke of lightning, ' the fire of Yhwh ' {cf. Gen. ig^*, etc.), followed 
by a great storm, which Elijah anxiously expected. The story — n.b. 
its sequel with Elijah ' running before Ahab ' to his palace — is hardly 
pure invention, as with Meyer [Sb., Berlin, 1930, 76), who regards this 
narrative, plus 19""-, as a legendary reflection of the story of Elisha's 
anointing of Jehu and the latter's massacres — a strained explanation 
indeed ! The present writer agrees with F. James, Personalities of the 
O.T., 174: " Legend has been busy with the story but through its 
obscurities we can still discern the fact that some test whereby decision 
was to be made was agreed upon and successfully made." The cause 
of Yhwh as God of Israel triumphed politically over his rival, the Baal 
of the Heavens. 

As for the latter deity the study by Eissfeldt, cited above, with 
analysis of all the material, Biblical and archaeological, offers most 
welcome illumination. The foreign deity in the story is to be distin- 
guished, as ' the Baal,' from the many local Baals (there were " gods 
many and lords many," as Paul says, i Cor. 8"), and is to be identified 
with the well-known Baal-of-the-Heavens (cf. II. 23^). In him was 
concentrated in Syrian lands the Semitic urge towards monism, if not 
monotheism.^ Under Jezebel's fanatical patronage the Heavenly Baal 
was brought into conflict with Israel's sole Deity ; doubtless the 
practical monotheism of the latter religion intensified the monistic 
tendency of the religion of ' the Baal.' The result was for the first 
time in history a fanatical contest in the name of monotheism. Israel 
could put up with local Baals, as the Church has done with worship of 
saints ; but there can be but one supreme Deity. Jezebel's faction 
went logically to the root of the matter in attempting to exterminate 
Yhwh's devotees, as did Elijah in the destruction of the Baal's prophets. 
In formal politics the victory was won by Elijah ; the foreign Baal, 
if not the Baals, was ousted with popular acclaim. 

The ancient native Baal prophets have both Biblical and archaeo- 
logical light thrown upon them. The prophesying of those guilds 
appears in Jer. 2*, 23^'- "^o-. The earhest known example of such 
phenomena is noted in the Wen-Amon papyrus (ca. iioo B.C.), whose 
author describes a similar occurrence at Byblos, where at a sacrifice 

^ Cf. F. Baethgen, Der Gott Israels u. die Gotter des Heidentums 
(1888), esp. pp. 253 ff. ; H. Seyrig, ' Le culte de Bel et de Baalshamin,' 
Syria, 1933. 238 flf. ; Montg., ' The Highest, Heaven,' etc., HTR 31 
(1938), 143 fif. There is also to be noted Albright's discussion in ARI 
156 f. 

I. i8i-^« 309 

performed by the ocal prince to obtain an oracle, " the god seized 
one of his noble youths, making him frenzied " (Breasted, ARE 4, 
278 fE.. Gressmann, ATB 2, 71 S., Barton, AB 449 ff.)- For Lucian's 
day we have his lively description of the prophesying at Syrian Hiera- 
polis (De Dea Syr a, 36, Garstang's tr.) : " These (the oracles) speak 
not, save by the mouth of priests and prophets ; this one is moved 
by its own impulse, and carries out the divining process to the very 
end " ; the account proceeds with the description of the agitation and 
sweating of the prophet. We know furthermore from the Aramaic 
inscription of Zakar king of Hamath (towards 800 B.C.) that the 
Heavenly Baal had such prophets ; Baal-of-the-Heavens was the 
king's deity, who encouraged him to victory ' through seers [the 
same word as in Heb.] and prognosticators [lit., calculators] ' (col. i, 
line 12). Indeed the vigour of such enthusiasts may have stimulated 
the remarkable expansion of the Israelite Nebi'im of this age. 

1. D''D^ Wl : for the sing, verb see Note, 11'; 2 MSS deR., 
n"'D'<o "TIM, cf. W, and so Then., al. (cf. BH) would read ; Grr., 
" and it came to pass after many days " ; St. would read n''a'' {'pa ; 
Eissf. sugg. wi, connecting with the prev. v., " und er (das Kind) 
lebte noch lange." — 3. in'-naj; : cf. cix iny, and the many such 
name formations in Phoen. (Harris, Gram., 128 fE.), and in S. Arab. 
[NPS I, 240 ff.). — 4. nsD : Grr. + 'men.' — n"'tt'nn : 13 MSS deR., 
+n"'spcn, I MS Ken., 'rD=Grr., /cora ■KevT7)KovTa='Q[, ^; the correc- 
tion appears necessary. — mysn : ' in the cave-complex,' cf. ig*, 
and see Abel, GP i, 438, n. i, for similar use of the Arab. sing, in 
Palestine. — n'?3'?3i : Bum. well sugg. iterative use of the pf. ; most 
would correct to n'?3'?3''l, in accord with v.^'. — 5. 1'? : Grr. + 
SuXBufxev ; this addition, with Then, al., to be accepted ; read 
with Orlinsky, JBL 59 (1940), 515 S., maj?ii ns'?. — '?3 bis : Grr. om. 
1°, OGrr. om. 2^, Jos. ignores both ; but royal orders were extrava- 
gantly phrased. — nanano n'^nsa ki'? ; for Heb. variants of 'ana see 
Ginsb. ; the nominal phrase is partitive. The rdgs. in (g (correct 
Bf (TK-qvwv to KT-qvwv) and <©^ have suggested various emendations, 
especially in view of the odd use of the Hif. verb, e.g., by WeUh. 
{Comp., ■z'jg), rdg. 'ann i:dd ni|n n"?, followed by many ; but St. 
wisely stands by ^. — 6. p»<n : Grr., ^^, ' the road,' an easement. 
— na'? i*^ : <S^ (and B) om., as though then the king would be un- 
accompanied, to which St. unjustifiably consents, and so BH. 
The interpolated iiovos in v.' of OGrr. is actual corrective gloss 
to v.«. — 7. ima''! : OGrr., k. eairevo-ev, suggesting to Then., al. 
(cf. BH) the correction nna"'! ; but the translators did not allow 
the point of ' recognition.' — nt nnsn : also v.^' ; see BDB 261, 
GB 193. — 10. na'^eo : prob., as distinguished from ""U, in the 
Phoen. sense of ' royalty '>' king.' — yatwn — nasi: protasis and 
apodosis ; cf. Dr., Tenses, §143. For ;?''3!:ti Grr., eveirpr^a-ev, prob. 
corruption of (veTrXrjcrev =ii^2iyn (Klost.). — nasva"' : potential; cf. 
Dr., §37, p. 42. — 11. in'''?K nin : Gr. texts (B N al.) cm., d=-x-. — 


12. '"' nn : masc. as at II. a^* ; see Comm. there. — ntrx bv : 'k in 
original sense of ' place.' — ijwo'' sbi : <g (B N a^) om., g>H .y.. 
St. approves the elision, but why ? — 16. l'?"'! : Grr. pref. " and he 
ran," accepted by Then., St., al., as=p'«i ; but such haste of 
locomotion was hardly germane to a king. — 18. "'' mx» : Grr., 
' the Lord your God ' ; 'd is generally condemned as late, e.g., 
by St., Sanda, BH. — 19. 'Jl ma'sn ''K"'2J1 : rejected by most critics 
since Wellh. as gloss ; n.b. omission of m ; Grr., exc. MS i, inter- 
polated the clause also in v.22. — 20. ■':a : Grr. om. ; some 25 MSS 
■JUJ. 4 MSS •'J2 b^2i : see deR.— D'-K'-aw : 5 MSS deR. pref. 
'?D=Grr., ^H_ — 21. oyn bs: <g vavras, as though for cn'jo ; but 
cf. V.2*. — n^DVon >m bv n^noD : Grr., V tr. the verb with 'to go 
lame,' tK g> with ' to be divided.' The same verb, as ' to hop, 
leap,' appears in v.«« for the ritualistic dance of the Baal prophets, 
and the Grr. adopt this sense for the foil, words, ' on both poplites.' 
Hence combining these elements Cheyne {EB 1000), Benz. inter- 
pret the verb here as at v. 28, making Elijah refer sarcastically 
in advance to that rite. But the verb is used in different con- 
jugations, Kal and Piel, in the two vv., and so with distinct 
mngs. As for the noun, which many still find obscure {e.g.. Kit., 
St.), its root has the sense of ' forking,' as of twigs, and it pro- 
duced an adj., se'ep, 'double-, doubtful-minded' (Ps. iigi")^ cf. 
SLxpvxQs in James i^— ins: 2 MSS. & om.— 22. nyn : 16 MSS deR. 
pref. b^. — 23. nnxn 2° : cf. the usage in 1229 ; Grr., ' the other,' 
and so EVV tr. — u^)im by Timi : OGrr. om. (g)H -x-), which St. 
approves ; but the threefold operation of the two parties is nicely 
balanced. — 24. n3"'n'?N : B al a.s pi., but at v." as sing. — nin'' : 
most Grr.-f ' my God.'— ]yi : MSS urT=Grr., exc. <gL._25. 'jyan : 
Grr., T. aiaxvvv^, exc. MS i, t. Baa\. — 26. [mb] \r\i [ntt^K] : read as 
passive, [m (so g) EVV tr.), as St. suggests ; interpreted as active, 

OGrr. omitted as contradicting v.^^. — n'^nnxn nyi ipano : &^ om. 

as exaggerative ?—iJiy bv^n: Grr. (exc. 44), "hear us, Baal, hear 
us," modelled after Elijah's prayer, v.^^. — rDian by inoci : Grr., 
K. SuTpexov eiri r. dvaLaar-qpiov ; ^ " raved upon . . ." ; ^ 
" laboured at ..." ; 10 " transiliebantque altare," cf. V Ex. 
12", " transibo vos " ; the Piel is denominative for some ritual 
custom, a dance, skipping. The prep, is to be understood as 
' by. at.'— ntrj? :=gi: ; other VSS as pi., EW as passive ; but read 
wv with 22 MSS and Sebir (Ginsb.).— 27. in'''?s : Grr. (exc. 44, 71) -f 
' the Thesbite ' ; the same plus in Grr. at v.**. — sm D\n'?K •'3 : 
^^ C om., to avoid such a confession ; tK renders the noun with 
K'?m, ' fear.' — n^tp : the root is used of mental concern, then of 
study of Scripture (Ps. 119", etc.). VSS vary: Grr., dSoXeo-xi'a, 
'talk, conversation' {cf. II. 9"), and so Aq., 6iJii.\ia='!S, ^y^io, 
' conversation ' ; cf. V ' loquitur,' and similarly Rashi, Kimchi ; 
g)H ' business ' ; ^ ' thought.' — re; : root identical with 310, ' to 
turn aside,' used here euphemistically; "^ 'in diversorio ' = ' in 
an inn,' or the like ; cf. Rashi, combining the two verbs as of 

I. i8i-*« 311 

' business,' and translating i'? nm below as of absence ' in a privy ' 
(kd3 rT'a). Klost., Bum., St., BH regard y^^o ""Di as duplicate to 
n''^ ''3, and find the Gr. xpVfJ-O'Ti^ec translating foil. 1'? m ""3 ; 
but the interpretation of Aq., §>^ with "he is giving a revela- 
tion," proves the contrary, as E. Nestle has argued [ZAW 23 
[1903], 338 f.), adducing the parallel of xp W^^'T^ '" = ^'<'^. Jer. 25^°, 
of Yhwh 'thundering.' — i'? tit ""J : represented in Gr. tradition 
only by gloss from Sym. in ^^ — 29. The Grr. are most variant 
from ^ and among themselves in this v. <@ (B al.) exchanges 
the first two sentences, adds an address to the prophets bidding 
them to depart, and so " I will make my holocaust," and with 
note of their departure, then omitting the finale, " there was 
no voice," etc. ; <@^ Hex. (A N) supply k. ovk 7]v (puvrj, 5 MSS 
add K. OVK 7]v aKpoacn^. The plus was accepted by Then., Gratz ; 
but see Bum., St. at length.— nman m'?j;'? ij; : for this combina- 
tion of preps, see Dr., Int., 538, and Burn., ad loc. — 30. '?3 : Grr. 
om. ; cf. v.2^. — "' naio ns kbim : OGrr. transfer to after first sen- 
tence in V.32.— 31. apv : 8 MSS deR., '?XTi'^=A ^^.—Z2. nJSM : 
for the uncontracted form see Note, lo^'. — "•> n-m : &^ om., ^^ -x-, 
unnecessarily deleted by St. — n'?yn : Grr., daXaacrav (=^H), exc. 
(§'-', daaXa, and so respectively at v.'* ; the latter is the original 
OGr., with Rahlfs, S5 3, 285 ; later scribes turned it into ddXaaaa, 
with reminiscence of the ' sea ' in the temple ; Lucifer correctly, 
' foveam.' — 33. n"'i"i'n 1° : OGrr. -f-" upon the altar that he made " 
— superfluous ! — (D''Xi'n) '?j? : <S (£ om. ; then OGrr., C contain an 
addition. — 34. nwis : (@^ ' two.'— a'^syn '?vi : <g-|-" and they did so," 
which St., Sanda, BH regard as original — again unnecessary. — 

35. sbo : orig. <§ eirXtjaei', largely corrupted to the pi. (B A al.). — 

36. nruen m'?w "nM : OGrr. om., as contradicting the time given 
above, v.*', or because there was no regular minltdh on Carmel ? — 
nruon : A to v8tx}p, error for t. dujpov. — K-isin m^bH tPiM : Grr., g)^ 
have replaced with " and E. called to heaven " ; the Heb. 
verb is used in ritualistic sense, and the Grr. may have avoided 
the notion that E. was serving as priest, i MS and Grr. om. ' the 
prophet,' which is not used elsewhere as title of Elijah, although 
he was ' a prophet,' v. ^2. — In the Grr. v.^^ has been contaminated 
from v.^^. — Tianai : many MSS, }^t. correctly the sing.=VSS; 
cf. Note, 312.— '73 : 2 MSS, Grr. (exc. (3^), g)H om.— 37. &^ om. 
v.* to avoid duplication of v.**. — raon : for the divine sibbah see 
12^^. — r"'J"ins : (S^ o-n-iau aov, an exegetical aid. — 38. " the stones 
and the dust " : OGrr. transfer to end of the v. ; the original 
may have been a gloss entered at different places (St.). — 39. kT"! 
l'?D''i apn '?3 : OGrr., " and fell all the people "=^^ ; ' seeing ' 
of the marvel omitted for religious reasons ? — so St. — ticn''1 : Grr. 
+' Amen,' with reminiscence of Neh. 8*, a parallel incident. — 
40. rsni: Gir, g)H=nj;'? : cf. v.".— 41. pen: Grr., Troda-j' ; W. g> 
correctly ' noise,' and so comm. ; cf. Poole, AV™s ; modern trr. 
generally follow V, ' sonus multae pluviae.' — 42. tPNi : A (=^h) 


alone of the Grr. renders ; Jos. has ; it was omitted on the ground 
that the servant ' went up,' i.e., to the top. — inn : the verb, 
also at II. 48*- ^^, is unique ; see Note on latter passage. — 43. Ad 
fin. OGrr.+"and the servant returned seven times"; to this 
B pref. " turn back seven times, and return seven times," and 
&^ replaces the second command with " and look seven times " 
— these variations significant of the easy handling of this ch. by 
the Grr. — 44. n'^a nbj? : B A N v avayovaa v5wp {=§>^), reading 
the verb as active and the noun-complex as d;.? ; al.+airo OaXaaa-v^ 
=(£ H ; the doublet is thus ancient. — asnK bH nox nbv ; for 
Lagarde's mistaken Lucianic text here see Rahlfs, SS 3, 27. — nos : 
VSS, modern trr. naturally add 'thy chariot.' — 45. ns lyi na nj? : 
W paraphrases, " whUe he was harnessing " ; V " cumque se 
verteret hue atque illuc." — asT-i : Grr., k. €K\auv (Bf k. eKXaev) 
=g)H, apparently misreading as though ^2•'^, then assuming Elijah 
as subject, and transposing ' Ahab ' as subj. of the foil. verb. — 
46. nn-'n : Bf C om.— [m^^K] •?« : read bv ; cf. II. 31s.— n^sni'' : the 
Grr. have many variants for the place-name ; B al., Icrpa-qX, and 
so regularly below {cf. 21I), the form reduced from leadpariX; cf. 
MS u, leo-SpaeX : (g^ correctly lefpaijA ; A le^a^eX (!). 

