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CBITICISMS AND ELUCIDATIONS
OF
CATULLUS
BY
H. A. J. MUNRO
CAMBRIDGE:
DEIGHTOK, BELL AND CO.
LONDON: GEOEGE BELL AND SONS.
1878
[All Rights reserved.]
CatnBttUge :
PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNrVEESITY PRESS.
INTEODUCTION
Catullus, after two centuries of comparative neg-
lect, has of late received from scholars his due share
of attention. Even within the last year and half, or
two years, have appeared the important critical edition
of Aemilius Baehrens and the long and elaborate exe-
getical commentary of Robinson Ellis. Not to go more
than fifteen years back, we have had within that time,
in addition to the works just mentioned, first the
learned and painstaking ' Quaestiones ' of Schwabe,
which throw such a flood of light on the history of
Catullus and of his friends and enemies ; next Schwabe's
critical edition of the text, followed successively by
Ellis' and Lucian Mueller s ; and, beside all these works,
two excellent translations into English verse-
Although the field may be thought to be already
sufficiently preoccupied, I flatter myself that this httle
book will not prove altogether useless either for the
criticism or for the elucidation of our poet. For the
manuscript material I am wholly indebted to the suc-
cessive labours of Schwabe, Ellis and Baehrens. It
behoves me therefore to be modest when dealing with
that for which I am altogether dependent upon the di-r
ligence of others. With respect however to the general
principles, from which Catullian criticism has to start,
there is no room for doubt or hesitation. All critics
are now agreed — even Ellis I believe, tho' some of his
iv CATVLLVS
reasonings are not easy to reconcile with such an as-
sumption— that, except in the case of one poem, the
62nd, the whole of our manuscript material is derived
from one single codex, which reappeared at Verona in
the beginning of the 14th century and was afterwards
lost to the world once more. The two main and inde-
pendent representatives of this lost original are the
Paris codex Germanensis, copied from that original in
1375, and the Oxford codex, which appears to have
been written about the same time. Following Ellis
and Baehrens, who have alone collated O, I call the
one G, the other O ; and after the example of all the
editors I designate by Y the reading of the lost origi-
nal, when that reading can be satisfactorily made out.
Resting on the seemingly complete collation of these
two Mss. given by Baehrens, I follow him in looking to
them almost alone in order to determine what V was.
Diffidence being as I have said incumbent on me,
where I am reaping the fruits of others' industry, I
shall not attempt to decide whether G or O is on the
whole the better manuscript. There are very many
passages in which O, and 0 alone, gives the undoubted
words of the poet : often on the other hand it is very
corrupt, where G is right or less wrong. Nor shall I
pronounce upon the question whether, beside these
two, all other existing manuscripts are derived directly
or indirectly from G, Baehrens strenuously maintaining
that they are, Ellis as strenuously denying it. But of
this I feel no doubt whatever, that if G and O come
directly from the original codex — and this Ellis does
not seem to call in question — then he very greatly
overrates the value of the Datanus, which was not
written till 1463. I have much difficulty in catching
the drift of the argrument about this codex in his first
INTRODUCTION V
volume, an argument which is partially reproduced in
his commentary. But G and O proclaim with a loud
voice that the strange and uncouth phenomena of the
Datanus are figments and interpolations. It is vain to
appeal to the authority of Lachmann who was ignorant
of G and O alike. Nor is it easy quite to grasp the
principle from which Ellis starts, when in his commen-
tary on meae in 167 34 he writes : ' The valuable Brit.
Mus. Ms. a has uice for meae ; possibly Catullus wrote :
Brixia Veronae mater amata uicem'. When G and O,
and apparently every other Ms., have mee, how can we
conceive that this was not the reading of V? how can
a, written as Ellis tells us elsewhere in 1460, have got
this uice directly or indirectly from V? how can it be
anything but a stupid interpolation, designed or unde-
signed ? Again in 64 249 O has ' Que tii prospectans';
G has * tamen' in full, and had originally * prospectans' ;
but the pr is erased and o clianged to a ; later Mss. fol-
low this correction and read 'tamen aspectans'. AU
the old editions which I have examined before Lach-
mann's have 'Quae tum prospectans', and so have the
recent editions of Schwabe and Baehrens. Ellis in the
Academy (Aug. 19, 1876) writes: 'Are we then to con-
clude with M. Baehrens that the right reading is ' Quae
tum prospectans'? Is there any critic who could hesi-
tate to prefer 'Quae tamen aspectans'?' When we now
learn from O that V had ' Que tri prospectans', I should
have been disposed rather to say * Is there any critic
who could hesitate to prefer 'Quae tum prospectans'?'
This is merely putting tu for tii, a u for an n, no two
words being oftener confused than timi and tamen in
consequence of their abbreviations being so very similar.
Certainly what strikes me as one of the weaknesses
of Ellis' commentary, as of his first volume, is the difii-
vi CATVLLVS
culty he seems to find in taking up tlie right position
and point of view in controverting opinions which differ
from his own : he will attack for instance the conclu-
sions of others by arguing against them from his own
premisses, instead of shewing either that the premisses
are wrong on which those conclusions are grounded, or
that the conclusions do not follow from those premisses.
The 54th poem, of seven lines, he severs into three
different fragments, and assumes a lacuna of 5 lines
between the first and second of these, and a lacuna of
one line between the second and third. I have now
reprinted a short article, written a few years ago for
the Journal of Philology, in which I try to shew that
this poem as it stands in the Mss. forms a perfect and
satisfactory whole. Ellis in his cormnentary, while he
speaks of me in terms for which I feel most grateful,
tho' ashamed, controverts my views and adheres to his
own. I on the other hand have appended to my article
some remarks, tending as I think to strengthen my own
argument and to invalidate his. Which of the two has
most reason or probability on his side, it is of course
for others to determine. But what I would speak of
now is the method of his reasoning. He draws up four
formal arguments, headed 1, 2, 3, 4, to prove me to be
wrong and the poem to be fragmentary, all of which I
have touched on elsewhere. But I will here take the
4th for a specimen : ' (4) Nothing is gained by inter-
preting the poem as a complete whole. Everything
shows that the Ms. of Catullus from which all extant
Mss. spring was imperfect. Why should we deny here',
and so on. Can he not see that this is no argument at
all, but a mere assertion that he is right and I am
wrong ? If the poem is a complete whole, then surely
something is gained by interpreting it as a complete
INTBODUCTION VU
whole. If it is a heap of fragments, then of course no-
thing is gained by so doing, but on the contrary the
labour is thrown away. Let others judge between us ;
but such a mere assertion has no more force of demon-
stration than if one of two litigants were to asseverate
in court that he is right and his adversary wrong. Then
as to what he says here of the imperfection of our Mss.,
the whole of my book will prove that I quite go along
with him ; tho' the onus probandi presses heavily on
him, who maintains that they have thus tossed to-
gether into one apparent whole a congeries of incoherent
fragments. But Ellis can take on occasion quite a
different view of our Mss. After 64 23, a passage which
I have discussed in its place, the Veronese scholia of
Virgil give us the commencement of a verse which has
disappeared from the Mss. of Catullus, a verse which
no modern editor, except ElHs, for a moment hesitates
to assign to Catullus. But, says Ellis, ' the weight of
the Veronese Scholia, imperfect and full of lacunae as
they are, is not to be set against our Mss.' And yet he
does not even attempt to shew that Mai and after him
Keil have not rightly deciphered every letter of the
words *saluete deum gens, o bona matrum Progenies
saluete iter... ' And if they are right, how should there
be any doubt of the genuineness of these words, when
we cannot even conceive any motive for interpolation,
and can so readily conceive the dropping out of a line
in the Ms. from which all the others are derived ?
Where I have attempted to correct the text of Ca-
tullus, I have tried to bear in mind the very pertinent
remark of Schwabe that no successful or convincing
emendations have been made in that text, which de-
part widely from the Ms. reading. Again and again I
have had to call attention to the singular peitinacity
viii CATVLLVS
with which G or O, or both of them, interchange certain
letters ; most of all perhaps e and o ; then r, t (c), rt
and ti' ; so and s ; n and r; n and u; /and s; and final
m and s. I have reprinted two or three longer and as
many shorter articles which have appeared at intervals
in the Journal of Philology during the last ten years.
It was not possible to remodel them without confusing
times and circumstances. I have appended to each of
them remarks and criticisms, designed in some cases to
confirm, in others to modify what I had said.
I have been a good deal surprised to see how often
Schwabe, Ellis and Baehrens alike have retained the
barbarous spellings of our Mss. which are of much too
late a date to have any authority in questions of ortho-
graphy. A good lesson on this head is read to us, if in
the 62nd poem we compare with the other Mss. the
Paris codex of the 9th century which contains that
poem : it offers the correct spellings — iucunda, iucun-
dior, conubium, conubia — ; while the other Mss. have
the corrupt spellings — iocunda, iocundior, connubium,
connubia. Nay, in 100 4 'sodalicium' of Y, the only
genuine form of the word, is changed to 'sodalitium' by
Schwabe, by Baehrens, and by Ellis in his text, tho'
the last has corrected the mistake in his commentary.
This will help to increase the uncertainty which already
exists, especially in our country, where the minds of
scholars appear to be so very unsettled with regard to
Latin orthography ; tho* the spelling of classical Latin,
if we only allow for that amount of variety which certain
periods of transition admitted, is now fixed and known.
Trinity College Cambridge : December 1877.
fi
^\
p. 144 : 64, 14 dele comma at end.
p. 181, L 6 from end, for ' 105 and 106 ' read * 145 and 146'.
Quoi dono lepidum nouum libellum
arido modo pumice expolitum ?
Cornell, tibi : namque tu solebas :
meas esse aliquid putare nugas,
5 iam turn cum ausus es unus Italorum
omne aeuum tribus explicare cartis
doctis, luppiter, et laboriosis.
quare habe tibi quicquid hoe libelli,
qualecumque quidem patronei ut ergo
10 plus uno maneat peremie saeclo.
9 quidem Itali. quod V. patroni ut ergo Bergk. patrona mrgo V. Qua-
leoomque ; quod, o patroua .uirgo uulgo..
I tbink it worth while to offer the following re-
marks on this short and simple poem, even at the' risk
of what I say appearing to have in it little that is
new and important. All recent Editors adopt in the
last line but one what seems the simple and obvious
correction of the Mss. : Qualecumque, quod o patrona
uirgo. I would here observe in the first place that
' quicquid hoc qualecumque ' can hardly come together
without a connecting particle : thus several of the
M. c. 1
2 CATVLLI
older Editors add et after lihelli. So Tacitus ann. xiv
55 has *quidquid illud et qualecumque tribuisset'.
But this correction the rhythm of Catullus "will not
admit of. If the common reading therefore be right,
surely we must join 'Qualecumque quod' (i.e. quod
qualecumque), just as Martial has 'Hoc qualecum-
que' in VII 26 3, a poem which contains another
imitation of Catullus.
But the 'patrona uirgo' offers more difficulty.
Who is she ? JVlinerva, some say. Impossible. The
Muse, say others and with more reason. That in a
certain sense the Muse may be called the patron of
a poet, I would not deny, though the two authorities
cited by EUis, in which the poet is said conversely to
be the client of the Muse or Muses, are neither of
them of much weight. But why the strangely vague
* patrona uirgo ' with nothing to point its meaning ?
Why could he not have written 'patrona Musa'?
And if the Muse be the poet's patron, surely she is
so in the sense of being his helper, his inspirer and
mouthpiece. She dictates the verses and must see
to it, that they be worthy of long life. Thus the
spurious Sulpicia, quoted by Ellis, bids the Muse
come down and help her cHent. A sorry volume, a
' quicquid hoc libelli', a * quod qualecumque ' would be
her disgrace, as much as the poet's. It is a different
patron that would have to nurse into fame such a
production.
It is in such a sense as this that the poets always
call on the Muses to dictate the words which they
cannot find for themselves : aetSe, Oed : avSpa fxoL
evuene, Movaa : Musa, uelim causas memores : Pandite
nunc Helicona, deae, cantusque mouete. And so
Catullus himself: Non possum reticere, deae, qua me
CARM. 1 3
Allius in re luuerit Sed dicam uobis, uos porro
dicite multis Milibus, and so on. Catullus tells the
Muses what he owes to AlKus ; they put what he tells
them into verse that will last for ages.
The corrections I have adopted in v. 9 are not so
violent as they may at first sight seem to be : quod,
quid, and the like appear in the Mss. of Catullus in
abbreviated forms often so difficult to distinguish, that
I am not sure that the old 1 5th century correction
quidem is so much more improbable than the quod o of
Palladius. Then as to Bergk's patronei ut ergo, which
ever since I knew it has .always struck me as most
plausible, it is clear that in the lost archetype a must
have greatly resembled ei: thus in 7 9 V had hasiei
for hasia, and in 65 14 O gives asumpta for dbsumptei.
Surely we thus get a much apter conclusion. A
poem so short as this at all events should be consistent
with itself: seruetux ad imum Qualis ab incepto pro-
cesserit, et sibi constet. My little book I give to you,
Cornelius, who once before deigned to comnxend my
trifles. Take it then, poor as it is, that for its patron's
sake it may last some ages. The tone of sejf- deprecia-
tion is thus entirely in place, while it would hardly be
in good taste if addressed to the Muse who would
have at least to share the blame with the poet. Again,
when Nepos has been the sole theme of the first eight
verses and has been addressed throughout in the second
person, to turn so abruptly in the last two lines to the
Muse, if Muse it be, or to Minerva as others would
have it, strikes me as a violation of all art and good
taste.
And, if I am not mistaken, I can bring forward
some external testimony to support what I have said.
It is natural that the introductory poem of so popular
1—2
CATVLLI
a poet as Catullus should be much quoted and imitated.
For my present purpose however I confine myself
chiefly to Martial, one of the most ardent admii-ers of
our poet. If I should appear needlessly diffuse, let my
readers understand that there is a meaning in my te-
diousness. Imitations of, or allusions to, one or other
of the first four verses occur in the following passages
of Martial : we find *lepidos libeUos' in xi 20 9, and in
VIII 3 19, where the right reading surely is 'Romano
lepidos sale tinge libellos' : i 113 6 Per quem perire
non licet meis nugis; ll 1 6 Nee tantum nugis seruiet
ille meis; iv 10 1 Dum nouus est, rasa nee adhuc mihi
fronte libellus...I, puer, et caro perfer leue munus
amico Qui meruit nugas primus habere meas; 82 1 Hos
quoque commenda Yenuleio, Rufe, libellos... Non te-
trica nugas exigat aure meas; v 80 3 Dum nostras
legis exigisque nugas ; vi 1 1 Sextus mittitur hie tibi
libellus ; vii 26 7 Quanto mearum scis amore nugarum
Flao-ret : in v. 3 there is an imitation of v. 9 in Catul-
o
lus : VIII 72 1 Nondum murice cultus asperoque Morsu
pumicis aridi politus...libelle; xii, in prose preface,
' de nugis nostris indices' ; xm 2 4 Non potes in nugas
dicere plura meas.
As vss. 5, 6 and 7 of Catullus' poem refer merely
to a particular work of Nepos, we cannot look for any
allusions to them. To come to the last three vss., v. 8,
as Ellis has shewn, is clearly imitated by Censorinus i
Quodcumque hoc libri est meis opibus comparatum na-
tahcii titulo tibi misi. Baehrens' reading appears to be
confuted by this, as well as by the fact that 'quale-
cumque' seems never to be joined with a genitive, as
'quidquid' and 'quodcumque' are. If it be said that
Censorinus wrote in the third century and that Catul-
lus was interpolated before this time, I would appeal
CARM. 1 5
to Martial iil 1 1 Hoc tibi quidquid id est longinquis
mittit ab oris Gallia, which, coming as it does at the
opening of a book, strikes me as a clear reference to
this verse of Catullus.
For the last two vss. I would first of all compare
Martial v 60 5 Qualiscumque legaris ut per orbem, the
rhythm of which reminds me of v. 9 of Catullus as I
have given it. Then look at Martial's prose dedication
of viii to Domitian : Omnes quidem libelli mei, domine,
quibus tu famam, id est uitam ded'isti, tibi supplicant,
et puto propter hoc legentur. For, as our poem was so
much in Martial's thoughts, the last words recall to my
mind the * patroni ut ergo cet.' Compare also the end
ot Statins' dedication of Siluae ii : Haec qualiacumque
sunt, Melior carissime, si tibi non displicuerint, a te
publicum accipiant : sin minus, ad me reuertantur.
For here too I catch an allusion to the end of our
poem as I have given it. Domitian and Melior take
the place of Nepos. Last of all look at Martial iii 2, a
short poem manifestly modelled on Catullus' poem. It
thus commences : ' Cuius uis fieri, libelle, munus?' after
Catullus' *Cui dono lepidum nouum libellum?' Mar-
tial continues ' Festina tibi uindicem parare': then in
V. 6 ' Faustini fugis in sinuni? sapisti'. The poem thus
concludes * Illo uindice nee Probum timeto', taking up
V. 2 and 6 exactly as Catullus, if we are right, would
take up V. 3 ' Corneli tibi' with * patroni ut ergo cet.',
uindex too having much the same meaning as jpatronus.
All these points when taken together appear to me not
to be without significance.
CATVLLI
[Beprinted from the Journal of Philology vol. i p. 241 242]
Passer, deliciae meae puellae,
quicum ludere, queni in sinu tenere,
quoi primuni digitum dare adpetenti
et acris solet incitare morsus,
5 cum desiderio meo nitenti
carum nescio quid libet iocari,
et solaciolum sui doloris
credo ut cum grauis acquiescet ardor :
tecum ludere sicut ipsa possem
10 et tristis animi leuare curas !
This delightful little poem would seem to have
been written while the love of Catullus and Lesbia was
yet according to the notions of the time comparatively
innocent. All is clear except in vss. 7 and 8 which are
manifestly corrupt. The latter has been altered in
various ways : Credo ut tum (ut iam, uti) grauis acqui-
escat ardor. A change would seem to be required in
V. 7 as well, and very old critics have suggested in or
ut for et ; ad too might be proposed. Lachmann indeed,
followed by Haupt, Schwabe and others, keeps et and
refers us to 38 7 Paulum quid lubet allocutionis. But
in this he is quite mistaken : it may be seen from the
very large number of instances collected by Neue (ii
pp. 485 486), that the best writers continually use
libere, licere and oportere as personal verbs, but in a
very pecuhar way, with the neuters of pronouns such
as id, ea, ista, quid, quod, quae, quidquid, and of cer-
CARM. 2 7
tain kinds of adjectives, omnia, quantum, multum,
multa ; and so Catullus in 61 42 has quae licent, as
well as paulum quid luhet, quoted above. But, as
Neue observes, in the whole of classical Latinity these
verbs never have a substantive for their subject ; and
solaciolum lihet is quite solecistic. Ellis keeps et and
reads in 8 Credo, et cum grauis acquiescit.
But though Editors alter three or at least two
words, none of their readings appears to me to give a
suitable sense : they seem all to take doloi' and grauis
ardor to be synonymous or nearly so, while I believe
them to be used in decided opposition to each other :
dolor denotes the grief and aching void which the
heart feels in the absence of a loved object, which it
desires to have with it: comp. Propert i 20 32 A! dolor
ibat Hylas ibat Hamadryasin: which is imitated by
Ovid in Heroid. 13 104 Tu mihi luce dolor, tu mihi
nocte uenis, by which Laodamia expresses her ever-
present yearning for Protesilaus. Then see Catullus
himself, 50 16, Hoc, iucunde, tibi poema feci. Ex quo
perspiceres meum dolorem; by which he denotes his
longing desire for the company of his friend Calvus,
whose wit and conversation he so regretted that he
could not sleep or rest. Whereas grauis ardor express-
es that furious storm of passion which could not last
long at one time without destroying its possessor, but
which while it did last would put any other gratifica-
tion, except that of the passion itself, out of the ques-
tion. This ardor a Medea could feel in the presence of
lason: Et iam fortis erat, pulsusque recesserat ardor;
Cum uidet Aesoniden, extinctaque flamma reuixit :
Erubuere genae to toque recanduit ore (Ovid Metam.
VII IQ): Catullus too felt it himself often enough: Cum
tantum arderem quantum Trinacria rupes Lymphaque
B CATVLLI
in Oetaeis Malia Thermopylis (68 53). As well attempt
to quench a conflagration with a squirt, as allay the
grauis ardor, the Aetna-like fire, of a Medea, a Lesbia,
a Catullus by the antics of a bird. The grauis ardor
must destroy itself for the time by its own intensity
before the dolor remaining behind could find rehef in
playing with a sparrow. I feel convinced therefore
that these two verses are to be transposed, transposi-
tion being one of the simplest remedies in the case of a
text resting finally on a single manuscript; and that
we are to read
credo ut, cum grauis acquiescet ardor,
sit solaciolum sui doloris :
'when the bright lady of my longing love is minded to
try some charming play, for a sweet solace of her heart-
ache, I trow, whenever the fierce storm of passion shall
be laid'.
'Cum acquiescet' is in Catullus' manner: 5 13 Cum
sciet, another cum preceding in v. 10, as here in v. 5 ;
13 13; 64 344, 346, 350, 351; esp. 236 ut,..Agnoscam,
cum te reducem aetas prospera sistet.
I have little to add to this notice which was printed
six years ago. I still look upon it as a more satis-
factory arrangement of the beautiful poem than any
which Catullus' Editors have offered, tho' Ellis through-
out his commentary makes not the slightest reference
to it, and Baehrens thus prints 7 and 8 : In solaciolum
sui doloris (Credo, turn grauis acquiescet ardor). Not-
withstanding all I have said, Ellis in commenting on 7
still holds that Lachmann may be right in making
CARM. 2, 4 9
'solaciolum' a 2nd nominative to 'libet', and refers to
38 7, as if I had not shewn that that passage has no-
thing to do with the point in question, 'paulum quid'
coming under the rule which permits 'lubet' to be
person ah Nor does Ellis' long comment on the three
lines, attached in the Mss. to our poem, help me in the
least to see how they can in any way belong to it.
They seem clearly a fragment of some other poem. In
my note on 7 Cum acquiescet, I should have stated
that in 5 13 V has 'Cum sciat'; but *Cum sciet', as
Buecheler suggests, should I think be read.
[Reprinted from the Journal of Philology, vol. 4 p. 231 — 240]
This poem is a fascinating example of the gentler
manner of Catullus. Though it will not bear com-
parison with some of his more impassioned pieces, it
has an exquisite beauty and finish m its- own style,
which will not be readily matched in Latin or any
other language. Fortunately too the blunders of the
manuscripts are so plain and have been corrected with
such success by the older critics that there are only
two words in the whole poem, about which there is any
difference of opinion : uocaret in 1. 20, for which Lach-
mann, followed by Haupt, reads uagaret, and nouissime
in 1. 24 for which many Editors, old and recent, read
nouissimo. In both cases I keep the manuscript read-
ing, in the former with a good deal of hesitation, in the
latter with an absolute conviction that the change
adopted by so many seriously interferes with the right
understanding of the poem. Clear and limpid how-
ever as the language may appear at first sight, when it
10 CATVLLI
is more carefully examined, its right interpretation is
found to be by no means so simple, and seems to have
been often missed; for Catullus here, as in his other
pure iambic poem, owing perhaps to the restrictions of
the metre, is very abrupt and allusive and requires
much expansion in order to be fully apprehended.
Believing that a minute dissection of the poem and a
careful comparison of it and the tenth elegy of the
first book of the Tristia, which Ovid has written with
Catullus in his mind, probably in his hands, will clear
up much that is obscure, I offer the following remarks,
first printing the Latin, as precision is needed and
careful punctuation is of importance.
Phaselus ille quem uidetis, hospites,
ait fuisse nauium celerrimus,
neque ullius natantis impetum trabis
nequisse praeter ire, siue palmulis
5 opus foret uolare siue linteo.
et hoc negat minacis Hadriatici
negare litus, insulasue Cycladas
Rhodumque nobilem horridamque Thraciam
Propontida, trucemue Ponticum sinum,
10 ubi iste post phaselus antea fuit
comata silua : nam Cytorio in iugo
loquente saepe sibilum edidit coma.
Amastri Pontica et Cytore buxifer,
tibi haec fuisse et esse cognitissima
1 5 ait phaselus ; ultima ex origine
tuo stetisse dicit in cacumine,
tuo imbuisse palmulas in aequore ;
et inde tot per impotentia freta
erum tulisse, laeua siue dextera
20 uocaret aura, siue utrumque luppiter
CARM. 4 11
slmul secundus incidisset in pedem ;
neque uUa uota litoralibus dels
sibi esse facta, cum ueniret a marei
nouissime hunc ad usque limpidum lacum.
25 sed haec prius fuere : nunc recondita
senet quiete seque dedicat tibi,
gemelle Castor et gemelle Castoris.
In these verses Catullus represents himself as
pointing out and praising to some guests, who were
with him at his villa in Sirmio, the phaselus, now laid
up beside the Benacus or Lago di Garda, which had
carried him from Bithynia to Italy. This at least is
the sense in which Catullus' words have been almost
universally understood. But one of his latest expositors
Westphal in his translation and commentary, pp. 170
■ — 174, says that the poem contains much that is
obscure (viel Dunkles), and proceeds to explain it very
differently. The ship had to cross the sea ; it was not
therefore a mere * barke ' ; it could hardly then have
come up the Po and Mincio to the Lago di Garda ;
Catullus too seems first to have gone on board at
Bhodes, and to have performed the first part of the
journey by land ; the ship therefore was not his own ;
he only hired a passage on it from Rhodes ; the eru7n
of V. 19 was the owner or master of the ship ; the
limpidus lacus was not the Benacus, but a saltwater
bay of the Adriatic, perhaps on the Grecian shore ; the
hospites were not Catullus' guests, but the hosts who
entertained him on his landing on the coast. This
explanation gives a very lame and impotent meaning
to the piece, the 'viel Dunkles' of which we will
endeavour to clear up in a different way, partly by the
assistance of Ovid. The phaselus was unquestionably
12 CATVLLI
built for Catullus or purchased by him in Bithynia,
and must have been a light galley constructed for
great speed and provided with both sails and oars.
It need not have been of any great size : a friend of
mine during the war with Kussia went to the Baltic,
cruised there for some time and returned to England
in a yacht of seven tons ; and we know from a late
memorable trial that the ' Osprey ' of 66 tons, built for
mere trading purposes, could circumnavigate more than
half the globe, whether or not it bore in addition the
weight and fortunes of Sir Boger. And what feats of
discovery were performed of old by heroes like Baffin
in their craft of 40 tons I We shall probably not be
wrong in assuming that our phaselus was of a burden
somewhere between 20 and 50 tons, and that this
would be the size of Ovid's ship too, of which we are
now going to speak.
Ovid on his sad journey to Tomoe had come by
sea to the Isthmus of Corinth ; he there quitted the
ship, crossed the Isthmus and purchased a vessel at
Cenchreae, which wa& to convey him and all his pro-
perty to his final destination. He sailed in it as far as
the entrance of the Hellespont, where he seems to
have encountered contrary winds and been obliged to
beat about, and to have been carried back first to
Imbros and then to Samothrace, where he made up his
mind to send on his own vessel, doubtless with all his
impedwienta and most of his servants, through the
Hellespont, the Propontis, the Bosporus, and along the
left shore of the Euxine to Tomoe ; while he himself,
weary of the sea, crossed over to Thrace and performed
the rest of his journey by land. All this he tells us in
the elegy already spoken of, which was written while
he was staying in Samothrace. It is the most cheerful
CARM. 4 13
in the whole series of the ' Tristia ' and the ' Ex Ponto'.
The poet finds himself in a cultivated place after the
dangers and discomforts of the sea and before he had
learnt what Tomoe really was, or rather the aspect it
assumed to his diseased imagination which succeeded
in persuading him, though fresh from the astronomical
studies of the Fasti, that a town, in the latitude of
Florence, lay far within the Arctic circle. Were it not
for Ovid's minute diffuseness, his meaning would per-
haps have been more obscure to us than the curt
and allusive language of Catullus, which we will now
endeavour to illustrate, partly from this elegy.
The first five lines of our poem we will thus trans-
late : ' That yacht, my friends, which you see, claims to
have been the fastest of ships ; no spurt of aught which
swims of timber built but she could pass, she says,
whether need were to fly with blades of oars or under
canvas'. These verses are thus imitated by Ovid,
who shews himself here too 'nimium amator ingenii
sui' and pushes to hyperbole the simple thought of
Catullus :
Est mihi sitque precor, flauae tutela Mineruae,
nauis, et a picta casside nomen habet.
siue opus est uelis, minimam bene currit ad auram,
siue opus est remo, remige carpit iter.
nee comites uolucri contenta est uincere cursu,
occupat egressas quamhbet ante rates.
We will next take vss. 6 — 21 of Catullus : 'And
this the shore of the blustering Adriatic will not, she
says, gainsay ; no nor the Cyclad isles and Rhodes
renowned and the rough Thracian Propontis ; no nor
the surly Pontic gulf, where, afterwards a yacht, she
was before a leafy wood ; for often on Cytorus' ridge
1 4 CATVLLl
with her talking leaves she gave a whispering forth.
To you, Amastris-upon-Pontus, and to you, box-clad
Cytorus, these facts, the yacht declares, wei*e and are
known right well : from her earliest birthtime on your
top she stood, she says ; in your waters handselled her
blades ; and next she carried her master over so many
raging seas, whether on her left the breeze invited or
on her right, or Jupiter propitious had fallen at once
on both her sheets'. In these lines Catullus twice
over in his very rapid manner, with the simplest
copulae, indicates the voyage of his yacht from the
time it was launched in the Pontus, probably at
Amastris or perhaps at Cytorus, till it reached the
shores of Italy: first in 6 — 9, and again in 17 — 21.
In the former verses the voyage, as the commentators
have observed, is described in reversed order by one
looking back on it from Italy. It is divided into three
main sections by the particle ue, as I have tried to
indicate by the punctuation of both my text and my
translation. The yacht was built in Amastris or in
Cytorus, the town and hill having both the same name.
These two great emporia for the box and other woods
of the Cytorian mount are mentioned together in the
Iliad (B 853) Ol pa KvToypov ex^^ '^^^ XTJcrafiov (old
name of Amastris) dfji,(f)evefiovTo. This part of Paph-
lagonia, of which Amastris was the capital, now be-
longed to the province of Bithynia, and it was natural
that Catullus should get his yacht there. But when
he left Bithynia in the year B.C. 56, he was in Nicaea
far down to the south-west and not far from the
Propontis : comp. 46 4 Linquantur Phrygii, Catulle,
campi Nicaeaeque ager uber aestuosae : Ad claras
Asiae uolemus urbes. It is pretty certain then in itself
that Catullus would not make the long and almost
CARM. 4 15
impracticable hill -journey from Nicaea to Amastris
or Cytorus; and this will appear more clearly from
what will be said presently. He would order his
yacht to be brought round along the * surly ' Pontus,
through the Bosporus into the Propontis, and would
embark with all his belongings either at Cios, which
Mela (l 100) calls 'Phrygiae opportunissimum em-
porium ', or at Myrlea (Apamea), to both of which
there was a short and easy road from Nicaea.
Then in 7 — 9 'insulasue — Propontida', Catullus
briefly indicates the second division of the yacht's
voyage, he himself being now on board. It coasted
along the Propontis, then through the Hellespont, and
along the shore of Mysia, Lydia, etc., or the islands
Lesbos, Chios, etc. to Rhodes, which the poem inti-
mates to have been the most eastern point to which he
went. He would thus probably visit the most famous
towns of the province of Asia : Ad claras Asiae uolemus
urbes: so Ovid 'Te duce magnificas Asiae perspeximus
urbes'. The yacht of course with his property and
servants would be coasting along all the time. It is
likely enough that he himself would sometimes travel
by land : it was probably on this occasion that he
visited his brother's tomb in the Troad, and doubtless
cities like Ephesus and Halicarnassus were not passed
over. But Rhodes would seem to be specially desig-
nated not only on account of its celebrity, but also
because it was the farthest point in his voyage home-
wards. He would then make straight for the 'insulas
Cycladas', visiting perhaps Delos; for they lay directly
between Rhodes and the Isthmus of Corinth, over
which Catullus no doubt had his yacht transported.
It would be carried across by the Diolcos in a few
hours ; and it is almost certain that he would not make
16 GATVLLI
the long and dangerous voyage round Cape Malea. In
fact his words, as we have said, short and allusive here
as elsewhere, seem to point out his course. "We now
come to the last part of the sea- voyage, denoted by the
'minacis Hadriatici litus', which, indicates briefly liis
coasting along the Grecian shore, crossing over the
Hadriatic, and then running along the Italian shore.
What we have said of his joining his yacht in the Pro-
pontis seems implied not only in the nature of the case,
but also in the poet's own words (v. 18) 'inde tot per
impotentia freta Erum tuUsse'; and that he did not
personally know the first part of the yacht's voyage
might appear from his appeal to Amastris and Cytorus :
all this, the growth of the wood, the first launching of
the ship, you, Amastris and Cytorus, know, it says, and
know full well, even if I do not. That the e^mrn tulisse
is emphatic, I will try to shew from Ovid too; but first
I will speak of the concluding lines of the poem (22 —
27), as Ovid will perhaps illustrate them also.
*And not a vow had been offered for her to the
guardian gods of the shore, when last of all she came
from the sea as far as this limpid lake. But this is
past and done : now she ages in tranquil retirement
and dedicates herself to you, twin-brother Castor and
Castor's brother twin'. The yacht at v. 22 had reached
the mouth of the Po, its sailing qualities being such
that it had never been in danger enough for a single
vow to be offered up, until it was quite clear of the sea.
The oratio obhqua renders this sentence a little obscure,
as it does not shew whether 'esse facta' is the perfect
or the pluperfect : the oratio recta would be plain
enough : neque ulla uota dis Htoralibus mihi facta erant
tum, cum nouissime, mari relicto, ueni ad hunc usque
lacum: ultima ex origine of 15, e^ iiide of 18, and cum
CARM. 4 17
nouissime of 23 and 24, answer to each other just as in
Plancus' letter to Cicero (ad fam. x 42 2), we have pri-
mum — deinde — nouissime, as well as in Seneca de ira
III 5 2 : Quintilian has primum — post hcvec— nouissi-
me; prius — ti(,m — nouissime; maodme — turn — nouissime:
[Varro Bimarcus viii (25) Cum nouissime putaret, quan-
tum sumpti fecerit: the precise expression of CatuUus].
Cicero, a purist in such matters, admonished doubtless
bj Aelius Stilo, as GelUus tells us (x 21), seems never
to use the adverb nouissime, and once only in a some-
what early oration the adjective oiouissimus, though his
correspondent Plancus twice uses the former and Cas-
sius and Galba both employ the second word in letters
to him; and GeUius says that Cato, Sallust and others
of that age 'uerbo isto promisee usitati sint': the ad-
verb occurs three times in Sallust's Catihne and lu-
gurtha. Those Editors therefore, old and recent, who
change the manuscript reading to nouissime, in my
judgment spoil Catullus. He is injured too by those
who put a comma after Thraciam in v. 8 ; for though I
would not assert with Lachmann that Catullus or Lu-
cretius could not have used Thraciam as a substitute
for Thracam or Thi'acen, the poem as I have explained
it seems to require Thraciam to be an epithet of Pro-
pontida. The yacht too must have hugged the Asiatic
coast and quite avoided Thrace, and finally ' horridam
Thraciam Propontida' is symmetrical with ' trucem Pon-
ticum sinum'. As for uocavet in v. 20, when Lachmann
(Lucret. p. 178) says he does not understand it, he
knew of course such passages as Klotz and Ellis cite
from Virgil and Statins, or such a one as I have noted
down from Ovid (Heroid. 13 9) et qui tua uela uocaret,
Quern cuperent nautae, non ego, uentus erat: a favour-
able breeze springs up and invites the ship or the sails
M. c. 2
18 CATVLLT
to come out of port and take advantage of It. In the
passage from Ovid's Remedium quoted by Ellis, you
are told to let the oar follow the current, * qua fluctus
uocant'. It is not easy then to see the appropriateness
of the word here, where, as Lachmann observes, a shift-
ing wind is spoken of I sometimes picture to myself
the poet thinking of the yacht as becalmed or using its
oars, and then of a wind suddenly springing up and
inviting it to spread its sails; but that hardly agrees
with the 'raging seas' of the preceding line. Lach-
mann (Lucret. p. 178) then may perhaps be right in
reading 'uagaret', which well suits the context.
The erum tulisse of v. 19 seems, as I have shewn
above, to be emphatic and to imply that Catullus did
not himself make the voyage from the Pontus round
to the Propontis: these words have a bearing too on
22 — 24, if I am not mistaken, and indicate that Catul-
lus, when he had safely reached the Itahan coast, did
not accompany his yacht in the very tedious voyage up
the Po and then the Mincio into the Lago di Garda,
which would have been made for the most part against
a very powerful stream partly by sailing, partly by
rowing, but mainly I presume by towing from the
bank. Of course this would be the most convenient
way for his heavy effects and part of his attendants to
go. If the Mincio in Catullus' time, as is said to be
the case now, was not navigable where it joins the Po,
the yacht must have been transported there, as at the
Isthmus. But great changes may have taken place
between those days and ours in the river's course. He
himself in all probability started by some quicker and
more convenient route for Sirmio, to which the 31st
poem shews that he hastened, as soon as he returned
from Bithynia. He may indeed have quitted his ship
CARM. 4 19
at Brundusium, and not been in it during its coasting
voyage from thence to the mouth of the Po.
Now this and much else that I have said above
seem to be confirmed by Ovid in the elegy spoken of :
comp. V. 9 foil.
ilia Corinthiacis primum mihi cognita Cenchreis
fida manet trepidae duxque comesque uiae,
perque tot euentus et iniquis concita uentis
aequora Palladio numine tuta fuit.
In the first two of these verses there appears to be an
allusion to w. 1 4 — 1 6 of our poem : Ovid''s ship was
'primum cognita' to him at Cenchreae, where he pur-
chased it, while Catullus traces his back to its origin
on Cy torus; and in the last two lines Ovid manifestly
refers to the 'tot per impotentia freta' of Catullus.
Ovid then continues
nunc quoque tuta, precor, uasti secet ostia Ponti,
quasque petit, Getici Ktoris intret aquas :
and he goes on to describe how the ship had got into
the Hellespont and then was forced back to Imbros,
until in V. 20
Threiciam tetigit fessa carina Samon.
saltus ab hac terra breuis est Tempyra petenti :
hoc dominum tenus est ilia secuta siiiim.
nam mihi Bistonios placuit pede carpere campos :
Hellespontiacas ilia relegit aquas :
and then he proceeds tediously to describe in 18 lines
the ship's voyage to Tomoe, through the Hellespont,
Propontis, Bosporus and along the left shore of the
Euxine, enumerating nine or ten towns which it would
Iiave to pass; while he tells us nothing further of his
2—2
20 CATVLLI
own journey by land, after he has said that he would
cross over to Tempyra on the mainland and then travel
through Thrace. He manifestly felt that the ship was
carrying his property and household-gods ; it was there-
fore the main object of his solicitude. Now in the line
printed in Italics there is a clear reference to Catullus'
erum tulisse; and from this I should infer that Ovid
understood the other poet's meaning to be that he too
only accompanied his yacht on this part of the voyage.
Ovid, anxious for the safety of his vessel, says (v. 43)
that if the ship reaches Tomoe,
hanc si contigerit, meritae cadet agna Mineruae :
non facit ad nostras hostia maior opes:
this too looks like an allusion to the * neque uUa uota
litoralibus dels cet.' of Catullus. Ovid not knowing the
issue of the voyage makes this vow : Catullus had been
with his yacht while it was crossing the sea, and would
have been able at any moment to offer up vows if neces-
sary. When the ship reached land, all cause for anxiety
was now over. The next verses of Ovid also
uos quoque, Tyndaridae, quos haec colit insula fratres,
mite, precor, duplici numen adeste uiae:
altera namque parat Symplegadas ire per artas,
scindere Bistonias altera puppis aquas
appear to be suggested by Catullus' three last verses:
Catullus says that all is now over and the yacht is laid
up and dedicated to Castor and Pollux : Ovid begs
their protection chiefly for his own ship which has yet
to make its voyage, but also for the ship which has to
carry him in person from Samothrace over to the main-
land.
As the manuscripts of Catullus uniformly give ph(t-
sellus, it is not improbable that this spelling is his own.
CAUM. 4 21
on the analogy perhaps of qu^rella, Wquella, luella, m^
delta : thus Cicero and some others seem to have writ-
ten cdmellus. Something in the pronunciation of the
words led it may be to this. In v. 4 L. Mueller rightly
prints praeter ire, which is required by the metre : in
29 22 Catullus no doubt wrote ' Nisi uncta de uorare
patrimonia': in his day this separation of the monosyl-
labic preposition from its verb was common enough, as
we see from inscriptions. In Catullus' iambics and sca-
zons, which have the hephthemimeral caesura, the end
of the second foot must coincide with the end of a
word, as in *Neque uUius J natantis j impetum trabis'.
The same law is observed in the Virgilian catalecta and
by Martial in his many hundred iambic lines, chiefly
scazons, except that in catal. 3 and 4 we find * Generque
Noctuine', and ' Superbe Noctuine', and once in Martial
(vi 74 4), *Mentitur, Aefulane: non habet dentes': a
proper name forming the sole exception in so many
hundred verses would seem to confirm the rule.
Ellis has devoted a good deal of criticism to my
analysis of the poem, printed six years ago : some parts
of it he accepts, some he rejects. I will now make a
few remarks on his remarks. I adhere entirely to the
general exposition I gave of Catullus' voyage home :
none of Ellis' objections touches the real points at issue,
and some of them I hope to shew are altogether irre-
levant. My main reason of course for arguing that
Catullus himself got on board his yacht in the Propon-
tis was this : he started homewards from Nicaea, from
which there was most ready access to the Propontis.
Had he. gone to Cy torus or Amastris, he would have
22 CATVLLI
had to make a most difficult and laborious land-journey,
solely to add to the length and annoyance of the sea-
voyage. He may have had special motives for so doing;
but I have endeavoured to shew that the poet's very
curt and allusive language supports my conclusions.
It is plain enough that if a man wants to go to the
Phasis, he must enter the Euxine ; but Catullus says
nothing of Phasis or Argo, and why Ellis should bring
Propertius and his friend Tullus into the discussion, I
do not see. But Ellis follows * the ordinary, certainly
the natural, view, which makes inde local'. It may be
the ordinary; but why it should be the natural view,
I cannot comprehend. My exposition leaves the Ms.
reading intact; EUis', which is the ordinary one, re-
quires a change in it. And inde as often refers to time
as to place: not only does Catullus use it in the one
sense as often as in the other; but all the best writers,
such as Cicero and Caesar, equally recognise both
senses : Caes. B. C. iii 9 7 has a sentence much resem-
bling Catul. 29 16 and 17, inde having the same force
in both passages: and Catullus' metre both here and in
29 demands Et inde, not Et deinde. In the catalecta
* Et inde' seems to denote time at least as naturally as
place; and the 'praeter hoc nouissimum' can refer to
time alone, supporting therefore the Ms. ^nouissime'.
Ovid's elegy bears much more than ' points of resem-
blance' to our poem; but here let me say that through-
out my argument I only bring Ovid in to help to
confirm what Catullus* words suggest to my mind ; not
to give them an unnatural twist, as Ellis, taking up
his own point of view instead of mine, tries to shew, I
think without success.
1 : Comp. Mart, ii 57 1 Hie quem uidetis. 8 : Ellis,
in separating 'horridamque Thraciam' and 'Propontida',
CAiiM. 4 23
among all Editors since Lachmann inclusive is left in a
minority of one : I have no doubt that here I am right
and he is wrong. He now interprets the 'horridam
Thraciam' to mean the genial and cultivated Cherso-
nese, whose shore is more West than North of the Hel-
lespont.
20 uocaret: I would gladly recall what I have
written on this word; but alas! 'httera scrip ta manet':
Ellis however only makes matters worse, Lachmann I
fear, with all his virtues, was no better than a Berliner
land-lubber ; and all the combined nautical knowledge
of Ellis and myself is needed to bring the yacht safely
from the Propontis, to say nothing of the Euxine.
Years ago 1 saw that I had missed the point of Catul-
lus' expression, and my friend Sir Henry Thring wrote
to me : * laeua siue dextera Vocaret aura' has nothing
to do with a ' shifting wind ' ; on the contrary it means
* whether sailing on the left or the right tack with the
same wind — a cross wind': in other words she bore her
master equally well whether sailing with a cross wind
on either tack, or sailing straight before the wind.
22 — 24 : Of my elucidation of this passage Ellis
says : ' This seems to give an unnaturally pluperf. sense
to esse facta, while it forces sibi and leaves usque with
little meaning'. Let us see: first of all the sibi has no
bearing whatever on the general argument : I translated
sibi *for it' not *by it*, because at the time it struck me
as an unnecessary hyperbole to say the vows were
offered by the yacht itself; a far greater hyperbole than
the * seque dedicat tibi' of 26. Catullus I grant, tho'
the usage was very rare in his time, could write sibi for
a se) as 37 13 Pro qua mihi sunt magna bella pugnata:
but take it either way, it comes to exactly the same
thing. Then as to the pluperfect, I maintain tliat esse
24 CATVLLI
facta Is just as much a pluperf. as a perfect, esse being
the infin. of cram as much as of sum; and, more than
that, it must be here a pluperf. even if you read * No-
uissimo'; for surely the vows would only have been
made 'litorahbus dels' while the ship was on the sea in
danger of shipwreck, not while it was in the Po, Mincio
and Garda: Votaque seruati soluunt in litore nautae
Glauco et Panopeae et Inoo Melicertae. At least I
assert this to be the natural not the * unnatural' mean-
ing of Catullus: 10 10 Respondi, id quod erat, nihil
ueque ipsis Nee praetoribus esse nee cohorti : here too
esse is rat. obi. of erat, not est. Ellis' quotation from
Seneca gives to 'nouissime' precisely the meaning I
give to it; and his own explanation of the word is only
an imperfect reproduction of mine. But I leave usque
'with little meaning': indeed! surely usque is well said
of a yacht undertaking the long tedious voyage from
the sea *even as far as this limpid lake'; or else I can-
not appreciate the force of words. Let others judge
how I have answered ElUs' objections: I have now two
or three more observations to make on our poem.
2 ait...celerrimus: *a not very common attraction'
Ellis observes. Ovid however is fond of it; I have col-
lected from him many instances hke met. xiii 141 quia
rettulit Aiax Esse louis pronepos : and CatuUus was
not the first who ' ventured on' it : Plant, asin. 634
Quas hodie adulescens Diabulus ipsi daturus dixit.
Ellis might have illustrated too the second form of * at-
traction' in the verse: with *nauium celerrimus' comp.
Cic. de nat. ii 130 Indus uero qui est omnium fluminum
maximus; Pliny xviii 79 hordeum frugum omnium mol-
lissimum est; Hor. sat. i 9 4 dulcissime rerum; Ov. her.
4 125, ars i 213 and met. viii 49 pulcherrime rerum.
12: ' " The yacht gave a rustling with the voice of her
CARM. 4, 6 25
tresses" is a combination which would probably have
been avoided by Virgil : it is on faults of this kind that
the indifference of Horace for Catullus... was probably
grounded' Ellis. Cultivated language is made up of
inconsistent metaphors, which time has smoothed over.
Ellis' translation I think caricatures Catullus: Kojxr) was
used by Homer for the foliage of a tree, and to Catullus
I believe coma had much the same meaning ihsit foliage
has to us. A poet like him would drink in the myste-
rious beauty of the wind's rustling through the trees,
whose leaves were their organ of speech; whose voice
was this very rustling. If Horace had been able to
commit * faults' like this, he would have been a greater
poet than he is. 27: this verse expresses, not * allu-
sively' but directly, just the opposite of what Ellis says
it does: it separates as distinctly as possible the two
brothers and means 'Castor, gemine frater, et Pollux,
gemine frater Castoris': similarly in the prologue of the
Menaechmus Plautus says of the two brothers : Nunc
ille geminus...uenit cum seruo sue Hunc quaeritatum
geminum germanum suum.
Flaui, delicias tuas CatuUo,
ni sint illepidae atque inelegantes,
uelles dicere nee tacere posses,
uerum nescio quid febriculosi
5 scorti diligis : hoc pudet fateri.
nam te non uiduas iacere noctes —
nequiquam tacitum — cubile clamat
sertis ac Syrio fragrans oliuo
puluinusque peraeque et hie et ille
10 attritus tremulique quassa lecti
26 CATVLLT
argutatio inambulatioque.
Mani, stupra uales nihil tacere.
cur ? non tarn latera ecfututa pandas,
nei tu quid facias ineptiarum.
15 quare, quidquid habes boni malique,
die nobis, uolo te ac tuos amores
ad caelum lepido uocare uersu.
6 noctes — Nequiquam taciturn — cubile sic interpunxi. 8 ac Syrio uuVjo.
asirio V. et Syrio Baehrens. 12 Mani, stupra uales scripsi. Nam inista (or
ui ista) preualet V. Nam ni stupra ualet Scaliyer. N. nil Haupt, lam nil
Btupra uales Schwabius ' aliquando'.
There are several points in this poem which none of
the commentators, so far as I have seen, has brought
into view or explained. In the first place it must be
observed that Catullus pictures himself as peering about
his friend Flavins' bedroom and addressing him there.
He notes the bed reeking with unguents, and the worn
pillows; he it is who rocks the bed and makes it creak
and dance about. Flavins in vain attempts to conceal
the truth, which all the things about him proclaim with
a loud voice.
I now proceed to vss. 6 and 7, which not one of
the Editors whom I have come across explains in a
satisfactory manner ; but which by a better punctuation,
unless I am mistaken, I have made quite clear: taciturn
is not an adjective here, but the passive participle, in
apposition with the preceding verse. This use of taci-
tus is quite as classical as the other : the common
Lexicons give abundant examples, from Cicero, Livy,
Plautus, Virgil and others: Quis te, magne Cato, taci-
tum aut te, Cosse, relinquat? 'For that you do not
pass solitary nights — a fact vainly concealed by you —
the bed proclaims, perfumed with garlands and Syrian
CARM. 6 27
oil, etc' I may just observe that 'bed', not 'bedcham-
ber', is the common meaning of cuhile in Catullus : see
64 163; G6 21; 68 29. Then in 12 it is clear to me
that Nam is meaningless, and that ualet cannot be
right ; for everything cries out, instead of trying to hide
what it knows, except Manius himself We must read
then uales; and it strikes me that the strangely corrupt
commencement of the line is best explained by reading
Mani for Nam ni (or ini) : thus 29 3 the Mss. have
Nam murram for Mamurram; 28 9 Omnem mi for 0
Memmi, proper names being a habitual source of cor-
ruption in Mss. See how in the two parts of 68 the
names of ManHus and of Allius are variously corrupted.
Manius Flauius therefore would be the friend's name.
With ualet for uales, a usual corruption in Mss. like
ours, compare 68 2 mittis 0, mittit G, 10 petis O, pe-
tit G, 7 4 iacet G, iaces 0; 41 8 solet et V for solet es
(i.e. aes), 61 119 taceatis V for taceat, 64 384 Nereus
V for Heroum et, where we see too the confusion so
extraordinarily common in our Mss. of o and e: thus
too in 110 7 I read 'est furis' for the 'efficit' of Mss.,
the sentence demanding an est.
12 is thus an emphatic repetition of 6 foil.: 'no,
Manius, you cannot at all conceal your amours'. Every-
thing about you is a tell-tale, nay (13 foil.) your own
haggard appearance. Say out then all you have to
disclose, that I may wed you and your love to immortal
verse.
In 3 the imperfects I think may be defended : I
do not follow Heinsius and Baehrens in changing them
into present subjunctives. 7 1 cannot comprehend why
Editors retain the nequicquam or 7iequidquam of our
barbarous Mss. instead of reading nequiquam, the sole
classical form. 8 I keep the vulgate ac Syrio for asirio
28 CATVLLI
of Mss. and do not with Baehrens read et S., as s for
sc is a very common blunder in our Mss. : 46 3 silesit
O, 60 2 silla V, 61 139 simus O, 66 73 diserpent V,
88 4 sis 0: on the other hand sc for s is just as com-
mon. I shall have to return to this and similar cor-
ruptions. In 9 too I prefer hie et ille to hie et illic : o
and e must have been almost indistinguishable in our
Mss. : this I shall recur to again and again.
