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Official Report 

OF *rHE 


Boston, Massachusetts, U. S. A., 

October Third to Eighth, 





Official Report 


Boston, Massachusetts, U. S. A., October ' 
Third to Eighth, 1904. 

Reported by William J. Rose, Boston. 
Edited by the Secretary of the Congress. 






Hon. Andrew D. White • ^^'\^^<^^j N- Y- 

Hon. George F. Edmunds .... ■ ■ ■ Philadelphia- 

Hon. John W. Foster Washington. 

Hon. Robert Treat Paine . Boston. 

Rev. Edward Everett Hale . . . ■ ■ Boston. 

Andrew Carnegie . . . . . . New York. 

Albert K. Smiley Mohonk Lake, N. Y. 

Edwabd Ginn Boston. 

George Foster Peabody ■ New Yoik. 

Hon. George F. Seward New York. 

Hon. William I. Buchanan Buffalo. 

Pres. Jacob G. Schurman Ithaca, N. Y. 

Pres. Charles W. Eliot Cambridge, Mass. 

Pres. David Starr Jordan Stanford University, Cal. 

Pres. Daniel C. Gilman . . Washington. 

Pres. Edmund J. James . . . . Urbana, 111. 

William Dean Howells . . . New York. 

Bliss Perry ■ Boston. 

Edwin Burr'itt Smith Chicago. 

Rev. Hiram W. Thomas Chicago. 

Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones Chicago. 

Prof. Graham Taylor . . . ... Chicago. 

Rev. Josiah Strong . . . New York. 

Rev. Philip S. Moxom . . • . . . Springfield, Mass. 

Pres. L. Clarke Seelye ... Northampton, Mass. 

Alfred H. Love .... Philadelphia. 

Hon. William N. Ashman ... . Philadelphia. 

George G. Mercer .... Philadelphia. 

Clinton Rogers Woodruff . . . . Philadelphia. 

Joshua L. Baily Philadelphia. 

Richard H. Thomas Baltimore. 

Thomas Wentworth Higginson . Cambridge, Mass. 

Hon. Samuel W. McCall . . . Winchester, Mass. 

Raymond L. Bridgman Boston. 

Samuel Gompers ' Washington. 

John Mitchell . , Indianapolis. 

Edwin D. Mead Boston. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood Boston. 

Mrs. May Wright Sewall .... .... . Indianapolis. 

Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey Winthrop Centre, Me. 

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe . Boston. 

Mrs. Mary A. Livermore . . Melrose, Mass. 

Mrs. Charles Russell Lowell New York. 

Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer New York. 

Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead . Boston. 

Miss Jane Addams . Chicago. 

Miss M. Carey Thomas Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Miss Grace H. Dodge New York. 

Cardinal Gibbons , . , Baltimore. 

Bishop John L. Spalding • . Peoria, lU. 

Bishop William Lawrence Boston: 

Bishop Henry W. Warren University Park, Col. 

Edward Atkinson ... . Boston. 

Samuel B. Capen . . . Boston. 

Edward H. Clement Boston. 

Philip C. Garrett . . Philadelphia. 

MooRFiELD Storey . . . . Boston. 

Walter S. Logan '. New York. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Felix Adler . New York. 

Rev. Charles E. Jefferson New York. 

Prof. John B. Clark . . ... New York. 

Rev. Francis E. Clark Boston. 

Hon. George S. Boutwell Boston. 

Samuel Bowles . . . Springfield, Mass. 

George T. Angell . Boston. 

Augustine Jones . Newton Highlands, Mass. 

L. H. PiLLSBURY . . ... . Derry, N. H. 

Hon. William L. Putnam . Portland, Me. 

Leander T. Chamberlain . New York. 

Herbert Welsh . . Philadelphia. 

J. G. Phelps Stokes New York. 

Cleveland H. Dodge . New York. 

Hon. Oscar S. Straus New York. 

Hon. George Gray Wilmington, Del. 


Edwin D. Mead, Chairman. 
Benjamin F. Trueblood, Secretary. 

Walter S. Logan. Edwin Burritt Smith. 

Hon. George F. Seward. Prop. Graham Taylor. 

John B. Garrett. Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey. 

Hon. William N. Ashman. Mrs. Charles Russell Lowell. 

Richard H. Thomas. Mrs. May Wright Sewall. 

David Greene Haskins 5 Tremont Street, Boston, 


Hon. Robert Treat Paine .... Boston 

Benjamin F. Trueblood Boston 



The Baroness von Suttner Vienna 


Dr. Jean Loris Melikoff . . 3 Avenue de I'Observatoire, Paris 


Senator Houzeau de Lehaie Mons 


Dr. Yamei Kin . Care of Mrs. Ole Bull, Cambridge, Mass. 


Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood . . ... Washington, D. C. 


Prof. Theodore Ruyssen Aix-en-Provence 


Dr. Adolf Richter . . . . Pforzheim 


William Randal Cremer, M. P. . . 1 1 Lincoln's Inn Fields, London 


Baba Bharati . . . . . ... Brindaban 


Ernesto Teodoro Moneta . . Milan 


JiRO Abratani . . . Kioto 


The Abbe Pichot . . . . Monaco 


Hon. John Lund Bergen 


Dr. M. Chirug . ... Boston 


Hon. John Olsson .... Stockholm 


Pierre Clerget . . . Le Locle 

united states. 
Albert K. Smiley Mobonk Lake, N. Y. 

The list of members of the Congress and of the Societies represented in it 
will be found at the end of this Report. 


The delegates from the peace societies of the United States to the Twelfth 
Universal Peace Congress held at Rouen, France, at the end of September, 1903, 
extended a cordial invitation to the Congress to meet in 1904 in the United States 
during the time of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. This invitation, which 
was supported by more than fifty prominent men and women of the United States, 
who had gladly consented to the use of their names, was accepted as heartily as it 
was given. 

In order to commence the arrangements for the Congress, a meeting of 
representatives of the peace societies of the United States, and of interested 
individuals outside of the societies, was held in the New Willard Hotel, Washing- 
ton, on the 13th of January, 1904, just after the close of the National Arbitration 
Conference. At this meeting an Executive Committee of twelve (whose names 
are given on page 3) was appointed to act, in conjunction with the Peace Bureau 
at Beme, as the Committee on Organization of the Congress. To this Committee 
all the details of the preparation for the Congress were referred. At the same 
meeting the fifty and more persons who had supported the invitation at Rouen 
were constituted a General Committee to promote the interests of the Congress 
and the Committee on Organization was empowered to increase the number of the 
General Committee at their discretion. 

The Committee on Organization met at the Arts Club in New York on the 
13th of February, and chose Edwin D. Mead, Chairman, and Benjamin F. Trut- 
blood. Secretary. After a full discussion of the place at which the Congress 
might most properly and successfully be held, Boston was unanimously chosen 
rather than St. Louis, which had also been proposed. The Chairman and 
Secretary of the Committee were thereupon appointed to act as a local Executive 
Committee with the full powers of the whole Committee on Organization. 

This Committee at once began active work, and during the summer issued 
frequent Peace Congress Bulletins and carried on a wide correspondence, both at 
home and abroad, in preparing for the Congress. The Mayor and citizens of 
Boston manifested from the first an active interest in the subject, and gave the 
Committee valuable aid in many ways. Generous response was made not only 
by the citizens of Boston, but also of New York, Philadelphia and other places, 
to the appeal for funds, and thus the Committee was enabled to lay the plans for 
the Congress on a broader and more generous scale than has been possible in the 
case of any previous congress. 

The preliminary meetings held before the opening of the Congress were most 
successful. Many of the churches of Boston and vicinity and of other cities 
throughout the country devoted at least one of their Sunday services October 2 
to the subject of peace. The addresses given at the union religious service 
Sunday afternoon at Tremont Temple by Dr. Francis H. Rowley of Boston, Rev. 
Walter Walsh of Dundee, Scotland, Rev. A. L. Lilley of England, Rabbi 

Berkowitz of Philadelphia, Dr. Reuen Thomas of Brookline, and Dr. Charles G. 
Ames of Boston, were strong and clear presentations of the claims of the peace 
cause on the whole religious world. The musical consecration service in 
Symphony Hall on Sunday evening, when the Handel and Haydn Society, with 
a chorus of four hundred voices and a full orchestra, presented to a crowded 
house a rich program of music of the highest order, and the Bishop of Hereford, 
England, gave an excellent short address on the opportunity and duty of America 
to take the lead in the pacific civilization of the world, won the admiration of all 
who attended. 

The Committee herewith present the stenographic report of the proceedings 
of the Congress, including the addresses given at the public meetings in Boston 
and a brief resume of the numerous successful and influential meetings held after 
its close in several cities. They have thought it wise, also, to prefix to the 
Report a brief account of the preceding peace congresses, not only of those 
held in the modern series beginning in i88g, but also of the remarkable series 
of congresses held from 1843 to 1853. 



The first International Peace Congress was held in London in June, 
1843, just after the great Anti-Slavery Convention. The closing 
iheeting was in Exeter Hall. The suggestion which led to this Con- 
gress was made by Joseph Sturge, the distinguished English anti- 
slavery reformer, then on a visit to the United States, at a meeting 
of peace workers in Boston in 1841, presided over by Amasa 
Walker. The American Peace Society took the matter up at once, 
communicated with the British Peace Society, and arrangements 
were quickly completed for the Congress. It was attended by three 
hundred and thirty-seven delegates, two hundred and ninety-four of 
whom were from Great Britain, thirty-seven from America, and six 
from the continent of Europe. The president of the Congress was 
Charles Hindley, M. P. Among the leaders in the meetings were 
Richard Cobden, Dr. George C. Beckwith, Prof. Amasa Walker, 
Rev. Joshua Leavitt, Rev. A. A. Phelps, and Lewis and John Tap- 
pan. An address to the governments of the world was adopted, and 
presented to the British government, then headed by Sir Robert Peel, 
by a deputation of which the Marquis de la Rochefoucauld was the 
chairman. It was also presented to the King of Belgium, then on a 
visit to London. 