19^-^8. Elijah's flight and despair ; the divine revelation 
on Horeb, and fresh commissions. Elijah has celebrated his 
God's triumph, but now Jezebel takes her revenge. 1. 2. 
The statement that Ahah told Jezebel all that Elijah had done, 
etc., is an intimate touch. The queen, woman-like, acts 
imperiously, sending a message to Ehjah that she has put 
herself under oath to make his life like the life of one of those 
prophets, and so she has sworn by Gods. For the intensity 
of such an oath see Comm. 18^ -is. 3. And Elijah was afraid 
[so with MSS, Grr., V ; ^ saxif], and he fled to Beer-sheba of 
Judah on the southern border of the Sown, merely a stage in 
his flight, for he was going into No Man's Land. Having left 
his servant behind (4) he went a day's journey in the steppe. 
And he came and sat down under a juniper tree : so EVV 
after V ; the plant is a broom-tree (so JV), genista rcetam. 
Cf. Robinson's comment in his diary at Beer-sheba : " Ehjah 
sat down under a shrub of Retem, just as our Arabs sat down 
under it every day and night " {BR i, 302). And he prayed 
for death, the common lot of all. 5. There he lay down and 
slept ''under a juniper-tree'^ [see Note]. And lo, one (om. an 
angel, with Grr.) touching him, and he heard the bidding, 
Arise and eat. 6. He looked, and saw a miraculously prepared 
breakfast ; cf. the miraculous feedings in ch. 17. 7. He fell 

I. I91-21 313 

asleep again, to be wakened by the now recognizable Angel 
of Yhwh (the antique phrase for the apparition of Deity, 
peculiar to J in the Pentateuch), summoning him to eat again, 
because the journey is too much for thee. 8. And so in the 
strength of that food he went for forty days and forty nights to 
the Mount of God, Horeh. Sanda calculates this distance via 
Akaba as about 480 km., and so the daily travel at 12 km. ; 
rather, with Kittel, the item is proof how Uttle the Northern 
narrator knew of that territory. Horeb is predominantly the 
name for the mount of revelation in the Pentateuchal sources 
E (Northern) and D (c/. 8^), but Sinai in J and P ; in the 
Northern Song of Deborah the revelation occurred in Seir- 
Edom (Jud. 5* ; ' That is Sinai,' v.^ is a gloss) ; and in the 
Blessing of Moses (Dt. 33) Sinai-Seir-Paran is the location. 
Accordingly the northern traditions vary. This objective of 
Elijah is the same as that in the history of Moses (Ex. 3^), 
with here also a corresponding theophany. 9a. The lodging 
in a cave is another correspondent, i.e., with ' the hole in the 
rock,' out of which Moses saw ' the back ' of Yhwh (Ex, 
23210.) • but there is no verbal identity between the two 
descriptions. 96-lla, And the word of Yhwh came to him, 
and said to him : What doest thou here, Elijah ? There follows 
Elijah's despairing response, as again in v.^^, and then the 
divine command : And he said : Go forth, and stand in the 
mount before Yhwh. V.^^^ contradicts v.^^, and all that pre- 
cededs, from v.^"^ and on, is duplicate, to w.^^- ^^. Hence 
modern critics in general [e.g., Wellhausen, Comp., 230, Stade, 
Benzinger, Sanda, Skinner) rightly agree that the whole pass- 
age is secondary. The command, " to stand in the mount 
before Yhwh " may have been modelled after the Mosaic 
tradition (Ex. 19^*^, etc.), and the mysterious scene presented 
below is summed up here in the more commonplace state- 
ment that the word of Yhwh came to him. 11&-13. And lo ! 
Yhwh was passing by. And a great wind and strong, rending 
mountains and breaking rocks before [in the presence of, or, in 
advance of?] Yhwh : Yhwh was not in the wind. And after 
the wind an earthquake : Yhwh was not in the earthquake. 
And after the earthquake a fire : Yhwh was not in the fire. 
Contrast the fiery phenomena which otherwise attended 
Elijah's career (18^^ II. i^""*, 2^^). And after the fire a sound 


[Heb. voice] of a light whisper. So with Bumey's excellent 
rendering, although the translation of AV, a still small voice, 
remains classical. Contrast of this saying of enduring reli- 
gious import with the materials of other theophanies {e.g., 
Ex. igistf.) is naturally pressed by commentators ; but it is 
to be borne in mind that in such physical manifestations there 
is generally the subtle distinction between ' the Face/ ' Glory,' 
' Name,' ' Word,' of the Deity, and his persona propria. The 
marvel is that here in a legend about an early Northern man 
of God the spiritual nature of God and of his self-revelation 
to man is for the first time expressed in historical narrative, 
V.13 is of equally delicate character : When Elijah heard, he 
wrapped his face in his mantle, and he went out and stood in 
the opening of the cave. A striking historical parallel to this 
scene is the call of Mohammad, who received his first visions 
in a cave in the mountain of Hira, and who enveloped himself 
in his cloak upon the revelation ; see Surah, 73, i ; 74, i, 
and W. Muir, Life of Mohammad, vol. i (rev. ed., 1923), 
49 f. Cf. K. Ahrens, Muhammed als Religionsstifter (1935), 
36 f., e.g., " das Einwickeln gehorte also offenbar auch zu 
den Gebrauchen der altarabischen Mantik." The zephyr-hke 
whisper fascinated the prophet, who was terrified by the 
earlier stupendous phenomena. The inquiry by articulate 
voice : What doest thou here, Elijah ?, is personal, rebuking 
his faintheartedness ; Hfe is worth living, for there is more for 
him to do elsewhere than in the Mount of God. The primitive 
divine is rebuked even as was the great Jeremiah : " If thou 
hast run with footmen, and they have wearied thee, then how 
canst thou contend with horses ? " (Jer. 12^). A great mission 
first discovers the man's soul. 14. Elijah obstinately makes 
his complaint : / have been most zealous for Yhwh, God of 
Hosts ; for the Bne-Israel have forsaken thee [with Grr. ; ^ 
thy covenant: see Note, v."], thrown down thy altars, and 
slain thy prophets with the sword ; and I, even I only, am left ; 
and they seek my life to take it away. With this plaint Yhwh 
is not concerned ; he has other errands for him. 

W.15-18. xhis sequel remains a standing puzzle. Ehjah 
did not anoint Hazael and Jehu ; it was Ehsha whose second 
sight, when he was in Damascus, suggested to Hazael the 
murder of his predecessor (II. 8'fl-). and who indirectly 

I. I91-21 315 

anointed Jehu (g^^-). The alleged commission to Elijah 
appears to be a case of transfer from the Elisha legend. In 
Jewish tradition Elijah is the one perfect man, to whom 
forsooth all credit should be given. Sanda has attempted a 
rewriting of the vv. to this effect, but he recognizes that it 
may be a ' venturesome ' attempt. Many scholars (most 
recently Eissfeldt, pp. 328 f.) would find a lacuna between 
yy_i8. i9_ -pj^g initial command. Go, return on thy way to the 
steppe of Damascus (a unique geographical designation), is 
balanced by Elisha's visit to that city (II. S'^-) ; is there 
indirect imphcation that EHjah there anointed Hazael in 
anticipation of Elisha's second sight ? The climactic, him 
that escapeth from Hazael' s sword shall Jehu slay, and him that 
escapeth from Jehu's sword shall Elisha slay (v.^') appears 
incongruous in the connexion. With avoidance of this long 
compHcated passage v.^^ makes proper connexion with the 
commands, Go, return on thy way (v.^^), and anoint Elisha . . . 
to be prophet in thy room. 18. Yet will I leave seven thousand 
in Israel, all the knees that have not bowed unto the Baal, and 
every mouth that hath not kissed him. The figure for the rem- 
nant may be an authentic note of some census taken of the 
Zealots. The kissing of the Baal may refer to the wafted 
kiss of the hand, so certainly at Job 31^®''-, for Classical 
references to which ritual see Poole ; or to actual osculation 
of the image or symbol, cf. those ' kissing calves ' Hos. 13^. 
The obligatory kissing of the Stone in the Ka'bah at Mecca 
preserves this ancient Semitic rite. 

YY 19-21 jj^g ga^jj qI Elisha. 19. And he went thence (for 
the indefinite reference see above) and came upon Elisha hen 
Shaphat ; and he was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen in front 
of him, and he with the twelfth. Elisha evidently belonged to 
a family of competence, with twelve teams of oxen and drivers 
to assist him in the ploughing. For the scene see H. Guthe, 
MNDPV 1905, pt. I, 57, continuing earlier discussion, to the 
effect that the teams of oxen were attached to as many separate 
ploughs, and that fields of such capacity were quite possible ; 
in some operations a row when ploughed and seeded is at 
once filled in by another plough working alongside ; he him- 
self had seen seven ploughs so working in a field. Cf the five 
yoke of oxen, Luke 14^^. For illustration of the Babylonian 



and Egyptian ploughs see Benzinger, Arch., 143. Elijah 
does not anoint Elisha, as expected from v.^*, but consecrates 
him by casting his mantle upon him. Eissfeldt (p. 329) finds 
no contradiction here with the earlier command, which was 
used ' im iibertragenen Sinne.' The particular word here for 
mantle (also above, v.^^) etymologically and generally means 
a robe of state {e.g., for a king, Jon. 3*), and is used of the 
official dress of prophets, so again of Elijah's mantle in II. 2, 
as also that of deceiving prophets (Zee. 13*). According to 
II. i^ this mantle was made of hair. Investiture with sacred 
garments still remains part of the ordination ritual in the 
Church. But the present story parallels, indeed conflicts with 
II. 2, which tells of Elijah's parting legacy to EHsha. 20. 
EHsha realized a commission that would separate him from 
his parents, and asked that he might kiss them in farewell. 
Elijah's response. Go back {again) [EW], for what have I 
done to thee ?, has puzzled comm. Sanda devotes nearly a 
page to the v. But the inquiry is simplest taken as an expres- 
sion of mystery, exposition of which is reserved for the future ; 
on his part Elisha is moved to recognize the call, the inspiration 
coming from the investiture. 21. The sacrificial meal on the 
two oxen, boiled in antique fashion on the spot, partaken of 
by the people, the assembled neighbours, is paralleled by 
similar extemporized sacrifices, e.g., i Sam. 6^^ 2 Sam. 2^^^^-. 
After this ceremony Elisha arose and went after Elijah, and 
ministered to him. According to 18*^'- Elijah had a ' boy ' ; 
but Elisha's personal service was part of his discipline in his 
new vocation. Elisha does not appear again until 11. 2^, 
when he and his chief are at Gilgal. Likewise Moses had his 
' minister,' Joshua (Ex. 24^2). It may be said that this story 
casts authentic light upon the order of prophets. 

1. "IK'S '?3 fiKi : I MS om. ; Grr., ^h ignore '?3 nx, an emendation 
generally accepted ; but the phrase =Engl. ' all how ' ; cf. ics ns, 
8", II. 812 = ' how ' ; see Ew., Syntax, §333. — 'j3 30 : 4 MSS Ken.' 
deR. om. =OGrr. ; St., BH delete, but omission may have been 
due to indefinite sense of ' the prophets,' to which 2 Gr. MSS 
add 'of Baal'=(£. — 2. "N'^o : OGrr. om., Jos. 'messengers'; 
it is not necessary (St.). — itiK'? : Grr. [cf. ^'^)-\-tL av cl HXslov /cat 
fyu {(3^+eifxt) Ies"e/3fX, i.e., '?3i^K "'JKi ^n''bn nns cs : the addition 
accepted by Then., Klost. (with further willful amendment). Bum., 
Gunkel, and by BH as probable ; but St.'s caution is to be noted; 

I. I91-21 317 

" it is difficult to understand how it could have been omitted in 
^." However it is a fine and unique psychological note. — ptrj?^ : 
24 MSS deR. +'''?= VSS {cf. 2*») ; the same variation in MSS and 
VSS in I Sam. 14" ; the plus generally accepted since Then. 
{BH as ' probable ') ; but note St.'s remark that it is inconceivable 
that early copyists should have omitted the reference to Jezebel 
herself. — ]iBDr, {wy : cf. the variant in ao^". The pi., with the subj. 
' gods ' appears in all VSS exc. Gr. B, <£ 1L ; it is to the point 
here in the pagan's mouth, despite St. The pi. is indeed used 
with monotheistic n"'n'?K (GK §145, i). — 3. xm : 6 MSS deR., 
Kn^i, and others with Kr. N-;'i=Grr., ^^ ^ V and a MS of tlT, a 
correction to be accepted. — [vi'Di] bs : MSS^r "^y (Ginsb.), and 
so in the same phrase. Gen. 19^'. — min"''? -WH : for the Gr. texts 
see Rahlfs, SS 3, 243. — 4. oriT : Grr., ^^ offer vocalization as 
in Arab, ratam. — nns : Kr., also MSS, nns, as in v.*, where vice 
versa MSS have nns ; the variation of genders is a case of ' double 
reading ' ; for many instances of similar variation see Feghali, 
Du genre grammatical, 66 ff. — •'tPSJ : Grr. + ' from me' = i MS 
"'jaa. — 5. nns om nnn : evidently a gloss ; the Gr., ' there under a 
bush,' is secondary, as the variant translation of the noun shows 
(Sanda). — is'ja : Grr. (not Aq., Sym.) om., expressing the subj. 
with Tis ; the mystery is heightened by the indefinite ' one touch- 
ing ' ; in v.' Elijah recognizes who the subject was. St. takes a 
contrary view here. — 6. TTitrsna : locative, as elsewhere ; for form 
see BL, Index, s.v. — max, njy : the words at 17*2. i3_ — q,^^^ . 
heated stones for cooking ; the word also at Is. 6* ; Grr. dXvpelr-qs 
(6\upa, a kind of grain) =^h g, • g;; kbdvo KTin, ' a roUed-up cake ' ; 
^ ' panis.' — 8. np''i=Grr., but ^^-x-. — ain cn'^Kn in: OGrr. om. 
the second noun, which St. regards as secondary ; but the Grr. 
also om. the word in the same phrase at Ex. 3^ — for Sion was 
the Mount of God ! — myon : for the definite noun cf. 18*. — 9. 1'? : 
4 MSS Ken. om.=OGrr. ; cf. v.", where however 6 MSS add \i 
to "insM. — 10. VT'-ia utj? : Grr., ^^ as luty, which must be 
original ; the same correction to be made in v.^* with the Grr., 
although there the secondary duplicate ' thy covenant ' has entered 
into many texts (B al.) ; cf. intrusion of mxD in 18^*. — VV.^"- ^*- ^* 
are cited in Rom. ii'- * ; see Int., §11, c. — 11. sx : Grr.+' to- 
morrow,' the addition due to the Gr. tr. of the foil. ppls. as future 
verbs, and reminiscent of Ex. 34*. — pim nbna nn : for economy's 
sake the second adj. lapses into the masc. ; for similar cases see 
GK §132, d. Burn. ; there is no reason, with St., to fault the clause. 
For the masc. of originally fem. nn see Note, 22"^. — 12. nam bip 
npT : Grr., (pcovt] aupas XeiTTris ; ^ ' sibilus aurae tenuis.' Cf. 
Job 4^' '?ipi naan ; in Ps. 107^* 'i=' breeze.' In the Talmud nai 
(also nn) is used of whispering, particularly evil whispering ; see 
G. V. Schick, The Stems Dum and Damam in Hebrew (Johns 
Hopkins Univ. Thesis, Lpzg., 1913). T. H. Robinson accepts the 
variant mng. of the root, and translates the passage with " after 


the fire, hark ! a fine silence " {HI 306, n. i). — 13. nno : locative ; 
(S vTTo, rdg. nnn = Hex. ; <&^ improves with prep. Trapa. — 14. uty 
"in''l3 : see above, v.^". — 15. pis'Di n-in-i? : for like pointing in con- 
struct relation cf. a case in Josh. iS^^ (Ginsb.), and see Ew., Lekrb., 
§216, b. ' Desert of Damascus ' is an odd enough phrase ; may- 
it be translated with ' by the desert to Damascus ' ? — ' the desert ' 
being used of Transjordan, as at Mt. 15^^. <@ has " and come to 
the desert of D., and come and anoint," which has suggested that 
' desert of D.' is secondary, with duplication of ' come ' ; hence 
St. elides ; Sanda suggests that each of the words is a gloss, the 
first to ism'?, the second to nsa. But rewriting is fairly impossible. 
— bam : for the name see Note, II. 8*. — 16. Nin" : see Note, II. 9*. 
— ■'tPCJ : K'CJ on a Samarian ostracon {lAE 47). — yif^'^K : the name 
on a Samarian ostracon and seal {ib., 200). — n'pino bssa : Bf inserts 
after x/'"''"^ > for the place see Comm. 4^^. — 18. ""msmi : =<3^ 
K. /caraXet^aj ; MS i, k. KareXi7roj' = Rom. II* ; al., k. Kara\e£i/'ets = 
^H (as though B-, BH as ' possibly correct '). — iy-i3 : Grr., w/cXatrav 
(' bent '), e.xc. (S^ eKa/x\pai' = Koin. — '?ya'? : B al., tu B., &^ tt) B. 
(but avTop below) =Rom. — 1'? pt^j : Grr., ^^, "worshipped him," 
^ " adored him, kissing the hand." — 19. UT, : Grr. + ' with oxen,' 
explicitly. — Tjyn n"'JE'3 : for cardinal in place of lacking ordinal 
see GK §134, o. — in'^'js : Gr. MSS om. by haplog. with r'^N ; 
similarly 2 Heb. MSS om. r'ps. — vbH 1^ : " (crossed over) to him," 
and so it can be understood with Kit., Sanda ; St. demands vby 
(passed) by him," which would express well the rapidity of the 
scene. — r'js 20 ; read v^by with 6 MSS Ken. — 20. ^p;4^ BH, nij^'x. 
Bar, Ginsb. : see Bar's note and GK §10, h. — ■'tSK'ji : B A al., 
C om., ^H .x- ; St. arbitrarily elides ; Jos. for the phrase, " take 
leave of his parents," evading the delicate sentiment. — aiir "^b ; 
I MS om. "t), and so OGrr. te.xts, (£ ; i MS om. 2vs ; the omissions 
show early perplexity. The form expected is i'? aity ; but the 
simple explanation is to understand the impvs. separately : " Go ! 
Turn back ! " Benz., followed by Haupt, interprets with " Go 
(and then) come back " ; but this ignores the following repellent 
query. — na "id : (@ ®^ otl=^^ ; &^ n ; these by abbreviation 
of original otl tl. — 21. inrDfi : for the use of the verb for profane 
slaughterings see GB s.v. — "it^an : Grr., B>^ om. ; a gloss to define 
the ace. pi. in n'^ra, the sing, being expected after inrot'l ; Rashi, 
Kimchi discuss the phrase ; cf. EVV. 

Ch. 20. Two successful, divinely supported enterprises of 
Ahab against Aram, and the ominous sequel of the second. 
Cf. Ant., viii, 14. This chapter with its sequel in 22^"^^ stands 
singularly alone in style and novelty of contents ; it is written, 
as Skinner remarks, " from a political rather than a religious 
standpoint, and exhibiting the character and policy of Ahab 
in a much more favourable Ught than is the case in ch. 

I. 20^" 319 

xvii-xix or xxi." Robinson assumes as the source of the cc. 
an original ' Acts of Ahab ' [Int., 97 f.). The stories are told in 
most graphic, almost journaHstic style, and their data appear 
to be closely contemporaneous. In three sections, vv.^^-^^- ", 
v.^^, vv.^^'*^, a ' prophet ' or ' man of God ' appears. These 
are adjudged to be intrusions by many critics ; however 
those prophets are stoutly nationahstic, not a.nti-regime, like 
Ehjah, Micaiah (ch. 22). For criticism reference may be made 
to Wellhausen, Comp., 282 f., Kittel, pp. 162 ff. (with notation 
of linguistic and phraseological peculiarities, pp. 163, 170), 
Eissfeldt, Einl., 329 f. The two stories, ignoring Elijah and 
Elisha, bear witness to a wealth of contemporary saga. The 
Greek translators reversed the order of cc. 20 and 21 (the 
Hexapla restoring the Hebrew order), and this change has 
been accepted by many critics, e.g., Benzinger, Kittel, Sanda, 
Landersdorfer (not by Stade, Eissfeldt). But all presumption 
is against Greek rearrangements in general. In either case 
the end of Ahab (ch. 22) is prefaced by a prophetic doom 
^2o353-, 2i^''S-), and the former with its personal reference, 
' thy hfe for his life,' may have appeared to the translators 
as the more appropriate introduction to the final tragedy. 

Historically cc. 20 and 22 introduce us at length to the 
constant wars waged in the middle of the ninth century 
between Israel, under the capable Omrid dynasty, and 
Damascus. The king of the latter state was Ben-Hadad I ; 
see below on v.^'*. But the two enemies came to join forces 
against the arch-enemy Assyria. In 853 B.C. occurred the 
famous battle of Karkar, at which ' Ahab the Israehte ' was 
arrayed with Damascus and nine other Syrian states, with 
their kings named, against Shalmaneser III of Assyria.^ The 
chronological relation of this chapter to that date is uncertain. 
Ahab was fighting Damascus subsequently (ch. 22), losing his 
life ca. 852. For the end of Ben-Hadad and the accession of 
Hazael see 11. S'^-. Altogether the chapter presents a vivid 
picture of the involved and interminable struggles among the 

1 See his Monolith inscr. : KB i, 173 ; CP 296 ; ARA 1, §§610 f. ; 
ATB I, 341 ; AB 458. As Rogers notes, the allied forces consisted of 
3940 chariots, 1900 horsemen, 1000 camels, 62,900 infantry; Ahab's 
contingent being 2000 chariots, 10,000 infantry ; it is to be noted that 
the latter is assigned no cavalry. 