10 : I have yet to say a word about quassa, which
I do not change, tho' its precise force is far from clear
and I cannot at all discern the drift of Ellis' explana-
tion and illustration. Quintilian xii 10 29, speaking of
the harsh sound of F, says that this harshness of sound
is ' quassa quodammodo ', shattered, broken, when a
vowel immediately follows, it being much more harsh,
when it on the other hand precedes and so ' frangit '
any of the consonants, as in the word 'frangit'. Quin-
tilian thus shews that quassa can be applied to a sound,
and has much the same meaning as Jracta. Perhaps
therefore in Catullus it denotes the broken, unequal
creaking of the bed, which had become tremulus or
rickety by the use to which it had been put.
I have not much to remark upon the poems which
come between 6 and 10. In 8 9, the end of which is
lost in the Mss., I much prefer Avantius' completion,
adopted by niost Editors,
nunc iam ilia non uult, tu quoque, iwpotens, noli
to Scaliger's, which the latest Editor Baehrens adopts,
' tu quoque inpote/is ne sis ', because there seems to me
to be a manifestly designed parallelism in this verse,
corresponding with the similar one just above:
ibi ilia multa tum iocosa fiebant,
quae tu uolebas nee puella nolebat.
CARM. G, 10 29
V. 14 cum rogaberis nulla: this use of mdlus with the
sense of omnino 7ion, prorsum non, I have illustrated
in my note on Lucretius i 377 (and ii 53) and com-
pared with the similar adverbial use of totus and omnis,
so very common in the best authors. As Cicero and
Lucretius employ mdlus in this way, there can be no
reason for refusing the same liberty to CatuUus. Ellis
observes that Holtze quotes no instance of this use of
mdlus with passive verbs. I have quoted 1. 1. from
Cicero * consilium quod capi nullum potest ', as well as
this passage of Catullus. There too I have cited Cicero's
* repudiari se totum putabit ', which has much analogy
with Catullus' expression. Livy employs ullus in the
same way : viii 35 4 quae in discrimine fuerunt, an ulla
post banc diem essent.
Of the chronological inferences which Ellis draws
from our 9th poem I will speak after I have discussed
the 10th and 12th. 9 2 : To the illustrations from
Cicero given by Ellis, which I had myself noted down,
add Brutus 191 Plato enim mihi instar est centum mi-
lium. 4 anumque matrem : Mart, xi 23 14 sed quasi
mater anus ; xiii 34 anus coniunx : Plautus has 'anus
uxor', 'sacerdos anus', * mater lena'. 9 os oculosque :
Cic. phil. VIII 20 ante os oculosque legatorum; Aen. viii
152 ille OS oculosque loquentis cet. ; Ovid Ibis 155 ante
OS oculosque uolabo : the sound has evidently brought
the two words thus together.
10
Varus me meus ad suos amores
uisum duxerat e foro otiosum,
scortillum, ut mihi tunc repente uisum est,
30 CATVLLI
non sane illepidum neque inuenustum.
5 hue ut uenimus, incidere nobis
sermon es uarii, in quibus, quid esset
iam Bithynia, quo modo se haberet,
ecquonam mihi profuisset aere.
respondi id quod erat, nibil neque ipsis
10 nee praetoribus esse nee eoliorti.
cur quisquam caput unctius referret?
praesertim quibus esset irrumator
praetor nee faeeret pili eohortem.
* at eerte tamen ' inquiunt, * quod illie
15 natum dieitur esse, comparasti
ad leetieam homines', ego, ut puellae
unum me faeerem beatiorem,
' non' inquam ' mihi tam fuit maligna,
ut, prouincia quod mala incidisset,
20 non possem octo homines parare rectos'.
at mi nuUus erat neque hie neque ilHc,
fractum qui ueteris pedem grabati
in collo sibi collocare posset.
hie ilia, ut deeuit einaediorem,
25 ' quaeso ' inquit * mihi, mi Catulle, paidum
istos: commodum enim uolo ad Sarapim
deferri'. 'mane me' inquio puellae;
'istud quod modo dixeram me habere,
fugit me ratio : meus sodalis
30 Cinna est Gains : is sibi parauit.
uerum, utrum illius an mei, quid ad me ?
utor tam bene quam mihi paratis.
sed tu insulsa male et molesta uiuis,
per quam non licet esse neglegentem'.
10 cohorti. Cur — referret? sic interpunxi. cohorti, Cur — referret, mhZ^o.
27 mane me is corrupt, mane Statins, minime Pontamis. mi anime Bergk.
Perhaps meminei. 32 paratis Statius. pararim V, uulgo.
CARM. 10 31
There are several points I think it worth while to
dwell upon in this striking poem, than which there
does not exist in the whole compass of Latin literature
a finer example of terse idiomatic expression, of which
Catullus and Terence are such consummate masters.
I will begin with vss. 5 — 14. The first lines are
clear enough : it is only in 9 — 13 that any difficulties
have been found. These difficulties, unless I am greatly
mistaken, I have removed by a better punctuation, by
dividing the passage into two distinct sentences, with-
out departing in one word from the genuine Ms. read-
ing. For, if we compare G and O, there can be no doubt
that in 9 neque ipsis and in 13 nee, and not non,faxieret,
are right. I am amazed that none of the commentators
has made this simple change. Some of them have re-
sorted to violent alterations of text, others to explana-
tions which they themselves feel to be unsatisfactory.
Thus the latest Editor Baehrens partly rewrites the
passage ; while Ellis appends to his first comment :
* Yet there is something illogical etc' and goes to an-
other ' conceivable ' one. A full stop and a mark of in-
terrogation will make the logic run quite smoothly.
*When we came to Varus' house', says Catullus,
' various subjects of conversation were started. One of
them was, how Bithynia was now ofi", what was its con-
dition, whether I had made any money out of it. I
told them in reply, what was the simple truth, that
there was nothing at all for people, or for praetors or
for praetor's staff'. And here the sentence ends, tho'
all the Editors carry it on with a most perplexing re-
sult. Is it that they have not apprehended the fact,
that in an interrogative sentence * cur referret ' is the
right, and the only right, mood and tense for oratio
obliqua ? If proof of this be asked, I need only refer to
32 CATVLLI
Madvlg's Opuscula and Grammar. At the risk how-
ever of being tedious I will quote the following pas-
sages from Caesar, as they so precisely illustrate the
turn of our sentence : B. G. i 40 2 Ariouistum se con-
sule cupidissime populi Komani amicitiam appetisse.
cur hunc tarn temere quisquam ab officio discessiirum
iudicaret ? B. C. i 72 Caesar in earn spem uenerat, se
sine pugna et sine uolnere suorum rem conficere posse,
quod re frumentaria aduersarios interclusisset. cur
etiam secundo proelio aliquos ex suis amitteret ? cur
uulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites ? cur
denique fortunam periclitaretur ? praesertim cum non
esset minus imperatoris consilio superare quam gladio.
B. G. IV 16 2 responderunt populi Romani imperium
Bhenum finire. si se inuito Germanos in Galliam trans-
ire non aeqvium existimaret, cur sui quicquam esse
imperii aut potestatis trans Bhenum postularet ? These
sentences illustrate Catullus in every point : observe
the cur in every case introducing the question, with no
connecting particle, and follow^ed by an imperfect sub-
junctive; the quisquam and quicquam, the praesertim,
the responderunt.
' Why should any of us bring home our persons in
gayer trim, especially when our praetor was a dirty fel-
low and cared not for his staff one straw V The plur.
quihus referring to the indefinite quisquam is a very
usual construction: comp. too 102 3 illoimm, referring
back to Jido ab amico, and 111 2 Nuptarum referring
back to contentam uiuere.
On vss. 14 — 20 there is a good note in the Hueti-
ana (p. 207 — 210 ed. Amst. 1790): Huet anticipates
what Haupt tells us in the Hermes, and quotes Probus
from the Juvenal scholia. He remarks too that in the
Delphin Manilius of 1679 he had said what is said five
CARM. 10 33
years later in Vossius' Catullus ; and observes that
these verses, taken together, shew Catullus to have
meant that the * lectica octophorus ' was invented and
first used in Bithynia.
1 4 inquiunt : ' somebody said ' Ellis : rather * say
they ' i. e. Varus and the woman, for we are not to sup-
pose any one else present. The mistress speaks, and
Varus by his looks takes part, as it were, in the speech.
Thus when Francesca has alone spoken, Paolo standing
by weeping, Dante says : Queste parole da lor ci fur
porte.
17 unum beatiorem : scarcely 'a particularly lucky
fellow ' with Ellis. The more common turn is, as Ca-
tullus elsewhere has it, Quis me uno uiuit felicior; Cic.
epist. VII 16 3 neminem te uno Samarobriuae iuris pe-
ritiorem esse. When the itnus is in the same case as
the comparative, the object of comparison must either
be expressed, as in the passage of Horace which Ellis
quotes, and in Ter. hecyra 861 Vt unus omnium homo
te uiuat numquam quisquam blandior: comp. too Plant.
Amph. 1046 Qui me Thebis alter uiuit miserior ?: or be
understood, as here : beatiorem quam ceteram cohortem,
as at once follows from what precedes. He had just
said there was nothing at all for praetor or staff. Now,
wishing to brag, he says : ' to make myself out to the
lady to be the one man rich or fortunate above all the
rest*, facere is used again by Catullus in the same
sense : 97 9 et se facit esse uenustum.
24 — 27: 'Then she like an impudent little minx
says, Pray, my dear Catullus, lend me them for a little ;
for^I want presently to be carried to Sarapis's'. ut
dec. cin. : Priap. 66 2 ut decet pudicam. I am surprised
Ellis should feel any doubt of the meaning of ' cinae-
diorera': Catullus surely points to the impudence of
M. c. 3
34 CATVLLI
the request. As commodd nam is impossible in Catul-
lus, Hand's commodum enim, tho' quite uncertain, gives
a suitable sense and has been generally adopted by the
later editors. The omission of an imperative da or the
like is idiomatic enough : comp. 55 10 Camerium mihi,
pessimae puellae ; Mart, iv 43 5 Iratam mihi Pontiae
lagonam, Iratum calicem mihi Metili. Perhaps com-
mode enhn is nearer the Ms. reading, as a and e are so
often interchanged in our Mss. ; and it would give a suit-
able sense : *I want to be carried comfortably': comp.
Cic. ad Att. xvi 6 1 Ego adhuc.magis commode quam
strenue nauigaui. But Doering I see suggests Istos
da : tnodo nam : now before I observed this, I had
thought of Istos da modo. nam uolo ; because I per-
ceived that da modo might easily in the Mss. fall into
the more natural prose arrangement modo da, and this
get changed to commoda ; and because I felt that modo
would add force both to paulum and du : comp. Plaut.
rud. 1127 Cedo modo mi, uidulum istum: Cic. de orat.
Ill 196 si in his paulum modo offensum est ; epist. i 5 b
2 si Pompeius paulum modo ostenderit sibi placere ;
Nepos Ham. 1 4 si paulum modo res essent refectae ;
SaU. lug. 60 3 ubi hostes paulum modo pugnam remi-
serant ; 93 4 paulum modo prona ; Catil. 52 18 si pau-
lulum modo uos languere uiderint ; Ter. heaut. 316
Vbi si paululum modo quid te fugerit. Ellis well de-
fends the accusative Sai'apim.
27 — 30 : manl^ me is surely not admissible in Ca-
tullus, nor do the words appear to have any satisfactory
meaning : manl^ inquio is good metre and good sense
and is adopted by several of the best editors, and so is
the minime of Pontanus, Lachmann, Haupt and others.
Again Bergk's mi anime is enticing. But when that
which follows is kept in view, meminei, which in Catul-
CAKM. 10 35
lus' Mss. might easily pass into mane me, a and e being
so often confused, strikes me as not at all improbable.
I prefer inquio of the old editors and Baehrens to in-
quii of most recent editors ; for it seems to have as
much indirect evidence to its existence as inquii has,
and is as near to inquid, as inquii is to inquit ; and
elsewhere in the poem we have the presents, inquiunt,
inquit, inqvam.
The following sentence appears to me to be rightly
understood by none of the commentators. They all
take quod for the relative, whereas it surely is the con-
junction. This has led Lachmann, Haupt and others
to assume a lacuna, and Ellis' explanation is to me very
unsatisfactory. This peculiar use of the conjunction
quod, to denote the effect rather than the cause, I have
illustrated at great length in my note on Lucretius
IV 885 from Cicero, Ovid, Virgil and others. The
phrase, I have there said, is elliptical and the full ex-
pression is seen in Catull. 68 33 Nam quod scriptorum
non magna est copia apud me, Hoc fit quod Romae
uiuimus. So here the full expression would be ' Istud
quod modo dixeram me habere, hoc factum est quod
me ratio fugit'. To the very many passages I have
given in my note on Lucretius I here add the following :
Phaedr, ii 4 8 Nam fodere terram quod uides cotidie
Aprum insidiosum, quercum uult euertere ; Mart, viii
213 placidi numquid te pigra Bootae Plaustra uehunt,
lento quod nimis axe uenis?; ib. 82 2 Nos quoque quod
domino carmina parua damns, Posse deum rebus pariter
Musisque uacare Scimus, et haec etiam serta placere
deo.
With meminei then, the passage is plain enough :
'Now I bethink myself: when I said just now that I
had them, I forgot myself for the moment : my dear
3—2
36 CATVLLI
friend Gaius Cinna, he it was who bought them ' : iatud,
the thing in question, the chair and its eight men; just
hke 'quod natum' above. Though the general sense of
the words * mens — parauit' is clear enough, their exact
construction is not so certain: are they to be punctu-
ated as I have punctuated with most of the editors? or,
what is perhaps better, are we with Baehrens to put a
comma after sodalis, and Gaiusi Nay, as Cinna was
not an uncommon name, it strikes me as not improbable
that Catullus meant to say : ' meus sodalis Cinna — est
Gaius — is s. p. : ' my friend Cinna — Gaius I mean (not
Gnaeus or Lucius) — he it was who bought them': comp.
Mart. IX 87 3 dicis * modo liberum esse iussi Nastam —
seruolus est mihi patemus — Signa*. One might sug-
gest the omission of est ; but it should be observed that
throughout this poem we find spondees alone in the
first foot. With 27 — 29 I would compare the writer
ad Herenn. ii 40, which might perhaps favour my me-
minei: in mentem mihi si uenisset, Quirites, non com-
misissem ut in hunc locum res ueniret: nam hoc aut
hoc fecissem; sed me tum ratio fugit.
In V. 32 Ellis tries, in my opinion without success,
to defend the pararim of Mss. Because the best writers
often use tamquam for tamquam si, because some good
writers, Livy for instance, not unfrequently use uelut
for uelut si, it by no means follows that tarn bene, qiiam
can pass for tarn bene, quam si: none of Ellis' examples,
Latin, Greek or English, helps in the least to prove
this. But if the omission of si were conceded, can the
tense be defended ? this has always struck me as deci-
sive. The poet is surely speaking of a matter past and
gone: Cinna bought them, I did not; they are his, not
mine. Surely then you want 'quam si mihi parassem',
not * pararim' : ' I have the same use of them as if I had
CARM. 10 37
bought them myself. If this be so, Baehrens' ceu for
quam, for other reasons improbable, wiU not help mat-
ters. Now Statins' paratis is not so violent a correction
as some might at first sight think it to be; for final m
and s are perpetually interchanged in our Mss. evi-
dently because some original of them all expressed both
by abbreviations not easy to distinguish. Of this I will
speak more at length when I come to the 12th poem.
If paratim then, a non-existent word, were once writ-
ten, it would pass immediately into pararim; for ?• and
t were also not easily distinguished in our archetype.
Of this too I shall have occasion to speak later on: I
have copied down some thirty cases in which V, or else
G or O, put Q' for t, or t for r,
33 : On this verse I should hardly have thought of
dwelling, if it had not been for Baehrens' most infeli-
citous alterations, ' Set tu, mulsa, mala et m. u. '. No
verse in Catullus less needs correction than this: the
use of male = ualde, to denote an aggravation of an evil,
is well illustrated from Horace by Bentley on od. in
14 11, where he reads, perhaps rightly, * male inomina-
tis': he cites 'male dispari' and other instances. The
instance most resembling ours that I can find is Tibull.
(Sulpicia) IV 10 2 ne male inepta cadam. The usage is
very similar to the often recurring ' male aeger', * male
(peius, pessime) odi, metuo, timeo, formido, uror, perdo',
and the like. We might compare with 7nale insidsus,
ineptus. Homer's Bvcrdfxixopo^, Empedocles' SucrawX^o?,
Sophocles' Sfcra^Xtos, SvcraXyT^ros, and the like. I be-
lieve Martial had this line in his mind, when he wrote
(xii 55 1) Gratis qui dare uos iubet puellae, Insulsissi-
mus improbissimusque est, where the two superlatives
are synonymous with the two adjectives of CatuUus
strengthened by male. At the same time I take it that
38 CATVLLI
the poet intended his reader to infer that these words
were spoken, not to the girl's face, but like a stage
aside, as Catullus was turning away from them. The
rudeness would otherwise be in glaring contrast to the
polite tone of the rest of the poem. Such asides are
common alike in the ancient and modern drama : Tri-
nummus 40 Vxor, uenerare ut nobis haec habitatio
Bona fausta felix fortunataque euenat — Teque ut quam
primum possim uideam emortuam.
When I have first discussed some points in the 12th
poem, I will say a few words about the date of C. Mem-
mius' propraetorship, words which I should have deemed
altogether superfluous, if Ellis had not broached and
developed what appears to me to be a singular paradox
on the subject.
12
Marrucine Asini, manu sinistra
non belle uteris in ioco atque uino :
tollis lintea neglegentiorum.
hoc salsum esse putas ? fugit te, inepte
5 quamuis sordida res et inuenusta est.
non credis mihi ? crede Pollioni
fratri, qui tua furta uel talento
mutari uelit : est enim leporum
disertus puer ac facetiarum.
10 quare aut hendecasyllabos trecentos
expecta aut mihi linteum remitte ;
quod me non mouet aestimatione,
uerum est mnemosynum mei sodalis.
nam sudaria Saetaba ex Hiberis
15 miserunt mihi muneri Fabullus
CARM. 10, 12 39
et Veranius : haec amem necesse est
ufc Veraniolum meum et Fabullum.
9 Disertus seems corrupt. Dissertus 0. Differtus Passeratius, Vossnis,
Baehrens. perhaps Ducentum.
This Asinius, brother of the famous C. Asinius Pol-
lio Cn. fil., is mentioned nowhere except in this poem of
Catullus. He was probably a man of little worth, and
may have soon disappeared from a world which he did
not greatly adorn. Ellis calls him ' Asinius Polio,
an elder brother of the friend of Horace and Virgil'.
Though there is no direct evidence to the point, I am
disposed to think he was the elder of the two ; but I
feel sure his cognomen was not Pollio. I rest my argu-
ment on the following grounds.
The family belonged to Teate, the capital of the
Marrucini. It was plebeian and like so many other
plebeian families, such as the Memmii and the Antonii,
appears to have had no cognomen. Gnaeus Asinius,
father of the two in question, had left his native place
and come to settle in Rome. Wishing, we may pre-
sume, to do at Rome as the Romans did, he called one
son C. Asinius Pollio. Whence this surname was derived,
is altogether unknown. Had this been his eldest son,
he would doubtless in compliance with the usual fashion
have given him his own praenomen Gnaeus, and not
Gains. I infer therefore that the other was the elder
and was named Cn. Asinius. But not Pollio ; else
Catullus would not in v. 6 have said *crede Pollioni
fratri', in order to distinguish the two. It was very
usual at this period for the same family to use different
cognomina : thus the father of Catullus' friend C. Li-
cinius Calvus was named C. Licinius Macer. I believe
therefore that we have here the youth's actual name,
40 CATVLLI
and that the father called him Cn. Asiiiius Marrucinus
in order to perpetuate the memory of their native
country, as this son may have been born before the
father had migrated from Teate to Rome, The very-
common cognomina Marsus, Sabinus, Latinus, Gallus,
Afer, Hispanus and so many others doubtless had a
similar origin. The history of Pollio's family, which
ends with his grandsons, would illustrate and confirm
what has been said. He called his eldest son C, Asinius
Gallus Saloninus, giving him his own praenomen, but
not his cognomen, and naming him Gallus, because he
was bom in Gallia Cisalpina; Saloninus to commemorate
his OMTi chief exploit, the capture of Salonae. This ill-
fated son had five sons of his own, and gave a difierent
cognomen to each: see Drumann ii p. 1. The eldest
was C. Asinius Saloninus and had his father's prae-
nomen ; the next was Asinius Gallus ; the third C.
Asinius Pollio ; the fourth M. Asinius Agrippa, so called
after his grandfather M. Agrippa ; the fifth was Asinius
Celer. All this will confirm I believe what I have in-
ferred about Cn. Asinius Marrucinus : the name of Pollio
it will be seen recurs once only.
7 is I think quite correct : tho' the expression is
unusual, the sense seems clear : * Who would gladly have
your thefts redeemed even at the cost of a talent',
would gladly give so much that your thefts had never
been committed. The common meaning of 'res acre
mutatur ' is * a thing is sold for so much money'. But
in certain writers the sense is occasionally just the op-
posite: 'The thing is bought for so much money'. Thus
Hor. sat. ii 7 109 *puer uuam Furtiua mutat strigili'
means ' the lad gives a scraper for a bunch of grapes ' :
tho' elsewhere he has * nee Otia diuitiis Arabum
liberrima muto ' with the opposite and more usual con-
CARM. 12 41
struction. Sallust lug. 38 10 quae quamquam grauia
et flagitii plena ei'ant, tamen, quia mortis metu muta-
bantur, sicuti regi lubuerat pax conuenit : by accepting
these conditions they were freed from the fear of death :
the more common construction would be 'his rebus
mortis metus mutabatur'. Id. orat. Philip. 7 quorum
nemo diurna mercede uitam mutauerit : * none of whom
would give up his daily pay to save his life': more
usually 'nemo diumam mercedem uita mutauerit'. Some
editors, to get this construction, insert non after nemo
without necessity. The construction in Catullus re-
sembles those just quoted.
9 ' Disertus ' must I think be corrupt : the genitives
cannot without an epithet be genitives of quality ; nor
do I see how they can be governed by ' disertus' : ElHs
cites no parallel case whatever. 'Differtus', tho' it
might possibly enough govern a genitive, I do not like,
as it seems elsewhere to have a bad sense, 'crammed
full of. To one who examines the Mss. of Catullus
my ' Ducentum ' will not appear so harsh a change. I
have spoken above at 10 30 on the frequency with
which our Mss. interchange final m and s on account
of some compendium not easy to distinguish : indeed
s for m is more common than m for s : 5 13 tantus for
tantum; 64 126 tristes for tristem ; 384 Nereus for
Heroum ; 49 7 patronus O, patronum G ; 55 1 molestns
es V for molestum est : therefore I incline to keep in 39 9
the old correction monendus es for monendum est,
and not to read te est or est te with the later editors.
From the unmeaning ducentus it would be an easy step
to disertus : I might give fifty instances of c and s con-
fused in V, or else in G or O : dissidium for discidium ;
disserpunt for discerpunt ; illos for illoc, quisquam for
quicquam ; pectus for pestis ; scis for sis ; simus for sci-
42 CATVLLI
mus etc. etc. and so with n and r : nide, nisi for ride,
n
risi, uertur for uenter ; herue (? here) for hene; iuuerit
G, inuenit O ; ab rupto G, abin nupto 0 ; externata 0,
extenuata G ; etc.
I am induced to think of ' ducentum ' chiefly be-
cause it seems likely that Horace, od. iv 1 1 5 Et cen-
tum puer artium, had our verse in his mind. He uses
naturally in an ode the more stately * centum ' for an
indefinitely large number, whereas Catullus would em-
ploy the ducenti of common life, which we find no
fewer than five times in Horace's satires. ' Ducentum '
may be either the gen. plural, which occurs also in Varro ;
or else the indeclinable ducenticm, which is found in Lu-
cilius more than once and elsewhere. The trecentos of
V. 10 is to my mind rather in its favour than against it.
In V. 14 there can be no question that the old
correction ' ex Hiberis ' for ' exhibere ' is true ; but I
would remark, as an interesting confirmation of this,
that Catullus' great admirer Martial twice, iv 55 8 and
X 65 3, ends a hendecasy liable in the same way with
the words 'ex Hiberis'. 5 quamuis sordida cet. : Ca-
tullus himself once again has quamuis in this sense :
103 2 esto quamuis saeuus et indomitus.
From the joint testimony of Tacitus (dial. 34) and
of Jerome, that is of Suetonius, we may assume that
Pollio was born in 76 b. c. It is strange that scholars
like Lachmann and Haupt should have taken no account
of this well-attested date, when they fixed 76 for the
year of Catullus' birth. Catullus could not have spoken
of Pollio in the way he does, if their ages were the same.
The poet must have been a grown up man when he
thus wrote of Pollio. Ellis draws attention to this point
CARM. 12 43
in p. XLVi of his commentary. I had argued this ques-
tion in a letter now before me which I wrote to Pro-
fessor Sellar more than a year before the appearance of
Ellis' volume, having indeed noted it down many years
ago : I advert to this fact solely for the confirmation
thus afforded by two independent testimonies in a case
in which scholars like Lachmann and Haupt are con-
cerned.
Schwabe (p. 300) assigns this and the following poem
to about 60 B.C. on grounds probable enough. PoUio
would be then about 16, and we cannot I should say
think of him as younger than 16 or 1 7 ^ : the Paulus
Maximus whom Horace terms 'centum puer artium'
must have been quite 20, the age too of Marcellus
whom Virgil calls both ' puer ' and ' iuuenis '. Horace
and Virgil however, when they so wrote, were much
older men than Catullus. But with the Romans *puer'
and 'iuuenis' were both of them very elastic terms,
like the French 'gar§on'.
From the manner in which Catullus in several poems
speaks of Veranius and Fabullus, it is clear that they
were intimate associates of one another and dear friends
of his. They were young men, probably of equestrian
rank, belonging either to equestrian or senatorian fami-
lies. One would infer from 9 4 that the father of
Veranius was already dead. What they were about
during their joint sojourn in Spain Catullus does not
tell us. They may have been on the staff of a provin-
cial governor, or they may have been engaged in one
or other of the many lucrative employments of which
the Equites had the monopoly in the provinces, among
1 This by the way is another indication that Asiuius Marrucinus was the
elder brother, as he would not, if he were the younger, have been allowed at so
tender an age to frequent the parties of grown men.
44 CATVLLI
the wealthiest of which in this age were the Spains.
There was so little opening at this time in Rome itself
for needy men of family — and it would seem from what
Catullus says in the 47th poem that these youths were
needy — that they flocked to the provinces, and to Spain
as much as any, since it was both wealthy and easily
reached from Rome. A few years after this, in B.C. 57,
at the very same time that Catullus was with his pro-
praetor Memmius in Bithynia, they were again together
on the staflP of L. Piso Caesoninus proconsul of Mace-
donia, so well known to us by the embittered invective
of Cicero.
At least I had believed that Schwabe had trium-
phantly demonstrated that this Piso and no other could
be the one in question, so precisely do times and cir-
cumstances fit together, so exactly do the few lines in
which Catullus depicts him agree with the more ela-
borate portrait which Cicero draws. But Ellis has
broached a novel theory, which is one of the oddest
instances I know of straining at a gnat and swallowing
a camel ; a theory which carries havock into many of
the facts and dates in Catullus' life which Schwabe has
established and to which Ellis himself apparently gives
credit. I shall here be brief, as I feel certain that Ellis
will not find one scholar to back him up in his argu-
ment. His sole difficulty in accepting Schwabe's state-
ment arises from the fact that Yeranius and Fabullus
would in that case have made two journeys together ;
to my mind the simplest thing in the world. He argues
therefore for the following combination. There was
a Gnaeus Piso, an accomplice of Catiline, whom the
senate, to rid themselves of a very dangerous man,
sent out to Hispania Citerior in 65 with the unusual
title of Quaestor pro Praetore. He was murdered there
CARM. 12 45
by his native escort before the summer of 64^. This
man Schwabe just mentions, to point out that he could
not be the Piso in question. But Ellis maintains on the
contrary that Veranius and Fabullus went with him as
members of his cohort. Yes, but they were with their
Piso at the same time that Catullus was in Bithynia
with his praetor Memmius^. And as Memmius was
Praetor in 58, he must have gone to his province as
Propnietor in 57, at the time Piso Caesoninus went
as Proconsul to Macedonia. No, Ellis argues, at the
same time that Cn. Piso was specially sent by the
senate as Quaestor pro Praetore, Memmius may have
been sent with the same extraordinary title to Bithynia.
But it was a most unusual thing for the senate or people
to send any one out with this exceptional title. The
strange case of Cato who was dispatched to Cyprus
in 58 through Clodius' intrigues, and the earlier one of
Lentulus Marcellinus commissioned to settle the affairs
of the Cyrenaica, are the only two instances besides
that of Cn. Piso which Marquardt (Handb. 2*^ ed. i p.
390) can cite during the existence of the Bepublic.
Why then should Memmius be selected for such a dis-
tinction ? why, if he had been so selected, should we
never hear of it ? how could such an appointment be
made at the very time when Pompey was exercising
supreme power over all the East by virtue of the Mani-
lian law ?
But Ellis (p. l) has another hypothesis at com-
mand : ' Or again he may have been appointed directly
by Pompeius, as Marius left his quaestor Sulla "pro
praetore" (lug. 103), as Trebonius*, etc. But in the
^ See Mommsen in Hermes i p. 47.
• C. Memmius L. f, Galeria had no cognomen ; yet Ellis persists in calling
him G. Memmius Gemellus. Again C. not G. is the symbol of Gains, as Cn. is
of Gnaeus.
46 CATVLLI
three instances mentioned here by Ellis, as well as in
that of Albinus (Sail. lug. 36) who goes off to Rome
' Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto', the gover-
nor or general having died in office or being called away
by a sudden emergency, by the necessity of the case
his quaestor for the time being takes his place. But
this cannot apply to Memmius; for Catullus (28 7) dis-
tinctly states that he went out in his suite from Rome:
' qui meum secutus Praetorem' : secutiis, like the prose
prosecutus, has this meaning : Mart, vii 45 5 * Hunc tu
per Siculas secutus undas' is the same as ib. 44 5 ' Ae-
quora per Scyllae magnus comes exulis isti, Qui modo
nolueras consulis ire comes'. And it would have been
absurd for Catullus to assail as he does a mere subordi-
nate, and not their common chief Pompeius, on whom
the blame would rest, if blame there was.
But if w^e adopt Ellis' theory, what results do we
obtain ? The Pollio of our poem would be a child of
eleven or twelve years of age, to whom such an appeal
as Catullus here makes could not possibly be addressed.
But, more than this, the whole fabric which Schwabe
has built up with so much pains and learning, is shaken
to its foundations, in portions of it too which Ellis
appears to accept. In his later volume, tho' he had
doubted it in his earlier, he admits the theory, which
I too firmly believe in, that Lesbia is the notorious
Clodia. One of the main props of this theory is the
assumption that the fierce invectives, launched at Rufus
for pretending to be the poet's intimate friend and then
robbing him of what was dearer to him than life, must
have reference to the intrigue of M. Caelius Rufus with
Clodia 59 and 58 B.C. about which Cicero in his speech
for Caelius gives us such copious information. In 59
therefore and perhaps later Catullus, tho' he had lost
CARM. 12 47
his esteem for Lesbia, was still inflamed with the full
fervour of his consuming passion. Turn now to the
65th and to both parts of the 68th poem. In these
we find Catullus bitterly lamenting the recent death
of his brother; and from both divisions of G8 we learn
that he had not yet lost his passion for Lesbia, tho' he
was fully aware of her inconstancy to him. Some time,
probably a year or two, after this, either on his way
to Bithynia, as Ellis argues ; or on his return from it,
as Schwabe holds — and I am disposed to agree with
the latter, because, as I observed above, I believe that
Catullus went from Rome to Bithynia in the praetor's
suite — the poet stopped at Bhoeteum to perform the
last offices for his dead brother. Before his journey to
Bithynia he had utterly renounced Lesbia as a common
harlot and streetwalker : Nunc in quadriuiis et an-
giportis cet. If therefore he went to his province at
the beginning of 65, he must have assailed his dearest
friend with insult and outrage for robbing him of his
life's happiness at least six years after the time when
he had finally cast her off as an abandoned strumpet.
I will say no more on these questions, as I regret
the length to which my remarks have already run ; but
I could not make my meaning clear in fewer words.
Of the six poems between the 12th and the 22nd I
have not much to say. The industry of the latest editor
Ellis has anticipated me in most of the illustrations
which I had jotted down, especially from the old scenic
writers, from Cicero and Martial.
13 14 Totum ut te faciant, Fabulle, nasum : with
reference to Ellis' note I would observe that this ad-
verbial use of totum, which belongs equally to te and
7iasum, * to make you wholly ' * nothing but' ' nose', is
48 CATVLLI
exceedingly common in Latin. Above at 8 1 4 rogahens
nulla I have referred to my note on Lucr. i 377 where
I have given abundant examples. I might give here
as many more ; such as Cic. (Caelius) epist. viii 8 10
Curio se contra eum totum parat ; ix 16 8 neque est
quod in promulside spei ponas aliquid, quam totam
sustuli ; XI 29 2 totum te ad amicitiam meam contu-
listi ; XVI 12 6 ut... totum te susciperet et tueretur;
ad Q. fr. ii 10 (12) 3 multa dixi in ignobilem regem
quibus totus est explosus. quo genere commotus, ut
dixi, Appius totum me amplexatur...sed ille scripsit ad
Balbum fasciculum ilium... totum sibi aqua madidum
redditum esse ; Suet. Caes. 46 ULllam...quia non tota
ad animum ei responderat, totam diruisse : very like
Catullus is Martial xii 84 3 Talis eras, modo tonse
Pelops, positisque nitebas Crinibus, ut totum sponsa
uideret ebur.
14 12—20
Di magni, horribilem et sacrum libellum,
quern tu scilicet ad tuum Catullum
misti, continuo ut die periret
1 5 Satumalibus optimo dierum !
non non hoc tibi, salse, sic abibit :
nam, si luxerit, ad librariorum
curram scruiia, Caesios, Aquinos,
Suffenum omnia colligam uenena,
20 ac te his suppliciis remunerabor.
14 continuo can only have the sense it so often has
in the old idiomatic writers : ' at once without an in-
terval, straight on end' : Cic. Verr. iv 48 ille continuo
ut uidit non dubitauit illud...tollere. Calvus sent it
CARM. 12, U, 17, 21 49
on the morning of the Saturnalia, to poison at once the
poet's happiness. With the apposition comp., besides
the excellent illustration quoted by Ellis, Livy xxx
39 8 Cerealia ludos dictator et magister equitum ex
senatus consulto fecerunt; and Virgil's 'aras Ecce duas
tibi, Daphni, duas altaria Phoebo': with the position
of the words Mart, x 30 1 0 temperatae dulce Formiae
litus, and Virgil's 'Vina nouum fundam calathis Ariusia
nectar'. 16 salse seems right; not false, as Baehrens
reads : Hor. sat. i 9 65 male salsus Kidens dissimulare.
In 19 both rhythm and sense in my judgment shew
Suffenum to be the gen. plur. and not the sing, as EUis
now takes it to be with some other editors.
17 2 inepta : Cicero again and again in his Orator
opposes aptus to solutus, diffluens, etc. : 228 quod multo.
maiorem habent apta uim quam soluta ; 233 uidesne
ut...ad nihilum omnia recidant, cum sint ex aptis dis-
soluta.-.Efficitur aptum illud, quod fuerit antea difflu-
ens ac solutum. As then in the de orat. i 17 he defines
ineptus as one who is not aptus, cannot inepta in Ca-
tullus be non apta i. e. dissoluta, soluta ?
21 mens stupor: Petron. 62 homo meus coepit ad
Stellas facere...iacebat miles meus in lecto tamquam
bonis ; 63 baro autem noster : with this we may comp.
13 6 uenuste noster, tho' that is friendly banter.
21 1 Aureli, pater esuritionum : A curious expres-
sion ; but I would refer to Mart, xii 53 6 which is just
as singular and obscure : Sed causa, ut memoras et ipse
iactas, Dirae fiHus es rapacitatis. Ecquid tu fatuos ni-
desque quaeris, lUudas quibus auferasque mentem ?
Huic semper uitio pater fuisti. 7 nam insidias mihi
instruentem Tangam te prior : Tho' the two words for
M. c. 4
50 CATVLLI
a well-known reason might easily be confused in Mss.
and tho' * struere insidias ' is the more usual phrase, yet
I would not with E-ibbeck and Baehrens read here st')no-
entem : all the editors leave untouched in Livy vi 23
6 quern insidiis instruendis locum? xxiii 35 14 et
inter id instraendae fraudi intentior.
9 atque id si faceres satur, tacerem :
nunc ipsum id doleo quod esurire
me me puer et sitire discet.
Of the corrupt Me me of v. 11 many corrections have
been made. Both the Mellitus of EUis and the Tenel-
lus of Baehrens seem to me improbable, first for diplo-
matic reasons, next because to my mind they strike a
false chord, not in unison with the rest of the poem.
Keeping in view 9 id si faceres satur, tacerem : I think
* A te mei puer ' would be a correction simple in itself
and excellently suited to the context : so 77 3 mei V.
22
Suffenus iste, Vare, quem probe nosti,
homo est uenustus et dicax et urbanus
idemque longe plurimos facit uersus.
puto esse ego illi milia aut decem aut plura
5 perscripta, nee sic ut fit in paHmpsesto
relata : cartae regiae, noui libri,
noui umbilici, lora rubra, membranae.
derecta plumbo et pumice omnia aequata
haec cum legas tu, bellus ille et urbanus
10 Sufienus unus caprimulgus aut fossor
rursus uidetur : tantum abhorret ac mutat.
hoc quid putemus esse ? qui modo scurra
CARM. 21, 22 51
aut siquid hac re tersius uidebatur,
idem infaceto est infacetior rure,
15 simul poemata attigit; neque idem umquam
aeque est beatus ac poema cum scribit :
tam gaudet in se tamque se ipse miratur.
nimirum idem omnes fallimur, neque est quisquam
quem non in aliqua re uidere Siiffenum
20 possis : suns cuique attributus est error,
sed non uidemus, manticae quod in tergo est.
5 palimpsestos Baehrens. palimpsestum Heinsius. palimpseston Lachmann.
7 membranae. membrana all editors who join it with wliat follows. 13 tersius
scripsi. tristiua V. tritius uulgo.
Besides reprinting below wKat I had written in the
Journal of Philology on v. 13, I have to discuss some
other points, which seem to me not unimportant, in
this very bright and witty poem. 3 : Mart, x 76 6
cuius unum est, Sed magnum uitium, quod est poeta.
4 Baehrens reads ' ad decem ' ; but ' aut — aut ' = aut —
aut etiam: so 68 131 Aut nihil aut paulo = aut certe
paulo : comp. with our passage Cic. phil. 13 2 si aut
ciuis aut homo habendus. We have the full form in
Cic. Verr. rv 14 homines qui aut non minoris aut etiam
pluris emerint ; Ov. her. 14 41 Aut sic aut etiam tre-
mui magis, and often. 5 in palimpsesto Relata : this
can scarcely be Latin : in the passage, which Ellis after
Hand cites from Cicero, no editor I think would retain
* in codice ' with * in codices ' and ' in codicem ' almost
in the same sentence. Baehrens* palimpsestos is perhaps
to be preferred to the singular. Relata seems genuine ;
else ' in palimpsesto Artata ' would not be a harsh cor-
rection : 25 1 1 insula V for inusta : * T et I et L baud
raro permutantur' Baehrens p. xnv. Mart, i 2 3 Hos
eme, quos artat breuibus membrana tabellis ; xii 5 1
4—2
52 CATVLLI
Longior undecimi nobis decimlque libelli Artatus labor
est; XTV 190 Pellibus exiguis artatur Liuius ingens.
6 Everytbing is on tbe grandest scale, reams of
royal papyrus, new uolumina or rolls made up from tbis
papyrus : see Ellis. 7, wben a single roll is in ques-
tion, umbilicus in tbe sing, is used to denote tbe wooden
cylinder witb projecting bosses; or umbilici in tbe plur.
to signify tbe ornamental bosses at eacb end. As several
rolls are spoken of bere, it is uncertain wbicb of tbe
two meanings tbe word bas. Tbe meaning of ' lora
rubra ' is not clear : witb Ellis I sbould bave taken
tbem to be some sort of fastening for tbe uolumen :
Marquardt v pt 2, p. 396, says tbey are tbe i7idex
attacbed to tbe roll : Et cocco rubeat superbus index.
Tben membranae are tbe parcbmenb wrappers, one for
eacb of tbe libri or uolumina, coloured generally witb
purple, sometimes witb saffron : besides tbe passages
cited by Ellis see tbe locus classicus at tbe beginning
of tbe Tristia : 5 Nee te purpureo uelent uaccinia fuco ;
Mart. I 117 16 purpuraque cultum. Martial bad tbis
line and its rbytbm in bis mind wben be wrote i 66 11
Nee umbilicis cultus atque membrana : be bas tbe sin-
gular because be is speaking of a single roll : Catullus
bas tbe plural because be is speaking of more tban one.
In neitber is tbere any epitbet, as tbe wrapper was
understood to be ornamental in itself.
But now I come to tbe point, on account of wbicb
I bave dwelt at sucb lengtb on tbis locus classicus for
tbe bistory of an ancient book. To my abiding amaze-
ment every editor from tbe poet's fellow townsman, old
Auantius of Verona, in January 1502 down to tbe very
latest brings bopeless confusion into our passage by
cbanging tbe membranae of Mss. to membrana and join-
ing tbe word on witb wbat follows. Let us see : Ellis
CARM. 22 53
in hl3 copious commentary takes memhrana to be the
wrapper of the roll ; and it can of course have no other
meaning ; for in Catullus' days the Komans used only
papyrus, never parchment, for a regular liber or uolu-
men. Books made up like ours and written on parch-
ment seem to have come into use about Martial's time ;
and even if they had been known to Catullus, to take
the word here in this sense would make nonsense of
the context. Now, that plumbo denotes the small round
plate of lead which, instead of pencil or stylus, the
ancients employed with a regula to rule straight lines
along the page, we all know : see Hich s. v. and Beck-
man whom he cites. Ellis quotes nine passages from
the Greek anthology to illustrate the word and con-
cludes that 'Derecta plumbo' is a condensed expression
for 'plumbo notata lineis ductis ad regulam'. But
not one syllable does he say as to the purpose or the
meaning of scoring over these purple or saffron-coloured
wrappers with 'lineis ductis ad regulam*; nor do I
believe any explanation can be given.
Well, and what then are the ' pumice omnia ae-
quata' ? omnia must include all the objects mentioned
in 6 and 7. Thus Suffenus, after getting his bright-
painted bosses, his scarlet lora, his purple wrappers,
must have employed his pumice it would appear to
scrub them clean of all their ornament, in this shewing
himself indeed *infaceto infacetior rure'.
Tho' Auantius, Guarinus, Statins, Muretus, Scali-
ger, Graeuius, Vossius, Doeringius, Silligius, Lachman-
nus, Hauptius, Bossbachius, Schwabius, MueUerus, El-
lisius, Baehrensius, are there to check my presumption,
I feel no doubt that v. 8 is to be joined with what
follows : * When you read these thousands of verses,
kept so straight by the lead and evened all with
54 CATVLLI
pumice, yon fine and well-bred gentleman Suifenus
turns out a common hind or ditcher'. If the arrange-
ment of the sentence be called in question, I would refer
to my note on Lucr. v 789 where I have given 5 like
passages from him : take iv 430 Tecta solo iungens
atque omnia dextera laeuis Donee in obscurum coni
conduxit acumen : take too Cat. 66 65 Yirginis et
saeui contingens namque leonis.
8 pumice om. aeq. : the precise import of these
words may be questioned; but in all the Latin passages
which EUis cites here, and in 1 2 * pumice expohtum',
he has mistaken the meaning. In these, as well as in
Ov. trist. II 1 13 Quod neque sum cedro flauus nee
pumice leuis ; Mart, i 66 10 pumicata fronte si qviis est
nondum; 117 16 Rasum pumice, there is no reference
whatever to preparing the papyrus for writing. They
one and all mean that after the uolumen was completed
and rolled up, both ends of the closed roll were
smoothed and polished with pumice : Ovid's ' geminae
poliantur pumice frontes ' shews this clearly ; but so do
the other passages, tho' not so directly, as in most of
them it accompanies their receiving their purple cover.
In our passage the words I think mean that after the
verses had been all fairly written out on their ruled
lines, the pumice was applied to remove all inequalities
in the writing, all blots, portions of ill-made letters
and the like. For we must remember that in ancient
writing the pen used was coarse and thick, the letters
were large and irregular compared with our print. For
the contrary case of blots being left from neglect comp.
Prop. V 3 3 Siqua tamen tibi lecture pars oblita dent,
Haec erit e lacrimis facta litura meis ; Ov. her. Ill
Siqua tamen caecis errabunt scripta lituris, Obhtus a
dominae caede libellus erit ; trist i 1 13 Neue litura-
CARM. 22 55
rum pudeat cet. ; ml 15 Littera suffusas quod liabet
maculosa lituras, Laesit opus lacrimis ipse poeta suum.
Suffenus would not neglect his blots.
It can hardly I think refer to the previous smooth-
ing of the papyrus, by which the letters would lie more
smoothly on the surface. Ellis says * the inequalities
of surface produced by the fibres of the papyrus were
removed by pumice stone'. This may have been so,
tho' he gives no authority for his statement, his cita-
tions, as I have said, referring to something totally
different. Pumice was applied indeed in subsequent
ages to prepare parchment for writing, as I find in a
passage of Hildebert of Tours, the reference to which
I have got from the English Cyclopaedia : sermo xv
col. 733 ed. 1708 'Scitis quid scriptor solet facere :
primo cum rasorio pergamenum purgare de pinguedine
et sordes magnas auferre ; deinde cum pumice piles
at neruos omnino abstergere. quod si non faceret,
littera imposita nee ualeret nee diu durare posset,
postea regulam apponit cet. '.
As so much has been written at various times on
the Ancient Book and as the above passage is a ' locus
classicus' on the subject and as the alteration, first
made by Auantius and adopted after him by every
editor down to the present day, has introduced no
small amount of confusion into the question, I have not
hesitated to discuss the matter with some, tho' I hope
not unreasonable, prolixity. I shall be surprised and
mortified if I be thought not to have estabhshed the
main points of my argument : I have external Ms. au-
thority, I believe I have also intrinsic truth and reason,
on my side. I will add a few more remarks, which
may be looked on as supplementary to EUia' copious
commentary.
56 CATVLLI
9 cum legas tu : this use of the 2nd pers. sing,
potent, is so common and has been iUustrated by me
elsewhere at such length, that I will just cite here,
merely because he chances to use the same word, Mart.
II 27 Laudantem Solium cenae cum retia tendit Accipe,
slue legas sine patronus agas. 10 unus caprimulgus :
this use of unus, taken it would seem from the conver-
sational idiom of common life and so characteristical of
•the manner of Catullus, has been illustrated so copi-
ously by Holtze i p. 412, Wagner aulul. 563 and
others, that, tho' I have collected examples from authors
of various ages, I will quote only one passage from the
antiquarian Arnobius, because when he wrote it he
may have had our passage in his thoughts, and because
i want to bring him forward again in support of a read-
ing in the next poem: Adu. nat. iv 35 in bubulei unius
amplexum.
1 1 tantum abhorret ac mutat : ' so unlike himself,
so altered is he' EUis, who then gives many illustra-
tions of this very common intransitive sense of mutat,
and I could add many more. But he does not supply
a single example of abhorret for abhorret a se ; and
this needed illustration much more than mutat did ;
and I am unable to offer any, tho' this would seem to
be the meaning called for. Comparing Cic. de orat. li
85 sin plane abhorrebit et erit absurdus; and Livy xxx
44 6 qui tamen [risus] nequaquam adeo est intempes-
tiuus, quam uestrae istae absurdae atque abhorrentes
lacrimae sunt : I would ask whether, as in those two
passages, so here too abhorret may not be synonymous
with absurdus est, 13 tersius : I reprint below my
former paper in favour of tersius (or, tertius), which I
feel little doubt is what the poet wrote. Baehrens has
adopted the same reading : Ellis does not condescend
CARM. 22 57
to notice it, but sticks to the old correction tHtius, tho'
he brings nothing in support of it but the * tritae
aures', which I tried to shew was nothing to the point.
14 rure, 12 modo scurra, 2 urbanus : Plaut. most. 15
Tu urbanus uero scurra, deliciae popli, Kus mihi tu
obiectas ? 21 manticae quod in tergo est : * the half of
the wallet which is on his back' : Livy in 14 3 iuniores,
id maxime quod Caesonis sodalium fuit; xxi 52 2 quod
inter Trebiam Padumque agri est; xxii 4 1 quod agri
est inter Cortonam urbem Trasumennumque lacum ;
XXX 20 5 quod roboris in exercitu erat ; Aen. ix 274
campi quod rex habet ipse Latinus ; Lucr. jv 372 quod
liquimus eius ; Ter. heaut. 1048 quod dotis dixi.
[Eeprinted from the Journal of Philology, vol. 5 p. 305]
22 12 and 13
Scurra has the same meaning here which it has in
Plautus : a townbred fine gentleman, the opposite of
one brought up in the infacetum rus : * Urbani assidui
cives quos scurras uocant'; *Tu urbanus uero scurra,
deliciae popli, Rus mihi tu obiectas'. The *homo ue-
nustus et dicax et urbanus' of v. 2, and the *bellus ille
et urbanus' of 9 are expressions synonymous with
scurra : [Cic. pro Quinct. 1 1 nam neque parum facetus
scurra Sex. Naeuius neque inhmnanus praeco est imi-
quam existimatus :...libertate usus est quo impunius
dicax esset]. Compare too Pliny epist. iv 25 3, who
is imitating Catullus, though the scurmliter there has
at the same time the bad sense which it afterwards
acquired : quid hunc putamus domi facere, qui in tanta
58 CATVLLI
re tarn serio tempore tarn scurriliter ludat, qui denique
in senatu dicax et urbanus est ? It is plain from the
whole context that the tnstius of manuscripts in our
passage is quite out of place, and nearly all critics and
editors have adopted Pontanus' conjecture tHtius. But
tritius seems to me hardly more appropriate than tris-
tius : at first sight the * tritae aures ' of Cicero might
appear somewhat in point ; but that only means * ears
much practised' on some subject. The scurra is the
very opposite of what is trite and commonplace. The
latest editor Mueller is not satisfied with tritius, and
reads scitius.
There is a word which seems to me exactly suited
to the context and, when rightly explained, as near
perhaps to the manuscript reading as tritius. Lexicons
quote from Quintilian 'indicium acre tersumque'; 'ele-
giae tersus atque elegans auctor'; and the hke from
him and others. He uses too the comparative : 'multum
eo est tersior ac purus magis Hora tins'. Nonius quotes
Varro and Cato for the older form tertus. Thus Lucre-
tius hsiS Jlctus for Jixus, and artus, fartus, sartus, tortus
always retained the t. Catullus then wrote, I believe,
tertius, and s was written over the t to explain the
8
meaning : thus tertius would readily pass into tristiu^.
23 7—11
Nee mirum : bene nam ualetis omnes,
pulcre concoquitis, nihil timetis,
non incendia, non graues ruinas,
non furta impia, non doles ueneni,
non casus alios periculorum.
10 farta Uaupt. facta V.
CARM. 22, 23 59
This poem, of which I have quoted 5 out of 27 lines,
tho' its subject leaves no room for the highest quaHties '*
of Catullus' poetry, is a most finished and witty speci-
men of light and airy banter, of easy yet vigorous ver-
sification. This Furius and Aurelius, the companion
with whom he is joined in the 11 th and 16th poems,
are among the most enigmatical of all the associates
whom Catullus commemorates. They would appear to
have been needy men, more or less parasites and de-
pendents of Catullus among others, yet at the same
time with some pretensions to fashion and breeding: in
the next poem Furius is called a *bellus homo' or fine
gentleman. Why were they selected in the memora-
ble 11th poem to carry the poet's last message to Les-
bia? was it because that poem, probably one of his latest
and written with direct reference to the 51st, perhaps
his very earliest, was designed in this point too to
stand in glaring contrast with the other? were Furius
then and Aurehus to carry the 11th poem to Lesbia,
because M. Tullius Cicero had carried to her the 51st ?