The second Peace Congress was held at Brussels in September, 
1848. Elihu Burritt was the moving spirit in the organization of 
this Congress. The president of the Congress was Mr. Visschers, a 
distinguished member of the Belgian government. Though looked 
forward to with anxiety on account of the disturbed condition of 
public affairs in Europe, it proved to be a great success. Among 
those participating in the proceedings were Mr. Edmund Fry of 
England, Mr. Bouvet of the French Assembly, Baron de Reiffenberg 
of the Belgian Royal Academy, Professor Roussel of the University 
of Brussels, Henry Richard, Joseph Sturge, Elihu Burritt, Bertinatti 
of Italy, Henry Vincent of London, and Mr. Henry Clapp of Cin- 
cinnati. About three hundred delegates attended, one hundred and 
thirty of whom were from Great Britain, two from the United 
States, and the rest from -various European countries. 

The third Congress was held at Paris in August, 1849. It was 
a very large and enthusiastic gathering. It was presided over by 
Victor Hugo, whose remarkable address has been oftener quoted, 
perhaps, than any other peace discourse. Among the distinguished 
men participating in the 'Congress were Elihu Burritt, Henry 
Richard, Richard Cobden, Amasa Walker, Mr. Visschers of Belgium, 

President Mahan of Oberlin College, Henry Vincent of London, 
Athanase Coquerel, Mr. Bouvet, Emile de Girardin, Frederic Bastiat, 
and Mr. Hindley, M. P. More than three hundred delegates at- 
tended from Great Britain, one hundred from France, twenty-three 
from the United States, nineteen from Belgium, and a considerable 
number from Italy, Switzerland and Germany. Resolutions on ar- 
bitration, disarmament, the iniquity and needlessness of war, etc., 
were passed as at the preceding congresses. 

The fourth Congress was held at Frankfort, Germany, in August, 
1850. It was organized by Elihu Burritt and Henry Richard, with 
the cooperation of a strong local committee of arrangements. Mr. 
Jaup, ex-Prime Minister of Hesse-Darmstadt, presided. The inter- 
est and enthusiasm were as great as in the Paris Congress of the 
previous year. Many of the distinguished men who were at Paris 
attended this Congress also. About five hundred persons went 
over from England. More than twenty delegates went from the 
United States, some of them coming from as far West as Kentucky, 
Michigan and Missouri. The leading spirits of the Congress were 
nearly the same as in the preceding congresses, and the resolutions 
were along similar lines. The Congress gave special attention to a 
code of international law and the subject of dueling. The peace 
societies organized as a result of this Congress, the first societies 
in Germany, were shortly afterwards suppressed by the government. 

The fifth of this series of Congresses was held in Exeter Hall, Lon- 
don, in July, 1851. Owing to the International Exposition meeting 
'in London that year, the Congress was successful beyond all expecta- 
tion. There were more than a thousand delegates from England 
alone, representing, as a contemporary report says, " a large amount 
of the highest elements of English society, its intelligence, its moral 
and religious worth." Sixteen different States of the American 
Union were represented by over sixty delegates. Thirty-eight dele- 
gates came from Germany, twenty from France, and a considerable 
number from other European countries. The president of the Con- 
gress was Sir David Brewster, the most eminent physicist of his 
time. The same speakers, with slight exception, who had pleaded 
the cause so eloquently in the two preceding congresses were present. 
Many distinguished men in different parts of the world sent expres- 
sions of sympathy to the Congress. 

This first remarkable series of Peace Congresses was terminated 
by two British conferences held in 1853. The first of these was at 
Manchester, England, in January. It was chiefly a demonstration 
of the English advocates of peace against the " paroxysm of appre- 
hension of a French invasion." George Wilson, chairman of the 
Anti-Corn Law League, presided, and powerful addresses were de- 
livered by both John Bright and Richard Cobden. The call for the 
conference was signed by seventeen members of Parliament and 
about five hundred other gentlemen of distinction. Six hundred del- 
egates attended and letters of approval and sympathy were received 
from about four hundred who could not be present. The conference 

sent a deputation to present an address to the Prime Minister, the 
Earl of Aberdeen. The second conference of 1853 was held at 
Edinburgh in October, and was large and enthusiastic. The Lord 
Provost of Edinburgh presided. The leading peace workers of Eng- 
land were all present, including both Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden. 

All of these Congresses from 1843 to 1853 dealt with practically 
the same subjects which have occupied the attention of the recent 
Peace Congresses, and the detailed account of the resolutions adopted 
is therefore not necessary. 

The Crimean War, which then came on, and the other great wars 
of that period in Europe and America, made the holding of further 
Peace Congresses for the time impracticable, and a whole generation 
passed before the modern series began. 

The first of the present series of Peace Congresses was held at 
Paris in the Trocadero Palace from the 23d to the 27th of June, 
1889. The previous year eight peace societies, six of them from 
France, one from England and one from the United States, united 
in proposing that a Peace Congress be held in Paris the next year 
during the Exposition. A committee of twenty was chosen to take 
the initiatory steps. On this committee are found the names of 
Frederic Passy and Hodgson Pratt, since distinguished for their em- 
inent peace services. The committee held frequent meetings and 
secured the cooperation of nearly a hundred societies in different 
countries. When the Congress met on the 23d of June it was found 
that three hundred and ten delegates from nine countries were pres- 
ent, one hundred and thirty-five of whom were from outside of 
France. The countries most largely represented were England, 
France, Italy and the United States. The honorary presidents of 
the Congress were Mr. A. Frank, a member of the Institute of France, 
and Dr. Charles Lemonnier, founder of the International League of 
Liberty and Peace. Frederic Passy served as president of the Con- 
gress, and on taking the chair pronounced an eloquent discourse in 
which he set forth the great ideas of which he is to this day one of 
the foremost advocates. The names of the persons who took a lead- 
ing part in the deliberations were Mr. Hodgson Pratt, W. Evans 
Darby, Dr. Charles Lemonnier, Mr. Frederic Passy, Mr. Auguste 
Desmoulins, Dr. A. A. Miner, Angelo Mazzoleni, E. T. Moneta, Mrs. 
Belva A. Lockwood, Julie Toussaint, Miss P. H. Peckover, Madame 
Griess-Traut, Mr. Thomas Snape, Rev. R. B. Howard, Dr. Charles 
Richet, Mr. Frederic Bajer, Senator Marcoartu, J. G. Alexander, 
Henri La Fontaine, William Randall Cremer, and Felix Moscheles. 
The Congress did its work by means of six committees which pre- 
pared the resolutions. A long list of resolutions and wishes was 
adopted covering practically all the subjects which have since been 
so fully discussed in the subsequent Peace Congresses, the confer- 
ences of the Interparliamentary Union, and the special national 
and local conferences since held. The Congress received warm hos- 
pitality from the French government. President Carnot himself giving 
the delegates a reception. Before closing the Congress expressed 

the desire that another congress might meet and that all the peace 
societies, without distinction of race or religion, be invited to send 

The second Congress was held in Westminster Town Hall, 
London, from the 14th to the 19th of July, 1890. This Congress 
was organized by a strong committee from the English peace 
societies, of which Mr. Hodgson Pratt was the chairman. The 
deliberations were preceded by an afternoon service in St. Paul's 
Cathedral on Sunday, the 13th of July, at which the preacher was 
Rev. Canon H. Scott Holland. The business committee of the 
Congress consisted of Sir Joseph Pease, M. P., President of the 
British Peace Society, Rev. R. B. Howard, Secretary of the Ameri- 
can Peace Society, Frederic Passy from France, Fredrik Bajer of 
Denmark, E. T. Borg from Sweden and Norway, Madam Fisher- 
Lette from Germany, and E. T. Moneta from Italy. Hon. David 
Dudley Field of New York was made president of the Congress. 

Delegates were present from fourteen countries. The number 
from Great Britain was very large, including delegates from fifty- 
eight peace and arbitration societies and other organizations. Dele- 
gates were sent from the United States by the American Peace 
Society, the Christian Arbitration and Peace Society of Philadelphia, 
the Universal Peace Union of Philadelphia, the Peace Department 
of the Nationall Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Rhode 
Island Peace Society, the churches of Richmond, Va., and the 
Friends' Yearly Meetings of both New York and New England. 
The total number of delegates in the Congress was over four hundred. 

This Congress was conspicuous for the number of carefully pre- 
pared papers which were read. Among the speakers and persons 
who read papers were Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Sir Joseph W. Pease, 
Hodgson Pratt, W. Evans Darby, George Gillet of London, the Abb^ 
Defourny from France, Rev. C. B. Smith of Boston, E. T. Moneta of 
Milan, Henry Stanley Newman of Leominster, England, J. B. Braith- 
waite of London, Frederic Passy of Paris, Mrs. Fisher-Lette of 
Germany, Rev. J. P. Gledstone of London, Dr. Charles Richet of 
Paris, Dr. Reuen Thomas of Boston, Senator Marcoartu from Spain, 
W. Martin Wood of London, Emile Arnaud of France, Augustine 
Jones of Providence, R. I., Miss Ellen Robinson of Liverpool, 
Fredrik Bajer of Copenhagen, Thomas Snape of Liverpool, Rev. R. 
B. Howard, Rev. George Dana Boardman of Philadelphia, Dr. W. 
U. Murkland of Baltimore, and others. The report of this Congress 
is a very valuable peace document. 

A reception was given to the delegates by the Lord Mayor of 
London at the Mansion House. The resolutions adopted by the 
Congress were numerous, covering nearly the whole field of the peace 
propaganda. The Congress before closing voted to send an address 
to the heads of all civilized states. Through the courtesy of Queen 
Victoria the delegates were admitted to Windsor Castle at the close 
of the Congress. 