S5nian and neighbouring states, a replica of which is given 
by the somewhat later inscription of Zakar king of La' ash 
and Hamath (see Comm. on II. 132** 25).2 

YYi-i2_ jjjg siege of Samaria. 1. And Ben-Hadad king 
of Aram, having collected all his army, and thirty-two kings 
with him, and horse and chariotry, went up, and besieged Samaria, 
and assaulted it. Stade has attempted revision of the v. on 
basis of OGr., finding, inter al., the item of the thirty-two 
kings absurd, which figure, it has been suggested, was borrowed 
from ' the thirty-two charioteers ' of 22^^ ; that figure however 
is probably secondary, faiHng in the parallel text of Ch. 
But the figure has interesting support in a broken inscription 
from Zenjirli in North Syria with a reference to ' thirty kings ' 
(Lidzb., HNE 444). In addition to the figures for the Syrian 
states noted above [cf. note 2), at a later age Esarhaddon counts 
twenty-two ' Hittite {i.e., Aramaean) kings,' and Ashurbanipal, 
' twenty-two kings of the sea-coast ' {ARA 2, §§771, 876). 
For the period of a thousand years earlier Dossin has collected 
the names of 32 cities and their kings with whom Zimri-ilim 
of Mari was in friendly correspondence {Syria, 1939, 109). 
He assaulted it : in technical contrast to mere investment ; 
cf. I Sam. 23^, Is. 7^. VV.^"^. The successive demands of 
the Aramaean king upon Ahab provoked inquiry since Well- 
hausen's correction in v.^, ace. to which Ben-Hadad's terms 
were : thy silver and gold are mine, but thy wives and thy 
goodliest children remain thine (reading Ik for ly), and then, 
after Ahab's diplomatic reply. Milord the king, I and all 
mine are thine, Ben-Hadad followed up his first demand 
with that for thy wives and children. To this new outrageous 
demand Ahab would have objected before his councillors 
(v.'), his statement being expressed by the Grr. with sHght 
but radical change from ^, as follows : " He has (now) 

* For the political picture of Syrian politics presented in this and the 
following histories see Alt's monograph on ' Die syrische Staatenwelt 
vor dem Einbruch der Assyrer,' in particular pp. 245 fi., from which 
may be cited his observation : " Hingegen wird kaum zu bezweifeln 
sein, dass der Erzahler die Verhaltnisse seiner Zeit richtig wiedergibt, 
wenn er das Aramaerreich als ein aus vielen Herrschaften zusammen- 
gesetztes Gebilde darstellt." Also for the contemporary Syrian history 
see E. Kraeling, Aram and Israel, cc. 9 ff. ; Olmstead, HPS cc. 25, 26 ; 
Meyer, GA 2, 2, sect. viii. 

I. 20l-*^ 321 

sent to me for my wives and children, (while) my silver 
and gold I did not (earlier) withhold from him." The cor- 
rections of text in vv.^- ' have been accepted by some comm., 
e.g., Kittel, Stade. But without correction of the text a 
valid contrast appears between the two demands in ^, as 
between the surrender of royal possessions and the fresh de- 
mand (v.^) to search thy household and thy ministers' households 
and to take away everything delightsome in thy eyes (not ' in 
their eyes/ with Grr., and so most comm. — the terms are 
expressed with malice). Such a search would have involved 
not only the pillage but also possession of the city ; and so 
Benzinger, Sanda, Eissfeldt hold, while Skinner is undecided 
between the two views ; the latter well remarks that such 
confusion as there may be is original, the narrator reporting 
' at second hand.' The parallel to Ahab's acquiescence to the 
first requisition exists in Hezekiah's capitulation, not surrender, 
to Sennacherib, with heavy ransom, the tribute including 
even Hezekiah's ' daughters, the women of his palace ' (see 
Comm. n. 18^^*^). In v.' OGrr. add ' and my daughters ' 
to ' my sons,' suggesting to some the introduction of this 
item also in v.^; but (g^ Jos. properly translate the Heb. 
' sons ' with ' children.' 7. 8. Ahab takes counsel with all 
the elders of the land, and then all the elders and all the people 
frame refusal of the arrogant summons. OGrr. omit ' of the 
land ' in the first case, and the correction is accepted by some 
{e.g., Kittel, Stade, BH), but it is a legal expression; of. the 
local ' elders of the city,' 21^. ' Elders and people ' corre- 
sponds exactly to Roman ' senatus populusque ' ; see at 
length Comm., II. 11^*^^ Josephus has a fine sense of the 
matter : cruvayaywv €is iKKXrjaiav to ttXtJ^o?. 10. Ben-Hadad's 
preposterous boast, with an oath identical with Jezebel's 
(19^), has been variously interpreted. <@ and Hex. read Heb. 
' for handfuls,' by different vocalization, as ' for foxes,' with 
the result, not enough earth left for foxes to burrow in (ac- 
cepted by Klostermann) . Josephus thinks of raising a mound 
against the city by innumerable handfuls. But the phrase 
simply means that the Syrian host can carry away the whole 
city by handfuls (so Grotius, al.). For a similar ' audax 
hyperbole ' (Poole) cf. Hushai's talk of puUing any resistant 

city into the wady below by ropes (2 Sam. 17^^). 11. Ahab's 


brave answer in four Hebrew words : The girder-on boast not 
like the unloosener .', was probably proverbial ; for the two 
verbs cf. i Sam. I72^ Is. 451, etc. 12. The envoys found 
Ben-Hadad and the kings in the booths drinking, carousing in 
anticipation of victory in the shacks erected for the royal 
party. The king gives orders for the assault with a single 
technical verb corresponding to EngUsh ' to set on,' which may 
best be expressed with Attack ! (and so i Sam. 15^, Eze. 23^* — 
EVV ' set yourselves in array '). And they attacked the city. 
yY_i3-2i_ jhe surprise attack by Israel and the rout of the 
Syrians. The narrative is critically compHcated by the intro- 
duction of a certain prophet iyP), reappearing in v.22, and 
apparently as the man of God (v.^s), while yet another anony- 
mous prophet appears in v.^^, 'some one of the sons of the 
prophets.' Cf. by contrast the naming of otherwise unknown 
prophets in 22^2.^ Micaiah and Sedekiah. Josephus indeed 
identifies our prophet here with the former. It is easy to 
detach these sections as mere Sagas of the Prophets. But in 
the present case the prophet's word directing attack by the 
squires of the commandants of the provinces is so entangled in 
the narrative that it is difficult to draw the hue between the 
strata. Stade omits the incident of the prophet, vv.^^-is^ ^nd 
the subsequent references to ' the squires,' vv.^'- ^^, but thus 
avoids the evident scheme of the story, a surprise by a shock- 
force, when Ben-Hadad was drinking himself drunk with his 
allied princes, whereupon came the ensuing rout inflicted by 
the army of Israel headed by the king. The prophetic story 
may be expansion of an original narrative in which the decision 
to send out the flying force of the squires was determined upon. 
Stade further reduces w.^^^- to a minimum of text. Kittel, 
retaining the references to the squires, preserves most of the 
narrative, along with excisions and transpositions (following 
van Doorninck, Theol. Tijdschrift, 1895, 576^-). ^-S-' trans- 
posing VV.20- 21. Sanda without further mutilation of the text 
obtains the most reasonable rearrangement by the sequence 
yv_i9. 20a. 21. 20b. Following this order, with sKght change, the 
story from v.^® and on may be reconstructed as foUows. 
16fl. And they went out at noon, i.e., the squires, the army 
following them subsequently ; the great midday carousal of 
the enemy gave opportunity for this sally. 166. The passage 

I. 20^-*^ 323 

is doublet of v.^^^,, 17^, ^^.^ the squires, etc., went out first. 
yV.i7b. 18 iqW of tj^g report to Ben-Hadad and his orders for 
capturing the small band. 19a. And these went out of the city, 
with the exegetical addition, the squires, 196. and the army which 
was after them : to be elided with Kittel. 20fl. And they slew 
every one his man. 21. And the king of Israel went out {i.e., 
with the army), and smote the horse and chariotry, smiting the 
AramcBans with great slaughter [lit., smiting']. 20&. And the 
Aramceansfled, and Israel pursued them. But the written story 
may have been confused ab origine. The following details are 
to be noted. V.^*. In reply to the promise of deliverance the 
realistic king asks, By whom ?, to which inquiry there is the 
prompt answer : By the squires of the commandants of the pro- 
vinces. The first noun (Heb. primarily youths, EVV young 
men) is a technical military term, like the correspondent Arab. 
gulam, employed in the Arabic chronicles of the Crusades for 
the young knights ; cf the parallel in Sanskrit marya (Albright, 
OLz., 1931, 220). Such a squire of king Jehoiachin now appears 
by name on a stamp (see Comm., II. 24^). The next nominal 
phrase occurs also in Est. i^ ; these officers are military, 
another term being used for Solomon's administrators (4''^-)- 
The word for provinces is of Aramaic origin, occurring else- 
where only in post-Exilic literature, with primary meaning 
of a judicial district ; we obtain here a glimpse of the govern- 
ment of the Israelite state, with which cf. Solomon's districting. 
The Bne-Israel numbered 7000, for which figure cf. note i 
above. And Ben-Hadad . . . escaped on a horse with horsemen : 
so EVV ; but ^ . . . and horsemen. The phrase is complicated 
by the doubt whether the last noun means ' horsemen ' or 
' horses,' and no satisfactory interpretation has been reached 
here ; see Comm., i^, and Note below. 22. At the return 
[cycle] of the year : i.e., of the miHtary year, the spring equinox, 
defined in 2 Sam. 11^ with " at the time when kings go out 
to battle." 

YY 23-34_ The campaign of the Syrians in the following year ; 
their defeat at Aphek ; Ben-Hadad's flight into the fortress ; 
his surrender and the Israelite king's gallant treatment of him. 
23. Mountain gods are their gods : so correctly GV FV AV, vs. 
RVV JV, " their god is a god of the hills." The polytheistic 
expression has true colour, even as it is put into the mouth of 


the Philistines (i Sam. 4^), of GoHath {ib. 17^'), of Jezebel 
(19^). An Akkadian epithet of Syrian Adad is ' mountain 
god ' {bel Sadi, see Langdon, Semitic, vol. 5 of Mythology oj 
all Races, 39) : cf. Baal of Hermon, Jud. 3^, Baal of Lebanon, 
in a Phoenician inscription {CIS I, 5). Poole cites a number 
of references to this distinction of certain deities, e.g., of Pan 
as ' mountain-walker.' 24. For this extraordinary attempt 
at centralization of the Damascene state with the reduction 
of kings to mere governors (for the imported Akkadian word 
see 10^5) see Alt, cited above, n. 2. 26. For the moot question 
of the location of Aphek see Note. 28. The v. is a duplicate 
of v.2^, with as subject the man of God, in place of ' a prophet ' ; 
the phrase may be indefinite, ' the man of God in question.' 
29. The Bne-Israel smote [EVV slew] Aram, 100,000 footmen. 
The figure is absurd, whether referring to slaughter or defeat 
(the same verb is used in both mngs. in w.^^- ^^), and is 
doubtless an exaggeration. 30. Like judgment is to be passed 
upon the statement concerning the 27,000 men, upon whom 
the (city) wall fell ; Sanda would support the item, comparing 
Sennacherib's use of mining machines. Stade well recovers 
the original wording of the v. : And the rest fled to Aphek. 
And Ben-Hadad fled, and came into the citadel [EW cityl, 
(fleeing) hy chamber after chamber {cf. 22^^, IL 9^), i.e., the 
vaults of the fortress. 31. 32. The counsel and action of 
surrender are vividly presented. Ropes on our heads : more 
exactly with Josephus, about our heads, which, he notes, was 
' the ancient manner of suppUcation among the Sjnians.' 
The suppliant phrase, thy servant Ben-Hadad, is countered 
with knightly courtesy by the Israelite king : Is he still alive ? 
He is my brother ! The latter title is used mutually by the 
kings in the Amarna tablets ; Bar-Rkb of SenjirU speaks of 
his allies as ' my brothers the kings,' and so Hiram addressed 
Solomon (9^^). 33. Now the m,en were watching for an omen 
[EVV sign] : i.e., all depended upon the patron's answer. And 
they were quick, and ^caught it up from hini^ [so Occ. Kr., 
VSS ; cf. JV, vs. EVV], and they said. Thy brother Ben-Hadad ! 
— as with a sigh of relief from the suspense ; the victor had 
committed himself. The exact mng. of the third verb in the 
v. is uncertain ; see Note. The royal courtesy is displayed by 
Ahab's reception of Ben-Hadad into his own chariot. 34. The 

I. 20l-*3 325 

respective subjects of the colloquy, Ben-Hadad and Ahab, 
are parenthetically supplied in the EVV ; Semitic composition 
was not careful in this respect ; cf. the dialogue in 11, 10^^, 
in Hos. 14, especially v.^, and frequently in the Pss., as also 
in the Gospels. The terms proposed by the vanquished king 
are restoration of captured cities and the right to extra- 
territorial bazaars in Damascus. For such alien markets cf. 
Neh. 13^®, and see G. Bostrom, Proverbiastudien (1935), 91 ff. 
For the present covenant cf. the historical fact of the league 
of the two kings at the battle of Karkar. The statement about 
the cities which my father took from thy father has been naturally 
connected with 15^^^-, an account of a Ben-Hadad's successful 
wars against Baasha with names of cities smitten. This would 
give three kings of that name. But see Comm. on the earlier 
passage with denial of this interpretation and understanding 
of the B.-H. there and here as the same person. The term 
' father ' is indefinite, as here in the second case ; Baasha was 
not Ahab's ancestor. However we may not place reliance on 
quoted sayings in a story ; the story-teller here had doubtless 
the earlier reference in mind. 

YY_35-43_ j]-ig theatrical parable presented by some one of the 

sons of the prophets to the king in condemnation of his leniency 

to Ben-Hadad. The fate of the first comrade, who did not 

obey the word of Yhwh, was an omen of the disaster to befall 

Ahab. 37. The second comrade obeyed, smiting and wounding 

him, and so the prophet could face the king with his own 

example as martyr to the word of God. 38. The prophet 

disguised himself with a headband above his eyes [not with ashes, 

so AV]. VV.3^-'**' present a lively scene of the back door of 

ancient mihtary practices. The talent of silver is indeed an 

exaggerated figure, invented for appeal to the king's sympathy 

for a poor man ; as Sanda notes, in the Assyrian age a slave 

cost about one mina, with a silver talent at 3000 shekels, and 

50 shekels to the mina. The royal answer is judicial : Just 

so is thy verdict ; thou hast decided — there is no appeal ! 41. 

The king recognized the unknown as a prophet, when he had 

uncovered his wrapping, through some professional marking, 

evidently on the forehead ; for such usage cf. Eze. 9*, ' a taw 

(cross) upon the foreheads ' ; markings on the chest (so the 

meaning of ' between the hands ') of a prophet are evidenced 


by Zech. 136 ; and they might become a sign of the faithful 
at large, e.g., Is. 44^, " and this one shall write in his hand, 
Yhwh's." 3 42. The prophet's response is replica of Nathan's 
" Thou art the man ! " (2 Sam. 12''). The man whom I had 
devoted to destruction : so or similarly EVV : the Heb. is 
curt : the man of my ban. 43. The going of the king to his 
house [OGrr. om.] is an intrusion from 21*, induced by the 
same accompanying phrase. He went off sullen and vexed, 
and he came to Samaria. But he laid no hand on the prophet. 

Ch. 20. To IS- 1^- 1* belong four fragments of the Cairo 
Genizah Aquilanic text published by Burkitt and Taylor (see Int., 
§4, c), and reproduced in OTG. They read A5e5 vs. Aoep, and 
give the tetragrammaton in Heb. characters. 1. -nr\ : 2 MSS mn, 
see Note, 15I8. — nns -i'?d : OGrr. om., Jos. has ; ace. to St. ' scribal 
expansion.' ^ has ' Edom ' throughout the ch., on which Berlinger 
remarks {Die Peschitta) that the change was made out of ' national 
pride ' ; but Barhebraeus recognized that the word meant ' Syria.' 
— 'Ji pp : Grr. read : " collected all his army and went up and 
besieged Samaria, and thirty -two kings with him, and ((S + ' all ') 
horse and chariot ; and they went up and besieged Samaria and 
fought against it." St. argues that Gr. through ' Samaria ' lO 
represents the original text, and the rest of ^ is secondary ; 
rather the duplication in Gr. was made to include the pi. ' they.' — 
2. B^2s'?» : OGrr. om. ; see Note ig^. — nvyn : &^ ^ (t om., and 
so St. ; but the word means ' the citadel.' — 3. a'^aiun Ti^ : a superla- 
tive expression ; ^ om. the adj. as unintelligible, as do modem 
critics who accept the Gr. variations in this section, e.g., St. (c/. 
BH), replacing the adj. with TTiim ; but &^ correctly tr. with 
ra re/cva ffov to. KaWtcTTa. — 5. ^3 : read by Grr. as •'3:n, a change 
accepted by Kamp. (with further emendation), St. (cf. BH), but 
unnecessarily, 13 having here as often strong affirmative sense = " I 
did send to thee . . . but." — T'J2i : some Grr. om. — 6. T'r;? : Grr., 
^H ^ ^ as ' their eyes ' ; but see Comm. — 7. psn "':p7 : OGrr., 
' the elders.' — •'ja'?! : Grr., g)H + ' and for my daughters,' exc. 
<g^, for which see Comm. — n'?i •<2ni'?i "'SD3'?i Grr., ^h as though 
K'5 'n '31 ; Aq.=^.— 8. b2 lO ; MS 253, Grr. om.— n2sn nib) I'Dtrn bs : 
2 MSS n't for bK ; for variation of negative particles cf. Am. 5*. — 
9. T?Bn •'JiK'? : Grr., g)H ' your lord,' and OGrr. om. ' the king ' ; 
the former arbitrary change is accepted by St. — a''3N'?en : in the 
Gr. tradition (exc. Hebraeus, (£), ' the men,' unnecessarily accepted 
by St. — 10. For the adjuration see Note, 19'. — ;it:T\ isor : (7 MSS 
jieor) : cf. 19^ — oi'pj;?^ : (g^ correctly, rots dpa^t, ' in handfuls,' and 

' Mohammed had such a sign in his flesh : " the seal of the prophet 
stood between his shoulders like the mark of a cupping-glass " ; Ibn 
Hisham's Life of the Prophet, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, 2, 122. 139, 141. 