I am somewhat surprised, and an accomplished
scholar has likewise expressed to me his surprise, at
the interpretation which Ellis has put on this 23rd
poem. *The attack' he says *is unusually fierce even
from Catullus and we may doubt whether the object of
its unsparing sarcasm ever forgave the injury*. ' Even
to one familiar with Catullus' habit of assaulting his
most intimate friends most violently, and who had him-
self experienced something of this scurrility in 16, the
personalities of 23 must have seemed to go beyond the
licence naturally conceded to poets; they could not be
treated as merely jocose'. Elsewhere, p. 376, he places
this poem among the three or four coarsest of all that
Catullus has written. I regard it in a much more in-
60 CATVLLI
nocuous light : I can fancy Furius taking it philosophi-
•wcally enough and being more than consoled by a dinner
or a sum of money much smaller than he asks for at the
end of our poem. However, as I have said, he is to me
an enigmatical personage, and many people no doubt
would find the poet's banter offensive enough.
To come now to the verses which I have quoted
above : in 10 Haupt'sy^M'to seems to me a certain cor-
rection, just as in 68 140 I take the generally accepted
furta to be a certain correction of the facta of V : see
Haupt quaest. Cat. p. 9 — 12, who well supports his
emendation. But I would likewise call in the antiqua-
rian Arnobius iv 28 praecellere in furtorum dolis: these
words may very well be a reminiscence of ' Non furta
impia, non doles ueneni', as his *unius bubulci' a few
chapters later may recall the *unus caprimulgus' of the
preceding poem. Why should not this constant imi-
tator of Lucretius occasionally have the contemporary
Catullus in his thoughts? Take too Seneca Agam, 673
(708) Non quae tectis Bistonis ales Residens summis
impia diri Furta mariti garrula deflet : the fact that
Seneca here is on quite another topic rather strengthens
the supposition that he had Catullus' 'furta impia' in his
mind, the more so that just before he may have been
thinking of some other verses of Catullus, 65 12 — 14,
as well as of Virgil ; and most certainly a few lines be-
low *fluctu leuiter plangent e sonent', he had in his
thoughts Cat. 64 273 leuiterque sonant plangore ca-
chinni, confirming 0 and Baehrens against nearly all
recent editors.
1 1 casus ahos periculorum : besides Cicero quoted
by Doering, comp. Cic. epist. v 16 5 casum incommo-
dorum tuorum ; bell. Alex. 7 1 ut ad extremum casum
periculi omnes deducti uiderentur; bell. Gall, viii 34 1 ~
CARM. 23, 25 61
simllem casum obsessionis ; Suet. Claud. 25 ad arcendos
incendiorum casus. In the last line * sat es beatus' is
surely a certain correction for 'satis beatus' of Mss. :
Ellis should not in his first volume have adopted
Bergk's *beatu's': this archaic elision of the vowel in es
and est together with that of s in the preceding word
was unknown to Cicero and Lucretius even, who yet
elide the final s so much more freely than Catullus
does. I much doubt whether even Lucilius admitted
such a licence.
[Eeprinted from the Journal of Philology, vol. 5 p. 306]
25 4—7
Idemque Thalle turbida rapacior procella,
cum diua mulier arios {or aries, or aues) ostendit osci-
tantes,
remitte pallium mihi meum, quod inuolasti,
sudariumque Saetabum catagraphosque Thynos.
The second line in this extract is one of the most
desperate in Catullus : fifty conjectures have been made
by critics and editors, old and recent ; not one of which
I believe has found much acceptance. All the explana-
tions of diua for instance strike me as thoroughly un-
satisfactory. Though I do not think that the conjecture
I am going to offer is likely to be received with more
approbation than former ones, I yet venture to give it,
in the hope that it may perhaps present the question
in a new light. This then is what I propose :
Conclaue com uicarios ostendit oscitantes.
What suggested the reading to my mind was first the
very common substitution in manuscripts of d for cl a&
62 CATVLLI
in Catullus 7 5 ora dum for or actum ; 68 43 sedis for
saeclis ; and next the frequency with which our arche-
type confuses a and co ; many instances of which con-
fusion 1 have given in p. 23 of the third number of our
journal. Thus coticlaueco might pass into condaua, com
diua; and then muicarios into mulierarios or some-
thing else that looked like Latin.
Conclaue was a room that could be locked up, if ne-
cessary, and might be used for a storeroom, a bedroom,
a diningroom, or the like. The uicarii, who are often
spoken of by writers and in inscriptions, were the slaves
of slaves and were employed in any menial capacity.
Probably then at some feast these uicarii would have
charge of such articles as are mentioned here, and when
they were off their guard, Thallus would take the oppor-
tunity of pouncing upon the things in question. It has
always seemed to me more probable that they should
be stolen in such a way as this, than taken from the
person of their owner.
On the above verse more conjectures appear to have
been made than on any other line in Catullus : Schwabe
records eleven, which exhibit the most astonishing di-
versity of meaning and language. Ellis and Baehrens
add to the number. By the way I do not know whether
Ellis can support his gduias : my feeling and impres-
sion are certainly for gcXuias ; but as I have no evidence
one way or the other, I will not argue the question.
I have ventured to reprint what I wrote some years
ago ; because it strikes out a new sense and situation,
different from those given by any of the other multitu-
dinous conjectures. But I feel now, as indeed I felt at
CARM. 25 G3
the time, that my reading is far too venturesome, espe-
cially in tampering with the genuine-looking * Cum
diua'. It seems clear from the Fasti Maffeiani, Dec. 21,
C. I. L. I p. 307 and the Fasti Praenestini, Dec. 21,
with Mommsen's supplements, C. I. L. i p. 319, that
the mysterious Angerona, with mouth closed and sealed,
who knew and must not reveal the hidden name of
Bome, might be called Diua : comp. with this Pliny iii
65 non alienum uidetur inserere hoc loco exemplum
religionis antiquae, ob hoc maxime silentium institutae.
namque diua Angerona, cui sacrificatur a. d. xii kal. Ian.,
ore obhgato obsignatoque simulacrum habet : comp. too
Macrob. sat. l 10 7 and lanus' note. Adhering there-
fore to the general sense of what I have proposed above,
I would suggest
Cum Diua mi [or, iam] uicarios ostendit oscitantes.
But when O and G are examined, it would appear
that aries is the oldest form of the corruption, and that
aueSf alios, arios are rude attempts to correct. I assume
then that (except ostendet for ostendit) the words mulier
aries alone call for emendation, and I still believe that
the oscitancy of servants and not of guests is referred
to, as all the property stolen is Catullus' own. No one
seems to have thought of the goddess Murcia, and yet
she would be in point: August, ciu. dei iv 16 deam
Murciam quae praeter modum non moueret ac faceret
hominem, ut ait Pomponius, murcidum, id est nimis
desidiosum et inactuosum. I dont know what might
be thought of the following attempt :
Cum diua Murcia atrieis ostendit oscitantes.
Comp. too Arnob. iv 9 quis [praesidem] segnium
Murcidam : so the sole codex : Murciam Sabaeus. In
Catullus atrieis is a very simple correction for aries:
64 CATVLLX
I have observed already on 10 32 with what exceeding
frequency his Mss. confuse r and t : let me here men-
tion, as most in point, 36 12 uriosq ; O utriosq ; G,
w4th * al uriosq;' written above ; 14 18 Curram. Cura
0 Cur tam G ; 66 4 certis G ceteris 0 ; 63 27 Attis.
atris y ; 12 1 Marrucine. Matrucine Y : es for eis I
need not illustrate. From whatever part of the house
Thallus stole these things, whether it were the dining-
room or another chamber or the Atrium itself, he would
have to pass thro' this Atrium to get to the door, and
in it servants would naturally be posted to observe
what was doing.
As our passage is so notorious a Catullian crux,
1 will not hesitate to quote nearly the whole of Martial
VIII 59. The epigram is upon a thievish guest, and
Martial could hardly fail, when writing on a similar
subject, to remember one whom he loved so dearly and
knew so well as Catullus.
Aspicis hunc uno contentum lumine...
5 hunc tu conuiuam cautus seruare memento :
tunc furit atque oculo luscus utroque uidet.
pocula soUiciti perdunt hgulasque ministri
et latet in tepido plurima mappa sinu.
lapsa nee a cubito subducere pallia nescit
10 et tectus laenis saepe duabus abit.
nee dormitantem uernam fraudare lucema
erubuit fallax, ardeat ilia licet,
si nihil inuasit, puerum tunc arte dolosa
circuit et soleas surripit ipse suas.
If our poem was in Martial's thoughts when he
wrote this epigram, we might fancy from v. 9 that he
supposed the pallium to have been stolen from Catullus'
person. But then v. 1 1 might well be a reference to
CARM. 25, 26 65
some such reading as I have given to Catullus. What
the * catagraphi Thyni ' were I have not the least
notion; but the poem seems to imply that all the
articles were stolen at the same time, and it is not likely
that they were all taken from Catullus' person or even
from the dining-room. I cannot help feeling that the
' Si nihil inuasit ' of v. 13 is a reminiscence of our ' quod
inuolasti', the force of the two expressions is so similar.
If the * oscitantes ' be the guests, one might suggest
* Murcia ebrios' : ebrios first becoming eurios.
12 minuta : a popular homely word, like so many
others found in Catullus. Besides Cicero's * minuta naui-
gia', I have noted down from Plautus * curculiunculos
minutes ', Terence * pisciculos minutes', Vitruuius ' mi-
nutum theatrum' : in the Bellum Africae and the Bel-
lum Hisp., both written in a very plebeian style, I
have found 6 or 7 instances of ' minutus ' or * minu-
tatim'. The latter Virgil admits once in imitation of
Lucretius ; but very many writers reject the word
entirely. If the examples too which are given in the
lexicons be examined, it will be found I think that the
writers employ a homely plebeian style ; or else Cicero,
like Catullus, is either adopting the popular style, as
in his letters to Atticus, or is using the word in a
disparaging contemptuous sense. Hence, as in so many
analogous cases, bellus and pulcher for instance, while
paruus has disappeared, we find minuto, Tnenu, etc.
in the different Romance languages.
26
1 The uestra of O and nostra of G leave us un-
certain which reading was in V. Baehrens follows O ;
Ellis argues for nostra', while Schwabe, tho' unac-
M. c. 6
66 CATVLLI
quainted with O, prefers to take nostra even on con-
jecture. Furius is so shadowy a personage and I am
so unable to decide how much or how httle truth there
may be in Catullus' banter, that I feel reluctant to pro-
nounce a decided opinion one way or the other. But
on the whole my feeling is for uestra, as I think that
Catullus, tho' he would readily jest with a dear friend
like Fabullus on his own poverty (as in 13 8), would be
more likely to jeer at a butt like Furius for his lack of
means (as he does in 23), than to expose his own.
Catullus' contemporary Furius Bibaculus, a poet too of
the same school, who elsewhere laughs at the famous
grammarian Valerius Cato for his abject poverty, writes
a poem on Cato's mortgaged Tusculan villa, which de-
pends, like our poem, wholly on a pun for its point :
Catonis modo, Galle, Tusculanum
tota creditor urbe uenditabat.
mirati sumus unicum magistrum,
summum grammaticum, optimum poetam,
omnes soluere posse quaestiones,
unum deficere expedire nomen.
en cor Zenodoti, en iecur Cratetis !
Whether we read uestra or nostra, our poem has pro-
bably some reference to the request of Furius referred
to in 23 26.
27 3 and 4
Vt lex Postumiae iubet magistrae
ebrioso acino ebriosioris.
In 4 O and G have ehriose : the letters o and e are
so often interchanged in our Mss. that in V or some
CARM. 26, 27 67
predecessor of Y they must have been almost mdlstin-
guishable. I have collected 50 instances and more of
this confusion : not seldom, as we shall see, 0 rightly
offers e where G perversely has o; from which it would
follow that in V the two letters must often have been
difficult to distinguish. I have touched upon this al-
ready at 6 9 ; and I shall have to recur to it again and
again.
That, as G and O indicate, Catullus wrote ' Ebrioso
acino' I have little doubt. Gellius vi 20 6 has a curious
comment on this line. The Mss. of Gellius are very
corrupt there; but Haupt (Ind. lect. aest. 1857: opusc.
II p. 121) proves clearly that Gellius meant to say the
genuine reading in Catullus was *Ebria acina', with a
pleasing hiatus of the two a*s ; tho' some assigned to
Catullus 'Ebriosa acina*, others 'Ebrioso acino'. But,
while Baehrens accepts ' Ebria acina' as the genuine
reading, Haupt rejects it as a vain fancy of Gellius and
reads with most of the Editors ' Ebriosa acina'. I doubt
the existence of acina at all, and unhesitatingly foUow
the lead of our Mss. in the persuasion that Gellius is
pursuing a mere chimerical crotchet with no more foun-
dation for it in fact than for what he says of Virgil just
before. I do not therefore look upon this verse as giv-
ing any indication that the text of Catullus, as found
in our Mss., had been designedly tampered with in or
before or after the time of GelUus : Gellius knew of the
reading * Ebrioso' as well as of ' Ebria'. Again in 37
18 I accept without demur the 'Cuniculosae' of V, in
the belief that Priscian who twice quotes that verse,
wrote down, through some odd negligence or hallucina-
tion, * Celtiberosae Celtiberiae', and then in one of the
two passages copied down what he had written in the
other.
5—2
68 CATVLLI
29
[Eeprinted from the Journal of Philology, vol. 2 p. 2 — 34]
My present design is to examine at length and
dissect a single poem of Catullus, the 29th, from a wish
to abate some shameful scandals which have attached
themselves to the fame of the greatest of the Komans,
and at the same time to try to rescue from obloquy a
humbler man, who yet appears to have been a most
efficient servant to two of the first generals in history :
perhaps also to mitigate our censure of Catullus himself
who has propagated these scandals, by shewing that
what looks like foul insult is three parts of it meant
only in jest.
But first a word or two about the name and, what
is of more importance for our immediate purpose, the
date of the poet. The unadulterated testimony of ma-
nuscripts calls him merely Catullus Veronensis, but we
know from Suetonius and others that his gentile name
was Valerius. Though there has been more doubt
about his praenomen, I thought that Schwabe had set-
tled the question; but I see that Ellis regards it as still
open. Jerome, copying Suetonius' words, names him
Gains Valerius Catullus, the word Gains being written
at full length, so as to preclude all possible error in the
case of a writer whose Mss. are so very valuable and so
independent as those of Jerome : a scarcely less weighty
authority than Suetonius, Apuleius terms him in his
Apologia C. Catullus : what is there to set against such
overwhelming testimony ? And yet Scaliger, Lachmann,
Haupt, Mommsen and other distinguished scholars de-
CARM. 29 69
cide for Quintus, mainly on the authority of a passage
of Pliny, XXXVII 6 § 81. But there the best Mss. and
the latest editor have Catullus, not Q. Catullus ; and
the Q. I wager will never appear in any future critical
edition. In the other four places where he mentions
the poet, Pliny calls him simply Catullus. But the
important^, though very late codex D designates him
as Q. Catullus, and a few other less important Mss.
have the Q. ; but clearly D and the rest have taken
this Q. from Pliny who was a most popular author
when they were written ; and the Q. got into the in-
ferior codices of Pliny from a common confusion with
Q. Catulus so often mentioned by him. As then
Catullus was not at the same time both Gains and
Quintus, Scaliger's conjecture of Quinte for qui te in 67
12 can have no weight whatever against the convincing
evidence of Suetonius and Apuleius, though it has been
adopted by Lachmann, Haupt, Ellis and others : the
poet always calls himself simply Catullus.
His age has to be decided by the testimony of Je-
rome, corrected by that oiBTered by his own poems.
Intense personal feeling, the odi or amo of the moment,
characterises so many of Catullus' finest poems, that
dates are of the greatest importance for rightly appre-
hending his meaning and allusions, much more so indeed
than in the case of Horace's more artificial muse. Je-
rome under the year corresponding to B.C. 87 records
his birth : * Gains Valerius Catullus scribtor lyricus Ve-
ronae nascitur' : under that answering to B.C. 57 he says
'Catullus XXX aetatis anno Bomae merit ur'. Here I
have little doubt that he has accurately taken down
Suetonius' words in respect of the place of birth and
1 fWith my present knowledge, I should put 'wortlUess' in the place of
'importaut'.]
70 CATVLLI
death and of the poet's age when he died. But, as so
often happens with him, he has blundered somewhat in.
tr.an8ferring to his complicated era the consulships by
which Suetonius would have dated ; for it is certain
that many of the poems, and among them the one we
are about to consider, were written after b.c. 57. Lach-
mann hit upon an escape from the difficulty which once
approved itself to many : in 52 3 we have ' Per consu-
latum peierat Vatinius': now Vatinius was consul for a
few days at the end of b. c. 47 ; and hence Lachmann
mfers that Catullus at all events was then living. He
supposes therefore that Jerome has confounded the
Cn. Octavius who was consul in 87 with one of the
same name who was consul in 76; and that Catullus
was bom in 76 and died in 46. This is ingenious, but
hardly can be true. Schwabe, following in the track of
more than one scholar, has shewn that it is by no
means necessary to assume that Catullus saw Vatinius
consul. He has cited more than one most striking pas-
sage from Cicero to prove that this creature of Caesar
and Pompey, marked out by them for future office, was
in the habit of boasting of his consulship to come, as
early as B.C. 56 or even 62: Catullus therefore in the
line quoted need only mean that Vatinius used to say,
' as I hope to be consul, I swear it is so'; and the verse
thus carries with it far more point. Again 76 is too
late a date for his birth : it is plain that as early as 62,
when he would thus be only 14 years old, he had be-
come entangled with Lesbia, who was no other than
the formidable Ciodia, the Clytemnestra quadrantaria,
the Medea of the Palatine^. When the reference to
^ [This date is disproved quite as decisively by 12 9, where Pollio, who was
born iu that very year or at the latest in 75, is spoken of as a j^iier : see my
remarks on that poem.]
OARM. 29 71
Vatiiiiua has been explained as above, we find that
several of his most personal poems allude to events
which took place in 55 and 54 : this will be seen more
in detail when we come to consider our 29th poem:
but the latest event which can be dated is the refer-
ence to his friend Calvus' famous denunciation of Yati-
nius which took place in August of 54. As the years
then which immediately followed were full of moment-
ous events which must have stirred the feelings of
Catullus to their inmost depths, we can scarcely con-
ceive him as writing after this period. We may well
suppose then that towards the end of 54, feeling the
approach of early death which his poems seem more
than once to anticipate, he collected and pubhshed
them with the dedication to Cornelius Nepos ^.
In a Greifswald index Scholarum published some
months ago and transmitted to me by the courtesy of
the writer, Mr F. Buecheler tries to prove, p. 15 — 17,
that the two Ciceros had the poems of Catullus in
their hands before June of this year 54 and that Catul-
lus must therefore refer to some earlier speech of Calvus
against Vatinius. Cicero ad Q. fratrem ii 15 4 has
these words 'tu, quemadmodum me censes oportere
esse..., ita et esse et fore auricula infima scito mollio-
rem': this, Buecheler says, is an allusion to the 25th
poem of Catullus *Thalle mollior...uel imula auricilla'.
I am disposed to think both Cicero and Catullus are
alluding to some common proverbial expression, as I
have pointed out in my Lucretius that Cicero, who so
often speaks of older poets Greek and Latin, never
1 [I now see that the ' libellus ', which Catullus dedicated and presented to
Nepos, can hardly have contained the whole or any thing like the whole of his
extant poems : see Ellis' notes on the 1st poem and Bruner's essay to which he
refers. But when that poem was wiitten, and what poems were Bent with it, I
am quite unable to decide.]
72 CATVLLI
quotes any contemporary verses except his own, never
mentions the name of Catullus, and speaks of Calvus
only as an orator, not as a poet. But granting that
Cicero does allude here to Catullus, this will tell us
nothing as to the time when he published his 'hber':
it is plain from the dedication to Nepos, from such
pieces as the 54th which refers to the publication of
the 29th, from the very nature of the case, that Catul-
lus must have given many of his occasional pieces to
the world at the time they were written and that
Cicero may have had in his hands the piece in question
years before the whole collection was made pubhc. For
what I now proceed to state will prove that the body
of poems we now have could not have been completed
very much before the end of 54 : I have shewn in my
note to Lucretius iii 57 how often Catullus has imi-
tated him in one section of his longest work, the mar-
riage of Peleus and Thetis. Now the De Rerum Natura
was not published before the commencement of 54; and
Catullus must have studied it before he wrote the long
episode of Theseus and Ariadne which, as I there ob-
serve, though beautiful in itself, singularly interrupts
the thread of the narrative. Being then formally a fol-
lower of the Alexandrines, though so widely differing
from them in genius, he must have thought his varied
collection would be imperfect without an epyllion. He
therefore wrote or completed, and inserted in the mid-
dle of his book this brilliant and exquisite, but unequal
and ill-proportioned poem^. A generation had yet to
pass, before the heroic attained to its perfection ; while
he had already produced glyconics, phalaecians and
^ [I now seo that this 25th poem may have been puhKshed in an earlier
' libellus ', perhaps in that which he sent to Nepos, and that the epyllion may
not have appeared till after his death,]
CARM. 29 73
iambics, each *one entire and perfect chrysolite', *cun-
ningest patterns' of excellence, such as Latium never
saw before or after, Alcaeus, Sappho and the rest then
and only then having met their match.
If therefore he died in 54 at the age of 30, he was
probably born in 84, the year of Cinna's 4th consulship,
Jerome as Schwabe suggests having confounded it with
87, when Cinna was first consul : for him a very pro-
bable error. But Schwabe prefers to take 87 as the
year of his birth and to make him 33 years old at the
time of his death. The other alternative I much pre-
fer, as it appears to me to fulfil every requisite con-
dition of the problem : he evidently died in youth :
* Obuius huic uenias, hedera iuuenalia cinctus Tempera
cum Caluo, docte CatuUe, tuo'. He would thus be
about 22, when he first met his fate in the ox-eyed
Lesbia or Clodia, the ySowTrts of Cicero and Atticus.
She was some ten years older ; but her Juno-like beauty
would then be in its prime ; and those terrible lenocinia
needed time for their fiill development ; for she was a
Juno to whom Aphrodite had lent her own cestus : evff
evL fxev (f)L\6rr]^, iv 8' liJLepo^, ev S' oa/awrrv? Ila/a^atrts, tJt'
eKketpe voov nvKa irep ^poveovroiv. If such allurements
made captive in a moment the Olympian himself, how
were they to be resisted by a youth of twenty-two,
that youth a poet, that poet Catullus? * Haec bona
non primae tribuit natura iuuentae, Quae cito post sep-
tem lustra uenire solent', says the teacher of the art of
love ; and Lesbia was then in her seventh lustrum.
She was a fearful woman, but she has also been fear-
fully outraged and maligned. Seldom can an unfortu-
nate lady have had the luck to incur the burning hatred
of two such masters of sarcasm as Cicero and CatuUus.
She destroyed the luckless poet ; yet we owe her some
74 CATVLLI
gratitude ; for she gave us one of the great lyric poets
of the world.
But at present I will dwell no longer on these mat-
ters : I will come at once to my more special subject,
the 29 th poem, of which I have so much to say that I
shall probably tire out my readers' patience. And first
I will print the piece at length, leaving the words
spaced in the only four places where there is any doubt
as to the reading : these I will discuss as I come to
them in my dissection of the poem.
Quis hoc potest uidere, quis potest pati,
nisi impudicus et uorax et aleo,
Mamurram habere quod comata Gallia
habebat cum te et ultima Britannia?
5 cinaede Bomule, haec uidebis et feres ?^
et ille nunc superbus et superfluens
perambulabit omnium cubilia,
ut albulus Columbus aut ydoneus?
cinaede Romule, haec uidebis et feres?
10 es impudicus et uorax et aleo.
eone nomine, imperator unice,
fuisti in ultima occidentis insula,
ut ista nostra defututa mentula
ducenties comesset aut trecenties ?
15 quid est alid sinistra liberalitas?
parum expatrauit an parum helluatus est ?
paterna prima lancinata sunt bona :
secunda praeda Pontica : inde tertia
Hibera, quam scit amnis aurifer Tagus.
20 hunc Galliae timet et Britanniae
^ [Auantius, followed by Statius and most of the older editors, and recently
by L. Mueller and Baehrens, have added here v. 10, Es impudicus cet. : this
repetition adds greatly to the symmetry of the poem and is probably right.]
CARM. 29 75
quid hunc malum fouetis ? aut quid lilc potest
nisi uncta deuorare patrimonia?
eone nomine urbis opulentissime
socer generque, perdidistis omnia ?
But before I begin to examine more minutely the
poem itself, I must from love of Caesar and indeed of
Catullus himself endeavour to shew that in their days,
and indeed long before and after, the most offensive
and indecent personahties meant something very dif-
ferent from what they would mean in the present day.
Had it not been so, civilised society could hardly have
gone on in ancient Greece and Kome during their most
briUiant and energetic times, or in the Middle Ages
down indeed to a quite recent period. Just think, to
take two conspicuous and widely distant examples, of
the appalling personalities of Aristophanes and Dante !
Pubhc opinion craved for and found such vents for the
relief of its pent up feelings towards the great ones
of the earth, whether demagogues, popes or kings.
Coupled with this love of personality there was a ten-
dency, which to us seems strange and almost incompre-
hensible, towards outrageous indecency and buffoonery.
There was more in this than can be explained on any
ordinary principles of human conduct. When in old
Greece the majestic beauty of epic poetry came into
being together with the erotic licence of lyric, elegiac
and iambic poetry ; when side by side with the august
solemnity of tragedy was seen the old comedy rioting
in a liberty which turned into ridicule gods and men
alike, the belief clearly was that gods and men ahke
dreaded Nemesis and wished by such sacrifices of dig-
nity to appease that awful power. We must give a
similar interpretation to the scenes witnessed in the
76 CATVLLI
cathedrals of Cliristendom daring those ages when men
had faith, if they ever had it, and yet at stated seasons
of the year parodies went on, the most blasphemous
and obscene, of all that was held most sacred. Appa-
rently from long use and wont this curious love of in-
decency continued till quite recent times to infest the
light literature of jest books and the embittered po-
lemics of angry adversaries. In the middle of last cen-
tury Voltaire's calumnies upon Frederick of Prussia are
quite as revolting to our sense as those of Catullus
against Caesar, or Calvus and Clodius against Pompey,
and they were meant too more in earnest.
In ancient Italy the union of indecency with bitter
personality was very rife, the latter being fostered as
in Greece by the fierce struggles of party in the free
communities, the former by curious religious supersti-
tion. As in Greece and throughout the East, so in
Italy the evil eye, the fascinum, was believed to have
an extraordinary influence, and this influence it was
thought could best be averted by obscene symbols and
obscene verses: thus 'fascinum' became a synonyme
for 'ueretrum'. The evil eye was most efiicacious
where human happiness appeared to be greatest : in
three cases therefore it was especially guarded against,
in the case of children, of a marriage, and of a triumph
when man was supposed to stand on the highest pin-
nacle of glory and felicity. Therefore, as Varro tells us
in the de ling. Lat. vii 97, puerulis turpicula res in
collo quaedam suspenditur, ne quid obsit ; and there is
a striking passage in Pliny xxviii 4 § 39 quamquam
illos [infantes] religione tutatur et fascinus, imperato-
rum quoque, non solum infantium custos, qui deus inter
sacra Romana a Yestalibus colitur et currus triumphan-
tium, sub his pendens, defendit medicus inuidiae, iubet-
CARM. 29 77
que eosdem respicere similis medicina linguae, ut sit
exorata a tergo Fortuna gloriae carnifex. A similar
protection against Fortune, the executioner of glory
and happiness, was afforded from the earliest times by
the Fescennine songs, connected in meaning and origin
with this fascinum : the indecent ridicule thrown thereby
on the great or the fortunate was behoved to turn aside
the evil eye. While patrimi and matrimi were ad-
dressing the gods in pure and lofty strains, with regard
to other religious solemnities we have Ovid in the fasti
III 675 saying. Nunc mihi cur can tent superest obscena
puellae Dicere: nam coeunt certaque probra canunt;
and 695 Inde ioci ueteres obscenaque dicta canuntur,
Et iuuat banc magno uerba dedisse deo^. In marriage
as might be expected the evil eye was greatly dreaded ;
and therefore the fescennine verses were a vital part of
the ceremony, as important as the invocation of Hymen
Hymenaeus. Look at the long episode of the * fescen-
nina iocatio' which comes in the midst of the epithala-
mium, and mars so rudely to our feehng the exquisite
grace and delicacy of Catullus' 61st poem. It is strange
but true that this address to the *concubinus' was
meant as a compliment to the beautiful Aurunculeia
and the highborn and accomplished Torquatus : it was
not meant to be taken seriously, but was only a sacri-
fice to Fortune the carnifex. If this be doubted, I
would appeal to Seneca's Medea 107 foil, where the
chorus, celebrating lason's marriage with Creusa, says
*Concesso, iuuenes, ludite iurgio Rara est in dominos
iusta Ucentia. . . .Festa dicax fundat conuicia fescenninus :
Soluat turba iocos. tacitis eat ilia tenebris, Siqua pe-
regrine nubit fugitiua marito': meaner mortals like the
1 [On obscenity in feasts of Liber, to avert 'fascinatio', comp. August, ciu.
dei VII 21.]
78 CATVLLI
runaway Medea may marry in quiet ; but a Creusa. or
an Aurunculeia has a claim to be honoured in being
thus degraded by the fescennine licence. When Cato
and Marcia married for the second time amid the gloom
of civil war, after the death of Hortensius to whom she
had been made over, Lucan mentions among the signs
of mourning that ' Non soliti lusere sales, nee more Sa-
bino Excepit tristis conuicia festa maritus'. But on
their first marriage doubtless the fescennina iocatio had
sounded as loudly as Hymen Hymenaee in honour of
the then youthful Cato.
The car of the conqueror could not escape, and we
know from Livy and others that on every triumph the
victorious commander was followed by his legions sing-
ing ridiculous fescennine verses. The greater he was
and the more adored by his soldiers, the greater would
be the sacrifice demanded by Fortuna and the more
ribald the fun in honour of their much-loved general.
Caesar, as we shall see, has suffered grievously by this ;
he has suffered also as well as his successor in another
way. During their reigns the licence of invective was
quite unrestrained, as we may learn from the well-
known speech of Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus : * sed
ipse diuus lulius, ipse diuus Augustus et tulere ista et
reliquere': but the consequence he draws was hardly
true in the case of Julius. Tiberius however in old
age, wearied with the burden of redressing the world
and driven wild by the treachery of his most trusted
friends, resolved to put a stop to this limitless ' scanda-
lum magnatum'. Though its open display was thus
checked, it went on in secret with more rancour than
ever. He himself has bitterly paid for this ; and so has
Julius, as in the days of Suetonius and Dion Cassius
people had forgotten that in his time the abuse meant
CARM. 29 79
little or nothing ; and these two writers have taken lite-
rally, what soldiers said in boisterous good-humour, or
Catullus and the hke from temporary pique or some
equally frivolous motive^.
But wdth the cessation of virulent personalities the
custom of writing light licentious verses did not come
to an end : Catullus had said in thorough good faith
* Nam castum esse decet pium poetam Ipsum, uersiculos
nihil necesse est, Qui tum denique habent salem ac
leporem, Si sunt molliculi ac parum pudici'. These
lines the younger Pliny, a man of sterling worth and
indefatigable industry, repeats with approbation; and
in another place, epist. v 3, he reckons the writing
such poems among 'innoxiae remissionis genera', for
which 'Homo sum' is all the defence needed; and he
draws up a formidable list of predecessors who have
indulged in this pardonable recreation: among others
Tully, Calvus, Pollio, Messala, Hortensius, M. Brutus,
Sulla, Catulus, Scaevola, Varro, the Torquati, Gains
Memmius, Lentulus Gaetulicus, Seneca; diuus lulius,
diuus Augustus, diuus Nerua, Titus : a Nero could not
degrade this noble art which had been practised by
Virgil and Nepos, and before them by Ennius and
Accius. Apuleius quotes the same words of Catullus,
and to PHny's hst adds the name of diuus Hadrianus
who composed many such trifles and wrote for a friend
this epitaph *Lasciuus uersu, mente pudicus eras'. Ca-
tullus therefore had once a goodly band of brothers to
* [We ought never to lose sight of the fact that nearly all the great poeta
and writers, who were contemporaries of Caesar and transmitted their sentiments
to succeeding generations, belonged to the ' boni' or ' Opposition '. Now in such
an age of pulling down and building up opposition meant frantic hatred and
antagonism. This to my mind accounts for a certain ill-omened air which
seems to hang about the Dictator's memory in the pages of Lucan, Tacitus and
Suetonius, and which in justice belonged more to his successor than to him.
Cromwell's fate much resembles Caesar's in this respect.]
80 CATVLLI
keep him in countenance, though he is now almost the
sole representative of them left.
At last I turn to our special poem, which is cer-
tainly one of the most powerful and brilliant of our
author's satirical pieces. For fully understanding the
allusions, it is of importance to know the time when
it was written, and this is not difficult to determine.
Some of the older editors, Scaliger among them, have
gone absurdly wrong, referring for instance the ' pi-aeda
Pontica* and 'Plibera' to Caesar's latest conquests, after
the death of Pompey ; though the poem (see vss. 13,
21 — 24) plainly speaks of the latter joining with Caesar
in pampering their unworthy favourite Mamurra. It
was written after Caesar's invasion of Britain, as the
poem itself plainly declares, probably therefore at the
end of 55 or beginning of 54, when Caesar was in
Cisalpine Gaul, having returned from his first invasion
late in the preceding summer ; hardly after the second
invasion which took place in the summer and autumn
of 54, as the poet, we saw, appears to have died by the
end of that year. In the latter case there would
scarcely have been room for the events which must
have occurred afterwards, Catullus too, as Jerome in-
forms us, having died in Pome. Clearly therefore our
poem, together perhaps with the leas important, though
more ofiensive 57th, is what Suetonius refers to in the
well-known passage, lulius 73 Valerium CatuUum, a
quo sibi uersiculis de Mamurra perpetua stigmata im-
posita non dissimulauerat, satisfacientem eadem die
adhibuit cenae hospitioque patris, sicut consuerat, uti
perseuerauit. At Verona therefore where Catullus'
father resided Caesar must have asked the poet to
dinner, and in the winter cf 55 — 54; for after the re-
CARM. 29 81
conciliation Catullus for some reason, perhaps mere
WMitonness, must have again declared war, as appears
by the obscure but offensive attack of the 54th piece,
the concluding lines ' Irascere iterum meis iambis Im-
mereiitibus, unice iraperator' plainly referring to the
'imperator unice' of our poem. Angry no doubt he was
at the repetition of such waspish and ludicrously un-
founded insults ; but of his many imperial qualities none
was more glorious to himself or more salutary to the
world than his practice of the art not to be angry over-
much : his clemency cost him his life; yet made his
memory what it is. But the * perpetua stigmata ' meant
both to Caesar and Catullus something very different
from what Suetonius seems to imply: Catullus could
not have dared so to beard the irresponsible proconsul
in his own province, who with a breath could have
swept from off the earth * te cum tota gerite, Catulle,
tua'. What such insults really implied will I trust be
presently shewn. Though I feel no doubt that our
poem was written at this time, I see no weight in the
argument of Haupt and Schwabe that it must have
been composed in the lifetime of Julia who died during
Caesar's second expedition to Britain, as otherwise the
*socer generque' of the last line could not have been
used. Whatever the legal meaning of these terms,
Caesar and Pompey in history were always ' socer ge-
nerque': those eminent scholars refjite themselves by
Virgil's * Aggeribus socer Alpinis atque arce Monoeci
Descendens, gener aduersis instructus eois'. BecoUect
too Cicero's reply to Pompey 's question 'Where is your
son-in-law?' 'with your father-in-law': Lucan a dozen
times over plays with this favourite antithesis, as in
* socerum depellere regno Decretum genero est' ^.
^ [Cicero again, ad Att. x 4 3 alter (Pompeius)...eIapsus e sooeri manibnn ao
ferrn, belluin terra et mari comparat.J
M. c. 6
82 CATVLLI
At the time our poem was written the league be-
tween Caesar and Pompey had lasted about five years,
since the consulship of Caesar in 59, and had given
them absolute power in Rome and throughout the em-
pire, whenever they chose to exert it ; for what could
the constitutionalists or ' boni' do against the masters
of 20 legions or more? Crassus had just started on his
disastrous expedition and was otherwise of small ac-
count. It was a despotism, tempered only by their
own moderation and by epigrams, such as these poems
of Catullus and the confidential letters of Cicero : in his
public speeches he had to praise without stint. Not-
withstanding Caesar's unprecedented successes in Gaul
Pompey with the vulgar was still the greater; but
acute observers like Catullus and Cicero saw that the
other had already got ' the start of the majestic world\
though he did not yet 'bear the palm alone'. Pompey
could be thwarted and bullied even by a Clodius; be-
fore Caesar's will all must bend. The letters to At-
ticus, which may be looked on as soliloquies by an
impassioned nature of more than Itahan fervour of
temperament, give a singular picture of Cicero's feehngs
towards Caesar. Caesar behaved to him as an enemy
with a kinder courtesy than Pompey shewed him as a
friend ; he forgave him every offence before he had time
to ask forgiveness; compelled his subordinates Antony,
Balbus and the rest to treat him when a declared op-
ponent with punctilious deference. Yet for all this,
perhaps because of all this, admiring as he could not
but do Caesar's social and personal quahties, he felt all
his aspirations so nipped and kept under by the other's
commanding genius, that hatred the most intense took
possession of his mind: 'hoc Tcpas horribili est uigi-
lantia, celeritate, dihgentia' was his constant feeling.
Yet he, thinking and speaking in earnest, never dreamed
CARM. 29 83
of fastening on Caesar any of these ridiculous scandals
of Catullus. Head the letters written to Atticus after
those ides of March on which he received his own
death-warrant: he glories in that day; but soon finds
that he has got nothing ' praeter laetitiam quam oculis
cepi iusto interitu tyranni'; that the tyrant dead is
worse than the tyrant living ; that he could speak with
less danger *uiuo tyranno quam mortuo; ille enim nescio
quo pacto ferebat me quidem mirabiliter: nunc — *. At
last in XV 4 we have this outbreak: 'if things go on
thus, I like not the ides of March. For he should
never have come back after death, nor fear compelled
us to ratify his acts; or else — heaven's curse light upon
him, dead though he be — so high was I in his favour
that, seeing the master is slain and we are not free, he
was a master not to be rejected at my time of life. I
blush, believe me: but I have written, and will not
blot it out'. For these awful words neither Cicero nor
Caesar is to blame, but the fortune of Kome: they
must express the feeling of the 'boni' generally who
could not see that old things had passed away.
But though Catullus would take advantage of such
feelings, with him it was always as I have said the odi or
amo of the moment that constrained him to write and
made him the poet he was ; and his unabashed candour
and cynical eJBTrontery lay bare to us the motives which
impelled him to this attack on Caesar and Mamurra.
The 41st and 43rd poems shew us that the latter had
by his wealth supplanted him in the affections of a pro-
vincial beauty, 'Decoctoris amica Formiani', a phrase
repeated for effect in both the poems just mentioned.
This Formian spendthrift is our Mamurra of whom I
will now speak more at length. Though he was a man
of some mark in his day, he would have passed into
6—2
84 CATVLLI
oblivion but for the unenviable notoriety Catullus has
given him. Owing solely to this notoriety he is spoken
of by Pliny in xxxvi 6 § 48, a passage to which we
shall recur more than once : he tells us on the autho-
rity of Cornehus Nepos that Mamurra was born at
Formiae, was a Roman knight and was praefectus fa-
brum to C. Caesar in Gaul. Horace as we know de-
notes Formiae by the name of *urbs Mamurrarum',
whether with reference to Catullus or because the
family was really very important there. Caesar, it may
be on account of his annoyance at such attacks, never
once mentions his name, which twice occurs in Cicero;
once in the well-know^n account which he gives Atticus
of Caesar's dining with him in December 45, where he
says that Caesar * de Mamurra audiuit' without chang-
ing countenance. This is perhaps rightly now explained
to mean that he heard of Mamurra's death; but, as
' uultum' is omitted in the best Ms., perhaps Manutius'
interpretation is right, that a sentence against Mamurra
for transgressing the sumptuary law, which Caesar
strictly enforced, was read to him; and he let it stand
as it was : nothing else is known as to the time when
Mamurra died. The other passage is more important
for our purpose : Cicero is writing to Atticus, vii 7, in
the year 50: he is greatly disgusted with the state of
affairs, with Caesar's ever-growing power and resistless
energy, and thus quotes and replies to a question of
his correspondent : * Annorum enim decem imperium et
ita latum placet?' placet igitur etiam me expulsum et
agrum Campanum perisse et adoptatum patricium a
plebeio, Gaditanum a Mytilenaeo, et Labieni diuitiae et
Mamurrae placent et Balbi horti et Tusculanum. Here
Cicero is referring to things most obnoxious to him,
carried by the joint power of Caesar, Pompey and
CARM. 29 85
Crassus during late years. You ask me whether I like
the imperium given to Caesar for ten years and in such
a way. Why, if I like that, then I like my own
banishment, the loss to the state of the revenue from
the Campanian ager, the adoption of the patrician
Clodius by a plebeian, of a Gaditane by a Mytilenaean;
the riches of Labienus and of Mamurra; Balbus' gar-
dens and Tusculan villa. The first four of these ob-
noxious measures were carried conjointly by the three
dynasts, Varro's TpLKdpavo<s: the adoption of the bland
Phoenician L. Cornelius Balbus by Pompey's trusted
friend and client Theophanes of Mytilene must have
been solely Pompey's doing, as he gave to both of them
citizenship and wealth and influence: the riches of
Labienus would come of course from Caesar alone;
those of Mamurra, as we shall see presently from Ca-
tullus, from both Pompey and Caesar: the gardens and
villa of Balbus probably from Pompey alone, as he was
long his patron, and it was late that Balbus, when
forced to choose sides, took that of Caesar who nobly
allowed him to nurse Pompey's property during the
civil war.
Catullus himself I repeat tells us that Mamurra got
his riches from Pompey as well as Caesar : with reference
to this I will examine vss. 17—19 of our poem. In
the offensive 13th line nostra refers to the two: he goes
on to say that first of all he squandered his patrimony,
that of a Boman knight as Pliny tells us in the passage
I quoted: next the booty of Pontus: this beyond all
question was the spoil gained by Pompey in the Mith-
ridatic war, as Haupt and others have seen. I cannot
conceive how Mommsen in his history (bk. 5 ch. 8 near
the end) can maintain that this was the booty taken
at the capture of Mytilene in 80 or 79, where Caesar
86 CATVLLI
then a youth distinguished himself under the praetor
M. Thermus. Next was wasted the Iberian booty
which the Tagus knows: this was the spoil gained in
60 by Caesar as propraetor in Spain from the Lusitani.
And now says the poet he is to have the wealth of
Gaul and Britain; and was it to pamper a profligate
like this, father- and son-in-law, that you have ruined
between you the world? From all this, coupled with
what Pliny tells us, we learn that Mamurra was a man
of good birth; that he was Caesar's chief engineer in
Gaul where operations were on so gigantic a scale ; he
must therefore have been a man of distinguished pro-
fessional merit; high too in Caesar's confidence, as he
had served years before under him in Spain; nay years
before that he had served in some similar capacity
under Rome's other great general Pompey, when en-
gineering works must have been on an equally great
scale; and, as Pompey had the whole of Lucullus' army
handed over to him, it is more than probable that
Mamurra was with Lucullus before. From all this it
follows necessarily that in the year 54 he was a man
of mature age and of high professional distinction. It
would appear that in Pome, as in some other countries,
members of the scientific corps of the army had a diflS-
culty in emerging from under the * cold shade of the
aristocracy' ; but one who had been so long the trusted
officer of Caesar and Pompey must have had eminent
merit, though he would not readily attain to the social
consideration of a Labienus or Antony. It is likely
enough from what CatuUus and Pliny tell us, that he
was fond of display and enjoyment, and that his riches
lightly came and lightly went. But what Catullus
says in other pieces of his success with women would
seem to contradict the most ofiensive things in our
CARM. 29 87
poem, which on all considerations are incredible. Nay
it is clear that by this fescennine-like raillery the poet
simply means 'you have cheated me, my fine fellow,
out of my mistress, and you and your two mighty
patrons, who have given you the means to do it, shall
bitterly smart for this'.
And now I will turn to other such-Hke charges
which can be she^Ti I believe to be as utterly baseless
as this Mamurran banter : Catullus, though he will not
let Pompey escape, directs the main force of his in-
vective against Caesar as Mamurra's more immediate
patron: in vss. 2 and 10 he calls him 'impudicus',
which in Latin has a peculiarly offensive meaning, being
a synonyme of the *cinaede' which he appHes to him
in 5 and 9 ; and in the brief but yet more impudent
57th poem he begins with 'Pulcre conuenit improbis
cinaedis, Mamurrae pathicoque Caesarique', and goes
on in the like insulting strain. Suetonius was an in-
defatigable collector of anecdotes and facts concerning
the early Caesars; but, removed from them a century
and a half in time and still further in feeling, for reasons
some of which we have touched upon above, and per-
haps from the Boswell-like character of his mind, he is
often unable to distinguish between what was meant
in earnest and mere joking or conventional invective.
Yet, while in a passage we have already referred to he
gives as one instance of Caesar's exceeding placability
his ready forgiveness of Catullus, though he avowed
that these verses about Mamurra had set upon him a
perpetual brand, in ch. 49 he proves that these very
verses meant little or nothing. For there he tells us
* pudicitiae eius famam nihil quidem praeter Nicomedis
contubemium laesit, graui tamen et perenni obprobrio
et ad omnium conuicia exposito'; he then gives a list
88 CATVLLI
of these ' omnes' to which I shall presently refer. But
first for the story itself: Caesar when a boy shewed
that in Sulla's words he had many Marii in him ; when
he was but eighteen he refused to divorce his wife
Cornelia, by whom he was already father of Julia, and
preferred to wander about a proscribed fugitive in
hourly peril of his life, though Pompey had at once
obeyed the dictator's commands. He then escaped to
Asia and served under M. Minucius Thermus, was sent
by him on a confidential mission to Nicomedes of Bithy-
nia, successfully performed it, returned and took part
in the capture of Mytilene and received a civic crown
for saving the life of a soldier. It was in consequence
of this visit to Nicomedes that the absurd and scanda-
lous story took its rise at some time or other. From
a long list of angry opponents or bantering jesters who
20 or 30 years later taunted Caesar about this matter
Suetonius singles out Gains Memmius as making the
charge in a definite shape ; * C. Memmius etiam ad
cyathum et uinum Nicomedi stetisse obicit cum reli-
quis exoletis pleno conuiuio, accubantibus nonnuUis ur-
bicis negotiatoribus quorum refert nomina'. This then
Memmius must have learnt or pretended to learn more
than twenty years after the event when he was praetor
in Bithynia. But supposing the memories of these
merchants of the place did not play them false, what
does the story mean ? A young noble of the highest
birth, of distinguished bravery, energy and talent, the
representative of Bome at a king's court, first foully
disgraces himself with that king and then gratuitously
parades his degradation before a large company. A
circumstantial He is often the most self-convicting of
lies. It is possible enough that the story may have
arisen from the handsome and accomplished youth
CARM. 29 89
having taken part in some court pageant or frolic : a
guilty secret would have stood in the way of such con-
descension. It may be asked how would so many emi-
nent orators and others make a charge they knew to
be unfounded ? Why, every Greek and Boman orator,
as a pa,rt of his art, made charges against an antagonist
which he knew to be false as well as the opponent
himself did. Such attacks on Caesar meant no more
than the terms of abuse or endearment used by a cab-
man or coalheaver in the streets of London or Paris ;
or than the threats of Catullus towards his Furius and
Aurelius. The poet, to shew his contempt for his
would-be patron Memmius, in two pieces makes mean-
ingless imputations on him, more foul than this of
Memmius upon Caesar. But Caesar, whose self-respect
would suffer by this one foolish story turning up so
often a generation after its fictitious date, must have
been enraged by the acrimonious turn given to it by
the foul-mouthed Memmius; for Suetonius tells us that
he replied in writing to his virulent speeches *non
minore acerbitate'. But he soon forgave him, as he
knew his scurriHty was a mere fashion of speech.
To confirm my view of the case I will adduce the
evidence of Pompey and Augustus. Pompey, left by
the coalition to coerce the city, by his unskilful manage-
ment at once irritates the * boni ' and exposes himself
to their contempt. How do they avenge themselves ?
Calvus, as an orator second only to Cicero, as a poet
only to Catullus, at once indites this epigram, 'Magnus
quem metuunt omnes digito caput uno Scalpit : quid
credas hunc sibi uelle ? uirum' : this is more offensive
even than the attacks on Caesar. Clodius next quarrels
with Pompey, takes his troops of ruffians with him,
and standing in a conspicuous spot asks, as Pompey is
90 CATVLLI
passing, rt? icrTcv avTOKparoyp aKoXacrro^ (imperator im-
pudicus) ; rt? avrfp avhpa t^'qrei ; rts kvl 8a/crv\a> Kvarai
TYjv Ke(f)akriv ', And they answer in chorus to each ques-
tion ' Pompey to be sure'. Now this is the very wan-
tonness of insult, as Pompey by universal consent was
acknowledged as a man of simple and exemplary do-
mestic habits, so attached to his family and his succes-
sive wives as to be quizzed for uxoriousness ; while at
the same time his conversation and manners are said by
Plutarch to have been most attractive to clever women.
Cicero, out of humour with himself, with Pompey and
with the world, in his very curt comment on his death
to Atticus (xi 6 5) remarks *non possum eius casum
non dolere ; hominem enim integrum et castum et
grauem cognoui': this is what Cicero thinks of, not his
deeds in war or peace. But if Suetonius had written
his life, we should have had all these assaults on his
* pudicitia ' enumerated at length, as we have in the
case of Augustus : in the 68th chapter of his life he
gives a set of most fatuous and ribald charges made by
his fiercest antagonists, Sextus Pompey and the two
Antonies : ' pudicitiam dehbatam a Caesare, Aulo etiam
Hirtio in Hispania trecentis milibus nummum substra-
uerit'!! — worthy parallels to the Nicomedes and Ma-
murra tales ; but gravely narrated by the biographer,
who solemnly records how the people in the theatre
pointed at Augustus when this verse was recited of a
gallus with his tambourine, * uidesne ut cinaedus orbem
digito temperat'. But as Cremutius Cordus says, 'ipse
diuus lulius, ipse diuus Augustus et tulere ista et
reliquere'.
When Caesar triumphed, Fortuna had to be pro-
pitiated by an unwonted display of the 'fescennina
iocatio'. Some joker of jokes hit of course upon Nico-
CARM. 29 91
medes and composed for his soldiers the famous 'Gallias
Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem' and the rest ; as
weU as the 'Vrbani, seruate uxores moechum caluom
adducimus': but nothing about Mamurra who doubtless
was in the conqueror's suite. Dion Cassius tells us (43
20) how Caesar was gratified by the freedoms of his
soldiers, because it shewed they knew he would take
them in good part; but expressed annoyance at the
Nicomedes chaunt and swore the story was a he ; upon
which the soldiers laughed the louder. That laugh
merely meant to say, 'General, we only wished to shew
our love to you and avert the ten thousand envious
eyes, fixed on you and us as we passed through the
streets'. I have yet a word to say of the twice recur-
ring 'Cinaede E,omule' and the 'imperator unice' re-
peated in another poem. Up to Caesar's conquest the
Gauls were looked upon as a standing menace to Italy
and the empire : from Cicero's laudatory speech ' de
prouinciis consularibus', spoken more than a year be-
fore our poem was written, we see what boundless en-
thusiasm his exploits had caused ; Gauls, Helvetians,
Germans had been crushed; nations not known from
books or even rumour, ' has noster imperator nosterque
exercitus et populi Komani arma peragrarunt' ; Provi-
dence had placed the Alps between Gaul and Italy, else
Rome had never become the seat of empire ; but now
these Alps may sink down, for there is nothing between
them and the ocean that Italy need dread. And now
the invasion of Britain had added to the enthusiasm,
and the unprecedented honour was decreed of a thanks-
giving of twenty days. It is probable that, like other
saviours of their country, he had been styled in the
official announcement of this a second Romulus, a * uni-
cus imperator' ; to which Catullus gives this malicious
92 CATVLLI
turn, though mingling with the banter is a half-betrayed
admiration for the ' Caesaris monimenta magni'. In the
bitter and powerful speech of the consul Lepidus, pre-
served among the fragments of Sallust, Sulla with like
irony is styled 'scaeuus iste Ronaulus' ; and Quintilian
(ix 3 89) records that Sallust thus addressed Cicero,
* 0 E/Omule Arpinas': in Livy we find 'unicus impera-
tor', 'dux', 'consul' or the like a dozen times, and
more than once said with bitter irony.
