Full text of "A critical and exegetical commentary on Micah, Zephaniah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Obadiah and Joel"

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Reverend Neill McRae

Critical Commentarp

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UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF

THE REV. SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER, D.D., D.Lixr.,

Regius Professor q/ Hebrew, Oxford;

THE REV. ALFRED PLUMMER, M.A., D.D.,

Late Master of University College, Durham

AND

THE REV. CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D., D.Lirr

oj Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics^
nion Thtolo^tcai Seminary, New York.

THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY
A

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

MICAH, ZEPHANIAH,
NAHUM, HABAKKUK,
OBADIAH AND JOEL

JOHN MERLIN POWIS SMITH, PH.D.

WILLIAM HAYES WARD, D.D., LL.D.

JULIUS A. BEWER, PH.D.

EDINBURGH
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET

EMMANUEL

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY

T. & A. CONSTABLE LIMITED

FOR

T. & T. CLARK LIMITED, EDINBURGH

FIRST PUBLISHED . . . November ign
LATEST IMPRESSION . . June 1974

The Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Reserved

PREFACE.

IN 1890 the late Pres. William R. Harper agreed to write a
commentary on the Minor Prophets in two volumes for this
series of commentaries. But later on this was found to be
impracticable, and it was agreed to allow him three volumes for
the work. The first volume, containing Amos and Hosea, was
published in 1.905. Dr. Harper was at work upon the second volume
when he was taken from us by death. His pupil and associate,
Prof. J. M. Powis Smith, who had assisted him in his preliminary
studies, was asked to complete the commentary on Micah and
now assumes the entire responsibility for that work. He wishes
to make grateful acknowledgment of his indebtedness to the late
Pres. William R. Harper for invaluable inspiration and much
help in the work on Micah, and to Mrs. William R. Harper for
the free use of Dr. Harper s papers and books and for permis
sion to incorporate some of his results in the present commentary.
These appear chiefly in the general comments on Micah, chs. i
and 2 and 6 1 " 8 .

The delay in the preparation of the volumes was so great that
it seemed best to distribute the work remaining to be done among
several scholars. Accordingly, Zephaniah and Nahum were un
dertaken by Prof. Charles P. Fagnani, who, however, was obliged
after some years to give them up on account of ill health, when
Prof. J. M. Powis Smith kindly assumed the task. Habakkuk
was assigned to Dr. W. Hayes Ward, Obadiah and Joel to Prof.
Julius A. Bewer. These six prophets are published in this vol
ume. The remaining prophets, Haggai and Zechariah by Prof.
Henry G. Mitchell, Malachi by Prof. J. M. Powis Smith, and
Jonah by Prof. Julius A. Bewer, will be published soon in a third
volume completing the commentaries on the Minor Prophets,

iii

IV PREFACE

The order of arrangement of the Minor Prophets in these vol
umes differs, not only from the traditional arrangement found in
our Bibles, but also from that proposed by Dr. Harper in his orig
inal plan. Dr. Harper departed from the traditional arrangement
in his volume by placing Amos before Hosea, and also in his plan
for the remaining volumes stated in the preface of his commentary.
The traditional arrangement was not a chronological one, even
from the point of view of traditional theories of authorship, and
from the point of view of modern criticism it has little if any pro
priety. It would be exceedingly difficult and, so far as the edi
tors are concerned, impracticable to insist upon any chronological
scheme, especially in view of the great number of different writ
ings of different dates combined under the names of these Minor
Prophets, where indeed there is ample room for differences of
opinion. We were compelled therefore to consider the views of
the several authors, and at the same time respect the traditional
arrangement wherever practicable. The order finally agreed upon
in this commentary is not therefore an ideal one, but the best that
we could make under all the circumstances.

The several authors have their own special preferences in doing
their work, and there are therefore differences in these commenta
ries such as would have been avoided if any one author had com
posed them all. All the commentaries, however, conform to the
general plan of the series.

It was thought best to publish the work of the several authors un
der separate sub-titles, each with its own separate pagination. This
volume is thus really composed of three little volumes bound in one,
each author being responsible only for his own work. The editors
are not responsible for the opinions of the authors or for the details
of their work, but only for the choice of the authors and such gen
eral supervision of their work as to insure its conformity to the
plan of the series.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE . iii-iv

ABBREVIATIONS v-xvii

INTRODUCTION TO MICAH 5-29

i. THE BOOK OF MICAH 5-16

1. THE TEXT 5-6

2. THE STYLE 6

3. POETIC FORM 6-8

4. COMPONENT PARTS 8-16

5. THE FORMATION OF THE BOOK OF MICAH . 16
2. THE PROPHET MICAH 17-19

1. His NAME 17

2. His HOME 17-18

3. His CHARACTER 18-19

3. THE TIMES OF MICAH 19-23

1. THE DATE OF His PROPHECIES 19-21

2. THE BACKGROUND OF CHS. 1-3 21-23

4. THE MESSAGE OF MICAH 23-26

5. RECENT LITERATURE ON THE BOOK OF MICAH . . . 26-29

COMMENTARY ON MICAH 30-156

INTRODUCTION TO ZEPHANIAH 159-181

i. FROM THE FALL OF THEBES TO THE FALL OF NINEVEH 159-165
2. ZEPHANIAH AND His TIMES 166-171

1. THE MAN 166-167

2. THE TIMES 167-171

3. THE BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH 171-176

1. THE CONTENTS 171-172

2. LATER ADDITIONS 172-174

3. POETIC FORM 174-176

4. THE MESSAGE OF ZEPHANIAH 177-180

5. LITERATURE ON THE BOOK or ZEPHANIAH 180-181

VI CONTENTS

COMMENTARY ON ZEPHANIAH 182-263

INTRODUCTION TO NAHUM 267-283

i. THE BOOK OF NAHUM 267-274

ITS CONTENTS 267-268

ITS UNITY 268-270

ITS POETIC FORM 270-274

2. THE TIMES OF NAHUM 274-279

3. THE MAN AND THE MESSAGE 279-282

THE MAN 279-280

THE MESSAGE 280-282

4. LITERATURE ON THE BOOK OF NAHUM 282-283

COMMENTARY ON NAHUM 284-360

INDEXES TO MICAH, ZEPHANIAH AND NAHUM . . 361-363

I. INDEX OF HEBREW WORDS 361

II. INDEX OF SUBJECTS 362-363

INTRODUCTION TO HABAKKUK 3-7

AUTHORSHIP AND DATE 3-7

TOPICAL ANALYSIS 7

COMMENTARY ON HABAKKUK 8-28

INTRODUCTION TO OBADIAH 3-18

i. THE COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK 3-5

2. THE DATE OF THE BOOK 6-9

3. THE INTERPRETATION OF THE BOOK 10-13

4. THE PROPHET AND His BOOK 13-14

5. THE TEXT IS

6. THE METRE 15-17

7. MODERN LITERATURE 17-18

COMMENTARY ON OBADIAH 19-46

INTRODUCTION TO JOEL 49-72

i. THE COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK 49-56

2. THE DATE OF THE BOOK 56-62

3. THE INTERPRETATION OF THE BOOK 62-67

4. THE PROPHET 67-68

5. THE TEXT AND METRE 68-71

6. MODERN LITERATURE 71-72

COMMENTARY ON JOEL 73~i44

INDEXES TO OBADIAH AND JOEL 145-146

ABBREVIATIONS

I. TEXTS AND VERSIONS

Arabic Version.

cited from Oesterley s

Aq. =

Aquila s translation, cited

edition in the Journal

from Field s Hexapla.

of Theological Studies,

Arm. =

Armenian Version.

vol. V (1903).

AV. =

Authorized Version (1611).

Lu.

= Luther s Version.

Bab. Cod.

= Prophetarum posteri-

= The Massoretic Text.

orum codex Baby-

Mas.

= Masora.

Ionic us Petropoli-

tanus. Ed. H. L.

NT.

= New Testament.

Strack (1876).

OT.

= Old Testament.

Origen s Quinta.

Eth. =

Ethiopic Version.

Qr.

= Q e ri.

The Septuaglnt, in the

RV.

= Revised Version.

received Greek Ver

RVm.

= Revised Version, margin.

&lt;35 A

sion.
Codex Alexandrinus.

= The Peshitto, cited from

(gAld =

Aldine Text.

the Paris Polyglot.

Codex Sinaiticus.

= Syro Hexaplar text.

&lt;B B =

Codex Vaticanus.

Slav.

= Slavic Version.

C&Q

Codex Marchalianus.

= Symmachus s translation,

&lt;S Y

Codex Taurinensis.

cited from Field s Hex

apla.

HP. =

Texts of Holmes and Par

sons.

= The Targum, cited from

the Paris Polyglot.

Jerome s Version.

= Theodotion s translation,

Kenn. =

R. Kennicott, Vetus Tes-

cited from Field s Hex

tamentum Hebraicum

apla.

Kt.

cum variis lectionibus
(1776-80).

Knhibh.

= The Vulgate, cited from
Hetzenauer, Biblia Sa
cra Vulgates Editionis

The Old Latin Text of

(1906).

the Minor Prophets,

Vrss.

= Versions.

Vll

Vlll

ABBREVIATIONS

II. BOOKS OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

Am.

= Amos

Jos.

= Joshua.

BS.

= The Wisdom of Jesus
Ben Sira, or Eccle-

Ju-

Jud.

1,2 K.

= Judges.
= Judith.
= i, 2 Kings.

siasticus.

La.

= Lamentations.

i, 2 Ch.

= i, 2 Chronicles.

Lk.

= Luke.

Col.

= Colossians.

Lv.

= Leviticus.

i, 2 Cor.

= i, 2 Corinthians.

Ct.

= Canticles = The Song

Mai.

= Malachi.

of Songs.

i, 2 Mac.

= i, 2 Maccabees.,

Mi.

= Micah.

Dn.

= Daniel.

Mk.

= Mark.

Dt.

= Deuteronomy.

Mt.

= Matthew.

EC.

= Ecclesiastes.

Na.

= Nahum.

Eph.

= Ephesians.

Ne.

= Nehemiah.

i, 2 Esd.

= i, 2 Esdras.

Nu.

= Numbers.

Est.

= Esther.

Ex.

= Exodus.

Ob.

= Obadiah.

Ez.

Ezr.

= Ezekiel.
= Ezra.

Phil.
Pr.

= Philippians.
= Proverbs.

Gal..

= Galatians.

Ps.

= Psalms.

Gn.

Genesis.

Rev.

= Revelation.

Hb.

= Habakkuk.

Rom.

= Romans.

Heb.

= Hebrews.

Ru.

- Ruth.

Hg.

= Haggai.

1,2 S.

= i, 2 Samuel.

Ho.

= Hosea.

i, 2 Thes.

= i, 2 Thessalonians.

Is.

= Isaiah.

i, 2 Tim.

= i, 2 Timothy.

Jb.

= Job.

Tob.

= Tobit.

Je-

= Jeremiah.

Wisd.

= Wisdom of Solomon.

Jn.

= John.

Jo.

= Joel.

Zc.

= Zechariah.

Jon.

= Jonah.

Zp.

= Ze haniah.

Abar.

III. AUTHORS AND WRITINGS
AE.

= Rabbi Izaak ben
Juda Abarbanel

Rabbi Abraham ben
Meir ibn Ezra

(t67)

ABBREVIATIONS

AJSL.

AJTh.
A OF.

Arn.
Bach.

Bae.
Earth, NB

Bart.
BAS.

Bauer

BDB.

American Journal of
Semitic Languages
and Literatures.

American Journal of
Theology.

Altorientalische For-
schungen, von H.
Winckler.

W. R. Arnold, The
Composition of
Na. i -2 3 , ZAW.,
XXI, 225-65.

J. Bachmann, Zur &lt;
Text-Kritik des
Propheten Zeph- \
anja, in SK., 1894, j

PP- 641-55-
F. Baethgen.

= J. Barth, Die Nom-
inalbildung in den
Semitischen Spra-
chen (1889-91).

= G. A. Barton.
Beitrage zur Assyri-
ologie und Semiti
schen Sprachwis-
senschaft.

G.L.Bauer, Dieklein-
en Propheten iiber-
setzt u.s.w. (1786).

A Hebrew and Eng
lish Lexicon of
the Old Testament,
with an Appendix
containing the Bib
lical Aramaic ,
based on the Lexi
con of William Ge-
senius as trans
lated by Edward
Robinson, edited by
Francis Brown,
with the co-opera
tion of S. R. Driver
and Charles A.
Briggs(i89i-i9o6).

Beer = Article Zephanja, in

PRE 3

Bew. = J. A. Bewer.

Bick. = G. Bickell, Beitrage

zur semit. Metrik

(1894).
Bick. 1 = Idem, in ZDMG.,

XXXIV(i88o),55 9

ff. or Carmina Vet.

Tcst.Metrice(i%%2),

212 f.

Boch. = S. Bochart.

B6. = F. Bottcher.

Br. = Breiteneicher, Ninive

und Nahum (1861).

Brd. = C. J. Bredenkamp.

Bu. = K. Budde.

Bu. Ge3(-h = Idem, Geschichte der
althebrdischen Lit
ter atur (1906).

Cal. = Calvin s Commenta

ries on the Twelve
Minor Prophets.

Casp. = Caspari, Der Prophet

Obadja, 1842;
Ueber Micha den
Morasthiten und
seine prophetische
Schrift (1852).

CB. = Critica Biblica, Part

II : Ezekiel and
Minor Prophets, by
T. K. Cheyne

(1933)-
Che. - T. K. Cheyne, Micah

[Cambridge Bible,

1882].
CIS. = Corpus Inscriptionum

Semiticarum.

Con. == R. P. Condamin.

Cor. = C. H. Cornill, Einlei-

tung in die kanon-

ischen Biicher des

Allen Testaments

ABBREVIATIONS

Cor. Continued.

(6th ed., 1908;
Eng. transl. of the
5th ed. = Intro
duction to the Ca
nonical Books of
the Old Testament,
1907).

COT. = Cuneiform Inscrip

tions and the OT.
(Eng. trans.
KAT?).

Cred. = K. A. Credner.

Dathe = J. A. Dathe, Proph-

etce minores ex re-
censione textus He-
braei et versionum
antiquarum . . . il-
lustrati (1773).

Dav. = A. B. Davidson.

DB. -= A Dictionary of the

Bible, edited by
James Hastings,
4vols. (1898-1902)
and an "Extra
Volume" (1904),
cited here as vol. V.

De. = Franz Delitzsch.

de R. J. B. de Rossi, Varies

lectiones Veteris
Testamenti, etc.,
vol. Ill (1786);
and Scholia critica
in Veteris Tes
tamenti libros
(1798).

de W. = W. M. L. de Wette.

Dl. = Friedrich Delitzsch.

Dl.P oi = Idem, Prolegomena

eine s neuen He-
bra, isch-Aramdis-
chen Worterbuchs
zum Alten Testa
ments (1886).

D1. HWB = Idem, Assyrisches
Handworterbuch.

Dr. = S. R. Driver, The

Mi nor Prophets:
Nahum, Habak-
kuk , Zephaniah,
Haggai, Zechari-
ah, Malachi. In
troductions, Re
vised Version, with
Notes, Index, and
Map [The Cen
tury Bible. 1906].

Dr.^ = Idem, A Treatise on

the Use of the
Tenses in Hebrew
(1874; 3d ed.,
1892).

Dr. Intr - = Idem, An Introduc

tion to the Litera
ture of the Old
Testament (Revised
ed., 1910).

Dru. = Drusius, Commentary

on Minor Prophets,
in Critici Sacri, etc.
(1660).

Du. = B. Duhm, Die zwolf

Propheten in den
Versmassen d e r
Urschrift ilbersetzt
(1910).

EB. Encyclopaedia Bibli-

ca, ed. by T. K.
Cheyne and J.
Sutherland Black,
4 vols. (1899-1903).

Ehr. = A. B. Ehrlich.

Eich. = J. G. Eichhorn.

Einl. = Einleitung in das

Alte Testament.

Elh. = H. J. Elhorst, De

prophetic van Mi-
cha (1891).

ABBREVIATIONS

Enc. Brit. = Encyclopaedia B r i-
tannica (q\h ed.).

Eus. = Eusebius.

Ew. = H. Ewald, Die Proph-

eten des Alien Bun-
des (1840; 2cl ed.,
1867; transl. as
Commentary on the
Prophets of the Old
Testament; 5 vols.,
1875-81).

Ew. = Idem, Ausfiihrliches

Lehrbuch der He-
brdischen Sprache
des Alien Bundes
(8th ed., 1870).

Exp. = The Expositor, ed. by

W. R. Nicoll.

Expos. T. = The Expository Times.

Fag. = C. P. Fagnani, The

Structure of the
Text of the Book of
Zephaniah, in Old
Testament and Sem
itic Studies in
Memory of. W. R.
Harper, II, 260-77.

GASm. = George Adam Smith,
The Book of the
Twelve Prophets
(1897-98).

Geb. = Gebhard, Griindliche

Einleitung in die
zwolf kleinen
Propheten (1737).

Ges. = Wilhelm Gesenius.

GesJ = Wilhelm Gesenius s

Hebrdische Gram-
matik, vollig um-
gearbeitet von E.
Kautzsrh (igog 28 ).
English trans, by
Collins and Cow-
ley, 19 lo 2 .

Gie. = F. Giesebrecht

Gr. = H. Graetz, Emenda-

tiones in plerosque
Sacrce Scriptures
Veteris Testamenti
libros, etc. (1893).

Gray = G. B. Gray.

Gre. =E. J. Greve, Vatic inia

Nahumi et Hab.,
editio metrica

(i793)-

Grimm =K. J. Grimm, Euphe
mistic Liturgical
Appendices in the
Old Testament
(1901).

Grotius = Annotata ad Vet. Test.,
vol. II (1644).

Gu. = H. Guthe, Der Pro

phet Mich a, in
Kautzsch, Heilige
Schrift (3d ed.,
1909).

Gunk. = H. Gunkel, Schop-

fung u. Chaos in
Urzeit u. Endzeit
(1895).

H.* = W. R. Harper, Ele

ments of Hebrew
Syntax (1888; 5th
ed., 1899).

H. AH = Idem, Commentary on

Amos and Hosea,
ICC., 1905.

Hal. = J. Halevy, Recher-

ches bibliques : Le
livre de Michee;
Le livre a" Oba-
dia, in Revue Se-
mitique, vols. XII
and XIII (1904 /.).
Le Livre de Na-
hum, ibid. , vol.
XIII; Le livre de

Xll

ABBREVIATIONS

Hal. Continued.

Sophonie, ibid., vol.
XIII.

Hap. = O. Happel, Das Buck

d. Pro ph. Nahum
(1902).

Hartmann = Micha neu iibersetzt
und erldutert ( j 800) .

HC, = Kurzer Handcom-

mentar zum AT.

Hd. = E. Henderson, The

Book of the Twelve
Minor Prophets
translated, etc.
(1868).

Ildt. = Herodotus.

Hesselberg = Die zwolf kleinen
Propheten ausge-
legt (1838).

Hi. = F. Hitzig, Die zwolf

kleinen Propheten
(1838; 4th ed. by
Steiner, 1881).

Holz. = H. Holzinger.

Houb. = C. F. Houbigant,

B iblia Hebraic a
cum noils criticis,
etc., 4 vols. (1753).

Hpt - (i) Paul Haupt,

Notes on Micah, in
American Journal of
Semitic Languages
and Literatures,
July and Oct., 1910.
= (2) The Book of Na
hum, in JBL.,
XXVI (1907), 1-53.

HWB. 1 * = Gesenius s Hebr. und
aram. Handworter-
buch uber das A T.,
ed. F. Buhl.

ICC. = International Criti

cal Commentary,
edited by C. A.

B r i g g s , S. R.
Driver, and A.
Plummer.

JAOS. *= Journal of the Ameri
can Oriental Soci
ety.

JBL. = Journal of Biblical

Literature.

JE. = Jewish Encyclopae

dia.

Jer. = Jerome (f42o).

JMPS. = J. M. Powis Smith.

Jos. = Fl. Josephus.

Jos. Alit - = Idem, Antiquities.

Jos. 1 " = idem, Bell. Jud.

JQR. = Jewish Quarterly Re

view.

JRAS. = Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society.

J:m. =A. Jeremias, in BAS.,

III.

JTS. = Journal of Theologi

cal Studies.

Jus. = K. W. Justi, Micha

neu iibersetzt und
erldutert (1799; 2d
ed., i32o).

Kalinsky = Vaticinia Habacuci et
Nahumi, etc.
(1748).

KAT* = Die Keilinschriften
und das A lie Testa
ment , von Eb .
Schrader. Dritte
Auflage . . . neu
bearbeitet von H.
Zimmern und H.
Winckler (1902).

Kau. = E. Kautzsch, Diehei-

lige Schrift d.
AT.*

KB. = KeUinschriftHcheBib-

liothek.

ABBREVIATIONS

Xlll

Ke. - C. F. Keil, Commen

tary on the Minor
Prophets in Keil
und Delitzsch,
Bill. Kommentar,
vol. IV (1866;
transl. 1880).

Kent = C. F. Kent, The Ser

mons, Epistles and
Apocalypses of Is
rael s Prophets, etc.
[Student s Old
Testament, 1910].

Ki. = Rabbi David Kim-

chi (fi23o).

Kirk. = A. F. Kirkpatrick.

Kit. = R. Kittel.

Kl. = Paul Kleinert, Com

mentaries on Mi-
cah, Nahum, and
Zephaniah in Lan-
ge s Bibelwerk
(1868; Eng. transl.
1874).

Knabenbauer = Com. in pro ph.
minores (1886).

K6 = Ed. Konig, His-

torisch-kritisches
Lehrgebdudeder He
brdischen Sprache,
vols. I-III (1881-
97); reference is
made to the Syn
tax (vol. Ill, 1897)
unless otherwise in
dicated.

Koi. A. Ko\mod\n, Profeten

Nahum, Ofversdtt-
ning och Utldgg-
ning (1898).

Kre. - E. Kreenen, Nahumi

Vaticinium phi-
lolog. et crit. Exposi-
lum (1808).

Kue.

Lag.
Lohr

Marg.

Abraham Kuenen.

P. de Lagarde.

Max Lohr, Zwei
Beispiele von Kehr-
vers in den Proph-
etenschriften des
Alien Testaments,
in ZDMG., LXI
(1907), pp. 3-6.

= Max L. Margolis,
Micah (The Holy
Scriptures with
Commentary,
1908].

Marti = K. Marti, Dodeka-

propheton [Kurzer
Handcommentar
zum Alien Testa
ment, 1903].

Mau. = Maurer, Commenta-

rius grammaticus
historicus criticus
in prophetas mi
nores (1840).

Me. = A. Merx.

Mich. = J. D. Micha-lis,

Deutsche Ueberset-
zung des Alien Tes
tament s u.s ,iv.
(1782).

Mich., C. B.= C. B. Michaelis, on
Obadiah and Mi
cah, in J. H. Mi-
chaeKs s Biblia He-
braica cum A nnott.
(1720).

Mich.J.B. =J.B. Michaelis.

Mich., J.H. = J. H. Michaelis,
Biblia Hebraica,
etc.

MVAG. = Mittheilungen der
Vorderasiat ischen
Gese.ll chaft.

X7V

ABBREVIATIONS

NCB.
New.

No.

Now.

Now.*

Ols.
OLZ.

Onom.
Oort : "

Or.

Os.

New Century Bible.

Newcome, An At
tempt towards an
Improved Version,
Metrical Arrange
ment and Explana
tion of the Twelve
Minor Prophets
(1836).

Theodor Noldeke.

W. Nowack, Die
kleinen Propheten
ilbersetzt und er-
kldrt [Handkom-
mentar zum Alien
Testament, 1897;
2d ed., 1903].

Idem, Duodecim Pro
phets, in R. Kittel s
Biblia Hebraica
(1906).

J. Olshausen.

Orientalistische Lit
er atur-Zeitung .

Onomastica Sacra,
ed. Lagarde.

H. Oort, Textus He-
braici Emendati-
ones, etc. (1900).

C. von Orelli, Die
zwolf kleinen
Propheten ausge-
legt (1888; 3d ed.,
1908; Engl. transl.,
1893).

Osiander, Ezechiel,
Daniel, Osee, Joel,
Amos, etc., juxta
veterem sen Vulga-
tam translationem
ad Hebraam veri-
tatem emendati, etc.
(I579)-

Perles = F. Perles, Analekten

zur Textkritik des
Alten Testaments
(1895).

Pet. = Norbert Peters.

Pont = J. W. Pont, Micha-

Studien, in Theolo-
gische Studien
(1888-89, J892).

PRE. = Herzog s Realency-

clopddie fur protes-
tantische Theologie
und Kirche. 3

PSBA . = Proceedings of the So
ciety of Biblical
Archaeology.

Pu. = E. B. Pusey, The

Minor Prophets,
with a Commen
tary (1865 /.).

Ra. = Rashi (Jarchi fiios).

RB. = Revue biblique.

Reinke = (i) Der Prophet Ze-

phanja (1868).
= (2) Zur Kritik der
alter en Versionen
des Pro ph. Nahum
(1867).

Reuss = Das Alte Testament

iibersetzt, eingelei-
tet und erldutert.
Band II: Die
Propheten (1892).

Ri. = E. Riehm, Handwor-

terbuch d. bibl. Al-
terthums.

Ro. = T. Roorda, Comme -

tarius in Vaticini-
um Michae (1869).

Rosenm. = C. F. K. Rosenmiiller,
Scholia in prophe-
tas minor es (1836).

Roth. =J. W. Rothstein,

Translation of

ABBREVIATIONS

Roth. Continued.

Zephaniah with
notes, in Kautzsch s
Heilige Schrift."

Rub. = P. Ruben, Critical

Remarks upon
Some Passages of
the Old Testament
(1896).

Ry = V. Ryssel, Untersuch-

un gen iib er die
Textgestalt und die
Echtheit des Buches
Micha. Ein krit-
ischer Kommentar
zu Micha (1887).

Sanctius = Com. in proph. mi-
nores (1621).

Say. = A. H. Sayce.

Schegg -= P. Schegg, Die klei-
nen Propheten
iibersetzt und er -
kldrt (1854 /.)

Schleus. = J. F. Schleusner,
Opuscula critica ad
versiones Grcecas
Veteris Testamenti
pertinentia (1812).

Schnurrer = A ni madverslones
philologica critica
ad vaticinium Mi-
chae (1798).

Schw. = F. Schwally, Das

Buck Ssefanyd,
tine historisch-
kritische U nter-
suchung, in ZAW.,
X (1890), 165-240.

Seb. - M. Sebok, Die Syr-

ische Uebersetzung
der zwolf kleinen
Propheten u. s. iv.
&lt;i88 7 ).

Siev.

Sm.

SS.

Sta.
Sta. GVI

Sta.*

Stei.

Stek.

Stk.

&gt; Ed. Sievers, Metrische
Studien; Alttesta-
mentliche Mis-
cellen: 6. Zu Joel;
7. Zu Obadia; 8.
Zu Zephanja. 10.
Zu Micha [Berichte
uber die Verhand-
lungen der Konig-
lichen Sachsischen
Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu
Leipzig. Philolo-
gisch - historische
Klasse, Band LIX,
1907].

R. Smend, Lehrbuch
der Alttestament-
lichen Religionsge-
schichte (1893; 2d
ed., 1899).

C. Siegfried und B.
Stade, Hebrdisches
Worterbuch zum
Alien Testament e

(1893)-

B. Stade (fi9o6).
Idem, Geschichte des

Volkes Israel

(1887).
Idem, Lehrbuch der

Hebr. Grammatik

(1879).
H. Steiner (see s. v.

Hi.).
Schuurmans S t e k -

hoven, De Alex-

andrijnsche V er -

taling van het Do-

deka pro pheton

(1887).
(i) W. Staerk, Das

Assyrische Welt-

reich im Urteil det

XVI

ABBREVIATIONS

Stk. Continued

Propheten (1908).
For reff. in Micah.
(2) Idem, A usge-
wdhlte poetischc
Texte des A It en
Testaments in me-
trischer und stro-
phischer Gliederung
zunt Gebrauch in
Vorlesungen und in
Seminarilbungen
und zum Selbststu-
dium. Heft 2:
Amos, Na hum,
Habakkuk (1908).

Strauss = Nahumi de Nino
Vaticinium (1853).

Struensee = Neue Uebersetzung
der Weissagungen
Jesaias, Joel, A mos,
Obadja und Micha
nach dem Ebrd-
ischen Text mit Zu-
ziehung der griech-
ischen Version
(1773)-

Taylor = John Taylor, The
Massoretic Text
and the Ancient Ver
sions of the Book
of Micah (1891).

Theiner = Die zwolf Heinen
Propheten (1828).

ThLZ. = Theologische Littera-

tur-Zeitung.

ThSth. = Theologische Studien
und Kritiken.

ThT. = Theologisch Tijd-

schrift.

Um. = Umbreit, Praktischer

Commentar uber die
kleinen Propheten
(1844).

vanH.

Vern.
Vol.

Volz

We.

Wkl.

Wk l.Unt.

WRS.

WRS. Rel

Wii.

ZA.

A. van Hoonacker
Les douze petits
prophetes (1908).

M. Vernes.

K. Vollers, Das Do-
dekapropheton der
A lexandriner, \ n
ZAW., IV (1884).

Die vorexilische Jah-
weprophetie und
der Messias (1897).

J. Wellhausen, Die
kleinen Propheten
iibersetzt und er-
kldrt (1892; 3ded.,
1898).

H. Winckler.

Idem, Alttestament-
liche Untersuchun-
gen (1892).

W. Robertson Smith,
The Prophets of
Israel (1882 ; new
ed., with Introduc
tion by T. K.
Cheyne, 1895).
s Idem, Lectures on the
Religion of the Sem
ites (2d ed., 1894).
= A. Wiinsche.

= Zeitschrift filr Assyr-

iologie.
ZAW.; ZATW. = Zeitschrift fur die

Alttestamentliche

Wissenschaft.

ZDMG. = Zeitschrift der deut-
schen morgenldndi-

schen Gesettschaft.
Zim. = H. Zimmern.

Z6. Otto Zockler.

ZwTh, - Zeitschrift fur wis-

senschaftliche The-

dogie.

ABBREVIATIONS

XV1J

IV. GENERAL, ESPECIALLY GRAMMATICAL

abs.

= absolute.

crit.

= critical, criticism.

abstr.

= abstract.

cstr.

= construct.

ace.

= accusative.

d. f.

= daghesh forte.

ace. cog.

= cognate ace.

def.

= defective.

ace. pers.

= ace. of person.

del.

= dele, strike out.

ace. rei.

= ace. of thing.

diff.

= different, difference.

ace. to
act.
add.

= according to.
= active.
= added, addition, ad

dittog.
dub.

= dittography.
= dubious, doubtful.

ditional.

ed.

= edition, editor, edi

adj.

= adjective.

torial.

ad loc.

= ad locum.

= for example.

adv.

= adverb, adverbial.

elsw.

= elsewhere.

cbr.

= &ira% \cy6fj.cvov, word

esp.

= especially.

or phr. used once.

et al.

= et aliter, and else

alw.

= always.

where, or et alii,

apod.

= apodosis.

and others.

Ar.

= Arabic.

Eth.

= Ethiopic.

Aram.

= Aramaic, Aramean.

exc.

= except.

art.

article

Assy.

= Assyria, Assyrian.

f;/-

fern.

= and following.
= feminine.

Bab.

= Babylonian.

fig-

= figurative.

b. Aram.

= biblical Aramaic.

f. n.

= foot-note.

bibl.

= biblical.

foil.

= following.

ch., chs.

= chapter, chapters.

freq.
fut.

= frequentative.
= future.

= circa, about.

caus.

= causative.

gen.

= genitive.

cent.

= century.

gent.

= gentilic.

&lt;/

= confer, compare.

Gk.

= Greek.

cod., codd.

= codex, codices.

gram.

= grammatical.

cog.
cohort.

= cognate.
= cohortative.

haplo.
Heb.

= haplography.
= Hebrew.

coll.
com.

= collective.
= commentary, com

Hiph.
hist.

= Hiphil of verb.
= historical.

concr.

mentators.
= concrete.

Hithp.

= Hithpael of verb.

conj.

= conjunction.

id.

= idem, the same.

cons.

= consonantal.

i.e.

= id est, that is.

consec.

= consecutive.

impf.

= imperfect.

constr.

= construction.

imv.

= imperative.

cp.

= compare.

indef.

= indefinite.

XV111

ABBREVIATIONS

inf.

= infinitive.

pron.

= pronoun.

ins.

= inscription, inscrip

proph.

= prophet, prophetic.

tions.

prtc.

=- participle.

intrans.

= intransitive.

Pu.

= Pual of verb.

Intro.

= Introduction, intro

ductory.

q.v.

= quod vide, which see,

rd.

= read.

}uss.

= jussive.

refl.

= reflexive.

1., 11.

= line, lines.

rel.

relative.

I.e.

= loco citato, in the

rm.

= remark.

place before cited.

= South, southern.

lit.

= literal, literally.

Sab.

= Sabean.

marg.
masc.

= margin, marginal.
= masculine.

sf.
sg-

= suffix.
= singular.

metr.

= metrical.

sg.

= followed by.

mod.

= modern.

St.

= state.

ms., mss.

= manuscript, manu
scripts.

str.
subj.

= strophe, strophical.
= subject.

mt.
mtr. cs.

== mount(ain).
= metrica causa, be

subst.
Syr.

= substantive.
=- Syriac.

cause of the met e.

S. "V.

= sub voce.

= North, northern.

= times (following a
number).

n.
NH.

note.
= New Hebrew.

tr.
trans.

== transpose.
= transitive.

Niph.

= Niphal of verb.

transl.

= translate, translation.

obj.

= object.

text.

= textual.

oft.

= often.

V., VV.

= verse, verses.

om.

= omit.

= vide see.

orig.

= original.

vb.

= verb.

p., pp.

= page, pages.

v. i.

= vide infra, see below

part.

= particle.

(usually textual

parall.

= parallelism.

note on same

pass.

= passive.

verse).

pers.

= person.

viz.

= videlicet, namely, to

perh.

= perhaps

wit.

pf.

= perfect.

voc.

= vocative.

Pi.

= Piel of verb.

vol.

= volume.

pi.

= plural.

vs.

= versus, against.

pred.

= predicate.

V. S.

= vide supra, see above

preg.

= pregnant.

(usually general re-

prep.

= preposition.

mark on same

prob.

= probable, probably.

verse).

ABBREVIATIONS

XIX

V. OTHER SIGNS

indicates all passages cited.

parallel, of words or clauses
chiefly synonymous.

equivalent, equals.

plus, denotes that other pas
sages might be cited.

= the root, or stem.

= sign of abbreviation in He
brew words.

= -IDIJM, and so forth.

= Yahweh.

* indicates that Massoretic text
has not been followed, but
either Vrss. or conjectural
emendations.

Biblical passages are cited accord
ing to the Hebrew enumeration of
chapters and verses: where this dif
fers in the English, the reference to the
latter has usually (except in textual
notes) been added in parentheses.

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

ON THE BOOKS OF

MICAH, ZEPHANIAH
AND NAHUM

JOHN MERLIN POWIS SMITH, Ph.D.

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

INTRODUCTION TO MICAH.

i. THE BOOK OF MICAH.
i. The Text.

The book of Micah stands sixth in the list of the Minor Prophets
as given in the Hebrew Bible, but third as found in (&. The text
has come down to us in a bad state of corruption. Of the Minor
Prophets, Hosea alone has a worse text. In the following com
mentary, it has been found necessary to make more than eighty
corrections of the text as found in $&, in order to secure satis
factory sense. Almost half of the errors are in chs. i and 2, while
chs. 4 and 5 are remarkably free from them.

In the correction of 4H, &lt;g is of the most value. It offers a
larger number of textual variants than all of the remaining ver
sions combined. In many cases the text presupposed by (g s
rendering is superior to $&- More than one-third of the emenda
tions here adopted are based upon &lt;g. & affords relatively little
help, being chiefly dependent upon &lt;g. Only seven corrections are
made on the basis of &, apart from (&. H and Aq. furnish one
each. The characteristics of the various versions of Micah are in
general the same as in the case of Amos and Hosea. Cf. H. AH&gt; ,
clxxiii-clxxvi. Certainly (g s rendering of the Minor Prophets as
a whole seems to be the work of one translator throughout.

The errors of HI are those which commonly appear in the trans
mission of texts, viz., wrong division of words, e. g., 2 10 6 9 ; dit-
tography, e. g., 2 3 5 1 6 10 ; haplography, e. g., 5*- 4 f\ wrong
pointing, e. g., i 5 - 9 3 5 8 ; confusion of similar consonants, e. g.,
jii. 12 ^4 ^4. transposition of words or phrases, e. g., 2* 4"; con
fusion of suffixes, e. g., 2 9 7 19 ; and deliberate theological change,
e. g., i 5 . But the source of some corruptions is inexplicable,

6 MICAH

e. g., 7 3 . The preponderance of errors in chs. 1-3 is due partly
to the large number of proper names in this material, partly to
the greater age of this portion of the prophecy a* id [robably
also in part to the denunciatory character of the message which
later editors sought to soften.

2. The Style.

The style of Micah, as revealed in chs. 1-3, is direct and force
ful. It is characterised by rapidity of movement, picturesque
phraseology, vivid description and boldness of utterance. It re
flects clearness of vision, keen insight and profound feeling. At
first sight, this seems inconsistent with the indulgence in parono
masia found in i 10 ff ; but the Hebrew prophets were able to couch
their most biting denunciations in this form. Cf. Is. 3 16ff&gt; .

The logical development within each prophecy in chs. 1-3 is also
admirable. Not only so, but there is an evident logical progress
in the succession of the various prophecies constituting these
chapters.

Upon leaving this section of the book, the atmosphere changes.
With few exceptions, the style becomes less forceful and direct.
It loses in vividness and passion. The contrast is something like
that existing between Isaiah, chs. 40^"., and the genuine utterances
of Isaiah. The movement is calm and placid and the tone reflec
tive rather than denunciatory. But there is greater variety and
unevenness of style in chs. 4-6 than in chs. 1-3.

3. Poetic Form.

That the book of Micah is in poetic form is indisputable. Yet
relatively little attention has been bestowed upon this phase of its
study.

Ewald (1840) contributed a strophical analysis of the book. Francis
Brown (JBL. t 1890, pp. 71-82) used Micah, chs. 1-3 and 7"-*, to
illustrate the value of poetic form as a consideration in the determi
nation of the composite character of a writing. In 1891, Elhorst pre
sented a strophic reorganisation of the prophecy involving revolution-

POETIC FORM 7

ary transpositions and intended as a defence of the unity of the book.
D. H. Miiller, in Die Propheten in ihrer urspriinglichen Form (1896),
treated chs. 3, 5 e - u and 7 to an application of his complicated theory of
strophe antistrophe, responsion, inclusion, concatenation, etc.. Sievers
included ch. i in his Studien zur hebrdischen Metrik (1901), where he
showed too great respect toward tSR. Francois Ladame reconstructed
chs. 4 and 5, according to the theory of Miiller and Zenner, in the Revue
de theologie et de philosophic for 1902. Condamin, belonging to the
same school of metricists, would place 2 12 - 13 after 4"; see RB., XI
(1902), 383-6. Duhm, in EB., Ill (1902), 3800, arranged 3- 12 poeti
cally. Marti makes the poetic and strophic form the basis of his com
mentary (1904). Lohr presents 3 J -&lt;- - 12 as a literary and poetic unit in
ZDMG., LXI (1907), 3-6. Sievers, in his Alttestamentliche Miscellen,
published in Berichte iiber die V erhandlungen der Konigl. Sdchsischen
Gesellschaft zu Wissenschaften, LIX (1907), 76-109, applies his metrical
system to the whole book of Micah. Here he casts veneration for M to
the winds and, on the basis of Marti s critical conclusions, reconstructs
the text in accordance with the requirements of his system. The con
clusions concerning the poetic form of Micah which are incorporated
in the following commentary have already appeared in J. M. P.
Smith s Strophic Structure of the Book of Micah, published in Old Testa
ment and Semitic Studies in Memory of William Rainey Harper, II
(1908), 415-438, and also in AJSL., XXIV (1908), 187-208. Since
that publication there has appeared P. Haupt s Critical Notes on Micah,
AJSL., July and October, 1910, containing a strophical reconstruction
of the text. But Haupt s rearrangement is so subjective and arbitrary
as almost to warrant the suspicion that he regards the book of Micah
as a quarry from which stones may be hewed for any kind of a build
ing. B. Duhm has also published a poetical version of Micah in Die
zwolf Propheten in den Versmassen der Urschrift tibersetzt (1910); in this
too much insistence is laid upon the necessity of four-lined strs..

No attempt is made here to stretch the text of Micah upon the
Procrustaean bed of a metrical system. Neither Bickell, Grimme,
Sievers nor Rothstein seems as yet to have evolved a system that
does not do violence to the text. In the present stage of metrical
study, certainly no existing system can be accepted as a safe guide
to the nature and form of Hebrew poetry. The reconstruction
here presented aims to follow the guidance of the parallelism and
the logic. On the basis of the former, lines are discovered which
are of approximately equal length, measured by the number of
tones, or accents, in the line. The same length of line persists

8 MICAH

in general throughout a given piece. The constantly recurring
measures are trimeter, tetrameter and pentameter, with frequent
dimeters. There is less evenness and regularity in the length of
lines than in Amos, but close affinity with Hosea in this respect.
There is no marked difference in metre between the three main
sections of the book.

The logical development of the thought within a given piece
resolves itself into a number of thought-groups, i.e., strophes, each
with a given number of lines. The four-line strophe prevails in
the greater part of the book, in chs. 1-3 there being only three
strophes of different length, and in chs. 6 and 7 only one. In
chs. 4 and 5 the six-line strophe prevails. There are in all nine
strophes of six lines each, three of eight lines each and one of
ten lines. The poetic form will be found frequently to have
added another argument in favour of critical conclusions already
arrived at upon the basis of other considerations. Only rarely
has it been used in this commentary as an argument sufficient in
itself to determine the source of a passage or phrase.

4. Component Parts.

The book of Micah falls naturally into three parts, the existence
of which has long been recognised. They are chs. 1-3, chs. 4 and
5 and chs. 6 and 7. They are differentiated from each other by
their contents, tone and point of view and to some extent by their
poetic form (v. s.). Chs. 1-3 contain almost exclusively denuncia
tions of sin and proclamations of approaching punishment; chs.
4 and 5 are devoted almost as exclusively to words of hope and
cheer; while chs. 5 and 6 combine these two elements. But within
these three main divisions the point of view and background change
frequently; consequently many scholars have denied the unity of
the book. Chs. 1-3, with the exception of i 7 u and 2 12 - 13 (q. v.),
constitute the nucleus of the book and furnish a touchstone by
which the genuineness of the remaining chapters may be tested.
Stade and others have sought to athetize i 2 - 5 *, but, as it seems,
without sufficient reason; see in loc..

The situation with reference to chs. 4-7 is quite different. The

HISTORY OF CRITICISM 9

general condition here may be suggested by the following words
from HaleVy, an ardent supporter of the unity of the book; his
statement is particularly applicable to chs. 4-6: "The book of
Micah has reached us in a critical state even worse than that of
the books of Hosea and Amos. To say nothing of internal cor
ruptions of words, many verses, and even groups of verses, have
been torn from their context and inserted haphazard in passages
which have no sort of suitable connection with their subject-mat
ter." * This hypothesis of Halevy s, however, does not solve
the problem. A bird s-eye view of the history of the criticism of
these chapters will place the difficulty squarely before us. For
the sake of clearness and convenience, the two groups, chs. 3-4
and 5-6, will be treated separately.

The criticism of chs. 4-5. Chs. 4 and 5 were first brought into prom
inence by Ew. who, on the basis of differences of style between them and
chs. 1-3, for a time regarded them as belonging to some prophet con
temporary with Micah. Later, however, Ew. returned to the defence
of Micah s authorship, urging similarities of form, thought and diction,
and especially the fact that the denial of chs. 4 and 5 to Micah (as well
as chs. 6 and 7) would remove all the Messianic element from Micah s
utterance. Casp. followed with a detailed defence of the unity. In
1871, Oort (ThT., V, 501-512) characterised 4 1 -*- "- 1 as an insertion
by some pious reader who considered Micah a false prophet and tried
to correct his errors. The ground for this was the fact that with the re
moval of these verses the connection becomes smooth and the improba
bility that Micah would have inserted a message of hope in the midst of
an unfinished call to repentance and a threat of punishment. To this
Kue. replied (ThT., VI, 45-66), defending the connection of 4 - , on the
ground that the prophet here transports himself in imagination to the
last days, and acknowledging that 4"- 13 describes existing conditions and
cannot therefore stand where it does, notwithstanding that it belongs
to Micah. De Goeje (ThT., VI, 279-284) then proffered a weak de
fence of the connection of 4 n - s . Kue., in a second article (ThT., VI,
285-302), suggested that some of the differences between chs. 1-3 and
chs. 4-5 were due to the fact that the former deal with the godless lead
ers while the latter are addressed to the people as a whole who have
some claim to pardon. He also emphasised the mobility and vivacity of
Micah s style, to which De Goeje had referred, as exempting him from
submission to strict logical requirements. We., also, called attention

* Revue semitique, XIII (1905), a.

10 MICAH

(Bleek s EinL, 4th ed., p. 425) to the contradiction between 4-
and 4 11 .

In 1881 appeared Sta. s epoch-making article (ZAW., I, 161-172),
in which he denied Micah s authorship of chs. 4-5 in toto. The follow
ing considerations are urged in support of this view. It is improbable
that Micah would have weakened the effect of his utterances in chs. 1-3
by introducing a message of directly opposite import in chs. 4-5. The
content of this section departs widely from the ideas of Isaiah, while
chs. 1-3 show close affinity to them; chs. 4-5 are, indeed, in full accord
with Joel, Deutero-Isaiah and Zechariah, chs. 12-14. The section is
full of postexilic conditions; e. g., 4 8 - 10 presupposes the Exile as having
occurred; 5 - 3 gives an indefinite, apocalyptic vision of the Messianic age,
while pre-exilic ideas of the Messiah spring immediately out of the ex
isting historical situation. The inconsistency and lack of connection,
within the chapters point to composite origin; e. g., 4 n ~5 3 is wholly in
consistent with 4 8 - 10 , but it connects well with 4 1 - 4 and is continued in
5- 14 . These three passages constitute the contribution of a later writer
who desired to brighten the dark picture left by Micah; into this addition
a later writer, thinking it to be a part of Micah s prophecy, inserted 4 8 - 10
5 4 - s in order to harmonise it with the actual course of events and with
the development of prophecy.

Sta. s discussion has greatly influenced all later scholarship. Giese-
brecht (ThLZ., 1881, p. 443) followed him in rejecting ch. 4, but held to
the genuineness of ch. 5 on the ground that without it Micah s prophecy
would be too one-sided. W. R. Smith, in 1882 (Proph., 2d ed., pp.
43O/.), followed Oort in rejecting 4 11 - 3 , but refused to go further. In
1883, Sta. (ZAW., Ill, 1-16) gave further arguments in support of his
view, e. g., that Bethlehem and Ephratha (5 ) are never identified except
in postexilic literature. Cor., in 1884 (ZAW., IV., 89), was the first
to place himself unreservedly on Sta. s side. Now., in the same year
(ZAW., IV, 277-290), yielded 4 5 - 8 - "- 13 to the interpolator, but rejected
Sta. s claim that chs. 4-5 as a whole were inconsistent with pre-exilic
prophecy, citing Is. i8 7 ig 19 n 10 B - as parallels to the description of the
coming of many peoples " to Jerusalem, and Is. n 4 ff 9 5 - as parallels
to the picture of idyllic peace in 4 1 -". As parallel to the fact that these
chapters oppose masseboth and asherim, to which Isaiah made no objec
tion, Now. cites 3 12 and the well-known attitude of Isaiah toward Jeru
salem. Wildeboer, in 1884 (De Profeet Micha; so also in Letterkunde des
Ouden Verbonds, 3d ed., 1903, 145/0, grants that Sta. s objections
might apply to the spoken word, but declares them inapplicable to the
written word. Che., in his commentary (1885), rejects 4 6 - 10 5 5 - 6 on
grounds of logic. Ry. discussed these chapters fully in his commentary
(1887), gathering up and reinforcing the arguments of his predecessors
in favour of unity. He explained the difficulties of the section as due

HISTORY OF CRITICISM II

to a redactor who arranged scattered utterances of Micah in an order of
his own which is to us no order at all. He also urged the general con
siderations that our knowledge of Hebrew history is too defective to
enable us to determine whether a given thought was or was not possible
at a certain time, and that tht- more fact that a thought is much empha
sised in some particular period does not preclude the possibility of its
having been uttered previously. In 1889, Pont (Theol. Studien, VII,
439-453) reaffirmed ihe unity, reiterating the old arguments. In the
same year, Kue. again (Einl., II, 360-3) expressed himself upon these
chapters, declaring it improbable that 3 12 was Micah s last word. Hence
the authenticity of the following promises was probable. But inconcis-
tencies, the lack of logical sequence and the presence of undoubtedly
pre-exilic utterances alongside of others presupposing Judah s captivity
made it probable that 4 6 - 8 - were postexilic, while 5 9 - u had under
gone a thorough working over at a late day.

In 1891, Elh. put forth an ingenious but fanciful theory in defence of
the unity of the entire book. In accordance with this, chs. 4-5 should
follow chs. 6-7 and should be rearranged thus: 4 1 - 8 5 1 - 7 4 9 - 14 5 8 - 14 . How
ever, even thus, 4" is treated as a gloss and 4 9 - 14 5* as postexilic additions.
We., in his commentary (1892; 3d ed., 1898), finds possible remnants of
genuine utterances of Micah in 4 - 10 - I4 5 9 - 3 . He emphasises the use of
n^N (4 7 ) as a technical eschatological term, the mutually exclusive con
ceptions of 4 9 - 10 and 4 n - s , and the allusion in 5* to Is. 7 14 which has ap
parently become a classic. In 1893, Kosters (ThT., XXVII, 249-274)
aligned himself with Sta., making the two chapters postexilic. He re
garded 5 1 - 8 as the continuation of 4 8 - 8 . He suggested also that the pres
ent book of Micah was a result of two independent recensions of the
original. The one consisted of chs. 1-3 + chs. 4-5 ; the other contained
chs. 1-3 + 6-7; later these two were combined. In the same year, We.
(Kleine Propheten, 2d ed.) surrendered all but 4"- 10 - " 5 9 - 13 . In 1896,
GASm. rejected only 5 3b - 7 - 9 as inconsistent with Micah s times. In
1897, Volz (Die vorexilische Jahweprophetie, 63-67), following We.,
granted to Micah 4-o. u 59-1^ an( j 54.5 as a badly distorted fragment.
2 i2 1.46 i. iob- is (j-s are a ssigned to a later editor, while 4 8 5 l - s - belong
to another hand and are probably later than 4 -*, which may be from the
time of Deutero-Isaiah. Now. s commentary (1897; 2d ed., 1903) agrees
with We. and Volz and adds little. Dr., in his well-known Introduction,
with characteristic caution declines to commit himself to an opinion on
this question. Che. (EB., art. Micah; cf. in Introd. to WRS., Proph.,
ad ed.) follows Sta., Cor. and Kosters in assigning these chapters to a
postexilic date. Marti s commentary (1904) arrives at the same result,
but assigns the chapters to a larger number of sources than any of its
predecessors had employed. Bu. (Gesch., 1906, p. 89) and Du. (Zwblf
Propheten, 1910) also agree with Sta.

12 MICAH

Reference may be made to the following commentary for de
tailed statements of the position assumed here with reference to
chs. 4-5. It suffices to say in this connection that the arguments of
Stade against Micah s authorship seem irrefutable, except possibly
in the case of 4 14 5 9 " 12 . Nothing short of a complete reversal of
current views concerning Hebrew eschatology, such as that pro
posed by Gressmann,* could make these chapters intelligible for
the age of Micah. Furthermore, as the foregoing history of crit
icism shows, it is impossible to regard the chapters as a unit in
themselves; the attitude toward the heathen world, e. g., is wholly
different in 4 12- 13 from that in 4 1 " 4 , nor is the view of the Messianic
age in 5 4 - 5 consistent with that in 5 1 " 3 . But Stade s division of the
material between two sources cannot stand. Glosses are repre
sented by 4 4 5 5 2 13 14 J 4 1 - 4 stands alone; 4 "- 13 and s reflect the
same background and breathe the same spirit; the remaining
sections have no close affinity with any of the preceding or with
one another. The chapters thus seem to contain a miscellaneous
collection of fragments gathered up from various sources, and
having little in common other than a hopeful outlook for the
future.

Criticism of chs. 6-7. The story of the critical study of chs. 6-7 also
begins with Ew. (1867). His argument in brief was: (i) chs. 1-5 are
so complete in themselves that nothing additional is needed. (2) The
style is quite different; there is nothing of the elevated force still met with
In chs. 1-5; the tone is more like that of Jeremiah; and the peculiarities
of language characteristic of chs. 1-5 are lacking here. (3) The artistic
form is quite different; this section has a purely dramatic plan and exe
cution; it is not the utterance of a speaker but that of an artist. "The
entire piece proceeds amid changing voices; and there are not fewer than
ten voices that are heard one after the other. But since the prophet still
retains the ancient artistic form of the str., the whole falls into five strs.,
which are also five acts, thus completing all that has to be said and giving
it a perfectly rounded form." (Ew. s strs. or "acts" are 6 1 - 8 6 9 -" 7 1 - 6
77-13 714-20). ( 4 ) The historical background is wholly different. There
is no trace of the stirring and elevated times of Isaiah s activity. The
nation seems to be very small and faint-hearted (6 8 f - 7" ) the selfish
ness and faithlessness of individuals is greater (6 10 7 1 - 6 ); the idolatrous
tendencies encouraged by Manasseh had long prevailed (6 U ); and the

* Der Ursprung d. israel.-jud. Eschatologie (1905),

HISTORY OF CRITICISM 13

more religious hardly ventured to name the king openly. The reign of
Manasseh best complies with these conditions.

The next important contribution to the discussion was made by We.
(Bleek s Einl., 4th ed., 1878, pp. 425 /.). He follows Ew. in assigning
6 -7 8 to the reign of Manasseh, but concludes that 7 7 - 20 was added dur
ing the Exile. He summarises his argument as follows: "Thus the situ
ation in 7 7 - 20 is quite different from that in 7 1 - 8 . What was present there,
viz., moral disorder and confusion in the existing Jewish state, is here
past; what is there future, viz., the retribution of v. 4b , has here come to
pass and has been continuing for some time. What in vv. &gt; was still
unthought of, viz., the consolation of the people, tempted in their trouble
to mistrust Yahweh, is in w. 7 - 20 the main theme. Between v. 6 and v. 7
there yawns a century. On the other hand, there prevails a remarkable
similarity between w. 7 - JO and Isaiah, chs. 40-66." (Quoted from Dr. Illtr -,
p. 333.) Ew. s view, as modified by We., has been accepted fully, or with
but slight variations, by Sta. (ZAW., I, 1881, 161 /.), WRS. (Enc.
Brit., art. Micah), Che., Kue. (EinL, II, 363 /.), Cor. (Einl., 1891,
183-6), Pont (Theol. Studien, 1892, p. 340.), Ko. (Einl., 1893, pp. 329/0,
Dr. (Intr., pp. 333/.) and Du. (Zwolf Propheten, 1910). Cor., however,
for a time maintained the authenticity of these chapters (ZAW., IV,
1884, 89 /.; so also Kirk., Doctrine of the Prophets, 1892, pp. 229/5
and van H., 1908), urging (i) that everything which may be brought
forward in support of their origin in Manasseh s day applies equally
well to the time of Ahaz (2 K. i6 8 ; cf. Mi. 6 7 ). (2) That the origin of the
book would be inexplicable if Micah s work ceased with ch. 3, for chs.
4-5 are enough to offset the gloomy tone of chs. 1-3 why then should
there be added a section from the time of Manasseh having no inner con
nection with chs. 4-5 ? On the hypothesis of the late origin of chs. 6-7,
they should immediately follow chs. 1-3, since they give reasons for the
drastic punishment there threatened. (3) That 6 -7 6 shows traces of
the author of chs. 1-3, having perfect parallels in them (e. g., i 9 - 1J = 6 18 )
as well as in the addresses of Isaiah from the reign of Ahaz. (4) That
a late working over of 7 7 - 20 must be granted.

Now. at once replied (ZAW., IV, 288 /.) to Cor. (i) that chs. 6-7
contain no thought not expressed in chs. 1-3 which could serve as a
reason for the threat in 3"; reasons enough are stated in chs. 1-3; any
thing further would be superfluous; (2) that ch. 6 cannot be regarded as
a continuation of 3" since the representation in 6 1 ff - is wholly different
from that in i 2 ff - and scarcely consistent with it; (3) that the judgment
in 3 12 comes because of the sins of the leaders, priests and prophets,
whereas in 6-7. the charge is quite general (7 2 ) and against no special
classes; (4) that if chs. 6-7 come from the time of Ahaz, as Cor. declares,
they can hardly state the grounds for the judgment in chs. 1-3, uttered
in the time of Hezekiah (Je. 26"); (5) lhat the prophet who so sharply

14 MICAH

antagonises the wicked leaders in the time of the comparatively good
king, Hezekiah, would not be likely to let them pass almost unnoticed
in the reign of Ahaz, an exceedingly wicked king; (6) that "my people "
is the object of the prophet s compassion in chs. 1-3, but in chs. 6-7 it is
the object of his wrath.

Wildeboer, in 1884 (De Profeet Micha, p. 57), adheres to Micah s
authorship, stating (i) that differences in artistic structure and manner
of presentation do not necessarily involve different authorship; (2) that
as there was human sacrifice under Ahaz and also under Manasseh, it is
quite probable that there were some who practised it, at least in secret,
in the time of Hezekiah; (3) that in 7 3 the words "prince," "judge,"
"great one" are used collectively and thus disprove the charge that
the leaders are not denounced in these chapters. In 1887, Ry. defended
the authenticity of this material on the following grounds. The chapters
were written in the beginning of Hezekiah s reign when conditions were
essentially the same as under Ahaz. The religious formalism alluded
to in 6 6 - 7 - 10 - 12 is wholly out of keeping with the reign of Manasseh. 7 1 - 8
is an independent section and the immorality there described was possi
ble in Hezekiah s day; but if it must be interpreted literally, it is intelligi
ble neither as coming from Hezekiah s reign nor from that of Manasseh.
The hope of return from Assyria and Egypt is indicative of pre-exilic
origin; in Deutero-Isaiah the place of exile is always Babylon and Chal-
daea. But if the chapters must be assigned to Manasseh s reign, it is
still reasonable to assign them to Micah, who may have been still living.

In 1887 also, Sta. (Geschichte d. Volkes Israel, I, 634), expressed his
conviction of the postexilic origin of ch. 6. In 1890, Gie. (Beiirage zur
Jesaiakritik, 2i6/.) declared himself with Ew. as to 6 1 -7 6 , but assigned
7 7 -w to postexilic times. Elh. (1891), on the other hand, endorses the
arguments of Cor. and Ry. in behalf of authenticity and attempts to ease
all difficulties of connection by placing chs. 6-7 immediately after chs.
1-3 and by rearranging the text in this order: 6 1 - 8 7 1 - 6 6 6 - 16 7" 7 7 - 12 7 14 - 20 .
In 1892, We. again puts himself on record (Kleine Proph., 2d ed.), still
maintaining the possibility of Micah s authorship, even in the age of
Manasseh, for 6 1 - 8 , declaring 6 9 - 16 independent of its context and without
indications of definite date, assigning 7 1 - 8 to the period of Malachi, and
following Gie. with reference to 7 7 - 20 . In 1893, Kosters, in connection
with a searching review of Elh. s commentary (ThT., XXVII, 249-274),
suggested the postexilic origin of these chapters, citing many words and
phrases as characteristic of postexilic language and thought. These
chapters were written to explain the fall of Jerusalem as due to the cor
ruption of the generation contemporary with that disaster, it being no
longer believed that the children are punished for the sins of the father.
The position of GASm. (1896) is near to that of We., for he holds to
Micah s authorship of 6 J - 8 , is undecided as to 6- ie and 7 1 - 6 and regards

HISTORY OF CRITICISM 15

7 7 -* as a psalm composed of fragments from various dates, of which
j u-i7 points to the eighth century B.C. by its geographical references, and
7 U to the period between the fall of Jerusalem and its rebuilding.

Now., in his commentary (1897; 2d ed., 1905), considers the reign of
Manasseh a possible date for 6 l -"j 6 , but denies Micah s authorship even
were he then alive. He would locate 7 7 - 20 in the period between the
decree of Cyrus and the journey of Nehemiah to Jerusalem. Dr. Intr -
is inclined to agree with Ew. and to deny the necessity of separating
7 7 - 20 and assigning it to a later age. Che. (EB., art. Micah), makes
both chapters postexilic and finds them concerned with the ubiquitous
Jerahmeelites. Sta. gives a long list (ZAW., XXIII, 1903, 164-171),
of postexilic parallels to 7 7 - 20 and assigns the whole of 6-7 to the post-
exilic age (in Bibl. Theol. d. Alt. Test., 1905, p. 230).

Marti (1904) calls chs. 6-7 "a conglomerate, held together by the con
viction that deliverance must finally come, though the sins of the present
demand the continuance of God s wrath." Of this conglomerate 6 1 - 5 is
editorial expansion; 6 6 - 8 belongs probably to the fifth century, possibly
to the sixth; and ch. 7 to the second century B.C. Bu. also resolves the
two chapters into fragments and places them all in the postexilic age
(Gesch., 1906). The last commentator, van H. (1908), insists upon the
unity of the chapters and upon Micah s authorship, basing it all upon
the hypothesis that the two chapters are concerned with Samaria, not
Jerusalem, and finding it necessary to transpose 7b-is to follow 7 6 (see
ad loc.).

Hpt. (1910) allows Micah only 33$ lines of text in chs. 1-3. Chs. 4-7
are assigned to the Maccabaean period (170-100 B.C.), while i 2 - 7 is a
poem written in celebration of the destruction of Samaria by John Hyr-
canus in 107 B.C. This represents a step beyond the conclusions of the
foregoing critics, in that Hpt. leaves Micah less than any previous scholar
and is confident in his assignment of the non-Micah material to the
Maccabaean period and even to the specific years to which the several
poems belong. Unfortunately, this confidence cannot be shared by
scholars at large until more definite and convincing considerations are
forthcoming.

The conclusions arrived at in the following commentary may
be briefly summarised. There is no logical unity within chs. 6
and 7 ; they resolve themselves into seven sections, no one of which
connects closely with either its preceding or its following sections.
The possibility of Micah s authorship remains open for 6 9 " 16 and
7 1 - 6 , but is wholly excluded for the remainder. These two sections,
together with 6 1 " 5 , might be placed in any period of Hebrew history
subsequent to the appearance of the great prophets.

l6 MICAH

to reflect the wisdom of the sages and to belong in the earlier half
of the postexilic age. y 7 " 10 and y 14 " 20 come apparently both out of
the same conditions; Israel is suffering but hoping, looking back
with longing upon the good old days and praying for vengeance;
they are best located in the later postexilic period, after the work
of Nehemiah and Ezra. 7 11 " 13 , however, is wholly detached from
its context and is to be explained as coming from the period after
the fall of Jerusalem, but before the rebuilding of the city walls.
The two chapters thus seem to be a collection of miscellaneous
fragments, coming from widely scattered periods and from at least
four different authors.

5. The Formation of the Book of Micah.

Various attempts have been made to trace the growth of the book
of Micah, starting from chs. 1-3, its original nucleus. The views
of Kosters and Elhorst have been already mentioned. Marti con
siders 4 1 " 4 and 6 6 " 8 , joined together by 4 5 , the first addition to chs.
1-3 ; since they reveal the closest sympathy with the ethical tone of
Micah. This constituted the book as it existed in the fifth century
B.C. Somewhere between this period and the second century B.C.,
by various unknown stages, 4 6 ~5 14 and 6 9 -y 6 were incorporated.
Finally, in order that the prophecy might not end with denuncia
tion, the Maccabaean psalms in y 7 " 20 were added. Cornill (Einl.)
follows Kosters in part, making 6 l -y 6 the first addition to chs. 1-3.
This combined product underwent two revisions, first receiving
as insertions 4 1 " 4 n ~ 14 5 1 " 3 - 8 " 14 , and being completed by the addi
tion of 2 12 - 13 4 5 - 10 s 4 - 5 y 7 - 20 , from the hand of the final redactor.
Sievers, however, finds the growth of the book connected with the
length of the various poems which constitute it. In chs. 4~y, as
rearranged by Sievers, it happens that the longest poem comes
first in each chapter, and the succeeding ones are added in the
order of their length. It is quite evident that all attempts of this
sort are futile, and that in the absence of any definite data it is
impossible to secure general acceptance of any scheme, however
ingenious. This portion of the history of the book is lost beyond
recovery.

THE PROPHET MICAH 17

2. THE PROPHET MICAH.

1. His Name.

Little is known of the man Micah. Our sources of information
regarding him are very limited, being confined to chs. 1-3 and Je.
26 18 . The name Micah was doubtless common among the He
brews; more than a dozen individuals bear it, in one form or an
other, in the Old Testament. The possession of this name, mean
ing " Who is like Yahweh ?", is no indication of any unusual degree
of religious fervour on the part of the prophet s parents or family;
names containing the name of a deity are very common in all
Semitic literature, and in the Old Testament are not infrequently
borne by individuals whose parents were not noted for religious
zeal; e. g., the children of Ahab and Ahaz, to-wit, Hezekiah.
No allusion to his family is made in the superscription or elsewhere,
a fact which may argue for his humble origin as a man of the people,
like Amos; or may merely be another indication of the self-effacing
character of the prophets. Concerning the lineage of no less than
six of the prophets nothing is recorded.

2. His Home.

The appellation "Morashtite" (i 1 Je. 26 18 ) is applied to Micah
to distinguish him from the many other bearers of his name; and
particularly from his predecessor, Micaiah ben Imlah, with whom
he is confused in i K. 22 28 , where a phrase from his book is ascribed
to the earlier Micaiah. This descriptive term apparently identi
fies his home with Moresheth-Gath (i 14 ). This name implies a
location in the low hills bordering upon Philistine territory. The
list of towns in i loff - over which the prophet pours out his grief
seems to have been selected from the same region and so to
confirm this location of Moresheth. Furthermore, in the Ono-
masticon and in Jerome s preface to Micah, Moresheth is declared
to be a small village to the east of Eleutheropolis, the modern
Beit-Jibrin.

l8 MICAH

This region and its significance in the training of our prophet are thus
beautifully described by GASm.: "It is the opposite exposure from the
wilderness of Tekoa, some seventeen miles away across the watershed.
As the home of Amos is bare and desert, so the home of Micah is fair and
fertile. The irregular chalk hills are separated by broad glens, in which
the soil is alluvial and red, with room for cornfields on either side of the
perennial or almost perennial streams. The olive groves on the braes
are finer than either those of the plain below or of the Judean table-land
above. There is herbage for cattle. Bees murmur everywhere, larks
are singing, and although to-day you may wander in the maze of the
hills for hours without meeting a man or seeing a house, you are never
out of sight of the traces of ancient habitation, and seldom beyond sound
of the human voice shepherds and ploughmen calling to their flocks
and to each other across the glens. There are none of the conditions
or the occasions of a large town. But, like the south of England, the
country is one of villages and homesteads breeding good yeomen men
satisfied and in love with their soil, yet borderers with a far outlook and a
keen vigilance and sensibility. The Shephelah is sufficiently detached
from the capital and body of the land to beget in her sons an indepen
dence of mind and feeling, but so much upon the edge of the open world
as to endue them at the same time with that sense of the responsibilities
of warfare, which the national statesmen, aloof and at ease in Zion, could
not possibly have shared."

3. His Character.

A man of the countryside, like Amos, Micah was gifted with
clearness of vision and time for thought. The simplicity and se
clusion of his rustic life were conducive to " plain living and high
thinking." He was not misled by false standards of value to place
too high an estimate upon those things which perish with the using.
He had Amos s passion for justice and Hosea s heart of love.
Knowing his fellow-countrymen intimately, and sympathising pro
foundly with their sufferings and wrongs, his spirit burned with in
dignation as he beheld the injustice and tyranny of their rich op
pressors. He was pre-eminently the prophet of the poor. He was
absolutely fearless as their champion. He would denounce wick
edness in high places even though it cost him his life. The fear
lessness and force of his character and message deeply impressed
his contemporaries, so that even a century later his example was
cited as establishing a precedent for Jeremiah s freedom of speech

THE TIMES OF MICAH 19

(Je. 26 18 ). A man of this type must necessarily go his own way; he
cannot slavishly follow where others lead. Breaking away from
the prophets of the day who promise only blessings from Yahweh,
he dares to "declare to Jacob his transgression and to Israel his
sin," and to point out the inevitable connection between sin and
punishment. To the citizens of Jerusalem, proud of their capital
and blindly confident of Yahweh s protection, he unflinchingly
announces the overthrow of their city. Completely dominated by
a vivid consciousness of God and a fervid devotion to the highest
interests of his country, he goes forth to his task unshrinking aiid
invincible. To this man of keen perception and sensitive soul,
the voice of duty was the voice of God. As with Amos and
Hosea, neither angel nor vision was necessary to arouse in him
the prophetic spirit; he found his divine call in the cry of human
need.

3. THE TIMES OF MICAH.
i. The Date of His Prophecies.

The superscription of the book places Micah "in the days of
Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah." This would make him a younger
contemporary of both Hosea and Isaiah. But there is good reason
to believe that the superscriptions of all three of these books, in their
present form at least, are due to the hand of an editor. The super
scription of Micah is supported in part by Je. 26 18 , which declares,
"Micah the Morashtite was prophesying in the days of Hezekiah,
king of Judah." This agrees admirably with the content of some
of his utterances, e. g., i 10 " 16 which seems to sketch the course of
Sennacherib s army. But the question arises whether or not Micah
prophesied in the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz. His total silence
concerning the Syro-Ephraimitish war, the appeal of Ahaz to
Assyria and the subsequent deportation of the inhabitants of "all
the land of Naphtali" to Assyria (2 K. i5 29 ), makes it improbable
that he prophesied contemporaneously with these events of such
momentous interest to both kingdoms. This confines his prophetic
activity to the period following 734 B.C., i. e., the reigns of Ahaz

20 MICAH

and Hezekiah. His first prophecy (i 2 9 ) concerns itself with the
approaching destruction of Samaria, with which is coupled immi
nent danger to Jerusalem. There is no evidence in either Assyrian
or biblical records that Jerusalem and Judah were jeopardised in
721 B.C., when Sargon overthrew Samaria. Nor does Isaiah seem
to have anticipated any immediate danger to Judah in connection
with that event. Indeed, Judah was at that time paying its regu
lar tribute* to Assyria and hence safe from harm. But the men
tion of Samaria as still standing and doomed to destruction does
not confine us to the period prior to 721 for the date of this first
prophecy. As a matter of fact the kind of destruction threatened by
the prophet in i 6 was not experienced in 721 by Samaria. Neither
the biblical (2 K. 17) nor the Assyrian records speak of any de
struction of the city (Sargon s Annals, 11. n ff.}. Indeed, the latter
distinctly says, "the city I restored and more than before I caused
it to be inhabited." But Sargon s kindness was but poorly repaid,
for in 720 B.C. Samaria joined a coalition of Syrian states, viz.,
Hamath, Arpad, Simirra and Damascus in one more effort to shake
off the yoke of Assyria.f In 715, Sargon settled Arabian tribes in
Samaria ;{ the process of repopulating and thereby thoroughly sub
duing Samaria was continued by Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal,
according to Ezra 4 2 - 9 - 10 . An Assyrian governor was resident in
Samaria as late as 645 B.C. It is, therefore, probable that Micah s
prophecy was spoken after 721 B.C. and in the light of the rebel
lious attitude of Samaria up to and after that date. The specific
occasion of the discourse may have been the conspiracy that called
Sargon to Ashdod in 713-711 B.C., or perhaps better, that which

* This is practically certain in view of the fact that Ahaz paid tribute in 734 B.C., while Sargon
(Prism-Fragment, 11. 29 ff.) enumerates Judah with Philistia, Edom and Moab as peoples
under obligation to pay tribute who united with Ashdod in revolt in 713. The reference in Sar
gon s Nimrud-Inscr., 1. 8, to his subjection of Ja-u-du is best explained of the northern Ja udi,
rather than of Judah, since the statement is made in immediate connection with an account of
the overthrow of Hamath and other regions in northern Syria. Were the reference to Judah,
it must have been in connection with the revolt of Hanno of Gaza in 720, for the Nimrud-Inscr.
belongs to the year 717 B.C. and Sargon was engaged in other parts of his empire from 719-717.
But it is difficult to see why Judah only should have been selected for mention, when Gaza was
also involved in the revolt and evidently played a more prominent part. Cf. KAT.*, pp. 67 /.,
271.

t Sargon s Annals, 1. 25, and K. 1349, 11. 17 ff.\ see AOF., I, 43, and KAT*, 66.

t Annals, 11. 95 ft.

C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, II, 137; III, 108.

THE TIMES OF MICAH 21

resulted in the campaign of Sennacherib, 704-701 B.C. It is more
than probable, in view of the previous history of Samaria, that she
was involved in both attempts to throw off the yoke of Assyria. In
either case, the prophet is talking of a destruction of Samaria that
is in the future, which he sees to be a prelude to the overthrow of
Jerusalem. This is more in consonance with the language of i 2 ff
than the view that the prophet looks back upon the events of 721
B.C. and makes passing allusion to them in order to give weight to
his denunciation of Jerusalem.* The whole of the genuine mate
rial in chs. 1-3 belongs to one period and that of short duration;
it may have been the product of a few weeks or months at a time
of great crisis, such as that of Sennacherib s invasion.

2. The Background of Chs. 1-3.

The situation in Judah in the period from 715 to 701 B.C. was
one of absorbing interest. The air was full of plots and counter
plots. Syria was the bone of contention between Assyria and
Egypt, the rivals for world-dominion. Assyria was in possession;
Syria was restless under her heavy yoke; Egypt was alert to foment
dissatisfaction and aid in freeing Syria from her burden, hoping
thereby to supplant Assyria. Jerusalem was naturally a hotbed of
intrigue. Political feeling ran high. A pro-Assyrian and a pro-
Egyptian party fought for pre-eminence in the councils of the weak
king, Hezekiah. Success attended the adherents of Egypt, and
revolt against Assyria was organised in 713 and again in 705 B.C.
But the result on both occasions was but to weld the bonds of As
syria more tightly upon Judah. Isaiah, resident in Jerusalem and
probably related to the leading families, was deeply concerned in
all this political turmoil and an active participant in much that
was going on at court. Cf. e. g., Is. 20 1 ff iS 1 ff 3O 1 ff 3 1 1 ff io 5 ff -.
Micah, however much he may have been stirred by these events,
eschews politics in his public utterance, and confines himself to
distinctively religious and ethical considerations.

Micah portrays a social and economic situation in Judah very
similar to that of Samaria as described by Amos in the years im-

* So e. g., We., and Smend, Rcl*, 237 /.

22 MICAH

mediately preceding the overthrow of the northern kingdom. Cf.
H. An , p. ciii.

There is the same luxury and indulgence engendered by the possession
of great riches. The plunder carried away by Sennacherib after the
siege of Jerusalem in 701 B.C. is tabulated by him as follows (Taylor-
Cylinder, col. 3, 11. 34-40): "Thirty talents of gold, eight hundred
talents of silver, precious stones, . . . large lapis lazuli, couches of
ivory, thrones of elephant skin and ivory, ivory, ushu and urkarinu woods
of every kind, and his daughters, his palace-women, male and female
singers, to Nineveh, my royal city, I caused to be brought after me."

A degenerate aristocracy, mastered by greed and fattening upon
tyranny, makes life unbearable for the tiller of the soil and the
wage-earner. The possession of wealth is looked upon as the
summum bonum; nothing may stand in the way of its attainment.
The ordinary demands of justice and righteousness are trampled
underfoot. The quality of mercy is swallowed up in avarice. The
custodians and administrators of law abuse their powers. Jus
tice is for sale to the highest bidder (3") . Under due process of
law widows and orphans are expelled from their ancestral homes,
that a few acres may be added to the estate of the neighbouring
landlord (f- 9 ). In the lust for wealth, the substance and sus
tenance of the poor are devoured, so thai they are reduced to the
lowest depths of misery and degradation (3 1 " 3 ). Even the sacra
ments and consolations of religion are on the market; priests and
prophets cater to the rich and browbeat the poor (3 5ff - "). Simi
lar conditions are exposed in contemporary utterances of Isaiah
(e.g., i 16f - 28 7f -2 9 20f -).

Making all necessary allowances for the prophetic point of view,
it still remains true that affairs in Judah were on the down grade.
Intimate contact with Assyrian and Egyptian civilisations in com
merce and politics had brought in new standards of living and
changed ideals. Secularisation of life was making rapid progress.
Commercial ideals were supplanting those of ethical and spiritual
origin. Appearances were becoming more important than real
ities. Character was of less repute than power. The fatal vac
illation which led Judah into a practical distrust of Yahweh and
made her fate the shuttlecock of conflicting political parties was

THE MESSAGE OF MICAH 23

also sapping the moral strength of the nation. Loyalty to the old
Hebrew ideals which had obtained in dealings between man and
man was crumbling rapidly away before the desire to ape the
splendour of foreign courts and live the life of sensuous ease. At
such a time there was dire need of the prophetic cry calling men
back to God and duty.

4. THE MESSAGE OF MICAH.

The prophet Micah marks no great epoch in the history of proph
ecy. He is not the apostle of any new teaching ; he does but reit
erate the great truths proclaimed by his predecessors. But he is
no mere imitator; he has forged his message in the passion of his
own soul, and stamped upon it the impress of his own personality.
Working amid conditions similar to those which confronted Amos,
his message is necessarily also similar. But the preaching of Amos
lacks the personal touch so distinctly felt in that of Micah, whose
message quivers with feeling. Micah knows by experience whereof
he speaks; he has been a victim of the circumstances against which
he protests. Himself a peasant, he becomes the spokesman of
peasants.

Micah s task was to open the eyes of the blind and to unstop the
ears of the deaf. But none are so blind as those that will not see.
In spite of the preaching of Amos and Hosea, Israel persisted in
cherishing an illusion. The key to the situation is furnished by
Mi. 3". A wrong conception of God held sway over the minds
of the people. "Yahweh is in the midst of us; therefore disaster
cannot befall us." This was to look upon the relation of Yahweh
to his people as necessary, and not voluntary on his part. It was
to conceive of that relation, moreover, as unconditioned by any
high demands. There was no essential difference between this
conception of God and that common to the nations surrounding
Israel. The language of 3 11 is, of course, not to be taken as liter
ally exact. Israel had experienced too many chastisements at the
hands of Yahweh to suppose that it possessed any guarantee against
further afflictions. Yahweh might become angry at his land and
vent his wrath upon his people for some real or fancied slight, even

24 MICAH

as Chemosh executed his anger upon Moab (Mesha Inscription,
1. 5). But he would not definitely abandon his people to destruc
tion ; he could not remain obdurate and insensible to holocausts of
oxen and rivers of oil. On his great day, the day of Yahweh, he
would repent himself of his anger and manifest himself on behalf
of his people in destructive might against their foes and his. Cf.
Am. 5 18 . For people so minded, sacrifice and offering were the
substance of religion. Let the ritual be exact and gorgeous and
the sacrificial gifts numerous and costly and Yahweh could
desire little more. Cf. Is. i llff -.

Against this whole attitude toward God, the prophets of the
eighth century set themselves resolutely. Micah joined with Amos-
Hosea and Isaiah in an effort to purify religion by elevating the
popular conception of God. This he does by emphasising the
true nature of Yahweh s demands upon his people. He seeks
justice and mercy, not oxen and sheep. He desires right character
rather than right ritual. Herein lies Micah s whole interest; he
plays the changes upon this single string. He does not suppose
himself to be announcing anything new to the people, nor indeed
was he so doing. Israel had long credited Yahweh with ethical
interests. But they were given only secondary significance, where
as Micah would make them the supremely important element
in the divine character in so far as it concerns men. Divine favour
consequently at once ceases to be an affair of purchase at any price,
and becomes a matter of striving after the attainment of divine
ideals of righteousness and justice.

Micah s message naturally assumes the form of denunciation
of sin and threatening of punishment. Yahweh being just and
righteous requires the same qualities from his people. But they
have not yielded them; hence punishment must be inflicted upon
them. The sins are charged primarily against the ruling classes
in Jerusalem. They have been guilty of injustice and cruelty
toward the poor; they have bought and sold the rights of men; they
have violated the moral law as laid down by Yahweh himself.
Even the religious leaders have not escaped the general corrup
tion. They have dared to prostitute their high calling for the sake
of gain. They make a mockery of religion by allying themselves

THE MESSAGE OF MICAH 25

with the rich and powerful in the oppression of the poor. They
whose duty it is to expose sin cast over it the cloak of religion,
and wax rich. This attitude on Micah s part toward the prophets
of his day reveals the same cleavage in prophecy that had become
evident in the days of his predecessor, Micaiah ben Imlah (i K. 22),
is alluded to by Amos (7 12 ~ 15 ), placed Jeremiah in peril of his life
(26 loff -) and continued to the last days of prophecy (Zc. I3 2 " 6 ).
Micah, standing almost alone and in an unpopular cause, dared
to denounce all the vested interests of his day.

Apparently, Micah entertained no hope of repentance on the
part of those whom he upbraided. He sees nothing ahead of them
but punishment. Samaria and Jerusalem alike are to be de
stroyed, and that utterly. The cities are the scene of destruction,
being the home of the ruling classes. Micah is the first of the
prophets to threaten Jerusalem with total destruction. A pro-
nunciamento of this kind is indisputable evidence of the prophet s
initiative and courage. That Yahweh s splendid temple, which
had stood as the visible reminder of his presence since the days
of Solomon, should pass into the hands of a pagan nation to be
desecrated and destroyed was a statement altogether incredible
to the citizens of Jerusalem, and one which only absolute and
unswerving loyalty to Yahweh and his will could possibly have
enabled Micah to make.

Not a word of Micah s is preserved for us concerning hopes for
Israel s future. Yet that he should have had no such hopes is
psychologically and religiously unintelligible. His conception of
Yahweh, even though as Lord of heaven and earth and able to
move the nations at his will (i 3 - 4 - 10 16 ), never for a moment in
cluded the possibility of Yahweh transferring his love to another
nation. Were Israel as a whole to perish, Yahweh would be left
without a representative among the nations of the earth. But
while Micah saw the scourge of an invading army prostrate the
countryside and destroy the capital, there is no evidence that he
looked for the annihilation of the nation as such.* Living apart
from the glamour and power of the capital, he did not identify the
fate of the nation with that of Jerusalem. He may have given over

* Cj. Sm., Rd.\ 237 /.

26 MICAH

the corrupt capital to destruction without a moment s hesitation as
to Israel s future, believing it lay in the hands of the simple-minded
country folk rather than with the degenerate leaders of church,
state and society in Jerusalem. Furthermore, Yahweh was great
enough to win glory for himself apart from the temple and the cap
ital. He was not shut up to one way of manifesting himself among
his people. He in whose presence the mountains quake and dis
solve is surely able to vindicate himself in the sight of the world
even though Jerusalem fall.

What the immediate effect of Micah s preaching was we have no
means of knowing. True, Je. 26 18- 19 preserves a tradition that
Hezekiah s reformation was due to the influence of Micah. But
however true that may be, neither the record of Je. 26 18 - 19 nor the
account of Hezekiah s reform accords closely with the contents of
Micah s message as known to us. For Micah seems to have de
nounced the nobles and councillors of the king rather than the king
himself as the face of the narrative in Jeremiah would imply; and
his preaching was concerned primarily with social wrongs rather
than with idolatry and cultus as in 2 K. i8 4 ff \ In any case his
words were cherished among the people of the land for whom he
laboured and his example of sturdy independence and freedom of
speech in the name of Yahweh established a precedent that was
of good service to Jeremiah, the bearer of a similar message.

5. RECENT LITERATURE ON THE BOOK
OF MICAH.

For discussions of the poetical form of Micah, see i. Only
the more important literature can be mentioned here.

i. On the Text.

K. Vollers, Das Dodekapropheton der Alexandriner, ZAW.,
IV (1884), 1-12. V. Ryssel, Die arabische Uebersetzung des
Micha in der Pariser und Londoner Polyglotte, ZAW., V (1885),
102-38. Idem., Untersuchungen fiber die Textgestalt und die
Echtheit des Buches Micha. Ein kritischer Kommentar zu Micha

LITERATURE ON MIC AH 27

(1887). M. Sebok, Die Syrische Uebersetzung der zwb lf kleinen
Propheten und ihr Verhaltniss zu dem Massoretischen Text und zu
den alter en Uebersetzungen namentlich den LXX und dem Tar gum
(1887). Schuurmans Stekhoven, De Alex. Vertaling van het Do-
dekapropheton (1887). H. P. Smith, The Text of Micah, in He-
braica, IV (1888), 75-81. J. Taylor, The Massoretic Text and
the Ancient Versions of the Book of Micah (1891). H. Graetz,
Emendationes in plerosque Sacrae Scripturae Veteris Testamenti
libros, etc. (1893). P. Ruben, Critical Remarks upon Some Pas
sages of the Old Testament (1896). H. Oort, Textus Hebraici
Emendationes quibus in Vetere Testamento Neerlandice usi sunt
A . Kuenen, J. Hooykaas, W. H. Kosters, H. Oort; edidit H. Oort
(1900). W. O. E. Oesterley, The Old Latin Texts of the Minor
Prophets, in Journal of Theological Studies, V (1903), 247-53.
Idem., Codex Taurinensis (1908). Agnes Smith Lewis, Codex
Climaci Rescriptus (Horae Semiticae, No. VIII, 1909), pp. 2 and
22 (giving a Palestinian-Syriac Version of Mi. 4 1 " 6 ). B. Duhm,
Anmerkungen zu den zwolf Propheten, in ZAW., XXXI (1911),
81-93.

2. On Introduction.

All the standard handbooks of Introduction to the Old Testa
ment have sections on Micah. Special attention may be called to
Driver (new ed., 1910), Konig (1893), Kuenen (2d ed., 1885/0,
Wildeboer (3d ed., 1903), Cornill (6th ed., 1908; Engl. transl.,
1907) and Budde, Geschichte der Althebrdischen Litteratur (1906).
Good summaries are furnished also by the encyclopedia articles, viz.,
those of Cheyne, in Encyclopedia Biblica; Nowack, in Hastings s
Dictionary of the Bible; and Volck, in Protestantische Realencyklo-
padie (3d ed.). To these must be added, by the careful student,
Caspari, Uber Micha den Morasthiten und seine prophetische
Schrift (1852). Stade, Bemerkungen uber das Buck Micha,
ZAW., I (1881), 161-72. Idem., Weitere Bemerkungen zu
Micha, IV-V, ibid., Ill (1883), 1-16. Nowack, Bemerkungen
uber das Buck Micha, ibid., IV (1884), 277-91. Stade, Bemer
kungen, on Nowack s article, ibid., IV, 291-97. Ryssel, op. cit.
(1887). Pont, Micha-Studi en, in Theologische Studien, 1888, pp

28 MICAH

235-46; 1889, pp. 431-53; 1892, pp. 329-60. Kosters, De Samen-
stelling van het boek Micha, in ThT., 1893, pp. 249-74. Volz,
Die vorexilische Jahweprophetie und der Messias (1897), 63-67.
K. J. Grimm, Euphemistic Liturgical Appendixes in the Old Testa
ment (1901), 78-81, 94/.. Stade, in ZAW., XXIII (1903), 163-
71, on Mi. i 2 4 and 7 7 20 . See also the literature cited in i of
Introduction.

3. On Interpretation.

The modern movement in the interpretation of Micah began
with Ewald s commentary (1840; 2d ed., 1867). Among later
commentators may be mentioned Roorda, Commentarius in Vati-
cinium Michae (1869), a keen textual critic. Reinke, Der Prophet
Micha (1874). Hitzig-Steiner, Die zwb lf kleinen Propheten
(1881). Cheyne, Micah, with Notes and Introduction (1882).
Orelli, The Twelve Minor Prophets (1888; 3d ed., 1908; Engl.
transl., 1893). Elhorst, De Profetie van Micha (1891). Well-
hausen, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt und erklart (1892; 3d ed.,
1898). G. A. Smith, The Book of the Twelve Prophets (1896).
Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt und erklart (1897; 2d ed.
1904). Marti, Dodekapropheton erklart (1904). HaleVy, in Revue
semitique, XII and XIII (i904/.). A. van Hoonacker, Les douze
petits prophetes (1908). Margolis, Micah (1908).

Special phases and passages receive consideration in the follow
ing: H. Oort, Het Beth-Efraat van Micha V : i, in ThT., V
(1871), 501-11. Kuenen, De Koning uit Beth-Ephrat, ibid., VI
(1872), 45-66. Oort, Ter verklaring van Micha III-V. Nog
iets over Beth-Efraat en Migdal-Eder, ibid., VI, 273-79. M. J.
de Goeje, Ter verklaring van Micha III-V. Proeve van verk
laring van Micha IV : i-V : 2, ibid., VI, 279-84. Kuenen, Ter
verklaring van Micha III-IV. Nalezing, ibid., VI, 285-302.
Duhm, Die Theologie der Propheten (1875), pp. 178-93. Wilde-
boer, De profeet Micha en zijne beteekenis voor het verstand der
profetie onder Israel (1884). W. R. Smith, The Prophets of Israel
and Their Place in History (2d ed., 1895). Guthe s Translation
and Notes in Kautzsch s Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments (3d
ed., 1909). Kent s Translation and Notes in Sermons, Epistles

LITERATURE ON MICAH 29

and Apocalypses of Israel s Prophets (1910). M. Rahmer, Die
hebraischen Traditionen in den Werken des Hieronymus. Die
Commentarii zu den zwb lf kleinen Propheten. Heft. 2, Obadja,
Jona, Micha. (1902).

A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK
OF MICAH.

A. CHAPTERS 1-3.
i. The Superscription (i 1 ).

This states the authority of the utterance and the author s name
and clan, together with the period of his activity and the subject-
matter of his writings.

i. The word of Yahweh] This term is usually employed for
the work of the prophet. V. H. AH , 201 /.. Which came unto]
This use of the verb is common in prophetic utterance: in the
superscriptions of Ho., Jo., Jon., Zp., Hg., Zc., Je., and also Hg.
2 1 - 10 - 20 Zc. i 7 4 8 6 10 7 4 - 8 8 1 Is. 2 8 13 38 4 ; and exceedingly common in
the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. It is part of a larger usage
representing the meaning come into existence, become. Cf. Gn. i 3
and Mi. y 4 , where it is parallel to Wi. Micah] Little is known
of the life of this prophet, except that he was of rustic origin,
preached in the days of Hezekiah and made so profound an impres
sion as to be still remembered in the days of Jeremiah, nearly a cen
tury later (Je. 26 18 ). The Morashtite] Of the eight men named
Micah, or Micaiah, in the Old Testament, the two leading ones are
the Micah of our book and Micaiah ben Imlah (i K. 22 4 ff ), a con
temporary of Ahab.* The appellation of Morashtite, distinguishing
the former and occurring only here and in Je. 26 18 , is a gentilic
adjective derived from the name Moresheth (i 14 ), which in all prob
ability was the prophet s home. In the days of Jotham, Ahaz,
Hezekiah, kings of Judah] A later addition,! for the substantial
truth of which evidence is furnished by Je. 26 18 ; but no sufficient
grounds exist for believing Micah to have prophesied in the days
of Jotham. Which he perceived] This emphasises the character

* V. H. AH , Iv, Ivi. t V. i.; and Introduction, 3.

i 1 3 1

of the prophet s message as a divine revelation. Concerning Sa
maria and Jerusalem] An accurate summary of the contents of
Micah s prophecies, whether the destruction of Samaria spoken of
in i 5 7 be already past or yet to come.

The superscription seems to be of Judean origin, since no mention is
made of the contemporary kings of Israel. But it cannot in its present
form be credited to Micah himself, for none of the contents of the book
can be assigned to so early a date as the reign of Jotham; the use of run
in the sense of "utter" or "announce" is a sign of late origin (cf.
H. AH , 4; Hoffman, ZAW., Ill, 95) ; and the latter part of the superscrip
tion is similar to the editorial additions in Ho. i 1 , Is. i 1 . The original
legend, therefore, was, The -word of Yahweh which came to Micah, the
Morashtite (so We., Now., Marti, Du.; cf. Che., in CB.).

1 . rvn -HPN nirp -on] &lt;8, and the word of the Lord came (so 2,0, A), a free
rendering, rather than a different text; Jonah is the only prophetic book
beginning &gt; nan TPI, though isolated oracles are not infrequently so in
troduced, e. g., Je. i 4 Ez. 3 16 . Some codd. of (& (87, 91, 228 and & H ) re
produce f& literally. ^c] The interpretation of this name as mean
ing, Who is like (this child)? (Gray, Hebr. Prop. Names, 157; cf.
Nrp2, 2 S. 9 12 ), is hardly probable, for such a name leaves too much to be
supplied by the imagination. It is better taken as a shorter form of
rv3&lt;p (so Kt., Je. 26 18 ); cf. 1^3/0 (2 Ch. 17?) and in;:np (i K. 22"),
meaning, Who is like Yahu? Cf. irn, the form of the divine name in the
Assouan Papyri and the form v found both as prefix and as affix on the
ostraca recently discovered at Samaria. Analogous forms are Sxrp,
and the Assyrian mannu-ki-ilu-rabu = who is like the great God? and
mannu-ki-Adad = who is like Adad (Gray, Hebr. Prop. Names, 157;
Fried. Delitzsch, Prol., 210). The longer and the shorter forms are
used interchangeably in the later literature. Cf. &lt;&, M.cixa.tav; Kt. and
Qr. in Je. 26 18 2 K. 22 12 and 2 Ch. 34 20 ; and Ju. 17 4 , wherein a long form
appears, while the short form prevails in the rest of chs. 17 and 18; in 17 -
&lt;S B reproduces the long form of M, 21 has the long form in v. , but the
short in v. 4 , and &lt;& A H have the short form in both verses. There is
no good reason to suppose that this equivalence does not rest upon sound
tradition. Tann] Cf. i 14 . (8, rbv TOV Mupao-Oel, treating it as a patro
nymic, in Je, 26 18 (6 has 6 Mupadtrrts, several mss. omit the cr from be
fore 8 here, this is due to the similar pronunciation of the two letters.
, n f"!9 ?; similarly &, mistakenly connecting it with the Mareshah of
i 15 . or&gt;r] 2 mss. of de R. prefix o&gt;nnj?. rvprrv] &lt;g B g prefix conj.;
hence, and because asyndeton is uncommon in historical prose, Ro.
emends to mi; but cf. Is. i 1 Ho. i 1 , where (& again inserts /cat; the fact
that the form TIT occurs in Chronicles 35 times, while the shorter form

32 MICAH

is found only 5 times, likewise argues for the full form in this late super
scription. -WN] &lt;&, inrtp oil/, a rendering made necessary by the literal
translation of nrn as saw. Cf. QJ, which renders nm, he prophesied. JTC:: ]
V. i. on vv. 4 - 5 ; on form, cf. Assy., Sa-me-ri-na. aStt&gt;w] V. H. AH , 47.

2 The Doom of Israel (i 2 9 ).

This oracle resolves itself into six strophes of four lines each.

(1) The announcement of Yahweh s appearance in judgment (v. 2 ).

(2) The convulsions of nature attendant upon his coming (vv. 3&gt;
4a b )- (3) The occasion of this punitive manifestation is the sin
of Israel, especially as represented in the capital cities (v. 5 &gt;. (4)
Yahweh states that Samaria is to be razed to the ground because of
her sins (v. 6 ). (5) Therefore does the prophet break forth into
inconsolable lamentation (v. 8 ). (6) For the destruction is irre
mediable and will extend even to Jerusalem (v. 9 ).

J-JEAR ye, peoples all;

Hearken, O earth, and her fulness.

Yahweh will become a witness against you,

The Lord from his holy temple.
VEA, see! Yahweh is coming forth from his place;

He will descend upon the heights of the earth;

And the mountains will melt under him,

And the valleys be cloven asunder.
TTOR the transgression of Jacob is all this,

And for the sin of the house of Judah.

What is Jacob s transgression? Is it not Samaria *

And what is Judah s sin ? Is it not Jerusalem ?
J HEREFORE will I turn Samaria into a field,

Into a planted vineyard;

And I will pour down her stones into the valley,

And lay bare her foundations.
JTOR this, let me lament and wail;

Let me go barefoot and stripped;

Let me make lamentation like the jackals,

And mourning like the daughters of the desert.
TTOR her stroke is incurable.

Yea, it comes even to Judah;

It reaches unto the gate of my people,

Even unto Jerusalem.

The measure of this poem is trimeter, with an occasional rise to a te
trameter or a descent to dimeter (in v. 8 , where the elegiac movement
appears in perfect harmony with the contents of the str.). The first three

i" 33

strs. describe the coming of Yahweh and its cause; the last three set
forth the nature of the punishment and its effect. This arrangement in
volves the retention of vv. z - 5 as genuine, notwithstanding the objec
tions of Sta., Now., Marti, et al., and the excision of w. &lt;&gt; 1 as latei
accretions. Now. has already felt the difficulty of v. * d and attempted
to remedy it by interchanging the positions of w. * b and * . But * and
b belong together; the expansion of a thought by the addition of a com
parison is no uncommon thing (cf. 7 10 ); and the lines 4c d burden the
str.. The argument against v. 7 lies in the fact that it breaks the close
connection between v. 8 and v. 8 (the lamentation of v. 8 is certainly not
on account of the destruction of the idols in v. 7 , but because of the fall
of the city related in v. ); its indulgence in detail is likewise quite out of
harmony with the swift, powerful strokes employed to sketch the scene
of destruction. Moreover, Micah s emphasis was not upon the iniquity
of idolatry, but upon that of crimes against the social order. It is not
likely, therefore, that he would make idolatry the sole cause of the threat
ened disaster, as is done if v. 7 be retained. The two great cities are here
singled out for denunciation; but idolatry was no more rampant in the
city than in the country. These facts, together with the marked varia
tion from the strophic norm of the context, in that it constitutes a five-line
strophe, make the case against v. 7 conclusive (so also Marti, Now. K ,
Siev., Gu.). Objections against w. 2 - 6a were first formulated by Sta.,
ZAW., XXIII, 163. They are (i) that here the judgment is directed
against the heathen, with whom Micah has no concern; (2) that the con
nection of this world-judgment with the impending calamity of Israel is
a thought characteristic of later times; (3) that the conception of Yahweh
as abiding in the heavens is of late origin; and (4) that in vv.*- 4 the
movement is trimeter, while in vv. 6 fl - the Qzna-rhythm prevails. But
it is by no means so certain that the prophetic eschatology took on its
universalistic colouring only in later times. The first two chapters of
Amos seem to indicate an early connection between Yahweh s judgment
of Israel and a more or less widely extended world-catastrophe. Cf.
also Gressmann, Der Ursprung d. isr.-jiid. Eschatologie (1905), 144 /..
There was certainly nothing in the eighth-century idea of God that pre
vented attributing to him activities of world-wide scope. Cf. Am. 9
and Gn. i-n. The belief that Yahweh enthrones himself in the hea
ens cannot legitimately be made of late origin (contra Kau., DB., V,
646) in view of the theophany at Sinai (Ex. 19" 18 = J); of the occur
rence of the tide God of the heavens in the indubitably early passage
Gn. 24 ( J) ; of the parallel title jvS? in Nu. 24", an equally early pas
sage; and of the mention of a Phoenician deity, Baal-Samen, in a contract
between Esarhaddon (681-668) and the king of Tyre (v. KAT.*, 357).
The change of rhythm in w. does not necessarily involve a change of
authorship (cf. Siev., who constructs a separate oracle in Qina-rhythm of

34 MICAH

vv. 8 ); similar changes occur elsewhere within a poem, e. g., 2* 4".
Furthermore, the omission of vv. 25a leaves the opening of the oracle
abrupt and brusque to a degree not paralleled elsewhere in Mi. 1-3.

2. oSo] (&, \6yovs = Aram., O^D, a familiar term to the translators; a
and D were easily confused in the old script. Cf. i 12 5 n - 7" (6, Jb. 8
(where on o = nnn), Zc. 2 (where IK, j?2-\ND = &lt;g, -IND) and Mai.
i 10 (where & ^ = (& vs). The conjecture of Ry. that &lt;& originally
read \6yovs Trdvras is without any support and is unnecessary. & all of
you (so Du.) ; but in Jb. 17 & makes the same change. M is substanti
ated by i K. 22 28b , a verbatim quotation of this phrase. -o^pn] In codd.
Kenn. 30, 96, 224, -ia ; in the same codd. and in 4, 101, 145, 150 (cf.
&lt;& & H) pm; but both of these variations are due to scribal correction.
DNSs-i] &lt; freely, and all who are in it; & with her fulness. mm &gt;jn]
Om. N with (6 A and A; it is superfluous to the metre, and is either a gloss
on mm or a dittog. from the following line (so also Marti, Now. K , Siev.,
Stk., Du.. tyS] &lt;8, els naprijpiov, abstract for concrete. 3 . l"ni] Om. with
(6, as a dittog. of TVI; this also improves the rhythm; Siev., Hpt. om. TVI
instead. Du. om. either. 4. ui IDDJI] (g, transposing the vbs., and shall
be shattered the mountains under him and the valleys melted. D^popn]
Codd. 229 (Kenn.) and 224 (de R.), mpajn. 5. nwonai] Rd. nxaroi, with
&lt;$ 31 (but cod. Reuchl. has pi.) and codd. 211, 1257 (de R.). 26 codd.
of Kenn. have defective writing. The sg. is required by the parallel
jjtfu, and by (g s rendering of mna in 1. 4 (so Ro., Taylor, We., Pont, Gu.,
Oort Em -, Now., Marti, Stk., Du.). S NTJ"] Rd. rnim, because of the use
of the latter in 1. 4 (so Seb., Now., We., Pont, Gu.). A similar inter
change of names occurs in Ho. 5 12 - "; according to the Massora such con
fusion of names was not infrequent (v. the citation in Seb. 46, note 3).
T] Seb. and We., nn. nina] Rd. nsan, with & and codd. (Kenn.)
201, 228, on margin (so Houb., Dathe, Bauer, Ro., Oort Em -, Marti,
Hal., Siev., Stk., Gu., Du.). Cf. &lt;&, 17 a^aprta oticov; so ft, U.
For a similar insertion of no by (&, see many codd. HP., which insert
it in v. Bc before apy\ mca is a gloss which succeeded in displacing
the original text; it is impossible because the answer Jerusalem does
not fit; nor was Jerusalem noted for high-places, the temple tak
ing their place; the parallelism is against it; the sin of Judah as
Micah saw it consisted in oppression, murder, etc., rather than in
worshipping on the high-places; and the Vrss. all testify against JH.
Kue., nu nNisn (so H. P. Smith, Seb., Taylor, Elh., Pont, Gr., Gu.,
GASm., Now., We.). 6. mtrn ^S] Rd. n^S, omitting &gt;y (so Marti,
Siev., Gu.) as a gloss. (&, els 67r(i)po&lt;f&gt;v\dKiov dypov; &,for a house of the
country, the field, connecting mtrn with the following instead of the pre
ceding context. We., a&gt;n ny 1 ? (cf. 3 12 Ez. 2i 2 ; so Now.), or n mj?S (cf.
i S. 27 5 ). Hi., v myS, connecting me&gt; with following words (cf. $); but
rvp would be dir.. ^S] Rd. N^J*? with 6 codd. (Kenn.); N lost through

i 35

haplo.. 05, e/s x^ OJ - $&gt; &lt;?wos* aceruum lapidunt in agro. Gr. n SjS
7. iro&gt;] 05, KaTa.K6\j/ov&lt;Ti, an active form with indefinite subject, equivalent
to the passive. Cf. French on, German man (so Ry., contra Bauer, Jus.,
Hi., Vol., who posit a different pointing for UK) . m JJHN] 21, locationes. We.
y^%* (so Oort Em -, Marti, Gu.), but this would require a fern, form of the
vb. (Hal.). Hal. -7\J.on. nxnp] Rd., with & (5 B, 3p to conform with
iro&gt; and requirements of grammar (so Dathe, Ew., Taylor, Elh., We.,
Pont, Gr., GASm., Now., Hal., Marti, Siev., Gu., Du.). Cf. &lt;5, vvrfaw.
8. (& places all vbs. in 3d pers. sg., & in 2d pers. sg. fern., in 3d pers.
pi. masc.. ruS&gt;N] Qr. and some codd. of Kenn. roVs. SW] Qr. and 31
codd. (Kenn.) SSii&gt;. na&gt;j7N] ( A , Trotijcrerai Kal Troi^craiTe. D uro] &lt;, wr
5paK6t&gt;T(t)v y so H. Aq., ffciprfvuv. 6, Xe6j/ru&gt;j&gt;. &, a jackal. Cod. 96
(Kenn.) pro. njyi nun] &lt;&, dvyartpuv &lt;reip-/ii&gt;uv; so &. 9. H^IJN] (8,
S 0, /3ta/a; H, desperata. rumon] Rd. nnso, with &lt;g, ^
s, and in agreement with the sg. of the vbs. ; so & U (5 and 7
codd. of de R. and i cod. of Kenn. (so We., Gr., GASm., Now., Marti,
Hal., Siev., Stk., van H., Marg., Gu.). Du. n; n?p. pjj] Rd. npjj, with ft
(5, in conformity with demands of grammar (so Taylor, We., Now., Marti,
Hal., Siev., Stk., van H., Marg., Gu., Du.). Elh. yn. oStPTV~i&gt; ] We.,
Now., Stk., om. as gloss. Marti, "p -pip.

Str. I contains the call for attention. 2. Hear ye, peoples all]
The prophet addresses the nations of the earth,* rather than the
tribes of Israel f (although Q^D^ is sometimes used of the tribes; cf.
Gn. 49 10 Dt. 32 8 33 3 Zc. n 10 Ho. io 14 ), as appears from the parallel
expression, O earth and her fulness] which always designates the
world as a whole and never any special portion. Cf. Dt. 33 Ps.
24 1 . The nations are summoned not as witnesses (cf. Am. 3 Dt.
4 26 3O 19 Is. i 2 ), but as vitally interested auditors whom it behooves
to consider diligently what they hear, for Israel s case is part and
parcel of the world s case. The logical object of the verbs hear and
hearken is the whole of the succeeding oracle, beginning, Yahweh
will become a witness against you] Not among you,l for Micah
certainly would not conceive of Yahweh as a fellow-witness with
the heathen of Israel s calamities; but rather of these calamities as
bringing home to their consciences a condemning sense of their own
guilt and a warning to flee from the coming wrath; i. e., Yahweh
through his punishment of Israel will testify against the nations,

* So Rosenm., Ew., Ke.. Casp., Hd., Pu., Or., Che., We., GASm., Now., Marti,
t So Ki., Hi., Stei., Hal.. J So GASm..

36 MICAH

who are even more guilty. His holy temple] i. e , nis dwelling in the
heavens,* not the temple at Jerusalem,! as the language of vv. 3 - 4
shows. Cf. Hb. 2 20 Zc. 2 13 Is. 63 15 Ps. n 4 . For similar views in
early times regarding Yahweh s habitation, cf. Ex. i$ 21 L i4 19 - 24

j lib. 18. 20^

Str. II introduces Yahweh himself upon the scene of action.
3. Yea, seel Yahweh is coming forth from his place] The pic
ture becomes more vivid; the judgment is on the verge of execu
tion ! The place is the heavenly temple. Cf. Ho. 5 15 Ps. i4 2 Is. i8 4 .
He will descend upon the heights of the earth] For the omission
of the phrase, and tread, v. s. For a similar thought, cf. Am. 4 13 (a
late passage). 4. And the mountains will melt, etc.] The ima
gery here is based upon the phenomena of earthquakes or volcanic
eruptions (cf. Is. 24* Zc. i4 4 Na. i 6 ), and is not descriptive of a
thunderstorm; the description of the rending of the valleys forbids
the latter interpretation. Like wax before the fire, like waters poured
down a declivity] A later addition (v. s.). The volcanic stream
of lava is the basis of this comparison.

Str. Ill states the cause of Yahweh s fearful wrath. 5. For the
transgression of Jacob is all this] Jacob is here applied to the
northern kingdom, as appears from 1. 3. All this refers to the
foregoing cataclysm, not to the threats of v. 6 . And for the sin cf
the house ofJudah] The prophet couples Israel and Judah in the
bonds of iniquity. The coming punishment will include both.
Cf. w. 8t 9 . What is Jacob s transgression? Is it not Samaria?]
The name of the capital, tne centre of the nation s corrupt and li
centious life, sums up the offence of Israel. And what is Judah 1 s
sin ? Is it not Jerusalem ?] The two capitals are denounced by
the prophet of the countryside not only for their own inherent sin,
but also because they serve as sources of corruption infecting the
whole land.

Str. IV presents the climax of the oracle in the clearly marked
dirge-rhythm. The total destruction of Samaria is announced in
terrible tones. 6. Therefore will I turn Samaria into afield] JJI
ruin is not suited to the following word, field, nor to the parallel

* Theincr, Rosenm., Hi., Mau. Hd., Ke., Che., Or., Now., GASm., We., Marti,
t Os., Geb.. Hal., et al..

i - 37

phrase, a planted vineyard. Now. s reading, the forest of the field, is
too far removed from the received text and. does not quite meet the
demands of the parallelism; the term forest is not elsewhere em
ployed to denote desolation. Samaria is to become an utter waste,
a ploughed field (cf. 3 12 ), a vineyard in cultivation. A vineyard is
the type of arable land less easily utilised for building purposes than
any other, because of the great labour and loss involved in the
transplanting of the vines (so Hal.) . The hill of Samaria was very
fertile and well adapted to vine-culture. And I will pour down her
stones, etc.] Cf. i K. i6 24 . On the destruction of Samaria here
foretold, v. i.. A total destruction of the city such as is here de
scribed was effected by John Hyrcanus (v. Jos., Ant., XIII, 10,
3). This, however, constitutes no valid argument for transfer
ring this section of Micah to the Maccabaean period (contra Hpt.) .
7. This verse forms a five-line strophe, detailing the destruction
of idolatry which is to accompany the downfall of Samaria. It is
an expansion of Micah s message from the hand of a later scribe
who interpreted the fall of Samaria as a judgment upon idolatry
(v. 5.). And all her idols will be shattered] These were idols
carved from stone or wood; shattering demonstrates their power-
lessness. Samaria was notorious among later prophets for her
idolatry. Cf. Is. 2 20 io 10 f - 27 f - so 22 3i 7 . And all her images will
be burnt with fire] For the rendering images, v. i.. The usual
rendering, harlot-hires, is wholly unsuited here to the vb. burnt and
to the demands of the parallelism. For various attempts to escape
the difficulty by changing the text, v. s.. And all her idols I will lay
desolate] A third word for idol appears here; Hebrew has no less
than twelve words for this conception. For from the hire of a har
lot they were gathered], i. e., not that the images were obtained by
means of the gains of prostitutes,* but that they were made pos
sible through the material prosperity which the people attributed to
the favour of the Baalim (cf. Ho. 2 5 ).f And to a harlot s hire they
will return] If it be asked how these idols already shattered and
burned can again become hire, the answer is that we must not con
fine a poet too strictly to prosaic fact. He evidently here is thinking
of the use made by the heathen conqueror of the trophies of war;

* So Hal., et al.. t So We., Or., Now..

38 MICAH

these are presented to their deities in acknowledgment of their
favour in bestowal of victory, and thus are designated by the
prophet as harlot s hire.

Str. V reveals the prophet s anguish as he contemplates the fate
of the city.* 8. For this] Not for the immediately preceding de
struction of idols certainly, but for the destruction pictured in v. 8 ,
and because this destruction carries with it injury of the most seri
ous character to the southern kingdom in which, of course, the
prophet was especially interested. Calamity to Samaria means
panic in Jerusalem. Let me lament and wail] This dirge-like ut
terance, with its many terms for lamentation, is characteristically
oriental in its vigorous and concrete expression of emotion ; the
repetitions secure emphasis and variety. The form in which the
vbs. are used (with H-r) makes the lament even more tender and
plaintive. This is one of several instances in which the man as
patriot bewails most grievously the event which as prophet he is
bound to announce. Cf. Je. 9 lff \ Barefoot and stripped] Not
naked, but in the dress of one in sorrow (2 S. i5 30 ) ; here and else
where (Is. 2o 2 " 4 ) the reference is to a symbolic act in which the per
son thus garbed represents a captive.f The garment discarded
was the outer cloak or tunic. Cf. Jb. 22 6 Ex. 22 26 Am. 2 s . Like the
jackals] The wail of these animals is a long, piteous cry (cf. Is.
i3 22 ), and may be heard almost any night in Palestine, where the
jackal is now the most common beast of prey. And mourning like
the daughters of the desert] The comparison is to the noisy, hid
eous screech of the ostrich.

Str. VI gives the justification for the prophet s grief which lies
in the hopelessness of Samaria s outlook and in the fact that the
calamity will include his own city, Jerusalem. 9. For her stroke is
incurable] The reference is probably to the fall of Samaria in 721
B.C., together with the subsequent calamities which had befallen the
city prior to the prophet s time (v. i.), and not to any one specific
event. Yea, it comes even to Judah] This is the burden of the

* The change of speaker (from Yahweh to the prophet) is not sufficient reason for suspecting
that v. 8 is foreign to this context (contra Gu.). The vivid style of the prophets frequently
leaps from one speaker to another without warning.

t Yet on Assyrian reliefs male captives are frequently represented as totally devoid of cloth
ing. See, e. ., the scenes on the bronze ornaments of the gates of Balawat.

I M 39

patriot s soul, his all-consuming grief. It reaches unto the gate of
my people] Jerusalem is so designated as the seat of the central
market-place of Judah and of the highest judicial tribunal, the
natural gathering- point of Judah. Even unto Jerusalem] The
situation in the mind of the prophet is evidently that arising out of
the campaign of Sennacherib* (v. i.}, not that in connection with
Sargon s expedition against Egypt ending in the battle of Raphia
(7i 9 B.c.).f

The historical conditions amid which this oracle (i 2 - 9 ) was spoken are in
dispute: Most interpreters have assigned it to the days immediately pre
ceding the fall of Samaria in 722-721 B.C.; so, e.g., Ew., Hi., Or., Dr. Illtr -,
GASm. (725-718 B.C.), Hal., Now. (who thinks that the denunciation of
Samaria was originally uttered prior to 722 B.C., but was later in its present
form incorporated for greater effect in an oracle against Judah spoken
in connection with Sennacherib s campaign). Others place it in the
period of Sennacherib s invasion, 705-701 B.C.; so, e. g., We., Sm. (ReL,
2 37/-)&gt; Cor -&gt; Marti. The narrative certainly looks upon the chastisement
of Israel and Judah as something yet to come; there is no hint that Sama
ria has already been destroyed; the vbs. in v. 6 are indisputably future
(contra GASm.). The two lands are indissolubly linked together in the
coming destruction; their fate constitutes two acts of the same drama
(Now.). The prophet may be standing on the verge of Samaria s fall in
721 B.C., and with keen insight into the meaning of the situation pointing
out its ultimate significance for Judah, the fate of which he deems immi
nent. But the vividness of the description in i 9 ff - is more easily accounted
for on the basis of calamities actually in progress in Judah than of events
only anticipated in imagination. It seems better, therefore, to locate the
prophecy in connection with the campaign of 705-701 B.C., and to sup
pose that the final destruction of Samaria occurred in connection with
that event (so Cor., Marti). The desolation here described is not the
result of a siege and deportation such as occurred in 721 B.C., but stops
short of nothing less than total destruction such as did not take place till
some later time. For further discussion, v. Introd., pp. 18-19.

2. vn ij?Dtt&gt;] These words have been borrowed by the editor of i K.
22* 8 as appears from (i) their omission in (Si s rendering of i K. 22", (2)
their utter lack of connection there. aSu] For other cases of nSj with
2d pers., v. i K. 22 28 Jb. I7 to 2 Ch. 18"; for very common lack of con
gruence of persons after a vocative, v. Kb. * 344 L 833 f; cf. No., Syr, Gram. 1 ,
\ MOO. Ges. * 135r cites &lt;I J"IN vn, and nrv as parallel cases of the loss of
force in the sf. ; but Brockelmann, ZA ., XIV, 344 /. explains nrv by refer
ence to the old adverbial ending A; while 01 and ^n did not wholly lose

* So We., Now., Marti; contra Hal., Stk.. t GASm..

40 MICAH

the force of the sf. in classical Heb.. The possibility remains that the
process was hastened in the case of D^D and its transition to almost ad
verbial usage was facilitated by the similarity to the common adverbial
ending in DJDX ,o^n .oS-it* OB^jDjn. Cf. K6. &lt;&gt;*. &gt;n&gt;i] Juss. in
stead of impf. for rhythmical reasons (Ges. * 109 k ); here also to avoid un
pleasant assonance with the immediately foil. njrv. 3 . iDipDc] Here
parall. with hyn (v. 2 ). In early Semitic and Heb. literature D = shrine,
e. g., Gn. 28" Je. 7 12 Is. 18* 2 K. 5"- 19 ; it came to be identified with the
deity himself in the Mishna, Tosefta, Gemara, and Midrashic literature.
Its application to Yahweh s heavenly temple is common in OT., e. g., Ho.
5 15 Is. 26" Hb. 2 20 (so J. A. Montgomery, JBL., XXIV, 17-26). 4.
o^s . . . Jjns] Use of generic art. in comparison in ir, but omitted
in D3; note recurrence of a in 4d D HJD] cbr.. Hoph. of "uj; We. sug
gests -nj = Assy, gardru, run, flow (so Hal.), while Hpt. connects it with
"us, to fall, as Pu. prtc. with initial D om.. The omission of 4C - d (v. s.)
obviates the difficulty which leads Siev. to posit the omission of two lines
from the original text of v. 3 . 5. "r] Used for nn only when the un
derlying thought refers to persons as here, Ges. * 137 . Cf. i S. i8 18 2 S.
7 18 . 6. ^nsan] Of future action, Ges. ^ 1I2x . D-O ijroe] Cf. the Assyrian
phrase ana till u karmi utir = into a mound and a ruin I turned it.-
7. in^] So-called Aram. Hoph. (Ges. *); rather than impf. Qal.
pass. (Bottcher, Ges. * 63U ). n&gt;jjnx] A S^DD (Dt. 7 5 ), or an mpN (Dt.
i2 3 ), or even a HD3 (2 K. 23 15 ) may be burned, but not a harlot s hire;
hence the suspicions against the text (v. s.). The best solution of the
difficulty is to assign it to a new root, pn having the meaning resemble, be
equal, whence come for pnx the signif. image, and hire (so Halper,
AJSL., XXIV, 366^".). Satisfactory evidence for such a root is fur
nished by Arabic tdnna (III. conj. of tannd), he measured, made comparison,
and the noun tinnun, an equal, a like. Support for the ascription to
IJPN of these two conceptions, resemblance and compensation, is found
in the usage of the parallel roots npi and rnc ; ; Heb. PIDT = image, like
ness; Syr., dmaya = value, price; in Syr., Aram., and Arab., mty = was
equal, like, worth, pn is thus closely related to njp = repeat, rather than
to pj. From this point of view the use of pns here is seen to be paro
nomasia, very characteristic of Micah. nxafi] On __ for , v. Ges. * Ml .
Cf. Ew. &gt; 13lld (= Pu. with i for u); but the Vrss. and the syntax require
the Pu al plural. 8. roW] Fully written vowel only here, Ez. 35"
and Ps. 72"; v. Ges. $ b - not8 . SW] Kt. ^v is ATT.; elsewhere ^tf
with Qr. (Jb. I2 17 - I9 ); cf. analogous formations, SSj: and 331^; the Kt.
finds no certain analogies in Heb., though they are numerous in Arab.
Cf. Earth, NB, p. 54. The -__ here is probably due to the influence
of the two preceding forms. m3 . . . D jns] On pi. in comparisons,
K6. % ZM b . 9. n^niDc] On pi. here, cf. K6. ^"8. )?Jj] On sg. masc. with
fem. pi. subject as in US, cf. K6. 4 d .

10-11

3. Lamentation Over Israel s Doom (i 10 ~ lfl ).

In four strs. of four lines each, the prophet pictures desolation
as it sweeps across the countryside with the march of an invading
army. Wherever the blow falls, the piercing note of the dirge
arises, (i) A call to some of the more northern towns to give them
selves to mourning. (2) Disaster sent by Yahweh will smite the
cities of Judah. (3) Let the inhabitants of Lachish and its en
virons flee in hot haste before the impending judgment. (4) Is
rael s territory will be in the hands of the foe, and her inhabitants
will be carried into exile.

it not in Gath;

In Baca, weep bitterly;

In Beth-ophrah, roll yourselves in the dust;

Pass ye over from Shaphir in nakedness.
""THE inhabitant of Zaanan comes not forth from her fortress;

Beth-ezel is taken from its site.

How has the inhabitant of Maroth hoped for good!

For calamity has come down from Yahweh to the gates of Jerusalem,
T3IND the chariot to the steed, O inhabitant of Lachish;

For in thee are found the transgressions of Israel.

Therefore thou givest a parting gift to Moresheth-Gath.

Beth Achzib has become a snare to the kings of Israel.
J WILL yet bring the conqueror to thee, O inhabitant of Mareshah.

Forever is Israel s glory to perish.

Make thyself bald and shave thee for thy darlings;

Enlarge thy baldness like the vulture s, for they will go into exile from thee.

This piece is the most remarkable, as well as most difficult and obscure
of Micah s oracles. It is a dirge, the characteristic measure of which
does not appear until Str. II, nor is it then perfectly sustained. On ac
count of the uncertain state of the text, any attempt at reconstruction is
extremely hazardous; hence this arrangement is presented with much
hesitation. The only material excluded is v. 13b , a gloss which inter
rupts the connection between I3a and 13c , in both of which direct address
is employed. The arrangement by Siev. in seven strs. of two lines each,
in perfect Qina measure, is attractive, but it omits material arbitrarily
and handles the text too roughly. The poem as a whole is denied to
Micah by Marti (whom Siev. follows) on three grounds: (i) that it shows
reflection upon the events it describes such as is inconsistent with stirring
and painful times like the days of Micah; (2) that the use of the name
Israel as including Judah is late; (3) that v. 1S contradicts v. b . But the

42 MICAH

puns of the passage furnish no occasion for questioning the deep feeling
of the author, since such usage was not inconsistent with great grief and
was the furthest possible remove from any suggestion of humor. Its aim
was rather to strike forcibly the attention of the listener. Similar usage
in Am. 5 5 and Is. io 27 - 32 bears witness to this, for Marti s rejection of
these two passages as late rests solely upon the fact that they contain
paronomasia, an insufficient basis. Cf. Is. 5 6 11 7" Gn. 493 f - 8 - lt - lt .
Westphal well says (Jahve s Wohnstatten, 1908, p. 174): "For the
ancients the word, the name, had a wholly different significance than for
us. Puns were not for them mere plays upon words; but just as the name
had a connection with the thing named so intimate as to transcend our
perception, in like manner there was in the similarity of sound between
two words a mystical connection of the things themselves; nomen et omen
is a conception that developed upon the soil of antiquity." The name
Israel as applied to Judah is characteristic of Micah (v. 3 - 9 ). The
supposed contradiction between v. 13 and v. B is only such as is due to the
free impetuous utterance of the poet-prophet, which is not to be re
strained within geometrically denned limits. In any case the exact sig
nificance of v. 13 eludes us.