In the third Congress, which met at Rome, from the nth to the 

i6th of November, 1891, seventeen countries were represented by 
four hundred and fifty delegates ; namely, Germany, England, Aus- 
tria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the United States, France, Hungary, 
Italy, Norway, The Netherlands, Portugal, Roumania, Servia, Sweden, 
and Switzerland. The opening session of the Congress was held in 
the hall of the Chamber of Deputies, and the other sessions at the 
Fine A.rts Palace. The Congress was presided over by Mr. Ruggero 
Bonghi, a distinguished member of the Cabinet ; and Mr. Giuseppe 
Biancheri, the President of the Chamber of Deputies, was in attend- 
ance at the opening session to express to the delegates the welcome 
and sympathy of the Italian government. This was the first peace 
congress in which the Baroness von Suttner, since distinguished 
throughout the civilized world for her labors in the cause, took part. 
It was at this Congress that the proposition was first made to create 
a Permanent International Peace Bureau. This proposition was 
submitted by Mr. Hodgson Pratt of England, Fredrik Bajer of Den- 
mark, and Dr. Charles Lemonnier in the name of several French 
societies. The preliminary steps taken at the time resulted in the 
definite organization of the Bureau the next year. The chief partici- 
pants in the Congress were the same persons that had taken part in 
the London Congress the previous year, though there were many new 
delegates, especially from the southern European nations. The sub- 
jects discussed were arbitration, disarmament, international law, 
pacific instruction in schools, the economic aspects of war, the- influ- 
ence of the press, etc. The Congress was a very enthusiastic and 
successful one, and resulted in firmly establishing and widely extend- 
ing the peace movement among the Latin nations of southern Europe. 

Berne, Switzerland, was the seat of the fourth Congress, which was 
held from the azd to the 27th of August, 1892, in the Hall of the 
Swiss National Council. Mr. Louis Ruchonnet, who had served two 
terms as President of the Swiss Republic, was chosen president. 
The Congress was attended by over four hundred delegates and. ad- 
herents from thirteen countries. The International Peace Bureau at 
Berne was definitely established at this time, and articles of incor- 
poration adopted under which the Bureau was subsequently incor- 
porated under the laws of the Swiss Republic. At this Congress, 
also, the subject of an international tribunal of arbitration began 
to take more definite shape than in the previous congresses. The 
program of the Congress was a long one, covering many phases of the 
question of war and peace. Steps were also taken to bring associa- 
tions of working men into more sympathetic relation with the peace 

The Peace Congress held at Chicago from the 14th to the 20th of 
August, 1893, was the fifth in the series. It was held under the aus- 
pices of the World's Congress Auxiliary, of which Hon. Charles C. 
Bonney was president, Benjamin F. Trueblood, Secretary of the 
American Peace Society, being Chairman of the Committee of Or- 
ganization. The president of the Congress was the Hon. Josiah 

Quincy, then Assistant Secretary of State. Thirty-one peace socie- 
ties and other organizations sent ninety-two delegates, and there 
were two hundred and twenty-four other members of the Congress. 
This Congress was notable for the number of carefully prepared papers 
submitted to it. Among the authors of papers were Dr. W. Evans 
Darby and William C. Braithwaite of London, Mr. Elie Ducommun, 
Secretary of the Berne Peace Bureau, David Dudley Field of New 
York, Angelo Mazzoleni and E. T. Moneta of Milan, Italy, Dr. Adolf 
Richter of Pforzheim, Germany, Gen. Charles H. Howard of Chicago, 
Sir Edmund Hornby of London, Dr..Edward Everett Hale of Boston, 
Dr. F. J. Tomkins of Denver, Hon. William E. Curtis of Washington, 
Mr. Peraza of Venezuela, Mr. Peralta of Costa Rica, Hodgson Pratt 
of London, Ex-Gov. John W. Hoyt, Dr. George Dana Boardman of 
Philadelphia, and others. To this Congress was submitted a care- 
fully prepared plan of a permanent international court of arbitration, 
drafted by Messrs. William Allen Butler, Dorman B. Eaton and 
Cephas Brainerd of the New York Bar. Papers on the conflicts be- 
tween labor and capital were presented by Mr. Charles H. Wolcott, 
president of the Massachusetts State Board of Arbitration, Prof. 
William W. Folwell of the University of Minnesota, and Mr. H. H. 
Aldrich of the Chicago Board of Trade. Sunday, the last day of the 
Congress, was devoted to a religious peace service in which the moral 
and religious aspects of the peace movement were presented by Dr. 
George Dana Boardman, Dr. Philip S. Moxom of Boston, and Rev. 
Julius E. Grammer of Baltimore. The report of this Congress, cover- 
ing three hundred and thirty-two pages, published by the American 
Peace Society, and containing all the papers read, is one of the most 
valuable peace documents of recent times. 

The sixth of this series of Congresses was held at Antwerp, 
Belgium, from the 29th of August to the ist of September, 1894, 
during the Antwerp Universal Exposition. It was organized under 
the auspices of King Leopold of Belgium, who issued a special decree 
for the creation of a Central Commission of Patronage, consisting of 
twenty-nine eminent citizens of Belgium. The honorary president 
of this commission was Baron de Moreau of Brussels, former Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, who was also made honorary president of 
the Congress. Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie, one of the best known 
statesmen of Belgium and since made a senator, was president of 
the Congress. Seventy-two societies in twelve different countries 
were represented by about two hundred delegates. The meetings of 
the Congress were held in the Royal Athenaeum, and the subjects 
discussed were treaties of arbitration, the reform of international law, 
a permanent court of arbitration, a truce of armaments and various 
questions of propaganda. The Congress issued an address to the 
principal powers of Europe urging them jointly to offer their good 
offices in order to restore peace between China and Japan. An 
appeal to the nations in favor of peace was also issued by the 
Congress, as had been done two years before at Berne, and as has 
since been done at the close of each of the Peace Congresses. 


The seventh Peace Congress held at Budapest, Hungary, from the 
17th to the 22d of September, 1896, was attended by two hundred and 
sixty delegates and adherents, and was one of the most enthusiastic 
and influential held up to that time. The Congress held its sessions 
in the City Hall of Budapest, and was presided over by Gen. Etienne 
Tiirr, formerly of the staff of King Victor Emanuel I. of Italy. The 
leaders of the peace movement from the different countries of Europe 
were nearly all present, and many new persons from Eastern and 
Southeastern Europe. This Congress, in addition to discussing the 
subject of a permanent court of arbitration, treaties of arbitration, a 
truce of armaments, and various phases of the question of propa- 
ganda, gave special attention to the subject of European colonies in 
Africa, a European customs union, the principles of international _ 
law, manuals of history, foreign residents and the duel. 

The eighth Peace Congress was held at Hamburg, Germany, from 
October 12th to i6th, 1897. The interest shown by the citizens of 
Hamburg and vicinity was most extraordinary. The opening meet- 
ing was held in the largest hall in Hamburg and attended by fully 
four thousand people, the largest part of whom remained until nearly 
midnight listening to addresses from the representatives from differ- 
ent countries. Dr. Adolf Richter, president of the German -Peace 
Society, presided. There was no recognition of the Congress by the 
German government. The subjects discussed were the usual ones, 
but special attention was given to international committees of con- 
ciliation, to the report of a commission on the transformation of 
armies into productive organizations, to an international language 
and to the cooperation of teachers in peace work. The number 
of members was about one hundred and fifty delegates and about the 
same number of adherents. 

The ninth Congress was held at Paris from the 30th of Septem- 
ber to the sth of October, 1900, no congress having been held the 
two previous years on account principally of the Czar's Conference 
at The Hague. This Congress at Paris during the Exposition of 
1900 was attended by about six hundred persons from twenty-eight 
countries, and was very influential. The honorary president was 
Frederic Passy, and the president Dr. Charles Richet, Professor in 
the Medical Faculty of the University of Paris. The French govern- 
ment sent Mr. Millerand, the Minister of Commerce, to welcome the 
delegates on its behalf. No Peace Congress has ever been more 
courageous and outspoken in its condemnation of all unjust colonial 
and other policies which lead to misunderstanding and war. A good 
deal of time was given to the South African War, then in progress, 
and to the general relations of strong peoples with weak ones. The 
policy of the powers in the East which led to the Boxer outbreak in 
China was strongly condemned. John de Bloch presented in person 
to this Congress his views of the practical impossibility of a war be- 
tween great powers at the present time. An address to the President 
of the French Republic was voted, expressing great appreciation of 


his services to the cause, and invoking his further help in carrying 
out the ideals of the friends of peace. 

The tenth Peace Congress was held in St. Andrew's Hall, Glas- 
gow, Scotland, from the loth to the 13th of September, 1901, during 
the Glasgow Exposition. It was received with great courtesy by the 
City Government of Glasgow, at whose head was the Hon. Samuel 
Chisholm, LL. D. The public reception given to the delegates by 
the Lord Provost in the City Hall has never in the history of the 
Peace Congresses been surpassed in generosity and brilliancy. This 
Congress was, nevertheless, over-shadowed and trammeled in its 
work by the influence of the South African War, then going on. 
Local interest in the proceedings was, on account of the war, not 
very great, though there were about the usual number of delegates 
present, including practically all of the leaders in the peace move- 
ment in different countries. The usual subjects were discussed and 
strong resolutions adopted. A large and influential public meeting 
was held one evening in the City Hall at Paisley and attended by 
more than six hundred workingmen. The Congress was preceded by 
a conference of the churches on Monday, September 9, in the inter- 
ests of peace, at which some of the ablest addresses of the week were 
given by Joshua Rowntree, Dr. Robert Spence Watson, Mr. J. H. 
Midgley, Dr. Richard H. Thomas of Baltimore, Rev. M. J. Elliott, 
Dr. J. Rendel Harris of Cambridge, Rev. Canon Barker of London, 
Dr. Alexander Mackennal of Manchester, Miss Ellen Robinson of 
Liverpool, and Prof. Sylvanus P. Thompson. 