The words ' et uorax' which follow in both lines the
'impudicus' afford me a welcome opportunity to repel
another scandal which has fixed on Caesar's memory an
ignominious vice ; a scandal however of quite modem
origin which has arisen through misapprehending two
words of Cicero. The charge so often made I find thus
stated in Macmillan's Magazine, vol. 17 p. 526, by Gold-
win Smith in his able and sympathising, yet moderate
defence of 'the last Hepublicans of Rome' against the
unmeasured scorn and abuse which have been recently
heaped upon them : 'We find the great man, when he
is the guest of Cicero, preparing himself for the plea-
sures of the table in the Roman fashion by taking an
emetic. These be thy Gods!' The writer refers to
the dinner which Cicero gave to Caesar and describes
to Atticus in the last letter of the 13 th book. The
dinner took place it would appear on the 21st of De-
cember 45, in Cicero's Formian villa, a few months
before Caesar's murder. It was the 3rd day of the
Saturnalia, a time of universal relaxation and feasting.
How was it spent by the heavy-laden master of the
world ? He had come the evening before to the house
of Philippus with a large retinue : there he spent the
day working hard at his accounts with Balbus till one
o'clock ; then he walked on the shore ; at two he took
CARM. 29 93
a bath ; then he heard about Mamurra, whether it was
of his death or his transgression of the sumptuary law ;
was anointed, sat down to dinner ; and as he intended
that night to take an emetic {ifxeTLKTlv or rather e/xert/cov
agebat), he ate and drank without fear and in good
spirits. The dinner, Cicero tells us, was sumptuous and
served in good style ; and not only that but, in the
words of Lucilius, 'with good talk well dressed, well
seasoned, and, if you would know, to his heart's con-
tent I shewed myself a man: yet he is not a
guest to whom you would say, Pray let me see you
when you come again this way : once is enough. No
poUtics in the conversation, much literary talk. In
short he was delighted and thoroughly enjoyed himself.
The two words I have cited in the original admit I
believe no sense but that which I have given them:
the paraphrase in Macmillan is plainly untenable. Me-
dical practice appears in old times to have gone through
much the same phases as in our days. A generation
ago the taking of emetics before going to bed was an
infliction which many had to submit to : it is now I
fancy out of fashion and superseded by homoeopathy,
the cold water cure and the like, whether rightly so or
not, I do not know. In Caesar's time the * uomitus ' was
a common prescription : by and bye Antonius Musa
cured Augustus by means of cold water or with the
help of nature, and made the former all the rage.
Horace had to shiver for it in the depth of winter ; but
soon to the gain of invalids, tho' to the world's loss,
Musa killed off Marcellus the heir of the empire and
extinguished the new fashion. Celsus (i 3) approves
of an emetic in certain cases : it is of more use in winter
he says than in summer ; and Caesar was with Cicero
in midwinter. The latter himself speaks of it on this
94 CATVLLI
occasion and also in the pro Deiotaro, addressed to
Caesar, as quite an ordinary matter. Celsus tells you,
if the emetic is taken at night, not to eat much at the
meal preceding, to take yesterday's bread, rough dry
unmixed wine, roast meat ' cibisque omnibus quam sic-
cissimis'. I daresay Caesar followed these rules as far
as Cicero's cook would let him ; for all accounts repre-
sent him as utterly indifferent to the pleasures of the
table. Even his enemies, says Suetonius ch. 53, did
not deny that he was most sparing in his use of wine ;
and his confidential friend Gains Oppius relates that he
was so utterly careless as to what he ate ' ut quondam
ab hospite conditum oleum pro viridi adpositum, asper-
nantibus ceteris, solum etiam largius appetisse scribat,
ne hospitem aut neglegentiae aut rusticitatis uideretur
arguere'. Well does Velleius (ii 41) say of him 'Magno
illi Alexandre, sed sobrio neque iracundo, simillimus'.
He was indeed the high-bred and kindly gentleman,
the same Suetonius telling us that he sent his baker to
prison, because he had dared to put before him a finer
bread than he had given to his guests. * These be thy
Gods!' I would echo in a different sense; for Mr Smith
a few pages later says most justly of Cicero, that ' his
vast intellectual industry implies a temperate life'. But
how much greater even than Cicero's was the industry
of Caesar during the last 15 years of his life, who during
that time went through an amount of work physical
and intellectual, taking quantity and quality together,
such as mortal man probably never performed before or
since ! Emperor, minister, generahssimo, lawgiver, cen-
sor, restorer of lost rights and creator of new idesis, he
was at the same time destroying with his right hand
the world that was and building up in his mind the
world that was to be. Any excess in any direction
CARM. 29 95
must have destroyed his delicate organisation. Marl-
borough began his great career after middle hfe, and
his letters to his wife shew how soon his work began to
tell on his head and to sow probably the seeds of that
sad disease which afterwards overtook him. Suetonius
in ch. 86 tells us that some of Caesar's friends were
persuaded that he did not want to live longer and
therefore despised all omens and the warnings of his
friends. Perhaps the huge strain upon his brain had
destroyed the buoyancy of feeling and enthusiasm of
spirit which alone would make life worth having to
such a man.
Of Catullus' next words *et aleo' I will just say
that the same term was applied to Augustus, because
he used to give the members of his family small suras
of money and then play with them for shilling points
during the Saturnaha and on other feast-days, as we
learn from Suetonius who in ch. 71 quotes two inter-
esting letters of Augustus to Tiberius on this subject.
Cicero throughout his confidential correspondence with
Atticus puts the worst construction he can on every
public act of Caesar and will not be persuaded that
he is not going to prove in the end a Sulla or Cinna ;
but he never breathes a whisper against his private life,
either before or after his death, never hints he was
'impudicus' 'uorax' or *aleo'; while throughout these
letters and in his philippics he charges on Antony over
and over again such like enormities. Surely this is of
importance : the prodigy's sleepless vigilance and in-
dustry appal him ; Antony's licentious habits disgust
him.
A few remarks have now to be made on the only
four places in our poem where there is any critical dif-
96 CATVLLI
ficulty : the first in v. 4 will not detain us long : for tlie
* Habebat cum te ' of Mss. many editors including Sillig,
Doering, Heyse, and both Schwabe and Ellis adopt
Faernus' emendation 'Habebat uncti' : Lachmann, Haupt
and Mommsen read after Statins ' Habebat ante', which
I am disposed to prefer for the following reasons : it
comes at least as near to the Ms. reading ; for I observe
that some original of all our Mss. often put co for a:
thus in 48 4 we find 'inde cor' for 'uidear'; 64 212
'moenico' for 'moenia'; 67 42 'conciliis' for 'ancilHs';
75 3 * uelleque tot' for ' uelle queat', c and t being con-
tinually confused; and on the other hand 36 14 'alcos*
for ' Golgos'; &^ 45 'atque' for 'cumque (conque)': thus
ante might at once become con te = cum te. Again I
prefer it for the sense; as 'quod uncti' strikes me as
somewhat affected and not quite like ' uncta patrimonia'
and 'unctius caput', in both of which cases the meta-
phor is very obvious. Lastly the passage of Pliny, xxxvi
6 48, already referred to, ' Mamurra — quem, ut res est,
domus ipsius clarius quam Catullus dixit habere quid-
quid habuisset comata GaUia', gives no intimation of
any uncti; and 'quidquid habuisset' quite expresses
* quod habebat ante'.
In V. 8 ^ Vt albulus columbus aut ydoneus' Statins
and Scaliger read 'aut Adoneus' and are followed by
Lachmann, Doering, Haupt, Mommsen, and Ellis among
others. I have some doubt whether Catullus, a tech-
nical pupil of the Greeks, would have said Adoneus for
Adonis: it is true Plautus has it; but in the same line
he has Catameitus for Ganyniedes, which Catullus would
hardly have used, any more than Melerpanta or Patri-
coles for Bellerophontes or Patroclus : I should not
demur, if the Mss. gave us that form, but they do not.
Again I should like to know any Latin writer who as-
CARM. 29 97
signs to Adonis, born of the wood and bred in the woods,
the character which a modem hairdresser connects with
him and which would suit Catullus' picture of Mamurra :
the ancient conception of him seems rather to be Shake-
speare's : * Hunting he loved, but love he laughed to
scorn': thus Ovid, ars i 509, 'Forma uiros neglecta de-
cet : Minoida Theseus Abstulit, a nulla tempora comptus
acu: Hippolytum Phaedra, nee erat bene cultus, ama-
uit : Cura deae siluis aptus Adonis erat' : and certainly
you could not couple Theseus or Hippolytus with an
'albulus Columbus'. Mamurra is effeminate and worn
out by debauchery : Adonis is a beautiful boy, the very
reverse of effeminate : in Bion he is mourned for by his
hounds and the mountain-nymphs, by the hills them-
selves, the woods and waters; while Theocritus mates
him with Agamemnon and Ajax, Hector, Patroclus and
Pyrrhus, and yet older and rougher heroes. I would
therefore with Heyse and Schwabe follow Sillig in
adopting what is really the Ms. reading * haut idoneus' ;
with which might be compared Horace's * Vixi puellis
nuper idoneus' and ' Si torrere iecur quaeris idoneum',
though probably it has in Catullus a more offensive
sense illustrated by v. 13. It is really I repeat the Ms.
reading: [I have noted some 50 instances in which G
and O quite indifferently have y for i, or i for y.~\
Again 'aut' and 'haut' are the same; for not only do
our Mss. and therefore their archetype omit or wrongly
prefix the initial h in so many cases that it would be
idle to enumerate them ; but in the two or three places
where Catullus uses haut (haud), we find 66 35 aut in
all Mss. : and ib. 16, if any of the corrections, lUaque
haut alia. Ilia atque haut alia, Illaque hautque alia.
Iliac hautque alia, of various editors be right, haut pro-
bably passed into aut in the process of corruption ; but
M. c. 7
98 CATVLLI
for the * Ilia atque alia' of Msa I propose ' Iliac (quaque
alia?) uiderunt luce' aa a better rhythm and an easy
correction.
We now come to the very corrupt v. 20, though the
sense required is plain enough. Is Mamurra to have
what long-haired Gaul and farthest Britain had? Was
it to feed his lust, O general without peer, you the
other day were in the outmost island of the west ? He
then in his increasing wrath joins with Caesar his bro-
ther-tyrant Pompey who first pampered the wretch :
* Vt ista nostra cet. ' : his gormandising and wantonness
nothing can appease : fijrst went his own patrimony ;
next the spoils taken from Mithridates by Pompey ;
thirdly the booty got by Caesar in Further Spain :
what next ? he will now have the riches of Gaul and
Britain, opened up only yesterday. — But many and va-
rious have been the methods tried to get the required
pure iambic, as may be seen in the critical notes of
Schwabe and Ellis : Time Britannia, hunc timete Gal-
liae : Timete Galliae, hunc time Britannia : etc. etc.
none of them satisfying in sense or keeping near to the
Ms. reading. And Schwabe with reason remarks that
no convincing emendations have been made in Catullus,
where this has not been closely adhered to. He ad-
mits himself that a pure iambic verse would be very far
preferable to any other, if a satisfactory one could be
devised; but despairing of this he gives us one which
suits the sense and context excellently : Nunc Galliae
timetiw (timet") et Britanniae. But a pure iambic
appears to me not only desirable, but necessary ;
Ellis too requiring a pure iambic reads 'Neque una
Gallia aut timent Britanniae' : I will state my objec-
tions to this : it departs rather widely from the Mss. ;
nor do I think the plural Britanniae could have been
CARM. 29 99
used by Catullus, as lie is speaking of the one island,
a comer of which was invaded a few months before :
Pliny IV 16 § 102 says 'Britannia insula clara Graecis
nostrisqvie monimentis.... Albion ipsi nomen fuit, cum
Britanniae uocarentur omnes de quibus mox paulo dice-
mus' : and then he names a large number of islands, 40
Orcades, 7 Acmodae, 30 Hebudes, Mona, Vectis, etc.
etc. : a curious passage, but it will not I think support
the plural in Catullus, any more than his own ' Mauult
quam Syrias Britanniasqne', which means of course
'prefers to Syrias and Britains', as we say 'to whole
worlds' r Ellis might of course read ' timet Britannia' ;
but then with ' Gallia* and * Britannia' it is difficult to
see how the ae of all Mss. could have come into both
words: of course, if it were in one, by attraction it
could get into the other. The sense too he gives the
verse seems to me very unsuitable : Neque enim Gallia
tantummodo aut Britanniae Mamurram timent ; quod
post commemoratas ex Ponto atque Hiberia praedas
iure uidetur additum. But surely Catullus does not
mean to say that Pontus and Hiberia fear they are
going to be plundered, because Gaul and Britain fear
it: they, if they ever feared him, must like his own
patrimony have long ceased to do so; as he had long
ago spent all that could be got from them. The poet
plainly means that the newly acquired lands, Gaul and
Britain, seeing he has already spent his own means and
the spoil of Pontus and Hiberia, are now going to be
drained to satisfy his greed ; or something like it.
And, while on this subject, I would say that Ellis
in another passage, II 11, appears to me to have done
our island scant justice by reading * Gallicum Rhenum,
horribilem insulam ultimosque Britanrws', for the * hor-
ribiles' or * horribilesque ultimosque' of Mss. : Caesar a
7—2
100 CATVLLI
few months before had opened Britain up to the ex-
pectant Romans : what they then dreamt of, as we see
from Cicero and others, was nothing more dreadful than
gold, pearls, captives, etc. And surely the landscape
would not have looked horrible in English August
weather, any more than Cuba or Jamaica to the first
Spanish invaders. But what would and did look hor-
rible was the stormy channel, the 'beluosus oceanus',
between the Gallic Ehine and the Britons : if then
'horribilesque' represents the archetype, Haupt's 'hor-
ribile aequor' is excellent : if, as seems probable, que is
a clumsy interpolation to help the metre, I do not sur-
render my former conjecture in the old Journal, vol. 4
p. 289, * horribilem salum' : that is, as there explained,
for 'horribilesultimosque', 'horribilesaltiultimosque',
Ennius having 'undantem salum' and the Greek word
being craXos. Ellis similarly explains his reading as a
corruption from * horribile isula ultimosque', ' quum ex-
cidissent litterae uld propter insequentes uV : but long
before this contraction and corruption could have taken
place in Mss., the form 'horribileis' was utterly un-
known and could not mediate between two readings.
And now I will try to recommend my own later
correction of v. 20 : Ellis having postponed it to his
own put me somewhat out of conceit with it, when I
was again encouraged by a flattering sentence in a
paper read by Dr W. Wagner before the philological
society on Dec. 20, 1867: he says *I am convinced
Mr Munro's emendation as mentioned by Mr B. Ellis
obviates all dijOficulties'. If we are to have a pure iam-
bic, it seems pretty clear, unless very violent changes
be made, that Hunc represents a lost amphibrachys
{^-^) : leaving this for a moment, I divide into words
in a different way from our Mss. and therefore their
CARM. 29 101
lost archetype the continuous letters of some original,
immediate or not, of that archetype : this original had
I assume * galliaetmetetbritannia' i. e. * Gallia et metet
Britannia' : our Mss. after their archetype give ' GaUiae
timet et Britanniae' : Britanniae from the attraction
of Galliae, I have collected from our Mss. a hundred
instances of absurd corruptions owing to a v^rong ar-
rangement of undivided syllables : a few that seem to
apply to the present case I will give here : 28 9 Om-
nem mi [for O Memmi), 44 7 expulsus sim (expuli
tussim), 44 19 Sestirecepso (Sesti recepso), 54 5 seniore
cocto (seni recocto), 93 2 si saluus (sis albus), 98 1 in-
quam quam (in quemquam), 108 1 Sic homini (Si Co-
mini), 14 9 si ilia (Sulla), 17 24 potest olidum (pote
stolidum), 57 5 nece luentur (nee eluentur), 61 198
Pulcre res (Pulcer es), 63 23 menade sui (maenades ui),
63 47 estuanter usum (aestuante rusum), 65 3 dulcissi-
mus harum (dulcis musarum), QQ 8 Ebore niceo (E Be-
roniceo), 66 11 Quare ex (Qua rex), 69 3 Nos ilia mare
(Non si illam rarae), 79 1 quid inquam (quidni quem) ;
and many more besides. Now that we have so much
of our verse, the rest wiU soon follow : out of Hunc we
have to get a dative referring to Mamurra and a con-
necting particle : the particle shall be et which so often
comes into or falls out of the beginning of a verse ;
thus in 61 211 we have * Et ludite' for ' Ludite'. The
dative shall be huicne : ' Et huicne Gallia et metet
Britannia?' 'and now shall Guul and Britain reap for
him?': *Et huicne' exactly as in v. 6 *Et ille'. Plau-
tus, so different in some respects, is Catullus' own bro-
ther in love of familiar idiom; and he shall illustrate
our metaphor: mercat. 71 *Tibi aras, tibi oocas, tibi
seris : tibi item metes, Tibi denique iste pariet laetitiam
labos' ; mostell. 799 * Sibi quisque ruri metit' ; epid. ii
102 CATVLLI
2 80 * Milii IbUc nee seritur nee metitur, nisi ea quae tu
uis nolo'. Huicne I prefer to Huice which I am not
sure Catullus would have used : ' hicne, haecne, hocne,
huncne, hacne, hasne', one or the other, I have met
with not only in Cicero and the Fronto palimpsest ; but
in Propertius, Statins, and again and again in Seneca's
tragedies, where the metre confirms them ; and huicne
is nearer the hunc of Mss.
And now for our final critical difficulty: I may
mention by the way that all recent editors in v. 21
make rn/dum agree with hunc : though I should hesi-
tate to contradict them, I must say that I have always
thought it more emphatic as an interjection: 'why, the
mischief, do you pamper him, both of you?' his wrath
ever rising and now involving in it Pompey. In inter-
rogative sentences this use of * malum' is very common
in Plautus, not uncommon in Cicero and the most idio-
matic writers: 'qui, malum, bella aut faceta es?' 'quae
haec, malum, impudentia est?' and the like. Then in
V. 23 for the corrupt ' opulentissime' many conjectures
have been made which may be seen in Schwabe aud
Ellis ; but since Lachmann most have adopted his cor-
rection 'o piissime', as completed that is to say by Haupt
who reads 'orbis, o piissimei Socer generque, p. o.' : This
has never seemed to me quite convincing, though I hesi-
tate to reject what so many great scholars have sanc-
tioned : but it is the united force of several diJQferent
objections that weiglis with me : ' o piissimei' is not
very wide of, and yet not so very near the Ms. reading ;
then it involves a second alteration of ' urbis ' to * orbis',
slight enough in itself; but thus we have two changes,
one in a word which seems genuine: then I must say
the ' Socer generque' is to my mind much weakened by
havmg an epithet attached; still more is the force of
CARM. 20 103
* perdidistis omnia' impaired by *orbis' being joined
with it : we can see from the letters to Atticus that
this was a favourite phrase of the 'boni* during the
three-headed tyranny: thus il 21 1 *iracundiam atque
iiitemperantiam illorum sumus experti, qui Catoni irati
omnia perdiderunt' ; i 1 65 *uel perire maluerint quam
perdere omnia'; xiv 1 1 'quid quaeris? perisse omnia
aiebat'; 14 3 * nonne meministi clamare te omnia perire,
si ille funere elatus esset': [comp. too Cato ad M. filium:
et hoc puta uatem dixisse, quandoque ista gens suas
litteras dabit, omnia conrumpet; (Cic.) epist. ad Brut, i
3 1 et certe, nisi is Antonium ab urbe auertisset, peri-
issent omnia.] How greatly the moral emphasis of these
words * perdidistis omnia' is weakened by the addition
of orbis, may be seen from such a passage as this of
Livy, praefat. 12, where he is contrasting the present
with the good old times : ' nuper diuitiae auaritiam, et
abundantes uoluptates desiderium per luxum atque libi-
dinem pereundi perdendique omnia inuexere ' : by Mar-
tial too, * Omnia perdiderant' is employed with much
effect. Moreover we cannot, to say the least, be sure
that Catullus would have ventured to use * piissimus',
when ten years later Cicero can say in philip. xiii 43
* tu porro ne pios quidem, sed piissimos quaeris, et quod
uerbum omnino nullum in lingua Latina est, id propter
tuam diuinam pietatem nouum inducis' : later it came
more into use, and indeed Pompeiua comm. Donat. ap.
Keil V p. 154 says that Caper 'elaborauit uehementis-
sime et de epistulis Ciceronis collegit haec uerba, ubi
dixerat ipse Cicero jpiissUnus' ; but this is very indirect
evidence, and Pompeius seems to blunder about this
philippic, and the word is not now found in Cicero's
letters. Lastly the allusion in the Catalecta 3 5 * Vt
iste uersus usquequaque pertinet, Gener socerque, perdi-
104 CATVtLI
distis omnia' seems to me to speak strongly for the ab-
sence of an epithet in Catullus. Ellis, whether for such
reasons or others I do not know, does not accept this
reading and gives us * (urbis o pudet meae) '. By this
he means I presume Rome, not Verona, though Caesar
probably was in Verona at this time: Catullus would
naturally so term what was, to use Cicero's phrase, his
patria naturae or loci; but for the poet to speak of
Rome, his^a^na ciuitatis or iuris, thus famiharly, strikes
me as at least strange.
What I propose to read is this : * Eone nomine,
urbis ob luem ipsimae (issimae), Socer generque, per-
didistis omnia?' When ipsimae became issimae, as I
shall presently shew it would be likely to do in Mss.
such as those of Catullus, it is manifest how readily
obluemissimxxe would pass into opulentissime : we have al-
ready given above examples more than enough of words
perversely divided in our Ms. : just as common is it
either to divide one word into two or more : so 29 3 Nam
murram (Mamurram); 41 1 A me ana (Ameana), etc.
etc. : or, as I assiune here, to make two or more words
into one: 21 5 exiocaris (es iocaris), 44 11 minantium
(in Antium), 45 17 sinistrauit (sinistra ut), 68 139 co-
tidiana (concoquit iram), 68 124 Suscitata (Suscitat a),
68 129 tuorum (tu horum), 76 11 instincteque (istinc
teque), 76 26 proprietate (pro pietate), 116 4 mittere-
musque (mittere in usque), etc. The prose Catullus,
Petronius, who like him at one and the same time
carries the language to the highest pitch of grace and
refinement and riots in the utmost licence of popular
idiom, will illustrate our ipsimae: ch. 63 'ipsimi nostri
dehcatus decessit'; and 75 *tamen ad delicias femina
ipsimi annos quattuordecim fui:...ego tamen et ipsimae
satis faciebam. scitis quid dicam : taceo, quia non sum
CARM. 29 105
de gloriosis: ceterum, quemadmodum di uolunt, domi-
iius in domo fact us sum, et ecce cepi ipsimi cerebellum':
ipsimus ipsiTiia therefore = dominus domina. Buecheler
illustrates it with much learning: his note, p. 74, I
will here give the substance of: ipsa is thus used by
Catullus of Lesbia's sparrow *suamque norat Ipsam'
"dominam; and in the Casina of Plautus the sema
says 'ego eo quo me ipsa misit'; and Buecheler believes
with much reason that in Catullus' *mea dulcis Ipsi-
tilla, Meae deliciae' the name is a diminutive of Ipsa^
to express fondness. As ipse is a pyrrhic in the old
scenic writers, the p seems to have been scarcely
sounded, as in uolUptate, and the vulgar pronunciation
appears to have been isse ; for Augustus superseded a
legatus consularis * ut rudi et indocto' for writing issi
for ipsi: Martial i 109 has an epigram on a lapdog Issa,
where seven times over the inferior Mss. read ipsa; and
Martial plays on the similarity of sound: 'Hanc.Picta
Publius exprimit tabella. In qua tam similem uidebis
Issam, Vt sit tam similis sibi nee ipsa*: and on the
walls of Pompeii and on funeral urns are found ' euge
Issa', 'Aprodite issa', *issa haue', *issae suae', 'issulo
et delicio suo', terms aU of familiar endearment. Ca-
tullus would not perhaps have hesitated to use such a
familiar expression, as ipsimae or issimae ; for we find
50 expressions Hke, * carta loquatur anus', *fama lo-
quetur anus', *sacer hircus', *ut decuit cinaediorem',
* inepta crura ponticuli', * suppemata securi', * iste mens
stupor', * pater esuritionum', 'tuis ab unguibus reglu-
tiiia', * cum isto Vappa', * quidquid est domi cachinno-
rum', * cacata carta', * scabies famesque mundi', * uetuli
Falerni', *salaputium disertum*; and in our poem 'ista
nostra defututa mentula', 'lancinata sunt bona', * uncta
deuorare patrimonia'.
106 CATVLLT
*Vrbis ipsimae' then = dominae urbis or dominae
Komae: Ovid has 'dominae conditor urbis', *domina re-
tinebit in urbe', 'dominam uenietis in urbem'; Martial
* domina in urbe* and * domina ab urbe'; Horace 'donii-
naeque ExDmae ', Martial ' dominae fastidia Romae \
'Moenia dominae pulcherrima Romae', ' septem dominos
montes': for luem compare Seneca's *luem tantam Troiae
atque Achiuis', 'Helena pestis exitium lues Vtriusque
populi', 'ista generis infandi lues', 'sacra Thebarum
lues', *iste nostri generis exitium ac lues': CatuUus
therefore means ' ob Mamurram, istam pestem dominae
urbis' : after shewing that he has ruined or is ruining
one province after another, he finishes with this bit-
terest of his taunts : ' Was it then on his account, for
this plague-sore of the mistress Town, O father- and
son-in-law, that ye have ruined all?' It now remains to
point out what Catullus probably refers to, and I must
quote at length the passage of Pliny twice before spoken
of: XXXVI 6 § 48 ' primum Eomae parietes crusta mar-
moris operuisse totos domus suae in Caelio monte Cor-
nehus Nepos tradit Mamurram Formiis natum, equitem
Romanum, praefectum fabrum C Caesaris in Gallia, ne
quid indignitati desit, tali auctore inuenta re ; hie
namque est Mamurra Catulli Veronensis carminibus
proscissus quem, ut res est, domus ipsius clarius quam
Catullus dixit habere quidquid habuisset comata GalHa.
namque adicit idem Nepos primum totis aedibus nullam
nisi e marmore columnam habuisse, et omnis solidas
e Carystio aut Limensi': in these words Pliny, who
dearly loved a scandal and was like his nephew a great
admirer of their ' conterraneus' Catullus, makes up his
story by uniting with the poet's abuse Nepos' narrative
of facts. It is natural enough that Mamurra's wealth
and extravagance, combining with that scientific and
CAKM. 29 107
mechanical skill which Caesar's chief engineer officer
must have possessed, would induce him to indulge in
architectural display and in the invention of new forms
of construction and ornament ; and, as Catullus' very
abuse proves him to have been many years in the en-
joyment of great wealth, that already he had begun
the house which Nepos and Pliny speak of. Other
kinds of extravagance or pretension may have joined
to rouse the jealous and supercilious feelings of Catul-
lus' coterie towards the newly enriched upstart, as they
might regard him in their antagonism to Caesar and
Pompey: this would explain and point Catullus' last
and bitterest taunt, that he was the 'lues' of the mis-
tress town. The last I say; for to my taste the force
and beauty of the poem are greatly impaired by placing
either with Mommsen the four, or with Schwabe the
two concluding verses after v. 10, or by changing with
Ribbeck the order throughout ; nor do I agree with
Schwabe that the position which the last verse has in
the poem of the Catalecta, is no argument whatever
that it had the same place in our piece : the force and
point of the parody surely in some measure depend
upon that.
Our argument might have been illustrated by an
examination of other poems directed against Caesar or
Mamurra or both. I have referred above to the obscure
54th, the close of which is a manifest reference to our
poem: the 93rd, consisting of only two lines, is written
in a defiant tone towards Caesar, probably much about
the same time as our 29th. Towards the end there are
four obscure, unimportant and uninteresting, but most
insulting elegiac epigrams, addressed to Mamurra under
the name of Mentula which the 1.3th line of our poem
must have fastened upon him among the * boni' : these
108 CATVLLI
four with some other of the later elegiac pieces the
world would willingly have let die. To one only of
them shall I refer in conjunction with the 57th : the
latter attacks both Caesar and Mamurra in a tone that
would be even more offensive than that of our 29th, if
its very excess of ribaldry did not loudly attest that it
was only meant for petulant banter, one part of it flatly
contradicting the other if taken in earnest. I shall con-
descend to say a word on two verses only, 6 and 7,
which, illustrated by what we know of Caesar, we shall
thus interpret: he and his first scientific officer, at the
end of the year 55 and beginning of 54, used to be
closeted together for hours every day in Verona, map-
ping out Gaul and arranging the march of the legions
and the movements of the fleet, so that all should be
assembled at the right moment in the Portus Itius for
the second invasion of Britain; relaxing themselves at
times by sketching out plans for draining the Pomptine
marshes and enlarging Rome by changing the course of
the Tiber. The 105th poem is as follows: 'Mentula
conatur Pipleum scandere montem : Musae furcillis prae-
cipitem eiciunt'; which rightly interpreted would mean
that Mamurra not only possessed the special acquire-
ments befitting Caesar's chief engineer; but had a taste
for general literature and poetry as well ; and perhaps
retorted the insults of Catullus with less success, but
equal goodwill, and let him know what ' Ameana puella'
thought of him. But enough.
I have but little to add to the long exposition, re-
printed above and written about ten years ago. Thanks
to Grote and others we have now got over the habit.
CARM. 29 109
which once prevailed, of building our judgments of
Athenian statesmen on the libels of Aristophanes or
Eupolis^. But we do not seem to have yet completely
learnt to extend the same justice to Romans, greater
than Cleon and equals at the least of Pericles, and to
treat with merited contempt the calumnies of Catullus
and Calvus, which have even a smaller basis of reality
than the scurrilous jests of Aristophanes. Catullus how-
ever belonged to one of the latest generations to which
law and opinion conceded this unbridled Hcence : he
himself can write with jaunty self-complacency 'Nil
nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi uelle placere Nee scire
utrum sis albus an ater homo' ; and he would have
been anything but flattered, if he could have read what
the grave Quintilian says of him in xi 1 38, negat se
magni facere aliquis poetarum, utrum Caesar ater an
albus homo sit, insania : uerte, ut idem Caesar de illo
dixerit, adrogantia est. Of course the almost unre-
stricted licence of assailing living personages whicli
Aristophanes and Catullus possessed or usurped gave
life to their attacks; and the strongest proof of Martial's
unrivalled genius for epigram is the never-failing vigour
and fecundity which his poems exhibit in dealing with
wholly fictitious persons and incidents : cum salua in-
fimarum quoque personarum reuerentia ludant ; quae
adeo antiquis auctoribus defuit, ut nominibus non tan-
tum ueris abusi sint, sed et magnis.
I have to make a few, and only a few, criticisms on
the criticisms which have been made on me. 4 ante :
I am surprised to see Ellis still argue for uncti. 8 haut
idoneus : this, the virtual reading of Mss., I still look
upon as giving the most satisfactory sense ; and I can-
not, tho' the latest editor Baehrens accepts ' Adoneus ',
* KticoKKoirevKat' ToiyapoOf jnirup faei.
110 CATVLLI
see any suitableness in the comparison of the Catullian
Mamurra with the beautiful and chaste Adonis. 1 do
not deny that this or that passage may be found — in
Greek, not Latin — where one may be called an Adonis
for his beauty and youth alone. But Mamurra had
neither youth nor beauty : Ellis actually quotes * niueum
Adonem ' from Propertius where the poet is talking of
Adonis' death by the boar's tusk ; but Mamurra was
not ' niueus ' and was not killed by a boar. 20 Et
huicne GalKa et metet Britannia: 1 am vain enough
still to prefer this conjecture to any that has been made
before or after it. Ellis still argues for his own con-
jecture, which wanders away from the Mss. and, as I
have endeavoured to shew above, yields no proper sense.
But a word on his criticisms of my reading : it * has
always seemed to me unlike Catullus, not only in the
position of ne, but in the place of metet, and the only
half-obscured assonance Gallia Britannia*. The ' half-
obscured assonance ' i» too refined for my ear, tho', as I
have observed elsewhere, I might, but would not, write
* et metent (metet) Britanniae'. Then as to the ne I
protest it has, if not the only, yet far the best place it
can have in the verse : it cannot be annexed to ^t. I
could cite 100 examples from all the best writers of ne
having a position such as it has in Horace's Praeter
cetera me Romaene poemata censes Scribere posse ? but
I will confine myself to two o-r three examples which
closely resemble Et huiene : Ter. Andr. 492 aut itane
tandem cet. ; eun. 848 Sed estne hie Thais? hec. 81
Sed uideon Philotimum ? Plant, most. 522 Sed tu etiam-
ne rogas ? vrill this suffice ? But the place of metet ?
I presume he means that the natural position would be
* et Britannia metet' : so it would be, but tho' Catullus
does not so often indulge, as Harace does, in these and
CARM. 29 111
much more irregular arrangements of words, yet not
only have I cited from him elsewhere several very much
harsher collocations, such as: Non, ita me diui, uera
gemunt, iuerint : an excessively strange and awkward
sentence; but in the very next poem, 30 3 lam me pro-
dere, iam non dubitas fallere, perfide ? and also 5 Quom
tu neglegis ac me miserum deseris in malis, as I read,
exactly resemble our passage : the first of the two Ellis
must accept as a parallel. And surely to a criticism
like this a tu quoque is allowable : well, this is Ellis'
own verse *Neque una Gallia aut metent Britanniae' !
As I said above, I cannot believe Catullus would have
used the plur. ' Britanniae'.
21 malum : I proposed above with hesitation to
take this for the interjection: ' why, the mischief: this
usage is common enough in Cicero, and I had marked
down a passage, de ojff. il 53, which I observe is quoted
by Ellis, beginning ' quae te, malum ! ratio', where
Cicero is translating a royal address of Philip to his
son Alexander. But, says Ellis, ' to me this seems be-
neath the dignity and the indignation of the poem'.
In proceeding to comment on the other half of the
verse : quid hie potest Nisi : he says it is a * comic
formula' : thus in one and the same verse an expression
which Cicero thinks not beneath the dignity and the
indignation of Philip, sober and angry, is beneath the
dignity and indignation of this verse; while a comic
formula is not. Truly EUis applies a different standard
to his neighbour and to himseK The strongest argu-
ment perhaps, and one not mentioned by Ellis, for mak-
ing Tnalum the adjective, comes from Catullus himself,
64 175 Nee malus hic.hospes: but there the subst.
makes a decided difference ; and the repetition here of
'quid hie ' seems to me in favour of ' Quid himc, malum !'
112 CATVLLI
But as I said above, I look on the point as a doubtful
one. 23 : No one I fear will ever decide what is to be
read here ; and I shall add nothing to what I have
already said. It strikes me now, as it struck me before,
to be a positive inanity for Catullus to say of Rome
*urbis o pudet meae', as Ellis makes him say; nor can
I accept the conjecture of the latest editor Baehrens.
24 Socer generque : there is certainly much to be
said for Baehrens' Gener socerque, as Virgil has it in
his parody. At the same time it does not strike me as
certainly true : the poet is thinking much more of Caesar
than Pompey, and might thus be disposed to put * Socer'
first ; while, as Pompey was the elder, another might
be disposed to name him first ; and in the Aeneid ' Ag-
geribus socer cet.' the socer coming first is to me not
without weight.
I would now, with somewhat more knowledge on the
subject, add a very few words to what I have said above,
p. 68, 69, about the poet's praenomen and the time
of his birth. Ellis is, I verily believe, the one scholar
living who still maintains his first name was Quintus,
and not Gains. Ellis appeals to the authority of Lach-
mann and Mommsen, as well as Scaliger. Lachmann,
whom Mommsen followed, was ignorant of both G and
O ; and took the interpolated Datanus for his chief
authority. This codex, written in the latter half of the
1 5 th century, with one or two satellites, calls the poet
Q. Catulus, on the authority I believe of some inter-
polated Mss. of Pliny xxxvii 81. But there not one of
Detlefsen's codices recognises this *Q.', which is now
banished for evermore from the text of Pliny. But,
says Ellis (p. liv), 'if the scribe of the Datanus w^as
sufficiently educated to take the praenomen from Pliny,
it is not likely that he would have made the mistake of
CARM. 29 113
writing Catuli for Catulli*. Why, of the 3 best out of
the four Mss. whose readings Detlefsen gives us in this
part of Pliny, one has Catulius, the other two Catulus ;
and we find Catidlus almost everywhere called Catulus
in mediaeval times. * Besides, if the Q. was taken from
Pliny, we might expect to find in some one of the Mss.
of Catullus a G. or C. taken from Jerome, of which
there is no trace' : this argument I cannot even appre-
hend ; much less can I answer it.
I still hold it to be more probable that he was born
in 84 than in 87 B.C. Professor Sellar, in his interest-
ing account of Catullus in the Encycl. Britan., observes
with justice ' that the age at which a man dies is more
likely to be accurately remembered than the particular
date either of his death or of his birth. The common
practice of recording the ages of the deceased in sepul-
chral inscriptions must have rendered a mistake less
likely to occur in that respect than in respect of the
consulship in which he was born'. Mr Sellar argues
too that the ' iuuenalia ' in the passage from Ovid which
I have cited above, p. 73, is better suited to the age
of 30 than of 33 ; and this also I think with reason.
For tho* iuuenis is a very elastic term, and tho' Domitius
Marsus in his elegy on Tibullus, who died about the
age of 35, calls him iuuenem, yet we must remember
that Marsus was about the same age as Tibullus. But
Ovid, when he wrote his epicedium on Tibullus, in which
the word in question occurs, was only about 25 ; and a
man of 25 does not see youth with the same eyes as an
older man does. And to my ear ' iuuenalia ' has a more
youthful ring than ' iuuenis.'
M. c.
114 CATVLLl
30 1—6
Alfene inmemor atque unanimis false sodalibus,
iam te nil miseret, dure, tui dulcis amiculi ?
iam me prodere, iam non dubitas fallere, perfide ?
nee facta impia fallacum hominum caelicolis placent.
quom tu neglegis ac me miserum deseris in malis,
eheu quid faciant, die, homines cuiue habeant fidem?
5 qupm scripsi. que V. 6 dico V. dice Ellis, perhaps rightly.
The only change which I have made on my own
account in these verses, the last four of which have
occasioned a good deal of difficulty to editors and in-
duced some of them to make various transpositions and
changes in the text, is in 5 to read Quom for Que, and
to connect it closely with the next line : this seems to
me to remove every difficulty. I assume that, e and o,
as I have said, bemg almost indistinguishable in some
predecessor of our Mss., que was copied from it instead
of quo : thus 96 3 Que O, Quo G, Quom Guarinus,
rightly I think : 66 79 quern V, quom Haupt rightly
(Corradinus de Allio) : if Ellis' dice in 6 be the poet's,
it is another example of o and e confused. 4 I^ec for
no7i, so common in the older writers, I have illustrated
very fully on Lucr. it 23 : it has here, as often, the
force of * not at all'. Ellis' defence of Quae shews that
he hardly thinks it can be defended.
31 7—14
O quid solutis est beatius curis,
cum mens onus reponit, ac peregrino .
labore fessi uenimus nostrum ad larem
CARM. 30, 31 115
10 desideratoque acquiescimus lecto?
hoc est quod unum est pro laboribus tantis.
salue, o uenusta Sirmio, atque ero gaude :
gaudete uosque, o uiuidae lacus undae :
ridete, quicquid est domi cachinnorum.
13 aosqae o uiuidae seripsi, nos quoque lidie V.
This bright poem is in most parts as pellucid as its
own beautiful lake. In 1 the rare paene insula or paen-
insula is illustrated by Caes. bell. Gall, vi 36 2 paene
obsessionem ; and Yictorius Uar. lect. ix 9 is worth com-
paring on Ocelle in 2. 8 peregr. Lab., ' labour under-
gone in foreign parts*, in contrast with 'lai*em nostrum '
seems quite capable of defence : Baehrens reads 'Ab
orbe' for 'Lahore'. But comp. Mart* xiii 29 Pruna
peregrinae carie rugosa senectae Sume : 'age acquired
in foreign parts': Livy iii 16 4 id malum. »*tum quoque
peregrino terrore sopitilm uidebatur : *by terror arising
from foreigners'; just as ib. § 3 * terror seruilis' means
'terror caused by slaves', tho' it might mean 'terror
felt by slaves': comp. too 'praetor peregrinus' with
' mulier peregrina ' ' uir peregrinus'.
1 3 has given occasion to nearly as many conjectures
as 25 5 : ' uosque o lucidae', ' Umpidae', ' uos quoque in-
citae', have all been proposed, and may any of them be
right. But neither Scaliger's ' ludiae ' nor Lachmann's
' Libuae ' seems to me admissible ; nor again ' Lydiae' ;
for the transference of the epithet to ' undae ' is very
unUke Catullus, as well as the obtrusive antiquarian
reference, the parts hereabout once on a time having
belonged to the Etruscans, and the Etruscans being
supposed to have come from Lydia. My reading was
suggested by Mart, x 30 11 Hie summa leni stringitur
Thetis uento. Nee languet aequor, uiua sed quies ponti
8—2
116 CATVLLI
Pictam phaselon adiuuante fert aura. My 'iiiuidae' is
the same as the * Nee languet ' and * uiuae ' of Martial,
and is surely as appropriate to the Benacus as to the
Formian coast. Diplomatically too it is as near V, as
any of the other readings except * Lydiae'.
37
9 Atqui putate: namque totius nobis
frontem tabernae sopionibus scribam.
Is sopionibus corrupt, as it would appear to be ? and,
if so, is any of the numerous conjectures that have been
made plausible enough to be received ? One must first
of all bring into comparison with it the often cited
passage in Petron. 22 cum Ascyltos tot malis in som-
num laberetur, ilia quae iniuria depulsa fuerat ancilla
totam faciem eius fuligine longa perfricuit et non senti-
entis labra umerosque sopitionibus pinxit. The two
contexts are so much alike, that it is a most singular
* lusus codicum', if there is no real connexion between
the two corrupt or apparently corrupt words. If there
is such connexion, the word we want must express
either the instrument — and a very simple instrument —
or the material employed. The material must have
been black to paint the lips ; as the preceding ' fuligine'
too implies, scipionibus can hardly be right ; for why
the plural ; nor scorpionibus ; for it is absurd to imagine
the man's lips painted with scorpions. Whether we
may assume an unknown word, as sopionibus with
Vossius (or ? sopitonibus) for ' sopitis carbonibus', I will
not attempt to decide.
But the whole resemblance may be a mere lusus,
and the editors of Petronius may be right in taking
CARM. 31, 37 117
sopitionihus for the fragments of two words. This, as
might be expected, is a very common phenomenon in
Petronius : thus in the preceding line the corrupt *fu-
ligine longa' may represent something like * ivMginis
linea longa': in 45 at beg. I would read * modo sic,
modo sic, inquit rusticus suario cum [uarium codices]
porcum perdiderat' : h. e. suarius; nam rusticus in aheno
malo libentius quam in suo philosophari solet : in 77
* interim dum Mercurius uigilat, aedificaui banc domum.
ut scitis, caecus career erat [cusuc erat codices], nunc
templum est : ' in 46 perhaps ' nee uno loco consistit.
scit bene [uene] itidem [set uenit dem codices] lit t eras,
sed non uult laborare.'
If Catullus then and Petronius are quite independ-
ent of one another, I will add one more conjecture to
the many that have been made on this uncertain verse :
namque totius nobis Frontem tabemae pusionibus scri-
bam : uobis is then the abl. in apposition with pusioni-
hus : ' I wiU scribble over the front of the whole tavern
with you, nice young sparks' — ^probably both with their
names and caricatures of their persons. 2310 b of the
Pompeian wall-inscriptions * Euplia hie cum hominibus
bellis', and comp. ib. 1473 MartiaUs uos irrum — with
V. 8 of our poem. Perhaps Catullus would write : Lesbia
hie cum beUis hominibus, Egnatio, cet. and might give a
caricature of Egnatius with his teeth and beard, pu-
sionibus would be the same as the ' pusilli et semitarii
moechi' of v. 16 : Apul. met. ix 7 at uero adulter, belhs-
simus ille pusio ; Cic. pro CaeHo 36 (speaking to Clodia)
minimum fratrem,...qui te plurimum amat, qui... tecum
semper pusio cum minore sorore cubitauit. In v. 5
* hircos ' can only mean ' ohdos hircos': comp. the line,
applied to tjie * hirsute atque olido seni' in Suet. Tib.
45 hircum uetulum Capreis naturam liguroire. * Catul-
118 CATVLLI "
lus' says Ellis, 'after upbraiding the taberna and its
frequenters for lewdness, would scarcely contrast them
with an animal which is a type of this very quality'.
I hardly catch the meaning of this : it is not Catullus
who 'contrasts' them ; but these fine feUows who draw
the contrast themselves.
42
Adeste, hendecasyllabi, quot estis
omnes undique, quotquot estis omnes.
iocum me putat esse moecha turpis
et negat mihi uestra reddituram
5 pugillaria, si pati potestis.
persequamur eam, et reflagitemus.
quae sit quaeritis ? ilia quam uidetis
turpe incedere, mimice ac moleste
ridentem catuli ore Gallicani.
10 circumaistite eam, et reflagitate
*moeoha putida, redde codicillos,
redde, putida moecha, codicillos'.
non assis facis? o lutum, lupanar,
aut si perditius potes quid esse.
15 sed non est tamen hoc satis putandum.
quod si non aliud pote, ut ruborem
ferreo canis exprimamus ore,
conclamate iterum altiore uoce
* moecha putida, redde codicillos,
30 redde, putida moecha, codiciUos'.
sed nil proficimus, nihil mouetur.
mutanda est ratio modusque nobis,
siquid proficere amplius potestis:
* pudica et proba, redde codicillos',
16 pote, Bt tcripsi. potest V. 17 ore, Conclamate scripsi. ore. Concl. uulgo>
CAitM. 37, 42 119
I have printed the whole of this lively and humor-
ous poem, not that I have anything to say, in addition
to what has been said by others, on the greater part of
it ; but because I have long felt that there is a hitch
in one portion, and wish to make my reasons clear for
attempting to remove that hitch. I entirely go with
EUis in thinking that Lesbia cannot be the object of
attack.
With vss. 11, 12 and 19, 20 I would compare Plant,
most. 600 Mihi faenus reddat, faenus actutum mihi...
Cedo faenus, redde faenus, faenus reddite. Daturin estis
faenus actutum mihi ? Daturne faenus ? 14 1 keep
the potes of G and O, that is of V : Cic. ad Att. xi 18 2
sed hoc perditius, in quo nunc sum, fieri nihil potest ;
XIV 1 1 nihil perditius, shew * perditius* not to be
'unique'. 8 Turpe : surely not * strictly an adverb',
but the neut. ace. of the adjective, so often joined by
the poets with verbs denoting any bodily action, as
*Perfidum ridens Yenus' : in one of the passages which
Ellis quotes from Cicero all editors now read 'turpi
pace'; in the other the adverb is 'hilare' from 'hilarus'.
13 o lutum, lupanar : Cic. in Pis, 62 o tenebrae,
lutum, sordes.
16 the manuscript reading here seems to me to
interrupt the simple and natural progress of the poem :
the words would properly mean: 'if nothing else can
extort a blush from her brazen face'. But even assum-
ing they can mean : ' if nothing else can be done, let us
extort a blush': even thus the plain purport of this
very simple poem is thwarted. The extorting a blush
must surely be the same as shaming her into doing
what we want. But in that case there is a most awk-
ward stop at the end of 17 ; and 18 proceeds as if there
was nothing between 15 and it. Westphal seems to
120 CATVLLI
have sought to remedy this by putting 16 and 17 after
23, and reading Qvo, si for Quod si : my remedy is
much simpler and I think more efficacious : I change a
single letter only and alter the punctuation after ore:
* if nothing else can do so, in order to extort a blush
from her brazen face, bawl out once more in louder
tones'. Catullus, like the older writers generally, em-
ploys pote ioT potest very freely; as 17 24, 45 5, etc.
We might retain potest and read : Ferreo ut cards ex-
primamus ore, ConcL ; but I prefer the other remedy.
45
Acmen Septimius sues amores
tenens in gremio *mea' inquit 'Acme,
ni te perdite amo atque amare porro
omnes sum assidue paratus annos
5 quantum qui pote plurimum perire,
solus in Libya Indiaque tosta
caesio ueniam obuius leoni'.
hoc ut dixit. Amor sinistra ut ante
dextram sternuit approbationem.
10 at Acme leuiter caput reflectens
et dulcis pueri ebrios ocellos
illo purpureo ore sauiata
*sic' inquit, *mea uita Septimille,
huic uni domino usque seruiamus,
15 ut multo mihi maior acriorque
ignis mollibus ardet in medullis'.
hoc ut dixit, Amor sinistra, ut ante,
dextram sternuit approbationem.
nunc ab auspicio bono profecti
20 mutuis animis amant amantur.
CARM. 42, 45 121
unam Septimius misellus Acmen
mauult quam Syrias Britanniasque :
uno in Septimio fidelis Acme
facit delicias libidinisque.
25 quia ullos homines beatiores
uidit, quis Venerem auspicatiorem?
8 at ante is corrupt. Perhaps sinister astans. 9 Deztra V.
The whole of this poem too, the most charming
picture in any language of a light and happy love, I
have printed, in order to make clear the view I take of
its action and motive, which seem to me not to have been
quite rightly apprehended even by those editors, Scaliger,
Vossius, Baehrens, etc„ who have seen that v. 8 is corrupt.
The ut ante has probably, as Baehrens says, come from
17, and may have displaced something quite different,
such as 'sinister ipse', or 'manu sinistra' but my sug-
gested 'sinister astans' gives the sense that is required.
The scene which the poet paints is quite distinct to
my mind, while from Ellis' notes I cannot gather how
he represents the situation to himself; and Baehrens*
' sinistra ab Acme', as well as his punctuation of 17,
is not compatible with my view of the matter.
Septimius is resting on a couch of some kind and
is leaning with his right side against it : Acme is re-
clining on his bosom. They are both therefore looking
more or less towards the left. Septimius declares that
he loves her as dearly as mortal man can love. The
moment he has said this. Love weU-pleased, standing
on their left, sneezes at them approval towards the
right (as he must do, being as he is on their left). Then
Acme, slightly bending back her head and kissing the
sweet boy's eyes drunken with passion (which he would
hold down to meet her lips), protests that her passion
122 CATVLLI
is much stronger than his. The moment she had
spoken this, Love on the left hand, just as before,
sneezed at them approval towards the right. The
twice-repeated omen encouraged them in their passion :
* Now starting from so fair an augury, soul answering
soul, they love, are loved again'.
The poem, thus explained, is surely simple enough
and keeps clear of all the * difficulty' in which Ellis in-
volves himself and it. 3 te perdite amo : ' amare coepit
perdite' occurs twice in Terence, amare: this is more
emphatic than Froelioh's conjecture ' amore', accepted
by Schwabe: 'te' then belongs to *amo', to 'amare'
and to 'perire'; for, since Catullus has in 35 12 Ilium
deperit inpotente amore, and in 100 2 'depereunt'
with the accus. simply and without 'amore', and as
Plautus Poen. iv 2 135 has the less usual 'hie alteram
efilictim perit', also without ' amore', there seems no
reason to refuse to Catullus the same construction
'perire te'; and ' amore' without an epithet would cer-
tainly be weak. With the change of word in ' amare
...Quantum qui potejpmre', I would compare Mart, x
86 1 Nemo noua caluit sic inflammatus arnica, Flagrauit
quanto Laurus amore pilae. There is even a greater
hitch in Cat. 96 5 non tanto mors inmatura dolorist
Quintiliae, quantum gaudet amore tuo. 12 comp.