10. wjn hx njj] (, /J.TJ /j.eya.\ijj&gt;e(r0e = -iSnjri. fi&gt;, ^o._*.Z = -iSvjn (un
less fi is to be corrected with Seb. to ,oo-Z). Elh., iSvjn SN SjSja
(so Wkl. Unt -, 185 /.). Che. (JQR., X, 573) and Hal., iS^n &lt;?N riSja.
But Hi seems established by the duplicate in 2 S. i 20 . wan hi* iaa]
Rd., iaan loa Nsari, dropping SN as dittog. from prec. line. (35, ol
tv AKet/j. ( H , codd. Q marg., 87, 91, 310, Aldine ed., tv /Sa/tefyt)
fj.7] dvoiKodo/j.eiT. Some codd. tv A/c/capei/x. Comp. tv /3a/cetV. But
tv AKdfjL, as &lt;& s reading, is supported by , in Acim, and A. &lt;8 s
faKt/j. recalls its rendering of o^pjj? in Dt. 2 l(1 - l Jos. 14 * n-
as Che., EB., 1646, suggests. In support of the emendation N333 may be
urged (a) the reading tv /3a/cei/x, the last letter of which is a dittograph;
(b) the pun thereby recovered; (c) the location of Baca in the region
with which Micah is dealing; (d) the ease with which it might have dis
appeared from the Hebrew text. Reland, Pal., ui isj?a (so Zunz, Ew.,
Hi., Kl., Ro., Che., Taylor, Gu., GASm., van H.). In support of this
are urged the analogies, nppj = nypa&gt;j, Am. 8 8 ; a = ^.a; nSa = nSya,
Jos. 19 15"; mS = iD^.S, Ps. 28 8 ; and the probability that the last letter
of (&, tv A/ccfyc, is a dittog. from following /xij. Against this Ry. well argues
(i) that in the analogies cited the essential portion of the word has not
been lost as here, except in -a, a much-used particle whose position at the
beginning of its clause assures its proper recognition; (2) the remaining
puns involve not merely the sounds of the words played upon, but also
their sense; (3) the location of Acco, north of Carmel, is outside of the
region with which Micah is immediately concerned, viz., the western
slope of Judah. Mich., D paa: (cf. Ju. 2 - ; so Vol., Elh., Wkl. Un S

I 10 43

186; Che., JQR., X, 573; We., Now., Oort. Em -, Du.); Elh. and We. also
om. SN, while We. changes the impf. to an imv. 133. Gr., n&gt;Sj; D^N333
n. Hal., -uari SN 133 N333. For 133, 18 mss. of Kenn. H33.
ley mcyS n&gt;33] Rd., with &, icy rnpjj noa. C/. 6, *00/9&lt;. &lt;g, ^ of/cov
KCLTaytXuTa yrjv, which seems to reflect some form of icn. Cf. Karaye\-
afferfffovrai = nsniin3 7 . S, drink ing-bowls. Elh., y ~ncj;S n&gt;33; so van
H.. Pont, ui n-op; so van H.. Oort Em -, "toy a map rvaa. Gr., VKTPM
mojn. Wkl., ylOF., I, 103, -IDJ; Vs-noa, om. nicy as dittog..
^nt^Scnn] Rd. ^Ssrin, with &lt;, /caraTrdcrao-fle; so & H, Hartmann, Ro.,
Elh., We., Pont, Wkl., Gu., Now., Marti, Siev., van H., Gu.. Qr., 12
codd. of Kenn. and several of de R., ^snn (so Schnurrer, Bauer, Tay
lor, Gr.). The pi. is demanded by the parallel vbs. of v. 10 and by 03*%
v. . 11 . DnS nay] Rd. V -nay., with some Heb. codd., B 21, Aq., S, Hal..
05, KaraytXaTo. upuv; cf. the rendering of moyS, v. 10 . U, 5M/er derisum
vestrum. &, Serve for thyself = -|S n3j?. Elh., 03^j? n3^ N 1 ?. Pont,
03 1 ? may sS. Che. (JQR., X, 573) 13;;, om. as 1 ?. Marti, !]S n.aj?;
c/". &. Siev. nS nSaw; so Gu.. PDIT naa" 1 ] Rd. vcB p, om. n3B&gt;^ as
dittog. from foil, line; the loss of D from 1 was due to its occurrence in
immediately preceding a:&gt;S. &lt;&, /carotKoOaa KaXwj. B, habitatio pulchra.
Hal., B&gt; naa VD. ntr3 nn^] Om. r^3, with 05, as gloss upon nny; so
Ges. ^ 131 . C/. Siev. (8, rets 7r6\6is OI^T^J. 0, ^ ?r6Xis aCr?; a.l&lt;j-x\)vi\, J,con-
fusa ignominia. Elh., ncbn nj;; so Pont, van H.. Hal., nrai nn^. Siev.
and Gu. om. p^3 as dittog. of n3a &lt; and rd. nxij for nny. Marti, n&gt;oy
ntf3 = v7erf shame. Che. (JQR., X, 573) conjectures for the line;
Di 8" IT" 1 .?? *?W ? n ?^ P NX ] $, Seyi/ad/); some codd. Sevj di ; others
2aivv6v. Aq., Sava^v. 0, Scmci?. 2, ey^voOcra. H, inexitu. C, inaelant.
& = Zoaw. 2 codd. of Kenn. and 4 of de R., IJN^; cf. S. Van H.,
?nx. IDDD] Rd. nnoDD. 05, ic6^a&lt;r0at. H, planctum. Van H., ipp^
or non. SSNH no] &lt;S, of/cov ^b^evov a^rrjs. U, domum juxta earn.
S, e?7j. H, domus vicina. & om. art. n. ^ treats NH a DD as sub
ject of the clause. Elh., Pont, Sxsn no; c/. Zc. 14*. rip ] Gr., n,r.
in-inj; 03c] Rd. TIOJ-DD, 3 being due to confusion with D (cf. on i 1 )
and dittog.. (8, ^ vfj.uv ir\ijyi]v 65vi&gt;rjs; 2 codd. ir\l)v dStvrjs. C,
plagam doloris. B, e^c voftw quae sletit sibimet. renders DJ? =
the rendering of & for n?p in v. . One cod. of de R., imon; so ,
Stei.. Ro., foil. Bauer, inrp 033, correcting 05 to ir\-r}yr)v ojJr^s (so Taylor).
We., nnn nsp, regarding ^ U/LCWI as a doublet in 05. Gr., D3.rnpn D3D, using
o of v. . Oort Em , nnipi .p nnjv, for the last three words of fll. C/. Hal..
nnp 12 D3.Dp.\ Che. (JQR., X, 573) restores lines i and 2 of Str. II
thus: vS&gt;XN -U9P -in^S xrf n&gt;33 ISDO JONX n3ty&gt; jjran oSiyS. Siev.
conjectures: Tnpy. SXNJ-O NH noa nsrp NX V&gt; HNXJ S n^.
12. n^n a] Rd. nj&gt;no; c/. &lt;S, T/J ^p^aro = nSnn ip; for confusion of a
and D, v. on I 2 . S, 6Vi tv6fu&lt;rcv. 6, di/ajLi^ou&lt;ra. Aq.,

44 MICAH

infirmata est; similarly &. Taylor, nS nn. Cf. Pont, n^nn. Oort Em -,
nSm no. We., Now., and Marti, nSrv a. Siev. and Gu., nSm n-^c.
Che. (JQR., X, 573) nnSn &lt;a. aiaS] Gr., na^S Houb., niDS; so Che.
(/. c.). Hal., aia t*S. nno] (&, dSi/pas. 0, efr fr/ os = mm. S, ^
irapaTTLKpaivova-a. Aq., ~M.apa.w0. &, ^?^i,oo, confusing 1 and x $J, in
amaritudinibus. 21, Ny-\N "IDB&gt;. Gr. and Che. (/. c.), nio-p; cf. Jos.
I5 35 t TV &gt; D ] Siev. om. a. -i?B&gt;S] Rd. ^jr 1 ?, with &lt;& g&gt; 21, and codd.
295, 380, 789 of de R.; so Ro., Gu., Che. (/. c.), Oort Em -, Now.,
Marti, Siev.. & joins last two words of v. 12 to v. 13 . 13. n o mj Rd.
arn, inf. abs. with force of imv. (so Marti). (&, ^60os apudruv. B, tu-
multus quadrigae. & = ^o -"iDn-;; so also Ro.. Ru., on pen. Gr., phn
or prn. Oort Em -, ^nx Hal., nonn. Che. (/. c.), ^o &lt;1 " ^. ^TH^B. 15 ,
JP-. (?); c/". 21, ^rn = wagon. B&gt;anS] &lt;B, Kai lirirevbvTwv, connecting
with v. 12 up to this point. B, stupor-is = ^nS (Ry., Taylor). Ru., U onS
Che. (/. c.), Doni. Siev. and Gu., na:ng!? on-j ^37.. J ^aS na^] &lt;S ^
treat as subj. of foil, clause. "yoc] Hal., ytiD. 14. jnn] (S B =
T-!?V &gt; ? n .l? ?- R-&gt; Oort Em -, ^nn. Marti, -uru?; so Now. K , Siev.,
Gu.. D^mW] d, tarro&lt;rT\\on{vovs. B, emissaries. 21 Aq., S Q = gifts.
^;J Marti, i:S&gt;;; so Now. K . n^mo. (5 H & 21 = possession or tw-
heritance. Gr., ncnso, or dittog. from v. 1B . Hal., transposing (~Ss = )
S&gt; n^mD. Che. (/. c.), T^ na nc ^c 1 ?. "na] Rd. no, with Che.
(/. c.). avas] (5 H ^ = Jece^V or vanity. 0, ^ dvdyicr]* = ijps
(Ry.). arasS] Ro., arp^. aSo 1 ?] Gr., rrj; so Che. (/. c.), Now.
15. n; ] &lt;S, &os= -i&gt;: ; so We., Che. (a?/&gt;. 1897, p. 3 68 )&gt; Now., Elh.,
Siev., Gu.. 3&gt;-vn] Che. (Exp.), r^sp. -|V -ax] (g, dydyu&lt;nv; but cod.
Q war.g ., aydyw &lt;roi. S, d^w; so g. Ten mss. of de R., NON. Elh.,
^Sos; so Pont, Che. (/. c.}, Oort Em -, Siev., Gu.. ruv] (& adds
8"aS (by dittog. of iS and the first two letters of naa") and makes nttnrs
the subject of the following Nia\ nSny] Rd. oSiy, with ^, ^^VvV; so
Seb., Gr., Che. (/. c.), and Siev., who also restores oS-yjio after Nia^ (so
Gu.). Mss. 112, 126 of de R., oSny. Elh., oSy. Ry. restores oS-\y ^
oS^ ng. Marti, Du., o^S 1 ^; c/. Che. (CB.). Van H., oS^?. Nia 1 -] Rd. nas&gt;,
with Che. (E^&gt;., 1897, p. 368), Siev., Gu.. Gr.,^a&gt; (?). Hal.,Do\ Elh.,
after a\ inserts 0*715, nao ^ carrying &gt; aa over to v. I8 (so also Ro.).
16. innip] 05, X. npio.v = widowhood, probably an error for Kovpdv
(so Schnurrer, Schleus., Ry.). iSj] Gr., V?j\

Str. I issues a general call to lamentation. 10. Tell it not in
Gath] A vivid appeal to those fleeing from before the invading
army not to humiliate their native land by making its ruin known
to their hostile neighbours. These words, freely quoted from the
elegy on Saul and Jonathan (2 S. i 20 ), at once indicate the char-

i 10 - 45

acter of the oracle and constitute an appropriate opening of this
dirge. There is no sufficient reason for omitting them as a marg -
nal note, either by Micah himself * or by later readers,! intended
to call attention to the parallel between this and the earlier lament.
The resemblance between the two is hardly close enough to have
suggested such a parallel to any reader. It is more probable that
the phrase had taken on proverbial force and was used by Micah
as an opening line which at once would suggest the nature of his
poem. It seems almost certain that Gath had fallen prior to the
time of Amos (6 2 ) and that it never recovered from this blow. It
is not mentioned with the other four cities of Philistia either by
Amos (i 6 - 8 ), Zephaniah (2 2 ~ 7 ), Jeremiah (47), Zechariah (g 5 7 ), or
the books of the Maccabees. In Baca weep bitterly] M, weep not
at all, is open to the objections that it is inconsistent with the form
of phrase in the parallel lines where a verb is in each case coupled
with a noun, that it is exactly the opposite of what the prophet
might have been expected to say under such circumstances as these,
and that it makes it difficult to account for the rendering of (g
(v. s.~). The name "Baca" is applied to a village on the northern
border of upper Galilee (v. Gu., Bibelatlas, map 13), to a wady
discovered by Burckhardt near Sinai and to a portion of the valley
south-west of Jerusalem extending toward Bethlehem and men
tioned in Ps. 84. This last is the only one of the three that at all
suits the requirements of this context. In Beth-ophrah roll your
selves in the dust] The Beth-le-aphrah of m is a name otherwise
unknown ; it likewise constitutes the only case of a preposition fol
lowing Beth in a proper name. The form Beth-ophrah here adopted
is preserved in & and . The correction involved is a slight one
and preserves the paronomasia so characteristic of this passage,
and therefore seems preferable to the reading "Bethel" (v. s.).
The action called for symbolises a frenzy of despair. lla. Pass
ye over from Shaphir in nakedness] fH in this line is badly corrupt;
every word is more or less doubtful. But the general sense is clear
and supports the translation here offered. The picture is that of
a band of exiles being led away by their conqueror. The location
of Shaphir is uncertain. The most probable identification is with

* So Ry.. f So We., Now., Marti.

46 MICAH

Sawafir, SE. of Ashdod ; it is less likely an error for Shamir (Jos.
i5 48 Ju. lo 1 - 2 ), a city in Judah. In nakedness], i. e., in the garb
of a captive, deprived of the outer robe (v. on i 8 ).

Str. II sets forth the conditions which enforce the call to mourn
ing. lib, c. The inhabitant of Zaanin comes not forth from her
fortress] Here the punning continues as in Str. I. Zaanan is per
haps identical with ]M (Jos. 15"), which was in the Shephelah. &
thinks of jy, i- e., Tanis or Zoan in Egypt. The suggestion is that
of a people barricading itself in its city, afraid to face the oncoming
foe. Beth-ezel is taken from its site] 4ft, with the addition of the
last word in the previous line, is translated by RV., the wailing of
Beth-ezel shall take from you the stay thereof. But this is unintel
ligible, as is every other attempt to translate 4$. Cf. GASm., the
lamentation of Beth-ezel takes from you its standing. The above
rendering rests upon an emended text (v. s.*). The description is
that of a city razed to the ground. The town Beth-ezel is nowhere
else mentioned (cf. ^XS, Zc. i4 5 ), and was evidently unknown to
j the Greek translators (v. s.) . 12. How has the inhabitant ofMaroth
hoped for good!] But the help longed for has failed to come.
Maroth ( = bitterness} is a wholly unknown village or town; it
would seem to have been in the vicinity of Jerusalem in view of the
close connection of this line with the following. RV. renders $H,
For the inhabitant of Maroth waiteth anxiously for good; but it
should rather be is in agony for good, which yields no satisfactory
sense. For calamity has come down from Yahweh to the gates of
Jerusalem] Yahweh is here represented as enthroned in the heav
ens (cf. i 3 ), whence he sends down chastisement upon his wicked
people. It is not necessary to suppose a siege of Jerusalem act
ually in progress; the prophet rather in this way pictures the im
minence of the danger that threatens.

Str. Ill continues the elegiac measure begun in the last two lines
of Str. II. Here are described the flight of inhabitants and the
loss of territory. 13. Bind the chariot to the steed, O inhabitant of
Lachish] The paronomasia here is in the similarity of sound be
tween Bttl, chariot, and t^O^. The translation, bind, is somewhat
conjectural, but seems required by the context. Lachish is identi
cal with Tell-el-Hesy, sixteen miles NE. from Gaza and two miles

I 11 4?

S.of Eglon ;* it was formerly incorrectly identified with Umm Lakis,
a little farther north. Tell-el-Hesy lies at the base of the foothills
of the Shephelah in a fertile valley opening off the road to Egypt.
Lachish thus constituted a frontier fortress between Judah and
Egypt, and was always a place of strategic value. Rehoboam for
tified it (2 Ch. ii 9 ) and Sennacherib captured it and established
temporary headquarters there during the campaign of 701 B.C. (Is.
36 2 37 8 ). A bas-relief now in the British Museum portrays his
capture of the city. She is the chief sin of the daughter of Zion]
This parenthetic statement seems foreign to the context, and is
probably a marginal note by some reader or editor (v. s.). The
grounds upon which so serious a charge is based are unknown;
some have supposed that Lachish was the seat of some grossly li
centious cultjf others base its guilt on the supposition that it was
one of the chariot cities established by Solomon (i K. io 26 2 Ch.
i 14 8 6 )4 The best hypothesis is that "as the last Judean outpost
toward Egypt, and on a main road thither, Lachish would receive
the Egyptian subsidies of horses and chariots, in which the poli
ticians put their trust instead of in Jehovah." Cf. Ho. 14*.
Until we know more definitely the nature of the charge against La
chish or the circumstances under which it was uttered, the possi
bility must remain open for the rendering, "she is the beginning of
sin, etc." For in thee are found the transgressions of Israel} The
address is to Lachish, not to the daughter of Zion.** The use of
"Israel" is not to be explained as meaning that the sins responsi
ble for Samaria s downfall are now regnant in Judah.ff "Israel"
rather indicates the whole of Yahweh s people and territory of
which Judah is now the more important part; on this use of "Is
rael," v. s.. The order of words would seem to show that the
thought is not that Lachish is characterised by such sins as are com
mon to all the cities of Israel, but that the responsibility for the gen
eral guilt rests largely upon Lachish ; this is in harmony with the
gloss in the previous line. No hint is given as to the nature of the

* See F. J. Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, or Tell-el-Hesy Excavated. The excavations
were begun by J. F. Petrie and completed by Bliss.

t So, e. g., Now.. J So, e. g.. We., van H..

S GASm., 384 /.. ** Contra van H..

ft Contra van H..

48 MICAH

sin laid to the account of Lachish. It is, of course, possible that
this oracle was uttered after Hezekiah had sent tribute to Sen
nacherib at Lachish (2 K. i8 14 16 ), and that Micah here expresses
his judgment concerning that transaction. 14. Therefore, thou
givest a parting gift to Moresheth-Gath] This is better than to treat
Gath as a vocative,* or to consider Moresheth-Gath as the one
addressed, f which necessitates a change of text, or to transpose the
preposition and render, "thou shalt give Moresheth as a parting
gift to Gath." J The address is to the daughter of Zion who is
now to dismiss with the proper present one of her villages. The
word used here for gift is that employed in i K. Q 16 to designate
the dowry given by Pharaoh to his daughter. There was proba
bly an intentional play here on the words flSnlQ and fitSHNQ
(betrothed). Judah will lose the town and pay tribute besides.
The site of Moresheth-Gath can only be conjectured. The form
of the name would imply proximity to Gath, but unfortunately
Gath s location is doubtful. Moresheth-Gath was probably near
the Philistine border; Jerome declares that a small village near
Eleutheropolis (Beit-Jibrin) on the east bore the name in his day.
This is the region in which Lachish lay. Micah s appellation, "the
Morashtite," was probably derived from this place. Much depends
upon this interpretation, for otherwise no information is at hand
concerning the prophet s home or origin. Beth Achzib has become
a snare to the kings of Israel] 4H, the houses of Achzib. Achzib
is not the old Phoenician town (Jos. ip 29 Ju. i 31 ),** as might appear
from the phrase kings of Israel. Israel here represents Judah as in
line 2, and the plural kings is generic. Achzib has been and still
is for Israel s king a false hope, a brook whose waters have dried
up. Cf. Je. i5 18 . The play on words here is between achzib and
achzab. The exact site of Achzib has so far eluded discovery.
Jos. i5 44 locates it in the Shephelah of Judah, in the vicinity of
Libnah, Keilah and Mareshah. How so comparatively unim
portant a place as Achzib evidently was (for it plays no part else
where on the pages of Hebrew history) could have been a snare to

* We.i. t So We., Now., Marti.

% So Ha!.. So Hi., We., Now., Marti, van H..

** C). Ew. and Ro., who find here an allusion to both towns, the northern and the southern.

I 14 49

the kings of Israel must remain a mystery. The view of Hitzig,
that Achzib had been in the possession of Philistia since the reign
of Ahaz and that Judah had always entertained the hope of its re
covery which is now doomed to disappointment, is wholly without
foundation.

Str. IV. continues in the elegiac strain, and reaches its climax
with an announcement of the doom of exile. 15. I will yet bring
the conqueror to thee, O inhabitant of Mareshah] The play here
is on ydresh and MaresJtah. Even Mareshah, rejoicing in its
name, a possession, shall not escape the hand of the conqueror, the
dispossessor. The modern Merdsh, two miles S. of Beit-Jibrin, an
swers the geographical requirements for the site of Mareshah as in
dicated here and in Jos. 15" and by Eusebius, who locates it two
miles S. of Eleutheropolis. But the excavators have thrown doubt
upon its identity with the ancient Mareshah (v. i.~). It is evidently
to be distinguished from Moresheth-Gath. The places with which
the prophet has been concerned in this oracle are thus seen to be
in all probability those in the immediate vicinity of his own home,
places with which he had been familiar from childhood. They
were scarcely of any significance in the great world, but to him and
his fellow-villagers they represented home, country and religion,
all that they held dear. Forever is Israel s glory to perish] f$,
unto Adidlam shall Israel s glory come, defies interpretation; that
most generally accepted is, the nobility of Israel shall take refuge
in a cave. Cf. i S. 22* f -. Adullam, perhaps the modern Id-el-
mije, six miles NE. of Beit-Jibrin, was originally the seat of a
Canaanitish prince (Jos. i2 15 ), but was captured by Israel and in
corporated in the territory of Judah (Jos. I5 35 ). Of the various at
tempts to improve the text, that of Cheyne seems the best and is here
adopted. The glory of Israel is probably the wealth and power of
Judah which constitute the seal of Yahweh s approval upon her.
16. Make thyself bald and shave thee for thy darlings] Zion is here
addressed as a mother and bidden to go into mourning for the loss
of her beloved children. Cf. Je. 3 1 20 . Reference is had to the cities
and villages she has lost, with their inhabitants. Enlarge thy bald
ness like the vulture s] The vulture is distinguished from the eagle
by its bare head and neck. Shaving of the head was a common

50 MICAH

mourning custom. Cf. Am. 8 10 Is. 3 24 . Originally instituted, in all
probability, as a sacrificial offering to the departed spirit, it later
came to be obnoxious to the sensitive religious conscience of the
prophets, who would permit no divided allegiance among the fol
lowers of Yahweh. Such practices were therefore prohibited by
the Deuteronomic Code (Dt. 14 ; cf. Lv. 2i 5 ). The fact that this
verse summons Judah to such a rite, even figuratively, attests its
origin in days prior to the enactment of the Deuteronomic law.*
This verse, moreover, seems to grow right out of the preceding con
text and so adds strength to the argument for Micah s authorship
of this whole passage (i 10 ~ lc ). For they will go into exile from tliee]
Thus ends in familiar but terrible fashion the lamentation over
Judah s approaching punishment. The warning note sounded
first of all by Amos and Hosea in northern Israel now finds its
echo in the southern kingdom. With this picture of an invading
army, giving the advance in detail, village by village, is to be com
pared the similar passage, Is. io 28 32 .

10. ru2] The location of Gath is uncertain; the OT. data are too
fragmentary to make identification possible; nor are the Assyrian or
Egyptian records any more satisfactory. The two sites most attractive
are Beit-Jibrin and Tell-es-Safi. In either case Gath was the nearest of
the five chief Philistine towns to the border of Judah. The excavations
at Tell-es-Safi by Mr. Bliss in 1899 unfortunately yielded little, the greater
part of the mound being occupied by the modern village and two grave
yards, under which excavation is absolutely prohibited. The town stood
"as a natural fortress between the plain and the rolling country." The
origin of the town goes back as far as the seventeenth century B.C. accprd-
ing to Bliss. Cf. F. J. Bliss and R. A. Stewart Macalister, Excavations
in Palestine During the Years 1898-1900 (1902), pp. 28-43 an d 62 ff..
Jerome says that Gath lay on the road between Eleutheropolis and Gaza;
hence Hpt. suggests Araq el-munSiyah, less than two hours from Tell-
el-Hesy. IDS] For the form, cf. vj-; (J e . 4" 78) and i*n (Is. 6 9 ). SN
wan] This and i K. 3" are the only cases of SN and an infin. abs. modi
fying a finite vb., and in both cases the neg. follows the regular rule for
S and other negatives in standing immediately before the finite form.
meyS] Ophrah, the home of Gideon, in Manasseh (Ju. 6- M 8"- )
is out of the question as too far removed from the scene of Micah s
thought. Another Ophrah, mentioned in Jos. i8 23 and I S. 13", is usu
ally identified with Tayyibeh, five miles N. of Bethel. But this latter,
* So even Marti, who assigns vv. - ls to a later hand.

lying outside of Judah on the north, seems too remote to be satisfactory
here. The same objection holds for the reading Bethel, if the north
ern town is meant, which lies ten miles from Jerusalem and about
twenty-five miles from the region of Micah s home. For those who
incline toward this reading, it is safer to regard the Bethel referred
to here as the one listed among the towns of the Negeb in i S.
30" Jos. i5 30 (&lt;B B ); cf. Jos. 19 i Ch. 4 ! . The suggestion of GASm.
that our Ophrah is reflected in the name of the Wady el-Ghufr, lying
south of Beit-Jibrin, is most attractive. ^ne^onn] This form is prob
ably due to a desire to pun on the name Philistia. Qr., ^Sonn, is prob
ably due to the singular forms of v. . DJ3 1 ? ^~oy] For a similar lack
of agreement in gender and number, K6. $ es c jt es j e&gt; j^soj but there
the text is exceedingly doubtful, for the Qr., many mss. and the Vrss.
make the agreement regular. ntya nn; % ] Apposition, Ges. * 131c ; K6.
Sjsec. IQDD] M is here unintelligible. By connecting D with the pre
vious line (v. s.), HNP is there furnished with its necessary complement
and this line is relieved of a troublesome element, "ncp (v. s.) is a noun
con jecturally restored on the basis of Assyrian supuru, enclosure (of a
walled city, e.g., Erech); v. D1. HWB -, 509, Muss-Arnolt, 779. np ] For
the sense take away, carry off, cf. Ez. 3 M . imnj? oar] There is nothing
in the immediate context to which the pron. en can refer. It is easy to
account for a o between two D S as a dittog. of D in the old script.
Furthermore, mry is O.TT., yields no sense in HH, and was evidently not
present to the eye of &lt;B C &. Prefixing the D S restored from DDD the
form VIDPDD is recovered without difficulty, and may be derived from
iDj?p, station, post, or from npgD, standing-ground. 12. nno] The
Meroth in upper Galilee which Josephus mentions (Wars, III, 3, i) is
certainly not meant here. But no southern locality bearing that name
is available. n !j n- o] According to fH, -o must be given the meaning
verily, for there is no subordinate relation to the preceding or following
context, n means writhe in pain and is wholly unsuitable before aitaS.
-ij?e&gt;S] For the sg. as in M, cf. Taylor, Cyl. of Sennacherib, col. 3,
11. 22 /., " the exit of the great gate of his city I caused to break through."
13. orn] For other cases of the masc. form in an address to a fern,
subj., cf. Ges. * nok , K6. * 205c . It is better pointed as an inf. abs. having
the force of the imv.. The translation bind is reinforced by the Assy.
ratamu = wrap, bind (v. Muss-Arnolt, 991) and the Arab, equivalent
which in the fourth form = tie a thread upon the finger as a reminder.
nrn &gt;] Van H. renders, the beginning of the expiation of, etc., but the
meaning expiation for n is not attested earlier than Zc. 14 9 , a postexilic
passage, and is closely related to the late priestly use of the word in the
sense sin-offering. 14. DTnSsy] i.e., the dowry given with the bride by
her father. Cf. document C of the Assuan Papyri, published by Sayce &
Cowley, where the custom is witnessed to as current among the Jews

52 MICAH

of the Dispersion as early as the sixth century B.C.. Cf. Code of Hammu
rabi which evidences the same practice in Babylonia as early as 1900 B.C..
The use of the term here is suggested by the similarity of penb to ntsh.sp,
betrothed; it is one of the earliest allusions to the existence of the custom
in Israel. Cf. Ju. i 12 - 15 Gn. 2Q 24 - 29 . hy] After pj more common preps,
are *? and VN; perhaps Sy is used here in the sense with, along with.
ru name] Analogous names cited by GASm. are Atroth-Shophan (Nu.
32 3 - 3 ), Chisloth-Tabor (Jos. iQ 12 - 18 ), lye-Abarim (Nu. 33" f -), and
Helkath (Jos. 19"). 15. -\ y] Not again, but still, even yet. The
change to i&gt;: (with (&) makes necessary corresponding changes in the
remainder of the line which yields reasonable sense as it stands. ON]
For other cases of omission of N, v. Ges. ^ 74k . n:?-c] The modern
Merash seems to date no further back than Roman times, if we may
judge by the slight depth of debris upon the site. The actual site of this
ancient town may be represented by the modern Tell-Sandahannah, one
mile SE. of Merash. The remains of an ancient town are evident there,
and it is no uncommon thing for a town name to migrate to a new site
along with the inhabitants, as, e. g., in the case of Umm Lakis. Cf.
F. J. Bliss and R. Stewart Macalister, op. cit., pp. 6y/.. oSny] The cor
rection to oSi;? (v. s.) removes one of the grounds for changing i; to n&gt;* in
1. i (u . s.), and for supposing ;r-pn to represent the name of a town (We.,
Now.).

4. The Oppression of the Poor (2 1 11 ).

In six strs. in which the elegiac strain is predominant, Micah de
nounces the tyranny of the rich and warns them of coming judg
ment. Str. I, the prophet speaks: Woe to those who plot night and
day to despoil their neighbours of houses and lands. Str. II, Yah-
weh speaks: For this reason I am about to bring upon this people
a humiliating and unbearable yoke. Str. Ill, Yahweh continues:
Then the wail of the mourner will arise among you, * Our land is
allotted to others; we are wholly undone! Str. IV, the rich op
pressors speak: Cease prating of such things. We are immune
from calamity. Is Yahweh impotent, or can he mean anything but
good to his own people? Str. V, Yahweh retorts: But ye are de
stroyers of my people, robbing and plundering them and driving
the women and children into slavery. Str. VI, Yahweh pronounces
sentence: Rise and begone! Because of your sins, ye shall be
hopelessly destroyed.

a" 1 . S3

to those who -devise iniquity upon their beds;

In the morning light they execute it, because it is in their power.

Yea, they covet fields and seize them, and houses and carry them off.

So they crush a yeoman and his house, a man and his heritage.

[Therefore thus saith Yahweh:]
gEHOLD I am devising disaster,

Which ye cannot remove from your necks;

Nor will ye be able to walk erect,

For it will be a disastrous time.
JN that day a taunt-song will be raised concerning you;

And a lament will be wailed, as follows:

The portion of my people is measured with the measuring line, and there is
none to restore it.

To our captors our land is allotted; we are utterly devastated.
F)O not keep harping on such things.

Shame cannot overtake the house of Jacob.

Is Yahweh impatient, or are such his deeds?

Do not his words mean good to Israel?
RUT ye have become my people s foe; ye rise up against those that are at peace.

Ye strip off from those passing by in confidence booty of war.

The women of my people ye drive away from their pleasant homes;

From their babes ye take away my glory forever.
A RISE and go! For this is not your resting-place.

Because of uncleanness ye shall be destroyed with an irremediable destruction.

This section is dramatic in form, three different speakers being brought
forward, viz., the prophet, Yahweh, and the greedy oppressors. Its
unity and artistic form are both strongly marked. The prevailing move
ment in the six strophes is that of the Qma, except in Str. II, where the
announcement of coming disaster is in short and sharp phrases. The
closing str. pronouncing final sentence drops to two lines. The prosaic
character of the first two lines of Str III and their lack of conformity to
the metre of the balance of the str. raise the question whether they do not
constitute the prose introduction to a new section; but the close connec
tion of the thought of this str. with that of the preceding and the regular
interchange of speakers throughout the entire passage seem to prohibit
a division of the poem at this point. The more important textual
changes which affect the form are the following: the omission of iSpei
jn from v. , and of nstn nnsC Dn Sy from v. *; Sta. s reconstruction
of v. 4 ; the omission of v. 5 as a prosaic interpolation (so Ru., Now.,
Marti, Siev., Gu.); the omission of -noun from v. 7 and of TIN from v. ;
the treatment of v. " as a prosaic gloss originally belonging to v. ; its
relation to v. 8 was already recognised by Dathe (1773 A.D.) and, more
recently, by Hal., who transposes v. 6 to follow v. ". The introductory
words in v. lie outside of the poetic form. Siev. omits much material
from this section in his effort to restore anapaestic hexameters here, and
then finds his scheme break down in w. 8 - 10 .

54 MICAH

-vn. jn ^yci] Hal.,jn o-i; c/".Du., jn *?JJ

npan IIND] (& renders freely, /cai &lt;5l/Aa T% ij^pq.. Cf. &. nwp^] Hal.,
&lt;, 5i6rt OVK ypav ?rp6s TOP 0e6&gt; T&S X e P a$
r; probably a free rendering for their hand is against God, viz., they
do not lift their hands to him in prayer. This seems simpler than the
supposition that &lt;& read Nfe-; under the influence of WPJ in the foil, verse
and that oik was inserted later in order to make the passage convey the
right impression. & foil. &lt;S, but om. its negative. H, quoniam contra
Deum est manus eorum. Aq., STI Icrxvpbv %elp airrou. 0, 5i6rt $xpv&lt;riv
v T"?l v X e ?P a ctyrwv. Cod. 24 (de E ^, . . Siev. om. the phrase. 2.
om.; so also Siev.. &lt;8 adds tpfavofa as obj., probably as a free
rendering. ws&gt;ji] (5 B om. i. (& seems to have transposed IK tew and
)p^i; for Naj is nowhere else rendered by KaraSwaffTetieiv, nor is ps i?
elsewhere represented by diapirdfriv; whereas Karadwaffrevetv is a com
mon rendering of pe&gt;j? and 5ia/j7rdfeii , though not elsewhere used for SE&gt;J,
well conveys the idea of violence that j must carry in this context. The
transposition may have been made deliberately by (, in order to avoid
the immediate repetition of drfpirafrv, which had already occurred as
the equivalent of iSui; so Vol., Ry.. Cf. the similar transposition of noni
and ixnj by & in Na. i 6 . SN] ^ om.. &lt; B , Aq., S and many Heb.
mss. = ^NI. On metrical grounds, Siev. om. inSrw &"N (so Gu.).
IPN] Marti om. as gloss. 2^12] Om. D as dittog. from won (c/.
Kenn. 30, which om. D^o) and join final D with the foil, word as
prep., D^rnNUD. This obviates two difficulties: first that of making
CB , which has only local significance, refer to the abstract antecedent
njn; second, the more natural object of ityrn is a word referring to the
yoke, not to the neck; v. Ho. n 4 Je. 28" Is. 52 2 , but cf. Je. 278-
Ne. 3 8 . non] (& adds ifatyvqs, possibly due to metathesis resulting in
inn (for risi written defectively) and allowed to stand alongside of the
correction 6pdoL; so Ry.. &lt; A , 6p8poi. 4. nnji] (5 om.. n-nj] Om., with
Sta. (ZAW., VI, 122 /.) as dittog.; so Taylor, We., Pont, Ru., Now.,
Oort Em - , Marti, Siev., Stk., Gu.. d, tv fif\et t and TH, cum suavitate, seem
to have taken it as fern, of TU and treated it adverbially. Ro. and Elh.
read ^nj in cstr. relation with foil. word. Gr., nnr.; so GASm. (?). Hal.,
nnj. Van H., nin^, as subj. of the foil. vb.. IDS] Rd. ncN 1 ?, with Sta.,
Taylor, We., Pont, Ru., Now., Oort Em -, Siev., Stk., Gu.; cf. CS A , X^wv;
B, dicenlium. Ro., now (so Hal.) or ncsn (so Elh.). GASm., IDNI (?).
untf j in^] Tr., with Sta., to the end of the verse; so Ru., Now., Stk..
& = u-nr; unless due to confusion of the Heb. preform. J with the Syr.
preformative of the 3d pers.. ^o pSn] Marti, Siev. and Gu., -upSn.
Van H., IDJL n. ~\w] Rd., with Sta., "?3n3 115% foil, (i, /care^erpi}^ ^v
&lt;rxotj/^; similarly 0; so Gu., Ru., Now.. Ssn Is obtained here from v. 5 ,
whither it probably dropped by error. This reading of the vb. is accepted
also by Ew., Stei., Taylor, We., Pont, GASm., Oort Em -, Marti,, ie,y

2 1 - 55

Stk., Du.. Gr., np\ Hal., nh\ T N 1 Rd., with Sta., r$}, foil. &lt;&, Kal ofa
ijv, and fc; so Pont, Ru., Now., Oort Em -, Stk.; also Dathe, We. and Du.,
dropping }. Hal., :T&gt;N. tyD- 1 ] Rd., with Sta., 2^0, foil. &lt;, 6 KoMauv; so
Ru.,Now.,Oort Em -,Stk.. 0om.. We., a^pn. Pont, B"cp. Hal., -nicn.
Marti, -i^f p?, using foil. S^S. C/. Siev. and Gu., &gt;S V?S&gt;D\ Du., atsno. ^]
Om. withi& as dittog.; so Sta., Ru., Now., Stk.. &lt;g =iS; so Taylor, Oort Em -,
Du.. , pnS. Van H., sS. Gr., -1^. aavjj-S] Rd., with Sta., -irai^S; so
Pont, Ru., Now., Oort Em -, Stk.. &lt; S 6 treat as an infin. depending upon
B"3\ Aq., TO?J 7* TO&lt;TI. "$, cumrevertatur. 03Jom. S. Marti, -uo^r.
Gr., nafc S- i. Siev., ^Ty^- int?] &lt;& AY H = oa^nip. pSrr] Rd., with
Sta., pSrv; so Pont, Gr., Ru., Marti, Stk.. &lt;g, Siewplffe-riffav. &, w#fc *fo
measuring line. Siev. om. rr 7 -ity as a gloss. Two Heb. codd. pSn\
Hal., pSn -IT n.fer. 5. S pS] Elh., wS). i 1 ?] Pont, D^S; so Ru., Marti.
Oort Em -, wS. S-nja n i^c-c] Tr. S^n to v. 4 (v. s.}. &, one who
will measure by line and divide by lot. Ru. om. 3 San. 6. ID^H SN]
Rd. lean SN, with Ru., Siev.. po^] Rd. ^BJ, with Taylor. (36, 5dx-
pvo-ij ; so &. $J, loquenles. Aq., crraXdfoi Tes. S, ^d? ^TriTi/iTj^re. Ru.,
aiD&gt;aj. Elh., D D es. ID^S* sS] Om. as dittog.. = 2d pers. ID BD;
so codd. 295 (de R.) and 154 (Kenn.). If, non stillabit. Ru., & N*?\
JD^] Rd., with Gr., j^.; so UW5. 15 , Marti, Now. K , Siev., Gu., Hpt..
05, dTrtio-erot = jppi; so Ru., van H., Du.. U, comprehended 8, overtake
you. Aq., KaraX-fi^y. Codd. 224 (Kenn.) and 554 (de R.), Jp;; codd. 150,
226 (?), 201 (second hand) of Kenn., and 2, 380, 993, 1257, 411, 211 of de
R., JB. Elh., jiy\ Hal., wfc \ mnSa] 14 codd. (Kenn.), nip ^p. Elh.,
n-io^. Ru., oSnx 7. IICNH] Rd. ^nsn, with &lt;g, 6 \tyw and 21 (so
Dathe, Bauer, Jus.), and om. as a gloss, with Marti, Siev.. H, dicit. &
treats as pass. prtc. agreeing with mnSj. Ki., "viDNn; so Ew., Stei.,
Casp., Kl., et al. Ro., -HCNH; so Dr., ^/&gt;., X (1887), 263. Taylor,
npsn. Gr., oniDn or onnnn. Ru., rp^ni. Hal., nj\rsn. Van H.,
n&gt;DNn. no] Now., ruac. nxpn] (5, irapApiiw, so &. DN] & =
OR. nan] Rd., with (S and cod. 305 (de R.), vnai; so Gr., Gu.,
Ru., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev.. i^n -\^r\] Rd. SNW, with Now.,
Oort Em -. &lt;8, tai (5p^ol ireirdpevvrai. Taylor, ijSn ^ Ru., iS I;TW? npp T |.
Marti, Now. K and Gu., w. ^nr\ Hpt, mnN iSnn \n. 8. SIDHNI
cy] Rd. -"Dj? 1 ? onNi, with WRS., Proph., 429, and GASm.. Cod. 89
(Kenn.), SDPNI. Cod. 159 (Kenn.), SIDHNH. Cod. 300 (Kenn.),
^D-PKI; so Ro., Taylor, Elh., Pont, Hal.. Hi., SID-^NI. Oort Em -, Sionxa,
taking 3 from v. 7 . We., y hy_ oriNi; so Now., Siev., Van H., Du.. Marti,
onN% omitting S as dittog. from ITN 1 ?, and transferring ^DJ? as iDR to end of
v. 7 . Gu., onw, and om. *vy h\ ooip^] Rd., with We., vwpn; Now.,
Marti, Siev., Gu.. WRS., oip&gt;; so Taylor, Elh., Pont, Gr.. HWB."
and van H., o^pf?, giving " to a* 1 ** as sf. \ Cf. GASm., Du., opj. SIDD] Rd.,

MICAH

with Marti, Sj;. We., S&gt;:?; so Gr., Now., Siev.. nthv] Rd., with We.,
D&gt;pSi?; so GASm., Now., Marti, Gu.. &lt;g, T^S eJpiHs atfrof) = noW; so
, WRS.. Oort Em -, nbStf (c/. Ps. 7 B ). Ro., npStf. Elh., Pont, oStf.
Hal., oStf. Van H. joins with foil, word and reads rawcS;? = Shalma-
neze r. TIN] Om., with Marti, as gloss on rinSa*; so Now. K , Siev.. &lt;& t
TT)V dop&v avrov, giving N its Aramaic force (so Biichler, ZAW., XXX,
64/.) as in Gn. 25"; so &. WRS., n^x ; so Taylor, Gr.. Elh., rvri.NPj;
so Pont Hal., -nsn. onapc] &lt;S, TOU d^eX&rtfcu = Dnogp; so $.
Ru., vajnS. Siev., i2J?p. -aw] Rd., with We., otf; so Now., Marti,
Siev., van H., Gu., Hpt.. Cod. 17 (Kenn.), otr. &lt;&, ffvvTpifj.fj.6v = na.#. H,
convertistis. &, and ye tarn. 2, d/tepfytvws. Hoffmann (ZAW., Ill, 103),
our. Taylor, i-yuf (so Elh.) or -o^ (so Ges., %P). Gr., &gt;Njtr. Ru.,
nis^. Oort Em -, nair. Matthes, with foil, word, ann 1 ? onair; so Elh.,
Pont. 9. v^j] &lt;g } i)yot/j.evoi wc*}. , n^^p, /Ae assembly. noc]
We., ^39 (c/. i 16 ); so Now., Marti, Siev., Gu.. irjjyn] Rd., with & &lt;& y
l!TJ$p; so Gr., Ru., Marti, Now. K , Siev., Gu., Hpt, Du.. n^Sp] Rd.,
with (g Iff, I T^i?; so Gr., Ru., Marti, Now. K , Siev., Gu., Hpt, Du.. (6,
rd Tro^pd liriTTjdeijfjiaTa. avr&v tt!)ff6r]&lt;ra.v, the last word, ^ , being per
haps a second rendering of the following inpn. inpn] &lt;5, eyylffare. mnj
&lt;g, ^eo-tv = nin. g om. sf.; so Oort Em . Hal., nya. 10. nscto] Rd.,
with Ro., HNDto; so Elh., Pont, Gr M Oort Em -, Marti, Now. K , Stk.. All
Vrss. except & treat it as a noun. Sam San.n] Rd., with &lt;K, -iSann
San; so Ro., Taylor, Gr., Perles, Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Stk.,
Gu.. & reproduces M with addition of a cognate ace. San after Sann.
K = n Sann; so Bauer, Jus., Elh., n Sann. &gt; -IDJ] (g, AcareSicix^Tc. Iff,
pessima. &, violent. Gr., yvr ; so Marti, Now. K , Siev., Stk., Gu..
11 . iS] (& = xS. ^ om.. H, utinam non essem. iSn] We., "nS^; so Now.,
Marti, Siev., Gu.. T^r] &lt;, ^ T^S ffraybvos. Iff, sw/w g-ew stillatur.

Str. I utters a woe upon men zealous toward evil, who abuse
their power by robbing the poor of their houses and lands. 1.
Woe to those who devise iniquity] The address is made to the
wealthy in Judah, whose riches had greatly increased during the
long and prosperous reign of Uzziah. Their greed not satisfied,
they would still more enrich themselves, and that at the expense of
greater poverty and misery for the poor. Micah s spirit flames
forth in indignant remonstrance, for these suffering farmers include
many of his neighbours and friends. And work evil\ This is a
prosaic gloss* as is shown by the fact that it comes in prematurely
the evil is not done upon the bed but in the morning and

* So We., Now., Oort Em , Marti, Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt, et ol..

*- 57

that it is superfluous in the metre. GASm. seeks to retain the
phrase by giving to ^ the meaning, " prepare ways and means";
but this is a usage not found elsewhere and one that adds nothing
to 3t^n of the previous phrase. Upon their beds] They lie awake
at night revolving schemes to circumvent the poor. Cf. Ps. 36*.
In the light of the morning] Brought into contrast by chiasm with
the night-work of arranging plans. They can scarcely wait for
daylight before putting their nefarious schemes into operation.
Because it is in their power] They oppress and rob because they
can. This interpretation is supported by and Aq. and by the
usage of the same phrase in Gn. 3i 29 Dt. 28 32 Pr. 3" Ne. 5 5 BS. 5 1
14". The interpretation, "because their power is their God,"
common in the older commentaries* is rendered impossible by
some of the parallel cases cited in which the phrase is negatived.
2. They covet fields and seize them, etc.] Their only title to them
is their greed. To the prophet s vivid imagination it seems no
sooner said than done. He leaps over the intermediate steps be
tween the birth of the desire and its fulfilment, such as extortionate
rates of interest, foreclosure of mortgages, subornation and perjury
of witnesses, bribery of judges. So it was in the days of Ahab
(i K. 21), of Hosea (5) and Isaiah (5 8 ). For the peasant prophet,
born and bred upon the vine-clad hill-slopes of western Judah, the
ousting of peasant-farmers from their small holdings, inherited
through successive generations of toilers whose very life had gone
into the soil, was a wholly unpardonable crime. No amount of
legal procedure could make it appear right. Custom and law,
from the earliest to the latest times, all sought to perpetuate the
family s tenure of its ancestral lands. Cf. Nu. 2f~ n ^6 l ~ 12 .So they
crush a yeoman and his home, etc.] The inevitable result of their
heartless policy, the property gone, the man and his family must
succumb. "Q3 and tytf are used for variety, there being no es
sential difference in their ordinary usage.

Str. II introduces a new speaker, Yahweh himself. In trimeter
movement and pointed phrase, Yahweh declares his purpose to
punish. 3. Behold, I am devising disaster] This, in contrast
with Str. I, represents Yahweh as the deviser, not, however, of

* So, e. g., Mich., Stei., Mau., Ke., Ro., Reinke, Kue., Du..

58 MICAH

iniquity, but of calamity. In 4H this line is broken up by the in
sertion after the vb. of the words, against this family], i. e., the peo
ple of Judah. The phrase is a gloss,* as appears from its abnor
mal position in the sentence and from its metrical superfluity.
Cf. Am. 3 1 Je. 8 3 . Which ye cannot remove from your necks] JH
= that ye shall not withdraw your necks therefrom. For text, v. s..
The figure is that of a yoke, heavy and galling; it is a common met
aphor in the prophetic books, e. g., Is. Q 4 io 27 47 Je . if 28 14 Ez.
3o 18 34" Dt. 28 48 . Nor walk erect] i. e. } because bowed down by
the crushing weight of the yoke. For it will be a disastrous time]
There is no sufficient ground for considering this a gloss with some
recent scholars. f It states the accomplishment of Yahweh s pur
pose as indicated in the first line of the str., and thus brings the str.
to a well-rounded close.

Str. Ill represents Yahweh as putting upon the lips of Israel s
foes a dirge describing the smitten state of the nation in the coming
day of wrath. 4. A taunt-song will be raised concerning you, and a
lament will be wailed] It is evident from the indefinite character
of the verbal forms employed that the dirge is pronounced not by
the sufferers themselves but by others. This is in keeping with
ordinary funeral customs. Cf. Am. 5 16 Je. p 17 . This makes it clear
that the precise character of the 7D is defined by TlJ as a satirical
dirge. This is better than to treat mashal as describing the gibes of
the foe, and n e hi as applying to Israel s own lamentation ;J or to
eliminate both these introductory phrases as inconsistent with the
contents of the dirge. The portion of my people is measured with
the measuring line, and there is none to restore it] In this taunt-
song the triumphant foe mockingly re-echoes the thought of Judah
in the day of her calamity. Portion of my people is equivalent to
our land in the next line. Cf. Gn. 31" 2 K. 9 36 Ez. 48 21 Am. y 4 . The
process of allotting Israel s territory to her conquerors for perpetual
possession is here graphically portrayed. To our captors our land
is allotted; we are utterly devastated] The foe is unnamed, but
Micah and his hearers understood equally well that reference was
made to Assyria. The foregoing rendering of v. 4bi c involves some

* So Marti, NOW.K, Siev., Gu.. Stk. substitutes or^Sj?.

t Viz., Marti, NOW.K, Siev., Stk., Gu.. J Contra Hi., Mau., Or., Reinke. Marti.

2 - 59

slight rearrangement and modification of m, which reads: We are
utterly devastated ; the portion of my people he changes ; how doth he
remove for me! to a rebel he apportions our land. The difficulty
with this is its lack of inner coherence, its failure to indicate the
subject of the verbs in the last three clauses, the interchange of
numbers in the pronouns of the first person and the failure to con
form to the qma measure which the introduction leads us to expect.
6. Therefore, thou shall have none that shall cast the line by lot
in the assembly of Yahweh] This verse lies outside of the poetical
form, and is to be considered as an annotation by some reader or
editor which has found its way from the margin into the text. It
cannot be joined to v. 4 as a part of the reproach by the enemy,* for
the address is here evidently to only a part of the nation, and the
parallelism of v. 4 is wholly lacking. Nor is it satisfactorily ac
counted for as a retort to Micah from those he has been castigat
ing,! for this leaves the therefore without any support in the con
text. It is more easily taken as a resumption of the prophet s ad
dress to the wicked, J ^b being treated as a distributive singular or
as an error for D? /; but the verse adds nothing essential and varies
widely in form from its context and is a later interpretation of v. 4
to the effect that the wicked oppressors will no longer increase their
huge estates at the expense of the poor, for rich and poor alike will
be denied foothold in Yahweh s land. The use of TOPI, line, with
"p^tPD is unique, while ^Ytt, lot, is common in such a connection ;
perhaps ^n here belonged originally to v. 4 , where it has been
supplied above on the basis of &lt;g.

Str. IV expresses the indignant protest of the rich who regard
such preaching as disloyal and irreligious. The elegiac rhythm is
continued. 6. Do not keep harping on such things] Treatment
of this kind was no new experience for prophecy; it antedated
Amos (2 12 ), and Amos himself was bidden to keep silence (5 y 10 " 13 ),
as also Isaiah (28 10 ). By the time of Manasseh it had developed
into actual persecution (2 K. 2i 16 ; cf. Je. n 18 " 23 26 loff -). The verb
employed here is practically synonymous with JOJ, the ordinary
word for prophesy, yet lends itself readily to an unfavourable con
notation by reason of its original meaning, viz., drip, drop, i. e., of

* Van H.. t Hi., Now. (?). J Ew., Ke., GASm..

60 MICAH

the foam from the mouth of ecstatic, epileptic nebi im. $[ of this
line has been variously treated, e. g., using the last two words of v. 5 ,
"In the assembly of Yahweh do not prophesy" (an address to
Micah and his associates by his opponents, to which Micah replies) :
"Whether they (i. e., the prophets) preach or do not preach to such
as you, shame, etc." * Or again, as the utterance of two or three
of the audience taken up by Micah into his address, i. e., one says,
"You must not speak," a second replies, "O, let them speak,"
while a third adds, "They must not speak such things as these. "f
Yet again, as a protest of the rich cited by Micah, "prate not,"
they prate, "let none prate of such things." if This latter is the
best interpretation and the most widely accepted one, but it does
not account for the interchange of h$ and tf 1 ?, nor render the change
from 2d to 3d pers. anything but abrupt. Shame cannot over
take the house of Jacob] This includes the first words of v. 7 ; for
text, v. s.. The rich continue speaking here. The thought out of
which this confidence springs is that of Am. 3 2 : Israel is Yahweh s
chosen people and therefore safe from harm. Cf. 3 11 . It is the creed
of the established regime, which is ever too ready to identify God s
interests with its own. From the point of view of the rich, Micah
is guilty of both treason and blasphemy. A single word, *lCKn,
attached as a marginal note to call attention to the fact that the
"house of Jacob" is the speaker in this and the following lines, has
crept into the text here and caused much difficulty. The first part
of the line as in HI may perhaps be rendered, reproaches do not de
part, though the verb 31 D elsewhere always conveys an element of
disgrace as attending the movement expressed by the verb, e. g. t
backslide, or be driven back in defeat, or prove recreant ; the
second part eludes explanation as may be seen from the various
attempts to make sense, e. g., "O thou who art called the house of
Jacob"; "O words of the house of Jacob"**; "What a word! O
house of Jacob "ff; "O thou that speakest thus to the house of
Jacob" tt i "Should it not be said, O,etc.";" Shall one say to the

* Ro.. Cf. van H. f M. Jastrow, in Frankel s Monalschrift, 1872.

J GASm., el al. Cal., Kc..

** Rosenm., Mau.. tt E\v., Casp., Stei., Urn..

GASm.. Hi..

2 7 - 8 61

house of Jacob?"* ; "Is this the talk of the house of Jacob?" |-
7. Is Yahweh impatient or are such his deeds ?] Is not Yahweh
"slow to anger" (cf. Ex. 34), and has not our entire history demon
strated his beneficent purpose toward us? Do not his words mean
good to Israel?] This was the difficulty encountered by all the
prophets the failure on the part of the people to realise that Yah-
weh s favour was conditioned upon the character of his people, and
that no amount of ritual or protestations of loyalty could supply the
lack of truth and justice. The great task of prophecy, therefore,
was to inform the national conception of God with moral content.
HI reads here, do not my words mean good to him that walketh up
rightly ? But this necessitates joinir g the line as an utterance from
Yahweh with v. 8 and constitutes very bad Hebrew for the last
clause. Of the various emendations (v. s.) offered, the foregoing
best suits the demands of the context.

Str. V, in the words of Yahweh himself, makes crushing reply
to the protest of the rich oppressors, "How can you expect good
when your deeds are evil?" The elegiac strain continues. 8.
But ye have become my people s foe] The Hebrew text of this
verse is badly corrupt; for the emendations adopted, v. s.. As
emended it is an address to those who have been so loud in their
resentment of Micah s message of woe. You yourselves are
Israel s worst enemies. HJ, Formerly my people as an enemy
raised up, etc., offers no proper object of the transitive raise. Ye
rise up against those that are at peace] The rich make hostile plans
against the unsuspecting poor to compass their spoliation and de
struction. The most common treatment of 4H is to connect the
verb rise up* with the first line, to draw jltStyfifi from the following
line to this one, and translate, from upon the garment ye pull off the
robe. The outer and more expensive garment is seized as security
for debt, in violation of Ex. 22 26 - 27 . But the preposition ^1D regu
larly means in front of, and the word TTW, not occurring elsewhere
in this sense, is better considered as an error for the ordinary word
nVM, which was added on the margin by some reader as a more
specific designation of the garment in question after the original
D^D^tP had become HDyt^. Ye strip off from those passing by in

* Dr., Exp., 1878. t Or..

62 MICAH

confidence booty of war] The words of this line are not to be taken
literally; the prophet is not necessarily speaking of actual highway
robbery; his thought is rather exactly parallel to that of the pre
ceding line : " You take advantage of innocent, trusting neighbours
and plunder them as though they were enemies." HI is very diffi
cult; the best rendering of it is, if rfHS may be connected with this
line, the mantle ye strip from those who pass by in security, averse to
war; but "O^ is not found elsewhere, and the meanings given to
it have been many and various. 9. The women of my people ye
expel from their pleasant homes; From their babes ye take away my
glory for ever] i. e. in their greedy haste to " join house to house and
lay field to field," they do not hesitate to render families homeless
or even to sell the fathers into slavery for debt. Wellhausen, et al.,
substitute "children" for "homes" (v. s.), and interpret the verse of
selling into foreign servitude which deprives the little ones of ever
living in the land of Yahweh. But it is very questionable whether
so heinous a crime is referred to here; the laws on slavery seem not
to have contemplated such a dire possibility, for they make not the
slightest allusion to it; the only case in the Old Testament is the
sale of Joseph to the Midianites by his brethren an altogether
abnormal transaction. Furthermore, the phrase "my glory" can
not well mean the glory of dwelling in Yahweh s land, for this
does not reflect glory upon Yahweh, while the thought of glory
granted to the people by Yahweh would be more naturally desig
nated "their glory." Then too, the vb. expel suits home better
than children, and the preposition from upon suits better the
removal of fathers from their children than the taking away of the
privilege of residence from the latter. For the use of the term
glory as applied to men, cf. Is. 5 13 - 14 . The yeomen of Israel
might well be designated as Yahweh s glory.

Str. VI is Yahweh s curt, summary dismissal of the guilty to their
irrevocable doom. 10. A rise and go/ for this is not your resting-
place] Those who have driven out others are now themselves to
be driven out. Because of uncleanness, ye shall be destroyed with
an irremediable destruction] Men strict in their observance of
ceremonial law, no doubt, are here brought face to face with their
own inner depravity and Yahweh s insistent and terrible demand

2 9 11 6 3

for "clean hands and a pure heart." 11. If a man walking in a
spirit of falsehood lies, saying, "I will prophecy to thee of wine and
strong drink" he becomes the prophet of this people] This verse is
a later addition as shown by its prosaic form and by its lack of con
nection with its immediate context. It seems to have been suggested
partly by the contents of v. 6 and partly by the severe terms of v. 10 .
In contrast to the denunciatory Micah with his relentless message,
a picture of the popular prophets is presented. To them Micah
pays his respects in 3 5 ff- . This rendering of v. " adopts a use of
Y?n quite common (v. i.) and treats Iptn fTH as a case of hendia-
dys. An alternative rendering for the phrase is " walking in van
ity (or emptiness) and falsehood"; for this use of rTH, cf. Is. 4i 29
Jb. 7 7 i5 2 EC. i 14 . To "walk in a spirit of falsehood" and preach
lies is to deceive people deliberately, and is far worse than to de
ceive unwittingly. The substance of the false teaching is the prom
ise of material prosperity and blessings of the most sensuous char
acter. This is the only thing that will content the populace; they
will not listen to the words of the true prophet whose message, how
ever unpalatable, is born of supreme devotion to their highest
good. To change "]f?in to the perfect tense as some do (v. s.) in
volves either an awkward asyndeton for the verb DTD or else the
separation of the phrase Ip^l fTH between the two verbs thus, "if a
man walk in wind and falsely lie, saying, etc." The IptP however
is redundant as a modifier of DTD and the phrase is much better
taken as a unit and modifying *^in.

1. jn ^Syei] For the meaning prepare, work out in advance, ref
erence is had to such passages as Ps. 7" 58 Is. 41*. This thought is
certainly present in Ps. 58*, if the text is sound; but even there the idea of
planning is not in the vb. Syo itself, but is plainly expressed by the
phrase in the heart which is attached. The question at issue is whether
o may have that sense in itself, without such modifying phrase. It is
clearly not required in Is. 41*, where the two vbs. o and ntrj? are more
naturally treated as exact equivalents, being rendered who hath wrought
and done it. Nor is there any reason in Ps. 7" for departing from the
usual sense; when the psalmist says that Yahweh makes his arrows, he
surely does not imply that Yahweh devises or plans them beforehand.
^s] In the sense of strength, power, SN is found only in this id
iom. Nor can this meaning be definitely connected with the ;/ hw. But
the context of the various occurrences of the phrase seems to demand

64 MICAH

this sense; (& in all cases save this one gives it this force; likewise & and
2L The alternative rendering, "their hand is as a god," is quite un
natural when the phrase is negatived and, as No. has indicated, would
require the Hebrew Ss S DT onS nrun, while the S after w&gt; and p must be
a genuine dative. Recently, however, this latter view has been revived
in somewhat different form. Brockelmann, ZAW. XXVI ( 06), 29 /.,
calls attention to the belief found among many peoples that the various
members of the body are tenanted by spirits which control their activi
ties. But such beliefs among American Indians, West Africans and an
cient Persians prove nothing for the Hebrews; nor is the Arabs belief
that hunger is due to a serpent in the stomach any more convincing,
even though serpents and spirits are frequently identical. Whitehouse,
Isaiah (Cent. Bible), II, 344, explains on this same basis the use
throughout the Mediterranean littoral of the facsimile of a hand as a
prophylactic to the depredator or the evil eye ; but surely it is not neces
sary to limit ourselves to this theory for an explanation of the magic hand.
The objections urged above hold good in part against this newer view,
while the conception "god of my hand" remains at present without any
real Semitic parallel. In any case, if such a concept ever did exist in
early Israel, it had long passed out of the consciousness of the people in
Old Testament times. 2. IN^JI] A bold figure; nowhere else does
no j occur. 3. n:n] On adv. use of the subst., cf. Ges. 1I8 V 4. NIT]
The indefinite is often, as here, equiv. to a passive, like German man,
French on. HTIJ] According to Ko. * 9I , the fern, of vu (so the Vrss.,
Ry., et al.) and used alongside of the masc. to express indefiniteness; but
in KoJ 809k , cited as expressing the superlative idea; cf. Is. 3 . Others,
e. g. Ew., Hi., Che., have taken it as Niph. pf . of mn, meaning it is done,
either as the title of the dirge, or as its first word, viz. "it is done," will
one say, "we are, etc."; but such a use of IDN is quite abnormal. TITJ&gt;
j j] The dirge rhythm always consists of a longer line followed by a
shorter, usually in the proportion 3:2; 4H, however, exactly reverses
that order here. On uniw, cf. Ges. * 67 u . ^] Ace. to IK, dot. ethicus,
Ges. $"9. jait^S] ty = apostate, rebel; here of Assyria, and so inap
propriate; in Je. 49 4 , of Ammon, which was, like Israel, a descendant of
Abraham and thus could properly be charged with having deserted the
faith of the fathers; in Je. 31", of Israel itself. &lt;& connects it with the
preceding as an infin.. 6. Sjn pVpc] n as an obj. of "|Str forces upon
the latter a meaning, such as stretch or adjust (van H.), which it does
not elsewhere have, nor can it easily assume. Vnp] is consistent with
late origin of the verse, but does not demand it, for p occurs in E (Nu.
22&lt;), Ju. 20* 2 1 6 - 8 i S. iy 47 all early. Nor is any specific Messianic
idea implied in the use of the term (contra Marti) ; it is a designation ap
plicable to Israel by foreigners (Nu. 22 4 ) or to foreigners by Israelites
(i S. i7 47 ). --n P here is synonymous with "the people of Yahweh," or

"the inheritance of Yahweh." 6. wo* N^ pan* won ?] On orig.
force of rpan, v. ZAW. Ill, 119. Or. accounts for change from VN to
x 1 ? by making Micah begin to reply with S in the form of a question,
"shall one not preach to such as these?". If M be retained, the only
treatment of &gt; S is as a positive prohibition by the rich, "they shall not
preach such things." For inf. abs. Qal with Hiph. impf. as in emended
text, v. Ges. * lls w . JD 11 ] For other cases of vb. in sg. masc. before a
fern. pi. subj., Ges. * ; Ko. * " 8 .On the intensive pi. nioSo] Ko.
*zi hj the change to sg. (Now.) is unnecessary, nor need * no be made
the subj. (Marti). 7. "ncNn] As it stands, this can be only a Qal pass,
prtc., either with the article, or with n interrog. (GesJ 100 n ; Ko. * M|W )
with gerundive sense, "is it to be said?" Cf. Ko. M b - 82 /*. But
v. s.. a] This indirect question does not propound two alternatives,
but rather two phases of the same thought; Ges.* 160 h ; K6.* . nj?
-|Sn wn] An adv. use of -c" "one walking as the righteous," i. e.
righteously. But the order of words is difficult. Jb. 3i 26 , *iSn np&gt; rw,
is not a parallel case, for there m 1 is the main word to which n ip&gt; is
attached as an attendant circumstance, while here the main word is fSn
and comes last. Not only so, but the use of the article with -\w is an ad
ditional difficulty. Indeed in Jb. 31" there is no reason for treating np&gt;
as other than an ordinary adjective and rendering a glorious moon as it
passed along Ko. * 332 j , cites the analogy of the Hal clause in Arabic,
which permits this order when the governing word is a participle as here.
On the use of article with T^ and its absence from "iSin, cf. Wright, Arab.
Cram. " &gt; lle D - m B . 8. Sicnto] This word is without force in this
context; Micah is concerned not with the dead past, but the living pres
ent. ^D&gt; ] It is not unlikely that this is a dittog. of oy in the last clause
of v. 7 , or has been dislodged from its place after ^tott" (v. emended text);
so Marti, Now. [; . Such an arrangement yields a smoother sentence here,
but is not indispensable. DDI[V] fH requires Ty as subject, but as a
transitive form it requires also an object which is not forthcoming.
Furthermore, the succeeding vbs. are all in 2& pers. pi.. SIDD] The col
location of four D S is suspicious, as also the unsuitability of this prep.,=
from in front of, to the noun nc 1 ^] This designates the ordinary outer
garment, while -ns], to be read m~N (n being lost before en; so BDB.),
applies to the mantle, or cloak, worn as an overcoat. But this seems
too detailed and petty in the present context. ow] On the gen. rela
tion instead of a prep., cf. Ko. ^ S36 m ; on the pass. prtc. denoting a state
or quality, cf. Ko. * m d . But the harshness of this ATT. idiom seems to call
for correction of the text; v. s.. The most serious objection to the emen
dation OK is that in its ordinary sense of captives or captivity it does
not constitute a suitable object for IWPDP. But Am. 4 1 *, D^DID oe&gt; op,
furnishes a use of otr very close to that called for here. 10. HKDB]
Some Heb. mss. followed by Baer read rwca, $ . e. pf . 3d sg. Qal; but this

66 MICAH

is difficult after maps, whereas the inf. cstr. of fH is a normal construc
tion foil, prep.. But smoother sense results from the noun-form -INDO,
undeanness (HWB. 1 *), which it is better to follow than to posit the &ir,
noun ~iNpa (BDB.). 11. nn iSn] An ace. designating the goal or
sphere of the action, K6.* 330s , cf. -\yn n, Jb. 29 ; npao n, Je. 23"; n
no rwpy, Pr. 6 12 . There is no need to change the text (v. s.) ; the idio
matic use of walk as designating a manner of life is common enough to
justify M.

5. The Return of the Exiles (2 12 - 13 ).

A later editor, in a single eight-line str., prevailingly trimeter in
movement, offsets the announcement of exile made in 4 by a
promise of Israel s return from exile under the protection and
leadership of Yahweh.

J WILL surely assemble Jacob, all of him;
I will surely gather the remnant of Israel.
I will put them together like a flock in the fold,
Like a herd in the midst of the pasture.
The breaker will go forth before them;
They will break through the gate and go forth thereat;
And their king will pass on before them;
Yea, Yahweh at their head.

This arrangement involves two modifications of 4$; (i) the omission
of the last two words of v. 12 as a gloss, (2) the omission of nayi from v. *
as a dittograph of "OJ?M in the following line. The str. shows a gradual
diminution in the length of its lines, from tetrameter through trimeter to
dimeter (in the last line only). Marti obtains a ten-line str. by retaining
all of M and beginning his eighth line with ^y& notwithstanding its close
relation to the preceding vbs. as object. Siev. secures four of his indis
pensable sevens by omitting nnxiy and the last two words of v. "and
supposing a loss of one foot after "\yw.

The difficulty of establishing any connection between these verses and
2 1 - 11 has long been felt. The history of interpretation records various
treatments. Among others, it has been interpreted as a continuation of
the threatening language of v. 10 , i. e. "I will gather them to destruction,
etc."; so e. g. Ki., Ephraem Syrus, Theodoret, Grotius, Tarnovius, Cal.,
and in recent times van H.. Again, as the teaching of false prophets, either
spoken by Micah himself, viz. if I prophesy to this people of wine, etc.,
and say to them, "I will gather, etc." (so e. g. AE., Mich., Struensee);
or as a marginal note by Micah or an early reader representing the
contents of false prophecy (so e. g. Ew.) ; or as an interruption of Mi-
cah s utterance by the false prophets themselves (so e. g. Kl., Ro., Or.).
But against all three alternatives lies the fatal objection that these verses

presuppose the exile as a matter of fact whereas the popular prophets
never admitted the possibility of exile (cf. 3"). Furthermore, the con
tent of the verses is thoroughly in keeping with the teachings of the true
prophets of certain periods (v. z.). Another supposition is that, though
belonging to Micah, the verses are out of their original connection; so
e. g. Ry., Ko. Einl. 327, Dr.; Stei. who places them after 4*; Condamin,
RB. 1902, who makes them foil. 4 7 .

The evidence, however, seems convincing for the exih c or postexilic
origin of 2 n - 13 . The total lack of connection and the presupposition of
the exile and the dispersion; the lack of any moral or religious prereq
uisites on Israel s part to the restoration of Yahweh s favour; the use of
remnant to designate returning exiles (cf. Gie., Beitrdge z. Jesaia-Kritik,
37 ff-)&gt; an d the parall. in phraseology and conception to such late pas
sages as Ho. 2 2 Is. ii 11 ff 52 12 Je. 31*, all combine to mark the passage as
late (so Sta. ZA17. I, 162 /.; Kue. Einl. II, 359 /.; Cor. 340; Che. in
WRS. Proph*, XXIII; We.; Now.; Grimm, Lit. App.\ Marti; Siev.).
Possibly these verses have displaced a more severe ending for the chapter,
with which the 12x1 of 3 originally made good connection (so Kue., Now.,
Grimm).

12. HDNS] (& shall be gathered, perhaps a free rendering (Ry.).
a,-v"] ft = SNT^\ C A t^is people. iSs] Rd., with We., ^3; so Now.,
Oort L "-, Marti, Hal., Siev., Gu.; cf. &lt;& &lt;rbv Tra&lt;riv. UD^N] &lt;& adds as
obj., TT]V diro&lt;rTpo(j&gt;T)j&gt; afrrov (cf. QPs similar addition with raps); hence
Taylor would insert nor. mxa] Rd., with Wetzstein (in De. Jesaia*,
705) n-vw; so Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Gu., HWB. U ; cf. IB in ovili.
2 Q iv dxvpd/J-a-Ti. (g tv 6\tyci = rnxa (so &); so Dathe, Taylor,
van H.. Hal. rmja. Hpt. n^??. Against the reading nn^xa, Hpt.
makes the point that we should hardly expect n-px here, when the
equivalent form n-pa occurs in Gn. 25" Nu. 3i 10 Ez. 25* Ps. 69" i Ch.
6 s9 ; but cf. the equivalent forms -sj and "OJ. nain] Rd., with Ro.,
lain, carrying i over to foil, word; so Ry., SS., Elh., Pont, Gu., Now.,
Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Hpt.. &lt;& their lair. H caularum. S 6 T^S
ip-flpjov, hence Gr., Hal. ^a^n. VanH. ignn. njD^nn] Rd. n^onni; so
We., Gr., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Hal., Gu.. &lt;& they shall escape. & is
concealed. VanH. -njj -innnv ansc] Van H. D^NC. 13. tncn nS; % ] (ft
SiA T^S 5ta/co7T^s = v^on V&gt;\ IXID] ^ sg.. A omits with remainder of the
verse. nayi] Om. as dittog. from foil, line; it is tautologous between
i:no and wx^i, and likewise superfluous in the metre. ~\yv] om..

12. Jacob, all of him . . . the remnant of Israel] By these two
terms the whole of the Hebrew people is embraced, the latter
phrase probably referring to the survivors of the northern kingdom.
The exile and dispersion are here treated not as possibilities, but

68 MICAH

as actually existing facts. Passages like this and 4 1 4 , written in
periods when everything visible to the human eye was fraught with
discouragement and gloom, reveal the extraordinary capacity of the
Hebrew soul for faith faith in its God and in its destiny. The
pronoun of the 2d person, as in M, must give place to that of the
3d person (v. s.), in view of the parallel pronouns of the remainder
of the poem. It is impossible to find anything but words of en
couragement and comfort here.* Together will I put them like a
flock in the fold] Put together is here synonymous with the pre
ceding * assemble and gather. It refers not only to the two
halves of the nation heretofore separated but also to the more or
less widely scattered groups of exiles in various lands. The dias
pora began early, as is demonstrated by the existence of a Jewish
colony at Assuan on the Nile at least as early as 550 B.c..f RV. s
sheep of Bozrah yields no satisfactory sense; nor is it safe to render
* flock of the fold, for botsrah does not have the meaning fold else
where, cannot be assigned to any root which yields such a sense,
and lacks the preposition in which the parallelism seems to re
quire. It is therefore necessary to adopt a slightly different read
ing from 4H; v. s.. Like a herd in the midst of the pasture] The
similes employed imply not merely the bringing together of Israel
from its different places of exile, but also the thought of Yahweh s
protecting care after the return; cf. Ps. 23*. And they will be
tumultuous with people] These two words are a later expansion
as shown by the looseness of their connection, by the difficulty of
the grammar, and by their redundance in the metre. J The sub
ject apparently is the fold and the pasture/ For the figure in
the Hebrew, literally they will roar on account of men/ as des
ignating great masses of people, cf. Is. iy 12 . 13. The breaker will
go forth before them] The figure of the flock and herd is still re
tained, but the scene now-shifts from Palestine as the fold and pas
ture to the land of exile as a prison. Thence will Yahweh lead
them forth, going before them like the ram of the flock to break
down every barrier and remove every obstacle. That Yahweh is

* Contra van H. (v. s.\ who finds it necessary to eliminate lines i, a and 8 as glosses made bj
one who misunderstood the tenor of the passage,
t V. JMPS. in Biblical World, XXXI (1908). 448 ff..
J So also Siev., though working upon a different metrical basis.

2 12 - 18 6g

the breaker is shown by the parallel terms in lines 7 and 8, which
seem fatal objections to any attempt to identify the breaker with
some particular part of the Israelitish army after the analogy of
i S. i3 17 Ju. 2o 36fi Jos. 6 7 - 9&lt; 13 .* The same verb is used to describe
Yahweh s activity in Ex. ig 22 - 24 2 S. 5 20 i Ch. 14" Ps. So 13 . They
will break through the gate and go forth thereat] The words and
pass on which 4flJ presents immediately after break through*
are redundant and render the following go forth belated and
superfluous. Furthermore, the rendering pass on to the gate
(so RV.) leaves the preceding verb without an object, while the
sense pass through is difficult without a preposition. When to
these difficulties is added the metrical redundance, it seems nec
essary to relegate the phrase to the margin. And their king will
pass on before them, Yea Yahweh at their head] The king and
Yahweh are here identical, as in Je. 22 2 Zp. 3 15 Is. 33 22 4i 21 43 15 44 8
Ps. 8Q 18 . To interpret king as designating the Messianic ruler
or the exiled monarch would involve a double headship and leader
ship of the returning procession such as finds no parallel elsewhere
in the Old Testament. For other pictures of similar tone, cf. Je.
3 i 9f - Is. 4 o lf - 5 2 12 .

12. iSu] For this use of Sa, cf. on i*. mnsti ] Found prior to Isaiah
and Micah only in Gn. 45? (E), 2 S. I4 7 Am. i 8 5 15 , i. e. twice in the sense
of posterity, once of the few surviving Philistines, and once of decimated
Israel. Isaiah is the first to introduce the thought of a holy remnant and
to apply it to returning exiles; cf. Meinhold, Der heilige Rest (1903).
mxa] Ordinarily taken as from ix:j, be inaccessible (common to Heb.
and Ar.) and given the meaning fold; v. s.. The reading rnn is
supported in part by (6 and furnishes a good parallel to "pro. The
noun fry* is a by-form of n-yo, corresponding to the Ar. sira, and
applied in Heb., Ar. and Syr. to the low stone wall surrounding an
encampment, or to the encampment itself, or to a sheepfold similarly
protected. nann] For other cases of art. with sf., cf. Ges. ^ tI7i ; K6.
I oe &gt; njD&gt;nr] fH derives this from Din, but the existence of the Hiph.
of this vb. is doubtful; the derivation from ncn (v. s.) is better. The
fem. pi. because the subjects rryx and "&gt;an represent things. 13. nS&gt;]
Proph. pf.; often used of return rom exile, e. g. Ho. i 11 2" Is. u ;
cf. Na. 2 1 . INXM] On proph. pf. continued by waw consec. with impf.,
cf. K6. * " ; Dr. .

* Conira Dr. Exp. 1887, pp. 259 /

70 MICAH

6. Denunciation of the Leaders and Prophets O 1 " 8 ).

Of the seven four-line strs. constituting this poem, three are
devoted to the secular leaders, three to the religious, and the last
to Micah himself.

Str. I charges the leaders of Israel with having perverted their
calling they who should love and honour justice are devoted to
the pursuit of wickedness. Str. II in highly figurative language
pictures their oppression of the poor and helpless. Str. Ill an
nounces a day of disaster when these leaders will reap the due re
ward of their deeds and find that Yahweh turns a deaf ear to their
cry for help in their distress. Str. IV turns the charge against the
prophets of the day who being actuated by mercenary motives are
leading Israel astray. Str. V, under the figure of an eclipse, de
clares the time to be at hand when the impotence of these prophets
will become manifest prophets without vision. Str. VI describes
the shame and confusion that will overwhelm them when they
discover that God heeds not their cry. Str. VII sets forth, in sharp
contrast to the powerlessness just described, Micah s conscious
ness of his own authority and power to denounce the sins of Israel.

tJEAR now, ye heads of Jacob,

And rulers of the house of Israel:

Is it not yours to know justice,

Ye who hate good and love evil?
gUT they eat the flesh of my people,

And their skin from upon them they strip off;

And their bones they lay bare and break them up,

Like meat in the pot, and flesh within the caldron.
J HEN will they cry unto Yahweh,

And he will not answer them;

But will hide his face from them,

Inasmuch as they have made their deeds evil.

[Thus has Yahweh said:]
CONCERNING the prophets who lead my people astray,

Who when they bite with their teeth preach peace;

But as for him who puts not into their mouths

Against him they declare war.
THEREFORE, it will be night for you without vision.

And darkness for you without divination.

Yea, the sun will set upon those prophets,

And the day will become dark over them.

3" 7i

A ND the seers will be ashamed,

And the diviners will blush,

And they will cover the upper lip, all of them,

Because there is no answer from God.
BUT I, indeed, am full of power,

And justice and strength,

To declare to Jacob his transgression,

And to Israel his sin.

The symmetry of the poem is apparent. In both groups of three strs.
each, the opening str. contains the address and the general charge, the
2d str. presents a series of bold figures, and the closing str. declares the
same climax Yahweh s refusal to hear the cry of the wicked. Further
more, Strs. Ill and VI alike are made up of short trenchant lines, an
nouncements of doom which fall like the blows of a sledge-hammer.
This arrangement presupposes the omission of v. 2b - c as a variant of v. *
(so We., Now., Marti, Gu.; cf. Lohr, ZDMG. LXI, 3-6); the treatment
of *onn r\yi in v. &lt; as a repetition of IN in v. (so Marti, Siev.); the
excision of rnm nn HN from v. 8 as a gloss (so We., Now., Marti, Siev.,
Gu., Du.); and the exclusion of the introductory formulas inw. - B as
extraneous to the poetic form.

Lohr and Siev. agree in excluding vv. 6 - 8 from this piece and including
w. - *, but this fails to do justice to the symmetrical relations between
w. -* and 5 - 8 on the one hand, and the logical and formal independence
of w. - 11 on the other. Furthermore, their metrical arrangement (Lohr,
4+3 + 3; Siev. 7 + 3) takes too great liberties with the text, removing no
less than twenty-five words from the 4R of vv. J - 8 , i. e. nearly one-fourth
of the material, and adding two words at the opening of v. B .

1. ncsi] &lt;& & = "V??] We., Marti, Gu., Hpt. om. as gloss; so H, un
less in temporc at the close of 2 13 represents it. Nj-iyc^] &lt;B add
DNT, as in v. . 3p&gt;"] &lt; & and 12 codd. of Kenn. and de R., i no,
as in v. ; so Hal.. TXp] &lt;35 ol Ka.Td\oiiroi; so also in v. 9 . 2. njn] Rd.
jn, withQr.. 311;] Gr. ^y_ -vy. ornSjra] Hal. D p rn SJ?D. oninxp] Hal.
PUD 1 ?*. 3. T^NI] (& 6v Tp6-rrov. U om. i. Taylor, ixen. on^yr]
&lt;5 A Q dir6 TUV 6ffr^it&gt;v aiiTuv. itt ioi] (8&gt; nal ^/xAicra^; so ^. they
throw into. new] Rd. i f ?, with &lt;& ws &lt;r&lt;/?Kas; so Doderlein, Dathe,
Bauer, Jus., Ro., Stek., Taylor, Elh., We., Pont, Gr., Gu., Now.,
Oort Em -, Marti, Lohr, Siev., van H., Du., Hpt.. Now., slavishly foil,
by Marti, cites in support of this reading, but & reproduces 4H liter
ally. Hal. nNC ; c. 4. IN] &lt; oJrrws. Lohr om. as gloss, but inserts
here, partly from v. * oryD -li^py, cf. Siev.. irD i] Marti, inpij. ^C N:;]
(K a.vff &v; so 0. un ipin] (& freely, they have dealt wickedly in their
practices against themselves; similarly V. 5. i - t pi] (8 tfyeipav, a free
rendering, corrected by several codd. to ijylaa-av. v^;-] Siev. om. metri
causa, as in & after nnp, where (6 adds it. 6. nS^ 1 ? pS] We. and Now.

72 MICAH

insert rvrp; c f. &lt;&. natpm] Rd., with Hartmann, na#m; so Ry., Or.,
Taylor, SS., Elh., We., Pont, Gr., Now., Marti, Hal., van H., Hpt., Du..
Gu., rjtsrn. & treats as a verbal form. oopc] HWB. U , Marti, Hpt., Du.,
DpiJD^ for sake of parallelism with pin ; but the rhyme supports 48. 7 . wjn
DCB&gt; Sp] &lt;S Kdl KaTaXaXTj&lt;rovo-ij AC&lt;IT avr&v, not a free rendering (contra Tay
lor), but a mere guess. Cf. Schnurrer, Vol., Ry.. In Ez. 24" M where
this phrase occurs, (8 renders ; by Trapo/caX^w; in Lv. I3 45 , by irept/SaX^cr-
0w. Stek. therefore suggests that &lt; derived it from t^p ; but where to&gt;j? does
appear in 4H, (5 failed to recognise it, rendering it by K\tvu in i S. 14**
25", by tipwcras rov 6t&lt;r6ou in i S. I5 19 , and by dta/jaffao-dai in BS. 34 16 .
& renders V as if from ncir, /i/&gt;. njpc] Some Heb codd. "ijgr; so&lt;B&.

6 tKu\Mi). Several codd. of &lt;& read dXXA ^v = ^.
-w; some codd. tveTr\-/i&lt;r0T)v. nin 1 - nn PN na] Om. as gloss, "i r N,
with We., Now., Marti, Siev., Du., Hpt.. Gie. Berufsbegabung, 123,
om. n na. Oort Em -/ &lt;i nna na. n-najn CDDtt Di] A om.; so cod. Reuch.
of 31; so Taylor, Pont, Siev.. Chrysostom om. OBDI. SNiP Si] Two

Str. I charges- the rulers of Israel with having grossly betrayed
the trust reposed in them, the guardians of justice have become
abettors of and participants in crime. 1. But I said] No satis
factory connection of this phrase with anything preceding can be
found. After the removal of the interpolation 2 12 - 13 , with which
it has no point of contact, and of 2 11 (v. s.), connection might be
made with 2 10 by rendering, Furthermore, I said ; but a particle
would be expected to express such an idea, and it presupposes a
close integration of thought between 2 10 and 3 1 ff which does not
exist. Rather does a new theme present itself in ch. 3. It may be
that some connecting link between 2 10 and 3* has been lost; other
wise, this phrase must be regarded as an obscure marginal note.
Heads of Jacob and rulers of the house of Israel] The identical
terminology in v. 9 , with the specifications in v. 10 , makes it clear
that the address both here and there is to the officials of Judah in
general and Jerusalem in particular. Know justice] Cf. Am. 3 10 .
The knowledge required is not mere intellectual appreciation of
the principles of justice, but a practical understanding of its obliga
tions and a sympathy with its aims which will lead to a righteous
administration of law. 2. Ye who hate good, etc.] Their con
duct is, for Micah, susceptible of no other explanation. Ye who

3 1 - 4 73

pluck their skin from upon them and their flesh from upon their
bones] A gloss as is shown by the lack of any antecedents for the
pronouns, and by its substantial identity of contents with v. 3 .

Str. II is marked by the transfer to the 3d person from the 2d
oerson of direct address in Str. I, and by the contrast the picture of
the actual conduct of the rulers affords to the ideal suggested for
them in Str. I. 3. But they eat the flesh of my people] The people
are in Micah s eyes like a defenceless flock at the mercy of wild
beasts; the watch-dogs who should protect the flock have pounced
upon them like ravening wolves. Micah s passionate sympathy
with his countrymen is reflected in the pronoun "my." And their
skin from upon them they strip off and lay bare their bones] The
figures here employed suggest the violence and lawlessness of the
processes whereby the very life was crushed out of the small land
owners. And break them up like meat in the pot and flesh within
the caldron] These words are omitted by some scholars as an edi
torial expansion of the preceding figure.* Similes or compar
isons are not common in Mi. 1-3, it is true, though they are not
wholly lacking (i 8 - 16 3*); nor is the adjustment to the metre here
the most easy; while the verbs lay bare and break have different
objects, the latter referring to the fellow-citizens of Micah. But
all this is not conclusive of secondary origin. Micah, quite as well
as a later reader, could carry his figure through to the very end.
The devastation of the poor is total and irreparable. f

Str. Ill announces the coming of a day when Yahweh will ig
nore the cry of these oppressors now brought low, because they
have ignored his call to righteousness and justice. 4. Then will
they cry] A reference to the coming judgment spoken of in 2 3&gt; 4 - 10 ;
cf. the similar use of now as = then in Am. 6 7 Ho. 2 12 . And he
will not answer them] For the converse of this attitude, cf. Ps.
34 15 . But will hide his face from them] That he may not be
moved to pity by the sight of their distress. A common figure for

* So We., Now., Marti, Lohr, Siev., Gu..

t If the language of Micah be thought stronger than the facts warranted, attention need
only be called to the atrocities perpetrated upon the peasants of Germany in a supposedly more
civilised age, which resulted in the outbreak of the Peasants War ; and that too with the sup
port of the laws. See Schaff, History oj the Christian Church, VI, 440 if.; Newman, Manual of
Church History, II, 69 ff.; Zimmermann, Allgemeiric Geschichle des grossen Baucmkriegs
&lt;i854).

74 MICAH

the divine displeasure; cf. Is. i 15 8 17 Dt. 3i 17 - 18 32* Jb. IT? Ps. 13*.
At that time] A gloss, as shown by the metre,* intended to define
more closely the application of then J in line i ; cf. 2*. Inasmuch
as they have made their deeds evil\ A pregnant use of WfcO, im
plying a comparison; the wicked conduct of the rich is clear
evidence that they have turned a deaf ear to the call of Yahweh
through his prophets; Yahweh now treats them in like manner.f
Str. IV turns to another class of offenders, the popular prophets,
whom Micah charges with base subservience to selfish ends. 5.
Thus has Yahweh said} This phrase, stating the divine authority
of the message about to be uttered, b es outside of the movement
of the poem; cf. Am. i 86 2 19b 3 15b 4 s 8 9a .Concerning the prophets
who lead my people astray] The prophets here denounced are the
members of the prophetic guilds (see H. AH , xlix-lviii), the best
of whom were victims of a too narrow patriotism and a low idea
of God. Micah, with the undiscriminating passion of indigna
tion, treats them all alike as swayed by unworthy motives. The
cleft between the lower and the higher types of prophecy began at
least as early as the days of Micaiah ben Imlah (i K. 22) and grew
wider with each succeeding generation; cf. 3" Am. 7 12 Is. p 15 Je. 28.
But the true prophet, in the face of opposition and isolation, re
mained certain that he only wis the interpreter of the will of God.
Who when they bite with their teeth preach peace] Not in the
sense that they hypocritically proclaim prosperity though con
scious that they are all the time injuring the people ;J but, as is
shown by the following lines, that their good will is conditioned
upon their being well fed. For a later estimate of the value and
authenticity of prophecies of prosperity, see Je. 28- 9 . But if one
puts not into their mouths they declare war against him] It seems
less likely that prediction of national war is meant by this,** than
that these mercenary prophets levy a tyrannical species of black
mail upon their constituents. The man who will not contribute

* So Marti, Now. K , Lohr, Siev., Gu., Du.; so also in Am. 5"

t Gu. suspects this clause to be a later addition; but the only ground urged is its prosaic
character. May not a prophet descend to prose occasionally? Homer sometimes nods.

J So Casp..

For a similar indignant charge made by the Greek tragic poets against venal soothsayers,
v. Sophocles, Antigone, 1036; ^Eschylus, Agamemnon, 1168. ** We.. Van H..

3" 75

to their support is subjected to slander and abuse of various
kinds. They represent it to be Yahweh s will that such men be
treated as his enemies. The verb rendered declare literally
means sanctify, consecrate, and has reference to the religious
ceremonies always associated with the actual commencement of
hostilities; cf. i S. is 8 " 12 Je. 6 4 Is. i3 3 Jo. 4 Dt. 2o 2 .* Prophets
who thus brought their high calling into disgrace for the further
ance of their own selfish ends seem never to have been lacking,
from the earliest times (cf. Am. 7 12 ) even down to the days of the
early Christian church, f

Str. V, under the figure of an eclipse, represents the spiritual
darkness into which the prophets will be plunged on the approach
ing day of doom which they have been preparing for themselves.
6. Therefore, it will be night for you without vision] This is
not merely a figurative way of saying that the power of prophetic
insight and foresight will soon be withdrawn from those who have
abused such gifts, but rather a description of the great day of Yah-
weh (cf. Am. 5 18 ), which awaits the whole nation. The sins of the
leaders involve the entire people in suffering. The calamities of
that day will stagger the shallow optimism of the prophets who
would heal Israel s wounds lightly. They will have no message
for such times. And darkness for you without divination] The
verb to divine is never used of legitimate prophetic activity, but
always of the arts of magic, soothsaying, necromancy, and the
like. Yea, the sun will set, etc.] The second half of the str. re
peats and so emphasises the thought of the first half.

Str. VI describes the shame and confusion that will enshroud
the pseudo-prophets when in the light of the events of the day of
Yahweh their prophecies are seen to be lies and they find themselves
utterly unable to read the will of God. 7. And the seers will be
ashamed, and the diviners will blush] The terms seer and di
viner are suggested by the opening lines of Str. V. And they will

* V. Schwally, F., Semitische Krieg sailer /timer, I. Der heilige Krieg im alien Israel (1901).

t Cf. Didache, XI, 3-6: "Now concerning apostles and prophets and the teaching of the
gospel, so do ye: every apostle that comes to you, receive him as the Lord. But he shall re
main only one day; if there be need, however, a second also. But if he remain three days, he is
a false prophet. And when a prophet sets forth, let him take nothing except bread until he
may find a lodging; if he ask for money, he is a false prophet."

76 MICAH

cover the upper lip, all of them] A common sign of mourning; cf.
Ez. 24 17 - a Lv. i3 45 . The origin of this veiling of the lip and
mouth in mourning is variously explained; by some, as a substi
tute for an older custom of shaving off the beard as a hair-offering
to the departed spirit; by others, as a method of disguise adopted to
protect the survivors from recognition and injury at the hands of
the departed ; by others, as a method of blocking the mouth against
the entrance of malicious spirits; by still others, as a device to dis
courage conversation so that the mourner might be undisturbed in
his grief. Its original significance, however, had probably long
been forgotten by Micah s day. Because there is no answer from
God] Not that all this has come about because their oracles had
been of their own concoction, and not of divine origin;* but rather
that in the approaching day, Yahweh will refuse to reveal his will
to them.

In Str. VII Micah unhesitatingly declares his consciousness of
possessing the indispensable equipment for the prophetic office
which his opponents lack ; hence his message is of a totally differ
ent character from theirs. 8. But I, indeed, amjull of power] In
contrast with the vacillating pseudo-prophets who are swayed to
and fro by every wave of public opinion, the true prophet forges
straight ahead in the line of Yahweh s will which often compels him
to defy the popular will. Micah knows he has strength sufficient
for all his needs. The spirit of Yahweh] A prosaic gloss by some
editor who deemed it necessary to indicate the source of Micah s
power. Its extraneous character is shown by the fact that it alone
of the four attributes is accompanied by fiS, by its unnatural posi
tion in the series of four, and by its violation of the metrical move
ment. And justice and strength] The time-serving prophets are
filled with and inspired by the people s gifts; Micah s inspiration
and satisfaction come from his God-given sense of right and his
energy in the enforcement of righteousness upon his contempo
raries. To declare to Jacob his transgression and to Israel his sin]
This was the task to which Micah and all true prophets felt them
selves called, to denounce and expose sin and to hold up in con
trast with it higher conceptions of God and duty. This str. fur-

* So Ro., Ry..

3 1 " 8 77

nishes a hint as to the psychology of prophecy. The truths enun
ciated by the prophet were not things imposed upon him from with
out, but the choicest possessions of his own inner spirit, the product
of his own divinely illuminated experience, observation, and medi
tation upon the practical problems of life.

1 . Obligatory idea lies in Da 1 ? NiSn] Ko. * 7 d ; not in njnS] Ges.
H4 i ; Dr. M n . On force of the rhetorical question, cf. Ges. * 15 e .
2. n;n] Qr. jn is supported by the balance it furnishes for the monosyl.
3ttJ, and the fact that auo and jn accompany each other just as regularly
as naio and npi; v. Ps. 52" 38" 35 12 Pr. i6 30 Nu. 24 13 . 3. inxa] dir; not

from AVi^j to &rea& (so BDB. and TPFB. 1S ), but from Ai.%

to /ay fere (so Bevan, cited by Marti), ordinarily used in Ar. to aenote
the exposure of vices or faults; v. Lane, Lex. 2410. ichci] = and spread
out, which does not suit the following similes; it is better taken as a by-
form of D-IS, used in Qal of the breaking of bread and in Hiph. of the
dividing of the hoofs of animals; cf. No. ZA. I, 417 /.. The sequence of
tenses here demands DM. ~^3;] On absence of article, cf. Ko. 5*" 1 .
rnSjt] Only here and i S. 2 14 , but context in both cases renders its gen
eral sense quite clear; cf. Lagarde, Ubersicht, 88; Erman, ZDMG. XL VI,
121. 4. -\HDM] The jussive, as in iK, is without any of its characteristic
force here; it is most easily accounted for as a case of defective writing
of the normal indicative form, Dr. * 174 ; but cf. Ko. * 192d , which attrib
utes e to "the vowel-oppressing influence of the consonantal environ
ment"; Ges. * log k , which explains forms of this kind as often caused by
necessities of rhythm; and Hpt. who calls it an Aramaicism. wxu] For
similar usage, cf. Ju. 6" i S. 28 18 Nu. 27" 2 K. i; 26 ; v. Ko. * 38 . 6. D-orjn]
Serving as the protasis of a condition, Ges. * ns w . 6. npjym] On 3d pers.
sg. fern., as in JH, used for natural phenomena, cf. Ges. $ 144c ; Ko. %323k .
But the parallelism demands a noun. 7. DDC-] Lit. = mustache; cf. 2
S. 19" (&lt;B fiforag); on root, cf. Earth, ZDMG. XLI, 633 and Jensen,
ZA. VII, 218. 8. nn&gt; nn nx] On function of PN here, cf. Ko. * 288 .
The thing with which is usually found in the ace. after N^D, when
used in the Qal, and without the sign of the ace. even when the noun is
denned; e. g. Dt. 34* Jb. 20"; but cases with TN, as here, are not wanting,
e. g. Ex. 8 17 Ez. io 4 . Less likely does nN have prepositional force with,
by, through, as perhaps in Gn. 4*.

78 MICAH

7. The Doom of Israel (f- 12 ).

This is the climax of Micah s utterances. He here groups to
gether the three leading classes in Judah, the princes, priests and
prophets, and lays upon them the full responsibility for the ap
proaching downfall of the capital city which he foretells.

Str. I repeats the address and the charge with which the preced
ing oracle opened, but adds to them a further specific accusation
to the effect that Judah s rulers have tried to establish the prosper
ity of Jerusalem upon the basis of oppression and murder. Str.
II declares that princes, priests and prophets alike have all used
their offices for their own enrichment through the encouragement
of bribery and fraud, and exposes the fallacy and fatuity of their
reliance upon the favour of Yahweh for protection from all harm.
Str. Ill pronounces sentence: because of their evil deeds Jerusalem
will be totally destroyed and become a waste and desolation.

TJEAR this, now, ye heads of the house of Jacob,

And rulers of the house of Israel;

Who abhor justice,

And pervert all that is right;

Who build Zion with blood,

And Jerusalem with iniquity.
f^ER chiefs judge for a bribe,

And her priests give oracles for hire,

And her prophets divine for money;

Yet upon Yahweh they lean, saying,

"Is not Yahweh in the midst of us?

No evil can befall us."
pHEREFORE, on account of you,

Zion will be ploughed as a field,

And Jerusalem will become ruins,

And the mountain of the house a high-place in a forest.

This is the first departure in the genuine material of Micah from the
norm of the four-line str.. Du. (KB. 3800) and Marti organise such strs.
here; but to do so is to violate the logical connection. J3 of v. 10 is a
continuation of the direct address employed in v. 9 , while v. passes over
into the 3d pers.. The three classes mentioned in v. " belong together
in one str., being all charged with the same crime; princes, priests and
prophets form the great triumvirate of transgressors from which the
prophets may not be segregated. Lohr and Siev. in their attempts to

3" 79

carry through a 4+3 + 3 or 7 + 3 movement do great violence to the text.
Both omit lines 1-3 of Sir. II, simply because of the 3 + 3+3 movement
there found (so also Gu., who urges the change of person as interrupting
connection between v. 10 and v. IId ); likewise pS from the opening of
Str. III. Not only so but Lohr finds it necessary to invent an additional
word in each of three lines in vv. 10 for the sake of the metre, while Siev.
accomplishes the same end by repeating lc after 9b and transposing 9d
to follow I0b . All this seems arbitrary and superfluous in a text that
reads as smoothly as M does here.

9 . nut] Om. by Marti, Lohr, Siev., Hpt., Du.; cf. v. . no] Om. by We.,
Marti, Lohr., Siev., Du., Hpt.; c/.v. 1 . y&gt; . . . apjp] Interchanged by
&lt;fc\_, r , pl ] &lt;g as i n v&lt; j._ma"n] &lt;g H 01 pi.. 10. nja] Rd. \ja, with
OS ol oiKodo/juvrres; so $ B 21 and We., Gr., Oort^ 11 -, Now., Du., Marti,
Hal., Lohr, Siev., van H., Gu.. 11. nn:?] &lt; H pi.. nr] Aq. 9 {&lt;j&gt;&lt;S&gt;Ti-
fof, probably connecting it with TIN. (5 bvenplvovro. 12. mir] Oort Em -
mao. pj] Rd. 0"j?, as in Je. 26 18 ; so 8 codd. of Kenn. and 4 of Je
R., We., Now., Marti, Hal., Siev., Gu., Hpt., Du.. no] Vtentpli; &lt;/.$.
niDaS] Rd. np^, with S c/s C^oj and 9 eis fiovv6v t so We., Now., Oort Em -,
Du., Marti, Hal., Gu.. &lt;S has e/5 AX&lt;ros, a grove (so also in Je. 26 18 ;
elsewhere it represents rns&gt;N); cf. & f ^ ^ - *~^ t a wooded region,
which does not necessarily presuppose a reading no, but is better ex
plained as due to the influence of &lt;8. The use of the sg. in (6 is not
conclusive in itself, since &lt;B s renderings of ncu are so varied in charac
ter (at least thirteen different ones in the OT.) and relatively heedless
of number; cf. e. g. i Ch. 21" Dt. 32" Nu. 22" Is. 14" 15* 16 * Je.
7". S on the other hand, so far as it can be tested, is faithful to the
form of its original in its treatment of this word (e.g. 28. i 18 i K.
12" 13" 15" 2 K. 17 - 23 8 - ).

Str. I charges the leaders of Judah with betraying the trust re
posed in them as the guardians of truth and justice. Lines i and
2 are a verbal repetition of the corresponding lines in Str. I of the
previous section ; 3 and 4 are a paraphrase of the latter half of the
same str.; while 5 and 6 add a new figure. 9. And pervert all that
is right] Lit. twist all that is straight ; apparently by insolent
defiance of law rather than by Jesuitical interpretation thereof.
Cf. Is. 5 20 . 10. Who build Zion with blood and Jerusalem with
iniquity] The prophet denounces a material prosperity which is
based upon the spoliation of the poor and the confiscation of the
property of the innocent condemned to death; cf. i K. 21 Am. 5"
Ho. 4 2 Is. i 15 Je. 22 13 Ez. 22".

8o MICAH

Str. II first brings an accusation of bribery against all the lead
ing officials of government, civil and religious; then contrasts with
their depraved moral state their false security in Yahweh s pro
tecting presence and power. 11. Her chiefs judge for a bribe]
Judicial functions were exercised by the highest officials; cf. 2 S.
1 5 2 " . Bribery has always been one of the most prevalent vices of
oriental government; every official has his price;* cf. f Is. i 23 5^.
In such a system the poor man has no chance. And her priests
give oracles for hire] The only allusion to priests in the book Oi
Micah ; cf. Ho. 6 9 io 5 Is. 28 7 . The most difficult cases were brought
to the priests that they might obtain the judgment of Yahweh upon
them; cf. Ex. i8 19 ff - Is. 28* Dt. 17- 9 2i 5 . Similar usage still exists
among the Bedouin. The prophet thus makes the terrible ac
cusation that the priests manipulate the oracle in such cases in the
interest of the rich and powerful and to their own enrichment.
And her prophets divine for money] Cf. note on v. 5 . It is not
merely that pay, even when offered and received with the purest of
motives, is a constant menace to the absolute independence and
freedom of thought and speech without which true prophecy can
not live; but these soothsaying diviners have deliberately sold them
selves to the highest bidders. All three of the influential classes
are money-mad. Yet, upon Yahweh they lean, saying} These
men are not Godless miscreants; on the contrary, they wear the
livery of religion and they congratulate themselves upon having
the support of Yahweh. Is not Yahweh in the midst of us ? No
disaster can befall us] Cf. Am. 3 2 . This was the crux of the con
flict between the prophetic and the popular conceptions of God.
This conviction on the part of the people in general made the
preaching of Amos, Hosea and Micah sound like treason and dis
trust of Yahweh. It is not improbable that the presence of the
temple in Jerusalem as the headquarters of Yahweh gave added
strength to this popular belief; cf. Je. f~ 7 . The common concep
tion of Yahweh was not yet informed with the ethical ideal. Per
formance of the ceremonial was thought to be the essence of
religion; Yahweh cared for little more. Against this error, the

* No. Sketches from Eastern History, 133 /.; Doughty, Arabia Deserta, I, 607, II, ao;
GASm. 308.

3 - 8!

prophets with one consent insisted that Yahweh s supreme inter
est was ethical, not ritualistic. His demand for righteousness
was more insistent than his love for Israel. Cf. b 6 " 8 Is. i 10 " 17 Am.
5 21 - 27 Ho. 6 6 .

Str. Ill turns once more directly to the offenders, as in Str. I,
and hurls upon them the responsibility for the impending ruin of
Jerusalem. 12. Therefore, on account of you} The sense of indi
vidual responsibility for sin had not yet developed sufficiently to
raise any question in the prophet s mind as to the justice of de
stroying a whole city for the sins of the leading citizens. But even
so, the sins of the populace at large cried out for judgment with no
uncertain sound. Micah does but fix the responsibility for lead
ing the way in sin and thereby bring home guilt to the consciences
of those in power. Zion will be ploughed as afield} A figure for
total destruction; cf. Ps. I2Q 3 . Zion was the name of the Jebusite
stronghold captured by David (2 S. 5 s - 9 ). This was probably lo
cated on the southern slope of the hill to the east of the Tyropcean
Valley. But the name soon came to be applied to the entire city,
in which sense it is employed here in parallelism with Jerusalem
and also in v. 10 . And Jerusalem will become ruins} Micah was the
first prophet to threaten Judah with the annihilation of its capital;
but he does so without a tremor. Jerusalem as the centre of cor
ruption and pollution (i 5 ) must be cut out of the body politic, lest
the entire nation become corrupt and perish. His heart goes out
to the peasant farmers of the hillsides of Judah in passionate sym
pathy with them in their misery and wrong, but he can condemn
their oppressors to death with unshaken voice. And the mountain
of the house a wooded height} The temple mount now thronged
with worshippers will become a deserted hill-top like the summit
of Mt. Carmel. This is the climax of the threat. That Yahweh
would permit the destruction and desecration of his own chief
shrine must have sounded like blasphemy to Micah s hearers. But
it was the most stunning blow that could be dealt to the old con
ception of God. It shows also how thoroughly Micah was freed
from slavery to rites and institutions. He had certainly learned
that God dwelleth not in temples made with hands. *

* On the significance of the citation of v. in Je. 26 *, see Introduction.

82 MICAH

9. itpp&gt;r] On force of impf. continuing a prtc., cf. Ges. * 118X ; on tran
sition to 3d pers. after the vocative, cf. Ko. ^ 34 &lt; l - m . 10. np] Is diffi
cult of explanation either as a collective (van H.) or as applied to a
typical individual of the class denounced. The reading \p is supported
by the fact that the Vrss. all have the pi., by the close likeness to n;a in
form, by the parallel prtc. ooynnn, and by the pi. form of wpy which it
continues. 11. nneo] 3 pretii, Ko. i &gt; 3320 . uanpa mm] C/". SNUD&gt;:, Is.
7", and F. C. Porter, JBL. XIV (1895), 19-36. 12. me&gt;] Ace. of
effect or product, Ges. * 121 d ; Ko. * 338 v . p&gt;] Aram. pi. due to a copyist;
cf. Je 26 18 ; note the suggestion that the error was facilitated by the fact
that f was more easily articulated before the following n (Ges. ^ 44k ).
ninuS] Usual form of cstr. pi. is &gt;niea, but cf. Nu. 21 * Ez. 36* Ho. io.
The pi. is hardly appropriate as applied to the temple mount, and (& has
sg. both here and in Je. 26 18 . The meaning hill-top gives a stronger
contrast here than is afforded by high-place.

B. CHAPTERS 4 AND 5.

Chs. 4 and 5 have given much trouble to interpreters, great vari
ety of opinion existing as to what portions, if any, may be attributed
to Micah and as to the origin and date of the portions not thus as
signed. All agree, however, that the chapters as they now stand are
wholly lacking in logical continuity within themselves and must be
regarded as composed of a series of more or less unrelated frag
ments. By some, this lack of logical unity is urged, with other
considerations, as warrant for denying these chapters to Micah, in
whole or in part. By others, it is held to be consistent with Micah s
authorship, either on the ground of the vivacity and mobility of
his style, which is not to be confined within logical limits;* or be
cause the spoken word permits of greater freedom from logical re
straint than does the written word ;f or on the hypothesis that the
present order is due to the work of a redactor who arranged frag
ments of Micah s addresses in an order which is for us no order. J

* So de Goeje, ThT. VI, 279-84; Kue. ThT. VI, 285-302.
t Kue., Wildeboer, GASm..

t Ry.. Elh., Pont. For more detailed treatment of these questions, see the discussions
of the individual sections, and the general Introduction, 2.

8. An Ideal of Yahweh s World-Dominion (4 1 " 5 ).

Three six-line strs. in trimeter movement, with a later expansion
(w. 4 - 5 ), announcing the coming world- wide supremacy of Yah-
weh and the beneficent results involved therein. Str. I states
the fact that the temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem is to become ths
religious rallying-point of the nations. Str. II indicates their
motive in coming as the desire to learn of Yahweh s ways at the
only source of instruction. Str. Ill declares that Yahweh will be
the world s arbiter, and that the weapons and art of war will per
ish. The appendices add details to the picture of idyllic peace.

TT will come to pass in the issue of the days,

That the mountain of Yahweh s house will be

Established at the top of the mountains,

And it will be lifted up from the hills,

And peoples will flow unto it,

Yea, many nations will come, and say:
X)ME, let us go up to the mount of Yahweh,

And to the house of the God of Jacob;

That he may teach us of his ways,

So that we may walk in his paths.

For from Zion goeth forth instruction,

And the word of Yahweh from Jerusalem.
A ND he will judge between many peoples,

And will arbitrate for strong nations,

And they will hammer their swords into ploughshares,

And their spears into pruning-hooks.

They will not lift up the sword, nation against nation,

Nor will they any longer learn war.

The progress of thought is clear in this poem, and points unmistakably
to six-line (so Du.) rather than four-line (Marti) strs.. The direct dis
course beginning in v. 2b distinctly marks the point of departure for a
new str. and so establishes the six-line norm. The arrangement of Siev.
fails to discover any strophic formation and does violence to the parall.,
in addition to its omission of three lines from w. * solely on metrical
grounds.

The original material ceases with v. *. Interpreters in general now
concede the separation of v. 6 ; so e. g. Cor., GASm., Now., Marti, Siev.,
Gu., Du.. It sustains no close relatio^ to vv. &gt;&lt;. Marti and Gu. also
athetize v. 4c ; but in view of the absence of the whole verse from the
parallel passage in Is. 2*-&lt;, and of the further fact that it is composed of
stock phrases which add nothing essential to the description in w. ,

84 MICAH

it seems safe to assign all of v. 4 to editorial expansion; so Che. Intr. to
Is., on 2 2 -&lt;; Skipwith, JQR. VI, 23, 583^.; F. Ladame, Revue de theolo-
gie et de philosophic, 1902, pp. 446 Jf.; Du.. The only change in iK of
vv. J - 3 required by the metre is the omission of pirn ~\y from v. 3b , as a
gloss not present in Is. 2 4 .

The repetition of these verses in Is. 2 2 - 4 has occasioned much discus
sion as to their origin. Four views have found currency at various
times: (i) that the passage was original with Isaiah and borrowed from
him by Micah (so e. g. De. on Is. 2*-*; Ro., KL, Cor. ZAW. IV, 88);
(2) that it was original with Micah and borrowed by Isaiah or an editor
of Isaiah (so e. g. Hartmann, Ke., WRS. in Enc. Brit. art. Micah;
RyO&gt; (3) that it was an older oracle borrowed alike by Isaiah and
Micah (so e. g. Ros., Mau., Ew., Hi., Reuss, Or.); (4) that it was a later
interpolation both in Isaiah and Micah (so e. g. Sta. ZAW. I, 165^".;
Kosters, ThT. 1893; Kue. Einl.; Che. Intr. to Book of Isa.,g-i6; Cor.,
We., Now., Marti, Gu., Du.). That it neither originated with Micah nor
was incorporated by him from an earlier source seems certain. The tran
sition from3 12 to 4 1 - 4 is too abrupt; there Jerusalem lies waste, here it is the
centre of pilgrimages from all parts of the world; not a word is spoken of
the restoration of the city involved in the latter description. The spirit
of 4 1 - 4 is incompatible with that of 3 9 - lz ; here Jerusalem is the nation s
pride and glory, there the prophet s love centres in the country people
while the city represents to him all that is bad. Je. 26 18 tells against the
early origin of this passage, for it is unlikely that such an impression
of Micah s message would have existed in Hezekiah s time, if Micah had
cancelled the effect of 3 12 by the comforting words of 4 1 ff -. It is apparent
also that 3 12 was spoken in Hezekiah s reign and that 4 1 ff - therefore are
still later, which fact shows that the passage has no rightful place in Is.
ch. 2, which is in any case earlier than Hezekiah s reign. Furthermore,
the ideas of the passage are those characteristic of the postexilic age.
The thought of the conversion of the nations appears nowhere else in
the book of Micah, but is first found in monotheistic writings of the exilic
and postexilic periods, e. g. Is. 56* 7 60 66 23 n 10 and Jonah. The pil
grimage to Mt. Zion is a postexilic idea, cf. Zc. 14" ff -, and its ne
cessity could hardly have been felt until late in the postexilic age when
the teachings of Deuteronomy and the Priestly Code had found such wide
acceptance as to render the existence of local shrines like that of Ele-
phantin impossible for the zealous follower of the law. The expres
sion D- DTI nnnNa as denoting the opening of the Messianic era is first
met with in Ez. 38. The conditions reflected in 4 1 B - are best satis
fied by assigning the passage to the Greek period.

1. no] &lt;& oro. here and Is. 2*. Marti tr. to precede ONIS. poj] In
Is. 2 2 preceding n&gt;rv; so Marti; the metre shows the position in Micah
to be preferable. OS s double rendering here, tfjL&lt;f&gt;av& preceding n\-p as in

4 -" 85

Isaiah and troi/jav standing as in Micah, together with the position of ji3J
in Isaiah and &lt;6 s rendering of the Isaiah passage, viz. fyQavis rb tpos
Kvplov Kal 6 of/cos TOU 0eoC tir &Kpov TUP 6ptwv, has led Du. (on Is. 2 1 ),
followed by Marti, Stk. (Die Dichtungen Jesaias [1907]), Box (Bk. oj
Is. [1909]) and Gu. to reconstruct these two lines thus:

onnn

But 4fl of Micah furnishes a smoother metre and connection. The fol
lowing NO&gt;J certainly refers to the nirn nn and thus ignores any inter
vening N no. &lt;& s text of Isaiah may easily be accounted for as due
to some prosaic glossator who felt the difficulty of a physical elevation of
Mt. Zion and so substituted the house of Yahweh. tPN-o] & pi.; so
GASm.. Elh. e&gt;nS. sin] Om. in Is. 2 2 ; so Siev.. nnji] The Pal.-
Syr. fragment published by Mrs. Lewis offers the rendering and will
be gathered = ffwaxOfoovrcu, not elsewhere found; but this is only free
translation. vSy] Is. 2 2 rSw; so many codd. of Kenn. and de R.; so Siev.,
Gu., Hpt.. DT&gt; ] Is. 2 l O un So (so Gu.). &gt; and some mss. of Mi
cah insert So. 2. DMJ] Is. 2 3 DTJ?. Dot] Siev. om.. nnto] Du. (on
Isaiah), Marti and Hpt. om.. nSyji] &lt;S g&gt; U om. i. no SNI] lis om. in
Isaiah and in some mss. of Micah. Siev. om. all this line. iJivi]
(5 here = un^; but in Isaiah sg. and also in the Pal.-Syr. version
published by Mrs. Lewis. TOIID] &lt;& sg. and ignores D. H de -viis.
Siev. om. the last two lines of this str. because they do not yield a seven-
tone line. 3. EDBM] and & H take "the law" as subj. of this vb..
coi DV:; % ] Isaiah O vn; Siev. om. DOI; so &. rroini] B etcorripiet.
- ^xj? 0"^] Isaiah DOT o^c^S. Siev. om. D^DXJ;. pinn iy] Om. as a
gloss with Isaiah; so Briggs {Mess. Proph.*), Du., Marti, Siev., Gu.,
Hpt.. Drunann] Isaiah onann; so Siev.. NS] Some codd. Si; so &lt;&
B. we"] Sg. in Isaiah; so (g g&gt; B QT. nnnSn] (S TroXe/xetV. 4. I3 1 i" i]
C5 dmTrajJo-erat. 3T sg.. 21 in common editions pain* (= or;), but in
cod. Reuch. parvi. 6. vnSs D" j] 05 r^v 68bv afcov (a theological
change; cf. Am. 8" Dt. 29"), but the Pal.-Syr. version agrees with 4H.
Between the text of w. and Is. 2-&lt; there are in all twelve variations.
The text of Micah is nearer the primitive form, as is evident from the
position of fiaj (v. &gt;), the stronger vSp for vS (v.), the more concise
o^c;? for DM^n-Sa (v. ), and the pi. WB (v. ) for the sg.. But the Micah
text has undergone expansion; v. s..

Str. I announces the acceptance of the religion of Yahweh by
the nations at large. 1. // will come to pass in the issue of the
days] i. e. at the end of the present age and coincident with the dawn
of the Messianic era.* The phrase "in the issue of the days" oc-

* Cf. Stk. ZAW. XI, 247 #.,

86 MICAH

curs thirteen times in the OT., but belongs to the exilic and post-
exilic circle of ideas, occurring only in 4 14 Ho. 3 5 Gn. 49* Nu. 24",
aside from Jeremiah, Ezekiel and later books; and these four
passages are due to interpolation. Despairing of the present, the
later prophets built their hopes upon the future, and out of the
blackest days came the brightest visions of Israel s future glory
indisputable evidence of imperishable faith. That the mountain oj
Yahweh s house will be established at the top of the mountains] This
line, with the parallel line, lifted up from the hills,} does not mean a
literal, physical elevation of Mt. Zion above the surrounding hills.*
It is rather a figure representing the exaltation of Zion as superior
to all other shrines and the focus of universal desire ; cf. Is. 2 14 40*.
And peoples will flow unto it, (2) Yea, many nations will come,
and say :] This vision of the world-wide influence of Yahweh in
the conversion of the nations unto himself is unparalleled outside
of Judaism and its dependent faiths. It is a common thought in
Deutero-Isaiah and the later literature of Israel; but it could not
find expression until monotheism had become firmly fixed in the
religious consciousness of Israel through the discipline of the exile.
The prophecies of the eighth century contain no suggestions of this
thought. Is. ii 10 i8 7 iQ 16 - 25 in which it is more or less fully ex
pressed are quite generally conceded to be of late origin.

Str. II explains why the nations gather at Jerusalem, viz. be
cause there they can learn Yahweh s will which is the only safe
guide for life. 2. Come, let us go up to the mount of Yahweh, and
to the house of the God of Jacob] The nations mutually incite one
another to undertake the religious pilgrimage. The implication
is that the temple at Jerusalem is the only authorised sanctuary of
Yahweh. This seems to force the dating of the passage in the
post-Deuteronomic period. The point of view of Is. ip 19 - 21 and
of the adherents of the Jewish temple at Elephantine is foreign to
this writer. Jacob here designates the nation as a whole as in
3 1 - 8&gt; 9 , not the northern kingdom as in i 5 . That he may teach us
of his ways, so that we may walk in his paths] The phraseology
suggests that these would-be disciples do not expect to know the
whole of the divine will, but only such of it as is essential to their

* Contra Marti.

Welfare. For from Zion goes forth instruction and the word of
Yahweh from Jerusalem] These words seem to close the utter
ance of the nations, rather than to resume the speech of the
prophet. It is a recognition by the world at large that Jerusalem
is the seat and source of all authoritative religious teaching. The
word tor ah is here denned by the parallel phrase word of Yah
weh/ and this, together with the absence of the article, makes the
general meaning instruction more probable than the specific
law. Furthermore, on the lips of non-Israelites the latter term
would be an anachronism.

Str. Ill declares the result of the nations acceptance of Yahweh
to be that all disputes will be referred to him and war will there
fore be abolished. 3. And he will judge between many peoples,
and arbitrate for numerous nations] As now all difficult cases in
Israelitish litigation are brought to the priests as the court of last
resort and to Yahweh as the supreme judge, so in the Messianic
age the nations of the world will submit their differences to Yah
weh, accepting without question his righteous decision. To em
phasise the extent of Yahweh s dominion an editor here added the
phrase unto afar. And they will hammer their swords into plough
shares and their spears into pruning-hooks] The rendering plough
shares is doubtful (v. i.}, but some agricultural implement is
certainly meant; weapons of war will be converted into tools of
peaceful industry. For the reverse process, cf. Jo. 4 10 . They will
not lift up the sword, nation against nation ; nor will they learn war
any more] Cf. Ps. 46 Is. g 9 - 7 n 6 - 9 Zc. 9. While disarmament
is here positively predicated only of the n on -Israelitish nations, yet
by implication Israel too is included. The prophet certainly does
not conceive of Israel as dominating the rest of the world by force.
This ideal of world-wide peace springs from the heart-longings of
a people left broken and shattered by the stress of disastrous wars.

To this vision of glory are appended some supplementary details
by later hands. 4. And they will sit each under his vine and under
his fig tree, with none to make them afraid] This verse presents
the positive aspect of the thought that was expressed negatively in
v. 3 . The subject, however, is individual and not national as in
v. 8 ; the language portrays the peaceful Palestinian countryside

88 MICAH

with the rural inhabitants in the enjoyment of peace and plenty.
The verse is made up of stock phrases, displaying none of the cre
ative capacity of vv. "j cf. i K. 4 25 2 K. i8 31 Zc. 3* Is. if Je. 30
46" Ez. 34 28 Zp. 3 13 Na. 2 11 Lv. 26. For the mouth of Yahweh of
hosts hath spoken it] A concluding phrase commonly employed
to attest the divine origin of a prophecy; cf. Is. i 20 40 5 58". 5.
Though all the peoples walk each in the name of his God, yet we will
walk in the name of Yahweh, our God, for ever and ever] This is
the utterance of a practical man who realises the visionary char
acter of the foregoing ideal and seeks to establish connection with
things as they are. Instead of one universal religion, it is tot
gentes quot dei. But even so, and even should it always be so,
Israel will remain faithful and true to Yahweh through endless
time. The expression walk in the name of is not elsewhere used;
but it clearly means here that yielding of a hearty allegiance and
obedience to the divine will spoken of in v. 4 as walking in his laws.
It is fanciful to find here a contrast between the loyal obedience of
the nations to their gods and the defective honouring of Yahweh by
the majority of his people;* or between the eternal walking of
Israel and the walking of the heathen which is not eternal.f
This verse is certainly not from the writer of w. 1-3 or of v. 4 ; for the
general point of view of v. 4 is identical with that of w. 1 " 3 , while
that of v. 5 is wholly different. The writer of w. 1-3 lived wholly in
the future; v. 5 is vividly conscious of the discordant present, and
can only express Israel s determination to be true to her highest
ideals at any cost. What is here expressed as a firm decision is
found in Is. 2 5 as an exhortation. The two verses are evidently
closely related, but on which side the dependence lies is wholly
uncertain.

1. H\-P . . . n&gt;ni] The subj. clause lacks an introductory parti
cle. JIDJ . . . Him] Late usage; Ges. $" r . vSj?] Literally, upon it;
stronger than vSs, Is. a 2 . 2. ioS] Including the speaker, K6. *".
3pp&gt; TI^N] The only occurrence of this title in the book of Micah; so
also 3X nirp in v. *. NXP] If fut. it belongs in mouth of the prophet;
but better taken as present of an existing fact. 3. D&gt;nN^] Found only
in i S. 13" Jo. 4 ; the latter sheds no light upon the meaning; in the
former the list of agricultural implements begins with inann;c, plough-
* Contra Ry.. * onlr &gt; Pont.

.6-10 O n

4 "9

share, hence it is unlikely that TN carries the same meaning; it is proba
ble also that in 2 K. 6 5 -on-nN should read n DN and be rendered "the
axe of iron." (8 renders by Aporpov, plough, except in i S. I3 20 , where
the indefinite cr/ceOcs, tool, appears.

9. T/te Doom of Exile and a Promise of Restoration (4 6 10 ).

This section reflects a period when Jerusalem was in imminent
danger from an invader. It foretells capture and exile as the in
evitable outcome of the situation, but hastens to assuage the grief
by the declaration that Yahweh will intervene, bringing deliver
ance from captivity and restoration to the home-land. It can be
treated as a unit only by transposing w. 9 - 10 to precede vv. e " 8 ;
v. i.. Str. I pictures Israel s bitter suffering and gently satirises
the futility of human leaders. Str. II declares that even greater
calamity is coming, but that Yahweh will thereupon deliver Israel
from its foes. Str. Ill announces that Yahweh will then gather
together the exiles. Str. IV promises their re-establishment as a
mighty nation under Yahweh as their eternal king. Str. V reaches
the climax with the assurance that Jerusalem will be restored as
the nation s capital.

^HEREFORE, now, dost thou cry so loud?

Is there no king in thee,

Or, has thy counsellor perished,

That agony has seized thee like one in childbirth?
T^RITHE and bring forth, O daughter of Zion, like one in childbirth.

For now thou must go forth from the city and dwell in the field,

And go to Babylon; there shalt thou be rescued.

There Yahweh will redeem thee from the hand of thine enemies.
JN that day, it is the oracle of Yahweh,

I will gather the halt,

And the outcast I will assemble,

And her whom I have afflicted.
A ND I will make the halt a remnant,

And her that was sick a strong nation.

And Yahweh will be king over them in Mount Zion.

From now on even forever.

thou, O tower of the flock,

Height of the daughter of Zion,

Unto thee will come the first dominion;

Yea, there will come the kingdom of the house of Israel.

90 MICAH

The prevailing measure in this section is trimeter, but there are many
variations. Str. II is in the rhythm of the dirge. Though the metre is
on the whole very broken, the parall. is clear and furnishes the only
safe guide to the length of lines and the formation of strs.. Siev. s ar
rangement in three strs. of 3 + 3 + 2 seven-tone lines ignores this guid
ance, as is evident from the fact that ncS nny (v. ) appears in the middle
of one of his strs., and even of one of his lines, instead of starting a new
line and str. as it clearly must. In the present arrangement, vv. 10
are placed before vv. 8 - 8 in response to the demands of the logic. They
furnish the presuppositions requisite to the understanding of the message
of w. - 8 . The resulting movement of thought is clear and straight
forward throughout the piece. It seems unnecessary to assign vv. 6 - 8 and
10 to different authors and periods as has been done by Kue., We., Volz,
Now., Marti, Hpt., et a/.. As here arranged, vv. I0 furnish the neces
sary preparation for vv. - 8 . The order of events becomes perfectly
natural downfall of Jerusalem, exile, deliverance, restoration to power.
The date of the prophecy cannot be definitely determined, but it would
seem to have originated in the dark days just prior to the fall of Jerusalem
in 597 or 586 B.C.. Those who claim vv. 10 for Micah (Kue., et a/.)
are under the necessity of excising "and thou shalt go to Babylon " (v. 10 ),
but this phrase is demanded by the poetic form of v. I0 , and is, further
more, in harmony with the background of the whole section. In sup
port of the period suggested by this phrase may b urged the advanced
stage in the conception of the remnant (v. *.), the significance of the
phrase "tower of the flock " (v. i.), and the general Messianic tone of the
passage. The only serious alternative to this date is suggested by the
not altogether unlikely view that this is a vaticinium post evenium (so
We., Marti; but v. i.), in which case a period after Deutero-Isaiah and
the return may be sought.