The eleventh Congress was held in 1902 from the 2d to the 6th 
of April at Monaco, under the auspices of Prince Albert of Monaco. 
The Congress was welcomed on behalf of Prince Albert by the Gov- 
ernor-General O. Ritt, who was made honorary president. The presi- 
dent was Mr. Gaston Moch, Privy Councillor of the Prince and a 
member of the International Peace Bureau. Two hundred and twenty- 
three delegates were present from twenty-three countries. Many of 
the societies accustomed to send delegates to the Peace Congresses 
sent none to this one. The attendance was large from southern 
European countries, and the interest and enthusiasm great. The 
result of the Congress was a wide extension of interest in the peace 
cause among the inhabitants of southern Europe. 

The twelfth Peace Congress, one of the most successful in the 
whole series, was held at Rouen and Hivre, France, from the 2 2d 
to the 27th of September, 1903. More than five hundred persons 
from twenty countries attended. The Congress was noteworthy in 
having as its honorary president Mr. Loubet, the President of the 
French Republic. The Minister of Commerce, Mr. Trouillot, at- 
tended on behalf of the government one of the sessions at Hivre, 
and delivered a remarkable address to more than two thousand 
people. The Congress was a revelation of the breadth and depth of 
the hold which the peace movement has taken upon the French 
people. The discussions were eminently practical, and have never 
been surpassed in ability, clearness and directness by those of any 


.other Peace Congress. The subject of a reduction of armaments was 
taken out of the domain of theory and dealt with as the most urgent 
practical question of the day. Nearly a whole day was given to it, 
and the President of the French Republic was invited by resolution 
to take the initiative in calling a new International Conference to 
deal with the problem. The Congress also gave much attention to 
the questions of Macedonia, Armenia, South Africa and Venezuela. 
The extension and completion of the work of the Hague Court and 
the establishment of a general reign of law in place of force in inter- 
national affairs were prominently dealt with. The work of the Con- 
gress did much to hasten the signing of the treaty of arbitration be- 
tween France and Great Britain, which occurred soon after its close, 
and which has since been followed by the signing of more than a 
dozen other similar treaties. 


BOSTON, OCTOBER 3-8, 1904. 

©pening Session. 

Monday, October 3, 2 P. M. 

The -opening session of the Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress 
was held on Monday, October 3, at Tremont Temple, Boston, at 2 

Edwin D. Mead, Chairman of the Committee on Organization, 
opened the meeting, • and after a chorus by the Parker Memorial 
Choir, said : 

The highest victory of great power is that of self-restraint. It 
would be a beneficent result of this meeting, this ecumenical council, 
if it taught us all that mutual knowledge of each other which should 
modify prejudices, restrain acerbity of thought and expression, and 
tend in»some degree to bring in that blessed time 

" When light shall spread, and man be liker man 
Through all the season of the Golden Year." 

" If the press of the world would adopt and persist in the high 
resolve that war should be no more, the clangor of arms would cease 
from the rising of the sun to its going down, and we could fancy that 
at last our ears, no longer stunned 'by the din of armies, might hear 
the morning stars singing together and all the sons of God shouting 
for joy." [Applause.] 

Those words, members of the Peace Congress, whom we welcome 
to-day, and friends, are not my words ; they are words spoken at the 
International Press Association in St. Louis a few weeks ago. They 
might have been addressed with equal appropriateness to an ecu- 
menical council of the commercial men of the world, or the teachers 
of religion. They were spoken by the Hon. John Hay, Secretary of 
State of the United States. [Great applause.] 

It is with those words ringing in our ears that we have rejoiced 
that the Secretary of State of the United States to-day is the Hon. 
John Hay, and that he is with us to speak the opening words at this 
Thirteenth International Peace Congress. We welcome, and I have 
the honor to present to you, the Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State 
of the United States. [Great applause, the entire audience rising.] 



Ladies and Gentlemen : I esteem it a great honor and privilege to 
be allowed to extend to you the welcome of the government and the 
people of the United States of America on this memorable and 
auspicious occasion. No time could be more fitting for this gather- 
ing of a parliament of peace than to-day, when at the other end of 
the world the thunder of a destructive and sanguinary war is deafen- 
ing the nations, while here we are preparing to settle the question of 
a vast transfer of power by an appeal to reason and orderly pro- 
cedure, under the sanction of a law implicitly accepted by eighty 
millions of people. 

And as if heaven had deigned to give a sign of deepest significance 
to the hour of your meeting, it coincides with the commitment to 
eternal peace of all that was mortal of our dear and honored co- 
laborer in this sacred cause, George Frisbie Hoar had many titles 
to glory and honor ; not the least of them was the firm and con- 
sistent valor with which through all his illustrious life he pleaded for 
humanity and universal goodwill. [Applause.] 

And surely no place for your meeting could be more suitable than 
this high-hearted city, which has been for nearly three hundred years 
the birthplace and the home of every idea of progress and enlighten- 
ment which has germinated in the Western World. To bid you 
welcome to the home of Vane, of Winthrop, and of Adams, of 
Channing and Emerson, is to give you the freedom of no mean city, 
to make you partakers of a spiritual inheritance without which, with 
all our opulence, we should be poor indeed. It is true that this 
great Commonwealth has sought, with the sword, peace under liberty. 
We confess that many wars have left their traces on the pages of its 
history and, its literature ; art has adorned the public places of this 
stately town with the statues of its heroic sons. But the dominant 
note of its highest culture, its most persistent spirit, has been that 
righteousness which exalteth a nation, that obedience to the inner 
light which leads along the paths of peace. [Applause.] 

And the policy of the nation at large, which owes so much of its 
civic spirit to the founders of New England, has been in the main a 
policy of peace. During the hundred and twenty years of our inde- 
pendent existence we have had but three wars with the outside world, 
though we have had a most grievous and dolorous struggle with our 
own people. We have had, I think, a greater relative immunity from 
war than any of our neighbors. All our greatest men have been 
earnest advocates of peace. The very men who founded our liberties 
with the mailed hand detested and abhorred war as the most futile 
and ferocious of human follies. Franklin and Jefferson repeatedly 
denounced it — the one with all the energy of his rhetoric, the other 
with the lambent fire of his wit. 

But not our philosophers alone — our fighting men have seen at 
close quarters how hideous is the face of war. Washington said. 


" My first wish is to see this plague to mankind banished from the 
earth " ; and again he said, " We have experienced enough of its evils 
in this country to know that it should not be wantonly or unneces- 
sarily entered upon." There is no discordant note in the utterances 
of our most eminent soldiers on this subject. The most famous ut- 
terance of General Grant — the one which will linger longest in the 
memories of men — was the prayer of his war-weary heart, " Let us 
have peace." [Applause.] Sherman reached the acme of his mar- 
velous gift of epigram when he said, " War is hell." And Abraham 
Lincoln, after the four terrible years in which he had directed our 
vast armies and navies, uttered on the threshold of eternity the fer- 
vent and touching aspiration that " the mighty scourge of war might 
speedily pass away." 

There has been no solution of continuity in the sentiments of our 
Presidents on this subject up to this day. McKinley deplored with 
every pulse of his honest and kindly heart the advent of the war 
which he had hoped might not come in his day, and gladly hailed the 
earliest moment for making peace ; and President Roosevelt has the 
same tireless energy in the work of concord that he displayed when 
he sought peace and ensued it on the field of battle. No Presidents 
in our history have been so faithful and so efficient as the last two 
in the cause of arbitration and of every peaceful settlement of differ- 
ences. I mention them together because their work has been har- 
monious and consistent. We hailed with joy the generous initiative 
of the Russian Emperor, and sent to the Conference at The Hague 
the best men we had in our civic and military life. When the Hague 
Court lay apparently wrecked at the beginning of its voyage, threat- 
ened with death before it had fairly begun to live, it was the Ameri- 
can government which gave it the breath of life by inviting the 
Republic of Mexico to share our appeal to its jurisdiction ; and the 
second case brought before it was at the instance of Mr. Roosevelt, 
who declined in its favor the high honor of arbitrating an affair of 
world-wide importance. [Applause.] 

I beg you to believe it is not by way of boasting that I recall 
these incidents to your minds ; it is rather as a profession of faith in 
a cause which the present Administration has deeply at heart that I 
ask you to remember, in the deliberations upon which you are enter- 
ing, the course to which the American government is pledged and 
which it has steadily pursued for the last seven years. It is true 
that in those years we have had a hundred days of war, but they 
put an end forever to bloodshed which had lasted a generation. We 
landed a few platoons of marines on the isthmus last year ; but that 
act closed without a shot a sanguinary succession of trivial wars. We 
marched a little army to Peking ; but it was to save not only the be- 
leagured legations, but a great imperiled civilization. By mingled 
gentleness and energy, to which most of the world beyond our bor- 
ders has done justice, we have given to the Philippines, if not peace, 
at least a nearer approach to it than they have had within the mem- 
ory of men. 

If our example is worth anything to the world, we have given it in 
the vital matter of disarmament. We have brought away from the 
Far East 55,000 soldiers whose work was done, and have sent them 
back to the fields of peaceful activity. We have reduced our army 
to its minimum of 60,000 men ; in fact, we may say we have no 
army, but in place of one a nucleus for drill and discipline. We have 
three-fourths of one soldier for every one thousand of our population 
[applause] — a proportion which if adopted by other powers would 
at once eliminate wars and rumors of war from the daily thoughts of 
the chanceries of the world. [Applause.] 

But fixed as our tradition is, clear as is our purpose in the direc- 
tion of peace, no country is permanently immune to war so long as 
the desire and the practice of peace are not universal. If we quote 
Washington as an advocate of peace, it is but fair also to quote him 
where he says, " To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual 
means of preserving peace." And at another time he said, " To an 
active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indis- 
pensable. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force 
organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression." 