I. 20l-*3 327 

so Jos., Kara SpaKa ; Aq., t. "Kixaa-iv, ' in pinchfuls ' ; <§ (g^ r. aXtoTre^ti', 
' for foxes ' =^^, as for c'^^j,'^'^. — 11. : Grr., iKauovadu ((S^ + i'm'"). 
as=ii, ' enough,' as at 19*, accepted by St. ; for other attempts 
at revision see St., BH ; but ^ is unimpeachable, " Speak the 
proverb for yourselves ! "— "i:n : Grr., Kvpros, ' the hump- 
backed,' with LHeb. lan, ' lame,' in mind ; then guessing at 
nriBcn with opfi'os, ' the straight-backed ' ; the same interpreta- 
tion in ^H despite Aq. tE has a rambling non-literal expansion.— 
12. j-'0iff3 : Grr., ^^ ^y expansion, " when he answered to him 
this word." — a^sban : Grr. pref. ' all.' — icb' : for the mng. see 
Comm., corroborated by I. Eitan's study, A Contribution to Biblical 
Lexicography (1924), 60 ff. ; cf. a rendering in Poole, ' insistite ' ; 
Grr. interpret with oiKoBofMria-are xctpa^a ; cf. XE, ^, and Rashi with 
" set up the instruments of siege." — 13. 2Kns : OGrr., C om. — 
bi : (@ (B v) H om. — 'i^ ryTii : cf. v.*^, and the current phrase in 
Eze. and P ; Bum. lists the occurrences. — 14. ni:"'n!2n : OGrr., 
r. x'^P'^^ (B al. x°P^^ 0» Aq., eirapxtwc. Hex. (A=^^) voXewf. — 
lesM 2° : Grr. +' Ahab ' ; the same plus to -tps^^, v.*^. — 15. o'^ivbm : 
&^ + K. ^ao-tXeuj Efep fier avrov, a gloss to irK -|I>» "ta, V.^', 
intruded here ; see Burkitt, p. 28, Rahlfs, SS 3, 285. — [nyn] '?3 : 
MS 30, OGrr. om. as too small a figure for all Israel. — bayr'' "':a : 
Grr. as though '?"'n p, induced by v.^*. — ' 7000 ' ; OGrr., ' 60,000 ' 
(B ' 60 ') ; for the figure St. eft. 19^^— 16. isvi : MS 70 Kri = 
Grr., and <@^ with plus, ' the king with them.' — mat? nritP : cf. 
i6». — m3D3 : Grr., ' in Succoth.' — 17. 1'? IT^JM mn p n'ptffM : OGrr., 
" and they sent and reported to the king of Syria " ; St. 
regards the Gr. as substantially the true text ; St. would simplify 
to " and they sent to Ben-Hadad " ; Bum. sugg. that the verb 
is impersonal with the subj. ' erroneously supplied ' ; but ^ can 
well stand : the king sent out (so excellently EVV) spies. — wx^ : 
OGrr. om. — 19, n'ps : Grr. (exc. &^, ignoring the word), as '?« (!), 
" let them not go out." Kit. attempted an extensive reconstruc- 
tion, not repeated in BH. — 20. WK tff''N isM : St. unnecessarily 
corrected the verb to sing. OGrr. have a plus : k. edevrepcccrev 
eKacTTos Tov Trap avrov, in which tSevrepuaei' is a gloss, noting that 
" he (the scribe) repeated " the phrase eKaaros tov irap avrov — 
an early bit of textual criticism in a confused passage. — D'tk ion : 
2 MSS on, and so Gr. B A al. as sing. {=BH), so as to obtain 
parallelism with the sing, verb in the following " Israel smote 
them " ; but the pi., as of magnitude, was intentional here, as 
also at vv.2'- 28 ^j^h 'Aram' as subj.; cf. GK §145, 2. — ^'?D : 
B al. erroneously, ^aaikews. — n"'!insi DID hv : OGrr., ' on a horse- 
man's horse,' as though for e'id did hv ; Hex., ' with some horse- 
men ' ; V ' with his horsemen ' {cf. EVV) ; tIC ' and with him two 
pairs of horsemen.' There is to be accepted W. R. Arnold's 
judgment, presented above in Note on i*, refusing to ciD the mng. 
of ' horsemen ' ; he suggested for this passage the tr., ' because 
of his chariot- and cavalry-horses ' ; but rather the phrase was 


a commonplace, as we might say, ' on horse and steed.' — 21. 
T'l : Grr. as np""!, favoured by comm. since Then. ; but Jos.=^, 
which can be supported by rdg. foil, nam as inf. abs., nSD]- There 
is to be accepted Dr. Orlinsky's personal advice that eXa/Sec for y 
is corruption of ejSaXev ; for a similar case cf. Josh. 15^*. — 22. n^vrn'? 
rUBTi : Jos. makes the season that of spring ; see Lexx. for 
earlier discussions, and Begrich, Chronologie, 88 f., interpreting 
the phrase as of the sun's ' turning point.' In 2 Ch. 36^" it is 
used of a fixed calendar date, but here it means the opening of 
the military season ; see Comm., and cf. Kit. — 23. cn"'n'?N : Grr., 
' the God of Israel.' — k*? nx : cf. II. 9**, and see Burn., Konig, 
Syntax, §391, m; cf. Engl, 'if we shall not?' = 'we shall.' — 
25. nian nns : <g <g^ aWa^ofj-ev trot=g)H; (gi aWa^ov av (MS b) ; by 
misreading of the verb as nJtpn, through easy confusion of early 
B and w. — ^mKO aniK : many MSS Ken., deR. present nnsa, nriK 
readable as ^irixp (and so 4 MSS Ginsb.), onx, as is expected ; the 
incorrect spelling occurs in these North Palestinian narratives, 
and occasionally in Jer., Eze. ; see Burn, for occurrences. The 
confusion already existed in Aq.'s mind and text with his repre- 
sentation of the ace. particle with a-w. The prep, ns disappeared 
in later Heb. ; it is absent in the list of prepositions in Albrecht, 
Neuhebr. Granim., §12 ; the classical prep, was early confused 
with the sign of the ace. — ^n1S0 : B C om. — a'?p'? : the suffix in 
B v=avTov. — 26. npDK : linguistically to be identified with p''DK, 
e.g.. Job 6^^, 'water-spring, current,' appearing as pss in Ugaritic 
(see Gordon, Ugar. Handbook, 3, s.v.). Five Biblical places with 
this name are listed by Abel, GP 2, 246 f. For earlier review of 
identifications see Doller, GES 238 ff. The question arises here 
as between the place in the entrance to the Valley of Jezreel by 
Gilboa (Josh. 12^^) — so e.g.. Kit., Sanda, and most recently S. 
Tolkowsky, JPOS 2 (1922), 145 fif., and identification with Fik, 
E of the Lake of Galilee, with the Onomasticon, and so Albr., 
JPOS 2 (1922), 184 ff., who speaks of it as " commanding the pass 
on the road from Damascus to Jordan, as attested by Yakut " ; 
Abel accepts this identification, which would presume the occupa- 
tion of Transjordan by Israel. Tolkowsky argued that the earlier 
planned strategy (v. "3) to fight in the ' plateau ' (but nwa, not 
pBj;, which is used of Esdraelon), does not suit such a mountainous 
locality ; but circumstances may have altered strategy.— 27. 
npcnn : for the Hothpaal see GK §54, b ; Brock., GVG i, 538. — 
l'?3'?31 : OGrr. om. ; St. deletes by reason of the syntax — a weak 
enough ground in these narratives ; cf. Dr., Tenses, §132, with 
most of such cases cited from Ki. The mng., ' provisioning,' 
appears for the Pilpel (e.g., 4'), which however has various significa- 
tions, probably through confusion of distinct roots ; connexion 
of the verb here with Syr. and Arab, root kyl would be satisfactory, 
' were counted,' as military term. — '?K"itt''' ^i:t unM : OGrr. as 
though "jKiit'^ ^nM, which St., BH prefer ; but the individualization 

I. 20*-*^ 329 

is to be preferred, in line with following ' kids.' — 'ev'D : Grr., iroifxvi.a 
= other VSS ; for the unique word (c/. lengthy discussion in Poole) 
the best explanation comes from Sanda, as from root = Arab. 
hasafa, ' to drive (sheep) ' ; see Freytag, Lex. ; the root should 
then be pointed ^-pn. — 28. "lasM lO : i MS om. ; iokm 2^ : ids'? is 
expected, Grr. om. ; ^ '^ also simplify here. — nax : Grr. as sing. ; 
but cf. v.*".— onyT'i : correct with MSS 253, 260 to nyT'i=v.", 
and so Grr. ; the pi. arose from the constant Ezekelian expression 
(Eze. 23*', etc.). — 29. buyy'' ija : cf. v. 2' ; the Gr. reduction to 
' Israel ' is simplification. — ' 100,000 ' : <3^ ' 120,000.' — 30. T^'n '?« 
bis : i^ is unnecessary ; by 2° the citadel is meant ; for St.'s 
reduction of the v. see Comm., and for attempted corrections 
Haupt, BH. — -nrD iin : cf. ara nr, etc. ; Jos., " he was hidden 
in an underground house," with which cf. Phoen. use of 'n for the 
tomb. — 31. uyos' . . . ncs"! : OGrr. as " and he said to his servants, 
I know," and inf., ' our lives ' — this to make the surrender more 
abject. — ['^KTi'"'] n''3 : OGrr. ignore ; but despite St., Sanda, who 
would elide it, the phrase is good Aram, designation of a country. — 
UiffXia : read pL, i:''w'n-;3 (and so it is in v.^^) with 62 MSS = VSS. 
For use of the prep. cf. Luke 15^^, ' a ring in his finger,' and an 
Elephantine Ahiljar papyrus, ' a millstone in his neck ' (col. vi, 2, 
Cowley, Aram. Papyri, 214). — 32. nss-i . . . iwi : Grr. simplify- 
ing, " and they said to the king of Israel." — itrsj : B (£ ' our 
life.' — 33. ItWTi'' n^rjNm : cf. Dr., Tenses, §30 f. ; there is no reason 
to read viruM with Kit., or to make the verb a perf. with St., 
Sanda. The root of the verb ( = a*n'7, 'to whisper') is used of 
divination, e.g., Num. 23^3, 24^ where it is repeated in QT g>, 
being common in Aram. ; here, as Piel, in receptive sense = Grr., 
oiui'LiyavTo, ^ " acciperunt pro omine." The sentence is prefaced 
with a unique gloss in ^, " and Ben-Hadad was an augur." — 
5323.1 iq'thm Or. rdg. : Occ. rdg. in 10 MSS and Kr., '□ niaSmi 
(see Bar, Ginsb.)=VSS ; EVV follow Or. rdg., JV dec. rdg.' The 
root D'?n is of obscure mng. ; VSS tr. with ' to snatch, catch.' 
Connexion with the root Y^7\ [e.g., Dt. 25^"), as proposed by Gesenius 
in his Thesaurus, was first suggested by al-Fasi ; see Skoss's ed., 
vol. I, 552. Light may be thrown by Arab, halata, ' omnia arcana 
alicui dixit ' (Freytag, Lex.) . There is no evidence that the verb 
is Hifil, vs. Lexx. — inbyi : VSS, exc. (£, as pi. verb. — 34. "lOK'^i 
r'?K : <S^ " and said the king of Syria to Ahab." — mxin : QC ^ iS 
tr. with the pi. of suk, ' market.' — •\rb'mt. n''"i33 ""iKi : GV FV EVV 
add in parenthesis ' said Ahab,' and so Poole's authorities de- 
mand ; this understanding is supported by the introductory ' and 
I (for my part) ' ; cf. the indefiniteness of subject just above ; 
unnecessary corrections have been proposed (see St.), e.g., by 
Wellh., retaining "'jsi as emphatic obj., and rdg. "'JnVj'n . — 38. loyi 
■t>r±> : EVV correctly, " and waited for the king " ; for this use 
of the verb cf. Eccl. 2*, " my wisdom waited on me." — [mn] '?« ; 
some 35 MSS correctly *??. — nss, also v.*i, f : OGrr., A tr 


correctly with TeXa/j.wv, ' bandage,' and so QC ; Aq., Sym., §b^ g) ^ 
understood as nsx, ' dust,' and so AV ' ashes.' — 39. nip. : Grr., 
' army,' rdg. 3-;i? — no : Grr. om., <S. has. — X3'1 : Bf ef7;7a76;/ for 
€L(jriy. — 40. nrj? : ' was busy ' of EVV is correct ; there is no 
reason to change to njD, as ^E^ ^ suggest (so Klost.), or to r\ijv with 
Oort ; see St., Eitan's Note on the verb, op. cit., sup., p. 56, Reider, 
Textual Criticism of the O.T., 29. — nnn nns taci'o p : the first 
phrase = Engl, 'just so is thy judgment'; for the particle see 
Haupt's suggestion that it is adjectival, ' just '=Akk. kenu. Grr., 
i5oi/ (=]n ?) TO, evedpa Trap e/xoL ecpovevcras, exc. &^, idov dLKaarris 
(TV e(pov. The root, primarily ' to cut ' (and so Grr. here, ' to 
murder '), came to imply determination, then judicial decision ; 
cf. Dan. 9^*, and see Montg., ad lac. ; ^ renders with parallel 
pDD, ^ with ' decrevisti ' (see comm. in Poole) .-^41. "^yo : Kr., 
'hvp, a unique form. — 42. Ta : 3 MSS •'nia ; Grr., ' out of my (thy) 
hand,' exegetical ; but ^ (=tIC ^) is idiomatic ; cf. Engl. ' out of 
hand.' — 43. [in''3] 'jj? : 9 MSS correctly ba, as at 21*. 

Ch. 21. The story of Naboth's vineyard : Ahab covets its 
possession, is sorely vexed at the owner's refusal to sell it at 
any price ; Jezebel's instigation of a packed communal court, 
which condemns Naboth to death on a trumped-up charge, 
with the royal confiscation of the property ; Elijah's de- 
nunciation of the king and his family ; Ahab's repentance, 
which puts off the evil day for him. Cf. Ant., viii, 13, 8. 

YY_i -10 jhg scene is laid in Jezreel, modern Zer'in, in ' the 
Great Valley ' ; the latter takes its name Esdraelon [via the 
Greek) from the town, which, lying on the ridge between its 
eastern and western watersheds (see Robinson's description, 
BR 3, 163 ff.), was a point of strategic importance, and also 
the royal countryside residence. Cf. 18^^, and the tragedy 
narrated in II. g^'^fl- Here Ahab, who is entitled king of 
Samaria (the exceptional title also in II. i^), possessed a 
palace, the Hebrew word, hekdl, of Sumerian-Akkadian origin 
{ekallu), occurring here for the first time in the secular sense, 
vs. that of ' temple ' {e.g., 6^, i Sam. i^, etc.). Desiring to 
enlarge his estate he offers a fair bargain to a local neighbour 
for purchase of the vineyard. The latter refuses, as it is his 
patrimonial inheritance, and his position was one not only of 
sentiment but of responsibility to his family ; cf. Nowack, 
Arch., I, §65, ' Besitzrecht.' Ahab goes home, and acts most 
peevishly. 5-10. The queen, his evil genius, acts in a wifely 
way to comfort her lord ; she repUes to his complaint with 

I. 211-29 331 

feminine peremptoriness : Thou (Sanda, ' Du bist mir ein 
feiner Konig ! '), now thou hast to exercise royal right over Israel 
(in EVV phrased as a question). Get up, and eat thy meals, and 
thy heart he happy. I myself will give thee Naboth's vineyard. 
Grotius recalls Poppaea's remark to Nero, calling him a ' boy ' : 
" qui iussis alienis obnoxius, non modo imperii sed libertatis 
indigeret " {Tacitus, Ann., xiv, i). In high-handed fashion 
she wrote a letter (sing., not pi.) in Ahab's name, and sealed it 
with his seal (the antique signature), and sent the letter to the 
elders and freemen in his city, the fellow-citizens of Naboth. For 
the elders cf. 20^ ; the elders of Jezreel appear again in II. lo^. 
The freemen (EW ' nobles ') occur here for the first time, 
recurring again in Jer. 27^*' ; according to 20^ ' the people ' 
are associated with the elders. For the communal classes 
presented cf. Pedersen, Israel, I-II, 34 ff. ; for similar social 
development in South Arabia see Nielsen, HAA i, 117 ff. As 
Sanda remarks, royalty may have developed ranks of gentry. 
In the present case the commune acts as a jury, as over 
against the usual judicial procedure (Dt. 16^^). The ' proclama- 
tion of a fast ' was to be based upon some alleged and accord- 
ingly fearful offence against Deity ; cf. i Sam. 7^, i^^^^-. 
Naboth's presiding (v.^^) in the capacity of head of the people (so 
1^ exactly) made his alleged sin the more conspicuous. And 
set two men, base fellows, to confront him. Judicial procedure 
is followed by requirement of two witnesses, as in the Law 
(Dt. 17^, etc ). For ' base fellows ' (AV by transliteration, 
following V, ' sons of Belial ') see Note. Stade, Sanda regard 
this item as an intrusion from v.^^, as hardly possible in the 
formal document ; but we are not dealing with the original 
indictment, and in any case the queen's arrogance knew no 
bounds. The actual indictment of Naboth was. Thou didst 
curse God and King ; ^, followed by Grr., V, replaced the 
abhorrent verb {cf. Ginsb., Introduction, 366 f.) with 'bless' 
{cf. Job 2^, etc.) ; other VSS, modern translations avoid the 
euphemism. Such a curse of ' God ' or ' prince of the people ' 
was forbidden in the ancient code (Ex. 22^'), and blasphemy 
of Yhwh's name was punishable by death with stoning, 
according to an illustrative precedent (Lev. 241°^*). 

yyii-ie Jezebel's orders are promptly carried out. 
YY 11, 13a contain repetitive material, and are extensively 


abbreviated by Grr, and modem critics (see Notes) ; but the 
repetitions may be due to legal form (c/. the story of Abraham's 
purchase of a tomb in Gen. 25) ; for excision of a few words 
in v.^^ see Note. For the solemnity of execution by stoning 
c/. Num. 15323-, Dt. 1373 -Lf^-, Acts f^^-. 15. The ' taking 
possession of Naboth's vineyard ' was an act of royal con- 
fiscation, as Grotius holds, vs. the opinion of Kimchi and 
others that Ahab had some collateral right of inheritance ; 
it was against such arbitrary power that the constitutional 
limitation of the rights of kings was written into the Deuter- 
onomic code (Dt. ly^^^-). 16. Ahah rose up to go down to 
Jezreel, i.e., by the descent from Samaria, to take possession. 

Yy_i7-20a_ Elijah confronts Ahab with the ironical inquiry : 
Hast thou murdered and made seizure as well ? He proceeds : 
In the place where the dogs licked Naboth's blood shall the dogs 
lick thine own blood. There is no reason to doubt the originality' 
of this item in the story on the ground that it was not exactly 
fulfilled in subsequent history. Ahab perished in battle, his 
body was brought to Samaria, not Jezreel, and there he was 
buried, and then, by development of the later story from 
Ehjah's present word, " when they washed the chariot (of 
Ahab) by the pool of Samaria, the dogs licked up his blood " 
(22^''-). And Jehu interprets the present word as fulfilled in 
Jezebel's fate (II. 9^^'-). It is another question whether by 
fulfilment of providential prediction or by coincidence Ahab's 
son was killed in Naboth's vineyard, Jehu recalling a word 
of Yhwh against Ahab, which he construed as fulfilled in the 
son's fate {ib. w.^i^-). In angry terror the king breaks out : 
Hast thou found me, my enemy ? To which Ehjah curtly 
responds : I have found {anglice, ' I have '). 

YY_20b-26_ This section is redactorial supplement, based on 
j^iof,^ j53. i3_ jf Elijah spoke further, his word has been lost 
or suppressed in the present text. The anonymously uttered 
prediction against Jezebel (v.^^) is interdependent \\ith II. 
g3o-3 7^ the curse on Ahab's family is pure repetition, and the 
further judgment on Ahab (vv.^sf-) is equally de trop, especially 
with the condemnation of his following idols according to all 
that the Amorites did. 23. Read the field {of Jezreel) with II. 
9^6, not the moat (so JV, other EW w all jr amp art), by early 
error of hi for hlk. 