Apul. apol, 403 oris sauia purpurei.
54
[Beprinted from the Journal of Philology, vol. 5 p. 301—304]
The lost manuscript of Catullus, from which di-
rectly or indirectly all the others are derived, would
appear to have handed down this trivial and uninter-
CARM. 45, 54 123
esting poem in the following shape, if we take no
account of two verses repeated without meaning from a
former poem, or of the heading which belongs to the
next poem and has been wrongly inserted in this one :
Otonis caput oppido est pusillum
et eri rustice semilauta crura
subtile et leue peditum libonis
si non omnia displicere uellem
tibi et sufficio seniore cocto
irascere iterum meis iambis
inmerentibus unice imperator.
In the third number of our Journal I examined at
some length the 29 th poem in which Caesar and his
friend Mamurra are assailed with so much wit and tru-
culent virulence. The last two lines of our present
poem contain a direct reference to the other, the unice
imperator here distinctly pointing to the imperator
unice there. It is however for critical purposes only
that I now discuss this 54th poem, not for any his-
torical or personal references, which are altogether un-
known and, if they were known, would probably turn
out to be of no importance whatever.
Three slight and manifest corrections were soon
made in the manuscript text : Otonis^ at once became
Othonis; for sufficio, which does not appear to be a
Latin name, from the time of Scaliger Fuficio or Fu-
fecioy a well-known name, has been generally read ; and
seni recocto soon took the place of the unmeaning and
^ Otonis I take to be the reading of the archetype, not the Octonis of most
of the existing Mss. The Latin ct became t or tt in Italian; and for thia
reason an Italian would instinctively translate his own tt back into ct : Giotto
calls himself loctus. For otonia then a scribe would at once write octonis,
which he would know to be a Latin word. For similar reasons I beheve the
archetype had eri, not heri, in the second line. [Catullus probably wrote
* Otonis', as Baehrens now prints it.]
124 CATVLLI
unmetrical seniore cocto, Scaliger clinching this emen-
dation by these words : * glossarium interpretatur aire-
<f)0ov yepovra cum hunc locum in animo haberet'.
But after these obvious changes have been made,
most of the critics, old and new, look upon the poem as
mutilated and unintelligible. Yictorius speaks of its
Cimmerian darkness ; Muretus says that a Sibyl alone
could interpret it, that it manifestly consists of muti-
lated fragments of different epigrams, incapable of being
understood or corrected. Scaliger' s emendations are
clumsy and his explanations wrong. Of recent editors
two of the most eminent, Lachmann and Haupt, as-
sume two lacunae, one after the third, the other after
the fifth line. I will quote the poem in the shape in
which it is presented to us by the two most recent cri-
tical editions. Ellis prints it thus :
Othonis caput oppido est pusillum ;
•fet Heri rustice, semilauta crura,
subtile et leue peditum Libonis.
at non effugies meos iamhos
si non omnia displicere uellem
tibi et Sufficio seni recocto
irascere iterum meis iambis
inmerentibus, unice imperator.
The verse in Italics is a fragment of Catullus which
Ellis supposes to belong to this poem ; which in Lucian
Mueller's edition becomes two poems and assumes the
following shape :
CARM. 54 125
LIIII.
Othonis caput oppidost pusillum
« « »
Neii rustica semilauta crura,
subtile et leue peditum Libonis.
* * ♦
si non omnia displicere uellem
tibi et Fuficio seni recocto
LIIII^
Irascere iterum meis iambis
inmerentibus, unice imperator.
Though I dissent with diffidence from so many
eminent authorities, I cannot conceal my belief that
the poem is quite entire and unmutilated, and that the
change of one other letter will render it perfectly intel-
ligible, dispel the Cimmerian darkness and enable us to
dispense with the Sibyl's assistance. Before offering
any further explanations I will print the poem as I
think Catullus may have written it :
Othonis caput (oppido est pusillum)
et, trirustice, semilauta crura,
subtile et leue peditum Libonis,
si non omnia, displicere uellem
tibi et Fuficio seni recocto : —
irascere iterum meis iambis
inmerentibus, unice imperator.
The proper interpretation of the whole poem ap-
pears to me to depend primarily on the right under-
standing of the words si non omnia ; and for this
uia prima salutis,
quod minime reris, Graia pandetur ab urbe ;
126 CATVLLI
or rather, I should say, not from a Greek city, but
from the city of the Trojan Antenor. It is not known
who Otho or Libo or Fuficius was, but it is plain that
the poet means to say that Otho and Libo were fa-
vourites of Caesar and Fuficius, standing in the same
relation to the former as he had scurrilously described
Mamurra as doing in the 29th poem. I could wish, he
says, that Otho's head (right puny it is) and, you tho-
rough clown, those half-washed legs of his, and Libo*s
offensive habits, if not everything else about them,
should disgust you. Then pretending to recall his for-
mer quarrel with Caesar, he breaks off abruptly with
the words, ' you will be enraged a second time with my
innocent iambics, O general without peer'.
Vulpius of Padua saw, as I have said, that this was
the meaning of si non omnia, and he has illustrated the
expression from Cicero pro Sestio § 7 ut ille...si non
omnem, at aliquem partem maeroris sui deponeret. But
the phrase may be illustrated by other passages which
I have given in my note on Lucretius iii 406 Si non
omnimodis, at magna parte animai Priuatus ; ii 1017
Si non omnia sunt, at multo maxima pars est Consi-
milis; LucU. i 33 Muell. Si non amplius, at lustrum hoc
protolleret unum. The at in these passages makes the
antithesis more distinct, but it can hardly be necessary
in a style like that of Catullus.
Schwabe, and before him Doering, accept the expla-
nation of Vulpius, but like most of the editors they
make more than one quite unnecessary alteration in the
text. Thus nearly all omit the est of v. 1 ; but the pa-
renthesis appears to me to add force to the expression ;
and parentheses are a very marked feature of most
Latin styles, as I have shewn in my Lucretius. With
our present passage compare Seneca Hippol. 35 At
CARM. 54 127
Spartanos (genus est audax Auldumque ferae) nodo
cautus Propiore liga. Then in v» 2 Schwabe with most
others changes rustice to rustica ; but the vocative is
much more spirited and emphatic, the semilauta crura
marking the coarse rustic. Of course I do not pretend
that my reading 'Et, trirustice' is more than plausible;
but I change but a single letter, and T and E are among
the letters most frequently confused. With tmrusticus
I would compare not only trigeminus, but also Plautus
trifur, trifarcifer, triparcus, tritienefica. It is possible
Catullus wrote ter rustice ; it is quite possible too that
a new name lurks in the manuscript reading, such as
Heiiy which many adopt. But, I confess, I think that
the passage is more spirited without this third name,
and that it is more probable Catullus should speak of
Caesar and Fuficius as having the same relations with
the same two persons than with the same three. This
point however must remain uncertain : on the general
meaning of the whole poem I feel no uncertainty what-
ever ; or rather I would say that I should have felt
none, if so many distinguished scholars had not found
it so unintelHgible.
I have not much to add to what I have reprinted
above. The latest editor of the text Baehrens believes
it like me to be one poem; but I confess he makes
changes in the text which seem to me to be unneces-
sary. Ellis adheres to his former opinion: he gives four
pleas for rejecting my arrangement, the third of which
I will first examine: 'Even if we allow the first five
lines to be consecutive, the aposiopesis before 'Irascere
iterum' is immeasurably harsh, not to say unintelli-
gible'. I deny that there is any 'aposiopesis' at all;
128 CATVLLI
and I affirm that, so far from the transition being harsh
or unintelligible, on it depends the main point of the
poem : the poet in the first five lines makes his charge ;
and then bethinking himself of the similar charges he
had made in 29, and of the proconsul's wrath which it
had excited, he says : Irascere iterum meis iambis In-
merentibus, unice imperator: the last words at once
recalling that poem and its imperator unice. What is
there that is harsh or unintelligible here ? Take the
following transition, with an ' aposiopesis' as well, in
Cic. pro Mil. 33: De nostrum omnium — non audeo
totum dicere. uidete quid ea uitii lex habitura fuerit,
cuius periculosa etiam reprehensio est. There you have
something harsh and, if not unintelhgible, yet not to
be cleared up by any one now livmg, while I think I
have made Catullus' meaning clear enough. Take again
Mart. X 9 Yndenis pedibusque syllabisque Et multo
sale, nee tamen proteruo, Notus gentibus ille Martialis
Et notus populis — quid inuidetis ? Non sum Andrae-
mone notior caballo. Is that less harsh than our poem?
His fourth plea is this : * Nothing is gained by in-
terpreting the poem as a complete whole': my answer
is that I think something is gained. His first plea,
like the fourth, seems merely to be a plea in mitigation
of his own most singular arrangement : the Mss. 'repeat
here (as is by no means unusual with them) two lines
which belong to another poem; therefore they may
have also perpetrated the other enormities which he
takes them to be guilty of; but from which I have
rescued them. The second plea does not touch at all my
general argument: 'The Mss point to a proper name'.
I have fully admitted that they may; but my reasons
for thinking they did not were a quite subordinate, or
rather a quite indifferent, point in the general argu-
CARM. 54, 55 129
merit. But why Et eriy the reading of V, should not
come as easily from Et tn rustice, as from a proper
name, I confess I do not see. The reason I have given
above for my reading is 'that it is more probable Catul-
lus should speak of Caesar and Fuficius as having the
same relations with the same two persons than with
the same three'. I now go farther, and think it likely
that Catullus, using a peculiarity of syntax common in
Latin, meant to say that Caesar had such relations with
Otho alone; Fuficius with Libo alone: comp. Mart, ii
2 1 Creta dedit magnum, mains dedit Africa nomen,
Scipio quod uictor quodque Metellus habet; vi 13 7
Vt Martis reuocetur amor summique tonantis A te
luno petat ceston et ipsa Venus; xi 48 Silius haec
magni celebrat monimenta Maronis, lugera facundi qui
Ciceronis habet. Heredem dominumque sui tumulique
larisque {so Mss. ue-ue editions) Non alium mallet Nee
Maro nee Cicero.
I cannot say I approve of Baehrens' correction of
V. 1 : is not ' pusillum os' at the end of it an elision
unexampled in Catullus? His correction of 4 is cer-
tainly not an obvious one : to confirm my own reading
I would cite, in addition to those given above, Cic.
epist. XVI 24 1 A Flamma, si non potes omne, partem
aliquam ueHm extorqueas : where, as in Catullus, at is
absent.
55 1, 2 and 7—10
Oraraus, si forte non molestum est,
2 demonstres ubi sint tuae tenebrae....
7 femellas omnes, amice, prendi,
quas uultu uidi tamen sereno.
M. c.
130 ■ CATVLLI
h liel t© sic ipse flagitabam:
10 'Camerium milii, pessimae puellael*
8 sereno. serena V. 9 ipse, perhaps usque, inde Baehrens.
I will examine one sentence only of this involved
and stiff poem, as nearly all the editors seem to have
introduced unnecessary and hurtful changes there. 7 'I
seized hold of aU the wenches, whom I saw notwith-
standing wear an untroubled countenance : ah, even so
I continued to demand you of them : Camerius I want,
you naughty girls', sereno in 8 is the simplest cor-
rection: comp. too Mart, ii 11 1 Quod fronte SeHum
nubila uides, Bufe. 9 I keep the Ms. reading, which
editors have changed in very various ways. If any
change is needed, I would simply read ' A ! te uel sic':
but this interposition of te between uel and sic is not
T think unidiomatic: comp. Tib. (Sulpicia) iv 11 3 A!
ego non aliter tristes euincere morbos Optarim quam te
si quoque uelle putem ; Mart, iv 1 9 12 Nee sic in Tyna
sindone cultus eris: i.e. ne in Tyria quidem sindone
sic: IX 8 9 Dilexere prius pueri iuuenesque senesque;
At nunc infantes te quoque, Caesar, amant : quoque has
such a position more than once in Lucretius : lUud in
his quoque te rebus, tamen : though I thus seized upon
them, they were quite untroubled, as if they knew
themselves to be innocent. But Baehrens seems to me
right in asserting that ipse has no meaning: Elhs says:
*with my own lips'; but how else could he ask? my
usque suits the im^ert Jlagitabam well. 10 to illustrate
the omission of the verb, see my note on 10 25.
CARM. 55, 57 131
57
Pulcre conuenit improbis cinaedis,
Marnurrae pathicoque Caesarique.
• nee mirum : maculae pares utrisqne,
urbana altera et ilia Formiana,
5 impressae resident nee eluentur :
morbosi pariter, gemelli, utrique
lino in lecticulo, erudituli ambo,
non hie quam ille magis uorax adulter,
riuales soeiei puellularum.
10 pulcre conuenit impjobis cinaedis.
7 lecticulo 0 Baehrens. iectulo G uulgo.
This short poem is on the same theme, and displays
the same amazing impudence, as the 29 th. All that I
have to say on the personal and historical questions
with which they deal has been discussed so fully in my
comments on that 29th poem, that I can wholly dis-
miss them here. I think it well worth while however
to examine the structure of the poem itself, as by a
better punctuation I can, if I am not mistaken, both
add to its point and do away with all occasion for
tampering with the text which appears to be perfectly
sound.
And first I would say that in v. 7 the lecticulo of
0 seems to me, as to Baehrens, to be almost certainly
right, and to be one of the many gains for the text of
Catullus which we owe to O and to O alone. I do not
mean to say that the prosody of lectuld is impossible ;
but no scholar will deny I think that lecticulo gives us
a rhythm far more in accordance with the technical
rules which Catullus observes in his h^ndecasyllables.
9—2
132 CATVLLI
But the form of tlie word ? The two first declensions
form their diminutives as a rule by the addition of
'Ul : uillula, mannulus, paruulus, pallidulus, puellus
(puerulus), and a multitude of like forms : therefore
* lectus, 4, lectulus ; pannus, -i, pannulus '. The third
adopts a lengthened form, -iculy sometimes -ecul : cau-
liculus, colliculus, tristiculus, nubecula, uulpecula and
the like. The fourth declension in this as in many
other points follows the laws of the third : uersiculus,
articulus, quaesticulus, anicula, manicula, corniculum.
Now we learn from the lexicons that * pannibus ' is
quoted from Ennius by Charisius, from Pomponius by
Nonius : it was therefore once of the 4th as well as the
2nd decL, and consequently we find *panniculus' as
well as 'pannulus'. Ussing on Plant. Amph. 509 (513)
cites Priscian vi 73, who quotes Cornificius for the
nom. plur. lectus, and this passage of Plautus for the
gen. sing, lectus, and he is supported in this by the
Mss. of Plautus : lectus therefore was once of the 4th
decL and conformably with this Catullus uses * lecti-
culo'.
6 and 7 : The exact force and meaning of these two
verses I have brought out by a punctuation differing
from that of all the editors, who join 'gemelli utrique',
or else have recourse to conjecture, Haupt reading
tenelli, Baehrens macelli, for the quite genuine gemelli.
* Tainted alike, true twin-brothers, both together on a
single sofa, most learned witlings both'. Horace in his
satires and epistles uses gemellus with much the same
sarcastic force as Catiillus and may have had him in his
thoughts: we should compare too 100 3 hoc est, quod
dicitur illud Fratemum uere dulce sodalicium ; which
shews the expression to be proverbial, utr. uno in lect. :
Cic. in Pis. 67 Graeci stipati, quini in lectis, saepe
CARM. 57, 59 133
plures, ipse solus; Mart, iv 40 5 Tecum ter denas nu-
meraui, Pontice, brumas ; Communis nobis lectus et
unus erat.
I would strengthen my argument on tbese two
verses by calling in one whose aid I have often in-
voked already. Martial knew Catullus so thoroughly
that I feel he had their words and rhythm in his mind
when he wrote the last two lines of his ironical epigram,
XII 40; the last 7 verses of which I will cite: Succurras
misero, precor, furori Et serues aliquando neglegenter
Illos qui male cor meum perurunt, Quos et noctibus et
diebus opto In nostro cupidus sinu uidere, Formosos,
niueos, pares, gemellos, Grandes, non pueros, sed uni-
ones.
On V. 2 Ellis says : ' The quSy joined as it is with
pathico and thus standing between Mamurrae and
Caesarique, distributes the vice equally to both': I am
quite unable to see how que does this ; it seems to me
a simple instance of que joined with the 2nd instead of
the 1st word of the clause, a usage not uncommon in
Lucretius and some other writers: comp. also 7Q 11
atque istinc teque reducis. I doubt too whether Catul-
lus meant pathico to refer at all to Caesar, tho' Schwabe
also, quaest. p. 189, maintains it does. 1: Comp.
Petron. 94 et ego iracundus sum et tu libidinosus :
uide quam non conueniat his moribus.
59
1 : If rufulum is the true correction of the Ms.
rufum, I would read
Bononiensis rufa rufulum fellat
uxor Meneni. >
134 ' CATVLLI ■
•I feel pretty sure that rufa is an epithet, not a name ;
for what point is there in the two names being the
same ? rufus was a common term of reproach : Ter.
heaut. 1061 rufamne illam uirginem, Caesiam, cet. ;
Plant, asin. ii 3 20 Macilentis mahs, rafulus, aliquan-
tum uentriosus, cet.; Mart, ii 32 Cur non basio te,
Philaeni? calua es: Cur non basio te, Philaeni? rufaes:
cet. with a point at the end which recalls our verse,
like the Pompeian inscription 2421 rufa, itauale, quare
bene felas : Mart, xii 32 4 uxor rufa crinibus septem ;
54 Crine ruber, niger ore, cet. : Catullus himself, 67 46
.ne tollat rubra supercilia. riifuliim I thought of long
ago; and Ellis too I see refers to this word, tho' he
retains the proper name. These rufidi, a peculiar kind
of 'tribuni militum', were often appointed through mere
favour by generals or consuls ; often too they were idle
young men of fashion. I was prepared to illustrate the
subject; but its elaborate treatment by Marquardt, 2nd
ed. II p. 353 foil., supersedes the necessity of doing this.
I think it however not improbable that the poet wrote
*Rufum anuf fellat': the aniif might easily fall out
between um andy! 3 comp. Ter. eun. 491 E iBamma
petere te cibum posse arbitror.
61
What I chiefly wish to dwell upon at present in
this long and charming epithalamium is a question
'with regard to its metre, a question not without inter-
est, as much of the beauty of the poem depends on its
gay and elastic* rhythm. One of the most striking
characteristics of this and of that other glyconic poem.
CARM. 59, 61 135
the 34th, written in stanzas of four lines, is their strict
observance of the Greek law of the synaphia. Every
verse of the stanza, except the last which ends with a
long or short at pleasure and takes no account what-
ever of what follows, must end with a long syllable, and
a final vowel or m must not remain unelided before a
vowel at the beginning of the next verse. The obser-
vance of this law by Catullus gives to his glyconics
much of their charm and spirit; and its neglect by
Horace is in my opinion one of the gravest defects in
his glyconics and asclepiads. It will be seen however
that in his fourth book his rhythm does not depart so
widely from this law, as in his earlier books.
The 34th poem offers no metrical difficulty; but in
our 61st all the recent editors without exception, obey-
ing a ukase of Lachmann, have, greatly I think to the
detriment of the poem, divided the stanza of five lines
into two of three and two lines respectively. The rea-
son for so doing is the following: according to most of
their texts, in no less than 10 instances between v. 116
and 182 — and in one other case of which I will speak
farther on — this law would otherwise be violated : mo-
dum I 0; abstine | O; eat | O; seruiat | O; annuit |
O; forem | O; tibi | O; magis | O; uiri | O; puellulam
I O. In these verses too they change no less than 22
times the Ms. io into o : if this be right, it points to de-
signed interpolation in our Mss., the motive for which
is not easy to detect. I would moreover call attention
to the fact, that in vss. 4, 5, 39, 40, 49, 50, 59, 60;
as well as in vss. 5, 10, 19, 25, 31, 38, 48, and (jQ of
the other epithalamium, the 62nd poem, in all of which
the metre requires o before Hymen or Hymenaee, the
Mss. always give us o, never io. I would further ob-
serve that if in the ten instances, enumerated above,
136 CATVLLI
nunc we will say were substituted for io, the rule of the
synaphia and of the long final syllable would be observ-
ed in every case: if too in the line which. always follows
each of those ten lines specified, as well as in v. 1 43
(150), this nunc took the place of Io, the collision be-
tween io I O would be avoided. For mark this : while
in 34 the last line of the stanza, and in our 61 every
5 th line, end quite indifferently with a long or a short
syllable: Luna, Hymenaee, nuptS, etc.: this is never
the case with the third verse of the stanza in 61 : here
the nunc would always restore the synaphia in fulP.
I come now to the main point : in all the 22 verses,
affected by it, I substitute Jo for Io as Dawes suggest-
ed long ago, at the commencement; but I would not
do this at the end of any verse : for example
Tollite, o pueri, faces:
flammeum uideo uenire.
ite, concinite in modum
jo Hymen Hymenaee io,
jo Hymen Hymenaee.
If this jo be conceded, all difficulty will disappear.
Of course io (tw) follows as a rule the Greek usage ;
and yet I believe that traces are to be found in popular
and idiomatic Latin of the word, in conformity with
Latin organs of speech, having become a monosyllable
jo at the beginning of a line or a phrase. The word is
not a common one in the popular styles : it does not
* EUis and Baehrens retain the io, but yet both of them divide the stanza
into two : Ellis observes : * Sed primtun io monosyllabam esse, bisyllabum
alteram docent Dawesius Misc. Grit. p. 33, Vmpfenbachius in Melet. Plant,
p. 23. cf. Quid. Met. v 625 Et bis io Arethusa uocauit io Arethusa. Mart, xi 2 5
Clamant ecce mei io Saturnalia uersus'. What Ellis' precise notion of the word
is, I don't quite catch : in the line he quotes from Ovid, as elsewhere in that
poet, to is a dissyll.
CARM. 61 137
occur in Terence; and is found I believe in only two
passages of Plant us: Pseudolus 702 and 703 is thus
given in the Mss. io | lo tete turanne te rogo qui im-
peritas Pseudolo : Ritschl arranges the passage thus :
io
t^, io te, turdnne, te uoc6, qui inperitas Pseiidolo :
would not the following be nearer the Mss. and more
energetic ?
io,
j6 te te, turd-nne, te rog6, qui imperitas Pseudolo^.
The word occurs again in the Casina iv 3 3 and 10 :
from lack of proper manuscript material I can say-
nothing of 1 0 ; but 3 seems to stand thus in the codices :
To Hymen Hy menace io Hymen quid agis mea salus:
I would propose
J(5 Hymen Hymenade, jo jo H^men ! | Quid agis, mda
salus.
In Ribbeck's Com. frag. p. 273 we have a line of
Aprissius (?), preserved by Varro, which rhythm and
alliteration surely require to be written, as I have
written it : Vt quiritare urbanorum, sic iubilare rusti-
corum: itaque hos imitatus Aprissius ait
Jo biicco! I quis me jiibilat? | uicinus tuus antfquus.
Another popular phrase, found in Petronius 58 and
Inscrip. Pompei. 2005 a, was 'io Saturnalia': now Mar-
tial writes in xi 2 5 Clamant ecce mei *jo Saturnalia'
uersus : for the conjectures, uos, iam, bona, are all weak
and improbable. No doubt the Latins observed the
* I have just got the new analecta Flantina : p. 169 Loewe's reading of A
gives to it rogo, not uoco, ^and supports the te te of FZ against the te tete of
BCD. Perhaps we should read 'jo te r6go', which would improve the rhythm.
138 CATVLLI
general rule of representing a Greek t by i; but io,
having been so long in popular use, may have come to
be regarded almost as a Latin word. And Horace at
the beginning of a verse turns into a j the first syllable
of the Greek lulus: Jule, ceratis ope daedalea; while
the Romans did not hesitate so to treat foreign words,
which came into Latin through the Greek, as Judaeus.
Another thing is worth noting in regard to io : V
all the 11 times that the line 'Io Hymen Hymenaee'
recurs, added at the end another ' io ', This is strange,
because it is not likely to have been interpolated in
any manuscript which was written at a time when
metre was understood ; and on the other hand, when
our archetype V was written, the world was so entirely
ignorant of CatuUus' lyrical metres, that, tho' a scribe
might by accident have taken it from the preceding
verse once or twice, he is not likely to have done so
consistently. But another equally curious fact is to be
observed : all the four times that the verse ' O Hymen
Hymenaee ' recurs, V added ' Hymen ' at the end. I
am disposed to explain this curions double phenomenon
as follows: this *io' and this 'Hymen', thus placed
extra inetnnn, perhaps were added in this way to mark
the fact that after each stanza ending with * O Hymen
Hymenaee' and with 'Jo Hymen Hymenaee', the
chorus made a pause, and shouted in the one case
' Hymen ', in the other ' io ', it may be in a louder tone,
it may be more than once.
This too makes it impossible in my opinion to main-
tain that our stanza of five lines is really two stanzas,
of three and two hnes respectively : one of the essential
properties of these glyconic odes is that the stanza end
with a completed sentence, the final syllable being
quite independent of the stanza following. The same
CARM. 61 139
general ~ principle holds good in tliat tliird glyconic
poem, the 17th, in which each of the long lines is really
a stanza of two lines, the first of which is subject to
the laws of synaphia, the latter is quite independent of
them : Liuidissima maximeque | est profunda uorago. —
Insulsissimus cet. Now not only does the synaphia
hold, as we have observed, between the 3rd and 4th vss.
of our stanza ; but where the same refrain is repeated
four times over in the two last lines of the stanza,
it is introduced each time with exactly the same general
run ; as for instance in the first of these stanzas :
Qui rapis teneram ad virum Virginem, o Hymenaee
Hymen, O Hymen Hymenaee, the stanza thus as it
were ostentatiously proclaiming itself to be one and
indivisible.
The sole exception, or apparent exception, that re-
mains to be considered, is in the last stanza but two :
Sit suo similis patri
Manlio et facile insciis
noscitetur ab omnibus
et pudicitiam suae
matris indicet ore.
•Dawes cures this by transposing omnibus and insciis :
it is possible Catullus may have lengthened the em-
phatic syllable of the verse, as Virgil has so often done
with -us ; it is possible too that some one of the cor-
rections that have been made, such as obuiis or aditenis,
may be the true reading ; for omnibus does not strike
.me as well suited to its place, and obuiis for instance
-might readily pass into an abbreviation of omnibus :
compare the double reading obuia and omnia of G in
64 109. Anyhow one apparent exception in nearly 50
140 CATVLLI
stanzas is in my judgment quite insufficient to establish
or to upset any law.
Years ago I was surprised to see the last two lines
of the stanza just quoted quite misunderstood in Ellis'
translation : * Mother's chastity moulded in Features
childly reveaUng'. The true meaning ought to be be-
yond dispute : however, as a confirmation of that mean-
ing, I jotted down Martial's imitation, vi 27 3, Est
tibi, quae patria signatur imagine uoltus. Testis ma-
temae nata pudicitiae ; and this passage I afterwards
found was given by Mr Cranstoun in illustration of his
correct and spirited translation. My surprise is now
increased to find these very hnes cited by Ellis in sup-
port of his wrong explanation, to which they are quite
irrelevant : ' Suae is emphatic, a mother truly his own,
perhaps with some notion of the son repeating the mo-
ther's features, as the daughter the father's, Lucr. iv
1226' : the words of course mean simply : let him bear
witness to his mother's chastity by shewing in his face
a strong likeness to his father and thus proving himself
to be his father's son. His note too on 201 is not cor-
rect, and his illustrations are irrelevant : * Subducat
prius qui uolt ' is not ' unusual '. There is no protasis
and apodosis here, and Subducat is not a ' strict sub-
junctive', but a simple imperative : *Let him who wOls
to reckon up your joys, first take the tale of the sands
and the stars'. 114 ToUite, o pueri: surely o should
be added, not en with Baehrens : it is only another in-
stance of the ever-recurring confusion of e and o in our
Mss. to which I have so often drawn attention : in the
very next line 0 has uido for uideo, where the e is ab-
sorbed in o.
CARM. 61, 63 141
63 1—11
Super alta uectus Attis celeri rate maria
Phrygium ut nemus citato cupide pede tetigit
adiitque opaca siluis redimita loca deae,
stiraulatus ibi fiirenti rabie, uagus animi,
5 deuolait ilei acuto sibi pondera silice.
itaqiie ut relicta sensit sibi membra sine uiro,
etiam recente terrae sola sanguine maculans ,
niueis citata cepit manibus leue typanum,
typanum tubam Cybelles, tua, mater, initia,
10 quatiensque terga taurei teneris caua digitis
canere baec suis adorta est tremebunda comitibus.
5 Deuolsit Haupt. Deuoluit V. ilei acato Bergk. iletas acuto V. pondera
Auantim. pondere V. 9 tubam corrupt, perhaps ac typum. tuom, Cybebe
Lachmann.
5 has been brought into its present shape by the
corrections, in different ages, of Auantius, Bergk (Lach-
mann) and Haupt, and has been rightly I think ac-
cepted by Mueller, Schwabe and Baehrens. To adopt,
with Haupt and Ellis, Lachmann's He is to give to the
word an unauthorised sense, nor can Deuoluit I think
stand, tho' Ellis retains it: the * iletas acuto' of Mss.
would seem to have come from the doubling of the syll.
€ic in acuto. I shall, when I come to the 65th poem,
give many other examples of this trick from our Mss.
Not only does the verse in this form yield a most ap-
propriate sense; but it receives very great support
from a passage in the fourth book of the Fasti, in
writing which Ovid must have had 5 and 6 of our
poem in his mind. He is telling at length the story
of Attis and Cybele, of the * Phryx puer in siluis, facie
spectabilis, Attis': then in v. 237 we come to: Ille
1 42 CATVLLI
etiam saxo corpus laniauit ac?«?o... Voxque fuit 'merui
...A! pereant partes quae nocuere mihi' : 'A! pereant'
dicebat adhuc: onus imjuinis aufert, Nullaque sunt
subito signa relicta uin.
9 * tubam' carries no sense with it to my mind,
either in its literal meaning, or, as Ellis takes it, in a
metaphorical: again it is not very obvious how 'tuom,
Cy belle' would pass into 'tubam Cybelles'. ' Typanum
ac typum Cybelles' has occurred to me from seeing
how often the two words are joined together: Dionys.
Antiq. II 19 (oanep avrot? edo<;, tvttou? re TrepiKeLfievoL
TOL<s crTride(Ti...KaX rvjjiTravcL KpoTovvTe<s : see too Polybius
cited by Suidas s. u. FaXXot : napa "AttiSos kol Barra-
Kov TQ)u eK Il€(T(TLUovuTO<s lepioiv Trjq M7)Tpo<s TQju OeoJv,
e)(ovTe^ Trpoa-rrjOiZia koX tvttov;: ibid. dTrecrTeiKe veavi-
aKOV<;, Stao"/cevacras et? TaXkov^, fxer avXrjTOJV iv yvvai-
/ceiats crroXatg ej^ovras Tvixnava koL tvttov? : comp. too the
very odd story told of Anacharsis by Herodotus vi 9 :
TTJv oprrjv iraaav eVeTeXet rfj Oeqi, TVjXTravd re e)((ov /cat
iKSy)(rdix€vo<s ayctX/Aara, and the imitation by Clemens
Alex, quoted by WesseHng. The plural tvitol is used
of the Galli; and I infer that the tvttol were chiefly
medallions of Cybele and Attis. Now Attis naturally
would wear only a medallion of Cybele, which he would
hang round his neck or perhaps on his left wrist: comp.
Suet. Domit. 4 certamini praesedit...capite gestans coro-
nam auream cum effigie louis ac lunonis Mineruaeque,
adsidentibus Diali sacerdote et collegio Flauialium pari
habitu, nisi quod illovum coronis inerat et ipsius imago,
typos is found in Cic. ad Att. i 10 3, written 67 B.C.:
jLhe strange typum or tupum would naturaUy be cor-
rupted into a Latin word: thus in Cic. 1. 1. M has lypos,
which lenson's edition turns into lippos; and in Pliny
XXXV 151 the Bamb. has ty rum for typum. Suidas s. u.
CARM. 63 143
TVTrats has e^ovra TVjxirava kol rvrras: I had something"
to say on this ; but shall refrain. The ' typaiium ac
typum' suits 'tua initia' better than 'typanum' by
itself.
ib. 74—77 *
Koseis ut hie labellis sonitus citus adiit
geminas deae tarn ad auris noua nuntia referens,
ibi iuncta iuga resoluens Cybele leonibus
laeuumque pecoris hostem stimulans ita loquitur.
74 hie. hinc V. citus addidit Bergh. sonus editus Froelich, Schwahe.
perhaps sonns excitus. 75 deae tarn ad scripsi, deonim ad V. 77 pecoria
uetun correctio. pectoris V.
In 74 perhaps Bergk's citus is the simplest diplo-
matic correction, tho' I am not certain that Catullus
would have used citus as a partic. But Froelich' s sonus
editus is also an easy correction; as well as my sonus
excitus, and Catullus elsewhere uses excitus no less than
three times. In 75 not a few violent corrections have
been made, which may be seen in the notes of various
editions. I feel confident that Geminas comes from the
poet himself: my dee tarn for deorum is certainly not
a violent change, when we bear in mind, what I have
so often insisted upon, the almost chronic way in which
our Mss. interchange o and e, t and r: 'When these
sounds, uttered from his rosy lips, came bringing with
them to the two ears of the goddess tidings so strange
and novel'. With 'deae — Cybele' comp. 3 deae, 9
CybeUes. geminas auris is very idiomatic: 51 10 sonitu
suopte Tintinant aures geminae^: Ovid has 'Auribus
* I cannot enough wouder at Ellis' continued retention of the absurd
gemina, and all to save the change of an a to an /> in our Mss.
144 CATVLLT
e geminis', and 'geminas maims'; tlie Culex, whicli
often imitates Catullus, 148 'geminas aures'; Virgil
* Temporibus geminis' : Martial 'geminas manus'.
64 1—28
Peliaco quondam prognatae uertice pinus
dicuntur liquidas Neptuni nasse per undas
Phasidos ad fluctus et fines Aeeteos,
cum lecti iuuenes, Argiuae robora pubis,
5 auratam optantes Colchis auertere pellem
ausi sunt uada salsa cita decurrere puppi,
caerula uerrentes abiegnis aequora palrnis.
diua quibus retinens in sum mis urbibus arces
ipsa leui fecit uolitantem flamine currum,
10 pinea coniungens inflexae texta carinae.
ilia rudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten.
quae simul ac rostro uentosum proscidit aequor,
tortaque remigio spumis incanduit unda,
emersere freti candenti e gurgite uultus,
15 aequoreae monstrum Nereides admirantes.
iliac (quaque alia?) uiderunt luce marinas
mortales oculis nudato corpore Nympbas
nutricum tonus extantes e gurgite cano.
tum Thetidis Peleus incensus fertur amore,
20 tum Thetis humanos non despexit hymenaeos,
tum Thetidi pater ipse iugandum Pelea sensit.
o nimis optato saeclorum tempore nati
heroes, saluete, deum gens, o bona matrum
23** progenies, saluete iterumque iterumque, honwi^m :
uos ego saepe meo uos carmine compellabo,
25 teque adeo eximie taedis felicibus aucte
Thessaliae columen Peleu, cui luppiter ipse,
CARM. 64 145
ipse sues diuum genitor concessit amores.
tene Thetis tenuit pulcherrima Nereine?
11 primam G. praeram: in 7nar<7. proram 0. 13 Tortaqne ItoK. Totaque
V. 14 freti Schrader. feri V. 16 Iliac (quaque alia?) scripsi. Ilia atque alia V.
uidere V. 23 gens schol. Veron. genus V, uulgo. matriun schol. Veron.ra&tex:
al. matre superscr. G. mater 0. 23 b om. V. Progenies saluete iter «cftoJ. Veron.
28 Nereine Haupt. nectine V.
I have printed and will discuss only a few lines of
this the longest and most elaborate poem of Catullus.
His study of the Alexandrine poets would seem to have
persuaded him .that an epyllion was needed to make a
body of poems complete; and he has therefore composed
this poem which I have given reasons elsewhere for
believing to be one of his very latest. Led no doubt
by similar motives, his friend Gaius Helvius Cinna,
who, as I have argued in my dissection of the 95 th
poem, was probably somewhat older than Catullus,
wrote and published his laboured Zmyma; and his in-
timate associate Gaius Licinius Calvus composed his
epyllion lo. 1 and 15 are both imitated by Ovid am.
II 1 1 1 Prima malas docuit, mirantibus aequoris undis,
Peliaco pinus uertice caesa uias. 11:1 am convinced
that the proram of O is a mere delusion, designed or
undesigned, of the scribe, which presented itself to his
thoughts and pen in connexion with a ship : to my taste
it destroys the beauty of the line and leaves Ilia wholly
without meaning. Can there be a doubt that Seneca,
who has more than once as we have seen had Catullus
before him in his tragedies, was thinking of this line
when he wrote in Troad. 215 Inhospitali Telephus regno
inpotens... /2wc?em cruore regio dextram inbuiti the
very construction of Catullus, which Martial, cited by
Ellis, also has: so too Val. Flacc. i 69 ignaras CereHs
qui uomere terras Imhuit; who also imitates the syntax
M. c. 10
146 CATVLLI
of Catullus, and was probably thinking of him, as the
ig^iaras has the exact force o£ rudem: *She first hand-
selled by this run the maiden. and untried Amphitrite'.
Ov. met. I 1 4 probably got his Amphitrite from Catul-
lus.
13 Tortaque remigio, and 7 Caerula uerrentes abi-
egnis aequora palmis: comp. Aen. in 207 remis insur-
gimus : baud mora nautae Adnixi torquent spumas et
caerula uerrunt: the 2nd v. is repeated in iv 583: if
there is one certain correction in Catullus, Torta for
Tota must be right. 13 incanduit unda, 14 candenti
e gurgite, 18 a gurgite cano : Lucr. ii 764 Cur ea...
Marmoreo fieri possint candore repente, 767 canos can-
denti marmore fluctus, 771 Continuo id fieri ut candens
uideatur et album : the repetitions m the two poets are
very much ahke : Ciris 320 candentes canos. lA freti
forfeH seems to me the simplest correction of this verse,
which surely needs correction; iovfeH cannot stand and
uultus must be an accus.; not a nom. in appos. with
Nereides. To be sure, tho' emersus and emergere se are
indisputable, * emergere uultus' is not so certainly ad-
missible. Yet I cannot help thinking that the author
of the Dirae in 56 and 57 is imitating Catullus and that
corpora must, Hke uultus here, be the accus. not the
noroin. which would be very bald : Monstra repentinis
terrentia saepe figuris Cum subito emersere furenti cor-
pora ponto: for thus Haupt punctuates; and the posi-
tion of Cum is a good parallel to 22 9. freti for feri is
an easy correction, as r, t, tr, rt, as we have again and
again had reason to shew, are among the letters most
frequently confounded in our Mss. 16 Iliac (quaque
alia ?) : this I think is a more elegant correction and
gives a better rhythm than Schwabe's, or older correc-
tions, tho' Ellis takes no notice of it : t and c are often
CARM. 64 147
interclianged in our Mss. and all Mss. alike are apt to
omit one syll. of a word like quaque: 36 14 we find
Colisque for Colis quaeque: 'on that day — and on what
other in all time? — did mortal men cast eyes on the
naked nymphs, as they rose breast-high out of the hoar
deep'. I must say both Mueller's and Baehrens' violent
corrections to my taste greatly spoil the picture.
23 : The Virgilian scholia of the Verona palimpsest
give us in a correct form the end of this line and half
of the next, which has disappeared entirely in our Mss.
Ellis alone among recent editors has rejected this gift
with contumely : 'The weight of the Veronese Scholia'
he says, * imperfect and full of lacunae as they are, is
not to be set against our Mss. ; it is difficult to imagine
any mode of filling up the lacuna which would not
either be weak or load the sentence unnecessarily'. It
is thus he can find in his heart to speak of what was
once one of the most glorious codices that have come
down from ancient times, written in the full blaze of
the old classical world. Not to be set against our Mss. !
bad transcripts all of an archetype written when the
gloom of mediaeval barbarism was at its deepest: and
where too it preserves a line which they have lost, tho'
Ellis does not hesitate to impeach these very Mss. of
scandalous absurdity, in the way of omission, when he
is dealing with our 5 4th poem. It is true these scholia
are now in a very tattered state ; but both Mai and
after him Keil print : Catullus, Saluete deum gens
o bona matrum Progenies saluete iter: without a hint
that there is any doubt about any one of the magni-
ficent letters of the original. Of the genuineness of
this half verse I have no more doubt than of that of
any other verse whatever in Catullus. Nay more, I do
not see why all editors reject its 'deum gens' for the
10—2
148 CATVLLI
* genus ' of V ; as I feel pretty sure that Virgil had
CatuUus in mind, when he wrote * deum gens, Aenea'.
*matrum' too must be the poet's : nay the double read-
ing 'mater' and 'matre' in G indicates that the final
letters were obscured in Y or in Y's predecessor. Nor
do I think it 'diflScult' to fill up the verse as the poet
may have written it ; tho' none of the editions satisfies
my mind : for the 'bona matrum' has no point unless
the next line contained an epithet of matrum, which
was as emphatic as bona, or more so. My reading then
surely gives us what we want: 'right worthy progeny of
right worthy mothers'. The joining of the mothers
with the fathers is not without a purpose ; for Catullus
may well have thought as Euripides did in his Meleager :
Stob. OB 12 'qyrjadfx'rjv ovv el Trapa^ev^eie tl<s Xpiycrrft)
TTOinqpov XeKTpov, ovk av evre/cvetv, 'Ecr^XotP' 8' air a/A^otv
iaOXov av <f)vvaL yovov. I have never comprehended
Ellis' defence of mater. 28 Nereine : this is nearer the
Mss. and in other respects far preferable to the very
suspicious Neptunine. All the patronymics quoted by
Ellis are from Greek words : Neptunus is a pure Latin
word.
31 optatae finite, optato finite G, optato finite O:
another of the many many proofs of o and e being
almost indistinguishable in our Mss. : this fact makes
Guarinus' correction in 309 'roseae niueo' for the 'roseo
niuee' of Y highly probable.
48 Indo quod dente politum : 'which formed of the
Indian tusk and finely wrought'. Comp. Yirgil's 'pictas
abiete puppes*.
82 quam talia Cretam Funera Cecropiae nee fimera
portarentur: comp. Ov. met. viii 231 At pater in-
felix nee iam pater 'Icare' dixit: the nee seems really
the same as non, of which I have spoken at 30 4 : it
CARM. 64 149
may therefore perhaps be compared with the ' per non
medium*, the *a non sensu' and the like which I have
illustrated in my note on Lucr. i 1075.
ib. 105—11
Nam uelut in summo quatientem bracchia Tauro
quercum aut conigeram sudanti cortice pinum
indomitus turbo contorquens flamine robur
eruit (ilia procul radicitus exturbata
prona cadit lateque comeis obit obuia frangens),
sic domito saeuum prostrauit corpore Theseus
nequiquam uanis iactantem cornua uentis.
109 comeis obit oboia scripsi, emu eias obtiia Y.
I confess to setting some store on my emendation
of 109, on which so many conjectures have been made.
comeis might pass at once into cum eiits, especially
when the latter was written compendiously, as it is in
O at all events ; and obit might readily be absorbed in
obuia: nay it may represent the double reading 'omnia
in G: comp. my emendation obit for omnia (ouit for om)
in Lucil. xxvii 35 m. Whoever has seen a tree fall to
the ground with its leaves on, must have marked the
sweep and crash made by them as they first come into
contact with the ground and spread themselves out.
With 105 bracchia, and 109 comeis, comp. Aen. xn 209
posuitque comas et bracchia ferro ; Georg. il 368 tum
stringe comas, tum bracchia tonde.
ib. 272, 273
Quae tarde primum dementi flamine pulsae
procedunt leuiterque sonant plangore cachinni.
leuiterq ; sonant 0, leviter sonant G. leni resonant uulgo.
150 CATVLLI
That O here too is right against G and other Mss.
we have a strong confirmation in Sen. Agam. 680 Hcet
Alcyones Ceyea suum Fluctu leuiter plangente sonent:
see my note on 23 10 for this and other apparent
reminiscences of Catullus' language in Seneca.
Catullus must have taken great pains to improve
the rhythm and prosody of his two hexameter poems,
as we may see if we compare him with any of his pre-
decessors, such as Ennius or Cicero. In respect of
elisions he is much less harsh than he is either in his
hendecasyllables or in his elegiacs ; and comes much
nearer in these two poems to the rules which prevailed
after his time. This is very remarkable and contrary
to the usage of subsequent masters, Virgil for instance,
if he be compared with Ovid and Martial. It is another
proof too, in addition to those which I have given in
my Lucretius, that 64 is one of his latest poems. In
liis elegiacs, even in the last half of the pentameter, he
has the very harshest rhythms and elisions, such as
*perdito amore fore'. In his hendecasyllabic poems,
even in the sweetest of them, his elisions are quite as
harsh, judged by the standard of Martial and Statins:
even in his 45th he does not balk at such rhythms as
*Ni te perdite dmo dtque amare porro', where a long
vowel is elided before the accentuated short syllable of
an iambus, while the final syllable of this very iambus
is elided before another accentuated syllable. When
we observe how cautious Martial is in his elisions, it
is a strong proof of the charm of Catullus that even
these excessive harshnesses, as they must have been
to Martial's ear, do not seem to have lessened in the
least his love for his great master. StiU more striking
will this love and admiration appear, when we remem-
ber that to Martial the first foot of a hendecasyllable
CARM. 64 151
must be a spondee, wliile Catullus most freely substi-
tutes for it both trochees and iambi. We are used to
learn our hendecasjllables from Catullus, our elegiacs
from Ovid: therefore we look on Catullus' elegiacs as
excessively harsh in rhythm and prosody ; but do not
feel his hendecasyllables to be so. This is the mere
result of habit : to Martial and Statins the rhythms
and elisions of the one class of poems were just as
harsh as those of the other, while the elisions of the
hexameter poems would have seemed much more
modern and regular. So intolerable to the prosaic
Pliny the elder was an iambus for the first foot of the
hendecasyllable that, in quoting a verse from the first
poem of Catullus, he coolly transposes the words and
writes : Nugas esse aUquid meas putare^.
1 hist, praef. 1 'namque ta solebas Nugas esse aliquid meas putare', ut
obiter emolliam [so Barbarus, Gronovius, Mommsen in Hermes i p. 128, and
others: obicere molliam codices] Catullum eonterraueum meum (agnoscis et
hoc eastrense nerbum). ille enim, ut scis, permutatis prioribus syllabis
duriusculum se fecit quam uolebat existimari a Veraniolis suis et Fabullis.
Pliny * softens in passing the harshness of his conterraneus Catullus ' by trans-
posing meas and nugas. *For he, as you know, by his way of changing the
quantity of one or other of the two first syllables of the verse, shewed himself
in this to be somewhat more rough than he would have liked to be accounted
by his dear Veranioli and Fabulli '. It will be seen that Detlefsen's Mss., which
are all late in this part of Pliny, while they give the 'namque tu solebas', which
would be also the prose order of the words, without any variation, all arrange
the following line in a way which is not verse, and each of them has a different
arrangement. This is a proof that, finding the words in what struck them as a
most unnatural order, they tried each in its own way to give them a more
natural arrangement : see my note on Lucil. ii 22, Journ. Philol. vii p. 298,
where I simply read ' quae nunc ego praecanto Aemilio [quae ego nunc Aemilio
praecanto codices] atque exigo et excanto'. Haupt's very obvious correction
therefore seems to me almost a certain one. When Baehrens on Catullus 1. 1.
gives to Pliny 'Istas esse aliquid putare nugas', he appears to me to depart
more widely from the Mss. than Haupt and Mommsen do. Again I do not see
the necessity of his 'primoribus'; for 'prioribus' I think signifies 'the two first
Byllablea' of the verse; just as Lucil. xxviii 7 uses ' posterioribus aroixftots' to
express the 'last two' in contradistinction to the other two elements.
Ellis in his first volume has an excursus on this passage of Pliny, to which
he still adheres in Lis commentary. He follows an antiquated reading, which
152 CATVLLI
Catullus has done much to improve the cadences
of the Latin hexameter, if the small compass of his
poems be taken into consideration; and, tho' all his
innovations may not be improvements, Virgil's obliga-
tions to him are by no means insignificant. That he
has effected these improvements mainly by a careful
study, and by a partial adoption, of the rhythm of the
Greek heroic, will not escape any competent observer.
I will call attention here to one point only, which I
have never seen noticed by any one else. One of the
most striking features of the Greek hexameter, which
marks the verses of all poets alike from Homer to
Nonnus, is the free use of trochaic cadences in the first
half of the verse and the systematic avoidance of them
in the middle of the fourth dactyl : Avrts | eireira \ ire-
SopBe j KvXivheTo Xaas avatSry?. Virgil and other careful
writers of Latin verse employ this trochaic rhythm
very much less than the Greeks do, in the first part
of the verse. But on the other hand they, most of
them, do not shun this trochaic rhythm in the middle
of the fourth dactyl : auditque uocatus Apollo — uolu-
crique simillima somno ; tho' the Greeks, unless in the
most exceptional circumstances, entirely reject this
cadence. And Catullus too never once admits it in
his two hexameter poems, containing between them
474 verses. Ennius is careless enough in this as in
many other matters: he has this cadence some 25 times
in about 500 verses. Lucretius avoids it most in his
ia much farther from the Mss. than Mommsen's; and his whole explanation
thwarts completely in my judgment the plain sense of Pliny's words. By
'agnoscis et hoc castrense uerbum' Pliny simply means 'in this term con,'
terraneus too (as in other terms which I have employed in former letters to
you) you will recognise a word of the camp'. Again, tho' to us Catullus'
elegiacs may be harsher than his hendecasyllables, it does not follow that they
were so to Pliny.
CARM. 64, 65 153
most poetical and most carefully written parts. Cicero,
unless I am mistaken, throughout about 750 verses
always observes this Greek rule, except once only :
Cum caeloque simul noctesque | diesque feruntur: and
*noctesque diesque' may be almost regarded as a single
word. Ovid uses this cadence very freely, much more
freely than Virgil: he has 70 instances in the 778 lines
of Metam. l. Perhaps the more careful Latin poets so
often employ this cadence, because they dislike, or
seldom use, what is with the Greeks the most favourite
of all rhythms : Aeternum frangenda bidentibus : omne
leuandum; and words like 'bidentibus', 'simillima*, etc.
can hardly be brought into the verse, without employ-
ing one or other of these two rhythms. Where how-
ever he has Greek names to deal with, Virgil luxuriates
in this Greek cadence: in Geor. iv 336 — 343 he has
four instances of it within eight verses, and again in
463 Atque Getae atque Hebrus et Actias Orithyia^.
65 1—18
Etsi me assiduo defectum cura dolore
seuocat a doctis, Ortale, uirginibus,
nee potis est dulcis Musarum expromere fetus
mens animi (tantis fluctuat ipsa mahs :
^ We can hardly be wrong in assuming that Catullus, in respect of the
hexameter as well as of his other metres, would take counsel with Cinna and
Calvus. Pseudo-Probus p. 226 5 KeU : is syllaba nominatiui casus breuis est
masculino sine feminino genere atque communi...: feminine, ut Caluus in lo
'Frigida iam celeris uergatur. uistinis ora': so the Ms. 'oeleri peragrata
Borysthenis ora' Parrhasius. ^fortasse celeri superata' Keil. This makes
Calvus violate the law which Catullus observes so carefully. Why not rather
'celeri superatur Bistonis ora', or something such? By this we shall also save
the credit of the poor grammarian, whom the other readings impeach of most
scandalous ignorance, as a feminine nominative is the cause of his quoting the
verso.
154 CATVLLI
5 namqiie mei nuper Lethaeo gurgite fratris
pallidulum manans alluit unda pedem,
Troia Rhoeteo quern subter litore tellus
ereptum nostris obterit ex oculis.
numquam ego te prhnae mihi ademptum in Jiore
iuuentae,
10 numquam ego te, uita frater amabilior,
aspiciam posthac. at certe semper amabo,
semper maesta tua carmina morte canam,
qualia sub densis ramorum concinit umbris
Daulias absumpti fata gemens Itylei) :
15 Bed tamen in tantis maeroribus, Ortale, mitto
haec expressa tibi carmina Battiadae,
ne tua dicta uagis nequiquam credita uentis
effluxisse meo forte putes animo.