To acknowledge the existence of an evil is not to support or 
approve it ; but the facts must be faced. Human history is one long, 
desolate story of bloodshed. All the arts unite in the apparent con- 
spiracy to give precedence to the glory of arms. Demosthenes and 
Pericles adjured the Athenians by the memory of their battles. 
Horace boasted that he had been a soldier, non sine gloria. Even 
Milton, in that sublime sonnet where he said, "Peace hath her 
victories no less than those of war," also mentioned among the godly 
trophies of Cromwell, "Darwent's stream with blood of Scots im- 
bued." In almost every sermon and hymn we hear in«our churches 
the imagery of war and battle is used. We are charged to " fight 
the good fight of faith" ; we are to "sail through bloody seas" to 
win the prize. The Christian soldier is constantly marshaled to war. 
Not only in our habits and customs, but in our daily speech and in 
our inmost thoughts we are beset by the obsession of conflict and 
mutal destruction. It is like the law of sin in the members to which 
the greatest of the Apostles refers : " Who shall deliver us from the 
body of this death ? " 

I am speaking to those who recognize the lamentable state of 
things and who yet do not accept it, or submit to it, and who hope 
that through the shadow of this night we shall sweep into a younger 
day. [Applause.] How is this great deliverance to be accomplished ? 

We have all recently read that wonderful sermon on war by Count 
Tolstoy, in which a spirit of marvelous lucidity and fire, absolutely 
detached from geographical or political conditions, speaks the Word 
as it has been given him to speak it, and as no other living man 
could have done. As you read, with an aching heart, his terrible 
arraignment of war, feeling that as a man you are partly responsible 
for all human atrocities, you wait with impatience for the remedy he 
shall propose, and you find it is — Religion. Yes, that is the remedy. 

If all would do right, nobody would do wrong — nothing is plainer. 
It is a counsel of perfection, satisfactory to prophets and saints, to 
be reached in God's good time. But you are here to consult together 
to see whether the generation now alive may not do something to 
hasten the coming of the acceptable day, the appearance on earth of 
the beatific vision. If we cannot at once make peace and goodwill 
the universal rule and practice of nations, what can we do to approxi- 
mate this condition ? What measures can we now take which may 
lead us at least a little distance toward the wished-for goal ? 

I have not come to advise you ; I have no such ambitious pre- 
tensions. I do not even aspire to take part in your deliberations. 
But I am authorized to assure you that the American government 
extends to you a cordial and sympathetic welcome, and shares to the 
utmost the spirit and purpose in which you have met. [Great 
applause.] The President, so long as he remains in power, has no 
thought of departing from the traditions bequeathed us by the great 
soldiers and statesmen of our early history, which have been strictly 
followed during the last seven years. We shall continue to advocate 
and to carry into effect, as far as practicable, the principle of the 
arbitration of such questions as may not be settled through diplo- 
matic negotiations. We have already done much in this direction ; 
we shall hope to do much more. The President is now considering 
the negotiation of treaties of arbitration with such of the European 
powers as desire them, and hopes to lay them before the Senate next 
winter. [Applause.] And finally, the President only a few days 
ago promised, in response to the request of the Interparliamentary 
Union, to invite the nations to a second Conference at The Hague 
to continue the work of the Conference of 1899. [Applause.] 

Unhappily we cannot foresee in the immediate future the cessa- 
tion of wars upon the earth. We ought therefore to labor constantly 
for the mitigation of the horrors of war, especially to do what we 
can to lessen the sufferings of those who have no part in the struggle. 
This has been one of the most warmly cherished wishes of the last 
two Administrations. I make no apology for reading you a paragraph 
from the message which President Roosevelt sent to Congress last 
December : 

" There seems good ground for the belief that there has been a real growth 
among the civilized nations of a sentiment which will permit a gradual substitu- 
tion of other methods than the method of war in the settlement of disputes. It 
is not pretended that as vet we are near a position in which it will be possible 
wholly to prevent war, or that a just regard for national interest and honor will 
in all cases permit of the settlement of international disputes by arbitration ; but by 
a mixture of prudence and firmness with wisdom we think it is possible to do 
away with much of the provocation and excuse for war, and at least in many cases 
to substitute some other and more rational method for the settlement of disputes. 
The Hague Court oifersi so good an example of what can be done in the direction 
of such settlement that it should be encouraged in every way. 

" Further steps should be taken. In President McKinley's annual message of 
December 5, 1898, he made the following recommendation: 

" ' The experiences of the last year bring forcibly home to us a sense of the 
burdens and the waste of war. We desire, in common with most civilized nations. 

to reduce to the lowest possible point the damage sustained in time of war by 
peaceable trade and commerce. It is true we may suffer in such cases less than 
other communities, but all nations are damaged more or less by the state of un- 
easiness and apprehension into which an outbreak of hostilities throws the entire 
commercial world. It should be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far as 
practicable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. This purpose can probably best 
be accomplished by an international agreement to regard all private property at 
sea as exempt from capture or destruction by the forces of belligerent powers. 
The United States government has for many years advocated this humane and 
beneficent principle, and is now in a position to recommend it to other powers 
without the imputation of selfish motives. I therefore suggest for your considera- 
tion that the Executive be authorized to correspond with the governments of the 
principal maritime powers with a view of incorporating into the permanent law of 
civilized nations the principle of the exemption of all private property at sea, not 
contraband of war, from capture or destruction by belligerent powers.' " 

The President urged this beneficent scheme with an earnestness 
which gained the willing attention of Congress, already predisposed 
to it in spirit, and on the 28th of April of this year he was able to 
approve a joint resolution of both Houses recommending that the 
"President endeavor to bring about an understanding among the 
principal maritime powers with a view of incorporating into the per- 
manent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption of all 
private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or 
destruction by belligerents." 

It has not been thought advisable by the President during the 
last summer to call the attention of the powers to a project which 
would necessarily be regarded by two of them, and possibly by 
others, with reference to its bearing upon the deplorable conflict now 
raging in the Far East. But as we earnestly pray that the return of 
peace may not be long delayed between the two nations, to both of 
which we are bound by so many historic ties, we may confidently 
look forward at no distant day to inviting the attention of the nations 
to this matter, and we hope we may have the powerful influence of 
this great organization in gaining their adherence. [Applause.] 

The time allotted to me is at an end. I can only bid you God- 
speed in your work. The task you have proposed to yourselves and 
the purpose to which you are devoted have won the praise of earth 
and the blessing of heaven since the morning of time. The noblest 
of all the beatitudes is the consecration promised the peacemakers. 
Even if in our time we may not win the wreath of olive, even if we 
may not hear the golden clamor of the trumpets celebrating the reign 
of universal and enduring peace, it is something to have desired it, 
to have worked for it in the measure of our forces. And if you now 
reap no visible guerdon of your labors, the peace of God that passes 
understanding will be your all-sufficient reward. [Great applause.] 

The Chairman : Secretary Hay has alluded in terms so beauti- 
ful and fittmg to the solemn coincidence by which we are meeting 
here to-day at the same hour in which at the heart of the Common- 
wealth is passing the funeral of our greatest Massachusetts public 
man that no further word upon that subject is needed. The fact 


of this solemn coincidence makes the presence of our Governor here 

impossible. He has written us this word : 

" Much to my regret I find that it will not be possible for me to extend the 
welcome of the Commonwealth at Tremont Temple on Monday afternoon. 
Senator Hoar's funeral is to occur at half past two on that day at Worcester, 
and I must of course be there. * 

" With much regret, and trusting that you will explain the reason for my ab- 
sence, I remain, 

" Yours sincerely, 

(Signed) John L. Bates." 

But the Commonwealth is not without representation. We shall 
hear in her behalf from the President of the Massachusetts Senate. 
There is a famous word by our great Boston poet, Dr. Holmes, 
which is almost always misquoted. We hear it said, and ascribed to 
him, that " Boston is the hub of the universe." Dr. Holmes was 
much more narrow about the hub, and much more explicit about the 
circumference. His word was this : " Boston State House is the hub 
of the solar system." [Laughter.] The corner-stone of .Boston's 
State House was laid by Samuel Adams, and before he laid it he had 
the honor and the high distinction, which is often forgotten, of having 
addressed a memorial to Congress in behalf of the Legislature of 
Massachusetts, asking Congress to take some steps in concert with 
the other nations to bring about arbitration as the means of settling 
international disputes. 

From the time when Samuel Adams, our great Governor, laid the 
cornerstone of the Boston State House our cause has never failed 
of warm friends there, and it is a pleasure that we are to hear the 
greetings of the State House and the Commonwealth from the lips 
of the President of the Massachusetts Senate, Hon. George R. Jones. 


Mr. President and Members of the International Peace Congress : 
His Excellency, the Governor, having been called away, as the pre- 
siding officer has said, in the performance of a sad duty, it has de- 
volved upon me to represent him here and to extend the greet- 
ings of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to this distinguished 

I cannot forbear remarking upon the strange and the sad coinci- 
dence which has been alluded to both by the presiding officer and 
by Secretary Hay, that at the very moment when the last eulogy is 
being pronounced over the mortal remains of our beloved senior 
Senator, this Congress is engaged in its opening deliberations. For 
a generation he has stood in the halls of Congress as the representa- 
tive of a pure and enlightened statesmanship, a servant not only of 
his beloved Massachusetts, but of the nation as well. With an in- 
stinctive dislike for war, and a natural abhorrence of all its attend- 
ant woe and evil, both in private and in national affairs his voice 


and influence have ever been for peace when consistent with honor. 
His memory is now enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen, and 
the name of George F. Hoar will take its place with those of Adams 
and Hancock and Warren, of Webster and Choate, of Garrison and 
Phillips, of Sumner and of Wilson. 