I. 211-29 333 

yy 27-29 ji^g literary origin of this section is difficult for 
decision. Stade makes it a continuation of w.^''-^^^ ; Kittel 
so regards v. 2', but makes vv.^®* ^^- ^^ secondary, thus leaving 
one fragment hanging in the air. Benzinger considers it all 
secondary, as an attempt to ameliorate the judgment upon 
Ahab (v.i9), which was fulfilled only in his son, and this 
position is to be preferred. To be sure, Ahab was not an 
object of absolute prophetic denunciation {cf. cc. i8, 2o), 
while his present crime is attributed to the alien Jezebel's 
' instigation ' (v.^^). For the use of sackcloth see Dalman, 
A. u. S., 5, 165, etc. He went softly : so EVV ; the adverb 
proved difficult to the VSS, which omitted it or translated 
quite variously (see Note), and so modern Versions, e.g., GV 
" ging jammerlich einher," FV " il se trainait en marchant " ; 
the sentence may well be rendered, he went about depressed ; 
see Note. 

1. ry\^i^ n''n did nbsn n'^nann inx ""hm : B reduces to the last 
three words, and reads the first of them as didi, and so the other 
Grr. with the conj. ; this latter change is to be accepted, as the 
syntax demands for the dependent sentence, ' now N. having a 
vineyard ' (Dr., Tenses, §78). Critics who prefer the rearrange- 
ment of cc. 20 and 21, also Burn., accept the shorter text of B ; 
but this was probably due to the objection that N.'s possession 
of the field was not ' after these things.' Also Grr. (exc. v. = C H) 
have plus=nnK ['a]. — nu: : Gr. MS e, Na^ovd ; al., Na/3ou^at 
(B), and the like. For the name cf. S. Arab, names, NPS 1, 135, 
also Noth, IP 221, as from Arab, nabata, ' to sprout.' — '''jwii'' : 
<g (B A) l(Tpa7]\eiT-rj ; see at 18*^. — 'jsy-ii-'a IK'S : Grr. om., and 
St. elides ; but the ethnic term did not identify site of property. — 
to\T : Grr. (exc. (©^ olkuj, 2 MSS aypw), ' threshing-floor,' error of 
NA0>AA1], as recognized since Then. — 2. cs : 3 MSS nKi=Grr. 
4-5e ; cf. DN IK, v.*. — 3. mn'' : Gr. 64, <£, ' the Lord ' ; al. Grr., 
' My God,' to which &^ adds ' the Lord.' — 4. The v. abbreviated 
in (g by haplog. with end of v.^. — 2D''1 : Grr., k. crvveKa\v\l/ev, as 
though for D3;i, which Kamp., Kit. prefer, but St. rightly rejects ; 
for the phrase cf. II. 20^, which affected V here + ' ad parietem.' — 
6. "las^i — nasi — nans : for the sequence cf. Dr., §27 (' cases of 
exceptional character '), and Konig, §§158, 366, g (as in lively 
narrative) ; rather the first two verbs are paired, while the third 
in normal construction expresses the sequel ; a similar case in 
vv.12. 13 — £3^-,. Qj-j. (gxc. (gL)-j_' another.' — •^ena : Grr., 'inherit- 
ance of my fathers,' from v.^. — 7. nnj? nns : cf. 12*, i8"- " ; it is 
difficult to decide as among the imperative, interrogative, ironic 
interpretations. — n3l'?a : (g (B z) /Sao-tXea, this reduced in some MSS 


to the vocative, ^atrtXeu ; ®^ (@h /3ao-t\«aj'. — 8. n''nBDn=Grr.; 
i^r. om. n.— iT'ya ntvs : OGrr. cm. ; see BH for attempts at 
simplification ; but we have here again legal fulness. — 10. bv^'72 ["'Ja] : 
the interpretation, ' that which profits not ' (the phrase = ' good- 
for-nothmg fellows '). e.g., BDB, Konig, Hwb., holds its own 
against divergent explanations, for which see Bum., GB ; the 
interpretation by Cheyne (EB s.v.) as ' that which does not come 
up,' i.e., from hell, is well contradicted by Konig : the good as 
well as the bad do not so come up. In the Haupt. Anniv. Vol., 
PP- 145 f-. Albr. eft. Akk. mar Id mandma, ' son of a nobody.' — nJJ: 
Bf om. with what follows through '?;j'''7n '':a, v.^^, by haplog. ; 
^H inserts practically the whole omission as from Theod., indicating 
an early lacuna ; but Lucif., (£ have the full text. — naia : Hex. 
as 3d pers., g>H adding ' Naboth ' as subj.— 11. n'^ya n''2t:'\T iiffx : 
for the rel. phrase cf. 12^ ; St. elides as intrusion from v.», along 
with 'ji c^jpTH ; cf. BH. — nn'^'^s . . . ains -wnn^ : &^ et al., (t om., 
and so St. as repetitive ; but the composition]is splay. — 12. n^trm : 
another case of ' irregular syntax,' generally corrected by critics ; 
but cf. the parallel in v. 6. — 13. nyn -a: maj ns bn^bin '•um: OGrr., 
C om. ; it is an inserted ungrammatical precision of persons. — 
14. h^D : the Kal appearing in vv.^"- ^^ ; the present is case of the 
ancient Kal passive, and is to be added to the cases cited by 
Bergstr., HG 2, §15.-15. <@ om. " that he was stoned and is dead," 
for brevity's sake ; but repetition of the awful fact was intentional. 
— [na] •'3 : 9 MSS+dk, and so apparently QC V read. — 16a. Grr. 
add " and he tore his clothes and put on sackcloth, and it was 
after this," a wilful insertion from v.^' ; g)H has the addition 
without critical note ; MS c^ obeUzes.— 18. ^ ' the king of Israel, 
who is in Samaria ' ; cf. the title, v.i ; St. elides, but the word of 
Yhwh would give the formal address. — nari : the word may be 
vocaHzed njrr, cf. Arab, 'innahu, and so II. i*. 6^^ ; however mn 
is used absolutely with pi. obj., e.g., II. e^o- 25. — 19. [nnvijn : (S 
ws o-u=g)H. — las'? rbN mam 2^: Grr. om., replacing with Sia tovto, 
which correction St. accepts, with insertion of \2b ; but the Gr. 
phrase is abbreviation of the tautologous sentence. — a''a'?an : Grr., 
'the sows and the dogs' (^h obelizes the addition), and at end 
of the V. the Grr. plus {^^^), " and the harlots will wash in thy 
blood " ; for these additions see 22^8. — 20. ■'a"'K vnstfan : some MSS 
of V " num invenisti me inimicum tibi ? " i.e., as rdg. ^a''K ; this 
interpretation, accepted by some comm. in Poole, has been ap- 
proved by Joiion, Mdl., 5, 475, on the ground that Ahab was 
excusing himself as never an enemy to the prophet ; but this 
reading has no textual basis.— 23. '?n=Grr., ' moat' ; §b^ ' (before) 
the wall ' ; 9 MSS pbn (deR., Supplem., 43), as at II. g^\ which 
ace. to Rashi is to be understood here, and so the primitive error 
is to be corrected. G. R. Driver attempts vindication of ^ with 
a fresh etymology (JBL 55 [1936], 109), eft. Arab, haul, ' around,' 
l^iydl, 'in front of.' — 24. nam: 20 MSS Ken., deR+i'?=Grr. 

I. 22I-" 335 

the plus not in the original passage, 14^^, but is indifferent. — 
25. p"i=Engl. adv. ' just,' Germ. ' gar ' or * schlechthin ' (Sanda) ; 
Grr. a doublet, ttXt^j' iJ.aTaLus = p>-\ pl=^H. — n^pn : root mo; nnpri 
is expected ; but cf. '!?p, Ps. 7328, npv, Ps. 90^ ; see GK §73, d ; 
Bergstr., HG 2, §28 f (which authorities do not notice the present 
case). — 27. pE'a 22B'''1 oism nca by p'^ ntff"'! : the Grr. (which re- 
arrange the order of these items, and add a plus at end of the v.) 
tr. the first verb with e^wcraro, the third with irtpulia\(To, which = 
DJsnM in MS Ken. 210, and so al-Fasi (ed. Skoss, i, 69) understands 
here ; for this variation cf. II. 9^ ; but for the present expression 
see Joel i". — en {'h^") : tE in;, ' barefoot '=g) Si, cf. Jos., -^vixvols 
iroai (as Thackeray remarks, a case of Targumic influence) ; ^^ 
with inexplicable k. t. vlov avrov ; (g^ (A x v) KeKXifievos, ' bent 
down'=^H as from Aq., Theod. ; al. Grr. om. the word; V 
' dimisso capite ' : for the sentence Rashi, ' went secretly ' ; 
Kimchi, ' went mourning,' and so GV ; FV ' dragged himself in 
walking ' ; EVV ' went softly.' See St. together with Haupt's 
note in the volume, the latter agreeing with Rashi. P. Wechter 
in his study, ' Ibn Barun's Contribution to Comparative Heb. 
Philology,' JAOS 61 (1941), 172 fi-. notes (p. 187) that gram- 
marian's translation with the Arabic root ta'ta'a, ' with depressed 
head.' Such a mng. appears likely here ; Engl. ' depressed ' may 
well express the word. — 28. Grr. have a variant text. — 29. ''3 ji'^ 
''jsa i'j:: : OGrr. om. by homoiot. with prec. passage, or as super- 
fluous ; similarly some Heb. MSS om. y:3i . . . ''JS'ja. — -ss : Ginsb. 
notes MSS with k''2K. 

22^ ■^^. The history of Micaiah the prophet and the fulfilment 
of the doom that he pronounced upon Ahab. || 2 Ch. 18 ; cf. 
Ant., viii, 15, 3-6. Upon renewal of war with Aram Jehosha- 
phat king of Judah, having been persuaded to enter as Ahab's 
ally, requires a divine oracle, ' the word of Yhwh.' Ahab's 
prophets, 400 in number, give optimistic augury ; but 
Jehoshaphat, dissatisfied, asks for a real ' prophet of Yhwh,' 
and Ahab, disgruntled, sends for one inimical to him, Micaiah 
ben Imlah ; meanwhile Sedekiah ben Chenaanah of the former 
group accentuates their position with a dramatic action (vv. 
5 -12) . Micaiah, having been fetched, tells Ahab what he wishes 
to hear, but, pressed for the truth by the cunning king, he 
declares his vision of a scene in heaven and the divine artifice 
planned for deceiving Ahab through falsely inspired prophets 
(vv.13-23), Sedekiah's assault upon Micaiah and the latter 's 
cryptic response to him are followed by the royal orders for 
his strict incarceration (vv.^^-^s). In the ensuing battle at 
Ramoth-Gilead Ahab disguises himself in the attempt to 


forestall his fate ; he is mortally wounded by a stray shot, 
but remains heroically in his chariot until his death at even, 
whereupon follows the rout of the allies (vv.^^"^^). His body 
is brought to Samaria for burial, with fulfilment of an earlier 
word of Elijah as to the obscene end of his blood (w.^'"^^). 
The narrative is a literary unit, with the exception of the 
final scene, v.^^, its forerunner, v.^^^^, and a late gloss, 

This dramatic story is matched only by that of Elijah's 
contest with the Baal prophets on Carmel, as rich as that in 
its detail, but superior in its historical verisimilitude. The 
appearance of an otherwise unknown Micaiah vouches for the 
originality of the story, and is evidence of a wider range of 
literary composition among the sons of the prophets than 
might have been expected. The satire of the earlier narrative 
(18^') has its complement here in the irony of Micaiah's first 
response and then in the stark scene of heaven with the spirit 
who volunteered to be a spirit of falsehood in the mouth of all 
his (Ahab's) prophets. Grimmer and more primitive as it is, 
the scene is a true precedent of the visions in Am. 1-2, Is. 6, 
and warns modern study against finding too sharp a distinction 
from ' the Writing Prophets.' In his inscrutable way the 
God of these early prophets is the author of what Gentiles 
called the Fate of the beliers of Him who rules in human 
affairs. Josephus {Ant., viii, 15, 6), writing for the Gentiles, 
well concludes : " With the king's history before our eyes, 
it behoves us to reflect on the power of Fate [tov xpewi), and 
see that not even with foreknowledge is it possible to escape 
it, for it secretly enters the souls of men and flatters them 
with fair hopes, and by means of these it leads them on to 
the point where it can overcome them " (tr. of Thackeray- 

1. They sat still, i.e., at peace (EVV continued) for three 
years, i.e., into the third year (v. 2) ; the narrator dates from 
the events in ch. 20. This dating, generally accepted by 
historians as original is provocative of attempts to place these 
narratives in the international chronology. The battle of 
Karkar occurred in 854/853 B.C., Ahab's death in 852/851 (the 
dates of Meyer and Robinson), and there must have been 
remarkable revolutions in the relations between Israel and 

I. 221-51 337 

Syria, with Ahab's success over Aram at an earlier date.i 
2. The alliance of Jehoshaphat with Ahab had been cemented 
by the marriage of the latter's daughter to the former's son 
and heir (II. 8i^) ; this rapprochement between the North 
and the South was brought about by the Aramaean peril, 
which had come to life again after the temporary coalition of 
Syrian states at Karkar. Ramoth-Gilead was the govern- 
mental seat of one of Solomon's provinces (41^) ; it has been 
identified by Dalman with Tell el-Husn, SE of Irbid-Arbela 
[Pjb., 1913, 64 ; cf. Albright, BASOR 35 (1929), 11 ; Abel, 
GP 2, 430) ; but now for another identification by Glueck 
see Comm., 4'^-, n. i. 5. 6. For the consulting of Yhwh 
before battle cf. i Sam. 231^-, and Zakar of Hamath's consulta- 
tion of 'seers and astrologers' (Montgomery, JBL 28 [1909], 
68 f .) . The number 400 for the prophets of Yhwh assembled 
appears extravagant, and is suspiciously correspondent to the 
450 of Baal prophets and the 400 of Asherah prophets in i8i^. 
These prophets are distinctly Yhwh's devotees, representing 
the state rehgion ; according to the sequel of ch. 18 the Baal 
prophets had been exterminated. 7-9. Jehoshaphat, dissatis- 
fied {cf. Ahab's distrust of Micaiah's oracle) asks for a further 
oracle : Is there not here yet another prophet of Yhwh ? He 
may well have been suspicious of the extravagant develop- 
ment of prophecy in the North, unlike the simpler religion of 
the conservative South ; the North was peculiarly exposed to 
the frenzied religionism of Phoenicia and Syria. In reply 
Ahab names Micaiah, upon whom he remarks : I hate him, 
for he prophesies not good concerning me but evil. Grotius well 
compares Agamemnon's word to the seer Colchas (//., i, 106) : 

fidvTL KaKwv, ov TTw TTore /xoi to Kp'^yvov etTra?. Jehoshaphat 

answers deprecatively like a gentleman, but has his way. 

^ For more detailed study of the chronology see Sanda (placing the 
battles of Karkar and Ramoth-Gilead in the spring and autumn of 
854 respectively), Kittel, GI 2, 253 5. (suggesting, p. 256, that Shal- 
maneser was ill-informed of the Israelite king's name), Meyer, GA 2, 
2, 274 ff., 333 S. ; Robinson, HI i, 292 fif. ; and the Chronologies of 
Begrich, Lewy, Mowinckel. These three vary considerably in dating 
Ahab's death-year, i.e., respectively at 851, 847, 853 b.c. The study 
of the chronology of the period in Morgenstem's ' Chronological Data 
of the Dynasty of Omri,' opens with this v. as basis of discussion. See 
Bibliography in Int., §16. 


10. The dramatic, courtly scene (c/. the scene in heaven, 
inf.) plays in a threshing-floor at the entrance of the gate of 
Samaria ; the first phrase is absent in the Grr., is much 
disputed by critics, but it may well have been a local name 
{cf. ' the Haymarket ' in London — possibly read here ' the 
threshing-floor '), and is not to be lightly cancelled ; as Sanda 
remarks, such an arena was required for the ' cultic-gymnastic ' 
rites which followed. With all the prophets prophesying before 
them : we may only speculate on the frenzied rites ; cf. 
ch. i8, and Lucian's testimony for a later age {De Dea Syra, 
36 seq.). 11. Sedekiah's pronouncement is reminiscent of the 
ancient oracle to Joseph (Dt. 33^'). Sanda notes similar 
ascriptions to Thutmose III and Seti II as ' invincible,' ' a 
young bullock with horns.' 13. 14. The marshal who fetches 
Micaiah is benevolently inclined towards him with pohtic 
advice. The prophet's reply {cf Luther's, ' Ich kann nicht 
anders ') is non-committal. 15. His oracle to the king betrays 
itself as dramatic irony : "he made use of mimicry " ; "he 
did not deceive the bystanders, because even the king was 
sensible to the ridicule " ; so comm, in Poole. 16. The king 
commands that he put aside this by-play. 17. The prophet 
recites the vision vouchsafed to him : 

/ saw all Israel scattered upon the mountains. 
As sheep that have no shepherd. 

And Yhwh said : 

These have no master : 
Return they each to his home in peace ! 