6. &gt; DNJ] Siev. om.. njrSxn] &the distant ones; similarly 3L ^
&lt;g Kal oOs diruxrdfjLrjv. Now.om.; so Siev.; cf. Zp. 3 l . Ro., Elh.
n. Ko. * 4I8m om.-otf and points V)jnn\ Gr. adds J^N. Du. in N D^N -,.
7. nNSnjm] Rd., with We., nSnani; so Now., Marti, Gu., Du.. "Set earn
quae laboraverat = n NSjni; so Stei., Gr., Oort Em -, Hpt.. &lt;8 A Kal r^jv
dTT(t&gt;fffj.^vijv. Siev. nShrn. px va] Perhaps a marg. n.; cf. & s ad
dition of and in Jerusalem. 8. Say] The Vrss. have confused this
with Sps; so Aq. (r/cortiSijj; &lt; atfx/"^ 7 ? 5 ; V nebulosa; S dr6/cpu0os; 21
*vca; & dark. nnsn] Ry. om. as gloss upon DNS; so Taylor, Pont, Du..
noi] Tr., with Ro., to precede roVcc; so Elh., Now., Oort Em -, Marti.
Hpt. om. as gloss on nnKn. noSno] Cod. Kenn. 4 om.. Marti, n^non. (g
adds tic Ba/3vXwi&gt;os. oS^w P3 1 ?] Rd., foil. We., Now., Du. VN-IB naS.
Cod. Reuch. of 21 offers SN-IB for oSem\ Oort Em -, Siev. and Gu. om.
r^. 9. nnj?] Siev. and Gu. om.. jn &gt;ynn] (6 eyvwi Kaii=y-\ &gt;y~\n.
& doest thou evil, taking vb. as Hiph. of yy~\ and reading y~\ as obj.,

4 - 9i

with &lt;B. H moerore contraheris, deriving vb. from njn II. 01 con-
nectest thou thyself with peoples. -|X&gt; v] &lt;& ij /SoiAiJ &lt;rov; so also in Pr.
ii u Is. Q 5 . 21 pi.. 10. TU) Sin] &lt;$ &8ive ical avdplfov Kal tyyifr, of
which dvSplfov is to be taken, with Ry., as a duplicate rendering of &gt;S)n,
which was wrongly connected with Svi; while tyyi.fr represents a confu
sion of TU with iyj. & s rendering of *Sm corresponds to &lt;B s dvSptfov.
&lt;S A and codd. 87, 91, 97, 228, 310, & H om. Kal tyyifr. *ru is rendered
by H, jo/ag; SI &lt;&gt;". Elh. and Che. CB jn&gt;; &lt;/. J e . 48". HWB."
*J?B-I; c/" Is. 42 14 ; so Now., Gu.. Pont, rrjn. Gr. and Marti njrn.
*?wr] &lt;S pfoeral at. -| U NJ&gt; DC-] &lt;S B om.. Several codd. of Kenn. ocn;
so &lt;S A Q S*. iin] (g adds 6 ^c6$ &lt;roi&gt;.

Str. I, in good trimeter, brings out through three questions the
desperate situation in which Israel now finds itself. 9. Wherefore,
now, dost thou cry so loud ?\ Jerusalem is on the verge of a siege
apparently, or already besieged. The anguish of the cry is to be in
ferred from the last line of this str.. The person addressed is "the
daughter of Zion" (v. 10 ). Now is not temporal, but logical; it
lends a tone of expostulation to the question. 7s there no king in
thee, or has thy counsellor perisJied ?] The confusion and terror in
the city are so great, it would seem that no ruler was present (&lt;/.
Ho. i3 10 ). The term counsellor, used of the Messiah in Is. 9",
is here a synonym for king, rather than a collective for citizens
pre-eminently wise (cf. Is. 36 5 ). The common meaning of the root
-|^D in Assy, is advise, counsel. For a similar question, cf. Je. 8 19 .
This question does not imply the actual absence of a king, involv
ing a postexilic date for the passage, but is ironical and derisive.
Of what use is it to trust in those who cannot help? Marti con
siders Yahweh to be the king here mentioned, but this is an
interpretation made necessary by his view that the passage is
postexilic.* That agony has seized tJtee like one in childbirth ?] A
figure frequently employed as the most vivid description of phys
ical pain; cf. Je. 6 24 22 23 .

Str. II, with a change from trimeter to the dirge movement so
well adapted to the contents of the str., announces the climax of
calamity, but only as a background for a message of hope. 10.

* Cj. Sellin, Serubbabel, 67 j}., who, though accepting the postexilic origin of these verses,
still insists that a human monarch is meant, and so seeks to posit a short period of monarchy
under Zerubbabel; but in Sludicn zur Entstehungsgeschichle der iiidischen Gemcinde. II. 174 if.,
this view is in part abandoned.

92 MICAH

Writhe and bring forth, O daughter of Zion, like one in childbirth]
The figure in the previous line (v. 9 ) is here taken up and enlarged
upon. Having ironically inquired in Str. I why Jerusalem aban
dons herself to grief, the prophet here in all seriousness says, thou
hast good reason to agonise. For now thou must go forth from the
city and dwell in the field] i. e. from the protection of the walled city
into the open country, exposed to inclement weather, wild beasts,
and hostile armies. . For exit from the city as denoting surrender,
cf. Is. 36 16 2 K. 24 12 . Now, i. e. in a little while, soon; cf. 7*- 10
Am. 6 7 . And go to Babylon] Those who would retain vv. 9&gt; 10
for Micah are forced to regard this phrase as an interpolation,*
for it is unlikely that Micah had the Babylonian captivity before
his mind. Israel s enemy in Micah s age was Assyrian, and Baby
lon was playing a subordinate part. It is clear also from chs. 1-3
that Micah expected the doom of Judah to follow close upon that
of Samaria, and Je. 26 18 f&lt; shows that the time for the fulfilment
of Micah s prediction there cited was regarded as being long past
in Jeremiah s day. The force of these objections to the phrase is
not overcome by the suggestion that Babylon is representative of
the Assyrian empire as being one of its most powerful kingdoms,
nor by the fact that Sargon transported some of the population of
Babylonia to northern Israel (2 K. if 4 ), and may therefore be
supposed to have put Israelites in their places, thus suggesting to
Micah a destination for Judah s exiles. Micah and contemporary
prophets were occupied with Assyria, the world-power of the eighth
century B.C.. But all that goes to show this phrase to be of late
origin is evidence for the late date of the verse in which it stands,
for the verse is incomplete without this clause which is essential
both to form and content.f It is the only satisfactory antecedent
to the following there, which cannot go back to the elusive and in
definite field. There shall thou be rescued ; there will Yahweh re
deem thee from the hand of thine enemies] The thought that de
liverance from the foe would be accomplished in Babylonia and
that this was but the first step in the coming of the Messianic glory

* So e. g. Oort, Kue., WRS. Proph., de Goeje, Now., No., Pont, GASm..

t So e. g. We., Marti, Du.; cj, van H., who retains the context as the utterance of Micah,
but relegates v. 10 as a whole to a later period. Du. likewise makes v. 10 a still later addition
to vv. 8 - J which are themselves late.

4 10 93

was common from the time of Deutero-Isaiah ; cf. 43 1 7 - 14 20 44 24 " 28
45 n ~ 17 55 12 13 - I* is impossible to say definitely when it first found
expression, but the basis for it was laid in Isaiah s doctrine of the
remnant. When it became quite clear that a Babylonian cap
tivity was inevitable, it is reasonable to suppose that the deathless
hope of the prophets never for a moment accepted this as final,
but looked forward to the time when Yahweh should glorify him
self in the sight of the nations through the rescue and exaltation of
his people. Interpreting v. 10 from this point of view, it is not nec
essary to suppose with Marti that the prophet wrote, like Deutero-
Isaiah, in the full light of the victorious career of Cyrus, and thus to
class his prediction as in large part a vaticinium post eventum. All
that is said here is quite intelligible on the lips of a contemporary
of Jeremiah s later years.

Str. Ill, dropping the qina rhythm and taking up a dimeter
movement, represents Yahweh as reassembling the afflicted exiles.
While w. 6 ~ 8 have no connection with their context as they stand
in m, the case is altogether different when they follow v. 10 ; for
the thought of the halt and afflicted, inappropriate after the picture
of universal peace in 4 1 " 5 , is peculiarly in place after such a catas
trophe as is described in w. 9 ~ 10 . 6. In that day, it is the oracle of
Yahweh] The day of Yahweh is in the prophet s mind, which day
was commonly looked upon as closing the period of present dis
tress and inaugurating the future age of bliss. "That day" here
marks the end of the exile. I will gather the halt, and the outcast
I will assemble] The words halt and outcast, suggestive of a
flock of sheep, designate the exilic community as a whole, not indi
vidual members of that community. At the time when these words
were written the diaspora had already begun. The descendants of
the captives from Samaria were scattered throughout the Baby
lonian empire; refugees from Judah had doubtless already founded
colonies in Egypt like that at Elephantine; Jehoahaz and his
courtiers had been carried to Egypt; and perhaps the blow of
597 B.C. had fallen. All of these are to be gathered home in the
great day. And her whom I have afflicted] The fact that these
words are missing in Zp. 3 19 where the two preceding lines re
cur is not sufficient evidence for treating them as an interpolation

94 MICAH

here;* they furnish a comprehensive statement summarising the sit
uation. The prophets never hesitated to ascribe any of Israel s ca
lamities to the hand of Yahweh, but always as punishment for sin.

Str. IV, in trimeter movement, declares the coming exaltation
of the remnant of the nation and its permanence as Yahweh s
people. 7. And I will make the halt a remnant, and her that was
sick a strong nation] The parallelism shows that the term rem
nant is practically equivalent to the corresponding term strong
nation. This implies, as We. has noted, a much more advanced
stage in the development of the idea of the remnant than can be
imagined for the eighth century when Isaiah was first giving clear
expression to the conception; cf. Is. f 8 16ff - io 20ff - Am. 8 15 . It
presupposes a time when the idea had been long familiar and the
mere mention of the term carried with it the suggestion of all the
glory and splendour of the Messianic age that had gradually gath
ered around the thought of the remnant. For her that was sick J
|H reads her that was far removed ; v. s.. And Yahweh will be
king over them] in a larger and truer sense than ever before and
to the exclusion of any human being; cf. Is. 24 23 52*. In Mount
Zion] This reflects an attitude toward Jerusalem quite contrary
to that of chs. 1-3, and common only after the adoption of the
Deuteronomic Code. The metrical form seems to point to this
phrase as a gloss. From now on even forever] Now, i. e. in the
immediate future, deliverance will be wrought; cf. the similar
use of now in v. 10 .

Str. V, in trimeter measure, promises the restoration of the old-
time glory and power to Jerusalem. 8. And thou, O tower of the
flock] The figure of Israel as a flock of sheep is resumed from
w. 6&lt; 7a . The tower was an elevated structure overlooking the
sheepfold in which the flock was gathered for the night (Nu. 32 16 ).
From this watch-tower the shepherd could keep a lookout for ma
rauding beasts (2 Ch. 26 10 ; cf. 2 K. iy 8 i8 8 ). The phrase is not
therefore an allusion to Jerusalem as a scene of desolation, f but
rather as the headquarters of Yahweh, the protector of Israel; cf
Is. I4 32 . The figure, perhaps, reflects the experience of Jerusalem
in the campaign of Sennacherib, 701 B.C., which placed the stamp

* Contra Gu.. t Contra We., Now., Marti.

4 95

of Yahweh s approval upon the city for later generations. Height
of the daughter of Zion] b&y, height, is used of fortified hills in
general (2 K. 5 24 ; Mesha-Inscr., 1. 22), and also specifically of the
southern end of the hill Moriah, between the temple and Siloam
(2 Ch. 27 3 33 14 Ne. 3 26 - J7 n 21 ). Here, as in Is. 32", it is either
used in its general sense, or by synecdoche designates the whole
of Jerusalem by the specific name of a portion. Unto thee will
come the first dominion] The reference is probably to the days of
the kingdom under David and Solomon when Jerusalem was the
capital of the whole nation. Allusion to the prosperous days of the
double kingdom under Jeroboam II and Uzziah is less natural;
while to say that the implied contrast must be between the post-
exilic regime and the pre-exilic* as a whole is without any basis.
It is possible that first here is used in the sense of chief and thus
describes the dominion as the greatest in the world, the world-
empire. Yea, there will come the kingdom of the house of Israel]
With the transposition of. the verb come (v. s.), there is preserved
here the regularity and symmetry so characteristic of the paral
lelism of these verses. $H reads there will come the kingdom
of the daughter of Jerusalem ; but this is a prosaic repetition
of the previous line and adds nothing. As corrected, the second
line points out that Jerusalem s great honour is to come to her as
the representative of the entire nation, the people of Yahweh. The
kingdom will be such an one as will be worthy of Israel s exalted
relation.

9. jr] On ace. cog. as substitute for inf. abs., Ges. *" w - &gt;" &lt;.
10. rm] Irregular vocalisation might be for euphonic variation after
^Sin; cf. &gt;tfn in v. 1J and Ko. 60S , Sta. * 599b ; but in Gn. 43 13 under similar
circumstances such variation is not made, and there are other imvs. and
infs. from & impfs., where euphony plays no part, e. g. BID (Ps. 38" 46 ),
r: (Is. 7 l ). The meaning of the vb. as used elsewhere (viz. in Aram.,
Ar., and Jb. 38" 40") is gush forth, break forth. In view of this,
we might render here, burst forth (i. e. into weeping, lamentation, etc.),
especially since the thought of a new birth for Israel is not at all present
in the speaker s thought, but only the attendant suffering; and since the
meaning "bring forth," i. e. in childbirth, is very doubtful for the vb.
r;M. tvx ro] *. e. the people, not the town; K6.*" 7 . 6. HODN] Qal

* So We., Now..

96 MICAH

impf. of IDN, treated as N D vb., and often confused with Hiph. of no\
The n _ (4 times in 2 lines) is probably used for poetic assonance, and
not with any specific meaning. nyS^n] The fern, used as a coll.; Ges.
U2S 4 7. rwSrum] A Niph. prtc. from a denom. vb. Vn not elsewhere
used, but the existence of such a vb. is very doubtful; the Vrss. had diffi
culty with the word, &lt;8 A rendering it just like nrrun of v. *, &lt;& B using
a slightly different word (^uafif for diruff/j. }, H rendering as if from nx 1 -,
and & using same words here as for nySx and nmj in v. 8 , but in transposed
order; 21 has expulsam in v. 6 and projectam here, but this is only for the
sake of variety as appears from the renderings adflictam and contribula-
tam for the one word ny^xn in the two verses. The proposed reading
nSmn accounts well for the corruptions of fH and B, and its position
together with its similarity to nmjn might easily have misled (5. 8.
~\~\y S-UD] Gn. 35 21 (J), the only other place where this title occurs,
evidently refers to a locality between Ephrath and Hebron, and appa
rently nearer to the former than to the latter. But Ephrath was in the
vicinity of Bethel, hence the application of the term is different from its
usage here. Similar names are -u SHJS (Jos. 15"), fuaSn D (Ct. 7*), o
SNUC (Ju. 8 17 ), 2DB&gt; D (Ju. 9"), Ss D (Jos. ip 3 *). Sc&gt;] If used here as
a proper name (v. s.), it designates a place on the southern slope of the
eastern or temple hill; cf. GASm. Jerusalem, I, 152 ff.\ Paton, Jerusa
lem in Bible Times, 64. The basal idea of the word is swelling, pro
tuberance, as appears from the Arabic root and from its use in i S.
5- Dt. 28". The Assy, ublu, boil, ulcer (D1. HWB ) should perhaps be
read uplu (Jensen, ThLZ. 1895, P- 2 5)- n -" Nri ] The use of this Aramaic
word might perhaps be urged against Micah s authorship; but it is unnec
essary to go further down than Jeremiah s time for Aramaisms, in the light
of the general and widespread use of Aramaic revealed by the discovery
of the Assuan papyri and by the Aramaic dockets on Assyrian and Baby
lonian contract tablets dating as early as the time of Sennacherib. On
preformative __, as regularly in Aram., instead of 6,cf. Ges. * G8 f . roSrc]
On cstr. before prep.,c/. GesJ 130n , Ko. * 336 *. The function of the prep, is
to define the relation between cstr. and gen. specifically; H. * 8 - 2b . Thus
the meaning here is not kingdom over but kingdom for, or belonging
to. 3*?;yn&gt; ro] n-o may easily have been written na as in MeSa-Inscr.,
1. 23, Phoenician, Palmyrene, Sabaean; and, through the influence of
jv* ru in 1. 2, oScnT displaced

10. The Triumph cf Israel (4 11-13 ).

In two strs. of six lines each and in trimeter measure, the prophet
describes the scene of Israel s final vindication at Yahweh s hands.
Str. I depicts the assembling of the nations of the earth for the

4 fl " 97

purpose of crushing Israel, whereas Yahweh s purpose is to use
Israel to crush them. Str. II shows Israel turning upon her foes
and, with Yahweh s aid, vanquishing them and dedicating their
booty to Yahweh.

A ND now there are gathered against thee

Many nations, who say: Let her be desecrated,

And let our eyes fasten upon Zion.

But they know not the purposes of Yahweh;

Nor do they understand his plan,

That he hath gathered them like grain to the threshing-floor.
^RISE and thresh, O daughter of Zion;

For thy horn I will make iron,

And thy hoofs I will make bronze.

And thou shalt crush many peoples,

And thou shalt devote their spoil to Yahweh,

And their wealth to the Lord of all the earth.

This passage reflects other conditions than those with which w. I0 -
- deal. In both descriptions Jerusalem is in a state of siege; but there
the result of the siege is the fall of the city and the exile of its inhabitants;
deliverance comes only after captivity has begun. Here, Jerusalem
turns upon its foes and conquers those who came confident of victory.
There, the enemy is evidently the Babylonian; here, the whole pagan
world gathers against Yahweh s people. This last feature was first in
corporated in the prophetic descriptions of the latter days by Ezekiel
(38 15 39 4 8 - 18 ) and in such a way as to indicate that it was original with
him. Hence this oracle must belong to a late exilic or a postexilic date.
The whole spirit of the passage is consonant with such a date. In view
of 3 11 alone, Micah s authorship of this section seems out of the question.

The text of the passage is well preserved. The two strs. present each
a distinct phase of the situation and together constitute a complete rep
resentation of the scene. The metre is regular except in lines 2 and 4 of
Str. I, where tetrameters appear. To separate Str. I from Str. II on this
account alone, with Siev., seems to be placing too much stress upon con
siderations of form. The two are bound together into one prophecy by
identity of situation and point of view.

11. nnjn] om. i. IJnn] &lt;& ^rixapotf/iefla. B lapidetur. Aq. (ace,
to H ) will fall into wrath. & treats jvx as subj. of HJnn, and wry as
subj. of inn, for which it supplies a pron. as obj.. We. inpn. wry] 4
mss., fc V &lt;F sg., ury. &lt;& has pi., but puts vb. in pi. to agree with subj..
12. nnsnD] &lt;g sg.. -VD&gt;] T&foenum (hay) as always in B. Gears
of grain. (& Spdynara (sheaves). Aq. 2 chaff". 6 a stalk of grain.
13. -jnp] &lt;& & pi.. nip-in] &lt;gB Kara-rivets. 05 v - Q IM. m XeTrri/ms. &lt;gv
combines both renderings, Ka,TairaTT/i&lt;reis tv avrats fBrq ical \eiTTvveit

98 MICAH

Xaoi&gt;5 iroXXotfs; cf. 21 et tabescere faciam in eis gentes et minutatim fades
plebes multas. 19 comminues. om. conj. i. "nc^rn] Rd. as 2d pers.,
with &lt;& & 31 QJ, and nearly all interpreters. a^n] (g TT)V br-xjbv O.VTWV;
soU.

Str. I states Yahweh s purpose to thwart the evil intentions of
the nations toward Israel. 11. And now there are gathered against
thee] Jerusalem is addressed. The prophet s now is at the end
of the days, whither he has transported himself in spirit. The sit
uation he depicts here cannot be identified with any set of known
historical circumstances, not even the Maccabaean (pace Hpt.) . It
is the vision of a seer. Many nations, who say:] The gathering of
the nations in array against Jerusalem is a characteristic idea of
exilic and postexilic prophecy; cf. Ez. 38 and 39; Jo. 3 2 - 12 Zc. i2 u9
Is. 29 7 - 8 4I 11 16 Zp. | 8 . It belongs to the later eschatological as
pect of prophecy. Pre-exilic prophecy sends its roots deep down
into contemporaneous history; its visions of the future are indis-
solubly linked with the conditions of the present; Yahweh s ac
tivities in Israel s destiny are all historically mediated. But in the
later eschatology, as here, the pictures of the future bear no neces
sary relation to the circumstances of the present, and Yahweh s
interventions are direct and immediate; not by human agencies,
but by divine forces.* Let her be desecrated] The choice of lan
guage is determined by the prophet s own point of view which is
that Israel s land is holy to Yahweh and the tread of the nations
is desecrating ; cf. Jo. 3 17 . The same figure appears in Is. 24 5 Ps.
io6 38 Je. 3 1 - 2&lt; 9 Nu. 35 33 . And let our eyes fasten on Zion] i. e.
gloat in triumph upon the fallen city; cf. La. 2 16 Ob. 12 /.. 12.
But they know not the purposes of Yahweh, nor do they understand
his plan] Cf. Is. 55 8f - Ps. 92 5 Rom. n 33 . Just so Isaiah (io 5 19 )
had pictured the Assyrian army as unconsciously working out the
purpose of Yahweh in reference to Israel, only to fall in turn a
victim to Yahweh s righteous wrath. "The secret of the Lord is
with them that fear him" (Ps. 25"). That he hath gathered them
like grain to the threshing-floor] This is the content of the plan

* Gressmann s attempt (Escfalologie, 177 ft.) to retain these verses as Micah s involves too
much of unproved hypothesis and docs not carry conviction even to those in sympathy with
his general contention, e. g. Stk. Das assyrische Wellreich, 132.

4"- 99

in question. Threshing is a favourite simile with the prophets:
cf. Am. i 3 2 K. i 3 7 Hb. 3 12 Je. si 33 Is. 2i 10 4 i 15 .

Str. II promises Israel complete victory over the nations as
sembled to humiliate her. 13. A rise and thresh, O daughter of
Zion] The prophet s national pride finds expression in this repre
sentation of Israel as the agent of Yahweh in crushing the arrogant
foes. For thy horn I will make iron and thy hoofs bronze] Israel
is addressed as "the ox which treadeth out the grain" (Dt. 25*
Ho. io n ). The reference to horns here is foreign to the figure of
the threshing-floor, and introduces a new element into the picture
that of the angry ox goring the foe; cf. i K. 22" Dt. 33". And
thou shalt crush many peoples] The verb here means to pulver
ise, to reduce to fine dust ; hence practical annihilation of the
nations is here contemplated. And thou shalt devote to Yahweh
their spoil\ Not the booty taken by them from others,* but the
prey taken from them by Israel. There is no sharp distinction be
tween the spoil of this line and the parallel wealth of the follow
ing line. This is all to be placed under the ban, i. e. everything
combustible is to be burned, and the non-combustibles, silver,
gold, etc., are to be presented to the treasury of the temple; cf.
Jos. 6 17 19 - 24 . Other instances of the ban are found in Ex. 22 19
Dt. I3 8 - 18 Ju. i 17 i S. 15. And their wealth to the Lord of the
whole earth] This title as applied to Yahweh is found only here,
in the late passages Zc. 4" 6 5 Ps. gf, and in Jos. 3"- 13 (J), where
it is generally conceded to be interpolated;! cf. Dt. io 14 . The
ill-gotten gain of the nations is to be given to the God of the
world, to whom it rightfully belongs.

11. onDN.-i] Prtc. with art. after indeterminate noun is equiv. to an
attributive clause; Ko. * m d . rnm] On fern. sg. of vb. with subj. in pi.
(not dual, as in Ges.* n , and K6. * 7 ), cf. Ges. * " k . 12 . -PC;] Not
specifically sheaves, but the grain in the swath; v. BDB. and cf. the
renderings of the Vrss. here. nrn] Baer, incorrectly, -"U"^; Ges.* 901 .
13. v y&gt;Tn] On pointing, cf. v. 10 . rininn] Old ad pers. sg. fern. end.
\T_, which occurs in several cases, e. g. in pron. ^rm; always in form
of vb. before pronominal suffixes; in corresponding pron. of Assy., atti;

* Contra Now., Marti.

t So e. g. Carpenter and Battersby, Holzinger, Addis, Kent Dillmann (?); contra Steuer-
nagel.

loo MICAH

in the verbal end. ti in An, Syr., and sporadically in Aram.. Other in
stances of &lt;n with vb. in Heb. are Je. 2 33 3 - 5 3i 21 46" Jd. 3 - Ez. i6 18 - 18 -
n. 31. st. 43. 47. BI ? where the Mas. recognised it as 2d pers. and so pointed
^n; and Je. a 20 Ez. i6 50 where it was mistaken for ist pers.. So jnN
y-iN i] Cf. TIN) D^C ^ njp, Gn. 14"; and the Ranal Inscr., which men
tions "the Lord (Baal) of heaven and earth."

ii. A Call to Mourning (4").

A fragment of an oracle dealing with some siege of Jerusalem,
perhaps that of Sennacherib, or that of Nebuchadrezzar, or some
one unknown. It seems to reflect an actual historical situation,
rather than a prophet s vision of the last days. But the material is
too scant to furnish a basis for assignment to any specific date. Its
closest connection is with w. 9 - 10 and it may have belonged orig
inally after v. 9 or as a marginal note on v. 10 (so Marti). It has
been generally recognised that no connection exists with what pre
cedes, as is shown by the absence of 1 from before jiny and by the
totally different thought conveyed. HaleVy places it after 6 12 , but
no real connection is thereby attained.

14. nvu na n-unn] Rd., with We., n-ijnn runn, or vice versa; so
Now., Marti, Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.. &lt;& ipQpaxfrfrrertu dvy&Tijp inQpay/u?,
mistaking the ad n for n; cf. van H., TU n*3 n^nn. 2 w8irJj&lt;rovffl &lt;rc
0V/ ffwexo^vrj. H vastaberis filia latronis. & thou shall go forth in a
troop, O daughter of troops. oe&gt;] Rd., with g&gt; B 21, -iDtf; so Taylor,
Pont, Now., Marti, Gu.. S 4r40^. Hal. rir. Ro. o^j cf. Ry. p.82.
\3"] Hal. &gt;sn. -JD^] C6 rAs iriJXas. & shepherd, perhaps = 03^. Cod.
548 (de R.) &gt;apy; so Dathe, Gr.. Van H. &lt;Ba, foil. (g. Hpt. opeb.

14. TVoTe; //tow ar/ cutting thyself severely] Zion is addressed,
not Babylon nor Assyria. Cutting of one s flesh was an element in
the old Semitic mourning-cult and was long retained by the Israel
ites; Dt. I4 1 . It was resorted to also as an act of worship and en
treaty in cases of dire necessity; cf. i K. i8 28 .* The usual render
ing of m is, "Now, thou shalt gather in troops, O daughter of

* Hpt. denies the religious significance of the act of cutting oneself in mourning and declares
it a symbolical perpetuation of the early custom in accordance with which mourners scratched
themselves till the blood ran in order to show their grief. But on this supposition the prohibi
tion in Dt. 14 Lv. ig 28 2i s is hard to account for. Nor can the custom be dissociated from such
practices as appear in i K. i8 28 .

troops," referring to the assembling of Zion s army to resist the as
sault about to be made. But Je. 5 7 offers the only case where
TTUnn must mean "assemble," and there it is far better to follow &lt;$
/careXvov and read -TnurP, make themselves at home* This ref
erence to a practice forbidden by the Deuteronomic law may point
to an early date before the religious consciousness of Israel had
branded the custom as heathenish, or it may be due to the fact that
the prophet is merely describing what is actually taking place, and
neither commanding nor approving it. A siege they lay against
us] The prophet now identifies himself with his suffering people.
The plural IDt^ is required by the corresponding 13\ A similar
situation is depicted in Is. i 7 - 8 . With a rod they smite upon the
cheek the ruler of Israel] The pun upon tasty and B31P is clear, the
former being used rather than "j^D or ^tPD to make the parono
masia; cf. Am. 2 3 . Such treatment was grossly insulting; cf. i K.
22 24 Jb. i6 10 . It may refer to the insults heaped upon Hezekiah
(Is. 36 4 " 20 ) by Sennacherib s general, or to the fact that the arro
gance of the foe was an insult to Israel s greater king, Yahweh.

12. The Messianic King (s 1 " 3 ).

This eight-line str., secured by omitting v. 2 as a gloss, an
nounces the coming of the Messiah, sprung from an ancient line,
who shall rule as Yahweh s representative and in his might over
the entire world.

^ND thou, Beth Ephrathah,

The least among the clans of Judah,

From thee one will come forth for me,

Who will be ruler over Israel,

Whose origins are from of old, from ancient days.

And he will stand and shepherd (his flock) in the strength of Yahweh,

In the majesty of the name of Yahweh, his God;

For now he will be great unto the ends of the earth.

The trimeter movement of this str. is somewhat uneven; 1. 3 forms a
light trimeter while 11. 5 and 8 are extremely heavy. The reconstruction
includes the omission of a word each from 11. i, 2, and 8 (v. i.), in addi
tion to the excision of v. . The arrangement in pentameters by Siev.
includes all of these omissions except that in 1. 8, but likewise finds it
* So e. g. Gie., Du., Cor., Dr..

IO2 MIC AH

necessary to suppose the loss of three words from v. 8 . V. 2 is om. by
Du. (on Is. 7 14 ), G. H. Skipwith (JQR. VI, 584); Now., F. Ladame,
Marti, Siev., Gu., Hpt.. It interrupts the connection between w. l and ,
and changes from the first person of v. l (ty to the third in v. 2 (njni),
where Yahweh is evidently intended.

The date of vv. l - 8 cannot be decisively settled. The attitude of re
spect for the ancient Davidic dynasty and the largeness of the Messianic
expectation make it reasonably certain that the oracle must be assigned
somewhere in the postexilic age. The period of Haggai and Zechariah
when Messianic hopes were gathering around the name of Zerubbabei
furnishes the kind of background necessary to such an utterance as this.
On v. s , v. i..

1. nrnoN on 1 ? r"3] Om. cnV as a gloss; so cod. 161 (Kenn.), Ro.,
Pont, We., GASm., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.. &lt;g
of/cos E0/&gt;d0a. Mt. 2 8 Be0Xeju, 777 Ioua. Comp. ofaoj rod
rov Eu0pd0a. "p; i;] Rd., with Hi., *v;;*n; cf. (& dXiyovrbs el;
so Ro., Taylor, Font, We., Kosters, GASm., Now., Oort Em -, Marti,
Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.. Twenty-one mss. cited by HP., together with
A, U, Mt. 2 8 , Justin Martyr and Chrysostom, introduce a negative
before *. nrnS] Om., as dittog. from 1. 4, with U, Mt. 2; so Hi., Che.,
Taylor, Pont, We., Kosters, Gr., GASm., Now., Marti, Siev., Gu., Du.,
Hpt.. nvnS x is poor Heb. ; the correct form would be TIE x. &gt;S] &&amp;gt; and
Mt. 2 8 om.; so Stk.. SE&gt;D nvnV] &lt;& A ^yov/j-evos rov elvat ets Apxovra.
Mt. 2 renders the last part of verse loosely; from thee shall come forth
a leader who shall shepherd my people Israel. 2 . DJ.-P] u&gt; has vb. in 3d
pers. pi.; A in 2d pers. sg. fern.. vnx] (5 SI A, pi. sf.. S;-] We.,
Now., Marti, Stk., Hpt. SN. 3. n;n] (g has a doublet, fyercu ical iroi-
fjiavei rb irot/j-viov o^roO. Gr., GASm., Siev., Gu., foil. 05, add an obj.,
e. g. i-nv, pNjn] &lt;S = jwm vnSs] &lt;g has pi. sf.. iatBi] Om. as a
gloss, or as a dittog. from paw in v. 2 . &lt;B virdp^ov&lt;riv ) connecting with
v. 3 * and omit, i; so Taylor, Pont, who read vb. as in HJ. 3T conver-
tentur; so 21. One ms. e 5 ;; 3 mss. uv^&gt;i. Ro. WB?V. Siev., Stk.,
and Gu. suppose the loss of some word or phrase modifying m", e. g.
119.3. SiJ&gt;] (8 pi.. Siev. supposes the loss of the subj., or of an adv..

1. And thoUy Beth Ephrathah] M reads, "Bethlehem Ephra-
thah"; but "Bethlehem" is a gloss as is shown by &lt;g s rendering
and by the metre. The identification with Bethlehem is, however,
correct as appears from the reference to Judah in the following line,
from the evident allusion of v. * to the Davidic dynasty which sprang
from Bethlehem, and from the way in which Bethlehem and Eph
rathah are associated in other passages. The family of David were
Ephrathites of Bethlehem Judah (i S. i7 12 ); Mahlon and Chilion

5 l I0 3

are likewise classified (Ru. i 2 ) ; Ephrathah and Bethlehem are par^
allel terms in Ru. 4"; (g s version of Jos. i5 59 , which is generally
conceded to represent the original text, identifies Ephrathah and
Bethlehem; while i Ch. 2 19 - 50 4 4 enumerates Bethlehem in a list of
Judean towns associated with Caleb and Ephrathah. The only
evidence at variance with these facts is furnished by Gn. 35 16 - 19
48 7 1 S. io 2 ; in Gn. 35 19 48 7 Ephrathah is identified with Bethlehem
as above, but from Gn. 35 18 and i S. io 2 it appears that the Ephra
thah in question, which was the burial-place of Rachel, was near
Bethel and was in the border of Benjamin. Hence we are forced
to conclude that there were at least two places named Ephrathah,
one in Benjamin and one in Judah, and that the phrase "that is
Bethlehem" in Gn. 35 48 is a gloss due to some reader who con
fused the two places.* The Ephrathah of our text seems to have
been the name of a larger district within which Bethlehem was situ
ated, or of the clan to which Bethlehem belonged. On the basis
of the existence of an Ephrathah in Benjamin, Oort endeavoured
to show that this prophecy had to do with that site and was in
tended to announce the coming of the Messianic kingdom through
the restoration of the downfallen dynasty of Saul,f but upon the ex
posure of the weakness of this proposition by Kue.,{ Oort himself
abandoned it. The least among the thousands of Judah] The
only possible rendering of 4U is, "little to be among the thousands
of Judah," i. e. so small that one would hardly have expected to
find thee in the number. But grammar and metre combine to
recommend the corrected text. The word rendered clans is of
somewhat doubtful significance as applied to Beth Ephrathah.
It ordinarily designates, aside from its strictly numerical usage,
either a band of one thousand men under a common leader, or a
family. Here and in i S. 23 23 it has either the latter meaning, or
else denotes the region or district occupied by an C|7S. It may re
fer to Ephrathah as the seat of the Davidic clan, which at the time
this was written seems to have been reduced to its lowest terms.
But in contrast with the present low estate of the family, from thee
one will come forth for me who shall be ruler over Israel] This im-

* So e. g. Dillmann, Stk., Dr., Addis, Gunkel, Holzinger, Carpenter and Battershy.

t ThT. V, 501-512. t ThT. VI, 45-66. TkT. VI, 273-279.

IO4 MICAH

plies that at the time of its utterance there was no king over Israel
and thus indicates the late origin of this passage For me, i. e. in
accordance with my purpose and as a result of my plans; the
speaker is Yahweh. Whose origins are from of old, from ancient
days] i. e. he will belong to one of the oldest families, viz. the
Davidic; cf. Ez. 34^ f - 37 * f - Ho. 3 5 . The phrase "from ancient
days" (D^IJ? ^D) is of indefinite scope, but is undoubtedly in
tended to convey the impression of great antiquity; cf. Am. Q U
Mai. 3 4 .* 2. Therefore will he give them up until the time when
she who is to give birth shall have borne] The connection of this
gloss with the preceding verse is very loose. The thought seems
to be thus: since Yahweh is going to raise up a mighty king for
Israel in his own good time, it is clear that the present oppression
and suffering are only transitory and will come to an end when the
Messiah is born. The change from the first person of v. * ("for
me") to the third person here is awkward; the failure to define the
subject is striking; and the lack of any mention of the antecedents
of the pronoun "them" is confusing. The treatment of v. 2 as a
marginal note best accounts for these facts. The statement con
cerning the expected birth is evidently an allusion to Is. 7" and
comes from a time when that prophecy was being given Messianic
significance. This would point to an age long after the days of
Isaiah.f And the rest of his brethren will return unto the sons of
Israel] The only proper antecedent for "his" is the promised
Messiah. The exile is evidently presupposed, but the exact mean
ing of the phrase "the rest of his brethren" eludes us. Probably

* An interesting analogy is furnished by t ne "Messianic" passage of Leiden Papyrus, No.
344 [v. A. H. Gardiner, Admonitions o] an Egyptian Sage (1009)], where the "Messiah" is ap
parently represented as a reincarnation of the god Re and thus can be spoken of as a contempo
rary of the first generation of mankind; c}. JMPS. on Semitic Prophecy, BW. XXXV (1910),
223-233.

t Stk. s attempt to maintain Micah s authorship of this passage involves a mythological in
terpretation of the Messiah as the Urmensch, the "days of old " as the age of Paradise, and " the
one who is to bear " as the mother of the gods (both here and in Is. 7) all of which seems far
fetched and fanciful. Much more plausible is the interpretation in the form offered by Gress-
mann (Eschatologie, 270 #.) and Burney (Journal of Theol. Studies, X, 580-4), which is to the
effect that this prophecy as well as Isaiah s Immanuel oracle rested upon a popular expectation
of the advent of a Messianic ruler whose birth should be signalised by some remarkable portent.
This passage refers to three phases of the expectation, viz. (i) that the Messiah will be of divine
origin having existed in reality or in the mind of God from time immemorial; (2) that whether
his fatherhood be human or divine he is to be born of a woman; and (3) that his birth will usher
in a new age of peace and prosperity.

.2. 3

5 I0 5

We. is right in seeing in it an allusion to the Shear Jashub of Is. f.
Perhaps the prophet has in mind the return of all the exiles and
their reunion with those who had not been carried away; or again,
he may look forward to the reunion of Israel and Judah in the
Messianic age; cf. Ho. 3 5 Is. n 13 f - Ez. i6 K - 81 Zc. 8 13 . 3. And lie
will stand and shepherd (his flock) in the strength of Yahweh, in
the majesty of the name of Yahweh, his God] The thought of v. *
is here continued. "Stand" is probably used in the sense of
"stand firm, steadfast, invincible." His power will emanate, not
from the nation over whom he rules, but from God himself. The
words "his flock" are not expressed in the Hebrew but are im
plied in the verb used. And they will endure] This verb, found
in JH, seems to be due to a copyist s error, for it is redundant in the
metre and, as it stands, yields no satisfactory sense. It is com
monly explained as meaning "dwell in safety," but the verb alone
never has that meaning. The rendering here adopted is the least
difficult; but it is doubtful, since in Ps. 125* Jo. 4 , the two pas
sages cited in support of it (BDB.), the meaning "abide," "endure,"
is conveyed rather by the modifying phrase uhtyh than by the verb
itself. The elimination of this word takes away all occasion for
Duhm s transposition of v. 3b to follow v. 2 as a continuation of the
gloss. For now he will be great unto the ends of the earth] Ac
cording to M this clause furnishes the reason for the security of
Israel, viz. the universal acknowledgment of the power of the
Messiah. According to the text as here presented, it gives a con
vincing illustration of the effect of Yahweh s strength as revealed
in the Messiah.

1. nrnas] n loc. with old fern, ending, Ges. * ; cf. nrn& , n vT^,
etc.. ON with this spelling occurs also in Ru. 4" Gn. 35 18 - 48 Ps. 132*
i Ch. 2 M - 80 4* Jos. 15" (&; but without n _ in Gn. 48 7 1 Ch. 2 19 . Hence
it is better to retain n in Mi. 5 and to regard loss of n from before ;* as
due to haplo.. Fr. Schulthess, ZAW. XXX, 62 /., following =
apharld, would preserve M intact here, and treat is as epitheton or nans &gt;
related to the Aram. IO?K and Assy, apparu which mean pasture-
land, marsh/ But the character of the region around Bethlehem does
not warrant the application of such an epithet, nor can one clear case of
the use of this word as an appellative be cited from either Heb., Ar., Syr.,
Aram, or Assy.. It is equally true, of course, as Schulthess points out,

106 MICAH

that nothing is known elsewhere of a Beth-Ephrathah, yet the formation
of names with Beth is one of the most common. "vj?*] Position in
sentence is against this being in predicate relation to nns; better as an
appositive. On the adj. with art. as having superlative force, Ges. * 133g .
The masc. form is no indication that Bethlehem is used as representing
its people and not as designating a place, for town-names with no not in
frequently take the masc. instead of the fern.; Ko. * 248 - 249c - f . Nor is it
true that x applies only to persons (Hal.); cf. Dn. 8 9 (of a horn), Je.
49 20 (of sheep), and the place-name, n-pyx, 2 K. 8". SCID nvnS NX*] It
is difficult to make a nS the subj. of N^ (Now., Marti); it is better to
assign an indefinite subj. and treat n *? as expressing purpose, i. e. "one
will come forth to become ruler"; on indef. subj., Ges. * 144d ; on S with
inf. to express purpose, Ges. * 114 . vmssic] air. in this sense; butcf.
Assy, musfi,, used e. g. of the sources of the Tigris. A nominal clause
with relative force; cf. Ko. %P. 2. ojrn] For meaning "deliver up,"
cf. Ju. 2o 13 i S. ii 12 and BDB. 6jgb. mSv n&gt; % ] A noun in cstr. rel.
with a sentence, equivalent to a noun limited by a temporal clause;
cf. Ges. i 130 d. us i._ mS^] Fut. pf.; Dr. *" Ges. J 10 Ko J 129 . SJT] =
Ss; c/. BDB. 757a; it is unnecessary to change the text. The meaning
"along with," "together with," which some prefer here (e. g. BDB.), is
usually found only where S; % connects closely with a noun (e. g. hy_ DK
D^ja, Gn. 32 12 ), not where it governs a phrase modifying a vb. as here
(so Now.). n;m] Not uncommonly used fig. of the activity of a ruler;
but only here without an obj. expressed. Assy, reu commonly means
"to rule, reign," and ~\ here seems to have that force. nr&gt;] Used of
fut. time as in 4 7 .

13. Israel s Protection against Invasion (5 4 - 5 ).

A ten-line str., the three closing lines of which are almost identi
cal with its three opening lines. When the invader sets foot upon
Israelitish soil there will be no lack of valiant leaders to repel him
and to carry the war into his own territory. In contrast with
the present defenceless, helpless condition, the Israel of the com
ing golden age will be adequately equipped to defend her own
interests.

A ND this will be our protection from Assyria:
When he comes into our land,
And when he treads upon our soil,
Then we will raise up against him seven shepherds
Yea, eight princes of men,
And they will shepherd the land of Assyria with the sword,

s . 107

And the land of Nimrod with the drawn sword.

And they will rescue from Assyria,

When he comes into our land,

And when he treads upon our border.

The metre of this str. is irregular; 11. i, 4 and 6 are in tetrameter, the
rest in trimeter, though 2 and 9 might be classified as dimeters. L. 6
may have been originally a trimeter, VINTIN having come in by error
from the foil, line; cf. &lt;&. Siev. s attempt to secure four seven-tone
lines here involves the omission of the last three words of 1. i and the
insertion of the subj. after N:T in 1. 2.

These verses are assigned to Micah by some modern scholars, e. g.
Volz, GASm., and the specific mention of Assyria seems to settle the
question. But the name Assyria is used by later writers, as the name
of Israel s first great foreign oppressor, to designate typically later peo
ples, e. g. Babylon (La. $), Persia (Ezr. 6), Syria (Zc. 10" Is. 27" &lt; n
Ps. 83 1?) ). The name Assyria clung to the territory long after the fall
of Nineveh; cf. the Talmud s name for the Aram, script employed
throughout the regions formerly controlled by Assyria, viz. nitt N aro;
and Hdt. VII, 63, where the names Assyria and Syria are declared to be
synonymous; v. Buhl, Kanon u. Text, 201. In some such way Assyria is
used here. For it is hardly conceivable that Micah could have spoken
of the Assyria of his day in the terms employed in v. B . Nor is the con
fident, warlike spirit at all compatible with Micah s attitude toward the
future and to Assyria in chs. 1-3. The verses seem to reflect later times
when the Apocalyptists painted glowing pictures of the future with little
reference to present conditions or to the possibility, from a human stand
point, of their ever being realised. Until we know more of historical
conditions in Judah during the postexilic period than is now accessible,
we need not follow Marti and Gu. in assigning this passage to the Macca-
baean age, with which it has no necessary connection, even though the
reference of the "seven or eight princes" to Mattathias with his five
sons and grandsons is alluring [so Hpt. Transactions of the Third Inter
national Congress for the History of Religions, I (1908), 268]. In any
case it is quite clear that vv. 4 - 5 do not belong with vv. - J ; for the Mes
siah who is the dominant figure there is ignored here. Instead of the
one great leader, there are here seven or eight, and these are not raised
up by the Messiah but by the populace. Moreover, whereas in v. * the
rule of the Messiah is to extend unbroken to the ends of the earth, here
we find "Assyria" invading the territory of Israel. The point of view
is thus distinctly different from that in w. - 3 . Cf. van H., who treats
vv. 4 - 5 as a gloss; and Du. who considers vv. 4b - 5 a gloss upon the word
"Assyria" in v. 5b , while w. 4 *- 6b form a four-line str. belonging to 5 1 - .

4. nr] & om.. DiS^ ] Schnurrer, DiW; so Laufer, Gautier. Siev.
D-&gt;Sc : . Siev. and Gu. eliminate the phrase ON /( ?v nr, as a superscription
which has been mistakenly incorporated in the body of the poem.

108 MICAH

Rd. "watac, the loss of D from 4H being due to haplo.. For
JD oV?tf = protection from, v, Zc. 8 10 Jb. 21". Taylor tr. to foil. &gt;o% re
garding the position in IE as due to influence of the order in v. B ; cf.
Siev. s insertion of -na&gt;N in the same place mtr. cs.. umio] &lt;g ad pi.
masc. sf. and in v. 6 . ^mjc-ua . Rd. UPD?, foil. &lt;& tirl r^v xupav
\&gt;tiC)v t so Ro., Ry., Pont, Elh., Gu., Now., 6ort Em -, Hal., Siev., Hpt..
We., GASm. ySuja, as in v. . ucpn] &lt; tirypd-/)&lt;rorrai = -ICP?. ^Dj]
(& 5-fafjMra, connecting it with ^rj, to bite. DIN] Gr. HDIN. 5. \y~\\\ Gr.
ijnj. "IWM VIN nN ] $ T ^ y Aaaoi/j. rmpua] Rd. nrppsa; so Taylor,
Pont,Now.,vanH.,Du.,Hpt.. &lt;S ^" rfj Tdfipip afary*. V in lancets e jus; so
Aq. E . n Aw -wrath. Ro. rpryrijs. Gr. and Marti, n&gt;pirvpp3. Hi.
mn^fla; so Elh., Gu., Oort Em -, Marti. S&gt;xm] Rd. -iWrn; so Elh., Gu.,
Now., Siev.. Ro. *?&gt;?n\ Oort Em - u^snS. Hal. Sxn\ We. ij-i 1 ?^ni (so
Marti), or ijS^ni. J. Herrmann, in OLZ. XIV (191 1), 203, suggests that
v. 6 b , ui *?&gt;xm, was a true correction of v. , which should read DiStP nr n&gt;m
ui liB Ng Sixni. The correction was placed on the margin alongside
of the error and finally came into the text in the wrong place. This
is plausible; but the use of DiSa* is difficult and the Messiah seems su
perfluous alongside of the "princes of men."

4. And this will be the protection from Assyria] iJI is usually
rendered, "and such shall be our peace. Assyria, etc"; but the
connection thereby established is very harsh and abrupt. By
some, the first words are connected with w. 1-3 and rendered, " and
such an one shall be our peace." * But the description of the
Messiah as abstract peace is unusual. The translation here
adopted furnishes an admirable sense in this connection and in
volves only the slightest textual change. This refers to the fol
lowing, not the preceding context. Assyria stands as representa
tive of the great world-tyrant of the time, whether Babylon, Persia,
or Syria (v. s.}. When he comes into our land, and when he treads
upon our soil] The invasion is not conceived of as a remote possi
bility, but rather as an event likely to occur and therefore needing
to be reckoned with. Seven shepherds, yea eight princes of men]
This collocation of two numbers, the second being greater than the
first by a unit, is employed to express the idea of indefiniteness; cf.
H. AH , 2 1 .f The supply of leaders will be equal to all demands that

* So Kl., Ro., Or.. The application of nr to the Messiah began with KL

t The view of Gressmann, Eschat. 284, that seven and eight are to be added together yield

ing fifteen, which is the number of Ishtar (KA T. , 454) the goddess-mother of the Messiah, can

only be counted among the curiosities of the history of interpretation.

5 4 5 I0 9

may be made. Shepherds and princes of men are equivalent terms,
both designating military leaders; cf. Jos. i3 21 . 6. And they will
shepherd] i. e. in sensu malo, exercise punitive power over her.
The land of A ssyria and the land of Nimrod] Nimrod " is chosen
as a synonym for "Assyria," perhaps, because of its suggestion of
the root marad, "to rebel." The only other references to Nimrod
(Gn. lo 8 " 11 1 Ch. i 16 ) show that the whole Babylonian-Assyrian em
pire was classified as the territory of Nimrod, the founder of Baby
lon. And they will rescue from Assyria] m "he will rescue,"
referring to the Messiah of vv. 1-3 ; but this ignores all the interven
ing context. Van H. s solution of the difficulty by dropping this
context as a later addition is too drastic treatment. The whole
progress of thought here requires the plural.

4. nr] Eerdmans, ThT. XLI (1907), 502, would give nr here the
meaning of Ar. dzu, lord of; but this rendering is necessary nowhere else,
not even in Ju. 5 s ; nor does it belong to the Syr., Aram., and Eth. equiv
alents. imiJDiN] is hardly appropriate here. The prophet is pictur
ing a condition when the enemy will never be permitted to do more than
cross the border; entrance of the palaces is out of the question; cf. v. 5
and &lt;g g&gt;. DIN -o Dj] i. e. "princely men"; cf. Pr. 152 N ^Dp, "a foolish
man"; cf. Ges. UMI._ 5. rnnpc] i. e. "in its entrances," establishing a
blockade; or "in its passes," pursuing the fugitives to their mountain
fastnesses. But the parall. calls for a weapon; hence it is better to
read some form of nrrrs, drawn sword, as suggested by Aq. E and B.

14. The Divine Emergence and Irresistible Might of tJie
Remnant ($*-*).

Two strs. of six lines each, in trimeter movement, set forth the
glory of the remnant, as exhibited in its marvellous rise to power
and in its victorious career. V. 8 is a marginal note on v. 7 (v. i.).
Str. I likens the emergence of the remnant, from among the nations
whither Israel has been scattered, to the silently falling dew and to
the showers which enable the grass to grow independently of
human aid. Str. II presents the remnant under the figure of a
roaring lion, ravaging defenceless flocks of sheep with none to say
him nay.

HO MICAH

A ND the remnant of Jacob will be among the nations,

In the midst of many peoples,

Like the dew from Yahweh,

Like the showers upon the herbage,

Which waits not for man,

Nor tarries for the children of men.
V"EA, the remnant of Jacob will be among the nations,

In the midst of many peoples,

Like the lion among the beasts of the forest,

Like the young lion among the flocks of sheep,

Who, if he pass over,

Tramples and tears, with none to deliver.

This piece is quite generally denied to Micah. In contrast to the
prophecy of the eighth century, its interests are not in the present but
exclusively in the future. The diaspora is a familiar idea and has at
tained wide extent. The remnant is no longer the weak handful of
Isaiah, but is endowed with invincible might, none can stand before it.
There is no connection between this passage and vv. &lt; 6 ; there Israel
occupies its own territory whence it repels the invader; here Israel is
scattered among the nations of the world. Nor does it connect with the
following context; for while Israel is the victorious avenger over the
nations here, in vv. 9 B - Israel becomes the victim of Yahweh s punitive
wrath. This passage thus, like vv. 4 - 6 , is a fragment entirely indepen
dent of the surrounding context. Not only so, but v. 8 is very loosely
connected with vv. 6 - 7 , and is best considered as a marg. n. on v. 7 (so
Siev., Gu., Hpt.); v. i.. Cf. Du. who puts 5 8 between 4 13i and 4 1Sb .
Some also would separate v. 7 from v. 6 , on the basis that the two verses
present diametrically opposite aspects of Israel s activity; so Ladame,
Hal., Stk.; but this is dependent upon the interpretation given to v. 8 ; v. ..

The symmetry of form between v. 6 and v. 7 is noticeable; the first two
lines of each are identical, the third and fourth contain similes in both
cases, and the fifth and sixth a relative clause. It results from this that
the series of consonants opening the successive lines is the same in both
strs., viz. 3 ,3 ,3 ,N ,1 ,v Such resemblance may, of course, be due to
identity of authorship, or to imitation, though the latter is less likely than
the former.

It is difficult to fix the time of the origin of this section within any nar
row limits. The only certain basis for a date is furnished by the extent
of the diaspora herein reflected and the idea of the remnant that dom
inates the whole passage. The wide scattering of Israel "among the
nations, in the midst of many peoples" would seem to call for a date after
the fall of Jerusalem in 586; while the conception of the irresistible might
of the remnant as the representative of God among the peoples points to
a time later than Deutero-Isaiah and the return from captivity. The
only terminus ad quern available is furnished by the close of the prophetic

5 - 8 in

canon. But there is nothing in the content of the passage that makes it
necessary to come down so far for the origin of this prophecy. It might
well belong to the middle or latter part of the Persian period.

6. apy] Add oyj?, with (gg&gt;, cod. Kenn. 154 and v. 7 ; so Ro., Elh.,
Pont, Gu., Now., Siev., van H.. Oort Env - adds D^jn -pro. r -\ y :np2]
Siev. om. here (so Stk.) and in v. 7 mtr. cs., as a gloss. a^onj] &lt;& o&gt;s
Apves. All Vrss. and many Heb. mss. prefix t here and before voaa in
v. 7 . mp\] (& ffwaxQy = nvj\ DIN ^sS] Siev. om. mtr. cs.. 7. ~\r]
of the flock. m;-a] g&gt; sg.. 8. D-o] Rd. a-n, with (g; so We., Now.,
Oort Km -, Marti, Siev.(?); cf. 35 codd. (Kenn.) ann. Hal. a^n.

Str. I expresses the conviction that Yahweh himself will bring
Israel, to her rightful place of power. 6. And the remnant of
Jacob will be among the nations, in the midst of many peoples]
" Jacob" is used as representing the people of Yahweh as a whole,
not those of northern Israel, nor those of Judah merely. The
exile and scattering of the people are presupposed either as an ex
isting fact, or as conceived of in the prophet s mind; the former is
the more natural interpretation; v. s.. The use of the term " rem
nant" is parallel to that in 4*, another late passage. Like the dew
from Yahweh, like the showers upon the herbage} Opinions vary
as to the exact point of the comparison here. Is it in the sud
denness of the fall of the dew? Just so suddenly shall Israel fall
upon its foes and smite them.* This furnishes a sense in harmony
with the unmistakable meaning of v. 7 . Or is it that Israel in the
Messianic age will be as innumerable as the drops of dew and
rain ? j* Or again, is it found in the refreshing influence of the dew
to which Israel s moral and religious influence among the nations
is parallel ? { This, however, yields a sense for v. 6 entity at
variance with that of v. 7 , for Israel which is here a blessing is
clearly there an agent of destruction. Or yet again, is it in the
divine origin of the dew and rain, which are wholly independent
of human aid ? So will be Israel s rise to power over the nations.
Or finally, must we confess our inability to discover the meaning ? **
The key to the meaning of the simile seems to be given by the fol
lowing clause, viz. which waits not for man, nor tarries for the chil
dren of men] The antecedent of the pronoun is not the dew nor

* So Hi.. t So Now., Hpt.. J So Stk..

S So e. g. Casp., Ke., Now., Marti, Hpt.. ** So We..

112 MICAH

the rain,* but the herbagef (v. i.}. The force of the comparison
thus appears to be that just as the dew and rain falling upon the
grass cause it to grow and render it independent of human irriga
tion, so through the favour and might of Yahweh the remnant of
Israel among the nations will rise to power, notwithstanding the
absence of all human help. Israel s future depends solely upon
Yahweh.

Str. II goes on to say that this divinely produced remnant will
overthrow all opposition. 7. Like the lion among the beasts of the
forest&gt; the young lion among the flocks of sheep] Wild beasts and
domestic animals alike are defenceless before the lion; so will Is
rael s power be supreme among the nations. Who, whenever he
passes through, tramples and rends, with none to deliver] A pic
ture of wanton destruction on the one hand, and utter defenceless-
ness on the other. The two strs. thus interpreted fit together ex
cellently, the second taking up the description where the first drops
it. There is not the slightest necessity for segregating v. 7 . Fired
by this vision of triumph, some reader added the patriotic and
pious comment constituting v. 8. Thy hand will be high above
thine enemies and all thy foes will be cut off} iH s "may thy hand,
etc." is improbable, since what is declared to be an assured fact
in v. 7 would hardly be prayed for in v. 8 , unless the latter were
wholly unrelated to the former. Interpreters have always differed
as to the person addressed, some holding it to be Yahweh,J others
the remnant. The biblical usage of such phraseology as "thy
hand is high" may be cited for either interpretation; cf. Is. 26"
Ps. 89" Nu. 33 s Dt. 32" Ex. i4 8 . But a closer connection with
v. 7 is obtained by taking the words as addressed to the remnant.
For similar sentiments, cf. Is. 49^ f - 6o 12 Zc. 14" f - Ps. i49 e f \

6. r.nNty] Treated as masc. (cf. sf. in v. 8 ), since the term is thought
of as practically identical with nation and people. m,-" tth T.PN] Syn
tax may be satisfied here in either of four ways, (i) rel. clause with ante
cedent w;; (2) rel. clause with antecedent Ss , a^an being regarded as
subordinate or parenthetical; (3) rel. clause with antecedent 0001, but

* So Ew., Hi., Hd., Ke., Casp., Kl., Or., Now., Marti, el a/..

t So Bauer, Theiner, Rosenm., Ro., van H., el al..

% So e. g. Mau., Hd..

So e. g. Rosenm., Ew., Ke., Kl.. Ro.. Or., Now., Marti.

S" "3

number of vb. is determined by zyy the nearest noun; (4) an explanatory
clause stating the content of the resemblance, viz. "the remnant shall
be, etc. ... in that it shall not wait, etc."; cf. 05. But (i) yields the
smoothest structure. 7. 11 -ay DN] Regular form for a condition
pointing to "any time in the indefinite or more or less remote future,"
Dr. * 138 . 8. Fine chiasm.

15. Israel s Purification through Chastisement (5 9 ~ 14 ).

This piece consists of two four-line strs., with an introductory
prose line (v. 9a ) and two additional verses from the hands of edi
tors (vv. 13- 14 ). The original piece probably dates from some time
in the Deuteronomic period. Str. I foretells the destruction of
the munitions of war in which Israel places confidence instead of
trusting in Yahweh. Str. II denounces idolatrous practices which
likewise lead Israel away from Yahweh.

And it will come to pass in that day, it is the oracle of Yahweh:
T WILL cut off thy horses from the midst of thee,
And I will destroy thy chariots.
And I will cut off the cities of thy land,
And I will lay waste all thy fortresses.
A ND I will cut off sorceries from thy hand,
And thou wilt have no soothsayers:

And I will cut off thine images and thy pillars from the midst of thee,
And thou wilt no more bow down to the work of thine own hands.

The assonance of the poem is noticeable, especially the repetition of
Ti-oni and the suffix ^. The movement is trimeter except in the last
two lines where a heavier metre appears. Siev. recognises this change
in v. 12 , and therefore inserts S;j in v. 12a in order to secure six beats.
But v. 12b cannot be made over thus, hence it is athetized from vv. 9 - 1J
and with v. 13 is constituted another fragment. But v. 12b is the climax
of the poem and the only natural stopping-place. Du. refuses any
poetic form to vv. 9 - u and prints the entire passage as plain prose.

That v. has no connection with vv. 9 - 13 has long been recognised; so
We., Now., Ladame, Siev.. It introduces a wholly new subject, viz.
Yahweh s vengeance upon the heathen, whereas vv. g - 13 are concerned
with Israel exclusively. The fact that the vengeance is to be executed
upon the nations at large points to a relatively late origin. Early proph
ecy did not contemplate the conversion of the world to Yahweh, hence
did not denounce the nations for disobedience to him. Its indignation
was expended upon the particular nation which was oppressing Israel
at any given time.

114 MICAH

The grounds for setting aside v. 13 are no less cogent. V. 13b , as it
stands in M, is a weak repetition of v. 10a ; and if the common correction
of T"^ to T 3s y be accepted the case is no better, for 13b then becomes
superfluous after v. 12 . V. 13a likewise is an editorial insertion, giving
an additional detail, which has no place after the summary in v. 12 ; any
thing additional weakens the effect. Hpt., however, athetizes vv. 10 - 12 - 1S
leaving w. 9 - " 14 as the original material.

The date of vv. 9 - 12 has been a subject of debate for some years. Sta.
(ZAW.I, 161-72), Cor. (ZAW. IV, 88/.; Intr. 342), Kosters (ThT.
XXVII, 249-274), Marti, Bu. Gesch -, 86/., et at., deny the passage, to
Micah and place it somewhere in the exilic or postexilic periods. Kue.
(Einl. II, 360-3) and Che. (EB. art. Micah) suppose that it orig
inated with Micah, but was thoroughly worked over in the postexilic
age. Many scholars, however, still maintain Micah s authorship; so
e. g. We., Ry., GASm., Volz, Now., Wildeboer, Ladame, van H., and
apparently Dr..

The argument against an early date is best presented by Marti, viz.
(i) that the mas^eboth and asherim were not denounced by Hosea and
Isaiah, nor until the promulgation of Deuteronomy, which shows that
they were not eliminated by Hezekiah s reform; (2) that the joint con
demnation of munitions of war and idolatrous practices is a late char
acteristic, as are also the combination of pesilim and masseboth, and the
allusion to the existence of fortresses; (3) that parallel passages are of
later origin, viz. Ho. 2 20 8" 14*; and (4) that the lack of any allusion to
"high-places" is as easily accounted for on the hypothesis of origin after
these were all destroyed, as it is on the supposition of origin before the
movement against them had developed. When to all this is added the
consideration that weighs as heavily here as in the case of i 7 , viz. that
a polemic against idolatry lies outside of the range of Micah s thought,
the argument seems convincing.

Yet, on the other hand, though Amos, Hosea and Isaiah did not de
nounce masseboth and asherim specifically, the polemic against images
was taken up by Hosea (8 4 - 6 io 5 132). Horses and chariots are coupled
with idolatrous images by Isaiah (2 7 ; cf. 3O 16 31 ), as hostile to complete
faith in Yahweh as Israel s only defence. Furthermore, the Deutero-
nomic prohibition of masseboth must have been prepared for by the
teachings of the preceding prophets. Law is but the codification of an
already existing sentiment or custom. Finally, the excision of i 7 does
not necessarily carry with it the dropping of this section, for i 7 clearly
is in no close relation to its context and carries the stamp of an addition
even apart from its context.

On the whole, therefore, it seems probable that 5 9 -" is of late origin ; but
the possibility must remain open that it is a genuine fragment of Micah
and represents to us a phase of his teaching not otherwise recorded.

5 -" "5

9. ^n-ONm] Siev. adds -Sri, mtr. cs.. 11. D^D^D] (& = T ooa, con
fusing D and 3; cf. p. 32. TVD] (6 = in&gt;c. 12. Tnusci] =
/Ay high-places, or a//ar&lt;&gt;; c/. &lt; 6v&lt;ria(TTr)plov in Ho. 3*. npyo] &lt;& pi..
13. -p-pi^N] (& the groves = an^N, again confusing 3 and D. & thy
plants. *inp] (5 //wne enemies, i. e. inx; so also Che., Elh.. Hi. T"W
(/Ay tamarisks). Krenkel (ZivTh. IX, 275), T?&gt;p. Van H. -px; ( /*&gt;
/rew). Stei. T.3?; so Kosters, Gr., Gu., Now., Marti, Siev., Du.; cf. 2
Ch. 24 18 . 14. iji nS "isi N] 06 avfl &v OVK K.T.\. T^ quae non, etc. , so&.

Str. I threatens Israel with the destruction of every source of
human confidence and help. 9. And it will come to pass in that
day, it is the oracle of Yahweh] An introductory statement in prose.
The last phrase occurs again only in 4 6 , a late passage; it is common
in Amos. That I will cut of thy horses, etc.] A similar prophecy
in Zc. 9 10 ; cf. Dt. i; 16 20 1 Ho. i4 4 . 10. And I will cut off the cities
of thy land and lay waste all thy fortresses] The mention of forti
fied cities is hardly sufficient warrant for placing the prophecy in
the Maccabaean age as Marti does; cf. Ho. io 14 Am. 5 Is. if 22 10
25 12 34 13 2 Ch. n 11 26 9 . Sennacherib (Taylor Cylinder) testifies to
the large number of cities in Judah ; " but as for Hezekiah of Judah,
who had not submitted to my yoke, forty-six of his strong walled
cities, and the smaller cities round about them, without number,
... I besieged and captured." Though Yahweh will destroy all
Israel s means of defence, it is not to leave her defenceless; he him
self will be her strength and shield. But she must be brought to
realise her absolute dependence upon him.

Str. II declares that Yahweh will destroy all supposed sources of
divine help other than himself so that Israel may come to see their
futility. 11. Sorceries] The exact content of this term is uncer
tain; it is apparently a general designation of all sorts of magi
cal rites. Soothsayers] This is an equally obscure word; it
probably denotes those who practise various arts of divination.
Both sorcerers and diviners alike totally fail to realise the true and
only way to communion with God. 12. Thine images and thy
pillars] Graven images are meant, such as were common in early
Israel (cf. Ju. if- 4 Ho. n 2 Is. io 10 2i 9 Je. io 14 ), and continued
in exilic and postexilic times (Is. 30 22 48 5 ), but were prohibited by
all three codes (Ex. 20* Dt. i2 3 Lv. 26 1 ). The "pillars" were con-

Il6 MICAH

sccrated stones set up beside altars and at graves or as boundary-
stones, and originally supposed to serve as the residence of deity;
cf. Gn. 28 18 3i 13 - 45 35 14 - 20 Ex. 24 4 . They were a common Semitic
institution, having been found at Gezer, at Petra, in Cyprus, and
having existed also among Phoenicians and Arabs. They were
first prohibited by the Deu teronomic Code, Dt. i6 22 ; but remained
in good standing as legitimate elements in the Yahweh-cultus long
after in the minds of many; cf. Is. ip 19 - 20 , a late passage. And
tJwu wilt not bow down any more to the work of thy hands] This
does away at one stroke with all idolatrous worship of images.
Notwithstanding the prohibition in the Decalogue, the prophets
found it necessary to wage unceasing war upon image-cults; cf.
Ho. i3 2 2 K. 2 3 14 Ez. 8 3 - 5 - 12 Is. 44 9 - 20 .

To v. 12 has been attached a gloss, or marginal note, supple
menting the statement there made. 13. And I will uproot thine
asherim from the midst of thee] The asherah was a sacred wooden
post that constituted a part of the equipment of the place of
worship, both among the Canaanites (Ex. 34" Ju. 6 25 ) and the
Hebrews (2 K. 23** Is. i; 8 ), perhaps taken over by the latter from
the former. They were forbidden by the Deuteronomic Code
(Dt. y 5 i2 3 i6 21 ; cf. Ex. 3 4 13 , in a late stratum of J); but, like the
accompanying "pillars," they survived the prohibition for some
time (cf. Je. iy 2 Is. 27). The precise nature of their origin and
function are not yet known. And I will destroy thy cities] This
adds nothing to v. 10a ; hence it is emended by many to " thine idols,"
but this is vain repetition of v. 12 . In either case, it is more easily
assigned to a glossator than to the author of vv. 9 " 12 . Taylor recon
structs vv. 12 - 13 thus: "I will cut off thine images and thy pillars,
and I will uproot thine asherim from the midst of thee, and thou
wilt no more bow down to the work of thy hands," omitting the
last word of 12a , inserting 13a after 12a , and dropping 13b . This
furnishes good progress of thought and preserves the proper cli
max, but it destroys the symmetry of Str. II and makes no real
contribution to its content.

14. And I will execute vengeance, in anger and wrath, upon the
nations which have not hearkened] An addition by an editor who
was unwilling that a prophecy denouncing Israel s idolatry should

close without a word of condemnation upon the great idolatrous,
heathen world. The only way of escape for the nations is to sub
mit themselves to Yahweh and his people, putting away their own
gods; the failure to do this arouses Yahweh s anger and involves
their total destruction. Yahweh will be satisfied with nothing less
than a world-wide kingdom.

11. D- D ^j] Only here and 2 K. 9" Is. 47 Na. 3*. *PD in Assy. = to
practice magic ; in Ar. to cut ; cf. Syr. in Ethpe. = to pray (i. e.cut oneself;
cf. i K. i8 28 ). Zim. (KAT. 3 , 605, 650) maintains that it is a loan-word
from Assy ; but it is not likely that a word of this kind known in Ar.,
Assy, and Syr. would not be current in Heb., designating as it does
a common Semitic custom. Furthermore, the vb. occurs in Ex. 22 1T
which antedates the Assy, period of Heb. history. D^JI]?D] Forbidden
in Dt. i8 l ; but mentioned in Je. 2y 9 Is. 57". Exact function, and the
orig mean, of root are unknown; cf. (& d7ro$0e776/z.ej oi; Aq. K\r)8ovi-
6fj.t&gt;ot; 2, o"r)/j.eio&lt;rKOTr oij/j.evoi; diviners, or necromancers. Cf. Ju.
9". 13. "P"PS&gt;N] Full writing of _; so also in Dt. 7 5 2 K. ij lt ; cf. UTpr,
Jos. 9". On relation to the Canaanitish goddess Asirtu or Asratu,
v. refs. in BDB., HWB. ls and EB. 331. iny] Various meanings have
been proposed in order to avoid repetition of v. 10a , e. g. enemies (01, Ra. f
Ki., Cal., Ro.); sacred forests (of Ar. origin; Theiner, Mich.); witnesses,
used of trees, pillars, etc., as signs of altars (reading n for ~&gt;; so Hi.). 14.
Dpj . . . \n^; - ] The construction is unusual in that the noun as obj. is
so far removed from its vb., and is unique in that j r y is followed by PN
with the ace. of the person upon whom vengeance is executed; i. e. the
compound expression is treated like the simple vb. opj; cf. Jos. io 13 Lv.
19". -WN] Better treated as rel. part, with antecedent DMjn than as
causal part., or as rel. with antecedent cpj, i. e. vengeance such as, etc.

C. CHAPTERS 6 AND 7.

That these two chapters as they stand could not belong to the
eighth century B.C. has been generally recognised since the days
of Ewald. Opinion has been divided however as to the time to
which they do belong. Ew., followed by many interpreters, as
signed them to the reign of Manasseh as a product of Micah s old
age. Recent scholarship has been more inclined to place them in
the postexilic period. In any case they do not constitute a logical
unit, but must be interpreted as representing different points of
view and reflecting varying backgrounds. For detailed discussion

Il8 MICAH

of these questions reference is made to the Introduction, 2, and
to the introductory statements at the opening of the various sec
tions into which the chapters are here analysed.

16. Yahweh 1 s Controversy with Israel (6 1 " 5 ).

Four strs. of four trimeter lines each, seek to bring home to the
conscience of Israel the obligation resting upon her to be loyal to
Yahweh in return for his great goodness to her. Str. I. Let
Israel in the presence of the mountains present her case. Str. II.
Let these mountains "full of memories and associations with both
parties to the trial" be witnesses in the controversy between Yah
weh and his people. Str. III. Yahweh has given Israel cause
not for complaint but for thanksgiving; witness, the deliverance
from Egypt. Str. IV. Let Israel only recall the period of the
wanderings in the desert, in order to be reminded of the mighty
interpositions of Yahweh in her behalf.

J-JEAR, now, the word

Which Yahweh has spoken:

Arise, plead unto the mountains,

And let the hills hear thy voice.
UEAR, O mountains, the controversy of Yahweh;

Yea, give ear, O foundations of the earth;

For Yahweh has a controversy with his people;

Yea, with Israel he will enter into argument.
^^Y people, what have I done to thee?

And wherein have I wearied thee? Answer me.

For I brought thee up from the land of Egypt,

And from the house of bondage I rescued thee.
^/[Y people, what did Balak counsel?

And what did Balaam answer him ?

Remember, now, "from Shittim to Gilgal,"

That thou mayest know the righteous deeds of Yahweh.

The poetic form of this piece has been fairly well preserved by $R.
It is necessary only to add a word in , with &lt;g; to eliminate * as a gloss;
to transpose NJ or from 8a to 6c ; and to omit D ^D from B and nipa p
from Bb . The rhythm then becomes smooth and harmonious.

Marti, Siev., and Gu. om. v. B as a historical expansion; but it consti
tutes an excellent close for this phase of the thought and it conforms to
the metric and strophic norm. The change from ist pers. (v. Ba ) to 3d pers.
(v. id ) is too common in Heb. prophetic utterance to serve as valid reason

for athetizing the verse in which it occurs. Du., however, treats both
vv. 4 - 5 (and Hpt. vv. 4c - 8 ) as a later prose expansion. But this leaves
vv. U3 hanging in the air.

The contents of vv. l - 6 furnish slight evidence of any specific date for
their origin. In themselves, the verses might belong to almost any period
of prophecy. Du., indeed, assigns vv. l ~ z to Micah, together with the most
of ch. 6. But the fact that in chs. 1-3 the religious and political leaders
were the objects of denunciation as leading the people astray, while here
the people as a whole is reproved, points to different authorship. More
over, the presence of this passage in this context and in the collection of
oracles making up chs. 6 and 7 is a sign of late origin.

ui WDB&gt;] Siev. om. vv. 1 *- b - 2a - b as superscriptions forming no part
of the poem. NJ] B om.. :N] Add, with (8, "i^nn; so one ms. of
Kenn., Marti, Now. K , Gu.. mrp -C-N] &lt;& B /cfynos Kijptos. &lt;8 A -
icvptov & 6 Kvpios. T:X] Rd. ^CN, with (& el-rev; so Marti, Now. K , Gu..
~s] Rd. SN, with &lt;S irpbs, and TJ adversum; so Hi., Stei., We., Cr.,
Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Du., Gu.. 2. onn] &lt;& \aol; &lt;S A Q powol.
D^nNm] Rd. u- TN-n, with We.; so BDB., Or., Now., Oort Em -, Marti,
Hal., Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.. r and n were sufficiently alike to be easily
confused in the old script; while D arose through dittog. of foil. r. Pres
ence of art. with rx, though lacking from o^n, makes JH suspicious.
&lt;g al &lt;f&gt;dpayyes (mountain clefts) ; similarly &. U fortia. Cf. Elh.
mn &gt; an-nt* ij?nty. 3. -pnNSn nci] &lt;S ^ rt e\uTn)&lt;r6. o-e ^ rl
&lt;roi, a double rendering. 4. pi IN] (& B = N\ 5.
NJOT] Tr. to precede o^B8n p in v. Bc ; this renders parallri in
structure to the corresponding line of Str. Ill, and also makes 5e sus
ceptible of sensible interpretation. Cf. Hi. who would repeat NJ or
before Vn-jn. yp nr] &lt;& adds Kara &lt;rov; so &. 3N1D tSo] Om. mtr.
cs., with Now. K and Siev.; so also ii&gt; J p. D v ^tyn p] C5 airb ruv ffxotvwv
(= rushes), perhaps an error for aylvuv (= mastich trees; so Vol., Ry.).
Mau. prefixes \nttyp HDI; so Taylor, Elh.. Stei. prefixes TOJ?\ Ew.
om. the whole phrase as a gloss; so Du., GASm., Now., Gu., et al..
nip-u] &lt;S sg..

Str. I calls the world s attention to the message of Yahweh in
trusted to the prophet. 1. Hear, now, the word which Yahweh
has spoken] The prophet thus introduces Yahweh to the people.
Arise, plead unto the mountains, and let the hills hear thy voice]
Yahweh now speaks to the prophet. The mountains have wit
nessed the whole course of Israel s history, including the benefits
showered upon the nation and the base ingratitude returned.
These, therefore, may be regarded as just judges concerning the

120 MIC AH

righteousness or unrighteousness of Yahweh s case as presented
through the prophet. The mountains and hills are not introduced
here merely for rhetorical effect. It is a part of the prophetic doc
trine that the animate and inanimate world are alike concerned in
God s dealings. Besides the conception of nature as a witness,
represented here, we find also that of nature "as sharing God s
feeling of the intolerableness of the evil which men have heaped
upon her, or by her droughts and floods and earthquakes as the
executioner of their doom" (GASm., p. 420). Cf. Rom. 8 22 .

Str. II represents the prophet, in obedience to Yahweh s be
hest, addressing himself to the hills with a request for their atten
tion to the statement of Yahweh s case. 2. Hear, O mountains,
the controversy of Yahweh] The prophet now speaks, turning
himself to the mountains. The figure in the prophet s mind is
that of a case in court; Yahweh is the plaintiff, Israel the defen
dant, the mountains serve as judge and jury, and the prophet is the
plaintiff s counsel. Yea, give ear, O foundations of the earth] $&
reads, "and ye, the everlasting ones, the foundations of the earth!".
But this is a clumsily constructed phrase, and is also subject to
serious criticism on linguistic and grammatical grounds (v. i.).
The "foundations" are identical with the "mountains" in the
parallel line, which were thought of as the pillars upon which the
earth was supported; cf. Dt. 32 22 Ps. i8 8 Jb. i8 4 (&.For Yahweh
has a controversy with his people; yea, with Israel he will enter
into argument] The phrase "his people" involves the acknowl
edgment of a special relation between Yahweh and Israel, indi
cates the ground upon which Yahweh bases his right to enter into
argument, and suggests the many mercies already extended to
Israel by Yahweh. The appeal here, as always in prophecy, is
made to the intelligence and reason of Israel; cf. Ho. 4*- 6 i2 2 Is.
i 18ff - Je. 25 31 . The prophet s recourse is not to authority, nor to
fanatical emotion, but to the self-evidencing power of truth and
undeniable fact.

In Str. Ill Yahweh speaks and makes his appeal to Israel s
history for vindication of his right to be grieved. 3. My people,
what have I done to thee? And wherein have I wearied thee?
Answer me] The tone is full of entreaty. The inquiry is that

6 3 - 121

of a parent, not that of a judge or king. The implication is that
Israel s attitude toward Yahweh is such as would be justifiable
only on the basis of unkind or unjust treatment on the part of
Yahweh. But Yahweh declares that he is not conscious of any
intention to injure Israel and challenges her to cite any incident
in her history that will convict him of wrong. He has made no
unreasonable, oppressive demands upon his people (cf. Is. 43 23 ).
He calls upon Israel to defend herself by justifying her implied
charges against him. No answer comes to the question, for none
can be made. 4a, b. For 1 brought thee up from the land oj
Egypt and from the house of bondage I rescued thee] Not only
has Yahweh given Israel no occasion for complaint, but she
has every reason for gratitude. The first and most fundamental
fact in Yahweh s long record of gracious deeds is the deliverance
from Egypt. Israel s history, as understood by the prophets,
begins with an act of redemption (Am. 2 10 3 1 cf Ho. 2 15 n 1 i2 9 - 13
i 3 4 Je. 2 6 7 22 - M ii 4 - 7 Ez. 2o 5 f - Is. ii 16 52 4 63"). This event lies
so deep in the national consciousness and is referred to so frequently
as the starting-point and basis of the national development, that it
is impossible to escape the conviction that it was a historical fact,
rather than a product of the religious imagination. The prophet
indulges in paronomasia in the choice of the two words "JTK^n
(= weary, v. 3 ) and ^T^J/H {bring up). 4c. And I sent before thee
Moses, Aaron and Miriam] This is a supplementary note by some
reader, as is clear from its prosaic form. This is the only mention
of Miriam in the prophetic books. Aaron and Miriam are given
a prominence here, as co-leaders with Moses, which they do not
have in the earliest sources; cf. Ex. is 20 f - i; 12 24 10 - 14 - 19 Nu. 12*.
Str. IV recites other examples of Yahweh s kindness to Israel,
this time taken from the period of wanderings in the desert, in or
der to convince Israel of her total failure to appreciate Yahweh.
5. My people, what did Balak counsel? And what did Balaam
answer him ?] An allusion to the events recorded in Nu. 22-24.
Familiarity with this story is presupposed by the prophet. By a
stroke of the pen the writer brings vividly to mind one of the most
striking episodes in Israel s history. On this occasion Yahweh
turned a would-be curse into a blessing. The prophet seems to

122 MICAH

recognise at its full face value the supposed destructive effect of a
curse. It was only Yahweh s interposition that saved Israel from
destruction. This magical, superstitious conception of religion is
sadly out of harmony with the magnificent ideal set forth in the
immediately following verses. Remember, now, "from Shittimto
Gilgal"] The verb is supplied here from v. 6a where it is super
fluous. It is unanimously conceded that something must be sup
plied here, if the words are to be retained in the text. Their pres
ence is required by the parallelism. Others, retaining "remember
now" in its place in 4H, would supply such phrases as "thou
knowest what happened to thee";* or "and what I did";f or, re
peating *OT, "remember what happened to thee"; J or "remember
the favours I showed thee " ; or "and thy crossing over." ** A sim
ilar idea to that of our text is found in Dt. 8 2 . Shittim was the last
camping station before the crossing of the Jordan (Jos. 3* = E),
while Gilgal was the first encampment after the crossing (Jos. 4 20
= E). The mention of these two names, therefore, would at once
bring to mind the wonderful exhibition of Yahweh s goodness and
power in connection with Israel s entrance into the "promised
land." That thou mayest know the righteous deeds of Yahweh]
These words are dependent upon the preceding admonition to "re
member," and they summarise what the incidents from history
were intended to teach. If Israel could but realise and appreciate
the extent of her obligation to Yahweh, she would surely gladly do
his will. The "righteous deeds" are acts of Yahweh which reveal
his just and righteous character to the world at large; cf. Ju. 5 11
i S. i2 7ff&gt; . They are practically Israel s God-given victories over
her foes, which vindicate Yahweh as the strength and stay of his
own righteous people. This is the prevailing sense of the word
"righteousness" in Is. 40-66.

The case rests here. The prophet has pointed out the obliga
tion resting upon Israel, which grows out of Yahweh s goodness to
her. Only by implication is it conveyed that this obligation is un
fulfilled. The positive, direct charge against Israel, together with
the pronouncement of sentence, remains unuttered. The passage,
thus, seems to be only a fragment of a longer address.

* CaL t Mau., Taylor. J Mich., Baur, KL Ro.. Ros.. ** SteL.

6" I2 3

1. nK an] Cf. Ho. 12*, where SN in 4H is an error for nx, as appears
from i2 4 and &lt;8. To suppose such an error here is better than to render
DN in fellowship with (Ke.) which is impossible, or to treat it as = S
(Mau., Hd., Ro.), or as = JD-PN, in presence of, apud (BDB., 86a;
Elh.). 2. D jnNni] iK presents difficulties: (i) the parallel word onn
lacks the article; (2) if an adj., jnx should follow its noun; (3) as a sub
stantive, it is usually used of perennial streams; (4) the awkwardness of
the phrase. 3. rip] Ges.*" d . noi] Adverbial, K6.* M V -pnNSn] On
vocalisation, Ges. ^"P- 76ee . 4a, b. Clauses are in chiasm. 6. D^tfn]
The exact location is unknown; the acacia grove near Khirbet el-
Kefrein may be a survival of the place. SjSjn] Probably represented
by the northern Tell Jeljfil, between the Jordan and Jericho, to the
SE. of the latter.

17. The Character of True Religion (6- 8 ).

A discussion of the nature of Yahweh s requirements which
yields the finest summary of the content of practical religion to be
found in the OT. The material readily resolves itself into three
four-line strs. in trimeter movement; the opening of Str. II is
marked by the introduction of a new subject, while the beginning
of Str. Ill is indicated by the change from question to answer.
Str. I represents an individual inquiring what type of service
Yahweh desires. Will gifts satisfy him? Str. II continues the
inquiry in such a way as to show that even the most elaborate and
costly gifts cannot secure Yahweh s favour. Str. Ill answers the
inquiry with a positive definition of "pure religion and undefiled."

^HEREWITH shall I come before Yahweh,

And bow myself before the God of heaven?

Shall I come before him with burnt-offerings,

With calves a year old ?
YXflLL Yahweh be pleased with thousands of rams,

With tens of thousands of rivers of oil ?

Shall I give my first-born for my transgression,

The fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?
TT has been told thee, O man, what is good.

Yea, what does Yahweh seek from thee,

But to do justice and to love kindness,

And to walk humbly with thy God ?

This piece is well preserved; no textual changes, transpositions or
omissions are required by the poetic form. The metre is smooth and
regular all through, except in 7 * and 8o in each of which an extra tone

124 MICAH

appears. Siev. omits a word in each of these two long lines, but this is
arbitrary.

Since Ew. s time this section has generally been assigned to the days
of Manasseh, either as a product of Micah s old age, or as the work of a
writer of the Deuteronomic School. The great reason for this has been
the allusion to human sacrifice which is supposed to reflect the evil days
when the king set the example by offering up his own son (2 K. 2i).
But We. rightly calls attention to the fact that human sacrifice in our
passage is not cited as a common practice, but rather as a sample of
extraordinary sacrificial zeal. Such sporadic cases of religion grown des
perate occur long before the reign of Manasseh. Hence we must rely
upon other evidence for the date of these verses. The tone and spirit
of the passage are wholly different from those of chs. 1-3. The calm,
dispassionate speech of the teacher displaces the forceful utterance of
the prophet. The same conception of religion appears as in Am. 5 M
Je. 7 Ho. 6 Is. i-" Ps. 4O- 8 50"-" 5i ; and this was never with
out its representatives in Israel from the age of Amos to the end. It is
wholly unwarrantable to bring the poem down to 100 B.C. as Hpt. does,
on the ground of its supposed reflection of the teachings of the Essenes.
The fact that the answer is addressed to an individual, and to any indi
vidual of the great human race, seems to point to the age when national
lines were broken over and the scope and appeal of the true religion was
recognised as universal In this respect the passage is in harmony with
such writings as Jonah, Ruth, and large sections of the Wisdom literature.
On the whole, therefore, a date early in the postexilic period seems the
most probable.

6. qax] (& &m\WofMt, treating it as a denominative from na. Gr.
pjN. Elh. N n23N. 7. &gt;Sn:] &lt;& xi/xdpw* (so &); perhaps to be cor
rected to xA"W w ", as in &lt;S BO " u7 - K3 and Aq.; but cf. Ry.. C5 A &pvdv. H
hircorum. & strength, connecting with Vn. joc&gt;] heifers, probably
a free rendering "strength of fat ones," *. e. "heifers"; the latter word is
a formation from the root ne&gt;n "to anoint with oil, etc.." ui jnN,-]
J will not offer my first-born (a sin is he to me) ; nor the fruits of my body (a
sin of my soul are they to me). nwa] (& = nwa. 8. T&gt;J,-I] &lt;g el dvrjy-
7^17; hence We. nan; so Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev.,Gu., Du.. !H Indi-
cabo; so 5. Aq., 6 tpp{0rj. D^N] Che. CB , o^nS. jmm] &lt;g ical
clvat; so &. Gr. j?m. Che. CB , N isjp riSpi.

Str. I introduces an inquirer asking a series of rhetorical ques
tions, evidently presupposing a negative answer. The prophet by
the very form of these questions desires to suggest the absurdity
of the popular conception of Yahweh and of his desires. 6.
Wherewith shall I come before Yahweh, and bow myself before the

Cod of heaven] A question growing out of the conception of Yah-
weh as a great and mighty king to whom his subjects must bring
presents when they would approach his presence; cf. i S. 6 2 ff&gt; io 3 f -
25" 2 S. I6 1 f -. It is inculcated by the law; Ex. 2^ 34 20 . It is
an essentially commercial view of the relation between Yahweh and
his worshippers, and its prevalence was consonant with an almost
total lack of conscience in the sphere of morals and social justice;
cf. Is. i 15 - 23 2 8 7 - 8 Am. 4 1 5 7 1(M2 Ho. 6 6 - 10 Je. 5 1 ff - Q 1 6 . It oper
ated exactly like the sale of indulgences under the popes of the
Middle Ages. The whole prophetic teaching concerning sacri
fices and offerings was an endeavour to show that such gifts and
ceremonies were of themselves without value in the sight of God.
The term "God of the height," i. e. the heavens, is used in contrast
to the verb * bow" to emphasise the humility and dependence of the
worshipper. It is in harmony also with the priestly thought of
God as ineffably holy and transcendent, far removed from the sins
of men; cf. Ho. 5 15 Is. i8 4 Mi. i 2 f - Je. 25 30 . The title may have
grown up in response to the effort to exalt Yahweh above the host
of foreign gods clamouring for admission into Israel.* Shall I
come before him with burnt-offerings, with calves a year old ?] The
fact that the burnt-offering is mentioned rather than the sin-offer
ing is no satisfactory proof of the pre-exilic origin of this passage;
first, because it is improbable that the sin-offering first came into
existence and prominence in the exilic period, even if the literature
first recognises it at that time. The ritual of the Holiness Code,
Ezekiel and the Priestly Code was not the creation of those writings
but was an inheritance in large part, which it was the task of exilic
and postexilic law-makers to codify and inform with new meaning,
in so far as it failed to express the best religious thought of the age.
Second, because the thought of the prophet here is not concerned
with any particular offering as such, but rather with the whole
sacrificial system, the efficacy of which in and of itself he wishes to
deny. Calves were eligible for sacrifice from the age of seven days
on (Lv. 22 27 ); cf. Ex. 22 30 . A yearling was, of course, relatively
valuable; cf. Lv. Q S Gn. 15.

Str. II continues the rhetorical question, the possible gifts to

* Cl. Westphal, Jahwes Wohnstdllen (1908), 265.

126 MICAH

Yahweh becoming more costly with each succeeding question.
7. Will Yahweh be pleased with thousands of rams, with tens of
thousands of streams of oil?] In neither this nor the preceding
interrogation does the negative answer involved imply that the
prophet thought of Yahweh as displeased with sacrifice per se ; cf.
H. AH , 136 /.. He would merely repudiate the thought that sacri
fice is all that Yahweh desires. For sacrifices on a large scale, cf.
i K. 3 4 S 63 . Oil was an acceptable gift to deity among Egyptians
and Babylonians as well as Hebrews; cf. Gn. 28 18 35" Ex. 2&lt;f- 40
Lv. 2 1 * 4 y 12 i4 10 ff&gt; . There is no mention of oil in connection with
the sin-offering (Lv. 5 lff )-* Shall I give my first-born for my
transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul] Human
sacrifice existed in Israel from the earliest times down to a rela
tively late date ; witness, the law of the redemption of the first-born
(Ex. i3 13 ); the story of the contemplated sacrifice of Isaac (Gn.
22 13 ) ; the fulfilment of Jephthah s vow (Ju. n 34 s ) ; the sacrifice of
the sons of Ahaz (2K. i6 3 ) and Manasseh (2 K. 2i 2ff -) ; the denun
ciations by the prophets (Je. y 31 ip 5 Ez. i6 20 20 26 Is. 57 5 ); and the
prohibition in the law (Lv. i8 21 2O 2 ) ; cf, also the act of Mesha, king
of Moab, and its apparent effect upon the Israelitish army (2 K.
3 27 ) . The practice was not equally prevalent at all times, but seems
to have attained its greatest prominence in the days of Manasseh.
Our passage evidently conceives of it as a possible method of pleas
ing Yahweh, putting it upon the same plane as burnt-offerings and
libations of oil. A mere formal, external, mechanical conception
of religion does not give rise to nor sustain the custom of human
sacrifice. It is the acme of religious zeal. It is the expression of
the religious emotions of men who agonise with longing for the
divine blessing, and are willing to yield their hearts dearest treas
ures in order to secure it. The prophet here recognises this fact,
and his words, therefore, reflect an unmistakable depth of sympa
thy and tenderness toward his people. But the practice grows out
of a wholly wrong idea of the character of God, and therefore can
never be pleasing to him. The phrase sin of my soul has been
taken by many as sin-offering of my soul; but this cannot well be,
for the parallel word transgression never has the meaning guilt-

* On the place of oil in early ritual and its primitive significance, cj. Now. Arch. II, 208 /..

6 7 - 8 127

offering, and the technical sin-offering of the later law certainly
never contemplated the possibility of human sacrifice as one of its
constituent elements. The term soul here designates the psychic
self, the seat of the desires and the will, and is used in deliberate
contrast to the term fruit of my body.

In Str. Ill the oracle rises to its climax, with the beautifully
simple statement of the essence of religion. 8. // has been told
thee, O man, what is good] The preceding questions have been
raised only to be answered in the negative; the positive statement
is now to be made. The address is to mankind in general, not
to any particular individual. The "good" referred to is accessible
to the whole race, without restriction. The verb might also be
rendered, "He (i. e. Yahweh) has told thee"; but in view of the
absence of any near antecedent for the pronoun and of the fact that
a new str. begins with this phrase, which should therefore be com
plete in itself, the indefinite form of expression seems preferable.
And what does Yahweh seek from thee] jThe "good" is identified
with the performance of the will of Yahweh. This is the view of
the OT. throughout. Religion furnishecTtrie dynamic of ethics.
The saints of Israel knew nothing of doing good for good s sake;
virtue was not an end in itself, but only a way of approach to God,
the_embodiment of the highest good. -But to do justice and to love
kindness and to walk humbly with thy God ?] Nothing new is said
here. Amos had emphasised Yahweh s insistence upon justice
( e - g- 5 24 5 cf. Dt. i6 18 - 20 ); Hosea had exhibited the virtues of love
(e. g. 6 8 ) and the whole book of Deuteronomy is permeated by the
thought of it (e. g. io 12 - 22 i4 29 i5 9ff - 22 1 4 ); reverence and humility
before God was no new ideal Moses was credited with it in a sur
passing degree (Nu. i2 3 ); cf. Am. 2 7 Zp. 2 3 Is. 6 29. But it is,
nevertheless, a great saying surpassed by nothing in the OT. and
by but little in the New. Itjagsjiold of the essential j^kments
in religion and, detaching them from all else, sets them in clear
\reHe7r~Tt links ethics with piety, duty toward men with duty
Ijtoward God, and makes them both coequal factors in religion.
In this respect it anticipates the famous saying of Jesus (Mt.
22 s4 40 ), and it marks a wide breach with the popular religion of
the prophet s own times. With the latter, religion was pre-emi-

128 MICAH

nently a matter of obligation toward God, and this obligation was
looked upon as consisting mainly in the proper performance of
sacred rites and in a liberal bestowal of sacrificial gifts. But this
prophet makes religion an inner experience which determines
whole sphere of human activity. Religion becomes not merely
the action, but also, and chiefly, character.

6. PIM] On d. f. in D, GesJ I02k . 7. ^o] jru with two ace. hav
ing the meaning "give something in exchange for, in compensation
for something"; so Ez. 27" (cf. 27- " ". 19. ). This is better than
to make D an ace. of purpose or effect and to create for it the meaning
guilt offering which it nowhere else possesses; contra Ko.^ 8271 . nsan]
has the meaning sin-offering first in 2 K. 12 17 , where it denotes a pay
ment of money to the priests. From the time of Ezekiel on, this meaning
is very common in the legal literature and in Chronicles. But it is not
appropriate here because of (i) the parallel word and (2) the nature of
the gift here spoken of. 8. n^n] On the indefinite subj. expressed by 3d
pers. sg. masc., Ges. * " 4 d . noi] On change to direct question, Ko. ^ 377d .
jwi] An adv. use of inf. abs., denoting here manner; cf. K6. &lt; 2e -
t9i a. rot,. The meaning of / seems to be "modest"; cf. Pr. n 2 ; it is
the reverse of arrogant, conceited, self-sufficient. Its idea suggests
the parable of Lk. i8 10 ff -

18. The Sin of the City and the Punishment to Come (6 9 16 ).

This section gives a vivid poetical description of Israel s wicked
life and of the disasters which Yahweh must bring upon the nation
as punishment. Yahweh himself is represented as speaking, and
his utterance falls into five four-line strs. of prevailingly trimeter
movement. Str. I addresses the city in Yahweh s name and char
acterises it as an abode of violence and deceit. Str. II asserts that
the riches of the town have been acquired by cheating and fraud
in ordinary commercial transactions. Str. Ill announces that
Yahweh s hand will soon begin the task of chastisement and that
all attempts at escape will be futile. Str. IV details the various
forms which the chastisement will assume, all of them involving
famine. Str. V states that all this terrible wickedness is due to
persistence in the sins of the past and that the inevitable result
is destruction. The first two strs., thus, denounce the city s sins,
the second two announce the consequent doom, while the last str.
summarises both sin and punishment.

fJARK! Yahweh is calling to the city:

Hear, O tribe and assembly of the city.

Whose rich men are full of violence,

And her inhabitants speak falsehood.
(~^AN I forget the treasures in the house of the wicked,

And the accursed scant measure?

Can I treat as pure him with the wicked balances,

And with the bag of false weights?
TDUT I, now, will begin to smite thee,

To lay thee in ruins on account of thy sins and thy ... in the
midst of thee.

And thou shalt try to remove but shalt not rescue,

And what thou rescuest I will bring to the sword.
"THOU shalt eat, but not be satisfied;

Thou shalt sow, but not reap;

Thou shalt tread out the olive, but not anoint thyself with oil;

And the must, but thou shalt not drink wine.
pOR thou hast kept the statutes of Omri,

And all the activity of the house of Ahab;

In order that I may give thee to ruin,

And her inhabitants to mockery.

This piece has undergone much change in its transmission. The ar
rangement here given involves the omission of vv. * b - 12c - Ie&gt; - f , and the
transposition of vv. I2 - b to follow v. and of v. I4 to precede v. ". The
reconstruction is almost identical with that offered by Marti, but the
elision of v. 9b and the two transpositions were decided upon before the
appearance of Marti s commentary. Siev. (followed closely by Gu.)
retains only vv. 9a - 10 - " l3 , dropping v. 1! as a gloss, and athetizes
w. " " as a separate poem, dropping v. 14b - - a as a gloss, and trans
posing v. 18 - b to follow 5 4 , with v. 18c - d - as a gloss. The passage
as it stands in M defies all attempts to trace any logical continuity, but
such radical treatment is unnecessary. The movement of thought in
the poem as here reconstructed is perfectly natural and simple; and met
rical considerations of themselves, unsupported by other evidences, do
not warrant extreme measures in textual criticism.

This section is wholly independent of the preceding one. There the
tone is one of sympathy and instruction; here it is denunciation of sin.
The date and origin of this prophecy are problems that have not been
solved. Stk., van H. and Du. assign it to Micah; Marti places it in the v
postexilic period, urging the linguistic usage and the historical reminis
cence in v. u as evidences of late date; while We., Now. and GASm. are
undecided as to its time. The fact is that the utterance might belong
to any period of Israelitish history subsequent to the reign of Ahab.
Parallels to it may be found all through the history of prophecy. The
sins specifically mentioned are characteristically urban and would argue

130 MICAH

equally well for the authorship of Micah who was indignant against the
oppression and vice of the great city, or for the last days when Jerusalem
was the centre of all Jewish interests and trade and commerce had come
to occupy a large place in Jewish life. The prophecy would seem most
fitting at a time when some disaster to the city was imminent, or was
thought to be so; but such periods were only too frequent both before
and after the exile. Tradition claims the passage for Micah and cannot
be proved wrong; but, on the other hand, the surrounding context, which
is certainly not due to Micah, is likewise claimed for him by tradition;
hence, the question must remain open.

9. top 11 ] (& ^Tri/cXTjfliJcreTcu. m^im] ( Kal (rdxrei = jntyim. Hal. nx
n C "W nx-p] Rd. nx-y&gt;, with Ew., Hi., Pont, Gr., Or., Now., GASm.,
Oort Em -, Marti, van H., Gu., Du. ; cf. (& 0o/3oi^j&gt;oi;s; so B &. Four codd.
of Kenn. and 3 of de R. NT; so Theiner, Rosenm., Gu.. Taylor, ^x^y 1 ?.
We. nx-v. -pir] (& & 2J = ictf; so Ro., Taylor, Pont, We., Gr., Gu.,
Oort Em -, Now.. tycir] &lt;S& sg.; so Du.. Ro., Gu. -lyr^. nsc] &lt;S B,
vocative. Ro. -ingD. my my -DI]. Rd., with We., vjjn njnDi; so Perles,
GASm., Now., Marti, van H., Du., Hpt.. (& Kal rls Kocrfj.^&lt;rei ir6\tv
" 1&lt;t &gt;! n n^2 &lt;l1 ? 1 - $ & guis approbabit illud? & and who bears witness? =
n?;;&gt; &gt;DI. 21 and the rest of the people of the land rngiDi. Ro. *vjp ^p
v;;n. Gr. "pj? 1 ? my ^ci. Hal. }nn n;rn. Oort Em - om. n mj? as dittog.
from my\ Siev. and Gu. rnjriD-i -iijrn ngo. Elh. "Pj?n nj?\ ia WBD-I.
10. I^NH] Rd., with We., n^sri, impf. of ntf j; so Now., Marti, Siev., van
H., Hpt., Gu.. &lt;& M irvp = E Nn; so & B, but with n. Schnurrer,
connecting with foil, word, n&gt;3^Nn; so Oort Em -. Du. N^NH. no] One
cod. each of Kenn. and de R. n-aa; c/. &H. Du. n?. Elh. n^\ ;-pJ
Oort Em - om. as dittog.. Du. om. with nu as a variant of f ~\ xx. Elh.
"\vy. nnxs] Rd. nnxx, with Marti, Now. K , Siev., Gu.. (& inserts
6i)ffavpluv = nnxN. yjyn] Om. as dittog. with Marti, Now. K , Siev.,
Gu.. now pri now] C5 Kai /ierd (probably an error for /xrpa; so
Ro.; cf. Am. 8 5 ) C/3pews dSticfa; c/. B ^ mensura minor irae plena.
Elh. nin&gt; ajn pli n^^xi. Gr. j.p. Oort Em - oprx. 11. HDIXH] Rd., with
We. -tnjTxn; so Now., Marti, Siev., van H., Gu.. (6 d SiKcuwfliJo-ercu.
= n 3p ! !I&gt; so Ew., Che., Gr., Gu.. & 21 similarly, but in pi.. H numquid
justificabo. Ro. n?;xn; so Elh., Pont, Hal., Du.. GASm. nsrnn.
Oort Em - nzirxn. Hpt.
pK n. 12. nn^y] (8 r
(gAQ ^^._ 13. -.n^nn] Rd. \?^nn, with (jg Ap^o/xai; so B ^ Aq.,
Bauer, Struensee, Ro., Elh., We., Pont, Gu., GASm., SS., Oort Em -,
Now., Marti, Siev., Du.. Cf. u codd (Kenn.) TiVm; /cai d?r dpxv
yii&gt; el/jii 6s ^/cdXetra. S ^Ti/j.djprjffdfj.rjv. DDtyn] (S d(f&gt;aviu&gt; &lt;re; so 0.
B perditione- so Aq., S . ^a-rrja-av. 14. jn2 &lt;|11 ] &lt;& (r/cordact =
lirriM. (jj&gt;Q, several mss. and ^ H Kal t&au &lt;re. Aq., /cai

&lt;re = -j^ntPNi. 2 dXXck, Ka.1 8ia&lt;f)0epei &lt;re -= inntPM. B humiliatio
tua. & dysentery. Che. -pro (cf. Ps. ioo 24 ). Elh. qnt M. Gr. qfnri.
Oort Em - ptrm. Marti, ngte. Marg. ravo ^n^Ni. Hpt. in BTM. Du.
^Ntri. JDHI] &lt;J&gt; Kai ^Kvetfcrei =jion\ Iff apprehendes = jppni = J^rn;
so 2t Aq., S. Six codd. Jtfm. Gr., Du. rn. Marti, j pn. Hpt. JOM.
-jVon] Ro. wSen; so Ry., Elh.. 16. p nntpn] &lt;& om. noun and has
vb. in pi., perhaps reading J-wwn; so Ro., Ry., Taylor. & also om. p,
but retains vb. in sg.. 16. -Dnei] Rd. nb^rn, with Ro., We., Gu.,
Or., GASm., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., van H., Du., Hpt; foil.
05 fc 21 H Q. V c-ustodisti; so & 21 6. &lt; has a double rendering of
the phrase, viz. /cai d^ancr^o ercu v6/j.i[jut XaoO /xou *cai ^0i5Xaas ri
Zauppel. One cod. of Kenn. IDPM. Taylor, --nD^M. Elh.
Gr., Marg. nnirrn. n^yo] (5 & SI Aq., pi.. isSm] We., Or.
and Gu. sg.. IHN] & = nn; so Now.. Hal. DDPN. noie] Hartmann,
72^; so Pont, Oort Em -, Du.. no^n] &lt;S & pi.. ^y] Rd. 0^92, with &lt;g
Xawv; so Schnurrer, Struensee, Hartmann, Bauer, Ro., Che., Taylor,
Elh., Pont, We., Gr., Gu., Or., GASm., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Hal.,
Siev., Du., Hpt..

In Str. I the prophet introduces Yahweh who addresses the
city, declaring it to be full of oppression and trickery. 9. Hark!
Yahweh is calling to the city] Jerusalem is certainly meant, as
the city par excellence for all Jews.* And it is success to fear thy
name] A glossf as is clear from its parenthetical character and
the use of the word "success" which is characteristic of the wis
dom literature, though found also in Is. 28 29 . M can only be trans
lated, "and he who sees thy name is strong"; and this unique
expression has given rise to a wide variety of explanations, none of
which are satisfactory. With the thought of the text as corrected,
cf. Pr. i 7 9 10 14" Ps. 34 11 in.Hear, O tribe, and the assembly
of the city] Judah is the tribe addressed, and the assembly is the
general meeting of the citizens of Jerusalem for the consideration
of all matters affecting the welfare of the city as a whole. It prob
ably corresponds roughly to the "town-meeting" of New England.
The presupposition of the prophet that in addressing the popula
tion of Jerusalem he speaks practically to the tribe of Judah seems
to reflect a period when Jerusalem had come to be the centre of
Jewish interest and life. |H is to be translated "hear the rod and

* Cj. The use of urbs = Rome, cited by Marti.

t So Hartmann (1800), Grimm (JA OS. XXII, 36), GASm., Marti, Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.

132 MICAH

the one who appointed it," "the rod" being a concrete designation
of the chastisement to be inflicted by Yahweh; but this involves
using "hear" in the double sense "hear about" and "listen to,"
it makes the feminine suffix refer to a masculine antecedent, and
it treats the indefinite noun "rod" as definite. Hence the text as
corrected, in accordance with (& and QI, is preferred by many recent
scholars. 12. Whose rich men are full of violence] The transfer
of v. 12 to this position furnishes the feminine suffixes of v. 12 the
required antecedent, which is lacking when it follows v. n ; and also
yields the two lines necessary to complete Str. I, leaving v. 10 to go
with v. n into Str. II where they belong together. The charge
against Jerusalem s rich is that they have gained their wealth by
oppression and injustice, a not infrequent complaint of the proph
ets; c f. Am. 3 10 6 3 Zp. i 9 Ez. f 3 8 17 Is. $&lt;f.And her inhabitants
speak falsehood] While violence was predicated only of the rich,
deceit is charged against all without discrimination. This is
practically saying that all are equally bad; the poor would be as
oppressive as the rich had they but the power. Trickery which is
possible for all is confined to no especial class. And their tongue
is deceit in their mouths] A vivid way of saying that not a word
they speak can be trusted. Lying is a common oriental vice even
at the present day, and apparently always has been; cf. Ho. 7* io 4
Je. 6 13 9 s " 5 Zc. 5 4 Lv. 19". This phrase is to be set aside as a gloss
on the preceding line;* cf. Ps. i2o 2 - 3 . It adds nothing and is
superfluous to the str. and the parallelism.

Str. II points out the impossibility of Yahweh s condoning or
justifying a certain kind of cheating commonly practised in the
commercial transactions of his day. 10. Can I forget the treasures
in the house of the wicked] These ill-gotten gains must always
arise as an ugly reminder of the injustice through which they
were obtained and so render it impossible for Yahweh to be gra
cious. fH is corrupt here and obscure. It has been variously
rendered; e. g. "Are there yet treasures, etc.,"f with the variations
"are there not yet?" and "there are yet"; but this is improbable
grammatically (v. i.}. Or, "the great man is yet in the palace,

* So Marti, Now. K , Du..

t So Cal., Dathe, Rosenm., Hi., Mau., Ew., Urn., Kl., Or., Hd., Casp., Ke., et a/..

6 10 - 133

etc.";* or "fire devours the houses, etc.," cf. (H-t Or, yet again,
"are there yet foundations in the house, etc."J For the corrected
text, v. s.. And the accursed scant measure?] In days when no
fixed and unvarying standard for weights and measures was known
and when no police power existed for the enforcement of such laws,
knavery of this type was doubtless very common ; cf. Am. 8 5 Dt.
25". But Yahweh s curse is upon all such dealings (Dt. 25 16 );
he demands justice and fair dealing between one man and another.
11. Can I treat as pure him with the wicked balances, and with the
bag of false weights ?] Cf. Dt. 25 13 Ps. i8 26 . This closes Yahweh s
appeal to the moral consciousness of Israel. He has pointed out
the moral impossibility of his permitting wickedness to go unpun
ished. According to U the verb must be rendered, "can I be pure
with, etc." This has usually been interpreted either as repre
senting Yahweh asking how he could be considered pure and holy,
if he permitted such unfair practices; or as dependent upon an
unexpressed thought such as "let each one ask himself." But
neither interpretation makes good Hebrew usage.

Str. Ill begins the description of the punishment involved by
the sins just exposed. A hostile army will invade Israel. 13.
But I, indeed, will begin to smite thee] For a similar idiom, cf.
Dt. 2 31 . The pronoun refers, not to the individual guilty of the
offences just described, but to the "tribe" (v. 9 ) as a whole, m
reads, "but I, indeed, will make sore thy smiting"; cf. Na. 3 19
Je. 3o 12 . But this use of the verb "make sick" is not paralleled
elsewhere, hence the change of pointing suggested by (g seems
preferable. To lay thee in ruins on account of thy sins] The pro
nominal object is not expressed in the Hebrew text, but is clearly
implied in the context. 14b, c, d. And thy . . . in the midst of
thee] The meaning of the main word in this phrase is wholly un
known; no help is to be derived from the Vrss.. In its present con
text, parallel as it is with "thy sins," some such meaning as "trans
gressions" or "abominations" seems called for. In its context as
in IK, the meaning "hunger" or "emptiness" is usually conjec
tured for the noun; but the presence of the suffix is hardly in
harmony with such a rendering. The cognate languages know

* So AE., Ra., Abar., Struensee. f So Mich.. J So Ro..

134 MICAH

no such word. Hence no assurance is possible as to its meaning.
And thou shall try to remove but shall not deliver ; and what thou
dost deliver, I will give to the sword] The first part of the state
ment apparently refers to property, none of which will be saved;
the second, to the women and children who, though temporarily
carried to a place of refuge, will finally meet death at the hands of
the enemy. Margolis, following Ibn Ganah, adopts the rendering,
"and she shall conceive, but shall not bear; and whomsoever she
beareth I will give to the sword." On the basis of this Margolis
suggests for the preceding phrase, "and thy wife in her body"
(v. s.). But against this must be urged the harshness of the idiom,
"thy wife shall conceive in her body"; and the fact that JDH
nowhere else in the OT. approximates the meaning conceive ;
the regular verb for this idea is pnn.

Str. IV continues the description of the coming disaster, by
pointing out with a few bold strokes how all of Israel s labour shall
count for naught. 14a. Thou shall eat, but not be satisfied] The
thought of an invading enemy is still in the prophet s mind. Pent
up in the city by siege and reduced gradually to the last extremi
ties, Israel will know all the agonies of starvation ; cf. 2 K. d 25 Je.
52 Lv. 26 25 f -. The transference of this line to this place in Str.
IV is made imperative by the break which it causes in the connec
tion between v. 13 and v. 14b , by the admirable connection thereby
established between v. 14a and v. 15 , and by the ease with which it
solves the problem of the strophic structure. 16. Thou shall sow,
but not reap] The process of harvest will be prevented by the ad
vance of the enemy; cf. Dt. 28 38 ff \ Thou shall tread out the olive t
but not anoint thyself with oil] This is the only direct mention
of the treading out of olive-oil; cf. Jo. 2 24 . The finest oil was
"beaten" (Ex. 2y 20 Lv. 24 2 ); but the bulk of the olive crop was
trodden out into oil vats. Anointing with oil was a toilet custom
common to all hot climates; cf. Am. 6 6 2 S. i2 20 i4 2 Ru. 3 3 2 Ch.
28 15 . And the must, but thou shall not drink wine] All the joy of
life will be cut off. Allusions to the treading out of wine are very
common; cf. Ju. 9 27 Am. 9 13 Is. i6 10 6s 2 Je. 25 30 Jb. 24" Ne. is 15 .

Str. V closes the poem summarising the sin of Israel and declar
ing it to be the occasion of the disaster which Yahweh will send.

6 15 " 135

16. For thou hast kept the statutes of Omri] No special - statutes
of Omri" are elsewhere mentioned, and it is doubtful whether this
expression is meant to apply to definite laws. Omri is harshly
condemned by the Deuteronomist in i K. I6 25 f -. But he is prob
ably mentioned here as the founder of the strongest dynasty of
northern Israel, and thus as representative of the type of life
characteristic of that kingdom and responsible for its downfall in
721 B.C. In Assyrian records after the reign of Omri, the northern
kingdom was commonly designated bit Humri. And all the work
of the house of A hob] In view of the charges made in w. 10 ~ 12 ,
it is probable that reference is had here to the judicial murder of
Naboth (i K. 21), as typical of the methods of self-aggrandise
ment common to Ahab and the tyrannical rich men of Jerusalem.
And ye walk in their counsels] This adds nothing to the thought,
is extraneous to the metrical form, and uses the plural of the verb,
whereas the preceding and following context has the singular.
Hence it is best considered as a gloss.* For similar phraseology,
cf. 2 K. i6 3 Je. y 24 Ps. i 1 8i 12 i S. &.In order that I may give
thee to ruin] In accordance with a common Hebrew usage, the
prophet ironically attributes what was an inevitable but unde
signed consequence of a course of action to the deliberate pur
pose of the actor. And her inhabitants to mockery] The pronoun
must refer to the city, as in v. 12b ; the sudden change of person is
abrupt and confusing, but finds many parallels in Hebrew; cf.
Gn. 49 4 i K. i 20 Is. 22 18 23* 31. That there may be no possible
doubt as to the source of the mockery, a reader has added the
gloss,f and the scorn of the peoples ye shall bear] The evidence for
the secondary character of this line is identical with that for the
later origin of the addition to v. 16b . This threat represents the
lowest depths of humiliation to the proud and sensitive Hebrew
spirit, m s "scorn of my people 1 has occasioned great fertility
of exegetical ingenuity, e. g. Israel will not be punished as heathen
are but far more severely in proportion to their privileges,^ or the
suffering brought upon the people of God by their rich oppressors
will now be inflicted upon the rich themselves by the foreign foe;

* So Marti, Now. K , Siev., Du..

t So now Du.; but v. AJSL. XXIV, 187 ft., where this suggestion was first published.

t Cal.. Dathe, Rosenm..

136 MICAH

or, the heathen will delight in humiliating the nation representing
the ideal of "the people of God," but this disgrace will justly be
endured by the present representatives of the ideal who are re
sponsible for its being brought into disrepute;* or, the disgrace
which my people has brought upon my name will be borne by
you;f or, Israel must bear the disgrace of being the people whom
I have rejected;! or &gt; the chastisement borne by the people as a
whole will also be borne by each one of you individually. But
none of them are satisfactory solutions of the difficulty occasioned
by the essential identity of the subject of the verb and the phrase
"my people."

9. nwn] On meaning and etymology, cf. Grimm, JA OS. XXII,
35-44, who rightly connects it with Assy, asfi, "to support, to help," as
a tuqtilat form. nx-v] Ko. * 306 q explains 4SH as due to the Masso-
retes having supposed an ellipsis of B"N; cf. Ko. ^ 226e , where all infs. in
n __. are cited. noc] Of masc. gender ace. to Ex. 4 17 ; the fact that the pi.
ending is m_ (Nu. ly 22 ) is, of course, no indication of fern, gender; cf.
mas , nnxo. ^D] Usually rendered him who, but this would require
MPN; ID always has interrog. force, direct or indirect. For the meanimg
assembly given to the emendation t;.;;2, cf. Jb. 30" Nu. i6 2 Is. 14" Lant.
i". 10. trxn 1137] y precedes interrogative only in Gn. ig 12 , but there in
terrogative is a pronoun which often yields first place in the sentence to
some more important word. If IPX = w, cf. Ges. * 47 b on interchange
of N and \ and the regular usage in Aram.. 2 S. i4 19 is, perhaps, an
other example of the confusion of these two words, but the text there is
by no means certain; cf. also Pr. i8 24 . yy~\ no] = -i noa; cf. TVI, Ho.
6 9 ; an ace. of place in which, Ges. * . HDTX] The Pi el does not else
where have the forensic force of "declare pure" or "treat as pure"; but
since it occurs only three times, and since the Qal does carry the fo
rensic idea (Ps. 5i 6 ), this can hardly be considered a serious objection
to the reading proposed. ^Jx] Weights were commonly of stone, as
may be seen by an examination of the fine collection in the Haskell
Museum. rime] Very common in the Psalms, and Wisdom Literature;
but also in early books, cf. Am. 8 6 Ho. 12* Je. 5 27 . 13. ODtpn] In $L
both this and niDn are substs. and in relation of obj. to TpSnn; but in cor
rected text, they are supplementary infins. with verb, force. 14. "]r\w]
V derives from -j/ nna&gt;, as a noun formation with prefix &gt;. Old ety

mology was to connect it by metathesis with Ar. ^^^, be famished

(so e. g. Ges., Hi., Ew.); Hd. proposed -7 = the Syr., dysentery; but

* Ke., Casp.. t Ry. t Schegg. Hi., Reinke, van H..

6 i37

neither of these meanings combines well with the suffix, and the context
as reconstructed demands an entirely different sense. jprnj On juss.
in protasis, cf. Dr. " " obs -. Hiph. of JPD elsewhere is always used
of the displacement of a boundary; but Hiph. occurs in all only 7 times,
and in the Qal, Niph. and Hoph. no such restriction of its scope of ac
tivity appears. sSan . . . o^on] Hiph. only here and Is. 5"; used for
sake of variety; there is no necessity for correcting the text to produce
identity of form; the related vb. cSn likewise shares the meaning "de
liver" between Hiph. and Pi el. 15. -pon] Always of the anointing in
the toilet; with the ace. of material here and 2 S. 14* Dt. 28*. nti&gt;D is
used of both secular and religious anointing; cf. Am. 6 Je. 22" Lv. 7".
16. Tins^i] Masc. sg. of vb. with two subjects, nearer of which is in
fern, pi., K6.* ml - M ; but this, difficult as it is, is not in keeping with the
meaning of the Hithp. in Ps. i8 24 (= 2 S. 22"); nor can mpn be treated
as ace. after the Hithp.. The consecution of vb. forms in M of w. &gt; ir
abnormal, viz. simple impf., impf. with ], impf. with i. Impf. with i is
better at beginning of v. 18 since reference is to a definite fact of the past
and present. ]y^] On force of purpose clause, cf. Dt. 29" Ho. 8 4 Am.
2 7 , and K6.* 396e . n,me] Always in parall. with HDP. Cf. Wkl. A OF.
II, 74 jf. who connects it with the Assy. Sarrdku, to which he assigns the
value "desert," "wilderness " ; but see Muss-Arnolt, Diet. s. v., where the
meaning "thief" is clearly established for Sarrdku by the passages cited.

19. Israel s Lamentation Over the Faithlessness Among Her
People (y 1 - 6 ).

This section is a group of six four-line strs. which bewail the
general depravity in Israel. Str. I laments the state of general
weakness into which Israel has fallen. Str. II accounts for this
weakness by describing the wickedness universal in Israel. Str.
Ill exposes the covetousness and bribery prevalent among the
ruling classes. Str. IV declares their condition to be hopeless
and their day of punishment to be close at hand. Strs. V and VI
rise to a climax in the denunciation of sin, by showing that no man
dare trust even his most intimate friends and nearest relatives.

Y^OE is me! for I am become

Like the gatherings of summer fruit, like the gleanings of the vintage.

There is not a cluster to eat,

Not an early fig that my soul desires.
"THE pious has perished from the land,

And of the upright among men there is none.

All of them lie in wait for blood,

Each hunts his brother with a net.

138 MICAH

r J"O do evil they have made ready their hand?:

The prince demands a bribe,

And the great man expresses the desire of his soul;

He ... and they weave it.
yHE best of them are like a brier;

The most upright of them like a hedge.

The day of their visitation comes;

Now will be their havoc.
pUT no confidence in a friend;

Trust not an intimate;

From her that lies in thy bosom,

Guard the doors of thy mouth.
I? OR a son insults his father;

A daughter rises up against her mother;

The daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law;

A man s enemies are the men of his own house.

The measure of the poem is prevailingly trimeter, falling occasionally
to dimeter as in Str. IV, lines i and 2, and rising once to tetrameter, viz.
Str. II, line 4. The text of Str. Ill is badly preserved and has thus far
defied restoration. The strophic norm of the piece is already fixed by
vv. ! 2 which fall naturally into four lines each (cf. Siev., Du.); the same
metre fits well throughout, with the exception of Str. Ill, where the text
is beyond recovery.

The fact that the style changes in v. B from that of a lament to that of
an address is insufficient reason for separating vv. 5 - 6 as a parallel from
the original piece (vv. J - 4 ), with Marti (cf. Du., Hpt), or for eliminating
v. 6 and transposing v. 6 to follow v. 3 , with Siev. and Gu.. Change of
persons is a very common phenomenon in Hebrew discourse (cf. Ko.
Stilistik, 238 Jf.}, as is also the change from one style of address to an
other, e. g. from apostrophe or direct address to narrative (Ps. 34 4 - 8 45 12 - 14
Is. 24 16 f ). Looked upon as an announcement of coming disaster, the
piece, of course, finds its most natural conclusion in Str. IV. But dis
aster is only incidental in this prophecy. Its main burden is rather that
of grief for Israel s pitiable plight. Vv. 5 - 6 consequently form an emi
nently fitting conclusion. The picture of universal disloyalty, even in
the most sacred and intimate human relationships, is the true climax.
What can compare with this as a just cause for lamentation?

The time to which the prophecy belongs is difficult to discover. This
section is wholly independent logically of both the preceding and the fol
lowing. Yet it is generally conceded that 6 9 - 18 and 7 1 - 8 might easily have
come from the same time and the same pen. The same moral and re
ligious situation in general is reflected in both passages. The fact that the
judgment is looked upon as still to come (7*) is consistent with origin in
the time of Micah; but it is not inconsistent with postexilic origin (cf.
Zc. i3 7 ff - 14* f - Mai. 3 8 *). The charge against the ruling classes (v. )

7 1 " 8 *39

is likewise explicable upon either basis (cf. 3 Zc. u 1 Zp. 3 ). The
general condition of depravity pictured here, and especially the faithless
ness so widely prevalent are more easily accounted for in the postexilic
period than at any previous time (cf. Is. sg 1 - 8 56-57 2 Mai. 2" 4* Ps.
12, 14). But a fuller knowledge of the history of Israelitish life than is
now accessible to us might show other periods when such conditions
prevailed.