1 confectum G. 2 Seuocat Itali, uulgo. Sed uacat V. Deuocat Baehrem.
3 dulcissimus hanuu Y. 9 om. V. 12 morte canam Itali. morte tegam V.
The Ortalus here addressed is probably the famous
orator Q. Hortensius Ortalus, the friend and rival of
Cicero, whose name Hortensius by some strange freak
of chance has got mixed up with our 95th poem. Our
present poem must have been composed much about
the same time as 68 a, and probably at Verona, where
that poem was written, in his father's house we may
surely assume. He has no books to send to Manhus
and will not write him love-poems. But we see he is
ready to divert his sorrow by translating for Ortalus
Callimachus' Coma Berenices.
9 : The verse I have given probably comes pretty
near the sense of the one which is lost : if its com-
mencement was the same as 10, its falling out can
readily be accounted for. The strange 'Datanus' has a
barbarous ungrammatical interpolation : Alloquar, au-
CARM. 65 155
diero numquam tua loqiientem : which Ellis in my
opinion vainly tries to explain. 12 morte canam : this
seems a certain correction of the Ms. 'morte tegam':
from the great similarity of letters canam became cam,
and the te of morte was attached to it to make a word.
This phenomenon is common in our and in all Mss. :
comp. 3 'dulcissimus harum' for 'dulcis Musarum': still
better 76 11 animum offirmas : animo offirmas V: I
might give 20 instances of syllables wrongly doubled :
see 68 91 where I propose 'Quae taetre' for 'Que uetet'
of Mss.: 58 5 magnanimi Kemi : magTia amiremini O.
Plaut. Trin. 540 Sues moriuntur angina acerrime : ? an-
gina taeterrime: first 'teterrime' became 'terrime'; and
then the a of angina attached itself to make a word ^.
I am really sorry to see Ellis retain 'tegam': this is
his note : * tegam, I will muffle or veil in silence. That
this- is the meaning is shown by the comparison with
the nightingale singing veiled from sight amid the
leaves'. As if the nightingale ever muffled or veiled in
silence its song, or as if 'tegam carmina' had any
meaning at all. Why, the shrill ringing out of the
nightingale's notes, their filling the air with sound, is
the prime notion the poets connect with its music :
Qucdis populea maerens philomela suh umbra Amissos
queritur fetus... a.t ilia Flet noctem ramoque sedens
miserabile carmen Integrat et maestis late loca questi-
hus implet: comp. this with 12 and 13 of our poem.
Nay Homer, whom Catullus had in mind, refutes him
too : oir)Ba>v Kakov OLeLh7)(TLV,..AevBp€(ov iv ireroiXoLaL
KaOei^ofieuT) trvKivolcriv, Hre 6afia rpcoTrcocra x^€.i no-
\v7))(^ia <f)0)VTJv, IlatS* oko^vpoixeirq \tv\ov ^Ckov.
'muffle or veil in silence'!: comp. too Sen. Agam. 670;
Here. Get. 199.
* Comp. my ' Iliac quaque ' for • Ilia atque ' in 64 16.
156 CATVLLI
66 15—18
Estne nouis nuptis odio Venus? an quod auentum
frustrantur falsis gaudia lacrimulis,
ubertim tlialami quas intra limina fundunt ?
non, ita me diui, uera gemunt, iuerint.
15 an quod auentum scripsi. atque parentum V. anne parentum uulgo.
anne pauentes Baehrens.
There is mucli that is harsh and obscure in this
poem, the translation of an original which no doubt
was itself somewhat involved. I intend however to
touch only on a very few points. 15 : That parentum
has no place here is to me a self-evident fact, which
Baehrens has rightly acknowledged; tho' I think his
correction by no means a happy one. Manifestly, the
* husbands' must take the place of the 'parents'; and
my correction is I think really nearer V than is the
vulgate *anne parentum': I have over and over again
called attention to the astonishing frequency with which
0 and e are interchanged in our Mss. : the confusion be-
tween d and p, which occasionally occurs, probably goes
back to some original written in uncials or in capitals :
16 1 and 14 Pedicabo. Dedicabo V. 21 9 id si. ipsi V.
64 104 succepit. succendit V: this correction by Statins
is adopted by all recent editors except Ellis alone.
10 7 quomodo se. quomo posse O.
This an quod {an quia) is an elliptical expression
for a7i eofit quod, much resembling the quod for quod...
hoc fit quod, which I have explained and illustrated at
10 28. It recurs below in v. 31 Quis te mutauit tan-
tus deus ? an quod amantes Non longe a caro corpore
abesse uolunt ? : the phrase is a favourite one with
CARM. 66 157
Terence : hec. 662 Censen te posse reperire ullam miili-
erem Quae careat culpa? an quia non delincunt uiri?
784 Quid mihi istaec n arras ? an quia non tute dudum
audisti? Phorm. 602; eun. 907: inheaut. 505 we have
the full form : an eo fit, quia re in nostra aut gaudio
Sumus praepediti nimio aut aegritudine ? 1 8 is one
of those very harsh collocations of words, of which I
have given other examples from Catullus, as below,
vss. 40 and 41.
77 Quicum ego, dum uirgo quondam fuit, omnibus
expers
• unguentis, una milia multa bibi.
I have never felt much doubt that the sole corrup-
tion in these two verses lies in the word expers, for
which we want a word with the exactly opposite mean-
ing, * abounding ' * steeped in '. Of the numerous cor-
rections which have been made, the best seems to be
Doering's, who often takes a straightforward common-
sense view of a corrupt passage : omnibus explens Se
unguentis : perhaps ' explens Vnguentis se ' would be
slightly nearer the Mss. : 'una' I think should cer-
tainly not be tampered with.
93 Sidera corruerint, utinam coma regia fiam I
proximus Hydrochoi fulgeret Oarion.
93 corruerint Lachmann. cur iterent V.
EUis rightly states the essential meaning of these
verses ; but I don't think he explains correctly the con-
struction, in which there is nothing irregular : * Tho' the
stars shall all have to tumble down for it, I pray I may
become again a royal lock. Orion, if he liked, might
then shine next to Aquarius ' : aU the stars between
158 CATVLLI
them having fallen down, to let the lock make its
escape among them, fulgeret is an instance of that use
of the imperf. and pluperf. subj. which Madvig (de fin.
II 35) illustrates from Cicero and others, and of which
I have collected numerous examples from Yirgil and
Ovid : Obruerent Rutuli telis ! animam ipse dedissem !
Atque haec pompa domum me, non Pallanta, referret ! :
corruerent cannot well be right, fulgei^et : v. 6 1 fulge-
remus : Lucr. varies the conjugation in the same way :
Virgil in the inf. has onlj fulgere, effulget'e, feruere.
67
O dulci iucunda uiro, iucunda parenti,
salue, teque bona luppiter auctet ope,
ianua, quam Balbo dicunt seruisse benigne
olim, cum sedes ipse senex tenuit,
5 quamque ferunt rursus uoto seruisse maligne,
postquam es porrecto facta marita sene :
die agedum nobis, quare mutata feraris
in dominum ueterem deseruisse fidem.
* non (ita Caeciho placeam cui tradita nunc sum)
1 0 culpa mea est, quamquam dicitur esse mea,
nee peccatum a me quisquam pote dicere quicquam;
uerum astu populi ianua quippe facit.
qui, quacumque aliquid reperitur non bene factum,
ad me omnes clamant : ianua, culpa tua est'.
15 non istuc satis est uno te dicere uerbo,
sed facere ut quiuis sentiat et uideat.
*qui possum ? nemo quaerit nee scire laborat'.
nos uolumus : nobis dicere ne dubita.
* primum igitur, uirgo quod fertur tradita nobis,
20 falsum est. non illam uir prior attigerit,
CARM, GQ, 67 159
languidlor tenem cui pendens sicula beta
numquam se mediam sustulit ad tunicam :
sed pater illius gnati uiolasse cubile
dicitar et miseram conscelerasse domum,
25 siue quod impia mens caeco flagrabat amore,
seu quod iners sterili semine natus erat,
ut quaerendum unde unde foret neruosius illud,
quod posset zonam soluere uirgineam'.
egregium narras mira pietate parentem,
30 qui ipse sui gnati minxerit in gremium.
' atqui non solum hoc dicit se cognitum habere
Brixia chinea suppositum specula,
flauus quam molli percurrit flumine Mella,
Brixia Yeronae mater amata meae,
35 sed de Postumio et Cornell narrat amore,
cum quibus ilia malum fecit adulterium.
dixerit hie aliquis : qui tu isthaec, ianua, nosti,
cui numquam domini limine abesse licet,
nee populum auscultare, sed hie suffixa tigillo
40 tantum operire soles aut aperire domum ?
saepe illam audiui furtiua uoce loquentem
solam cum ancillis haec sua flagitia,
nomine dicentem quos diximus, ut pote quae mi
speraret nee linguam esse nee auriculam.
45 praeterea addebat quendam, quem dicere nolo
nomine, ne toUat rubra supercilia.
longus homo est, magnas quoi lites intulit olim
falsum mendaci uentre puerperium'.
5 maligne 0. maligno G. 6 es Itali. est V. 12 astu scripsi. istius V.
qiiippe scripsi. qui te V. 27 Vt Girard, Ellis, quaerendum unde unde Statins.
quaerendus unde V. is unde Lachmann. 31 hoc dicit se 0, Baehrens. se dicit
G-. hoc se dicit uulgo. 32 is corrupt. 37 — 40 Schwabe, Baehrens give to Catullus.
This oddly humourous poem has greatly perplexed
the commentators. Muretus says : stultum est, quae
160 CATVLLI
ita scripsit Catullus ut ne turn quidem nisi a paucis
quibus hae res cognitae essent uoluerit intelligi, ea se
quemquam hodie credere coniectura assecuturum ; while
Turnebus adv. xvi 1 calls it ' aeque ac folium Sibyllae
obscurum et tenebricosum' and refers it to Clodia and
her husband Caecilius Metellus ! Schwabe i p. 346
quotes the words I have cited and admits their truth :
he does not expect to clear away the difficulties of the
poem : nos non id agimus ut tenebras omnes nostris
exphcationibus dispellamus, sed ut non nullos saltem
errores quos interpretes superiores non euitarunt effu-
gere conemur : and certainly his theory strikes me as
involved and improbable. Ellis begins by saying ' that
the obscurities which surround this poem are so con-
siderable that it seems hopeless to do more than sketch
in outline the story which it contains, leaving the sub-
ordinate points undecided' ; and his comments through-
out shew his utter embarrassment.
I may be under a strange hallucination; but for
years the poem has seemed to me quite simple and in-
telligible. Two lines, 12 and 32, the former of which
I have attempted to correct, the latter I have left un-
touched, are so corrupt that the text must remain un-
certain ; but they do not obscure in the least the general
meaning of the poem. I will first briefly state its sub-
ject; next I will give a paraphrase of the whole, which
will mask the coarsenesses without detriment to the
sense; I will then add such critical and exegetical com-
ments as may seem advisable. I may say that I have
now before me a letter, in which two years ago I gave
to Professor Sellar the same explanation as that which
I now ofier.
This is a dialogue carried on in Verona between the
poet and the door of a house in that city. This house
CARM. 67 IGl
had been in good repute, while it was owned by a worthy
widower, Caecilius Balbus the elder, now dead. It was
now in the possession of his son and heir, Caecilius
Balbus the younger. He was a worthy man like his
father ; but the house had forfeited its good name ; for
this Caecilius had married after his father's death. The
wife had lived in Brixia with a former husband; but
when she entered Caecilius' house in Verona, she was
believed to be a maid. It was not so : the former hus-
band it is true had not consummated the marriage ; but
that husband's father had debauched his own daughter-
in-law, either through foul lust or from a wish to get
an heir for his son. Brixia saw and can tell of this;
yes, and of many other deeds of shame. The door learnt
all this by often overhearing her recounting to her maids
these enormities.
1 — 8 : (Catullus) 0 door, may heaven shower aU its
blessings upon you, door, well-pleasing to the husband
and master of the house, well-pleasing too to his father
before him : you are reported to have served old Balbus
well and faithfully erewhile, when he was master in the
house ; but then on the other hand it is told of you that
you have carried out but scurvily his wish and prayer,
when the old man was in his coffin and you had come
to be a bridal door. Tell us why you are so changed,
it is said, as to have renounced your old loyalty to your
lord. — 9 — 14 (Door loq.) As I hope to please Caeci-
lius to whom I now belong, the fault is not mine, tho'
it is said to be mine; and no man can pretend that I
have done any wrong ; and yet through the people's un-
derhand malice the door forsooth is brought in guilty.
For when aught is found anyhow to turn out wrong,
they all call out at me 'Door, the fault is yours'. — 15
and 16 (C.) It won't do merely to say that; you must
M. c. 11
162 CATVLLI
make the world feel it and see it too. — 17 (D.) How
can I? nobody asks or cares to know. — 18 (C.) Yes, I
do: don't hesitate to tell me.— 19— 28 (D.) Well then,
to begin with this, the story is false, that she was hand-
ed over to us a maid. Her first husband, it is true, is
not likely to have touched her, for he was incapable;
but the father of that husband is said to have violated
the bed of his son and to have plunged into guilt the
unblest house, either because his sinful mind burned
with unlawful passion, or because he wished to beget
an heir for his son. — 29 and 30 (C.) An exemplaiy
feither this, of whom you tell, to cuckold his own son ! —
31 — 48 (D.) Yes, and, Brixia tells us, this is not the
only sin of that woman's which she has espied from her
o'erlooking height, Brixia whom the yellow Mella tra-
verses with his gentle stream, Brixia loved mother of
Verona mine. She has to speak of Postumius as well,
and of the intrigue with Cornelius, with both of whom
the woman committed foul adultery. Should any one
ask, ' Door, how do you know all this, who never may
be away from your master's threshold, nor overhear the
people; but, fastened here to the post, have for sole
duty to open up or close the house?' my answer is that
I have often heard her talking in stealthy tones, alone
to her maids, of these scandals of hers, and mentioning
by name those whom I have mentioned, hoping the
while that I had neither tongue nor ear. To these
lovers she used to join one more, whom I do not choose
to name, lest he up with his red eyebrows. He is the
long fellow who got ere while into such a costly law-
business by that trumped up case of lying in with its
mendacious birth.
I do not know how this statement of the case may
strike others : to me it is quite simple and intelligible.
CARM. Q7 163
I must now append some comments and explanations.
1 iucunda to me of course is not 'ironical'. 5 mallgne :
another great and undoubted service which O has con-
ferred on Catullus. As I have already so often observed
and shall hereafter have cause to observe, no letters are
so perpetually confused in our Mss. as o and 6 : 77 1
amice O, rightly, amico G; 7Q 11 instincteque O, in^
stinctoque G: istinc teque I believe is to be read, uoto
I think is right, tho' Froelich's nato may be simpler,
and a and o, u and n are often confused. I take uoto
to express the old man's dying wish. Baehrens' con-
jecture 7iatae proves he does not apprehend the poem
as I do. 6 marita : Schwabe well illustrates this from
Livy XXVII 315 per maritas domos : comp. too Mart,
X 19 12 Sed ne tempore non tuo disertam Pulses ebria
ianuam uideto.
12 Every one I presume will have his own conjec-
ture for this verse. Certainly the older corrections, in-
cluding Lachmann's, are far too venturesome: istius
and qui te the metre declares to be corrupt; all the
other words in the line appear to me quite genuine.
Tho' I offer my own corrections with diffidence, I do not
think they are wide of the Ms. reading : with astu
comp. Plant. Pers. 148 praecipe astu filiae Quid fabu-
letur : if quippe be written with one p it will readily
pass into qui te : comp. 14 15 oppinio O for optima, 62
54 apsi T for at si, 64 tuignare T £or pugnare. Compare
with its use here some words from the striking passage
in Cic. pro Mil. 33 mouet me quippe lumen curiae, said
in bitter irony of Sex. Clodius. Baehrens' est uox and
cuncta are rather wide of the Mss. Ellis' est os cannot
mean sermo est : in the passage from Cicero which he
cites in his 1st volume, os means ' impudence' 'face' :
a common sense, as Mart, ix 94 2 os hominis! In the
11—2
'1'^ CATVLLI
passage from Persius * os populi meruisse ' means * me-
ruisse in ore populi esse', 'to be in the mouths' *on the
tongues of men' : quite another thing. As I hold it to
be certain that Catullus was named Gaius, not Quintus,
of course I think Quinte false : it is in vain to appeal to
Scahger, Lachmann and Haupt, as they were without
the convincing evidence which we possess. But this
question of name has been fully discussed elsewhere,
facit : facio is used thousands of times in Latin without
an object : in my Lucretius I have given many examples:
comp. too Virgil's Me me adsum qui feci; Sen. controu.
I 1 19 non feci; 7 14 sciebam enim piratas non facturos;
Martial's witty epigram ix 1 5 Inscripsit tumulis septem
scelerata uirorum Se fecisse Chloe; x 75 13 fecit; xii
63 8 Ferrem, si faceret bonus poeta.
27 this reading, which Ellis has adopted, seems to
me too the best : querendus for quaerendum is an in-
stance of that very common confusion in our Mss. be-
tween final tn and s of which I have already spoken
more than once. 32- the reading must remain uncer-
tain here, as no one can tell whether chinea is corrupt;
or, if it be corrupt, what word we are to substitute for
it : specula must denote some height, with or without a
watch-tower on it, which overlooked Brixia. But sup-
posita cannot, as ElHs will have it, be followed by an
abl. instead of a dative : the commonly accepted ' sup-
posita speculae ' is not a very violent correction. Yet
I feel that an abl. too is wanted, and that chinea is
probably the corruption of some simple epithet. If so,
cannot a dat.be then understood? 'supposita ei speculae',
* Brixia uicina suppositS ab [au] specula' would not be
so wide of the Ms. 'chinea suppositu specula': Virgil
has * specula ab alta' twice. On the next two verses,
about the present or past course of the Mella, why
CARM. Q"? 165r
Brixia m called Verona's mother, I have nothing new
to tell ; but can only refer to Ellis, to Yulpius and the
multitudinous older Italian authorities whom the latter
appeals to. The scholars of Verona, of Padua and other
Venetian cities looked on it as a piece of impertinence
for a second-rate Lombard town like Brescia to claim
to be mother of their own Verona. ,
34 the door may well say * Veronae meae'; and yet
perhaps Catullus was unconsciously thinking of himself.
35 and 36 Ovid, speaking there of Catullus, had the
language and the meaning of these two verses in his
thouofhts, when he wrote trist. ii 429 Nee contentus
ea, multos uulgauit amores In quibus ipsa suum fassus
adulterium est : in the second line he adopts the Catul-
lian rhythm, and not his own : Fassus adulteriumst in
quibus ipse suum.
37 — 40 are given to Catullus by Schwabe, followed
by.Baehrens; but I prefer the old arrangement which,
leaves them to the door. 44 Speraret: grammar and
metre alike call for this reading, which G and O in-
directly point to: 'speret' ought not to be defended.
46 comp. Petron. 91 supercilium altius sustulit. rubra:
this refers to the colour of the hair, so common a re-
proach with the Romans : comp. 59 1 Bononiensis rufa,
and my illustrations there, and Mart, xil 54 Crine
ruber, niger ore, breuis pede, lumine laesus.
47 and 48 : see Ellis, who means I presume that a
vexatious action was brought against the man for the
'stuprum' of a free virgin or widow. Before the Julian
law on the subject, proceedings at Rome against a man
for 'stuprum' were so uncertain and variable, that I am
loth to give any opinion. Certainly a Roman had such
perfect liberty to own or disown a child, that none
could be fathered on him against his will ; and I do not
166 CATVLLI
see for instance what all this parade of a fictitious lying
in could effect, more than the simple oath of the woman
or of others that she had been debauched or outraged.
Upon the other theory which Ellis combats, we might
imagine it to be a trick for evading the lex Voconia :
either the man's father and mother, having no son, in
order not to forgo the property of the mother's father
had got up this fictitious lying in and asserted the sup-
posititious child was their own ; or else this man was
the father who, with his wife, played the same trick in
order to keep the property of the wife's father. In
either case the 'gentilis' or nearest agnate would bring
the action, and Cat. 68 120 — 123 would be in point :
Yna caput seri nata nepotis alit. Qui cum diuitiis uix
tandem inuentus auitis Nomen testatas intulit in tabu-
las, Impia derisi gentilis gaudia toUens. olim perhaps
tells for the first of these two hypotheses, uetiter has
the meaning which it has in Horace, quoted by Ellis.
68 a '
Quod mihi fortuna casuque oppressus acerbo
conscriptum hoc lacrimis mittis epistolium,
naufragum ut eiectum spumantibus aequoris undis
subleuem et a mortis limine restituam,
5 quern neque sancta Venus moUi requiescere somno
desertum in lecto caehbe perpetitur,
nee ueterum dulci scriptorum carmine Musae
oblectant, cum mens anxia peruigilat :
id gratum est mihi, me quoniam tibi dicis amicum
10 muneraque et Musarum hinc petis et Veneris,
sed tibi ne mea sint ignota incommoda, Manli,
neu me odisse putes hospitis officium,
CARM. 67, 68 167
accipe, quis merser fortunae fluctibus ipse,
ne amplius a misero dona beata petas.
15 tempore quo primum uestis mihi tradita pura est,
iucundum cum aetas florida uer ao^eret,
multa satis lusi : non est dea nescia nostri,
quae dulcem curis miscet amaritiem.
sed totum hoc studium luctu fratema mihi mora
20 abstulit. o misero frater adempte mihi,
tu mea tu moriens fregisti commoda, frater,
tecum una tota est nostra sepulta domus,
omnia tecum una perierunt gaudia nostra,
quae tuus in uita dulcis alebat amor.
25 cuius ego interitu tota de mente fugaui
haec studia atque omnes delicias animi.
quare, quod scribis 'Veronae turpe, CatuUe,
esse, quod hie, quisquis de meliore notast,
friglda deserto tepefecit membra cubili':
30 id, Manh, non est turpe, magis miserum est.
ignosces igitur si, quae mihi luctus ademit,
haec tibi non tribuo munera, cum nequeo.
nam, quod scriptorum non magna est copia apud me,
hoc fit, quod Komae uiuimus : ilia domus,
35 ilia mihi sedes, illic mea carpi tur aetas:
hue una ex multis capsula me sequitur.
quod cum ita sit, nolim statuas nos mente maUgna
id facere aut animo non satis ingenuo,
quod tibi non utriusque petenti copia praestost:
40 ultro ego deferrem, copia si qua foret.
11 lifanli. mali V. 27 CatiiUe V, rightly. CatuUo all editors. 28 nota
est Perrcius. nota V. 29 tepefecit scripsi. tepefacit V. tepefaxit tiel tepefactet
uulgo. 30 Manli. mali V. 39 praesto est Froelich. posta est Y. facta uel parta
ttel porcta ttel aperta alii,
I have not hesitated to print the whole of this poem
as well as the next and longer one, because T believe
168 CATVLLI
that I have somethiDg to say about them worth saying
in addition to so much that has been already well said
by others, and that these two poems are of some mo-
ment for determining the question who Lesbia was.
Two years back from the time I am now writing I in-
terchanged a series of letters with Professor Sellar of
Edinburgh about this and some other of Catullus' poems.
Both his letters and my own are now before me : in mine
I argued with some fulness — and this argument I in-
tend to repeat and develop here — that Manhus had
written to Catullus, not from Bome as the commenta-
tors generally assume, but in all probability from Baiae.
This I state at once, because Ellis in his comment on
V. 27 of our poem, after dilating upon the common theory
observes: 'Prof Jowett has suggested to me an entire-
ly different interpretation. He supposes AUius to re-
monstrate with Catullus on remaining at Verona, when
he might imitate the example of the fashionable world
by takhig a course of hot baths, L e. at Baiae or some
other well-known watering place*. And in an excursus
appended to the next poem he remarks: 'It is not how-
ever necessary to suppose Baiae alluded to. There were
hot sulphur springs near Verona, etc' It is gratifying
to me that Professor Jowett and I, thus independently
of one another, should have hit upon Baiae, tho' in
other respects we completely diverge from one another,
my theory having nothing to do with the hot baths,
which Ellis emphasises by Italics.
Nearly every commentator of CatuUus is now agreed
that this 68 th poem forms two entu-ely distinct poems,
addressed respectively to two quite different persons,
1 — 40 to a Manlius, 41 — 160 to an Allius: external
and internal evidence ahke demand this separation.
The fact of the Mss. joining them together tells abso-
CARM. 68 169
lutely nothing against this, as a large portion of the
poems are similarly thrown together without any sepa-
ration in our Mss. In my judgment Schwabe (Quaest.
p. 340 — 344) has proved so convincingly that this Man-
lius is L. Manlius Torquatus, the bridegroom of the epi-
thalamium, the friend of Cicero and the epicurean cham-
pion in the De Finibus, who was slain in Africa in 46
B. c. at the close of the civil war there, that I can add
nothing to his demonstration nor hope to convince any
one who may question it. In 61 16 V has mallio; 215
G has Manlio, O Maulio; 68 11 and 30 V has mall for
Manli: such corruptions are intelligible enough, as Mss.
perpetually confound Manlius, Mallius, Malms: if it
be argued that external evidence is for Mallius or
Malius, I should demur to this ; but if it be so, then
Mallius or Malius must be only another form of Manlius.
But says Ellis *I assume here what it seems out-
rageous to deny, that the Mallius of the first part is the
AUius and Mallius of the second '. I doubt whether he
is not the one scholar in the world who would deny
that it is — well, bold to assert that any one in Catul-
lus' days could have borne two gentile names. Alhus
and Mallius are both common nomina and an AUius
Mallius or Mallius AUius is not less odd than an AUius
TuUius Cicero, or a MaUius lulius Caesar. Or are we
to resort to the hypothesis that some AUius had adopt-
ed MaUius, or some MaUius "had adopted AUius, and that
in the same poem CatuUus calls the man by his new
and his old name? just as if somebody in one page had
chosen to speak of the younger Africanus sometimes as
Cornelius, sometimes as AemUius, or to name his brother
at one time AemUius, at another Fabius. But my a-
mazement is increased when I find EUis writing thus
in the. Academy (March 24, 1877): *The Cujacianus is
170 CATVLLI
now before me : if I doubt the genuineness of the tra-
dition Q. Valerii Catulli, I must also doubt that of
the Sexti Aurelii Propertii Nautae, which it equally
contains'; as if every scholar but himself did not scout
the 'Aurehi Propertii' or 'Propertii Aurelii', and the
*Nautae' to boot, as absurd figments; as if the poet had
any other known names besides Sextus Propertius; as
if Mommsen and Haupt had not proved the *Aurelius
Propertius' to have passed from a forged inscription into
some interpolated Mss. ; as if the testimony of the Cuja-
cianus were worth the material on which it is written.
This is ominous indeed for his 'Q. Valerius Catullus'.
With the exception of some of the shorter epigrams
this is to me one of the least pleasing of all Catullus'
poems : it strikes me as prosaic, ill-conceived and ill-
put together. He seems to be unhinged by grief for
the loss of his brother; under some constraint too per-
haps; for he was surely living with his father, a man
of importance in Verona, whose hospitality Caesar,
when proconsul of the Gauls, did not disdain. I can-
not help also fancying that he had hardly caught the
fiill meaning of Manlius' epistle, which I believe to
have been written in elegiac verse and to have been
perhaps somewhat obscure. Our poem produces on
my mind the impression of some degree of coarseness
in the character of Manlius, tho' Cicero extols so highly
his accomphshments. Manlius, suffering from the loss
of his wife Aurunculeia, had written to Catullus that
he found no pleasure in the old poets, probably the
Greeks; that he wanted him to send love-poems of his
own, as well as any such-like productions of others
which he had with him. Cicero tells us of Manlius'
great love of poetry. But evidently I think Manlius'
main purpose in writing was to entice him away from
CARM. 68 171
Verona to Baiae, or wherever he himself then was, by-
exciting his passion and jealousy with tales of Lesbia's
infidelities. Else why should he lacerate his feelings
by dwelUng on so torturing a theme? The poet, being
probably as I have said under some paternal constraint
and also preoccupied by his grief for his brother, will
not see this, will not quit Verona, and employs himself
in parrying what were perhaps only feints on the part
of Torquatus. At least I so read the poem : let us see.
5 foil. Schwabe has well shewn that *sancta Venus'
and 'in lecto caehbe' refer to the death of Vinia Aurun-
culeia, the heroine of the epithalamium : the very fact
that there must have been a great intimacy between
the poet and the Manlius Torquatus of that poem, and
between the poet and the Manlius of this, while all
other circumstances chime in so well, makes the identity
of the two to my mind more than probable. 7 and
8, 19, 25 and 26 recall Ovid trist. v 12 1 Scribis ut
oblectem studio lacrimabile tempus, Ne pereant turpi
pectora nostra situ. Difficile est quod, amice, mones.
quia carmina laetum Sunt opus et pacem mentis habere
uolunt. 10 refers back to 7: 'you ask from me here
(hinc) what you do not find in your own library, love-
poems of my own and of others' : 'musarum et Veneris'
seems to me almost a hendyadis.
17 Multa satis lusi: *I wrote light love-poems
enough' : the 'hoc studium* of 19, the 'haec studia' of 26.
That this is the meaning, the whole poem proves to me :
no doubt they were the result of his experience of love-
intrigues. Compare too the many similar expressions,
some probably allusions to Catullus : Mart, i 1 1 3 1
Quaecumque lusi iuuenis et puer quondam, Apinasque
nostras quas nee ipse iam noui cet. : the last line 'Per
quern perire non licet meis nugis' is also a reminiscence
172 CATVLLI
of Catullus : IX 26 9 Ipse tuas etiam uerltus Nero dici-
tur aures, Lasciuum iuuenis cum tibi lusit opus : to
Nerva of Nero's poetry which Martial admired : I have
other passages of Martial at hand, as well as of Ovid :
comp. for instance trist. v 1 7 Integer et laetus laeta
et iuuenalia lusi; i 9 61 Scis uetus hoc iuueni lusum
mihi carmen ; Virgil Carmina qui lusi pastorum audax-
que iuuenta: Catullus himself 50 2 and 5. 20 — 24,
compared with 91 — 96, three in each set being word
for word the same, prove that the two sets cannot
have belonged to the same poem: nay, as the poems
must have been written nearly about the same period,
they can hardly have been addressed to the same man.
26 Haec studia: the writing of love-poems, spoken of
above.
26 — 29: following the Mss. I preserve here the
oratio recta : all editors from the very earliest to the
very latest turn the sentence, I know not why, into
the oratio obliqua by reading 'Catullo', and make it
to me unintelligible. First as to the grammar: is it
not odd that esse should do double duty: 'turpe esse
Veronae esse ? turpe, like sucme, nee mirum, pote, etc.
the old writers often use without est; but could they
write 'scribis turpe' for 'turpe esse'? In that case too
the simplest correction of 28, notast for nota, is made
impossible, as sit is called for-^. Then hie must mean
at Verona, where Catullus was, just as in 10 Amc, in
36 Hue both refer to Verona; and this Baehrens takes
it to mean here, tho' to me that is out of the question.
With my reading hie of course refers to the place from
which ManUus is writing: therefore when you write,
1 Because Lucretius uses 'unum — primum — summum quicquid — qua quic-
quid' for 'quicque', Ellis should not jump to the conclusion that Catullus
could use 'quisquis' for 'every body' in a totally different connexion.
CARM. G8 173
* it is a shame Catullus to be at Verona, because here
where I am whoever is a man of fashion has been
warming his limbs on the bed you have abandoned': —
this, ManHus, is no shame, but rather a cruel sorrow.
As I have already remarked, I believe that Manlius'
letter was in verse and that Catullus is quoting his
actual words. But if this be disputed — for of course
there is no positive evidence for it or against it — surely
it will not be disputed that the poet could put his
words into verse, and prosaic verse enough, and yet
profess to be quoting him. Thus Mart, ix 70 1 Dix-
erat *o mores ! o tempora' Tullius olim: but Tullius at
the beginning of his Catilines really said *o tempora!
o mores!': ii 41 1 'Ride, si sapis, o puella ride' Paelig-
nus, puto, dixerat poeta: but Martial did not mean
that Ovid wrote in hendecasyllables : Phaedr. iii Intr.
27 Sed iam quodcumque fuerit, ut dixit Sinon : but
Sinon said 'fuerit quodcumque'.
Most take hie of 28 to be Rome where Manhus
then was. This cannot surely be right : how then could
the poet say what he says in 33 — 36 : * I have no books
to send you because I usually live at Rome : that place
is my home and abode' ? First of all he would hardly
express himself as he does to one then in Rome: Ro-
mae — ilia — ilia — : by ista or some other turn of phrase,
he would let that be known. Most certainly too he
would not say ' I cannot send you books from Verona,
because all my books are at Rome' : he would have
said ' my books are at Rome, where you are ; go to my
hbrary and choose what you want' : on every consider-
ation a simpler affair than sending books from Verona
to the very place where his friend was, and that place
Rome, the library of the world. We see how Cicero
uses his friends' libraries as freely as if they were his
174 CATVLLI
own, in town and country alike. But, as I have already
argued, what Manlius really wanted was to get Catul-
lus to come to him, where Lesbia too was.
By and bye I will return to this question ; but, as-
suming for the moment, what I firmly believe to be the
fact, that Lesbia is the notorious Clodia, I conjecture,
as I said in my letters to Professor Sellar, that hie is
Baiae. That it denotes some place which was neither
Borne nor Verona, I have no doubt. I refer to nume-
rous passages in Cicero's speech for Caelius, which shew
that, when Clodia was away from Bome, Baiae was her
favourite resort ; there she pursued her pleasures, there
she used 'alere adolescentes', 'entretenir' her favourites
such as Caelius. I need only refer to the pro Caelio
§ 32 foil, such as 38 quae se omnibus peruulgaret, quae
haberet palam decretum semper aliquem, cuius in hor-
tos, domum, Baias iure suo libidines omnium commea-
rent, quae etiam aleret adolescentes et parsimoniam
patrum suis sumptibus sustentaret : since many refer-
ences will be found in Schwabe, and Ellis has now
quoted at length the main passages in an Excursus,
p. 344. 28 'qu. de mel. notast' will then be these
'adolescentes*, young men of fashion: (Curius) Cic.
epist. VII 29 Sulpicii successori nos de meliore nota
commenda ; Petron. 83 ut facile appareret eum ex hac
nota litteratorum esse quos odisse diuites solent; 116
urbanioris notae homines ; 126 ex hac nota domina est
mea; 132 seuerioris notae homines. 29: Ov. her.
I 7 Non ego deserto iacuissem frigida lecto ; Stat. sil.
II 6 4 deserti praerepta coniuge partem Conclamare
tori.
32 Haec munera : * the love-poems', the * Haec stu-
dia' of 26, the *hoc studium' of 19, the 'Multa satis
lusi'. 33 Nam : he now passes to the demand for
CARM. 68, 68** 175
books of amatory poetry, in addition to poems of his
own : of this I have said enough above. This elliptical
force of nam in passing from one topic to another : ' but
to leave that, and come to the matter of books' : is very
common in Latin. I have collected very many exam-
ples; but vp^ill refer to Draeger hist. synt. i p. 154 for
Cicero. The usage is common in that storehouse of
idiom, the supper of Trimalchio : 52 habeo capides M,
quas reliquit patrono meo Mummius, ubi Daedalus Nio-
bam in equum Troianum includit. nam Hermerotis
pugnas et Petraitis in poculis habeo. quod — Hoc
est quod E,. uiuimus : this is the full form of that
idiom which I illustrated above at 10 28 Istud quod
cet. : if he had omitted * Hoc est quod', he would have
expressed exactly the same thing ; but the fuller phrase
is in harmony with this stiff and prosaic poem.
39 utriusque : this on the other hand is a very brief
and obscure way of expressing ' utriusque rei quam pe-
tisti', both the poems and the books : this has induced
Baehrens to accept Parthenius' petiti for petenti.
praestost (pstost) seems to me better in sense and
nearer to the Ms. reading than any of the many other
conjectures offered ; for 2>osta est of Mss. has no sense.
40 I would grant both requests without any asking, if
I had the means.
68 b
Non possum reticere, deae, qua me AUius in re
iuuerit aut quantis iuuerit officiis,
ne fugiens saeclis obliuiscentibus aetas
illius hoc caeca nocte tegat studium ;
45 sed dicam uobis, uos porro dicite multis
176 CATVLLI
milibus et facite haec carta loquatur anus
notescatque magis mortuus atque magis,
nee tenuem texens sublunis aranea telam
50 in deserto AUi nomine opus faciat.
nam, mihi quam dederit duplex Amathusia curam,
scitis et in quo me torruerit genere,
cum tantum arderem quantum Trinacria rapes
lymphaque in Oetaeis Malia Thermopylis,
55 maesta neque assiduo tabescere lumina fletu
cessarent tristique imbre madere genae,
qualis in aerii perlucens uertice montis
riuus muscoso prosilit e Japide,
qui, ciun de prona praeceps est ualle uolutus,
60 per medium densi transit iter populi,
dulce uiatori lasso in sudore leuamen,
cum grauis exustos aestus hiulcat agros.
hie, uelut in nigro iactatis turbine nautis
lenius aspirans aura secunda uenit,
65 iam prece Pollucis, iam Castoris implorata :
tale fuit nobis Allius auxilium.
is clausum lato patefecit limite campum
isque domum nobis isque dedit dominae,
ad quam communes exerceremus amores.
70 quo mea se molli Candida diua pede
intulit et trito fulgentem in Kmine plantam
innixa arguta constituit solea,
coniugis ut quondam flagrans aduenit amore
Protesilaeam Laudamia domum
75 incepto a ! frustra, nondum cum sanguine sacro
bostia caelestis pacificasset eros.
nil mihi tam ualde placeat, E-bamnusia uirgo,
quod temere inuitis suscipiatur eris.
quam ieiuna pium desideret ara cruorem,
CARM. 68'' 177
80 docta est amisso Laudamia uiro,
coniugis ante coacta noui dimittere coUum
quam ueniens una atque altera rursus hiemps
noctibus in longis auidum saturasset amorem,
posset ut abrupto uiuere coniugio,
85 quod scibant Parcae non longo tempore abesse,
si miles muros isset ad Iliacos :
nam tum Helenae raptu primores Argiuorum
coeperat ad sese Troia ciere uiros,
Troia, nefas, commune sepulcrumAsiae Europaeque,
90 Troia uirum et uirtutum omnium acerba cinis,
quae taetre id nostro letum miserabile fratri
attulit — (ei misero frater adempte mihi,
ei misero frater iucundo e lumine adempte,
tecum una tota est nostra sepulta domus ;
95 omnia tecum una perierunt gaudia nostra,
quae tuus in uita dulcis alebat amor ;
te nunc tam longe non inter nota sepulcra
nee prope cognates compositum cineres,
sed Troia obscena, Troia infelice sepultum
100 detinet extremo terra aliena solo) : —
ad quam tum properans fertur simul undique pubes
Graeca penetralis deseruisse focos,
ne Paris abducta gauisus libera moecha
otia pacato degeret in thalamo.
105 quo tibi tum casu, pulcherrima Laudamia,
ereptum est uita dulcius atque anima
coniugium : tanto te absorbens uertice amoris
aestus in abruptum detulerat barathrum,
quale ferunt Grai Pheneum prope Cylleneum
110 siccare emulsa pingiie palude solum,
quod quondam caesis mentis fodisse medullis
audit falsiparens Amphitryoniades,
tempore quo certa Stymphalia monstra sagitta
M. c. 12
1.78: CATVLLI
perculit imperio deterioris eri,
115 pluribus ut caeli tereretur ianua diuis,
Hebe nee longa uirginitate foret.
sed tuus altus amor barathro fuit altior illo,
qui tuum domitum ferre iugum docuit.
nam nee tam carum confecto aetata parent!
120 mia caput seri nata nepotis alit,
qui, cum diuitiis uix tandem inuentus auitis
nomen testatas intulit in tabulas,
impia derisi gentilis gaudia tollens
suscitat a cano uolturium capiti ;
125 nee tantum niueo gauisa est uUa columbo
compar, quae multo dicitur inprobius
oscula mordenti semper decerpere rostro
quam quae praecipue multiuola est mulier.
sed tu horum magnos uicisti sola furores,
130 ut semel es flauo concilia ta uiro.
aut nihil aut paulo cui turn concedere digna
lux mea se nostrum contulit in gremium,
quam circumcursans bine illinc saepe Cupido
fulgebat crocina candidus in tunica.
135 quae, tamenetsi uno non est contenta Catullo,
rara uerecundae furta feremus erae,
ne nimium simus stultorum more molesti.
saepe etiam luno, maxima caelicolum,
coniugis in culpa flagrantem concoquit iram,
140 noscens omniuoli plurima furta louis.
at quia nee diuis homines componier aequm est,
ingratum tremuli telle parentis onus,
nee tamen ilia mihi dexstra deducta paterna
fragrantem Assyrio uenit odore domum,
145 sed furtiua dedit muta munuscula nocte,
CARM. 68*' 179
- ipsius ex ipso dempta uiri gremlo.
quare illud satis est, si nobis is datur unis,
quern lapide ilia, dies, candidiore notat.
hoc tibi, quo potui, confectum carmine munus
150 pro multis, Alii, redditur officiis,
ne uestrum scabra tangat rubigine nomen
baec atque ilia dies atque alia atque alia. :
hue addent diui quam plurima, quae Themis olim
antiquis solita est munera ferre piis.
155 sitis felices et tu simul et tua uita
et domus, in qua nos lusimus et domina;
et qui principio nobis te et eram dedit Afer,
a quo sunt primo mi omnia nata bona ;
et longe ante omnes, mihi quae me carior ipso est,
160 lux mea, qua uiua uiuere dulce mihi est.
43 Nei Baehrens. Nee V. 50 alii 0. all G. 52 torruerit Turnehus.
comierit V. 65 lumina uulgo. numiila G. nQmula 0. pupula Baehrens from
Ellis' conj. 66 Cessare ne tristiq; V. 60 densi seems corrupt, sensim Haupt
Schwabe Baehrens. 61 uiatorum O, perhaps rightly, lasso uulgo. basso V.
uiatorum crasso Baehrens. 65 implorata Itali. implorate V. implorati (-ei)
uelimj^loiatn alii. 66 allius 0, in margin manllius. manlius G. 68 dominae
Froelich. dominarti V. 75 Incepto a scripsi. Incepto Froelich Baehrens.
Incepta V. Inceptam uulgo. 85 abesse Itali. abisse V. 91 Quae taetre id
scripsi. Que uetet id V. Quaene etiam Heinsius Haupt etc, 102 Graia L,
Mueller. 118 tuum domitum corrupt, tamen indomitam Heyse, perhaps rightly.
128 Quam quae Vossius. Quamquam V. 139 concoquit iram Lachmann. coti-
diana 0, qnotidiana G. 140 furta Itali. facta Y. 141 At quia Itali. Atq ; V.
Atqui alii : post hunc desunt duo uersus. 145 muta Heysius. mira V. 148 dies
V. diem uulgo. 149 quo Muretus. quod V. 150 Alii Scaliger. aliis V. 156 nos
Itali. am. V. 157 te et eram scripsi, terram V. Afer scripsi. aufert V. Anser
Heysius, 168 mi Haupt. om. V.
The whole of this long poem 1 have printed, not that
I intend to comment on every part of it, which would
only defeat the purpose I have in view; but because I
shall thus be able to set forth most simply and clearly
what I have to contribute towards its criticism and
illustration. It must, as we have shewn, be entirely
12—2
IfijO CATVLLI
separated from the preceding poem : that was addressed
to the well-known friend of Cicero, L. Manlius Torqua-
tus ; this to one AUius, a man of position as the poem
itself declares, but known to posterity by it alone. Ca-
tullus has given him the immortality he promised, tho'
but a shadowy and not altogether enviable one. That
an Allius Mallius or Mallius Allius was an impossible
monster in repubhcan Rome, history and its best expo-
sitors all declare. The evidence of our Mss. forces on
us the same conclusion: while in the last poem they
offered a corrupt form, clearly pointing to the Manlius
of the epithalamium ; in this one O, our most trusty
guide, gives us in two of the four places where his name
occurs the precise form Allius, in the other two, corrup-
tions which just as plainly indicate the true form, while
G is misleading in one case only.
Very conflicting are the judgments which have been
passed on the merits of our poem. While Muretus and
some modern critics have extolled it as one of the
grandest productions of the Latin Muse, the poet's ac-
complished translator Theodore Martin declares it to
be far inferior to the letter to Manlius, to be 'hopelessly
obscure in many of its allusions and clumsy in construc-
tion': 'its illustrations are far-fetched and the style
generally inferior to the other serious efforts of Catullus.
Its merits scarcely repay the labour of construing it'.
My judgment refuses to accept either of these extreme
views. The poem strikes me as awkwardly and inarti-
ficially put together; I see no excellence in the arrange-
ments and transitions of the conflicting episodes ; but a
carelessness often amou.nting to downright clumsiness.
I do not know whether it be owing to want of practice
or want of power; but the beauty of the Peleus and
Thetis is somewhat marred by a like disproportion in
CARM. 68** 181
its parts. At the same time I look upon this as vastly
above the preceding poem. That was written at Ve-
rona, probably in his father's house, under the eyes of
the whole household then mourning for the death of
his brother. To Manlius' importunities about Lesbia a
single line (30) serves for his curt, almost peevish an-
swer.
Here we find all changed : a vein of coarseness in-
deed runs through this as through the last, but of a dif-
ferent kind. The 'amour-passion', what phlegmatic
Verulam flouts at as 'the mad degree of love', is once
more master of his soul. This mighty force is able to
purify and sublimate his furious passion for a tainted
adulteress, false even to her paramour. We almost ex-
cuse the outrage of his likening her to so pure and noble
a heroine as Laodamia; we almost forgive his unmeasured
praises of a man guilty of as base an action as a gentle-
man could well commit, who lent his house to conceal an
adulterous intrigue between a woman of high rank and
a vicious youth, and covered with dishonour one of the
noblest and most virtuous patricians of the time. When
and where this poem was composed, there is nothing to
shew: I cannot think it was written in Verona, in tone
and colour it differs so much from the last. I feel that
it is somewhat later in time, tho' probably not much
later, than that other; for the lines about his brother,
common to both, have a more artificial collocation here
than they have there, — at least that is the impression
on my mind. Vss. 105 and 106 are no proof to me that
the husband was living at the time, as they refer en-
tirely to the past. I proceed now to comment on par-
ticulars.
41 — 50 sufficiently declare AUius to have been a
man of rank. 43 Baehrens correction of Ne (Nei) for
182 CATVLLI
Nec of Mss., when once made, seems so certain that
one wonders it was not thought of long before : in Mss.
like ours the change is nothing: comp. 103 Ne G, Nec
O; 6 14 Ne. Nec V; 99 9 Ne. Nec V; 114 4 Nequi-
qiiam. Nec quicquam O, Ne quicquam G. I cannot
pass in silence the favours Allius has shewn me, lest
this kindness of his should be forgotten ; but I will tell
them to you, Muses etc. With Nec 43 and 44 utterly
destroy the connexion. ElUs' remark that tegat is a
potential, *nor can time conceal', doesnt help me at all.
If the thing do not prove itself, I would appeal to
the exact parallel in 149 folL: Hoc tibi...Pro multis,
AUi, redditur officiis, Ne uestrum scabra tangat rubigine
nomen cet. 46: with this and 78 10 comp. Mart, xii
4 4 Fama fuisse loquax cartaque dicet anus: Martial is
fond of this adjectival use of the word. 49 and 50 I
take to refer to the nomina and tituli written under the
waxen masks or imagines in the atrium: see Mayor on
Juv. 8 1 and Marquardt v (1) p. 247, and the many
passages they cite. The neglect of these imagines would
indicate the decay of the family.
51 — 54: 'You know what pain the wily Amathu-
sian gave me, and in what a fashion she burnt me up,
when I felt as fierce a heat as the Trinacrian hill or the
Malian weUs in Thermopylae of Oeta'. 51 'duplex'
must surely have the meaning it has in Horace's 'du-
phcis Vlixei': this might be illustrated not only from
the Greek SittXovs and from Ovid cited by Ellis after
Fore, but also by Plant, true, iv 3 6 edico prius, Ne
duplicis habeatis linguas, ne ego bilinguis uos necem.
Vossius' explanation, quoted by Ellis, is preposterous;
for of course the poet is speaking and can be speaking
only of Lesbia, 52, tho' Lucr. uses 'corruere' as an
active, there can be no question that 'torruerit' is to
CARM. 68*' . 183
be read. Our Mss. are of small weight on such a
point: 100 7 torreret 0, correret G. in quo genera:
quo is not the relative, as in the passages quoted by
Ellis : it is here the indirect interrogative, and just as
*in omni genere' for instance is often synon. with 'onini
ratione': Cic. ad Q. fr. ii 2 4 innumerabiles enim res
sunt, in quibus te cotidie in omni genere desiderem:
so here *in quo genere' equals 'quali ratione'. 53 rupes:
61 27 Thespiae rupis, for the large hill of Helicon. 55
the ductus litterarum of lumina are nearer than those
o£ pupula to numula, espec. if we compare 64 32 Adu-
enere. Adlenire V; 183 lentos O, uentosG; 332 Leuia
G, Venia O: and in 56 'Cessarent' is nearer the Mss.
than 'Cessaret'. "With the rhythm compare 99 12Non
cessasti onmique excruciare modo.
60 *densi' can hardly be right. I know nothing
better than Haupt's 'sensim', so generally accepted, but
it is not convincing to me. The poet appears to de-
scribe the stream as flowing across the path. But in
'the neighbourhood, if not' in 'the actual streets of a
town' this could scarcely be the case. Again the stream
must have had some volume of water, which seems a-
gainst 'sensim'. In the next v. too O and G leave the
question imdecided between uiatoii and uiatoinim, tha'
I dont like to give up la^so for crasso. 65 implorata.:
this, the old vulgate, appears to me better than the other
conjectiu-es : e and a are so often confused in our Mss.
67 — 69 'Allius it was who threw open a fenced
field and made a broad way through it ; who gave to
me, who gave to my lady, a house in which we might
indulge our loves together' : 'lato limite' seems prover-
bial : Aen. ix 123 lato te limite ducam; x 513 latum-
que... limit em agit ferro. 68 refers to and is referred
to by, explains and is explained by 156 Et domus in
184 CATVLLI
qua nos lusimns et domina : where nos is a far simpler
supplement than any other: here as there, and 147
nobis unis, and 157 nobis, the plural is Catullus alone
as opposed to Lesbia : he seems to have thought it
more tender than the singular. He loves to oscillate
between nos and ego, as in the impassioned 107 3 nobis
quoque...mi cupido : in 8 5 Amata nobis, tho' in the
rest of the poem it is tu, te, tihi, Catulle. How any
critic, after it has once been offered to him, can refuse
dominae for dominam, a change so simple with Mss.
like ours, I do not understand : 128 they have Quam-
quam for the unquestionably right Quam quae, tho'
that too Ellis will not see : dominam has absolutely no
place here. Admitting it would seem in theory, he
wiU not sufficiently recognise in practice the glaring
fact that our Mss., where not interpolated, come one
and all from a single obscure ill-written codex, in which
the ends of words times without number were illegible
or already corrupt. One might fancy he was dealing
with Virgil or Horace.
These words reveal to us the inestimable service for
which the poet sounds so loudly the praises of Allius.
Allius, a man of rank, and his wife (155 et tu simul et
tua uita) — for he must of course have had a wife, and
a consenting wife, to make the service possible — had
opened his house for Catullus and Lesbia to meet. It
was no doubt a very great act of friendship, whatever
else we may say of it ; for the social, if not the legal,
penalties attached to being found out must have been
serious. It proves too beyond dispute that Lesbia was
a woman of position ; for of course in such a case it was
the woman, not the man, who had to be considered.
To a woman of the position to which some would re-
duce Lesbia Rome must have offered many accessible
CARM. 68** 185
resorts. On the other hand women of rank, so long as
their character was of any account to them, had to be
exceedingly circumspect in their conduct ; but it must
have been open to them to visit a lady of respectabiHty
and of rank equal, or not much inferior, to their own.
To appreciate the service rendered by AUius, comp.