I know' of no better place for a meeting of this character than on 
the soil of Massachusetts and in the midst of her people. The his- 
tory of our State is a gradual unfolding and development of high 
and enlightened ideals both in civic and in national affairs, and the 
men who have made Massachusetts great, and whose names are 
written with letters of light upon the pages of her history, are men 
who have been representative of those high ideals. 

Standing therefore here as representing the people of this grand 
old Commonwealth of Massachusetts, I bid you in their name a 
most cordial welcome and greeting, with a wish that the result of 
the deliberations of this Congress may be such that the influence of 
its action will be universal, world-wide and lasting. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : It is with special gratitude that we remember 
in welcoming you here to the thirteenth International Peace Con- 
gress, the first Peace Congress which has been held in Boston, that 
Boston was the cradle of the first important Peace Society, and that 
the leaders of our municipal administration have again and again 
from the beginning been distinguished representatives of this great 
cause. It was he whom we are fond of naming the great Mayor — 
Josiah Quincy — who in the Old South Meeting House, before the 
Peace Society, delivered the oration, hearing which the boy Charles 
Sumner dedicated himself to this great cause for life. 

The Mayor of Boston to-day is no less a lover of the great cause 
of peace than was the great Mayor, Josiah Quincy. [Applause.] 
And in introducing him I wish to say, and say in behalf of our Com- 
mittee, that no one from the beginning of the preparations for this 
enterprise has been of greater service to us. When we wavered as 
to the right to invite you here, it was his strong word assuring us of 
the backing of the city which enabled us to go confidently into the 
councils which resulted in the choice of Boston as the place of this 
Congress. [Applause.] And from then to now he has been our 
friend and helper. It is with gratitude and satisfaction that I call 
upon Hon. Patrick A. Collins to welcome you in behalf of the City 
of Boston. [Great applause.] 



Mr. Chairman, Mr. Secretary, Ladies and Gentlemen ; I count it 
one of the choice honors of my magistracy to be associated even so 
slightly with this great gathering and this great movement. It needs 
no ofiicial word to give you the welcome of Boston. Here was the 


cradle of the movement ; here was the peace movement nurtured, 
and here is its genuine home. 

And so you are welcome to all our hearts, — our hearts and our 
homes. I echo what the Secretary of State in his most scholarly 
and beautiful address has stated, and the welcome of the Common- 
wealth, — which is all embracing, because Boston is a portion of it, 
— trusting that your coming together here shall be profitable for the 
good of the cause which I also have in my inmost heart. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : At the first regular meeting of the Congress to- 
morrow morning every nation represented will make response by 
some chosen one of its delegates ; to-day the greetings of our national 
state and city governments will be responded to simply by two 
chosen delegates. 

It has been said again and again that the churches have been 
peculiarly derelict in the cause of peace, and have not lived up to 
their high calling. Many of the clergy have, indeed, been derelict ; 
but it is false to say that the churches have been worse than others. 
On the whole they have been far better, I believe. But whoever 
among clergymen have sinned, there is one bishop of the Church of 
England to whose charge that sin cannot be laid. In these last days 
when wars have been going on which to so many of us have seemed 
criminal, and have found apologists in high places in the church, the 
voice of Bishop Percival of Hereford has been heard steadily calling 
the Church of England and the churches of the world up to their 
high distinction. [Applause.] 

We rejoice to have with us to-day, and I rejoice in being able to 
call upon as the first to respond to these greetings, Dr. John Percival, 
the Bishop of Hereford. [Applause.] 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : As you have just heard, I 
have the high and unexpected privilege of endeavoring to express to 
you on behalf of the delegates from a distance to this Congress our 
profound sense of gratitude for all the kindness and the hospitality 
which we are receiving. 

We are a somewhat — I had almost said a somewhat heterogeneous 
company that come to you. No, we are not heterogeneous, but we 
come from very various quarters of the world, and we have lived in 
very different circumstances. I cannot claim to represent my Church 
of England in the older world, but I do venture to say that there is 
no member of that Church who, if he ever hears of your generous 
reception of us, will not be grateful for it. 

We are come from various parts of Europe, and not from Europe 
only. You have two or three representatives from that stricken re- 
gion of Armenia, two of them archbishops, I think, and we could 


hardly have any persons amongst us whose very presence would be 
a stronger appeal than that of these distinguished Armenians to 
this great nation to do what can be done for peace, so marred in 
that region. [Applause.] 

Well then, we thank you for your kind welcome, but one and all 
we thank you much more for the words in which that welcome has been 
expressed by your Chairman, and in particular in the noble address 
of Mr. Secretary Hay. When I think of that address I feel that 
Mr. Hay's presence to-day gives a new character to these peace 
gatherings. [Applause.] 

I feel more grateful still that this address has been given to us by 
Mr. Hay himself, on his own behalf, as well as on behalf of the 
President of this great Republic. 1 feel the value of it because Mr. 
Secretary Hay is well known in Europe, and greatly respected and 
honored there. [Applause.] I venture to think that his words, 
great as they are, will be far more valued in Europe because they 
were spoken as his words. For you know, my friends, we are all apt 
to put greater stress upon personal example than upon any words. 
Therefore I have the feeling that this movement has made a great 
step forward to-day, for this address to which we have been listening 
will be read all over the world, and it will make its impression in 
cabinets and in chancelleries where no words of most of us would be 
listened to at all. [Applause.] 

You know, my friends, that we who have been laboring hitherto in 
the cause of peace have not always been thought to be very influen- 
tial persons. For my own part, I sometimes feel that some of my 
friends say that " this excellent bishop is of the nature of a crank." 
[Laughter.] Well, my friends, every one who gives up his life to the 
battle for some great principles not popular in all quarters is liable 
to criticism of that kind. I think it possible that the prophet Isaiah 
was liable to it in Jerusalem [laughter], and many another. 

With regard to this peace movement we are happily come to a time 
of change, as I believe. We have to thank the Czar of all the 
Russias — and I for my part thank him with a grateful heart — for 
his rescript, because, coming from him as it did, he thus helped, as 
very few men on earth could help, to bring this question of peace and 
arbitration and disarmament within the region of practical politics — 
for discussion, at any rate. And now we have the Secretary of State 
of your republic, your most intelligent and practical nation, coming 
amongst us today, and his coming is a sort of earnest that these 
prmciples are to have practical application in the time to come such 
as never before. [Applause.] 

Well, ladies and gentlemen, having said thus much I should not 
be mclined to say anything on the general principles for which we 
are working. Indeed, after the noble address of Mr. Hay I have felt 
that the best speech which I could make on the subject would be 
just the speech which, as some of you may know, was made by a 
candidate for parliamentary honors in the city of Bristol, which was 
my home for many years. He was the colleague of Mr. Edmund 


Burke, and Mr. Burke having spoken to the electors of Bristol, the 
other gentlemen being called upon to speak after him made this his' 
speech : " I say ditto to Mr. Burke." [Laughter.] So we members 
of this Congress, from whatever quarter we come, one and all are 
prepared to say ditto to Mr. Hay. [Applause.] 

There is perhaps one word which Mr. Secretary Hay could hardly 
say, and which can be said very easily by an outsider like myself, 
and that is, that those of us who are striving and hoping for arbitra- 
tion, peace and disarmament among the powers of the world, are all 
looking to the United States to take the lead in the matter. Our 
hope is fixed on the international policy of the United States in the 
years to come. You have one of the greatest opportunities of history, 
and there is no other country which can compare for a moment with 
yours in regard to the power which you have to help forward this 
great movement. 

I think as you listened, ladies and gentlemen, you could not but 
have marked what a difference, what a fundamental difference, there 
is between the noble words of Mr. Hay and the ordinary, shall I say 
hypocrisies, of international diplomacy. In our European diplomacy, 
as I follow it, sometimes I am inclined to say that the great nations 
of Europe seem to believe in an entirely wrong theory of life. Their 
theory of life sometimes seems to me what we might call the menag- 
erie theory. But Mr. Hay's theory of life is that human society is 
not a menagerie, but a brotherhood and a family. [Applause.] And 
this is what we have to do, to inspire all men everywhere with the 
right theory of life. We are very thankful that the world is advanc- 
ing in this respect, if not by leaps and bounds, yet steadily and never 
to go back again. 

We have to -sweep away out of civilized society certain wrong 
notions about dominance. There is first of all that inveterate idea 
of religious dominance. How it has desolated the earth with relig- 
ious wars ! We thank God that the time has come when, as we be- 
lieve, there will be no more wars of religion. [Applause.] Then, 
again, how the earth has been desolated by the belief in dynastic 
dominance, the predominance of monarchies and families and privi- 
leged classes ! The day of this dominance also is passing by. [Ap- 
plause.] And, finally, we have to get rid — it will be long before the 
hope is consummated — but we have to get rid, my friends, of the 
idea of national dominance. The rule of our life in the future will 
be, I trust, not national, revolutionary and competitive, but national 
and international cooperation. [Applause.] 

WithoiK going further, ladies and gentlemen, those of us who have 
come from far and near tender to you our very grateful thanks for 
the welcome you have given us. We shall go away feeling that this 
Congress in Boston has been a memorable moment in history, and 
may the results of it be blessed in the time to come. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : It is an auspicious coincidence which brings to 


the United States at the same time the meeting of the Interparlia- 
mentary Union and that of the International Peace Congress. There 
is one eminent representative of the cause who came to America for 
both meetings, Mr. John Lund, long member of the Norwegian 
Parliament and for many years its president. He has been attending 
the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union at St. Louis, and is here 
with us for the Peace Congress. I have pleasure in calling upon 
Mr. John Lund. [Applause.] 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen ; I well know that the honor 
you confer upon me to-day in asking of me a few words is in behalf 
of the Committee I have the privilege of representing, the Nobel 
Committee of the Norwegian Parliament, and in honor of one of the 
great benefactors of humanity, Mr. Alfred Nobel, by whom the 
organization was shaped. 