1. ^DNS] &lt;g ffwdywv; sol; hence Elh. iDp or "cosp; so Now.,
van H., Du., Hpt.. Siev. ^nooso, i. e. prtc. with old fern, ending; so Gu..
Hal. BDN3. nSSjD] Now. nSSjn. Hal. nS^ajso van H.. Elh.nSSy \Dpss.
Pont, nSVj;, droppings. Siev. ^riSSpD?, fern, prtc.; so Gu.. Hpt. ^fyp.
now] (g ofytoi = mis, or "MN. nni33] Gu. 3 r. ^DJ] Marti, e&gt;r&gt;j f
foil. &lt;S. Nine codd. of &lt;& have a double rendering, viz. i] ^vxti fu&gt;v ofyoi
^yjij. 2. 13 N] Aq., S 9 tK\t\ourev. erciS] & om. but substitutes
the cog. ace. after i3iN\ 131*0] (& diKd^ovrai = w\\ n] Gr. SN.
nw\| &lt;S tKO\lpov&lt;riv = nw\ cnn] C5 ^K^Xt/Sg, perhaps a free rendering. H
ad mortem. 1& & to destruction. Aq., S dj/a^/xari. Du.wnn. Perles, oan;
so Marti, Now. K (?), Gu.. 3. yin Sy] Rd., with Marti, ^nS; so Now. K ,
Siev., Gu., Du., Hpt.. H treats as in cstr. with DD, notwithstanding the
article, and makes the whole phrase the obj. ace. of ipt^n. D -DO] Rd.
on"??, with &lt;B B &; so Dathe, Bauer, Seb., We., Ru., Now., Oort Em -,
Marti, Siev., Gu., Hpt.. Hal. 0-gb. a^t9&lt;nS] Rd. o^n, with &lt;g ^rot-
fj.dov&lt;riv, B dicunt bonum; so Bauer, Taylor, We., Marti, Now. K ,
Siev., Gu., Hpt.. & 21 insert a negative before the inf. and treat inf. as
a prtc. or finite form. & has double rendering of rrt3&gt;n, viz. for evil they
make ready their hands, and they do not good. *?N^] adds, give.
3 Boom] Om., with Marti, as a gloss on -wi; so Now. K , Siev., Gu..
21 and the judge says. Now. adds tooir. Van H. om. i and makes V
obj. ace. of ^Nty. DiSeo] &lt;8 e^Tjj/i/toiJs X67oi&gt;$. Iff in reddendo est. S
^v dirairo56(m. & giVe a in ie. Snjn] &lt;S om. ns- ] &lt; t\d\r)&lt;rev. 2
XaXc?. mn] One cod. m; so Gr.. Marti, Now. K , mjn. Siev., Gu.
n n. Kin WBJ] Marti, escten; so Now. K . Siev., Gu. irpip BBt^p-i.
nin3yM] (81 Kal I^\OVIJMI. U conturbaverunt earn. & connects with
v. and renders, and /foy rc/cc/ their good = i3; m. S Kal /card rA$
5a&lt;rcts ^ Sacn/Ti/s a^roO. We. nini^i; so Gr., Marti, Now. K . Siev., Gu.
rv$\ Hal. inpnxy. Ro. -ina^Mj.soElh., Pont, van H.. Du. -ini^. Nin]
Hpt. vns\ 1 . D3Vi3] Ro. connects with v. 8 , foil. ^, and reads Down, using
the suffix of the preceding vb.; so Elh., Pont, van H., Hpt.. p"iro] &lt;g
w$ &lt;r^/s ticpdyuv = p^hp. Aq. ws /SoX/s IT ^Ma5* paliurus. & /i&e a
ra^. as from a thornbush. We. pinn. nc] Rd. on^;, with Jus.,
Houb., Dathe, Bauer, We., Gr. t Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Hal., Siev.,
Gu., Du.. &lt;8 Kal paSLfav. & which is torn in pieces. roiocc] Rd.
n&gt;iDD3; so Taylor, Pont, Gr., Now., Marti, Siev., Gu., Du.; 3 and D

140 MICAH

have been confused here as in i tz ; cf. U, 2, &lt;j. (& &rl Kttvbvos =
.TviipD3. S ws t tfj.&lt;f&gt;payfiov. & by the moth, a conjectural render
ing of a misunderstood text. U quasi spina de sepe. DV] (6 lv ijntpy.
Marti, Siev., Gu. om. as gloss. TBXD] Om. as gloss, with Marti,
Now. K , Siev., Gu.. &lt;B &lt;r/co?rta5. 7J speculations tuae. & thy watchmen.
Taylor, rrgxc. Ru. Dn&gt;g*p. Gr. rpgx. irnpu] Rd. ornpjs, with Marti,
Siev., Now. K , Gu., Du.. Ru. and Now. om. as gloss upon TDXD. &lt;g oval
ovaf, al ^K3i/ci}&lt;reis &lt;rou; hence Marti, Siev., Now. K , Du. and Gu. insert
^n before PD. oronn] (6 jcXaufyioJ ourwv, deriving from mi, weep; sim
ilarly &. H vastitas eorunt. Cod. 17 (Kenn.) anoiaD; so Ru.. Hal.
no-lap. 5. pSN . . . jn] 05 & pi.. &lt;S & render v. 6b very freely, e. g.
&lt;J5, from thy bedfellow, beware of entrusting anything to her 6. O^N]

Str. I introduces Zion bewailing in figurative speech the total
absence of righteousness and truth among her people. 1. Woe is
me! for I am become like the gatherings of the summer fruit, like
the gleanings of the vintage] Zion is the speaker; the language
is wholly inappropriate in the mouth of Yahweh; nor is it to be
easily attributed to the prophet himself. Zion is as when the fruit
harvest and the vintage are completely gathered. There is not a
duster to eat, not an early fig that my soul desires] It is unneces
sary to drop the suffix and render "that any one desires," with
Marti. The figure is perfectly intelligible as it stands in 4H. This
clause shows that Zion does not identify herself with or liken herself
to the bare vineyards and orchards, but rather to one appearing
upon the scene seeking fruit after it is all gone. This pregnant use
of the particle of comparison is common in Hebrew, e. g. Ps. i8 43
Jb. 3 8 30 Gn. 34 31 .

Str. II expresses the same thought as Str. I, but in plain, un
mistakable terms. "There is none that doeth good, no not one."
2. The pious has perished from the land, and of the upright among
men there is none] Cf. Ps. i2 2 Is. 57 1 . The term "pious" does
not appear prior to the time of Jeremiah and Deuteronomy; it
occurs chiefly in Psalms. It emphasises the practical side of re
ligion as it finds expression in kindness and loyalty toward men.
The "pious" and "upright" are the grapes and figs of Str. I. The
term "land" applies to Israel only, not to the world at large; and
the comprehensive term "man" includes only such representa-

7 1 - 8 i4i

tives of the race as are to be found in Israel. The prophet has no
concern here with the world in general and passes no judgment
upon it. Israel absorbs all his interest. All of them lie in wait for
blood] Cf. Ho. 6 8 - 9 . The figure of the hunter and his prey is
here applied to the devices whereby one Israelite takes advantage
of another for his own profit. Each hunts his brother with a net]
Cf. Hb. i 15 f - EC. 7 26 . The hunter s net rather than the fisher
man s is probably meant here. The greed of the people stops
short at nothing; fraternal obligations are ignored and violated
in the mad rush for gain.

Str. Ill specifies distinctly the kind of crimes the prevalence of
which Zion is bewailing, viz. bribery of the courts of justice and
consequent perversion of law and justice. 3. To do evil they
have made ready their hands] fJl is untranslatable. It has been
rendered: "besides doing evil thoroughly with their hands";*
"on account of the misdeed of the hands to make it good the
prince, etc." ;f "their hands go out to evil, to do it earnestly ";J
"they reach out both hands after evil to make it good"; "their
hands are upon that which is evil to do it diligently."** But the
grammatical difficulties are insuperable. The thought of the text
as emended is that of Je. 4** 13*. It is the deliberate purpose of
the accused to do evil; they have trained and equipped themselves
to that end. The prince demands a bribe] i. e. in his capacity as
judge; cf. 2 S. 15* ff - i K. 3 16 ff&gt; . Bribery is still the outstanding vice
of oriental governments. 4ft inserts and the judge after "the prince,"
a gloss indicating the prince s judicial function. An interesting at
tempt to interpret M is that of Prof. Morris Jastrow,ff who would
assign to the participle btfW the meaning "priest," i. e. one who
seeks oracles, and would treat D"6ttO as a corruption of some verb,
so getting the rendering, "the prince, the priest and the judge. . . ."
But ingenious as this is, it fails because such a use of this parti
ciple in Hebrew cannot be established, and because the parallel
^VTJn with its participle *mn demands a similar construction
here. And the great man expresses the desire of his soul] The rich
and powerful make known their wishes, and these are carried into

* Rosenm.. t Ew.. J Or..

i Urn.; similarly Casp., Ke.. ** RV tt JBL. XIX, 95 /..

142 MICAH

effect by the courts, whose judgments are for sale to the highest
bidder. The word "desire" is always used of evil wishes. It is
possible that "the great man " is an official and that the meaning of
the phrase is, "the great man decides according to his own wicked
desires." The pronoun Kin must be taken with this line if m is
correct; the rendering then would be, "and as for the great man, he
expresses the desire of his soul," the pronoun being emphatic; but
the length of the line thereby produced and the unnecessary em
phasis are against m s arrangement. The pronoun has been taken
as intensifying the suffix, viz. "desire of his own soul"; but this is
un-Hebraic. It seems best to regard Kin as a fragment of the first
part of the following line which has been lost or corrupted beyond
recognition. He . . . and they weave it] This line is partly
missing, and what remains is obscure. The verb occurs only here,
and its meaning must be conjectured from the substantives "leafy"
and "cord," formed from the same root, and from the context here,
The emendation "pervert" (v. s.) is attractive, but in so uncertain
a context no certainty as to details is possible. The suffix ap
parently refers to the wicked desire of the great, while the subject
must be the combined classes represented by "the prince" and
"the great man," who together overcome all opposition and cir
cumvent the righteous poor.

Str. IV in its first half summarises the denunciation up to the
present point, and in its second half threatens the wicked oppres
sors with punishment. 4. The best of them are like a brier] Cf.
2 S. 23 6 - 7 . The comparison is probably double-edged, having
reference to the roughness and sharpness of briers and also to their
susceptibility to quick combustion; cf. Ex. 22 Is. g 18 io 17 . The
most upright of them like a hedge] For text, v. s.. 4E = "more
just than a hedge," which is nonsense. RV. "the most upright
is worse than a thorn-hedge" cannot possibly be derived from iH;
while RVm., "the straightest is as it were taken from a thorn-
hedge" is no better. Whether the hedge is mentioned as suggest
ing an obstruction or injurious roughness cannot be determined;
cf. Pr. 1 5 19 . The day of their visitation comes, now will be their
havoc] The day of Yahweh is here before the prophet s mind, that
great day of judgment that engaged the attention of the prophets

7" 143

from first to last; cf. Is. 22*. Hence a gloss makes fH read, the
day of thy "watchmen (i. e. thy prophets), thy visitation comes] which
is poor Hebrew. The suffix must agree with those of the preced
ing and following lines.

Str. V abandons the form of the lament wholly and passes over
into direct address, cautioning each Israelite to beware of treachery,
even in the heart of his most dearly beloved. 5. Put no confidence
in a friend; trust not an intimate] From the friend in general (JTl)
to the bosom friend (5)^K), the prophet proceeds in ascending
scale; none is worthy of confidence, not even a man s wife. From
her that lies in thy bosom guard the doors of thy mouth] There is
no hint here of any intention to cast a slur upon womankind in gen
eral as unable to keep a secret; it is simply the crowning proof of
the universal faithlessness. Roorda s view that v. 5 depicts not exist
ing conditions, but those that shall supervene in the "day of their
visitation," is wholly without foundation; cf. v. 2d .

Having uttered the warning in Str. V the prophet proceeds in
Str. VI to state the facts which warrant his advice. 6. For son
insults father] A heinous offence in Semitic eyes; cf. Code of
Hammurabi, 186, 192, 195; Ex. 2o 12 2i 15 - 17 Dt. 2i 18ff - Lv. 20*
Pr. 2O 20 . Daughter rises up against her mother] The submissive-
ness of the daughter to her parents is well illustrated by the mar
riage customs in accordance with which the daughter s hand was
absolutely at the disposal of her father; cf. Gn. 3i 15 . Her sub
jection was more complete than that of the son ; consequently her
insubordination would be correspondingly more shocking. The
daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law] The ideal relationship
between mother-in-law and son s wife is revealed to us by the
story of Ruth and Naomi. The mother was granted absolute
authority over her son s wL r e. A man s enemies are the men of
his own house] Not merely his servants or slaves; but also, and
chiefly, his nearest relatives, the members of his own family.
With vv. 5 - 6 , cf. Ovid, Metamorph. I, 144 /..

1. ^SK] Again in Jb. io 15 ; both times expressive of grief; cf. Assy.
alia; K6. n -p- 38 . CON] On d., cf. Sta. * *&gt;. VN J&gt;N] Circum
stantial clause, with the force of the negative continuing in foil, clause.
Inf. with S has force of a gerundive; cf. Ko. *. j nrw] Rel.

144 MICAH

clause with rel. particle omitted; Ges. Stl " n . 2. cnn] Ace. of instrument
Ges. ^ 117 ff - K6. & 332 "; this is the sole example of this construction, but
analogous usage is found in Ju. ig 5 Ps. 5 13 51". 3. Di^aa] Ace. to JH
this is dependent upon SNC&gt;, which is to be understood with tootyn; but
3 SSB always applies to the consulting of deity through oracles, which
is unsuitable here, i is probably due to the editor who inserted Bfltpn
and was intended by him as 3 of price. *nn K&gt;DJ] Treated by Ges.
us f . KO. ^ i as a pron. strengthening the sf.; but such prons. are usually
introduced by DJ&gt; (cf. i K. 2i 19 ); cf., however, Zc. 7 6 Dt. 5*. 4. HNJ]
Agreeing with the nearer noun, rather than with DV, the real subj..
6. n P23B ] Genitive, instead of ace. of place, or prep. 3, seems to im
ply a closer relationship; cf. K6. ^ 338p . Tine] The pi. by metonymy,
instrument for product; cf. Ko. * 26 .

20. The Discomfiture cf the Foe (y 7 10 ).

In four strs. of four lines each, the prophet expresses his con
viction that Yahweh will vindicate his people by overthrowing
their enemies. The poem sounds somewhat like an imprecatory
psalm. Str. I warns the enemy not to rejoice too prematurely,
for Israel s distress is only temporary. Str. II expresses the res
olution to bear Yahweh s chastisement uncomplainingly, since it
is due to sin and will end in Israel s vindication. Str. Ill declares
that the tables are to be turned upon Israel s enemies; those who
have reviled her will themselves be put to shame. Str. IV an
nounces a time when those who scoffed at Israel s God because of
Israel s calamities will in their turn be ground down by oppression.

J^EJOICE not, O mine enemy, over me!

Though I am fallen, I shall arise.

Though I sit in darkness,

Yahweh will be my light.
HTHE anger of Yahweh I must bear

For I have sinned against him

Until he shall take up my cause,

And execute my right.
T-TE will bring me forth to the light;

I shall gaze upon his righteousness.

And mine enemy will see,

And shame will cover her;
gHE that said unto me,

Where is Yahweh, thy God?

Mine eyes will gaze upon her;

Now will she be for trampling.

- 1

There are traces of the qina rhythm in this poem; but the interchange
of trimeter and dimeter is too irregular to permit us to classify the poem
as elegiac. This may be seen from Siev. s attempt (cf. also Du.) at such
an arrangement which involves three changes for metrical reasons only
as well as the omission of the first two lines of Str. Ill as a gloss in
tetrameter. The parall. is beautifully regular and the logic unfailingly
indicates the strophic divisions.

The general period to which the poem belongs is manifest. Israel
is no longer awaiting punishment as in 7 1 - 8 , but is already enduring it,
and is hoping for deliverance. This points naturally to exilic or post-
exilic conditions. There is the same acknowledgment of the justice
of the punishment as in Is. 40-55, and the same conviction that de
liverance will come. But the attitude toward the heathen foe is not
that of the Servant passages toward the world in behalf of which Israel
suffers, but rather that of the later prophets who had become bitter
against their oppressors; cf. Is. 63 ff - Zc. i4 I2ff - Ob. 15 f -. No satis
factory connection can be found for v. 7 either with the preceding sec
tion or with this. It seems to be a misplaced fragment.

7. ^NI] Siev. om.. nS"nix] VHS, deriving it from Sin. iyv&lt;] &lt;g
T(p ffwrripL fjav; so & U. Siev. supposes the omission of a trimeter line
from M at this point. 8. ^S] Siev. tr. to precede TU- N; cf. (&. S TIN]
d&gt; (fxane i not; SO0QJ&; several mss. &lt;/&gt;tDs /JLOI. 9. *VPN TJ?] Du. T\y.
HNIN] SomeHeb. mss. nsnNi; so&. 10. VN] We. HN; so Now., Oort Em -,
Siev.. mrn] & om.. nnj;] Oort Em - r;;.. Siev. -o.

Str. I serves warning upon Israel s foes that her present mis
fortunes will soon give place to honour and glory from Yahweh,
her God. 7. But I will watch expectantly for Yahweh, I will hope
for the God of my deliverance; my God will help me] The original
connection of this verse with another context is shown by the man
ner in which it evidently contrasts "I" with something that has
gone before, though there is no fitting contrast in the present con
text.* The presence of this fragment here may be due to an
effort to establish some connection between w. 6 and 8 . The
speaker here is apparently not an individual, but the oppressed
community, which gives expression to its unquenchable faith in
Yahweh as the source of ultimate deliverance. For similar phra
seology, cf. Ps. 5 4 i8 47 25* 38 16 43 5 Hb. 3 18 . The original poem
begins with v. 8 . 8. Rejoice not, O mine enemy, over me I] "En
emy" is collective here, including all of Israel s foes; cf. Ob. 12ff

* C}. Du. Who attaches v. 7 to vv. * .

146 MICAH

Ps. 25 2 35 19 . Though I am fallen, I shall arise] Faith under diffi
culties, the certainty of final vindication, was characteristic of all
the exilic and postexilic prophets; cf. Is. 60 1 ff - Ez. 37-39 Zc. 14.
Darkness . . . light] A common figure for calamity and pros
perity; cf. Am. 5 18 Is. 62 lff - 9 lff - s8 10 59 Jb. 3 o 26 .

In Str. II the speaker declares himself ready to bear patiently
the well-merited punishment of Yahweh until such time as Yah-
weh may choose to release him. 9. The anger of Yahweh I must
bear} This is in accord with all Semitic thought which always
explained disaster as due to divine wrath.* From the time
of Josiah s untimely death on, the consciousness of being under
the wrath of Yahweh was a heavy burden upon Israel; cf. 2 K.
23 28 f - 24 20 Is. 42 24 f -. For I have sinned against him] A par
enthetical statement of the occasion of the divine anger. Sin
and punishment are indissolubly united in Hebrew and Semitic
thought. There is in this ascription of the disasters of Israel
to Yahweh s anger because of her sin a direct rebuke of the foes
who have failed to realise in their unholy glee that they are but in
struments in the hand of a just God. Until he shall take up my
cause and execute my right] There is a limit to Yahweh s wrath;
cf. Ps. io3 9 . Though he is now angry at Israel, yet when his
punitive purpose is accomplished he will take his place as Israel s
avenger over against her foes. As compared with them, Israel is
righteous; Yahweh therefore will not allow them to push her to
destruction; cf. Zc. i 15 f -.

Str. Ill contrasts the fact of Israel s vindication with its neces
sary corollary, the public humiliation of her foes. 9e, f. He will
bring me forth to the light ; I shall gaze upon his righteousness] The
"righteousness" of Yahweh, as in Is. 40-55, is here identical with
the vindication of Israel. Israel being more nearly in accordance
with the divine will than the nations are who triumph over her, it
is required of the iustice of Yahweh that he deliver his people and
punish their oppressors who have exceeded their commission of
chastisement upon Israel. The destruction of Israel by the heathen
nations would be wholly inconsistent with the character of the
God of justice. His righteousness demands Israel s triumph over

*Cf. Mesa-Inscription, \. 5; the Stele oj Nabonidus, 1. i if.

7 M 147

her foes. lOa, b. And mine enemy will see, and shame will cover
her] Israel s vindication would be incomplete apart from the dis
grace of her enemies. The latter is involved in the former. But
to say with Caspari that Israel s joy is a holy exultation over the
overthrow of the enemies of God does not tell the whole story.
Such an element is undoubtedly present, but there is coupled with
it the element of revenge for wanton and gross insults long en
dured; cf. Na. 3 Ps. 109 and Ob..

Str. IV announces the complete and final overthrow of the ene
mies of Israel and Yahweh. lOc-f. Where is Yahweh, thy God?]
A proverbial expression indicative of the powerlessness of Yahweh;
cf. 2 K. iS 34 Jo. 2 17 Ps. 79 10 ii5 2 . Among peoples entertaining a
limited conception of deity as the champion of a particular nation,
the continuous disaster of a nation must always be interpreted as
due to the weakness of its patron deity. Mine eyes will gaze upon
her] She who doubted Yahweh s power, if not his very existence,
will now feel that power in her own person. The "gaze" is
one of gloating hatred; cf. Ob. 12 - u Ez. 28" Ps. 22 18 . Now will
she be for trampling] A final note of triumph over the prostrate
foe. Like the mire of the streets] An editorial expansion, as is
shown by the metre;* for similar additions, cf. i 4 .

8. ^n^&gt;N] Fern, as collective, Ges.* 122S . 9. *]??] Of anger of \ only
here and Is. 3o 30 ; a stronger term than the more common IN ,D&gt;N and
rm?. &gt;BDtPD r\vy] i. e. do me justice, give judgment in my favour ; cf. Ps.
9 6 . 10. N^nVj An abnormal form and accentuation, but found also
in Zc. 9* and Gn. 4i M (in some mss.). According to Ges. $"? due to
desire to avoid hiatus before foil. N; but perhaps better treated as re
flecting Aramaic usage, Ges. * " ". On the force of the tense, cf. Ko.
Saw f. % rN ] Correction to .~PN is unnecessary in view of 2 K. 19" Is.
19" Je. 37"; the sf. vividly anticipates the subj.; cf. K5.* Mo1 . rwjpn]
D. f. affectuosum, as in njjjjn, Ju. 5"; Ges. % w . There is no room here
for a sf..

* So Marti, Now. K , Siev., Hpt.. But cf. Du., who retains it and drops " mine eyes will gaze
upon her."

148 MICAH

21. The Restoration of Jerusalem and the Return of
Exiles (y 11 - 13 ).

A single eight-line str. tells of the time when the city s walls will
be rebuilt, her borders extended and her citizens brought back from
every quarter of the earth; while the heathen world will receive
drastic punishment for the sin of its inhabitants.

A DAY will there be for rebuilding thy walls.
On that day the border will be distant.
A day will there be when unto thee will they come,
From Assyria even unto Egypt,
And from Egypt even to the river,
And from sea to sea and from mountain to mountain.
But the earth will become a desolation,
On account of its inhabitants, because of the fruit of their deeds.

Tetrameter rhythm prevails in this oracle as it is found in iH; but
the text is doubtful at several points. The connection within the str.
is very close, except between w. 12 and 13 , where contrast must be under
stood to make any connection possible. But since good connection may
be secured in this way, it seems unnecessary to separate v. ", either in
order to connect it with v. I8 (Marti) or with v. (Siev.). There is not
the slightest link of connection between this passage and its context on
either side. The proposition of Marti (so also Now. K ) to secure connec
tion with vv. 7 - 10 by changing the sf. of the 2d pers. here to that of the ist
pers. does not commend itself, for such promises for the future are ordi
narily spoken to the community or concerning it by a prophet and do not
emanate from the community itself. Van H. s proposal to place w.
iib-is immediately after v. 6 , involves an impossible exegesis of v. ". The
passage is, therefore, a fragment lacking close relationship to the other
fragments of which chs. 6 and 7 are composed (so also Du.).

The time of the writing of this piece is clearly revealed as falling
within certain limits. The terminus a quo for its origin is necessarily
the fall or Jerusalem in 586 B.C., at which time the walls of the city were
razed (2 K. 2 5 10 ) ; the terminus ad quern is evidently the year of the rebuild
ing of the walls under Nehemiah. The prophet apparently looks for
ward to the rebuilding as close at hand; hence we might place the proph
ecy shortly before that task was actually begun. But it is impossible
to say how many times prophetic hopes of this character may have been
kindled only to meet with disappointment. It is unsafe, therefore,
to specify any time within the first century and a half after the fall of
Jerusalem for the utterance of this prophecy.

7" 149

11. DV] Add KIM, with Marti and Now. K ,as copula; cf. \. ". Che. CB ,
Kinn ova. nuaVj &lt;& dXoi^iJs ir\lvdov = nuaS. Siev. mjan. imj] (
^dXei^/s &lt;rou. Marti, n-n; so Now. K , Siev.. Hal. TT?.?- Kinn DV]
Siev. om.. pn prw] &lt;& /caZ diroTptyerai v6/j.i/Mi &lt;rov. & that thou be taken
away, omitting pn. U longe fiet lex. Aq. /j.aKpvv8^ffTai ij &Kpi&lt;rla. S
/taffpAv eo-Tcu 17 tTriTay/i. Gr. prn pn-v. Oort Em - Tpprrv. Marti, "V
^n; so Now. K , Siev.. Hpt. ipn aip\ Du. n t\nv. 12. qnjnj Rd. ^HJN,
in agreement with v. n ; so Now., Hpt.. (& Kal al ?r6Xets &lt;rov = ^njn. ^
/Ay //me. Marti, &gt;-yv, so Now. K , Siev.. Nia&gt;] Rd. -INO;, with 05, We.,
Taylor, Gr., Now., Marti, Siev., Hpt.. -on 1 ?] (& ef$ 6/xaXK7/i6v xai eZs
Sianepiffrfv. n; i] Rd. ^Jji, with Aq. 6 Ew., Hi., Mau., Ro., Now., Elh.,
We., Gu., GASm., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., van H., Du., Hpt.. Taylor,
^;i. Gr. -ri. -MXD] (& & H 21 take as common noun. IIXD ^jcSi] (&
els SiaiMpiffijbv 6.iri&gt; Ti/pou =Ti*p ijnS; so g. DM] Elh. nn^i. -&gt;ni] &
= nni; c/. Nu. 20". Elh. mm. nnn] Rd. nnp, with &lt;& B, Taylor,
Elh., We., GASm., Now., Marti, Hal., van H., Du., Hpt..

This short poem is full of movement, the rebuilding of walls,
the exiles returning in great numbers from every quarter, and over
against this scene of joyous activity the desolation of destruction
upon the pagan world. 11. A day will there be for rebuilding thy
walls] The city of Jerusalem is addressed. The language of the str.
as a whole shows that the literal rebuilding of the city s walls is meant,
rather than any such general idea as the restoration of the fortunes
of Israel. On that day will the boundary be far distant] i. e. Is
rael s territory will be very extensive. For prn as applied to the
extension of boundaries, cf. Is. 26 15 . The boundary referred to
may be either that of the city or that of the land; cf. Zc. 2 4 . The
text here is somewhat suspicious; pn without the article or other
token of definiteness is unusual, and the repetition of DT* and D*P
NIP! in the first three lines is suggestive of dittography. Some would
drop ftn as a dittograph from the verb; but the resulting sentence,
"that day is far distant," is wholly out of harmony with the opti
mism of the passage. Other interpretations of this phrase are:
"that day distant is the date (pn)";* "the decree shall be ex
tended," i. e. to include not only Babylon but all the countries
around Judea and to provide for great numbers becoming prose
lytes to Judaism ;f the limit separating Israel from the nations will
be set aside and all the nations will come flocking to the people of

* Ew., Urn.. t Hi.

150 MIC AH

God;* the Mosaic law will be surperseded ;f pn = the principles of
the heathen after the captivity idolatry will be abolished;! pn =
law and order in the time foretold in w. 1 " 8 , with which w. llb ~ 13
should be connected, all restraint will be cast off and anarchy will
prevail. But these are all open to serious objection and are now
generally abandoned in favour of the view adopted here. 12. A
day will there be when unto thee will they come from Assyria even
unto Egypt] Not a prediction of foreign invasion,** nor a promise
of the conversion of the nations ;ff but an assurance of the return
of the Jewish exiles. The language of the verse presupposes the
wide extent of the diaspora; the exiles are sojourners among all
peoples. Assyria and Egypt are the extremities of the prophet s
world on the east and west. And from Egypt even unto the river]
The river in question is the Euphrates; hence this clause is prac
tically identical with the preceding. And from sea to sea, and from
mountain to mountain] The order of words is unusual in 4H and
the text of the last word unintelligible in this context; v. s.. No
particular sea is alluded to; the expression is rather general and
indefinite, and so intended to convey the impression of vastness
of expanse. The interpretation of Hitzig and Orelli, which identi
fies the seas as the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea, and the
mountains as a northern Hor (Nu. 34*) and a southern Hor (Nu.
20 23 ), makes Canaan the whole of the territory covered by the de
scription of v. Mc&gt; d ; but this is an anti-climax after v. 12b . For
similar descriptions of a world-wide restoration from exile, cf.
Ez. 34 13 Zc. io 8ff - Is. 2 y 12 Ps. ioy 2 f . 13. But the earth will be
come a desolation] In its present context, the land thus threatened
cannot be Canaan; but must be the heathen world in general, the
land of Israel s foes; cf. Je. 49 13 - 17 so 23 Zp. 2 13 - 15 Jo. 3 19 . Because
of its inhabitants, on account of the fruit of their deeds] That the
land should suffer because of the sins of its occupants is a common
thought in the Scriptures; cf. 2 S. 2i lff - Is. 24 5 Lv. iS 25 Rom. S 22 .
The final phrase more specifically defines the occasion of the land s
devastation; for other examples of the phrase, v. Is. 3 Je. i; 10 2i 14
3 2 19 ; cf. Je. 6 19 .

* Ke.. f KL. t Baur, Hal..

S Van H.. ** Van H.. ft Cal., Rosenm., Hesselbcrg, Mau., KL.

7 14 J 5i

11. nuaS ov] For nja = rebuild, cf. Ez. 36 10 - . The lack of cop
ula would make it necessary to draw Ninn DV to this clause as its
predicate (so Now.); but this violates the metrical norm; it is better to
insert ton. aonn DV] An ace. of time when. For lack of art. with
DV, cf. GesJ 126w . 12. *on DV] Lack of art. explained by Ges. *
as due to corrupt text; by K6. ^ 334 as due to prominent character
of DV. But it is much better taken with DV as subj. of sentence
and Kin as copula (contra Hpt.). T" 1 ? 1 ] "and unto thee," i. e. "when
unto thee"; cf. H. 44, 3. -USD] Elsw. only Is. 19" 2 K. 19* (= Is.
37 25 ). Perhaps intended to suggest by its pointing the common noun,
siege. Wkl. Unt -, 170, proposes to point "ore or "rt*i?, which he would
connect with Mi-is-sa-ri of the Tel-el-Amarna letters; v. Letter of
Ashur-uballit, 1. 2, and that of Tar-hundaraS of Arsapi, \. i. inj] Ab
sence of art. = poetic usage, Ko. * 295 . For similar refs. to the Euphrates,
cf. Zc. 9 Ps. 728 i K. 4"- * i4 15 2 S. io&gt; Gn. is 1 * Dt. i 7 . 13. p-ian]
As denoting all non-Israelitish territory, cf. the corresponding use of D IK
in contrast with SNT^ in Je. 322, cited by Stei. and Now..

22. A Prayer for Yahweh s Intervention (y 14 20 ).

Three strs. of four lines each, in qina rhythm, call for Yahweh s
manifestation as the deliverer of his people and base the appeal for
deliverance upon his mercy. Str. I is a prayer to Yahweh for the
resumption of his former attitude of favour toward his people.
Str. II prays for the utter humiliation of the heathen nations and
their complete subjection to Yahweh. Str. Ill recalls the well-
known character of Yahweh and reminds him of his oath to the
patriarchs concerning the glory of Israel.

gHEPHERD thy people with thy staff, the flock of thine inheritance,

That dwells alone in a jungle, in the midst of a garden.

May they feed in Bashan and Gilead, as in the days of old.

As in the days of thy coming forth from Egypt, show us wonderful things.
]VJAY the nations see and be ashamed of all their might.

May they lay hand upon mouth, and may their ears be deaf.

May they lick dust like the serpent, like crawlers of the earth.

May they come trembling from their dens, may they quake and fear on account

of thee.
YXfHO is a god like unto thee, forgiving iniquity and passing by transgression?

And thou wilt cast into the depths of the sea all our sins.

Thou wilt show faithfulness to Jacob and kindness to Abraham,

As thou hast sworn to our fathers from days of yore.

The qina rhythm is clearly marked in this poem. Only three lines
need pruning to bring them within the limits of the metre (v. .), and the

152 MICAH

gloss-like character of these additions is very apparent. The three strs.
are sharply differentiated one from another, the first dealing with Israel,
the second with the nations, and the third with God. Siev. sets Str.
Ill apart as an independent poem, but the identity of form and the
good logical connection seem to require its junction with w. u - 17 . Sta.
(ZAW. XXIII, 164 /.), followed by Now. and Marti, has recognised
that vv. 18b - 19 interrupt the close connection between w. 18a and 19b
(v. *.) . But these fragments have no real connection with v. 13 , where they
are attached by Sta. and Marti. To put them there involves the appli
cation of v. 13 to the land of Israel, and a contrast between the condition
portrayed in vv. "- 12 and that actually existing as described in v. 1S ,
which is hardly conceivable in the absence of any particle indicating
the changed time relations. They are better treated as a variant or
parallel to vv. 18a - 19b .

The general tone of this passage marks it as belonging to the later
days. Israel is in distress; the land is only partly in its possession; the
people have suffered many things at the hands of their enemies, upon
whom they call down vengeance. The attitude of the author is quite
similar to that revealed in vv. 8 - 10 , and the two passages might well come
from the same period, if not from the same pen. The return from exile
seems to lie in the past; the people are dwelling in Canaan, but their
territory is of narrow limits. The days when Bashan and Gilead were
occupied (eighth century B.C.) are "days of old." This indicates a time
after the return movement under Ezra and Nehemiah and the accom
panying development of particularism. Many terms common in the
later Psalms occur in these few verses (v. i.}.

14. WV] &lt;& H 01 pi. = \Dir; so Ro., Sta. (ZAW. XXIII, 169),
Elh., Now., Marti, Siev., van H., Hpt.. -&gt;r] & = sheep. Hal. &gt;.y.. Gr.
*n&gt; 3. Van H. "ijr 1 , may it be established. 15. IDNX] & 21, sf. in 3d
pi.. onxo jnNs] Rd. onxnc, omitting V~\N with 05; so Marti, Siev., Du.;
the metre supports this. UJON] Rd. -UN^n; so We., Taylor, Elh.,
Pont, Gr., GASm., Now., Che., Oort Em -, Marti, Hal., Siev., van H.,
Du., Hpt.. (& 6\f/(T0. & 21 sf. of 3d pers. pi.. Some codd. of &lt;& 5e/o&gt;
Ro. MNin; so Gu.. 16. Snr] &lt;g = Ssci. T] &lt; g&gt; 21 pi..
21 &lt;S&gt; A and 3 Heb. mss. rNi; so Taylor, Pont. 17. pmr]
&lt;g B pi., but (&^ sg.. Sma] 06 om. 3. ommjDDi:] &lt; 31 = oca; &lt;&
also has noun in sg.. & from their paths. nno&gt; imSs mrp-SN] Om.
ipnSN ^x, with Marti, Now. K , Siev., as a gloss; this is shown by
the use of 3d pers. as compared with ripe, and by the metre. It is not
improbable that the entire phrase including nno 11 is an editorial citation
from Ho. 3 5 . This would leave a smoother text and an easier metre
(cf. Siev.). UOM] Siev. om. mtr. cs.. IDE] &om.. 18. TDD] Siev. adds
mrp, mtr. cs.. ; B&gt;D . . . fi&gt; ] (821 pi.. Siev. adds i?" after r", mtr. cs..
in^nj r.nN&gt;S] Om. as gloss, with Now., Marti, Du.. Siev. and Gu.

7" iS3

nNarrSp, and omit remainder of verse as gloss. pvnn] 9 2d pers. sg.
lyS] &lt; fk fjuipTtipiov = njjS. von] & has 2d pers. sg. of vb.. 19. Siev.
and Gu. insert nn at opening of verse, and change all vbs. to ad
pers. sg.. na^] & and he will gather together. i^m] fc Of JT 3d
pers. sg. active. &lt;B Kal airopi^a-ovrai; but in some codd. of (&, as in
M. Ro. om. i; so Marti. ansan] Rd. ij HNisn, with &lt;B B; so Ro.,
Elh., Pont, We., Gr., Gu., Now., Oort Em -, Marti, Hal., Siev., van H.,
Du.. 20. pn] &lt;& 56&lt;rei. H dabis, so some codd. of &lt;8. Siev. fnni.
IB&gt;N] Gu. "v^Nj. "D c] ( icord T&S Tjufyas ws, confusing 3 and a as
in i 2 .

Str, I is a prayer for Yahweh s favour upon Israel in the restora
tion to her of the territory once occupied by her. 14. Shepherd
thy people with thy staff, the flock of thine inheritance] Yahweh is
addressed as the shepherd of Israel; cf. Ps. 23 28 8o 2 Gn. 4p 24 .
On "flock of thine inheritance," cf. Is. 63" Je. io 16 Ps. 74 2 95 ioo 3 .
Israel is frequently designated as Yahweh s "inheritance," i. e. as
his possession, in Deuteronomy and subsequent writings; cf. Dt.
4 20 9 26 - 29 32. Dwelling alone in a jungle in the midst of a garden]
This is not a prayer that Israel may be kept apart from the pagan
nations,* but a statement of fact (as is shown by the participle)
which serves as the occasion for the request of the previous line.
Nor is it a description of Yahweh as having his home in a forest-
shrine on Carmel, the sacred mountain. f It rather represents
Israel as occupying the hill-tops of Judah, while access to the
surrounding fertile plains is denied them, because the latter are
in possession of powerful enemies. The sense is not materially
changed if we translate, "dwelling alone, (like) a jungle in the midst
of a garden"; but this division of the line is against the metre of
the qina. The "jungle" (GASm.) is here used as a symbol of
barrenness and desolation, as in 3 12 Ho. 2 14 Is. 2i 13 , and in Is. 29"
32 15 , where it is contrasted with "garden" as here; cf. 2 K. ig.
A reference to Israel as dwelling in the midst of Mt. Carmel would
be unintelligible here. May they feed in Bashan and Gilead, as in
days of old] The reference to these regions is not necessarily in
dicative of the recent loss of this territory, and so proof of the
origin of this prophecy before the fall of Samaria.f The phrase
"days of old" renders this out of the question. The prophet liv-

* Contra Sta. ZAW. XXIII, 169. t So Hi.. t So van H^

154 MIC AH

ing at a late day prays for the restoration of former glory, with re
united Israel once more occupying all of its long-lost territory, even
that to the east of the Jordan. 15. As in the days of thy going
forth from Egypt, show us wonders] iH "I will show him" is
impossible in this connection. The prophet longs for a miracu
lous intervention ; nothing else can give Israel the honour due her
as Yahweh s people. The exodus of Israel is designated as a
going forth of Yahweh, just as in Ju. 5"*; cf. 2 S. 5 24 Ps. 6o 10 .

Str. II indicates the character of the wonders which Israel
desires Yahweh to perform, viz. the complete humiliation and
demoralisation of the enemies. 16. May the nations see, and be
ashamed of all their might} i. e. because their vaunted strength will
seem so puny in comparison with the mighty deeds of Yahweh.
May they lay hand upon mouth] i. e. keep silent in astonishment
and terror; cf. Ju. i8 19 Jb. 2i 5 29 4o 4 Pr. 30 32 Is. 52 15 . And may
their ears be deaf] Deprived of both speech and hearing by the
"thunder of his power" (Jb. 26 14 ). 17. May they lick dust like
the serpent, like crawlers of the earth] i. e. prostrate themselves to
the earth before Yahweh in reverence. Cf. Gn. 3" Ps. 72 Is.
49 23 . May they come trembling from their dens] into which, they
have fled terror-stricken. Cf. Ps. i8 45 . Unto Yahweh our God
may they come quaking] The phrase "unto Yahweh our God"
belongs with this verb rather than with the preceding, as appears
from the idiom ^ IPS which occurs also in Ho. 3 5 ; this is recog
nised in HI by the position of the verse accents. And may they fear
on account of thee] A fitting state of mind for those who have long
jeered at Yahweh and oppressed his people; cf. Ps. 33 8 6y 8 IO2 18 .

Str. Ill closes the prophecy and the book with a tender appeal
to Yahweh as the God of mercy and pardon that he will be gra
cious toward Israel in accordance with his ancient Covenant.
18a. Who is a god like unto thee] A common thought in Psalms,
e. g. Ex. 15" Ps. 7i 19 y; 14 86 8 89*- 9 p6 4 97. Elsewhere, the point
of the comparison is always the power of Yahweh; here only is
it found in his quality of mercy. But Yahweh s power is the theme
of w. 15 ~ 17 and thus constitutes the background of the thought
here.* Forgiving iniquity and passing by transgression] Also

* So Sta. ZAW. XXIII, 171.

7" iss

a common thought in the Psalter, e. g. 86 5&gt; 15 gg 8 103 - 1S i3o 4 .
To the remnant of his inheritance] A gloss specifying and lim
iting the application of Yahweh s forgiving spirit to Israel, his
chosen people. The inference to be drawn from this phase of
Yahweh s character is plainly stated in the following comments at
tached by some editor. 18b. He will not retain his anger for ever,
for he delights in kindness} The change from the qma measure
to simple trimeter and from the 2d person in address to Yahweh
to the 3d person show the secondary character of this material.
Similar phrases are frequent in the Psalter, e. g. 25* 30 32 33 5
34 9 S7 4 u - 19a. He will again show us mercy] Israel s past
experience of Yahweh s grace warrants this conviction as to his
purpose for the future. He will tread down our iniquities] The
sins of Israel are poetically pictured as enemies of Yahweh whom
he will subdue and render powerless. The figure is striking and
without parallel in the OT.. 19b. And thou wilt cast into the depths
of the sea all our sins] This is the continuation of v. 18a . The
prophet employs the strongest terms to express the conviction that
Yahweh will fully forgive his people and restore them to the en
joyment of prosperity and power. 20. Thou wilt show faithful
ness to Jacob, kindness to Abraham] The names of the forefathers
of the nation are here applied to their descendants; the kind of
treatment accorded the former may be confidently expected by the
latter. Cf. Ex. 34. As thou hast sworn to our fathers from days
of old] Referring specifically, perhaps, to Gn. 22 18ff - 28 13 f -, and
in general to all the promises through patriarchs and prophets
throughout Israel s history.

14. *J3S&gt;] So-called hireq-compaginis, really the old genitive end
ing retained in the cstr.; cf. Ges. * 90m ; Ko.^ 272 b - . On account of diffi
culty of masc. prtc. agreeing with fsx (fern.), the reading as cstr. pi. is
commonly accepted (v. s.), in agreement with coll. noun; cf. ijn\ But
masc. may be explained as due to the force of o&gt;, the main noun to which
jx* is added parenthetically; or as due to |N* itself being treated as
masc., as in Gn. 3O 39 , because of its relation to op. ir] Ace. of place
in which, as after 3C" in Gn. i8&gt;. 15. utn.N] Treated by Ew. ^ 238 as
Aram, form of imv. ; this was objected to by Ew. s contemporaries because
an Aramaicism in the language of Micah was improbable; but this objec
tion loses its force with the prevalence of the view of the late origin of this

156 MICAH

material. In any case it might have been due to a scribe who spoke
Aram.. But more probably it was intended as first person of impf. by a
scribe who conceived of v. as the beginning of Yahweh s answer to
Israel s petition, a view which is irreconcilable with the presence of the
sf. in ~pn (v. l7 ). 16. ns Sy T] A common idiom, hence without art.,
K.6.* 294 -. 18. &gt;D] An example of the near relation of question to ex
clamation, Ges.* 1480 . pen] Verbal adj., rather than Qal pf., as shown
by addition of Nin. 19. B &gt; O3 &lt; &gt;] This isolated usage of BOD suggests the
possibility of a confusion with DUD, which would furnish excellent sense
here and an idiom frequent in the OT.; cf. Is. i 16 Je. 4" Ps. 5i 4 - . 033
is used with the sense wash away, only in Lv. 13" ; cf. p:n, Is. 4*.
Hpt. makes this same suggestion in AJSL, July, 1910; but the preceding
sentences were written a year before the appearance of that article.
20. T.?N] = -IPIO, as in Je. 33" 48* Is. 54" Ps. io6 M .

A CRITICAL AND

EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY ON THE
BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH.

INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK OF
ZEPHANIAH.

i. FROM THE FALL OF THEBES TO THE FALL
OF NINEVEH.

These two termini include the period of the decline and fall of
the Assyrian empire. Within its limits belong the prophecies of
both Zephaniah and Nahum. The difficulty and the greatness of
their work can be properly appreciated only as we obtain an un
derstanding of the course of events of which it formed a part.
Judah, under Manasseh, continued the vassalage to Assyria that
had been inaugurated by Ahaz, through his panic-stricken recourse
to the aid of Tiglath-pileser III, and had been riveted upon Heze-
kiah by Sennacherib. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal maintained
the high prestige of Assyria throughout western Asia. The former
had established her dominion over lower Egypt as far south as
Memphis in 670 B.C., and had died (668 B.C.) while on the march
to Egypt to drive back the Ethiopian Taharka, who had incited the
Delta to revolt and was actively engaged in the attempt to free
Egypt from the Assyrian yoke. Ashurbanipal (668-626 B.C.) im
mediately took up the unfinished task of his predecessor. His reign
was the last blaze of Assyria s glory. Taharka was driven back
into Nubia and Assyria s sway re-established over the Delta.
Twenty kings of the Mediterranean littoral and the neighbouring
islands, including Manasseh of Judah, hastened to renew their
submission to Assyria. The irrepressible Taharka resumed his
intrigues with the princes of the Delta soon after Ashurbanipal s
return home and again stirred up revolt. The traitors were all
severely punished by Ashurbanipal, with the exception of Necho,
prince of Sais, who was shown honour and appointed Assyria s
representative in charge of the whole of the Delta, being granted
a body of Assyrian troops with which to maintain his authority.

l6o ZEPHANIAH

This plan of organisation worked well for some time after the death
of Taharka (663 B.C.). But in the third year of his successor,
Tanutamon, negotiations were again opened between the princes
of the Delta and the Ethiopian king, who attacked Necho and his
Assyrian soldiers, inflicting defeat upon them and slaying Necho
himself. In 66 1 B.C., Ashurbanipal despatched an expedition to
Egypt which drove Tanutamon back into Ethiopia and seized and
plundered Thebes, the ancient stronghold and capital. From this
blow Thebes never recovered; though Tanutamon re-entered the
city after the withdrawal of the Assyrian army and remained there
until 654 B.C., when Psamtik, son of Necho and king of Sais and
Memphis, expelled the Ethiopians and restored Thebes to Egyp
tian ownership.

While the Egyptian campaigns were draining Assyria of blood
and treasure, Ashurbanipal was also compelled to wage a bloody
war against Elam, which had resumed her former hostility shortly
after his accession. Two campaigns reduced Elam to temporary
submission, under the rule of princes appointed as Assyrian vas
sals (665 B.C.). Another draught upon Assyria s resources was
occasioned by troubles in the far west, where Ba al of Tyre had
to be besieged and Arvad and Tabal brought to submission and
tribute. Shortly afterward, Assyria s aid was besought by Arvad,
Tabal and Lydia against the Cimmerians who had become ag
gressive.

An irremediable injury was done to the life of the Assyrian em
pire by the civil war instituted through the revolt of Ashurbanipal s
brother, Shamash-shum-ukin, king of Babylon. The struggle was
fierce and of seven years duration, ending in 647 B.C. with the com
plete triumph of Ashurbanipal, who became king of Babylon under
the name Kandalanu. Thereupon followed a series of campaigns
against Elam, which had aided Shamash-shum-ukin. These re
sulted about 640 B.C. in the total destruction of Elam as a nation.
The western peoples, who had eagerly seized upon the opportunity
offered by the revolt of Babylon to rid themselves of the oppressive
burden of vassalage to Nineveh, also required chastisement. The
Arabian tribes, including the Kedarenes and Nabataeans, who had
aided Shamash-shum-ukin, were brought into subjection by Ashur-

FROM 66 1 TO 606 B.C. l6l

banipal in a series of battles, in the course of which his troops
overran the territory of the Kedarenes, Nabataeans, Edom, Moab,
Ammon and the Hauran. Ushu and Acco, in Phoenicia, were also
unmercifully punished. If any credence may be given to the
Chronicler s story of the captivity of Manasseh of Judah, it is safe
to say that the events which brought it about must be placed in
connection with this same revolt of the western peoples. In ad
dition to these foes on the east and west, the peoples of the north
and north-west initiated hostilities and persisted in them. Among
others the Mannai and the Cimmerians were smitten by Ashurban-
ipal. Not until about 640 B.C. was peace restored throughout the
Assyrian empire. For twelve years Assyria had been engaged in a
desperate struggle for life, which she won, but at terrible cost.
Meantime, Egypt, left to her own devices and led by the energetic
Psamtik I, had expelled the Ethiopians, made alliance with Gyges
of Lydia and so strengthened herself and increased her resources
that Ashurbanipal made no further effort to reduce her to sub
mission. The last fourteen years of the reign of Ashurbanipal are
shrouded in obscurity.

Since the accession of Manasseh, Judah had been passing
through a period of reaction. The ideals exalted by prophets like
Isaiah and Micah had suffered eclipse. A relation of vassalage to
Assyria had been inherited from Hezekiah s reign. Heavy tribute
taxed the resources of the people to the utmost and fretted the
freedom-loving spirit of these hill-dwellers almost beyond endur
ance. It is probable that, when the neighbouring peoples entered
into the conspiracy with Shamash-shum-ukin against Ashurbani
pal, Judah did not stand aloof. In any case, high hopes were
raised by the general revolt throughout the empire only to be
dashed to the ground with the collapse of the whole movement.
This political maelstrom of dissatisfaction, restlessness, intrigue,
hope and despair was intensified by the cross-currents of the social
and religious life which ran fast and furious. Foreign customs and
practices were welcomed with open arms. Manasseh himself led
the reactionary movement in religion which sought to reinstate the
old deities and shrines that had been discredited by Sennacherib s
invasion. The Baalim and Asherah, so generally worshipped

162 ZEPHANIAH

throughout Syria, were restored to favour in Judah. Sun-worship
too was officially approved and practised. That all this was due
to something more than mere religious indifference, easy-going
toleration or even diplomatic acceptance of the cults of the neigh
bouring peoples allied with Judah in the common desire and pur
pose to obtain freedom from Assyria, is evident from the fact that
Manasseh is said to have offered up one of his own sons as a burnt-
offering. This means agonising endeavour on the part of a super
stitious and idolatrous people and its king to secure the favour and
help of Heaven in their endeavour to better their lot. Despairing
of success with the aid of Yahweh alone, they turned eagerly to the
other gods of the local pantheon in the hope of securing their co
operation. They were willing to pay the highest price for such
aid, withholding not their own heart s blood. The precise sig
nificance of the statement in 2 K. 2i 16 that "Manasseh shed inno
cent blood very much, till he had filled Jerusalem from one end to
another" is undiscoverable. It may refer to frequent resort to in
fant sacrifice, though it is unlikely that Manasseh would have been
held solely accountable for this; or to a bloody persecution of the
prophets of Yahweh (cf. Je. 2 30 ) ; or even to acts of tyranny, like
the judicial murder of Naboth the Jezreelite in Ahab s time, oc
casioned by the desire to replenish the royal treasury or to remove
influential opposition to the royal policy. The interplay of such
conditions and influences produced a high degree of ferment in
Jerusalem. With the passing of Manasseh and Amon and the
accession of Josiah about 638 B.C., new influences began to come
to the fore in Judah. The principles inculcated by the earlier
prophets were bearing fruit and were to receive official endorse
ment when the boy king came to maturity of judgment.

While the new regime was establishing itself in Judah, new forces
and strange faces began to appear in the larger arena of western
Asia. The Scythians, breaking loose from their mountain fast
nesses in the north, came pouring down upon Assyria s territory,
sweeping everything before them.* In the extreme west they en
countered Psamtik I of Egypt, who had for years been occupied
with the siege of Ashdod, which he was now forced to abandon by

* Hdt., I, 103 ff..

FROM 66 1 TO 606 B.C. 163

the advance of the new foe. Crowded back across his own border,
there he held the barbarians at bay, whether by force* or by pay
ment of a large amount of goldf is an open question. They
seem to have left Jerusalem untouched, both on the way down to
Egypt and on the return. But echoes of their march are heard in
the prophecies of Jeremiah and Zephaniah, both of whom were
called into public life probably by this great invasion. In the
eastern half of Assyria s domain, Nineveh was undergoing a siege
at the hands of Cyaxares, the Mede, when the Scythians appeared
upon the scene. Cyaxares was continuing a struggle between
Media and Assyria, the opening stage of which had closed with
the defeat and death of Phraortes, his father. The son, again tak
ing the aggressive, had gathered a new army, defeated the Assyrian
forces in pitched battle and encamped before the walls of Nine
veh itself (625 B.C.). The entrance of the Scythians into Media
forced Cyaxares to raise the siege of Nineveh and return to the
defence of his own land.t There he was defeated and rendered
hors de combat for nearly twenty years, while the Scythians held
his kingdom. This timely relief for Nineveh did but postpone for
a little the inevitable downfall of Assyria. The successors of
Ashurbanipal, viz., Ashur-etil-ili and Sin-shar-ishkun, were unable
to recreate the blood and treasure that had been so lavishly ex
pended by their predecessor on the one hand, and so ruthlessly de
stroyed by the Scythians on the other. The damage done to the
fabric of Assyrian power was irreparable. Weakened as Nine
veh was, Babylon under Nabopolassar was able once more to as
sert her independence and to maintain it.

The exact course of events immediately preceding the fall of
Nineveh is not on record. It can only be conjectured from three
varying sources of information, viz., the narrative of Herodotus,
the Babylonian tradition received by Berossus and preserved in
citations from him by later Greek writers, and the cuneiform rec
ords of Babylonia. Herodotus relates that Cyaxares, the Mede,
treacherously murdered his Scythian masters, drove out their fol-

* C}. Breasted, History of Egypt, 581. t So Hdt., /. c.. % Hdt., /. c..

The Persian tradition preserved by Ctesias is wholly untrustworthy. The tradition of
Berossus was copied by Polyhistor (c. 50 B.C.) and transmitted by Abydenus. The latter,
however, vitiated the tradition by combining it with the tales of Ctesias in such a way as to
render practically futile any attempt to differentiate precisely between the two elements.

164 ZEPHANIAH

lowers from his land and then proceeded once more against Nine
veh which now fell into his hands. Berossus tells us that Sin-shar-
ishkun (Saracus) heard of the approach of a numerous army from
the sea toward Nineveh. Thereupon, he sent his general Busa-
lossorus to check their advance. The latter, however, deserted
his king, made alliance with the Medes, giving his son in marriage
to the daughter of the Median leader, and then turned against
Nineveh. Sin-shar-ishkun then set fire to his own capital and
perished in the flames. Still another strand of the tradition of
Berossus represents the king of Assyria as having been shut up
in his capital for three years by the combined forces of the Medes
and the Babylonians. The Tigris then swept away part of the
city s walls and the king offered himself and his wives upon the
funeral pyre.

The stele of Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, in relating
the overthrow of Assyria says that the king of the Umman-manda
came to the help of Babylon and that he laid waste the land of
Assyria like a cyclone, ruined the temples of the Assyrian gods and
destroyed the cities on the border of Babylonia which had not sup
ported Babylon in the struggle. The vandalism of this ally is
said to have grieved the king of Babylon, who had himself re
frained from desecrating any of the shrines. The league between
the Medes and Babylonians seems to have been brought about by
the fact that while Nabopolassar was absent in the north of Meso
potamia attacking the Subaru, the Assyrian king had taken ad
vantage of the opportunity to enter Babylonia and cut off the re
turn of the absent king and his army.* In this dilemma, Nabopo
lassar called upon the Umman-manda for aid, which they were
only too glad to give. Whether or not the Babylonians partici
pated in the siege and capture of Nineveh itself is uncertain ; but
it is quite clear that the fall of the empire was directly due to the
combined efforts of the Babylonians and Medes (with whom the
Umman-manda are probably to be identified; at least, the Medes
constituted the most influential element in the hordes of the Um-
man-mandaf) . The view that Babylon aided in the overthrow

* So Messerschmidt, Millheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, T (1896), 7 ft..
t But Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, II, 289, identifies the Umman-manda with
the Scythians, so also Sayce, Lehmann, el al..

FROM 66 1 TO 606 B.C 165

of Assyria is corroborated by two Neo-Babylonian letters which
seem to refer to the events of this period.* One of them reports
to the king concerning a campaign against Assyria which has re
sulted in victory for Babylon; the other, probably referring to the
same campaign, makes it clear that there were two commanders
of Babylon s forces and that one of them was a foreigner, per
haps a general of the Medes.

Even before life was extinct in the body politic of Assyria, greedy
hands were laid upon her estate. Necho II, successor of Psamtik
in 609 B.C., set out at once to seize Assyria s possessions in the
west. Gaza and Askalon fell before him. On his way to the
north he was met by Josiah of Judah, probably at Megiddo (608
B.C.). The inhabitants of Judah, knowing of course that Assyria
was powerless and almost certainly doomed, were in a state of ex
ultant confidence in themselves and in Yahweh, their God. He
who had at last brought the proud foe and cruel tyrant to ruin was
with them and ready to protect them. In this frame of mind, the
prospect of replacing Assyria s yoke now broken with one of
Egyptian make was not to be tolerated. But the result of the
battle with Necho dashed all their hopes to the ground. Necho
proceeded on his victorious way as far as the Euphrates, bringing
the entire west into subjection to Egypt and upon his return march
placing an Egyptian vassal upon the throne of David. With her
territory already gone on every side into the hands of Egyptians,
Medes and Babylonians, Nineveh herself gave up the hopeless
struggle about 606 B.C. and the Assyrian empire fell to rise no more.
Two hundred years later, when Xenophon led his band of Greek
adventurers past the site of Nineveh (401 B.C.), he found no recol
lection of the name of the former mistress of the world (Anabasis,
III, 4, 8-i2).f

* Published in Cuneiform Texts on Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, XXII, 46 /..
Cf. Mcissner, OLZ., IX (1906), 444 ff., who first connected them with the fall of Assyria.

t An excellent study of the last half century of Assyrian history is furnished by P. Kleinert,
Nakum und der Fall Nineves, SK., LXXXIII (1910), 501 ft.. Cf. also T. Friedrich, Nineve s
Ende und die Ausgange des assyrischen Reiches, in Feslgaben zu Ehren Max Biidinger s von
seinen Freunden und Schulern (1898), where a close study of the ruins of Nineveh is made and
the conclusion reached that the fall of the city was caused by a flood due to the high waters of
the Tigris and its tributary streams. So also Lehmann-Haupt, Israel: Seine Enlwicklung
im Rahmen der Wellgeschichte (1911), p. 149, who testifies to a tradition among the natives
that the wall of Nineveh was broken through by the river Khusur.

166 ZEPHANIAH

2. ZEPHANIAH AND HIS TIMES.

i. The Man.

The traditions regarding Zephaniah, aside from the super
scription of his book, are wholly valueless. His prophecies con
stitute the only other source of information ; and what they furnish
is painfully slight. As in the case of so many of the prophets, his
personality lies hidden behind his message. He seems to have been
an inhabitant of Jerusalem, in view of his familiarity with the
topography of his capital (i lof&lt; )&gt; his knowledge of religious and
social conditions within the city and the fact that he identifies it as
his own standing-place in i 4 . The apparent claim of the super
scription that he was a member of the royal family is supported
somewhat by the fact of his familiarity with the manner of life
in the princely households and his courage in denouncing the upper
classes (i 8 * 9 3 3 ) . Moreover, his complaint is almost wholly against
these privileged classes, the rich and the powerful; yet he does not
pose as the spokesman of the poor and there is lacking in his
utterances that note of sympathy with their sufferings which is so
evident in Amos and Micah, a lack easily explained if he himself
were a member of the aristocracy and had never felt the pinch of
poverty.

Pseudepiphanius (de vitis prophetarunt, ch. 19) declares him to have
been "of the tribe of Simeon from the field (or hill) of Sabaratha (or
Baratha)" and to have "died in an apocalypse of the Lord and been
buried all alone on his own land." An apocalypse ascribed to Zephaniah
is known to have existed by reason of a quotation from it preserved in the
Stromata (V, n, 77) of Clement of Alexandria, viz., "And a spirit took
me and carried me into the fifth heaven, and I saw angels, called lords,
whose diadem was placed upon them by the Holy Spirit, and the throne
of each of them was seven times brighter than the light of the rising sun
and they were dwelling in temples of salvation and singing hymns in
praise of the inexpressible God, most high." Pseudo-Athanasius re
fers to the same apocalypse. Two fragments of an apocalypse in
Coptic, ascribed to Zephaniah and discovered at Akhmim [published
by Bouriant in Memoir es de la mission archeologique au Caire (1885);
cf. Stern, Zeitschrift fiir dSgypt. Sprache (1886)] may also have belonged

ZEPHANIAH AND HIS TIMES 167

to it; v. Schiirer, Gesch. d. jiid. Volkes 3 , III, 271 /. According to DW
max, his tomb was in Gibeah of the Lebanons. The traditional rep
resentation of him in art shows him carrying a lamp in his left hand; but
cf. Sargent s Frieze of the Prophets in the Boston Public Library.

Schw. seeks to discount the probability of the ancestor Hezekiah hav
ing been the king, which arises from the unusual length of the genealogy,
by calling attention to the fact that long genealogies are frequent in the
OT. and that their lack in the superscriptions of the prophets may be
purely accidental. However, when only one of sixteen prophetic books
exhibits a striking variation, the probability seems to lie on the side of
that variation having been deliberate rather than accidental. Further
more, long genealogies are indeed characteristic of priestly writings
(Ezr., Ne., i, 2 Ch.), but are not common in the corresponding pro
phetic histories (Ju., i, 2 S., Ki.), being found only in i S. i l .

2. The Times.

The date of Zephaniah s prophetic activity, according to the
superscription, was in the reign of King Josiah (639-608) . Scholars,
with one exception,* have accepted this as correct. There is no
good reason to suspect the statement; it accords well with the con
tents of the book, yet it could not easily have been conjectured upon
the basis of the book. It is natural to suppose that it rests upon
an independent tradition that goes back to fairly early times. The
question that may profitably be discussed concerns itself with the
particular portion of Josiah s reign to which the prophecy should
be assigned. Did Zephaniah do his work before or after the cul
mination of the great Deuteronomic reform in 621 B.C.?| The
answer to this question must be sought in the prophet s own state
ments as to the conditions prevailing in Judah in his day and in
his outlook for the future. His denunciations of syncretism in
worship, apostacy from Yahweh, the worship of the heavenly bod
ies, the aping of foreign customs in religion and in dress (i 4 " 6 - 8 - ),
and the practical scepticism rebuked in i 12 seem to accord per
fectly with the state of affairs as it was during the reigns of Manas-
seh and Amon (2 K. 2I 2 " 9 - 21 f -). and as it may be supposed to have

* Viz., Ko.Einl.. who olaces him in the reign of Jehoiakim.

t In favour of trie later period may be cited De. (on Habakkuk), KL, Schw., Schulz and
Lippl. But the great majority of scholars is in favour of the earlier period, so, e. g.. Hi.,
We., Or., Dav., GASm., Now., Marti, Beer, Cor., Kennedy (&gt;.).

l68 ZEPHANIAH

continued during the early portion ot Josiah s reign, before he had
arrived at an age when he could exercise any powerful influence
upon the currents of life and thought in his kingdom. It is unsafe
to argue, as Lippl does, that the movement for reform must have
begun with Josiah s accession, since the conspirators who slew
Amon were supported by the prophets and priests. The motive
for the assassination of Amon as a matter of fact is unknown and
need have had no connection with his attitude toward religion.
The intricacies of the politics of Jerusalem at that time are hid
den from us. Opposition on Amon s part to some policy, home
or foreign, endorsed by popular sentiment may well have caused
"the people of the land" to rise against him. The lad Josiah was
an unknown quantity and, perhaps, developed into a totally differ
ent kind of ruler from what those who enthroned him had hoped
for. In any case, during his early years religious interests prob
ably remained for the most part in the hands of those who had con
trolled them under Manasseh and Amon.

Effort has been made to account for the conditions reflected by
Zephaniah s utterances as indicative of the period of Josiah s reign
after 621 B.C. But it seems improbable that such irregularities
oT cultus could have been openly practised and tolerated in the
period immediately after a reform, the main outcome of which was
the purification of the cultus. Josiah was a zealous worshipper
of Yahweh and no record has reached us of any cooling of his zeal
after the reform. Passages from Jeremiah are sometimes cited
to show that conditions were as bad in Judah after the reform as
they are declared to have been by Zephaniah in his day. Three
facts render this argument inconclusive. Jeremiah s early denun
ciations apparently lay relatively little stress upon the impurity of
the cultus which is emphasised by Zephaniah. Many of Jere
miah s prophecies so confidently assigned to the first years after
the reform probably belong to his latest work. None of his proph
ecies were written down until the fourth year of Jehoiakim (36* f -),
and it is practically certain that in the process of transcription they
were largely coloured by the prophet s later thought and by the
conditions amid which they were written.

Other considerations urged in favour of the post-reformation

ZEPHANIAH AND HIS TIMES 169

date fail to make it probable. The phrase "remnant of Baal"
(i 4 ) is said to presuppose the almost complete destruction of Baal
ism in 621 B.C. But the phrase is equally well translated "Baal
ism to the last vestige " as in Am. i 8 . Cf. fi^riN in Am. 4 2 9 1 . In
like manner, the phrase "sons of the king" (i 8 ) is under no com
pulsion to mean the sons of Josiah. In accordance with a very
common usage of the word "son " in Hebrew, it may and probably
does denote those characterised by the fact of membership in the
royal fa-nily, viz., uncles and cousins of Josiah and the like. Cf. the
similar phrase "sons of the prophets. " Again, the total silence of
Zephaniah as to the king, though denouncing other members of
the royal family, is just as easily understood on the basis of the
king s youth as it is on the supposition that Josiah s well-known
piety after 621 B.C. rendered him immune from all criticism. Nor
does the fact that counsel was sought of Huldah, the prophetess, at
the time of the discovery of the book of the law force us to con
clude that at that time Zephaniah was not yet known as a prophet.
The same kind of reasoning would dispose of Jeremiah who had
then been in public life for eight years. Zephaniah may have died
before 621 B.C., or have been absent from the city at that particu
lar juncture, or not have been in the confidence of the party push
ing the reform. Anything which would account satisfactorily for
Jeremiah having been ignored would be equally applicable to the
case of Zephaniah.

The occasion of Zephaniah s appearance as a prophet seems to
have lain in some imminent danger to his nation. He evidently
regarded the day of Yahweh as close at hand (i 7 ). In accord
ance with the character of earlier prophecy in general and of
the day of Yahweh prophecies in particular, it is probable that
Zephaniah interpreted the approach of some foreign army as
heralding the dawn of Yahweh s day.* The event that best meets
the requirements of the situation is the Scythian invasion.f The
exact date of the appearance of the Scythians upon the horizon of
Palestine cannot be surely fixed. Psamtik I of Egypt began his

* V. JMPS., The Day of Yahweh, AJTh., V (1901), 505 if.; cf. Gressmann, Der Ursprung
d. isr.-jud. Eschatologie (1905), 142 if..

t This connection was first suggested by C. F. Cramer, Scythische Denkmdler in Paldstina
(1778); it is now the prevailing view.

170 ZEPHANIAH

operations in western Asia in 640 B.C.; and since the Scythians put
an effectual stop to his advances in Syria, and Herodotus reports
that Psamtik was engaged in the siege of Ashdod for twenty-eight
years, it is practically certain that his encounter with the Scythi
ans was nearer 620 than 640 B.C. Cyaxares, the Mede, who became
king in 625 B.C., was forced to raise the siege of Nineveh about
620 B.C. by the descent of the Scythians upon his own territory.
Somewhere then between 630 and 620 B.C. it is probable that the
Scythian raid upon the north and west provinces of the Assyrian
empire took place.* The Greek tradition declares the Scythian
domination of western Asia to have lasted twenty-eight years.
Since their final expulsion was effected somewhere between 599
and 590 B.c.,f this gives 627 B.C. as the earliest date for their ap
pearance in that region. This coincides with the year of Jere
miah s call ( Je. i 2 ) and furnishes the necessary external stimulus for
the emergence of both Jeremiah and Zephaniah. The widespread
activity of the Scythians corresponds with Zephaniah s vision of
the coming judgment as extending from Assyria on the north-east
to Ethiopia on the south-west. The speed with which the Scyth
ian hordes swept everything before them seems reflected in certain
of Zephaniah s utterances (e. g., i 14 2 4 ). That neither Assyria nor
Egypt was thought of by Zephaniah as the agent or forerunner of
the coming judgment is clear from the fact that they both are rep
resented as falh ng victims to it-t These being out of the question,
the Scythians remain as the most likely candidate for the doubtful
honour of world-destroyer. The Babylonians cannot have bulked
large in the prophet s mind until shortly before 606 B.C., and other
considerations render it unlikely that the prophecy belongs to so
late a date (v. s.). The fact that neither Assyria nor Egypt was
destroyed by the Scythians, but that, on the contrary, Nineveh was
temporarily saved by them, only proves that the expectations of
the prophet were not fully realised. Ezekiel (38 17 ) distinctly im-

* V. ]. V. PrdSek, Gesch. der Meder u. Perser, I (1906), 141 #.. Hdt., indeed, makes the march
against Egypt follow the attack upon the Medes; but it seems difficult to reconstruct the history
on that basis.

t PrdSek, op. cit., 152.

J Schw., in spite of this, seeks to identify the expected destroyer with Egypt. This would be
possible only by eliminating i 12 or by discriminating sharply between Ethiopia and Egypt as
Zephaniah probably did not do.

ZEPHANIAH AND HIS TIMES 171

plies that certain former prophecies of disaster had not been ful
filled and looks to Gog, of the land of Magog, as destined to bring
the final realisation of these predictions. Gog and his hosts, more
over, very closely resemble the Scythians in their character and
actions. The reference of Zephaniah to the inability of Jerusalem
to ransom herself from the coming foe (i 18 ; cf. i n ) is no proof that
he knew of the success of Egypt in buying herself free from the
Scythians, as Herodotus reports. He may well have arrived at
his conclusion on the basis of the reports that reached him of the
ruthlessness of these barbarians. Indeed, Herodotus s statement
regarding Egypt s escape may not tell the whole story. At any
rate, threats similar to that of Zephaniah were made by other
prophets who certainly did not have any thought of the Scythians
(e. g., Is. i 3 17 Ez. 7 19 ; cf. Je. 4 5 )-

On the whole, therefore, it seems probable that Zephaniah
prophesied on the verge of the Scythian invasion of Syria. It is
not necessary to suppose that he conceived of them as exhausting
the divine anger in their chastisement of the nations. They seem
rather to have been thought of as furnishing the prelude to the
great drama of destruction. Human and divine forces were to
co-operate in this as in other judgment scenes depicted by the
prophets (e. g., Am. 5" 8 8- 9 ). In the approach of the Scythians,
Zephaniah saw signs of the breaking up of the existing world-
powers and hastened to proclaim it as the great judgment day of
Yahweh, the God of Israel and the God of justice.

3. THE BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH.
i. The Contents.

The thought of the book is centred upon one great theme, the
coming of the day of Yahweh. As the book now stands, this
theme is presented under four successive phases. Ch. i sets forth
the first of these, viz., the announcement of the near approach of
the great day with its overwhelming terrors which are to involve
the world in general and Judah in particular. The prophet s
primary interest naturally is in the fate of his own people; hence

172 ZEPHANIAH

his message is addressed to them. Ch. 2, the second phase of the
subject, announces the coming of this same great day upon the
neighbouring peoples, viz., the Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites,
Ethiopians or Egyptians, and Assyrians. In the third division,
ch. 3 1 " 7 , the prophet returns to his own people and contrasts their
sinfulness with the righteousness of Yahweh. In this contrast lies
the cause of the disaster coming upon Jerusalem. In the fourth
and final stage of the presentation, ch. 3 8 " 20 , the thought leaps for
ward to the future, and declares that after the process of the puri
fication of the people of Yahweh is completed, the nation will en
joy world-wide fame as the redeemed of Yahweh, the mighty God.

2. Later Additions.

Critical study of the contents of the book during the last half
century has resulted in the setting apart of certain portions of the
text as belonging neither to Zephaniah nor to his times, but as due
to accretion in later days. A presentation of the considerations
which have produced this change of opinion may be found in the
following commentary in connection with the various passages in
volved. Here we may present only a sketch of the history of this
critical movement and a summary of the conclusions reached in
this commentary.

The process of criticism began with Eichhorn (1824), Einl. 4 , and
Theiner (1828), who decided against 2 13 - 16 as alien to the thought of
Zephaniah. Forty years later, Oort, in Godgeleerde Bijdragen for 1865,
pp. 812 ff., set aside 2 7 - 11 and 3 14 - 20 as secondary matter. His view of
the latter passage has now won general recognition. Sta. GVI (1887),
644, followed by denying the whole of ch. 3 to Zephaniah and question
ing 2 1 - 3 - . Kue., Onderzoek (1889), responded by denying the force
of the arguments against all but 3 "-20. J n 1890, Schw. made an elab
orate investigation of chs. 2 and 3, coming to the conclusion that Zeph
aniah wrote only 2 13 - 15 and possibly 2 1 " 1 , while an exilic hand con
tributed 2 5 - 12 and a postexilic, 3 1 - 20 . We. endorsed the views of Sta.
and Schw. on ch. 3, athetized also 2 8 -" and expressed doubt as to 2 2 - *.
Bu. (SK., 1893, PP- 393 ff-&gt; so also m Gesch., 1906) separated 2&lt;- 18
39. 10. u-20 f rom the genuine material. Dav. made a careful examination
of the arguments of all his predecessors and was content to give Zepha
niah credit for all except 3 10 - "- 20 . Now. eliminated only 2 s - 7 -- 8 - u

THE BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH 173

3 14 - 20 (similarly also Baudissin, Einl., 553 /. and Selbie, art. Zephaniah,
DB.). GASm. accepted Bu. s view of ch. 3, but dissented as to ch. 2,
regarding all but 2 8 - 11 as genuine. Dr. [EB., IV (1903), 5406 /.; so also
in his commentary (1906); in Intr. (1910) he adds 3 18 - 20 to the passages
that are "very probably later additions"], with customary caution, con
ceded the probability of the late origin of 2 7b - ll 3 9 - 10 and refused to de
cide as to 3 14 - 20 , the latter part of which, viz., 3 18 - 20 , he considered "more
open to suspicion than 3"-"." Marti, with enviable certainty as to the
exact dates of the various additions, agreed with Sta. in taking away
from Zephaniah the whole of ch. 3, but in ch. 2 deprived him only of
2 s. 8-n. u^ aside from numerous glosses. Cor. accepted the view of
Now. for the most part, setting aside 2 7a - c - 8 - u ^- 2 &lt;&gt;. Van H., a schol
arly Catholic, contended for the unity of the book as the product of
Zephaniah s preaching, with the exception of a few glosses (e. g., 2 7 - 10 - ")
In the same year (1908), Beer gave essential adherence to Sta. s position,
rejecting 2 7a - 10 - 15 , with the whole of ch. 3, and questioning 2 1 - 3 . The
conclusions of Fag. are practically the same. Lippl, with Catholic
caution and sound learning, concedes the later origin of only 2 7a - - 14b
3 19 - 20 , though granting a reasonable doubt as to the originality of 2 8 - 11 in
its present form. Du., the most recent writer, follows closely after We.,
dropping 2 3a - b - 6b - c - 8 -"- 15 and the whole of ch. 3.

In this commentary, the following materials, in addition to minor
glosses, are treated as of secondary origin. The oracle against
Moab and Ammon (2*- 9 ) is relegated to later times since its phrase
ology presupposes the conditions of the exile as actually existing.
An expansion of this oracle is found in 2 10 - n . The fall of Nine
veh is taken for granted in 2 15 , which is therefore placed after that
event. In the third chapter the only original matter is found in
w. lm& . Vv. 6 - 7 may possibly be old material; but in that case
they are out of place in their present context. Vv. 8 " 13 are a post-
exilic addition, in which is now included a gloss (vv. 9 ~ 10 ) revealing
a different attitude toward the heathen and interrupting the con
tinuity of thought between w. 8 and ". Vv. 14 20 are another ad
dition from postexilic times, which has likewise undergone some
inner expansion.

The allowance of time necessary for the various additions to the
book, together with the still later glosses upon those additions,
necessitates placing the completion of the prophecy in its present
form well along in the postexilic period. The final touches may
have been given as late as the Greek period. The history of the

174 ZEPHANIAH

growth of OT. books shows that they were all subject to this kind
of treatment, at least until they were recognised as canonical. In
deed, it is by no means certain that canonicity in its early stages
guaranteed immunity from such modifications. The Book of the
Twelve was, in all probability, the last candidate to secure ad
mission to the prophetic canon.

3. Poetic Form.

The honour of having been the first to announce the discovery
of a special poetic metre in the book of Zephaniah belongs to
Budde,* who declared that 2 4 " 15 and 3 1 " 13 were written in the dirge-
rhythm, i. e., in lines of 3 +2 beats each.

In 1886, Dr. C. A. Briggs (Messianic Prophecy, 221-225) had printed
a translation of Zp. i 2 - 3 - 14 - 18 2 1 - 3 3 8 - 20 arranged in poetic lines, but
without special consideration of the question of poetic form. The
next scholar to discuss the question was D. H. Mliller (Die Propheten
in ihrer urspriinglichen Form, 1896), who hailed this book as the first
prophecy to which it had been possible to apply his scheme of strophic
analysis throughout. Treating the book as a unit, with the exception
of 3 14 - 20 , and laying undue emphasis upon incidental resemblances,
he wrought out a system of "inclusion," "concatenation" and "re-
sponsion" (F. H. AH , clxv), yielding seven strs. in ch. i, with 5+7 + 7
+ 7 + 6+6 + 6 lines each respectively. Ch. 2 fell into five strs. having
7+7 + 8+8+4 lines, and ch. 3 yielded seven more strs. having 7+7+7
+ 7 + 3 + 7+7 lines each respectively. An example of the artificial char
acter of this scheme is furnished in the fact that 2 11 is separated from 2
and with i-- is organised into an eight-line str. GASm., without any
attempt at strophic reorganisation, followed Bu. in printing 2 4 - 7 - 13 - 1S
as poetry written in elegiac rhythm. Marti was the first to attempt to
restore in the various oracles both the metrical and the strophic uni
formity which he supposed to have belonged to them originally. The
genuine material in chs. i and 2 he organised into strs. of four lines each,
in trimeter movement (or two lines each in double trimeter). In ch. 3
he discovered three different poetic forms, viz., 3 1 - 7 = strs. of six lines
each in dimeter; 3 8 - 13 = strs. of four qina-lines each; and 3 14 -" = strs.
of four lines each in interchanging trimeter and dimeter. Hal., disre
garding both metre and str., indicated his recognition of the material as
poetry by printing it according to the parallelism. Siev. thus far has
made the most serious attempt to reduce the text to rigidly poetical
* SK. (1893); c}. Cesch. (1906).

THE BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH 175

forms. But the result is by no means self-authenticating. Ch. i, for
example, is presented in two sections; the first is composed of vv. *-
s-ia. n an d is organised into seven strs. of two heptameter lines each;
while the second is composed of vv. 7 - 14 - 16 and comprises four strs., each
of two lines, one heptameter and one tetrameter. But in the first sec
tion, Str. I breaks down metrically; Str. IV transposes materials as fol
lows, w. 8b - 9b - 8e - 9a ; and Str. VII brings together w. 13 and "; while
in the second section, Str. IV lacks the requisite tetrameter line. Again,
3 1 - 7 is presented in five strs. of two lines each, one of eight beats and one
of four. But to make this possible, a total of eighteen words is omitted
at six different points and most of them for no reason but that of metrical
necessity. This is too high a price for so slight a boon. Cor. satisfies
himself with stating that the genuine materials in Zephaniah may all be
reduced to strs. of twelve lines each (i. e., six double lines). Strophic
uniformity of this kind can be secured only by rejecting as ungenuine
all that does not readily conform to this strophic norm. Fag. offers a
strophical reconstruction of the book which differs only in slight details
from that of Marti. Lippl attempts no strophic structure, but prints
in lines based upon the parallelism and points out the numerous changes
necessary to reduce the various lines to uniformity even within the sepa
rate sections of the prophecy. Du. finds strs. of four lines each all
through the book, except in the case of a few glosses and additions, and
applies the qina-rhythm throughout.

In this commentary, effort is made not to lay undue emphasis
upon considerations arising from the poetic form. The science of
Hebrew metre is as yet in an inchoate state, notwithstanding the
praiseworthy and painstaking studies of Sievers, Rothstein, et al..
Consequently, conclusions as to the integrity of a text which are
based solely or primarily upon metrical considerations are inevi
tably open to grave suspicion. The parallelism has been followed
here as the only safe guide to the length of lines and the logical
grouping of the thought as the primary consideration in the forma
tion of strs..* For a statement of the views here controlling in
reference to metre and str., reference may be had to H. AH , clxvi^"..
Attention may be called to a slight variation in usage here, whereby
the distich, rather than the single stichos or line, is made the basal
unit of the str.. This seems required by the fact that the thought
is completely presented only in the distich and that in some cases
there is no clearly marked caesura within the distich (e. g., Mi.

* Cl. Intr. to v^omm. on Micah, i.

176 ZEPHANIAH

7 8b Zp. i 4b 2 9a - 14b 3 7c ). It may be noted also, that while there can
be no doubt that the number of poetic feet in a stichos was de
termined by the number of tone-phrases,* and that as a rule the
same number of feet per stichos or distich prevailed throughout a
poem, yet cases are plentiful in which changes of measure occur
within a poem (e. g., Zp. i 7 18 2 1 7 3 1 " 5 ). To reduce these variations
to metrical uniformity involves such arbitrariness in textual crit
icism as to discredit the whole process. A large degree of freedom
in the use of poetical forms seems to have been exercised by the
prophetic poets.

The book of Zephaniah, as here analysed, consists of eight po
etic oracles of varying length. It is scarcely probable that these
represent the entire literary output of this prophet. Nor is it
likely that any of the eight constituted a complete sermon; they
are rather selections from a larger body of materials. The metres
used are three, viz., hexameter (3 13), qina (3 : 2) and tetrameter
(2 12). Of these, the qina is the most commonly used; for an an
nouncement of chastisement and affliction, it is the most suitable
measure. The length of the strs. varies from two distichs to eight;
but, with two somewhat uncertain exceptions (3 1 5 and 3 14 " 20 ), the
strophic urit within a poem is constant.

Zephaniah can hardly be considered great as a poet. He does
not rank with Isaiah, nor even with Hosea in this particular. He
has no gr^at imaginative powers; no deep insight into the human
heart is reflected in his utterances; nor any keen sensitiveness to the
beauties of nature. His harp is not attuned to the finer harmonies
of life like that of Jeremiah. He had an imperative message to
deliver and proceeded in the most direct and forceful way to dis
charge his responsibility. What he lacked in grace and charm, he
in some measure atoned for by the vigour and clarity of his speech.
He realised the approaching terror so keenly that he was able to
present it vividly and convincingly to his hearers. No prophet has
made the picture of the day of Yahweh more real.
* a. H.^, ;. c..

ZEPHANIAH S MESSAGE 177

4. THE MESSAGE OF ZEPHANIAH.

Zephaniah spoke at a time when wise and courageous leadership
was needed in Judah. Whatever enthusiasm and loyalty to Yah-
weh had been aroused by the preaching of Isaiah and by the de
liverance of Jerusalem from Sennacherib in 701 B.C. had died out
during the long period of distress and humiliation under Manasseh.
Lacking the incentive of a great devotion to Yahweh, the people
had fallen away into all kinds of idolatry and corruption. No
where is the religious and moral situation of the times more clearly
portrayed than in Zephaniah s prophecies. He directs his blows
against a syncretism in religion that does not hesitate to couple the
worship of the Baalim, of Milcom and the host of heaven, with that
of Yahewh (i 4 - 5 ). In Zephaniah s eyes, such conduct is tanta
mount to apostacy from Yahweh (i 6 ). Indeed, he charges cer
tain leaders with a kind of practical scepticism, or atheism ; they
count upon the inertia of Yahweh, alleging that he does nothing,
neither good nor bad ; they therefore proceed to the furthest lengths
of wickedness. This indifference to religion and its claims on the
part of those who were " settled on their lees" was accompanied,
as in all similar cases, by a corresponding materialism which had
no sense of justice. Hence Zephaniah denounces the prevalent
violence and trickery, the tyranny of the rulers, the perversion of
justice by the judges themselves, the prostitution of religion to base
ends by the priests and prophets and the aping of foreign styles
by the rich (i 8 - 9 3 1 4 ).

The religious indifference and eclecticism on the one hand, and
the materialistic selfishness and injustice on the other, were a
natural reaction from the exalted ideas and ideals of the previous
generation. The expectations and high hopes of Isaiah and his
contemporaries had failed to materialise. Yahweh s people was
still under the heel of the oppressor. The yoke of Assyria was as
heavy and as galling as ever. In despair of deliverance through
Yahweh, his followers were seeking to supplement his weakness by
having recourse to other gods in conjunction with him, or were
abandoning him altogether. The na ive faith of that earlier time

178 ZEPHANIAH

was outgrown. Its driving power was gone. A new interpreta
tion of history was the need of the hour. New conceptions and
ideals must be substituted for those outworn.

Zephaniah was not the man to supply this need. He had no
new ideals. He furnished no new constructive principles. He
saw no further into the meaning of current events than his pre
decessors. He was content to apply the interpretations that had
long rendered good service in the hands of the prophets. His
preaching was not positive and constructive in tone, but wholly
negative and destructive. Denunciation and threatening consti
tute his message.

As Amos and Hosea were called out by the approach of danger
from the north, so it is probable that Zephaniah and Jeremiah were
aroused by the imminence of the Scythian invasion. As earlier
prophets had seen in the Assyrian army the herald of the day of
Yahweh, so Zephaniah interpreted the approach of the Scythian
hordes; this was the one great absorbing theme of his prophecy.
Again, like Amos, he saw the day of Yahweh as fraught with de
struction, as near at hand and as coming not only upon other
nations, viz., Philistia, Egypt and Assyria, but also, and pre-emi
nently, upon Yahweh s own nation (i 4ff - 7 - 14 2 4ff - 12ff -). Unlike
Jeremiah, his contemporary, who uttered warnings of coming
catastrophe while his heart was breaking, Zephaniah betrays no
sympathy, compassion or emotion of any kind over the im
pending fate of his people. He speaks almost as a disinterested
spectator.

The purpose of the approaching judgment as understood by
Zephaniah was moral. It was a condemnation of sin and Ln
expression of the ethical righteousness of Yahweh. Yet this
ethical motive finds expression only in the announcement of the
judgment upon Judah ; it plays no part in the threats against the
nations. In these latter utterances, the old narrow particularism
seems to find free course. The nations are overthrown as enemies
of Israel and Israel s God. Out of the general catastrophe, a
remnant of Israel will survive to worship Yahweh in undisturbed
serenity. The spirit which will characterise this group, as noted by
a later hand, will be one of humility, meekness, straightforward-

ZEPHANIAH s MESSAGE 179

ness, trust in Yahweh and genuine piety (3 U - 12 ). It is the type
of religion enjoined in Mi. 6~ 8 .

In only one particular has Zephaniah ever been credited with
originality. Until within recent years he has been generally ac
knowledged as the first of the prophets to announce the coming
of a universal judgment. It is doubtful, however, whether this
claim for him can now stand.* For a prophet who displays no
capacity for constructive thought elsewhere, so great an advance
step as this seems unlikely. The feature of the day of Yahweh
which holds the foremost place in his thought is evidently a war
(i 16 - 18 2 12 ), presumably the Scythian invasion, not a world-wide
catastrophe. The latter is only the dark background against
which the concrete impending disaster is shown in lurid colours.
The catastrophic, cataclysmic subversion of the physical universe
seems rather to be a part of the eschatology of the times to which he
fell heir. This phase of the judgment has no definite aim; it is
totally lacking in moral discrimination; it exhibits a certain in
consistency of presentation (e. g., i 7 ; cf. i 2 ); and it is without any
definite warrant, no reason being offered for its coming. It bears
the marks of its origin in the misty realm of myth; and myths do
not arise in the clear light of history. The conception of a world-
destroying judgment belongs in the same category with the story
of the Deluge. Like the latter, its origin probably dates back to
prehistoric days. Zephaniah, like his predecessors (e. g., Am. i 2 (
5 18 - 20 7 4 - 6 Ho. 4 3 Mi. i 3f - Is. 2 loff -), does but endeavour to ad
just the old conceptions to the new conditions created by the ap
proach of the Scythians. The essential sanity and clear vision of
Zephaniah and his predecessors is evinced in the fact that they lay
their emphasis not upon the old, unethical and cataclysmic features
of the current eschatology, but rather upon the definite historical
forces of their own time, which are interpreted by them as great
ethical agencies for the purificatory chastisement of Israel at the
hand of Yahweh.

The conception of a day of universal judgment does not in and
of itself demonstrate a monotheistic idea of God. The Deluge

*C/. Gunk., Zum religionsgesch. Verstandnis des N. T. (1903), 21 ff.; Gressmann, Escha-
tologie (1905), 144 ij..

l8o ZEPHANIAH

myth in Babylonia arose in the midst of a crass polytheism; and
the story found a hospitable reception in Israel long before mono
theism was developed. Nor does Zephaniah s attack upon the
syncretism in the religion of his day (i 4 ff ) guarantee his monothe
ism; this attitude of mind had long been characteristic of the proph
ets, who had always insisted upon exclusive loyalty to Yahweh as
over against foreign deities. Yet these views are not at all in
consistent with a view of Yahweh as the Lord of lords and the only
God. That such was Zephaniah s view is rendered probable by
the emphasis he lays upon the ethical requirements of Yahweh, for
it was by this route that Israel arrived at monotheism. This prob
ability is reinforced by the fact that the religious writings of his
contemporaries, e. g., Jeremiah and Deuteronomy, reflect a mono
theistic theology. It may be, indeed, that Zephaniah himself was
one of the group who wrought out the Deuteronomic Code and
aided in the promulgation of the reform. Whether or not he was
directly engaged in this enterprise we have no means of knowing;
but it may be readily granted that his preaching had much to do
with preparing the minds and hearts of the people and the court for
the reformation.

5. LITERATURE ON THE BOOK OF ZEPHANIAH.

i. Commentaries.

The more important commentaries of recent times are: Ewald
(1867), Reinke (1868), Hitzig-Steiner (1881), Orelli (1888; 3d ed.,
1908), Wellhausen (1892; 3d ed., 1898), Davidson (1896), Nowack
(1897; 2d. ed., 1903), G. A. Smith (1898), Marti (1903), Halevy
(1905), Driver (1906), van Hoonacker (1908), Rothstein (in Kau.,
1909), and Lippl (1910).

2. On Introduction.

The chief writings on isagogic problems are cited in 3*.
Special attention may be directed here to the studies of Stade,
Schwally, Budde, van Hoonacker and Lippl. Useful summaries

LITERATURE ON ZEPHANIAH l8l

will be found in the well-known "Introductions" of Driver,
Cornill, Konig, Kuenen and Wildeboer; in the Dictionary arti
cles by Selbie (DB.), W. R. Smith and Driver (.), and Beer
(PRE. 9 ); and in E. Besson, Introduction au Prophete Sophonie
(1910).

Discussions of the poetic form and character of the book are
listed in 3 3 .

3. The Teaching.

In addition to the sections in the commentaries and "Introduc
tions" setting forth the thought and teaching of Zephaniah, ex
positions of this subject that are worthy of mention will be found
in Duhm, Die Theologie der Propheten (1875), 222-25; Kuenen,
The Prophets and Prophecy in Israel (1875), J 7 r /; Orelli, Old
Testament Prophecy (1885), 34; Marti, Geschichte der israeli-
tischen Religion* (1897), 184; Smend, Lehrbuch der alttestament-
lichen Religions geschichte* (1899), 2437.; R. H. Charles, A Critical
History of the Doctrine of the Future Life in Israel, in Judaism and
in Christianity (1899), 97-99; Stade, Biblische Theologie des Alien
Testaments (1905), 250/5 Gressmann, Der Ursprung der israel-
itisch-judischen Eschatologie (1905), 141; Koberle, Sunde und
Gnade (1905), 195/1 Staerk, Das Assyrische Weltreich im Urteil
der Propheten (1908), 165-170; Cheyne, The Two Religions of
Israel (1911), 44-46.

A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK
OF ZEPHANIAH.

i. THE SUPERSCRIPTION (i 1 ).

This introduces the author, traces his lineage, declares the
source and authority of his message and states the period of his
public activity.

The statements of the superscription are supported by the contents
of the book at least so far as any evidence is forthcoming. Yet in view
of the slight stress laid upon authorship in early Hebrew literature,
much of it being anonymous, and in the light of the superscriptions to
the remaining prophetic books, the majority of their titles being certainly
of late origin, the probability is that this one is likewise from the hand of
an editor (contra Hi.). There is no basis, however, for Marti s supposi
tion that the chronological clause is of later origin than the remainder.

i. The word of Yahweh] V. H. AH - 201 *-. Which came unto] V.
on Mi. i 1 . Zephaniah] Nothing is known of him except what is to
be learned from his book (v. Intr., i).The son of Cushi, the
son of Gedaliah, the son of Amariah, the son of Hezekiah] This is
the most extended of the prophetic genealogies. Eight of the
prophets are left without any family history;* the fathers of six
others are named ;f while Zechariah s father and grandfather are
both recorded; but Zephaniah is traced two generations still
further back. This variation is certainly not without reason and
the most natural explanation is that offered by the view that the
Hezekiah here listed was the king by that name.t This proba
bility is supported by the fact that the name Hezekiah is not borne

* Viz., Dn., Am., Ob., Mi., Na., Hb., Hg., Mai.,
t Viz., Is., Je., Ez., Ho., Jon., Jo..

t So, e. g. t AE., Hi., We., Schw., Dav., Now., G ASm., Marti ; contra Abar., De., Cor.. On.
#al.

182

I 1 183

by any other pre-exilic person on record and that all the names of
the genealogy, save Cushi, are formed with the affix "yah" which
formation seems to have been specially common in the royal fam
ily.* The only two objections to this view are (i) that Hezekiah
is not here designated as king and (2) that the genealogy cites three
generations between Hezekiah and Zephaniah, whereas between
Hezekiah, the king, and Josiah in whose reign Zephaniah proph
esied there are only two. In reply to the first objection, it is suf
ficient to say that at the time the superscription was attached it is
probable that it was taken for granted that it would be understood
as indicating the king, and the word king was not added since its
presence would have occasioned an unpleasant repetition. As to
the second, it will be remembered that the reigns of Manasseh and
Amon extended through fifty-seven years and that Manasseh was
forty-five years old when Amon was born (2 K. 2i la 19 ). If Ama-
riah was of adult age, or nearly so, when Manasseh began his long
reign | and if we allow a lapse of twenty years between the birth of
each father and that of his first son, Zephaniah may easily have
been from fifteen to twenty years old when Josiah ascended the
throne and thus of mature age when he began his ministry. Un
fortunately, the exact date of Hezekiah s death is uncertain, and
consequently the birth-year of Manasseh cannot be determined
with precision ; but the period between the birth of Amariah and
that of his great-grandson may be reduced to not more than forty-
eight years, and the genealogy will still be not improbable. For
Jehoiachin, king of Judah, was born when his great-grandfather
Josiah was but forty-eight years old (2 K. 2i 19 22 1 23 30 f - 34 - 3C ).J
Zephaniah s royal ancestry is rendered probable also by his ap
parent familiarity with the conditions at court in his own day. Cf.
Intr., 2 1 . In the days of Josiah, son of Amon, king of Judah]
The designation as "king of Judah," rather than as simply "the
king," is insufficient reason for making this portion of the super
scription of later origin than the rest; for oriental kings were not in
frequently so designated by their contemporaries and even by them-

* V. G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, 262.

t Manasseh was not necessarily older than Amariah, since the succession did not always fall
to the eldest son, especially in polygamous families.
J V. G. B. Gray, Exp., July, 1900, pp. 76-80.

184 ZEPHANIAH

selves.* The accuracy of this date for the activity of Zephaniah
is not open to legitimate doubt (v. Intr., 2). Yet it is going too
far to say that since no editor could have derived his information
from the book itself the chronological statement must be correct.f
The probability of its truth would seem to be even greater indeed
if there were clear and unmistakable indications in the following
prophecy of the period to which it belonged.

1 . n&gt;j3i], i. e., &gt; is protector. It occurs also as the name of a priest in
Je. 2 1 1 - 29"- 29 52" and in the fuller form I.-PJDX in 2 K. 25 18 Je. 37 ; as
designating a returned exile in Zc. 6 10 - 14 , and a Levite in i Ch. 6 21 . The
Elephantine papyri (C 20, D 32) furnish still another rpjsx; and a He
brew gem in the British Museum (No. 1032) carries the legend nmntpS
VPJDX p. The same root occurs as the second part of a proper name
in JDX^N (Nu. 34") with its variant josSx (Ex. 6 22 Lv. io 14 ); (& in all
three places has E\i(ra.(pa.v. Similar formations occur in Carthaginian
inscriptions; e.g., Spajox in CIS., Nos. 207, 371, 415, as the name of a
woman; and in Assyrian; e.g., Baal-sa-pu-nu, Gir-sa-pu-nu, Giri-sa-pu-
ni, Ba li-sapuna, Ba il-sapuna and Sapuna, all of them apparently
west-Semitic names (KAT. 3 , 479). The place-names pox hyz (Ex.
I4 2 ) and pax (Jos. i3 27 Ju. i2 1 &lt;? ); the personal names pox (Nu. 26 15 ),
P DX (Gn. 46 16 ); and especially the Phoenician pox nap (CIS., 265;
Euting, 192), and JDX nn (CIS., 208), and the divine name on the so-
called Job-stone, found east of the Sea of Galilee, which is probably to
be read jsxNjnx (v. Erman, Zeitschrift fur JEgypt. Sprache, XXXI,
100 /.) make it probable that px was originally the name of a Semitic
god whom the Hebrews ultimately came to identify with Yahweh ex
actly as they had treated the Baalim (e. g., rrSpa, i Ch. i2 5 ; cf. Ho. 2 18 )
and as the Babylonians of later times treated their various deities whom
they came to consider as but partial manifestations of the supreme god,
Marduk (Pinches, Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute,
XXVIII, 8/.; cf. Zimmern, KAT. 3 , 609; Baethgen, Beitrdge z. sent. Re
ligions geschichte, 22; H. P. Smith, AJSL., XXIV, 56). ^13] Else
where a gentilic, except probably in Je. 36"; it also occurs, as Schw. has
noted, in an ins. from Ipsambul (CIS., No. 112) as a man s name, wz.
nnDN] This son of Hezekiah is otherwise unknown. The most
plausible view of 2 K. 2O 18 makes it a late expansion, referring to "sons"

* Cf.. e. g., the opening lines of the inscription of Nebuchadrezzar I, who is there entitled
" King of Babylon"; so also in the inscription of Ashurnacirpal from the temple of Balawat, the
monolith of Shalmaneser II, the Nimrud inscription of Tiglath-pileser III, the cylinder inscrip
tion of Sargon, the Taylor cylinder of Sennacherib and several inscriptions of Esarhaddon,
Ashurbanipal and Nebuchadrezzar II.

t Contra Cor..

f- 1 185

in the looser sense of "descendants," the words vVin na&gt;N being a gloss.
In any case, the captivity of the royal family there mentioned is only a
partial one, and, on the hypothesis of the literal accuracy of the narrative
as it stands, we may either suppose that Amariah escaped entirely or
that it did not occur until after the birth of his son Gedaliah. rvprn]
& = ^i^T j s Kenn. 178, 155, 201, 224, 225, and de R. 341, 346. Cf.
an Arm. ms. cited by HP. as reading viov To5o\iov xc^^eou. p~N] &lt;S A
A and Kenn. 258 = PON.

2. THE DAY OF DOOM UPON JUDAH AND
JERUSALEM (i 2 - 6 ).

A single str. of eight lines announcing with prophetic finality
the approaching day of judgment upon the world in general and
Judah in particular.

T WILL utterly sweep away all from upon the face of the ground; it is the oracle

of Yahweh.
I will sweep away man and beast; I will sweep away the fowl of the heavens and

the fish of the sea;
And I will stretch out my hand against Judah, and against all the inhabitants of

Jerusalem;
And from this place I will cut off Baal to the last remnant, and the name of the

idol-priests;

And those prostrating themselves upon the roofs to the host of the heavens;
And those prostrating themselves before Yahweh, who swear by Milcom;
And those who withdraw from following Yahweh;
Even those who have not sought Yahweh, nor inquired of him.

This str. stands at the head of Zephaniah s prophecies, announ
cing the general theme of them all. It has suffered somewhat at
the hands of editors, but the additions are easily recognisable. 2.
I will utterly sweep away all from upon the face of the ground] A
day of doom for the entire world. The judgment is wholly un-
discriminating and all-comprehensive. For a similar approach
by way of the universal toward the particular, cf. Mi. i 2 ff - Am.
i 2 " 4 . // is the oracle of Yahweh} The most solemn form of an
nouncement (v. H.^ 1 59 ). Metrical considerations are insufficient
warrant for the omission of these words as a gloss.* 3. I will
sweep away man and beast; I will sweep away the fowl of the heav-

* Contra *"arti, Siev., Fag..

1 86 ZEPHANIAH

ens and the fish of the sea] For similarly all-inclusive pictures of
destruction, cf. Ho. 4 3 Is. 2 12 ~ 21 Ez. 3 8 19 . The fish escaped in the
Noachian deluge (Gn. y 21 - 23 ). Universal depravity demands uni
versal destruction. The subordinate creatures share the fate of
man, their ruler. And I will cause the wicked to stumble] This is
a gloss* from some reader who felt the injustice of an indiscrimi
nate punishment. iflj can be rendered only, "and the ruins with
the wicked," which, as von Orelli notes, seems to be suggestive of
an earthquake as constituting the disaster. The rendering of
RV., "stumbling-blocks," involves a change of text (v. i.) and fails
to improve the sense. In any case, any kind of allusion to "the
wicked" at this point is premature. And I will cut off mankind
from upon the face of the ground; it is the oracle of Yahweh] This
is a gloss,f which adds nothing to what has already been said in
w. 2&lt; 3a . Some seek to save this line for Zephaniah by reading
"the wicked" % or "the men of wickedness " with &lt;g. But the
reading of &lt; is more easily explained as due either to free transla
tion or to an inner Greek corruption than as representing the orig
inal text from which |H has been derived. 4. And I will stretch
out my hand against Judah and against all the inhabitants of Jeru
salem] The real object of the prophet s interest and Yahweh s
wrath now emerges. The world-judgment forms only the stage-
setting for the tragedy of Judah s affliction. For the figure of
Yahweh s hand uplifted for punishment, cf. Is. g 12 - 17 - 21 io 5 5 25
I4 2fi - 27 . The emphasis laid upon the wickedness of Jerusalem by
Zephaniah is only slightly less than is the case with Micah. For
both prophets alike, the capital city is the head and front of Judah s
offending. The difference between the two is that for Micah the
outstanding crimes of Judah were in the ethical and social sphere,
while for Zephaniah they fall within the narrower sphere of re
ligion proper. A nd from this place I will cut off Baal io the last
remnant] The more familiar translation here is "the remnant of
Baal," which would imply that Baalism had been reduced to small
proportions by the time of Zephaniah. Such a diminution of its

* So We., Dav., Now vtfarti, Siev., Dr., Stk., Fag., Roth..

t So We., Now., Marti, Siev., Stk., Fag., Roth.; Schw. om. only "from upon, etc."; Kent
drops "it is the oracle of Yahweh."

J Schw.. GASm..

I" 187

influence would seem to require that Zephaniah s work be placed
after the reform of 621 B.C.* But this date is less probable than
an earlier period on other grounds (v. Intr., 2). The rendering
here chosen avoids that necessity and is supported by usage else
where; cf. Am. 4 2 Is. i4 22 i7 3 .f The prophet simply announces
the total extermination of Baalism as close at hand. The Chron
icler does indeed place the beginning of Josiah s reform activities
very early in his reign (2 Ch. 34 3 7 ), but the historicity of that nar
rative is open to serious question. Baalism died hard in Israel.
Yahweh never had the sole and undivided allegiance of Israel in
the pre-exilic age.J Notwithstanding the bitter opposition to
Baalism on the part of Elijah, Hosea and all the succeeding proph
ets, it still called for the prophetic wrath of Zephaniah. Nor is it
necessarily a diluted form of Baalism with which we have here to
do, a Baalism cloaking itself under the guise of Yahwism, a syn
cretism wherein the outer shell of Yahwism was filled with the
inner spirit of Baalism. It was rather an unadulterated Baalism
which Zephaniah denounced. The out and out idolatry named
in the following verse points in this direction. So does the tes
timony regarding the idolatrous reaction under Manasseh and
Amon (2 K. 21), which continued without serious check until the
time of the Deuteronomic reform. The phrase "from this place"
is treated by some as a gloss ; but the metrical basis upon
which this is urged is not sufficiently strong. The place meant is
Jerusalem which is thus designated as the headquarters of Baal
and all his works. Zephaniah was at least in the city when he
used this phrase even if his home were not there. And the name
of the idol- priests] A designation for idolatrous priests found only
here and Ho. 4* io 5 2 K. 23 5 ; cf. H. AH&gt; S46f -. Name and person
ality were so intimately connected in Semitic thought that to de
stroy the former was to destroy the latter also. This expression
is not infrequently used to indicate a most complete and thorough
going destruction. With the priests] A gloss** intended to supple
ment or explain the rare word "idol-priests." The best witnesses

* So, e. g., Mau., Hi., Ke..

t So Schegg, Reinke, We., Or., Dav., Now., van H., el al..

t V. Toy, JBL., XXIV, 91-106. So Marti, Now.*, Siev., Stk., Fag., Roth..

** So Schw., Dav., Bach., Marti, Now.*, Roth., Kent

l88 ZEPHANIAH

to &lt;g omit this phrase (v. i.) ; it adds nothing essential and is super
fluous metrically.

6. And those prostrating themselves upon the roofs to the host oj
the heavens] Here begin three specifications under the general
charge made in v. 4 . The worship of the sun, moon and stars
is given first place. It was prevalent throughout the period of
Manasseh and Amon (2 K. 2i 3 - 5 - 21 ), and continued into the days
of Josiah (2 K. 2$*- 12 ) . It was denounced by the prophets and the
Deuteronomists as a current practice (Je. 7 18 8 2 ip 13 44 17 " 25 Dt. 4 19
iy 3 Ez. 8 16 ). Hints as to its character are supplied by Je. 44 17 " 19
Ez. 8 16 Jb. 3 1 26 , and the fact that.it was practised upon the house
tops (cf. Je. 32 29 ) shows that it was offered directly to the heavenly
bodies themselves, rather than to any representations of them.
The Deuteronomic editor of the books of Kings attributed the fall
of the northern kingdom, in part at least, to the prevalence there
of this worship (2 K. iy 16 ; cf. Am. 5 26 ). Its prevalence in Judah
at this time is generally attributed to the close contact, dating from
the time of Ahaz (2 K. i6 10 ff -), between Judah and Assyria, where
such worship had been carried on from time immemorial. It must
be remembered, however, that the worship of the heavenly bodies,
and especially that of the sun and moon, was a custom common to
the ancient Semitic world* and hence likely to have persisted in
Israel from early times.f Furthermore, such names as Baal-sha-
mem (CIS., No. 7), En-shemesh, Beth-shemesh, Har-heres, Heres,
Timnath-heres and Jericho make it clear that the Canaanitish
Baalism, with which Israel had come into the closest possible con
tact, was vitally concerned with the worship of the heavenly bod
ies. J The reaction under Manasseh, due in part to the stimulus
of foreign cults, did not introduce sun-worship as a new cult, but
rather revitalised a worship which had long been known in Israel,
though it had lain more or less dormant, or had been confined
chiefly to the rural population, having had no official recognition.
A nd those prostrating themselves to Yahweh who swear by Milcom]
M introduces another "who swear" immediately after "them-

* Baethgen, Beitrage zur sent. Religionsgeschichte (1888), 61 ff..
t C\. Hal., ad loc..

I C}. C. F. Burney, EB., 4784; G. F. Moore, ., 3354 /.; L. B. Paton, Encyclopedia of R+
ligton and Ethics, II, 288 /..

f 189

selves," thus rendering the structure rough and broken and creat
ing a Hebrew syntactical usage otherwise unknown. Another seri
ous difficulty with fE is that it makes the prophet put worshippers
of Yahweh on the same level with worshippers of Milcom, both
alike being doomed to destruction. Zephaniah s charge against
his countrymen, however, is not that some of them have forsaken
Yahweh for Milcom, but that in general they do not yield undi
vided allegiance to Yahweh, but worship Milcom and other gods
alongside of Yahweh. The whole struggle of the prophets, on
its strictly religious side, was in behalf of the idea that Yahweh
alone was Israel s God. The masses of the people, however, did
not reach this point of view until after the Exile. Indeed, the re
cently discovered papyri of Elephantine include a list of gifts for
religious purposes by the Jewish colonists which shows that as late
as the fifth century B.C. Yahweh was still under the humiliation
of seeing the devotions of his people shared by two other deities,
one of whom was the goddess Anath.* Another of the same group
of papyri reveals a Jewish woman in a legal transaction taking
oath both by Yahweh and by Sati, an Egyptian god.f The atti
tude of Zephaniah is in striking contrast with that of Elisha in the
case of Naaman, the Syrian (2 K. 5 18 ft ), and thus illustrates the
growth in the Hebrew thought of God. The proposal of Nestle
to read "to the moon" instead of "to Yahweh" is attractive, but
not convincing; moon-worship has already been included in the
word against "those worshipping the host of the heavens" and
needs no further consideration; while the change to the third person
involved by the introduction of "Yahweh" is no uncommon oc
currence when a prophet is speaking as the representative of Yah
weh (e. g., i 8 - 17 3 5 - 6 Am. a 1 - 2 - 7 - 8 Ho. 4 6 - 9 - 10 Mi. 2 12 - 13 4 7 ).
$i has "their king" in place of "Milcom," the difference being
only one of vocalisation. The Vrss. unite in supporting the read
ing "Milcom" (v. i.}, and on the whole this is preferable. Mil
com was the god of the Ammonites (i K. n 5 - ^ 2 K. 23") who
with other gods shared Judah s hospitality toward all cults. Cf.
Ez. 23" ff . In case the reading of K is right, the essential mean-

* V. Sachau, Die Aramaischen Papyrus aus Elephantine (1911).
t Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic Papyri jrom Assuan, Papyrus F, 1. 5.

19 ZEPHANIAH

ing is the same. The title "king" is then applied not to Yahweh,
King of kings and Lord of lords, but either to the various local
deities throughout the land, each of whom was entitled "king" of
his special city, the word of Jeremiah being in point here, viz., "ac
cording to the number of thy cities are thy gods, O Judah" (2 28 ) ;*
or to the Phoenician god Milk (whose name is regularly distorted
to Molech in OT. and is thus made to suggest bdsheth= shame),
whose very name meant "king" and whose cruel cultus was prac
tised in Judah in Zephaniah s day (2 K. 2 3 10 Je. 7 31 32 25 Ez. i6 20 f ;
cf. Lv. i8 21 20 2 ~ 5 ).f The chief objection to Milcom lies in the
fact that after the time of Solomon who built high places to Mil
com for his foreign wives (i K. u 5 - 7 * ffl 2 K. 23 13 ) no reference
is made to his worship in Israel. J But this at best is only an
argumentum e silentio. Furthermore, while Milk and Milcom are
in one passage clearly differentiated (2 K. 23 13 ), it is probable
that fundamentally they were closely related, being simply differ
ent members of the Baalistic pantheon (cf. Je. 32 35 ), and that the
rites offered to them were closely similar.** And those who with
draw from following Yahweh] This verse does not merely sum
marise in a general characterisation the practices of those con
demned in w. 4b - 5 ,f| nor does it contrast the apostate Jews of ra
with the godless heathen of 6b ;JJ but it adds a new class to the fore
going, viz., those who do not merely divide their loyalty between
Yahweh and other gods, but rather actually reject Yahweh out and
out; cf. i 12 . It is something worse than religious indifference ;
it is open and downright apostasy. Even those who have not sought
Yahweh, nor inquired of him] This does but repeat in negative
form what has just been said positively. There is hardly sum-

* So Hal., who urges in further support of this view an interesting interpretation of the legends
nDltP iScS .oStJ? l^D 1 ? ,p-On "J^D 1 ? ,pr "jSn 1 ?, stamped upon old Hebrew jar-handles
(Bliss and Macalister s Excavations in Palestine, 116-121) to the effect that the "kings" here
named were the tutelary deities of their cities. Cf. mpSo ( = fi &gt; 1p "J^D), god of Tyre.

t So Dav., GASm., Or.; G. F. Moore, EB., 3085.

J Other allusions to Milcom are 2 S. i2 so &lt;g Je. 49 - 8 .

Cf. the name SjnsSD for a Phoenician deity in CIS., Nos. 147, 194, 380.

** Cf., e. g., the king of Moab s sacri6ce of his oldest son (probably to Chemosh, his goJ&gt;
with the Hebrew rites in honour of Molech (2 K. s 27 ); v. also Lagrange, Etudes sur les relig
ions semitiques*, 99 fl..

ft Contra Hal..

Jt Contra Marti ; similarly, Or., Hal.. Or., Dr..

I" 191

dent basis for the rejection of this verse as an interpolation.* The
change to the third person has already occurred in v. 5 (q. v.); the
metre of this str. is too irregular to warrant the elimination on the
ground of the poor balance of this verse; and the thought though
somewhat repetitiously expressed forms a fitting climax to the str..

The metre of this str. is rough and uneven, being a mixture of hexa
meter and pentameter; but the parallelism is regular and clearly marked,
thus indicating plainly the poetic lines. The arrangement here pre
sented involves the setting aside of the latter part of v. s , beginning with
niSiWDni, and also the dropping of the phrase D"jnrn oy from v. &lt; as a
gloss. A threefold objection holds against the phrase ns ni^a^m
trpann in v. 3 , viz.: (i) no such discrimination between the righteous and
the wicked is implied in the threats of the immediate context; (2) it lies
outside of any possible metrical scheme; (3) the presence of the asterisk
in (& A . The remainder of v. 3 does but weakly reiterate what has al
ready been said in the- opening words of the verse.

2. n s ] (&, fK\ei\f/et. H, congregans. Four codd. of Kenn. rpox.
Ips] This can only be a Hiph. juss. from ^D. But this is open to
three objections, viz.: (i) the Hiph. of this vb. occurs only here and in
Je. 8 13 where the text is almost certainly corrupt; (2) the juss. is Un
called for here; (3) the use of the inf. abs. from a different root. An anal
ogous case of the inf. of one vb. with the finite form of another occurs in
Is. 28", urn&gt; tfnN; but a root cnx is otherwise unknown and the text
is probably corrupt, unless Earth, NB. ^ 49b , be correct in supposing
that forms like f\btt and rns are survivals of a primitive Hiph. inf. abs.
form of the i r y vb.. Rd. IP* as ist pers. sg. impf. of ipN, with Stei.,
Or., Schw., We., Now., Ges.* 72a % Marti, Siev., van H., Stk., Fag.,
Roth., Kent. For similar forms, cf. i S. i5 6 2 S. 6 1 Mi. 4 Ps. 104". Cf.
Ges.4i. *. Sa] (&BY an( j Kenn. 245 om.; so Roth.(?). 3. ]DN]
Rd. ips both times as in v. 2 . Vrss. render as in v. 2 . Stk. ION,
omitting it the second time as do also Fag., Kent. a^an,? ON rnSiPDDni]
Rd. wnVtsbni; so GASm., Oort Em -, Now. K , van H., Roth., Kent.
&lt;g, teal &&amp;lt;reevf)&lt;rov&lt;Ttv ol d&lt;re/3e?j (&lt;g**, /3a&lt;nXs). H, et ruinae impiorum sunt.
&, and I will bring the stumbling-block upon sinners. HP. 36, 240, ical
rd. &lt;TKdv8a\a. &lt;ri&gt;v TO?S a&lt;7&lt;?/3c&lt;rt. HP. 130, 211 om. the phrase, while &lt;g A has
it under asterisk. Bach., -in rnntf ino^j. Schw./ui inS^i. We., D^apn
ui; so Fag.. Marti, w &gt;nnc^nj; so Stk.. It s rendering of Jfl is correct,
viz., ruins ( stumbling-blocks calls for the text as emended by We.);
but it is hardly an appropriate term in this context; it would be in
telligible only in the pregnant sense ruins about to be made. &lt;& &

* Contra Marti, Now. K , Fag., Kent.

IQ2 ZEPHANIAH

seem to presuppose a verbal form and dittog. would account for D of
4ft since D and o are so easily confused; v. on Mi. i 2 . Or. s objection
to this reading as too weak is not well taken, in view of 2 Ch. 25* 28**
Je. 6 21 . D^yann] A word much more common in exilic and postexilic
writings than in earlier times; but its occurrence in pre-exilic liteiature is
frequent enough to make it unsafe to base an argument for the late date
of a passage upon this word, especially when the writing in question is as
close to the exile as Zephaniah. DiNn-ps] &lt;&, robs &v6/j.ovs; so Schw..
GASm., j?Eh DIN. &lt; may have arisen through avovs as an abbreviation
for avdpAtrovs; in any case neither ~\ nor ?i&gt;? can easily have been changed
to DIN. 4. INB&gt;] &lt;8, rb. 6v6fMTa 01?; so 2 codd. of Kenn. and one more
in margin; so also Schw. (cf. Ho. 2 lfl ), Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Dr. (?),
Stk., Roth.. But JH deserves preference as the harder reading and be
cause if (35 were correct we should have expected DE&gt; with D^ron also.
D^-DN] Rd. o^-nxi, with OS & 1Ef 31, and many Heb. codd.; so Or.,
Marti, Siev., Fag., Roth.. We., on basis of asyndeton of 4H, suggests
om. of D2&gt;-nN as a variant of iwp-nN; so Stk.. Dncnn] A word occurring
in Strassburg Papyrus i 8 , in the Elephantine papyri published by Sayce
and Cowley (E 15) and by Sachau (i 6 ), and on the Teima Stone; always
applied to non-Yahwistic priests. It was a common Semitic word be
ing now known in Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac, Nabataean, Punic (v. G. A.
Cooke, North-Semitic Ins., Nos. 64, 65, 69, 98; Lidzbarski, Handbuch
d. nordsem. Epigr., 297) and Assyrian (a high Babylonian official is
called Kamiru in Amarna Letters, No. I, 15, 33; and an Arabic priestess
is entitled Kumirtu in an ins. of Ashurbanipal; v. KAT.*, 467). -op
D^ron] &lt;g BA A om.; in marg. of & H with asterisk; but found in HP. 22,
36, 42, 51, 62, 68, 86, 87, 95, 97, 147, 185, 228, 233, 238, 240, 310, Com-
plut., Arm., Slav.. 5. nujn] (5 N , f5o\a. Eight mss. of Kenn. and 7 of
de R., nujn. mrp 1 ? D^stpjn o^nntPDn DNI] ( A A, HP. 49, 106, 153,
233 om.; while & H has all of it in marg. under asterisk and only tPDn-nN)
is om. by &lt;gQ, HP. 23, 26, 36, 40, 42, 51, 62, 86, 95, 97, 114, 130, 147, 185,
238, 239, 240, 311 and Arm.. "Swearing by "*" was a perfectly legiti
mate proceeding as appears from Is. 19" 45" 2 Ch. 15", in all of which
it means worship v But the phrase h tfjn here encounters three diffi
culties, viz.: (i) it is a useless repetition of the thought of the immediately
preceding word; (2) it renders the sentence heavy and awkward; (3) if
nin-" 1 ? were correct after E&gt;JH, we should expect ooSoS likewise. The
state of &lt;& indicates very much uncertainty as to the text at a relatively
early date. The omission of Dnnntycn as a dittog. would leave an ad
mirably balanced line; but rnrvV follows it more easily than it does Vjn
in this context. Hence the latter is better om., with We., Schw., Oort Em -,
Now., Or., Marti, Dr. (?), van H., Fag., Roth, and Kent, as a dittog. or
a marg. correction of the foil. Vjm. nin&gt;S] Or. adds niNitx. Nestle
suggests n-vS; so Marti, Now. K , Stk.; cf. Dt. 17* Je. 8* Jb. 31".

I" 193

Om. i with &lt;B NA ; so Hi., Stei., We., Now., Marti, Dr. (?), Stk..
The om. of r.x here points to the absence of i originally. The whole
wcru is om. by (S^*, HP. 26, 130, 311. Eth. reads, "and those swear
ing in the name of &gt; their king deceitfully "; similarly, (5. DoSo3] Rd.
orSca, with &lt; Y , HP. 22, 36, 51, 95, 185, 238 (all = AIXXOM), 5B; so Hi.,
Stei., We., Now., Marti, Siev., van H., Stk., Fag., Roth., Kent. &lt;g&lt;2 mar *-,
HP. 62, 86, 147, jwXox. H , by the king their God. , their idols.
HP. 114, /card TOV MeXxou; 240, Kara MoXxo/z. 6. inzm] &lt;g, drrc-

TOV Kvplov. For a comparison of am with tfpa, v. H. AH , 113.

3. THE TERRORS OF THE DAY OF YAHWEH (i 7 - 18 ).

A vivid picture of the terrible judgment now so near at hand.
The poem falls into eleven short strs. of two lines each, as though
the burden of the message were too heavy to be borne by strs. of
greater length. Str. I announces the near approach of the dread
day (i 7 ); II pronounces judgment upon the king s counsellors
(i 8a - 9b ); III deals with those who practise social and religious
customs of foreign origin (i 8b - 9a ); IV describes the woe to come
upon every quarter of the city (i 10 - lla ); V vividly represents the
impossibility of the escape of any guilty man (i 12a - b ) ; VI shows
how such men will realise their mistake in disregarding Yahweh
(i 12c - 13a ); VII reiterates the announcement that Yahweh s day is
near (i 14 ); VIII and IX characterise that day with its terrors
(i 15 - 16 ) ; X describes the pitiful condition of mankind on that day
(i 17 ) ; and XI closes the poem with the threat of a most complete
destruction (i 18a - c ).

gILENCE in the presence of the Lord Yahweh, for Yahweh s day is near at
hand!

For Yahweh has prepared a sacrifice, he has consecrated his guests.
A ND I will punish the princes and the king s sons,

Who fill their master s house with violence and deceit.
A ND I will punish every one who leaps over the threshold,

And every one who clothes himself with foreign raiment.
J.JARK! a cry from the Fish-gate, and a wail from the New-Town;

And a great crash from the hills, and a wail from the Mortar.
pOR at that time, I will search Jerusalem with a lamp,

And I will punish those who are at ease, thickened upon their lees;
"THOSE who say in their hearts, "Yahweh does neither good nor bad";

And their substance will become a ruin, and their houses a desolation.

194 ZEPHANIAH

at hand is Yahweh s great day, near and speeding fast;
Near at hand is Yahweh s bitter day, hastening faster than a warrior.
A DAY of wrath is that day, a day of distress and straitness;

A day of desolation and waste, a day of darkness and gloom.
A DAY of cloud and thunder-cloud, a day of the trumpet and battle-cry,

Against the fortified cities and against the lofty battlements.
A ND I will press hard upon mankind and they shall walk like blind men, be

cause they have sinned against me;

And their blood shall be poured out like dust, and their flesh like dung.
^"EITHER their silver nor their gold can deliver them;

For a full destruction, yea, a fearful one, will Yahweh make of all the inhabi
tants of the land.

Str. I, in a striking figure, declares that the day of Yahweh is
close at hand, all preparations having been made. 7. Silence in
the presence of the Lord Yahweh /] By this command for a solemn
hush, the prophet vividly conveys his feeling of the immediate
proximity of God. At the same time, the silence he enjoins was
probably a characteristic feature of the sacrificial ritual, which is
here used figuratively. We are reminded of the Latin favete lin-
guis (Horace, Odes, 3 : i, 2; Vergil, JEneid, 5 : 71).* Smend de
clares that the Arabs also "stood around the altar a long time still
and silent after the performance of the sacrificial slaughter " and
that this was the time when the deity was thought to approach the
altar.f For similar injunctions to silence in the presence of Yah
weh, cf. Hb. 2 20 Zc. 2 13 Am. 6 w .For near at hand is the day of
Yahweh] The thought of this dread day bulks larger in Zephaniah
than in any preceding prophet. % It is the black shadow that over
casts all of his message. He agrees with Amos, the creator of the
ethical conception of the day of Yahweh, in supposing its advent
to be imminent (cf. i 14 ) and in making it a day of judgment. The
ethical aspect of the judgment is less prominent in Zephaniah than
in Amos; but, on the other hand, more stress is laid upon its uni
versal scope (i 2 - 3 2 4 6 - 12&gt; 13 3 8 ). The probability is that as Amos
connected the day of Yahweh with the operations of Urartu or As
syria in the west, so Zephaniah s expectation of the day was aroused
by the onslaught of the Scythians (v. Intr., 2). But neither Amos

* So Schw.. t Rel*, 140.

t For a sketch of the historical development of this idea, v. JMPS., AJTh., V, 505-33. Cf.
H. AH , 131 /.; Gressmann, Eschatologie, 141 ft..

I 7 195

nor Zephaniah looked upon the invasion of the foreigner as ex
hausting the terrors of the judgment. War, drought, pestilence
and cataclysmic convulsions of nature were all to contribute toward
the appalling catastrophe. Natural events were but the forerun
ners of more terrible supernatural phenomena. The near ap
proach of the end of the age, the indispensable prerequisite of the
dawn of the new and better day, is a constant feature of the pro
phetic idea of Yahweh s day (e. g., Am. 6 3 Is. 13 Jo. i 15 2 1 ). For
Yahweh has prepared a sacrifice] This is the first instance of Yah
weh s judgment upon Israel being represented as a sacrificial
feast. The figure is taken up and expanded by Ezekiel (39" ff ; cf.
Is. 25 8 34 6 Je. 46 10 Rev. ip 17 f&lt; ). The victim, of course, is Judah.
He has consecrated his guests] Such preparation, involving puri
fication from all uncleanness, was necessary to participation in
the sacrificial meal; cf. i S. i6 5 . The participant must pass from
the sphere of the profane into that of the holy. Wild beasts and
birds of prey constitute the guests in Ezekiel s representation;
but here the guests are left undetermined. Some would identify
them with the Chaldeans;* others prefer the Scythians;f while
GressmannJ declares that guests and victim are the same, viz.,
Judah. Davidson feels a certain inconsistency in the figure, in
that it represents Yahweh as slaying the sacrifice, whereas the real
slaughterers are the guests themselves, viz., Israel s foes. All such
attempts to interpret the figure in every detail seem to ignore the
ideal element in the representation. The only essential feature
of the figure is the picture of Judah as a sacrificial victim about
to experience the punitive wrath of Yahweh. The remaining
features are but accessory circumstances, necessary to the round
ing out of the view, but never intended to be taken literally. For
evidence that guests were invited to participate in sacrifices, cf.
i S. 9 13 - * 2 S. 6 19 15" i K. i 9 Ne. 8 10 and the common usage
among the Arabs.** The argument for removing v. 7 from its
present position to another, whether preceding v. 2 as the opening
sentence of the prophecy, ff or preceding v. 14 and there opening a

* So Abar., Jer., Rosenm., Mau., Hd.. t So Ew., Dr.; cf. We..