The scansion of these originally metrical utterances is un- 
certain ; Haupt attempts rewriting. 18. Ahab comments to 
Jehoshaphat with " I told you so." 
f VV.^^"^^. The prophet continues with a further vision, now 

\fi^ of heaven itself. 19. I saw Yhwh sitting on his throne, and 
• all the host of heaven standing by him — an utterance that pre- 

cedes that of Isaiah's vision (ch. 6). 20. In the vision Yhwh 
asks for a volunteer from the host of heaven who will entice 
Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth-Gilead. Excuse 
for this divine action cannot be found, with CorneHus k Lapide, 

I. 22^'^^ 339 

in the explanation, " non sunt verba iubentis, sed permit- 
tentis," although he and Grotius are correct in comparing the 
divine 'permission' granted to Satan, e.g.. Job i, Mt. S^sfl-, <AcrJ 
Jn. is^^fl-, Rev. 20^. 21. And there came forth the spirit, and / 
stood before Yhwh, and he said: I will entice him. And Yhwh /^i<^.^$- 
said to him : Wherewith ! 22. And he said : I will go forth, V/^ ^, 
and will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. And 
he said : Thou shall entice, and also prevail. Go forth and do so. 
Identification of ' the spirit ' (with JV, other EVV ' a spirit ') 
has been much mooted : see especially Kittel, ad loc, and 
P. Volz, Der Geist Gottes, 12, 20, 78, etc. It is the personified 
spirit of prophecy ; cf. its action in early story, i Sam. lo^^^-, 
ig^^f-. There is also differentiation in ' an evil spirit,' which 
God sent between Abimelek and the Shechemites (Jud. g^^), 
more expHcitly in another passage, ' an evil divine spirit ' 
(i Sam. 18^''). This phase of the spirit becomes ultimately 
personified in ' the Satan,' e.g.. Job i f. Such spirits were 
primarily amoral in the monotheistic scheme, instruments of 
the divine wiU for good or evil. In Is. ii^ we find the six- 
fold differentiation of the Spirit of Yhwh. 23. Micaiah com- 
ments on the celestial drama: And now, behold, Yhwh hath 
put a spirit of falsehood in the mouth of all these thy prophets. 
The theology is primitive indeed, and has its exact parallel 
in the opening fines of bk. ii of the Iliad, when Zeus proposes 
to send ' a baleful dream ' to Agamemnon to deceive him. 
Kittel cites a schoHon to Sophocles, Antigone, 620, expressing 
the ancient theme of " Quem Deus vult perdere, eum dementat 
prius." For the much later Second Isaiah Yhwh is " Fashioner 
of light and Creator of darkness. Maker of peace and Creator 
of evil " (Is, 45'). Theological criticism may weU be temperate. 
Israel's developing rehgion faced the dilemma of all mono- 
theism, as between the all-mightiness and the virtue of Deity. 
Schwally {ZAW 1892, 159 ff.) and Stade {ib., 1895, 163 ff.— 
cf. the colour-scheme in SBOT) adjudge this scene to be 
secondary in the composition, Stade comparing Job i. But 
the latter scene, the traditional proemium to a late philosophic 
drama, is equally primitive and a parallel to our dramatic 
vision. However ' the spirit ' (v.^i) is not to be corrected to 
' the Satan,' as has been proposed (see Haupt, and cf. note 
in BH). The present ' vision ' is the most striking example 


of the genius of the prophets before ' the Writing Prophets ' ; 
it is closest to Amos of the following century, and presents 
his and his successors' religious and literary deep-rooted back- 

yy 24 -28 YoT the personal assault upon Micaiah by Sedekiah 
cf. the experiences of Jeremiah {e.g., Jer. 37^^), of Paul (Acts 
23^), and of Jesus buffeted along with a similar satirical inquiry 
(Mt. 27^^^-). 24. The jibing inquiry, By which way — or How 
(see Note) went Yhwh's spirit from me to speak to thee ?, has 
its ominous reply from Micaiah ; unlike the parallel doom 
of the sceptical doubter in II. 7^'^-, the sequel of fulfilment is 
not given. 25. The expression of the fugitive's flight by chamber 
after chamber reappears from 20^°. 26-28a. The prisoner is 
to be txeated as a prisoner of state, remitted into the custody 
ol Amon the governor of the city (for the office cf. Jud. 9^°, 
inf. XL 10^, 23^, Neh. 7^) and an otherwise unknown son of 
Ahab, Joash ; he is to be fed with bread of affliction and water 
of affliction {cf. Is. 30^°), apparently an official term for prison 
fare. The king's expression, in peace, means ' safe and sound.' 
28a. The prophet briefly accepts the challenge. 286. And he 
said : Hear, ye peoples, all of you : a gloss, absent in Ch. and 
in pre-Hex. Greek texts, identifying Micaiah with the canonical 
Micah : cf. Mic. i^. 

VV.29-38. The battle at Ramoth-Gilead and the end of 
Ahab. 30. The purpose of Ahab's disguise was not out of 
treachery against Jehoshaphat, as has been suggested {e.g., 
by the Grr. with a slight change of text), but for the avoid- 
ance of fate. 31. The number of captains, thirty-two, is absent 
in Ch., and is an intrusion from 20^. 32. Jehoshaphat cried 
out, i.e., with his battle-cry (so Stade), by which he was dis- 
tinguished from the Israelite king, not in prayer to God, as 
Ch. and Grr. glossate. 34. Ahab was struck by an arrow 
between the scale-armour and the breastplate. Scale-armour, 
as the Hebrew etymologicaUy means, is known from Egypt of 
the XlXth Dyn., specimens of which are in the MetropoHtan 
Museum, New York. Very early armour of the kind has 
been found at Nuzi in N Iraq {BASOR 30 [1928], 2 f., with 
illustration) ; and more recently Schaeffer has reported the 
discovery of ' pieces of scale-armour ' at Ugarit {ILN Jan. 6, 
1940, 26). There has been extensive discussion of the relation 

I. 22^-^^ 341 

of the two parts of the armour ; the best explanation remains 
that of Grotius : " in ea parte ubi lorica cum inferiori armatura 
connectitur," the scales serving apron-like to cover the mobile 
upper legs and joints. Ahab orders his charioteer to retire 
from the battle, but stays on the side-lines, and (35a) manfully 
remains propped up in his chariot until evening, when he 
died. 36. And the cry passed through the army at the going 
down of the sun, to wit : Each to his city and each to his land, 
Zla. [correcting with the Grr.] for the king is dead ! And 
they came to Samaria. Zlb. 38. The royal burial in Samaria 
was regular, cf. 16^^, II. lo^^ ; the statement replaces the 
formal archival note once preceding v.^*. But the further 
item, and they washed the chariot by the pool of Samaria, and 
the dogs licked up his blood, and the harlots washed (so curtly), 
by the word of Yhwh that he spoke, is secondary, to connect 
with Elijah's prophecy, 21^^ ; and then v.^^^ above, intro- 
ducing the otherwise unimportant theme of Ahab's blood- 
flow, is equally secondary. There is the added extravagance 
of the harlots washing themselves, sc. in the blood, so absurd 
that the VSS outside of the Grr. attempted another interpreta- 
tion, which was accepted by AV, and is given in margin by 
RW : and they washed his armour ; see Note. Harlots were 
intruded here by the interpretation of ' the dogs ' as profes- 
sional male perverts, even as the word is used in Dt. 23^', 
Rev. 22^^, and probably a technical cultic name in Phoenicia 
{CIS I, 86, B 10) ; there may be here reminiscence of obscene 
praxis. For the probable identification of this pool of Samaria 
see ZDPV 50 (1927), 32, and the map in Galling, BR 442. 

Yy_39. 4o_ jj^g summary of Ahab's reign, originally the 
sequel of ch. 16. The phrase, all that he did, had doubtless 
far more significance in Ahab's case than in the current use of 
the formula. The ivory house that he built : cf. Amos 3^^, and 
' the ivory palaces ' of Ps. 45* (but see Gunkel, ad lac, amend- 
ing to ' ivory instruments ' of music), and Solomon's throne 
of ivory and gold (10^^). This description of the palace, so 
named because of its ivory ornamentation, panelling, etc., is 
now fully corroborated by the rich finds of beautiful inlay 
work in Ahab's palace at Samaria ; see J. W. Crowfoot, QS 
1932, 132 ff. ; 1933, 7 ff., 130 ff. ; ILN Dec. 16 and 23, 1937 ; 
J. A. Wilson, AJA 1938, 333 ff. ; C. de Hertzenfeld, Syria, 


1938, 345 ff. ; and the sumptuous and comprehensive volume 
by G. Loud, The Megiddo Ivories (1939). These latter are 
objects of the 13th and 12th centuries, and have their comple- 
ment in Thutmose Ill's report of his booty gained at Megiddo, 
' three staffs, with human heads, of ivory,' and ' six large 
divans of ivory and wood ' {ARE 2, §436). Similar rich finds 
have been made at an ancient site to the N of Aleppo ; see 
F. Thureau-Dangin, Arslan Task, 1931, 89 ff. For the abund- 
ant Phoenician ivories see Contenau, La civilisation phenicienne, 
219 ff.; Otto, HA I, 805 ff.; R. D. Barnett, 'Phoenician 
and Sjnian Ivory Carving,' PEQ 1939, 4 ff., with 11 plates. 
Also see at large Watzinger, DP i, 112 ff. ; Galling, BR s.v. 
' Elfenbein.' Cf. Comm. on lo^^^-. For all the cities that he 
built is to be compared the contemporary Mesha's list of such 
constructions ; but for Ahab only the record of the rebuilding 
of Jericho has survived (16^^). A splendid type of tower, 
semi-circular in form, discovered at Samaria, remains as a 
sample of royal architecture in the North {QS 1934, plates 
ii, iii). 

VV.41-51 (with Heb. prints, JV, foUowing Ml other EVV 
make one v. out of vv.*^- ^*). The reign of Jehoshaphat of 
Judah. II 2 Ch. 17-20; cf. Ant., ix, 1-3. Jehoshaphat appears 
again in II. 3*2-. 41. The accession is dated in the fourth 
year of Ahab, but according to v.^^ Ahab's successor came to 
the throne in Jehoshaphat 's 17th year, while with 16^^ Ahab 
reigned 22 years — i.e., a discrepancy of 5. See Note for the 
problem and the Gr. attempts at correction. Jehoshaphat is 
the second Judaean king (with Abijam first, but the name in 
curtailed form) to have a name compounded with the divine 
element Yhwh, which thereafter appears constant in the 
Southern dynasty, except for Manasseh and Amon. The 
element appears for the first time in the Northern royal names 
with the contemporary sons of Ahab, and continues into the 
Jehu dynasty. 43. For Asa's example, which his son followed, 
see 15^^^-. 44. However (even as then) the high-places were 
not removed. The entente cordiale with the king of Israel is 
illustrated in the prophetic story above ; as the present section 
shows, there was the attempt at a N-S alliance to meet the 
Aramaean and Assyrian perils from the east. The IsraeUte 
king's name is not given, and the v., out of place, is probably 

I. 221-51 


dependent upon that prophetic story. This ' peace ' was 
doubtless consummated in the ill-starred matrimonial aUiance 
with the Northern dynasty, Jehoshaphat's son Jehoram 
marrying Ahab's daughter Athaliah (II. 8^^- ^^^', ii). 2 Ch. 
i8^ notes here that Jehoshaphat " allied himself in marriage 
with Ahab," and such an item may once have stood here ; 
the mother's name is ignored in the passage where it should 
regularly appear (II. 3^). VV.*^'^" present another invalu- 
able record of the ancient Red Sea commerce ; cf. g^^s- 
10^^, and see Comm. ad locos. The incident occurred in 
the latter part of the king's reign in connexion with Ahaziah 
ben Ahab, as he is named in good Semitic fashion. Several 
corrections of the corrupt passage are required, and have been 
variously accepted ; see Notes for the text. The following 
revision is presented. 48. And there being no king in Edam, 
a royal lieutenant (49) [with correction of Mas. verse-division, 
and deletion of Jehoshaphat] made [see Note] a Tarshish-ship 
[sing, with (§, ^ pi.] to go to Ophir for gold ; hut he did not go, 
for it was broken [^ ships were broken, with Kr. correcting sing. 
Kt.] at Esyon-geber. 50. Then said Ahaziah ben Ahab to 
Jehoshaphat : Let my servants go with thy servants in the ships 
[<g ship] ; and Jehoshaphat did not agree. The Northern king 
with his Phoenician backing might well have provided better 
ships and sailors ; cf. Solomon's dependence upon Hiram of 
Tyre. But Jehoshaphat feared the intrusion of his Northern 
neighbours into his own particular littoral. Since the reference 
to the restoration of the Edomite monarchy in Solomon's 
day (iii*"22- 25) Edom has not been mentioned in Ki. ; but 
2 Ch. 20 has a long history of Jehoshaphat's campaign against 
Ammon, Moab and Mount Seir, and according to 17^^ the 
Phihstines and the Arabs were tributary to him. See the 
summaries for Edomite and Moabite history from the archaeo- 
logical point of view by Glueck in AASOR 15 (1935), 137 ff. ; 
18-19 (1939)' 242 ff. While the brunt of the war with Aram 
was borne by Israel, Judah appears to have attacked Aram's 
avenues towards the Red Sea by an attempted push to the 
south ; the lieutenant actually constructed on the Gulf of 
Akabah a ship, which however was immediately wrecked 
Then the Israelite king's offer of assistance was prudently 
refused by the Judaean, for the former desired to control the 


Trans- Jordan routes, the latter to divert them to Cis- Jordan. 
This Judasan control of Edom was brief ; in the days of the 
successor Edom was able to re-establish its independence with 
a king (II. 8^°^-), even as similarly " Moab rebelled against 
Israel after the death of Ahab " (II. i^). For the ' Tarshish 
ship ' see above on lo^^, for Esyon-geber on g^^. (§ here read 
' Aram ' for ' Edom,' this the easier induced by the item of 
the Tarshish ships ; and so Josephus romances {Ant., ix, i, 4) 
on the shipping to ' Pontos and the emporia of Thrace.' Still 
earlier 2 Ch. had these ships made ' to go to Tarshish,' and 
condemns Jehoshaphat as having wrought wickedly in joining 
with Ahaziah, the shipwreck being by prophetic word the 
divine penalty {20^^'^'^). 

1. i2!P"'i : " they stayed still," as at Jud. 5^^, etc. ; there is no 
reason to change to sing., with Ahab implied as subj., with Grr. 
(exc. x), ^^, St. — 3. cryrn =" do ye not know ? " ; see R. Cordis, 
AJSL 49 (1933), 212 ff. — 'j nb-i : so &^, al. Grr. =nD-i: see Note, 
4". — 4. "icK"'! : Grr. (exc. d 106)4-' the king of Israel' similar 
expansions below, vv.'- '• *• *"• '"• '*, and cf. Ch. — 5. tm : Grr. 
(exc. (§^), " let us inquire "=v.'. — ['•'] -i2t: Grr. om. — as unneces- 
sary.— 6. n''S"'3:n : Grr. pref. ' all.' — ;n'<i : Grr., StSoi's 5wo-ei, as 
though in' [hji ; for original inf. abs. cf. II. 3^'. — ^jns : ca. 29 MSS, 
% mn\ which is required ; the change made to avoid the use of 
the Name by those prophets ; Ch., n\i'7N. — 7.^U' : Grr. (exc. a = 
Sym.), V om. ; Grr. also om. the word in v.^ ; omission on purpose 
to avoid classification of true prophets with false (St.). — iniKD : 
many MSS, edd., irsn, and so Kt. in v.* ; read wnd ; cf. Note, 
20*^.- — 8. in"'3''a : the name might be regarded as of contemporary 
formation from the Akk., after the form, mannu-ki-X , but it occurs 
earlier in Jud. 17 ; the name now occurs on a seal, lAE 190.^ — 
r\b'a'' : 2 MSS (Ginsb.) K'?o' = Ch. ; the latter a Palm. name. — 
9. D^-iD : on this official title see Note, II. iS^^.— 10. i MS om. pJ2, 
and so the Grr., with simplification of n^i:3 cci'^a to ei-oTrXoi, 
' armed ' ; Sym., followed by ^^ renders |^ ; Ch. repeats wzn"' 
before pin ; ^ tr. ]-iJa with adj. sma, ' bright (clothing) ' ; for 
proposed corrections see Bum., St., who most unnecessarily would 
cancel the word as a dittog.— 12. "ben T'2 : Grr., ' into thy hands 
also the king of Syria. '^ — 13. 'l?"! : Grr. as ?^3"! (-|-7ravrfs), so 
easing a ' harsh ' construction (Burn.) ; with St. ^ is to be 
kept supported as it is by the other VSS ; 2ia is nominal as 
below. — Tim: ICr. ^i3n = Ch. Kt., (E ^ ^ ; Grr. = Kt. ; see 
Note, 2>^^. — 15. I'^i'i, ''"ina : the royal pi. ; Grr. as sing. : Ch. 
conforms the foil, impvs. to these pis. — 16. pi : practically a 
prep., cf. Engl. ' but ' ; V ' nisi ' ; i MS om. prec. K'? = Grr. — 17. 
10KM : Grr. -f- ' not so,' introduced from v.^'. — [n''"inn] ^K : 3 

I. 221-51 345 

MSS bv=Ch.=tK ^^ (Grr., ev), which is to be accepted. — on'?: 
Ch. \T]i . the noun \Ki is mostly fem. ; but here the personal 
reference may have induced the masc. — n'rs^ n'^iia Kb : Grr. mis- 
understood : # ®^ ov Kvpios TovTois Oeoi, cf. ^^ ' the Lord not 
Lord to them ' ; (g^ ei (rdg. as tth) kvplw? (' legally ' ?) avroi -rrpos 
eeov (as n^N^). — 18. saarT' : Grr. + oi'Tws, from v.". — 19. p"? : 
Grr., ovx ovrwi ovk 670, and inf. ovx ourwi, this as by first rdg. 
"•njK k'?, and then the gloss correction entered twice. ]3'? is else- 
where taken as p s'? ; see Dr. on 1 Sam. 3^*. — nin'' : (S ' the God 
of Israel,' to avoid vision of Yhwh ; cf. the text of Is. 6*. — 20. -33 
bis : Ch. rtzz bis ; there is no reason, with St., BH, to amend this 
unique adverbial phrase. — Ad fin. <S^ k. eiirev, ov Swrjari, k. eLWfv, 
fv cot : 5vvr]a-r] from v.**, ev aoi. as rdg. n?? ; see Rahlfs, SS i, 
80 £f. — 21. nnn : for the gender, masc. here, see Note, II. 2^'. — 
22. nn : 6 MSS deR., Ch., mi'?.— 24. lanb ''nsa "•' nn nay nr ^s 
inn : for nr ''S = ' where ' cf. i Sam. g^^, and so g) here ; Ch., 
'ai inn nr ""s ( = 131*), making the phrase more explicit, and so 
EVV, ' which way.' The composite particle may possibly mean 
' how,' cf. the variant mng. of hd'^k, also Eth. 'efo. <§, ignoring 
^2J?, iroiov TTuev/xa Kvpiov to XaKrjffav ev croi, accepted by Bum. 
{cf. BH) as = ^3 imon "^ nn nr •'K; (©'^ tt. v. K. airecT-q air enov rov 
XaXrjaai ev (roi— these interpreting with ' what sort of a spirit.' 
W tr. with ' at what hour ? ' = Sl ; '^ tr. the particles with inter- 
rogative ' ne.' St. would elide nn ; but no authority appears for 
correction of this originally ambiguous passage. — ^mK : many 
MSS inK=Ch. ; correct Kr., to r^m. — 25. 'ignn^ : many MSS 
K — = Ch. — 26. np, in3"'E'n : Ch., Grr. as pi., but n.b. the sing, verb 
moK, v." ; V renders 'wn with ' maneat,' as though from root atrv 
The Heb. verb corresponds to the Engl, legal term, ' to remit.' — 
ps : =Hex. ; Jos., Axafiuv ; <© (g^ E/xfiT^p, etc., as for nos (Bf 'Lefx-rjp). 
— "iiff : Bf T. ^acTiKea, al., T. apxovra. — tPST" : for the name see 
Note, II. 12^. — 27. l'7»n "ibs ns : OGrr. om. ; but the phrase is 
legal formula ; cf. the similar usage in the Amarna tablets. — nr ns : 
cf. I Sam. 21^', etc. — \Th n"'a : for the apposition see Dr., Tenses, 
§189 (i)'; <§!' pref. ' let him drink.'— 29. mm"' l'?B : Grr., exc. e, 
-|-' with him,' which seemed necessary after the sing. verb. — 30. 
BDX'in'' : Grr. -f' king of Judah,' and so in v.'*. — Km tycnnn : for 
the inf. abs. without subject see Ewald, Syntax, §217, a, GK §113, 
dd, note ; the subject ' I ' is assumed, would be evident in living 

speech = Germ., " es ist zu verkleiden . . . aber Du ! " Grr. 