Tac. ann. xi 4 uocantur post haec patres, pergitque
Suillius addere reos equites Romanos illustres quibus
Petra cognomentum. ac causa necis ex eo quod domum
suam Mnesteris et Poppaeae congressibus praebuissent.
In Athens too the consequences might be serious :
AcTraorta ^lktjv €(f)evyeu acre/Setas ^FipfxCmrov tov KcofKoSo-
TTOLOv Blcokovto^ kol 7rpo(rKaTrjyopovj/TO^, (o<s UepiKkel yv-
voLKas eXevdipa^ els to avro <f)OLT(ji(ras VTroSe^otro (Plutarch
Per. 32). Dates and his own reiterated hints prove
beyond any reasonable doubt that Ovid's disaster was
connected with the detection of the younger Julia.
70 — 76 * Thither my lustrous goddess entered with
soft step, and planted her bright foot on the well- trod
threshold, as she pressed on her creaking sandal : just
as of yore came Laodamia to the house of Protesilaus,
burning with love for her spouse, love handselled alas I
in vain, since the burnt-sacrifice had not yet atoned
the lords of heaven with its offered blood'. 70 Can-
dida: transfigured, verklaert, with the sheen of divinity
on her: the epithet of a god or a deified mortal: 133
Cupido Fulgebat crocina candidus in tunica ; Virg. eel.
V 56 Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi Sub
pedibusque uidet nubes et sidera Daphnis. 72 arguta:
Statins and Ellis are surely right ; the poet seems to
have taken the creaking for a good omen : ' Their black
and neat slipper or stertup with the creaking aUureth
young men' A. Willet cited by Todd in Johnson. The
epithet thus greatly intensifies the evepyeua of the
186 CATVLLT
scene. Theocr. vii 25 ws rev ttoctI vLacrofievoio Ild(ra
\C0o^ TTTatotcra ttot ap^vkiheacriv detSet. 75 Incepto a :
this is as near the Ms. reading as hiceptam, and surely
gives a better meaning, as what follows seems clearly
to refer frustra to 'incepto amore' : rj^i,re\rj<i in its true
meaning cannot come into question ; tho' I do not deny
the poet may have misunderstood the word. Catullus
is fond of a \ and it is not otiose here : I propose in 76
10 Quare cur te iam a! amplius excruciem, as a simple
and good correction. These six verses are sweet in
their flow and rhythm, beautiful and impassioned in
their diction; as indeed is much else in the poem,
which on the whole is more flexible and easy in its
movement, and less harsh in its elisions than most of
the poet's elegies : it makes us see that the Ovidian
elegiac has lost much, while gaining more.
If we fancy ourselves in the poet's place, we can
well imagine how this scene would stamp itself on his
soul for ever, and give inspiration to his verse when
the occasion came for describing it. While he was able
to see her only perhaps at rare intervals and under all
the restraints of social decorum in her husband's house,
his love had risen to the pitch of delirium ; he had ad-
dressed to her some of his most impassioned verse such
as the second poem, and the translation from Sappho
in which he exaggerates the frenzy of his original :
Ille, si fas est, superare diuos. He had come to look
on her as his lawful bride ; and he now saw her face to
face with nothing between them and fruition. If she
was Clodia, as I believe she was, he saw before him
one of the most beautiful and accomplished women of
the day, not yet branded with infamy. If, as is pro-
bable, her husband was now consul, he- saw before him
the first, lady in the world, to whom queens and kings'
CARM. 68** 187
daughters would hasten to yield place. No wonder the
poet's imagination should transfigure her into a glorified
divinity.
79 — 130: There may be some subtle symmetry and
refinement of proportion pervading this part of the
poem, in which the poet commences the story of Lao-
damia, passes to the Trojan war, from it to his brother's
death, then back to Troy, from it once more to Lao-
damia's love, which he compares with the abyss of
Pheneus, drained by Hercules, and so on to Hercules
and Hebe; and then compares the same love to a
grandfather's for a grandson born unexpectedly, and
next to that of a dove for its mate, and finds it greater
than all these — there may be some Callimachean har-
mony running through all this; but my sense is too
obtuse to perceive it. I will only touch on a few points
of this part of the poem, which does not strike me as
very successful.
84 abrupto: 'the idea seems to be that of a thread
broken oft" Ellis: most certainly not; abrupto is the
older form of abrepto: thus Plautus has 'subruptum,
subrupias, and subrupuisse' : see Wagner Plant, aul. 39 ;
see too my note on Lucr. iii 1031 : the antiquarian
Fronto has *corruptus' and 'surrupuisse' and their best
Mss. shew that both the Senecas, and even that hater
of archaisms Martial, all use the same form. If any
one be unreasonable enough to deny to Catullus this
form, then he must read abrepto, not with Baehrens
absumpto: com p. below 106 Ereptum est uita dulcius
atque anima Coniugium; Ov. met. vii 731 desiderioque
calebat Coniugis abrepti. 85 abisseV: I am convinced
this word cannot stand here for 'fore ut abiret': the
examples quoted from Draeger by Ellis of the rhetori-
cal use of the perfect for the future in Cicero and Livy
188 CATVLLl
are such as any language could parallel, and to my
mind quite different from our passage. Nor can ahisse,
I think, in a sentence like this take the place of pemsse,
tho' I know that in certain combinations ahire and ire
have nearly the meaning of 'to perish'. Baehrens'
ohisse obviates this, but not the other difficulties. Nor
does Mueller's scirant improve matters; for surely scis-
cere cannot be thus followed by an infinitive, notwith-
standing the solitary passage which lexicons cite from
Silius, to which I know no parallel. It seems to me
that the old correction ahesse is the simplest and best;
for Quod most naturally refers to 'abreptum coniugium'
* the loss of her husband': 'which loss the Fates well
knew was not far away, if once he went as a soldier to
the Ilian walls'. The use of 'non longo tempore' to
express duration of time is known to the best writers :
Georg. Ill 565 nee longo deinde moranti Tempore; Ov.
ars I 38 ut longo tempore duret amor; Mart, x 36 7
Non uenias quare tam longo tempore E-omam, Haec
puto causa tibi est; Juv. 9 16 quem tempore longo
Torret quarta dies; 11 152 Suspirat longo non uisam
tempore matrem: even Cicero has 'tempore infinite' in
this sense : see my note on Lucr. v 1 6 1 : and Mart, i
88 8 Hie tibi perpetuo tempore uiuet honor; i 36 5
Diceret infernas et qui prior isset ad umbras, Vine tuo,
frater, tempore, uiue meo. I could say something for
apiscei; a conjecture of my own; but will surrender to
ahesse. If scirant be adopted, I would suggest 'Quod
— scirant Parcae — non longo tempore abesset'.
91 Quae taetre id: this I read for 'Que uetet id' of
Mss. Heinsius' * Quaene etiam', which many accept,
never commended itself to me. If my reading be
approved, comp. the very similar case of 65 12 'morte
canam', a certain correction of the Ms. reading 'morte
CARM. 68^ 189
tegam*, in which one bjW. is doubled, another lost,
through similarity of form : see my illustrations there.
I have already more than once — see my notes on 25 5
and 10 32 — spoken of the frequency with which r, t,
tr, etc. are interchanged in our Mss. ; and this confusion
would still more readily arise through contractions at
the end of words : comp. 50 12 Versarer. Versaretur V;
12 7 Fratri. Frat O. With the expression comp. 99
Troia obscena, Troia infelice sepultum: comp. too Cic.
de diuin. i 60 multaque facere impure atque taetre;
ad Att. VII 12 2 nam istum quidem... omnia taeterrime
facturum puto. 102 Graeca : *immo Graia, ut infra
109, supra QtQ 58. neque enim Catullus magis quam
plerique poetarum in mythis huius populi referendis
Graecorum uocabulo usus est' L. Mueller; and perhaps
he is right. 118: It is clear to me that in this corrupt
verse Laodamia is made to bear the yoke, and that
ElHs and Baehrens are wrong in referring it to the
husband. Throughout the whole of this long and in-
volved episode it is the consuming love of the heroine
which is glorified: comp. espec. 119 — 130. It is indeed
a strange incongruity of this intricate story, that the
transcendent beauty of Laodamia is compared with
Lesbia's beauty ; but her overpowering passion for her
husband illustrates the poet's love for Lesbia, not
Lesbia's for him. To my mind the best of all correc-
tion is Heyse's : Qui tamen [tii] indomitam f. i. d. :
tamen is more than once corrupted in Catullus : ' but
your deep love was deeper than that abysm, the love
which taught you, tho' indomitable, to bear the yoke'.
This use and position of tamen is very idiomatic : Lucr.
Ill 553 Sed tamen in paruo licuntur tempore tabe: and
see my illustrations there which I could now add to :
for instance Plant. Stich. 99 quom tamen absentis uiros
190 CATVLLI
Proinde habetis, quasi praesentes sint. 128 Quam
quae: this must surely be read: EUis devotes a long
note to inprohius ; but it is in the absurdly irrelevant
Quamquam that the hitch lies : the diplomatic change
is very shght: see my note on 68 dominae.
131 — 134: After this very long digression he now
takes up again what he quitted at 70 — 72, and pictures
her as advancing from the door, until the lovers are in
each other's arms, in verses almost rivalling those earlier
ones. 131 Aut nihil aut paido: 22 4 we had aut — aut
for aut — aut etiam: here they mean aut — aut ceHe, a
usage quite as common as the other: Cic. diu. in Caec.
41 aut nemo aut pauci plures causas defenderint; i
Yerr. 31 aut nuUi aut perpauci dies ad agendum futuri
sunt. But tho' the expression is not 'curious', it does
strike me as curious that he should admit the possibility
of his divinity being a little inferior to any heroine
whatever.
135 foil.: But now a vein of coarseness comes to
trouble our enjoyment. 136 and 137: Catullus is in a
state of exaltation, in glaring contrast with the depres-
sion and constraint of the last poem : comp. with
these lines the plaintive 'Id, Manli, non est turpe, magis
miserum est' of the other poem. 136 : A sort of paral-
lelism runs through much of this unequal and strangely
constructed poem: here 'Bara uerecundae furta erae'
answers word for word to 'omniuoK plurima furta louis':
we will bear with the few transgressions of our decorous
mistress, since Juno, tho' she knows the many and many
transgressions of Jove who lusts after all aUke, yet
digests the rage excited by his infidelity. 137: The
feeling of this line is well illustrated by his contempo-
rary Lucretius: iv 1188 Nequiquam, quoniam tu animo
tamen omnia possis Protrahere in lucem atque omnis
CARM. 68** 191
inquirere risus, Et, si bello animost et non odiosa, uicis-
sim Praetermittere et humanis concedere rebus: comp.
too Ov. am. II 2 7 cur non liceat quaerenti reddita causa
est, Quod nimium dominae cura molesta tua est. Si
sapis, o custos, odium (mihi crede) mereri Desine. 139
concoquit iram: This conjecture of Lachmann exactly
hits the meaning and probably gives the actual words
of the poet. liOfui^ta, even more than in 23 10, is a
certain correction of facta. Baehrens' concipit and per-
Jida facta in my opinion ruin the point of the antithesis.
141: That two verses are lost here, and not more
than two, is clear to my mind: nee might possibly, tho'
not probably, be for non) but there must have been a
Catulle in what is lost, to make tolle intelligible. But
to assume with Ellis a lacuna of 18 vss. would be an
insufferable drag on the poem which has at length done
with its tiresome episodes, and can have nothing now
to say to *pius Aeneas' or to his wife and father. Here
we are concerned with Aeneas' brother, not with Aeneas
himself; with his mother, not with his wife or father.
As quia would be written compendiously. At quia seems
the best correction of Atq; : in the next verse tolle must
have the usual sense of this imperative: 'away with'
*have done with': a sense so common as to need no
illustration. *But, as mortals should not be compared
with gods, [and as Juno's wrongs too are far greater than
mine, do not indulge, Catullus, in bootless complaints,
and] have done with the thankless task of an over-
anxious father': tremulus is a very favourite word with
Catullus: here it seems to have much the sense it has
in 61 51 Te suis tremulus parens Inuocat: 'tremulous
with anxiety'. Give her the liberty she wishes.
143: Yes, and besides all this, remember too that I
have not the claims of a lawful spouse: 'she came not
192 CATVLLI
to my house, led thither hy her father's hand'. Ellis
quite misapprehends the meaning of 'Nee tamen', and
Baehrens reads tandem, which ruins the sense. I have
illustrated this use of tamen at length in my note onLucr.
V 1177 (and i 1050); and I could here add many more
instances, as Cic. epist. x 1 3 et, praeterquam quod rei
publicae consulere debemus, tamen tuae dignitati ita
fauemus cet. : where Wesenberg changes tamen to etiam,
as other editors do or wish to do in more than one of
the passages which I have quoted in my Lucretius.
145: 'But she gave me stealthy favours in the silent
night, snatched from her own lord's very bosom', muta
seems to me unquestionably right: I have spoken again
and again of the repeated confusion in our Mss. of t and
r; and mira has to me no meaning: comp. 64 138 mi-
serescere. mirescere O, mitescere G. 147 nobis unis;
i.e. mihi uni: so above in 68 nobis: below in 156 and
157 nos, nobis: he must have felt some charm of pathos
in this use of the plural, which he so strangely mixes
up with the singular. See the 107th poem, in which
he expresses ecstatic delight at an unexpected revival
of Lesbia's love: Quare hoc est gratum nobis quoque —
carius auro. Quod te restituis, Lesbia, mi cupido. Res-
tituis cupido atque insperanti, ipsa refers te Nobis, o
lucem candidiore nota ! : a seeming reminiscence of our
passage : 'Therefore 1 am content, if to me alone is given
one happy day, which my lady marks with a whiter stone
than usual'. 148: Tho' diem is a simple correction
generally adopted, I choose to keep dies, because to my
taste the involved sentence adds a piquancy, and is not
alien to Catullus' style : 44 8 Non inmerenti quam mihi
mens uenter, Dum sumptuosas appeto, dedit, cenas;
66 18 Non, ita me diui, uera gemunt, iuerint; 40 adiuro
teque tuumque caput, Digna ferat quod siquis inaniter
CARM. 68^ 193
adiurarit: Lucan i 13 much resembles our passage but
is harsher: quantum terrae potuit pelagique parari Hoc,
quern ciuiles hauserunt, sanguine, dextrae.
149 — 152 refer back to the first ten lines; as in-
deed this part of our poem generally has a parallelism
with the first part. 155 — 160 : * A blessing on you aU,
you and her who is dear to you as life, your wife ; and
on your house in which my mistress and I have toyed ;
and on Afer who in the beginning gave to me you and
my lady, him from whom all the happiness of my life
was first derived ; and first and chiefest on her, who is
dearer to me than my own self, my light, who while
she lives makes it sweet to me to live'. 155 tua uita :
the countenance of the wife was all-important, nos:
see my note on 68, to which this v. refers. 156 Either
Ellis is or I am much out here. 157 te et eraif}i is got
readily from terrmn, and I think gives a fuller meaning
than other corrections : Afer of course is uncertain, but
it comes very easily from aufert, and is a known name ;
tho' I am quite ready to surrender it for Anser : ' qui
principio nobis terram dedit, aufert' would occur very
naturally to the pen of a monk, dreaming that it re-
ferred to our Maker. By introducing Catullus and
also Lesbia to Allius, Afer may truly be said to have
first given to Catullus both Allius and Lesbia : eram :
so 'erae' in 136. The ehsion te et oxtm is a very easy
one ; as the strictest metrists, such as Ovid, freely ehde
me, te, se before short vowels : in Catullus himself comp.
8 16 te adibit; 12 4 te inepte; 14 3 te odio; 66 25 at
te ego certe ; 1 1 4 2 in se habet : all before short vowels.
Whether the pronoun be emphatic or not, makes not
the slightest difference: 6 16 uolo te ac tuos amores;
66 75 quam me afore semper. Afore me a dominae;
Aen. XI 410 Nunc ad te et tua, magne pater, consulta
M. c. 13
194 CATVLLI 68^
reuertor ; Ter. Phor. 442 Gnatus qui me et se hisce im-
pediuit nuptiis. 158 mi is necessary to metre and
sense. 159 : surely Ellis quite misapprehends the con-
struction here.
LESBIA
This seems a not unsuitable place to say a few
words on the question who Lesbia was. I have already
more than once in the preceding pages, in the article
for instance which was written for the Journal of Phi-
lology ten years ago and is now reprinted, expressed
my firm belief that she was no other than the notorious
Clodia. This belief was held in the 16th century by
such scholars as Victorius, Muretus and Achilles Sta-
tins ; but, like much else, was suffered to lie in abey-
ance until it was again revived in the present genera-
tion, especially by the ' Quaestiones' of Schwabe, in
which this question, as well as others appertaining to
the life of Catullus, has been discussed with elaborate
fulness. Since then it has been accepted by the ma-
jority of scholars, tho' impugned by more than one
German critic who has flattered himself that he has
disproved or at least invalidated it. My belief in it
has remained quite unshaken, nay has acquired new
strength ; tho' I frankly admit the prima facie unlike-
lihood of a lady of Clodia's exalted rank having been
the mistress of a young poet — an unlikelihood however
which Clodia's life and character vastly lessen the force
of. The question no doubt will still remain a dispu-
table one: Mr Nettleship says for instance with refer-
ence to it, in the short but excellent notice which he
LESBIA 105
has given in the Academy of Ellis' commentary : * We
confess, in spite of the authority against us, to having
our doubts on this point'. I shall be as concise as I
can, both for the sake of clearness and because I rest
of necessity mainly on the authorities so fully cited by
Schwabe and on the inferences which he and others
draw from these authorities ; tho' I may be able to set
one or two matters in a different point of view which
may help to throw some fresh light upon them.
Lesbia, Ovid tells us, and we should all have sur-
mised it for ourselves, was a feigned name. Where
did Catullus get the name from? all will answer with
Vossius, from his love and study of Sappho. But on
this I would say one thing more. No one can doubt
that his 51st poem, the translation of Sappho's famous
ode, is among the earliest of his extant poems and was
conceived and done in the rapture of first love, when
he saw his divinity through the golden haze of yet un-
satisfied passion. The only two poems referring to
Lesbia which we can well suppose to be as early as, or
earlier than, this one, the 2nd ' Passer deUciae', and
the 3rd * Lugete o Veneres', contain neither of them
Lesbia' s name. May we not then conceive that, even
as his ecstasy had impelled him to heighten his original
by the ' Ille, si fas est, superare diuos', so in continuing
his version it may have struck his fancy how far better
the burning words of passion which Sappho squanders
so sadly on her Lesbian girl, her 'mistress minion*,
would fit themselves to his own bright goddess? He
would then write down * nam simul te, Lesbia, aspexi',
and she would become once and for ever his ' Lesbian
maid'.
The bond which connects Lesbia with Clodia' ap-
pears to me not to be formed by a series of Hnks, the
13—2
196 CATVLLVS
failure of one of which renders the whole chain useless,
but rather to consist of several quite independent chains,
some of greater, some of less strength, which severally
attach the two together, and mutually strengthen and
are strengthened by each other. Apuleius acquaints us
with the important fact that Lesbia's actual name was
Clodia. This may go but a little way to prove her to
be the Clodia we want ; and yet the mere name is
something I think, and for the following reasons. The
father Appius Claudius Pulcher and his two eldest sons
spelt their name in the traditional manner : why the
youngest son Publius and the three daughters were
called or called themselves Clodius and Clodia, I do not
know. But clearly after this the form Clodius and
Clodia became more common among liheHi and libertae;
tho' of course there were Clodii before this ; and Cicero
in his speech for Cluentius speaks of a L. Clodius, an
itinerant quack-salver of Ancona. I may observe that
Lesbia cannot be either of the two sisters of the more
famous Clodia, as one was dead and the other already
divorced and prosecuted by her husband at a time
when Lesbia was still Hving with her husband.
With the 79th poem however we make an impor-
tant, to my mind a quite decisive, advance towards
the identification of the Clodia in question :
Lesbius est pulcher : quid ni ? quem Lesbia malit,
quam te cum tota gente, Catulle, tua.
sed tamen hie pulcher uendat cum gente Catullum,
si tria notorum sauia reppererit.
4 notomm 0. natonun G.
* Lesbius is a pretty fellow : no doubt, since Lesbia
prefers hun to you, Catullus, with all your kith and
LESBIA 197
kin. But this pretty fellow is welcome to sell Catullus
with kith and kin, if he can manage to get three kisses
of acquaintances '. notorum of O is clearly right : no-
tiis is often used as a substantive : Caes. B. C. i 74
hi suos notos hospitesque quaerebant.
There can be but one meaning to this : Lesbia was
a Clodia, therefore Lesbius must be a Clodius. The
poem points to foul charges of incest between Lesbius
and Lesbia, resembling those which were current against
Publius Clodius and his sister Clodia : the last Kne
points to still fouler charges, the same as those which
Cicero does not hesitate to bring against Clodius.
Then the *pulcher': surely this points to Clodius' cog-
nomen Pulcher, and recalls Cicero's repeated jests on
the same name : surgit pulchellus puer — furor Pulchelli
— Pulchellum nostrum — postquam speculum tibi alla-
tum est, longe te a pulchris abesse.sensisti. When we
compare the 2nd v. with 58 2 Ilia Lesbia, quam Catul-
lus unam Plus quam se atque suos amauit omnes : the
two passages would seem to refer to one another, and
to something which the poet had said to Lesbia in
the heyday of their passion. It is possible, not I think
probable, that the Clodius here alluded to is Sextus,
whose character Cicero paints in much the same colours
as that of Publius. Anyhow a Clodius it was.
I would now again call attention to the poem 68 b,
on parts of which I have just discoursed at such length.
If that poem does not prove Lesbia to have been a
woman of position, I have no more to say on the whole
question. Who then was she, if she were not Clodia,
wife of Q. Metellus Celer ? Dates, as I have already
said, declare that she was not either of Clodia's two
sisters. And this I need not follow out, as both the
sisters were married to men of equal rank with Metel-
158 CATVLLVS
lus, to L. Luoullus and to Marcius Rex respectively,
and no one will resort to either of these, who rejects
the third. What other woman of rank was there in
Rome, named Clodia ? I look through the lists of the
Appii Claudii and the Claudii Marcelli and find that,
before P. Clodius and his sisters, they were one and all
called Claudius, tho' once or twice a coin or inscription
may casually present the vulgar form Clodius.
I now go on to another indication : in more than
one poem Catullus inveighs fiercely against one Rufus,
whom the poet had believed to be among his dearest
friends, but who had in some way atrociously wronged
him. Turn especially to the 77th poem : Rufe mihi
frustra ac nequiquam credite amice: — Frustra? immo
magno cum pretio atque malo — Sicine subrepsti mi
atque intestina perurens JEi! misero eripuisti omnia
nostra bona ? Eripuisti, eheu nostrae crudele uenenum
Vitae, eheu nostrae pestis amicitiae. Look at the
whole of this ; compare the words in Italics with G8 b
157 Et qui principio nobis te et eram dedit Afer, A
quo sunt primo mi omnia nata bona : Rufus had taken
from him, what Afer had first given, the greatest bless-
ing of his life — surely nothing else but the love of
Lesbia.
Now Cicero's speech in defence of M. Caelius Rufus,
from which we learn so much about Clodia, true or false,
lets us see that the orator and would-be politician, M.
Caelius Rufus, a man a year or two younger than Car
tullus, a friend and correspondent of Cicero, his letters
occupying the whole of the 8th book of the Epistles,
was entangled in a long intrigue with Clodia, lodged
in her house on the Palatine, and finally came to an
internecine quarrel with her. These events took place
from about the end of 59, soon after the death of Clo-
LESBIA 199
dia's husband, to 57 B.C. ; and during this period of
time the poet must have gone through the various
phases of estrangement from Lesbia and of reconciliation
with her, until the final rupture took place before his
departure for Bithynia in the beginning of 57. Was
not Rufus then M. CaeHus Rufus ?
I would finally appeal to my dissection of 68 a :
Catullus informs us that he was writing from Verona.
Manlius, we have proved, could not, as is usually main-
tained, have written from E-ome. He was writing from
some place where there were many people of fashion,
' de mehore nota'. Lesbia was there, and unfaithful to
Catullus. May not this place have well been Baiae,
the favourite haunt of Clodia and the scene of her pro-
fligacy, whenever she was away from Rome ?
But many scholars I am aware feel the same as
Mr Nettleship feels when he says : ' Can Clodia ever
have sunk so low as the triuia and aiigiporti of Rome?
Does Cicero, in all his invective, ever hint as much as
this?' Well, Cicero and her sometime lover Caelius
Rufiis both called her 'Quadrantaria'; and that smacks
very much of the triuia and angiporti: nay, Catullus
himself never taunts Lesbia with being a mercenary
prostitute, like the Ameana puella. We must not for-
get too the poet's passionate nature, and how he often
convicts himself in his envenomed attacks on those
who have offended him. Take for instance the 91st
and 116th poems: if Gellius was, and was known to
Catullus to be, so abandoned a profligate and villain,
why did Catullus degrade himself by trying so hard to
gain his friendship ? If he was not such a man, then
the poet's inhuman invective is no less ignominious for
himself. But in truth Clodia would seem, like many
other women of high rank in ancient Rome, as in the
200 CATVLLVS
Italy and France of the 15th and 16th and the Russia
of the 18th century, when her husband's death had
freed her from constraint, to have drained every pleasure
to the dregs, and finding them one after the other to
be but vanity and vexation of spirit, to have come to
* feed on garbage' in the very recklessness of satiety.
Seneca in his Hippolytus (206) well depicts such a state
of things :
Tunc ilia magnae dira fortunae comes
subit Hbido : non placent suetae dapes,
non tecta sani moris aut uilis cibus.
cur in penates rarius tenues subit
haec delicatas eligens pestis domos ?
cur sancta paruis habitat in tectis Venus,
mediumque sanos uulgus afiectus tenet ?
I have dwelt longer on this question than I had
intended to do ; but at the risk of being tedious I will
bring into the comparison with Clodia two ladies, one
of them her equal, the other even higher in rank ; one of
them belonging to the same, the other to the next gene-
ration. It is not an embittered poet, but the philo-
sophical historian Sallust who (Catil. 25) thus paints
the character of Sempronia, the mother of Decimus
Brutus : haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea
uiro, liberis satis fortunata fuit ; htteris Graecis et
Latinis docta, psallere saltare elegantius quam necesse
est probae, multa alia quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt,
sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudi-
citia fuit ; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud
facile discerneres ; lubido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret
uiros quam peteretur...uerum ingenium eius haud ab-
surdum : posse uersus facere, iocum mouere, sermone
uti uel modesto uel molli uel procaci ; prorsus multae fa-
LESBIA 201
cetiae multusqiie lepos inerat. Take away tlie 'liberis',
and you have Clodia here painted to the life ; even the
fine dancing and the verse-making suit her.
The other lady is Julia, the only child of Augustus,
*dis genita et genitura deos', married three times suc-
cessively, the first and second time to the two destined
heirs, the third time to the actual heir of the empire, the
mother of many children, marked out to be emperors or
mothers of emperors, a lady who retained the love of
the Koman people even to her cruel end. Macrobius
(Saturn, ii 5), following some old authority, describes
her, as she was in her thirty-eighth year, speaks of her
as a strange compound of vice and excellence, winning
the afiections of all by her 'mitis humanitas' and her
varied accomplishments. But hear now what Seneca,
a younger contemporary, says (de breuit. uitae 4 6) :
filia et tot nobiles iuuenes, adulterio uelut sacramento
adacti, iam infracti [Augusti] aetatem territabant. The
angry poet in his bitterest lampoon is not more merci-
less to Lesbia, than the angry old father shews himself
towards his only child in the public edict which he made
the Praetor read before the Senate, and which Seneca
(de benef vi 32) has preserved for us. When the deed
was past recall, and, with his daughter's, he had laid
his own honour in the dust, he deplored his headstrong
folly, and often cried out : 'horum mihi nihil accidisset,
si aut Agrippa aut Maecenas uixisset'. But read his
own words: Admissos gregatim adulteros, pererratam
noctiu-nis comissationibus ciuitatem, forum ipsum et
rostra, ex quibus pater legem de adulteriis tulerat,
filiae in stupra placuisse, cotidianum ad Marsyam con-
cursum, cum ex adultera in quaestuaHam uersa ius
omnis licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret. Does not
the first part of this edict remind us of the 'salax taber-
202 CATVLLVS
na uosque contubernales', the 'boni beatique' and 'omnes
pusilli et semitarii moechi' of our 37th poem? Both
Augustus and Catulhis are really speaking of young
men of fashion about town. And do not the words
printed in Itahcs paraphrase in language rather less
coarse the 'Nunc in quadriuiis et angiportis Glubit
magnanimi Remi nepotes' of our 58th poem?
71
Siqua iure bono sacer, o Rufe, obstitit hircus
aut siqua merito tarda podagra secat,
aemulus iste tuus, qui uestrum exercet amorem,
mirifice est a te nactus utrumque malum.
5 nam quotiens futuit, totiens ulciscitur ambos:
illam affligit odore, ipse perit podagra
1 Siqua V. Siquoi uulgo. iure Palladius. uiro V. sacer o Eufe scripsi.
sacrorum G. sacratorum 0. sacer alarum uulgo. 2 siqua scripsi. siquam V.
siquem uulgo.
In order to apprehend the meaning of this unat-
tractive poem, one should consult Haupt's Quaest. p. 9 1
foil, tho' I do not agree with all he says, and he himself
indeed in his edition has withdrawn his Ate. I have
tried hard, but have been quite unable to. understand
and realise Ellis' conception of the poem. I have a
strong suspicion that it is addressed to Rufus, as the
69th is expressly and the 73rd no less certainly. West-
phal somewhere draws attention to the fact that Catul-
lus not unfrequently thus alternates poems on the same
persons or on similar subjects with others of quite a
different complexion: comp. for instance 3, 5 and 7 ;
16, 21 (only 17 intervenes) and 23; 41 and 43. My
correction sacei', o Riife of the sacrorum (scvcratorum)
LESBIA, CARM. 71 203
of Mss. is not so harsh as it might appear at first sight
to be; and I avoid two or three further changes made
by the editors. As I have ah-eady so often remarked,
final m and s are again and again interchanged in our
Mss. from having been written with very similar co7n-
pendia : f and f are often nearly undistinguishable, and,
as e and o are oftener confused than any other two
letters in our Mss., sacer o Rufe ohstitit might easily
pass into scicrorum, quite as easily I think as sax^er
alarum. It may be said, Rufus need not be named
here any more than in 73. But there is a great differ-
ence between the two cases: 73 tells its tale clearly
enough; but 71 would be pointless and unintelligible
without a name. Haupt, Mueller and Schwabe most
properly I think accept hire for the Ms. iiiro : e and o,
as I have so often repeated, being perpetually confused,
the ductus litterarum are almost the same. I do not at
all like Virro of Parthenius, which both Ellis and Baeh-
rens adopt; for hono has then no meaning to me; and I
much doubt Virro in Catullus: he writes Naso, while
Ovid always says Nas6. The 'sacer hircus' is of course
the same thing as the *trux caper' of 69 6. Haupt I.e.
p. 92 quotes Isidore's illustrations of sacer in its bad
sense: *leno sacer' et 'sacer hircus', and with some rea-
son concludes that Isidore is referring to our verse.
This would go far to disprove alarum, as otherwise
alarum too would naturally have been quoted to com-
plete the phrase; just as he cites in illustration oi sacer
in a good sense 'inter flumina nota et fontes sacros',
and 'Auri sacra fames' and 'sacrae Panduntur portae'
for its bad sense ^.
^ At the same time it cannot be denied that Isidore may refer to Georg, ii
395 stabit sacer hircns ad aram : espec. if we compare 380 Non aliam ob culpam
Baccho caper omnibus aris Gaeditur : oven if he is forcing Virgil's words.
204 CATVLLI
In V. 1 I keep the Siqua of Mss. while all editors read
Siquoi ; and in 2 my siqua merito is a somewhat slighter
change than the siquem of all editions. The omission of
the object in these two lines seems to add point to the
expression : ' If in any way, Bufus, the accursed he-
goat has with full justice given offence, or if in any
way the laming gout deservedly scourges, your rival
has with marvellous adroitness caught from you both
mischiefs : for he thus punishes both, — himself and her ;
her he stifles with the smell, he is martyred himself
with the gout': the last two verses are rightly ex-
plained by Haupt 1. c. p. 92. 1 o Rufe : Catullus
generally omits o ; but 87 5 o Gelli : for the meaning
of ohstitit comp. Aen. vi 64 quibus obstitit Ilium et
ingens Gloria Dardaniae, and Plautus cited by Ellis,
where too the object is omitted as here. Manifestly
I think the vague generality which the absence of an
object gives to the first two lines, improves their point,
such as it is ; because it is the woman who is offended
in 1, the man who is scourged in 2 ; and yet the poet
does not wish to reveal that till the last line : in 4 too
a te, which most editors alter, seems to me quite neces-
sary to the point of the epigram. If this poem be
addressed to Bufus, i.e. M. Caelius Rufus, then the
'uestrum amorem' of 3 would seem to be Lesbia, and
the 'Aemulus iste tuus' one of her many lovers. This
and 69 would then have been written at a later time
than 7'S and 77, which express the first anguish of
jealousy and of friendship betrayed. In the last line
of 69 the fugiunt of Mss. should I believe he fugiant ;
for the best writers always employ the indie, after *mi-
rari, admirari si, quod' but the subjunct. after 'cur':
Anyhow Virgil would help to shew that ' sacer hircus ' was a marked expression ;
and it is more emphatic without 'alarum'.
CARM. 71, 73, 76 205
the 'downriglitness and coarseness' wLich 'the indie,
adds,' I do not apprehend.
73 3 and 4 I would thus complete :
Omnia sunt ingrata, nihil fecisse benigne
iam iuuat : immo etiam taedet obestque magis.
My lam iuuat would be more likely to fall out
before the similar letters that follow, than either Pro-
dest of most editions or Baehrens' luuerit : I feel little
doubt that the lost word or words belong to what pre-
cedes; not to what follows, as Haupt, and some others
assume. My lam seems to have force, when we con-
sider the Desine of 1, and the modo of 6.
7Q
Siqua recordanti benefacta priora uoluptas
est homini, cum se cogitat esse pium
nee sanctam uiolasse iidem nee foedere in ullo
diuum ad fallendos numine abusum homines :
5 multa parata manent iam in longa aetate, Catulle,
ex hoc ingrato gaudia amore tibi.
nam quaecumque homines bene cuiquam aut dicere
possunt
' aut facere, haec a te dictaque factaque sunt :
omnia quae ingratae perierunt credita menti.
10 quare cur te iam a ! amplius excrucies ?
quin tu animum offirmas atque istinc teque reducis
et dis inuitis desinis esse miser ?
'difficile est Ion gum subito deponere amorem *.
difficile est, uerum hoc qualubet efficias :
206 CATVLLI
15 una salus haec est, hoc est tibi peruincendum,
hoc facias, sine id non pote siue pote.
o di, si uestrum est misereri, aut si quibus iimquam
extrema iam ipsa in morte tulistis opem,
me miserum aspicite et, si iiitam puriter egi,
20 eripite hanc pestem perniciemque mihi.
heu ! mihi subrepens unos ut torpor in artus
expulit ex omni pectore laetitias I
non iam illud quaero, contra me ut diligat ilia
aut, quod non potis est, esse pudica uelit:
25 ipse ualere opto et taetrum hunc deponere morbum.
o di, reddite mi hoc pro pietate mea.
5 manent iam in longa scripsi. manetu inlonga 0, manenti * in longa G.
manent in longa uulgo. manent cum longa Baehrens. 10 cnr te iam a ami^lius
scripsi. a om. V. iam te cnr uulgo. cur te iam iam Baehrens. 11 Qnin tu
animum offirmas Statius. Qui tui animo ofQrmas V. Quidni animum Baehrens.
istinc teque Heinsms. instincteque O, istinctoque G. 18 ipsam morte V.
21 Heu Meleager. Seu Y. 23 me ut Heyse. me ut me V. ut me uulgo.
No other poem of Catullus brings more vividly
before us the fierce earnestness of his impassioned na-
ture, which made him one of the great lyric poets of
the world. We heard him above, in 68 70 — 72,
dwelling with rapt enthusiasm on the moment, which
had stamped itself on his memory for ever, when Les-
bia appeared on the threshold of AUius' house, and
there was now no barrier of convention between him
and her. We saw how, by his total absorption in self,
he could regard himself, the paramour, as an innocent
bridegroom, and her, the faithless wife, as a jDure and
virgin bride. Just so in our present poem he can pic-
ture himself to his own heart as the virtuous and out-
raged husband, and Lesbia as the well-beloved and
traitorous wife of his bosom : ' Such tricks hath strong
imao-ination ' — when it belonfys to a Catullus. To no
CARM. 7G 207
other of his poems may we more justly apply the words
of an accomplished writer in the North British Review
(vol. 36 p. 232) : 'He is one of the very few writers in
the world who, on one or two occasions, speaks directly
from the heart. The greater number even of great
poets speak only from the imagination;... but this one
speaks as nature bids him the joys and sorrows of his
own heart' : a criticism at once original and most true.
I heartily agree with all that Ellis writes in praise
of this poem ; but I do not feel that 'it must have been
written late ' ; it may have been written late ; but so
fiercely vacillating were the moods of the poet's mind,
that I am not at all sure it was composed much later
than the two parts of 68. This and many similar cases
I acknowledge myself totally unable to decide upon.
5 : my reading here is I think nearer the Mss. than
others which have been proposed : iam is by no means
otiose. 10 my insertion of a is a very simple correc-
tion : Catullus is fond of this interjection ; which is
unelided, as here, in Hor. epod. 5 71 A, a solutus; Tib.
(Lygdamus) iii 4 82 A ego ne; (Sulpicia) iv 11 3 A ego
non aliter. 11 animum offirmas: this I take to be a
quite necessary correction of 'animo off.'; the absorp-
tion of um in the like letters which precede, and the
doubling of o exactly resemble the examples given at
65 12 morte canam. The instances cited by Ellis of
offirmo followed by an infin., occurriDg too only in
Plautus and Terence, scarcely warrant 'animo offirmas'
here : I suspect too that Ovid was thinking of Catullus
when he wrote met. ix 745 Quin animum firmas teque
ipsa recolligis, Iphi, Consiliique inopes et stultos excu-
tis ignes: which might support 'Quin tu' as well as
'animum'. istinc teque: this I am convinced is the
right reading here: for the position of qi(e comp. my
208 CATVLLI
note on 57 2 Mamurrae pathicoque: in our passage
indeed que could not well have any other position : for
que — Et comp. 102 3 Meque...Et, by no means a rare
combination in Latin. 18 'ipsa in morte' and 'ipsa
morte' are equally near the 'ipsam morte' of V: twice
in Virgil we find 'Extrema iam in morte', and he was
perhaps more likely to omit the prepos. than Catullus :
tho' Virgil has also 'extrema hora'. 21 Heu, milii s.
(not Heu mihi, s.) seems the simplest correction of >Sew :
68 12 Neu O, Seu G. 23 tne ut me of Y for ut me
resembles 110 3 quod promisisti milii quod V.
92
Lesbia mi dicit semper male nee tacet umquam
de me : Lesbia me dispeream nisi amat.
quo signo? quia sunt totidem mea: deprecor illam
assidue, uerum dispeream nisi amo.
If Gellius had not chanced to preserve the last two
verses, we should have depended on O alone for them;
one instance out of so many in which it shews its
superiority over G. 3 sunt totidem mea: Ellis' sug-
gestion that 'the expression is perhaps drawn from the
language of games' is probable enough. However that
may be, the quite parallel expression in Hor. sat. ii 298
Dixerit insanum qui me, totidem audiet atque Respi-
cere ignoto discet pendentia tergo, helps to shew that
Catullus' words are not to be tampered with, tho' no
one has given a precise explanation of either Catullus
or Horace.
CARM. 92, 95 209
95
Zmyma mei Cinnae, nonam post denique messem
quam coepta est nonamque edita post hiemem,
milia cum iiiterea quingenta Hatrianus in uno
uersiculorum anno putidiLS euomuit,
5 Zmyma cauas Satrachi penitus mittetur ad undas,
Zmjmam cana diu saecula peinioluent :
at Yolusi annales Paduam morientur ad ipsam
et laxas scombris saepe dabunt tunicas,
parua mei mihi sint cordi monumenta Phalaeci :
10 at populus tumido gaudeat Antimacho.
3 Hatrianus in {uel is) scripsi. Hortensius V. 4 hunc u. addidi : om. V.
9 Phalaeci addidi : om. V. sodalis Atiantius, uulgo.
Haupt first, at the end of his Quaestiones, and
next Schwabe in his most elaborate dissection of this
difficult and corrupt poem (Quaest. p. 278 — 288) have
dispelled much of the darkness which long rested on it.
I flatter myself lean make some further contribution
to its criticism and elucidation. I regret to add that
either I am quite wrong in this assumption, or else
Ellis in his commentary, instead of advancing, has made
a step backward, especially in his defence of the absurd
* Hortensius*. This unlucky word has caused Lach-
mann, and after him Haupt, to separate vss. 9 and 10
from the rest, and make them into a distinct poem.
Schwabe has clearly proved that they cannot form a
complete whole, and that * Hortensius' must be corrupt.
I will state as briefly as I can what Haupt, Schwabe
and others have already made clear, and will then go
on to what I have to add of my own.
The Zmyma or Myrrha is an epyllion, or short
hexameter poem, of his friend Gains Heluius Cinna,
M.c. 14
31 Q CATVLLI
mentioned above in our 10th poem, on the story of
Myrrha, the daughter and paramour of Cinyras and
the mother of Adonis. Catullus throughout presents
this short but excellent epic in contrast with the vo-
luminous but worthless *Yolusi annales'. These 'an-
nales' were a long chronicle in hexameters written by
Volusius, a pseudonym for one Tanusius Geminus, as
has been demonstrated beyond dispute from a passage
in Seneca. Already in his 36th poem Catullus has
mercilessly jeered at these 'annales Yolusi', whether
with fuU justice or not, it is impossible for us to say.
To judge from their punctuation and comments, all
previous editors would seem to make the sentence end
with the lost 4th line. This cannot be so ; for Catullus
certainly would not use edita for edita est: the 5th
verse takes up the * Zmyma' of the first : ' The Zmyrna
of my Cinna, published ten summers and ten winters
after it was begun, when all the time the putid Hatrian
has been belching forth verses at the rate of 500,000
a year, the Zmyrna, I say, will be sent as far as the
waters of the Satrachus ; Zmyrna the hoar ages will
long peruse : but the annals of Volusius will perish be-
fore they get across the Padua and will many a time
furnish roomy coats for mackerel'. Catullus' first coup-
let, and this nine years' incubation over a poem of a
few hundred lines became proverbial: not only Quin-
tilian, but also Philargyrius and Seruius on EcL ix 35,
and Porphyrion and Pseudo-Acron on the Ars poet.
388 speak of this nine years travail: Philargyrius 1. 1.
refers to Catullus and to Quintilian, and adds that
Horace's ' nonumque prematur in annum ' is said to be
an allusion to it. 3 ; Of the * Hatrianus' I will speak
presently : my supplement must give the general sense,
some decided antithesis to the first couplet. The 'milia
CARM. 95 211
quingenta' was proverbial perhaps for a large number;
for Trimalchio in liia laughable way talks of ^sublata
in horreum ex area tritici milia medium quingenta' in
a single day from his Cuman estate.
5 is well explained by Haupt who shews from seve-
ral ancient authorities that Satrachus was the name of
a, town and river in Cyprus, and Zmyma or Mjrrrha
belonged to Cyprus. Cinna's Zmyrna will get as far as
the distant home of the heroine herself, i. e. will have
a world-wide fame; and (6) will live through long ages.
I have little doubt that 'cauas Satrachi undas' is
taken from Cinna's poem, because Catullus imitates
him in 6 as well. For Cinna (Suet, de gramm. 11) says
in like manner of Valerius Cato's Diana : Saecula per-
maneat nostri Dictynna Catonis. Catullus' * saecula
cana' for remote posterity seems a strange use of the
phrase : Ellis remarks, what I had myself noted, that
Martial uses it in its more natural sense of ages long
gone by: X 19 16 he uses 'saecula posterique' to ex-
press what Catullus says here: yet Catullus' follower,
the author of the Ciris, in v. 41 clearly imitates our
verse : Nostra tuum senibus loqueretur pagina saeclis.
They seem to have anticipated Bacon's philosophical
remark : mundi enim senium et grandaeuitas pro anti-
quitate uere habenda sunt ; quae temporibus nostris
tribui debent, non iuniori aetati mundi, qualis apud
antiques fuit.
I now come to v. 7 : Haupt 1. 1., followed by the
later commentators, rightly observes that, as Satrachus
is a river, the antithesis requires that Padua shall be
also a river : what river it is he proves by quoting, after
an older critic, Polyb. ii 1 6 o Se IlaSos axj-t^erai eU hvo
fJi-ipr] Kara tov<s Trpoarayopevofievov? Tpiya/36Xov<;. TovTOiv
8fc TO fxev €T€pov cTTo/xa rrpoaovop.a.^'E.Tdi ITaSoa, to Se
14—2
212 CATVLLI
€Tepov "0\ava : my reason for repeating all this, will
appear presently. Polybius says that the two streams
into which the Po divides below Ferrara, are named
the IlaSoa and the "OXava. If we compare with him
Pliny III 119 foil., it will appear that Smith's Diet, of
Geogr. is wrong in identifying the IlaSoa with the
Padusa, mentioned in the Aeneid. The Padusa, Pliny
tells us, was the name given to the mouth of the
'Augusta fossa', an artificial cut, and that the older
name of this mouth was Messanicus. Then enume-
rating the different mouths, beginning with the most
southern, he comes to ' dein Volane, quod ante Eolane
uocabatur' : now whether * Eolane' should or should not
be ' Olane', we must connect this name with Polybius'
*OXai/a. Pliny, still advancing northward, says the lar-
gest and most northern branch was called at its mouth
* Septem Maria', no doubt from the seven mouths look-
ing like so many seas: omnia ea [ostia] fossa Flauia,
quam primi a Sagi fecere Tusci, egesto amnis impetu
per transuersum in Atrianorum paludes quae Septem
Maria appellantur, nobili portu oppidi Tuscorum Atriae
a quo Atriaticum mare ante appellabatur quod nunc
Hadriaticum. This 'fossa Flauia' carried the super-
fluous water from the other mouths northward into the
'Septem Maria'; and these were the mouths of the
northern or chief branch of the Po, and were also called
the ' Atrianorum paludes', from Atria, the only place of
importance among these 'paludes', already in Catullus'
time greatly decayed, tho' it had once been a famous
emporium of the Etruscans, before the Gauls had broken
their power in those parts; and by the testimony of
Greek and Koman authors alike it had given name to
the *ASpta? or Hadriatic.
It foUows then that Polybius' naSoa and Catullus'
CARM. 95 213
Padua was the larger and northern branch of the Po ;
for as Catullus wrote just midway in time between
Polybius and Pliny, what was common to the Po in
their time, must have existed in his : it follows too
that Volusius, or Tanusius Geminus, was born or re-
sided near it; belonged therefore to Atria or its vicinity,
the marshy district between the Padus and the Athesis.
The poet therefore says his annals will perish before
they have been able to get across the Padua. As now
the symmetry of the poem requires Volusius to be
named in 3, I have ventured to write there Hatrianus,
*the native of Hatria'; an admissible form I think, since
it gave name to the 'Hadriaticum mare'; which always
had the aspirate in Catullus' time ; though Atria is the
usual name of the town : see Mommsen Inscr. L. v p.
220. I may assume too that the a is short ; for Pro-
pertius writes 'Hadriae mare', and 'Hadrianus' is the
emperor's name, which he derived however from the
Hadria or Atria of Picenum.
We now come to the last two vss. : *Be it for me to
find enjoyment in the short works of my own Phalaecus ;
for the people to delight in their bulky Antimachus'.
In these two vss. the antithesis is still maintained be-
tween Cinna and Volusius. All commentators admit
that the 'bulky', or it may be 'turgid, long-winded, re-
dundant', 'Antimachus' is Volusius: for the reasons
why he should be so called see Ellis. To me it is equally
clear that, to produce the due antithesis, we need a
name, and the name of a Greek poet, in the imperfect
9 th verse. This has been seen by more than one critic,
and 'Philetae' and 'Phanoclis' have both been pro-
posed: certainly the 'sodalis' of most editors and the
'Cinnae' of Baehrens are very pointless. I prefer my
'Phalaeci' to anything else: Cinna must, I should infer.
214 CATVLLI
have been somewhat older than Catulkis and Calvus ;
for he had just pubhshed his epyllion after nine years'
elaboration. Now his very scanty fragments shew that^
besides this epylhon and the 'Propempticon Pollionis'
which must have been written many years later, he
wrote Phalaecian hendecasyllables, scazons and elegiac
epigrams. Catullus had not I believe at this time
finished his own epyllion ; and, if he had, he could not
have taken Cinna's, which was only just published, for
a model. He had however written just in those other
metres in which we know that Cinna too wrote. If
Cinna then were their senior, it is more than probable
that Catullus and Calvus looked up to him as one of
their teachers in poetry. We learn from the equally
scanty fragments of Phalaecus that he not only wrote
and gave name to the Phalaecian hendecasyllable, but
also composed elegiac epigrams and verses which have
much the halting effect of the scazon. There can hardly
be any doubt then that Phalaecus was a prime model
for all the three friends. What more natural now than
that Catullus should fondly call Cinna his own Pha-
laecus 1
Scholars have proved — for a good summary of the
arguments see Teuffel's Eom. Lit. — that, in spite of the
exact comcidence of name and Plutarch's odd rts KtWas
TTOLTjTiKoq dv7]p, the tribuuc C. Heluius Cinna who, as
Yal. Maximus, Suetonius, Appian, and Plutarch twice
over, tell us, was murdered by mistake at Caesar's
funeral, cannot have been our Cinna, who clearly lived
beyond that time. Else the 'tear him for his bad
verses, tear him for his bad verses' of the mob would
have been a grimly humorous revenge for Catullus' sneer
at their love for their favourite Tanusius, who must at
least have been easier to understand than Cinna was.
CARM. 95, 96, 102 215
96
Si quicquam muteis gratum acceptumque sepulcris
accidere a nostro, Calue, dolore potest,
quom desiderio ueteres renouamus amores
atque olim amissas flemus amicitias,
5 certe non tanto mors inmatura dolorist
Quintiliae, quantum gaudet amore tuo.
3 Quom Guarinus. Quo G. Que V. 4 olim amissas Statius, olim missaa V.
3 Quom: this I think a necessary correction: we
see once more in 0 and G the perpetual confusion be-
tween e and o: comp. too my note on 30 5, where I
read Quom for Que of V. 4 1 see no occasion for any
of the more violent corrections that have been made in
this verse: the simple correction of Statius puts all
straight : mitt ere often has the meaning of omittere, as
in Lucretius again and again ; and this is its sense in
the passage which Ellis quotes from Seneca; but it
never I believe has the force of amittere, which is what
we want here. 5 and 6: See my note on 45 3 with
respect to the somewhat involved construction. Surely
we need not feel any doubt that Quintilia is Calvus'
wife.
102
Si quicquam tacite commissum est fido ab amico
cuius sit penitus nota fides animi,
meque esse inuenies illorum, iure sacratum,
Corneli, et factum me esse puta Harpocratem.
1 tacite Aid. 1515. tacito V.
216 CATVLLX
* If aught has been confided m secrecy by a trusty
friend whose sincerity of soul is thoroughly proved, you
will find me to belong to that order, consecrated with
full right, and you may rest assured that I have become
the god of silence incarnate'. 1 tacite: once more the
never-ceasing interchange of e and o ; for I am convinced
that this old correction is necessary, and I am surprised
that it has been rejected by all the modem editors.
With t(jx,ito the construction is intolerably harsh, as may
be seen by looking at EUis' forced interpretations ; who
is obliged to refer both Cuius and illorum to tacito. I
do not hesitate to affirm that this acceptance of e for o
both here and in so many other passages is virtually no
departure from the Mss. at all ; thus I have no doubt
we should read studiose in 116 1.