J Eschalologie, 136 /.. So van H..

** WRS. R -, 236 /.; We., Rtste d. Arab. Heidenlhums, 114 /..
ft So Marti, Fag., Kent.

196 ZEPHANIAH

new poem,* is not sufficiently strong. The use of the third per
son between the verbs of v. 4 and v. 8 , which are in the first person,
is not a serious consideration in view of prophetic usage and in any
case is not obviated unless v. 6 be also eliminated. Even then,
matters are not helped much, when v. 7 in the third person is
transferred solely for that reason and placed before v. 2 , which is
in the first person.

Str. II, threatening the king s household with punishment, is
introduced by a line in prose, contributed by some editor, f viz.,
8a. And it will come to pass in the day of Yahweh s sacrifice]
A slight emendation would make this read, "in the day of my sac
rifice," and do away with the difficulty felt by some as to the use
of the third person ; but this difficulty would not be a serious one,
even if this line were a part of the original text. I will punish the
princes and the king s sons] Lit., visit upon, a common idiom for
punish, especially in Je. (e. g., 5 p 25 n 22 25" 3 6 31 ; cf. 23 - 12 ). The
royal family and the members of the court are here held respon
sible for the wickedness of the times, the king himself having
been too young probably at this time to have taken the reins of
government into his own hands; cf. 2 K. 22*. In any case, the
reference here cannot be to the sons of Josiah, the eldest of whom
was not born until six years after Josiah assumed the crown (2 K.
23 36 22 1 ) and was not old enough to have wielded any influence un
til well toward the close of Josiah s long reign. Zephaniah s
relationship to the royal family (v. on i 1 ) gave him a position at
court which enabled him to keep in touch with all that was going
on and to expose the secret machinations of those high in authority.
9b. Who Jill their master s house] i. e., the king s palace, not the
temple of Yahweh as in (. The charge is not that they use the
palace as a storehouse for stolen goods, nor even primarily that
they enrich the royal treasury through fraud and oppression; but
that they themselves by their conduct and character make the
king s house a symbol and synonym of all that is bad. Where
righteousness should reign, iniquity abounds. With violence and
deceit] This is the true prophetic cry. Cf. Am. 3 10 Is. 3" f - Mi.
2 2. s. 9 y-3. 9. 10 Ez&gt; 22 27-2 9i Here and fo jia. is Zephaniah shows

* So Siev.. t So Marti, Siev., Now.*, Fag., Du., Kent

I 8 - 197

that he too, like his great predecessors, was sensitive to the mis
eries and wrongs of the poor. For the justification of the trans
position of v. 9b , v. i.,

Str. Ill devotes itself to the denunciation of certain practices of
foreign origin, the adoption of which indicates disloyalty to the
old, long-established customs and ideals. 9a. And I will punish
every one who leaps over the threshold] The precise significance
of this action is unknown. Many have been the interpretations
placed upon it. &lt; s rendering yields no sense. , with many
successors, finds the meaning furnished by i S. 5 5 , where the wor
shippers of Dagon are said to avoid stepping upon the threshold
of his sanctuary, because of the fact that Dagon had fallen across
that threshold and been broken to pieces in the presence of the
ark; a similar custom has now come into vogue in the temple
of Yahweh; cf. Is. 2 6 . Jerome also interprets the custom of the
threshold of the temple, but finds the blame in the arrogance with
which the worshippers tread the courts of Yahweh. Hitzig refers
the custom to the threshold of the king s palace and cites the testi
mony of travellers to the effect that the Persians crossed the king s
threshold without touching it and with the right foot forward.*
W. Robertson Smithf and Driver see here a reference to the foreign
body-guard of the Jewish king, his Philistine janissaries (2 S.
i5 18 2 K. i 38 ). Another series of interpretations refers the cus
tom to the palaces of the rich, making Zephaniah condemn, for
example, the eagerness with which the servants of the rich rush out
of their palaces to seize the property of the less powerful; J or the
guardians of the portals of the palaces of the great (2 S. i 9 13 1$* ff ),
who abuse their position by extorting money from those who would
seek their master s aid. Kimchi, on the other hand, finds the
reference to the thresholds of the poor, the doors of whose houses
are burst open by the rich in their search after the goods of their
weaker neighbours.** It is unlikely, however, that Zephaniah
would charge the great and powerful nobles with petty larceny.
The threshold of the house has been regarded as a favourite abode

* So in the time of della Valle and Olearius.

t Old Testament and the Jewish Church 2 , 261 /..

* So, e. g., Hd..

So, e. g., van H.. ** So also de W., Ew., Ke..

198 ZEPHANIAH

of demons and spirits among practically all races.* It seems
probable, therefore, that the prophet spoke of some superstitious
practice (perhaps, though not necessarily, of foreign origin) which
was now in vogue particularly among the rich. It is more likely
to have been connected with private houses than with either the
temple or the royal palace exclusively. The next line, at least,
concerns itself with a custom primarily of social rather than re
ligious significance. In that day] i. e., the day of Yahweh. This
is a gloss added by some zealous hand;f it overburdens the line
and adds no essential thought. And every one who clothes him
self with foreign raiment] i. e., the fops of the day, who followed
after the latest imported styles. The serious aspect of the prac
tice was the evidence it afforded of the decay of the national spirit
and pride. Furthermore, the nation and its god were inseparable,
and to abandon or neglect distinctive national customs was to be
disloyal to Yahweh. Imported garments were naturally expensive
and could be obtained only by the wealthier classes (2 S. i3 18
Mt. ii 8 ). The prohibition in the law (Dt. 22" Lv. ip 19 ) commonly
cited in connection with this passage has no bearing whatever upon
the question here, since it springs out of a different circle of ideas.
Str. IV strikingly presents a picture of the distress that will
overwhelm Jerusalem on Yahweh s day. The str. is introduced by
a line of prose, probably of editorial origin .J 10. And it will come
to pass in that day, it is the oracle of Yahweh} The introduction of
this line blunts the edge of the cry that follows, which left in its
original abruptness is startlingly vivid. Hark! a cry from the Fish-
gate] This was one of the entrances to the city of Jerusalem on the
north side, the exact location of which we cannot determine. It
probably corresponded to the present Damascus Gate, opening
upon the roadway along the bed of the Tyropceon Valley. Ac
cording to Ne. 3 3 i2 39 , it stood between the "Old Gate" and the
"Sheep Gate," near to the tower of Hananel. According to 2 Ch.

* V. H. C. Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant (1896), 10 fl.; Baur, Mitlheilungen und
Nachrichlen d. Deulschen Pal. Vereins, for 1899, p. 10.

t So Marti, Now. K , Siev., Fag., Du., Kent. Gr. om. as dittog. from v. 10 , while Schw. tr. it
to the beginning of v. 9 .

t So Marti, Fag., Du., Kent. Siev. om. all but the opening mm.

V. GASm., Jerusalem, I, 201 /.; Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, 359; Paton, Jerusalem in
Bible Times, iao/..

1 199

33 14 &gt; it was a part of the new wall built by Manasseh. It may
have been identical with the "Middle Gate" of Je. 39 1 " 3 , standing
in the middle of the line of the north wall. The name Fish-gate
may be accounted for by the fact that Jerusalem depended largely
upon the fishermen of Tyre for its fish supply (Ne. i3 16 ) ; and these
probably entered the city by this gate as affording the nearest entry
or giving f .hem easiest access to the fish-market.* The prophet in
imagination places himself in the midst of the coming scene of
desolation and listens to the sounds of grief and ruin that fill the
air. And a wail from the New-Town] Lit., the second (town). A
section of the city located probably near the Fish-gate. We have
no precise information concerning the site of this part of the town;
it is mentioned elsewhere only in 2 K. 22 14 (=2 Ch. 34 22 ) and
possibly in Ne. n 9 . But it probably was that portion added to
the city by the building of Manasseh s wall, constituting the oldest
suburb on the north. Lying on lower ground than the older city
and so more easy of access to an invader, it would naturally be the
first to suffer at the hands of an enemy. As a matter of fact, the
natural defences of Jerusalem rendered her impregnable on every
side but the north and every siege of the city has been laid against
that side. And a great crash from the hills} These are not the hills
lying around Jerusalem, but those within the city itself; whether
those in the south and south-west quarters occupied by the temple,
the palace and the houses of the rich, or those in the higher por
tions of the north end of the city, or the hills of the city as a whole,
cannot be exactly ascertained. It is possible that some of the
higher portions of the town were known as "the Hills" or "the
Heights." The use of titles for the other quarters here named
seems to point in that direction. The "crash" is probably that
caused by the downfall of walls and buildings re-echoing from hill
to hill. lla. And a wail from the Mortar} JH reads, "Wail, O
inhabitants of the Mortar." But the parallelism seems to call for
a fourth member constructed of a noun and a prepositional phrase
as are the three preceding members. What part of the town was
known as "the Mortar" is wholly uncertain, since the name is
nowhere else employed. Jerome thought of the vale of Siloam;

* Cj. GASm.. Jerusalem, I, 31-7 /..

2OO ZEPHANIAH

of the valley of the Kidron; and Josephus (Wars, V, 4, i) connected-
it with the Tyropceon Valley. Maurer, on the other hand, de
clared it to be a figurative name for Jerusalem as a whole (cf. Je.
2 1 13 ), which, surrounded by higher hills, was to serve as a mortar
for the braying of her inhabitants. Most modern interpreters iden
tify it with the upper part of the Tyropceon, partly because of the
fitness of the title as applied to that region, partly because the con
text seems to make the Mortar a centre of trade and industry and
the Tyropceon furnishes an excellent site for a market,* and partly
because both Fish-gate and Mishneh were on the north and the
Maktesh probably lay in the same general region. The last con
sideration, however, is not a legitimate one; the prophet may have
been picturing the desolation and grief which were to overwhelm
the entire city rather than some one special quarter therein. The
Fish-gate and the Mishneh, it is true, probably lay on the north
side; but "the Hills" and "the Mortar" are completely unknown.
Hence, it is unsafe to confine the distress described by the prophet
to the north side alone. The remainder of v. n seems to be a later
interpolation, interrupting the flow of thought by the introduction
of unnecessary detail and departing too widely from the metrical
norm of the context to be brought into harmony with the form
of the rest of the poem.f lib. For all the people of Canaan are
destroyed] The speaker may mean Phoenician traders who were
the merchants of the oriental world ; J or better still, the merchant
class among the Jews themselves, which enriches itself by unjust
measures and trickery of every sort. For the use of the term
"Canaanite" as denoting the trader and merchant, cf. Ho. i2 8
Is. 23 8 Ez. i6 29 i7 4 Pr. 3i 24 Jb. 4 i 6 and, perhaps, Zc. i 4 21 . The
parallel line seems to show that a class of financiers is meant,
whether of native or of foreign origin. lie. Cut off are all those
who weigh out money] Not money-changers especially, but the
whole merchant class in general. The weighing of the silver was
necessitated by the fact that there was no Hebrew coinage prior to
the Exile. Indeed, it is not certain that there was a fixed coinage

* V. Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, 291-307.

t So Marti, Siev., Fag.. Cj. Du., who erects i 10 - n into an independent poem.

J So, e. g., Dr.. So most interpreters.

I" 201

anywhere in the Semitic world piior to the time of the Persian
empire. In Babylonia, as far back as the time of the first dy
nasty (c. 2000 B.C.), stamped money was in use.* Later on, As
syrian ingots stamped with the head of Ishtar served as recognised
currency; while Sennacherib, in a recently discovered inscription,
alludes to "casting half-shekel pieces," f which even if not coins
in the technical sense evidently served the purpose of coins.J It
is doubtful whether Zephaniah himself would have shared such
a hostility to trade and commerce as is reflected in this verse,
though it is true that the old prophetic spirit was opposed to the
increasing complexity and luxury of life involved in the advance
of civilisation and stood firmly for a return to primitive nomadic
simplicity.

Str. V sets forth the thoroughness with which Yahweh will
search for the wicked in order that he may visit their sins upon
them. 12a. And it will be at that time, that I will search Jerusalem
with a lamp] Like Diogenes, Yahweh will go up and down the
streets of the city. The figure expresses the thought of the im
possibility of escape from the avenging eye of Yahweh. Cf. Je. 5 l
Ez. 22 30 Ps. I39 7 " 12 . The figure is probably borrowed from the cus
tom of the night-watchman carrying his lamp and may involve also
the thought of the diligent search of Jerusalem that will be made by
her conquerors in their quest for spoil. Cf. Is. 45 3 Lk. i5 8 . The
houses of the orient being small and dark, a thorough search re
quired the aid of artificial illumination. 12b. And I will punish
those who are at ease] M reads "the men " for " those at ease " ; but
this would be poor Hebrew, unless men were to be distinguished
from women and children, which can hardly be the prophet s
thought. The epithet "at ease" is applied to the same class of
people in Am. 6 1 Is. 32- u Zc. i 15 Ps. 123*. It denotes freedom
from anxiety and a complete satisfaction with oneself. They are
further characterised in the following suggestive figure. Who are

* V. Meissner, BAS., II, 559 /.. Cj. Sayce, Contemporary Review, August, 1907, p. 259.

t The new Sennacherib prism, No. 103,000, col. vii, 18; copied and translated by L. W.
King, Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, part xxvi (1009).

t Cf. C. H. W. Johns, Did the Assyrians Coin Money? (Exp., 1809), pp. 389-400. Leh-
mann-Haupt, Israel: seine Entwicklung im Rahmen der Weltgeschichte (1911), p. 162, claims
that the coinage of money was invented by Alyattes, king of the Cimmerians, in the sixth
century B.C..

202 ZEPHANIAH

thickening upon their lees] The metaphor is based upon the treat
ment of wine in the process of its ripening. Cf. Is. 2$*. The
usual treatment is well set forth in Je. 48" 12 . These men have
been left undisturbed in their false security; they have not been
"poured from vessel to vessel." Just as wine left too long in such
a condition thickens and loses strength, so these men have sunk
into weak self-indulgence, having lost all interest in and concern
for the higher things of life and being solicitous only for their own
bodily comfort and slothful ease.

Str. VI further describes these indifferent citizens and pro
nounces judgment upon them. 12c. Those who say in their
hearts, "Yahweh does neither good nor bad"] The terms "good"
and "bad" here are not used in an ethical sense, but in the sense
of "favourable" and "unfavourable." In accordance with a well-
known Hebrew idiom, the phrase in reality says that Yahweh does
nothing at all; he is without influence upon human affairs and
may be ignored by practical men. Similar phrases coupling to
gether two terms of opposite meaning and subsuming everything
under them in order to express the idea of totality are "the shut
up and the freed" (Dt. 32 36 i K. i 4 10 2i 21 2 K. 9 8 i 4 26 ), "the moist
with the dry" (Dt. 2Q 19 ), "the deceived and the deceiver" (Jb.
I2 10 ).* The state of mind indicated by the prophet means practical
atheism. While not proclaiming their thought upon the house
tops, these men by their actions show that in their heart of hearts
they deny God any part in the affairs of men. This has ever been
the temptation of a cultured and commercial age. As man s
place and power in the world increase, God decreases. Discerni
ble only by the spiritual vision, he is ever in danger of being hid
den from the eyes of the mass of men by the increasing bulk of
their material interests. This same attitude of mind is attested
by Je. 5 12 f- Mai. 2 17 Fs. io 4 I4 1 . The charge of powerlessness
or non-participation in human affairs, here preferred against Yah
weh, is one used with telling effect by the later prophets to dem
onstrate the futility of idolatry (Je. io 5 Is. 4I 23 ). 13a. And their
wealth will become a ruin and their houses a desolation] Those who
have lived in careless disregard of God will be rudely awakened

* V. Dr., Dl. (IC& ), 376, where the idiom is illustrated from the Arabic.

I 203

from their fatuous ease by being brought face to face with indis
putable evidence of his power. The treasures they have accumu
lated and the palaces they have reared will fall into the hands
of an invading foe. That for which they have laboured and in
which they have trusted will fail and forsake them in their day
of need. The God whom they have ignored will force his un
welcome presence upon them in avenging justice. The remainder
of this verse is redundant, being due to a marginal citation of a
passage very common in the prophetic writings which was sug
gested by the language here.* 13b, c. And they will build houses
and not inhabit them, and plant vineyards and not drink their wine]
Cf. Am. 5 11 Mi. 6 15 Dt. 2 8 30 - 39 Ez. 2 8 26 Is. 6s 21 f -. The day of
Yahweh as announced in i 7 14 would seem to have been too close
at hand in the mind of Zephaniah for him to have contemplated
the possibility of sufficient time elapsing for the building of houses
and planting of vineyards.

Str. VII starts a new section of the poem which is devoted to a
description of the terrors of Yahweh s day. Its immediate prox
imity is first re-emphasised. 14. Near at hand is Yahweh 1 s great
day, near and speeding fast] What has already been said in v. 7 is
here "amplified with increased energy of language." f The great
ness of this day and its terror are standing features of the prophetic
pictures of judgment. Cf. Jo. 2 11 - 31 Mai. 4 5 . Near at hand is
Yahweh s bitter day, hastening faster than a warrior] For text,
v. i.. Bitter" is an epithet not elsewhere applied to the day, but
one thoroughly representative of its character. Cf. Am. 8 10 . The
text of this line according to HI is very difficult and furnishes no
close parallelism with the preceding line. The usual rendering is
"Hark! (or "the voice of") the day of Yahweh! The mighty
man crieth there (or "then") bitterly." For similar representa-
tations, cf. Is. i3 7 - 8 Je. 3o 5 " 7 . Another rendering runs, "The
sound of (or "Hark!") the day of Yahweh is bitter; the mighty
man crieth there (or "then")." But such renderings fail to over
come the difficulties, viz.: (i) the adverb "there" is without any
antecedent to which it can easily be referred, while the meaning
"then" for this particle is not well established; (2) the order of

* So Schw., GASm., Now., Marti, Siev., Fag. t Du., Kent. t Ew..

204 ZEPHANIAH

words in the latter part of the line is wholly abnormal, and that
without any corresponding gain in strength that is appreciable ; (3)
the term " strong man" is undefined; (4) if "bitter" be taken with
the first half of the line, it forms an unsuitable predicate to "sound,"
and when treated as predicate to "day," the resulting sentence
"the day of Yahweh is bitter" furnishes an inappropriate contin
uation of the particle "Hark"; if "bitter" be connected with the
second half of the line, the rhythmical balance of the line is dis
turbed. The emendation here proposed furnishes a line which
is exactly parallel to the preceding line, reiterating its thought in
stronger terms. The final clause may mean either that the on
rush of the day of Yahweh is swifter than that of the warrior upon
his foe, or that it will be too swift for the warrior to escape.

Str. VIII piles up epithets descriptive of the terrors of Yahweh s
day. 15. A day of wrath is that day] Dies irce dies ilia, It s trans
lation of this sentence, forms the opening phrase of the great hymn
on the Last Judgment, by Thomas of Celano (c. 1250 A. P.).
For similar emphasis upon the divine anger in connection with the
day of Yahweh, cf. v. 18 Is. 13 Ez. 7 19 Pr. n 4 Jb. 2i 30 . The ef
fects of Yahweh s wrath are enumerated in the following clauses.
A day of distress and straits] This and the following clause are
examples of the paronomasia so common in prophetic literature.
This kind of a day was exactly contrary to the old popular expec
tation (Am. 5 18 ). A day of desolation and devastation] The same
phrase recurs in Jb. 3o 3 38 27 . The primitive chaos will once more
hold sway. The parallelism would be improved here by trans
posing this clause to the beginning of v. 16 , as Marti suggests.
A day of darkness and gloom] This and the following clause are
found again in Jo. 2 2 . The terrors of darkness are a standing
feature of the prophets day of Yahweh. Cf. Am. 5 18 - 20 Is. i3 10
Ez. 34 12 . The figure was probably learned from observation of
eclipses of the sun, though it may reflect the darkness that so fre
quently precedes and accompanies a great storm.

Str. IX continues the description, passing from the terrors of
nature to those of war. 15e. A day of cloud and thunder-cloud]
The same phenomenon is described in Ez. 34 12 , where the refer
ence is to the fall of Jerusalem and the deportation which lay be-

I 15 - 205

hind the speaker. This is a characteristic frequently connected
with theophanies in OT.; the word " cloud" occurs no less than
fifty-eight times in such connections.* 16. A day of the trumpet
and battle-cry] The prophet now turns to the horrors of war. The
combination of the blowing of hornsf and shouting is found also
in Am. i 15 2 2 Je. 4 19 Jos. 6 5 . Cf. Ju. ; 18 - "Against the fortified
cities and against the lofty battlements] Cf. Is. 2 15 . The word
rendered "battlements" is literally " corners," but here and in 3
2 Ch. 26 15 BS. 5o 2 it probably denotes special fortifications con
structed for the protection of the angles of the walls, t The char
acter and strength of the walls and fortifications of ancient cities
in Palestine may now be learned not only from an examination of
the walls of Jerusalem, but also those of Jericho, Gezer, Lachish,
Taanach, Megiddo, Tell-Zakariya, Tell-es-Safi and Samaria.
The number and size of such fortresses may be inferred from the
fact that Sennacherib in his report of the campaign against Heze-
kiah claims to have captured " forty-six of his strong cities, for
tresses and smaller towns without number." Not only so, but the
great fortress of Jericho as revealed by the recent excavations was
only about eleven hundred feet long and five hundred feet wide.

Str. X leaves the fortresses and turns attention to their occu
pants. 17. And I will press hard upon mankind and they shall
walk like blind men] Men will be reduced to such straits by Yah-
weh that their attempts to discover a way of escape will be like
the uncertain and hopeless steps of the blind. Cf. Dt. 28 29 Na. 3"
Is. 59 10 Jb. I2 25 . There is no causal connection in the prophet s
mind between the darkness of v. 15 and the groping here predicted.**
"Mankind" here does not comprise the human race as a whole,
but rather sets human beings in contrast with city walls and forti
fications. As a matter of fact, the citizens of Judah are in the fore-

* So BDB.. t V. H. AH , 43 /-

t Tacitus describes the walls of Jerusalem as. "per artem obliques et introrsum sinuatos ut
latera oppugnantium ad ictus patescerent" (Hist., lib. V, cap. n, 5).

For reports on Jericho, v. Millheilungen d. Deutschen Orient-Gesellschajt, Nos. 39 and 41.
For Taanach, v. E. Sellin, Tell Ta anek. For Megiddo, v. G. Schumacher, Tell-el-Mutcsellim.
For Lachish, v. F. J. Bliss, A Mound o] Many Cities. For Tell-es-Safi and Tell-Zakarlya, v.
F. J. Bliss and R. A. S. Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1808-1900. Cf. Dr., Modern
Research as Illustrating the Bible, 54 fi., 92. The work at Samaria is not yet finished, but pre
liminary announcements appear from time to time in the Harvard Theological Review.

** Contra Hi..

206 ZEPHANIAH

front of the prophet s thought, if they do not even exclude all
others from consideration. Because they have sinned against me]
This sin is practically rebellion against Yahweh; for a similar
usage of the word sin as = rebellion, cf. 2 K. i8 14 and the reg
ular sense of its Assyrian equivalent, htiu. This clause is omitted
as a gloss by several interpreters* on the ground that the change to
the third person (4K = against Yahweh) is too abrupt so soon after
the occurrence of the first person and that it is superfluous met
rically. The emendation of the text necessary to conform it to
the first person is very slight (v. i.) and at the same time eases the
metrical difficulty. And their blood shall be poured out like dust]
Cf. Ps. yp 3 18 42 . Human life will be as worthless as the dust of the
streets. For a radically different estimate of the value of the peo
ple of God, cf. Ps. 72 14 . And their flesh like dung] Cf. Je. p 21 i6 4
Ps. 83 10 Jb. 20*. The word " flesh" occurs only here and in Jb.
20 23 , where the text and meaning are as uncertain as here. It has
been variously rendered, e. g., viscera, f carcasses,J vigour, sap.**
The rendering flesh ff rests upon &lt;g (v. i.} and is supported also
by the usage in Arabic.

Str. XI brings the poem to a close with a representation of the
completeness and inevitableness of the coming destruction. 18.
Neither their silver nor their gold can deliver them] The things they
have held most dear will be of no avail in the great day. Cf. Is.
i3 17 , where the Medes, the agents of Yahweh, are said to care
nothing for silver and gold. The Scythian invasion, according to
Herodotus, was halted at the borders of Egypt by the receipt of a
great sum of money as ransom. But Yahweh cannot be turned
aside from his punitive purpose by such means; cf. Pr. n 4 . This
line and the following clause occur also in Ez. 7 19 , where it is an
interpolation and does not appear in (j&. In the day of the wrath
of Yahweh and in the fire of his zeal, all the earth will be consumed]
This line is made up of elements appearing also in i 15 3 8 . It is
probably a later expansion, interrupting as it does the close con
nection between the first and last lines of this verse and being

* So, e. g., Marti, Now. K , Siev., Fag., Roth., Du., Kent

t So, e. g., Mau.. Dl. 1 - &gt;, BDB..

t So van H.. So We.. ** So Ew..

ft So, e. g. t Hd., Dav., GASm., Dr..

I 17 - 1 207

identical in meaning with the latter.* The judgment here an
nounced is probably universal, as in i 2 - 3 3 8 . Cf. Is. 28 22 . For a
full destruction, yea, a fearful one, will Yahweh make of all the in
habitants of the land] Cf. Is. io 23 Je. 5 18 4 6 28 Ez. n 13 2 o 17 . For the
text, v. i.. M, may be rendered "altogether fearful" (cf. Dt. i6 15
28 29 Is. i6 7 ) ; but the reading of the Vrss. is preferable. The use
of the third person here furnishes insufficient warrant for treat
ing the whole verse as a later addition, f or for changing it to the
first person ;{ v. on v. 7 . The remaining considerations urged in
favour of discarding the verse are of slight weight. The fact that
the first line occurs also in Ez. y 19 proves nothing in itself as to the
priority of either passage; but the structure of Ez. y 19 throws doubt
upon the originality of that passage as it now stands. The custom
of buying deliverance from an attack was so common (cf. 2 K.
i5 16 - 20 16 7 - 9 i8 13 " 16 ) that it is hardly necessary to suppose that this
must be an allusion to the manner in which Egypt escaped the
scourge of the Scythian invasion. The claim that those who are
represented as dead in v. 17 cannot be thought of in v. 18 as attempt
ing to buy their deliverance makes no allowance for the agility of
thought. The indefiniteness of our knowledge regarding the de
velopment of Hebrew eschatology is no basis for saying that the
idea of a universal destruction here presented demonstrates the
late origin of the passage. It is by no means certain that the
destruction here contemplated is thought of as universal. The
thought in w. 12 - 16 concerns itself with Judah and Jerusalem and
the language here does not forbid the same limitation of the
judgment. But if, as seems probable, the thought of universality
is present, such a conception is not at all out of keeping with the
authorship of Zephaniah himself (v. Int., 4).

A smooth, regular and uniform metre throughout this poem can be
produced only by taking undue liberties with the text. The parallelism,
fortunately, is very marked and thus indicates the poetic lines clearly.
The metre of the first four strs. is prevailingly pentameter or qina.

* So Marti (?). Schw. hesitates between 18b and 18c ; Fag. om. 18c ; Kent om. both; Du. om.
all after "zeal."

t So Marti, Now. K (?), Siev.. J So Now. K (?), Fag..

It was a frequent experience in the campaigns of such conquerors as Tiglath-pileser I,
Shalmanezer II, Sargon and Ashurbanipal.

208 ZEPHANIAH

Through the remainder of the poem, hexameter prevails. The move
ment of thought from str. to str. is easily recognisable and the whole
closes with a splendid climax of universal doom.

The arrangement here presented involves few textual changes that
are not called for on grounds wholly independent of the poetic form.
From the reconstructed poem, the following materials found in iH are
lacking, viz., i 8a ("and it shall be in the day of ^ s sacrifice") ("in
that day"), 10 ("and it shall be in that day, it is the oracle of "), &gt;
13 b. e. is b. The g rs t two of these are simple prosaic introductions by
some editor. The third is shown to be extraneous to the movement of
thought by the interruption it occasions between n b and 12 , in both of
which the speaker deals with Jerusalem; and also by its marked varia
tion from the metrical movement of the context. The fourth addition
(is b. e) i s betrayed by its hackneyed phraseology as well as its metrical
variation. The last one ( I8 b ) is plainly identical in thought with 18 c ; but
the latter makes a little closer connection with 18a than 18b does and,
therefore, has the right of way. It is worthy of notice also that 18b is
practically a duplicate of 3 8d .

The rearrangement of w. 8 - 9 here accepted was first proposed by
Schw. and followed by Now. and Fag. (cf. Siev. who rearranges thus:
vv&gt; c. s b. 9 b. s c. 9 a. lo). The reason for the transposition is found in the
excellent sense thereby secured; in the fact that v. 8 a , as it stands in 4H,
lacks the necessary balancing clause, stating the cause of the judgment
it announces; and in the further fact that the two clauses dealing with
foreign practices are thus brought together.

7. on] &, fear. Gr. adds itt&gt;a *?a as in Zc. 2 7 . na?] 05 = inar.
onpn] & invited. 8. iSon ija Syi] E om. ^a] &lt;& = rua; so We. (?),
Gr., Dav., GASm., Oort Em -, Now., van H., Fag.. For the same inter
change, cf. Gn. 45" Ex. i6 31 Jos. i; 17 i8 5 1 Ch. 2 Ne. 7 28 Je. i6 5 - " Ez.
2 J Ho. i 7 . Cf. the use of no in v. 9 . D B&gt;aSn] Rd. co 1 ??; so Schw.,
Now., Fag.; D is a dittog. from the foil, word; cf. jSnn. 9. jSnn Sa hy
IDDDn-S?] &lt;& NA Q & H , tirl irdvras ipQavus tiri ret irpbirvKa.. (& B om. Sa *?J7.
S, tiri Trdvras TOI^S tTrifiaivovTas K.T.\.. H, super omnem qui arroganter
ingreditur super limen. &, upon all extortioners and spoilers. , all
those who walk in the laws of the Philistines. Wkl., A OF., Ill, 381 /.,
would render, "against all who mount the throne." This involves a
new meaning for both words. jSn is connected by Wkl. with the
Arabic drg and made to mean mount or climb. Cf. 2 S. 22 3 where
scale furnishes an admirable meaning for the Pi el. But skip/
dance or leap is required by Is. 35" Ct. 2 8 BS. 36" and is suitable both
here and in 2 S. 22 30 . Furthermore, the meaning mount or climb is
doubtful for the Arabic drg, aside from some derived stems where it is
used figuratively; the ordinary usage is walk slowly. pen is taken by
Wkl. as designating primarily the pedestal upon which the image of the

I" 1 209

deity was placed (i S. 5 4 - 6 ), and secondarily, the king s throne. The
phrase as a whole would thus point to the king s advisers, those who stood
upon the steps of the throne. But though this meaning of D would yield
good sense in i S. 5 4 - B Ez. 9 3 io 4 - 18 , it hardly suits in Ez. 46* and is im
possible in Ez. 47 . Furthermore, neither on the numerous Babylonian
and Assyrian seals nor in any known relief is a god represented as placed
upon a pedestal, or a royal throne as raised upon a dais; the god and the
king alike sit in a chair of state with a footstool attached. orpjiN] &lt;$
$ = an-riSs IJIN. 0, their storerooms, an inner Syriac error of ? for i.
Better treated as sg. than as pi.; Ges. * I24g . 10. D Jin] (g,
= a^yi? (cf. 2 Ch. 33 14 ) or ovnn; so &. rwan] &lt;g Tgf
(^ate). 11. croon ^aieni V?^n] Rd. procn p n^i; so Marti, Fag.
and Kent who retains oev. croon] &lt;g, TTJV KaraKeKo^v^v. Tf , z7o.
& transliterates as a proper name. 51, fry /Ae &r00& Kidron. A, S, TWI&gt;
&\(j.ui&gt;. 0, ^v TV /3&lt;0ei. ns-u] (S, 0)1*01667]. ^ % J3J 9, fj.era^6\(av. &gt;Vv3j]
&lt;g, oZ eViyp/x^oi. S, gi exaltantur (in argento et aurd], H, involuti.
The word is ATT. and is ordinarily treated as a passive formation =
"weighed down" (cf. "P3S&gt; , rviya , f ts; 1 ); but it is better taken as active
(cf. -vps ,^xp p Dn); v. Earth, A^B.^ 125 . 12. pens] 05 Y , HP. 36, 51,
97, 238, have a double rendering, viz., 7 w;z7/ search Jerusalem -with a
lamp and I will visit Jerusalem with a lamp (and I will visit, etc.). Marti,
Bterwi; so Siev., Now. K , Fag.. nnjn] Rd., with (& &, nj;; so Schw. (?);
Marti (?), Fag., Roth., Kent. Eth., with a lamp of wisdom ww]
Rd., with Now K , D^JNtyn; so Fag., Kent. D^Nopn] U, qui contemptores
sunt. U, defixos. &, those despising. onnDB&gt;] &lt;&, T&. &lt;pv\dyfia.Ta
aurwv. HP. 86 mg. /S5eXi/7^aTa. 5J, ne custodiant mandata. U, in
faecibus suis. 51, "Zf/io w tranquillity enjoy, r is always in the pi., v.
Is. 25 Je. 48" Ps. 75 9 . The meaning is clear, but the root uncertain.
HWB. 1& connects it with r, to keep; may it not, however, be better
traced to Assy. Samdru, to rage, being so named as that which causes
turmoil either in the process of fermentation or in the brain of the
drinker? 13. no^nS] &lt;g, eh Siapiray^v. U, in direptionem. ot^] &lt;S &
add in them. 14. nirn or] Marti suggests DV in both cases because
of the ist pers. in v. ; so Fag.. nncY] &lt;g, ^ai Taxa. Rd., with Schw.,
nnpov, so We., Now., Marti, Siev., Fag., Roth.. Bach., tryjn Din. fH
was formerly treated as an inf., the impf. that ordinarily accompanies
such a construction being understood (Ew. * 240e ; Hd.) ; but this is without
analogy. For a similar case of a prtc. without initial D, v. JND (Ex. 7" 9*
io 4 ) ; c/. Ges. * Ms . HW^B. 15 treats it here and in Is. 8 1 as a verbal adj.
(so Or., GASm.) ; but it is better here to correct the text. Sip] Kenn.
145, anp; so Marti, Now. K , Fag., Roth.. Siev. om.. no] Rd., with
Marti, npn; so Now. K , Fag., Roth. (?), Du., Kent. &lt;, TTIK/C&lt;. DP mx
ni3j] Rd. nuja it*n, dropping nx as dittog. of mx in foil. line. This
yields a text in perfect conformity with the corresponding portion of " *.

210 ZEPHANIAH

Cf. ion and Snan , vm and vice. Note the same juxtaposition of e&gt;n
and TI D in Is. 8 1 - 3 . For other cases of vertical dittography, cf. 2 2 Mi.
j2 o. n &gt; 2 is b cji b Ez. i 24 - 26 7 13 f . This correction is based upon the sug
gestion of Muller, SK., LXXX, 309 /., who reads vaan tfn nx. &lt;g, *aJ
tr/c\77pd T^rctAcrcu SwvaTiJ (5 being joined with v. 15 ). Iff, tribulabitur,
etc.. Gr. Km -, 11333 n-jx\ Marti, DJ (for oa&gt;); so Now. K (?), Siev. (?) f
Roth. (?). mx occurs again only in Is. 42 13 , but this with the Assy.
sardhu, cry aloud, renders its meaning clear. ac&gt;] Of the passages usu
ally cited in support of a temporal sense (so here, e. #., Hi., Mau., We. .( ?),
Now. ( ?), HWB.^, Du.) several are due to a corrupt text (viz., Ps. 66 Je.
50" Jb. 23 7 ), while in others a local sense is equally good, if not better (e. g.,
Jb. 35 12 Ps. i4 5 36" 66 6 I32 17 1333 Pr. 8" Ho. io 9 Ju. 5"). 16. ci n-x]
The same phrase occurs in Jb. i5 24 ; other formations from the same root
are conjoined in Is. 3O 6 Je. ig 9 Dt. 28 53 - 65 - Pr. i". Such cases are
due to the Hebrew liking for assonance. ci nxtJ ] Also in Jb. 3O 3 38"
BS. 5 1 10 . In addition to the assonance, increased emphasis is secured by
such junction of two slightly different formations from one root; e. g.,
npnm npi3, Na. 2"; HD^DI nDDtt, Ez. 33"; H^NI n^Nn, Is. 29*; i; pn
jnpro, Ez. 6 14 . SBIJ?] Schw., on the analogy of Spn? and SN-IN (Is.
33 7 ), regards "?n&gt;? as the original form; cf. Syr. arpeld. Earth, NB.
* 108 b ? treats it as a qutalib form; but it is better taken with Vol., ZA.,
XVII, 3io/., as a composite noun, with SN used as an intensifying epi
thet; cf. Assy, erpu = cloud, and the various usages of the Ar. equiva
lent which may be traced back to a primary meaning, cloud. On the
divine name as giving superlative significance, v. Kelso, AJSL., XIX,
152 f,; cf. i S. I4 15 . 17. nvrS] Rd. ^. -par] &lt;&, KO.L ^xr, but in
HP. 36, 51, 62, 86, 95, 97, 147, 185, 228a, &lt;^xe; c f- ^&gt; effundam. ccn 1 ^]
Some mss. DDH^, but better without dag.; v. Baer and Ginsburg. The
meaning is wholly uncertain. Dl. pro1 " 193 derives from onS, be close,
firm (so BDB.), and renders Eingeweide, which fits better here than
flesh, but is unsuitable in Jb. 20". No., ZDMG., XL (1886), 721, sug
gests the meaning wrath, connecting it with Syriac Ihnt, to threaten ;
this is fitting in Jb. 2O 33 , but wholly out of place here. The rendering
flesh, against which both Dl. and No. urge weighty objections, suits
fairly well here, but is inadmissible in Jb. 2O 33 . The text there is almost
certainly corrupt (cf. 05, 6dvvas~) and the same difficulty may exist here.
&lt;g, rfaffdpKas avrdv. Schw. (?) inn 1 ? (from -/ r| n 1 ?), cf. adj. rh. Gr. Em -,
oS^m (?). Bach., crn in^. Schw., crta; so Now., Marti, Roth., Du.; cf.
j e&gt; nis^ o&gt;S t ?J3] U, sicut stercora; so &. &lt;&, ws /36X/3iTa. 1C, sicut stercora
bourn. Bach., D^na?. 18. inNjp . . . nin&gt; nn^y] Fag. changes to ist
pers., viz. inNjp . . . ^nnay,. IN] Rd. IN, with (&, ical and &; so Schw.,
Gr. Em -, We., G ASm., Now., Marti, Hal., Dr., Du., Kent. Cf. B, cum.
nSnaj] (&, ffirovS-^v. Gr. Em - nSn-i; so Now. (?), Marti, Roth.. But this is
unnecessary since the prtc. makes excellent sense and the same construction

2 1 - 211

occurs in Is. 10" 28" Dn. 9". PN rvyy- . . . nSn] The vb. takes two
ace., or the first ace. is so closely welded to and identified with the vb. that
the combined expression is treated as a vb. and takes an obj. in the
ace.; so also Je. 5 18 (rd. a;?nN) 30" 462* Ez. n 13 2o 17 Ne. g zl . Now. K
changes r\vy&gt; to

4. A DAY OF DOOM UPON PHILISTIA (2 1 7 ).

In a poem that has suffered many things at the hands of editors,
the prophet foretells woe upon the Philistines. The reasons for
the divine anger against Israel s ancient foe were apparently so
well known to the prophet s audience that they did not need to be
rehearsed here. The poem is composed of four strs. of two lines
each. Str. I sounds the note of warning to Philistia in view of the
near approach of her day of judgment (2*- 2a ). Str. II specifies
four of the five great Philistine towns as doomed to destruction
(2 4 ). Str. Ill announces the complete depopulation of the whole
Philistine coast (2 5 ). Str. IV represents this former abode of
men as given over to the pasturage of flocks (2 6&gt; 7b ).

ASSEMBLE yourselves, yea, assemble, O nation unabashed!

Before ye become fine dust, like chaff which passes away.
"pOR Gaza will be forsaken and Ashkelon a waste.

As for Ashdod at noon they will drive her out; and Ekron will be uprooted.
"YyOE to the inhabitants of the coast of the sea, the nation of the Cherethites;

For I will make thee perish, without an inhabitant, O land of the Philistines.
A ND thou wilt become pastures for shepherds and folds for flocks;

By the sea will they feed; in the houses of Ashkelon at evening will they lie
down.

Str. I calls upon Philistia to brace herself for the shock that
awaits her. 2 X . Assemble yourselves, yea, assemble] This rendering
is somewhat uncertain, being directly supported only by ( & QF B
(v. i.). The verb does not occur elsewhere in the forms here used,
but in another stem it is used of the gathering of straw and sticks.
Various renderings have been proposed for it here; e. g., end your
selves, etc. ;* turn pale and be pale jf test yourselves, yea,
test ; J crowd and crouch down ; gather yourselves firmly to-

* E. g. t Mau., Hd., Ke f Ew.. t De W.. Or-

212 ZEPHANIAH

gether and be firm ;* purify yourselves and then purge others ;f
conform yourselves to law and be regular. J But none of these
finds adequate support either in the Hebrew usage of this root,
or in the related dialects, or in the Vrss.. Several scholars aban
don as hopeless the attempt to interpret. The least objection
able of the emendations proposed yields the meaning, get you
shame and be ye ashamed ; but this is scarcely possible for two
reasons: (i) it is difficult to see how so clear and easy a reading
could have given way to so difficult a one as M now offers; (2)
the thought of v. 2 presupposes in v. * either a call to flee from the
wrath to come, or to repent and so escape, or an ironical summons
to prepare for the coming conflict. Be ashamed seems too mild
a term for this context. For the difficulty of the translation here
given, v. i.. For similar calls to assemble in order to ward off in
evitable destruction, cf. Jo. i 4 2 15 3" Je. 4 5 . O nation unabashed!]
Here again we can attain no certainty as to the meaning. The obscu
rity lies in the word rendered unabashed. ** Among many other
renderings, we may cite undisciplined, ff unlovable, J{ that
does not desire to be converted to the law, that never paled (sc.
with terror),*** not desired (= hated), ttt that hath no long
ing. ttt Here again the attempt to discover the sense is abandoned
by some. The Hebrew usage of this word affords no basis for
any other meaning than not longing for, not desirous of; cf. Ps.
84 2 1 y 12 Jb. i4 15 Gn. 3 1 30 . But this is too vague and indefinite in the
present passage.**** The idea of shame is associated with this
root in Aramaic, in late Hebrew and in colloquial Arabic. This
furnishes a good meaning in this place and, in default of anything
better, may be adopted. The nation addressed is probably not
the Jewish jfttt nor * s ^ ^ e pi us element within the Jewish na
tion, ttt J f r Zephaniah would scarcely address a mere fragment of

* SteL t Furst (Concordance). % Van H..

Schw., We., Dav., GASm., Stk., Roth..

** So many interpreters, e. g., Rosenm., Dav., Or., GASm., Dr., Fag..
tt. ttH. .

*** Mau., Ew., Ke.. ttt Hd.. ttt RVm..

E. g., Schw., We., Now., Marti, Stk., Roth., Kent.

**** Cf. B, which retains this sense here, but puts it in the passive, whereas elsewhere
it is always active.

tttt Contra Hd., Or., Schw., We. Dav. GASm., Marti, van H., a al..
tttt Contra Dr., Stk., et al..

2 1 - 2 2I 3

the people as nation. It is rather the Philistines, against whom
the bulk of this section is directed. This becomes much clearer after
the secondary elements in vv. l ~ 3 are recognised. 2. Before ye be
come fine dust] The Philistines are now addressed as individuals
and warned to seek some way of escape before it is too late. The
figure in itself might picture either the completeness of the coming
destruction (Ps. i8 42 ), or the worthlessness of the vanquished (i 17
Zc. 9 3 ), or the wide dispersion of the stricken people. In view of
the added comparison to chaff, the latter is probably the real point
of the simile; cf. Is. 2&lt;f 4i 2 . For the text upon which this transla
tion rests, v. i.. is open to objection on the ground of serious
grammatical difficulty and the inappropriateness of the terms used.
A literal rendering of $l yields, " before the bringing forth of a
decree," which might mean either "before a decree brings forth"
(cf. Pr. 27 1 ), or " before a decree is brought forth." It has been
variously interpreted, e. g., " before the decree brings forth,"* i. e.,
before the events befall you that are decreed by God; "before
the term is born,"f i. e., before the day fixed by God breaks
forth from the dark womb of the future; "before the law bring
forth, "{ i. e., the Mosaic law fulfilling the curse it pronounces in
Dt. 3 1 17 . But these all leave too much to the imagination of the
interpreter. Like chaff that passes away] Everywhere that refer
ence is made to chaff, except possibly in Is. 4i 15 , it is as a simile of
scattering (e. g., Is. zy 13 Ho. i3 3 Jb. 2i 18 Ps. i 4 ). The text of &lt;g is
here followed (v. i.} . M is very difficult, if not impossible. RV.
renders, "before the day pass as the chaff," supplying the word
before. RVm. offers as an alternative, "the day passeth as
the chaff," a parenthetic statement. But the image of chaff fly
ing away is always applied to things that depart, not to the rapid
approach of things to come, whereas the day here mentioned is
evidently the coming day of judgment. The only other available
meaning, viz., tern pus fugit, is too commonplace for such exalted
utterance as this and also places upon the word day an abstract
interpretation which it will not bear. Before there come upon you
the burning anger of Yahweh] Lit., "the burning of Yahweh s

* So, e. g., Hi., Mau., Hd., RV.. f Ew.. J Kl..

So, e. g., Hi., Mau., Ew., Hd it

214 ZEPHANIAH

anger," a phrase found no less than thirty-three times in the OT..
The line is best treated as a late gloss,* perhaps having originated
after the preceding line had become unintelligible. Before there
come upon you the day of the anger of Yahweh] Probably only a
variant of the foregoing line, being identical with it except for one
word.f 3. Seek Yahweh, all ye humble of the earth] Cf. Am. 5
Is. 55. The address is to the pious community of Israelites the
world over. The phraseology and the ideas of this verse, together
with the fact that it interrupts the close connection between v. 2a
and v. 4 and does not conform to the ^ma-rhythm of the context,
show that we are dealing with a later interpolation.;); The phrase
"humble of the earth" occurs also in Am. 8 4 Is. n 4 Jb. 24* Ps.
76, while the adjective humble is a favourite epithet for the Is-
raelitish community in the Psalter, e. g., 147 i49 4 ; for the opposite
characterisation, cf. Ps. 75 9 . The term as used here is distinctively
religious in its significance as is shown by the defining clause which
follows. This usage is characteristic of the later literature, es
pecially the Psalms. Who do his ordinance] Thereby differenti
ating themselves from the pagan communities around them and
also from large numbers of Israelites who deliberately abandoned
their own unpopular faith and became zealous adherents of the
faith of their conquerors. Seek righteousness] The content of the
word righteousness underwent a process of change in the history
of Israel, the determining factor in the process being the idea of
God that lay behind it. The fact that the exhortation " seek right
eousness" runs parallel to the one "seek Yahweh" shows that
here the two are considered identical. That is to say, he who
would secure Yahweh s favour will do so by following the path of
righteousness, which has already been outlined as the doing of
Yahweh s ordinance. Seek humility] This second route to the
divine favour is clearly indicative of the late origin of the verse.
The word humility occurs besides only in Psalms and Proverbs.

* Om. by (gNc.b.Y f^ HP. 95, 185, 228 marg., 233, with 6 mss. of Kenn. and 8 of de R.;
so also Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Now. K , Stk., Fag., Kent.

t fr" has it under an asterisk. It is om. by Gr. Em -, Schw., We., Bu. (SK., 1893, p. 396),
Now., Marti, Hal., Dr., Siev., van H., Fag., Roth., Du., Kent.

t So Schw.. Sta.GVl, We.. Now., Grimm (Lit. A pp., 84-86), Marti, BDB., Siev., Beer,
Fag., Du., Kent.

2 3 - 4 215

It expresses the state of mind to which pious Israelites were re
duced by the terrible calamities that befell them in and after the
Exile. Smitten to their knees by the wrath of God, they incul
cated constantly the necessity of "a broken and a contrite heart";
cf. Ps. 5 1 17 34 18 Is. 57 15 66 2 . Perchance ye may be hidden in the day
of Yahweh s anger] Cf. Am. 5 15 and v. H. AH , ad loc.. The figure
is that of a storm or an invasion sweeping over the land; cf.
Is. 26 20 Jb. i4 13 . The destruction will be so comprehensive and
terrible that escape from it is almost inconceivable. The writer
does not dare to promise certain deliverance even to the pious.
Repentance and right living cannot always be depended upon to
guarantee freedom from the buffetings of fortune, or the chastise
ments of God which seek the enrichment of character.

Str. II resumes the story of Philistia s coming destruction.
4. For Gaza will be forsaken] A threat of depopulation. Cf. Is.
6 12 7 16 . On Gaza and the Philistines, v. H. AH - 23 - * f -.* The He
brew words Gaza and forsaken furnish an assonance that can
not be carried over into English. Such a play upon words was
not inconsistent with the most solemn utterance; cf. Mi. i loff -
Ez. 25 16 . And Ashkelon a waste] The city, after acknowledging
many masters in the long course of her history, was finally de
stroyed in 1270 A.D.f Ashdod at noon they will drive her out]
The phrase "at noon" is susceptible of two interpretations. The
first is based upon the fact that the heat of mid-day causes a sus
pension of all business in the orient; hence an attack at that time
would come unexpectedly and find the city unprepared (cf. Je.
6 4 i5 8 2 S. 4 5 i K. 20 16 )4 The second is preferable, which finds
the phrase to designate the shortness of the siege; it will be all
over in half a day. A parallel statement occurs in an inscrip
tion of Esarhaddon, found at Sinjirli, in which he says, " Memphi,
his royal city, in a half day I besieged, I captured, I destroyed, I
burned with fire."** The Moabite Stone likewise says, "I fought
against it from the break of day until noon, and I took it" (11.
15, 16); cf. Jb. 4 20 Is. 38 12 . If this latter view be correct, there is

* V. also M. A. Meyer, History of the City of Gaza (1907).

t V. GASm. Historical Geog. 189-93.

J So, e. g., Mau., Hd., Schw., Now., Dr., Kent. So Dav., GASm., Marti.

** V. Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, I, 40 /..

2l6 ZEPHANIAH

probably an allusion here by way of contrast to the siege of Ashdod
by Psamtik I, which is said to have lasted twenty-nine years
(640-611 B.C.) and, if so, was in progress when these words were
spoken.

Hdt. is the only source of information concerning this siege of Ash
dod. The length of it seems almost incredible. But the narrative of
Hdt. for this period is very detailed and on the whole accurate so far as
it can be tested. Not only so, but other cities are known to have under
gone protracted sieges; e. g. y Tyre withstood Nebuchadrezzar for thir
teen years, and the Hyksos defended Avaris against three or four suc
cessive rulers of Thebes. The so-called siege of Ashdod may have been
a long series of intermittent hostilities, involving a more or less com
plete blockade of the trade routes both by land and sea.

And Ekron will be uprooted] Paronomasia is here again em
ployed. Judgment has now been declared on four of the five great
cities of Philistia. Gath is passed over in silence, by reason of
the fact that it no longer existed in Zephaniah s time; v. H. AH on
Am. 6 2 . The only later allusion to it, viz., Mi. i 10 , is probably of
a proverbial character and does not imply the actual existence of
Gath at that time.

Str. Ill passes from the individual towns to Philistia as a whole.
5. Woe to the inhabitants of the border of the sea] A fitting desig
nation of Philistia, which lay along the Maritime Plain ; cf. Is. 9*
Je. 47 7 Ez. 25 16 . The nation of the Cherethites] The Philistines
are thus named also in i S. 30" Ez. 25 16 . In Am. g 7 Je. 47* and
Dt. 2 23 they are said to have come to Philistia from Caphtor,
which is probably the Hebrew equivalent of the old Egyptian
Keftiu, i. e., Crete.

According to Hdt. (I, 173), the Philistines were the descendants of the
barbarians formerly occupying Crete. Marcus Diaconus (c. 430 A.D.)
and Stephen of Byzantium (c. 600 A.D.) relate that Zeus Cretagenes was
worshipped in Gaza and that the city was originally called Minoa, after
Minos, king of Crete, who had led an expedition to the mainland and
given this city his name. Recent discovery of Cretan pottery at Gaza
at least establishes the fact of intercourse between Crete and the Phil
istines; though, of course, the presence of ancient Cretan settlements at
Gaza is not proved thereby. The dominance of Minoan civilisation
around the Mediterranean littoral and the indisputable evidence of

2* 217

steady contact between the dwellers on the Nile and the inhabitants of
the northern islands from very early times combine with the foregoing
facts to make it in the highest degree probable that the Philistines were
immigrants into western Asia from Crete and the neighbouring isles
(Cf. Evans, Cretan Pictographs, 100 ff.\ J. H. Breasted, History oj
Egypt, 261, 338, 477 /.; G. F. Moore, EB. 3715/5 W. Max Miiller,
Asien und Europa, 337, 387 /.; Schw. ZwTh. XXXIV, 103 /., 255.)
This probability is converted into practical certainty by the recent dis
covery of the so-called Phaestos Disk in Crete. Upon it there appears
as one of the common signs the familiar and characteristic Philistine
head-dress as known to us already from the Egyptian monuments. The
exact place of the origin of the disk is uncertain, whether in Crete itself,
or in some neighbouring isle, or on the adjacent coast lands of Asia
Minor. But, in any case, it reveals the influence of the Cretan civil
isation and may with confidence be assigned to some region in the
vicinity of Crete where the Philistines were residents. While the exact
period to which it belongs is uncertain, it is quite clear that it antedates
the emigration of the Philistines to Palestine. V. L. Pernier, in A usonia,
Rivista d. societa Ital. di archeolagia e Storia dell arte, III (1909), 255_/f.;
Ed. Meyer, in Sitzungsberichte der Konigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wis-
senschaf ten (Phil. -hist. Classe), XLI (1909), 1022 ff.\ von Lichtenberg,
Einflusse der dgdischen Kultur aufAegypten und Paldstina (1911), 18-22,
66/.; and especially, Evans, Scripta Minoa, I (1909), 22-28, 273-293.
An unsuccessful attempt has recently been made by George Hempl to
interpret it as a Greek ins.; v. Harper s Magazine, January, 1911.

David s body-guard was composed of Cherethites and Pele-
thites (2 S. 8 18 is 18 2o 7 - 23 i K. i 38 - i Ch. i8 17 ), terms probably
reflecting a twofold source of the Philistine nation. The word of
Yahweh against you] This is best treated as a marginal note by
some editor or reader.* Its presence mars the metrical form. O
Canaan] A further gloss,f going with the following "land of the
Philistines," rather than with the immediately preceding phrase.
In the Egyptian inscriptions, the name Canaan is applied to any
part of the land of Palestine; but nowhere else in the OT. does it
denote Philistia alone; cf., however, Jos. 13 Nu. i3 29 Ju. 3 3 . Here
it may have been used as an opprobrious epithet, stigmatising the
Philistines as rascally traders. For I will bring about thy ruin, so
that there will be no inhabitant, O land of the Philistines] This in-

* So Marti, Siev., Fag..

t So We., Preuschen (ZAW. XV, 32), GASm. (?), Now., Wkl. (AOF. Ill, 332 /.), Marti,
Siev., Fag., Stk., Du., Kent

2l8 ZEPHANIAH

volves a transposition* of the last clause, "O land, etc.," from the
place it holds in 4H, which is immediately before "I will bring,
etc.." This is made necessary by the structure of the qina-line,
which calls for the shorter part after the caesura. The phrase
"without an inhabitant" is a favourite one in Je., e. g., 4* 29 9"
26 9 33 10 34 22 46 19 48 5i 29 . That it is not to be taken too literally
is shown by Je. 44 22 .

The fourth and last str. adds picturesqueness of detail to the
announcement of Philistia s devastation. 6. And thou wilt be
come pastures for shepherds] RV. renders, "and the sea-coast shall
be pastures, with cottages for shepherds." But this involves the
difficulty of treating sea-coast as a feminine noun, while it is
masculine everywhere else, even in v. 7 . It is better to treat it as
a case of vertical dittography from v. 7 . The word pastures too
is in an almost impossible construction in 4ft. RV. s cottages*
are without solid foundation; a better rendering for the word is
cisterns or wells, or even caves, as in RVm.. But a simpler
way out of the difficulty is to regard the word, which occurs only
here, as a corrupt dittograph of the immediately preceding word,
which it so closely resembles. Another treatment of the word is
suggested by &lt;g, which interprets it as Crete ; this in itself is quite
possible; but, if adopted, the words Crete and pastures must
exchange places, the former becoming the subject of the verb, viz.,
"And Crete, the border of the sea, will become pastures." f With
the omission of "border of the sea" suggested above, this latter
interpretation becomes very attractive ;{ but it is hardly convincing
because it is not likely that Philistia was known as Crete in
Zephaniah s time and was yet so named only once in the OT..
The line is smoother with the word omitted as in H. For "pas
tures for shepherds," cf. Am. i 2 Ps. 83 13 . And folds for flocks] A
picture of complete depopulation, crowded towns and villages
giving place to pastoral solitudes. At this point a later editor,

* So Now., Marti, van H., Fag.. Wkl. (1. c.) om. as a gloss. Du. orn. "I destroy you that
there will be no inhabitant."

t So Wkl. (AOF. Ill, 232), van H.. Wkl. sets w. apart as a separate oracle, directed not
against the Philistines, but the islanders of Crete itself. The occurrence of the forms mD and
DTIID is too slight a basis for so novel an hypothesis.

t So We., GASm., Now., Dr. (?). Cj. Or. s rendering, "shall become pastures for shep
herds, and the land of Crete sheepfolds.

2- 219

zealous for the pre-eminence of Judah, has inserted a line safe
guarding the interests of his people. 7a. And the border of the sea
will belong to the remnant of the house of Judah] The late origin*
of this line is shown by the way in which it breaks the close con
nection between v. 6 and v. 7b ; the they of 7b goes back for its
antecedent, not to the remnant of 7a , but to the flocks of v. 6 .
Then, too, the use of the word remnant presupposes at least the
first deportation as having occurred. The same hatred of the
nations in general and of the Philistines in particular is manifested
here as in 2 e Ob. 19 f - Zc. 9 5ff - Am. g 12 Is. n 14 Je. 49", all of which
are of exilic or postexilic origin. 7b. By the sea will they feed; in
the houses of Ashkelon at evening they will lie down] The original
poem is here resumed and finished. The closing scene shows the
former marts of trade and busy hives of men given over to the un
disturbed possession of well-fed sheep, going in and out of the
vacant houses at will, "with none to make them afraid." The
qina-rhythm would be restored by the transposition of the first
clause by the sea, etc., to the end of the line;f but the order of
thought is more natural as in UJ. The first clause in |H reads,
"upon them will they feed"; the antecedent of them can only
be the pastures of v. 6 ; but this is to make a masculine suffix re
fer to a feminine antecedent. Hence, in part, the general adop
tion of the reading "by the sea," which involves only a very slight
change of HJ. Those holding to the integrity of the verse as a
whole have felt compelled to make the verbs feed and lie down
find their subjects in the Jews themselves (cf. 3 13 Is. i4 30 Ez. 34"
Jb. ii 19 ), rather than in the flocks or the nomad shepherds of these
flocks. But this is a forced exegesis which, with the removal of
v. 7a now keeping 7b and 6 so far apart, becomes unnecessary. As
between the shepherds and the flocks, the latter furnishes the more
natural subject for the verbs. The objection usually urged, viz.,
that the prophet would not represent flocks as occupying the
vacant houses, is not well taken ; in no more effective way than this
could he have represented the desolate and deserted state of the
once populous region. The various attempts to emend the latter

* So We., Wkl. (/. c.), Marti, Siev., Beer, van H., Fag., Stk., Du., Kent.
t So Now., Marti, Kent. Du. treats it as a part of the interpolated matter.

220 ZEPHANIAH

part of this line (v. i.) seem wholly unnecessary.* For Yahweh,
their God, will visit them and turn their captivity] This line belongs
with v. 7a and completes the editorial addition. f It clearly refers
to the remnant of Judah and presupposes the exile. The refer
ence to Judah here introduces a foreign element into a context
which is concerned entirely with the Philistines. Visit, frequently
used of Yahweh s punitive activity, here denotes the exercise of
his forgiveness and mercy. The promise of return from exile
hardly accords with the view presented by the writer of v. 3 , who
contemplates the possibility of Judah s pious ones escaping from
the approaching calamity. For the phrase turn their captivity/
v. H. AH - 199 f - 292 . The alternative rendering turn their fortune
is less definite and forceful here.J

The opening str. of this oracle is in tetrameter; the remaining three
take on the qina-rhythm. The alien elements betray their character by
their failure to conform to either of these measures.

Vv. 2b - 3 - 7 j- are omitted from the reconstructed poem as later
accretions. Vv. 2b - c are variants of a gloss explaining the figurative
language of 2 . It is impossible to say which line presents the gloss in its
original form. The late origin of v. 3 is shown by its conception of re
ligion and by the fact that it evidently addresses itself to the Israelites,
whereas the context is concerned with the Philistines. The same ob
jection applies to v. 7 c . Indeed, on the strength of w. 8 - 7 , this whole
section is denied to Zephaniah by Schw., while Sta. GVI , 645, athetizes
vv. - and Bu. (SK. 1893, pp. 394^., and Gesch. 89), w. &lt;- 7 (so also
Kent). The argument against vv. 4 - 7 is that whereas in the genuine
material Israel is represented as having done wrong and is therefore
threatened with punishment, here Israel has been wronged by the na
tions and it is they that are to be punished. This, however, is not true
of vv. &lt;- 7 , for not a word occurs in them charging Philistia with having
injured Judah. The same kind of argument would also eliminate
Am. i 8 - 6 - - 8 - 13 - 16 2 1 - 3 , which are quite generally accepted as genuine.
Just as Amos believed that Philistia would suffer in the general destruc
tion about to be wrought either by the people of Urartu or by the As
syrians, so Zephaniah includes her in the universal devastation he an
ticipates. The prophets were men of broad vision, not limited in their
range of interest and observation by a provincial horizon. They saw

* There is no good reason for including this line with the rest of the verse as a late addition,
as is done by Wkl., Marti, van H..

t So We., Preuschen, Now., Wkl., Marti, Dr., Siev., van H., Fag.. Stk., Du., Kent.
J On the origin and meaning of the phrase, v. Preuschen, ZAW. XV, 1-74.

2 221

the history of their own people against the background of world-history.
Not one of them looked upon his nation as a thing apart from the world s
life. Amos, Jeremiah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Ezekiel and others proph
esied the downfall of nations other than Israel. Zephaniah cannot be
denied prophecies of the same sort, unless there be other evidence against
them than the simple fact that they are directed against non-Israelites.
What the relations between Philistia and Judah were in the days of Josiah
we do not know, nor does Zephaniah tell us anything upon that subject,
unless i 9 be an allusion to Philistine influence. But if Zephaniah looked
for disaster to overwhelm the whole of western Asia, no special cause
would be needed for a threat hurled against the Philistines.

The argument for treating w. l - 3 as the conclusion of ch. i is uncon
vincing (contra Hi., GASm., Bu., et a/.). The first chapter is complete
as it stands. Moreover, the o of 2 4 needs some antecedent material as
a basis and this is supplied by 2 1 f . The chief reason for combining
w. | - with the preceding rather than the following context lies in the ex
traneous material incorporated in this section which makes close con
nection with vv. 4 ff - difficult. The treatment of this material as late
removes this difficulty.

1. IBMp) WltMpnn] &lt;g, ffwdx^re Kal ffwd^dijTe; so &. &lt; Nc - HP.
62, 86, 95, 147, 185 have the variant, (rvvder/dijTe. S, (rv\\tyi)Te (revere
(probably an error for trimre). 3J, convenite congregamini. Many mss.
have itypj, without i, which is the normal writing of this form; v. Baer.
Che. (Proph. of Is. on Is. 2Q 9 ; but abandoned inCB.), v^nna a onn; so
Gr., Bu. (SK. LXVI, 396), BDB., Now. K , Dr., Fag., Bew. (JBL.
XXVII, 165), Kent. Hal. -ii^m iB cnNnn. Siev. irtripnm wip. An
other suggestion is itrp r -ii?Kppnn SN, deriving n from ;/ wwp be hard and
p from \/ nt?p. Van H. -iippi lete pnn (or -ii5"p.]). Both of the forms in
4R are cbr . For similar combinations of Qal and Hithpo., v. Is. 29
Hb. i 5 . The derivation of the vb. remains doubtful. Some would make
it a denominative from t?p_, stubble, meaning to gather stubble, sticks,
etc. ; but when so used the obj. ep ,pn or wsy always accompanies it,
a fact which seems to point to the vb. itself as having only the simple
meaning collect, gather. In any case, the vb. cannot be here used
denominatively. Van H. s reading connects it with -j/ BMP or B"p, corre
sponding to the Arabic (j*Ls = mensuravit ; but the resulting sense
is hardly satisfactory enough to warrant the necessary change in point
ing involved. Mau. attaches it to enp (= Arabic (j*3) and renders
bend yourselves ; but no such vb. occurs in Heb. and the Arabic vb.,
as Dav. points out, is a denominative, meaning not bend but be bow-
shaped or be curved in the back. Stei. suggests -j/ irrp, connected
with ntfp, be hard. Ew. proposes the Aram, i/ wp = be old, with a
supposed primary meaning be withered, and renders turn pale. But

222 ZEPHANIAH

none of these is more than a barren conjecture, providing no suitable
meaning. ^DDJ sS] (8 rb a-n-aidevTov, so &. H non amabilis. Van H.,
foil. &lt;&, IDIJ S. Schw. n.DD3 sS. Bew. (/. c.), n?J S (/ r| D3 ). The
most plausible explanation of M is suggested by GASm., viz. Ara
bic ksfin classical speech = cut a thread or eclipse the sun ; but in
the colloquial, to rebuff/ disappoint, put to shame ; in forms IV
and VIII it means be disappointed, 7 shy, or timid (v. Spiro s Arabic-
English Vocabulary}. This meaning as possible for the Heb. is sup
ported by the Aram, i/ which means lose colour, be ashamed (v.
Jerusalem Targum on Nu. 12" Ps. 35* 6g 7 ). Barth, Etymologische
Sludien, 61, derives it less easily from an Arabic ksf = be oppressed,
afflicted. 2. pn mS] Rd. pnS vnn, tr. the letters nn (with a slight
change in the second) to precede tS. For similar transpositions, cf.
Am. 3 12 , S-o for naS; Ho. 5", ^xi for pNi; 7" innfc" for in^D^; io 9 , niSj;
for n*?i&gt;; 131 14 , ^HN for n&gt;x. This reading accounts for all the ele
ments in fH, does away with the rare usage of an inf. cstr. with DIB (found
besides only in Hg. 2 15 ), finds an exact parallel in Is. 2g 6 (cf. 40"), is pos
sibly supported in part by (& & (v. i.}, and yields a line of the right

ih P y

length and structure. &lt;& rov yevfoeai u^as; similarly & ^cocul P^

Gr. (Monatsschrift, 1887, p. 506), mnn N 1 -. Schw. ts lJn. We. V
vnn; so GASm., Oort Em -, Or., CB., Now., Marti, Hal., Dr., Siev. (add
ing ts^p), Fag. (om. xS), Roth., Du., Kent. But (i) this involves the
introduction into classical Heb. of the usage sS Dnau, not found other
wise except in the late gloss upon this passage, which immediately fol
lows; (2) it does not satisfactorily account for either the n or the p of 4H;
(3) it yields a line shorter than the measure set by the context; and (4) it
is by no means certain that it represents the text that lay before &lt;&, for
the inf. construction of &lt;$ suggests fH in its present form in that yevfodai
might easily be the rendering of mV in such a difficult context. The
corruption may easily antedate &lt;B. Bew. (/. c.), pn mSp = (before)
the appointed time is at an end. Bu. (SK., 1893, p. 396), DDpn nsSa
(using first letters of r^o). ui rioa] &lt;& ws &v6os = n? or V??.
Bew. (/. c.), Di* 1 "U}&gt; yso ^. The only possible rendering of M in this
context is, "like chaff a day has passed away"; but this is altogether
pointless. -oy] &lt;& = -&gt;3V; so& K H ; also Gr., We., GASm., Oort Em -,
Or., CB., Now., Marti, Dr., Siev., Fag., Roth., Du.. Bu. -njn. Van H
n-oy. Hal. (using foil, ov) onaj;. or] ffi (g B - N - A -Q HP. 48, 233 om.;
so schw., Gr., We., Oort Em -, CB., Now., Marti, Dr., Siev., van H., Du..
H has it under asterisk. Ht is supported by 0S Y HP. 22, 36, 40, 42, 51,
62, 68, 86, 87, 91, 95, 97, 114, i47&gt; I 53, *%S&gt; 228 2 3 8 240 N"? onea]
Explicable only as a strengthened negative, Ges. ^ 162 y; nowhere else in
the list of fifty-one occurrences of to is a second negative employed with
it. The accumulation of particles is characteristic of late Heb.. inn

2 Z " 223

*1N] (6 dpVTjv, apparently om. f|N; so &. Fag. substitutes ov of the
preceding clause of iH for n. IN ov] HP. 86, 147, 228 = IN |nn or.

3. &gt;u&gt;] Kenn. 139, 251 "cy; c/. Eh-r., !?&gt;:; so Fag.. -WN] &lt;jg om. and
renders a as imv.; so &; but this is scarcely in accord with the position
of D. iSys] Gr., -i^mn. laotrc] (& Kpipa.. S adds avrov under as
terisk. pi* Vtfpa] &lt;S Y *al Si/caiocri/i Tjj irpaor. . . . HP. 36, 97, 228
marg. om.. mjp wpa] &lt;S /cai diroKplve(r6e avrd = nij^- HP. 22,
51, 62, 86, 95, 147, 185, 240 support 4H. CN] Marti IBN, om. ^; so
Siev.. 4. nav&gt;] (& SitjpTraa^vr]. HP. 62, 147 Steer iraffn^vri; 86, 95, 185
SLffTrapfj.fVTj. Aq. 2 ^yKaraXeXei/x^. mcn,p] &lt;$ eKpi^fferai =
tf-un; so Schw.. Kenn. 30, 89 nsnjp. Gr. n-vnirj. Bacher (ZAW. XI,
185/0, foil. Abulwalid Merwan ibn Ganah/rw-A. Schw. (Z4W. XI,
26o/.), n-WT: ! \ 5. Van] Wkl. ylOF. Ill, 232 /.. Sap; c/. Assy, ina
kabal tamtim. Only here and in v. 6 is n used with D^; elsewhere it is
D n p|n, e. g. Dt. i 7 Je. 47 7 . iij] (S irdpoiKot = -ni. Siev. ^in. DTTO]
&lt;S KPTJTWV. Aq. S E H all treat it as a common noun and connect
it with i/ ma, cut, e. ^. destroyers, destruction, etc.. Ed. Meyer,
Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstdmnte, 221, suggests the possibility of
this and na being survivals of the name Zakkari borne by allies and
kinsmen of the Philistines in the twelfth century B.C.; so also Che. EB.
699 /.. But the total loss of an initial consonant from a form with a
doubled middle radical is very improbable and without parallel.
Da^S;] Schw. ^S;?; so We., Preuschen (ZAW. XV, 32), GASm., Now.,
Stk., Kent. But the address is in reality to the Philistines as a people
rather than to the land. J&gt;-JD] Bew. (/. c.), njvj &gt;s, for will be afflicted.
PN] & = p-\Ni. TmaNni] (g = D.? ; but, as Schw. has shown,
i IKD always foil, a local designation, never a personal one; hence M is
preferable. Siev. om. ). Now. "IIONHV Bew. rvmaNm (?). psc]
An intensified negative in a circumstantial clause expressing result.

6. nmrn] Rd. rurn; so Sta. (in SS.), Marti, Now. K , Fag., Roth., Du^
Kent. Oort Em - n^ni. Siev. ^nnani. Bach, would derive from Aram.
nnN and make it = nxai; but this conjecture has no redeeming fea
tures, n might be retained as referring, with a change of person, to
the foregoing D p; but the change of text is simpler. a-ri San] Om.
as a correction of n in v. 7 ; so &lt;8&gt; and Schw., We., Sta., Preuschen (/. c.),
Dav., GASm., Now., Marti, Siev., van H., Dr., Fag., Stk., Roth., Du.,
Kent. Aq. rb (rxotvLv/jM TTJS w/)at6TTjTos. S. T& irepl^erpov [^] rb
irapd\tov. Bach, njvn a^n. n^j] (& vow. B requies. Now. nj3. Dr.
nij; so Fag.. As here written, the form is &ir.; elsewhere mxj. If
4ft is correct, the form furnishes a significant hint as to the force of i
in pronunciation (Schw.). An analogous exchange between N and ^ is
well known in Aram.; cf. e. g. fnn and jnn (Dn. 2 28 ) and aNa for a&gt;3
in Elephantine Papyri, C, 2 (Sayce and Cowley). The syntax here, with
j as the first of two cstrs. both defined directly by o^jn is difficult, j

224 ZEPHANIAH

is not a simple predicate (there being no case in OT. of a plural pred.
connected with a sg. subj. by the copula), but an ace. after a vb. of be
coming, rpn here being equivalent to S ,T&lt;n (Schw.). n~o] Om. with
V as a variant of nu; so Bohme (ZAW. VII, 212), Schw., SS., Gr.,
Dav., Oort Em -, Marti, Siev., Dr. (?), Now. K , Fag., Roth., Du., Kent.
&lt; Kp-^rtj; so &. Bach. rharn (for a :). Ew. derives 3 from Ar., wkr,
going over into ;&n, whence fp. = nest ; hence 2 = huts, cots (so
GASm., Kent). But every step of this process is at fault. To take
only the last p has no connection with wakana, but comes from pp,
which in Assy. = coil, curl up (v. Johnston, JAOS. XXIX, 224 ff.).
The usual derivation of a is from rna dig ; but since vb. is common
(15 occurrences), it would be strange that this should be the only oc
currence of the noun. Hi., foil, by Hal., traces it to na = pasture (cf.
Assy, kirti = grove ), but the pi. of -o is ana (Ps. 37*). 7. San] Rd.
o&gt;r San, as in v. , with (& ; so We, Preuschen (ZAW. XV, 32),
Wkl. (AOF. Ill, 2327.), Now., Marti, Dr., van H., Roth., Fag., Du..
H supplies on under asterisk. Gr. S-iaJ (?). Oort Em - om.. Schw.
suggests om. and reading nmni for rp,-n. The absence of the art. points
to the cstr. with D-n om. by error. M can only be rendered, "and it shall
be a portion for the remnant, etc.," the subj. being the n of v. 6 , there
treated as fern., but here as masc.. amSj?] Rd. D*n S&gt; ; so We., Preu
schen, GASm., Oort Em -, Now., Marti, Dr., Siev., Or., Stk., Roth.,
Kent. Bach. o &gt;l ?jj?. Van H. an vSjj. Now. and Marti tr. * ovi hy
and un &gt;naa. -i&gt; anya fiSp^x ^naa] (& adds dirk irpoo-uirov vi&v IovSa;
so ft H but with lovSa under asterisk. &lt;S A has the added phrase, but under
an obelus; HP. 133, om. all of it. GASm. supposes (8 to represent a
remnant of a lost line. For anya, Schw. suggests jnpya; Gr. B"y;?a.a(?);
CB., 3-523. Marti om. pSptrx as a later addition and reads, manru
ui T.^ or ^IW^ina; so Now. K . Siev. om. N &gt;naa and adds ^n-iy after
n&gt;. Fag. om. andreadso^nja. oniatf] Qr. = on- air; so the standard
text in Nu. 2i 29 and perhaps Ez. i6 B3 ; elsewhere \ is offered as Kt. in
eleven passages (with -i as Qr.) and as Qr. in three passages (w th i as
Kt.). The frequency of the ace. cog. in Heb. favours a derivation
from av^ rather than natt&gt;; but an ace. of similar sound may be chosen
for the sake of assonance where there can be no thought of an ace. cog. ;
e. g. Ps. 107", n_DK -nnn; Nu. 24 18 , vno&gt; iwi; Is. 2 19 - . jn.Nn yh^; Ez.

225

5- THE DIVINE VENGEANCE UPON MOAB AND
AMMON (2 8 - 11 ).

In a single str. of six lines, the attitude of Moab and Ammon
toward Judah in her calamity is recalled and the dire destruction
of both people is foretold (vv. 8 - 9 ). Later hands have expanded
the oracle and made it foretell the world-wide dominion of Yah-
weh (vv. 10 " n ). The entire section belongs to the postexilic age.

J HAVE heard the reproach of Moab and the revilings of the children of Ammon,
Wherewith they have cast reproach upon my people and vaunted themselves

against their border.

Therefore, as I live it is the oracle of Yahweh of hosts, the God of Israel
Surely, Moab shall become like Sodom and the children of Ammon like Go
morrah,

A land overrun by weeds and salt-pits and a desolation for ever.
The remnant of my people shall prey upon them and the remainder of my na
tion shall take possession of them.

The oracle against Moab finds parallels in Am. 2 1 " 3 Is. 15, 16
Je. 48 Ez. 25 8ff - and that against Ammon in Am. i ir " : " J Jc. 49 1 8
Ez. 25 1 " 7 ; but they are coupled together as partners in sin only
here. 8. / have heard} Yahweh speaks. Perhaps the language
here was suggested by Is. i6 6 (cf. 37 4 ); but there is not the slight
est ground for supposing the whole oracle to have been borrowed
from Isaiah and Amos.* The reproach of Moab and the revilings
of the Ammonites] The taunts meant are probably those resented
in Ez. 25 3 - 6 - 8 Je. 4 8 26 - 30 . The fall of Jerusalem furnished occa
sion for all the foes of Judah to exult over her and apparently they
did not fail to improve the opportunity to the full; cf. Ez. 35"
Ob. 12 . The conduct of Moab toward Israel had been character
ised by insolence and arrogance on at least one occasion in the
early history (2 S. io 4 , cf. Is. 25"). Tradition and history doubt
less treasured many other recollections of indignities and hostil
ities endured by Israel at the hands of her neighbours on the east;
& Ju. 3 12 - 30 ii 4 - 9 3 - 36 is 1 " 3 i S. n, i 4 47 2 S. 8 1 - 2 - 12 10-12, 2 K.
3 1 ff i3 20 24 2 Am. i 13 - 15 2 1 - 3 2 Ch. 20 1 2 6 8 27* Je. 49 1 ff . But it is
absurd to attribute the prophet s anger here to the offences re-

* Contra de W., Ew..

226 ZEPHANIAH

corded in Nu. 22-25.* The prophets were too vitally concerned
with the problems of their own age to be harbouring resentment
or threatening chastisement upon foreigners for crimes that had
been outlawed for centuries. Wherewith they have reproached my
people and vaunted themselves against their border] This spirit of
revenge for injuries done to Judah is in marked contrast with the
broad, humanitarian feeling of Amos, whose denunciations of for
eign nations were based primarily upon their excessive cruelty in
the violation of great human laws and customs, rather than upon
the mere fact that they had injured the prophet s own people (cf.
Am. i 3 - e - 13 2 1 ). The latter half of this line is somewhat ambigu
ous and has been subjected to various interpretations. A com
mon view has seen in it a charge that these foes have sought to en
large their own territory at the expense of Israel and Judahf (cf.
Am. i 13 Is. i5 4ff&gt; and the Mesa stone). The verb is better taken,
however, in the sense enlarge the mouth, i. e. boast, taunt (cf.
Ez. 35" Ob. 12 Is. 37 23 ) at the expense of Judah.f This is the
meaning called for by the parallelism, by the interpretative gloss
in v. 10 and by the use of the same idiom elsewhere, viz. Jb. iQ 5
Ps. 35 26 38 16 55 12 . The fact that elsewhere the idiom is always
connected with persons is not sufficient reason for doubting the
suitability of border as an object here, for the number of its oc
currences is too small to afford a basis for a general rule. Mai.
i 5 shows that the idiom is susceptible of wider usage.

9. Therefore, as I live it is the oracle of Yahweh of hosts, God
of Israel] " Since he could swear by none greater, he sware by him
self" (Heb. 6 13 ) . The doom of Moab and Ammon is announced in
the most solemnly impressive terms. Surely, Moab shall become
like Sodom and the Ammonites like Gomorrah] A simile suggesting
at the same time the depth of their depravity and a sudden, awful
and total destruction through the outpouring of Yahweh s wrath.
The fate of these cities is constantly referred to in both OT. and
NT. as furnishing a fearful example, e. g. Dt. 2Q 23 Is. i 9 13 19 Je. 23"
4 9 18 so 40 Lam. 4 6 Am. 4 n Mt. io 15 Lk. io 12 Rom. 9 29 2 Pet. 2 6 .
A land abounding in weeds] These two Hebrew words are obscure

* Contra van H.. t So Hi., Mau., Or., Dav., Now., Dr..

J So Schw., GASm., Marti. Contra We..

2* 227

in meaning (v. f). The first one is found nowhere else in He
brew, nor is any light thrown upon it by the Vrss. or the cognate
languages. The second is found in Pr. 24 31 Jb. 3o 7 ; from the first
reference it is clear that weeds in general or of some special vari
ety are meant, while the second requires some kind of a shrub or
bush or a species of weed tall and thick enough to furnish conceal
ment for a man. With that for a starting-point, we can conjecture
the meaning of the first word as a place overgrown or something
of the kind. And sail-pits] This picture of desolation is suggested
by the region about the Dead Sea, where the ground is covered
with incrustations of salt; cf. Ez. 47". Salt is frequently employed
in OT. as a symbol of sterility and ruin (Dt. 29* Je. 17 Jb. 39 Ps.
io7 34 ). The Hebrew word is in the singular number here and,
unless used collectively, would mean that the entire land is to be
come a salt-pit. The reference may be either to pits into which the
waters of the Dead Sea are admitted in order that they may evap
orate, leaving their deposit of salt, or to salt-mines such as are
found along the south-western shore of the Sea, where the Jebel
Usdum, the base of which is a ridge of rock-salt, c. 200 feet in
height, extends for five miles. Cf. Lynch s description of the
north-western shore. "The scene was one of unmixed desolation.
. . . Except the cane-brakes, clustering along the marshy stream
which disfigured, while it sustained them, there was no vegetation
whatever; barren mountains, fragments of rock, blackened by sul
phureous deposit, and an unnatural sea, with low, dead trees upon
its margin, all within the scope of our vision bore a sad and sombre
aspect. We had never before beheld such desolate hills, such
calcined barrenness."* And a desolation for ever} This adds the
finishing touch the ruin is for all time. The remnant of my peo
ple shall spoil them and the remainder of my nation shall take pos
session of them} This step is not conceived of as following the de
structive scene just portrayed, but rather as simultaneous with
and supplementary to it. The reference now is to the peoples
themselves rather than their land. Judah, so long a sufferer at
their hands, will in the great day to come strip them of all they pos-

* Narrative of the United States Expedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea
(1849), 275.

228 ZEPHANIAH

sess and reduce them to servitude; cf. Is. i4 2 6i 5 .* This seems a
more natural interpretation than that which makes the suffix refer
to the lands in question and explains the apparent inconsistency
of plundering and possessing a wasted wilderness as due to the
idealistic character of the prophetic utterance.f

10. This will be their lot in return for their arrogance, because
they cast reproach and vaunted themselves against the people of
Yahweh of hosts] This is a supplementary gloss.J It is an appli
cation of the lex talionis on a large scale; cf. Ob. 15 f -. The height
of the offence of these nations is that they have dared to set them
selves against Israel s God; cf. Je. 4 8 26 - 42 i S. iy 26 - 36 - 45 . The
pride of Moab was evidently a prominent national characteristic;
cf. Is. i6 6 Je. 48 29 . 11. Yahweh will be terrible against them] For
a similar conception of Yahweh s awe-inspiring might, cf. Ps.
66 5 89 7 96 4 Mai. i 14 . In its present position, the suffix must refer
to the two nations denounced in vv. 8&gt; 9 . Some interpreters con
sider the verse out of its place, but it is better handled as a later
addition to this context.** The preposition may be rendered
either "over them," i. e. in judgment, or "against them," i. e. in
attack. &lt; s reading, "Yahweh will appear over them," is at
tractive, but not sufficiently so to displace HI. For he will make
lean all the gods of the earth] Here the poor connection with the
oracle on Moab and Ammon is revealed. The terror exercised
over those two nations hardly finds a satisfactory origin in the fact
that Yahweh destroys the gods of other peoples. The language
used does not necessarily imply the writer s belief in the reality of
the heathen gods; this may easily have been his highly figurative
way of describing the coming downfall of idolatry the world over.
Similarly realistic terms are used in the denunciation of idols by
writers who certainly looked upon them as mere nonentities, e. g.
Is. iQ 1 46* 2 Ps. i35 5 ; cf. Ez. 3o 13 . The verb used is in itself unam-

* So Hi., Marti, Dr.. t E. g. Dav., van H..

t Its late origin is defended by all those cited as assigning vv. 8 - 9 to a late date. But in
favour of the separation of this as a gloss upon the foregoing oracle may be cited: Marti, Siev.,
van H., Fag., Stk..

So Hal. who places it after 2, while Buhl (ZAW. V, 182) places it with 3 .

** So Sta. GVI -, 644, Now., GASm., Marti, Dr., Siev., van H.; others treat vv. 8 - 11 as a unit
all of which is equally late, so e. g. Oort (Godgel. Bijd. 186), Schw., We., Bu. (SK. 1893, pp.
394 ft.), Fag., Stk., Du., Kent.

2 10 229

biguous (cf. Is. io 16 17 4 Mi. 6 10 Ez. 24 20 ) ; but its appropriateness as
applied to gods is doubtful. If the text is correct, the point of the
figure lies either in the thought that by destroying the nations Yah-
weh will enfeeble their gods, whose existence is bound up with that
of the nations worshipping them;* or in the fact that in earlier
times, sacrificial offerings were looked upon as the " food of the
gods" (cf. Ez. 44 7 ); hence, by causing the offerings to cease, Yah-
weh will deprive the gods of their means of support. And there
shall bow down to him, each from his place, all the shores of the
nations] This vision of the world-wide acceptance of Yahweh as
God of the nations far transcends the reach of faith in Zephaniah s
time and indelibly stamps the verse as later; cf. Mi. 4 1 " 4 Mai. i 11
Zc. 14. This representation of the heathen as worshipping Yah
weh is in sharp contrast to the announcement of their destruction
which follows immediately in vv. 12ff&gt; . It is unnecessary to sup
pose that the writer conceives of the various peoples as undertak
ing pilgrimages to Jerusalem ;f the preposition from means only
from the stand-point of, i. e. in or at his own place; cf. Ps. 68 29 4
Each applies not to individuals, but to the various nations or
lands constituting the inhabited world. For the idea of the lands
as worshipping Yahweh, cf. Ps. 66 4 . Place in itself might mean
sanctuary like the Ar. maqdm;** but, the reference being to
each nation, it is hardly likely that the writer would think of them
all as having concentrated their worship at one sanctuary in each
land, like the Jews.

This oracle offers a distinct change in the metre from the qina of the
previous section. The movement is clearly hexameter and is fairly
smooth and regular. It is adhered to even in some material (v. ") later
subjoined to the original poem.

That w. 10 - n form no part of the original oracle is shown as regards
v. I0 by the fact that it merely repeats what has already been better said
in v. 8 and that it descends to plain prose. V. n reveals its alien origin in
the character of its contents and in the fact that it breaks away from
the consideration of Moab and Ammon into a prediction of universal
dominion.

* So e. g. Hi.. Ke., Now.. t Contra Rosenm., de W., Ke., Kl., We..

J So Hi., Mau., Hd., Schw., Or., Dav., Dr.. Contra Ew., Hi., Dav., van H..
** So GASm..

230 ZEPHANIAH

The oracle against Moab and Aramon even cannot be assigned to
Zephaniah, but must be held to have come from a later day; so Oort,
Codgeleerde Bijdragen, 1865, pp. 812 /.; Schw.; We.; Bu. SK. LXVI,
393 /; Cor -5 Sm -&gt; 2 44; Now.; GASm.; Baud., Einl.\ Marti; CB. ,
Siev.; Beer; Fag.; Stk.; Du.; Kent. The considerations which have
brought so many interpreters to this view may be summarised, (i) The
marked difference in rhythm from the context on both sides indicates
diversity of authorship. (2) The oracle against Philistia in vv. 4 - 7 is
more naturally followed by one against Egypt (v. 12 ), the immediate
neighbour of Philistia, than by one against Moab and Ammon on the
eastern border of Judah. Moreover, if Zephaniah had in mind a
devastation to be wrought by the Scythians, as seems probable, it is
hardly likely that he would switch the line of march of their invading
host suddenly away from the sea-coast to the opposite side of the Jordan.
As a matter of fact, the Scythians seem to have confined their operations
in Palestine to the coast. (3) The conduct of Moab and Ammon here
denounced was that in which they indulged when emboldened by the
disasters that befell Judah at the time of the Babylonian captivity; cf.
Ob. w. 1(M4 . No such feeling as this is manifested by the prophets
against Moab and Ammon in any earlier period. (4) The expressions,
remnant of my people and remainder of my nation are used in such
a way as to presuppose the exile as an existing fact at the time when
this oracle was written.

8. noin] &lt;& pi.; so Schw.; but iH is preferable even though the co
ordinate noun here is pi.; for out of a total of more than seventy oc
currences of n, the pi. is used only three times in all, twice in the abs.
and once in cstr.. For other cases of sg. and pi. conjoined, v. Is. 5i 7 Je.
2 19 Pr. 26 23 . pop "OS] So always; never simply &gt; ; while it is always
3Nio, never D ^:a (so also mx). On the other hand, either SNT^ or
ja ,onx or s ^a. Similar peculiarities appear in Ar. (We.). iSn.p]
CB. wy^. oSiaj] &lt;& & H = Suj; so Schw., Now., Marti (?), Hal.,
Fag.. But the change is unnecessary since the collective antecedent ^DJ?
furnishes sufficient basis fora pi. sf.. 9. ptyrr] (8 Kal A&/J.O.O-KOS, wholly
uncalled for in this context. H siccitas, which affords no light. & and
was destroyed, perhaps conjectured from the context. Gr. BMop or
owpp; so Now.. Marti Bh;n (Is. i4 23 ); so Roth.. Van H. Btepo,
place of weeds, a denominative from CMDp. s, a OTT., is usually ren
dered possession, place of possession, which is traced to PPD (Gn.
15*); but the latter word is as doubtful as this (cf. &lt;& Mcure/c). Reliable
witness to the meaning of D is entirely lacking; we can but conjecture.
Snn] &lt;5 tK\e\i/j,fjLtvri = nS-\n (Schw.). H spinarum. ^raSn. n
was probably some rank kind of weed, growing profusely on wild and
neglected ground. The Syr. equivalent (hurld) means a kind of horse-
fodder, some species of vetches. mom] (& ws difj-uvid; clearly a guess;

2 8 - 1 231

cf. B et acerui. Ehr. n-npi; so Fag.. Another HIT., but evidently
from i/ n-u, dig ; whether it denotes natural or artificial caves and pits,
or may be used of both kinds is uncertain. nVc] &lt; fiXwi/os, probably an
inner-Greek error for d\6s (so Aq. 2 0) under the influence of 0i/xumc.
Now. ri^c, salt- wort or mallow (Jb. 3O 4 ); so Marti, Roth. (?); this
goes well as a parallel to weeds or vetches, but is wholly out of place
with n-oD, if pit or cave be the true sense of the latter. On basis of &lt;&,
Hal. reads the whole phrase, "Damascus shall be a ptfDD of thorns and
Edom a pit of salt, etc.." Schw. questions D DI Snn as a possible cor
ruption of nn^Di nrvj; c/. Je. i; 6 . aitai] Gr. DW3&lt;(?). ^u] Rd. "/u,
with all the Vrss., 25 mss. of Kenn. and de R., and practically all inter
preters. 10. To om. iSnjpi] and nuns] solely mtr. cs. (so Now. K ; cf.
Siev.), when there is no evidence that this verse was ever in metrical
form is an arbitrary method of procedure. It is noteworthy that s oc
curs in Zephaniah only here and in v. 9 . D;] C&B-N-A.Q A & H and HP.
48, 153, 233 om.. nisox] &&amp;gt; adds, against Israel, an explanatory gloss.

11. N-nj] &lt; B tiri(f&gt;avT?iffTa.i.\ so &. ( s * tiri(f&gt;av/}s tffrai. Hence Buhl
(ZAW. V, 182), riN-y. $ horribilis (similarly ). nn o] Rd. ^
no;, with Schw. (or nn); so Dr., Roth. (?). (& Kal ^oXe^ei5&lt;rct; so
^. H el disperdet. B e^ attenuabit. Gr. rnr; so Fag.. CB. nn.
Now. nn^r ( ?). Marti, Tpn or nip\ An impf. is better than a prophetic
pf. here; and the Pi el is necessary since the Niph. and the Ar. equiv
alent seem to point to the Qal as an intransitive. We. says, " ~\ is
impossible and nn&gt; scarcely right." But all attempts to substitute
another vb. thus far have involved too radical a departure from 4H.

^N] (& rovs Oeobs ruv t9vui&gt;; so g H . om. r&v td . & = oSc; so
Gr.. jc] For the sense from the stand-point of, in,at, c/.n^p ,S-iDp ,rpi?,
o?.i?3 /Jsp, etc.. ^x] Originally coasts, islands ; but later designating
countries as a whole (e. g. Is. 41 - 6 ), pars pro toto. D&gt;un] & = the seas,
but probably an inner Syr. error of f^^^ for

6. THE DOOM OF ETHIOPIA AND ASSYRIA ( 2 12 - 15 ).

In another single str. of six lines, Zephaniah marks the southern
limit of the Scythian invasion; then, returning to the opposite ex
treme of the world-empire of his day, announces the downfall of
Assyria and describes in detail the desolation of Nineveh.

, too, O Ethiopians, are the slain of my sword.

And he will stretch out his hand against the north and destroy Assyria;
And will make Nineveh a desolation, a drought like the desert.
And herds will lie down in the midst of her, every beast of the field.
Both pelican and porcupine will lodge in her capitals.
The owl will hoot in the window, the raven on the threshold.

232 ZEPHANIAH

This str., now standing alone, perhaps once formed the close
of the poem beginning in 2 7 . 12. You, too, O Ethiopians] The
Ethiopians, dwelling south of the first cataract of the Nile are
threatened with punishment, in all probability because the fact
that they had ruled Egypt from about 720 to 654 B.C. was still
fresh in Zephaniah s mind. A native Egyptian dynasty had se
cured possession of the throne once more only about twenty-five
years before the time of Zephaniah. As a distant and powerful
people in the extreme south (3 10 Is. n 11 iS 1 f - Ez. 38 5 ), the Ethi
opians are contrasted with the Assyrians in the far north. It may
be, of course, that Zephaniah sarcastically addresses the Egyp
tians themselves by this name, because of their long subjection to
Ethiopia. Are the slain of my sword] Cf. Ju. f Is. 27* 34 5 66 16
Je. 2S 33 Ez. 2i 9 - 13ff -. Zephaniah probably thought of the Scyth
ians as destined to bring destruction upon those southern peoples.
The representation of the Scythians as the sword of Yahweh (cf.
Is. io 5 ) recalls the later designation of Attila the Hun as "the
scourge of God." The prophet s expectation failed of fulfilment,
for the Scythians were turned back at the border of Egypt. Egypt
suffered no serious setback till Necho was defeated at Carche-
mish in 605 B.C. by Nebuchadrezzar. Her complete overthrow
was not accomplished until the reign of Cambyses, the Persian,
in 525 B.C., about a century after the time of Zephaniah. The
prophet is almost certainly announcing a future calamity rather
than recording Egypt s actual condition when he spoke, and his
oracle is probably incomplete; v. i.. 13. And he will stretch out
his hand against the north and destroy Assyria] Cf. Is. 5^ g 12 - 17&gt; 21
io 4 i4 26 -. As the greatest political power of the time, Assyria is
fittingly reserved to the last, as a climax to the series of judgments.
Her sins were too well known to Zephaniah s audience for them
to need recapitulation here. And will make Nineveh a desolation,
a drought like the desert] From the days of Sennacherib on down to
Zephaniah s time Nineveh had been the capital of the Assyrian
empire and the queen city of the world. Her reputation was world
wide and grew with the passing years; cf. Jon. i 2 f f 4". To pre
dict her speedy downfall was an exercise of undaunted faith. The
devastation with which Zephaniah threatened her was even more

terrible than that announced as impending over the Philistine
cities, for Nineveh was to be swallowed up wholly by the desert.
Such a condition as is here described would involve the drying up
of the Tigris, which ran along the south-west side of the city, and
also of the Khusur which skirted the north-west side. An exten
sive system of canals conveyed a plentiful supply of water within
the walls. Gardens and orchards accordingly flourished. But
prophecy knew no limits to the power of Yahweh.

14. And herds will He down in the midst of her] On the face of
things, it seems a bit incongruous for herds to be feeding in a region
dry as the desert ; but the foregoing figure pictured the complete
destruction of the city, while this adds to that picture the detail
of the place s total desertion by man (cf. 2 7 ). Every beast of the
field] i. e. every kind of animal. For the text, v. i.. M literally
says, "every beast of a nation." A common interpretation of
this is as an abbreviated form of every beast of every kind ;* but
there is no clear case of such an abbreviation, nor is there any evi
dence that nation may mean kind or sort. Others interpret
it of beasts that form groups, i. e. gregarious animals ;f still others,
"all beasts in crowds" ;J and Davidson, "Nineveh shall be a com
mon pasture for every tribe of people." But these all force the
Hebrew beyond the straining-point. Hence, We. emends to "a
motley medley of mixed people," which does not satisfy the con
text at all, while others would change to "every beast of the
swamp," forgetting apparently the violent conflict thus occa
sioned with the preceding statement regarding the drought of
the region. Both pelican and porcupine will lodge in her capitals]
The carved heads of Nineveh s many columns will, for the most
part, be lying broken upon the ground and defiled by being made
to serve as perches and nests for unclean birds and vermin. The
exact meaning of the two words rendered pelican and porcu
pine is in doubt. The first is rendered chameleon by &lt;$ and
cormorant by Tf. In Lv. n 18 Dt. 14", it is classed among the
unclean birds; in Ps. 102 6 , it is parallel to owl and is made an in
habitant of the wilderness; in Is. 34", it is included among birds

* So e. g. Hi., t So e. g. Roscnm, de W..

J Mau., Ew., Ke., RVm.. 5 Hal., van H., Dr. (?).

234 ZEPHANIAH

and is represented as frequenting desolate regions. It is evidently,
therefore, some kind of wild bird found in solitary wastes. The
only objection to pelican is that as a consumer of fish, it would
scarcely be found in a region dry as the desert ; perhaps, poetic
license is equal to this. The porcupine is, in Is. i4 23 , associated
with marshy ground and, in 34", with desolate regions as here.
We do not look for porcupines in marshes; nor are they addicted
exclusively to desolate places; nor should we expect them to be
associated with birds as in Is. 34" and here. But, on the other
hand, the meaning, porcupine or hedgehog is assured for this
word in Syr., Ar. and Eth.. The alternative rendering bittern/
which finds many followers, has no support in the Vrss. nor
in the cognate tongues. The owl will hoot in the window, the
raven on the threshold] Owls and ravens are fit occupants of
desolation; cf. Is. 34" Ps. i02 6 . In the picture of the raven at
the door, Zephaniah anticipated Poe s Raven, 4$ as usually
rendered is, "their voice shall sing in the windows; desolation (or
drought) shall be in the thresholds." But the second half of the
sentence presents a strange collocation of circumstances; and the
first half introduces a pronoun, necessary to the sense, which is
not present in M- The translation here adopted has the support
of &lt; For cedar-work has been laid bare] This fragment, which
has no relation to the immediate context, is probably either due
to corrupt dittog. from the following line,* or is a misplaced
gloss on famish in 2 n .f 15. This is the exultant city that dwelt
in security] In the regular elegiac rhythm, a stanza of triumph
over Nineveh now fallen was here appended to the original oracle
by some pious reader. The phraseology of this verse is of com
mon occurrence; v. Is. 22 2 23 7 32 13 4y 8 - 10 . Saying in her heart,
11 1 am and there is none, else"] Nineveh had long dwelt supreme.
Not till within the quarter-century preceding Zephaniah s ap
pearance had Assyria received any serious check in her career of
world-conquest. Judah itself had been vassal for a half-century.
The book of Nahum reflects the relief and satisfaction of the Jews
when the tyrant s fall became inevitable. How has she become a

* So Buhl (ZAW. V, 182), Schw. (?), Now. (?), Siev., Fag., Roth., Du., Kent (?).
t So Marti.

2 12 235

ruin, a lair for the wild beast] Cf. Je. 50 23 5 1 41 . Her destruction was
complete. Xenophon, passing the site in B.C. 401, was able to
learn only that a great city had once occupied the spot and had
been destroyed because Zeus had deprived its inhabitants of their
wits.* Every one who passes by her hisses and shakes his fist}
Indicative of openly expressed scorn and fearless rage. The
gesture is not elsewhere mentioned; cf. i K. 9* Je. 19* 49" 50"
Ez. 27 36 Jb. 27 23 La. 2 15 Ps. 22 7 .

The qina-rhyihm is resumed in this str., and this fact lends force to the
view that in reality this section is only a continuation of 4, which is
composed in the same measure. Moreover, the course of the Scythian
invasion led through Philistia on to Egypt and the writer would natu
rally follow that course in his description of the destruction wrought by
them. It is then, at least, not improbable that 2 1 - 7 was once continued by
2 12 *; so Now., Marti, Siev., Fag., Stk., Du., Kent.

The foregoing considerations also support the view that this section
is from the hand of Zephaniah himself; so Schw., Now., GASm., Marti,
Dr., Siev., Fag., Stk., Du., Kent. It evidently anticipates the destruc
tion of Nineveh and was, consequently, written prior to that event. The
historical situation thus indicated seems to accord with the opinion that
Zephaniah wrote this section. The argument of Bu. (SK. 1893, pp.
394/.; so also Theiner, and Eich., Einl. 4 , IV, 417) for the later origin of
this oracle is by no means conclusive. His first objection to the early
date is that Assy, is here treated without any reference to her relation to
Israel and thus the oracle lacks any inner connection with the situation
and differs widely from Is. 10. But surely the prophets were not mere
copyists or venders of second-hand goods. Nor was it essential that
they should always furnish an invoice of the injuries inflicted upon
Israel by a foe; cf. Am. 2 1 - 3 . Knowledge of these on the part of the audi
ence might sometimes be taken for granted. The second consideration,
viz. that the phraseology is late, concerns chiefly v. ", the late origin of
which must be granted; v. i..

The fact that Nineveh still stands furnishes a terminus ad quern not
only for this oracle, but also for the work of Zephaniah as a whole. The
actual fall of Nineveh at the hands of the Medes occurred in 607-606
B.C.. At what particular stage of the long struggle that preceded her
overthrow Zephaniah pronounced this sentence upon her, we cannot tell
with certainty. But if, as seems probable, these verses constitute a part
of the prophecy beginning in 2 1 , we shall have to place it in connection
with the movements of the Scythians, about 627-626 B.C..

* Anabasis, bk. Ill, ch. IV, xo-ia.

236 ZEPHANIAH

The oracle as found in H is apparently not in its original form* It is
more than likely that v. n is only the beginning of what was once a more
or less extended judgment upon Egypt; so Schw., Now., Marti, Siev.,
van H., Roth.. It is scarcely probable that Zephaniah would devote rel
atively so much more space to the Philistines than to the Egyptians,
when the latter people were second only to the Assyrians in influence
and power among the nations of western Asia. It may be that the
course of the Scythians in accepting ransom and tribute and possibly
repulse from Egypt and in returning from her border without doing her
any serious injury ran so diametrically counter to the prophet s expecta
tions that the remainder of the original prophecy was in glaring contra
diction to the facts and was therefore dropped. In compensation for
this loss, an editor has added v. 15 . Its later origin is revealed by its al
most hackneyed phraseology and by the fact that it looks upon the de
struction of Nineveh as a, fait accompli; so Now., Marti, Siev., Beer, Fag.,
Roth., Du..

12. DHN-DJ] Gr. joins with v. ". a^ens] Gr. 33. Siev. adds -iSjon.
&gt;3in] om. sf.; so 3 mss. of Kenn. and 2 of de R.. Schw. &gt; 3-&gt;n; so
GASm., Du.. We. mn; so Oort Em -, Now., Roth., Kent. non] Om.
with one ms. of Kenn.; so Marti, Now. K , Siev., Fag., Stk.. The Vrss.
do not definitely recognise its presence, though they all take the sentence
as declarative rather than vocative. The usage as in M is without close
analogy in OT., since when the pronoun is used as here to strengthen a
pronominal subj. it always follows that subj. immediately; e. g. 2 S. y 24
Is. 37 16 Ps. 44 B . The same usage is common in Syr. (No. Syr. Gram
mar, 221) and in Bibl. Aramaic (Ezr. 5 11 ). The position given n here
is that customary with nominal subjects; e. g. Gn. 34 21 42 u Mai. i lj .
13. w BM] Rd. IT rny.; so We., van H.. (gNe.b.A.Q.r. ^ an( j jjP.
23, 26, 40, 42, 49, 62, 68, 86, 87, 91, 97, 106, 147, 153, 198, 228, 233,
310 = ^ nt3Ni; so 3, Marti, Siev., Fag., Stk.. The foregoing sources
for the most part retain ist pers. all through verse. Ew. en. M calls
for the rendering, "and may he stretch forth"; but this gives a dif
ficult connection with v. I4 . As the text stands, we should expect the
pf. with waw consec. in v. I3 as in v. u , but the received text is hard to
account for on the supposition that that was the original text. Another
possibility would be to treat them as impf. with waw consec. continuing a
prophetic pf . in the portion of the text now missing (so Ew.) ; but that is
rendered difficult by ix:ni in v. u . The simplest procedure is to point
the forms as impf. with simple waw; cf. Ges. * 109k . It is unnecessary
to attempt to secure adherence to the same person throughout this
oracle, for the probability of a hiatus after v. I2 allows room for the in
troduction of a natural change of person in the material now lost.
-mn3] H = B?. 14. O -nj;] We. D^m;, Arabs. Stk. om.. S3] (g 5
V = Ssi. MJ] Om. as corrupt dittog. of the foil. DJ and insert nfr

2 12 - 237

with &lt;S QT and de R. 20; so Now.. Others prefer n*?7 to nc*; so Gr.,
Marti, Siev., Roth., Stk., Kent. &lt;& om. j and adds T^S 7775; so 21,
with N-O = field. Oort Em - om. j and changes preceding word to
abs. DM. Bach. DJN, swamp. Hal. N-O, valley ; so van H., but
with the meaning swamp ; cf. Dr.. The use of j in M is abnormal.
The phrase MJ So mSs So (2 Ch. 32 15 ; c/. Ez. i; 23 44 30 ) is no real analogy
for the proposed correction MJ So n So, where j = sort or kind ;
for in 2 Ch. 32 15 j retains its original sense, nation or people and
though it is perfectly natural to speak of the gods of the nations, it is
not so apparent why the animals should be conceived of as classified
along national lines. We. s proposal to resolve the problem by giving

rrn the sense of group or family, as perhaps in 2 S. 23 n - ls Ps.

w
68" 74 1 (cf. Ar. -^) is untenable, since the resulting sense does not

accord with the preceding r y vmi; it also calls for j in the pi.. nnnoM]
& in its houses. (& tv rot? &lt;j&gt;a.Tt&gt;u/j.a(Tii&gt;. pSro "nie" Sip] Rd. 2 " DO;
so We., Now., GASm., Marti, Dr., Siev., Fag., Roth., Du., Kent, &lt;& Kal
Bijpla &lt;t&gt;uv/i&lt;rci iv rots Siopfy/jLaffit CLVTTJS. JH vox cantantis in fenestra.
Kenn. 112 (?), 245, TIVJ; 4, mi3&gt;\ Schw. suggests that nnw^ represents
the name of a bird, e. g. -iir.} or iic r ; the latter is adopted by Now., Hal.,
Dr. (?), being joined to the preceding word by i. Bach, a 1,7.1 r p.
1D3 3in] Rd. OTJ;, with (& icbpaKes tv rots irvK&ffiv afa-Tjs; so Ew., Schw.,
Gr., We., Bach., GASm., Oort Em -, Now., Marti, Hal., Dr., Siev., Fag.,
Roth., Du., Kent. C5 N * HP. 228 om.. H corvus. Aq. 2 = an_n.
niy nriN &gt;D] &lt;J5 5i6ri /c^5/&gt;os r6 dvcio-TijjLta (&lt;S Q *, (ivrtiXXaY/ia) aur^y.
B quoniam attenuabo robor ejus (= nj^). because its root is laid
bare, perhaps an inner Syr. error of oij^i, for oiiPj^ (Seb.). Bach.
n^lL n ]^. 3 &lt;jfor one has laid bare shame. Oort Em - substitutes IIDNI
for the whole clause. Ew. treats DTIN as vb. in 3d pers. Hiph. |/
nn; so Hi., We. (?). The &ir. nn might be pointed nnsi. If M is
correct, m^ is best taken with indefinite subj. as equivalent to the
passive. 16. ( connects this verse with ch. 3. DNT] H om.. Gr.
riKtn; so Roth.. ntiSpn] & fortified; similarly 21. --DflN] So Is. 478- 10 .
Best treated as analogous to ^n and inSu (cf. GesJ 90land ), with
so-called paragogic 11 ; for N elsewhere takes no sf., nor does it have
the meaning besides, which the addition of the sf. requires. nic] (ft
von-/). pir"] & and Kenn. 145 = p-*-" 1 Dir\ Bab. Cod. cc" originally,
but corrected to ,vc"; so de R. 1092. n&gt;] (g = v;\ adds at end
of verse, IDJ.

238 ZEPHANIAH

7. THE SIN OF JERUSALEM AND THE RIGHT
EOUSNESS OF YAHWEH ( 3 U7 ).

An incomplete prophecy of which only two full strs. and part
of a third remain. Str. I charges Jerusalem with disobedience
and faithlessness to Yahweh (vv. * 2 ). Str. II arraigns the offi
cials responsible for the political, judicial and religious welfare
of the city (vv. 3 - 4 ). Str. Ill sets in contrast with the foregoing
the justice and faithfulness of Yahweh (v. 5 ). To this fragment
are loosely attached two other fragments (vv. 6 - 7 ), having no inti
mate connection with that which precedes them.

A LAS, O defiant and defiled one, the oppressing city!

She has listened to no voice, she has accepted no correction.

In Yahweh she has not trusted; to her God she has not drawn near.
J-JER princes within her are roaring lions.

Her judges are evening wolves; they have left nothing till the morning.

Her prophets are reckless, men of treachery.

Her priests have profaned the holy; they have done violence to instruction.
VAHWEH is righteous within her; he will not do wrong.

Morning by morning he establishes his justice; light fails not.

Str. I contains three lines addressed to Jerusalem and charging
her with rebellion against Yahweh. 1. Alas, O defiant and defiled
one, the oppressing city!} That Jerusalem is the one thus character
ised is shown by v. 2 . The grounds for the charge are given in
w. 2 " 4 ; cf. Is. i 21 . The city s attitude toward Yahweh is here in
dicated, together with her standing in his sight and her attitude
toward the weak. 2. She has listened to no voice; she has accepted
no correction] This charge is repeated almost verbatim in Je. y 28 .
Jerusalem has turned a deaf ear to the voice of God as it has
spoken through the prophets. This is a frequent accusation; cf.
Je. 7 23 f - ii 4 - 7 f - 22 21 Zc. 7 8 - 12 . The correction referred to is the
chastening afflictions sent upon the city of Yahweh, which failed
to turn the stubborn and rebellious people from the errors of their
ways. Cf. Am. 4 6 " 11 . In Yahweh she has not trusted; to her God
she has not drawn near] The implication is that Jerusalem has
had recourse to everything and everybody but Yahweh. Horses
and chariots, foreign powers and foreign gods have been her re-

3 1 " 4 239

liance rather than Yahweh, who alone can help her. Unwavering
faith in Yahweh was always demanded of Israel by the prophets;
cf. i K. i8 21 Is. y 9 Ho. 4 12 5 7 Jos. 2 4 15 . This lack of faith was the
inevitable result of Jerusalem s refusal to hearken to the instruc
tion of the prophets, her religious teachers.

Str. II characterises the four leading classes in Jerusalem s
civic and religious life and furnishes specific illustrations of the
general proposition laid down in Str. I. 3. Her princes within
her are roaring lions] Those who should shepherd the people are
themselves devouring them; cf. i 8ff - Mi. 2 2 Zc. n 4 - 5 Pr. 28 15 .
Her judges are evening wolves] (& has wolves of Arabia ; others
suggest, wolves of the Arabah (cf. Je. 5 26 ) ; but HI is better, since
evening is brought into contrast with morning of the following
phrase; cf. Hb. i 8 . Wolves are in the habit of prowling by night
in search of prey. Judges are set for the defence of the rights of
the weak; but with wolfish greed, these seek their substance; cf.
Mi. 3 11 Is. i 23 Ez. 22 27 . They have left nothing till the morning] A
characteristic of the rapacity of wolves which fittingly illustrates
the temper of these dishonest officials. This translation is adopted
from (g and B, but is without other support, save that it suits the
context well. The meaning of the verb elsewhere is gnaw or
crunch bones ; but the negative here makes that meaning alto
gether inappropriate. The phrase may be descriptive of either
the wolves or the judges; but in the present uncertainty as to its
meaning, it is impossible to decide between them. The same un
certainty renders it unwise to omit the phrase as a gloss as some
have done.* 4. Her prophets are reckless, men of treachery] This
is the first and only accusation brought against the prophets by
Zephaniah. The epithets used imply a wanton disregard of Yah
weh and his moral requirements. The prophets of past genera
tions inculcated faith and loyalty; these are faithless men; cf.
Mi. 2" 3 5ff&lt; ". The prophets of Israel s higher life always found
themselves in conflict with another class of prophets whose vision
was immeasurably inferior; v. note on Mi. 3 5 . Her priests have
profaned that which is holy] One of the priestly functions, accord
ing to Lv. io 10 , was "to make a distinction between the holy and

* So e. g. We., Marti, Fag..

240 ZEPHANIAH

the common and between the unclean and the clean." There is
no reason to suppose that this function was not one of the earliest
assumed by or assigned to the priests. Zephaniah probably re
fers here to ritualistic irregularities which reflected a criminal care
lessness of the requirements of Yahweh on the part of the priests.
They have done violence to instruction] An important priestly
function was that of delivering the judgment of Yahweh in cases
of doubt and dispute; cf. Dt. iy 8 12 2i 5 . This was called torah, i. e.
teaching or oracle, and constituted a decision by the court of
last resort. The priests evidently sold the decision to the highest
bidder and so brought the priesthood of Yahweh into disgrace in
the eyes of all right-minded men. They prostituted their highest
and most sacred powers to the accomplishment of selfish and base
ends. The sensuousness and materialism of the priesthood al
ways constituted a most serious obstacle in the path of the true
prophets; cf. Ho. 4 6 9 5* 6 9 Am. 7 loff - Mi. 3" Is. 28 . Jeremiah s
estimate of the priesthood accords with that of Zephaniah; cf.
Je. 2 8 s 31 6 13 i 4 18 .

Str. Ill passes over to a consideration of the character of Yah
weh as it is manifested not only in his dealings with his people,
but even in the regularity of the course of nature. 5. Yahweh is
righteous within her] The content of the term righteous here is
at least partly indicated in the immediately following sentences.
He is upright and reliable; there is no swerving in his course of
action. The use of this word as applied to Yahweh is not neces
sarily an evidence of the late origin of this passage. It is true that
the thought of Yahweh as righteous comes into prominence first
in Is. 40 ff. (e. g. 4i 10 42 21 45 19 - 21 ). But it is quite improbable that
the idea burst forth suddenly into full bloom; there naturally
would be preliminary stages of development. Yahweh s demand
for righteousness on the part of his people, which is so strongly
insisted upon by Amos, presupposes righteousness in Yahweh him
self. He is indeed described as righteous already in a J passage,
viz. Ex. Q 27 , and the same epithet is employed with reference to
him in Dt. 32* Je. I2 1 , the first of which passages is probably from
about the same time as Zephaniah. He will not do wrong] This
is the negative side of the preceding positive affirmation. Un-

3 6 - 241

righteousness or injustice on Yahweh s part is unthinkable.
Morning by morning he establishes his justice; light fails not] This
is a concrete illustration taken from the invariable order of nature,
which was recognised by the prophets as the order of God, of the
absolute and unwavering righteousness of Yahweh. Just as he
acts with unfailing regularity in the order of the physical universe
so likewise does he in the moral order; cf. Ho. 6 5 . For morning as
the time of dispensing justice, cf. Je. 2i 12 . 4H, as rendered in
RV., reads, "every morning (or, morning by morning) doth he
bring his justice to light; he faileth not." This has been variously
interpreted, e. g. Yahweh daily manifests his justice (i) through
the protection he affords the prophet,* or (2) through the revela
tion of the rectitude of his character effected by the temple-ritual
and the teachings of the prophets,f or (3) by the fact that he re
wards virtue and punishes vice.J But the Hebrew of M cannot
be rendered bring to light, which is un-Hebraic; it can only be
translated, he establishes his justice as light. Yet the idiom
establish justice as light, lit. give his justice for light, is obscure
in meaning. Moreover, the division of the line as required by 4JH
brings the caesura into the wrong place. Hence the slight change
of text here adopted. But the unjust knows not shame] This is a
gloss as is shown by its superfluity in the parallelism and by the
fact that the context is not contrasting Yahweh with the unjust as
a class, but with the officials in particular and the people as a whole.
Marti s attempt to save the line by an emendation, reading error
is unknown, does not aid the parallelism and involves the elision
of shame as a gloss.

Vv. e - 7 have no relation either with the preceding or folio wing-
con text, or with one another. They are isolated fragments; v. i..
6. I have cut off nations; their battlements are destroyed] The
perfect tense here may have been used in a prophetic sense, "I
will cut off," etc.. The context affords no aid in the resolution of
that doubt. There were many occasions in Israel s history when
such a statement might have been made as historical fact; e. g.
after the Scythian invasion, or after the victorious career of Cyrus.
There were even more occasions when prophets longed for and

* Hal.. t Ke., Hd.. J Hi., Mau., Dr., ct al.. 5 So Schw., Du., et at..

242 ZEPHANIAH

predicted such victories on Yahweh s part, e. g. Je. 28 3 - 4 - 10 - ".
Statements concerning the nations are wholly alien to this context,
which is concerned solely with the relations between Yahweh and
Judah. The nexus usually made is that just as Yahweh s ac
tivities in the course of nature have failed to influence his people,
so likewise his chastisements of foreign nations for their sins have
produced no effect upon Israel. But even if this were possible
without an explicit statement to that effect in the text, yet the diffi
culty of the sudden change to the first person and the drop to the
tetrameter line would remain. 7 have made their streets desolate
with no passer-by] Schw. s proposal to render open country*
(as in Jb. 5 10 i8 7 Pr. 8 26 Ps. 144") instead of streets, because
streets would hardly be mentioned before the towns themselves,
is unreasonable. The prophets were not fettered by logical strait-
jackets. Their cities have been laid waste, so that there is no man,
no inhabitant] For similar pictures, cf. 2 5 Is. 5 9 6 11 Je. Q 10 - 12 32*
33 10 - 12 Ez. i4 13 . The phrase "no man" is probably a variant of
"no inhabitant," since the one renders the other unnecessary and
the metre becomes regular when one is omitted.* 7. 7 thought,
"Surely, she will fear me, she will accept correction"] Yahweh
is evidently recalling his former thoughts regarding Jerusalem.
His expectations for her had met with disappointment; cf. 3*.
HI and the Vrss. have, "thou wilt fear, etc."; but in view of the
immediately following use of the third person in the same sentence,
the slight change necessary to produce the third person here should
probably be made. "And there will not be cut of from her sight
anything that I have laid upon her"] i. e. Yahweh had hoped that
his injunctions had been so deeply engraved upon Jerusalem s
mind and heart that the memory of them would never fade away.
For this sense for ty Tp3, cf. Jb. 36 23 2 Ch. 36 23 = Ezr. i 2 . For
text, v. i.. 4E reads " her dwelling" in place of "her eyes"; but
this yields a wellnigh impossible sense. The usual rendering, as
in RV., "so her dwelling should not be cut off, according to all that
I have appointed concerning her," really requires a change of text,
since it involves too great an ellipsis; for the italicised words are
not present in 4K. Schw. would cut the Gordian knot by drop-

* So Schw., Bach., Marti., Hal., Now K, Siev., Fag., Roth., Stk..

3 - 243

ping "all that I have appointed concerning her" as a gloss.*
But they zealously made all their doings corrupt] They deliber
ately, and apparently with enthusiasm, set about doing the exact
opposite of that which Yahweh required. The literal rendering
is "they rose up early and corrupted all their doings"; this figure
is found elsewhere only in Jeremiah (eleven times, viz. 7 13 - K u 7
2 4 4 2 5 3 - 4 2 6 5 2 9 19 32 s3 35 14 44 4 ) and in 2 Ch. s6 15 .

The measure of this poem is irregular, conforming to no single stand
ard. The parallelism, however, is very regular; hence the length of the
lines is in each case clearly indicated. The giwa-rhythm is found in
w. i. sb. 4b. 5; w hile vv. 2 - 3a - 4a have lines of four beats each. Str. II
is brought into conformity with Str. I by Marti through the elision of
npaS icnj sS (v. 3 ) and m-UD -C js (v. &lt;); so also Fag. (cf. Siev.). But
this is unnecessary from any other point of view than that of poetic
form, and it likewise involves placing two classes of offenders in one
line, while a full line is devoted to each of the other classes. Further
more, vv. 3b - 4a , as they stand in UK, have the same general form as 4b .

That the oracle, as it is in M, is only a torso is practically certain. It
is shown not only by the incomplete character of Str. Ill, but also by its
failure to round out the thought. Strs. I and II denounce Jerusalem
and its leaders for sin and Str. Ill depicts the character of the righteous
God in contrast to his wicked city; but the indispensable conclusion,
viz. a threat of punishment upon the city, is wholly lacking. In its
place, v. opens up a new theme, the destruction of the heathen nations.
For this reason, Bu. (SK. 1893) would place v. after v. *. This, how
ever, is not satisfactory, for it forces an unwelcome intruder between vv. 8
and 9 , which are intimately interrelated, and the resulting connection be
tween w. 8 and 7 is little better than that between vv. B and 6 . For in
v 8 , the prophet speaks of Yahweh s righteousness and uses the third
person, while in v. 7 Yahweh himself speaks and the subject is the city s
wickedness which was under discussion in v. ! . Vv. e - 7 are not only
out of place where they are located in M, but they also lack any mutual
connection of their own. They can only be treated as two separate
fragments, explicable either as glosses, or as torn out of other contexts
wherein they originally stood, or as remnants of oracles now lost to us;
cf. GASm. on v. .

Some interpreters deny 3 1 - 8 to Zephaniah and place it somewhere in
the exilic or postexilic age; so Sta. GVI , 644; Schw.; We.; Marti; Siev.;
Beer(?); Fag.; Du.. But the evidence cited in behalf of this view is
hardly convincing. It is of three kinds, (i) linguistic, (2) late parallels,
(3) a different conception of Israel s sin from that presented in i 2 ff . The

* Similarly Siev..

244 ZEPHANIAH

linguistic argument is based upon mj , SNJ , nj&gt; , rnxm , pnx and hy npo.
But with our present sources of information regarding the history of
Heb. words as meagre as they are, no confidence can be placed in con
clusions based upon the number of occurrences or the character of the
usage of such words as these. The argument from parallel passages is
to the effect that this oracle reflects the same social and religious back
ground as Mi. 7 1 - 6 Is. 560 ff - Ez. 22. The date of Mi. y 1 -*, however, is
by no means certain (v. ad loc.), and the lapse of time between Zephaniah
on the one hand and Ezekiel and Is. 56 on the other is too slight to war
rant the conclusion that Zephaniah could not have held such sentiments
as are here expressed, even though Ezekiel and the author of Is. 56 ff.
shared them at a later period. Nor were the religious and social con
ditions so radically different in Zephaniah s time as necessarily to render
his utterances widely different in character from those of his immediate
successors. The third argument, that the charges against Jerusalem are
different here from those in ch. i, is certainly true. But surely no prophet
is to be restricted to the constant reiteration of what he has once said.
The charges are exactly such as might be expected of Zephaniah, and
indeed they do breathe forth the same moral indignation as that which
characterises ch. i. Hence, it seems the part of caution to continue to
attribute this oracle to Zephaniah until more convincing testimony to
the contrary is forthcoming; so e. g. Dav., Now., GASm., Bu., Dr.,
van H., Roth., Stk., Kent.