render with ist pers., accepted by some critics, e.g., Kit., St., Sanda 
[cf. BH), rewriting with KaKi 'nfiK ; but the text is to be retained, 
with Bum., cf. Eissf. — Tii^a : Grr., ' my robes ' (not corrected in 
^H), by error of ixov for ffov, or rather by intention to read in the 
elements of Ahab's treachery. — 32. IK : Grr., (paiverai, as=prep. 3, 
cf. Syr. 'ak. — noM : Ch., nci, " and they surrounded " — Grr., 
showing early contamination from Ch. ; see St., who retains ^. — 
Ad fin., (S^-f K. Kvptoi eauiaev avTov ; cf. Ch., " and Y. helped 


him, and God diverted them from him," on the assumption that 
the king's cry was to God. — 34. V'k: Jos. identifies with ' a royal 
page of Adad, Amanos by name,' i.e., the Naaman of II. 5, a tradi- 
tion continued in Midrash Tehillim on Ps. 78, and accepted by 
Rashi. — ]'>-i!i*n ]''2i n-'p^nn ^''2 : see Comm., and the much vexed 
discussion in Then., Kit., Burn., Haupt, Sanda. VSS vary : ^ as 
though 'ts'n ■'pan ;''2 ; Grr. tr. 'nn with ' the lung ' —V, which gives 
' the stomach ' for 'vm. — ^^'' : so after very many MSS Bar. 
Ginsb.2 = 5L; Mich., Ginsb.^, TT Kt., and so & as pi. ; the pi. 
in the same phrase, II. 9^'. — 35. nan'rcn n'?i'm (Ch., 'an b)}r\-\) : 
Grr. tr. the verb with eTpoirwdi), " was put to flight " ; t!C " went 
up the combatants " ; ^ " the battle was stout " ; ^h •• the 
battle was won " ; V " commissum est proelium," and in Ch., 
" finita est pugna " (Joiion, M61., 5, 476, would accordingly read 
n'?3m) ; the meaning is, " the battle went up to its peak," like a 
flood of waters (c/. Burn.). — neya : " kept propped up " (Burn.) ; 
Ch., T'cyo, which Haupt approves as = " he kept, bore up," eft. 
Arab, 'akdma. — 'ii aiya nn"'i : Ch. noil aij'n ny ; OGrr., " from 
early to evening, and flowed forth the blood of the wound into 
the hollow of the chariot, and he died at evening," i.e., properly 
putting the item of the blood-flow before that of the death ; then 
<g texts (not C) add a variant restoring the sequence in ^. There 
is no reason, vs. BH, to alter ^ on basis of these variations. N.b. 
that Ch. om. the item of the blood-flow. — 36. niin layi : Grr., 
K. eo-TTj (rTpaT0K7;pi'^ = practically all the other VSS, as though 
rdg. nnyi and Kal ppl. of nJl, or Poel ppl. of pi ; but violation 
of gender-relation is not uncommon in Heb. (see Note, 11^), and 
in certain conditions is quite regular in Arab. ; it is rather absurd 
to think that there was a formal order of retreat. — isis '?k tt'"'si : 
8 MSS deR. om. ty"'K, and so <@ (g^. — 37. I'^en na''i : Grr.=-i'7cn nn •'3, 
generally accepted by critics since Then, as part of the outcry. 
— Ki2''i : read with Grr. in;ii ; cf. QC, " and they brought him " ; 
EW " and was brought." — 38. rjcs'"'! : impersonal.- — ixm numi : 
Grr. add " the swine [and the dogs] " and " [the harlots washed] 
in the blood," the latter indeed a necessary plus. Other VSS 
read ^, but found Aram. ;''t in 'm, obtaining " and they washed 
his armour " ; see Bum., St. 

41-51. This section appears in OGrr. after 16^', where it appears 
to be in place with the varying chronology (the nth year of 
Omri, vs. the 4th of Ahab), and is repeated in a fresh translation 
here in loco, but with omission of vv.*'"^" ; a similar repetition 
appears in (@ in the summary for Joram of Israel in loco, II. 3^^, 
and as addition to II. i. See Rahlfs, SS 3, 265-7, for a full dis- 
cussion ; he holds that the earlier passage belongs to the original 
<S (here cited as (g^), while the doublet here ((©-) is also ' very old,' 
the Hex. marking merely the missing vv. here with asterisk. The 
text of (g^ agrees with ^ in ' the 4th year of Ahab ' as vs. ' the 
nth year of Omri' in <@i. Rahlfs, agreeing with Thackeray's 

I. 221-61 347 

theory of the translation of 2 Ki. by another hand than that for 
I Ki., finds in the duplicate verbal traces of the latter's style 
and assigns it to him. (S^ omitted the duplicate here, but made 
another attempt at chronology {v.^^) in changing the accession- 
date, ' the 17th year of Jehoshaphat ' to ' the 24th year.' In re 
the correctness of the datings in ^, we may start from the identical 
datum for the death of Joram b. Ahaziah b. Ahab and of Ahaziah 
b. Jehoshaphat (II. 9) ; from the 4th of Ahab's reign of 22 years 
(16^*, 22*1) the round reckoning for the Northern dynasty is 
22—4 = 18 + 2 (22^-) + 12 (II. S^)=3'2. years, for the Southern 
dynasty 25 (22*^) +8 (II. 8i')4-i (8^*) =34 years — a close enough 
correspondence with the upper figure in view of the uncertainty 
of reckoning of initial regnal years (see Int., §16). For the datum 
of Ahaziah's accession in Jehoshaphat's 17th year there is the 
figuration of 22 years (Ahab's term) minus 4 (date of Jehoshaphat's 
accession) = 1 8 — again a close approximation. We may well be 
sceptical as to the different accession year in <§^ ; it may be 
entirely artificial, invented so as to insert the formal notice of 
Jehoshaphat before 221"-, where he appears casually as ' king of 

42. r\2VV : generally interpreted as ' abandoned, divorced ' 
(Noth, IP 231), but such indeed a name of ill omen. Sanda 
etymologizes from Arab, 'adab, ' sweet,' or eft. Heb. aiy (14^") ; 
rather it may be connected with root 2tj?, Neh. 3*=Ugaritic 'db 
(Gordon, Ugar. Handbook, 3, s.v.), i.e., ' prepared ' ; 'dbt is clan 
and place name in S. Arab. {NFS 2, 307, 356). This name and 
the next one are peculiarly corrupted in Gr. B, cf. also (£. — 43. ^s : 
&^ om., probably because of the reservation in v.". — k"? : MSS 
K'jl=(gi ^ ^, but the asyndeton is idiomatic. — "nco : Sebir njap, 
and so some MSS ; for the uncertainty of gender of ^^^ cf. 131°. — 
44. no : Grr. as active verb, with sing, or pi. subj. ; cf. 15^*. — 
a>'n : (g^ om. — 45. 46. UDtPin"' ""naT "inM : bKiw'' ^'?o dp UDB'in"' n^tff"'i : 
<g by parablepsis due to the recurrence of tSDCin"' lost the inter- 
vening words, and translated the verb with crwedero, prefixing it 
with a to make construction with the foU. clause. — 46. nnbi "ie'ni : 
<©^ om., (gi has ; St. favours the omission. — ' (the chronicles of) 
the kings of Judah ' : (g^ Bf ' Jehoshaphat.* — 47. B'npn : collec- 
tive ; see Note, 14^* ; here Hex. (A) tov evSirjWayiJLevov (correct 
foil, ovx to 6', with ^^), i.e., ' the perverted,' paralleled by Paul's 
condemnation of women who fj.€T-fi\\a^av t. (pvcnKrjv xp^c"' (Rom. 
i^*) ; cf. Aquilanic ivaWdKrTjs (Is. 3*). — 48. 49. tsstffin"' : ayj onNa 
"l^D : (gi ei> 1,vpia va(Tn§ 6 /SatrtXeus ; Hex., ec ESojjU. earriXwfjievos 
(=?^) K. ^a<Ti\evs lw(Ta<paT ; n.b. the ancient Kre, attested by 
yacrei^, which is to be accepted ; see Note, 4'. St.'s correction 
has been generally accepted : CEB'in' "i'^on n^i^ ; however, following 
the omission of ' Jehoshaphat ' in B*, 'd '3 is to be translated 
with ' a royal lieutenant,' the phrase inarticulate as "fpa n'a, 15^*, 
etc. — 49. iB'y Kt. ; nwa JSs., and so many MSS. some edd., and 


the VSS.— riT-JN lO : <g^ >'aw=MS ; Hex., VSS here=^ with pi. ; 
the sing, is corroborated by the foil. Kt., m^cj, which Kr. plural- 
ized ; the impossible ntpj; may have induced the pi. rdg. — '['^r\ = &^ 
tJC ; Hex., ^ V tr. with pi., and so EVV ; St. corrects to nsbn with 
n"'JK as implied subj. (so MofE.) ; but the sing, masc, ' he went 
not,' is preferable. — n^JS 20 ; so Hex. here ; <3^ ' the ship ' ; St. 
corrects to in"'JK, ' his ship ' ; but the evident subject was replaced 
with this clumsy gloss. — 50. les IN : see Note on n33 rs, 9^*. — mnnx 
2KnK p : (g^ (i628g) ' the king of Israel,' but ^=Ch., and there is 
no reason, with St., to correct the text ; <g there omitted the 
name, as Ahaziah had not yet been formally introduced. — nT^Jsa : 
=(&^, but <§ as sing. ; with St. the generic pi. is proper here. — 
51. vnrK cj? ispii : (S^ om. 

I. 22^^-11. I. The reign of Ahaziah of Israel. Cf. Ant., 
ix, 2. Apart from the usual initial and concluding formulas, 
and a memorandum of the rebellion of Moab, the section 
consists of a prophetic story telling of the illness and death 
of the king, II. i. 1. And Moab rebelled against Israel after 
AJiab's death. Opinions vary much as to the origin of this 
brief note. Some {e.g., Kittel, Benzinger) regard it as fragment 
of an original record, which has been suppressed as repetitive 
of the history in 3*3-. Stade, Sanda find it editorial, giving 
an instance of divine judgment. It is best to understand it 
as an editorial note, defining the king by name in the story in 
ch. 3, which records that " when Ahab was dead, the king of 
Moab rebelled against the king of Israel " (v.^). For the 
historical data see Comm. on that passage. 

The story of Elijah's part is distinct from all the rest of the 
Elijah cycle in the preposterousness of the miraculous element, 
and in its inhumanity with the destruction of the innocent 
fifties ; it is quite in humour with the Elisha cycle. Only the 
introductory details of Ahaziah's illness with the mission to 
Baal-zebul of Phihstine Ekron and the description of Elijah's 
garb present any historical colouring. Benzinger regards 
yv_5-i6 Y^-ith the miracle-story as secondary amplification; 
Kittel follows in like strain, accepting w.^"^- ^'^.^ according to 
which the king inquired who the messenger of doom was, and 
after identifying him he soon expired. But there are no 
literary criteria to support such criticism ; as Sanda remarks, 
" the hypothesis of a late interpolation has not much utility." 
The story with its repetitiousness, after good Oriental style, 
has given rise to many variations and additions in the Greek, 

I. 2I52-II. 1I-18 349 

while the Hebrew text has suffered minor changes (see 

2. And Ahaziah fell down through the lattice in his upper- 
story {sc. of the palace) that was in Samaria. This passage and 
gsofl.^ how Jezebel " looked down through the window," 
illustrate the pecuhar Syrian construction with upper story 
and open platforms known to the Assyrians as hit hilldni, the 
latter word=Heb. hillon, ' window ' ; see Lexx., and Dussaud, 
Syria, 1935, 349 ff., with architectural reconstructions. The 
sick king sent messengers to inquire of Baal-zebub the god of 
Ekron, whether I shall recover from this sickness of mine ? 
The element zehub means ' flies,' and so the Grr. here in general 
and Jos., fxvlav, and such has been the general acceptance, 
with parallels from ancient cults of fly-gods, as apotropaic to 
the scourge, e.g., Zeus dTrd/Avtos and the ' Myiagrus deus Roma- 
norum.' See in particular J. Selden, De dis Syris, 301 ff., with 
abundant classical and patristic references ; also Keil, ad loc, 
L. B. Paton, ERE ' Baal' But in the N.T. (Mt. lo^s, 122*, Mk. 
3^2, Luke ii^^fl-) the best texts, including the Chester Beatty 
papyri, present the rdg. ' Beelzebul,' as against ' Beelzebub ' ; 
and the former was here the rdg. of Sym. ace. to Gr. MSS j z. 
That such was the original rdg. has been held by Scahger, 
Selden, Grotius, and more recently by Cheyne {EB s.v.), 
Lagrange, Etudes sur les religions semitiques^, 1905, 84, and 
Sanda ; others, e.g., Kittel, Stade, deny it. J. Lightfoot (on 
Mt. 122*) argued that zebtlb was played upon with zebul, and 
so equal to Heb. zebel, ' dung ' ; but the name should then 
have become ' Baalzebel,' hke Jezebel's name (L 16^^) ; see 
Note there on that name. The present deity's name meant 
' Baal Prince.' Why this deity of Ekron, ^ one of the cities 
of the old Philistine pentapolis, was supplicated by the 
Israelite king is obscure ; the ancient gods had their special- 
ties and fashions. Notable in the present story, which appears 
so apocryphal, are these data of original local colour. 3. The 
term, the angel of Yhwh, appears in the Elijah cycle only 
here, L 19', and at v.^^ ; elsewhere Yhwh speaks to him, 
or the word of Yhwh comes to him. The present term 

1 For its location as at modern 'Akir see Abel, GP 2, 319 ; but Albr. 
identifies it with Katra, assuming shifting of the name, AASOR 2-3 
(1922), I ff. 


appears again in 19^^. For this figure, in addition to the 
BDD and Biblical Theologies, see the study by A. Lods, 
" L'ange de Yahve et ' I'ame exterieure,' " ZAW, Beih. 27 
(1914), 263 ff. The expression, king of Samaria, appears 
contemptuous. 8. The description of the unrecognized seer 
as a certain possessor of hair (so the Heb.) has been inter- 
preted in two ways : as a hairy man, and so the Jewish 
tradition, the Grr., ^ (® ^ tr. literally), EVV, Chic. B. ; or 
as a man with a hairy garment, and so GV FV, Renaissance 
scholars in Poole, margin of RVV, Moffatt. Modern com- 
mentators generally accept the latter interpretation and with 
right. John the Baptist's garb of camel's hair and a leathern 
girdle (Mt. 3^) in imitation of his forerunner is sufficient com- 
mentary on the phrase. The garb was not one of simplicity 
but of professional austerity ; similarly Samuel's ghost was 
recognized by the mantle (i Sam. 28^'*) ; Elijah's power was 
evidenced and transferred by means of his mantle (2^- ^^s-) ; 
false prophets " wore the hairy mantle for deception " (Zee. 
13*). It was indeed an ascetic costume, one still continued 
by the Muslim Sufis ; see Montgomery, ' Ascetic Strains in 
Early Judaism,' JBL 51 (1932), especially p. 201, and P. Joiion, 
' Le costume d'£he,' etc., Biblica, 1935, 74 ff. ; also for modern 
usage cf. Dalman, A. u. S., 5, 18, 165, etc. 9. Captain of 
fifty : is identical with Akk. rab hansd, and was an honourable 
title, cf. Is. 3^ ; for the most recent discussion of the numeral 
term (Ex. 13I8, etc.) see H. W. Glidden, JAOS 56 (1936), 88 ff. 
In the repeated stories of the expeditions to arrest the prophet 
there is subtle progress. In v.^ the officer announces that 
the king has said [dibber]. Come down ! ; in v.^^ the command 
is imperious, the king has commanded ['dmar]. Come down 
quickly ! Also the first officer goes up on the hill (v.^), the 
second evidently summons at a distance (v.^^), while the third 
approaches the prophet with personal supplication (v.^^). 
13. Omit as superfluous the third captain of fifty. The phrase, 
may my life be precious . . . in thy eyes, corresponds to Akk. 
napisti ina pdnika likir (see Haupt, Sanda). 16. Omit with 
OGrr., is it because there is no God in Israel for seeking after 
his word, an intrusion from v.^. 

YY 17. 18 present a strange complex in the Heb., while the 
Grr. add to the compUcation. The passage also parallels 3^, 

I. 2252-11. 1I-I8 351 

but with chronological contradiction. The following attempts 
a critical presentation of the text. 17a. And he died according 
to the word of Yhwh which Elijah spoke. Yib. And Jehoram 
''his brother'^ [plus with Theod. (see Field), (§'^ ^ V ; 3 Heb. 
MSS +^zs son] reigned in his stead, 17c. ''in year tivo of Jehoram 
hen Jehoshaphat king of Judah'^ [OGrr. om.], Yld. for he had 
no son. 18. And the rest of the acts of Ahaziah, etc. The 
addition of ' his brother ' has generally approved itself as 
essential in connexion with v.<^; the Heb. 'hyw, 'his brother,' 
would have been lost by homoiotel. before thtyw, ' in his 
stead.' However the writer may have assumed the general 
knowledge that the two princes were brothers. <3 transferred 
v.^^ after v.^'^^ to obtain customary order. The intrusion of 
v.c was due to the concern for giving a regnal dating to H. 2, 
the events of which must forsooth have happened after 
Ahaziah's death. But the Hebrew interpolator has followed 
an independent chronology and contradicted the datum of 3^, 
which dates the accession in year 18 of Jehoshaphat. ^ has 
further enlarged the passage after v.^^ with a transcription 
of 3^, " And Joram b. Ahab reigned over Israel in Samaria 
12 years, becoming king in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat 
king of Judah." (^^ has then for economy's sake omitted 
most of this regnal datum in 3^. Further the OGrr. have 
continued here with repetition of 32- ^. Benzinger, Stade, 
Sanda, Olmstead [AJSL 31, 178 f.) prefer the Greek text as 
preserving the original here ; Kittel takes the opposite posi- 
tion, and the present writer agrees with him. The Greek 
arrangement as formally more correct was the result of 

62. <©^ bas a different order of statement, commencing with the 
accession date, which St. prefers as the usual form ; but <©^ has 
simply regularized the present form, which appears above, 15^5. 
Initial ' and ' might be expected, with <g, but {g^^^ — 53^ ^q^ ; 
Grr. (exc. u) +' Jezebel.' — 54. 1'? mnrit^'^i 'jyan Jis : Grr. treat the 
objects as pi. — Ad Jin. Gr. B (3^ (£ add II. i^, following an editorial 
usage in B (£ of making liaison between the two halves of a book, 
e.g., at end of i Sam., i Ch. (see Burn.). 

II. I. 2. n^ns : by general use reducing the full spelling in 
such names after the first instance {cf. II. 22^^), which many MSS 
have also here. — naati' : in yi'fl- of architectural network, here 
' lattice,' cf. Arab. Subbdk (Sanda) ; Jos. understands it as of a 
staircase from the roof. — Ti'jk : (S^ with doublet, irpoaoxO^afJ-a. ; cf. 