3 illorum has now a plain and simple meaning : my
trusty friend CorneHus will find me as trusty as him-
self, and one of his own order, regularly initiated in the
guild: the plural has reference to the generic notion
contained in 'fido amico', just as in 111 Aufilena, uiro
contentam uiuere solo Nuptarumst laus e laudibus exi-
miis: see my note on 10 12 quibus. For Meque — Et
comp. 76 11 teqiLe — Et and my note there.
I will here refer back to a note of Ellis on 99 6
uestrae: 'not = tuae^ but of you and others like you,
your boyish cruelty... t^es^er is never = tuus in Catullus'.
\i uestrae is not for tuae here; if * uestrae saeuitiae' is
not the particular rage of luuentius alone at being
kissed, without the least notion of any other boy in the
world having any share in this rage, then it seems to
me any tuus in the language might be made out to be
really a uester. Again in 39 20 'uester dens' is surely
the tooth of Egnatius alone of all people in the world.
To v. 2 of this 99th poem, Plant, true, ii 4 19 (Phr.)
CARM. 102, 107, no 217
Complectere. (Di.) Lubens. heia, hoc est melle dulci
dulcius: would be even a closer parallel than the one
cited by Ellis.
107 1—6
Si quid cui cupidoque optantique obtigit umquam
insperanti, hoc est gratum animo proprie.
quare hoc est gratum nobis quoque — carius auro,
quod te restituis, Lesbia, mi cupido.
restituis cupido atque insperanti, ipsa refers te
nobis.
1 quid qaoi Baehrens. quid quid 0, qtiicqiiid G. cnpidoque Itali. capido Y.
By a better punctuation I have preserved the Ms.
reading in 3, and, if I am not mistaken, have augment-
ed the emphasis: 'Wherefore this is welcome to me —
ay, dearer than gold': with the asyndeton I would
compai'e my correction of 110 7 est furis — plus quam
meretricis auarae. The various alterations which critics
have made seem to me only to weaken the force of the
expression, nobis — mi cupido — cupido — insperanti—
nobis : comp. my notes on 68 68 and 147.
To go back to 104 2 Ambobus mihi quae carior est
oculis: he loves dearly this comparison; but the * Am-
bobus' adds to its pathos; as Apul. apol. p. 402 Hoc
mihi uos eritis quod duo sunt oculi. 'When these two
things were desired, the Ambassador told us, It was to
ask his Master's two eyes, to ask both his eyes, asking
these things of him' O. CromweU (Carlyle ii p. 422).
110
Aufilena, bonae semper laudantur amicae:
accipiunt pretium, quae facere instituunt.
218 CATVLLI
tu, promisisti mihi quod mentita, inimica es:
quod nee das et fers saepe, faeis facinus,
5 aut faeere ingenuae est, aut non promisse pudicae,
Aufilena, fuit: sed data compere
fraudando est furis — plus quam meretricis auarae,
quae sese toto corpore prostituit.
3 Tu, promisisti mihi quod scripsi. Tu quod promisisti mihi quod V. Tu
quod promisti, mihi quod uulgo. 4 et fers B. Guarinus. nee fers Y. 7 est furis
scripsi. efficit V.
Tills is not a poem which one would care to study
much except for purposes of criticism. But, on examin-
ing it for such purposes, I seemed to myself, rightly or
wrongly, to see some points in it which had escaped the
editors and commentators. The following appears to
be the plain and indisputable sequence of the argument:
'Aufilena, honest and kind mistresses are ever praised:
they receive the recompense of what they agree to do.
You, in having made to me feigned engagements, are
unfriendly and unfair : in not granting your favours and
yet taking money for them again and again, you are
guilty of a crime. On the one hand to fulfil engage-
ments is the course pursued by a candid woman ; on the
other hand not to have made them at all would have
been that of a modest woman : but to get hold of what
is tendered by robbery and cheating is the conduct of a
thief, — yes, worse than the behaviour of a grasping
strumpet who yields to every form of degradation'.
This seems to me the simple exposition of a simple
thought; which every edition, so far as I can see, more
or less obscures, some no doubt more than others. The
last four lines are a comment on the first four : the first
portion of these last lines being an elucidation of the
first three verses; the last portion explaining v. 4. Nor
CABM. 110 219
do I think that my corrections are more violent than
those made by others : but of these I will speak sepa-
rately.
2 fac. instit. : Cicero pro Gael. 49 si quae non nupta
mulier...uirorum alienissimorum conuiuiis uti institue-
rit: so that instituo is here almost synon. with statuo
or coiistituo. 3 : my correction of this v. by the omis-
sion of the first quod is as simple as to read with all
editors 'quod promisti'; for it is natural that a scribe
should insert a quod in its more natural position before
the verb; so 76 23 me ut. me ut me V: and my read-
ing I think is necessary for the syntax of the sentence,
as I cannot believe that Catullus would say 'quod
mentita' for *quod mentita es': the partic. mentitus is
as often passive as active. Ellis I think is right in
saying that inimica is the opposite of bona arnica; but
his text and his explanation of it I cannot comprehend :
he will not even accept, what every other modern
editor accepts, etfers for necfers; and wUl not see that
4 is a rise upon, and the due climax to, 3. Thus he
interprets: 'But you, in making me a promise, in dis-
appointing me as only a false mistress can, in refusing
either to give or take, are outraging me continually':
da^ SLiidfers, he says, are correlative 'give and take', as
in Most, 'feram siquid datur'. This is to me all a
riddle. If there is anything clear in this poem, it is
that das has the sense which it so often has in Martial,
of a woman granting her favours; and that fcrs must
have the meaning of receiving money for granting or
promising them ; and saepe surely goes with what pre-
cedes, not with what follows; and even so, how could
the words mean 'you are continually outraging me'?
To me 'saepe' has force; and 'facis facinus' is more em-
phatic without an epithet such as turpe: comp. Caes.
220 CATVLLI
B. G. VI 20 2 falsis rumoribus terreri et ad facinus
impelli; Cic. pro Mil. 43 cruentis manibus scelus et
facinus prae se ferens et confitens. The making a
promise and not fulfilling it is an offensive act; but to
take money and then not give what was bargained for
is an enormity. 6 fuit: see Madvig gramm. 348 anm.
6 — 8 is an amplification of 4. 7 est cannot be
omitted : some place it at the end of the verse ; others
where I have put it : the many many corrections which
have been made of this verse I will not mention, as
there seems to me a hitch in them all: Haupt and
Mueller simply leave it as corrupt. My est (e) furis
for the Ms. efficit is simpler than it looks : twice already,
23 10 and 68 140, the Mss. have jTocto for furta, and
on 6 12 I have given many examples, from G or O or
both, of final t for s. Of course Catullus can call the
woman a *fur', the word having no feminine, just as
Plautus, quoted in the lexicons, says to two women
*fures estis ambae'. And surely the epigram -requires
at the close some such point as I have given to it : else
what is the force of the last line ? The poet now says :
you are a thief — ^you are worse even than the strumpet
who for gain submits to any degradation : she does not
cheat you, she 'et dat et fert', gives the service for
which she took your money. The asyndeton seems
here emphatic : est furis — [est, inquam,J plus quam cet. :
comp. 107 3 Quare hoc est gratum nobis quoque — carius
auro. For the force of plus take two passages, cited by
Hand: Cic. phil. 2 31 confiteor eos, nisi Hberatores
populi Komani conseruatoresque rei publicae sint, plus
quam sicarios, plus quam homicidas, plus etiam quam
parricidas esse; Livy x 28 4 primaque eorum proeUa
plus quam uirorum, postrema minus quam feminarum
esse, Ellis surely wrestles here in vain : what resem-
CARM. 110, 114, 115 221
blance either in the arrangement of words or in the
force of the epithet between for example *perfidia plus
quam Punica' and 'plus quam meretricis auarae'? I
could comprehend for instance 'meretrix plus quam
quaestuaria*. And then the omission of est ?
114
Firmano saltu non falso Mentula diues
fertur, qui tot res in se habet egregias,
aucupia omne genus, piscis, prata, arua ferasque.
nequiquam: fructus sumptibus exuperat.
5 quare concedo sit diues, dum omnia desint:
saltum laudemus, dum modo ipse egeat.
1 Firmano saltu Auantim. Firmanus saluis V. 3 Aacupia omne genns,
Statius. Aucupia G. An cupia 0. Aucupium, omne genus uulgo. 6 mo<10
ablative,
115
Mentula habet instar triginta iugera prati,
quadraginta arui: cetera sunt nemoris.
cur non diuitiis Croesum superare potis sit,
uno qui in saltu tot moda possideat,
5 prata, arua, ingentis siluas saltusque paludesque
usque ad Hyperboreos et mare ad Oceanum?
omnia magna haec sunt, tamen ipsest maximus, ut re
non homo, sed uero mentula magna minax.
1 instar corrupt : perhaps tonsi. 2 nemoris scripsi. maria V. 4 moda. bona
Auantiui : perhaps Tot qui in saltu uno commoda possideat. 7 maximus, ut
re scripsi. maximus ultor V. ultro uulgo.
These two strange poems were perhaps left by the
poet in an unfinished state. T have printed them
both together, because the one throws much hght on
the other, the point of both being the same. If the
222 CATVLLI
various editions and commentaries be examined, it will
be seen how widely scholars differ in opinion about the
text and the meaning. Much has hitherto been left
unexplained : whether my comment^s will throw any
new light upon them, let others decide.
Mentula, it is agreed on all hands, is Caesar's friend
Mamurra of whom so much has been said above. This
offensive name must have been fixed upon him by the
'ista nostra diffututa mentula' of 29 13, where the
word is already half a proper name. This and the
* mentula magna minax' of 115 8 make it doubtful to
me whether Catullus would in our present poems have
joined the word to an epithet that declared itself to be
masculine : diues has the requisite ambiguity. For
this and other reasons I avoid in v. 1 Firmanus, and
at the beginning of 115 I do not accept noster.
Firmum was a town of Picenum, far away from
Formiae the * urbs Mamurrarum '. We might fairly
then infer I think that Mamurra got his 'Firmanus
saltus' by the favour of Caesar. "We find in the Gro-
matici uet. (Hb. col. i p. 226 Lach.) this statement: Ager
Firmo Piceno limitibus triumuiralibus in centuriis est
per iugera ducena adsignatus. If the triumvirs made
this assignation, it is likely enough that Caesar may
have intended to do something of the same kind ; and
he may well have bestowed by special grace on the
favoured Mamurra an *ager uiritanus'; for the meaning
of which see Marquardt up. 148. Yarro, cited in the
lexicons, tells us that 'saltus' was the technical name
for an assignation of land of 800 iugera. Ellis only
quotes the passage to say that this is not the sense
which it bears here. I believe that it has some such
meaning ; else the two poems become even more ob-
scure than they are at present, and the saltusque of
CARM. 114, 115 223
115 5 looks like nonsense. Mamurra's" extravagant
habits and the words of Catullus make it probable that
this saltus was used for sport rather than for profit ;
and I can see no point in the hyperbole of the 2nd
poem, unless we assume that Mamurra had got in ad-
dition to his saltus of 800 iugera or so a large tract of
uncultivated hill- and forest-land, on which no 'uectiga-
lia' could be raised and which would therefore be of little
or no value to the state or to a private cultivator.
Cicero's bitter taunt, ad Att. vii 7 6 Et Labieni diui-
tiae et Mamurrae placent : might suggest that this
saltus too came from Caesar. I will now shew what
my conception is of the whole : the one poem illustrates
the other :
114 : 'Mentula with truth is accounted rich in his
Firman saltus, which contains so many choice things,
winged game of every sort, fish of every kind, meadow-
land, ploughland and wild animals. All in vain : he
exceeds his profits by his expenses. Therefore I am
ready to grant he is rich, if only at the same time all
things are wanting : I am willing we should praise his
saltus (and its proportion), if at the same time he him-
self lack all due measure and proportion'. 115: ' Men-
tula has thirty iugera of meadow, forty of arable land :
aU the rest consists in forest. Why should he not
exceed Croesus in riches, since in a single saltus he
possesses so many commodities, meadow, ploughland,
vast forests and lawns and pools reaching to the Hy-
perboreans and the Ocean ? All these are great ; yet
he himself is greatest of all, being as he is in fact no
man, but — '.
114 3 (and 115 5) : here we have, besides arua and
prata, the ' aucupium piscatus uenatio ' mentioned by
Cicero and Celsus, quoted by Ellis : the ferae would
224 CATVLLI
be chiefly * boars ' and * deer ', Virgil's * pingiiis ferina '.
But the prata and arua mentioned in both poems, more
particularly in the 2nd, seem to shew he cannot be
using saltus in the non-technical sense of the word :
comp. Gallus Aelius ap. Fest. p. 302 saltus est, ubi
siluae et pastiones sunt, quorum causa casae quoque :
siqua particula in eo saltu pastorum aut custodum
causa aratur, ea res non peremit nomen saltus. But
here ' eae res ' make up a most essential portion of the
saltus. Comp. with both poems the Digest, quoted by
Marquardt 1. 1. : forma censuali cauetur ut agri sic in
censum referantur : nomen fundi cuiusque : et in qua
ciidtate et in quo pago sit:...et aruum, quod in decem
annos proximos sectum erit, quot iugerum sit :...pratum,
quod intra decem annos proximos sectum erit, qiwt ivr-
gerum : pascua, quot iugerum esse uideantur : item
siluae caeduae... locus qnoque piscatonos cet. : Hyginus
too (Gromat. p. 205 Lach.) speaks of ' arui primi, arui
secundi, prati, siluae glandiferae, siluae uulgaris pas-
cuae\ The poet refers with a kind of pedantry to
the things printed in Italics, as if he were speaking of
some formal estate. In the * siluae glandiferae' boars
would be fed, in those 'uulgaris pascuae' deer and
other animals.
114 3 *omne genus', indeclinable as so often in Lu-
cretius, refers I think to both *Aucupia' and 'piscis'.
5 and 6 must be compared with 7 and 8 of 115: dum
has the limiting force so common in Latin : oderint,
dum metuant : you may call him rich in name, if you
allow that his extravagance leaves him without a penny.
6 modo, the adverb, would suit neither sense nor metre:
I take the point of the verse to lie in the double sense
of modus : the Gromatici, or agri mensores, often speak
of the modus or measure of land which differed in
CARM. 114, 115 225
different places ; and Varro de R. R. i 1 1 observes : in
modo fundi non animaduerso lapsi sunt multi, quod
alii uillam minus magnam fecerunt quam modus pos-
tulauit, alii maiorem, cum utrumque sit contra rem
familiarem ac fructum. maiora enim tecta et aedifica-
mus pluris et tuemur sumptu maiore, and so on. Well,
Mamurra's saltus has a fine enough modus : it is he him-
self lacks a due modus, i.e. a modus in the metaph. sense
of 'ratio*, *moderatio': Cic. pro Marc. 1 tantum in
summa potestate rerum omnium modum, tam denique
incredibilem sapientiam ac paene diuinam tacitus prae-
terire nuUo modo possum; pro Cluent. 191 quibus
finem aliquando non mulieris modus, sed amicorum auc-
toritas fecit; de fin. ii 27 ergo et auarus erit, sed finite,
et adulter, uerimi habebit modum-, Hor. sat. ii 3 265 o
ere, quae res Nee modum habet neque consilium ration e
woc?oque Tractari non uult: Cicero and Horace almost
play on the word, as Catullus does. This line then ex-
presses much what 115 8 does : Mamurra has no modus,
no standard of moderation ; he is in fact not a human
being, but, as his name implies, a big menacing 'men-
tula', modo I think may be shortened without elision
in Catullus like *uale ualS inquit' and other hke cases:
in 10 27 *man6 inquio' is not improbably right; but
modd unelided must not be fathered on Catullus.
115 1 habet instar: is this metre possible in Catullus?
again I do not comprehend the syntax of the sentence :
in the passage of Yelleius, quoted by Ellis, instar is
followed by a genitive, and of course scores of like ex-
amples might be given: but 'instar iugera*? iuxta may
be right; tonsi, as a < precedes and a tri follows, is not
a violent diplomatic alteration: the 'pratum quod...
sectum erit', i. e. the best meadow-land, cut by the
scythe, suggested the word to me. 2 sunt nemoris : if
M. c. 15
226 CATVLLI 115
the ne were absorbed in swit (comp. G8 56 Cessare ne
for Cessarent), the moms might easily pass into maria :
w/xria I believe to be quite untenable ; nor can I grasp
Ellis' elucidations. Pliny's *septem maria' refer to the
sea-like mouths of the Po ; and Catullus is now speaking
of an upland country. The 'cetera' must contain siluae
and saltus and all kinds of game, birds and beasts, as
well as pascua : now the *sunt nemoris' will include all
this : comp. the *uariae uolucres nemora auia peruoli-
tantes' the *ad satiatem terra ferarum Nunc etiam
scatit et trepido terrore repleta est Per nemora ac
montes magnos siluasque profundas ' of Lucretius ; the
famous 'Nemus Dianae' of Aricia; the ' Te nemus Angi-
tiae, uitrea te Fucinus unda, Te liquidi fleuere lacus'.
4 'totmoda' is generally declared to be barbarous:
Auantius' * tot bona ' may be right ; yet as com is
often expressed by a short symbol, 'commoda' might
easily become 'moda', and occasion *tot' and *uno' to
change places : Tot qui in saltu uno commoda possideat,
gives a good sense and a good verse. 5 : The poet may
perhaps have meant 'salfcusque' to have some point, as
one only of the things contained 'uno in saltu'; the
'cetera sunt nemoris' comprising the 'ingentis siluas
saltusque paludesque', which contain the birds, beasts
and fish respectively. But the precise point of the
huge hyperbole in the 6th verse I cannot say I catch.
7 : I do not see the meaning of ultro which so many
editions have at the end of this verse. Ellis says Yarro
joins ultro with ipse. But it by no means follows that,
where ipse is in place, uUqv should also be so. Again I
think maximus should stand alone and not be joined
with homo ; for he is maximus just because he is not
homo. When we reflect how very very often o and e are
interchanged in our Mss., my ut re will not seem a violent
CATVLLVS AND HORACE 227
correction, and offers, if I am not mistaken, a most ap-
propriate meaning. And indeed the sed uero of 8, for
which Ellis most aptly cites Lucr. iv 986 No7i homines
solum, sed uero animalia cuncta, requires I think some-
thing like re to precede it. The first line of the next
and last poem seems to furnish another example of this
confusion of o and e : Saepe tibi studiose [B. Guarinus :
studioso V] animo uenante requirens Carmina uti pos-
sem mittere Battiadae : for by this change alone does
the sentence gain proper symmetry. Martial in i 100
seems to imitate 115 6 and 8: Mammas atque tatas
habet Afra, sed ipsa tatarum Dici et mammarum maxima
mamma potest. This qualifying use o^ ut, 'seeing that
he is', is common enough: Cic. epist. xv 3 2 mihi, ut in
eiusmodi re tantoque bello, maximae curae est ut quae
cet. With the last v. comp. Marius Plotius p. 462 1
Keil : non est homo sed ropio (?).
CATVLLVS AND HORACE
Ten years ago my much-honoured friend the late
Professor Conington pubHshed a lecture on 'the style
of Lucretius and Catullus as compared with that of the
Augustan poets', since reprinted among his miscellane-
ous writings. This lecture, composed throughout in
the kind and courteous language which his candid and
generous temper imperiously dictated to him, is a criti-
cism of certain remarks of mine which occupy less than
a page in the second edition of my Lucretius. My
remarks on Catullus and Horace are contained in about
a dozen lines: his criticism of these lines extends over
five or six pages. Obviously a dozen lines admitted of
15—2
228 CATVLLVS
no more than a most hurried and allusive reference to
the points in dispute, my main topic being of course
Lucretius. I thought then, and still think, that the
critic of my criticism had sought to join issue on far too
limited a subject-matter. I was waiting for a suitable
opportunity to tell him so ; when his lamented death
within two years of the publication of his lecture stop-
ped for a season even the desire to speak out; until the
time for speaking at all seemed to have passed away
for ever. The subject had thus dropped altogether out
of my thoughts, when the present occasion induced me
to take it up once more. To prevent the controversy
running uselessly off into the a-rreipov, I will endeavour
as much as possible to confine myself to the points
which he has raised; but in justice to myself and to
Catullus I must be allowed here and there a greater
freedom of range.
I will begin by quoting in full the few sentences of
mine to which I refer, as they are not to be found in
the last edition of my Lucretius: Tor Lucretius' sake
I am not sorry to find Catullus put by his side and de-
clared to be as much below Horace as Lucretius is below
Virgil. Though Catullus' heroic poem was I believe
one of his latest, I do not look on it or his elegiacs as
the happiest specimens of his genius; but his lyrics
to my taste are perfect gems, unequalled in Latin, un-
surpassed in Greek poetry. Horace, when he wrote
his epodes and earlier odes, was probably older than
Catullus was when he died. Yet in the metres com-
mon to them both, in the iambic for instance and the
glyconic, who will say that the former with all his
labour and care has obtained the same mastery over
them which Catullus displays, who would seem to have
thrown them off at once without effort according as the
AND HORACE 229
odi or the amo constrained him at the moment to write?
His language is as undefiled a well of Latin as that of
Plautus, and is withal the very quintessence of poetry'.
Though I do not repudiate one single syllable of what
I have said here, I should not have wished that these
few allusive sentences should have been made the whole
battle-ground in a comparison between the merits of
Catullus and Horace. Not only has Conington done
this, taking up as he had a right to do his own position
and point of observation; but he has still further nar-
rowed the ground by assuming that I wished to exclude
virtually from the comparison things which I look upon
as quite essential to its completeness : much of Catullus'
highest poetry is contained in his hexameters and ele-
giacs; tho' from the nature of the case the full perfec-
tion of form and substance is seen only in what are
generally termed his lyrics. Again when I mentioned
*the iambic for instance and the gly conic', I meant to
pit Catullus' three glyconic poems, one of which is more
than 200 Hnes in length, against all the glyconics and
asclepiads of every kind whatever in Horace ; and the
scazons and pure iambics of the former against all the
latter's epodes and some of his odes as well. Nay fur-
ther, developing my 'for instance', I sought to compare
Catullus' hendecasyllables, scazons, glyconics and sap-
phics with the whole of Horace's lyrical productions,
and to maintain their immense superiority, — immense
I mean of course according to my taste and judgment.
But Conington has still further restricted the main
controversy to an elaborate comparison between a stanza
or so of Catullus' translation of Sappho and a couple
of lines in a sapphic stanza of Horace. On this ground
too I will essay to meet him ; but I must first be allowed
to take a somewhat wider and ampler view of the case.
230 CATVLLVS
Another fundamental point of difference between
Conington and me is this : he reasons on the assumption
that in every kind of poetry alike form and language
attained their highest perfection in the Augustan age ;
that all which preceded that age was immature and
imperfect, all that followed it overripened or rotten. I
cannot express too strongly how widely I dissent from
him in this. None can admire more ardently than I
fancy that I do what is great in the Augustan age, the
consummate perfection for example of Virgil's language
and rhythm. Nay, I believe I go farther than Coning-
ton himself went, in thinking that Livy's style is on the
whole perhaps the greatest prose style that has ever
been written in any age or language. At the same
time I do not hesitate to express my firm belief that
Terence, who died at the age of 26 it would seem, nearly
a century before Virgil was bom, has attained to an
excellence of style and rhythm in his verse which has
never been surpassed in Latin or perhaps in any other
language, and that it would be the very extreme of
bigotry and injustice to maintain that Horace's iambics
can abide a moment's comparison with those of Terence.
Look on the other hand at what Martial did, notwith-
standing the manifold disadvantages of his position. If
we take the epigram in the Latin and modem sense of
the term, do all the epigram-mongers of the whole
world put together display a tithe of his exuberant
wit and humour, his fancy, his perfection of form and
style? It is only natural that Latin should observe
in these respects the law which prevails in all culti-
vated languages. One might very well hold the opi-
nion that the rhymed verse of Dryden or of Pope was
superior to that of half a century or a century before
them, without being bound to maintain that the dull
AUTD HORACE 231
and colourless blank verse of Thomson or Young was
superior or even equal to that of Shakespeare or Mar-
lowe. Tho' I have said what I have said of Livy, I do
not shut my eyes to the equal perfection of Caesar's
prose, or of Cicero's many styles as exhibited in his ora-
tions, treatises, and above all in his letters to Atticus,
the very counterpart in style of Catullus' more familiar
manner. In times of transition, when a mighty move-
ment is going on in any literature, and great poets are
pushing on their art in different directions and forging
the instruments suited for the various forms of that art,
it will always happen that inventive minds will advance
farther in some kinds than in other. Catullus then I
say has reached perfection in his lyrics ; from the force
of circumstances he has fallen short of it in his hexame-
ters and elegiacs, tho' in some of the latter, such as the
76th poem and portions of the second part of the 68 th,
he has sounded depths and reached heights of inspira-
tion, which Propertius himself has failed to attain.
Horace I believe to have been a thoroughly modest
man, and to have meant what he said, when he de-
scribes himself as laboriously gathering honey like the
Matinian bee ; declining that is to set himself up as a
rival of the Greek masters, while he is piecing together
his elaborate and more or less successful mosaics. To
match the perennial charm of the Catullian lyric we
must abandon the soil of Latium and betake ourselves
to Alcaeus or Sappho, ay and join with him or her the
Muse of Archilochus as well ; or else jump over the
ages and come at once to Burns and Goethe. With
Catullus there is no putting together of pieces of mo-
saic: with him the completed thought follows at once
upon the emotion, and the consmnmate form and ex-
pression rush to embody this thought for ever. In
232 CATVLLVS
observing that * Horace, when he wrote his epodes and
earlier odes, was probably older than Catullus was when
he died', I did not wish to grudge Horace his longer
and matured life : I meant to say that his colder genius
ripened slowly, while inspired and impassioned natures,
like Catullus, seem to leap at once to perfection in con-
ception and expression alike. How much of all that is
best in the lyrics of Goethe was thought and written
before he was thirty, even if it did not appear in its
final shape until a much later period of his hfe; and
Shakespeare's lyrical genius can never have been greater
than at the time when he conceived his Bomeo and
Juliet.
I could confirm my estimate of Catullus by the tes-
timony both of ancient and modern times. That owing
to temporary and social causes Horace had a certain
jealousy of Catullus, there can be no doubt, tho' he is
at the same time his frequent imitator. Virgil had
studied him much, as is shewn alike in his very earliest
poems and in his Aeneid ; while Ovid, the most candid
and unenvious of men, set no bounds to his admiration.
That in the age which followed the Augustan Horace
* had the cry', we might perhaps infer from the constant
imitation of his language which we meet with in the
Senecan tragedies ; perhaps too from what Quintilian
says, tho' when he is speaking of Horace, he is not
thinking of Catullus as a lyric poet at all. With Mar-
tial on the other hand, who belonged almost to the last
age in which Boman literary judgment was of much
value, Catullus was supreme. Martial, obeying the
irreversible verdict of his countrymen, freely acknow-
ledged Yirgil as sovereign of Latin poetry ; yet he
seems to worship him at a distance, and his first and
second loves, his Delia and his Nemesis, are Catullus
AND HORACE 233
and Ovid: Tantum magna suo gaudet Verona Catullo,
Quantum parua suo Mantua Vergilio. And yet there
must have been much in Catullus' somewhat archaic
rhythms and prosody to displease Martial with his mo-
dem tastes, so antipathetical to all that was obsolete.
From more recent times one might select a myriad of
witnesses for Catullus : I will content myself with a
very few. Fdnelon is not one whom we should expect
to find among the chief admirers of our poet ; and yet
he can speak of him in the following terms, selecting in
support of them a poem of two lines which a common
observer might easily pass over : Catulle, qu'on ne pent
nommer sans avoir horreur de ses obscdnitds, est au
comble de la perfection pour une simpUcitd passionnde :
Odi et amo. quare id feiciam fortasse requiris :
nescio, sed fieri sentio et excrucior.
Combien Ovide et Martial, avec leurs traits ingdnieux
et fagonnds, sont ils au dessoux de ces paroles ndgligdes,
oh. le coeur saisi. parle seule dans une espece de ddses-
poir. Coleridge near the beginning of his Biographia
tells us of the inestimable advantage which he owed
to his old master who habituated him to compare
Lucretius, Terence, and above all the chaster poems of
Catullus, not only with the Boman poets of the silver
and brazen ages, but with even those of the Augustan
era, and on grounds of plain sense and universal logic
to see and assert the superiority of the former in the
truth and nativeness both of their thoughts and diction.
There are few who have loved the great Greek and
Boman writers more than Macaulay : it is thus he
speaks of Catullus (Life ii p. 448): 'I have pretty
nearly learned all that I like best in Catullus. He
grows on me with intimacy. One thing he has — I do
234 CATVLLVS
not know whether it belongs to him or to something in
myself — but there are some chords of my mind which
he touches as nobody else does. The first lines of Miser
CatuUe; the lines to Cornificius, written evidently from
a sick bed ; and part of the poem beginning ' Si qua
recordanti' affect me more than I can explain ; they
always move me to tears'. And again (i p. 468) :
'Finished Catullus August 3, 1835. An admirable
poet. No Latin writer is so Greek. The simplicity,
the pathos, the perfect grace, which I find in the great
Athenian models, are all in Catullus, and in him alone
of the Romans'. It would have been better to put
' Greek' in the place of ' Athenian'. I have cited above
some words of an eloquent writer in the North British
Review; here are a few more: ' Of what he has written,
almost everything that is valuable appeals to feelings
that survive all changes of times and circumstances
and are common to civilised men' ; they * are as intelli-
gible and moving now, as they were to the Romans
who heard them first' : 'some of these poems have
been so often imitated that we are a little apt to forget
in reading them, how much freshness and originality
and force of thought they really display': 'no love
poems yet written are more exquisite' : — none so exqui-
site to my mind.
But I am running off into that aireipov which I
sought to eschew. Conington begins by criticising the
epithalamium of ManUus Torquatus and Yinia Aurun-
culeia. 'The fault of Catullus' says Conington, 'as I
conceive it, like that of Lucretius, is a certain redun-
dancy, now tending to luxurious ornamentation now to
rustic simplicity ; but in a poem like the epithalamium
these qualities happen to be exactly in place. It is
written throughout in a style of which the diminutives
AND HORACE 235
which abound in it (a characteristic feature these of
Catullus' diction) are a type and sample : there is a
vein of v7roKopL(rfji6<s, as the Greeks called it, running
through the piece, a petting, affectionate tone, which as
little hears to be criticised by ordinary rules as the
*' Little Language" of Swift's letters to Stella'. It is
only the halo thrown over this 'Little language' by the
love of the man now in years for the blooming woman
evoking the remembrance of the love of that man in
his youth for the half-articulate prattle of that woman
in her infancy, which saves this * Language* from being
denounced as pure idiocy. The epithalamium of Ca-
tullus contains some of the best and sweetest poetry
which this world has produced, clothed in language
of unfading charm ^. So at least I think : and yet
Conington can find nothing better, to extenuate the
' fault' of Catullus who is as fresh and modern to us as
he was to Calvus and Cinna, than the obsolete cranks
and whimsies of the poetaster Herrick. I hold it to be
one of the most grievous defects of the literary diction
established in the Augustan age, that it almost banished
from the language of poetry those diminutives which
are a characteristic, not only of Catullus' diction, but of
the letters to Atticus, and of the verse of Plautus and
Terence : it made the lyric of the heart impossible.
The same has happened in the Enghsh of Hterature;
and the true lyric seems to have vanished from English
^ Torquatus uolo paruulus Matris e gremio suae Porrigens tenoras manua
I)ulce rideat ad patrem Semhiante labello: this, and much else like it, then as
little bears to be criticised as : And so Dood moUah, Little sollah, and that is
for the rhyme : or, I assure oo it im vely rate now : but zis goes tomorrow, and
I must have time to converse with own deerichar MD. Nite dee deer soUahs ! :
or, O Kold, dlunken srut, drink Pdfr's health ten times in a morning! You are
a whetter. Faith, I sup MD's fifteen times evly molning in milk porridge.
Lelc'B fol oo now, and lele's fol u lUttle, and evly kind of sing.
236 CATVLLVS
too since the seventeenth century. Some indeed would
persuade us that the metallic resonance of that drink-
ing-song, tho' * Twas at the royal feast for Persia won',
the ' Happy, happy, happy pair ! None but the brave,
None but the brave, None but the brave deserves the
fair' has the genuine ring of the lyric, and is to be pre-
ferred to those divine stanzas which make immortal
the three peasants who get drunk over their ale : * O
Willie brewed a peck o' maut' ; or to that other lyric no
less divine which sheds an undying lustre over that
fuddled old barbarian the King of Thule. These two
songs have much of the ' petting affectionate tone',
which 'Philip's warlike son' disdains to bestow on
* lovely Thais' by his side.
Conington in his plea for Horace versus Catullus
selects, as he has a right to do, for the matter of his
main argument, one of the only two Sapphic odes which
appear among the poems of Catullus: this poem he
quotes in full and dissects. I will state by and bye
why this appears to me to bear hard upon the older
poet, and I will then enter into the minutiae of his
criticism. Meanwhile, keeping strictly to those pas-
sages in which Horace is imitating or thinking of Catul-
lus, I will, to put the controversy on what is I think a
fairer ground, cite at length, well known as it is, the
whole of that ode, two lines of which Conington brings
forward to demonstrate their superiority over the words
of the elder poet :
Integer uitae scelerisque purus
non eget Mauris iaculis neque arcu
nee uenenatis grauida sagittis.
Fusee, pharetra.
AND HORACE 237
slue per Syrtes iter aestuosas
siue facturus per inhospitalem
Caucasiim uel quae loca fabulosua
lambit Hydaspes.
namque me silua lupus in Sabina,
dum meam canto Lalagen et ultra
terminum curia uagor expeditis,
fugit inermem:
quale portentum neque niilitaris
Daunias latis alit aesculetis,
nee lubae tellus generat leonum
arida nutrix.
pone me pigris ubi nulla campis
arbor aestiua recreatur aura,
quod latus mundi nebulae malusque
luppiter urget;
pone sub curru nimium propinqui
solis in terra domibus negata,
dulce ridentem Lalagen amabo,
dulce loquentem.
This ode, from which Conington has selected his
chief weapon of attack, is certainly not in my judgment
one of Horace's best. I see no inward bond of con-
nexion between the four first most prosaic stanzas one
with the other, nor between them and the last two;
and the wolf, more terrible than any Hon or wild boar,
savours more of nervousness than of inspiration. But I
would direct attention at present on the last two stanzas.
Whether Lalage was ever a girl of flesh and bone, with
a heart beating within her ribs, or was merely a doll
stuffed with sawdust, I do not pretend to decide. But
what poet of high genius would ever imagine himself
as actually wandering about amid Arctic ice and fogs,
238 CATVLLVS
or again beneath the suns of the burning zone, and con-
tinuing the while to love his sweetly laughing Lalage?
Did he dream that 'sighing like furnace' would give
him the heat too of a furnace, fired perchance by the
inspiration of some 'woful ballad made to his mistress' '
— laugh? but then the torrid equatorial suns? Horace
never really conceived the situation : he was simply
trying to outdo what he remembered in his Catullus :
Acmen Septimius sues amores
tenens in gremio, *mea* inquit 'Acme,
ni te perdite amo atque amare porro
omnes sum assidue paratus annos
quantum qui pote plurimum perire,
solus in Libya Indiaque tosta
caesio ueniam obuius leoni'.
Bead the whole of this transcending 45th poem: it will
be felt and known to have come in one gush from the
mind of its creator. Note the perfect unity and har-
mony of the thought, the magnificent motion of the
rhythm. But turn more especially to the lines just
quoted : there you have truth and reality. Septimius,
made immortal by his love, cannot conceive even of
change in himself or in her; feels that his bliss will
never end; and so to enhance, if he may, this bhss, he
pictures to himself what of horrible he can, and offers,
if his love should ever end, to go and encounter a lion
on the torrid plains of India or Africa, knowing right
well that this can never be.
But this is not the only part of the poem that Ho-
race has been thinking of. There is a neat enough
mosaic of his, very much better than the ode quoted
above, the 'Donee gratus eram', in which the poet and
Lydia outbid one another; tho' there too I miss all
AND HORACE 239
lyrical passion and sweetness. Horace, wHen he was a
favoured lover, was happier than the king of Persia;
Lydia, ere Chloe was preferred to her, was more famous
than Roman Ilia. But what is there in the dull cold
splendour and isolation of a Persian king to attract a
real lover? And the fame of Roman Ilia! what's Iha
to her or she to Ilia, that Lydia should think her fame
worth pitting against true love ? But hear now Catul-
lus:
Nunc ab auspicio bono profecti
mutuis animis amant amantur.
unam Septimius misellus Acmen
mauult quam Syrias Britanniasque :
uno in Septimio fidelis Acme
facit dehcias libidinesque.
Here again you have the ring of true passion. At the
moment when the poem was written Caesar was invad-
ing Britain, and Crassus was off, *partant pourla Syrie',
to annihilate the Parthians. The youth of Rome were
flocking West and East, some to share in the conquest
and pillage of the new America; others to sack the
gold and jewels of Asia. Septimius heeds it not : his is
not the self-conscious and therefore unreal passion which
can affect postures and grimaces and fine-drawn senti-
ments: 'I could not love thee, dear, so much. Loved
I not honour more'. What is gain and glory to him,
when Acme is on his bosom? Then the true poet can
conceive of nothing higher for Acme, than to dote for
ever on her own Septimius. Roman Ilia indeed ! The
whole of this exquisite poem well illustrates the fine
observation of Hermogenes : tJ Se yXvKvrrjs oXov koXXos ti
tt}? d^eXetas eVrt. Sweetness is the never-absent charm
which Catullus throws over the simple beauty of those
poems, in which sweetness can have place.
240 CATVLLVS
Before I return to Catullus' translation of Sappho, I
would just direct attention to the short ode (i 21)
'Dianam tenerae dicite uirgines' in which Horace imi-
tates the 34th poem of Catullus 'Dianae sumus in fide':
the whole of the two odes should of course be read to-
gether ; but take one stanza as a sample of each ; and
first Catullus :
Montium domina ut fores
siluarumque uirentium
saltuumque reconditorum
amniumque sonantum.
And now take a stanza of Horace :
Vos lactam fluuiis et nemonim coma,
quaecumque aut gelido prominet Algido,
nigris aut Erymanthi
siluis aut uiridis Cragi.
If Catullus does not surpass Horace here alike in the
simple vigour of the thought and in the majestic march
of the rhythm, then I confess myself to be no judge
of Latin or any other poetry.
I now come back to the Sapphic ode which Coning-
ton has selected to join the main issue on, to the manifest
disadvantage of Catullus. This translation bears on
its face the stamp of being one of the very earliest of
his compositions ; of having been written at a time when
he could only adore his Lesbia at a distance. It is the
translation too of a very difiicult original, which would
lose all its point by paraphrase and dilution. And yet
surely this version has much merit ; and other judges
have thought better of it than Conington does. * No-
thing' says Landor, cited by Th. Martin, 'can surpass
the graces of this'. However that may be, Catullus
seems to have decided that the sapphic was not suited
AND HORACE 241
to the genius of the Latin language, or a;t all events
not to his own genius, and to have abandoned it alto-
gether in favour of the phalaecian hendecasy liable which
he made his own once and for ever. The 11th poem,
his only other sapphic ode, was written late in his life
and with direct and meditated reference to the 51st;
and but for that earlier poem would never have been
written at all. Horace took up the sapphic which
Catullus had allowed to drop from his hands, cultivated
it with the diligence of the Matinian bee, made it one
of his most favoured metres and gave to it that easy
and monotonous flow which it retained ever after.
Whoever examines the too scanty remains of Sappho,
will I think agree with me that Horace in his elabora-
tion of the metre has entirely changed its character.
Sappho's is a grand and mighty rhythm: TloiKiKoBpov
aOdvar *A^poStra, Hat Atos, SoXoTrXo/ce, Xtorcro/u,at ere :
.Sappho meant to unite the stately march of the trochee
with the majestic sweep of the dactyl; while the Greek
Alcaic has, together with the dactyl, a large admixture
of the more prosaic iambus. Whether Horace has or
has not obtained an altogether enviable success in his
transformation of the Sapphic, I will not presume to
decide : manifestly he was not quite satisfied himself;
and in his fourth book and his * carmen saeculare ' he
has sought to introduce more variety by a greater ad-
mixture of the weak caesura ; tho' he has only suc-
ceeded in increasing the stijShess without lessening the
monotony of his metre. But, if we grant him any
amount of credit for his elaboration of the Latin Sap-
phic, I affirm that, when this facility has once been
gained, a very mediocre poet might chance upon the
two verses, selected by Conington for praise : Dulce ri-
dentem Lalagen amabo, Dulce loquentem.
M. c. 16
242 CATVLLVS
And I for one find much more than Conlngton does
in the sterner and more stately version of Catullus :
Qui sedens aduersus identidem te Spectat et audit
Dulce ridentem. He by no means shirks altogether the
* speaking' : the love-intoxicated stripling has before
him his * ox-eyed' Juno; spectat, sees an Olympian smile
steahng over her face ; auclity hears accents worthy of a
goddess falling from her parted lips.
The identidem of the 3rd line may have occurred to
Catullus for reasons such as Conington hints at ; and I
would remark that its repetition in the other sapphic
has a calculated reference to our ode, and is meant to
point at Lesbia in her degradation, as it marks her here
in her splendour. It is a grand enough word, and its
rejection by the Augustan poets is quite conventional.
Accius has a noble style ; and his ' Scindens dolore
identidem intonsam comam' is worth a good many lines
of some Augustan poets ^.
1 Whether 'lingna sed torpet ' is ' eommonplaee ' or not, I dont know ; but
it is a literal translation of about the saane number oi words in Sappho, this part
of whose ode consists of short isolated clauses ; for which a competent translator
must provide something of the same nature. Whether these words be or be
not inferior to 'Cur facnnda parum decoro Inter uerba cadit lingua silentio ',
such a sentence would be ridiculously out of place in Catullus' version or any
version of Sappho. I scarcely know how to take Coningtcai's ' argumentum ad
inuidiam' about eius, and he seems to have been in some perplexity himself.
As a matter of fact, Horace uses enis, not in a 'solitary place \ but twice in his
odes, and twice in his satires; Catullus has it only once in one of bis lightest
elegiac epigrams. Bentley, the chief critic who makes a 'tumult', objects to
eius in the 3rd book, not because it is eius, but because it adds nothing to the
context. The same critic commends it in the 4th book, because there it ia
emphatic he says. Neither in Catullus nor in the odes of Horace do we meet
with huius : c\mi8 we find once in the whole of Catullus, once in the epodes of
Horace, nowhere else in his odes. Virgil employs both these words freely
enough. Is it, I would ask, anything but the merest convention which makes
one or other of these three words more or less displeasing than the third to a
modern ear or judgment? or is Virgil wrong or right for using two of them
freely, and are Catullus and Horace right or wrong for abstaining from one of
these words altogether, and using the other only once ? or in fact is it a law of
the higher criticism that Virgil and Horace shall always be in the right, whether
AND HORACE " 243
To turn for a moment to that other sapphic ode :
it has much of the Greek cadences, and lacks much of
the Horatian flow. What the exact import may be of
his commission to Furius and Aurelius, that enigmatical
pair, I have never been able to make out ; but on the
whole I very decidedly prefer this poem to any sapphic
ode of Horace. Listen to the noble swell of many of the
verses : Litus ut longe resonante Eoa Tunditur unda...
Sine trans altas gradietur Alpes, Caesaris uisens moni-
menta magni, GaUicum Khenum, horribile aequor ulti-
mosque Britannos. How feeble, compared with this, is
Horace's elegant imitation ; for he is again treading in
Catullus' footprints with his 'Septimi Gades aditure
mecum'. And what is there in Horace like the pathos,
worthy of Burns, which pervades the * Qui illius culpa
cecidit uelut prati Vltimi flos praetereunte postquam
Tactus aratro est'? I will not stop to compare the
world-stirring movements, shadowed forth by the one
poet, with the somewhat meagre and quite personal
argument of the other poet.
In what has been here said, I have wished to shew,
not that I love Horace less, but that I love Catullus
more. I know well under what disadvantage I lie,
when I attempt to controvert the terse and eloquent
exposition of Conington. But I have always thought
that he based this exposition on far too narrow grounds.
Rightly or wrongly, I look on Catullus as the peer of
Alcaeus and Sappho ; to Horace I assign a different
rank.
they do or do not employ any word ; Catnllns shall always be in the wrong
whether he does not or does employ such word? I seem to myself to see more
of humour and narrowness of judgment in Conington's onslaught on the defence-
less Catullus, than in any other of his criticisms which I have read.
INDEX
a ! 186, 207
abhorret ao mutat 56
abruptus = abreptus 187
admirari cur fugiant 204
Adoneus 96, 97, 109, 110
AUius 168, 169, 180—185
Amastris 14
ambobus ocolis 217
an quod (quia) ? 156, 157
anus 29
ardor 7, 8
argutus 185
Amobius imitates (?) Catullus 60
artatus 51, 52
Asinius Marrucinus 39, 40, 43
asyndeton 217, 220
attraction of case 24 ; of gender 24
aut— aut 51, 190; and haut confused
97
Baiae 168, 174, 199
Balbus, Cornelius 85 ; Caecilius, father
and son, 161, 162
Brixia 162, 164, 165
Caesar, libels on, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85—95,
107—109, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129,
131 — 133; his invasion of Britain
80, 239; and Pompey, their des-
potism, 82 ; and Cicero 82 — 85,
92—94 ; takes emetics 92—95
caesura of the iambic in CatuUus,
Virgil and Martial 21
Calvus, C. Licinius, 145,214, 215; his
lo amended 153
candidus 185
casus periculorum 60, 61
Catullus, age 42, 43, 69—73, 113;
birth and death 69—73, 113 ; prae-
nomen 68, 69, 112, 113, 164, 170 ;
at Verona 168 — 174; voyage from
Bithynia to Sirmio 11 — 24; visits
his brother's tomb 47 ; imitates the
Alexandrians 145 ; imitated in the
Dirae 146; by Horace 42, 210,
236 — 243 ; compared with Horace
227 — 243; want of form in long
poems 180, 187; his glyconics
134—140, 229, 240; his heroic
150—153; his elisions 150, 151,
193 ; his manuscripts iv — ^vii ; words
and syllables wrongly divided in
them 101, 104 ; wrongly doubled, or
not doubled, 143, 146, 147, 155, 188,
207
Censorinus imitates Catullus 4
Cinna 36, 145, 209—214
Clodia 46, 47, 70, 73, 174, 181—202
Clodius Pulcher 196, 197
Coleridge on Catullus 233
coma of trees 25, 149
connexion in syntax of things dis-
joined in sense 129
constructions, involved, 49, 54, 110,
111, 122, 157, 192, 193, 215
continuo 48
cum legas 56
Cytorus 14
diminutives in poetry 234 — 236
Diua 63
do 219
dolor 7, 8
246
INDEX
ducentum 42
dum 224
duplex 182
emersere uiiltus 146
esse facta pluperf. 16, 23, 24
est omitted 172 ; not omitted 210,
219
facio 33; used absolutely 164; f,
facinus 219, 220
F^nelon on Catullus 233
fero 219
Fescennine licence 76 — 78, 91
Firmanus 222
fulgeret, fulgeremus 158; sense of
imp. subj. 157, 158
Furius and Aurelius 59, 60; Furius
66 ; Furius Bibaculus 66
furta and facta confused 60, 191
Gellius cites Catullus 67
gemelli 132
geminae aures 143, 144
genere, in quo, 183
glyconic metre, rules of, 134 — 140
Hatrianus 210—213
haut idoneua 97, 109; haut and aut
confused 97
hircus 117
Horace imitates Catullus 42, 210, 236
—243 ; compared with Catullus 227
—243
huicne 101, 102, 110
imbuo 145
imperative omitted 34, 130
inde of time 16, 17, 22
ineptus 49
inquio 35, inquiunt 33
instituo 219
jo for io 135—138
ipsimae urbis 104 — 106
Julia, daughter of Augustus, 201, 202
iuuenalis 73, 113
lato limite 183
lecticulus 131, 132
Lesbia 46, 47, 70, 73, 168, 171, 174,
181—202, 206, 208 ; origin of the
name 195
Lesbius 196, 197
letters interchanged; a, co 62, 96; a
(am), e 143, 183, 184, 190 ; a, ei 3 ;
c, r 60, 220 ; c, s, sc 28, 41 ; o, t
146, 182, 183; d, cl 61, 62; d, p
156 ; e, o 28, 66, 67, 114, 140, 143,
148, 166, 163, 203, 215, 216, 226,
227 ; i, y 97 ; 1, n, u 183 ; m, s final
37, 41, 164, 203 ; n, r 42 ; r, t, rt, tr
37, 64, 143, 146, 189, 192, 220 ; p, t
163 ; s, f 203 ; s, t 27, 220
libet personal 6, 7, 9
lora lubra 52
lusi multa 171, 172
Macaulay on Catullus 233, 234
male insulsa 37
malum ! 102, 111
Mamurra 80, 83—87, 93, 97, 98, 106—
108, 131—133, 222—227
Manlius Torquatus 168—175, 180
marita ianua 163
Martial imitates Catullus 2, 4, 5, 22,
37, 42, 49, 64, 65, 133, 140, 171,
172, 182, 227 ; his genius 109, 230 ;
his love of Catullus 232, 233
membranae 52 — 55
Memmius, propraetor, 45, 46 ; attacks
Caesar 88
meto huic 101, 110
mens stupor 49
miha quingenta 211
minutus 65
mitto 215
modo with paulmn, and with imper.
34
modus 224, 225 ; modo uneUded 225
Murcia 63
mutari talento 40, 41
nam in transitions 175
nec=non 114, 148
nemus 226
Nicaea 14, 15, 21
nos for ego 184, 192, 217
noster and uester confused 65, 66
nota, de meliore, 172, 174
nouissime, cum, 17
nullus = omnino non 29
obstitit 204
omnia perdidistis 103
oratio obliqua in questions 31, 32
INDEX
247
Ortalna (Q. Hortensius ?) 164, 200
OS oculosque 29
Ovid imitates Catullus 10, 12, 13, 19,
20, 22, 141, 142, 146, 165, 171, 207 ;
his banishment 185
Padua 210—213
parentheses 126
pater esuritionum 49
patrona uirgo 2, 3
perditius 119
peregrine labore 115
perire = amare 122
personalities in Greece and Rome 73
—79
Petronius amended 117
Phalaecus 213, 314
phasellus 20, 21
piissimus 102, 103
Piso 44—46
Pliny 84, 96, 106, 107, 151, 152, 212
plumbo dcrecta 53
plural referring to indef. sing. 32, 216
plus quam 220, 221
PoUio and his family 39,40; his age
42, 43, 46
Pompey 82, 85—87, 89, 90
pote 120
Priscian cites Catullus 67
proper names corrupted 27
Propertius' name 170
puerperium falsum 165, 166
pumice aequata 53 — 55
pusiones 117
qualecumque 1 — 5
quassa of sound 28
que comes 3rd in a clause 133, 207,
208 ; que— et 208, 216
quicquid hoc libelli 1 — 5
quod manticae 57
quod conj. denotes effect 35, 175
rufulus 134
rufus, term of reproach, 1 34
Eufus (? M. CaeUus) 46, 47, 198, 199,
202—204
rupcs 183
sacer hirons 203
saecula cana 211
saltus 222—226
Satrachus 210, 211
scurra 57
Sempronia 200, 201
Seneca trag. imitates Catullus 60, 145,
150, 155
si non omnia 125, 126, 129
sibi esse facta 16, 23
socer generque 81, 102, 112
sopionibus 116, 117
Statius (?) imitates Catullus 5
struo insidias 50
tacitus partic. 26
taetre 189
tamen 189, 190, 192
tempore, non longo, 188
tersior, tertior 56, 57, 58
toUe 191
tonsi prati 225
totidem mea 208
totmoda 226
totus adverbial 47, 48
tremulus 191
trirustice 127
typum Cybelles 142, 143
uel te 8ic=:uel sic te 130
Veranius and Fabullus 43 — 45
uester = tuus 216
uicarius 61 — 63
Virgil imitates Catullus 146, 148, 155
uiuidae lacus undae 115, 116
ullus=omnino 29
umbilicus 52
unicus imperator 91, 92, 128
Tmnm beatiorem 33 ; imus caprimulgua
56
nscaret aura 9, 17, 18, 23
Volusius (Tanusius) 203 — 214
ut re 227
Zmyma 209—211
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