1. ntoic] An Vroot treated as a N" 1 ?; GesJ 7Brr . (& TJ iiruf&gt;avfy; cf.
0, the -well-known. 6 TJ ddeTov&lt;ra; cf. H provocatrix. (ft N^E" 1 ,!
hasty. Bab. Cod. without i; so many mss. of Kenn. and de R.. Fag.
n-yc. Bach. N-VDH DV nSxjj ] = n^jji, as in Is. 59 and often.
This is perhaps the oldest known occurrence of this weaker form of the
I/; cf. Mai. i 7 . The anarthrous form of this and the preceding prtc. is
not sufficient reason for making them predicates (Schw.), rather than
vocatives; cf. Ges. * 126f . It may indicate that they were regarded al
most as appellative proper names (cf. Marti). &lt;g ical airo\f\vTpwfj^v^.
Schw. nSjjp. Bach. nS^rn. -ivn] Gr. del. n. & treats y as voca
tive, placing it at beginning of the verse and repeating it at the close as in
IH. njvn] (& T] irepiffrepd. 2 -fj avbrjTo^ & of Jonah. 3. nviNj
&lt;g ws X ; so Iff $ 2L ai;] &lt;g r^s A/&gt;a0/a5. H vespere; so 5 . S
t&lt;nrcpii&gt;oL. Bach. TV?, as in Hb. i 8 . ID-U S] The use of the pf. does
not justify the treatment of this clause as a gloss (contra We., Marti);
all the vbs. of the context are in the pf .. The pf . here is used as a gnomic
aorist; cf. Ges. $ I06k . In Nu. 248, 3 is clearly a denominative from ana,
meaning gnaw or crunch ; in Ez. 23^ a similar sense fits poorly and
the text is uncertain. In both Ar. and Syr. the \/ = cut off and the
meaning leave over* found in the Vrss. is not far removed from that.
B non relinquebant. &lt;$ o&x vire\ltrovTo. IE ^3110 wS. Schw. and

3 1 7 2 45

Du. om. N 1 ?. Bach, -ipjS -icton vh. Hal. -ID-U N 1 ?. Roth. ID-U&gt; nV.
Several interpreters abandon .&gt; as hopeless; so Now., GASm., Marti,
Fag., Stk.. 4. rvN&gt;3j] Gr. :T&gt;N^J. annc] This y in its various
forms always denotes a human characteristic, viz. Ju. 9* Gn. 49* and in
Je. 23" where it is applied to the prophets as here. (& irvev/MTo&lt;p6poi.
Aq. 6a/j.peuTal. B vesani. nnJ3 ^JN] We should expect either a v ^JN
onj3 or nn VPJK. The ending m apparently has an abstract force
here = to ni; cf. rviSK and Assy, abuiu. Marti and Fag. om. phrase
as gloss. Siev. om. ^JN and reads ru3 with 3 as subj., all the re
mainder of v. 4 being dropped. IDDH] Gr. -IDNC. 6. NV] &lt;S = sSi.
3 npsa] For the same idiom, with distributive force, v. Is. 50* Ex. 16"
2 S. 13"; cf. Ges * 123C . &lt;& irpwi 7i7&gt;a&gt;{. $ wan mane. & = 33-1 33.
Roth. om. one 22. "n^S] Schw. makes *? distributive as in Am. 4*
(q. v.); but IIN is never used as a synonym of 0". Rd. "HN, with S om.
as dittog. from foil. xS; so Marti, Siev., Fag., Du., Kent. (& e/s 0wi.
B tn lucent. & H om., but puts it in marg.. Some om. as dittog. or
gloss; e. g. We., Roth., Stk.. Bach. JIN^. Van H. -visS. -npj vh]
(& Kal oiiK &ircKp68r). )| et non abscondetur. & and will not delay.
& H om., but puts it in marg.. Bach. isy&gt; ^S. Roth, j N 1 ?!. Van H. adds
mjS. 3 hiy jni&gt; S] &lt;S B has a double rendering, viz. otic $yvv dduclap
tv diraiT-^ffei (=nNfe 3) Kal OVK e/s yZicos dSiKlav tv dia(f&gt;dop!f. (= nir3). &lt;8 A
HP. 23 om. /cai otic aireKpvfir] . . . dTrair^crei. &lt;SQ HP. 26, 49, 106,
I 3&gt; J 53&gt; 2 33&gt; 3 11 om - e ^ s &lt; # &gt;&lt; ^ s "r&lt;u T J J&lt;m. HP. 95, 185 om. Kal
OVK aireKptpi) . . . aomlav. HP. 198 om. els 0ws ical OVK awcKptpij.
HP. 239 and Comp. om. lv dTratr^cret to end of verse. HP. 238
has e/s &lt;ws to end of verse under asterisk. But these variants are
of no critical value, being due largely to copyists errors. V nesciit
autern iniquus confusionem. & H PO^ l^loj p^ PO; but it foil. fH in
marg.. Marti, Sis? ynjj nSi; so Siev., Fag., Kent. Roth. Si^pY.KSi.
Van H. Sijj jni&gt; N 1 ?!. nco] Om. as a gloss by Marti, Siev., Fag., van
H., Roth., and Kent. Marti, however, suggests the possibility of its
being a remnant of an original oni3C nK 3-v k r3.

6. D^J] &lt;$ virepi)&lt;pdvovs = D- NJ (Schw.); so van H.. omjo] &lt;& ywvlat

O 9

avruv. & 1^09, miseries, probably an inner-Syr, error for |&*o]

as in i (Seb.). "nxj] air., but common in Aram.. It occurs also in
Assy., viz. ufaddi = "I destroyed" (III R. 9, No. i, 8), if the reading
be correct; cf. D1. HWB , 563^ Muss-Arnolt, Assy. Diet. 870 a; also
in $u-di-e annfiti tu-sa-ad-di-Su-nu-ti (IV R. 55, 3ob, where the con
text is too fragmentary to render exact assignment and interpreta
tion of the vb. possible); v. Meissner, Supplement zu den Assy. Worter-
buchern, Sob. In view of these Assy, possibilities, the common state
ment that r j must be of Aram, origin and therefore a sign of late age
is somewhat hazardous. The fact that there was an Aram, speaking

246 ZEPHANIAH

colony of Jews in Elephantine in Egypt at least as early as shortly after
600 B.C. also makes arguments from the use of Aramaicisms of uncertain
value. Gr. reads -ixru; so Bach.. 7. T-ICN] = I thought/ as often,
e. g. Gn. 2o 11 26 9 . HN] &lt;g ir\-f)v. -npn . . . *tn&gt;n] Rd. in 3d pers.
*o;n and np.n; so We., GASm., Or., Oort Em -, Now., Marti, Siev., Fag.,
Roth., Du.. n-o&gt;] &lt;g B ^oKoBpeve^re. &lt;&** ito\c8pcv6i)Tai. &lt;& AO - r
o\fepev6f]Te. (gNo.b. HP. 68, 87, 91, 97, 228, 310 loXo0/&gt;6i?0i?. Gr.
"T^. (?) Siev, rnsji. njiyc] Rd. HTJJD, with ( g&gt;; so Gr., We.,
GASm., Or., Oort Em -, Now., BDB., Marti, Dr., van H., Fag., Roth.,
Du., Kent. Bach. nrj?p. "KPN- 1 ?}] Hal. N hn. ic*oc&gt;n pN % ] &lt;& troi-
fj.dov 6p6pi(Tov; so #. inTityn] &lt;j ((pdaprac. & and destroy. M has
two vbs. in asyndeton, the first of which is logically subordinate to the
second; Ges. ^ I2 s. oniS^y] (& &lt;?7rt0iAXis avruv. U cogitationes suas.

8. JERUSALEM DELIVERED (3 8 - 13 ).

In three strs. of four lines each, Jerusalem is assured that the
nations will perish, while she herself after her purification will be
restored to the favour of Yahweh. Str. I bids Jerusalem look
forward to the day when Yahweh s judgment will overtake the
nations of the earth (v. 8 ). Str. II informs her that a work of
cleansing and elimination must take place among her own peo
ple (vv. n - 12 ). Str. Ill states the characteristics of the purified
remnant and predicts for it a happy and peaceful life.

"THEREFORE, wait for me, it is the oracle of Yahweh, for the day when I arise

as a witness.

For it is my decision to gather nations, to assemble kingdoms,
That I may pour out upon them my wrath, all the heat of mine anger.
For in the fire of my zeal all the earth will be consumed.
TN that day thou wilt not be shamed by any of thy deeds wherein thou hast

rebelled against me.

For then I shall remove from the midst of thee thy proudly exulting ones;
And thou wilt no more be haughty in my holy mountain.
But I shall leave in the midst of thee a people humble and poor.
A ND the remnant of Israel will seek refuge in the name of Yahweh.
They will do no wickedness nor will they speak lies;
Nor will there be found in their mouth a deceitful tongue.
For they will feed and lie down with none to disturb them.

Str. I adjures Israel to live in hope of seeing Yahweh s ven
geance upon the nations in general. 8. Therefore, wait for me, it is
the oracle of Yahweh] If therefore is based upon the immediately
preceding context, its only meaning can be something like in view

3 8 1 247

of these facts. The word wait usually implies hope and confi
dence (e. g. Is. 8 17 Hb. 2 3 Ps. 33 20 ), but not always so (e. g. 2 K,
7 fl Q 3 Jb. 32 4 ). Its significance here, therefore, must be deter
mined from the context. To whom is the exhortation addressed ?
Evidently not to the nations, for they are at once spoken of in the
third person. Consequently, some interpreters say that the prophet
addresses the people of Judah as a whole, ironically bidding them
await the day of universal judgment, when they themselves will
share with the nations in the destruction decreed by Yahweh.*
Others, with better right, look upon the community of the pious
in Judah as the party addressed, and find here a word of comfort
for them,f viz. "wait confidently for the coming day of judgment,
when you will be vindicated and all the wicked destroyed"; cf.
v. u . For the day when I shall arise as a witness] This defines
more explicitly the "for me" of the previous clause. HI reads
"rise up to the prey"; &lt;g $ read "rise up as a witness." After
the verb, rise up, something expressive of aggressive action is
expected, but to the prey hardly satisfies the expectation. Ew.
attempts to meet it by rendering "to the attack"; but this is wholly
unsupported by the usage of the Hebrew word. Most of the re
cent interpreters follow &lt;. For the thought of Yahweh appear
ing as a witness, cf. Mi. i 2 Mai. 3 5 Je. 29^. Yahweh s testimony
will be given not against Jerusalem, J but against the nations or
against the wicked wherever they may be, whether inside or out
side of Israel. For it is my decision to gather nations, to assemble
kingdoms] There is not a word here about gathering them to or
against Jerusalem (cf. Zc. 14* ff - Jo. 3 11 " 16 Ez. 38, 39); nor is it
necessary to suppose that such a thought was in the writer s mind.
"The gathering merely expresses the idea that they shall be uni
versally and simultaneously judged";** cf. Je. 2^ Is. 66 16 . The
decision or decree is the purpose formed in Yahweh s own
mind. That I may pour out upon them my wrath, all the heat of
mine anger] This is a very common figure; cf. Ho. 5 1 Je. io 25 Is.
42 25 Ps. 69 25 79 6 and fifteen times in Ezekiel. The only natural
reference of the pronoun them is to the aforesaid nations and

* So Hi., Mau., Now., GASm.. t So Hd., Or., Dr., Marti,

t Contra Now.. Contra Schw., Marti. ** Dav..

248 ZEPHANIAH

kingdoms. For in the fire of my zeal all the earth will be con
sumed] Cf. i 18 . The judgment is to be world-wide and all-em
bracing. In this fiery furnace all the dross will be consumed;
nothing but pure metal will survive the ordeal. This sentence
is evidently original here; it forms the necessary climax to the
description of punishment.*

At this point, an editor, actuated by more kindly and generous
feelings toward the nations than are reflected by the foregoing
threats, has inserted a section expressing his own sentiments; v. i..
9. For then I shall turn unto the peoples a purified speech] An
elliptical expression meaning that Yahweh will turn the speech of
the nations that is now impure into a speech that will be pure; cf.
Is. 6 5 . The impurity, of course, consisted in the fact that they
prayed to and swore by other gods than Yahweh. The purifica
tion will consist in their being brought to abandon the worship of
any and every god save Yahweh; cf. Ho. 2 12 Ps. i6 4 . Contact with
other gods was, from the point of view of Yahweh-worship, fraught
with uncleanness and impurity of the most pronounced type.
So that all of them may call upon the name of Yahweh and serve
him with one consent] The result of the purification is here specifi
cally stated. Yahweh alone will be the object of the world s wor
ship. The same expectation of the conversion of the nations as
a whole to the worship of Yahweh is found in Mi. 4 2 Zc. i4 18 fl -
Is. ii 9 ip 235 -. The idiom call upon the name of Yahweh prob
ably had its origin in the cultus and dates from the time when the
mere utterance of the divine name per se was believed to exercise
a kind of coercion upon the deity himself. To possess the name of
the deity was to hold a certain power over him and thus, within
certain clearly defined limits, to make him subservient to the wor
shipper s will.f Such primitive conceptions were far from the
thought of the writer of this passage; but this idiom is a survi
val. "With one consent," lit. "with one shoulder"; &lt;g "with one
yoke," rightly interpreting the figure which does not occur else
where in Hebrew, though familiar in Syriac. It probably rests
upon the fact that oxen were joined together by one yoke in their

* Contra Siev..

t C\. Giesebrecht, Die alllestamentlichc Schdlzung des Gollesnamens (1901), 94 fl..

labour. The idea of unanimity is pictured in i K. 22 18 by the phrase
"with one mouth." The essential thought finds utterance in plain
prose in Je. 32 39 Ez. n 19 - 20 , though there predicated of Israel in
the Messianic age, rather than of the nations as here. There is
no necessity to change Yahweh and him to the first personal
pronoun; in speeches placed upon Yahweh s lips the prophetic
writers frequently lapse into the third person. 10. Beyond the
rivers of Cush] Cush was the name of the Nile valley, south of
the Egyptian border. It corresponds in general to the Greek
Ethiopia. The rivers referred to are the branches of the Nile
that traverse the most southern portion of the region ; viz. the At-
bara, the Astasobas, the Astapus or Blue Nile, and the Bahr-el-
Abjadh or White Nile; cf. Is. iS 1 7 . The exact force of the prepo
sition, whether in the regions beyond or from the regions be
yond, is in doubt. The former sense is much the more common
(e. g. Is. iS 1 Dt. 3o 13 i K. 4 12 ), but the latter is also clearly estab
lished (e. g. Jb. i 19 2 Ch. 2o 2 ). In view of Is. i9 19r , the prefer
ence here may be given to the first rendering.^ The princes( ?) of
the daughter of Put(?)] For he-goats as a figurative appellation
of chiefs or leaders, cf. Is. i4 9 Ez. 34". Put is commonly named
alongside of Cush and seems to have been a neighbouring state.
As located by this verse, it would lie south of Cush and thus be
representative to the Hebrew mind of the most distant lands. The
foregoing translation rests upon a wholly conjectural correction
of the text; but it is the most attractive correction thus far offered.
|U is quite generally considered unintelligible.* Some seek to
solve the problem by omitting these words wholly as a gloss.f But
this does not make them any more intelligible, on the one hand;
and, on the other, it renders the line of which they are a part some
what short. RV. renders "my suppliants, even the daughter of
my dispersed," which is made the subject of the following verb.f
RVm. renders in the same way, but makes the phrase the ob
ject of the following verb. Another rendering which takes it
as subject is, "the suppliants of the daughter of my dispersed,"**

* So e. g. Ew., Schw., We., Oort, Now., Marti, Hal., Dr., van H., Fag., Roth., Du..
t So Schw., Wkl. Unt -, 149 /., van H., Fag.. Cf. Or. who suggests that &gt;sio r D may be a
gloss on nnj?. t So also B, Lu., Roscnm., Hi., Hd..

So also Ke.; c). Is. 66 ** GASm..

250 ZEPHANIAH

i. e. the heathen neighbours of the exiled Jews, who now seek the
favour of those they once oppressed and despised. For the diffi
culties confronting these renderings, v. i.. Hommel finds in the
words ordinarily rendered " daughter of my dispersed" the name
of a South Arabian species of incense, which the nations are rep
resented as bringing to Yahweh. Will lead along my offerings]
i. e. bear offerings to Yahweh in processions, a common custom in
the worship of Semitic gods.* There is no need to consider the
princes as bringing offerings to Jerusalem; they are rather to
bring gifts to Yahweh s altars wherever they may be, whether at
Jerusalem or in Ethiopia itself; cf. Is. ig 18 ff - and the fact that there
was a temple of Yahu in Elephantine. The offerings will testify
to the recognition of Yahweh s kingship over the nations; cf. i S.
io 27 2 S. 8 2 . With the verse as a whole, cf. 2 11 Is. 45" 66 20 Zc. S 23
Ps. 7 2 10 f -.

The original oracle is now resumed in Str. II which predicts a
work of cleansing among Yahweh s people. 11. In that day, thou
wilt not be shamed by any of thy deeds wherein thou hast trans
gressed against me] Cf. Ez. 3Q 26 . The pious community in Jerusa
lem is addressed. The day spoken of is that announced in v. 8 ,
the day upon which the heathen are to be judged. The word
shame is used in Hebrew in two senses, a subjective and an
objective one. Those who find here the subjective sense feel
shame explain the statement in various ways; e. g. (i) Jerusalem
will no more be ashamed of her past sins, the very memory of them
having been obliterated ;f (2) such crimes as Jerusalem now com
mits she will not then do, and thus will have no cause for shame. J
Against (i) may be adduced the fact that the memory of sin and
failure is a most effective agency in producing the humility de
siderated in the latter part of the verse, and the query, why did not
the prophet say "thou wilt no longer remember," if that was what
he meant? As to (2), it was hardly necessary for the prophet to
make such a self-evident statement as is involved in this interpre
tation. It is better to interpret it objectively, viz. Jerusalem will

* V. e. g. Naville, Deir el-Bahari (Egypt Exploration Fund), where are reproduced the
scenes from the temple wall showing the products of the ezpedition to Punt being presented to
the god Amon. t Ew., Dav.. % Mau., Ke., Or..

3" 25i

not be put to shame in the coming age, because the conditions that
have occasioned such public humiliation in the past will have given
place to new and wholesome ones; the wicked will have been
removed.* Disaster and suffering were interpreted as signs of
Yahweh s anger against sin, hence such afflictions were as brand-
marks of shame, known and read of all men. Cf. Is. 54 4 65 18 . The
removal of the relative clause as a gloss is unwarranted, since
it takes away the necessary definition of the deeds mentioned;
metrical necessities cannot outweigh the requirements of the
thought.f For then I will take away thy proudly exulting ones
from the midst ofthee] In Is. i3 3 , this designation is applied to the
Medes as the warriors of Yahweh; here it denotes the officials,
viz. priests, prophets, judges, etc., who jauntily ignore the re
quirements of Yahweh and rejoice in their own self-sufficiency.
A process of sifting will be resolutely carried through. And thou
wilt no more be haughty in my holy mountain] Haughtiness, arro
gance and pride were always offensive to the prophets who without
exception were the friends and champions of the poor and lowly.
The mountain in question is, of course, Mt. Zion, made holy by the
presence of Yahweh in his temple. 12a. And I will leave in the
midst ofthee a people humble and poor] It is safe to say that weak
ness and poverty do not exhaust the content of these adjectives,
even if they form a large part of it. It is not so much Israel s
standing on battle-fields, in markets, and at courts that is meant,
as a state of mind and heart, an attitude toward God; cf. Mi. 6 8
Is. 66 2 Mt. 5 3 - 5 . This conception of the ideal religious life came
late in Israel s history; v. on 2 3 .

Str. Ill describes the Israel that is to be as the exact opposite
of the Israel that now is. Schw. felt the need of supplementing
v. 12b in some way; hence supposed that something had been lost
at the end of the verse. This supposition becomes unnecessary,
if v. 12b be read with v. 13a , a proceeding which secures excellent
sense and at the same time gives lines i and 2 of Str. Ill their
proper length. J 12b, 13. The remnant of Israel will take refuge in
the name of Yahweh] They will recognise Yahweh as their only

* Hd.. Stei., Now., Marti. t Contra Fag..

J So Marti, Now.*, Fag., Roth., Du..

252 ZEPHANIAH

but all-sufficient source of strength. The Israelites of the past
have at times scouted Yahweh s aid and when shaken out of their
own self-sufficiency by the shock of great calamities have turned to
the gods of the nations for help rather than to their own God; cf.
i 5 - 6&lt; 12 . As a consequence of this positive confidence in Yahweh,
the Israel of the days to come will not be guilty of offences such as
have characterised its past. They will not do wickedness, nor will
they speak lies] An abiding faith in Yahweh will keep them from
the perverse and devious ways of the ungodly. Sure of themselves
and their God, they will have no need to take refuge in lies. This
writer evidently sees a vital connection between morality and re
ligion. Nor will there be found in their mouths a deceitful tongue]
The emphasis laid here upon this vice is a reflection of the fact
that lying and cheating have always been most prevalent practices
among Semites and are, even at the present day. For they will
feed and lie down with none to disturb them] A common figure in
prophecy; cf. Is. i 4 30 if Ez. 3 4 25 - 28 Mi. 4 4 ; 14 Jb. n 19 . Lying and
kindred sins are largely due to fear and need. In the coming age,
such incentives to vice will be lacking, for all will enjoy abundance
and none will be left who could or would do injury to any.

The strophical divisions of this poem are clearly indicated by the log
ical analysis of the progress of the thought. The poetic lines are just
as clearly shown by the movement of the parallelism. The rhythm is
prevailingly hexameter, with a few descents to pentameter.

Vv. 10 constitute a disturbing element within this oracle. They seem
to be foreign to, if not also later than, their present context; so Now.,
GASm., BDB., Grimm (Li. App. 87 ff.), Dr., Cor., Bu. Gesch -, Marti,
Siev., Beer, Fag.. The main ground for this opinion is the fact that they
manifest a totally different attitude toward the nations from that of v. .
In the latter, the nations are destined to be destroyed; here they are to
be converted. Moreover, the for of v. B is without any significance in
the present context; the purification of the nations is surely no reason for
their destruction; nor can it justify the wait of v. 8 unless the purifica
tion is to involve the punishment of the wicked within Israel as well as
that of those without. But this is not stated and is too important a state
ment to have been taken for granted. Still further, the elimination of
w. I0 leaves a good connection between w. 8 and .

The date of w. 8 - 13 is open to discussion. Some scholars regard them,
with or without w. lo , as the work of Zephaniah; so e. g. Dav., Now..

3 J 253

GASm., Or., Hal., Dr., Cor., Bu. Gesch -, van H., Stk.. Others assign
them to a later age; so e. g. Sta. GVI , 6447., Schw., We., Marti, Siev.,
Beer, Fag., Roth., Du., Kent. The argument for their genuineness rests
largely upon what seems an impossible exegesis of v. 8 ; viz. that it is
the logical continuation of v. 7 and is addressed to the pious in Judah,
who are bidden to wait until Yahweh shall have gathered the nations and
by means of them inflicted punishment upon the ungodly oppressors
within Judah itself. But this involves passing over DMJ and nioS^D,
the nearest and the most natural antecedents of the pronoun in DmSy
and seeking its antecedent in the distant irnntrn iD nttTi of v. 7 . Nat
urally interpreted, v. 8 becomes a promise to Judah that the nations who
have oppressed her will be destroyed. Judah, on the other hand, is to
be cleansed and saved (w. " 12 ). This sharp discrimination between
the heathen and Judah does not appear in Zephaniah s picture of the
day of doom in ch. i. Likewise, the characterisation of Judah as hum
ble and poor (v. ") holds up an ideal of religion which belongs to Is
rael s last days (cf, 2 3 ). The frank recognition of the doctrine of the rem
nant also belongs in the later period of Israelitish life. The abrupt man
ner in which the trend of thought is changed in v. * is a further indication
that the present consecution of thought is not the original one. After
V. 7 , we expect an announcement of dire disaster upon the wicked Is
raelites; but instead we get such an announcement against the nations.
Not improbably, the original conclusion of this oracle, expressing some
unfavourable judgment upon Judah, was deliberately dropped and the
present passage put in its place; cf. Grimm, Lt. App. 87 ff..

8. According to the Mas., this is the only verse in the OT. which con
tains all the letters of the Heb. alphabet, including the final forms, ir,
however, does not appear here. ion] &lt;BH = ^n; so Marti, Now. K ,
Siev., Fag., Roth.. ip_S] Rd. -igS, with &lt;& & ; so Hi., Schv., Gr., We.,
GASm., Now., Marti, Or., van H., Roth., Fag., Du.. "H infuturum.
Hal. rpj. rpsS] (6 ffvvaywyds. &gt;xapS] Rd. y afiS, with (g rov el&lt;r8t-
faffdai and & 3J; so Schw., We., Now., Marti, Dr., Siev., van H., Fag..
Gr. ra^S. maSoD] &lt;g /3a&lt;n\e?5. ^jn] (S BA Q r HP. 48, 153, 233 om.;
so GASm.. 9. SN ions] = h -|on, i S. io 9 , *. e. bestow upon by way
of exchange. O&gt;DJ? SN] Gr. ^cj? SN. Schw. o^ojjS. Bach. O&gt;DJ? Sa.
nc^ ] Bach. nnoPD. mna] &lt; efr yevebv en/ri;s = rnna. Aq. 6
U-eiXeyntvov; cf. H electum; so &. D^D] &lt; irdvras. II ontnes.
&gt; 0^2] Marti, ppa; so Fag., Roth.. nayS] Marti, ^aj?S; so Fag.. Roth.
nayS. DO^] &lt; & = yoke. 10. ^10 na nnj?] Rd. o na nny; so Hal..
CJ B HP. 48, rpoffS^ofiai iv dieffiraptdvois fMV. (*- Q HP. 26, 49,
106, 130, 153, 198, 233, 239, 311 and & om.; & H has it in marg.; HP.
22, 97, 238 have it under asterisk. (6* c - a (vid -&gt; (postea ras) irpo&lt;rS^onai
(HP. 62, 86, 147, irpoffS^x ^ 1 ) T0 ^ s Ixtrebovrfa fie (95, 185, fierA.) rdv
(36, 51, 132, 228, 240, Sieffirapntvuv). S iKerebovrt. fj*

254 ZEPHANIAH

T&V dieffKopTTifffdvuv UTT tfwv. U in dc supplices mei, filii disper^
sorum meorunt. Gr. ui &lt;I T^ : - Schw. won -\nx. Bach. a -ipn^i
xn. Oort Em -, WBja ^ nnj&gt;\ Ew. 0-13 for ^10; so Gr., Dav. (?),
Hal., Dr. (?). Roth, ^rar njv. Ew. connects nny with inj^Ez. 8 n ),
which seems to mean odour, and renders my perfumes, which serves
as the obj. of the vb. with D in apposition. But the textual basis of
Ez. 8 11 is too uncertain to permit its use as a guide to interpretation here.
The usual rendering my suppliants derives it from inj? to pray, a well-
known vb.. But the ambiguity as to the persons so designated and the
fact that this form occurs nowhere else make it more probable that the
text is here at fault. The usual rendering of ^10 ra, viz. daughter of
my dispersed ones, is met by three difficulties; (i) ra in such titles is
regularly connected only with proper names, e. g. oSiPW ra , oniw ra
D Sj ra , ]vx ra; the notable exception, i$y_ ra, frequent in Jeremiah,
is not closely analogous to this case where the governing noun is in the
pi.; (2) the pass, prtc., v-is, nowhere else occurs; (3) the uncertainty as to
whether D ra is subj. or obj. of the vb. The reading to-is involves an
error in only one letter and dittog. of the initial * of the foil. vb.. ra here
may be taken as daughter (cf. d. of the Chaldeans ) or as = rra, cf.
pp no , POP no, bit Yakin, etc.; no and ra are at times confused (cf.
Qr. and Kt. in Is. io 32 ). Hommel s interpretation of 3 a (v. s.) rests
upon three contentions; (i) that Cush is not Ethiopia, but a region in
S. Arabia; (2) that D a follows the analogy of other Semitic plant-
names (e. g. bint el inab = wine ; bandt en-ndr = nettle ), is to be
connected with the S. Ar. nSflN (found in Glaser, No. 1083, 1. 4, between
the names of two kinds of incense), and is the name of some special
variety of incense; and (3) that the / ~\r\y originally meant to offer
incense. On this basis, the rendering would be, my incense-bearers
will bring a costly kind of incense as my offering. But the identifica
tion of Cush with S. Arabia finds little favour because of insufficient
evidence (so Ko., Filnf neue arab. Landschaftsnamen [1902] and Ed.
Meyer, Die Israelites, und ihre Nachbarstamme [1906], 315-317; contra
Glaser, Skizze d. Gesch. u. Geogr. Ar aliens, II, 33. Hommel, Aufsdtze
und Abhandlungen, No. VIII; Che. art. Cush, EB.; Wkl. KAT.*, 137,
144); the use of ra with a plant-name is without analogy in Heb.; and
the connection of nnj? with incense has no support in Heb. outside of the
dubious passage, Ez. 3*. &gt;nmo] Rd. n rup, with (8; so Ew., Schw..
11 . n ova] joins to v. 10 and takes first clause as a question, " wilt
thou not blush, etc.?" N 1 ?] Stei., Hal. vh. nnajS] An inf. cstr. in n__;
cf. Ges.* d . 12. iDm] Gr. Dm; so We., Oort Em -, Now.. * 020]
Roth. v?t?a. 13. nnNB&gt;] (6 joins with v. " as subj. of ion. ty N 1 ?]

3 14 - 20

9 . THE WORLD-WIDE RENOWN OF REDEEMED
ISRAEL ( 3 14 - 20 ).

In two strs. of unequal length, a late writer contrasts the Israel
of the coming Golden Age with the Israel as known in his own time.
Str. I bids the people of Yahweh rejoice because Yahweh is
about to repulse all their foes and to favour his own people with
his gracious presence henceforth (vv. " 15 - 17 ). Str. II declares
that Yahweh is to destroy all Israel s oppressors, rescue her af
flicted ones and make his people the object of the world s praise
(vv. 18 - 10 ).

aloud, O daughter of Zion; shout, O Israel!

Be glad and rejoice with all your heart, O daughter of Jerusalem.
Yahweh has taken away thine opponents, he has turned aside thine enemies.
The king of Israel is in the midst of thee; thou wilt no more see calamity.
Yahweh, thy God, is in the midst of thee, a warrior who delivers.
He will rejoice over thee with gladness; he will renew thee in his love.
T WILL take away those smiting thee, and those bringing reproach upon thee.
Behold, I will deal with all thine oppressors at that time;
And I will deliver the halt, and the outcast I will gather.
And I will make them a praise and renown in all the earth.

Str. I exhorts the community of the pious to rejoice enthusi
astically in the evidences of the return of Yahweh s favour. 14.
Cry aloud, O daughter of Zion; shout, O Israel] The context shows
that joyous exclamations are called for. Israel is used as the
name of the chosen people of Yahweh, a common usage long after
Israel proper had ceased to exist. It is quite unnecessary to change
with &lt;g to daughter of Jerusalem ;* cf. Mi. 2 12 Je. iy 13 so 17ff -
Ez. 4 3 - 13 6 2 f&gt; . Rejoice and exult with all your heart, O daughter
of Jerusalem] Cf. Zc. 9 Is. 54 1 . In daughter the people in gen
eral are personified. The smaller towns, villages and hamlets
surrounding a large city were known as its daughters ; e. g. Nu.
2 1 25 - M i Ch. 2 M ; hence it was an easy step to the thought of the
inhabitants of these smaller places as the daughter of the mother
city (cf. 2 S. 2 19 ). As Jerusalem came to occupy more and more
the central place in Hebrew thought, and as the territory dwindled
to smaller and smaller proportions, it became perfectly natural to

* Contra Now..

256 ZEPHANIAH

represent the capital as the mother of the entire community. The
same usage obtained, however, with regard to Egypt (Je. 46 11 - 24 ),
Babylon (Is. 47*), Edom (La. 4 1 ), Sidon (Is. 23 12 ) and Tarshish
(Is. 23 10 ). 15. Yahweh has removed thine opponents ; he has put
thine enemies out of the way] The prophet transports himself in
imagination to the future for which he so ardently longs and pro
ceeds to describe it as though it were actually realised. This
contemplated repulse of the foe is the ground of the rejoicing called
for in v. 14 . The afflicted and distressed condition of Judah at the
time of the actual writing of this passage is thus taken for granted.
IB has "thy judgments" for "thine opponents," i. e. the calami
ties that have come upon thee as penalties for thy sins. But the
parallelism calls for a word denoting persons. The king of Israel
is in the midst of thee] The name "Yahweh" inserted in M after
"Israel" is a correct interpretation of the phrase "king of Israel"
(cf. v. 17 ), but is due to a glossator, as is shown by the awkwardness
of the syntax and the undue length of the line. The representa
tion of Yahweh as Israel s king is a familiar OT. view; cf. Is. 6 5
4i 21 44 6 Ps. go 15 Ob. 21 . Similar conceptions among other Semitic
peoples are attested by the names Melek, Moloch, Milcom and the
like, bestowed upon their gods; v. note on i 5 . Yahweh s presence
in Israel is a guarantee of security and prosperity for his people.
Thou wilt no more see disaster} The Hebrew text here wavers
between see and fear ; ($&gt; and j$ agree upon the former; H
follows the latter; while compromises by incorporating both read
ings in its rendering. Either reading furnishes admirable sense,
the essential meaning being the same in either case. To see here
means to realise as a personal experience; cf. Je. 5 12 Is. 44 16 . 16.
At this point an editorial addition appears, which does not con
form to the metrical norm of the context and does introduce a
foreign element between w. 15 and 17 which naturally go together.*
In that day, it will be said to Jerusalem, "Fear not, O Zion; let
not thy hands drop"] The language calls up the picture of a man
at work upon a hard task suddenly letting go of his work in despair;
cf. 2 S. 4 1 Is. i3 7 Je. 6 24 Heb. i2 12 . 17. Here the original oracle is
resumed. Yahweh, thy God, is in the midst of thee, a warrior who

* So Marti, Fag.; cf. Roth, who drops only the introductory words in the third person.

3 16 - 257

delivers] This line is chiefly an elaboration of the last line of v. 15 .
For similar descriptions of Yahweh as a warrior bringing deliv
erance, cf. Is. 9 42 13 Je. 14 2O 11 . The primitive conception of
Yahweh as he who fights in behalf of his own people has been
transformed into the thought of him who fights in behalf of the
righteous, not because they are, it is true, his people, but because
of their righteousness. He will rejoice over thee with gladness] The
imaginary stand-point is here abandoned and the writer frankly
looks to the future. He will renew thee in his love] 4K reads,
"he will be silent in his love." This has been interpreted in
widely different ways. Some explain as, he will because of his
love keep silent regarding his people s sins ;* others, God s love
will be so strong and deep as to hush motion or speech; it will be
silent ecstasy ;f while one explains the silence as due to Yah-
weh s meditative planning of good deeds toward Israel. { But the
thought of silence seems wholly out of keeping with the spirit of
the context and is definitely in conflict with the shout or ring
ing cry of the next line, though the latter is probably a later ac
cretion. Hence recent interpreters, for the most part, have ques
tioned the Correctness of the text. Many have followed &lt;g, but
with differing interpretations; e. g. he will do new things (cf. Is.
43 19 ) the like of which have not heretofore been known ; or, he
renews his love ;** or, he renews himself in his love ;ff or, with the
rendering given above, %% through the manifestations of favour in
spired by his love for thee, he will restore thee to pristine vigour
and glory, giving thee newness of life. This is a thought, not ex
actly parallel to that of the other half of the line as we should ex
pect, but at least not wholly foreign to the context, and it is based
upon a text from which M might easily have arisen. To drop
the phrase, as some do, on the ground that it records the lament of
a reader, does not adequately explain it, while it complicates the
textual and metrical situation. Where it stands, it exactly con
forms to the measure of the line. He will exult over thee with
shouting as in the days of a festival] This line, which incorporates

* So Mau., Hd.. t So Dav., Or.. t Hal..

Hi.. ** Buhl, ZAW. V, 183; GASm.; Du.. tt Ew..

Jt Gr., Now.. So Bach., Marti, Siev., Now. K , Fag..

258 ZEPHANIAH

the first two words of v. 18 as reproduced by 0, seems to be an
editorial expansion suggested by the shout of v. 14 . It adds little
or nothing to the thought of the foregoing line and it reflects the
late priestly point of view in its reference to the days of festal as
sembly. 4ft, which opens v. 18 with the last two words of this
line, presents a very difficult, if not wholly unintelligible text. RV.
renders, them that sorrow for the solemn assembly ; AV., * sor
rowful for the feast ; and others, those grieved afar from the as
sembly, * or them that are removed from the solemn assembly. f
But in addition to this ambiguity, the difficulties presented by the
phrase as it stands are insuperable. It cannot be satisfactorily
accounted for as a part of v. 18 , for no suitable logical connection
between it and the remainder of the verse can be discovered. Nor
is there any apparent reason why the phrase should hold so em
phatic a position at the head of the sentence. Nor can the text
of (& and & be derived from |ft. Consequently, some have aban
doned the phrase, and indeed the whole of v. 18 , as hopeless ;{
while others exercise great ingenuity in attempts to discover a
satisfactory substitute, (j& s rendering seems to indicate the way
of escape for this phrase, at least. The joyous shout on the festal
occasion is, of course, that of the worshippers, and to this the joy
of Yahweh is likened. This affords an interesting side-light upon
the spirit and attitude of the devotees of the later priestly law.

Str. II represents Yahweh himself as telling how he will con
vert Judah s present disastrous state into one of security and glory.
18. I will remove those smiting thee and those bringing reproach
upon thee] On the basis of 4ft &gt; the verb must be taken as govern
ing the two words which have here been connected with v. 17 .
The remainder of the verse, however, is unintelligible. RV.
reads, who were of thee; to whom the burden upon her was a
reproach. " But of thee is literally from thee, a wholly
un-Hebraic idiom for the expression of the idea of belonging
to. Furthermore, the ellipsis of the words to whom is too violent
and the meaning burden is nowhere else applicable to

* Hi., Mau., Dav., Dr. (?), Or.. t Dr. (?); similarly GASm..

t So e. g. Schw., Roth..

Similarly AV., with the variation, to whom the reproach of it was a burden.

3" " 2 59

RVm. is even less satisfactory, viz. they have been sorrowful
for the solemn assembly which I took away from thee, for the lift
ing up of reproach against her. This involves a difficult ellipsis of
which,* an almost impossible syntax in they have been sorrow
ful, and the insertion of the preposition for before the lifting
up. Still another attempt t6 make sense is,* sorrowful for the
feast which I broke off are certain of thee, thou land over which
reproach is raised. But broke off is an unauthenticated trans
lation of the verb, certain of thee is an unparalleled Hebrew
idiom and constitutes an impossible subject of the sentence, and
is raised is a very free rendering of lifting up. Several scholars
follow &lt;g more or less closely and render, thy smitten ones I will
gather; woe, whosoever lifts up reproach upon her. But this is
at best a rather disjointed utterance. A smoother text with an
appropriate meaning is furnished in, I will take away from thee
shame and will lift reproach from upon thee. f But the word
shame is too far removed from any resemblance to HU. The
translation here suggested rests partly upon (& and partly upon
and presupposes a text from which j$i might have been de
rived with relative ease. As thus read, the line promises the over
throw of Israel s foes who have afflicted her and made her an
occasion for the taunts of all the surrounding peoples. It is un
necessary to drop any part of the line or to transfer it to another
con text, t 19. Behold, I will deal with all thine oppressors at that
time] A statement all the more terrible for its indefinite and gen
eral character. It leaves available all the terrors of divine might
for the execution of wrathful judgment upon tyranny and iniquity.
For a similarly indefinite use of the idiom deal with, cf. Ez. 22"
23 25 - 29 Je. 2i 2 Ps. io9 21 . The time referred to is, of course, the
great day of Yahweh, upon which all of Israel s wrongs are to be
made right. And I will rescue the halt and the outcast I will
gather] Cf. Mi. 4 6 - 7 Ez. 34" Zc. n 16 . The terms halt and out
cast are applied to the dispersion as a whole. They suggest the
homeless and crippled condition of the Hebrew people scattered
among the nations, like a flock of sheep without a shepherd.

* Ew.. t Marti.

% Contra Fag. who om. -|CD &gt;HDDN as a gloss; and Now. and van H. who tr. the same phrase
to follow xinn ar J in v. ".

260 ZEPHANIAH

And I will make them a praise and a name in all the earth} Those
who have been an object of the scorn and contempt of the nations
are now to become the object of envy and renown the world over.
This is a fitting climax to a prophecy of restoration.* m adds
at the end of this line the phrase, their shame] This has always
caused difficulty to translators and interpreters. &lt;g treated it as
a verb, and they will be ashamed ; but this calls for a different
text and, even at that, is very poorly suited to this context. H
considered it as in the construct relation with the preceding word,
land of their shame ; but this involves an anomaly in Hebrew
grammar. Others render, whose shame was in all the earth ;f
and this is the easiest disposition of the phrase, if it must be re
tained. But even this would naturally call for a different order of
words in f!H and places an unnatural emphasis upon the preceding
them, viz. I will make them a praise whose shame, etc. . Hence
it is, on the whole, better to omit the phrase either as a gloss or as
a corrupt dittog. of wn QtP fiK OltSO in v. 20 . 20. This verse
is generally recognised as being only a weak variant or repetitious
expansion of v. 19 ,J which adds nothing to the thought already ex
pressed. In the time when I do good to you and in the time when
1 gather you] Originally, this was probably the continuation and
close of the previous line. With a change to direct address, the
fact is clearly indicated that the glorification of Israel is to be
simultaneous with the return of the exiles now scattered through
out the known world. For I will make you a name and a praise
among all the peoples of the earth] A repetition of v. 19c , with a
slightly different order of words and a change of person. It is
likewise continued and completed by the addition of a temporal
clause, viz. When I turn your captivity before your eyes, saith
Yahweh] For the phrase turn your captivity, v. note on 2 7 . Be
fore your eyes, i. e. in your own lifetime; cf. Is. 52*.

The measure of this section is pentameter, which is on the whole well
sustained, the only irregularity being in cases where the text is in doubt.
The second str. has suffered textually more than the first. Its four lines

* Du. s proposition to close the poem with v. 18 , making this a later prose supplement, seems
to have little basis beyond the somewhat prosaic character of v. 19 . But v. 18 also is open to
that criticism.

t So Ew., R.V.; cf. AV., "every land where they have been put to shame."

J So e. g. Schw., We., Now., GASm., Marti, Siev.. Fag., Du..

might be increased to six by the incorporation of v. 20a - c ; but this is un
attractive, if for no other reason than that it results in two somewhat
heavy temporal clauses, in apposition one with the other, following the
main clause.

The unity of the section has been disturbed; w. 16 - 17 - 20 are later ad
ditions (v. s.}. Not only so, but it is by no means certain that Str. II
really belongs with Str. I. The change of person in v. 18 might point to
a new departure in the thought; and the variation in the length of the
two strs. suggests different origins for them; so e. g., Roth.; cf. Dr.. But,
on the whole, it is simpler to treat the second as complementary to the
first, especially since the basis for the appearance of Yahweh speaking
in his own person is laid in v. 17 .

The passage as a whole (vv. I4 - 20 ) is quite generally assigned to an ex
ilic or postexilic date by modern interpreters; the defenders of Zepha-
niah s authorship are now few, viz. Ko. Einl.; WRS., art. Zephaniah,
EB.; Dr. (?); Or., and Stk.. On the side of late origin may be cited,
Oort, Godgeleerde Bijdragen, 1865, pp. 812 /.; Sta. GVI , 644; Kue.
Einl. 78; We.; Schw.; Bu. SK. 1893, pp. 393 /. and Gesch. 89; Cor.;
Wildeboer, Litt. d. AT.; Dav.; Now.; GASm.; Grimm, Lt. A pp. g$/.;
Baudissin, Einl.; Strack, Einl. 9 ; Beer; Roth.; Du.; Kent. The consid
erations in favour of the late date are convincing. Threats of punish
ment give way here wholly to promises of peace and pardon. The ces
sation of Israel s affliction is decreed; the restoration of the favour of
is assured. The exile and dispersion are taken for granted as well-
known facts. The return of exiles is predicted. The whole spirit and
tone of the section is that of Zc. 14 and the so-called Deutero-Isaiah.
The total severance of the fulfilment of the promises here made from all
historical agencies is characteristic of Messianic and eschatological utter
ances of later times.

1. ly-in] This use of the pi. as over against the sg. in m and Tictr is
due to the fact that SNT^ was not so keenly felt to be an individual and
personal epithet as were jvx ra and aVa&gt;rp ra; the collective idea was
more in evidence. Stn3"] &lt; = D^W ra; so Now.. 15. -piODr::] Rd.
Tsofrp, with $; so We., Oort Em , Now., Marti, Siev., Fag., Roth..
Hal. *l39Ute. The objection that a forensic term like b D is a hardly
suitable designation of Israel s enemies is not weighty in view of Jb. 9"
and the bitterness and wrath that Job attributes to his opponent who is
none less than * himself, the source of all Job s sufferings. HJD] ($ Xe-
Xi/rpwraJ &lt;re; hence Schw. p "pa. Schw. objects to M on the ground
that in its seven other occurrences DJD always means make clear, pre
pare, a meaning not suitable here. But & 01 H approve the meaning
remove, take away ; this is a legitimate and natural development of
the primary meaning, turn ; and it is not so certain that this is not the
meaning required in Ps. 8o 10 . I^N] Rd. !]on, with many mss. of Kenn.

262 ZEPHANIAH

and de R., 05 B Of. iSo] &lt;"&gt;. b. A.Y HP. 22, 26, 36, 42, 51,
62, 86, 95, 106, 185, 228, 238, 240, 311, a&lt;rt\ei5&lt;r = rjSjp; so Marti, Siev.,
Fag., Roth.. SNT^] Marti, Fag., Roth. om.. Siev. tr. to foil. ianpa.
Nin] &lt;g of&gt;K tyy = 4IH; so &. B won timebis = iN-vn; so Bab. Cod., 38
mss. of Kenn. and 31 of de R. and the Baer and Ginsburg Bibles.
thou shall not be alarmed at the sight of evil. 16. nnjo] (g ^pet in/pios.
K-vn SN] &lt;& positively, 0&lt;p&lt;r. 17 . j?w] Adjectival impf. = a rela
tive clause. &lt;& &lt;rc6&lt;ret &lt;re. treats as prtc . co T 1 ^ BMJ^] (g &lt;f7rci
f{xj&gt;po&lt;r6vr)v. pnrp] Rd. Bnrn, with &lt;g /caiviet (re and &; so Buhl
. V, 183), GASm., Dr., Roth., Du.. B silebit. Houb. tfnm; so
New., Ew., Hi.. Gr. ^cnrn; so Now.. Bach. CN orn_\ Schw. mm (?);
so Oort Em -. Miiller (SK. 1907, p. 310), vn~\\ = he roars, or Effer
vesces, boils over (cf. Ps. 45 2 ); so van H.. inansa] Some del. a. The
force of a in nnoa&gt;2 and njna seems to call for the meaning with or
in here also. This is supported by the fact that tsnn does not elsewhere
take an obj. with a. \hy\ Fag. om.. 18. ipno iju] Rd. nyjo o^r? and
join it to v. , with &lt;S ws ^ ^p^ ^opr^s and 0; so Buhl (ZAW.
V, 183), Schw. (?), Gr., Oort Em -, Now., Marti, van H., Fag., Du.. B
nugas, qui a lege recesserant. Hal. r DD uic, Hoph. prtc. of |/ nj^; so
Dr. (?). Bach. CD D^.ra [ n^.pVJ. Siev. DO T. ^ A ^ s WM ^ a ^ is an
etymology suggested by the resemblance in sound, but without any basis
in fact. The form in HI must be Niph. prtc. i/ n.r, with an obtusion of i
to i; Ges.* Mt . The fern, nuu occurs in La. i&lt;. The form might
also be derived from another nj&gt; which in Hiph.= push away ; but no
Niph. form of this root occurs elsewhere, nor is the only known form of
the Hiph. (2 S. 20") absolutely guaranteed textually. Cf. Ko. I, 582.
TIDDN] 05 = NT; 9 mss. of HP. = Kal &lt;rvvd%ei. & I will cause to pass
away. Bach. D^DDN. IDC] Rd. *V???, with (5 TOI&gt;S o-uvTerpt/i/x^j/ovs
(+ &lt;TOV (S A Q); so Schw. (?), Now., van H.. B. quia ex te. Hal. rjgjj.
Buhl (/. c.), ^CND. The only other case cited for the prep, f D as = belong
ing to or springing from is Is. 58 * and there the text is almost certainly
corrupt as it is here. The SiOttD of Ezr. 2 59 is not quite analogous.
vn] Rd. D^N^D~I; cf. those who were speaking. &lt;& oi/al ris
i = Ntij ^D --in. Aq. of; so $. B erant ut non ultra habeas.
OS s m is adopted by Buhl, Schw., Oort Em -, Now., van H., Fag.. We.
nNipp. Hal. "iriN^D; so Dr. (?). Buhl, Nb" &gt;p; so Now., van H., Fag..
Marti, &lt;i nNfrJ) "n 1 ??; so Now. K (?), Roth. (?). Siev. ^wfenp vn. The
rendering of r y VD by "the burden upon her" is liable to three objec
tions; (i) the anarthrous character of D; (2) the elision of the relative
pronoun and the copula; (.3) the meaning burden is required nowhere
else. The Hiph. prtc. here proposed is not elsewhere found; but the
use of the Hiph. is assured by Lv. 22 18 , even if 2 S. ly 18 be unsafe. The
literal rendering with this reading becomes, those who smote thee and
those who caused (others) to lift up reproach against thee. n- Sj/] Rd.

3"- 23

T!?^&gt; TOth Bab. Cod., and several mss. of Kenn. and de R.; so Oort Em -,
Fag.. We. Dn^?&gt;; so Hal.. 19. n;] U interficiam. Gr. adds n^r;
so Now., Marti, Siev., Fag.. Van H. tr. Sa] to foil, y and reads it n^r.
*VJJ?D SD PN] &lt;& tv &lt;rol ^c/cev &lt;ro(5; hence GASm. ^tfrph Sims; simi
larly Du.. &lt;8 Y J-veKev ^tou (so 9 mss. of HP.). Roth. ^JD 1 ? T)nN. &
&lt;&ew a// Awmi/e n *&e rnwto o/ thee. N^nn nj?3] &lt;&BANQY HP. 48, 228,
add X^yei KJ//JIOJ. & H under asterisk. Marti om. as dittog. from v. 20 ; so
Siev., Fag.. D&gt;nDttn] &lt;& NB om.. No. Gotting. gel. Anzeig. 1871, p. 897,
del. D and makes foil, so obj.. a*^] (8 pi.. 001^3] &lt;S /caTattrxui/^crovTat.
& om.; so Schw., We., Dav., Now., GASm., Oort Em -, Dr. (?), Marti,
Siev., Fag., Roth., Du.. Gr. inserts nnn before 2; so Hal., Dr. (?). As
parallel cases for a cstr. with the art., there have been cited Jos. 3 17 8 11
i S. 2 1J 2 K. 7 13 Je. 25"; but in every one of these instances there is good
ground for suspecting corruption of the text. 20. NON NTin njn] Rd.,
with Buhl, o^n n^D (cf. (& tv ry Kcu/&gt;&lt;J) ticelvy 8rav xaXws v/juv 7roiiJ&lt;ra&gt;) ;
so also van H.. Cf. Schw. (?), 3&gt;t^N N"nn ny:j; so Gr., GASm., Oort Em -,
Du.. Slip n3l] Rd. p ny.fi, with Buhl. (& xal lv ry /caipy &TO.V clvSt-
fruai. Schw. T3p N^nn njni;. so We., Now., GASm. (?), Marti, Dr.,
Siev., Fag., Roth.. It is difficult to see how so easy and natural a read
ing as this latter one could have given way to the rarer idiom suggested
by IK, which bears the stamp of originality. If this be correct, there is a
strong presupposition in favour of the similar reading here adopted for
the first part of the line. D3\~n3- ] Rd. opnotp, with &lt;& & ~& and 14
Heb. mss.; so Schw., We., Now., GASm., BDB., Marti, Fag..

A CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY ON NAHUM

INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK OF
NAHUM.

i. THE BOOK OF NAHUM.

Its Contents.

The first section of the book of Nahum as it now stands sets
forth the avenging wrath of Yahweh (i 2 - 10 ). Though manifested
with reluctance, yet its exhibition against the ungodly is inevitable.
Its outpouring throws the physical universe into convulsions, but
Yahweh furnishes shelter from his wrath to those that trust in him.
Those that oppose him are irrevocably destroyed. The second
section (i n -2 3 ) alternates between words of reproach or threaten
ing against some unnamed foe (supposedly Nineveh) and promises
of comfort and deliverance to Judah.

The remainder of the book deals with one subject, viz. the
approaching destruction of Nineveh. The material, however,
divides itself into two sections, viz. 2 4 14 and 3 1 19 . The former of
these begins so abruptly as to suggest that the original beginning of
the section is either lost or else embodied in i u -2 3 . The section
as a whole gives a vivid picture of the attack upon Nineveh, the
capture, the weeping of the women, the flight of the defenders and
the plunder of the city s treasures and closes with a taunt-song con
trasting Nineveh s past tyranny and robbery with the waste and
desolate state which awaits her. The closing section (3 1 " 9 ), ad
dressed directly to the doomed city, first of all presents concretely
the awful state in store for her. The reason for this is then as
signed as lying in her treacherous treatment of other nations.
Hence she is to be made the butt of the scorn of these nations. If
she flatters herself that she is impregnable, let her recall the over
throw of the invincible Thebes. Panic will seize her defenders
and she will fall an easy prey. No matter how zealous she be in

267

268 NAHUM

strengthening her defences, fire and sword will destroy her, and
her population will scatter like a brood of locusts, leaving behind
no clue. Her destruction will be total and final and will call forth
the plaudits of all peoples.

Its Unity.

No question was raised as to the unity of the book of Nahum
until the appearance of Gunk. s article in ZAW. for 1893. Ber-
thold had, indeed, in 1814* asserted that the three chapters were
independent one of another and claimed that, though from one au
thor, they were separated by slight intervals of time. Gunk., how
ever, asserted not only the independence of ch. i, but also its origin
from a different hand. Essentially this view has been followed by
nearly all succeeding interpreters.f The considerations pointing
to another and later origin for i 2 10 are as follows. The acrostic
form in which the material is cast seems too mechanical and arti
ficial for a poet of Nahum s vigour and freshness. The psalm-like
character of the language, first noted by We., is in marked con
trast with the language of prophecy. The theological and abstract
nature of the thought of i 2 ff is strikingly different from that of the
concrete and vivid tableaux of chs. 2 and 3. This is the language
of reflection, not that of prophetic passion forged in the heat of cur
rent controversy and hope. The descriptions here might be ap
plied to almost any foe; they lack the specific detail of chs. 2 and 3.
In i 4 f&gt; , the wrath of Yahweh is let loose upon Bashan, Carmel
and Lebanon; whereas, in chs. 2 and 3, Nineveh is the sole object
of his anger. The indefinite and eschatological character of the
acrostic distinguishes it sharply from genuine prophecy, such as is
found in chs. 2 and 3. It is true, as is urged by GASm., that
vagueness and eschatological tone are found in Zephaniah; but
there the eschatological material leads naturally and smoothly
to the announcement of the coming historical events which are to

* Einl., cited by Hap..

t Exceptions are Dav., who refrains from a decision; GASm., who admits " many provocations
to belief" in the late origin of ch. i, but does not regard it as proved, and therefore leaves the
question open; and Or., who ascribes the acrostic to Nahum whom he believes to have used so
much of an earlier poem of his own as seemed appropriate here.

UNITY 269

fulfil the expectations of the prophet. Here, the eschatological
theophany is without practical issue and lacks connection of any
kind with the final catastrophe, which is historically mediated.

Various hypotheses have been formulated as to the way in which
the acrostic became a part of the book of Nahum. It goes with
out saying that the union was deliberate rather than accidental.
But, was the acrostic as it now stands originally written as an intro
duction to Nahum? Or was it, though written for this purpose,
thoroughly revised at some later date?* Or again, is it a poem
found ready at hand and forced into this service by some editor who
failed to appreciate its acrostic form ? f These questions cannot
be answered with any high degree of assurance; but the last
mentioned hypothesis seems the more likely; for the introduction
does not fit sufficiently well to have been made to order.

From the remainder of ch. i, viz. w. n " 15 , a portion consisting
of w. 12 - 13 - 15 is to be joined with chap. 2 and set aside as an inter
polation, which balances the foregoing judgment upon the heathen
with an announcement of deliverance for the people of God. The
genuine Nahum first appears in i 11 - 14 2 1 - 3 . This, however, is
scarcely to be accepted as the original opening of the prophecy. It
is altogether too abrupt and broken. The probability is that the
acrostic has displaced some material which formed the original
beginning of the prophecy.

The only other extraneous matter in the book is found at the
very end, viz. 3 18 - 19 . These verses were suspected as later than
the rest by We.; and the fact that they seem to reflect the fall of
Nineveh, together with their variation from the str. norm of their
context, makes it probable that We. suspected the truth.

One other portion, viz. 2 14 ~3 7 , has been suspected of having been
subjected to a thorough working over.J The grounds alleged for
this suspicion were (i) the probability that the original metre was
elegiac, (2) the theological colouring which was thought to recall
the style of Ezekiel. But the only theological element in the pas
sage is the statement that Nineveh s downfall is due to Yahweh s
indignation against her sins. The fact that elsewhere Nahum

* So We.. t So Now., Dr., van H., Kennedy.

J Viz. by Bu. EB. (1002); but the passage remains unchallenged in his Gesch. (1906).

270 NAHUM

says nothing directly about Yahweh s part in the punishment
surely does not prohibit him from speaking of it here, especially
in view of the fact that the idea is one characteristic of all genu
ine prophecy.

Attempts to dissolve Nahum into its original elements and to
reconstruct these in combinations wholly new and radically differ
ent from that found in $& have been made by Hap. and Hpt..
The former regards ch. i as having been constituted of two differ
ent sections, viz. i 2 - 10 and i 12b - 15 . These were worked over and
cemented together by i 11 - 12a . Chs. 2 and 3 Hap. declares to be
independent of ch. i and each independent of the other, the three
chapters having been written by three different hands. This view
finds no adequate support in the text and is cited merely as a curi
osity of interpretation.

Hpt. designates the book as a liturgical collection of four poems,
the first two belonging to the Maccabaean age and the last two to
the days immediately preceding the fall of Nineveh in 606 B.C..
The materials belonging to the four poems are: (i) i 2 10 ; (2) 3 1 " 7

jll. 14 2 1 X 12. 15 2 2. ^ 3 8-15. ^ 3 2. 3 2 3a-5. 8b. 6-8a. 7. 9-l 2&gt; J n support

of this extraordinary bouleversement, not a shred of argument is
proffered. Something more than a mere ipse dixit is needed to
render such a proposal worthy of serious consideration.

Its Poetic Form.

For the last thirty years, the poetic form of ch. i has been the
subject of repeated consideration. The remainder of the book
has received relatively little attention. Bick. first presented a re
construction of ch. i showing its acrostic character.* By an in
genious but fanciful method, he found the acrostic completed
within i 2 " 10 (v. following commentary). Gunk.f abandoned the
attempt to discover the complete alphabet in the initial letters of
the lines in w. ^ and, on the basis of We. s elimination of i 13 - 15 2 2
as an interpolation, blazed a new path by carrying the acrostic on
through ch. i and into the beginning of ch. 2, its constituent ele-

* In ZDMG. XXXIV (1880), 559 ft.; similarly also in Carmina Veleris Tcstamcnli melrict
(1882), and on vv. 7 - in Zeitschrifl }iir Kathol. Theologie for 1886, pp. 550 fl..
t In ZAW. XIII (1893).

POETIC FORM 271

ments being i 2 - 10 - 1S - 14 2 1 - 3 . This new trail was followed by Bick.
in his latest publication on the subject,* but with a somewhat dif
ferent arrangement of the materials, w. 3a - 2c - d being placed be
tween w. 9 and 10 and some new readings being proposed. Gunk,
in turnf accepted some of Bick. s modifications and supplied the
missing 3 and p lines of which he had despaired in 1893. Now.
in his first edition (1897) accepted in essence the conclusions of
Gunk, and Bick.J Dav. (1896) and Dr. both assumed a scepti
cal attitude toward the existence of an acrostic; while GASm.
(1898) recognised the traces of an alphabetical arrangement as far
as i e , though questioning the success of the preceding efforts to
restore it. We. (1898) granted the alphabetic structure of w. M ,
but denied any further trace of it.** Grayff admitted the exist
ence of the acrostic throughout ch. i and on into ch. 2, but regarded
attempts to restore it beyond i 9 as wholly conjectural.Jt Siev.
likewise abandoned the effort to restore the acrostic beyond i 9 , but
declared that the rhythm showed that the acrostic was not con
tinued in ch. 2. Arn. (1901) presented the view that the pres
ence of the acrostic is due to the work of a redactor, who cited it
from memory but forgot the latter part of it together with its orig
inal order and the fact that it was an acrostic; consequently it can
be recovered only in w. 2 ~ 10 - 12b and there only by dint of much
change of text and transposition of words and clauses. Marti
(1904) too limits the acrostic to w. 2 " 10 and declares it to be a torso,
the balance of which is irrecoverable.*** Van H. renews the at
tempt to complete the acrostic within i 2 -2 3 , but the many violent
emendations and transpositions involved in his reconstruction of
the latter part mark his effort as only an academic exercise.
In the following commentary, the acrostic is carried only through

* Beitrage zur semil. Metrik (1894).

t Schdpjung und Chaos (1895), pp. 102 /..

J So also Hap. Psalm Na. (1000) and Das Buck Na. (1002).

In Expos. T. 1897.

** So also Now.* (1003); Lohr, ZAW. XXV (1905), 174 f..

tt Exp. for 1898, pp. 207-220.

JJ So also Kennedy in DB. art. Nahum (1900). Dr. (1906) follows Gray s reconstruction
of w. *- , but questions the acrostic character of vv. 10 ff .

Metrische Studien (1001).

*** So also Hpt. JBL. XXVI (1907) and ZDMG. LXI (1007), 275-97; Stk. (1908); Du.
(1910).

272 NAHUM

i 10 and the reconstruction is substantially that of Gunk, as emended
by Bick., Marti, et al.. Hexameter rhythm prevails throughout
this poem, with the caesura after the third beat, except in 1. i where
it follows the fourth beat. The poem was perhaps organised orig
inally into strs. of six lines each, but nothing certain can be gath
ered from the fragment before us.

The poetic form of chs. 2 and 3 remains to be considered.
Greve (1793) was one of the first to treat the prophecy as poetry.
Eich. (1816) arranged it in strs.. Poetical versions were offered
also by Justi (1820), New. (1836), A. G. Hoelemannus (1842), Urn.
(1844), Bretschneider (1861) and Ew. (1867). But none of these
had any inkling of the nature of Heb. metre. In recent times, Bu.
has pointed out the existence of elegiac rhythm in chs. 2 and 3.*
Rub. contributed a study of the oracle in i 12 - 14 2 2 - 4 14 ,f concerning
the poetic form of which he said, "the whole prophecy is written
in lines or crTfyoi, every OTI/JOS consisting of two or three /etwXa."
Accordingly he found twenty o-rfyot,, of which fourteen were com
posed of two /ca&gt;\a each, five of three /ecoXa each, and one of only
one K)\OV. But the unevenness of the /ca)\a, which range from
three beats to six in length, robs this arrangement of any real value.
In 1901, Siev. arranged 2 1 " 5 in pentameters, following Bu. s hint.
Hap. (1902) was the first in recent times to arrange the whole book
as poetry. His str. arrangement in part coincides with that pre
sented in this commentary; e. g. the number of strs. in chs. 2 and
3 is the same in both arrangements and the first and second strs. of
ch. 3 include the same materials in both. But Hap. s reconstruc
tion is subject to serious criticism at several points; e. g. 2 9c can
hardly be made to yield two lines, nor 2 10 four; nor can JJDt^ N^l
"pfc^D Vlp TIJJ (2 14e ) be divided into two lines; nor is it easy to
justify the presence of dimeter (3) and tetrameter (3) lines in
the same str. in immediate juxtaposition (so also in 3 13 ). Marti
(1904) finds one seven-line str. in elegiac rhythm in i 12 - 13 - 15 2 2 and
organises i 11 - 14 2 1 * 3 ~3 19 into a series of four-line strs., which as a
rule exhibit the same elegiac movement. But this adherence
to the four-line str. is possible only at the cost of disregarding

* First in ZAW. II (1882), 35; also in EB. 3262 and Cesch. p. 90.
t PSBA. XX (1898), 173-85-

POETIC FORM 273

logical continuity. The study by Hpt. (1907) is valuable not for
its poetic analysis and arrangement which are arbitrary in the ex
treme (v. p. 270), but for the many lexicographical and grammat
ical hints it contains. Stk. (1908) attempts no str. analysis, but
prints his text in metrical lines and indicates their metrical charac
ter. In this task, he is under no compulsion to produce lines con
forming to a uniform metrical standard; but, on the contrary, in
3 1 19 , for example, permits the appearance of heptameter, dimeter,
trimeter, hexameter, tetrameter and octameter lines. This is to
disregard all known laws of poetic form and introduce chaos.
Du. (1910) recognises the elegiac metre throughout chs. 2 and
3 and, like Marti, applies the standard of the four-line str. con
sistently throughout the prophecy. He, however, secures four
four-line strs. from 2 4 " 7 where Marti finds only three, two from
2 14 to Marti s one, and three from 3- 10 to Marti s two. His ar
rangement also involves transposing 3 19a to follow 3 15a .

In the reconstruction of the poetical form of i n ~3 19 presented in
this commentary, the text is divided into three sections, viz. (i)
i 12 - 13 - 15 2 2 , (2) i 11 - 14 2 1 - 3 - 13 , (3) 3 1 - 19 . The first is omposed of
a single eight-line str. in almost perfect elegiac rhythm. The
second comprises five strs., the first four having six lines each and
the fifth one only three. Here elegiac rhythm reveals itself in
i 11 2 2 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 12- 13 ; the variants from this are tetrameter and hex
ameter lines. In the third section, six strs. are contained, hav
ing 8.6.6.6.8.4 lines each, though the final str. may be a later
accretion (v. p. 269). Elegiac rhythm recurs here in 3 4b - 5&lt; 6 - 8a -
11. 12. 14. 15. is. 19. t h e remaining lines are chiefly tetrameters and
hexameters as in ch. 2. To create elegiac rhythm consistently
throughout chs. 2 and 3 involves a treatment of the text which
does despite to all sound canons of textual criticism.

Though the rhythm and metre of Nahum are not so smooth and
regular as is the case with some Heb. prophets, yet in some re
spects the poetry of Nahum is unsurpassed in the OT.. His excel
lence is not in sublimity of thought, depth of feeling, purity of
motive, or insight into truth and life. It is rather in his descrip
tive powers. He has an unexcelled capacity to bring a situation
vividly before the mind s eye. His constructive imagination lays

274 NAHUM

hold of the central elements of a scene and with realistic imagery
and picturesque phraseology recreates it for his readers. Accurate
and detailed observation assists in giving his pictures verisimilitude.
Lowth rightly said,* "Ex omnibus minoribus prophetis nemo
videtur aequare sublimitatem, ardorem et audaces spiritus Na-
humi. . . . Apparatus ad excidium Ninivae ejusque excidii de-
scriptio et amplificatio ardentissimis coloribus exprimitur et ad-
mirabilem habet evidentiam et pondus." Through the whole scene
there moves a mighty passion and a great joy which lift the nar
rative out of the commonplace into the majestic and make of it
great literature.

2. THE TIMES OF NAHUM.

The upper limit for the period of Nahum s activity is established
by 3 8 . The fall of Thebes is there referred to as already past. But
Thebes suffered more than once at the hands of Assyria. In 670
B.C., Esarhaddon had conquered the whole of lower Egypt, in
cluding Memphis, and had organised it into Assyrian dependencies.
The list of the Egyptian princes who swore allegiance to him at
this time includes the name of the Prince of Thebes; but Thebes
was not then attacked by Esarhaddon. Again, about 667 B.C.,
Ashurbanipal forced Taharka to flee from Thebes and take up an
intrenched position farther south ; but it is doubtful whether Thebes
fell into the hands of Assyria at that time.f Finally, in 66 1 B.C.,
Ashurbanipal captured Thebes and carried off an enormous booty
to Nineveh. This event was the beginning of the end for the great
est city of Egypt and the ancient world. There can be little doubt
but that Nahum s reference was to this occasion. So far as we now
know, there was no other attack upon Thebes prior to the fall of
Nineveh, which accords with the description of 3 8 . It is true that
by 652 B.C., Piankhi I had regained Thebes; but she never recov
ered her former greatness and the tradition of her impregnability
had been irremediably shattered.

The lower limit for the period of Nahum s prophetic work is fixed
by the date of the fall of Nineveh, to which the prophet looks for-

* De sacra poesi Hebraeorum 2 (1770), II, 434.
t_V. Breasted, History oj Egypt (1905), 557.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 275

ward with exulting confidence. That we are not dealing with a
vaticinium post eventum is clear: the hope of the prophet is too
genuine and fresh; the details of the siege and conquest are too
minute and would be somewhat superfluous, to say the least; and
the total lack of any shadow cast by the knowledge, or even sus
picion, that Babylon was a far more severe taskmaster than
Nineveh had ever been would be inexplicable. The date of
Nineveh s fall is determined by the statement of Nabonidus that
he restored the temple of Sin at Harran fifty-four years after its
destruction.* This destruction of Harran was at the same time as
that of Nineveh, or at most not more than a year earlier. The
restoration of the temple of Sin occurred in the third year of
Nabonidus, f i. e. 553 B.C.. Hence the fall of Harran was about
607 and that of Nineveh about 607 or 606 B.C..

The specific portion of the period between 66 1 B.C. and 606
B.C. in which Nahum prophesied is more difficult to determine.
On the one hand, it is urged that the memory of the fall of Thebes
is so vivid that no long time can have elapsed since that event.
On the other hand, it is evident that the fall of Nineveh is thought
of as imminent and that the invasion of Assyria has already begun
(3 13 ). Hence, some seeking to combine both of these elements in
the picture would place Nahum in connection with the revolt of
Babylon under Shamash-shum-ukin (u. p. i6o).J But that revolt
spread among and included a great many peoples, while the proph
ecy of Nahum seems to picture the fall of the city as due to the
work of one great foe (2*). Furthermore, there is no suggestion of
a schism in the realm of Assyria in Nahum s description; the at
tack is rather from an outside foe. Nor, indeed, was the situation
of Nineveh at any time during the revolt so precarious as to war
rant such a confident expectation of her destruction as Nahum en
tertains. Babylon in that revolt was not so intent upon destroying
Nineveh and Assyria as upon gaining her own independence from
or even domination over Assyria. Then, too, if Nahum had had
this revolt in mind, he would hardly have anticipated the destruc-

* Stele of Nabonidus, col. X.

t Cylinder of Nabonidus from Abu-habba, col. I, 1. 28.

t So e. g. Hi.; Wkl. D -, 124 /.; K6. Einl.; KL SK. 1910, pp. 501 #..

276 NAHUM

tion of Nineveh so vividly. He would have been much more likely
to have conceived of Nineveh as becoming the capital of the new
Babylonian power and his threats of destruction would have been
confined to the dynasty reigning in Nineveh.

Another point of connection for the prophecy is found by some
in the Scythian invasion of western Asia.* But it is by no means
clear that those barbarians ever troubled Nineveh directly. In
deed, they seem to have been her salvation from the Medes in
625 B.C. (v. p. 163). Nor does Nahum s description of the
attack upon Nineveh accord well with what is known of Scythian
methods of warfare. The latter were scarcely adapted to the
capture of mighty strongholds by direct assault. The Scyth
ians hardly possessed the machinery requisite for such an under
taking.

The first attack upon Nineveh by Cyaxares (525 B.C.) is favoured
by several writers as furnishing the occasion for the hopes of
Nahum ;f while the second attack, resulting in the destruction of
the city, is preferred by the majority. The choice lies between
these two. To both alike objection is made on the ground that
the memory of the fall of Thebes would hardly have remained so
long as vivid as is presupposed by the question in 3 8 . To this it
may be replied that the fall of Thebes made a profound impression
in Judah, since it dealt a mortal blow to the hope for deliverance
through Egypt so long encouraged by the Egyptian party in Jeru
salem. Then, too, the lapse of time made it all the easier for Na
hum to ignore as he did the agency of Assyria in the downfall of
Thebes. Examples of even longer memory are furnished by Zc.
i4 5 Nu. i3 22 . Hence, it seems hardly necessary to suppose, with
We., that Nahum referred to some destruction of Thebes in the
latter part of the seventh century of which no other record has been
discovered. With the elimination of ch. i as a later preface to the
prophecy, there disappears the objection to a date near the final
fall of Nineveh that arises from the fact that Nineveh s oppressive
dominance over Judah is presupposed by i 13 . The statements of
2 10 3 1 apply as well to the city of 626-608 B.C. as to that of any

* So e.g. Jrm..

t So e. g. Kue. Onderzoea (1889); VViideboer, Letterkunde des Ouden Verbonds* (1903); van H..

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 277

earlier period. Nineveh did not change her character as her power
diminished. The sufferings of Judah at the hands of Nineveh had
lasted too long and been too humiliating and agonising to be for
gotten the moment the hand of the oppressor was lifted. To a
Semitic people, tenacious of revenge, the downfall of an ancient
tyrant would be an occasion for joyous celebration long after re
lease from the tyranny had been realised.

There is little to choose between the first and the second siege
of Cyaxares. The actual occurrence of the first has indeed been
called in question;* but without sufficient reason. It is true the
only testimony to its actuality is that of Hdt. But on the other
hand, the only testimony cited against it is the statement of Aby-
denus, quoted by Eusebius; viz. "Saracus certior factus quod ex-
ercitus locustarum instar mari exiens impetum faceret, Busalos-
sorum ducem confestim Babelonem misit." This is interpreted
by We. as applying to an attack of the Scythians from the Black
Sea upon Babylon at the very time when Nineveh, according to
Hdt., was undergoing siege at the hands of the Medes, thus being
hindered by her own necessities from sending aid to any other city.
However, waiving the question as to the relative values of Hdt.
and Abydenus as historians, it is far from certain that the citation
from the latter has anything to do with the time about 625 B.C..
Saracus, generally identified with Sin-shar-ishkun, was not the im
mediate successor of Ashurbanipal upon the throne of Assyria,
as would be the case if he had been king in 625 B.C.. Babylon was
independent of Nineveh and under its own king from 626 on; hence
the interest of the king of Assyria in its defence is strange. More
over, why should a king of Assyria send his army to defend Baby
lon from a foe advancing from the north, thus leaving his own
capital inviting attack from the same foe by the weakness of its
defence? The datum concerning Saracus must be accounted for
in some more satisfactory way.

The certain fact is that at the time of Nahum s utterance, the
prestige of Nineveh was wholly gone. She was threatened with
immediate destruction. The enemy was already in the land and
her downfall seemed certain. This interpretation might have been

* E. g. by We.

278 NAHUM

placed by Nahum upon the situation as it was either in 625 B.C.
or in 608-606 B.C.. But the degree of animosity toward Nineveh
accords better, perhaps, with the post-Deuteronomic date, 608-
606 B.C., than with the pre-Deuteronomic period.* The expecta
tion of Nahum was certainly not fulfilled till about 606 B.C. and,
if the prophet is to be credited with an adequate knowledge of the
movements of his day, we shall be forced to interpret his utterance
as applying to the final siege. On the whole, therefore, it is better
to place him there than at the earlier date, until we have more def
inite information as to the course of events in Assyria during her
last days and as to the exactness of the information in possession
of the Hebrews regarding the political movements of the time. In
any case, the significance of the prophecy will remain the same,
whichever of the two dates be chosen.

The assignment of Nahum to the Maccabaean age, as proposed
by Hap. and Hpt., is put practically out of the question by the testi
mony of BS. 48 20 - 25 49 C - 8 - 10 as to the history of the Canon. The
mention there of "the twelve prophets" shows that at that time the
Book of the Twelve was already known and held in high esteem.
It is, of course, not to be denied that the Book of the Twelve under
went more or less modification after that date, viz. c. 180 B.C.. But
it is scarcely to be conceived that a new name was added to the
twelve already known and that one of the latter was dropped. Yet
this is involved in the proposition to make Nahum a product of
the Maccabaean period. f Nor are the positive arguments brought
forward by Hap. at all convincing. The differences between
Nahum and the rest of the pre-exilic prophets included in the
Canon are certainly striking; but it does not follow that Nahum
is necessarily postexilic or Maccabaean. The character of the
differences is not such as to make them inconsistent with pre-exilic
origin (v. p. 281). Nor is 3" satisfactorily explained by the failure
of Antiochus Epiphanes to take Alexandria. That failure was
not due to the strength of Alexandria, as would be required by
3 8 , but to the intervention of the power of Rome. Nor is 3* ex-

* V. Bertholet, Die Stellung der Israeliten zu den Fremden (1905), 105 /..
t C}. Francis Brown on The Decline of Prophecy, in Essays in Modern Theology and Related
Subjects Gathered and Published *s a Testimonial to Chas. A. Briggs (1911), p. 67.

THE MAN NAHUM 279

plicable only on the basis of the religious intolerance and propa-
gandism of Antiochus (v. note ad loc.}.

If Nahum lived and prophesied in the days immediately pre
ceding the downfall of Nineveh, his lot was cast in desperate times.
The good King Josiah had but recently fallen in battle at Megiddo.
His successor Jehoahaz had been taken prisoner to Egypt, after
a reign of only three months, and Jehoiakim had been imposed
upon Judah as a vassal of Pharaoh Necho. A heavy annual
tribute was laid upon Judah and it was Jehoiakim s ungra
cious task to collect and transmit it to Egypt. The practical
freedom that had been enjoyed for some time under Josiah had
given place to a galling servitude. The news of the approaching
end of a former taskmaster was a ray of light amid Egyptian
darkness.

3. THE MAN AND THE MESSAGE.
The Man.

Beyond the slight information furnished by the book itself, noth
ing is at hand from which to reconstruct the personality and the
environment of Nahum. He must remain little more to us than a
voice. For details regarding his name and residence, v. pp. 285^..
Some interpreters have sought to make him a resident of Assyria
and an eye-witness of the scenes he describes. But his knowledge
of Assyrian words, places and customs is only such as was easily
within the reach of any intelligent Hebrew of his times. Assyrian
matters had been of absorbing interest to the politicians of Judah
for more than a century. Assyrian armies were no uncommon
sight in Syria, however unwelcome they may have been. Travel
and commerce between Jerusalem and Nineveh were constant
and continuous. The main facts concerning the structure and
defences of Nineveh were doubtless known to the leading men of
Judah. Nor does the vividness of Nahum s picture of the move
ments against Nineveh prove anything in favour of his residence
in Assyria. The scenes of ch. i are just as vivid as anything in the
book, yet the writer there was evidently drawing upon his imag-

280 NAHUM

ination. The whole spirit and background of the prophecy are
Hebrew and the burden of proof rests upon him who would seek
to account for its origin on foreign soil.

Nahum was an enthusiastic, optimistic patriot. The oppres
sion and humiliation endured by his people for generations had
long rankled in his soul. He is a fair representative of the state
of mind of the average man of his times, whose faith in Yahweh s
goodness and power had been severely tried by the continuous
spectacle of the sufferings of Israel. The prospect of the speedy
overthrow of the ancient tyrant who had done the most to ren
der life intolerable for the people of Yahweh brought with it a
great revulsion of feeling to men like Nahum. Sorrow and dis
couragement approximating despair gave way to exuberant joy
and returning hope. Assyria was to receive the due reward of all
her evil deeds; Yahweh was to vindicate himself by his righteous
acts; and for Israel the dawn of a new day was discernible upon
the horizon.

The Message.

The prophecy of Nahum is simple and unique. It concerns
itself with only one theme Nineveh is on the brink of destruc
tion ; there is no possibility of escape for her. In ecstatic contem
plation of this consummation devoutly to be wished for, the
prophet is wholly absorbed. He can, he will see nothing else.

This it is that sets him apart from all preceding prophecy. His
predecessors have been interested primarily, and almost exclu
sively, in the sin of Israel. Their task had been that of calling their
countrymen to repentance and of pointing out to them a much more
excellent way to assure themselves of the favour of God than that
along which they had been travelling. The future of Israel was
precious indeed in the sight of God; but only a radical readjust
ment of life in the present could make that future anything but
disastrous. Of all this, Nahum has not a word. In place of it,
there appears a certain fiery form of indignation against Judah s
ancient foe, which exhibits a degree of animosity for which the
great ethical prophets furnish no parallel. The pent-up feelings of
generations of suffering patriots here burst forth into flame.

THE MESSAGE 281

whole prophecy is a paean of triumph over a prostrate foe and
breathes out the spirit of exultant revenge.

The contrast between the message of Nahum and that of Jere
miah, his contemporary, is striking. To the prophet of larger
vision and deeper insight, the event which rilled Nahum s entire
range of vision was of relatively slight importance. The passing
of the Assyrian dominion is not even mentioned by Jeremiah, nor
does the name of Nineveh once appear in his utterances. The
two men belonged to different religious and political parties. If
Nahum was not in active opposition to Jeremiah, he was at least
indifferent to his efforts. Instead of grieving over the sin of Judah
and striving with might and main to warn her of the error of her
ways that she herself might turn and live, Nahum was apparently
content to lead her in a jubilant celebration of the approaching
death of Assyria. Jeremiah was too overwhelmed by sorrow and
alarm for his own people to obtain any solace from the misfortune
of another, which could bring no relief to the desperate situation of
Judah.

In Nahum, a representative of the old, narrow and shallow
prophetism finds its place in the Canon of Scripture. His point of
view is essentially one with that of such men as Hananiah (Je. 28),
the four hundred prophets in opposition to Micaiah ben Imlah
(i K. 22), and the so-called "false prophets" in general. For
such prophets, the relation between Yahweh and his nation Israel
was indissoluble. Yahweh might become angered at his people
and give them over temporarily into the power of the foe. But he
could no more wholly abandon them than a mother could desert her
child. The obligation upon Israel was to be loyal to Yahweh as he
was loyal to her; to eschew all foreign cults; to perform the cultus
of Yahweh with zealous adherence to all of its requirements; and
to conform to the traditional customs and ethics of the community.
The possibility that new occasions might teach new duties, that
the advancing civilisation with its more complex life might render
the old usages and laws inadequate, and that Yahweh might care
more for full justice and overflowing mercy than for the blood of
bulls and goats had not been realised by them. The teaching that
for a lack of fundamental, ethical qualities Yahweh was intending

282 NAHUM

to bring destruction upon his nation was branded by them as
treason both to Israel and to Yahweh. Patriotism and religion
combined in requiring the belief that Yahweh was able and willing
to deliver his people out of every danger. Never could he suffer
the adherents of other gods to triumph permanently over his own
people. Never could the land of Judah and the temple of Yahweh
be desecrated by being abandoned to the possession of the heathen.
Nor could insult and injury to Yahweh and his people be allowed
by him to go unavenged. To men of such a way of thinking, the
prospect of the downfall of Nineveh would bring a joy without
alloy. The prophecy of Nahum is a faithful transcript of the
thoughts and feelings of a prophet with such a point of view. The
overthrow of Nineveh not only brought to Nahum and those of like
mind satisfaction of the natural, human desire for vengeance, but
it also enabled them to justify the ways of God to men. Such ob
jective demonstration of the justice of Yahweh was essential to the
validity of their theology. By such vindication of Yahweh and
his people, faith in Yahweh was made possible for them. Hence,
the joy of Nahum is not only and merely exultation over a fallen
foe, it is also the glad cry of an assured faith in the God of the
fathers.

4- LITERATURE ON THE BOOK OF NAHUM.

Commentaries.

In addition to the commentaries on the Minor Prophets as a
whole by Ewald (1867), Kleinert (1868), Hitzig-Steiner (1881),
von Orelli (1888; 3d ed. 1908), Wellhausen (1892; 3d ed. 1898),
Nowack (1897; 2d ed. 1903), G. A. Smith (1898), Marti (1903)
and van Hoonacker (1908), special mention must be made of
Strauss (1853), Davidson (i896),Kolmodin (i898),Happel (1902),
Driver (1906), Haupt (1907), Kautzsch (1909) and Kent (1910).

Introduction.

All the Introductions to the OT. as a whole contain sections
summarising the main facts about Nahum as do also the introduc
tions to most of the aforesaid commentaries. In addition to these,

LITERATURE 283

the following are worthy of special mention: Billerbeck und
Jeremias, Der Untergang Nineveh s mid die Weissagungsschrift
des Nahum von Elkosch, BAS. Ill (1898), 87-188. P. Kleinert,
Nahum und der Fall Nineves, S%. LXXXIII (1910), 501-533.
Thomas Friedrich, Nineve s Ende und die Ausgange des Assyr-
ischen Reiches, in Festgaben zu Ehren Max Budinger s (1898), 13-
52. Budde, art. Nahum, EB. Ill (1902). A. R. S. Kennedy,
art. Nahum, DB. Ill (1900). Volck, art. Nahum, PRE? XIII
(1903). W. Staerk, Das Assyrische Weltreich im Urteil der
Propheten (1908), 174-181.

Special studies on ch. i and on the poetic form of the book are
cited in i (pp. 270^".).

Miscellaneous.

M. Adler, A Specimen of a Commentary and Collated Text of the
Targum to the Prophet Nahum, JQR. VII (1895), 630-657.
Reinke, Zur Kritik der alteren Versionen des Propheten Nahum
(1867). A. W. Greenup, The Yalkut of Rabbi Machir Bar Abba
Mari on Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum and Habakkuk
[Edited for the first time from the unique ms. (Harley 5704) in the
British Museum] (1910). Fr. Buhl, Einige textkritische Bemer-
kungen zu den Kleinen Propheten, ZAW. V (1885), 79~&4. E.
Mahler, Untersuchung einer in Buche Nahum auf den Untergang
Ninives bezogenen Finsterniss (1886). B. Duhm, Anmerkungen
zu den Zw dlf Propheten, V, Buck Nahum, ZAW. XXXI (1911),
100-107.

A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF
NAHUM.

i. THE SUPERSCRIPTIONS (i 1 ).

These inform us as to the name of the author, his clan, the
nature of his book, and the subject of his preaching. In common
with the superscriptions to Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, Habakkuk and
Malachi among the prophetic books, it refrains from any statement
regarding the time of this prophet s activity. Nahum is the only
book in the OT. carrying two superscriptions at its head and is
also the only prophecy entitling itself a book.

i. An oracle on Nineveh] Nahum is pre-eminently a book of one
idea, viz. the doom of Nineveh. This title thus exactly fits the
contents of the book. This type of superscription is common in
Isaiah, viz. I3 1 I5 1 ly 1 19* 2I 1 - 11 22* 23 1 3o 6 . On the fall of Nine
veh, v. pp. i63/.. The book of the vision of Nahum the Elkoshite]
The use of the word book here carries no such special significance
as some older commentators imagined; viz. that it shows that the
prophecy of Nahum was never spoken but was originally prepared
in written form.* The word vision expressly characterises the
following message as a revelation. The prophecies of Isaiah (i 1 )
and Obadiah (v. *) are also so designated. The name Nahum
occurs only here in the OT.. Everything alleged regarding
Nahum, aside from the statement of the superscription, is of late
origin and of little value. Other names from the same root and
so of similar meaning are Nehemiah, Nehum (Ne. f\ but cf.
Ezr. 2 2 =Rehum), Nahamani (Ne, y 7 ), Menahem and Tanhumeth
(Je. 40 8 ). The name seems to be an appellation meaning com
forting or comforter. Its appropriateness to the author of this
prophecy, which brings the promise of such great comfort to Judah,
raises the suspicion that the name is not a birth name but one be-

* So Gebhardt, Tarnovius, Pu., Ke..

I 2 285

stowed upon this prophet by a later editor because of the character
of his message. The term Elkoshite seems to be a gentilic ad
jective derived from a place-name. But no thoroughly reliable
information is available as to the location of Elkosh (v. i.}.

The essential accuracy of the superscriptions is generally acknowl
edged. The first, stating the contents of the book, accords perfectly
with the bulk of the subject-matter; while the second, being beyond the
possibility of a satisfactory test, and being in no way derivable from the
text of the book itself, must be given the benefit of every doubt and be
held to rest upon sound tradition. Owing to the twofold character of
the heading, however, suspicion has been cast upon its genuineness.
Grimm (1791) was the first to see here the work of a later hand. He has
had many followers, who have declared the superscription in whole or
in part to be of late origin; so Eich. (Einl. Ill, 371), Ew., Hd., Or., Dav.,
Now., Arn., Hap., Bu. (EB.), Marti, Kau., Du., Kent. It is probable
that the two portions of the legend come from different hands, as Ew.,
Or., Bu., et al. suggest; but it is unnecessary to regard each as having
belonged originally to its own special portion of the book as Hpt. et al.
maintain. If any part of the heading be from Nahum himself, it is
probably only the last three words, "Vision of Nahum the Elkoshite."
The ofder of the parts would have been exactly the reverse had they both
been due to the prophet and the word "book" would surely not have ap
peared. In view of the extent of the editorial labour upon the begin
ning of this book, it is more likely that the older portion of the heading
came from an editor than that it came from the prophet himself. The
addition of superscriptions, as a matter of fact, seems to have been a
favourite form of editorial exercise. The information furnished by this
editor, however, probably goes back to a relatively early date, for no
source whence it might have been obtained is now known.

1. NE E] (& \TJfJifM. Aq. ApfJM. & m huthd = scourge or affliction,
the only place where so renders the word (Seb.). D is here fol
lowed by an objective gen.. The rendering burden* was favoured by
early interpreters and explained by the fact that disaster was the prevail
ing theme of prophecy, hence the term burden came to be applied to
all prophecies. But oracle or utterance (cf. Sip N^J) is a better ren
dering in superscriptions, where burden is sometimes wholly inappro
priate, e. g. Zc. I2 1 . oiru] Of the same measure as S-IJJB bereaved, Dirn
compassionate, ^N tame or chief, fun merciful, T1D2 pillar ;
and with transitive force; cf. Earth, NB. 37, 132. An abstract sub
stantive comfort is less suitable as a name and less in accord with the
significance of other words of the formation; contra BDB.. The name
occurs also in Lk. 3" 2 Esd. i 40 , Jos. Ant. IX, xi, 3, the Mishnah (Baba
Bathra V 2, Shabb. II i, Nazir V 4, Peah II 6), on Jewish ossuaries

286 NAHUM

(Clermont-Ganneau, Revue Archeol. Ser. Ill, vol. I, No. 41) and in
Phoenician (CIS. I, No. 123; Ges., Man. Phcen. Nos. 3, 7; Boeckh, Corp.
Ins. Graze. II, 25, 26). It is likely that the name is a shortened form of
warn or SNDHJ (Kennedy, DB. Ill, 473). Abar. explained it as con
nected with nj (Gn. 5 29 ); cf. Sayce, Exp.T. XV, 514, who treats D as due
to mimmation; but such usage is not well attested in Heb.. ^pSsn]
&gt;B&gt;II"&gt; JTOD. &lt; B ToO E\/ce&lt;rafou. &lt;& N * E\Kcu&lt;r&&amp;gt;t;. &lt;S Ne - b EX/fetreou. Eus.
Onom. EXKe&lt;r Hesychius (vita proph.) E\Ke&lt;re?v. U Elcesaei. Four
sites lay claim to the honour of having been the home of Nahum. The
first claimant is Al-Kush, a village about 25 miles N. of Mosul, where the
natives with one consent regard a certain plaster box as the tomb of
Nahum (Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains [1849], I, 233). But Asse-
mani (Biblioth. Orient. [i-Jigf.], I, 525, III, 352) declares that the tradi
tion dates no further back than the i6th century A.D.; the Ar. form of
the name seems to reflect the Ar. period; the name of the place itself is
first attested in the 8th century A.D. (cf. No. ZDMG. XXXI, 165); Ben
jamin of Tudela in 1165 A.D. was shown another tomb of Nahum at
Ain Japhata, S. of Babylon; and the tradition is worth no more than
similar traditions as to the graves of Jonah, Obadiah, and Jepthah of
Gilead. The acceptance of this site usually carries with it the conclu
sion that Nahum was one of the exiles from Samaria or a descendant of
them, who had been settled N. of Nineveh. But the whole tone of the
prophecy points to a scion of Judah as its author. This last objection
also holds against the next two applicants. Jerome in his commentary
on Nahum says, " Quum Elcese usque hodie in Galilea viculus sit, par-
vus quidem et vix ruinis veterum aedificiorum indicans vestigia, sed
tamen notus Judaeis et mihi quoque a circumducente monstratus."
This is generally supposed to have been the modern El Kauze, N.E. of
Ramieh and about seven miles W. of Tibnin. But there is no indica
tion of Nahum s Galilaean origin; on the contrary, his utter silence as
to any hope for the northern kingdom and its exiles seems fatal to such
a theory. His reference to the invasion of Sennacherib in i 11 likewise
points to his primary interest in Judah and Jerusalem. Hi. identified
Elkosh with Capernaum ((& Ka^apvao^/j.; & Kaphar Nahum = village
of Nahum ) ; but it is by no means certain that Dim formed the latter part
of this name, for Jos. writes Ke&lt;f&gt;apv6/j.Ti and Jerome on Mt. n 24 , Dipj (
of Mt. 4 18 ii 23 = Dim; so also Talmud) and the evidence is insufficient
to outweigh the improbability of a Galilaean residence for Nahum. The
least difficult tradition locates Elkosh in S. Judah. The de vitis proph-
etarum, wrongly ascribed to Epiphanius (a native of Judah who was
Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus in 367 A.D.), in some mss. says "He
(Nahum) came from Elkesei beyond Jordan toward Begabar of the
tribe of Simeon." But the tribe of Simeon was located in S.W. Judah
and " beyond Jordan" is therefore unintelligible in this connection. The

I s - 1 287

difficulty is solved by two recensions of vitac proph. published by Tisch-
endorf in 1855 and based upon older Greek mss., in one of which the
passage runs, "Nahum, son of Elkesaios, was of Jesbe of the tribe of
Simeon"; and the other reads. "Nahum was from Elkese beyond Isbe-
gabarin of the tribe of Simeon." The phrase "beyond Jordan" is thus
shown to be a gloss. This is also supported by the citations from the
Vitae incorporated in the Syriac translation of the OT. by Paul of Telia
(617 A.D.), where the reading is "Nahum was of Elkosh, beyond Beth-
Gabre, of the tribe of Simeon" (v. Nestle, ZDPV. I, 122 /.= Pal. Ex-
plor. Fund s Quarterly Statement for 1879, p. 136; Idem, Marginalien
und Materialien [1893], 43/.)- Beth-Gabre is the modern Beit-jibrin,
i. e. the ancient Eleutheropolis. About six miles E. of Beit-jibrin, at
the upper end of the Wady es-Sur, there is an old well named Bir el-
Kaus, which might be a survival of Elkosh. This is an altogether suit
able region for the prophet s home and may be tentatively adopted in
lieu of a better-accredited claimant. This would make Nahum come
from the same district as his predecessor Micah. An ingenious hypoth
esis is proposed by Hap., viz. that the following acrostic originally fell
into two sections, the first including vv. 2 - . The opening word of this
section was Sx, the closing one was cp. An editor attached as a de
scriptive heading to this section the words, "vision of Nahum from S
to yp." By later misunderstanding, the present text arose. Such a
method of designating a portion of a text is not elsewhere used in the
OT. and it is difficult to account for the loss of the connecting prep
ositions.

2. THE AVENGING WRATH OF YAHWEH (i 2 - 10 ).

A fragment of an acrostic poem, the fifteen lines of which be
gin with the successive letters of the Heb. alphabet in their natural
order. Owing to the formal character of the poem, there is no
clearly marked logical progress, nor organisation into strs.. The
general thought concerns itself with the terrors of Yahweh s anger
against his foes. In an ever-changing series of bold and striking
metaphors, the poet seeks to create a vivid impression of this di
vine wrath and thus to quicken the faith and hope of those who
have trusted in and obeyed Yahweh.

(K) A jealous and avenging God is Yahweh, and filled with wrath.
C2) In storm and tempest is his way, and clouds are the dust of his feet.
(3) He rebukes the sea and dries it up, and all the streams he makes dry.
(1) Bashan and Carmel wither, and the bud of Lebanon languishes.

288 NAHTJM

(pi) The mountains quake at him, and the hills melt.

(1) And the earth is laid waste before him, the world with all its inhabitants,
(f ) His anger v/ho can stand fast before it? Who can stand in the heat of his

wrath?
(J"J) His fury is poured out like fire, and the rocks are burst asunder because of

him.

(fa) Yahweh is good to those waiting for him, a stronghold in the day of distress.
( 1 ) Yahweh knows those that seek refuge in him, and with an overflowing
flood. . . .

(2) A full end will he make of his adversaries, and his enemies he will pursue

into darkness.

( ^ ) He will not take vengeance twice upon his foes, for unto complete destruc
tion he is about to work.

(D) What do you devise against Yahweh?

( ^ ) Yahweh takes vengeance on his adversaries and lays up wrath for his foes.

(Q) Thorns cut down and dried out they will be consumed like dry stubble.

2. A jealous and avenging God is Yahweh, and full of wrath]
"The truth that no historical crime can ever as a crime be forgot
ten by Yahweh through the flight of time, but must in all cases,
either sooner or later, be punished by the living and all-observing
God, is brought forward briefly and with dignified repose at the
very beginning."* For the attribute of jealousy as applied to
Yahweh, cf. Jos. 2 4 19 Ex. 20* 34" Dt. 4 24 6 15 . Yahweh is here pre-
sented as the originator and guardian of the law of righteousness,
who regards every violation of that law as an offence against him
self which must be fitly punished. The particular form of offence
here resented is evidently the wrongs done to Israel by the great
powers. The thought of Yahweh s vengeance upon his foes was
a favourite one from the time of Jeremiah on to the end; e. g.
Je. ii 20 51" Ez. 25"- 17 Dt. 32 s5 Is. 6i 2 63 Ps. 94 ; cf. Rom. i2 19 .
In 4H there appear at this point two lines (w. 2b - 3a ) which are
shown not to have been originally placed here by the fact that they
break the continuity of the acrostic. The first of these lines in all
probability originally followed v. 9 , where it belongs alphabetically.
Its presence here may be accounted for as due to the fact that it
expresses essentially the same thought as line i and begins with the
word vengeful or * avenging that occurs also there. Some editor,
not recognising the alphabetic structure, placed the line where it
seemed to belong logically. The second added line (v. 3a ) reads,

*Ew..

l" 289

Yahweh is slow to anger and great in mercy, but Yahweh will by
no means leave unpunished] This seems to be a gloss* intended to
modify the absolute statement of line i by presenting another and
complementary phase of the divine character. Not only does it
depart from the alphabetic order, but it is an abnormally long line,
unless with Bick. we drop the last clause as a later appendix to the
line, in which case the line becomes too short. For the thought
and phraseology of this line, cf. Nu. 14" f Ex. 34 f Jo. 2 13 . After
the strong statement of Yahweh s wrath in v. 2a , the glossator felt
the need of a reference to the patience and mercy of God, but was
careful to add that even so, Yahweh was not one to let the wicked
go scot-free. 4K has "great in strength," an idiom nowhere else
occurring, which is here changed to " great in mercy" as in Ps.
I45 8 ; cf. also Ex. 34 Nu. i 4 18 Ne. 9 17 Ps. io 3 8 Jo. 2 13 Jon. 4 2 - If
4H be original, the strength spoken of must be moral strength, and
the thought probably is that Yahweh s self-control is too great to
permit him to act upon the impulse of sudden outbursts of wrath.
3b. In storm and tempest is his way and clouds are the dust oj
his feet] The acrostic structure is resumed here. The theophanies
of the OT. are usually set to the accompaniment of convulsions of
nature, particularly so when the deity is represented as manifest
ing himself in wrath; cf. Mi. i 3 f - Ju. 5* f - Jb. 38 1 40 Zc. 9" Hb.
3 s - 6 Is. 5o 2 f -. The storm clouds are by a beautiful figure repre
sented as the fine dust stirred up by the feet of Yahweh as he passes
along in his wrath. There is nothing gained, but much lost, by
the emendation "clouds and dust are at his feet" (v. i.). Dav.
well says, "the splendid words . . . like the others the earth is his
footstool need to be conceived, not explained." 4. He rebukes
the sea and dries it up, and all the streams he makes dry] Cf. Is.
5o 2 5 1 10 Ps. 66 6 77 19 io6 9 . Yahweh is absolute lord of creation and
does with it as he will. Under other conditions, Yahweh is repre
sented as doing the exact opposite of what he does here (Is. 35*- 6 - 7 ).
Bashan withers away and Carmel, and the bud of Lebanon lan
guishes] Bashan was one of the most fertile of the regions east

* So Gunk., We., Now., Gray, Or., Hap., Dr., van H.. Cf. Marti, Hpt, Stk. and Kent who
excerpt the last clause and use it to complete the D line in v. 9 ; while Du. begins the poem
with v. J and completes the D line with v. .

2QO NAHUM

of the Jordan and seems to have been famous for its flocks (Am.
i 2 4 1 Mi. y 14 ) and trees. With it, the wooded heights of Carmel and
the snow-clad summits of Lebanon are mentioned as representa
tives of the regions least likely to show the effects of an ordinary
drought. It is forcing the language to argue from the mention of
these particular regions, as Hap. does, that the poem must have
come from the period of the Syrian dominion and that destruction
is threatened upon regions belonging to the Syrians, the foes of
Yahweh. Against another view, viz. that these three regions repre
sent three extreme points in east, west and north and so comprise
the whole land, it is sufficient to say that nowhere else is the land
as a whole so indicated. 5. Mountains quake before him and the
hills melt] The very pillars of the earth, as the ancients considered
the mountains (Jb. g 5 - 6 ), tremble and dissolve before the wrath of
Yahweh. For similar representations, cf. Mi. i 4 Zc. i4 4 Ex. 19
Dt. 4 11 Ju. 5 5 Jb. 28 9 Ps. ii4 4 Is. 64 3 Hb. 3. Earthquakes or
volcanic disturbances were apparently familiar phenomena to
the Hebrews and furnished the materials in large part for their
descriptions of theophanies. And the earth is laid waste before
him, the world with all those dwelling therein] 4JH is rendered by
RV., "and the earth is upheaved, etc."; but this is a very doubtful
rendering. Having taken up particular aspects of nature thus
far, the writer here includes the whole world, animate and inani
mate. The Hebrews, knowing practically nothing of natural law
or secondary causes, conceived of both the physical and the moral
universe as governed directly and immediately by Yahweh him
self. There was for them but one world and that was God s
world. Hence when disorder and disobedience were rife in the
moral realm, it was inevitable that the physical realm should share
in the shock occasioned by the divine visitation upon sin.

With the seventh line, the writer takes a fresh start. Having
devoted the last four lines to illustrations of the terrible wrath of
Yahweh as manifested in the physical world, he now, as in line i,
again brings the wrath itself to the forefront. 6. His anger who
can stand fast before it ? Who can stand in the heat of his wrath ?]
For text, v. i.. For similar formulations of the same thought, v.
Am. f Mai. 3* Je. io 10 : cf. Ps. 24 3 . This is a direct and personal

I 6 - 8 291

application of the lesson taught by the preceding illustrations.
Nc nation can stand before such a God, for he is a consuming fire
(Dt. 4 24 ). His fury is poured out like fire] A favourite figure to
express the divine anger (Je. y 20 4 2 18 44** 2 Ch. 12* 3 4 21 - 25 ). The
destructive and purificatory effects of fire have always appealed
to the religious imagination as a fit symbol of divine wrath and
holiness. The Persian fire-worship is the notable illustration of
this. A nd the rocks are burst asunder because of him] Cf. Mi.
i 4 Je. 4 26 23 29 5 1 25 - 26 . Whether this effect is conceived of as due
to the heat already mentioned, or to some other aspect of the di
vine power, is not certain ; but in any case, it is the awful presence
of God which produces such catastrophic results. 7. Yahweh is
good to those who wait for him] Another side of the divine nature is
now emphasised. The wrath of Yahweh is vented upon those who
hate him ; but for those who put their trust in him he has loving-
kindness (Dt. 5 f&gt; ). The whole history of Israel from the As
syrian period to the end was one long agony of waiting. The ful
filment of her hopes was constantly deferred. The history of no
other people can furnish a parallel to the strength and persistence
of Israel s faith and hope. The odds were apparently all against
her, but she refused to let go her faith in God. One of the exhor
tations most frequently upon the lips of prophets and psalmists
was the summons to patience and hope; e. g. Gn. 49 18 Is. 8 17 3O 18
6 4 4 Hb. 2 3 Zp. 3 8 Ps. 25 5 - 21 27" 37 3 - 5 - 7 - 9 - M 39" 52 9 n8 8 - 9 La.
3 25 . Disappointed in one expectation, Israel did but transform it
into another and continue to "expect great things from God."
A refuge in the day of distress] A place whither to flee from the
storm; this is a common way of speaking of Yahweh; e. g. Je. i6 19
Ps. 27 1 3i 3 - 5 37 39 52 Is. i7 10 25 32 2 Jo. 4 16 . Yahweh knows those
that take refuge in him] Cf. Ps. i 6 . The knowledge here spoken
of is inclusive of that tender interest and watchcare which inhere
in a father s love (Am. 3 2 ). When they flee to him for aid, they
will not be received as strangers, but with open arms as Yahweh s
children; cf. Ps. 2 12 5" 46, I44 2 . 8. And with an overflowing
flood . . .] This sentence is evidently incomplete. Most interpreters
make it refer to the pious followers of Yahweh and so supply either
"he will deliver them" or "he will guard them" (v. *.). But in

29 2 NAHUM

view of the fact that flood is always used in connection with de
structive activities (Ps. 32 Pr. 27* Jb. 3S 25 Is. 54 8 Dn. p 26 n 22 ), it
is not at all improbable that the sentence refers to the foes of Yah-
weh and should therefore be completed after this fashion "he will
destroy the wicked." Some have seen in the overflowing flood a
definite allusion to the invading army that was to destroy Nineveh
(cf. Is. 8 8 ) ;* but it is rather a general characterisation of the over
whelming destruction which Yahweh will bring upon his foes when
he asserts his divine majesty. Von Orelli, by omitting a conjunc
tion, secures the following line, "he knows those who trust in him
when the flood overflows." But such a line is too short for the
metre and involves the use of the phrase in flood as the equivalent
of a temporal clause. A full end will he make of his adversaries]
M reads for the last phrase, "of her place"; this is usually sup
posed to refer to Nineveh. But there has been no mention of
Nineveh thus far in the poem; hence the suffix "her" is without
any antecedent. Modern interpreters, therefore, prefer to follow
the suggestion of &lt;g Of. This is the first specific mention of the
foes of Yahweh, though the previous lines have, of course, been
spoken with reference to them. Here, Yahweh s treatment of
them is brought into immediate and striking contrast with his at
titude toward the pious. And his enemies he will pursue into dark
ness] A figure suggestive of the hopelessness and desolation that
will overtake the foes of Yahweh; there will be no way of escape
for them. The syntax permits equally well the rendering, "dark
ness will pursue his enemies," f and the sense is almost equally
good. But in the parallel clauses, Yahweh is the subject and it is
more natural that the overthrow of Yahweh s foes should be re
ferred directly to him himself, rather than to one of his agencies.
The change from pursue to thrust out (Jb. i8 18 ) seems un
necessary (v. i.) ; cf. Pr. i3 21 . 9c. He will not take vengeance twice
ui&gt;on his adversaries] The exigiencies of the acrostic structure
require the placing of this line here rather than where it is in HI.
HI reads, "not twice will affliction arise." This is a less proba
ble reading than that suggested by &lt;g because (i) Yahweh is the

* So e. g. Sanctius, Rosenm., Hi., Hd..

1 So e. g. &lt;g "H &, Cal., Mau., Hd., Stci., New., Dav., Hap

I 9 293

subject of the action in the parallel clause, (2) no close analogy for
fH s phrase is known, (3) iS s thought is too abstract and colour
less for this context. The specific meaning of fS has been sought
in two main directions. Some find a promise to Judah to the effect
that Assyria shall not again afflict her as she did under Sennacherib
or as she had done to Samaria.* Others take it as a threat against
Nineveh to the effect that no second disaster will be needed to ac
complish her overthrow. f This is essentially the same thought as
that conveyed by the reading here followed, viz. no second stroke
of chastisement will be necessary- (cf. i S. 3 12 26 8 2 S. 2o 10 ) ; Yahweh
will punish once for all. None will dare to oppose him again.
This meaning is strongly supported by the remainder of the line.
9b. For unto complete destruction he is about to work] This is an
exact parallel to v. 9c and fits here better than after 9a 4 It reaf
firms the proposition made in 8b and clinches it. iJ{ has here "a
full end he is about to make" (cf. Ez. n 13 ) ; this yields good sense,
but lacks any formal connective with the preceding half of the line.
By using the first two words of v. 10 here, we not only secure a
smoother connection, but also account satisfactorily for the two
words which at the beginning of v. 10 are unintelligible and have
baffled all interpreters. For the idiom "unto complete destruc
tion," cf. Dn. Q 27 Ez. i3 13 2 Ch. i2 12 ; and for the absolute use of the
verb work (HITS?), cf. i K. S 32 - 39 Je. 14 Ez. 2 o 9 Ps. 22 31 3 y 5 52
Mai. 3 17 Dn. p 19 . 9a. What are you devising against Yahweh?]
Not "what are you thinking of Yahweh ? " The verb 2trn in the
Pi el with b$ or by always means "to plot" or "plan against"
(Ho. 7 15 Dn. ii 24 ). The writer here addresses himself directly to
the foes of Yahweh and seeks by this pointed question to bring out
the futility of all human devices aimed against the great God; cf.
Ps. 33 10 . The answer to this question, or whatever else it may have
been that formed the original conclusion of this line, is now lost.
2b. Yahweh lakes vengeance on his adversaries and lays up wratu

* So e. g. Jer., Sanctius, Hd., Pu., Or..

t So e. g. Theodoret., Ra., Ki., Rosenm., Hi., Urn., Ew. We., Hal..

J The order 9c - b - is that adopted by Bick., Gunk., Gray, Marti, Now.*, Hpt.Stk., Du.,
Kent.

Contra Rosenm.. Ew., Strauss, Ke., We.. Dav., GASm., Now., Arn.. Hap , Marti, Kent
"Against Yahweh" is adopted by & B &, Hi., Gray, Hal., Dr., Hpt., van H., Kau..

294 NAHUM

for his foes] The right of this line to stand here is shown by its near
ness in thought to the preceding line, by its fitting into the acrostic
at this point, and by the fact that it is superfluous where it stands
in 4H.* Others treat the line as a part of the gloss on v. 2a f in
tended to limit the absolute statement there made by the additional
suggestion that Yahweh s vengeance is reserved only for his ene
mies. For the phrase lays up wrath, cf. Je. 3 5 - 12 Ps. 103, where
Yahweh s attitude toward his own people is declared to be just
the opposite of that which he is here credited with holding toward
his foes. The prohibition of this state of mind which is laid upon
Israel in Lv. igi 18 recognises the same difference between Israel
ites and non-Israelites; cf. Am. i 11 . 10. Thorns cut down and
dried out they will be devoured like dry stubble] As it stands in JK,
this verse is wholly unintelligible. Modern interpreters have for
the most part abandoned it as hopeless and many declare the re
covery of the original text impossible. J A literal rendering of ifK
would yield, "for unto thorns entangled and like their drink soaked,
they will be devoured like dry stubble full," or possibly, " fully dry."
This has usually been interpreted to mean that even though the
foes of Yahweh be, like tangled thorns, difficult and dangerous to
approach and be hard to destroy even as drenched thorns are hard
to burn, yet before Yahweh s might they will be made to fall as
easily as the fire consumes the stubble. Others have found in the
second clause a slightly different thought, viz. like drunkards who
fall into the flames as though desiring so to do, they will be con
sumed, etc.. ** But no translation affording any connected sense
is possible within the limits of ordinary grammatical interpreta
tion. The translation here given rests upon a text which is con
fessedly largely conjectural and, as with all guesses, the chances
are against it. Recent interpreters have cut the Gordian knot by
dropping the more difficult words as due to dittography (v. i.}, but
this leaves the line with only five beats instead of the six that
are required. The poet s imagination pictures the enemies of

* So placed also by Bick., Now. , Or. (?), Am., Marti, Hpt., Stk., Kau., Kent; while Du.
places the whole of v. 2 here.

t So e. g. Gunk., We., Now. 2 , Gray, Hap., Dr., van H..

j So e. g. We., Dav., GASm., Dr., Kau..

So e. g. Ew., Hi., Hd., Or.. ** So e. g. Ki., Man .

I~ 295

Yahweh as a patch of thorns laid low by the sickle and ready for
the fire. The same likening of Yahweh s foes to thorns and
stubble appears in Is. 33" 12 ; cf. also 2 S. 23 Mi. f Is. io 17 27*
Ez. 2 e EC. 7 6 .

The acrostic structure of this section was first noticed in modern
times at least, by Pastor G. Frohnmeyer of Lienzingen in Wiirtemberg.
His suggestion was called to the attention of scholars by De. in his com
mentary on Ps. 9. The discovery was taken up by Bick. who sought
to reconstruct w. - on this basis in ZDMG. XXXIV (1880), 559^". and
later in his Carmina V. T. metrice (1882), 212 f.. Bick. s scheme was
peculiar in that he sought the whole alphabet in the successive lines of
vv. * 10 , by making the alphabetic arrangement apply not only to the
initial letters, but also to the second and third letters of the lines. In
his own words, "exquisito artificio alphabetico struitur hoc carmen.
Unicuique disticho litera ex ordine alphabeti usque ad mem inclusive
praemittitur, sed ea lege, ut Aleph iteretur, et prima ultimaque stropha
unicam tantum literam initialem recipiant. Hoc modo in initio secundi
distichi literae Nun locus reservatur. Ceterae literae a Samekh usque ad
Tav (e quibus Pa, ut saepius, literae Ajin praemittitur) literas initiales
Bet, Gimel, Dalet, He, Vav ita sequuntur, ut alternatim binae et singulae
ponantur; ergo Samekh et Pa post Bet, Ajin post Gimel, fade et Qopk
post Dalet, Reg post He, Sin et Tav post Vav." The artificiality of this
hypothesis, which is wholly without analogy in Heb., and the violence to
the text which is necessary to give it any shade of plausibility kept schol
ars from adopting it; and Bick. (though he had presented the last str.
in revised form [i 7 - 10 ] in Zeitschrift fur Kathol. Theologie for 1886), in
his last publication on the subject, viz. Beitrdge z. sent. Metrik (1894)
abandoned the scheme himself. The next contribution was from Gunk,
in ZAW. XIII (1893), 223 ff. and also some further suggestions in Schop-
fung und Chaos (1895), 102 /.. He, observing that elsewhere alphabetic
poems are carried through the whole alphabet and that I 10 -2 I was of ap
proximately the same length as i 2 - 9 , proceeded to reconstruct I 2 -2 1 so as
to make it yield twenty-two lines, each opening in turn with the letters
of the alphabet in their proper order. This involved radical emenda
tions and several transpositions of lines or parts of lines, especially in
I 10 -2 t . The first full statement of the case for English readers was
furnished by Gray, Exp. 1898, pp. 207-220, who did not attempt to fol
low Gunk, in the reconstruction of the latter half of the acrostic, con
cerning which he rightly says, "any particular suggestion can be re
garded as little more than a possibility"; but satisfied himself with mar
shalling the evidence for the acrostic character of the piece as a whole
and with contributing a textual suggestion or two of much value. Hap.
(1900 and 1902) regards the acrostic form as original rather than as due

296 NAHUM

to an editor as some have suggested and carries it through a 1 , but con
siders the poem in its present form to be in reality a composite of two
poems (viz. i 2 - 10 and I 11 -2 l ), which have been independently wrought
out of the original acrostic which he undertakes to restore. Arn. (1901)
subjected the work of his predecessors to a keen criticism and main
tained that only a fragment of the original acrostic had been incorpo
rated in ch. i and that it is found in i 2 - 10 . In the restoration of this, he
proffers some new textual readings and transpositions. Hpt. (1907)
likewise makes no attempt to restore the acrostic beyond i 10 and adds
but little on the acrostic form to the work of his predecessors. Du.
(1910) begins the acrostic with i 3 , tr. i 2 to foil. i 9a , and combines i 12
with i 10 to form the D and y lines with which he stops.

The acrostic structure of i 2 - 10 is too clearly apparent to be a subject
of reasonable doubt. Eight of the lines as they stand in M offer the
desired initial letter, while four or five more are easily recovered by slight
emendations and transpositions, some of which are necessary apart from
all requirements of the acrostic. This fact is recognised and a reconstruc
tion substantially identical with that given above (pp. 287 /.) is adopted
by nearly all recent scholars; e. g. We., Now., Marti, Dr., Stk., van H.,
Kau., and Kent. The only doubters are Dav. and GASm.. The
former entertains the possibility that the traces of an acrostic are due
solely to unconscious and accidental causes; but the recurrence of so
many successive letters at regular intervals seems to reduce the possibil
ity of chance or accident to the vanishing-point. The latter scholar
wonders how a poem originally clearly indicated as acrostic could have
failed of recognition and have suffered mutilation to such an extent as to
have lost the semblance of an acrostic. But the fact that Ps. 9 and 10
underwent a somewhat similar transformation is sufficient answer to
such an objection.

In the section beginning with i 11 , not only are there no sure traces of
the acrostic, but the character of the contents undergoes a change. The
acrostic concerns itself primarily and almost exclusively with Yahweh and
his doings; vv. n s are clearly addressed to a party of the second part who
seems to have been guilty of a great crime against Yahweh and his peo
ple. Hence, these two parts of ch. i must be treated separately.

It is Gunk. s merit to have pointed out the distinction in style and tone
between ch. i and chs. 2, 3. In the latter, the writer is dealing with a
definite and concrete political situation; but in the former we have only
theological abstractions. The language and ideas here are not those
of the prophets, but those of the post-prophetic, eschatological psalm
ists. The artificial acrostic form is also out of keeping with the vigor
ous and vital style of Nahum. It points to later times, when such usage
was common; e. g. Pr. 3110-31 p s&gt; Q ? IO 2 ,^ 34, ^7, in, 112, 119, 145.
La. 1-4. This section is, therefore, now generally held to be of late

I* 297

origin; so e. g. Bick., Gray, We., Now., Hap., Lohr (ThLZ. 1901, p. 37),
Arn., Marti, Dr., Bu. Gesch -, Cor., Hpt., Kau., Du., Kent. The fact
that the later addition comes at the beginning of the book rather than
at the end, as is more customary, is not altogether without parallel; sim
ilar introductions are Gn. I 1 -2 4a , Dt. 1-5; and some would place Mi.
i 2 - 5 in the same category.