The history of the enemy that we are fighting — war — is older than 
all authentic history. So far as concerns the nations whose history 
we can trace, their stories of war go far back into legendary times. 
But in our time the art of war, the art of killing men, has reached its 
greatest height. Although Europe in general has had peace for about 
a generation, nevertheless military expenditure has increased to an 
enormous extent, due to the system of "the armed peace." 

The material cost and losses are only a part of the evils. What 
demoralization does not war and the entire war system bring about ? 
What scandals are not brought to light from the military life of the 
various great countries of the world, from circles whose position and 
education should make them pioneers in many domains ? But the 
idleness and dissipation of military life coarsen and stupefy them, and 
our age and civilization are disgraced in consequence. 

In time of peace people are blinded by the bright side of the 
medal — the grand parades, the stalwart men in their fine uniforms, 
the electrifying music of the bands. They then forget the shady side, 
the dark night picture, the slaughter of thousands upon thousands of 
the best men in the vigor of their age, the wounds and mutilations, 
the boundless sorrow and distress of the homes, the economic misery 
and the moral ruin. 

If we inquire what blessings war really brings, I think when all is 
summed up we shall have to grant that war really only brings about 
stagnation and retrogression. 

" War makes heroes," it is said ; but would not the very men who 
on the battlefield di.etinguished themselves by courage and contempt 
of death, in the service of peace, in many realms of life also find 
occasion and opportunity to display these characteristics with quite 
as much honor to themselves and to the blessing of humanity ? How 
many an unrecorded deed is done in ordinary life by sailor, by fisher- 
man, by common laborer, by scientist, etc., often under circumstances 


the very reverse of inspiring ; whilst on the battlefield there is so much 
at the moment to stimulate 1 

The history of our army, the army of peace, as an organization, is 
very short, although even from the days of our Peace Prince, nineteen 
hundred years ago, we have been taught to *' love one another," and 
through the centuries many of his disciples have preached his evangel, 
" Peace on earth, goodwill to men." 

Now and then a voice was lifted for the abolition of war, but it 
found no willing ear. Right down to the end of the eighteenth 
century there was scarcely any one who seriously believed that it 
would be possible within any measurable future to get war appreciably 
limited. It was reserved for the nineteenth century to take the first 
serious step in the abolition of war and the substitution for it of 
judicial settlement of the disputes that may arise between nations. 

In the first ranks of our army I am glad to say that the United 
States has from the first (from the days of Channing and Elihu 
Burritt up to our time) taken a prominent place. 

This is not the place for details. I shall only add that during the 
last fifteen years, through the organization and yearly meetings of the 
International Peace Congress and the Interparliamentary Union, 
the cause of peace has made good progress. These organizations 
were smiled at in the beginning by many within the governments of 
their respective countries. But this quickly altered, and five years 
ago the first International Peace Congress of the governments met at 
The Hague, where twenty-six countries in and out of Europe were 

As a member of the Interparliamentary Union, I have just recently 
had the great joy of hearing your President, Mr. Roosevelt, declare 
at the White House that he will be glad to accept the proposal of our 
Interparliamentary Union adopted at St. Louis, and that he will in 
the near future call a second International Governmental Peace 
Conference. [Applause.] 

Now the three great powers, the people generally, the governments 
and the parliaments, have openly placed the cause of peace on their 

But there is still a fourth power — the press, whose hearty support 
for the cause is to be won. And, here again, this country has estab- 
lished a record. Time after time have we at the international con- 
gresses called upon the press to unite with us in our work, but in 
vain. But some months ago at the Press Congress in St. Louis, with 
the full support of your great statesman, Mr. John Hay [applause], 
whom we now also have the honor to welcome, and whose golden 
words for peace we have heard, the press placed the cause of peace 
on its program. I am convinced that the press of this country will 
hereafter prove a loyal and steady ally in our fight. [Applause.] 

And last, but not least, in the ranks of our peace army we have a 
power, one of the strongest in the world ; we have the women, the 
mothers, wives and sisters who work for our cause as one of the 
holiest on earth. 


A new day is dawning. It is only a question of a few years more 
or less. Man's life is short, the life of nations long. Sooner or 
later the peace army shall bring the victory home. [Applause.] 

And now allow me to say some private words. I have been pres- 
ent at ten international congresses and I have seen many receptions, 
but I will say that a reception which has made a greater impression 
upon me than the kind reception you have given us yesterday and 
to-day I have never experienced. [Applause.] 

After the singing of a hymn the meeting closed. 

Monday afternoon, from 4 to 6 o'clock, a reception was given to 
the foreign delegates by the Twentieth Century Club at 2 Ashbur- 
ton Place. 

jftrst JSustness Session. 

Tuesday Morning, October 4, 10 A, n. 

The first regular business session of the Congress was held on 
Tuesday morning, October 4, at 10 o'clock, in the auditorium of 
Tremont Temple. 

Edwin D. Mead, Chairman of the Committee on Organization, 
called the meeting to order, and said : 

In behalf of the American Committee of the Thirteenth Interna- 
tional Peace Congress, I welcome you to this gathering. I congratu- 
late you and congratulate ourselves upon the auspicious place of our 
meeting. It was in the old Tremont Theatre, which stood where 
Tremont Temple now stands, that Elihu Burritt, the inspirer of the 
great Peace Congresses half a century ago, gave, in 1841, his first 
address upon Universal Peace. It was in Tremont Temple that 
Charles Sumner, four years later, gave his noble oration upon the 
" True Grandeur of Nations " ; and in Park Street Church yonder, 
where one of the mass meetings of this evening and many of our 
meetings this week will be held, he gave a few years afterwards that 
yet greater address upon " The War System of Nations." It was in 
Tremont Temple that were held in 1899, largely inspired by our 
veteran peace worker, Edward Everett Hale, the principal American 
meetings to promote interest in the Hague Conference. It was in 
Tremont Temple, we here in Boston still gratefully remember, that 
at the meeting of the International Congregational Council later in 
that same year, when the iniquitous wars in the Transvaal and the 
Philippines were raging, and American apologists for the latter had 
striven on this platform to say all that could be said for war, that 
grand old English Christian, Alexander Mackennal, whom we hoped 
to have with us to-day, but whom God has taken home, cleared the 
air memorably by his lofty and eloquent assertion of the law of love. 

The last half century has emphasized with terrible force the plea 
of Burritt for human brotherhood and the better organization of the 
world. Never did events lay more startling emphasis than to-day 
upon Sumner's arraignment of the wicked waste upon great navies 
and armies of the resources which should be applied to constructive 
purposes and the education and welfare of the people, and which, 
so applied, would quickly bring an end. to war forever. 

We do not forget here in America — be sure that none remember 
so constantly — that our own Republic, from which it was indeed 
your right not to expect it, has yielded in these days to the tempta- 
tions to make herself also a great naval power, and has indulged the 


hoary old ambitions of commanding respect by force instead of by 
ideas and the neighborly hand. We acknowledge the justice of your 
warnings and reproaches. We do not resent them ; we thank you 
for them. We thank you for reminding us, as you have done with 
such eloquence and feeling in the last two days, of the principles of 
the founders of our republic and the high duties of leadership in the 
path of peace and order which the republic by its history and posi- 
tion owes the world. If in the great temptations of our opulence 
and power some of us are in danger of forgetf ulness and faithlessness, 
may the presence of so many of you here, from nations whose 
burdens and dangers are so much greater than ours, and who need 
the support of every influence of ours upon the right side and not 
the wrong side, help to call us back to our better selves 1 [Applause.] 

But remember this : We no longer differ from you as we did in the 
days of Sumner and Burritt and Channing. Things are not as they 
were half a century ago. Conditions are rapidly becoming every- 
where alike, and one nation can no longer keep much ahead of 
another. We stand or fall together. You have a right to ask us as 
you do to check the building of a great navy. We must say to you 
that the real way to help us is by such agitation at home as shall 
check the increase of your own. [Applause.] Your acts are tempta- 
tions and provocations to us, as ours are to you. We will indeed 
cherish the hope that some great, chivalric nation may with magnifi- 
cent abandon cast her whole armor into the abyss and rely confi- 
dently for protection upon the grandeur of that high act and attitude ; 
but, while we hope for that, let us not build upon it, but work 
patiently together for gradual disarmament together. 

While we thank you for your warnings, we thank you also for your 
generous recognition of our good deeds and our good purposes. 
Our President has recently proudly and properly claimed that the 
Hague Court was impotent until the government of the United 
States made it a reality. It is not alone his word ; it is the warm 
word also of Mr. d'Estournelles de Constant, the honored leader of 
the arbitration movement in the French Assembly. [Applause.] 
Our President has assured you that he will take steps for the calling 
of a second Hague Conference, to push on the work which the first 
could not fully achieve. I believe that he will do it. [Applause.] 
Of this be sure — that the American people are waking up. They 
will declare with power to-morrow that all playing with the fire of 
militarism in this republic must forever cease ; that if one existing 
party does not stop it, then its mandate will go to another ; and our 
history teaches us well how quickly sometimes, when there is need 
of it, great new parties are born in America, and become triumphant. 

Men tell us war will cease in this world and our dreams come 
true only with the millennium. I pity men who have such poor 
notions of the millennium. [Applause.] The evils which we fight 
are among the grossest and most barbarous of evils. They befit 
only the early, the elementary and low stages of civilization. Our 
effort is to clean the Augean stables. Horrors and wickedness such 


as those going on at this hour in Asia ought to be so far behind as 
not even to be mentioned among civilized men. Toleration of war 
in this twentieth century after Christ is like setting up the Ten 
Commandments on the walls of Christian churches, warning pre- 
sumedly decent Christians not to steal or kill or commit adultery. 
Put the Beatitudes on the walls of your churches ! It is only when 
we have done forever with such savage and gross forms of wrong as 
war that we shall be in a position to make a first fair, decent start 
for the millennium. [Applause.] 