Rahlfs, S5 3, 194 f. — j^f^PV, : Grr., AKKapwv (N AyKapojv, cf. Akk. 
Amkaruna), "^ ' Accaron ' ; the developed second vowel is taken 
by some {e.g., Doller, Sanda) as original ; but old as this vocal- 
ization was, it was a secondary vowel-development, effected by 
the liquid ; see the writer's Note on ' Alleged Intensive Forma- 
tions,' JAOS 46 (1926), 56 fif. — '"?PP : Grr. tr. with 'from my 
sickness,' and so for '"pn Jer. lo^', with ' my sickness ' ; accord- 
ingly St., BH correct to "'?np ; but there may be here survival 
of the older form in -ya, i.e., holiya, as in Arab, in similar con- 
tact. — For unarticulated nr (also v.*) see GK §126, y. — Ad. fin. 
OGrr + " and they went to inquire through him." — 3. Tfbti : so 
vv.*- *, but otherwise in the ch. in'''?s, and so'MSS here and v.*; 
& <gH corroborate the fuller form as original ; the shorter form 
appears elsewhere only in Mai. 3^' ; there is no reason to find 
in the shorter spelling basis for criticism, with Kit., Sk. — ^''k '•'72Q : 
for the double negative see GK §152, y. — dti'^s : ^^ om. ; &^ 
texts, ' god or prophet,' or ' prophet ' simply. — 4. p'?l : the con- 
junction supported by Grr., needs not to be elided (so St., vs. 
Benz., Sanda), although in vv.'- ^* it is lacking. For the adv. 
(g (@H ovx 0DTC05, <@^ 5ia TovTo = Aq., Sym., and so respectively 
below. — Ad fin. Grr. + " and spoke to them" (Lagarde's text 
is to be corrected). — 6. nSir : Grr. as ■^h'n. — Ad fin. (3^ a long 
passage imitating I. 14^", with ' Ahab ' replacing ' Jeroboam.' — 
7. BD!£'o : Engl. ' fashion,' as at I. 6'*. — 9. n:n : see Note, 21^*. — 
10. [ds]i : 8 MSS om.=t!i: B>^ V ; ait v." ns, where <gL=nKi.— 
"jssm n"'atS7i p tps Tin : the literal Gr. tr. is cited in Rev. 20* ; 
but an independent tr. in Luke 9**, with inf. a^'aXwo-ai for the 
second verb. — 11. lanM ^yi : a usual phrase even without pre- 
ceding conversation ; cf. Dt. 21', i Sam. 9^', etc., and the use 
frequent in N.T. (g^ has for ;p"ii k. ave^i}, which, as='?yi, is 
accepted by Benz., Kit. (not BH), Sanda ; St. rejects the word 
in either tradition. — 12. inT'i : Or. MSS -ins''i. — vn'^ba. : read with 
3 MSS deR., r'7N = Grr., ^ ; 19 om.— n'Ti'jKn \_wti\: read n"'a'7X. 
with MSS, as at v.i", and so here Gr. MSS B i. — d'ti'jn [tffs] : om. 
with II MSS deR., Grr., tK V 9.-13. u-^^v:f : B ■tr^ovfi.evov=^-'\i, 
then ignoring foil, 'nn "itr as superfluous; al. Grr., TpiTov=^'^ = 
^p-hv, ' a third,' generally accepted by critics (St. regarding it as 
scribal expansion) ; ' a third time ' of ^ is out of question. But 
in support of 1^, ' a third set of messengers,' cf. 1 Sam. 19*^ (Bum.). 
— 'jyi : OGrr., V om., and so St. decides ; but the approach to 
the person is to the point. — ''^''brim n''i:'cnn "ic: V avoids this 
unnecessary repetition of the subject, ^ om. ' the third.' — 14. 
c':B'KTn :=Grr., although asterisked by ^^ as from the Three. — 
15. ims bis : many MSS ins, and some presenting the Kr. inx 
(deR.), which must be read. — 17. in'''?s : i MS om. ; i MS "?k •?«, 
MSS 178, 234 "?K T'i, =MS g ev x^i-pi- HXtou. — For further criticism 
of the text see Comm. For the /lisAa/j-in-middle-of-v. see Note, 
I. 13'"'.— 18. ^V!V. : 7 MSS deR. pref. '?31=(Sl ; see Note, I. if. 

11. 21-25 353 

Ch. 2. Elijah's ascension to heaven in a whirlwind : the 
endowment of Elisha with an extraordinary share of his 
spirit ; Elisha's operation of three miracles with the power of 
his master. Josephus {Ant., ix, 2, 2) only notes that at this 
time " Elijah disappeared from men, and none knows to this 
day of his end," and so he is to be ranked with Enoch. 
Legend thus early enveloped Elijah not only with the miracu- 
lous but also with the mythical. His command over the fire 
from heaven (I. 18, II. i) is climaxed here by his ascent in 
a fiery chariot with fiery steeds. This dominant feature links 
up, as Kittel observes at length, with the myth of the horses 
of the sun {e.g., 23II) and ancient widespread sun-myths. 
And in the dominant Jewish legend, which left Enoch as a 
subject for sectaries, Elijah came to be ranked with Moses, 
" whose tomb (also) no man knoweth unto this day," and he 
became the Haggadic counterpart of the Lawgiver. The 
early development of this hagiology, occurring first in Mai. 
323f. (EVV 4^^-), appears full-blown in the N.T. ; Elijah 
accompanies Moses in the scene of the transfiguration of Jesus 
(Mt. 17, Mk. g, Luke 9), and there is the frequently expressed 
query as to Jesus' identity with Elijah (Mt. 11^*, etc.), although 
Jesus found the prophecy fulfilled in John the Baptist (Mt. 
1712, Mk. 9^3) . With this chapter properly begins the Elisha 
cycle ; that prophet has appeared before only in the story of 
his caU (I. igisfl.). 

YY i-i2_ jjjg ascension of Elijah to heaven. The start of 
Elijah's mysterious journey with his faithful disciple, who had 
some uncanny inkling of the coming event, was made from 
Gilgal, from which place they went down to Bethel (vv.^- ^). 
The earlier commentators identified Gilgal with the place on 
the Jordan recorded in Jos. 4^^^-, 5^^-, an identification 
patently absurd. Thenius was the first to correct this notion, 
followed by Keil at length, these scholars identifying the place 
with Jiljillya (possibly the Gilgal of Dt. 11^"), lying between 
Bethel and Shiloh (see Doller, GES 242 ; Abel, GP 2, 337). 
But this site lies lower than Bethel (774 m. vs. 881 m.), and 
so went down to Bethel is inaccurate. Sanda notes the rdg. 
of the Grr., ' they came,' and desires so to revise the Heb., 
but the Gr. is itself probably an intentional correction ; the 
verb may have been used from the writer's geographical 


standpoint. Gilgal appears as one of Elisha's centres (4^®), 
but later still is excoriated as a heathenish sanctuary by Amos 
(4*, 5^) and by Hosea (4^^, 9^^, 12^^). The legend knows of a 
large school of prophets at Bethel (v.^), and of another at 
Jericho (v.^), of which some fifty members are numbered (v.'). 
These seers know what is to happen, and Elisha reveals that 
he also is in the mysterious secret. The cleaving of the waters 
of Jordan by the stroke of Elijah's power-endowed mantle 
(v. 8 — see Comm., i^) reproduces the miracles of Moses and 
Joshua at the Red Sea and the Jordan. The double portion 
of thy spirit, for which Ehsha asks (v.^), is phrased after the 
legal terms for the prerogative in legacy to the eldest son 
(Dt. 21^'), as recognized early by Grotius and others. Elijah's 
response (v. 10) leaves the gratification of the disciple's desire 
to the divine will ; the latter must be found worthy of the 
sight of the mysterium ; cf. 6^', Luke 24^^- ^^. Elisha's cry 
after his departing master (v.^^), My father, my father, Israel's 
charioiry and horses !, is one almost of despair, for Elijah 
was worth a whole fighting-arm to Israel. The same cry is 
put in the mouth of king Joash at the death-bed of Elisha 
(13^*). For ' father ' as a religious title cf. 8^. 

W.^^' ^*. Elisha's return and repetition of his master's 
miracle at the Jordan. The theme of the mantle parallels 
the incident at I. 19^^. 14. And he took Elijah's mantle that 
had fallen off from him : repetitive of v.^^, but with a different 
leading verb, there he took up. And he smote the waters, 
repeated : the repetition to be kept as emphatic [cf. Stade). 
See Note for intrusion in Greek and Latin MSS of an exegetical 
statement after the first case to the effect that the waters 
were not divided. EHsha not only uses the magical garment, 
but also invokes the divine Name : Where Is Yhwh, the God 
of Elijah, even He ? The emphatic pronoun is in line with 
the divine " I am He " of Second Isaiah, etc. The EVV, 
Chic. B., following tradition, paraphrase here with " and when 
he (Elisha) also had smitten." See Note for the much vexed 

YY 15-18^ Despite Elisha's protest there follows the search 
by fifty athletes of the guild for the departed master. In 
v.^^ the spirit [Heb. rilh, primarily ' wind, breath '] of Yhwh, 
which may have taken him up, is thought of quite physically 

II. 21-25 355 

and identified with the whirlwind ; cf. the similar energy of 
the divine spirit in Gen. i^. See Note further, and for the 
subject at large Volz, Der Geist Gottes, and Das ddmonische in 
Yahwe (1924). 

yy 19-22 jjjg heaUng of the abortion-producing spring at 
Jericho. The site is identified by v.^^, he was staying in 
Jericho. The spring has been identified with 'Ain es-Sultan, 
near Jericho, the EHsha's Spring of Christian tradition. There 
is inexact parallelism in the statements of the noxious char- 
acter of the waters : v.^^ reads : the waters are hitter, and the 
land is miscarrying, but v.^^ : there shall not be thence any 
more death and miscarrying [sc. ' woman,' with the fem. ppl.). 
The problem arises as to mng. of ' the land ' ; if used in t he 
primary sense, infertihty must be meant, and so AV, ' casting 
of fruit ' ; but the Heb. verb is used (as the Grr, recognized) 
only of human infertility or destruction of babes. Accordingly 
the word is to be understood in the sense of the people of the 
land {cf. Gen. ii^), with Thenius, al., i.e., human barrenness is 
meant. For such an effect of certain waters on women cf. 
the water of jealousy in Num. S^^^-. In v.^i with sHght change 
of pointing replace the ppl. with a differently vocalized noun = 
' miscarriage,' and so as a noun RVV JV, ' miscarrying.' 
For further discussion see Note (at v.^^). For the hygienic 
use of salt in Jewish and Palestinian lore see I. Low, ' Das 
Salz,' in the G. A. Kohut Volume, 429 ff. It is remarkable 
that such an ample source of water as this spring should 
have become invested with a legend of so late a person 
as Elisha ; in the original story there may have been no 
geographical identification. 

yy 23-25 jj^g awful penalty on the httle boys who mocked 
the prophet. The story reads like a Bubenmarchen to frighten 
the young into respect for their reverend elders. Very sugges- 
tive is Stade's suggestion {ZAW 1894, 307), followed by Sanda, 
but rejected by Kittel, that some shaving of the head, tonsure 
(so Sanda) was one of the distinguishing marks of the prophet's 
order ; for Elisha was not an old man, and natural baldness 
is infrequent in the open hfe of the East. The prohibition 
of cutting the hair for the dead (Dt. 14I) would have had no 
application to the ascetic habit. See Macalister, DB, ' Bald- 
ness ' (with classical references to reproach of baldness). Ball, 


EB 973 f. The bear [Ursus syriacus), now confined to the 
wilder parts of the Lebanon, was common in ancient Palestine, 
and appears in the Bible as a peculiarly fierce animal, paired 
with lion and leopard {e.g., Hos. 13'- ^), which trait is corrobor- 
ated by Usama ibn Munkidh (12th century) in his hunting 
experiences ; ^ for Biblical references see BDD. The very 
exact figure, forty-two, for the unfortunate children, adds 
realism to the story ; but for the figure as one of ill omen 
cf. 10^'*, and Rev, ii^, 13^. The appended itinerary for Elisha : 
And he went thence to Mount Carmel, and thence he returned to 
Samaria, appears to have little motive, unless Carmel is cited 
as a well-known pilgrimage objective of pious men. There is 
no reason, with Wellhausen, to amend ' Carmel ' to ' Gilgal ' ; 
Elisha had his fixed home in Samaria (5^, G^*'^-). 

1. nirf : B j deos. — mpoa : for variations in Kr. see Ginsb.^- *, 
and SBOT, Haupt requiring '55 : the root-spelling is variant of 
nyb". — c^orn : (@ cos eis r. ovpavov, with theological caution {cf. 
Jos.) : this is repeated in v.*^. — '?:'?jn : B (£ ' Jericho.' — 2. niM : 
B A (£ as sing. — 3. ['rs] JT'a : locative ; 19 MSS deR., Sebir, r.'-sa. — 
4. yvifbK w'ps 1'? [las"'!] : 3 MSS om. yv^bK c/. v.s ; (g^ g, ^ = 
y^ifba '?« W'js, with misunderstanding of the vocative. — 7. is'jn : 
(S <@^ ignore as repetitive of v.^. — pimo am : cf. v.^*, 3*^ ; Joiion, 
RB 15, 405 fE., takes ^J:a naj? as always ' to stand at a distance,' 
with pima here as further interpretative ; similarly Smend on 
Ben Sira, 37*. — 8. ubi'' : the root, ' to roll up,' also LHeb. — 9. an2j?D : 
correct, vs. 'yn of MSS, edd. ; the same variation at 3*. — 'ri'i : 
<g=W, but rdg. inM for "'n\ v.^". — 10. n,-?^ : for Pual ppl. minus 
preformative see GK §52, s ; Bergstr., HG 2, 17 f., inf., denies 
such cases, but does not list the present case ; BL §45, ignores 
these phenomena. — 11. ■'did : B s as sing. — ms"' : OGrr. as sing. — 
bv''^ : Grr., k. ave\i]fx(l)dri = Mk. 16^*.- — 12. rriD : Grr. as sing., iinrevs, 
which V follows with ' auriga ' ; St. prefers the sing., making 
Elijah the charioteer ; but 'd has never this mng. — 14. St. elides 
the repetitious rbya nbs: nti's ; BH regards r'^ya . . . np''i as 
' prob. addition ' ; but repetition is characteristic of story. — n:''i 
bis: the uncontracted form, as also at v.*, 8'''-. — n"'sn ns nsM 1°: 
all Gr. MSS, except remarkably B A, with plus, " and it was 
not divided " ; this was taken over into many Latin MSS and 
the Clementine Vulgate ; see Tischendorf 's ed., and Rahlfs's full 

^ For this delightful autobiography of a Muslim knight see H. 
Derenbourg's extensive publication in three volumes, text, translation, 
historical survey (1889-95), and P. K. Hitti, translation, An Arab- 
Syrian Gentleman (1929), and text from the original MS (volume 
wholly in Arabic, Princeton Univ. Press, 1930). 


n. 3^-" 357 

discussion, SS 3, 268 S. — Kin qs : ;f{I attaches to the foil, sentence, 
as ' also he,' i.e., Elisha, and so Jewish comm., e.g., Rashi, and so 
EW paraphrase, " and when he also had smitten " ; GV ignores. 
Aq., KaLirep auros, cf. FV ' I'fiternal meme,' and so Keil as emphatic 
apposition. Sym., Kai vvv='^ ' etiam nunc,' as rdg. nisx (e.g., 10^"), 
and this accepted by Then., Benz., Kit., Sk., and by Bum, with 
query. Gratz, Perles propose Kin ns''K,, " where is he ? " (cf. Gen. 
37^') ; but this only repeats the first query. St., followed by 
Sanda, Eissf., regards the phrase as gloss to nsM 1°, making parallel- 
ism with Elijah's previous action, but fallen into the wrong place. 
The Grr., other than Aq., Sym., transliterate with a^^w (=^^), 
which was treated as a mystical word by the Church Fathers ; 
see Field, ad loc. — 15. inKiM : 3 MSS 1KT1=(@^ B>. — WVa yov.: 
as the group is the 50 prophets of v.', the phrase is elided by many 
comm. ; but even if careless, it may well be original, with Sanda. — 
in'''7K nn nru : ' spirit ' here, as human, is fem. with original 
gender, but ' the spirit of Yhwh,' v.^*, is masc, as divine, cf. 
I. 22^^ ; this by theological development, although ' the spirit of 
God ' is fem. in Gen. i^. There arose confusion of genders ; in 
Ps. 51 the suppliant's spirit is masc. in v.^', but fem. in v.^". 
In Arabic the same noun is masc, when used of celestial beings 
(Wright, Arab. Gr., i, 182). In the Syriac Church the ' Holy 
Spirit ' was masculinized. Syr. npS is masc, when used for 
' person.' — 16. nn : St. deletes, as taken from I. iS^^^ 22**. — niN'j.i: 
Kt. =nix;^n, which is strictly correct ; Kr. nvNin. — 17. inKxa : 2 MSS 
iKsa=(gi' V ; cf. I. 2120. — 19. ryn : (gi- € ^ 'this city.'— pKn 
nbSB'D : <@^ simplified by omitting the noun and making the ppl. 
refer to the waters, aT^Kvovvra ; the other Grr. understood 'a in 
its primary sense of the K!al areKvovixev-r). In v.^^ (@ translates 
exactly with davaros k. areKv. ; <@^ tried to improve with distinction 
of genders, airoOvjiaKuv k. areKv. The ppl. n''|E'p is to be read as 
nominal, n^lfc, ' miscarriage ' ; a causative mng. of the verb in 
sense of causing abortion is not elsewhere found, so as to allow 
that sense in v.^^. See Haupt's lengthy but uncertain note. — 
20. n'n^^ : the form only in Aram, dialects, otherwise nn^s ; for 
the vessel see Honeyman's study, p. 87. — 21. 'nxsi BH, 'nNS-i 
Bar, Ginsb. : in v. 22 the verb is treated as n"'?. — k'j : 60 MSS, 
edd., K'?i=<gi' tS: ^ ^.—22. IDTI : Kr. m^^-v^ and so MSS Kt.— 
23. ID'jpnM : (S^ with a doublet, 'and stoned him'=IL, rendering 
of a perverted rdg., i'?pD''i (Klost.). — mp 20 ; (@ om., and so St 
approves ; i MS Ken. om. mp rfy)3 2°. — 24. mriK : (g ' after them.' 

3^-3. The accession and character of Jehoram king of Israel. 
A modification is made in the condemnation of this Northern 
king, the last of his line, to the effect that he did what was 
evil in the eyes of Yhwh, only not like his father and mother ; 
and he removed the Baal-pillar thai his father had made. But 


to the sin [sing, with Grr., vs. ]^, as demanded by the following 
pron, suffix form] of Jeroboam ben Nebat, who brought guilt 
upon Israel, did he cleave, not turning away from it. Cf. the 
similar leniency of judgment upon the last king, Hosea (172) ; 
but the original guilt of Jeroboam was entailed to its bitter 
end upon the North. The ' Baal-pillar ' (which is pluralized 
in (g ^H ^) niay possibly be translated ' Baal-image,' following 
the interpretation by Dhorme {L' Evolution religieuse d'Israel, 
I, 161 ff.) ; he identifies the Heb. massebdh with the related 
word nesib, appearing in Old Aramaic inscriptions with mng. 
of ' image,' namely one on a colossal statue of the god Hadad, 
registering ' this statue of Hadad,' and another on a statue 
erected by the dedicator to the memory of his father ; see 
the Hadad inscr., lines i, 14, the Panammuwa inscr., hue i. 
The same phrase occurs in 10^'. See Cooke, NSI 103, for a 
study of the widespread word. 

YY 4-27 jjjg ^a.r of the kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom 
against Mesha king of Moab ; their successful incursion into 
the south of Moab, and siege of Kerak, but their subsequent 
panic and retreat by reason of Mesha's dread sacrifice. Cf. 
Ant., ix, 3. The narrative is a capital