2. Nijfi] Only Jos. 24 19 ; a variation from the more usual form Nif\
&gt; opji] Marti om. ji; so Hpt., Stk., Kau., Kent. Du. om. both words.
nw opj] Om. with (& as a dittog.; so Gunk., Hap., Now., Du..
Marti om. only *; so Hpt., Stk., Ka.. The threefold occurrence of j
greatly exercised the older exegetes; Ra., e. g., saw in it a reflection of
the threefold vengeance of % viz. in the beginning of Israel s history,
in the prophet s own time, and in the days to come when Israel is to be
deported to Babylon. Abar. interpreted it as occasioned by the fact that
Assy, had invaded and devastated Israel three times; while Tarnovius,
Mich., Geb. and Pu. referred it to the three persons of the Trinity. The
om. of 7&lt;i j here suggested is much simpler than the proposition to drop
ji and the second \ even though it does bring the caesura after the
fourth beat instead of the third; such variations in hexameter are not
uncommon. ncn SysV] (& per a BV/JLOV om. i; so &; so also Gunk., Hap.,
Now.. On this usage of 3, cf. Pr. 22 24 29" and Ges. ^ 128 s - u ; so also
Ar. dhu = possessor of, characterised by. TJUI] (& Kal talpwi&gt; ) no-
where else used to render :, but = Soj in Dn. ; 4 . H et irascens. For
the same usage of j, with the object IN understood, i:. Je. 3 5 - 12 Ps. 103
Lv. I9 18 ; Am. I 12 , in its original form, probably presented this vb. with
IN expressed (v. H. AH , 32). Hpt. would assign j in all these passages
to a J II = be embittered and = Assy, natdru, generally read naddru,
and connected with Ar. mutirr (\/ TO) = bursting out (of wrath).
New. traced it to an Ar. vb. = see and rendered it observeth with an
angry eye ; cf. n-yoo = mark, target (i S. 2o 20 ). All who recognise
the acrostic character of this passage concede vv. 2b - 3a to be out of place
here; but opinions vary as to the best disposition of them; some treating
both lines as glosses, others finding only 3a to be late and placing 2b after
the D line, while others make both lines original, putting 3a - 2b , in reverse
order, after the D line (Bick.), or 3a - 2b after the D line (Hpt.), or 3a after
the 10 line (v. 7 ) and 2b after D (Arn.). Du., however, begins the acrostic
with v. 3 , dropping the initial and placing v. 2 after v. 9a . Every at
tempt to use 3a as a part of the acrostic involves serious difficulty. To
make it supply the shortage in the D line, demands the arbitrary omission
of more than half of 3a in order to bring the completed line within the
compass of a hexameter. To place it after the to line, likewise calls for
some pruning of 3a which is, as it stands, too long for a line, and it also
involves the omission of x ova from v. 7 which has to be crowded into a
single line. Du. s proposition involves an irregular order of words for

298 NAHUM

*, after the initial "&gt; has been dropped for the purpose of the acrostic; the
nominal sentence calls for its subject at the beginning rather than at the
end. 3. ro] Rd. ion, with Gunk ; so Now., Kau. ; cf. Jo. 2" Jon. 4 2 Ex. 34*
Ps. 1038 I45 8 . npj vh npji] (6 nal adyov oik Atoffoet. H et mundans
nonfaciet innocentem. The phrase is found also in Ex. 34 7 Nu. I4 18 ; cf.
Ex. 2o 7 Je. 30". Hpt. supplies an obj. pj;, in place of M s mm; but j
requires a personal obj., not an abstraction. mm] &lt;g treats as subj. of
npr. Gunk., Hap., Marti, and Kau. om. as a gloss. neios] (81 iv &lt;rvv-
reXe^i. mytsoi] Jb. 9 17 . A dialectic variation from ^"^D, which Gunk,
would substitute. The same alliterative conjunction of ncio and myo
occurs in Is. 298 Ps. 83 16 . p?\j &lt;& H pi.. vSn p3N] Gunk. vS:nS p3N&gt;;
so Bick., van H.. 4. n; % u] Some mss. of Kenn. ijn ; so We., Now., Hal..
The prtc. shows that the reference is not to any single act, but to the reg
ular and continuous activity of &gt; along these lines. As the continuation
of the prtc. by the impf . shows, the prtc. here describes a permanent char
acteristic of % one demonstrated by long-established experience. intsoM]
Gunk. B ; 5i; so Stk.. We. in:pM; so Marti, Now. K , van H., Kau..
But this was probably a recognised and legitimate contraction of the
full form, the weak ^ being elided just as is the n of Niph., Hiph. and
Hoph. impfs.. For other cases, v. La. 3 33 - "; cf. Ges. * u . SScs] Rd.
VSi, with Gray, Dr., Du.. The acrostic calls for an initial n here. M
has N at both the beginning and the end of the line; but the Vrss.
without exception seem to point to different vbs. in the two places; at
least, they have different renderings. &lt;8 has 6\iy66i] . .
Tfr infirmatus est . . . elanguit; 31 n$ . . . nnj; & Aj^j .
In accordance with not infrequent usage elsewhere, this might be
explained as due to a desire for variation. But against such an ex
planation here is (i) the fact that the translators here were not zeal
ous for variety, for in i 6 Djtt and jnn are rendered by the same word
by both (& (tpyfy and 0; (2) the variety exists in all the Vrss.; (3)
the acrostic calls for i; (4) the use of words for N by (& which never
occur elsewhere as its equivalents. Among the many Heb. originals of
&lt;S s frequent rendering licXeureti , the one that best suits this situation is
S^T which is represented by this vb. in CS s rendering of Is. 38" and in
the Niph. is rendered by the noun exXeti/ is in Is. ly 4 . This, however,
gives us n at the end of the line instead of the beginning where it is
needed. When the oldest Vrss. ((& 0) were made, it is quite clear that
the opening word of the line was SSos, for the renderings of these two
bear indisputable testimony to that fact. But, if a scribe depended
largely upon his memory, not slavishly eyeing his copy, the resemblance
in both form and meaning between * and T might easily have occasioned
their interchange; cf. the similar transpositions in Mi. i 2 (& and Na. i 6
&. That SSn might fittingly be applied to Bashan and Carmel, fertile
regions, would appear from Is. 19" where it is parallel to i:nn and is used

I 8 - 8 299

of streams, Is. 17* where it is used of the glory of Jacob, and the later
Heb. where it denotes the thinning out of vine-leaves. Cf. Gray s ex
cellent statement of these facts. Bick.i pxx Buhl, Sax. Gunk. asi;
so Bick. , We., Or., Hap., Now., Hpt., van H.. CB. SNDH-P Si.. Am.
1*07. Kau. JNX fpa] pno; so 0. CB. ]yy\.&. onn] &lt;S rA fyi;;
so fe; hence Marti, onrn; so Now. K , Kent, Du.. But the art. is not
necessary even though the parallel noun has it; the use of art. with one
noun when a co-ordinate noun is anarthrous is not uncommon; cf. Mi.
JH. 3* 41- K&gt;. Further, the art. occurs only once in an acrostic as a
member of the alphabetic series, viz. La. 4 5 . rnpajm] Gunk, jn Sai; so
Gray, Kol., Now.. ni] Rd. Ntfrn, Niph. / nxir (c/. 21 nanm), which
furnishes good sense and occurs in a similar context in Is. 6 U ; so also
Capellus, Gunk., Gray, Or. (?), Marti, Now. K , Dr., HWB.", Hpt.,
Kau.; cf. Houb. nNB&gt;m (so New.). (& ical ai&gt;e&lt;rrd\T). Aq. t&lt;t&gt;pii-c. 2.
. "8 contremuit; so&. Bick. 1 nri. Bick. 2 NC : rn; so Now.. BDB.
so van H.. Gr. e&gt;yjm. Kau. wyi. Oort Em - NEW. Hap.
Nt jni. Du. nirni (c/". Hb. 3 6 ). iK calls for an intransitive rendering of
Ntn. Passages commonly cited in support of this are Ho. 13 Hb. i
Ps. 24" 89 ; but Ho. I3 1 is corrupt (v. H. AH , ad loc.), Hb. i 3 probably so,
Ps. 24 should be corrected after 24?, and in Ps. Sp 10 the intransitive sense
is not necessary. We should also expect j, if intransitive, to be fol
lowed by vnnnn rather than VJDD. &lt;8 S. seem to have read the Niph.
impf. of sirj; Aq., & IT perhaps gave a free rendering of the same form;
but 01 connected it with risr, be waste. Sam] Om. 1 with (6 &; so
We., Gunk., Gray, Hap., Now., Marti, Hal., Hpt., Kau.. For similar
asyndetic construction, v. Je. 34 1 Ps. 24 98?. &lt;35 TJ &lt;r6fJLira(ra. r &gt;joS
DI &gt; ^D] Rd. D vjoS &gt; ^D icyt; so Bick., Gunk., We., Gray, Or., Hap.,
Now., Marti, Dr., Hpt., Stk., van H., Kent, Du.. The relation between
this line and the n line is so close that it is evident that this line stood in
immediate proximity to the latter. The key- word in the acrostic is 7 r;
hence "? must be transposed. Arn. s objection to this transposition is not
well taken, viz. that vjo 1 ? &gt; ^D would mean " who can stand before him ?",
thus leaving r unrelated. ? is grammatically masc. (Is. 10") ; hence the
masc. sf. refers to it naturally. In any case, Arn. s substitution of *?&gt;pj
for IDJ?&gt; is too violent a change. But Arn. s explanation of the position
of JcS in 481 as due to the fact that the writer was quoting from memory
here is probably correct; cf. the place of p:&gt;j in Is. 2* with its place in the
duplicate, Mi. 4 1 . "Di] The detachment of 1 to complete ^oS leaves &gt;D
as a proclitic to be pronounced with aip&gt; and thus improves the metre.
roru] (6 r^/cet. Aq. aw^-x.wve.iiQt]. 2 to-Ta&v. H fiuere facit. We., with
0, tr. j and wnj, reading them nnxj and ianj; so Hal.. Kenn. 225
reads inxj; so Mich., Gunk., Bick., Gray, Now., Marti, Hpt., Kau.,
HWB.". But We. s objection that HDPJ is not suitable before E&gt;NS is
ill-founded, in view of Je. 7" where the ideas of pouring and burning

300 NAHUM

are conjoined in reference to Yahweh s wrath; so also in Je. 44* 2 Ch.
34 25 . Nor is the difficulty with r-j] serious; the vb. is commonly used
of the breaking down of walls, doors, cities, towns, etc.; there is no in
herent difficulty in applying it to rocks; it is surely as easy to think of the
breaking down or pulling down of rocks as it is of the burning of
them; indeed, there is no example of this latter idea in the OT.. For the
idiom p pnj, cf. Je. 4 26 . pto] &lt;g apx^ , so ft. Hence Gr. C&gt;N-I.
UDD] & = nap?; so Gunk., Bick., Now.(?). The reference of the sf.
is ambiguous, for S&gt;N occurs both as masc. and as fern.. 7. nyoS] Rd.
nj?D ripS; cf. (& rots inro(iAvo\xriv avr6v; U et confortans; to Israel that they
may stay themselves; & to strengthen. This insertion is supported by
(i) &lt;&, which has one of the more frequent equivalents of nip; (2) QT,
which probably had pS as a basis for its Israel and D as the original
of its stay themselves ; (3) the need of another beat in the line.
This reading (or nS rip 1 ) is accepted by Bick., Gunk., We., Dav.,
GASm., Gray, Or., Now., Hal., Marti, Dr., Hpt., Stk., Kau., Kent. The
phrase p 1 ? * aio occurs also in La. 3 25 ; cf. Ps. 253 370 69? 86 5 Is. 40"
49 23 . Oort Em - substitutes vipS for n;;:S. Bick. (1894) inpna vyV; cf.
Hap. nynS o v&gt;-S ; but the idiom 12 v&gt;* does not occur elsewhere. Van H.
Nin nyn iV o^p.D 1 ?. Du. nyaV iJP_?S Hpt. would derive nya from r?y
with the Massoretes, rather than from ny (cf. Ges. 8fi k ) ; but the lat
ter root suits the usage of the noun better. This is the only example of a
D formation from an V&gt; root which retains a under the preformative
when inflectional additions are made and also doubles the last radical,
e - \ T &gt;!?- The doubled radical, of course, does not necessarily presup
pose an y"y root, since it may be only an equivalent for the naturally long
vowel (e. g. rj.Sa and trjS&gt;s). |H vacillates on this point; cf. \M&gt;D,
2 S. 22"; MIJ?D, Ps. 3i 5 43 2 ; inyc, Is. i7 9 Ps. 52^; oj-iyc, Ps. 37 39 ; Miyo,
Dn. ii 11 - 19 . The a is just as abnormal in the one case as the other, fjn
furnishing the only example of its retention in the case of an y"y noun.
Cf. Brockelmann, Vergl. Gramm. pp. 103, 375; Earth, NB. 158 b; No.
Syr. Gram. 126 G. mx DTO] Arn. om. as gloss. Du. -mi x 2. y-ri]
Rd. nin&gt; pj, with Bick., Gunk., We., Hap., Now., Marti, Hpt, Stk.,
van H., Kau., Kent. Gray, Or., Dr., Du., om. i, but do not add \
"Dn] (& roi)s ev\a^ovfj.^vovs. 8. "QJ7 f|B2Oi] (& Kal v KaTaK\v&lt;Tfj.$ Tropelas.
& apparently tr. y and the foil, n^yi; though this appearance is probably
due to an inner Syr. corruption. Bick. originally (1880) added nVs; but
later oinp.; so van H.. Hap. om. r y. Gunk, adds uvhw or o^v; so
We., Gray, Now., Marti, Hpt., Kau., Kent. Du. changes r y to D-yaj^,
noipc] Rd. vpfja; so Buhl (Z^4PT. V), Gunk., Oort, Or., Now., Hap.,
Marti, Dr., Hpt., Stk., van H., Kau., Kent. Du.. The sf. of M lacks
any antecedent here. Parallels for a second ace. after nS:) r\vy are
furnished by Je. 3O U Ne. Q 31 . But the similarity of vcpa to ncipD is very
close; for other interchanges of a and E, c/". "pN~a for TIID in 2 K. so 12 ;

I 7 - 1 301

rues and njax in Qr. and Kt. of 2 K. 5 2 (cf. &lt;& & 01); pen and pan
Is. 15" (&lt;/. H), Jos 15" Ne. n i5 ; and the local pronunciation of Baalbek,
which is scarcely distinguishable from Maalbek. Such confusion is also
clearly attested by &lt;&, e. g. Ho. io 6 a-v, (& lapel/*; 139 -a, &lt;& & = ^D; Am.
6 7 t^N-a, (g = tfNi::; Mi. 7 17 jopn, &lt;& = JDca. C/". also Dl. Assy.
Gram. 44; Ko. II, i, p. 459. For nSo nvy with 3, cf. Je. 30" = 46 28 &lt;&
TOI)S tTreyfipofjL^vovs; similarly 6. Aq. d?rd dvurTa.iJ.tvwv. E . a consurgen-
tibus illi. & to to /&gt;/ace. -icpi tODD? SaS. ( Aq 0. E . and all
treat it as a designation of persons rather than place or things. Gre.
VDI^PD. Houb. voipa. New. vnnipa. Dathe, vc^nS; so Bauer, Br..
Jus. VDP T (so Hap.) or vooipno (so Gr., We.; cf. Hpt.). Hal. nirja.
n ITV] Ace. of end of motion as in i S. 23". We. 1 n nr or rp\
Gunk. n iprp; so We. 3 , Gray, Now., Marti, Stk., van H., Kau., Du.;
cf. Jb. i8 18 . Hpt. n Sx *I-I,T. 9. paamn] Gunk, adds njn; similarly
Now. K . SN] &lt;S &lt;?TT/; so j U; hence Gunk. S;; so Hpt., Du.. But SN
has the force of Sy in Ho. 7 1B Je. 4Q 20 50". nt^y Nin nSr] Rd. nSr n&gt;: "3
nyy Nin, the first two words of which are from v. 10 where they are unin
telligible; so Marti, Or. (?), Now. K , Hpt., Stk. (all of whom also change o
tonS:; c/. 2 K. i3 17 - 19 Ezr. 9 14 2Ch.3i BS. io 13 ),andDu.. Theattempt
of Dav. to find the meaning even though for ny and so make iy o in
telligible where it is in 4H rests upon Nu. 8 4 i S. 2 5 Hg. 2 19 Jb. 25 5 , all of
which present a questionable text and in none is the meaning though
satisfactory even if it were permissible. The change to nSr is quite un
necessary, even though it makes excellent sense. Now. substitutes nc-jn
for f y Nin, treating sin as due to dittog. of n in a and corruption of \
Dipn] Rd. DV , with (& &c5i/o^ei; so Gunk., Gray, Hap., Now., Marti,
Dr. (?), Hpt, Stk., Kau., Kent. Van H. Dip;. S. oi&gt;x di&gt;9v7roffT^ffovTai
TV {iravdffTaffiv. mx D^D^D] Rd. invri D; so Gunk., Gray, Now., Hap.,
Marti, Dr. (?), van H., Stk., Kau., Kent. Hpt. v-vfD. After the final
c of D, the om. of the similarly sounding a was easy (v. on v. 8 ). 10. o
ny] V. on. v. 9 . Gunk. tr. to foil. nt l y in 9 b ; so Bick., but reading
1JN23 (accepted by Gunk, in Schopfung u. Chaos, 102). Arn. om. as
gloss. aiNiao DNaoai Doao D^^D] Rd. D- NCXI o^nop on^o. M seems to
be due to corruption and conflation. It embodies two efforts to restore
a corrupt text. One interpreting on D as thorns restored D&gt;3aD; the
other, taking it as pots, restored Disaoi DNaoai, on the basis of Ho. 4 *.
The reference later in the context to stubble and burning makes the
interpretation thorns much the more probable. Starting with this
we can restore OTtoa, on the basis of (&, the remnants of fH, and Is.
33 12 ; so Gunk., Marti, Dr. (?), Stk. (though Marti, Stk., add oSr).
The further correction D^NDXI presupposes a confusion of D and a (v. on
v. 8 ) and of x and D (cf. pnir&gt; and pn* 11 ), and drops DNaoa as due either
to a gloss or to dittog. (for the om., cf. Gunk., Gr., Oort Em -, Hap.,

302 NAHUM

Marti, Hpt., Kent), fcox is applied to land in Is. 44 s and to foliage in
Dt. 2Q 18 , hence may be used appropriately of thorns. (& 6efj.\lov(-uv,
HP. 228) ai&gt;TOv(-C&gt;v, &lt;S Y ; -TJS, &lt; N b. H) X ep&lt;ra&gt;6ty&lt;reTcu(-o&gt;Tcu,
&lt;& A HP 22, 36, 51, 62, 86, 95, 97, 147, 153, 185) Kai ws a/j.l\a^ irepiir\e-
KOfMtvi] = ... 31 DT1D3 onD. S. bpjolus ffroifly &lt;rv/j.Treir\eyfj.{v r] oCrwj
xai r6 &lt;rvfj.w6&lt;nov aiJrwv ffvfj.iriv6vTOi)v dXXiJXots. U .sjcw^ spinae se invicem
complectuntur sic convivium eorum pariter potantium. & = D-nniD onir
D DN3D3i; similarly (5. Gr. DN3D31 DW3D Dnc\ Arn. om. on^D as
a gloss and reads DW3D pi 0&lt;l ^??- Oort Em - ^bs 0^330 on/D^. Hal.
O N-ijp DWD3i on;nj72. Hpt. nDn ^ o^NUD D. Van H. D^;D:J DOOD. Du.
iV TI O03p o&gt;n&gt;D, using the foil. iSus, and tr. 7 D DDT to the end of verse
where it is to be read N^D owa 1 ? ^20 in. Hpt. takes omo as == pots
here and treats o^aao as a gloss by one who misinterpreted it as thorns
and DN3D3 as another gloss = even if they drink, the original text being
owaD D^-VD = jars filled with wine. This is treated as a figurative
characterisation of the drunkards Antiochus Epiphanes and his nephew,
Demetrius I. But aside from the improbability of a Maccabaean date for
this material and the inappropriateness of burning as a method of de
stroying jars, the pi. of -VD pot is elsewhere nn&gt;p. iSas] C/". Ex. i5 7 .
&lt;& /3pw0iJ&lt;reTcu(-oiTcu, HP. 22, 36, 51, 95, 97, 153, 185). 2. ava\ud^a--
TCU. Gunk. -iSo\ Hap. s suggestion that the original text thus far was
iSpw ^ab -\y_ &gt;D, represented by &lt;K ws ff/j.l\a^ K.T.X., and that . . . onD
30 303 are variants or glosses, is beset by two serious difficulties; viz.
(i) the use of ij; as a particle denoting comparison is without any paral
lel in the OT., i Ch. 4" certainly not being such a case; (2) it seems
rather reckless to eliminate the D line, leaving a blank, when onD
presents itself at the right place in 4$. v^] Comp., ^pave^erai.
Hap. iea\ Marti, B&gt;N3; so Hpt., Stk.. N"?D] Rd. Sn and join with
v. ; so We., GASm., Arn., Marti, Dr., Now. K , Hpt.(?). ^ = -IN^.
Gr. SSo. Gunk. -iSaj (cf. Ps. 372). Hal. as an abbreviation of

3. WORDS OF COMFORT TO JUDAH (i 12 - 13 a 1 - 3 ).

An eight-line str. declaring that the yoke of Israel s oppressor
is broken and the period of her affliction is complete. Deliver
ance and restoration now await the people of God. This section
constitutes a later addition to the prophecy of Nahum.

Thus saith Yahweh:

WERILY, the days of my contention are completed; yea, indeed, they are over

and gone.
I have afflicted thee, but I will afflict thee no more.

I" 303

\nd now I will break his rod from upon thee, and thy bonds I will burst asunder.
Behold, upon the mountains the feet of a herald, of one proclaiming peace!
Celebrate thy feasts, O Judah, fulfil thy vows;

For not again will the destroyer pass through thee; he will be destroyed, cut off.
For Yahweh will restore the vine of Jacob, likewise the vine of Israel;
Though the despoilers have despoiled them, and their branches they have
destroyed.

12. Thus saith Yahweh] This phrase is extraneous to the str.
but is not on that account necessarily a later, editorial addition.*
It furnishes the necessary antecedent of the pronouns in the first
person which follow. Verily, the days of my contention are com
pleted ; yea, indeed, they are over and gone] For text, v. i.. HI is
very difficult, if not impossible. RV. renders, "though they be in
full strength, and likewise many, even so shall they be cut down,
and he shall pass away." The manifest defects of this are, (i)
Q^tP = whole, perfect, sound, etc., and in full strength is
somewhat forced; (2) pi can hardly be rendered "and likewise,"
which would be better expressed by D31; (3) the pronouns they
and he are loosely related to the context, the former in particular
finding no satisfactory antecedent. Most of the older interpreters
found here an allusion to the invasion of Sennacherib, e. g. "if
they (i. e. the Assyrians) were once intact and so many and yet
were so mown down and he (i. e. Sennacherib) passed away."f
But the allusions are too indefinite and the transition to Sennacherib
too abrupt to render this plausible. Renderings involving textual
changes are numerous, e. g. "may the great waters be ever so full,
they will yet come to naught and pass away," J but D^ is nowhere
else used of the overflowing of waters; "how high the tide was so
ever, it has ebbed and subsided," but the OT. knows nothing of
tides and as a matter of fact the tide on the coast of Palestine is
insignificant; "they will be divided like the great waters,"** but this
involves the arbitrary omission of several words and the violent
transposition of others. The translation given here rests upon a
text largely conjectural, but its departure from M is comparatively
slight. For the figure of Yahweh s controversy with Israel, cf.
Ho. 4 1 i2 2 Mi. 6 2 Je. 25 31 . The thought is that the period during

* Contra Gunk., Hap., Now., Hpt..

t Ew.; similarly Mau., Ke., Hi., Hd., Or., GASm..

* We.. Hpt.. ** Hap..

304 NAHUM

which Yahweh has constantly been under the necessity of punish
ing Judah for its sins has now come to an end; a new dispensation
may now be expected from him. An alternative rendering, resting
upon a slightly different text, may be suggested, viz. "many days
have been completed, they are come to an end and have passed
away"; i. e. the long-drawn-out time of affliction, which seemed as
though it would never end, is now finished. 1 have afflicted thee,
but I will afflict thee no more] This is a plain prose statement of the
meaning of the preceding, somewhat figurative words. The ad
dress is to Judah,* if this translation be adopted. But as the text
stands in 4E, the more natural rendering is, "and I will afflict thee
so that I need not afflict thee again"; in which case the address is
to Nineveh or Assyriaf and the meaning is that Yahweh is about to
destroy Nineveh utterly, once for all. 13. And now I will break
his rod from upon thee, and thy bonds I will burst asunder] m has
yoke for rod, but the form is difficult. The figure is that of a
taskmaster standing over the slave with uplifted stick, forcing him
to work; cf. Is. 9* io 5 - 24 Ps. 2 9 Rev. 2 27 i2 5 ig 15 . The oppressor re
ferred to is the power that happened to be in dominion over Judah
at the time this was written; perhaps it was Persia. If the reading
yoke be correct, the bonds will be the thongs holding the two
sides of the yoke together; cf. Ps. 2 3 Je. 3o 8 Ez. 3o 18 34" Is. 28 22 .
2 1 . Behold, upon the mountains the feet of a herald, one proclaiming
peace] Cf. Is. 40 52 7 . In striking fashion, the prophet pictures
deliverance and safety as at the very doors. The reference to the
mountains probably finds its significance in the custom of signal
ling tidings from one hill-top to another; cf. Is. 5 26 13 2 ff - 49 22 . The
word rendered peace is a comprehensive term, including that
which goes with peace, viz. prosperity and freedom from anxiety.
Celebrate thy feasts, O Judah, fulfil thy vows] These are the
words of the messenger. The joyous festal occasions thus far in
termittently observed because of the inroads of the invader, may
now be regularly resumed. The many vows that have been made
in the effort to win the favour of God for the afflicted people are
now due. It is characteristic that the religious duties of the nation

* So e. g. Ki., Mau., Ke., Hd., Or., Gunk., Marti, Kent, el al..
t So e. g. Hi., We., GASm., Dr..

a 1 - 305

are the first thought in the writer s mind. The deliverance will be
wrought by God; the first obligation of the rescued people is to him.
For not again will the destroyer pass through thee] Cf. Jo. 2 19 - 20 f -
3 17 Zc. 9 8 . The abstract "ruin" is used in the text for the con
crete "destroyer." The oppressive tyrant is thus represented as
ruin incarnate. On the rendering "Belial," v. i.. He will be de
stroyed, cut off] fH has " he will be wholly cut off." In either case,
a complete destruction is intended. The oppressor is now him
self to meet the fate that he has dealt out so freely to others. 3.
For Yahweh will restore the vine of Jacob, likewise the vine of Israel]
M. has "pride" in both instances for "vine"; but the following line
demands the mention of a vine here as the antecedent of its thought.
The words vine and pride in Hebrew vary only in one conso
nant; hence confusion in copying was easy. For the same figure,
cf. Gn. 49 22 Ho. lo 1 Is. 5 2 7 Je. 2 21 48 32 Ps. 8o 8 - 14 . Some would treat
the references to Israel as a variant of the preceding Jacob; but the
hope of the restoration of both branches of the people was vivid in
postexilic Israel (e. g. Is. n 12ff - Zc. io off - Ob. 18ff -) and may well
have found expression here. For Jacob = Judah, cf. Is. 43*
44 1 46 3 Ob. 18 . The verb is better taken as a prophetic perfect re
lating to the future than as a historical perfect stating what has al
ready taken place.* If the reading "pride" be retained, it will be
used in its good sense, viz. honour, self-respect, glory. Though
devastators have devastated them and laid waste their branches] The
pronouns refer to Jacob and Israel. The force of the opening con
junction is dubious; it may be concessive, as here taken, and indi
cate that the present desolate condition of Israel is no obstacle in
the way of the exercise of Yahweh s favour; or it may be causal or
explanatory, giving the reason for the necessity of the promised
restoration. The calamities of the past are likened to the ruth
less devastation of a luxuriant vine, as in Is. i6 7 - 8 . Efforts to in
terpret the figure on all-fours have not been wanting, e. g. the
branches designate the fair community;! or the vineyard is the land
of Canaan, the vines are the families of Israel and the branches are
the individual members of the various families.!

* Contra GASm. who renders, "has turned the pride of Jacob like to the pride of Israel."
t Ew.. t Hi..

NAHUM

The relation of these verses to their context has been thus stated by
We.: "In the verses with even numbers, Assy, or Nineveh is addressed;
in those with odd numbers, Judah or Zion. This change in the address
verse by verse is intolerable. The connection which is represented by
ji2. H 2 z. 4 a. i s interrupted by i 13 2 1 - 3 ; these verses have been inserted."
This conclusion, first clearly drawn by We., though the interchange of
the .parties addressed had long been recognised, has been accepted by
nearly all succeeding interpreters; so e. g. Dav., Now., GASm., Rub.,
Arn., Marti, Lohr (ThLZ. 1901, p. 37), Hpt., van H., Ka., Kent. Some
would include v. I2 in the interpolation, as is done above; a decision upon
this point is dependent upon the text adopted for the verse (v. i.}. The
incompatibility of this material with its context has been recognised also
by Gunk, and Gray; while Stk. eliminates i 13 2 3 , Dr. concedes 2 3 as at
least misplaced, and Hal. seeks to secure harmony by placing i 14 before
i 13 and 2 3 before 2 2 . On the other hand, Du. finds the real beginning of
the prophecy of Nahum in i 12 - 13 - 14 ( P art y&gt; 2 - 3 .

The unity of this group of verses is open to question. They all, in
deed, reflect the same general tone and point of view. They are full of
expectation and hope for Judah; they seem to presuppose the exile; and
they concern themselves with the upbuilding of Zion, while Nahum s
interest is in the fall of Nineveh. But though occupying this common
ground, their inner connection is not as close as would be expected in a
unified poem. The connection between i 13 and 2 1 , as also between 2 1
and 2 3 , is loose. The possibility that this is a group of more or less inde
pendent glosses added by one or more editors must be allowed.

Gunk., Hap., et al. argue for the inclusion of this material in the fore
going acrostic. But the tone of the verses as they stand is in sharp con
trast to that of the acrostic. Not only so, but all attempts to incorpo
rate them in the acrostic have involved such radical emendations and
transpositions of text that doubt and discredit are thrown upon them and
that Dav. s dictum regarding the acrostic as a whole, viz. "the attempt
to restore it can never be more than an academic exercise/ has certainly
been justified for i u -2 3 .

The time when i 12 - I3 2 1 - 3 originated can be only vaguely conjectured.
They look back upon a long period of suffering and forward to the dawn
of a new era. They anticipate the immediate cessation of Judah s
afflictions with the concomitant entrance of the Messianic era of peace
and power. It is questionable whether any portion of the postexilic
age was wholly devoid of such hopes. Suffering was the common lot of
Israel all through this period. As the vassal of one or another of the
great world-powers, her pride was continually humbled and she was as
continually looking and longing for deliverance. At times, the Messianic
hope burned brightly, e. g. in the days of Zerubbabel. These verses
probably reflect some such period as that when the world-power of the

I 12 3 2 1 3 307

day seemed to be tottering to its fall and the hopes of faithful Israel were
kindled to fresh vigour. The fall of Nineveh, to which Nahum con
fidently looked forward, can hardly have occasioned such vivid and cer
tain confidence of immediate relief for Israel as these verses reflect; for
at that time Assy, power in Syria had long come to an end and Judah
was under the heel of Egypt.

I 12 . -&gt; IDS ro] Van H. &gt; DNJ, in order to obtain a J line. D^nS^-aN
Don pi] Rd. -on w -iDVtf ^N, with Gunk. (= icStt^.) as modified by
Marti; so Now. K , Kent. For a similar idiom, cf. Is. 6o 20 . With a slight
variation, we might remain a little closer to fH, viz. DOT D^CJ ID^ *JN. In
either case pi is to be om. as due to dittog. from the foil, pi; so (& & and
Gr., Gunk., Rub. (PSBA. XX, 173/0, Hap., Marti, Hpt.. iH s CN is
due to confusion of D and 3 (v. on v. 8 ). To om. ON (so Marti, Now. K ,
Kent), makes it difficult to explain its presence in the text. (& testifies
to its presence in some form. ioSs&gt; and the two foil. vbs. are in the pres
ent pf.; cf. Ges. * 106 . (g Kar&pxuv vSdruv TroXXwv, which Schleus. would
emend to /car a.px&v K.r.X.; cf. & concerning the heads (or tops) of the
waters. Gr. ui DJ. We. 001 o?? v OK. Rub. DOT. D?p WTN, which he
renders "I shall cause many waters to flow." Hap. D^D Wr. Van H.
ono Sfc D, as an attribute of \ Hpt. D^D DID DN. Du., om. everything
between v and j&gt; i, reads rpig & cbv ON. ( j) pi] Rd. p.N, the as-
severative particle. For N in the middle of a sentence, cf. Is. 4O 7 Je. 3";
and for the succession pN . . . IN, c/". Is. 45 U - 16 . For a somewhat an
alogous confusion of pN and JD, c/. i K. n 2 &lt;K. Rub. ]bi = quick
ly, a word made to order on the basis of Ar. wakana, run quickly.
Gunk, treats p as a noun and the subj. of the foil. vb.. nun] Rd. -in,
H being due to dittog. of final } in pi; so Gr., Marti, Now. K , Kent.
Many mss. of Kenn. and de R. ITJJ. &lt;g 8ta&lt;rTa\^&lt;roinrai. 0. e&gt;r^9,
which carry off (taking it transitively as in Nu. n 31 )- New. Sn.
Hap. nuj. Gunk. (Schopfung, 102) TUJ. We. ir-u^, or n?i) (so C5.,
Now.). Ifl s j is ATT., a Niph. of TTJ. For -VJ = pass away, c/".
Ps. 90 ; it is better as pf. (prophetic pf., if necessary) than as impf.
(We.). -ayi] Not improbably a gloss upon the rare word in. (6 om.;
so Hap.. & pi.; so Buhl, Gr., We., Rub., Dav., Oort Em , Now.,
Or., GASm., Marti, Hal., Hpt., van H., Kau., Kent., Du.. If retained,
it must be read as pi.. On waw conjunctive, v. Dr. * 1SI . S irup
lij? "JJJ?N] Tr. 1 to precede sS. (& Kal d.Ko-fi&lt;rov OVK ivaKovvd^fffrai $TI. H
om. i; so Buhl, Oort, Or., Now., GASm., Gray, Arn., Marti, Hpt., Stk..
Rub. -ny npyn S iruyi = and the sound of thy name will no longer
resound. Hap. "nj; DJJ?N N 1 ? onjy. Hal. inuj? = thine affliction I will
bring upon thee now. Arn. seeks the B&gt; line of the acrostic in this
verse and secures it by om. DN. But while "Intact and ever so many"
may be good English, it is poor Heb. ; and the idea of indefinite number

308 NAHUM

would not be expressed by n p\ Hap. secures the j line here, but only
by the arbitrary om. of vv. " I2a in order that jj may be brought to the
beginning of the line. 13. -ino c] Rd. -inssc, with (^tTjvpdftdov avrov; soH
virgam ejus and some mss. of Kenn. and de R. ; so also Now., Or., Arn.,
Hap., Hpt, Kau., HWB. 15 . ill s pointing is a mixed form, combining
i^D and -liTjsa. t^D, in the sense of yoke occurs nowhere else, the
regular form being n^D, which with the sf. gives intpiD in sg. and vnbio in
pi.. -inso suits the foil. "pSys.just as well as DIE does, is an appropriate
object of na^s (cf. Zc. n 10 f ) and is nearer M than either of the normal
forms of sb is. nnDis, which is frequently connected with nais to desig
nate the thongs which hold the two bars of the yoke together, is not al
ways so used (e. g. Jb. I2 18 Ps. u6 16 ); hence it constitutes no convincing
argument for the presence of on or HBID here. We. XOID. Or. mEnD.
Gunk. T. \-iiB3. Marti, vrna^D; so Kau. (?). Van H. TJBO. Stk. mob;
so Du.. TSjjs] &lt;g d-n-b &lt;roO. "^ de torso tuo. Reinke, n,pp. Hpt. om.;
so van H.. Stk. ^&gt;y; so Du.. -^moi::] (& om. sf.. Hap. env__
This verse, with om. of initial i, is taken as the y line of the acrostic
by Gunk., Hap., and van H.; while Hpt. confidently relegates it to the
margin. 2 1 . run] Gunk. tr. to precede J^CPD; so Hap.. Oort Em -
n:n, joining with i 14 . Van H. on, and tr. rrSy ojn to foil. DiSa&gt;.
nao::] Hpt. om. as "scribal expansion," while van H. om. yDPD.
v;Vy] Gunk, adds oSttn&gt; as subj.; so Hap.. ( Y om. *innj v. may 1 ?]
g&gt; = -oj?S, probably an inner-Syr, error (Seb.). Gunk. iayn. Hap.
i^)7\ SpVa] Has here almost the force of a proper name, as in 2 S.
23 Jb. 34 18 . & by dissimilation gets beli ar; so also in 2 Cor. 6 lfi . It is
used as a proper name to designate Satan in Testimony of the Twelve
Patriarchs, The Ascension of Isaiah, and Jubilees; and in Sybilline Ora
cles, it is applied to Nero. If compounded of ^a and hy^ } it is the only
case in Heb. of a compound common noun; such formations are frequent
in proper names. Other explanations are, (a) = nSp ^Va = (from
which) one comes not up, i. e. the underworld; (b) = the name of
Belili, the Babylonian goddess of vegetation and of the underworld, the
name having been given a popular etymology in Heb.. In favour of its
connection with some proper name is the later tradition which so re
garded it and the difficulty of classifying it as a common noun in any
formation. The analogy of nan xS and possibly nn^Sa will not permit
us to throw the theory of composite origin summarily out of court. In
any case, it is probably a loan-word in Heb., the origin of which is no
longer discoverable. &lt; s rendering here, els ira\ai(i}&lt;riv t is unique; its
ordinary renderings are &v6(j.T)/jM, dvo/jiia, diroaraffla, \oifn6s, irapdvo/ws,
d/iapra&gt;X6s; it treats it as a proper name in Pr. 16" Ju. 2o 13 , as does 9
in Ju. 19". Cf. Che. EB. 5257. ; KA T. 3 , 464; G. F. Moore on Ju. 19" in
ICC. , H. P. Smith on i S. i 16 , in ICC.; Charles, A scension of Isaiah, pp.

a 1 - 39

lv-lvii, 6-7. n^j] Rd. nSa, with 05 ffwrerf^eo-rai , so We., Gunk., Hap.,
Now., Marti. Hpt. nSr. So with sf . usually foil, its vb. rather than pre
cede it as here; hence the preference for 05. n~oj] &lt;g tijpTai. Gunk,
obtains the n, tt&gt; and n lines of the acrostic from this verse the i line by
transposing run, the aline by tr. the two halves of the second line and in
serting Jerusalem as a subject, and the n line by ruthlessly inserting
on before VDI&gt; t&lt;S. Hap. approves this, with the substitution of nnn for
on. Bick., with greater arbitrariness, om. all of 2 except aj a Sa n *jn,
before which he puts vn to form the n line. Van H. tr. j a V?a to the
end of i 14 , begins the n line with ^Sjn, tr. n:n to precede nn *?&gt; , and om.
J^CB&gt;D. By proceedings like these, any poem might be transformed into
an acrostic. 3. ^ a:: ] (5 &ir&lt;rrpGpv K^/HOS. & 7 aw about to turn. New.,
Gr. D-C". The Qal is used here with the force of a Hiph. as in the idiom
mas&gt; aiy, aside from which the usage is found only in Ps. 85* Jb. 39 *
Nu. io 36 , where the text is extremely uncertain. Hpt. secures the usual
intrans. force here by om. PN mm as a gloss (so Du.), leaving &gt; JINJ as the
subj.. The trans, rendering is supported by &lt;& 8&gt; (E. pNj] Rd. JQJ, with
Gunk., Now., Marti, van H., Kau., Kent (8 C/Spts. JINJD] Rd. fJ3; so
Marti, Kau., Kent. Hpt., Du. fgji. Van H. PNJI. Gunk. om. * ja
as a variant of the preceding phrase; so Now., Dr.. D^ppaoippa] (&
tKTivdffffovres ^erlva^av. & they will trample upon the tramplers. Gunk,
om. mppa as a variant. Du. a n-ipjja. onncn] Gunk, nnor; so
Du.. If there were any reason to suppose that the acrostic was to be
found in these verses, the proposal of Bick. to secure the e&gt; line here
by om. ^D from before as&gt; would be attractive; for o is not essential to the
thought and it opens one of three successive lines beginning with o;
hence, it might easily be accounted for as due to dittog.. But there is no
warrant for the insertion by Bick. and van H. of nnn before pa ^ to
form the n line. Gunk. om. ^ from before aa% but regards the resulting
v line as a later addition to the acrostic, since he has already found a v
in 2 1 .

4. THE FALL OF NINEVEH (i 11 - 14 2 2 - "-").

A series of five strs. portraying the destruction of Assyria s capi
tal. Str. I announces Yahweh s punitive purpose and ironically
urges Nineveh to her own defence (i 11 - 14 2 2 ). Str. II presents a
vivid picture of the attack upon Nineveh (2 4 ~ 6 ). Str. Ill describes
the distress within the city (2 7 10 ). Str. IV sets forth the helpless
ness of Assyria (2 11 13 ). Str. V in Yahweh s own words declares
that the destruction will be thorough and complete (2 14 ). This is
the first of the genuine oracles of Nahum.

3 10 NAHUM

J)ID not one come forth from thee devising evil against Yahweh, counselling

wickedness ?
Yahweh has commanded concerning thee, "There shall be sown of thy name

no longer.

From the house of thy gods, I will cut off the graven and the molten image.
I will make thy grave a dishonour."

A shatterer has come up against thee: keep the rampart;
Watch the road; brace your loins; strengthen your might to the utmost.

shield of his warriors is reddened; the mighty men are clothed in scarlet.
They will prepare the chariots on that day; the chargers will tremble.
In the fields, the chariots rage to and fro; they run about in the open places.
Their appearance resembles torches; they dart about like lightning.
He summons his nobles; they take command of their divisions (?);
They hasten to the wall and the battering-ram ( ?) is set up.
Y HE gates of the rivers are opened and the palace melts away.
And . . ., and her maidens are moaning,
Like the voice of doves, beating upon their breasts.
And Nineveh like a pool of water are her defenders, and as they flee,
"Stand fast, stand fast" (one cries), but no one turns back.
"Plunder silver, plunder gold; for there is no end to the supplies."
Y HERE is emptiness and void and waste, and a melting heart and staggering of

knees.

And anguish is in all loins and the faces of all of them become livid.
Where is the den of the lions and the cave of the young lions,
Whither the lion went to enter, the lion s cub, with none to disturb;
Where the lion tore prey sufficient for his cubs and rended for his lionesses,
And filled his dens with prey and his lair with booty?
gEHOLD, I am against thee; it is the oracle of Yahweh of hosts;

And I will burn up chariots with smoke, and the sword will devour thy young

lions.
And I will cut off thy booty from the land, and the voice of thy messengers will

be heard no more.

Str. I is addressed to Nineveh directly, announcing to her that
the fate she once purposed for Jerusalem is now to overtake her
herself. I 11 . Did not one come forth from thee who devised evil
against Yahweh, who counselled wickedness ?] With a slight change
of form, the last word of v. 10 is placed at the opening of v. n . This
causes no essential change in the sense here, but relieves a serious
difficulty in v. 10 . The reference is probably to Sennacherib s
having gone forth from Nineveh to attack Jerusalem. When he
fought against Israel, he was in reality fighting against Yahweh,
thought Nahum. Yet Micah certainly, and Isaiah probably,
thought of the Assyrians as Yahweh s agents or tools in the work
of punishing sinful Israel. Some interpreters have seen here an

I 14 311

allusion rather to Sennacherib s departure from Jerusalem;* while
others apply the statement to the whole series of Assyrian oppres
sors, f But the allusion to Sennacherib is more telling, since it in
evitably recalls the ill-starred fate of his expedition. The word
evil here denotes primarily not moral evil, but positive injury,
damage. 14. Yahweh has commanded regarding thee : there shall
be sown of thy name no more] i. e. Yahweh has decreed the total ex
tinction of Assyria. The prophet evidently conceives of Yahweh
as God of gods and King of kings; the destiny of nations is in his
hands. On the basis of the masculine suffix of HI, the older in
terpreters sought to identify the person here addressed with an As
syrian king, viz. Sennacherib J or Ashurbanipal, whose dynasty is
to come to an end. But the passionate exultation of Nahum re
quires more for its justification than the mere cessation of a dy
nasty; nothing less than the fall of the nation suits the case. The
figure of sowing here has-its natural sense, referring to the perpet
uation and increase of the Assyrian people, as in Is. 4o 24 Je. 31"
Ho. 2. For similar threats, cf. Is. i 4 20 Dt. f 4 2 9 20 1 S. 24". The
commonly accepted change from sow to remember (v. i.) is
gratuitous; the figure as in HI is much more suggestive and in keep
ing with the poetic feeling of Nahum, while the grammatical usage
involved in the phrase is not uncommon (v. i.). The proposal to
make this verse a promise addressed to Judah, interpreting sow
as meaning scatter as in Zc. io 9 , fails to take account of the fact
that the latter half of this verse is evidently a threat and cannot be
harmonised with a promise in the first half. From the house of
thy gods, I will cut off graven image and molten image] House =
temple or sanctuary, as in phrases like house of Yahweh,
house of Rimmon (i K. y 12 Ju. 9 4 i S. 5 5 3i 10 2 K. 5 i8 ), and is
used collectively here, including all the shrines of Assyria or, at
least, of Nineveh. The destruction or deportation of images and
the desecration of temples was the customary procedure of the
Assyrians and Babylonians toward the gods of conquered peoples
(2 K. i8 33ff - 25; cf. Taylor Cylinder of Sennacherib, col. V, 59;
and the letter from the Jews of Elephantine to Bagoas, line 14,

* So e. g. Struensee. t So New., Rosenm., Hi., Kl..

% So Pu. t Hd.. So Ra., Mich..

312 NAHTJM

which testifies to similar conduct on the part of the Persians).
This was the most convincing evidence of the powerlessness of
the gods thus insulted. Assyria is now to suffer in her own per
son the humiliation she has so often inflicted upon others. For an
enumeration and description of the gods of Assyria, v. Morris
Jastrow s Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 188-234.* 7
mil make thy grave a dishonour] For "dishonour," M reads "thou
art worthless"; but a charge of lightness, triviality or worthlessness
seems hardly to do justice to the once mighty Assyria. Nor is
the expression "make thy grave" used elsewhere as the equiva
lent of "put to death" or "bury thee" (cf. Je. f 2 Ez. 32^ 39 11 - 16 ).
As emended, the text marks the climax of misfortune for Assyria,
in that instead of being held in honour after she has ceased to
live, the memory of her is to become an occasion for insult and
reproach (cf. Is. i4 19 - 20 )f . 2 2 . A shatterer comes up against thee;
guard the rampart] For text, v. i.. HI has "a scatterer"; a slight
change in the vowels yields this better word; cf. Je. 5i 20 . Nineveh
is evidently addressed herej and called to defend herself against
one who approaches to break down her mighty towers and walls.
The prophet has some foe clearly in mind ; the identification of him
has varied with different interpreters. It is unnecessary to sup
pose that he had any individual leader specifically in mind; his
language can easily be referred to the destroying army as a whole;
nothing certain can be alleged beyond this as to his meaning. The
probability, however, is that he spoke upon the verge of the final
campaign of the Medes against Nineveh, if indeed it had not
already been instituted; v. Introduction, pp. 277 f.. In that case,
he may have intended to characterise Cyaxares as "the hammer,"

* Or better, in the revised and enlarged German edition, Vol. I, 201-243.

t For an illustration of the sort of thing Nahum has in mind, c}. Annals of Ashurbanipal,
VI, 70 /.: "The mausoleums of their kings, the earlier and later ones, who had not feared
Ashur and Ishtar, my lords, but had been hostile to the kings my fathers, I destroyed and laid
waste and exposed them to the sun. I took their bones to Assy.; I gave their shades no repose
and deprived them of their food- and drink-offerings."

J Many earlier interpreters make Judah the addressee; so AE., Ki., Ra., Abar., Sanctius,
Dathe, Mich., Hd..

Nebuchadrezzar is the choice of Jer., AE., Cal., New., Bauer, Kl., Or.; Cyril prefers Cyrus.
Hd. decides upon Sennacherib; while Arbaces is selected by Mich., Cyaxares by Ore. and Mau.,
Phraortes by Ew., and others are satisfied with the Medo-Chaldean army; e. g. Eich., Jus.,
Theiner, Struensee, Hi., and Br..

2" .313

or "shatterer"; cf. the title Judas " Maccabaeus. " Watch the
road; brace the loins; strengthen might to the utmost] Ironically, the
prophet urges Nineveh to take every precaution and make the most
thorough preparation for an effective resistance in the approaching
siege. The call is not so much for outer preparations as for a key
ing up of the spirits of the besieged to the highest pitch; they must
exhibit both " bodily prowess and mental intrepidity";* cf. Am.
2 14 Na. 2 11 , where a state of mind exactly the opposite of this is
depicted.

Str. II describes the foes impetuous attack upon the city. 2 4 .
The shield of his warriors is reddened] The pronoun refers to the
invading foe previously personified as "the shatterer," rather than
to Yahwehf or the Assyrian king.J The language of the verse as a
whole is much better suited to the actions of the besiegers than to
those of the besieged. The redness of the shields has been vari
ously accounted for; e. g. as due to the fact that the shields were
made of gold, a fact which is only hypothesis, however, and ex
tremely unlikely at that; or to the blood that dripped from them,**
which would probably be described with more precision (cf. Is. g 5
63 3 Rev. 9 17 ) ; or to the anointing or dying of the leather facings of
the shields (Is. 2i 5 2 S. i 21 ) ;ff or, perhaps better, to the reflection of
the sunshine from the reddish copper surface of the shields (i Mac.
6 39 ; Jos. Ant.xui, 12, 5).J| The men of might are clothed in scarlet]
This seems to have been the characteristic colour of the Babylonians
(Ez. 23 i4 ) and Medes; that of the Assyrians was blue (Ez. 2$*
2^23 f.^ p ur pi e an( } reddish garments were very costly; hence an
objection to this interpretation of the word arises in that such gar
ments would scarcely be worn by an entire army. Three ways of
obviating this difficulty may be considered. The possibility of va
rious cheaper grades of goods must be reckoned with ;*** the view
that blood-stained garments are meanttff * s not consistent with the
interpretation of the passage as describing the appearance of the foe

* Dr.. f Hi.. J Contra Cyril, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Hap., el al..

KL ** Grotius, Abar., Jrm., Hal., Hpt.. tt Hd., Dav.. tt Hi., Or..

Pollux, Bk. I, 13, says: Sapa-yrjs, Mjjfiwi ^\. ^op-q^a, n6p&lt;f&gt;vpo&lt;;, /jie&lt;r6Avco9 \iru)v. Cf.
the statement (cited by Dr.) from Xenophon s Cyropcedia, VI, iv, i, that the Persian army of
the younger Cyrus "flashed with bronze and gleamed with crimson military cloaks," which
they had obtained from the Medes.

*** Van H.. ttt Grotius, Abar., Jrm., Hal., Hpt..

314 NAHUM

before the battle; while there is no warrant for supposing the term
"men of might" to designate only the leaders of the army as being
arrayed in costly raiment* the terms " warriors" and " mighty
men" seem both alike to be general in scope and equivalent to " sol
diers" or " fighters." The correctness of the rendering "clothed
with scarlet" seems established by the parallelism with "red
dened," notwithstanding the difficulty it offers, the fact that it is the
only occurrence of this verb and the variant reading of &lt;& 0, which,
however, hardly furnishes satisfactory sense here. Like the flame
of torches] These words are apparently a gloss upon the rare and
difficult word which precedes, viz. "clothed in scarlet. "f This is
indicated both by the difficulty of connecting them naturally with
the following words and by the fact that when they are removed,
the line becomes of normal length. Of the various attempts to
explain them in conjunction with the following words, none can
meet with general approval. They are equally burdensome when
joined with the preceding words. 4K is practically untranslata
ble.:]: RV. "flash with steel" or "are with fire of steel" connects
m^S with an Arabic and Syriac word = steel/ from a similar root.
But it is doubtful if this is not a loan-word in Arabic from the Per
sian ; and if of Persian origin, its currency in the Hebrew of Na-
hum s time is unlikely. If the reading "steel " be correct, the easiest
rendering is "like fire is the steel (of the chariot)." This is not,
however, to be understood as implying scythed chariots,** for such
are not represented anywhere on Assyrian monuments, nor cer
tainly known till the time of Cyrus, the Younger. Armoured char
iots would fit the description. The war-chariots of the Assyrian
king and his nobles were covered with plates of highly polished
metal,ft the flash of which in the sunlight might well be likened
to fire. The chariots of the attacking Medes are, of course, referred

* Ke.. el al.. t So Hap..

J It is given up as hopeless by We., Dav., GASm., Marti, Dr., Kau..

So Stei.; Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 75; cj. No. ZDMG. XXX, 769; Now..

** Contra Hi.. Jrm. (p. 167) calls attention to the fact that Xenophon in several passages
of the Cyropcedia names Cyrus as the inventor of ap/xora (on-Aia/xti/a, but that the first ref
erence to the actual use of scythe-bearing chariots is in connection with the battle of Cunaxa
(401 B.C.) in Anabasis, I, 7, and I, 8.

tt V. Kleinman s Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum, Plates ci-cii, where a relief of
Sennacherib shows a war-chariot with an embossed metal covering. Cj. Jrm., pp. 167 /..

a" 3i5

to; but it is probable that they closely resembled those of the Assyr
ians. They will make ready the chariots on that day] 4ft calls for the
rendering, "the chariot on the day of its preparation," which must
in some way be connected with the preceding phrase. But what
ever may be said of the relationship of the two preceding words to
this phrase as it is in 4ft, certainly "on the day of its preparation"
is a rather lame conclusion for a sentence that starts out with so
much vigour. Moreover, the infinitive construct of the Hiph il stem
of J13 is nowhere else given the intransitive or passive force involved
in the rendering "preparation," whether the suffix its refer to the
word chariot or go further back to the * shatterer of v. 2 . Not only
so, but if this infinitive construct be pointed as a pf., 3d pers. pi., it
occupies the same place in its sentence and is in every other respect
parallel to the verb of the co-ordinate clause. The difficulty in
volved in rendering Di"3 by "in that day" exists also in Ju. i3 10 ;
in both cases, either the article must be given the strong demon
strative force which it sometimes has or, with less likelihood, Sin
must be supposed to have dropped out of the text at a very early
date.* And the chargers will tremble] i. e. the high-spirited war-
horses will quiver with excitement, eager for th^ fray. This
rendering is based upon (. ffl has "cypresses" in place of
"chargers"; this is usually taken in a figurative sense as indicative
of lances or spears, so called because of their wooden shafts, pars
pro toto. f Against this are the lack of any parallel instance of such
usage in Hebrew and the unlikelihood of a reference to spears in
the midst of a sentence otherwise wholly concerned with chariots
and their equipment. The Greeks and Romans employed this
figure, J but it is unknown to Semitic literature. 6. The chariots
will rage to and fro in the fields, they will rush hither and thither in
the spacious places] Cf. Je. 46. The words here rendered " fields "
and "spacious places" are frequently applied to the streets and
squares within the walls of cities; but this is not always the case
(cf. Jb. 5 10 i8 17 Pr. 9 26(?) 24"). Regions outside of the city seem
required here by the context; the language of this verse itself more
naturally characterises the conduct of those who are on the outside

* C/. G. F. Moore on Ju. 13 in ICC.. t So Cal., Hi., Ste., Hd., et al..

J E. g. Iliad, XIX, 387-300; Mncid, XI, 667; Hesiod, Scut. Here. 188.

316 NAHUM

of the walls,* than that of those within. f The comparison with
torches and lightning made in the following line is suggestive of
anything rather than the terror of the defeated ; it must be intended
to characterise the movements of the conquering army. Hence,
it can hardly be said that while a contest before the walls of the city
is here represented, yet the details of the description apply to the
movements of the vanquished,:): rather than to those of the victors.
Some interpreters would place the struggle in one of the suburbs
of Nineveh, outside of the fortifications of the main city; but the
" streets" and "squares" of a suburb are little better adapted to
cavalry manoeuvres than are those of the city itself.** Their ap
pearance is like that of torches; they dart about like lightning} The
pronouns refer to the chariots of the previous verse, not to the fields
and open places,ff notwithstanding the fact that the grammatical
gender of the suffix in HI brings it into agreement with "open
places"; v. i.. The armoured chariots dashing hither and thither
in the blazing sunlight are suggestive of lightning flashes both by
their speed and their brilliance. 6. He summons his nobles; they
take command of their companies (?)] The course of thought seems
to require that this verse be interpreted as applying to the invader
and the forces he urges forward to the attack upon Nineveh. JJ
Many scholars, however, have preferred to interpret it as descrip
tive of the king of Assyria and his army; while others refer the
first part of the verse to the Assyrians and the second to the in
vaders.*** The cause of this uncertainty is twofold; (a) the lack of
any subject for ^DP in the immediate context; (b) the meaning of
1^&gt;EO\ The objection to the Assyrian king as the subject is the
fact that there has been no previous allusion to him here, and he
could scarcely be brought upon the scene without being definitely
pointed out in some way. On the other hand, the suffix of
YH HK, his nobles, naturally goes back to the same antecedent as
that of WOJ, his warriors (v. 4 ), viz. the "shatterer" of v. 2 .

* So e. g. Hi., Hd., Or., We., Jrm., Dav., Now., Marti, Dr..

t E. g. Ew., Urn., Kl.. J So Hap.. So Struensee, Dav., Jrm..

** Cj. Billerbeck s description of the approaches to Nineveh in BAS. Ill, 127-131.

tt Struensee. 1% So e. g. Os., Sanctius, We., Hpt, Kent

So e. g. Jer., Cal., Mau., Urn., Ke., Ew., Rosenm., Hd., Or., Dav., Jrm., Kau..

*** So e. g. Marti, Hal., Dr., van H..

2 6 3 J 7

The leader of the attacking army thus seems to be the subject of the
action. The phrase X D I^BO 11 , however, presents difficulty. Its
ordinary meaning, "they stumble in their going," is hardly appli
cable to the movements of a body of men eagerly advancing to the
overthrow of a city. It more naturally applies to the defenders,
overwhelmed by weariness and fear. If the text be correct, it is
probable that the stumbling must be accounted for by the haste and
eagerness of the advancing host. But a slight change of text en
ables us to render as above. The commanding officers after a
council of war take charge, each of his own division of the army,
and lead on the attack upon Nineveh. This rendering involves
giving to Dro^n a shade of meaning not elsewhere found, viz. "com
pany of soldiers "; but the closely allied meaning "caravan" oc
curs in Jb. 6 19 and the verb ^H is used of the marching of soldiers
in Ju. i 10 9 1 1 K. 22 6 - 15 They hasten to the wall and the protector( ?)
is set up] The preliminary skirmishes are now over; the outposts
have been driven in ; the attack upon the walls of the city itself now
sets in. The siege-machines are brought up and set to work to
batter down the walls. The precise character of the Tpb cannot
be adequately determined, since the word occurs only here. The
renderings of &lt;g U point to some kind of a shelter employed by the
besiegers in their assaults upon the walls. The corresponding
verb means "intertwine," "weave," "protect," thus suggesting
some sort of woven protection against the missiles of the defenders.
The rendering testudo is in keeping with this general idea, but so
far as we know such a military formation was as yet unknown.
Perhaps, the covered rams used to batter down walls and gates,
representations of which appear on the reliefs of Ashurnajirpal,
Sargon, Sennacherib, and other Assyrian kings,* are here meant.
Those who see in this verse an account of the movements of the
defenders are divided in opinion regarding the ?|?b, some consid
ering it as some sort of device to protect the defenders of the walls
from the weapons of the foe, others believing it to have been some
kind of destructive engine used by the besiegers which the defend
ers discover already placed in position, when they rush to the walls

* V. the reproductions in Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains (1849), II, 274, 283; Billerbeck
und Jrm. BAS, III, 179-184.

318 NAHUM

to prepare to repel the foe of whose approach they have just heard.
But it is scarcely probable that so abrupt a change as this latter
view involves would lack every distinguishing mark of its exist
ence as this does. &lt;& s reading, which places the verb "set up"
in an active plural form having the same subject as the preceding
"hasten," is attractive and is preferred by some.

Str. Ill describes the fall of the city, the rout of the defenders
and the looting by the captors. 7. The gates of the rivers are
opened and the palace melts away} There is no warrant for the inter
pretation of this language as figurative, e. g. the rivers represent
the streets of the town along which the streams of people flow,* or
the rivers are the streams of the onrushing enemy.f But even so,
the precise character and location of these literal gates are open to
question. Are they gates located on the banks of the streams,! or
the fortified bridges across the streams over which entrance is had
to the city ("gates" being figurative, like the "doors" of Lebanon
in Zc. n 1 )^ or "the points in the walls where the rivers or canals
enter the city,"** or the dams that helped to control the flood-
waters of the turbulent Khusur,ff or the sluice-gates of the moats
that protected the city, or the breaches opened in the city walls by
the swollen river-torrent which thus flooded the cityPJJ In this
connection, attention has been called to the part played by the
river in the fall of Nineveh according to Diodorus and the activity
of Zeus according to Xenophon.*** This last view as to the char
acter of the gates is improbable; for when Yahweh co-operates
with his people against the enemy in storm and flood, as this view
would involve, instead of leaving his part in- the victory to be in
ferred, as would be the case if this interpretation were correct, the
prophets always emphasise the fact of Yahweh s aid and give it a
large place. Then, too, the verb are opened is hardly the one to

* So Jer., Hi.. t Rosenm., Urn.. J Ra.. Ki., Ew., Ke., Stei., Now..

Hap.. ** Dav., Hpt.. tt C. H. W. Johns, EB. 3421.

Jt So Kl., Or..

II, 26, 27: ty o"avr&lt;j5 Adyiov jrapaSeSo/xeVof in irpoyovtav on ri}V fiivov oiiSei? eAei

Kara Kparos say /AJJ irportpov 6 irora/ios rjj iroAei yevrjrai iroA&gt;ios &lt;rvveftr) TO/ Ev-

4&gt;pa.rt)v peyav yevon-tvov jearaKAuaat T /xp T^S woAecos *tai KarajSaAeiv TO Tfi\o&lt;; eiri
o-Tafiiov? tltcoa-iv.

*** Anabasis, III, IV, 12: ravTTjv fi&lt; TTJK woAiv irokiopitiuv 6 Tlepviav /BacrtAeu? OVK eSvvaro
OUT* \povtf e\tlv ovrt io. Zeus fie /Bpovrjj /taTe wAijfe TOW? tvoiKovvras eai OWTWS eaAw.

be expected if the act in question was the undermining and break
ing down of the city walls by the violence of the waters. Still
further, the excavations on the ancient site of Nineveh thus far
have furnished no evidence that any portion of the walls was
washed away by floods, though proof of the destructive activity of
fire is abundant. It is impossible to decide with assurance upon
any one of the remaining alternatives because the nature of Nine
veh s location and defences* affords so many equally plausible ex
planations of the terms. Nineveh lay on the east of the Tigris,
for a distance of about two and a half miles, covering an area of
about i, 800 acres, or two-thirds of the area of Rome inside of the
Aurelian wall. The river strikes the city at its NW. corner and
then makes a great curve away from Nineveh, so that the wall of
the city forms the string of the bow made by the river. It is possi
ble, according to Commander Jones, that the original course of the
Tigris closely followed the line of the city wall. The Khusur,
a torrent pouring down from the mountains on the NE., cut
through the city at right angles to empty into the Tigris. f A sys
tem of moats protected the city on the north and east. Water for
these was furnished by the Khusur, the course of which was de
flected at will by means of a great dam at its entrance into the city.
Other dams, higher up on its course, aided in storing up its flood-
waters against a time of need. The Tigris too was confined to its
proper course by a series of dykes or dams. In addition to the
great inner wall of the city with its moat and its outworks protect
ing its gates, there were also two outer walls on the east side, each
about fifty feet in height, between which was a moat about fifty-five
yards wide. This complex of rivers, dams, dykes, moats, sluices,
bridges, walls and gates offers a large field for conjecture as to the
precise meaning of the phrase "gates of the rivers." The most
accessible quarter from which to attack the city was in the NE.,
across the Khusur at low water. Here special precautions were

*V. F.Jones, Topography 0} Nineveh, JRAS. 1855, pp. 297-397; Billerbeck, BAS. Ill,
118 /.; C. H. W. Johns, EB. 3420 f}..

t Friederich (Ninive s Ende u.s.w., p. 31) seeks to prove that the Khusur in the days of
Sennacherib flowed around the city and not through it, and that the final destruction of the city
was hastened by the fact that the flood-water? of the rivers carried away large sections of the
city walls and inundated the town.

320 NAHUM

taken for the city s defence, in the making of dams, moats and ca
nals to store the flood-waters of the stream upon which the city was
dependent not only for its defence, but also for its drinking-water,
that of the Tigris being said to have been undrinkable. And the
palace melts away] It is not necessary to suppose that this language
is used literally and describes the result of the action of the rushing
waters upon the foundations of the royal palace.* It is more in
keeping with the usage of the word melt elsewhere (cf. Ex. i5 15
Je. 49 s3 Ez. 2 1 20 [15 Heb - ] ) to take it as descriptive of the dismay and
terror that befall the inmates of the palace. Whatever or wherever
the "gates of the rivers" may have been, the opening of them be
tokens the fall of the city. 8a. And . . .-she is . . .] The mean
ing of this line is hopelessly obscured. The first word presents an
apparently insoluble problem. Among the various attempts to
derive sense from the text as it stands, only the following may be
mentioned. RV. reads, " And it is decreed ;f she is uncovered, she
is carried away." This leaves the real subject ambiguous, forces
on the first verb a meaning decreed which it nowhere else has,
and also creates a new meaning for the last verb. RVm.
offers the alternative, "Huzzab is uncovered, etc."; but Huzzab is
an entirely unknown person and, moreover, her name is not of a
formation elsewhere found in feminine proper names. Many
have made the first word some sort of a designation of the Assyrian
Queen, { who is either carried into captivity or made to ascend the
funeral pyre. Others regard the language as a figurative descrip
tion of the state of the Assyrian kingdom or of Nineveh herself,
Huzzab, perhaps, being a symbolic or cryptic name for the city,
like Rahab for Egypt and Sheshach for Babylon. Still others con
nect the first word with v. 7 , rendering either, "the palace is dis
solved, though firmly established,"** or "the palace is dissolved and
made to flow away. "ft Of the various emendations of the text
(v. i.), the following are especially noteworthy; "and the queen is
stripped naked, uncovered and made to ascend (the pyre)";Jt

* Kl., Or., Hpt.. t Similarly Hi., Mau., Urn., Ke., Pu., Strauss, Kl., Or..

I E. g. Ki., Ra., Kalinsky, Ew., We..

Cal., Theodoret. Cyril. Jer.. Mich. Bauer, Pu., Kl., Or., Schegg, Ke..

** Hd.. tt So Ges. (Thesaurus ), connecting with Ar.

it Che. JBL. 1806.

"brought out, a captive, deported is the king s fair consort";*
"the goddess (Zib) is uncovered and brought to the light, "f Zib
being the name of the planet Venus with which Ishtar, goddess of
Nineveh, was identified. The star of Ishtar, however, was Dilbat,
while Zib was the constellation of the Fish.J Closely allied to this
latter rendering in sense, though resting upon a quite different
text (v. i.), is the last reading forthcoming, viz. "Belit (i. e. the
consort of the god Ashur) is driven forth into captivity. " The
probability that the goddess of Nineveh is referred to here** is cer
tainly greater than that it is the queen. The latter plays no con
spicuous part in Assyrian history, while the goddess occupied a
very large place in the minds of the Assyrian monarchs.ft If such
were the meaning of the passage, Nahum was announcing once
more as Nineveh s own fate that which she had inflicted time and
again upon vanquished peoples, whose gods she had delighted in
carrying away; cf. also Is. 46* f \ And her maidens are moaning,
like the sound of doves, beating upon their breasts] If the goddess of
Nineveh is spoken of in the previous clause, the "maidens" are
probably the female devotees of Ishtar, the women who gave them
selves up wholly to her temple service and were given the name
Kadishtu (i. e. holy women ) or Ishtaritum (i. e. dedicated to
Ishtar ).Jt If the reference be to the queen, the maidens are, of
course, her personal attendants and ladies in waiting/ Those in
terpreting the reference as to Nineveh herself make the maidens
to be either the outlying towns and villages dependent upon Nin
eveh (cf. Ez. i6 46 ), or the inhabitants of the capital.*** But
there is no parallel for the representation of citizens as maidens of
a city; the common usage as to such figures of speech is the desig
nation sons or daughters (cf. Ju. 2i 21 Ct. 2 7 Is. 3 18 5i 18 Je. 49*
La. 4 2 ). The women beat their breasts as timbrels or cymbals (Ps.
68 20 ), thereby giving physical outlet to their overwhelming grief;
cf. Lk. i8 13 23 48 . The cooing plaint of the dove is used to suggest

* Hpt.. t Van H..

J Kugler, Sternkunde, I, 30. Gry, RB. VIL

** Abar. and Geb. endeavoured to secure this sense on the basis of fE.

ft Cf. Jastrow, Religion o] Babylonia and Assyria, 202-206.

It Cf. ibid., 660.

So Jcr., Pu , Kl.. Or., et al.. *** Ke

322 NAHUM

the grief of mourning also in Is. 33" 59" Ez. y in .* 9. And Nine
veh like a pool of water are her defenders] 4H is here untranslata
ble. RV. renders, "But Nineveh hath been from of old (cf. 01)
like a pool of water," offering as a marginal variant, " But Nine
veh hath been, from the days that she hath been, like a pool of
water."f But neither "from of old" nor "from the days that she
hath been" could have been expressed by such Hebrew as M
offers. Another rendering, which follows 0j&gt; H, is "Nineveh is
like a pool of water, her waters, etc.";J but this requires a change
of text and robs the comparison of all force. On the basis of these
and similar renderings, the point of the figure has been for the most
part found in the fact that Nineveh was overflowing with popula
tion even as a pool is filled with waters. Calvin, however, saw a
reference here to Nineveh s state of quietness, unbroken for gen
erations even as the calm surface of a pool; while others have de
clared it to be an announcement of the inundation of Nineveh
caused by the rising river and consequent bursting of the dams.**
Another method of treatment for the difficult words of |H is to
omit them as a corrupt repetition of the context ;ff but this leaves the
line too short and deprives the following "they" of any antecedent,
thus necessitating the hypothesis that a part of the original line has
been lost at this point. JJ The emendation here proposed obviates
these difficulties and furnishes a good sense for the line as a whole.
For the use of the word "peoples" as equivalent to "defenders,"
cf. 3 12f * 18 Is. 36" Nu. 2o 20 2 1 23 . The point of the comparison, with
this text, is found in the rapidity with which the defenders of Nin
eveh disappear just at the time of greatest need. Just as the arti
ficial ponds and moats, having so much to do with Nineveh s de
fences, dry up when the dams are broken through and leave the
city open to the invader, so the defenders on the inside fly at the ap
proach of danger. And as they flee, (one cries) "Standfast, stand
fasti" but none turns back] No efforts to rally the fugitives are suc
cessful; they are panic-stricken and heed not the commands of
their officers (Je. 46 5 48 39 ). 10. Make spoil of silver; make spoil of

* Hpt. calls attentior .0 the use of the same figure in both Assy, and Ar..
t So Dav.. t So Hap. et al..

So e. g. Tarnovius, Hesselberg, Ew., Hd., Ke., Or.. ** So e. g. KJ..

H- So We. et a U So We., No....

2- 323

gold] The prophet now rhetorically addresses the pursuing foe,
who are hard on the heels of the fleeing Ninevites, and urges them
on to their rich plunder. For there is no end to the stores} Literally,
"to that which is prepared." The wealth of Nineveh is unlimited.
She has heaped up ill-gotten gains, the product of the plunder of
her victims (cf. 3*) ; now she herself must endure plunder. The
allusions to the wealth of Nineveh in the Assyrian inscriptions are
numerous. The rich booty acquired in the many campaigns, to
gether with the enormous tribute levied upon the subject peoples
which was constantly pouring into the treasury of the king, must
have filled the capital city with riches to overflowing.* An abun
dance of all sorts of precious articles] This is apparently a gloss
explaining the preceding word Hj On, preparation/ The phrase
is wholly unrelated grammatically to its context and superfluous
also in the strophic form. Some attempt to create a connection
by supplying some words, such as "and take ye" or "and spoil
ye," at the beginning of the phrase.f For the word "abundance"
or "riches" cf. Is. 22 24 6i 6 66 12 Ps. 49 16 . The rendering "articles"
is better here than "vessels." It is a general term covering a
wide range, like the English "things" (cf. Je. 46 19 Lv. 15* Dt. 22 5 ).
The same phrase occurs in Ho. i3 15 .

Str. IV emphasises the panic that befalls the inhabitants of the
city that once preyed upon the entire world. 11. There is empti
ness and void and waste} Cf. Is. 24*. The Hebrew yields an as
sonance here that cannot be carried over into English. J For a
similar use of paronomasia, cf. Zp. i 15 Is. 22 5 2Q 2 . Some would
make the fact that each of the second and third Hebrew nouns
increases a syllable in length over its predecessor signify a corre-

* E. g. Tiglath-pileser I after a campaign in Asia Minor says, "Herds of fine chargers, swift
mules and the cattle of their pastures, I brought home in countless numbers. ... I imposed
on them as a tribute 1,200 horses and 2,000 head of cattle." Shalmaneser II says of the king
of Patina, "3 talents of gold, 100 talents of silver, 300 talents of copper, 300 talents of iron,
1,000 vessels of copper, 1,000 pieces of variegated cloth, linen, his daughter with her large dowry,
20 talents of purple doth, 500 oxen, 5,000 sheep, I received from him. One talent of silver,
two talents of purple doth, . . . hundred beams of cedar as tribute, I laid on him. Yearly in
my city Asshur I received it." Ashurbanipal, in particular, gives long lists of the almost count
less spoil of Thebes and Susa, with which he filled Nineveh (v. his Annals).

t So Marti Now *. Hpt..

J It is fairly well represented by the German, Leerung und Enlleerung und Verheerung
(Or.).

324 NAHUM

spending increase in the intensity of the thought.* But this is
somewhat fanciful. For a similar multiplication of synonyms, cf.
Je. 48 43 Jo. 2 2 Jb. io 22 . Ruin and desolation have befallen the
once proud mistress of the world. And a melting heart and trem
bling knees] Cf. Jos. f Is. i^ 7 35 3 Jb. 4*. The description passes
now from the general desolation throughout the city to the state of
mind of the citizens themselves. A similar picture of the conster
nation of Belshazzar occurs in Dn. 5. And anguish in all loins]
The figure is derived from the agonies of women in child-birth;
cf. Is. 2 1 3 . The loins are regarded as pre-eminently the seat of
strength (Jb. 40" Pr. 3i 17 ), but the very citadel of strength is now
assaulted by weakness and pain; cf. Ps. 6p 23 Dn. 5. And the faces
of all of them become livid] Cf. Jo. 2 6 Je. 30. The literal meaning
of the last two words is probably "gather redness." This has
been taken as meaning " become flushed " f and, in view of Is. i3 8 ,
this may be the right view. But fear usually produces the con
trary effect. Hence others, with more likelihood, conceive of the
blood as all withdrawn from the face, thus leaving it of an ashy
paleness; cf. Jo. 2 10 3 15 .J The Versions, with a slightly different
reading, think of the blackening of the face. There is not the
slightest ground for eliminating this clause as a misplaced gloss on
"clothed in scarlet" in 2 4 ; it is needed here to complete the bal
ance of thought and give the finishing touch to the picture of de
spair. 12. Where is the den of the lions and the cave of the young
lions] By this rhetorical question, the prophet makes it clear that
he anticipates a destruction of Nineveh so complete that not even
a vestige will remain to mark its site. To represent Nineveh as a
lion s den does not imply that the prophet regarded her rulers as
having degenerated to the level of ferocious wild beasts,** but rather
suggests the supreme place of power to which Assyria had arisen in
the oriental world. The lion was the favourite animal for artistic
and decorative purposes in Assyria; henqe the figure is peculiarly
fitting. Billerbeckft sees here an allusion to zoological gardens con
nected with the royal palace. But, even if the royal parks were

* So Tarnovius, Hd.. t So Hap., Marti, Kau.,

% So e. g. AE., Cal., Rosenm., Dav., Hal., Dr.. Contra r.pi..

** Cal.. tt BAS. III.

2 12 325

zoological gardens, which is very doubtful, this view yields a far
less forceful sense. A figurative use of the terms is, in any case,
much the more likely, because of the frequency with which enemies
of Israel are represented as lions in the OT.; cf. Je. 4 7 49 5o 17
Ez. iQ 2 Zp. 3 3 Ps. 35 17 . 4H offers a different text for the second
half of the question, viz. "and a feeding-place is it for the young
lions"; but the word "feeding-place" everywhere else means a
"grazing-ground" and is thus wholly inappropriate as a name for
a lion s feeding-place. This fact, together with the requirements
of the parallelism, makes it advisable to transpose one letter, thus
securing the word "cave"; v. i.. Whither the lion went to enter y
the lion s cub, with none to terrify] 4E reads, "Whither the lion, the
lioness went, the cub of the lion, with, etc.." The rough, asyndetic
structure of this sentence, coupled with the doubt whether W^b =
lioness or is only a variant of ITHK = lion, leads most interpre
ters to follow (, as here. This is certainly an improvement upon
jE; but yet. the suspicion arises that W3,h may be only a margi
nal note that has crept into the text. The expression "went to
enter" is rather weak and the first half of the line is too long by one
beat as compared with the second half and with the other lines of
the context. Dropping WZlb, the line reads smoothly, "Whither
went the lion, the lion s cub, with, etc.." Another proposed reading
(v. i.}, viz. " whither the lion went to bring in, the lion s cub, with,
etc.," yields an awkward arrangement and an unsatisfactory sense.
13. Where the lion tore prey sufficient for his cubs and r ended for
his lionesses] The booty of war was brought back to Nineveh and
apportioned among the palaces and the temples. The lion here
represents the king of Assyria, and the cubs his nobles. And
filled his lairs with prey and his dens with booty] The enormous
spoils of many campaigns must have, rendered Nineveh one of the
wealthiest cities in the world. Under this figure, the prophet has
presented in vivid and effective fashion a picture of the ferocity
and rapacity which characterised the Assyrian conqueror in his
treatment of defeated peoples. The royal inscriptions abound
with facts warranting the impression here produced.

Str. V announces the fact that Yahweh has decreed the down
fall of Nineveh and the complete destruction of all her wealth and

326 NAHUM

her munitions of war. 14. Behold, I am against thee, it is the
oracle of Yahweh of hosts] A common way in Jeremiah and Eze-
kiel of announcing a punishment from Yahweh; e. g. Je. 2i 13 23 30 ff -
5o 31 5i 25 Ez. 5 8 13 8 - 20 2i 3 28 22 . The hosts of Assyria are powerless
when confronted by the hosts of Yahweh. Certain and total ruin
awaits her. And I shall burn up thy lair in smoke and the sword
will devour thy young lions] Cf. Ps. 37 20 . Fire and sword are the
agents chosen to execute Yahweh s will. M has "her chariot"
for "thy lair"; but this does not suit the figure of the lion which
continues here, as is clear from the latter part of the line; while
(& & reflect a different text from HI and open the door for emen
dations. And I shall cut off thy prey from the land] The prey
referred to must be the booty already in Assyria s possession; a
threat to destroy the weak and defenceless nations that have hith
erto been her prey would be wholly out of keeping with the spirit
of the passage. And the voice of thy messengers will be heard no
more] The messengers are the emissaries sent forth from Nine
veh to exact tribute or compel submission. It is not unlikely that
the memory of the insulting demand of the Rabshakeh in Heze-
kiah s time lies behind these words; cf. 2 K. i8 17 - 19 ig 9 - ^ Is. 33 18 .

The metre of this section is rough and irregular. Hexameters are
more frequent than any other measure; tetrameters are also common;
while a few pentameters appear. Uniformity of metre in the successive
lines can be attained only by taking unwarranted liberties with the text.
The lines are easily grouped into five logical units, constituting strs. of
six lines each, except in the case of the closing str., which is reduced to
three lines.

This section forms the first part of the genuine prophecy of Nahum as
it has been transmitted. It is not probable, however, that this consti
tuted the original beginning of the prophecy (contra Arn.). V. n is too
abrupt to have been the opening of Nahum s discourse; some direct men
tion of Assyria or Nineveh must have preceded it and furnished the ante
cedent of the pronoun "thee." The preceding acrostic has probably
displaced the original beginning; so Bu. EB. 3261; Dr.; Kau.; contra
Or.. The first str. as organised above may contain fragments of this lost
section of the prophecy; it seems hardly probable that these six lines
originally belonged so closely together as to have fallen within the limits
of a single str..

The section has received no important additions aside from the pre
fixed acrostic already considered and the verses treated in 3. A few

I 11 4 2 2 327

slight glosses are discoverable, but these do not affect the close unity of
the passage and the clear and logical progress of the thought. The style
is elevated and vigorous. The imaginative and pictorial qualities of
the description serve to bring the scene actually before our eyes. The
participants in the struggle rush to and fro in our presence and we see
the anguish written upon the faces of the vanquished.

Of the various attempts made to incorporate i 11 - H 2* in the acrostic
which forms the first part of ch. i, none can command assent. Gunk.
(1893) obtained his o, x and P lines from i 14 , viz.
nnuN iTiSx HOD T&gt;Dtt&gt;N room SDO
nip iDeo IDP N 1 ? &gt; -pSy nix
[-IND nnno] Sp [ &gt; ov] anp

He also secured the D line in part from v. " by emendation and
transposition, viz.

.apse s Sy (iza) S&gt;"Sa rn (nb) njn &gt; ^y p3S&gt;nn nr: (pa).
T5ick accepted the x line, but proposed the following p line, made
up from i 4c - d by emendation, transposition and omission; viz.

Hap. agreed essentially with Bick., viz.

my 3CIT3 "on sS ^ n^Sy nix
nnoci SDD nnDN pSpa a^tt N anap

Van H. uses v. n for the D line, w r hich others find in v. 9 , offers v. Mc - d
in a new arrangement for the D line, and creates the p line out of a com
bination of i 14 e and 2 1 ; viz.

Sjr^a ^; v^i jn ah NX-" ^DD n

N "p-ipD Soa 14 d - c

Now., who in his first ed. sought to complete the acrostic, in the 2d. ed.
(1903) abandoned the attempt to go further than the 3 line in v. 8 and
rightly said of v. H that it offered insuperable difficulties to the suppo
sition of an acrostic structure. The arbitrary character of the many
changes involved in each of the efforts to use these verses for the com
pletion of the acrostic makes it necessary to agree with the opinion of the
majority of scholars that while these attempts do credit to the ingenuity
of their authors, they cannot be regarded as demonstrating the presence
of an acrostic structure in these verses; so e. g. Now., Marti, Dr., Hpt.,
Stk., Kau., Du..

1". -pc] Du. TIB;?. Gunk. (Schopfung, 102), -pn = thy appointed
time. NX^] (6 B = N?:; so Gr.. 3^n] &lt;g Xo7to-/x6s. nn] U mente per-
tractans. Sj?&gt;Sa] Gunk, adds a^pSc D Sg, based upon B&gt; BN of i 12 . No
certain derivation for 3 is yet known; v. on 2 . 14. Rd. all sf. in verse
as fern, with 0; so Gr., Marti, Now. K , Stk., et o/..mxi] Om. conj.

328 NAHUM

with We., Gunk., Hap., Now., Dr., Du.. T^ ] Hap. orvSj?. ;\n
IDIFD] c is the grammatical subj. of P, the prep, being used in the
partitive sense. Gr. T^D^D rnr (?). Hap. DEBO I:&gt;P. Now. oo&gt; "15 P.
Marti, rjctf nap; so Now. K , Kau., Stk., Kent. Du. D jnjv Hpt.
poStf n-vp. "vriSN rvan] & joins with preceding vb. and seems to read
D as 3. Marti, ^ri3D. Now. and Hap. om. as gloss. Du. "pas ac (?).
a- tt N] & = wtPNi. Gr. "VDN. Gunk, and Hap. n^Dirs. Ourt Em -
NZN. -pap] Gr. 7|3.Tj?i?; c/. Oort, qa-yc. Hap. oiap. mSp o] Rd.
p^p T and om. &gt;:&gt; as due to dittog. of preceding a, with We.; so Marti,
Dr., Now. K , Hpt., Stk., Kau.; cf. Hap. fSp T ?. This gives a^N two ace.,
a common usage with this vb. being thus exchanged for the difficult
idiom of M. (& STI raxets; similarly g . Gr. flf!?^. Bick. mSpv,
an Aram, word = dungheaps ; so Gunk. (Schopfung, 103). Rub.
n^y ^a, to be tr. to beginning of a 2 . Arn. m^p? = crepitus ventris.
Now.(?) and van H. pS^I?- Some would place ; ui D^N immediately
after v. 14a (e. g. Marti, Hpt, Stk.) mtr. cs. and SpSa vyv of v. llb
after Ni" 1 in v. lla . But transpositions of this sort in a context as
broken as i n - 14 2 2 seem hardly worth while. Certainly, the sense
is not improved by either change. 2 2 . re?:] Rd. v?", with Mich. (Or.
Bibl.XX, 189); so We., Jrm., Dav., Now., Rub., GASm., Marti, Dr.,
Hpt., Stk., Kent, Kau., Du.. (g *i*4&gt;v&lt;ruv. & pj^pLo, corrected by

P t&gt; V

Seb. to pjj^iiiO. Hap. nxbn = c the rescuer/ Sy] Gr. S^D. i^c]

Ew. T.^?; so Hi., Buhl, Dav., Now., Du.. Perles, }MS. Rub. TIM:.
&lt;8 Y , HP. 22, 51, 95, 185, VJB. nnixD mxj] Inf. abs. as imv. Ges. 133 bb .
0^ ifaipoAfiijevos ((g Y + &lt;re) ^K 6\tyc*n = rnsn -ixj; so Hap.. (S does not
necessarily indicate the lack of i in the original of mixc, for it also took
no account of i in -nxj, which there is no reason to change. B qui
custodial obsidionem. Some Heb. mss. mixj j; others, mixn j. Gr.
xo nxi. Oort Em - n-jisa j. We. nnsD n xj; so Now., GASm.. Rub.
rrxa nixj; so Marti, Now. K , Stk., Kau., Du.. Hpt. nnijfn j. But
iSJ s nis a well-established word and there is nothing inherently in
consistent in the idiom o nxj; words of similar sound but of different
roots are not infrequently associated in Heb. for the sake of the asso
nance. 4. pn] A smaller shield than the n which protected the
whole body (cf. i K. io 16 - 17 ) Both types may be seen in BAS. Ill, 169,
174-6, 185; cf. Benzinger, Heb. Archaologie,* 300. (& pi.. Rub. mr,
they mocked. m^aa] Normally vyaa; c/". GesJ 911 . &lt;g 5uva&lt;rrefas
. B fortium ejus. & onnuj; so Gr., Hap.. Stk. onva?.
With __ for __, as in rvrwr, 3 ; C5 ^ &vdp&irwv = D^Nr; so Rub.,
Hap. (?). Iff Ignitus. Hap. onp. oV?nD] STT.; a denominative from
JfVn, scarlet. (6 tp.tr alSovras = o^^nn (c/. Ex. io 2 Nu. 22 29 Jd. 19"
I K. 6" 3i&lt; T Ch. io 4 Is. 3 4 66 4 ; v. Marg. 7.4 OS. XXX, 306); so , Rub..
(& has been derived less well from nj;*? (so Vol., We., Now., e/ a/.)

2 329

and a^ (Hpt.). Hap. a^np or V;MJ(?). ^Na] Rd., with some Heb.
mss., IVHO; so Houb., Mich., Gr., We., Jrm., Or., Oort, Now., GASm.,
Hap., Marti, Gressmann (Esch. 177), Hpt., Kau.(?), Kent, Du.. Rub.
ti - Na. .in 1 ??] Being in the abs., the only possible treatments of HJ are
(i) the connection of D tt&gt;Na with o^Snn as a modifier, which makes too
long a line; (2) the disposal of it as the predicate of the foil, group of
words, in which case the a is handled with great difficulty. The best
solution is to read m-reS, with &; so Ra., Dru., Cal., New., Hap., Hal.,
Nestle (ZA W. XXIX, 154), Gressmann (/. c.), Kau.. Against this may be
urged the fact that elsewhere /LI makes its pi. in o&gt;__; but examples of nouns
making the pi. in both ways are not wanting; e. g. nnxc, but n;&gt;ND (Ez.
32 8 ); 3 jtf and nuc 1 ; o sSs and moSs; D^N and DID^N; Ges. *"&lt;!. &lt;g al
yvlai, the reins ; cf. If habenae, joining it with foil. amn. Gre. niaSfj,
axles. Rub. nms, terror. Che. (EB. 2174), ns yn, metal plates
(cf. Assy, halluptu, covering ). Hpt. rngS, a word not elsewhere found.
Du. mnnp. o^a] Rd. aia; for demonstrative force of art., c/. Ges.
$. irrnj Rd. -ir:n. Gr. Djon. D^nam] Rd. a^ieni = &lt;g Kul &lt;u
ZTTTrets; so & and Mich., Gre., New., Gr., We., Dav.(?), Jrm., Rub.,
GASm., Now., Hap., Hal., Marti., Hpt., Dr., van H., Stk., Kau.,
Kent, Du.. 35 et agitatores. i*?;nn] &ir.. Nouns formed from this i/
are found in Is. 3 19 5i 17 - 22 Zc. i2 2 Ps. 6o 5 ; all exhibit some form of the
idea quiver, tremble. Hpt. renders, "they are frenzied, i. e. they run
amuck, run like mad," connecting it with Ar. rd ila, to be stupid,
doltish ; but stupidity is scarcely a suitable predicate of horses rushing
to the charge, and horses running amuck are more characteristic of a
panic-stricken retreat. Furthermore, the noun-formations are more
easily connected with the root-idea of trembling. Van H. notes that
in Ar. ralat and rail = "a troop of horses"; but the usage of these
words suggests nothing of trembling or prancing, since they indicate a
group of horses (or, indeed, cows!) going in single file, or the leader of
such a line, the root-idea seeming to be project or thrust. This latter
sense would accord well with JH, if the interpretation of a as spears
could be rendered probable. (& BopvprjOrjaotrai. 35 consopiti sunt. &
pnSann. Rub. i^-r. Gr., Du. w^ri.

Billerbeck and Jrm. insert 3 12 - 15 here; but the introduction of the 2d
pers. here is abrupt, while it is wholly in place after 3"; and the interrup
tion of the vivid description of the attack is unwelcome. Kl. also would
make a sharp distinction between 2 4 and 2 s , by treating the latter as
bringing the conduct of the besieged into sharp contrast with that of the
besiegers described in v. 4 . But the language of v. B seems to require its
application to the attacking party (v. s.) rather than to the attacked.

6. iSSinm] 05 ical &lt;rvyxvB^(rovrai. & they glory = Mnn *; so some Heb.
mss.. ppippntt"] &lt;& Kal &lt;rvvTr\aK-f)ffovTai. & and they boast. manna] ft
includes this in the rendering of mxina. Struensee, Dav. and Jrm. in-

33 NAHUM

terpret f -\ as = vy mam (Gn. io n ), which in turn is to be identified with
the Assy, ribit Nind. But neither of these propositions is proven and
the term -\ alone seems altogether too indefinite as a designation of the
ribit Nind. This latter phrase is used by Esarhaddon (I 53, 54) and
Sargon (Cylinder, 44) with the general signification "precincts of Nine
veh" and does not indicate a special outpost or fort. It is a general
term and used also of other cities than Nineveh; e. g. Dur-ilu. Hence
any attempt to locate it, either NE. (Dl. Paradies, 260 /.; Jrm.) or W.
(Billerbeck) of Nineveh, or to identify it with any specific suburb of
Nineveh, whether Mosul (Billerbeck) or Khorsabad (Johns, EB. 4029),
seems fruitless. jrpx-r.] Rd. DI-PNIS, with Houb., Gre., Kre., New.,
We., Now., BDB., Marti, van H., Stk., Kau., Du.; the antecedent aan
is masc. everywhere else. isxn- 1 ] far. in Polel. Hpt. rightly rejects the
usual rendering run hither and thither in favour of run fast, which is
a better interpretation of the intensive form. Gr. ixw. Hal. ixsu\
6. ~OP] The meaning summon, call for is found for this vb. only
here and probably in Jb. i4 13 ; but some such sense seems demanded by
this context. The lack of any indication as to the identity of the subj.
adds to the difficulty and awakens a suspicion that the text is in error.
To om. P with Marti as an insertion, or with Hpt. as a misplaced gloss
on jnp (i 14 ), leaves the line too short. None of the emendations offered
can be considered satisfactory. (& Kal fj-v-rja-d^crovTai. & are seized. Gr.
Tipp.. Oort Em - nno\ Rub. ^7.")= and thy infantry (cf. Assy.
zu-ku). Van II. TOP. Hap. 3*fa I?". Du. i-ny., as in 3*. m-nx]
&lt;g QT = 3 pi- sf.; so Rub., Hap.. "^ for Hum suorum = vrax. Van
H. m-v-iN. ana^na iS- r] Rd. a iS^2\ For interchange of n and 3,
v. note on Mi. i 2 . The Kt. arna^Si*i goes better with a than the sg. of
Qr.. For the interpretation of this reading, z&gt;. s.. (& Kal (pev^ovrai
fjfitpas Kal d&lt;rdev/j(rov(riv lv TTJ IT op la avruv. & H places Kal if under obe
lus, but in marg. declares "this obelus was not present in the Hexapla."
The plus of (g is probably due to a reader who sought to make it clear
that the verse applied to the actions of the besieged. There is no reason
for regarding it as representing an original element in the text; the line
is complete without it. Reinke treats it as a variant rendering of nnc&gt;
nnrin. Gr. foil, &lt;&, inserts ava IDJI; Rub. cva wir; and van H. noun
DDV. Hap. n ova a-. Kent, na T^rt :. Du. na ntt s-.. nndn] Rd.
nn^in, with some Heb. mss. &gt; ul and Now., Hap., Du.. The lack of
any specific antecedent for the sf. makes the n directive much more
suitable. (& tirl ra reixf] avTijs. p^i] (& Kal eroiudo ovo ij ; so&; i. e.
uoni; so Rub., Hap.; cf. Kent ir??. Hal. -izjrn. -"jaDi] (& rds irpo&lt;f&gt;v-
Xa/cAs avruv. H umbraculum. Rub. D^cn; cf. Assy, sukke, used of the
bed of a canal. 7. nnnjn n^i^] Sennacherib s Bavian Ins., 1. 30, says,
bob ndri . . . u nar pasu ana ramanisu ippitima =" the river-gate . . .
and the narpasu opened of itself." This bdb ndri is generally taken as a

2 fl 8 331

sluice-gate through which the river waters were let into a canal; v. Meiss-
ner und Rost, Bauinschriften Sanheribs (1893), 84; Muss-Arnolt, Assy.
Dictionary; BAS. Ill, 126. Possibly, as Hpt. suggests, the pi. rnnj
is due to the influence of the preceding pi. nytp, and the only river
in the speaker s mind was the Khusur. &lt;& for j has rdjv Tr6\ewv, prob
ably due to error; cf. (& N * T&V TroTa.fj.uv. has of Judah; but ]?oov-o
is probably an inner Syr. corruption of |&gt; oiJ&gt; (so Seb.). SUTI] Ordi
narily = temple ; but here and in such contexts as i K. 21 Ps. 45 - 16
evidently the exact equivalent of its Assy, prototype ekallu, the usual mean
ing of which is palace. JIDJ] &lt;& Sttireffev. U ad solum dirutum. 6&gt;
is shaken. 8. :i*ni] As Hoph. from 3sj, this would naturally mean,
"is placed in position," "established"; cf. Gn. 28 12 . A somewhat sim
ilar sense would attach to it if derived from 2X\ The only other vb.
from which it might come, viz. 33X, is not known in Heb., nor does the
Ar. v_ ^o, cleave to the ground/ or the Heb. noun sx, lizard/ sug
gest any suitable sense. &lt;& Kal rj vTrberaffLS. & and she raised up. U
et miles. &lt;5 and the queen who sat furthering the captivities went forth,
which represents the first three words of HJ. Hi. a*n, the lizard.
New. axoi, and the fortress/ to be joined to v. 7 . Gr. Na^ni. Vol.
a?i? or n ?*?&gt; foundation ; so Hap.. GASm. oxn, the beauty.
Rub. (PSBA. XX, i74/.) makes 2* a name parallel to Sa&gt;n ( v . ) and
joins with v. 7 . Che. (JBL. 1896, p. 198) nsSn ~Difm, and the queen
is stripped naked. Bu. (EB. 3262) adds SJIT, queen. Marti substi
tutes Sjtfrn for asm. Hpt. nxxni; so Du.; cf. Gry (RB. VII, 398-403)
riN*in. nnSj] & her horsemen. H capti-vus. Rub. derives from Assy.
galatu and renders is frightened. Hpt. ^nSjri. Gry (/. c.) n-V-vn.
Du. n-^j. nnSyn] (& Kal Q&TT) bvtBaivev. U abductus est. & and she
went up. Hap. nnSi .-n. Gr. nnSy N^n. Hpt. nnS^n. Gry (/. c.) t
n^gan. Rub. (T^e /IcaJew^, March, 1896; P6"S^. XX, 175), nVnym
(so Du.); cf. Assy. e/e//u (fern, etellitu), great/ exalted and the Heb.
queen Athaliah (mSny). This is attractive as furnishing a suitable
epithet for the goddess or queen presumably indicated by the first word
of the verse. nvjnjo] &lt;& tfyovro; hence Gr. nionjc; so CB., Hal..
Hap. rmjnn nj. Marti adds, nun; so Now. K (?), Gry (/. c.). jc is
&ir,, but well known in Syr. and Ar.; emendations seem gratuitous.
niDDPD] #TT. in Po el; Qal act. prtc. in Ps. 68 26 and impf. in i S. 2i u (6.
Probably a denominative from l n, cymbal. (8 (f&gt;6eyy6fj^vai, perhaps =
xp^c; so Sta., Now., Hap.. - Du. niaon, D being due to dittog..
After the analogy of Dsaa 1 ?, we should expect |naaS (so Hi., Sta.
js3. j Hap., Marti, Now. K , Du.); yet this is the normal pi. form (de
fectively written) before the grave sf. and the pi. is called for here by the
pi. subj. (so K6. II, 78; Hpt.). The solitary occurrence of the pi. form
rnaaS in i Ch. 28* is insufficient to require a change in the form here.

33 2 NAHUM

Gr.-frva 1 ?; so Gry (/. e.); but c/. fnaS, Ez. 13". 9. mj&gt;ji] De R. 545,

naxj), which Rub. believes to be a misplaced variant of axni (v. 8 ); cf.
Ps. 45 10 . Rub. also adds nmn, foil. ( A ^v. N&gt;n &gt;D^D] Rd. rpgg, her de
fenders (v. 5.). $& offers an unparalleled construction; one common
rendering of it, "from of old," is regularly represented by oViyD; another
"from the day that she was," would naturally be ^cvp; while "her
waters" would be nn^c; cf. &lt; TO, tidara avrijs. (g A retx n tidara CIVTT?? =
rrrrc ncin. & and among waters is she. U ajwag ejus. is from days
of old. Houb. nio.-p mc&gt;c; so Hpt. who includes ncni of JH in the basis
of this reading. Gr. om. ^D as dittog.; so We., Now., Dr., van H.,
Kau.. Hal. HTJ;. Bu. (EB. 3262) om. both words as a gloss. Or.
ton DM?. Rub. HMOim, and her defenders, of which M nom ton MOMS and
&lt;& A = nmn are variants; nis connected with Ar. hmy = to defend.
Hap. n^c, as subj. of O^DJ, nnni being a corrupt variant; so Marti,
Now. K , Stk., Kent, Du.. But this last proposal ignores the fact that the
foil, y could scarcely be addressed to waters; it must be a cry to the flee
ing soldiers and so bold a figure as the identification of the soldiers with
waters is improbable. Friedrich (Ninive s Ende u. s. w. p. 34), MOM?
ion rvn, since the days of disaster. Kl. (SK. 1910, p. 521), nsn npMp,
the waters of the river (*. e. the Tigris). D^DJ nom] Probably a de
scriptive circumstantial clause preceding the main clause; Ges. * 141e .
I-IDJ; nay] On -nbg, Ges. ^ 46e . &lt;& OVK fcrr-rjcrav, om. one word. & B 2f =
JH. Bu. (EB. 3262) adds noso; so Marti, Du.. Hpt. adds ipn\
10. ira . ... in] ^&gt; B Si-rip-jrao-av . . . SnfaTrafbi ; so & and Gr.. Hpt.
im . . . x Du. -in. njionS] For meaning storage, cf. ttnaSn |&gt;3\
Jb. 27 16 . C5 TOU /c6cr/iou aur^s; so &. Some Heb. mss. njianV. Gr.
njwnS. Du. ur^ x\ 12 3] Rd. -op, with We., Now., (g pepdpvvrai.
B aggravata est. consume ye. & = amm; so Hap., who om. it
as a gloss. Marti and Now. K (?) insert D^S inp before o. Hpt. reads
133 and inserts before it, ^v iS^i. Du. "i^n. SDD] Rd. ^3, with
We., Now.. The sense must be, "a glory (or abundance) consisting in
(or of) all, etc.," not "an abundance out of"; hence D is dittog. of the
foil. D. On force of So, v. Ges. * 127b . &lt;g B &lt;?7ri Trd^To; so HP. 48, 86, 233.
(gs-AQY fatp K.; HP. 22, Trepi TT.. Hap. SoS; c/". Migne s note on Je
rome, "Reginae ms. cum Palatinis : pro omnibus vasis." Du. Voa. &gt;Sn]
06 & B 01 = pi.. nicn] (g ra tiri.dvwTb. avrijs = ninn or nrncn (so
&); but six cursives om. ai)r^s. 11. npnni npia] Two synonyms no
where else occurring; but evidently related to ppa, pour out/ empty.
05 tKTivayfjj&s KCLI dvarivay/jAs. & dishta washifta. Hpt. nppiam npipa.
npSan] Only here and Is. 24 ; but Assy, balaku, destroy, gives clear
indication of the meaning. The fern. prtc. has here the force of an ab
stract noun; it is not unlikely that the pointing is influenced by a desire
for assonance with the two preceding nouns. DCJ] &lt;g 0pav(Tfji6s. &
broken. Hpt. and HWB. 1 * would connect DDO with HDD and render

2*" 333

here, "his heart becomes watery," i. e. his courage fails; cf. Ar. masfis,
water (either pure or impure); and note :aS HN VDDH, Jos. 14*. p e]
&r.; but vb. is used of the tottering of an idol (Je. io 4 ) and the staggering
of a drunkard (Is. 28 7 ). -H-IND ixap] o = nnyq, Earth, .ZVB. * M&lt; ; c/".
rnnjrp , D^BIDNJ , ywjpi; perhaps UK s pointing, like the readings of (&
& If (H, was due to confusion with ins, pot ; so HWB. 16 . (& ws
rrp6a-Kav/j.a x^/jcts. 7 blacken like the soot of the pot. 31 w covered with
black like a pot. H JJCM/ nigredo ollae. Hap. e wap "iyaa, supposing
IH to have lost nya:) which &lt; retained though losing ixap, the two
words being similar in their initial syllables. 12. njnci] Rd. rnj?a,
with We.; so Or., Rub., Now., Hal., Marti, Dr., Hpt., van H., Stk.,
Kau., Kent; cf. Du. rnjja. xin] Standing where it does in &L, n con
verts the whole series of succeeding clauses into prosaic statements of
fact. It is much better either to place it after :VN (with Hpt.; cf. Nin &lt;c)
or to om. it (with Marti, Kau., Du.). onsaS] Du. om. S, but such rigid
conformity to -\N pj?a is not necessary. N "|Sn T^N] Du. om. as variant
of foil, clause x nu DS&gt;[N]. K^aS] Rd. ioa^, with &lt;g TOU ti&lt;re\6civ; so0U
and We., Or., Rub., Now., GASm., Marti, Dr.(?), Hpt., Stk., Kau.,
Kent, Du.. Gr. toanS. Hal. JoaSi. Arn. noS = to bring (c/. 01);
so (6 B and Hap., van H.. 13. na] Hpt. ^p. vn-\j] Du. v^w. pjna]
In 2 S. ly 23 = strangle ; so possibly the noun in Jb. 7"; Assy, hanaku
has the same sense; but is strangling the method of slaughter character
istic of lions? nc-o . . . *p-j] Different forms either for the sake of
variety or rhythm; hardly in order to indicate different kinds of prey (Hd).
inn] &lt;& vofffflav avrov. 14. Many scholars would place all the sfs. of
this verse in the 2d pers. masc. sg.; so e. g. Buhl, We., Dav., Now., Hap.,
Du.; but the thought of the city underlies the whole verse and comes to
clear expression in the last word; hence the fern. sf. is suitable throughout.
^mjnni] Hal. rnav. Du. H SjTrn. ja^a] Some Heb. mss. |Bpa.
CB. Brwa; so Marti (?), Now. K (?). naan] Rd. ~\-s:r\, with Gr.; so
Dav.(?)i Hal., Marti, Now. K (?), Hpt., Stk., Kau., Kent. # w\ij06s
ffov = -|3n or n:i3n; so & and Buhl, Arn., Hap.. !U quadrigas tuas;
so OT. Houb. ^33-iD; so Dathe. Gr. (Psalmen I, 136) ^aai. Sm.
nasao; so We. (?), Now.. Oort -\}-\. Rub. naanx, thy den. Bu.
(EB. 3262), rj-fa. Du. ^ap. -jn^Di] New. ^no?, thy villages. Du.
ovypsn. Sawn] Du. nSosn. ^o^] Arn. ^o-vs. Hal. ^oib. n^DNS^]
Om. n as dittog. from MH in 3 and point sf. as fern, sg., ^r?xSi: : so
Gr., Marti, Ges.*" 1 , Stk. et al.. Some Heb. mss. n^So; so We. et
a*.. (6 ret fpya ffov = ^vnDNSn; so 0. H nunciorum tuorum. Mich,
naa nSo; so Jus.. Dathe n^bsSp; so New.. Van H. "VpHSa. Hap.
^nDN^D; c/". C@ &. Du. TvnaoSp. Marti and Now. K would om. Uc as
a gloss; but the *pa of the foil, phrase shows that the figure of the lion is
still in mind there and the clause fits well into the structure of the str..

334 NAHUM

5. THE IMMINENT AND INEVITABLE END (s 1 10 ).

In six strophes addressed to Nineveh, Nahum once more exults
over her approaching ruin. Str. I characterises the city, gives a
glimpse of the coming attack upon her and states the reason for
her fall; w. 1 - 4 . Str. II represents the fallen city as exposed to the
taunts of the nations; vv. 5 7 . Str. Ill reminds Nineveh of the
fate of her ancient rival Thebes, the queen of the Nile; vv. 8 10 .
Str. IV declares that a similar fate awaits Nineveh, notwithstand
ing her strength ; vv. n " 13 . Str. V ironically urges the city to put
forth every effort on her own behalf, assuring her, however, that
her forces will fail her in her time of need ; vv. 14 17 . Str. VI, in
dirge measure, states the hopelessness of Nineveh s case and the
universal joy that will greet the tidings of her fall; vv. 18 " 19 .

()H city, bloody throughout, full of lies and booty!

Prey ceases not . . .

The crack of the whip and the noise of the rumbling wheel and the galloping
horse,

And the jolting chariot and the rearing horseman;

And the flash of the sword and the glitter of the spear, and a multitude of slain;

And a mass of bodies, and no end to the carcasses;

Because of the many harlotries of a harlot of goodly favour and possessing
charms,

Who sells nations by her harlotry and clans by her charms.
gEHOLD, I am against thee, it is the oracle of Yahweh of hosts, and I will un
cover thy skirts upon thy face.

And I will let nations see thy nakedness and kingdoms thy shame.

And I will hurl loathsome things upon thee and treat thee with contempt and
make thee a gazing-stock,

So that every one who sees thee will flee from thee and say,

"Nineveh is destroyed; who will mourn for her?

Whence can I seek comforters for her?"

thou better than No-Amon, that sat by the great Nile,

Whose rampart was the sea, whose wall was water?

Ethiopia was her strength; Put and the Libyans were her help.

Yet even she was for exile and went into captivity.

Even her children were dashed in pieces at the head of every street;

And upon her honoured ones did they cast lots, and all her great ones were
bound in fetters,
too shalt be drunken, thou shalt be faint;

Thou shalt seek refuge from the enemy.

All thy forts are fig trees; thy defenders are first-ripe figs;

3 1 - 1 335

If they be shaken, then they fall into the mouth of the eater.

Behold, women are in the midst of thee; fire has devoured thy bars;

To thine enemies the gates of thy land are opened wide.
)RAW thee waters for the siege; strengthen thy forts.

Enter into the mire and trample the clay; lay hold of the brick-mould.

There fire will devour thee; the sword will cut thee off.

Multiply thyself like the locust; multiply thyself like the locust-swarm.

Increase thy merchants more than the stars of heaven;

Thy sacred officials ( ?) like the locust-swarm, and thy scribes ( ?) like the locusts,

That encamp in the walls in the cool of the day;

The sun arises and they flee; their place is not known.
J-JOW thy shepherds slumber, thy nobles sleep!

Thy people are scattered upon the mountains with none to gather them.

There is no healing for thy wound; thy hurt is incurable.

Every one who hears the report of thee claps his hands.

Str. I first describes Nineveh as she has been, then visualises
the attack to be made upon her and closes with the reason for her
cruel fate. 1. Oh city, wholly bloody, filled with lies and booty]
This chapter marks the opening of a new section of the prophecy,
as appears from the direct address with which it begins, from the
fact that in the main it repeats the thought of ch. 2, and from the
difference in poetical form which it exhibits. There can be no
question but that Nineveh is addressed here and throughout the
chapter. Similar charges are made against her in 2 10 - 12&gt; 13 . The
lies are doubtless promises freely made to the weaker nations
which were as freely broken when national aggrandisement so re
quired. The charge of excessive cruelty implied in the use of the
term bloody is undoubtedly justifiable from the modern point of
view; but it is doubtful whether the cruelty of Nineveh exceeded
that of other oriental peoples who had like power and opportunity.
It is hardly fair to charge the Assyrians with having been "the most
ruthless people of antiquity."* The Hebrews themselves were
none too merciful; cf. Ju. 8 15 21 g 45 - 49 i8 27 i S. is 7 9 2 S. 8 2 . In
deed, the prophets use almost identical language regarding Judah
and Jerusalem; cf. Ez. 22 2 - 29 24 4 5 9 Je. 6 7 Ho. n 12 . The kind of
procedure which furnished the basis for such charges against As
syria, may be discovered in abundance by reference to her own

* Dav.. But Hdt. (Ill, 159) reports, e. g., that when Darius took Babylon, he impaled 3,000
prisoners and that the Scythians (IV, 64) scalped and flayed their prisoners and used the skins
for horse-trappings.

33 6 NAHUM

records.* Prey ceases not] Cf. Je. 17. This statement was almost
literally true; the whole of the later history of Assyria is a story of
practically continuous warfare and rapine. Conformity to the po
etical measure here requires the addition of a phrase in parallelism
with this clause. Marti suggests, " and there is no end to the booty."
Unless something be supplied, it seems necessary to treat this
clause as a gloss.f 2. The crack of the whip and the noise of the
rumbling wheel and the rushing steed] The prophet suddenly trans
ports himself in imagination to the scene of the final attack upon
Nineveh, which he awaits with so much eagerness and confidence.
As an imaginary spectator, he calls attention to the outstanding
features of the scene one by one. His method of description pro
duces a lively effect, bringing the dash and clash of the situation
vividly before us.J And the jolting chariot (3) and the rearing
horseman] The meaning of the last two words is somewhat un
certain. Other renderings of them are: "the horseman making
his horse to ascend, i. e. urging him on"; "the horse is brought
up";** "a horseman carrying himself erect ";ff "a horseman going
up";Jt "assaulting horsemen "; "a horseman bringing to the
flame, etc."***; "he shall bring up cavalry";ttt "horses which
foam," literally "bringing up (saliva)." JJJ But some of these
yieid too tame an element for so stirring a picture; others are with
out any support in the use of these words or in the context; and
those employing the idiom "bring up" of the movements of cav-

* E. g. Shalmaneser Monolith, I, 16 ft.: "A pyramid of heads in front of his city I erected.
Their young men and women I burned in a bonfire " ; and 11,53 /., "Pyramids of heads in front
of his city gate I erected. Some in the midst of the pyramids I enclosed; others round about
the pyramids I impaled on stakes." Or, the Taylor Cylinder of Sennacherib, I, 70-77, "I
besieged and captured their large walled cities. I brought forth from the midst of them people,
horses, mules, asses, cattle and sheep, and reckoned them as spoil; and their smaller cities,
which were without number, I destroyed, devastated and reduced to plough-land. The
tents, their dwelling-places, I burned with fire, and let them go up in flames." Cj. also Taylor
Cylinder, III, 11-41; Annals of Ashurbanipal (Rassam Cylinder), V, 130- VI, 26. See Rogers,
History o] Babylonia and Assyria, II, 268. The method of impalement is shown on a bas-relief
from the central palace at Nimroud; v. La yard, Nineveh and Its Remains (New York, 1849), p.
283; Guthe, Kurzes Bibelworterbuch, p. 79.

t Cf. Hpt., Du..

t Jer. says of this passage: * Tam pulchra juxta Hebraicum et pictura similis ad proelium
se praeparantis exercitus descriptio est. ut omnis meus sermo sit vilior." Hd. says, " The pas
sage is unrivalled by any other, either in sacred or profane literature."

Cal., Br.. ** Kre.. tt Mau.. Jt Hi..

Ew.. *** KL ftt Os.. ttt HaL

3 2 4 337

airy are carrying over into Hebrew a modern phrase; in Hebrew
" bring up" always retains a large measure of its original sense.
This same verb is used in Je. 46 9 to describe the rearing of horses,
and probably also in Je. 51" and 2 K. 9^.* And the flash of the
sword and the glitter of the spear and a multitude of slain} The strug
gle is hardly begun until it is all over; the defenders of Nineveh fall
before the blows of the invading army like grain before the sickle.
And a mass of bodies, with no end to the carcasses} A fearful
carnage is thus plainly foretold; evidently, the wish was father to
the thought. No account of the actual fall of Nineveh has as yet
been discovered. Hence, it is impossible to say whether or not
Nahum s anticipations were realised. But, judging from the
character of the enemy s dealings throughout the country as a
whole, it is probable that the capital city received the full measure
of its deserts.f They stumble over the carcasses} It is probable that
these words are a marginal note which has found its way into the
text; they may have been intended as a cross-reference to 2, or
they may be only a variant of the preceding clause. J That they
do not belong here appears not only from the fact that they are
superfluous in the poetic form, but also from the additional fact
that they introduce a verb for the first and only time into a series
of phrases thrown off in ejaculatory fashion one after the other,
like a series of stereopticon views. 4. Because of the many har
lotries of a harlot of goodly grace and mistress of enchantments} This
is the reason for the terrible catastrophe that has just been de
scribed. Just as the harlot entices men to ruin, so Assyria has
lured many nations to destruction. Using all of her manifold and
multiform attractions, she has succeeded in bringing nations into
subjection, only to use them for the furtherance of her own selfish
ends. It is not necessary to interpret this figure on all fours/
seeking to make harlotries and charms specific references to
Assyria s lying and treachery. The words simply fill out the pic-

* In 2 K. o DH VNI should probably be changed to S^l Dn.

t The Stele of Nabuna id, says of the downfall of Assyria: "Above and below, right and left,
like a cyclone he laid waste; he avenged Babylon; he multiplied vengeance. The king of the
Ummanmanda, the fearless one, ruined all the temples of the gods of Assyria, and he ruined the
cities on the border of Akkad, which were hostile to the king of Akkad and had not come to his
help, and he did not leave one of their sanctuaries. He laid waste their cities above measure,
like a cyclone." J So Stk..

338 NAHUM

ture of a harlot and her equipment. Enchantments as part of a
harlot s wiles must have been something after the fashion of love-
charms, love-filters, spells, and the like, which were believed to be
very effective upon the hearts of men; cf. 2 K. g 22 . She that be
trays nations by her harlotries and clans by her enchantments] The
figure of the harlot is now expressly applied to Assyria, whose al
most unlimited resources led the smaller nations to rely upon her
as Ahaz had caused Judah to do in the time of the Syro-Ephraimite
invasion. While harlotries and enchantments are commonly
designations of idolatrous practices, there is evidently nothing of
that kind in Nahum s use of the terms here. Assyria, so far as is
known, made no attempt to force her religion upon subject peo
ples. The word clans is used, as in Am. 3 1 Mi. 2 3 Je. i 15 , in the
sense of peoples and is equivalent therefore to nations. The
word betray elsewhere always means sell and it has usually been
so rendered here. But it is difficult to interpret sell with refer
ence to Assyria s relations to the weaker nations. Assyria s actions
were more like buying than selling, for the result was the getting
of the nations into her own power, rather than the delivery of them
into the power of a third nation. The explanations of sell as
equivalent to rob them of their freedom, * or sell into bondage,
i. e. deliver over to destruction, f do not obviate this difficulty.
Nor does the view that the peoples were sold to idols, i. e. the gods
of Assyria, J commend itself; for the prophet is not concerned,
apparently, about this phase of Assyrian influence. In any case,
the nations as a whole were already idolatrous from Israel s point
of view, before coming under the influence of Assyria. It is better
to give the word here the meaning deceive, cheat, which it
carries in Arabic. Selling and cheating were somewhat closely
related and may easily have been denoted by the same root.

Str. II introduces Yahweh as addressing Nineveh and passing
sentence upon her. 5. Behold, I am against thee, it is the oracle
of Yahweh of hosts] Cf. i 14 . And I will uncover thy skirts upon
thy face] This seems to have been a part of the punishment for
fornication and adultery; cf. Je. i3 22 - 26 f Ez. i6 36 f - Ho. 2 3 - 9 . Ac-

* Or.. t Dav, Dr..

t Hap.. So Hi, We., Now., Hpt., van H, HWB", Du..

3- 339

cording to Billerbeck and Jeremias, it was also an Assyrian method
of treating female captives; since the scenes depicted upon the
bronze gates of Balawat, now in the British Museum, show women
captives after the battle of Karkar as holding their skirts high
above their knees, while their male companions are without any
clothing (but v. *.)*; cf. Is. 20 2 " 4 $f- 3 . This literal interpretation
seems preferable to the commonly accepted rendering of the last
phrase, viz. "in thy sight," f a statement which seems superfluous
when applied to such an action as is being described. The same
difficulty inheres in "to thy face," * . e. as an insult, as in Jb. i 11
Is. 65 3 .J And I will let nations see thy nakedness and kingdoms
thy shame] Those who have been betrayed by Assyria will thus be
compensated and avenged by seeing her undergo the humiliation
she has so ruthlessly inflicted upon others. 6. And I will throw
loathsome things at thee and treat thee with contempt and make thee a
sight] The figure of the harlot is still maintained. This is prob
ably the way in which such unfortunate women were treated by
the bystanders. Yahweh speaks as though he himself were in
tending to participate in heaping insult and disgrace upon the of
fender. This is but the prophet s vivid way of representing Yah
weh as the one responsible for the bringing of this retribution upon
Nineveh. The view that loathsome things means idols and
that the sense is, " I will bury thee under thy idols," ** seems forced.
The word is, indeed, frequently used to indicate idols, but were
this the usage here we should at least expect to find the suffix thy
attached to the word. As it stands, the primary sense is much
more fitting. Nineveh is a captive woman exposed to shame,
pelted with filth and made a spectacle for all beholders. For this

* V. Birch and Pinches, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from Balawat, C 2 and 3,
J 6. Billerbeck und Delitzsch, Die Palasttore Salmanassars II von Balawat [BAS. VI, i; Scenes
D 6, 1, 3]. The action of these women, however, is more likely to have been for the purpose of
facilitating their own movements in walking, for the elevation of the clothing is not extreme and
unseemly as Nahum s words would imply. It is characteristic of only a few of the women cap
tives and a similar conventional exposure of the limbs is seen on many seals in the case of men
who are certainly not captives, when represented as stepping over some obstacle. V. the many
reproductions of Assyrian and Babylonian seals in W. H. Ward s Seal Cylinders o] Western Asia
(IQIO) and note the representation of nude male captives in the seal reproduced on pp. 58 and
157 of that work.

t So We., Now., Marti, Dr., Kau., Du.. % Hpt..

{ Contra Now.. ** So Kl.; c). Hap..

340 NAHUM

latter thought, cf. Ez. 28 17 Ob. 12f - and especially line 12 of the in
scription of Mesha, king of Moab, where he says of an Israelite
town, "I fought against the town and took it and slew all the town,
as a spectacle for Chemosh and for Moab." 7. So that every one
that sees thee will flee from thee and say] The sight of fallen Nine
veh will be so ghastly that passers-by will hasten away in fright,
deeming the spot accursed. Nineveh is destroyed. Who will
mourn for her?] A rhetorical question implying that there are none
left who would regret the ruin of the oppressive city; she is abso
lutely friendless, Whence can I seek comforters for her?] Cf. Je.
if Is. 5i 19 . Wildeboer* objects to this translation on the ground
that comforters could not be of any service to the dead. In its
place he proposes, "Whence can I seek those who will provide the
funeral-offerings for her?" But the word comforter is used in
connection with living persons in Jb. 2 11 Is. 66 13 , etc., where the
idea of a funeral sacrifice is out of the question. The existence of
such a practice in Israel is not at all improbable, but neither this
passage nor Je. i6 7 is sufficient to establish it as one of the meanings
of Cill The prophet is here reverting to the scenes attending the
last days of Nineveh and pictures her as passing through the final
struggle without any attendant sympathisers and supporters. As
a matter of fact, the term applied to Nineveh s overthrow (fiTTty)
does not necessarily imply death ; but only ruin and desolation (cf.
Mi. 2 4 ).

Str. Ill reminds the reader that even so great a city and fortress
as Thebes, the rival of Nineveh, had been unable to defy destruc
tion and that Nineveh is no stronger than Thebes. 8. Art thou
better than No-Amon, thai sitteth by the great Nile?] No-Amon has
at various times been identified with Alexandria,! with some city of
the Delta, t and with Thebes. Even greater uncertainty has pre
vailed regarding the time of the fall of the city, some holding it to
have been under Sargon ;** others under Sennacherib,ft or Esar-

* ZAW. XXII, 318 /.; cf. Schw. ZAW. XI, 253 ft..

t So B QJ, Ra., Cal., Hap. el al..

J So Kalinsky, Kre., Brugsch (Diet. Geogr. 291), Spiegelberg (Mgypt. Randglossen zum A.
T. 31 #.)

So Bochart {Geogr. sacra, 1681, vol. I, i, 6 #.), Dathe, Mich., Eich., Rosenm., Mau., Hi,
Ew., Or., and practically all recent interpreters.

** Hi, Urn., Pu., Ke. a al . tt Gre., Kre..

3- 34i

haddon,* or Ashurbanipal,f or Nebuchadrezzar,! or in the time of
the Scythian invasion. Some of the earliest commentators in
terpret the allusion to the fall of Thebes as a prediction of that
event,** rather than a record of its actual occurrence. The ob
jection that is made to the identification with Thebes of Upper
Egypt lies in the content of the following description, Whose ram
part was a sea, whose wall was water] This is further explained by
the gloss, ft Waters were around her] Spiegelberg (/. c.) says, "One
can scarcely imagine a more perverted picture of ancient Thebes
than is here presented. Whoever familiarises himself with the to
pography of Thebes as represented by the Karnak and Luxor of
our own day must acknowledge that Nahum s description is in
no way fitting. The famous capital lay on the Nile, like all great
Egyptian towns, but it is simply unthinkable that it could have been
strategically protected either by the river or by canals. Spiegel-
berg, therefore, applies Nahum s description to a Thebes in the
Delta. In reply to this, it must be said that Nahum would scarcely
have compared Nineveh with any but the most powerful city of
Egypt and that the Thebes of lower Egypt was by no means such
a city. It played no conspicuous part in the long history of Egypt.
Nor is the application to Thebes proper so unthinkable as is
maintained. When the Nile rises, it overflows the site of Thebes,
the waters ascending several feet on the walls of the Temple at
Karnak. At such times, the city might well have been described
as protected by a sea, or surrounded by waters. An illustration of
such a situation is furnished in the capture of Memphis by Piankhi
(c. 721 B.C.). Though Memphis lay more than a mile from the
river, the inundation had raised the level of the river until it was
almost to the top of the eastern wall of the city. Trusting to the
water for protection on that side, the defenders had neglected to
strengthen their fortifications there. Piankhi, taking advantage of
that fact, brought his fleet right up to the city wall and landed his
soldiers upon the top of it, thus mastering the town.JJ Then, too,

* Kalinsky, Br.. f Or..

t Bochart. Ges..

** Jer., Theodoret, Cyril.

ft So also Bu. (EB. 3262), Marti, Hpt., Now. K , Kau..

tt F. Breasted, Ancient Records o} Egypt, IV 411 /., 434 /., and History o] Egypt ( 1905), 543.

342 NAHUM

there may have been great moats about the city which were filled
by the flood-waters and remained as a permanent defence when
the river subsided.* If so, the defences of Thebes must have been
remarkably similar to those of Nineveh herself and the prophet s
comparison of the two would be very forceful. The existence of
moats at Thebes is rendered more than probable by the fact that
as early as the nineteenth century B.C. the Egyptians were employ
ing this means of defence. The city fortress of Semneh in lower
Nubia, situated on the west bank of the Nile about forty miles
above Halfeh, was so protected.! Furthermore, allowance must
be made for the fact that Nahum had almost certainly never seen
Thebes and consequently was dependent for his information upon
the reports of merchants and travellers. Under such conditions,
a certain degree of exaggeration in the description is excusable and
to be expected, finding a parallel in the exaggeration of Nineveh s
own size as given in Jon. 3 3 . For other instances of the word sea
as applied to a river, cf. Is. ig 5 i8 2 (?) Jb. 14", in which the Nile
is so designated, and Je. 5i 36 where it denotes the Euphrates.!
The fame of Thebes was spread throughout the ancient world.
It was the first great city of the orient and even to-day the remnants
of its greatness are described as "the mightiest ruins of ancient
civilisation to be found anywhere in the world."** It came into
prominence about 2100 B.C. and from that time to its fall held a
leading place in Egypt, though with varying fortunes, attaining
its greatest glory under the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties
(1580-1205 B.C.) and entering upon its decline with the twenty-
first dynasty (1090-945 B.C.) whose rulers removed the seat of gov
ernment to the Delta. Its location was about 440 miles south of
Memphis and 140 miles north of the first cataract of the Nile,
where the river comes closest to the Red Sea and its narrow val-

* Cf. W. M. Muller, EB. 3427.

t A vast moat, constructed of stone, appears distinctly upon photograph 1024 of this site
taken by the Egyptian Expedition of the University of Chicago (1905-1007) under the direc
tion of Professor J. H. Breasted, who kindly called my attention to this fact.

J The Ar. bahr is used in the same way; while, conversely, in Assy, the term river is applied
to the sea; e. g. ndru marralu = the bitter river," viz. the Persian Gulf.

C/. eKoiTO/LiTruAoi 0&gt;}/3ai (Iliad, IX, 381-383).

** Breasted, A History oj Egypt (1905), 149, where a full story of the rise and fall of Thebes
may be found.

3 343

ley opens out into a wide and fertile plain. Here the river is about
a half-mile wide, but is divided into smaller streams by three islands
which He opposite the city. Thebes proper lay on the east bank of
the Nile, the west bank being given over almost wholly to the ne
cropolis and the mortuary temples. The old Egyptian names of
Thebes were "the city," "the southern city," and "the city of
Amon" as here. Amon was the patron god of the city and the
temple of Karnak was erected for his worship. For the date of the
overthrow of Thebes and its bearing upon the question of the date
of Nahum s prophecy, v. Introduction, pp. 2747.. 9. Ethiopia was
her strength; Put and the Libyans were her help] At the time when
Thebes fell, the land of Egypt was under the dominion of the Ethi
opian, or twenty-fifth dynasty (712-663 B.C.). All the resources
of Nubia, therefore, were joined to those of Egypt proper. Added
to these helpers from the south were the Libyans, neighbours of
Egypt on the west. The precise location of Put is uncertain. It
seems here to be thought of as closely associated with Libya. In
Ez. 27 10 , it is mentioned with Lud and Persia as among the allies of
Tyre; in 3o 5 and Je. 46, it is coupled with Ethiopia and Lud as an
ally of Egypt; in Ez. 38 5 , it is among the forces of Gog; while in Is.
66 19 , where Pul is probably an error for Put (cf. &lt;g), it is again as
sociated with Lud and also Tarshish as one of the lands far re
moved from Israel. It is commonly identified with the Punt of the
Egyptian inscriptions, which is the present Somali coast of the Red
Sea. This may be correct; but, as Dillmann pointed out with ref
erence to Gn. io 8 , there is no evidence that Egypt ever made use of
mercenaries or allies from Punt. It was known to Egypt chiefly as
a source of trade in rare products. It may be of significance, in
this connection, that the abstract help is used here by Nahum
rather than the concrete helper ; the former might, of course, in
clude all kinds of resources. But whatever may be thought of
Punt as likely to have aided Thebes, it is almost inconceivable that
Tyre should have drawn aid from so distant a point (Ez. 27 10 ).
&lt;g sometimes renders Put as Libya or Libyans,* but the fact that
the Lydians are listed here with Put seems to preclude that identi
fication. Winckler would equate Put with the Assyrian Putu-

* So also Josephus.

344 NAHUM

Yamen,* the name of the isle of Samos or some part of the coast
of Asia Minor, such as Caria near Samos.f It seems unnecessary
to look so far away as either Asia Minor or the Somali coast for
Put, for the other allies named are immediate neighbours of Egypt;
but its exact localisation must await further discoveries. Unfor
tunately Ashurbanipal s account of the campaigns against Egypt
and of the capture of Thebes does not enumerate the foreign
auxiliaries in the army of Taharka, king of Ethiopia and Egypt.
4JI reads here, "Ethiopia was her strength and Egypt, and there
was no end; Put, etc." But the inclusion of Egypt among the re
sources of Thebes, the capital of Egypt, seems gratuitous and the
list seems designed to give the external helpers who co-operated
with Egypt. In any case, if Egypt were originally in the text,
we should have expected some word parallel to strength as its
predicate.J It seems safe to omit "and Egypt " as well as "and
there was no end"** as due to a glossator. 10. Yet she was for
exile; she went into captivity] In Ashurbanipal s account of the
capture of Thebes, he says, "that entire city, under the protection
of Ashur and Ishtar, my hands captured silver, gold, precious
stones, the contents of his palace, all that there was: parti-coloured
raiment, cloth, horses, and people, male and female. Two tall
obelisks ... I removed from their place and took to Assyria.
Heavy spoils without number I carried off from Thebes." This
does not imply a general deportation of the populace of Thebes;
but it furnishes sufficient basis for Nahum s statement, especially
if made after the lapse of approximately half a century, when the
recollection of the precise course of events had become hazy and
imagination had done its work. Even her infants were dashed in
pieces at the head of every street] Such barbaric cruelty seems to
have been commonly practised in Semitic warfare; cf. 2 K. 8 12 Is.
i3 16 - 18 Ho. io 14 I4 1 . Israelites themselves were capable of such
atrocities (2 K. i5 16 ), though there were not wanting those who
protested against such doings (Am. i 13 ). And upon her honoured
ones, they cast lots and all her great ones were bound in fetters] In

* A OF. I, 511 /.. t So Che. EB. art. Put.

t So Rub. JQR. XI, 459. So Marti, Hpt..

* So Hpt., Stk..

3 345

the record of the activities immediately preceding Ashurbanipal s
second campaign, of which the capture of Thebes was the crown
ing triumph, it is stated that the petty kings who had conspired
with Tirhaka to resist the Assyrian advance were taken captive
to Nineveh, where mercy was shown to none but Necho, king of
Sais, the fate of the rest being left to be inferred. Details are not
furnished by this narrative of the conqueror, but the custom of
putting noble prisoners in bonds is well attested elsewhere in As
syrian inscriptions and reliefs (cf. Je. 40* 4 2 K. 25* Ju. i6 21 Ps.
i49 8 ) and the distribution of prominent captives by lot among the
princes and captains of Assyria is likely to have been a not unusual
proceeding (cf. Jo. 3 3 Ob. n ).*

Str. IV declares that Nineveh will in turn suffer the fate which
she herself executed upon Thebes. 11. Thou, too, wilt be drunken;
thou wilt become faint] The figure of drunkenness as representative
of the helplessness of those who have drunk of the cup of Yahweh s
wrath is a common one in the Old Testament; cf. Hb. 2 16 Je. 2$ IM1
Ob. ie Ez. 2S 33 f - Is. 5 1 17 23 Ps. 6o 3 La. 4 21 . The precise meaning of
the second verb here is somewhat uncertain. The root regularly
means cover/ conceal. The meaning faint, be powerless for
this passagef rests upon two facts; (i) Arabic has exactly the same
idiom, using be covered as = be powerless ; (2) the verb tl^JJ, with
a similar primary meaning, J is used in this same way in Is. 5i 20 Jon.
4 8 Am. 8 13 Ez. 3i 15 . The blackness before the eyes that accom
panies fainting may have furnished the connecting link between
covering and fainting. Another interpretation of the word is,

* For representations of prisoners, v. the reliefs from Kouyunjik and Khorsabad in Bottaet
Flandin, Monuments de Ninive (1849), vol. II, plates 100, 119; c}. Layard, Nineveh and Us
Remains, II, 261; and Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum (published by Kleinman
& Co., London), plate 93. Ashurbanipal, in his Annals, speaking of his fifth campaign, says,
"Dunanu and Samgunu (allies of Elam), who had obstructed the exercise of my sovereignty,
I bound hand and foot in bonds, iron fetters and iron manacles." So also in his ninth cam
paign, against Arabian princes, of whom he say? " On their hands and feet I put iron chains
and along with the spoil of their land, I took them to Assyria." Similarly Sennacherib, in
the Taylor Pnsm, after his sixth campaign. Tiglath-pileser III also, in the Nimrud Ins. says,
"I captured him (a hostile king) together with his great men, put iron chains on them and took
them to Assyria."

t So e. g. Stei., We., Or., Dav., Now, Hpt..

J rpj = to cover and r\vy = be weak are also probably one and the same.

In Ez. 3i 18 n^V should be read.

346 NAHUM

wilt hide thyself from fear, * which anticipates the thought of the
following line. In any case, as Nowack reminds us, drunkards as
a rule do not hide themselves. The Versions offer will be de
spised, which is supported by some scholarsf on the basis of
Jb. 42 3 ; but there the ordinary meaning covers, i. e. obscures
counsel, satisfies the context and renders unnecessary so unsup
ported an interpretation. Thou, too, wilt seek refuge from the foe]
The pursuer will become the pursued, an unaccustomed role for
Assyrian armies. 12. All thy fortresses are fig trees; thy defenders
are first-ripe figs] HI reads, "are fig trees with first-ripe figs."
Against this is the fact that it is lacking in parallelism and that it
yields too short a line. The corrected text presupposes an error
in iH which is of common occurrence in the copying of texts. The
fortresses referred to are probably those strengthening and pro
tecting the walls of Nineveh itself, J as is evidently the case in v. 14 ;
but, in view of v. 13 , it is also possible that forts on the frontier and
others intended to block progress toward the capital are meant.
For the use of the word people as the equivalent of defenders/
cf. note on 2. If they be shaken, they fall into the mouth of the
eater] To urge that first-ripe figs do not fall more easily than
later figs and that, therefore, the point of the comparison is in the
speed and eagerness with which first-ripe figs are plucked,** rather
than in the ease and certainty of the capture of Nineveh, is to lay
too much stress upon the use of this particular word. Both ideas
are probably present in the figure; Nineveh is as eagerly pounced
upon and falls with as little resistance as does the first-ripe fig; cf.
Mi. y 1 Is. 28 4 Je. 24 2 . Haupt would transfer vv. 12 - 13 to follow
v. 15a , while Staerk places v. 12 after v. 14a . But nothing is gained
by either of these changes. 13a. Behold, women are in the midst
of thee!] Such terror will lay hold upon the defenders of Nineveh
that they will be unable to act the part of men. Courage will ut
terly fail them; cf. Is. i 9 16 Je. 49" so 87 5i 30 -tt As a matter of fact,

* Hal.. t Hap., van H..

t So e. g. We., Now., Hap., Marti, Kau..

So e. g. Dav., van H.. ** Hap..

ft Similar language is used by Ashur-nirari, king of Assyria, in a wish he utters with refer
ence to a certain Mali ilu of Harran, viz. "may he become a hierodule; may his warriors be
come women, etc."; v. E. T. Harper, BAS. II, 434.

3- 347

the defence of Nineveh was prolonged and heroic. Thus it would
seem clear that Nahum prophesied before the siege had actually
begun. This is no vaticinium post eventum. iH reads, "Behold,
thy defenders are women in the midst of thee." The sense is the
same in both readings; but the order of words is easier in the
emended text and the phrase "in the midst of thee" in iH is some
what superfluous. 13c. Fire has devoured thy bars] The bars are
either the forts which obstruct the advance of an invader into the
country, or the literal bars which fasten the gates of such fortresses;
cf. Am. i 5 . They can hardly be the fastenings of the gates of Nin
eveh itself, for this would leave the city at the mercy of the enemy
and the following instructions to prepare for a siege would be ab
surd. The use of fire in attacks upon fortresses seems implied
here.* In any case, one of the constantly recurring statements in
the accounts of the capture of cities by Assyrian kings is, "I de
stroyed, I devastated, I burned with fire."f This clause more fit
tingly follows v. 13a than v. 13b as in 4ft. It would be unnecessary to
burn the bars after the gates were opened. Moreover, the metre is
much improved by this arrangement. 13b. The gates of thy land
are opened wide to thine enemies] i. c. the forts protecting the passes
and defiles affording entrance into the country are surrendered
without a struggle by their cowardly garrisons. Driver aptly calls
attention to the parallel usage of the word gates in such titles
as the "Caucasian Gates," the "Caspian Gates," the "Cilician
Gates," etc.. It may be that Nahum was writing at a time when
these strongholds had already fallen, so that it only remained to
conquer Nineveh. J But it is just as probable that with prophetic
certainty he represents as already accomplished that which he sees
to be inevitable.

Str. V ironically urges Nineveh to put forth her most strenuous
efforts in self-defence, assuring her in one and the same breath
that complete destruction awaits her. 14. Waters for the siege
draw for thyself] This ironical advice may refer either to the filling
of Nineveh s moats for the purpose of better defence,** or to the

* C/. Billerbeck, BAS. Ill, 161. t Soc. g. in Ashurbanipal s ,4afr.

J So e. g. We., Now., Kau., el al.. So e. K - Hap., van H..

** Hpt s categorical rejection of this interpretation proves nothing.

348 NAHUM

procuring of a water supply for its inhabitants before the presence
of the enemy renders it impossible.* Cf. the steps taken by Ahaz
to secure the water supply of Jerusalem at the time of the Syro-
Ephraimite invasion (Is. f). A copious water supply had been
provided for Nineveh by Sennacherib. In the Bavian Inscrip
tion^ he relates how he had conveyed the water of eighteen moun
tain torrents into the city by an aqueduct, thus furnishing it with
an abundant supply. Not only so, but he also constructed a sys
tem of water-works by which the storage and distribution could be
controlled and a plentiful supply guaranteed in time of siege.
Nahum probably refers to the perfecting and protecting of this
system. Apart from it, according to Sennacherib, the city was
dependent solely upon the rainfall.J Strengthen thy fortresses]
Reference is made probably to the defences of Nineveh proper,
the towers and turrets upon her walls and the outlying bulwarks
designed to protect her gates. The same verb is used in 2 K. i2 8 " 14
of the repairing of the breaches in the walls of the temple. Con
stant repairs upon the walls of the city and its forts would be needed
during the progress of the siege, because of the damage wrought by
the rams of the besiegers; lacking such repairs, the walls must
soon fall.. Enter into the mire and trample the clay] i. e. so as to
prepare the clay for the moulding of the bricks. An enormous
supply of bricks would be requisite to keep up repairs upon the
huge walls of Nineveh during a siege.** Their height was estimated
at one hundred feet by Diodorus and their width, as revealed by the

* A bas-relief from the NW. palace at Nimroud shows a warrior outside the walls of a
city cutting a bucket from a rope passed through a pulley, which was apparently used by the be
sieged to obtain water from a well outside the walls of the fort; v. Layard, Nineveh and Its Re
mains, II, 31 /.. Billerbeck suggests that Nahum refers to boiling water which is to be poured
upon the besiegers.

t Bezold s translation in KB. II, 117.

t Testimony varies regarding the waters of the Khusur and Tigris. Layard (Nineveh and
Its Remains, II, 96) states that the water of the Khusur was considered heavy and undrinka-
ble, while that of the Tigris was constantly used. Commander Jones (JRAS, 1855, p. 310)
evidently considered the waters of both streams usable; while Friedrich (Ninive s Ende), ap
parently without having been on the spot, declares the water of the Khusur to be good and that
of the Tigris undrinkable; so Billerbeck, BAS. Ill, 120. Sennacherib also seems to have con
sidered the Khusur available for a water supply, for he used it as a part of his system of water
works (Bavian Ins., 1. n).

Cf. Billerbeck, BAS. Ill, 161, where an excellent account of the defences of Nineveh may
be found; v. also idem, Der Festungsbau im Alien Orient (ad ed. 1003).

** Xenophon, Anabasis, III, 4, xi, mentions the irMvOwov reixos of Nineveh.

3" 349

excavations, was about fifty feet, except alongside of the gates where
it was over one hundred feet. Sennacherib himself says* that he
made the wall and the rampart of Nineveh "mountain high."
But limestone also was used in the construction of the walls and
earth in the erection of ramparts. Lay hold of the brick-mould]
Sun-dried and burnt brick was the chief building material of As
syria and Babylonia. This picture shows the population of Nine
veh engaged in the most wearisome drudgery and all in vain.
15. There fire will devour thee; the sword will cut thee off] "There"
probably indicates in a general way the scenes of labour just men
tioned. Even in the midst of their toil, destruction will come upon
them. Fire and sword are commonly combined in the destruction
of towns; cf. Dt. 2 8 22 Ju. i 8 - * 20 37 48 i S. 30 - 14 i K. 9 10 Is. i 7 Je.
34 2 Am. i 4 ff Ho. 8 14 . According to one form of the Babylonian
tradition preserved by Berossus, the last king of Assyria upon learn
ing of the advance of the enemy set fire to his own capital and per
ished in the flames. According to another form, the king resisted
the besiegers for three years and committed himself to the flames
only after the Tigris had washed away a portion of the city s walls.
The excavations at Kouyunjik have revealed the fact that most of
the buildings there had suffered from fire. // will devour thee like
the young locust] These words are best treated as a gloss or as due
to dittography.f The error was an easy one. The words are
hard to understand in |ft. Most naturally, the subject of the verb
would be the sword just mentioned;! but locusts are not destroyed
by the sword. If the comparison with the locust applies to the
subject, i. e. "the sword will devour thee as the locust devours,"
the figure is a weak one. Moreover, in the following clause, the
locust is applied figuratively to Nineveh, the devoured. If the
thought be, "will devour thee though thou art numerous like the
locust,** it anticipates and renders forceless the following phrase.
If the words be original here, they must go back for a subject to the
preceding fire, viz. "fire will devour thee like the locust"; this was

* V. Bavian Inscription.

t So e. g. We., Rub. (JQR. XI, 450), Oort Effi , Now., GASm., Hap., Marti, Dr. (?), Now.*,
Hpt., Stk., Kent. % Hi..

The Vrss., Strauss, Knabenbauer, Dr. (?), and most earlier commentators.
** Or., Dav..

350 NAHUM

one of the means of exterminating this pest.* One interpreter seeks
to save the phrase by making it mean, "fire and sword shall rage
against thee as furiously as they are made to destroy the baneful
flood of locusts. "f But this is to crowd too much into two words.
Another, by emendation, reads, "the battle-axe will destroy thee."
But this, in turn, introduces a new word into the Hebrew lexicon,
adds a superfluous detail since sword naturally represents all
weapons of warfare, and fails to reckon with the fact that these words
render this line unduly long. Multiply thyself like the young locust;
multiply thyself like the locust-swarm} The prophet now turns from
the forts and walls toward the almost innumerable mass of the pop
ulation within Nineveh, bidding the city increase its defenders be
yond measure only to find them as futile as the broken-down walls.
16. Increase thy traders more than the stars of the heavens} The
merchants of Nineveh were an important source of her wealth ; and,
in her case, commerce regularly "followed the flag." It may be that
the merchandise alluded to here is of the same sort as that men
tioned in 3 4 ; J but this does not appear on the face of the statement
and the additional classes mentioned in v. 17 render such a meaning
somewhat improbable. The young locust strips and flies away} This
probably refers to the final emergence of the locust from the pupa-
stage, at which time it casts off the membraneous sheaths which
have thus far confined its wings, rises into the air and flies away.
Another possible rendering is, "the young locust plunders and flies
away." But it is hardly legitimate to apply this to the departure
of the enemy from Nineveh after her destruction;** since in vv. 15&lt; 17
the locusts evidently represent the Assyrians themselves. An
other interpretationff gives the first verb the meaning go forth or
set themselves in motion, and cites Ju. p 33 - " in support of this.
But so weak and colourless a meaning is not to be expected of
this verb, nor is it made necessary by Ju. p 33 - 44 , where the rendering
"make a raid" is more suitable. Still another interpretation is
"the locusts deposit their larvae, etc.";tt but this meaning must be

* V. Thomson, The Land and the Book, II (1886), 297; and the "excursus on locusts" in
Dr. Joel and Amos, 82-91. t Van H..

J So Hap.; cf. Is. 23" . So Dr. Joel and Amos, 85 ; Shipley, EB. 2808.

** So Strauss, Kl., Ke., Knabenbauer ; cf. Marti, Hal.. ft Hap..

Van H..

3- 35i

forced upon the verb and even then furnishes no suitable tertium
comparationis. The point of the comparison evidently is that the
crowds of Nineveh will disappear as quickly and completely as
locust-swarms when their time comes. But the phrase anticipates
the thought of v. 17 , has no close connection with v. 1Ca and is super
fluous in the poetical structure. It is best handled as a marginal
note either on v. 15 or on v. 17 .* 17. Thy sacred officials ( ?) like the
locust-swarm] These words may be taken either as an independent
sentence, "thy sacred officials are like, etc.," or as dependent upon
the imperative of v. 16 , "increase thy sacred officials, etc.." The
latter seems preferable, since the merchants with the other two
orders mentioned are apparently correlated as representing three
leading classes in Nineveh. The word here rendered "sacred
officials ( ?) " occurs nowhere else and is of uncertain meaning. It
has been interpreted in many ways; e. g. thy princes, or crowned
ones;f thy consecrated ones, i. e. those set aside to war (&lt;/. YiJ"D) ;t
thy mercenaries ; thy bastards, allusion being made to the large
admixture of foreign blood in Nineveh;** thy tax-collectors ;ff thy
exorcists, or conjurers;JJ thy watchmen, or guards. Refer
ence can hardly be made to any high officials, since at any given
time these were relatively few and the comparison with locusts
would thus be unsuitable.*** Some class including large numbers
is apparently intended, perhaps the priests and attendant ministers
at the many shrines. The term is probably an Assyrian loan-word,
the meaning of which we can only conjecture. Thy scribes ( ?) like
the locusts] Another word of uncertain significance appears here.
The earlier commentators conjectured such meanings as cap
tains, fft marshals,:^ princes or leaders. The same word,
with a slight variation in vocalisation, occurs in Je. 51"; but that pas
sage sheds little light upon its meaning, beyond showing that it is a
designation of some kind of an official. The Assyrian duplarru or
iuplarru is almost certainly the original of this Hebrew form. In

* So Marti, Hpt., Stk., Kent. t Ra., Ki., Hd., Or., AV. el al.

t Kc.. Ew.. ** Hi., We.,

tt Du.. Jt Hpt.; cf. Rub. (JQR. XI, 460), Bu. (EB.).

So Jensen (ThLZ. 1905, p. 507), Zimmern (KAT. 3 , 651), Knabenbauer, Hal., Kent.
*** So Mau., We.. ttt AV., Ew., Or.. t RV..

AE., Ki..

35 2 NAHUM

Assyrian, the ordinary meaning is " tablet-writer" or "scribe,"
but the scribe served also at times as an official of the government.
The Hebrew *lb, scribe or secretary is also used to designate
a military officer (Ju. 5" 2 Ch. 26" 2 K. 25; cf. i Mac. 5 42 ).
A similar development is exhibited by the root "ittty. In view of
these facts, it is probable that "IDSID too had both meanings, viz.
scribe and officer. The objection that this is too special a
meaning for this place,* is of force, if we must think of either as
constituting a very small class. But scribes, at least, were abun
dant, especially in and after the literary age of Ashuibanipal.f The
suggestion^ that Nahum is deriding Nineveh by implying that the
stalwart warriors of her days of power have given place to mer
chants, scribes, and the like, may be near the mark, being wholly in
keeping with the spirit and tone of this prophecy. That encamp
in the walls in cold weather] A well-known characteristic of locusts.
So Nineveh is crammed with a huddled mass of population. But
the sun shines forth and they flee and their place is not known] The
similarity between the people of Nineveh and the locusts is in the
speed with which they both alike depart and are lost to sight.**
The details of the figure evidently must not be applied to the peo
ple of Nineveh. For the closing words, cf. Ps. io3 16 Is. 17" Jb.
7 10 Rev. i8 21 ; but the thought here is that none knows whither the
locust has gone, not where he has been. iH adds a word here,
making the phrase read, "their place is not known where they are."
This is a correct interpretation of Nahum s words, but it is gener
ally recognised as weak and tautological and as not belonging
here.ft It is better placed, with a slight change, at the beginning
of v. 18 .

* Now..

t They were highly regarded by that king, who himself acquired their art (Annals, I, 32 /.)
and employed many of them in copying ancient tablets and collecting his great library. In the
Tel-el-Arnarna period, the dufsarru at the Egyptian court was credited with great influence ,
v. Knudtzon s El-Amarna Tajeln, Nos. 286, 1. 61; 287, 11. 64 /.; 289, 1. 47, where Abdibiba,
king of Jerusalem, entreats the favour of his influence with the Pharaoh.

t Van H..

V. Jer. ad loc.\ Thomson, The Land and the Book, II (1886), 299.

** V. Thomson, op. cit. p. 297: "thousands upon thousands, with most fatal industry, deposit
their innumerable eggs in the field, the plain, and the desert. This done, they vanish like
morning mist."

ft So Am., Hap., Marti, Hpt., Stk., Kent, Du..

3 18 - 353

Str. VI which closes this oracle and the book does not carry the
thought of the preceding str. any further, but takes up a dirge over
the city, fallen to rise no more, and tells of the joy with which the
whole world receives the tidings. 18. How thy shepherds slumber,
thy nobles sleep!] The so-called dirge rhythm appears here and con
tinues to the end of the str.. $& inserts here O King of Assyria]
which not only spoils the dirge rhythm, but also introduces a new
personality at the very end of the prophecy. It is probably a
gloss.* "Thy shepherds" is a phrase much more naturally ad
dressed to a city than to a king, who is himself the shepherd of his
people. The title " shepherd" was a favourite one with Semitic
rulers; cf. Je. 3 15 Ez. 37 24 .f The slumber and sleep are not pic
tures of the slothfulness and weakness of Assyria s rulers. | The
vigour and obstinacy of the city s defence, which withstood the
attacks of the foe for at least two long years, protects the memory
of her defenders against such a charge. Sleep is here rather a eu
phemism for death (cf. Is. i 4 18 Je. si 39 " Ps. 13 76*- 6 ), and the
prophet is describing the situation after the fall of the capital. JH
has "settle down" or "dwell" for the second verb; if correct, this
must be understood as meaning "are at ease" or "secure," which
would be a very free rendering. But a closer parallelism with
"slumber" is expected and (g points to a different text. Thy peo
ple are scattered upon the mountains with none to gather them] The
"people" are the defenders of the city, as in v. 13 . They have for
saken her and are like sheep without a shepherd; cf.iK.22 17 Ez. 34
Zc. i3 7 Nu. 27 17 . 19. There is no healing for thy wound; thy hurt is
incurable] For similar language, cf. Je. io 19 i4 17 3O 12 46". Amos
threatened Israel with the same fate (5 2 ). The word wound is
commonly applied to the crash of states (e. g. Am. 6 6 Is. 3o 26 Je.
8 21 ), though it is occasionally used of individuals (e. g. Pr. i6 18 1; 19
i8 12 ). All who hear the report of thee clap their hands] For this
action as expressive of joy, cf. Is. 55" Ez. 25 Ps. 47 2 98". The

* So Arn., Marti, Hap., Now.*, Hpt., Stk., Kau., Kent; Du. om. only the word "king" and
leaves "Assyria" as the one addressed.

tSoe. g. Tiglath-pileserl (Prism Ins. I, x8), Sennacherib (Taylor Cyl. I, 3) and Shamash-
ehum-ukin.

% Contra many commentators; e. g. Mich., Kre., We., van H..

So Or., Dav., GASm., Jrm., Hap., Marti, Hal., Dr..

354 NAHUM

prophet here states even more positively what he has already sug
gested in 3 7 . He is conscious that he expresses the feelings not
only of his own nation, but of all the peoples who have suffered at
the hands of the world-oppressing tyrant. iH adds here, at thee]
But this is unnecessary to the sense and constitutes a blemish upon
the otherwise perfect elegiac rhythm. It is probably the work of a
glossator.* For upon whom has evil from thee not passed over con
tinually?] This, too, is best considered as a gloss.f It fails to con
form to the metre of this closing str. and it weakens the prophet s
climax. It is an attempt to justify the universal joy of the previous
statement, which needed no such prosaic apology in the days of
Nahum. The oppression of Nineveh was notorious enough to
be taken for granted everywhere. "Evil" here is equivalent to
"calamity," "disaster" or "wrong."

The logical divisions of this piece are so clearly marked as to have
produced practical unanimity among its interpreters regarding its analy
sis. Organising strs. on the basis of this logical grouping alone, and
trusting to the parallelism for guidance as to the length of lines, we secure
six strs., having 8, 6, 6, 6, 8 and 4 lines respectively. This involves a
few changes from HI. In v. 2 , one-half of the second line is missing.
In v. 3 , two words, Oa V?c&gt;3\ must be om. as a gloss. Other glosses are,
nS aoD D^D (v. 8 ), IDJ; (v. 13 ), pSo iSnxn (v. 1B ), ijn et^fl pS&gt; (v. 16 ),
nw -|Sc (v. 18 ), and probably nxp pN) onxn (v. 9 ) and xS ID Sp 13 -\^y
von injn ma? (v. 19 ). In addition to these omissions, the phrase
a &&amp;gt;N nSjs (v. 13 ) is tr. to foil. ia-pa in the same verse. This strophic
arrangement gives a sharper point to We. s question as to whether
vv. 18 - 19 constitute an original element in the poem or not. Strophic
symmetry demands the closing of the poem with v. 17 , where an eight-
line str. ends, thus balancing the eight-line str. with which the poem be
gan. These verses also seem to look back upon the overthrow of Nineveh
as an accomplished fact; whereas all that precedes has looked forward
to the fall of the city as a thing hoped for and confidently expected at no
distant date. It cannot be said with certainty, of course, that Nahum is
not here in imagination placing himself at some point in the future,
whence he looks back upon Nineveh s ruin. This is a common enough
method of procedure with the prophets. Hence, the question of the date
of vv. 18 - 19 must remain open, with the probability upon the side of the
later origin.

The metres of this piece, like all the rest of the book of Nahum, are
very uneven ; lines of four, five, six and seven beats are all found here, but
* So Bu. (EB.\ Marti, Now. K . t So Marti, Hpt., Kent.

3 1 " 6 355

with a preference for the line of six beats. The jjno-rhythm appears
here and there throughout the poem, but is consistently adhered to only
in w. 18 - IB , where it is the natural measure for the sentiment.

1. in] V. H. AH - "; cf. Dr.. Du. adds mrj. orp-j] Tr. _ to nSa
mtr. cs.. nSj] (6 H ignore sf.. 8&gt;na] Du. nisTis. pie] fiir. in this
sense; cf. Ob. 14 . (& ddudas; similarly &. Aq. {avxew&lt;r/wv. S dTro-
Tontas or fjL6\oKOTrLas. H dilaceratione. 21 Nia, booty. Gr. "ip.#. Rub.
(7(XK. XI, 458) proffers no, lies, as the original of this and also of IP-IB
in v. 8 , which with nSyn he considers a misplaced marginal note on pno.
But vfl in meaning lies is &ir. in Heb. (cf. Assy.) and thus possesses no
advantage over ("no. Du. P?j?\ HN^D] For inverted position within
the phrase, cf. Is. 22 . ttD\j Intrans. as in Jos. i 8 Ex. 13" Ps. 55" Zc.
I4 4 . &lt;8 \f/T)\a&lt;j&gt;T}6 /i&lt;rTai; similarly 0. 2 (#TTOU) dSidXeurroj. n"O] Prob
ably here the act of plunder rather than the plunder itself. The corre
sponding nominal form in Ar. is regularly used for the inf.. Gr. lib.
Hal. adds narnp; cf. Ps. 55". Rub. (/. c. ) adds na^p. Marti sug
gests the addition ncntpS nxfrfw; so Now. K . 2. BIB] &lt;$ pi.. Sipi]
The metre would be improved by the om. of p as a dittog.. jn] Though
used for earthquake, it is difficult to refer it here to the trembling of the
ground as the chariots dash by (BDB.) ; it is rather the noise made by the
wheels themselves. nm] HIT.; but cf. nnm, Ju. 5". Earth (Wurzelun-
tersuchungeri) and Hpt. connect with Ar. hdr by metathesis and render
neighing. Cf. snorting; V frementis. (6 Sicfoovroj. mp-ic] (&
dvappdo-ffovros. 3. nSyo] Qal is used of the steed in Je. 46* 2 K. 9 SJ ( f &gt;;
Hiph. of the rider causing his horse to rear as here in Je. 51". &lt;& &va.-
fiaivovTos, treating it as Qal; so Iff. Gr. SSnnc. Oort Em - nS y. Rub.,
v. on v. . rmj 1 ?] &lt;g rots fdveaiv CII/TTJS. Du. nMjS. iStyo&gt;] Rd. in impf.
with Kt. (so & ), byy. This is better than the Qr. iSieb) (so &lt;K,
many Heb. mss., B), for this vb. contributes only a slight detail, not a
new element in the scene. OHMJJ] Rd. r^jo, with Marti, Now. K , Stk.,
Kau., Kent. D is dittog. from foil. word. Oort Em - nnMja. Hal.
03^3 (cf. Ho. i4 2 ). Du. om. as a variant of jS. 4. r ann] (6 joins
to v. 3 . njir] Du. om. as due to dittog.. jri navj] (& Ka\*i Kal tirtxapfr.
B speciosae et gratae. nSj?a] In cstr. with foil, noun to denote a char
acteristic; cf. i 2 Is. 41"; Ges. * 1J8 s - u . (& faovntv-ri. macn] Cf. Fraenkel,
Aram. Fremdworter, 127. a never means, "get control over," but always
"sell " or " deliver over to another " ; Est. 7* Is. 50* 52* are no exceptions
to the regular usage. & who nourishes. Bu. (on Ct. i 4 ), rna^zpn; sc
Marti, Now. K ( ?), Stk., Kau., Kent. 6. niNax ] &lt;g inserts ^nS. Du.
om. *as due to influence of 2 14 . -n&gt;Sji] ^ and I will throw back.
ySw] (& rd dirlffu &lt;rov. }ff pudenda tua; so 0. ^JD Sj 1 ] Du. om. as
gloss derived from Je. 13".^- TPC] Syn. with nnp. Apocopated from
; c/". |^D, from nj&gt;-c. 6. o^ptf] (& *J sg.. Hap. om. as gloss upon
icard rds d/ca^a/xrfaj crou; hence Du. loSa;, which he

356 NAHUM

treats as a variant of the foregoing "p&gt;D. Cf. Hpt. who om. as gloss.
Hap. ^nSjj, thy carcasses. ^N-O] Om. o as dittog. of preceding D;
cf. (& eis TrapddeiyfM (so & Iff). Cf. Mesa Ins., 1. 12, nn = nno (c/. nu
for mNj); c/. man, Ez. 28". Praetorius (ZDMG. LX, 402) would correct
MeSa s nn to nnpa, explaining the loss of pa as due to the preceding
word npnn and translating, "I destroyed all the people from the city, in
Qeryyoth, for Chemosh and for Moab." But Qeryyoth is out of place
here, the idiom h :nn is harsh, and the ordinary interpretation is easy
and natural. For the same thought, v. Sachau s Assuan Papyri, I, I5/..
7. TNI] Note assonance with in. ivrj On form, GesJ 87co . &lt;K
Kara^fferai. S &vaxup^ffi. }ff resiliet. ^y^] For rn IIP; cf. D lSD, 2 4 .
Ges. 4 q. &lt;g SetXata. nS] & Iff ft = iS; so many Heb. mss. and Gr..
D^omc] &lt;& irapdK\i]&lt;Tiv. Iff consolatorem ; so 0. C/. Jb. 2 11 Is. 5i 19 for
a similar parallelism with -nj\ i 1 ?] Rd. nS, with (8 cuJrf/; so Rub.
C/Q.R. XI, 459), Oort Em -, Marti, Now. k , Stk., Kau., Du.. 8. o^nn
|isx NJD] A confusion in the vb. of Qal and Hiph. forms; best pointed
as Qal, at^nn (cf. Ges. * 70 ). DX NJ is abbreviated to NJ in Ez. 3o 14 - 18 ,
and apparently transposed in Je. 46 2S , NJD JIDN ((5 r6v A^cbv T6i&gt; uZ6i&gt;
o^r^s). (g in Ez. 3&lt;D 14 - 18 identifies NO as Thebes, viz. Ai6&lt;r7roXis. The
Assy, reproduces it as al Ni i (cf. Dl. Paradies, 318^".) ; this and the Heb.
NJ represent the Egyptian nt (with the t elided as is common) = town,
which was probably vocalised as ne(t}. Hence, the name means "the
town of Amon." In contemporary Egyptian records, Thebes was com
monly designated as "the town," par excellence; v. Steindorff, BAS. I,
597; W. Max M tiller, EB. 3427. Other cases where Assy. *e or *i* cor
responds to Heb. o are listed by Hpt., viz. twn = reSu; jnrnDN =
Aur-aha-iddina; |N2f = senu; Sos^ = ekul; PJID = Sarru-kenu. The
Vrss. vary. &lt;& erof/xao-ai neplSa, tLpfjuxrai xP^ v , tTolfJiaffai fjieplSa A/x/xt&p;
a composite rendering combining two variants, in which the vb. is read
as a Hiph. imv. and NJD as ^D = nja. Some mss. of &lt;J5 dpfuxrai (or
&pfjuo(Tov) xopS^v /ie/sis A/i/xc6j&gt;. Art thou better than Javan of A ntmon ?
U numquid es melior Alexandria populorum ; so. Aq. S 6 = N ID; so
Hap.. onN&gt;] P/. majest., like nnnj, Ps. 137 (so Hpt.); this is better
than "Nile-streams" as ordinarily taken. T^N] Du. om., as also o;.
S&gt;n] Rd. nS&gt;n; so We., Or., Now.. Rub. (I. c.), Bu. (EB. 3262), Hal.,
Hap., Marti, van H., Stk.-, Kau., Kent. Du. n^n. D;CJ] Rd. o^p-i,
with &lt;& Kal tSwp; so ^ B, some Heb. mss., and We., Gr., Rub. (/. c.),
Oort Em -, Or., Dav., Now., Bu., Hal., Hap., Marti, Hpt., Dr., Stk.,
Kau., Du.. nnnin] &lt;g = n&gt;nD^n. 9. Ehs] (g /cal KWioirla. nnx?] Rd.
FICX?, with (g fox^s a^s; so jj Iff 01 and Stei., Or., Rub. (/. c.), Oort Em -,
Now., Hal., Marti, van H., Kau., Stk., Kent. Bis] 05 TTJS ^irpjj = ?
(Schleus.) or toSo (Reinke, Stek.). Iff Africa. Marti, aS, connecting
it with p |&gt;N as in (36. Hap. rrj&gt;SoS, om. nxp as a later correction.
Du. oiD\ o&gt;3iS] One ms. of de R., omS. imrpa] Rd. nnnr^.-j, with

3 - 357

so and Stei., Gr., We., Oort E "-, Or., Now.,
Marti, Dr., Hpt., van H., Stk., Kau., Kent, Du.. 3 is Beth essentiae as
in Ex. i8 4 Dt. 33", where it is likewise used with ry. 10. x^n] Du. n^n.
oao] &lt;8 a/xM^w- & om.. IOOT] (& ^5a0ioi/&lt;rii ; cf. Ho. 10". Gr.
icfen; so We., Now., Marti, Hpt., van H., Stk., Du.. But the change is
unnecessary; a vivid impf. lends variety to the description. rnxm] 0$
adds rr_; so &. nnaaj Sjn] (6 = Vya-Sjn; so Stk., Du.. On d. f.
in n cf. Ges. * PP. YI J Also Ob. " Jo. 4*. Pf., / IT, a by-form of m\
Accent probably due to rhythm. Gr. -n;. jrSaVj Marti om. So; so
Hpt.. Du. suggests the insertion of ox ipm] Only in Qr. of EC. 12 ,
where text is doubtful. Noun-forms occur in i K. 6 21 Ez. 7" Is. 40",
but afford little help, partly because of textual corruption. The foil,
word here points clearly to the desired meaning. a^r] Connected with
Assy, sinku from sanaku, bind fast (Zimmern, KAT.*, 650). t is, per
haps, due to influence of J in a^jr = D^T, like pr, time* = Assy.
sintdnu (Hpt.). 11. a/] Twice in this verse, apparently to balance the
double occurrence in v. 10 . nae&gt;n] & ,_-.o?Z ( unhappy ), proba
bly an error for r -+o : &gt;^ ( be drunken ). Du. natfri. Tin] An inex
plicable jussive; cf. Dr. * 17 a . There is scarcely any basis for the render
ing "mayest thou be" (BDB. s. v. aS&gt;). For the use of the impf. plus
the prtc. to express a continuing condition, v. Dr. ^ 135 - 6 . noSyj] An
exact parallel of this idiom is cited from Ar. by Hpt., viz. gutiya alayhi,
lit. "a cover was put upon him," *. e. he swooned. &lt;S virepewpa^yTj-,
so & H. Gr. noSgj (so Dr. (?), Du.) or noSynn. nyc] May be de
rived either from ny or ny; taken by the Massoretes from the latter,
e. g. M^D, except in 2 S. 22", M-iyn. Probably M confuses two words
from these two roots; cf. Sta. * 269e and Brockelmann, Vergl. Gram. 195.
Here and in I T , it is better connected with ny, seek refuge ; contra Hpt..
&lt;g ffrdffiv. B auxilium. Gr. DUD (?). a^ND] &lt;& pi.. & Q = ia&gt;ND.
12. O^NO] & = ro. oyj Rd. rjoy_, following Bu. s suggestion of aoy.
(on Ct. 4 13 ); so Marti, Now. K , Hpt., Kent, a being very close ton
in form was dropped by haplography; v. on Mi. i 2 . onoa] (6 &lt;r/co7roi5j;
some mss. icapirofa. B cwm grossis suis. 13. isy] Om., with Marti,
as a misplaced correction of ay. in v. "; so Now. K (?). a"yj] (6 & =
ja; so Hap.. Hpt. ID^:, they will destroy. mno] Du. om. as a cor
rupt variant of D:. IXIN] x may be applied to the region under the
control of a single town (cf. i S. 9*- 6 ) as Hap. maintains here; but even so
the whole land might well be spoken of as belonging to Nineveh, the cap
ital. Tnna] Mich. T.rHa, thy fugitives. 14. o^oa ^a] Cf.Assy.fUa
er&u (Hpt.), an exact equivalent in meaning. Gr. "pu; so Now., van H.,
Stk.; cf. Zc. io . -\DI-O] (g ^ dxfyots. pSn] Only in 2 S. 12" (Qr.); in
Je. 43 , if text is correct, D has a wholly different sense. Hoffmann,
ZAW. II, 53-72 (cf. Dr. Heb. Text of Books of Samuel, 226 ff.), has made
the meaning brick-mould almost certain, showing (i) that in post-Bib.

NAHUM

Heb. it designates primarily a brick-mould and then things of the
same rectangular shape, e. g. door-frames; (2) that the same twofold
usage characterises the Ar. and Syr. milban. The secondary meaning
applies in Je. 430. The rendering brick-kiln of the earlier transla
tors is out of the question. Hap. suggests brick wall/ which is pos
sible in Je. 43 (though less suitable than court or square ), but is
usable here only if the Hiph. of n be changed to a Pi el, yielding repair
the wall. &lt;& virtp ir\lv6ov = nja jo. 21 thy building. B laterem. &
|ln\nSn ( promise ), probably an error for jlnNv ( brick-mould );
so Seb., foil. Bernstein. Hap. njaSa. 16. oty] Against temporal sense,
v. note on Zp. i u . Hpt. DJ or DJI. pSo jSaNn] Gre. om. o and tr.
nanjo to take its place. Du. and Kent om. o and connect n with pre
ceding ann as subj.. Riedel (SK. 1903, pp. 166 /.), nsS^ ^San (cf.
Assy, kattaplu, battle-axe ); so Now. 2 , Kau.(?). Hal. rta NP.
naann] Rd. naann, with some mss. of Kenn.; so We., Now. 2 , Oort Fm -,
Marti, van H., Stk.. (& Kal papvvOfaei; &lt;S AN Q -07^;. & focattfe //tow fcatf
increased. Gre. naanm. Gr. nnapnn; so Hap.. Riedel (/. c.), 133.1.
Now. 1 napn. Rub. (./(XR. XI &gt; 459) om - a s variant. Van H. nasrn.
Hpt ^ainn. naann] (& om. this and foil, word (so Now., Hal.); but
HP. 23, 62, 87, 91, 147, 310, & H and 3 have Tr\r]d6vd rjT tws /Jpouxos.
and /tas* become numerous. Gre. om. as variant. Gr. m:nn. Rub.
(/. c.) nasnn. Hap. m^nn. Du. na^rn. na-w] To be taken, with
DI.HWB. i M) f rom a -, x (^ Assy, dribu, eribu, eribu, a swarm of locusts )
with nominal affix, rather than from nai, with N prosthetic. Du. joins r N3
with first word of v. 18 . 16. ruain] Rd. ^a-jn, with We., Now., GASm.,
Marti, Hal., Dr., Stk., Kau.; cf. New. TN &lt;a-jn. Some mss. of Kenn.
&gt;n&gt;ann. Du. niann. I Sai] (S rAs tiuropla.* &lt;rou. H negotiationes tuas.
Kre. "n:^"), thy mercenaries. Du. rjap^. t^n oawo] Du. nccn uup.
pS ] Gr. p^a. Ges. (Thesaurus ) et al. connect with ppS, to lap,
lick ; but Hpt. s proposal to ally it with Ar. walaqa, which denotes a
leaping gait of the camel, seems better; i thus becomes the leaper.
uvo] (g &pM&lt;rev. Rub. (JQR. XI, 459), ti&a, anointer. Gr. fro, fly
ing. qy s ] (5 ^eTrcTdo-^. Rub. (/. c.), l^;i, and conjurer. Van H.
r\v\ 17. ^yvio] D. f. dirimens; Ges. ^ 20h . We. connects with ITCD,
bastard, as a by-form; but there is no basis in the parallel terms Sri
and -\DD2 for supposing any contemptuous epithet here. Nor is there any
analogy in Heb. for the interchange of D and f, even though Eth. does
yield manzer. Hpt. explains it as prtc. Pi el of Assy, nazdru, to curse,
execrate, viz. TP.U p thy exorcists. Zimmern connects it with Assy.
massaru = manzaru, guard ; but we should not expect such a Baby
lonian spelling in Nahum. The rendering given above makes no at
tempt to be specific, but is based upon the general sense of the Heb.
&gt;TJ and upon the well-known predominance of the temple hierarchies
in Assy.. H custodes tui. & thy Nazirites (or consecrated ones). &lt;8 s

3 15 - 359

^Xoro seems to be a second rendering of ijw (v. 16 ), D being passed over
in silence as unknown (Stek.). Rub. (L c.) T^ll? 1 ?* thy measuring-
clerks (an Assy, loan-word, otherwise unknown). Gr. yjj n, thy
princes/ Hap. laiyn nnj, thy mixed multitude starts up in terror.
Ko. II, i, 90 y.l T T 3E; so Dr.(?). *| no 0.21] The pointing op in Je. 51"
is only a dialectal variation; the more normal pointing, if related to
Assy. dupSarru, would be oa. No. ZDMG. XL, 732, declares the rela
tion to duptarru suitable here, but wholly unsuited to Je. 51". This latter
view is certainly justifiable, if the word must be confined to the narrow
sense of scribe ; but this is unnecessary in view of the Heb. analogies
and of the influential position of the duplarru in the Tel-el-Amarna let
ters (v. s.) ; cf. Dl. Hebrew Language, 13. For the interchange of d and
t , cf. the Sabaean *\o, tablet, in Glaser, 1053 (v. Hommel, Aufsatze
und Abhandlungen, 141 ; Zimmern, KA 7\ 3 , 400). (& 6 (rv/&lt;i/u/tT6s o-ou, per
haps, like H s et paruuli tui, based upon the first syllable p, the re
mainder being unknown. & and those that strive for thee. Hap. om.
as gloss. Hpt. TV^DD^I. ou DUD] Rd. ^aua, om. au as dittog. with
&lt;g, ws ditpls; so and Gre., New., We., Dav.(?), Rub., Now., Hap.,
Marti, Hal., Dr., van H., Stk., Kau.. Hpt. om. -out. Gr. oua au.
au is &TT.; taken by the earlier comm. as an intensive genitive, meaning
the great locust ; so Or.. On root-meaning of ou, v. H. AH - 182 ; cf.
Earth, NB.^ b . Brockelmann, Vergl. Gram. I, p. 412, derives it from
the related root au, with the nominal affix &gt;_.. a^jinn] &lt;g firifte^KvTa.
Gr. n^nn; so Du.. nip ova] We. o^n npa(?); so Hpt. But this change
is unnecessary; the phrase recurs in Pr. 25 20 . It means not merely
in the cool of the day, but on a cold day or in cold weather.
n-nja] & sg.. Si -nui] Now. sS nyji; so Hap., Marti, van H., Stk.,
Kau.; cf. We.. Hpt. om. as gloss. The form is Po. pf. active; cf. Sta.
I&6.. T ne change to pi. is unnecessary; the sg. of pS&gt; , naiN , ou, the
collective nouns, prevails over the pi. prtc. which is not in close proximity.
;nu] (6 tyvw. iDipc] Now. CC\ID; so Hap. et al.. D N] Rd. rj N,
with Du., and tr. to beginning of v. I8 . For confusion of o and D, v. on
Mi. 2 . For -ps with the pf., v. 2 S. i 19 Je. 2 2 9"; cf. HD&gt;N, La. i 1 2 4 - .
&lt;& otal a^rots. Arn. om. as gloss; so Hap., Hpt. Gr. -inN; so Hal..
Marti, -|S &gt;IN; so Now. K , Stk., Kent. 18. -cj] &lt; Mffrafav. CB. wj.
Ti i] Rd. this and the foil, suffixes in the fern., since the address thus far
has been to the city of Nineveh; so Arn., Marti, Hap., Now. K , Hpt., Stk.,
Kau., Kent iw] Rd. -iar;; so We., Oort, GASm., Hal.. Dr. : Hpt,
Stk., Kent, Du.. &lt;g ticoliu&lt;rcv, with king of Assy. as its sub j.. (g is
so awkward here that Hap. shrewdly surmises that king of Assy. was
inserted later into its text, the original rendering having been something
like fKoifjL^ffijffav ol Svvdffrat &lt;rov. Koi^/fw is usually the equivalent of
some form of ao^, which is also rendered much more frequently by the
related vb. icotfuiw. In Ju. 16", however, Kot/wdfiw represents the Pi el of

360 NAHUM

]v and Koindu renders the same vb. several times. On the whole, pref
erence here must be given to ja. The impf. ODC" between the two pfs. is
in any case unusual. T~ P " K1 ^ thy neighbours. VPDI] Rd. IXDJ; soGr.,
BDB., Hal., Dr., Now. K , Hpt, Stk., Kau.. (&&iri)pv. Jflatilavit. icDjis
&ir.; connection with one, skip about, is possible, but hardly suitable in
this context. Syr. and Aram, enc, remain behind, is little better. Cf.
i K. 22". 19. nna] Rd. nrn, with &lt;g, fatrts; so We., Dr., Now. K .
Hpt., Kau.. & one who grieves ; so 21. H obscura. o is &r.; the only
meanings obtainable from this root are dimness* and quenching, nei
ther of which is applicable to a wound (contra van H.). For j, v. Pr.
ly^and, as a vb., Ho. 5 18 . nSru] (& tyMy/Mvev. n^on] (K 8i& iravr6s.
Attempts have been made to improve upon the order of w. "- 19 ; e g.
Hpt., &gt;. i5*. is. u. is. i9j stk. " " " b - " " " "- 19 ; while Du.
would place 19m between 16m and IBb and drop "* as a gloss. The im
provement is hard to discover. For example, " follows " no better than
12 does, while the fact that both mention inxao is a very insufficient
reason for bringing and " into juxtaposition, iffi s position for I8
could not well be improved, constituting as it does a proper climax.

INDEXES TO MICAH, ZEPHANIAH
AND NAHUM.

I. INDEX OF HEBREW WORDS.

D&gt;rm, 88.
IJPK, 4c.

SpSa, 308.
o-u, 244.
m, 208.

Sinn, 230.
-D3, 35 2 359-

D^, 222.

vnn % , 39.

3 and D confused, 34, 115, 139,
192, 262, 330, 357, 359.

033, 156.

one?, 192.

1D3, 222.

onS, 210.

D and 3 confused, 300 /.
n?&gt;D, 31.
P^D, 357 /.

230.

anoo, 351, 3587.
IHDD, 208 /.
aipo, 40.

aim, 2857.
-itw, 297.

HDD, 51

, 51.
SDJ?, 96.
Sc-ip, 210.
-iny, 254.

314, 329.

""T?, 69
me*, 184.

Ji?., 224.
vvp, 221.

niann, 329 /.
Sn, 3 2 9-

DPI, 51.

nnz , 69, 112
O er, 123.

, 210.

361

362

INDEX

II. INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

ACHZIB, 48.

Acrostic, 295 /., 306, 309, 327.

Adullam, 49.

Apocalypse of Zephaniah, 166.

Ashdcxi. 216.

Asherim, 114 /.

Ashurbanipal, iS9ff-&gt; 344-

Assonance, 113, 210, 215, 224, 298,

328, 332.
Assuan Papyri, 51, 68, 84, 86, 93,

96, 189, 192, 245, 356.
Assyria, 107, 108, 159 /., 277, 3377.
Assyrian inscriptions, 115, 184, 192,

201, 205, 215, 245, 312, 317, 323,

330, 336, 339, 344 /-, 347, 349,

35* /
Atheism, 202.

BAALISM, i86/.

Babylon, 92.

Babylonian inscriptions, 337.

Baca, 45.

Beth Ephrathah, 102.

Bethlehem, 103.

CAPTIVES, treatment of, 38, 339.

Coinage, 2oo/.

Crete, 2i6/.

Criticism, of Micah, 9-16; of Nahum,

268 ff.; of Zephaniah, 1727.
Cruelty, 335 /.
Cyaxares, 163, 170, 276.

DAY of Yahweh, 24, 142, 169, 179,

194 /.

Diaspora, no, 150.
Dirge, 41, 58, 64.
Dittography, 5, 42, 43, 44, 51, 54, 55,

65, 66, 67, 102, 119, 130, 149, 192,

210, 218, 236, 254, 294, 307, 328,

355, 356, 359-

ELKOSHITE, 286/.
Ethiopia, 232, 343 /.
Excavations, 205, 319, 348 /.

FAITH, 68.

GATES, of Jerusalem, 198 /.; of the
land, 347; of the rivers, 3i8/.,
33 /

Gath, 45, 50, 216.

Genealogy, 182 /.

Gilgal, 123.

HAMMURABI, code of, 52, 143.
Haplography, 5, 108, 357.
Hendiadys, 63.
Herodotus, 162 /., 170 /., 206, 216,

277, 335-

Holiness Code, 125.
Huldah, 169.
Human sacrifice, 126.

JACKALS, 38.

Jericho, 205.

Jerusalem, destruction of, 25.

Josephus, 200, 313.

LACHISH, 46.
Locust, 350, 352.

MANASSEH, 124, 126, i6i/.

Mareshah, 49, 52.

Maroth, 46, 51.

Masseboth, 114, 115.

Messiah, 104, 108.

Milcom, iSg/.

Moab, 225/.

Moabite Stone, 95, 96, 215, 356.

Monotheism, i79/.

Moresheth, 17, 48.

Mourning customs, 100.

INDEX

363

NABONIDUS, 164.

Name, power of divine, 248.

Necho, 165.

Nimrod, 109.

Nineveh, 1637., 274 /., 318 /.

No-Amon, 340 /.

OPHRAH, 50.

PHAESTOS Disk, 217.
Philistines, 2i6/.

Poetic form, of Micah, 6 /.; of Na-
hum, 270 jf.\ of Zephaniah,

174 /

Political parties, 21.
Priestly Code, 125.
Puns, 42.
Put, 249, 343 /.

Qtna, 53, 145, 151, 229, 235.

REMNANT, in.
Righteousness, 214.

SALT-PITS, 227.

Samaria, fall of, 20, 37, 39.

Scythians, 162 /., 169 /., 178, 230,

232, 276.

Shamash-shum-ukin, i6o/., 275.
Shaphir, 45.
Shear Jashub, 105.
Sinjirli, inscriptions of, 215.
Sun-worship, 188.
Superscriptions, 19, 3O/., 284 /.

TAHARKA, 159.

Thebes, I59/., 274, 276, 34O/., 356.
Thomas of Celano, 204.
Threshold, 197 /.

UMMAN-MANDA, 164.
Urartu, 194, 220.

WATER supply of Nineveh, 348.
Weights and measures, 133.

XENOPHON, 165, 235, 348.
ZAANAN, 46

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

HABAKKUK

WILLIAM HAYES WARD, D.D., LL,D.

INTRODUCTION.

AUTHORSHIP AND DATE.

History and tradition give us no reliable facts as to the person
ality or age of Habakkuk, so that we are left entirely to internal
evidence for our conclusions. Peiser, MVAG., viii, p. 5 sij con
nects his name with Assyrian hambakuku, name of a garden plant,
and finds in his use of words in 2 2 evidence that he was trained at
Nineveh in Assyrian learning, perhaps a captive prince; but this
is pure imagination. We only know that the book, substantially
as we have it, was composed or compiled early enough to form a
part of the second collection of sacred writings, called The
Prophets, and that it antedated the editing of the Hagiographa.
The third chapter is indicated by its title and its colophon, as well
as by its character and by a passage duplicated in Ps. 77, to be a
psalm, perhaps taken from a psalm-book, and does not appear to
be genetically connected with the first two chapters, although as
signed by the editor to the same author. The use of m^K in
3 3 and of rWD for Israel in 3 13 , and the almost total loss of the
article, are mentioned by Budde as proofs of a late origin. The
chief difficulty in the study of Habakkuk is found in the question,
Who are the "wrong-doers," the D HJ O against whom the proph
ecy is directed? It is distinctly stated in i 5 " 11 that the Chalde
ans will be summoned as Yahweh s ministers of correction. This
puts the date of this passage at a time shortly before the capture of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, and in the reign of Jehoiakim.
No other date can be given to these verses, unless i 2 " 11 be regarded
as a dramatic representation of an earlier divine interposition for
punishment. But just as plainly i 12 -2 20 was written after the cap
ture of Jerusalem, while the Jews were under the yoke of a for
eign oppressor. In i 5 the D HJ Q were to be punished by the

4 HABAKKUK

coming of the Chaldeans; in i 13 they are the foreign and idola
trous oppressors themselves.

This inconsistency has led some scholars, as Giesebrecht and
Wellhausen, to throw out i 5 11 as an earlier prophetic fragment
which has been intruded here; while Budde puts it after 2 4 . Ewald
regards the present order as correct and the text genuine up to 2 8 .
Budde offers a curious explanation, supposing that Habakkuk s
prophecy is directed against the Assyrians of Josiah s time, who
are about to be punished by the Babylonians.

The language of complaint in i 1 " 4 makes no mention of a
foreign invader. There are people guilty of DDPI violence, Jltf
wrong, ^Dp trouble, TO pillage, n H strife, and JVTD contention.
As a result the mifi Law is paralysed and tDEttfD justice fails.
It is in this way that native oppression and not a foreign invader
would be described. Then follows in w. 5 ~ u a description of the
Chaldeans whose invasion would be a punishment for such sins.
The transition from the complaint of the prophet to Yahweh s
answer is not unusually abrupt, although the latter has no such
formal introduction as in 2 2 . Yahweh s answer is addressed to
the D HJ Q (D^I^Q) who will not believe it, an expression natu
rally applicable to those who have some faith in Yahweh. In
v. 6 the Chaldeans are about to be raised up; but they are well
known and well characterised. They have been in the habit of
gathering captives (v. 9 ) and conquering cities (v. 10 ). There is
no internal reason for separating w. 5 " n from w. 1 " 4 . The crimes
of the wicked Jews (w. 2&lt; 3 ) are to be punished by the impending
attack of the Chaldeans (v. 6 ). The time is between the battle of
Carchemish, 605 B.C., and the first Captivity, 597 B.C., and so
about 600 B.C., or during the reign of Jehoiakim, unless (Kuenen)
we take vv. 1-u as written after the event dramatically described
as future. Thus far nothing implies a condition of captivity.

In i 12 " 17 the condition changes. The oppressions of the wicked
Jews are forgotten, and the complaint is against the invader, who
gathers captives like fishes in a net. This must have been writ
ten after the first Captivity. Were the last half of v. 12 genuine it
would closely connect the second complaint with the preceding
v. 11 ; but it is out of place, answering a question asked in the next

AUTHORSHIP AND DATE 5

verse. The Tlf?N my God of v. 12 , however, seems to refer back
to the 1JT7K his god of v. 11 by way of contrast; and the bfcy
wrong, ytfin wicked, p*TX righteous, and D HJ O evil-doers of v. 13
seem an echo of corresponding words in w. 3 ~ 5 ; and the sacri
fices of v. 16 seem to refer to the sacrifices which an emendation
finds in v. u . But the wicked one of vv. 14 ~ 17 is a foreign invader,
a different person from the wicked one of w. 1 " 4 .

In the reply of Yahweh (2 2 ~ 8 ) a foreign foe is described, such as
the Assyrian power, or the Babylonian kingdom of Nebuchad
nezzar. A single clause, "All the rest of the peoples shall spoil
thee," brings a slight support to Budde s theory that we have here
a prophecy of the overthrow of the Assyrians, inasmuch as it was
by such a league that the Assyrian power was destroyed. Vv. 2 - 3
have not a poetic form; the vision written on a tablet, therefore,
began with v. 4 and seems to continue through v. 8 , embracing the
first malediction. The "parable" of v. 6 is found in the descrip
tion (vv. 6 - 7 ) of the Babylonian power under the figure of a usurer;
the "interpretation" HT^D, which was to be inexplicable to him,
JT1TPI "a riddle," is found in v. 8 as a definite prophecy of ruin.

The data given above strictly interpreted would make it appear
that i 1 " 11 , containing the first complaint and Yahweh s answer,
belongs to the period of Jehoiakim. With v. 11 begins a second
complaint, with Yahweh s answer, modelled on or closely related
to the earlier prophecy, and copying its expressions, but referring
to a later period during the Captivity, while the Babylonian power
was approaching its fall. There is thus no need of dislocating
the order of the verses by dropping i 5 " 11 , and uniting the two com
plaints into one.

It is possible to escape the conclusion that we have here a
composite by two authors of different dates, by assuming a dra
matic form to these chapters. It is not impossible that the prophet,
considering the evils of his own day, discovers the occasion for
them in the divine retribution for the sins of the people. He
thus defends the justice of God in bringing the Jews into captiv
ity, because of the oppression and disregard of the Law by his an
cestors; but now he appeals to Yahweh against the new oppres
sors. This possible view gives us two scenes in the drama: the

6 HABAKKUK

one (i 2 " 11 ) retrospective and introductory, while the other (i 12 -2 8 )
pleads against the continuance of the present distress.

So long as the word Chaldean (v. 6 ) remains unchallenged we are
compelled to refer this section to the period of the Captivity. It
is by a very hazardous conjecture that Duhm makes the prophet
refer to the coming invasion of Alexander. To do this he has
changed D^BO Chaldeans to D^fO Greeks, and in i 9 he changes
fiDJD to ^lEJD and translates, From Corner their direction is
eastward, and finds thus an absolute proof that this was no
Chaldean invasion. While Duhm may be right in assuming but
one writer, his textual evidence is inconclusive as to date.

The first of the five maledictions of ch. 2 is closely connected
with Yahweh s preceding answer. The second malediction has
no logical connection with the first, but is closely connected with
the third, which contains the utterance of the ptf stone and the
D^D brace (v. n ). But the third contains three quotations, two of
them direct, from Mi. 8 10 Je. si 58 and Is. n 9 . This probably
brings down the date of both the second and third maledictions
nearly or quite to the Maccabean period; and to a similar date we
may assign the fourth and fifth maledictions.

The third chapter is a separate production, arranged for temple
worship, and may or may not be by one of the authors to whom
we owe i 12 -2 20 . It belongs to a troubled period following the
Captivity but contains no definite indications of its age beyond its
quotations. It takes v. 3 from Dt. 33 2 ; and v. 19 is based on 2 S.
22 s4 (Ps. i8 33 ), which in turn is taken from Dt. 33 29 . Vv. 10 - " 15
have a close relation with Ps. 77 17 " 20 ; but here the psalm is the
later production. In Habakkuk these lines are in couplets; in
Ps. 77 a third line has been added to each couplet, and the frag
ment differs in this triple structure from the rest of the psalm. In
Habakkuk they belong to a song of vengeance; in Ps. 77 to a song
of reminiscent triumph. In Habakkuk there is no reference to
past history; while in Ps. 77 these verses are inserted in the midst
of an account of the victories of the Exodus.

Logically 3 15 should follow v. ", precisely as in Ps. 77 v. 20 fol
lows v. 19 . Either w. 12 ~ 14 are a later insertion, or v. 15 should pre
cede them.

TOPICAL ANALYSIS

TOPICAL ANALYSIS.

The Oracle begins with the complaint of Israel personated by
the prophet, occupying i 1 4 ; followed by the response of Yah weh,
embracing w. 5 ~ 11 . In these eleven verses the wrong-doer is to
be punished by the invasion of the Chaldeans, and therefore he
is the wicked Jewish court and princes. This puts the date
about 600 B.C., in the reign of Jehoiakim. With v. u begins a
second complaint against the foreign heathen oppressor, here nec
essarily the Babylonians themselves, concluding with 2 1 . This
must be later than the time of Jehoiakim, as the Babylonians
have now made their invasion. Yah weh s response begins with
v. 2 ; and this and v. 3 announce the vision to be fulfilled at a later
period. It is to be preserved legibly written on clay tablets of
the Babylonian style, and consists of two parts, one about the
preservation of the righteous, and the other the overthrow of the
wicked oppressor. The prophet has not made it quite clear
where the inscribed vision ends. Indeed he seems to have con
tinued the last part, that about the wrong-doer, into the first
malediction. The second and third maledictions are too closely
connected together to be separated; but the third contains three
quotations from as many other prophets, and must therefore be
later than the first malediction; and the fourth and fifth also seem
to belong to a period considerably later than the Babylonian
Captivity.

The third chapter is intended for musical recitation in the
temple worship, and may well be of the period of the last part of
the second chapter. Being assigned to Habakkuk, we may pre
sume that Habakkuk was the last compiler and editor of the first
two chapters, and may have been the author of the last part of
the second chapter.

It is impossible in translation to reproduce the abounding allit
erations of the original, or the prevailing poetic measure, consist
ing of three principal words in a line.

COMMENTARY.

THE ORACLE.

I 1 . The Oracle which Habakkuk the prophet did see. This
verse is probably a later editorial title.

THE COMPLAINT. IM.

. How long, Yahweh, must I call, and thou nearest not,
Must I cry to thee, "Violence"! and thou savest not?
. Why dost thou show me wretchedness and trouble?
And pillage and violence are before me;
And there is strife, and contention ariseth.
*. Therefore the law is benumbed,

And judgment goeth forth no more.

[For the wicked circumventeth the righteous; therefore justice goeth forth
perverted.]

2-4. The conditions in these verses are plainly not those of
war, but of domestic oppression. The law in v. 4 is not the Torah,
but the religious institutions, corresponding to justice in the next
line. When coupled with ^ftj?, ptf means trouble. The latter part
of v. 4 is not rhythmic, and is a marginal gloss. It is meant to
elucidate the second member of the couplet, but it is a weak state
ment that the perversion of justice consists in circumventing the
righteous.

THE RESPONSE. 1*-".

. Look, ye wrong-doers, and behold, and be greatly amazed; for I am
about to do a work in your days which ye will not believe though it be told
you. 6 . For,

Behold I raise up the Chaldeans,
That violent and vehement nation,
Which marcheth along the far regions of the earth
To hold the homes that are not his.
. Dreadful and terrible is he;
From him judgment goeth forth.
8

THE ORACLE

. And swifter than leopards are his horses,

And fiercer than evening wolves.

And his horsemen spread from afar;

And they fly like an eagle eager for food.
. All his host is bent on violence,

[Untranslatable intrusion]

And he gathereth his captives like sand.
M . And he it is that scoffeth at kings,

And rulers are his derision.

He it is that deride th every fortress,

And he heapeth up earth and taketh it.
". Then his purpose changeth and he passeth along,

And setteth up his altar to his god.

5. This verse introduces the rhythmical response which fol
lows. The corrupt A mong the nations is easily corrected to wrong
doers as in v. 13 . Their amazement implies that the oppressive
rulers in the time of Jehoiakim depended on Egypt to protect
them against the Chaldeans. 7. By omitting the word dignity
(RV.) we keep both the thought and the trimeter measure. The
meaning is that they are a self-willed, ambitious people, who pay
no respect to justice, rights ordinarily accepted, but do as they
please. 8. The third member must be emended by eliminating
the repeated horsemen, but even so the translation is not clear.
9. The second member must be given up as untranslatable. It
is a corrupt intrusion; or, possibly, represents the remnant of a
member of a lost couplet. 10. The emphatic position of the
pronoun in both couplets must be observed in translation.

11. This verse has suffered much in transcription and was not
understood by (&, and RV. gives the reader the choice of several
translations. The clause "and is guilty" is weak and meaning
less. If we transfer the Hebrew word to the second member, as
we must, the present text of the first member must read, as in
RV., Thus shall he sweep by as a wind and pass over, which gives a
fair sense. But we had better follow a number of mss. which are
of great value in ch. 3 and read his spirit in place of wind. We
then have the statement that the Chaldean, having accomplished
one siege, turns to a new purpose, as we were told in v. 7 that his
judgment goeth forth from himself. Cf. Jb. 9" Ct. 2 11 for the simi
lar use of the verb. The second member gives no suitable mean-

10 HABAKKUK

ing and is probably past reconstruction. It is most probable that
the original text contained the word for sacrifice or altar, in place
of this his strength, which requires the change of 3 to 13. Of the
two emendations suggested, the first retains Dttftf, with the sense
he offers a propitiatory sacrifice to his god. We learn from Nu.
3 1 19 - ** 50 that after a battle the soldiers were ceremonially un
clean, through having touched the dead, and offered sacrifices
for purification. The same custom is referred to in i S. is 15 - 21
where Saul saves Amalekite cattle to sacrifice to Yahweh. In
rabbinic times everything was ceremonially lawful to an army in
war, and they could even break the Sabbath or eat swine s flesh,
and the Talmud is puzzled over the need of purification in Nu.
31. But it is preferable to change D*N to DE" and read he
setteth up his altar to his god. The altar would not be built, but
set up, as in war the king would use such a portable altar as is
often figured on the monuments. The reading proposed assumes
a second D after W, just as in the first member a second 1 is
required for 1JTn.

3. 18 t^an (& iiripMireiv ra.\a.nrupta.v t reading itPEon. So A and
3 videre pr&dam. & seems to read BOX. The text of JH requires
a Hiph. sense which the word never has. It is redundant, suggested
perhaps by v. 1S ; cf. Nu. 23 21 . iK N" is superfluous, but was a neces
sary addition when pin became |nn, &lt;8 /cprnjs, followed by A and &.
The third member in this verse suggests that a fourth has been lost. 4.
JH mjS. The desired antithesis to SpyD in the early gloss which com
pletes the verse has compelled Vrss. and com. to give nxj the impossible
meaning of sincerity. So Ra., Ges., de W., Ew. Suggested emenda
tions are roj 1 ? and rnjV. fR "vroc. (fa Karadvvaa-re^ei. We. suggests
TDDD; but in Ju. 20" and Ps. 22 13 "iro has the sense of assailing, or en
compassing with purpose to destroy, nnoo would be too strong a word,
as these are domestic enemies.

6. DMJ3 is to be corrected to D&gt;-U:J; so &lt;8 ft and critics generally,
after v. 1S and 2 8 . HH innn innnni to be corrected after We., et al.,
to vnDnonm, cf. 2 s . 6. For -amo rd. VIVID, after Is. 8 9 . 7. M in
serts inNtf i, which injures the measure and obscures the contrast with
taoc D m: 1 ? NIP sSi, cf. v. 4 . The Copt, omits it, probably following an
earlier &lt;8. For inKBM racifD rd. nNCh BDB&gt;D, destruction, cf. La. 3.
8. JH inserts venm by dittog. before pimn, and then adds 1x3" after
it to provide a predicate. (36 Ko-i tt-iirird&lt;rovra.i ol lirireis Kal

THE ORACLE II

fjia.Kp66ev, probably omitting i*o\ Ew. and St. omit i*o&gt; pimD vitnci as
a gloss. Rd. TDNI for M 10^, &lt;g KO.L irtraaO-fiaovTcu. So g&gt;. 9. The
clause inserted by M nnnp on&gt;j&gt; HDJD, interrupts the parallel, lacks
fitness and is apparently an untranslatable intrusion. {& could not
translate it, avdeaTyKbra.? Trpocrdjirois avT&v tvavTias. 11. H nn, better
inn. Several important mss. (HP., 62,86, 147 and others) give irvev^a.
avrov. M iro IT DCW yields no reasonable sense and is corrupt. It is
to be corrected by some form of the |/ nor such as inSx 1 ? raj sew or
in^N*? main oir;i, c/. v. 16 .

SECOND COMPLAINT. W.

12 . Art not thou, Yahweh, from of old?
Thou, my God, my Holy One, diest not.
[Yahweh, for judgment hast thou appointed him,
And, O Rock, for reproof hast thou established him.]

13 . Why dost thou look on the wrong-doers,

Art silent when the wicked consumeth the righteous?

14 . And thou makest men like the fish of the sea,
Like swarms that have no ruler?

15 . All of them he sweepeth into his net,
And gathereth them into his seine;
[Therefore he rejoiceth and is glad.]

16 . Therefore he sacrificeth to his net,
And burneth incense to his seine;
For by them his portion is fat
And his food is dainty.

17 . Shall he therefore ever empty his net,
And spare not to slay nations?

12. The parallelism requires Thou diest not, in place of the
irrelevant We shall not die, of HI. The second couplet is an in
trusion quite out of place and anticipates the answer to the com
plaint which it interrupts. It was added to explain God s prov
idence. So We. 13. HJ has The wicked consumeth him who is
more righteous than himself, instead of simply the righteous. It
was an added gloss because it was not thought that one fully
righteous could be swallowed up by the wicked. 14. The sense
seems to be that God, who has a providence for men who serve
him, appears to treat them no better than the lower animals to
which he pays no attention, leaving them to the accidents and fates
of nature. The thought is the reverse of that of Jesus, who de
clared the sparrows to be under God s care. 15. This verse has

12 HABAKKUK

an extra member, omitted in a class of mss. and not needed. The
omission of lifteth with his hook not only corrects the metre but
relieves the figure, as the Chaldean army could hardly be compared
tc an angler with a hook. He catches them in swarms (v. 14 ) and
sacrifices to his net and seine (v. 16 ). 16. It is not meant that the
Chaldeans literally sacrificed and burnt incense to their net and
seine. This simply carries on the figure. The sacrifice was to
the gods of war such as Marduk and Adad and Ishtar.

THE WATCH FOR YAHWEH S ANSWER. 2.

I will stand upon my post

And station myself on a tower;

And I will look out to see what he will say to me,

And what answer he will return to my complaint.

The response to the prophet s second complaint is more elab
orate than that to the first complaint, and is more formally intro
duced. The first complaint was against native oppression, and
the response threatened their punishment by the Chaldean con
quest. The second complaint is against these Chaldean conquer
ors, and so is later, unless we may regard i 1 " 11 as a dramatic
retrospect, explaining the subject condition of the Jewish people.
One may prefer the reading rock to tower, following the Vrss.,
but the longer *Tl0 is probably genuine and more musically
matches mDtPO by the latent paronomasia which the prophet
much affects.

12. 4H rnnj noted by Mas. as tikkun sopherim. 01 interprets as N 1 ?
nion, so Ra., Ew., Kue., No., et al 13. M HDD omitted by (g&. For
Jft imD^ (8&gt; rd. imD 11 , Kal i-Tr\a&lt;rv /*e TOV e\^7%eiv iraidelav durou, giving
m* the Aram, sense of form, fashion. 14. Rd. nfryrn. 16. The irreg
ular metre can be restored by the omission of nSj?n nona, which is in
appropriate, as the Chaldean captures were wholesale, and there is
no sacrifice to the hook. M SMM riDfc p hy is omitted in mss. men
tioned in v. . 17. For iH p hyr\ Gie. and We. read oSiyn, but Ton
belongs to this member. For inin they read uin, as does Copt, and
one ms. of (& ; but it is more poetic to continue the figure. iU Torn
Jin 1 ?. So &lt;& 3, but divides the members after Ton, omitting the
conj. This makes two equal members, and allows Vicrr S to denote
continuance, parallel to TDD. We. changes 4R SIDPP to Sirp.

THE ORACLE 13

2 1 . fSL -mo. &lt;& irtrpav, so &, reading -nx. fR 3&gt;c&gt;N. But the par
allel requires ant". IE would mean, What answer I shall return to
those who sent me, cf. 2 S. 24 13 ; but there is no indication of the proph
et s representative character. &, Brd., We., Oort, et al., rd. a^\

YAHWEH S DIRECTION. 2".

* s . And Yahweh answered me and said: "Write the vision and engrave
it on tablets, that one may read it readily. For the vision is only for a set time,
and is ripening toward its conclusion, and it will not fail. If it linger wait
for it, for it will surely come; it will not delay. Behold:"

2. The tablets were like those of Babylonia, of clay, not of wax,
and were to be preserved during the years that should elapse
before the overthrow of the Babylonian power. They were to
be written distinctly for public knowledge and encouragement.
The use of tablets implies that the prophecy was written in Baby
lonia. It was a roll which Isaiah took in 8 1 . 3. This verse and
v. 4 are directed to the encouragement of the captive Jews in their
patient assurance of the divine faithfulness. Budde makes "O,
for, the sign of direct discourse, as in Is. 9 18&lt; 20 , and the oracle
begin here. But this is not clear.

THE ORACLE. 2&lt;-.

*. The upright [shall rest] his soul in me;

And the righteous shall live in my faithfulness.
. And also:

As with wine the wrong-doer vaunteth,

He hath more than enough, but is not filled;

Who enlargeth his desire like Sheol,

And like Death he is not sated;

But gathereth to him all the nations,

And heapeth to him all the peoples.

We have in these verses a double consolation. In v. 4 the faith
ful righteous is told that he shall be preserved, because the God
of Israel is faithful to his covenant; in v. 5 the thought turns to
the oppressing nation which is to be visited with maledictions.

4. This verse is one of two which Paul depended on for the
doctrine of justification by faith, following the meaning of the pres
et Hebrew text, which should probably be corrected after &lt;&.

14 HABAKKUK

The first member of the verse gives no sense, but must have given
a. sense like that of the second member.

6. And also is not part of the poetic measure. The three
couplets explain the occasion for the maledictions that follow, in
the greed of the Chaldean ambition. The corrupt first couplet
must be restored conjecturally. The word wine, which must be
retained, gives the key to the emendation, and the first two coup
lets correspond to each other. The oppressor boasts like one
filled with wine and still unsatisfied, and in the next couplet he
is like Death who is ever greedy and never has food enough.
There is here a partial quotation from Is. 5", Therefore Sheol en-
largeth her desire.

3. 48 mri, &lt;& dwreXet, 3 apparebit. & appears to have read N3M
f P i. Seb. emends to jpuv. Brd., We. and Oort read mo&gt;i. Ehr. re
tains JH no&gt;i, but reads i for 1H my, and translates, The vision shall
bear witness for time to come, and proclaim to the end; as "ijj? and ngp are
thus connected in Ps. 27" Pr. 6 19 i2 17 14 ig 6 - 9 , although mispointed
ivfiv in Pr. JW in&gt; tth. &lt;& J &lt;$ A and 40 mss. collated by Kenn.
and de R. read xSi. 4. The first member of this couplet is corrupt
past safe reconstruction. (& tav viro&lt;rTet\r]Tai O&K evSoKci ij tyvxfy (*ov
iv ain$, reading t\hy&gt; p and ^DJ. 3 Ecce qui incredulus est, non erit
recta anima ejus in semetipso, guessing at the meaning nSfljj from
in the corresponding member. read (or heard, Sebok) nVip for n
Br. and Bu. emend t\hyw for nSoy njn, and suppose (& to have read
*\^y ]n. We. emends Si^n for nSo&gt;\ The emendation nSyjn is inap
propriate, as it introduces a fainting, discouraged Jew, ready to apos
tatise, neither pn* nor nji3, of whom nothing is said before or after.
That is rather a NT. thought, and accordingly this passage is quoted
in Heb. io 38 from (. The parallel demands a statement encouraging
the faithful to expect deliverance. Probably -\& is concealed in mi?&gt;,
corresponding to pnx in the next member, and the original text had
some such meaning as The upright shall stay his soul or shall deliver
his soul (Am. 2 14 ); or, possibly, by transposition, 13 IPOJ 10" ^hyi N7. jft
. (35 I* 7n&lt;rrect&gt;5 fwv fijo-erai, which gives the probably correct
But fjiov omitted in mss. noted above, and in Gal. 3".
6. By common consent of critics the first couplet of this verse is
corrupt. (35 translates pn by Ka.Toiofj.tvOs, probably a mistake for
KdToti/orf/zei oj. We must first correct M -"n^ to nn% so We. (5 Trepdvy,
S evwpay^ffei or euTropiJerei, A probably wpcu0iJ&lt;reTeu, as if from niNj;
so 3 decor abitur. The corresponding yw N^I in next member certifies

THE MALEDICTIONS 15

nw, and in turn requires p to be retained, as in all Vrss., although
rejected by textual critics. Br., Gie. and Bu. conjecture p3 DDKI for
pn ^3 f|N\ \Ve. suspects m concealed in pn; Houtsma and Oort
suggest fjn. Less change is required, and a sense better parallel to the
second member is secured if we read p 103 (old form nno) as with
wine (Zech. 9" io 7 ) and vocalise 13 J. For the impossible i n&gt; rd.
Trv&gt; (i*nv) or i&gt;n\ The two couplets ending with nw and jne" thus
become parallel, one making the uu insatiable in drinking and the
other hi eating. 5. & yw&gt; 161. &lt;& omits conj., which is better.

THE MALEDICTIONS. 2 6 - 20 .

6*. Shall not they all of them take up a parable against him, its meaning a
riddle to him, and say:

FIRST MALEDICTION. 2&gt;-.

b . Wo to him who taketh usury of what is not his; how long!

And presseth heavily the yoke of his pledge!
i. Shall not they arise suddenly that exact usury of thee,

And they awake that shall oppress thee,

And thou shalt be their prey?
. For as thou had spoiled many nations,

All the rest of the peoples shall spoil thee.

[For the blood of men and the violence done to the land.

The city and all that dwell therein.]

6 a . RV. may be right in translating a taunting proverb instead
of its interpretation a riddle. The meaning is not clear. As trans
lated above it means that the Chaldeans could not believe such
threats to be serious and dangerous. 6 b . This couplet (but not
what follows) is put in the mouth of the oppressed nations. The
figure is of one who oppresses with usury (literally increaseth, as in
RV.). The oppression of this usurer is such that he requires
usury on what he has not lent. Also in the second member &
may be right, in which case the meaning will be, That maketh heavy
on himself pledges; but it seems better to regard the burden of the
yoke (for on himself) to be borne by the oppressed. 8 b . It is
perfectly evident that this couplet is out of place and has in some
way been inserted from 17b .

l6 HABAKKUK

SECOND MALEDICTION. 2 -".

. Wo to him that gaineth an evil gain to his house,
To set his nest in a high place

To escape from the hand of evil.
1. Thou hast devised shame to thine own house;
Thou hast cut off many peoples,

And brought guilt on thine own self.
11 . For the stone shall cry out of the wall,

And the brace out of the timber shall answer it [and say]

9-10. It is noticeable that these have three members, as in
v. 7 . In each case the third member is essential to develop the
thought. One might think from v. 9 that the wo was directed
against Edom whose nest was in a high place, but v. 10 with its
repetition of the multiplied conquests applies the malediction still
to the Chaldeans. 11. The figure of a stone and a timber from
the oppressor s house prophesying is a violent one, ana it does not
come naturally from the preceding verse; and we may suspect
that this verse, with the next malediction, is a later addition.

THIRD MALEDICTION. 2"".

. Wo to him that buildeth a city by blood,

And foundeth a town by crime.
M . Are not these the words of the Lord of hosts:

And the people shall toil but for the fire,
And the nations weary themselves for nothing.

". For the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the glory of Yahweh,
as the waters cover the sea.

Here is a remarkable succession of quotations, definitely desig
nated as such and depending on a previous collection of sacred
books. We can hardly doubt that this malediction, with v. 11
which introduces it, is the late addition of one who was not him
self an original and authoritative prophet, but a scribe. 12.
This passage from Mi. 3* was addressed to the oppressive Jewish
rulers who were building Zion and Jerusalem by forced service,
but is here applied to the Chaldean power under the figure of a
house. 13. The first sentence in this verse is to be regarded as
prose, to introduce a poetic quotation from Je. 5 58 . The quota-

THE MALEDICTIONS 17

tion is not literal, but ad sensum, and arranged for the trimeter
measure. In this case the quotation is apposite, as Jeremiah s
prediction was against Babylon. 14. The quotation from Is. n 8
is not metrical, nor has it any particular bearing on the subject,
but is merely a pious reflection thrown in at hazard.

FOURTH MALEDICTION. 2-".

18 . Wo to him that maketh his neighbour drunk from the cup of thy wrath.

Even making them drunken, so as to look on nakedness.
1B . [Thou art sated with shame for glory.]

Drink thou too, and show thy uncircumcision.

The cup of Yahweh s right hand shall come round to thee,

And shame upon thy glory.
17 . For the violence done to Lebanon shall cover thee,

And the destruction of the cattle shall affright thee.

The blood of men and the violence done to the land,

The city and all who dwell therein.

The irregularity of the metre in vv. 15 ~ 18 suggests that lines have
been inflated, perhaps by the addition of the clauses from the cup
of thy wrath, Even making them drunken and right hand. 15.
The suffix in thy wrath disagrees with his neighbour, but the transi
tion to 2 pers. sg. agrees with v. 16 . For a similar use of the figure
of the shame of uncovered nakedness see Na. 3 5 . The story of
Noah s drunkenness, and the care to keep his body covered, is
one of many cases in OT. in which that sense of modesty is illus
trated which Greek writers say characterised the Persians, and
which also appears in Assyrian art, but is absent in Greek and
Egyptian art. 16. The omission of the first clause is required,
as it anticipates the cause of the shame in the next two members,
and repeats the last member. Literally, be uncircumcised; a
strong expression for show thyself uncircumcised, implying the
double shame of personal exposure and also uncircumcision.
17. We cannot be certain what particular invasion of an enemy
is referred to. From the earliest times the conquerors cut the
timber of Lebanon, killed its cattle and hunted its wild beasts, as is
narrated by various kings both of Babylonia and Assyria. There
is progress in the description of ravage from the ruin of the for
ests to the slaughter of the cities.

l8 HABAKKUK

FIFTH MALEDICTION. 2"-.

II. [What is the profit of a graven image, that its maker hath graven it, the
molten image and the teacher of lies, that its framer trusted in it to make
dumb idols.]

&gt;. Wo to him that saith to the wood, Awake, arouse thyself!
To the dumb stone, It shall teach!
Behold it is overlaid with gold and silver,
And there is no breath at all within it.
. But Yahweh is in his holy temple;
Hush before him, all the earth 1

The entire malediction probably comes from a later editor who
wrote long after the time of the Captivity. It is general against
idolatry and has no special pertinency as against the oppressors.
Certainly the prosaic v. 18 must be expunged. It is crudely com
posed, and appears to be such an outbreak as a scribe might have
hastily jotted in the margin. 18. The expression, teacher of lies,
applied to a molten image, seems to imply a certain residual belief
in a real power of heathen gods. Literally, the framer of his frame
trusteth in it, an inelegant redundancy. 19. Here &lt;g gives us
the true division. Both wood and stone are given as materials
for idols, but it is the wood that is overlaid with gold or silver.
Very small idols of gold have been found. The expressions are
taken from Is. 44 sq. 20. The temple is represented as in full
service. It is likely that from the last clause is drawn Zp. i 7 .

6. JH -IDNM. &lt;& & have pi. So We., who omits VID iy, but the vocal
balance of the two members requires it, as roiD corresponds to IO^D,
also V? S to V?p, and ^no ny to t^csy. 4H rSj?. &lt; rbv K\oi6v airrov.
Oort emends ty. 8. The last couplet in this verse is rejected by De
Goeje, We., et al. It has been intruded from v. 17 , but is inappropriate
here as confusing the thought of an usurer with that of slaughter.

10. We. remarks that rmp and NCDIH must be made to correspond in
form, for 4R. nwp &lt;& has o-vveirtpavas, reading rnxf?. So 3 21. Ac
cordingly wain must be corrected to nwan. 13. IK n^n. By consent of
critics it should be pointed run, to introduce the following quotations.
15. 4R ncDD. We. emends 109 after Zc. 12*. This makes better sense
and a good parallelism. The n was intruded by dittog. Some Vrss.
make D a prep., but fail to understand nee. A

THE PSALM 19

%6Xot;, ATTO x vff ^ a} * BV^JLOV &lt;rou. Origan s E read !
TOV dvaTpoirrjs rrjs dpyrjs crov. The suffix of "jncn offers some difficulty,
and is omitted by &lt;& & A and 21. S reads tavrov. But sf. is original
and represents rapid transition. iJS onmyD We. emends onngp after
Na. 3 5 . This is suggested by OS s error (TTriJXcua afodv. 16. Either
the first or last clause of this verse should be expunged, perhaps both.
We. removes the first clause, and puts it in place of the last, chang
ing njntt&gt; to yivr\. It is better to retain the last clause (changing
pSpN 3 to pSp, as ysty is hardly the word to follow DID in v. 16 and the
words for drinking in v. 15 . For M h~\yr\ &lt;& has Ka.1 SiacraXeiJfli/Tt, A
Kaitidijrt. and 3 also probably read Snpm, as do many commenta
tors; but the text of M makes better sense. 17. J0 jn&gt;rp makes no
sense. &lt;g irToJjffci &lt;re. So ^ and 21. Ew., Ols., We., Oort emend "[mm.
& ^CID. The last couplet, to be dropped from v. 8 , seems required
here, with omission of the prep, which the connection required in v.
and was then intruded here. 18. This verse is not rhythmical and is
an intruded gloss. St., We., et al., transpose w. 18 - 1B . 19. JH mj?. (6
oi&gt;al 6 \yu)v ry ^i/Xy eKvy^ov, t^eytpdTjTi, Kal r$ \LQ&lt;f v\f/d)8riTi ) teal
airrb t&lt;rriv Qavraffla. This gives a division of the members preferable
to that in JH, although (8 erroneously read ^nn for onn ; and ntoo
(as it did in v. 18 ) for miv (niin in v. 18 ). (Read mij? for mj; to corre
spond with nx pn.) By putting onn and mv in the same line we
get a fine antithesis, and mv makes a paronomasia with nnij? in the
previous line.

THE PSALM CHAPTER 3.

For emendations of the text of chs. i and 2 we have had to de
pend mainly on (g, but we have occasionally noted another small
class of mss. For ch. 3 we fortunately have more help from this
class of mss., chiefly 23, 62, 86 and 147 of HP. Two of these are
among the more ancient mss., and one is an uncial. They agree
in being based on a text quite variant from JJH and so of special
value. Cornill says in his Ezekiel that 62, 147 are not Lucianic.
So Vollers, ZATW., 1883, 4, p. 239, says that this group goes
back to "sehr alte und ivertvolle Vorlagen"

Ch. 3 is not a recounting of past triumphs, and contains only
covert allusions to early Hebrew history. It simply considers the
present distress, and seeks and receives a theophany of deliver
ance. Yahweh comes in the guise of an armed warrior, with
horses and chariot, bow and quiver, in storm and lightning, to

20 HABAKKUK

overthrow the enemy. He starts from his Olympus in Mount
Paran, moves northward to Palestine, and affrights land and sea
with his thunder and tempest. It is to Palestine that Yahweh
comes with help, but there is nothing by which we can decide
what particular exigency required his aid. We are told of the
possible or actual failure of the fruits of the earth, but whether
by drought or by the ravages of war we are not told, but the aid
of Yahweh implies the latter. Very likely this psalm belongs to
the Maccabean period.

1. The Prayer of Habakkuk the Prophet. On tlie Stringed
Instruments. This is the title. Inasmuch as (g translates Shig-
ionoth with the same word ??&lt;? as it does Neginoth in v. 19 ,
we may make the correction.

Introductory Prayer for a Theophany, V. .

*. Yahweh, I hear the sound of thee;
I see, Yahweh, thy work.
In the midst of the years display it;
In the midst of the years make it known;
In wrath remember mercy.

In the first part of this verse the psalmist anticipates the desired
theophany, and in the last part prays that it may speedily develop.
The change of I fear of HI to I see, gives a much more appropri
ate sense as well as a perfect parallelism. He desires that the
theophany be not long delayed, but that deliverance might come
during the present years.

Theophany in the Storm. Vv. -.

8 . God cometh from Teman

And the Holy One from Mount Paran.

His glory covereth the heavens,

And the earth is full of his praise.
. Before him it is like the light;

Rays he hath at his side,

And he rejoiceth in the glory of his strength.
. Before him goeth Pestilence,

And Plague followeth behind him.

THE PSALM 21

. He standeth, and the earth trembleth;
He looketh, and the nations melt away;
And the mountains of old are scattered,
The ancient hills bow down.
. [Untranslatable, probably two lines.]
The tents of Cushan tremble,
The curtains of the land of Midian.
. With the rivers art thou wroth, O Yahweh?
[Is thy indignation against the rivers?]
Is thine anger against the sea,
That thou ridest upon thy horses,
Thy chariot of salvation?
B . Thou dost quite uncover thy bow,
Thy quiver is filled with shafts. Selah.
[With rivers thou cleavest the earth.]
w. The waters see thee and they writhe;
The clouds pour down their waters.
The depth giveth forth his voice.
The height lifteth his hands.
U. The sun [is hidden in his chamber].
The moon standeth still in his dwelling.
For light thine arrows go forth,
For brightness the glittering of thy spear.
". Thou treadest the sea with thy horses,

The mighty waters foam up.
l2 . In rage thou marchest over the earth,
In wrath thou tramplest the nations.
Thou goest forth for the salvation of thy people,
To save thine anointed ones.

". Thou crushest the head of the wicked. [Thou piercest with thy shafts
the head of the oppressors; they stormed out to scatter me; their rejoicing
was as to devour the poor secretly.]

It is better to put this whole theophany in the present tense.
That which the prophet has prayed for he sees now in vision as
on the way. First Yahweh is described, then his companions
are designated, and then follows the description of his march in
lightning and storm. His home is in the Arabian mountains;
his movement is recognised in thunder and rain; the lightnings
are his arrows and spear, the thunder the rattling of his chariot
and horses. There follows a deluge of rain, and the rivers over
flow, and the sea dashes with foam. The storm-cloud hides the
sun and moon, as he marches forth trampling Israel s foes. With
his home on the mountains, his weapons of thunder, lightning,
storm and war, he is such a god as the Syrian and Babylonian

22 HABAKKUK

A dad. We now have, not a recounting of past triumphs, but only
covert allusions to the events of Sinai and Canaan. The prophet
simply considers the present distress, and seeks and receives a
theophany of deliverance.

3. The mountain home of Yahweh is based on the memory
of Sinai. The first couplet is imitated from Dt. 33*. 4. The
rays proceed from his side, not hand, as in RV. The older Baby
lonian art often represented solar deities with rays proceeding
from the body. And there is the hiding of his power, $H, is jejune
and has to be conjecturally emended. While that here proposed
is not assured, some such change is necessary. 5. Pestilence and
plague are here personified as Yahweh s attendants, just as Homer
gives to Ares the companions Fear and Terror (&lt;l&gt;o73o9 and
Aet/wfc) when he goes forth to fight the Greeks. It is also in
accordance with oriental ideas to represent pestilence or a de
structive wind as a demon, or chimera, accompanying a god.
Marduk was thus accompanied when he fought Tiamat. So an
angel of pestilence appeared after David had numbered the
people. 2 S. 22 16 - 17 .

6-7. There is no intelligible meaning in iU, He stood and meas
ured the earth. 0j indicates how the text must be corrected. The
last clause of this verse with the beginning of v. 7 , is untranslatable,
and we have not the material for reconstruction. The mss. al
ready quoted had a Hebrew text which gave a full couplet, The
roadways of old sJiall be changed; on his account the world shall be
shaken. RV. has His goings were as of old, as if referring to
Sinai. The margin has His ways are everlasting. Both are
unsatisfactory, and 05 gives a more satisfactory translation, his
eternal roadways, i. e., the mountains and hills. The last six
words of v. 7 make a good couplet, leaving the first three words
/ saw in affliction (RV.) as material for the couplet which begins
with the last three words of v. 6 . The lands of Cushan and
Midian first feel the terror of the theophany, as nearest to Mount
Paran.

8. Here the prophet turns from the thunder and wind which
shook the hills to note the effect of the rain and storm on the rivers
and sea. But he very naturally turns to view the God who ere-

THE PSALM 23

ates the commotion as he comes with horses and chariot. An ap
parent infelicity in representing him as upon horses, and yet with
a chariot, has led &lt;g to translate chariot by tV-Tracr/a, while our
special class of mss. put the chariots, dp para, in the first clause,
and linraa-Ca in the second, which avoids the confusion of thought.
9. It is only by a bold conjecture, following our special class
of mss., that any intelligible meaning can be made out of this verse.
The correction thus suggested makes a good parallelism, and the
only difficulty is with the translation of filDD as shafts, i. e., arrows
or javelins. Our mss., however, translate it by /3o\tSa9, unless they
possibly read JYlXn for mtDD. The order of thought is then
clear. The rivers and sea were affrighted as Yahweh approached
with the thunder of his chariot and horses. They saw him with
his bow uncovered, taken from the armoury where it was protected
by a covering, and now ready to be drawn. From his quiver he
takes his weapons and hurls his spear and arrows of lightning.
They see, and the next verse tells us that they writhe in terror.
Syrian and Hittite art frequently represents Adad-Ramman, god
of storm, as armed with the same weapons, while the Babylonian
art gave this western god the forked thunderbolt. The last, un
balanced clause of this verse may be regarded as intruded.

10. Fortunately we have in Ps. yy 17 - 20 the means for some emen
dations of w. 10 12 - 15 . The Psalm is later, and adds a third mem
ber after the couplets. It also has a different purpose, that of re
calling the escape of Israel from Egypt, while Habakkuk makes
no reference to Israelite history, but simply presents a theophany of
judgment under the figure of a storm. The correction of moun
tains to waters, follows the Ps. and makes a much better connec
tion of thought with v. 8 . Equally the emendation in the second
member of this couplet greatly strengthens the thought, for the
passing of the tempest is no occasion for fear. 11. A couplet
originally took the place of the single line of four beats which tells
how the dark clouds hid the sun and moon. We must here fol
low our class of mss. The dwelling, ^ST, has no relation to the
rabbinic use of the word as one of the seven firmaments, but is
used indefinitely as is tabernacle in Ps. 19*. The translation of
the last couplet in RV. is jejune, at the light of thine arrows as they

24 HABAKKUK

went. The meaning is that of Ps. 77, The lightnings enlightened
the world. For the use of the preposition cf. Is. 6o 19 . There is
no reference here to Joshua s miracle, but only the statement that
the sun and moon retire behind the black clouds, and that their
place is taken by flashes of lightning, represented as Yahweh s
arrows.

12-15. It is evident that v. 15 is out of place after vv. 12 ~ 14 . It
belongs with vv. 10 - n , as it continues in order the series of expres
sions found in Ps. 77 17 20 . It must therefore follow v. u . 16.
This corresponds to Ps. 77 20 , the resemblance being much closer
in the Hebrew than in an English translation. If placed before
v. 8 the connection might seem better, but the parallelism with
Ps. 77 fixes it after v. n . The trampling of the nations of v. 12
also fitly follows the treading of th?. sea of v. 15 . 13. In a we have
the purpose of all this theophany. Kuenen shows that the title
of thine anointed applied to Israel is proof of a postexilic period,
as Ps. 84 10 . But as it antedates Ps. 77 17 - 20 it does not belong to
the later postexilic period, but might well belong to the 5th or
4th century B.C. The sg. is probably correct, although the Jewish
recensions of (& make anointed pi., as do the special mss. quoted.
The latter part of the verse would require much change to make it
intelligible, and the Vrss. give no real help. The house and the
foundation have no pertinence, and they have no relation to the
rock. 14. This verse is equally unintelligible, except as to the last
clause, which is quite out of place, as it represents a personal and
not a national calamity, in which the pious poor were the suf
ferers. As the text stands it cannot be made metrical, and we
have not the data for restoring it. Probably the whole is an in
trusion.

THE PROPHET S MEDITATION ON THE THEOPHANY. Vv.

. I have heard, and my belly trembleth;
My lips quiver at the sound.
Rottenness entereth into my bones,
And my steps tremble under me.
I moan in view of the day of trouble,
Of the coming up of the people that will assail me.

THE PSALM 25

17 . For though the fig-tree bear no fruit.

And there be no vintage on the vines;

Though the yield of the olive fail,

And the fields produce no food;

Though the flock be cut off from the fold,

And there be no herd in the stall,
. Yet I will exult "in Yahweh."

I will rejoice "in the God of my salvation."
. Yahweh, the Lord, is my strength,

And he setteth "my feet like those of hinds

And he maketh me" tread "on my high places."
To the chorister on the stringed instruments.

16. This verse requires correction to make the latter half in
telligible. The correction of which to my steps is assured, but that
of / moan in place of / rest is only suggested. The immediate
effect of the theophany is not the faith and courage that might
have been expected, but affright; and yet not fear of the terrible
theophany, but of the approaching foe. It may be that the original
text avoided this revulsion of fear, and anticipated rest after the
invasion, just as the succeeding verses begin with the anticipation
of evil, but end with trust and exultation. Cf. Dn. i2 13 . 17. The
couplets in this verse may properly be translated as conditional, al
though the text would allow them to describe the state of desola
tion and famine following the invasion of an enemy. 18. This
verse is based on Mi. 7 , but is not a close quotation. 19. This is
taken almost directly from 2 S. 22 s4 which is identical with Ps.
iS 34 , and indirectly from Dt. 32 13 33 29 . It denotes possession and
rule of the land. The quotations in the two last verses, with those
in 2 12 " 14 , indicate an authorship at a period later than the first
standard collection of the Sacred Books. The writer was familiar
with Deuteronomy, 2 Samuel, Isaiah, Jeremiah and Micah, who
is quoted twice. We have also the parallelism of 2 10&gt; " 15 with
Ps. 77 17 " 20 , in which we have preferred, but with reserve, to regard
Habakkuk as the original source. The facility of quotation, es
pecially from Micah, is an argument in favor of a common author
ship of chs. 2 and 3.

1. 4R nuvjty, &lt;g /terd (5779, reading mrju as in v. 19 . 2. ift Tim*,
which destroys both parallel and measure. Rd. TVN-I. The fear is
not appropriate till after the theophany, and not to be expected before

26 HABAKKUK

v. 16 . 4ft vi"n. &lt;8 ftfwj/, as reading nvn. & read o"n. The parallel
requires irvin, cf. Ps. 19 , corresponding to jnin. 3. In 4ft pnsn omit
art. inserted by dittog. 4. n:m as if njj were fern. Rd. n -uj, the final
n being 3 masc. sf ., as in niy, v. 4 . n-uj corresponds with WD, at his
tide, in the next member. The f. n&gt;nn is impersonal, Before him it
is like light. 4ft jvan DBM. The text is corrupt, and was not understood
by the Vrss. &lt;& Kal e0ero dyd-irqa-iv, reading or, as do also A S. An
important class of mss. given by HP. related to one of Origen s un
named mss., and representing an independent version of part, at least,
of this chapter, read ^/cet eTricmJpi/CTai 77 5i5j&gt;a/xts 7-775 86i-ijs afrrov. The
most probable emendation is my ptoa HCCM. For the use of pNj see
Ez. 24" 3o 18 33 28 Mi. 5 Is. 2 - . Make o&gt;jip pi. for M dual.
6. 4ft -HDM (5 KaJ ^(TaXetffli? 77 777. We. suggests JUD^I, but that destroys
the paronomasia. &lt;& may have read "ij?Dm, but in bibl. use ~\yn is con
fined to steps, feet or knees. Of the earth we would expect J!?ni. 4ft
\rp). &lt;& /ca2 SieTdKT] fdv-rj, as reading iDri^j. So also &. 7. jft
&gt;n^Ni ps nnn :iS. We. says: &gt;er Vers wird uberfiilt durch
The change of metre indicates either an insertion or corruption for
v. 7 , probably the latter, as the sense is appropriate. According to 4ft
rna^n means the mountain ranges which are Yahweh s roadway, but
the word means caravans or processions, and should apply to the ter
rified caravans of the desert. The valuable class of mss. referred to
in v. 4 followed a very different text and verse division, reading, al &8ol
al ^ d/3%7^5 (iAXotc;0?7VojTcu afrrov tvfKO. cretcr^rJo eTai 77 olKOV/j^vrj.
KaTavev6rjKa rds tr^j is Al6i6TTb)v K. T. X., omitting V? and connecting
DlD^Sn with a succeeding verb, and then adding a new parallel member.
Possibly for pN nnn we should read pnnnn (the caravans were affrighted),
but there is not material to make a probable reconstruction, and in
deed it is not certain whether ^n^Nn niDiSn represents one member
or two. The second appearance of oSip is suspicious, vSy? 8. 4ft
JDN onrua ON, which is redundant, following Bi., et al. 4ft nnn. &lt;g
&pyt&lt;r0i]s ArtJpte. Perhaps we should read nnn. 9. 4ft "nyn pass, is
weak. We expect 2 sg. m. as &lt;& tvrdvwv tyfreivas. Rd. nnj?n, which
is better. M IDN niBD nva is untranslatable and corrupt. None of
the versions give aid, except those mss. which read ^x^P Taffas fio\l8as
TTJS (paptrpas O.&TTJS. This makes an admirable parallel. For niyap
they read a form of v. e yiv, and for -\DN they read neifx. po\ls also
translates n^n in v. ". also takes niton as arrows. Probably the
original read njnfe (or FIJ?!^) n&gt;ts&gt;N niDD or nnc^N. In the older writ
ing the resemblance of *^DN and nstPN is much closer than in the
square letters. The last three words of this verse have either lost their
parallel member, or are intruded. 10. Vv. 10 - 1J - must be emended
by Ps. 77 17 -* f which is based on Habakkuk, but with a third member

THE PSALM 27

added to the couplet. HI ann. &lt;g \aot, reading wny. Both come from
D&gt;DH, which we accept, following Ps. 77" iS&gt;n&gt; O^D "pNi. JS nay D^ ant
must be corrected after Ps. 77 18 . may D^D ID-U . . . HI on. &lt;& fyfroj
as reading ann, which gives a better parallel. 11. fH inserts rrv to the
injury of metre and grammar. The MSS. quoted above give a full
couplet. 0wj TO \a/j.irp6v TOI) r]\lov $ireffxfv TO 54 &lt;pyyos rfjs &lt;re\tfvr)s
Arrdflt;. The second member must be filled up, to say that the moon
was withdrawn into its dark chamber behind the clouds. Bi. vent
ures to complete the couplet by inserting npvnn mix before v DP. 4H
laSrn, should be emended iaSnn\ after Ps. 77 18 . The subject is T-xn, as in &lt;g
els 0uJs /3oX3es crou Tro/jetfa-ojTcu. For use of prep, in "ne&lt;S and njjS see
Is. 60 .

12-15. Vv. 12 - 14 interrupt the series of quotations from Ps. 77 n - JO ,
and interrupt the sense by the insertion of a difficult and irrelevant ex
planatory passage. Gumpach, De Goeje and Kue. put v. &gt; 6 after v. 7 ,
but it is better to throw vv. 12 - 14 after v. 15 . We then have vv. 10 - " 1S
parallel to Ps. 77 6-i, and the corresponding passages in the same order,
Hb. 3 8s corresponding to Ps. 77 17a ; v. I0b to 18 ; "bto 18b ; nbt o b ; and 15 -
and b to 20a and b . To put v. 16 after v. 7 would dislocate the parallel.
15. M "ion. We. suggests doubtfully non; Bi. emends to ncna. The
mss. already quoted read: ^rapdx^ (ncn) rd tfaiffia {/Sara; (6 rapd&lt;r-
ffdvras (^?h) tidup ?roXiJ. M gives no connected sense. Perhaps icn
should be corrected to ion, following Je. 5i 5B DOT o^ca on^j IDHI, cf.
Ps. 46 4 or won, cf. Ps. 46 . The corresponding passage in Ps. 77"
has pit for H^DID nam, and p i ?UB&gt; for ncn. 12. in&gt;e&gt;n DN ya ^S. CS
TOV o-wo-ai rdv xP UTT ^ )v &lt;roy - The mss. quoted above read pfoa.&lt;r6ai
rots xP iffT ts &lt;rov. Both make JH8" 1 ? a vb. as required by PN. We.
emends to yw for j?^in\ The second couplet is corrupt past recovery.
The Vrss. have made no sense of it. (& seems to have read mo (66.va.Tov)
for n&gt;ac. Our special mss. make sense, but vary much from M. They
read /caTeT6ei&lt;ra$ Ace0aXds dvOpuiruv vTrep-rj^dvuv ews dftvffffov TOV
TTJS 0a\d&lt;Tffrjs KaTaSfoovrai, as if nxnD were related to a- xn. It appears
to have begun with Dinn "\y. One of Jerome s mss. gave ornasti, as if
reading nnj? in place of nnj;. The last clause seems to have been
greatly corrupted after the intrusion of no in the previous clause,
making it fit a house instead of a wicked people, cf. Ps. 6S 22 no 5 .
14. This verse appears to be prose. The first four words correspond to
the first four of v. u , and the intrusion seems to be quite late, as the
devouring of the poor secretly has no relation to the foreign oppressor.
4H vana. Bi. and We. emend to "peca. The mss. cited read, t-
eSticrjO as (nopj) /xerd 8vvd/j.(us &lt;rov Totfs d/3x?77oj)s T&V d/xopTwXwi (a^X^^c)
To&gt;y irejroiQoras (nj D&gt;) M TJJ avdaSetq. (Prabbinic N3Xin) avTuv ZveKev
TOV KCLTaQayeTv TOVS TTTWXOI&gt;S \ddpa. &lt; gives Si^o^os Iv ticffTdvei (for
cicrdffei) /ce^oXds dvvdffruv, &lt;rei&lt;r0-ti&lt;rovTa.i tv airy (n 1 ? n^D\ for iV).

28 HABAKKUK

8iavolov(ri (from nxc) xaXiPods ai/rwv (aniSxD, Zc. I4 ao ) ws
TTWXOS Xd0pa. The corruption "inDDU -op VoN 1 ? may have come from
an original *J*?3S.

16. JR -VPN M-N emended by Bi. and We. to read *"\vx with cor
responding vb. -nt^N takes a f. sg. vb., see Ps. 37" 44 19 75*. &lt;&
trdpax6i) ij ts fwv. From 4K uiup ay 1 ? niS} 1 ? mx ovS ny it is im
possible to get any consistent meaning. &lt;& follows M except that for
UIIJP OJ?S it has eis XaAj* ira.poi.Klas reaching a form of "OJ with I p. sg.
affix. The mss. quoted read TO.VTO. ^uXd^s tv yptpq- ^X/^ews, tirayayetv
iirl %9vos (or &lt;pevos) Tro\fwvv (or TroX^/oou) rdv Xadv trov. & is quite
variant for this couplet, and its text it is not easy to recover. For M
IJIVP it appears to have read IJTJP. 3 has ad populum accinctum
nostrum for iK mup Dj?S, reading a form of ~un. Both (& and 3 agree
in reading i for n. Perhaps OS s -nj is correct, but with the meaning, to
fear, instead of, to sojourn. We should probably read UT)J\ who -will
attack me, or something like IJ~\UN, or VUD, whom I fear. For the
inappropriate JH mjN it might be hazardous to conjecture HJNN, mean
ing I moan in view of the day of trouble, but nothing better occurs.
For use of prep. S in place of Sy or ID after PIJNN, c/. use of S after HDJ
and nu, Je. 22 10 Jb. 3O 25 . 17. M msn (6 KapTrotpopfoet. We. emends
to men. DB&gt;J? f. pi. (J. P. Peters, Hebraica, 1888, p. in). ITJ. We. ^nj.
^1 nS^DD for isSDOD. 18. UK, nu- jji Ew., et al., emend by omitting
sf. Kue. either thus or vnu\ua following &lt;& tv Ty &lt;j&gt;5rj avrov.

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

OBADIAH AND JOEL

JULIUS A. BEWER, Ph.D.

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY UNION THEOLOGICAL
SEMINARY, NEW YORK.

INTRODUCTION TO OBADIAH.

i. THE COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK

The first literary problem in Ob. is the relation of w. ** to Je.
49 ff \ These passages are so much alike that they cannot be in
dependent of one another. Either Ob. quoted from Je., or Je.
quoted from Ob., or both quoted from an older oracle. Every one
of these positions has been taken by scholars. At present, as a
result of Caspari s investigation, almost all writers believe that Je.
49 quoted from Ob. But a renewed comparison of both texts
shows that the more original text is contained in Je. 49; that Ob.
quoted w. J ~ 4 almost, though not quite, literally; that he com
mented on this older oracle in w. 5 " 7 partly in the words of the
older prophet, partly in his own words, in order to show that it had
been fulfilled in his own day; and that in w. 8 - 8 he quoted once
more from the older oracle without any show of literalness.
These conclusions involve the originality of vv. 6 - 8 - 9 . See the
detailed discussion on pp. 33 f.

In w. 10t n Ob. proceeds to state the reasons for Edom s ca
lamity, continues with a vivid description of her cruel behaviour
toward Judah at the fall of Jerusalem, thrown into the form of im
passioned warnings (w. 12 ~ 14 ) and ends by declaring that her pres
ent punishment is in just requital for her own deeds (v. 15b ). On
an attempt to athetize w. 12 ~ 14 as secondary, cf. text. n. ad loc.

With v. 15a we enter upon a different range of thought. The
writer does not describe a present calamity but hopes for the pun
ishment of Edom on the day when Yahweh will judge all nations.
These verses have therefore grown out of a different situation. Ob.
interpreted events that had just transpired, when Edom had been
dispossessed by her former allies. This writer expects the day of
Yahweh in the near future and confidently believes that Edom

4 OBADIAH

will be utterly destroyed by Israel. Evidently some time had
passed since Ob. had written, Edom had, after all, not been com
pletely destroyed but was living on, a menace and vexation to Ju-
dah. No redress seemed possible at present, and so the writer
looks forward to the future, to the day when Yahweh will hold his
judgment on all the nations. Then Edom s turn will also come
and its terrible punishment will be administered by Israel. It is
not likely that Ob. was the writer of these verses, and Wellhausen
was right in regarding w. 15a - 16 ~ 21 as an appendix. There is also, if
the text is correct, such a sudden change of address in v. 16 from the
Edomites to the Jews that the same author can hardly be credited
with it.

There are two sections in this appendix, w. 15a - 16 ~ 18 and vv. 19 " 21 ,
and we may question whether they are by the same author. Vv. 19 21
are in the nature of a commentary on w. 17b - 18 , and it seems that
v. 19 with its list of territories understood v. 17b as saying that the
house of Jacob would regain its possessions. Originally v. 17b spoke
of Judah s conquest over her dispossessors (see text. n). That
there existed this difference of interpretation of v. 17b is clear from m
and &lt; respectively. If this point is pressed we must probably
conclude that w. 19 ~ 21 are by a different author who understood
v. 17b not as its writer had meant it but of the reconquest of Israel s
territories, and who connected his list of such territories very in
geniously with his comment on v. 18 , by explaining that this proph
ecy will be fulfilled by what is still left of the house of Jacob and
of the house of Joseph, i. e., the Israelitish and the Judean exiles.
They will regain the land, the Israelites as far north as Sarephath,
the Judeans including all the cities of the Southland. But the
thoughts of the driving out of the dispossessors and of the regaining
of the territories are closely enough related that the same writer
may naturally pass from the one to the other, esp. when it is possi
ble to express both by the same Heb. word. And we need not
wonder that v. 19 thinks not only of the Edomites as to be driven
out as in v. 17 but of others also, when the setting which the
writer gives to the punishment of Edom is the day of Yahweh s
judgment on all the nations.

That v. 18 looks like a conclusion is due to the final formula

THE COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK 5

for Yahweh hath spoken. But this is really a quotation-formula.
For contents and metre alike show that v. 18 is an older prophecy
which our author incorporated in order to establish the hope
which he entertained concerning the future victory of Israel
over Edom.

History of the literary criticism of Obadiah. Eichhorn (EinL*, 1824,
iv, 320 ff., not yet in 3 , 1803) appears to have been the first to doubt
the unity of Ob. He dated Ob. after 586 B.C. and regarded vv. I7 ~ tl as
an appendix from the time of Alexander Jannaeus; He entitled the
whole book, Obadjas. A uf die Unterjochung der Edomiter durch Nebu-
kadnezar zwischen 582572 vor Chr. nach einer neuen Ausgabe des Ge-
sanges unter Alexander Jannaeus zwischen 106-80 vor Chr. (cf. also
Hebr. Proph., iii, 524). Eich. s view was not adopted. Ewald
took up the problem afresh and presented an entirely different solu
tion. Ace. to him the book was the work of an exilic prophet who had
used in vv. l ~ l an older prophecy by Ob., a contemporary of Isaiah,
and in vv. 15 18 also older material which came from a prophet like Zc.
9-11, who, ace. to Ew., was an older contemporary of Isaiah. V. 16 ,
though also older material, was not of the same piece as w. lg . To
the exilic prophet belong vv. "- 14 - 19 21 . This position, though with some
modifications in details, won the assent of many. Kautzsch and Driver
limited the older oracle to vv. (not 10 ), G. A. Smith to w. l 8 . Kautzsch
was not quite sure "whether remnants of the ancient oracle may not also
have been preserved in vv. &gt;5-." But Konig, who analysed the second
part of the oracle, concluded that the older oracle consisted of w. &gt;- 10 -
i a . is. uaa. zob. A. new phase in the literary criticism of Ob. began with
Wellhausen, who regards vv. IM4 - 15b (exc. 8 - g - 12 ) as the work of Ob.,
the remaining verses as a later appendix. This solution was adopted in
substance by Now., Marti, Cor. 6 , Du. The weak point in it is that it
does not correctly explain the relation between Ob. and Je. Barton
perceived this and presented a combination of Ew. s and We. s theories:
vv. !- are a pre-exilic oracle of Ob., which was quoted by Je. and re-
adapted with additions (vv. 7 15 ) by another Ob. in the early postexilic
days; vv. "* 1 form an appendix probably from Maccabean times. A
small minority of scholars, among them Peters, Van H., Hal., still main
tain the unity of the book. But even so conservative and careful a scholar
as Orelli regards vv. "- 21 as a later appendix.

OBADIAH

2. THE DATE OF THE BOOK.

The result of the literary criticism of Ob. necessitates the de
termination of the time of the various component parts of the book.
In the absence of all external data, we must rely on internal evi
dence.

The two points that have always been used for the fixing of the
date are also important for us: the description of the fall of Jeru
salem in vv. 1(M4 , and Ob. s relation to Je. 49.

Since the date of Je. 49* ff - was regarded as definitely fixed in the 4th
year of Jehoiakim (cf. 25 ff -) those who believed in the priority of Ob.
connected the capture of Jerusalem, in spite of all difficulties, either with
the raid of the Philistines and Arabians under Jehoram (2 Ch. 2i ),
or with the campaign of Joash of Israel against Amaziah (2 K. 14" f - 2
Ch. 25" f ). They could not identify it with the capture by the Chaldeans
in 586 B.C., though this was, as some acknowledged, the most natural
reference. Those who believed in the priority of Je. referred it, of
course, to 586 B.C. For them it was merely a question whether Ob.
was exilic or postexilic. Also those who believed that both Je. and Ob.
had quoted from an older oracle could put Ob. in the exilic or postexilic
period. And when the prophecies against the nations (chs. 46 ff.} came
to be quite generally regarded as non-Jeremian, it was possible also for
those who believed in the priority of Ob. to identify the fall of Jerusalem
with that of 586 B.C. and to place Ob. in or after the exile.

The most natural identification of this capture of Jerusalem is
the one in 586 B.C. by the Chaldeans, when ace. to La. 4 21 f Ez.
2 5 12 " 14 3 5 35 lff * I 37 7 3 Esd. 4 45 Edom acted very cruelly toward
the Judeans. It is true that neither the Chaldeans nor the de
struction of the temple nor the deportation of the whole people are
explicitly mentioned. But the situation is well defined, and criti
cal opinion is more and more agreed on the reference to 586 B.C.
Moreover, the fact that a quotation from a Jeremian dirge (Je.
38 22 ), which dated from the last days of Jerusalem, is incorporated
in v. 7 shows that 586 B.C. had passed and that the fall of Jerusalem
described here cannot refer to a pre-exilic situation. Nor can a
reference to a later conquest be maintained. Winckler connected
the verses with a postexilic destruction of Jerusalem about 500 B.C.,

THE DATE OF THE BOOK 7

but such a destruction cannot be proved. And the conquest of
Antiochus IV is excluded, because the book of Joel, which was
not as late as the 2d cent. B.C., presupposes Ob. (v. i.) Our termi
nus a quo is thus 586 B.C.

The description of the calamity which had befallen Edom is sug
gestive. The enemies who had driven them to the border of their
land ind who had plundered them, had formerly been good friends
and allies, and it was only by treachery that they had succeeded.
We know from Diodorus Siculus (19, 94) that in 312 B.C. the Naba-
teans were in possession of Edom s ancient seats, for it was vs. the
Nabateans in Petra that Antigonus fought at that time. These
Nabateans had therefore taken Mt. Seir before the end of the 4th
cent, and had driven Edom northward out of her old territories into
the Negeb. How long before 312 B.C. they had succeeded in con
quering it, we do not know. But there is every reason to believe
that the catastrophe which had befallen Edom in the first half of
the 5th cent, and which is described in Mai. i 1 f&gt; was due to a de
feat by the Nabateans. However, Mai. i 1 fc does not imply that
Edom had been driven out of its ancient territory. They were still
undaunted in Mal. s time and confidently expected to retrieve their
losses. We., following Vatke, suggests that Ob. s prophetic in
terpretation of Edom s fall was connected with Mai. i 1 { and that
it dealt with one of the stages of the Arabian invasion, though not
necessarily with the same as Mai. i. We have reason to believe
that these invasions began as early as the first half of the 6th cent,
and that the occupation of the Negeb by Edom shortly after 586
B.C. (cf. Ez. 35 10 - 12 36 5 ) was due in some degree to the pressure
exerted upon Edom by the influx of the Arabians from the desert.
Of course, if the description of Ob. is regarded as fairly accurate
and if the driving unto the border is taken seriously, it would seem
that Ob. wrote after Malachi rather than before. And so We. and
Now. date him. Marti, Cor., Du. put him before Mai.

But does not the detailed character of the description of the
events connected with the fall of Jerusalem make the impression
of having been written by one who had first-hand knowledge, and
does not the impassioned manner in which it is given betray an
actual participant? If this objection is sustained we cannot go

8 OBADIAH

beyond the last quarter of the 6th cent. And we should have to
refer the invasion of the enemies in Mt. Seir to one of the earlier
phases, perhaps during the exile, and we should also have to as
sume that the Edomites were able to regain their territory from
which they had been driven ace. to Ob. 7 , for in Mai. i 1 f&lt; they are
in Mt. Seir. This is not an easy assumption in view of the char
acter of Mt. Seir, but it is not impossible. The detailed and im
passioned character of the description may, however, be accounted
for in another way. The story of those unforgettable days, when
the holy city fell, must have been told in Jerusalem again and again
in all its details. Who knows whether in Ob. s own, or in a related
or befriended family, there was not a tradition of ancestors who had
either been robbed or betrayed or killed by the Edomites at that
time? As the story was told the vivid oriental imagination of Ob.
was filled with all those awful scenes, and made them so real that
his heart burned with anger and sorrow. And so when he thought
of that day, he seemed to go through those varied scenes himself
and to witness Edom s barbarities. It is quite reasonable to ac
count thus for w. 12 14 , and to assign Ob. s date after Mai. in the
5th cent., to which the description in vv. 5 ~ 7 points so strongly.

This implies that the older oracle from which Ob. quoted ante
dates the 5th cent. It represents Edom as still living in the rocky
fastnesses of Mt. Seir, on whose impregnable character it relies for
safety, and there is no hint that it has already suffered serious
reverses. And from the absence of all reference to Edom s behav
iour toward Judah in 586 B.C. it would appear that the exile is
not yet presupposed. If we knew which nations attacked Edom,
we might perhaps be able to determine the time more definitely,
but no hint about their identity is given. The older oracle may
also have had the Arabians in mind, but we do not know.

In the appendix, w. 15a - 16 ~ 18 , no historical situation is indicated
which might help us fix its date more exactly. The terminus a quo
is, of course, the latter part of the 5th cent, after the completion of
Ob. 1J4 - 15b . And the terminus ad quern is fixed by the date of the
book Joel, which is dependent on Ob. The likeness of passages
in Jo. to Ob. is limited to certain phrases (cf. Ob. 10 with Jo. 4 19 ;
" with 4 s ; 15 with 4 14 i 15 4 4 - 7 ; 17 with 3 5 4 17 ). But the comparison

THE DATE OF THE BOOK 9

shows that Jo, knew not only the older book but also the appendix.
The fact that he states in 3 5 that he quotes an older oracle, which
occurs literally thus in Ob. 17 , makes it almost certain that he
used Ob. And since the phrase DDHD occurs with him also in a
passage against Edom (4 19 ) and the infrequent phrase ^ru n*
(4 3 ) is found also in Ob., and since Jo. adds to the phrase PITH
EHD (4 17 ) a comment, the case is decided for the priority of Ob.
If the date of Jo. is correctly placed between 400 and 350 B.C.
this appendix must have been added some time before or soon
after the beginning of the 4th cent.

Vv. 19 21 point in the same direction. If the list in vv. 19 - 20 were
a description of territory which Judah had already taken, it would
be different. The passage would then belong to the time of Alex
ander Jannasus (103-76 B.C.), where Eich. actually placed it. For
then all this was practically realised. Edom had been definitely
conquered by John Hyrcanus, Galilee by Aristobulus I, Philistia,
Moab and Gilead by Alexander Jannaeus. But if there were no
other reasons, the simple fact that vv. 19&gt; 20 are an expression of
hope and not a description of fact excludes this. Knowing that
these verses must be later than B.C. 400 we might think of the
Maccabean time, when patriotism flamed up once more and when
the hope of the reconquest of the old dominion seemed not un
justifiable (We., Marti, Bart., Hpt.). But Ecclus. 49 is not fa
vourable to so late a date. And the mention of the Samaritans
and Ammonites, as well as of the Philistines and Edomites,
points to the age of Nehemiah or soon after. So does also the
manner in which the hope of the reconquest of the ancient ter
ritory is expressed.

As a matter of historical interest Hi. s interpretation deserves to be re
corded. He thought the oracle was written in 312 B.C. in Egypt, when
Antigonus ordered the expedition against Petra and Mt. Seir. The
author was a Jew who had been carried off to Egypt by Ptolemy Lagi.
The difficult nrn Snn in v. 20 Hi. referred to the fortress in Egypt to which
the exiles had beer, carried. But this date is impossible because in 312
B.C. not the Edomites but the Nabateans occupied Petra and Mt. Seir,

10 OBADIAH

3. THE INTERPRETATION OF THE BOOK.

Israel and Edom had been enemies as far back as they could
remember. From the earliest time of their history the two nations
had hated and scorned and persecuted each other. But they
never forgot that they were brothers, though this seemed only
to add to the intensity of their hatred.

When, therefore, one day the news came that certain nations were
allying themselves for the purpose of attacking Edom, a prophet
in Israel felt his heart burn with the hope that they would succeed.
Doubtless all his people shared this hope. But it soon became
more than a hope with him, for he became aware that Yahweh
spoke to him in his innermost being and interpreted to him the
significance of these events. And with the authority and power of
a divine revelation upon him he spoke to his people of Yahweh s
decree. In brief, strong words uttered with true literary finish
he predicted Edom s defeat. Yahweh Himself was behind this
movement. He Himself would throw Edom down from its height.

We do not know the outcome of this campaign or when it took
place or who the attacking nations were. We do not even know
who the ancient prophet was. But his message must have made
a profound impression, for though his name perished, his words
were not forgotten. They were taken up by two other prophets
and incorporated into their writings. One of them was Obadiah.

It was after the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., how long after we
do not know, it may have been still during the exile though it is
much more probable that it was over a hundred years later, when
a great catastrophe befell Edom, the Nabatean invasion, as a re
sult of which she lost her land and her possessions.

What a tumult of joy the report of this disaster excited in the
hearts of the Jews! Again there was one among them who gave
voice to their emotions. He remembered those clear, strong words
of the ancient prophet concerning Edom s fall. It was as if they
had been spoken but yesterday! Surely they were Yahweh s ora
cle concerning the events that had just taken place! Yahweh had
said when some nations were preparing an attack upon Edom that

THE INTERPRETATION OF THE BOOK II

she would go down in this war, that nothing should save her from
it. If her high fortresses were even more inaccessible yea, Ob.
adds, full of exultation, if they were as high as the very stars in the
sky they would be of no avail, for behind these nations was Yah-
weh who would bring Edom down to the ground. Ha! Ob. ex
claims, the fall has come, and how terrible it has been! True
enough, as the old prophet had said, an ordinary razzia of robbers
and thieves would not account for the severity of the visitation, for
oh, how terribly she had been plundered, and that, to add to her
humiliation, by her own friends and former allies! They have
driven her out of her strong, inaccessible mountain seats to the
borders of her land ! Shrewd and wary Edom had not been shrewd
enough to see through their treacherous tricks, by which they pre
vailed over her. Ah, was not this also in fulfilment of the proph
ecy which had declared that on that day Yahweh would take away
all wisdom from Edom in order that they might not be able to es
cape complete destruction ? And surely, they have richly deserved
this fate by their behaviour toward Judah at the time of the cap
ture of Jerusalem by the barbarians. Oh, that awful day! As
Ob. thinks of it, it suddenly stands before his mind with all its
anguish and terror. He lives again through its horrors, sees the
Edomites full of malicious joy over Judah s calamity, hears their
words of scorn and ridicule, sees them coming into the city to loot
and to plunder, sees them cutting down fugitive Jews at the cross
roads, and overmastered by his emotion he breaks forth into pas
sionate warnings, as if Edom were even now doing these things.
Then he recovers himself and with one brief sentence he breaks
off, A s thou hast done so is it done to ihee, thy reivard returns upon
thine own head! And with this note of satisfaction his words end.
Again the years passed on, how many we do not know, perhaps a
hundred years, perhaps more. The Nabatean invaders had long
driven Edom from Mt. Seir. But still the Edomites lived on as a
nation, closer neighbours of Judah than before the exile, for they
were settled in ancient Judean territory, in the South country, the
Negeb, and they still cherished their hatred for their brother na
tion. The Jews had lost their political independence and mili
tary power and could no longer expect to punish foreign insolence

12 OBADIAH

by force. But they had not lost their keen sense of justice and
their ardent hope that some day Yahweh would set all things right
in this world and restore his nation Israel to her former glory. And
again a man of patriotic heart and prophetic mind arose and gave
utterance to this hope and brought the judgment of Edom into
this larger connection. Formerly the great movements of history
as they affected the fate of Israel could be interpreted by the proph
ets as parts of Yahweh s plan. There were no such movements
now, no nation like the Assyrians or Babylonians, no king like
Cyrus that a prophetic mind could regard as Yahweh s special in
strument. Not even the Nabateans were stirring; that peril was
over. But Yahweh was living still and controlling the affairs of
this world, and He was just, and He was still Israel s God. This
our prophet knows and believes with all the intensity of his spirit.
And out of the living experience of the reality and truth of these
convictions there grows afresh in his heart the hope, which becomes
an assurance, that the day was near when Yahweh would righten
all the affairs of this world, when He would judge all nations. It
would be a terrible day. But only for the other nations not for the
Jews, for they had already received their punishment at the hands
of Yahweh. Through this coming awful crisis those who were
still left would pass unharmed and after the catastrophe they would
dwell once more safely on Mt. Zion never to be driven out again
by foreign invaders. On