One hundred years ago Thomas Jefferson was President of the 
United States. You remember and we remember what the policies 
of peace and international fraternity were to which he called the new 
American Republic. Help us in his republic, in this centennial 
time, to be true to his truth. This is a time of eloquent anniver- 
saries. The year is the centennial in Germany of the death of the 
great author of " Eternal Peace." It is the centennial of the birth in 
England of Richard Cobden. The great apostolic succession is 
never broken, and the apostles are multiplying to-day as never before. 
To-morrow the vision and devotion of Kant and Cobden and Victor 
Hugo and Sumner shall be those of every thoughtful German and 
Englishman and Frenchman and American. [Applause.] 

Mr. Mead : It is in order for us next to perfect the organization 
of this Congress, and according to usage the Committee on Organi- 
zation proposes for President of the Thirteenth International Peace 
Congress, Hon. Robert Treat Paine of Boston, President of the 
American Peace Society, and for Secretary, Dr. Benjamin* F. True- 
blood, the Secretary of the American Peace Society. 

Mr. Paine and Dr. Trueblood were unanimously elected President 
and Secretary, respectively, and Mr. Paine thereupon took the chair, 
and spoke as follows : 


Mr. Mead, Ladies and Gentlemen ; I thank you from the bottom of 
my heart for this great honor. It is the proudest moment of my life. 
[Applause.] I wish I were more competent to fulfill its great duties. 

I congratulate you on meeting in full numbers after crossing the 
stormy Atlantic, in this, to many of you, distant city. I recall — 
and you know even better than I — that this is the Thirteenth In- 
ternational Peace Congress. You have met in Paris and London 
and Rome and other cities. We are delighted to welcome you here 
in the old Puritan city of Boston. I hope that you will enjoy it, and 
that you will visit the scenes where blood has been shed. A few 
minutes walk from here the Revolutionary War began in the shedding 
of blood at the head of State Street. In the Old South Church you 
will find the place where the Revolutionary War was begun in the 


stirring of men's souls and preparing them for action. Just across 
the Bay you will see Bunker Hill Monument, which Webster said 
was visible to three hundred thousand citizens of Massachusetts. 
To-day we can easily add a million to that number. And after you 
have visited these scenes of warfare and of blood, come back to this 
peaceful temple to help us, the citizens of Boston and of Massachu- 
setts and of the United States, pledge ourselves and our country to 
this high cause of peace and arbitration among the nations of the 
world. [Applause.] 

We are delighted, therefore, to welcome you, ladies and gentlemen, 
who have come so far to work in this great cause. We shall do all 
we can to make your stay in Boston delightful. Call upon us to aid 
you in any way in our power. 

And now the first thought, — if I may speak frankly and without 
reserve, — the first thought that comes into my mind is that we should 
be bold enough to utter the conviction that we are privileged to work 
in the greatest cause now before the world. [Applause.] This cause 
is to be advanced in no small degree by our recognizing our duty, 
our privilege, to proclaim to the world this great fact — that this 
cause of peace among the nations is not a mere iridescent dream, 
but is making more progress than any other great cause before the 
world. [Applause.] 

Just at this moment of course we are disheartened. We are all 
saddened at the terrible condition of things on the other side of the 
world. This bloody, awful, unspeakable war, whose horrors we can- 
not adequately conceive, between two great nations reckless of blood 
and suffering, may well give us pause. But the earthquake and the 
tornado do not last always ; they are not the normal conditions of 
life. They come mysteriously by permission of Providence, but 
presently they pass and the sunshine and the calm return. Even so 
we look forward with confidence to no distant day when these sad 
conditions shall be past. We look forward to seeing this world in a 
permanent peace which we can rejoice that it is our privilege to aid 
and to promote. 

The next thought I wish to present to you, whifh I love to recall 
to my own mind, is the fact that the rivalry of nations, which hereto- 
fore has been directed to war and greed and conquest, is now turning 
into a nobler channel. [Applause.] Here is the great hope, it seems 
to me, in the near future. It was a great pleasure to me a few years 
ago to hear this truth proclaimed before the graduating students at 
the neighboring university of Harvard — that the object of education 
is no longer the salvation of the individual, either in this world or the 
next, but the advancement of mankind. Here surely was a magnifi- 
cent altruistic ideal for education. We are holding up before the 
nations of the world, they are becoming conscious themselves, that 
there is a magnificent ideal in the rivalry of nations in mutual help- 
fulness, in aiming to promote the welfare not only of themselves, but 
of each other and of the whole world. 

So that when pessimists greet us, as they do at every corner, with 


cynical sneers at our cause, at the progress which they belittle, we 
are entitled to turn upon them with exultation, and to point to the 
wonderful progress which this cause has made in these recent years. 

It is idle to expect a cause like this to show its progress from day 
to day, but I invite you, ladies and gentlemen of this Peace Congress, 
you who have been devoted to it for these thirteen years, to recall 
the condition of things in the world thirteen years ago. I challenge 
our detractors to cast a just, historic eye back upon the condition of 
things thirteen years ago, and then truthfully to regard the condition 
of the world to-day, without conceding our claim that this cause has 
made greater progress in the last thirteen years than any other great 
cause before the world. Now if that be so, we are moving forward 
to victory, and the progress that we have made, that this cause has 
made, in these recent years, is a sign that it will keep moving on, 
conquering and to conquer. 

It was about fourteen years ago that the Secretary of State of the 
United States; Mr. Blaine, issued a circular letter, pursuant to the 
resolve of the American Congress, inviting all nations with whom 
the United States had diplomatic relations to enter into treaties of 
arbitration. It was my privilege in i8gi to call upon the American 
Ambassador at Paris, Mr. Whitelaw Reid, and inquire what result 
had followed from that communication to France. His reply was 
that it had been forwarded, acknowledged, and he expected nothing 
more from it. I made a similar inquiry of the United States Min- 
ister at London, and received a similar reply. No hope was enter- 
tained that a communication inviting relations of arbitration would 
produce results. Well, now, it is impossible to conceive that condi- 
tion of things in 189 1 as happening to-day. The most striking event 
in the diplomatic world in the last year or two has been the wonder- 
ful movement throughout Western Europe, leading the nations there 
one after another in rapid sequence to enter into treaties of obligatory 

It is a great pleasure to mention the fact that England and France 
began this movement by a treaty promoted by a great popular upris- 
ing throughout those two great nations, calling upon their govern- 
ments to bind themselves by a treaty, for a limited period of years, 
to be sure, in permanent relations of peace. And the step which 
they took has been followed by many other nations, too many for 
me at this moment to enumerate. Our friends in this country will 
permit me to say — I think they will agree with me when I say — that it 
is a grief to us that the movement which we attempted in that 
direction by a treaty of arbitration between the United States and 
Great Britain eight years ago failed by only four votes of the needed 
two-thirds of our United States Senate. And so we lost the honor 
of leading in that great movement. One of our ardent hopes at 
present is strengthened by that splendid spectacle of yesterday 
afternoon, when the Secretary of State, — who perhaps my friends 
from abroad will permit, and our American friends will wish, me to 
say stands as the first statesman in the world [applause], — John 


Hay, came here to this platform and said that our government and 
the President look forward to consummating at an early date similar 
treaties of obligatory arbitration with the nations of the world. 

And so, my friends, we are on the conquering path ; we are mov- 
ing forward, and the world is going to reap the benefit of the devo- 
tion and the wisdom and the consecration which you, ladies and 
gentlemen, members of the Congress, have put into this movement 
in these last thirteen years. 

I hope we shall be able to help somewhat here in our beloved 
Boston and America. We hope that as a result of the influences 
that may go out of these meetings we shall consummate a treaty of 
arbitration between America and Great Britain, between America and 
France, between America and Germany, and so on, until the United 
States has bound itself under permanent ties of obligatory arbitration 
with all the civilized countries of the world. [Applause.] 

One other great cause you will allow me to allude to. We hope 
that we may have before many years, as the next great consumma- 
tion following the Hague Court, — which stands as the first step in 
binding the nations of the world together, — a congress, a congress 
of nations, a regular, stated, international congress. [Applause.] 

Do not understand us to ask that this congress shall at first be 
clothed with power. The time is not yet ripe when a congress can 
meet with power to legislate for the world. It is to be advisory. It 
will make its recommendations ; it will gather various nations together 
into a common whole ; it will bring them into sympathetic relations 
of counsel and cooperation ; it will recommend. This is the next 
great thing for which we must labor, the stated international congress. 

I must not detain you longer. I thank you from my heart for the 
honor you have done me. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : You will now have the pleasure of listening to 
responses from representatives of various nations who have honored 
us with their presence. The first speaker will be a representative 
from Belgium, Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie, a member of the Belgian 
Senate, who was President of the Sixth International Peace Con- 
gress, held at Antwerp in 1894. 



Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen ; 1 am proud to be the first 
among the foreign delegates to rise to thank the United States in 
general, the city of Boston and the American Peace Society in par- 
ticular, for the very cordial welcome you have given to all the foreign- 
ers who are present, and the fraternal manner in which you have 
received us in your midst. 

I have been attending the Interparliamentary Conference at St. 


Louis, and that has given me an opportunity of seeing not only the 
immensity of your country, so far as geographical extent is con- 
cerned, but the marvelous progress and development achieved here 
in so very short a time. 

I stand in this respect in about the greatest contrast to you, for I 
am a representative of one of the very smallest countries in the 
world, Belgium. But if Belgium is small, it has yet suffered much 
by being made the fighting ground of the European nations. It has 
in the past been annexed by France, it has been annexed by Spain, 
and by other countries, but now we have enjoyed three-quarters of a 
century of independent existence. We sincerely hope that in the 
future the nations will arbitrate all their difficulties instead of fight- 
ing over them, because Belgium does not want to be the fighting 
ground of Europe any more, or be annexed by any other people. 
[Laughter and applause.] 

Speaking in English, Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie further said : 

Those who are familiar with the sights of war are not those who 
make wars ; they send others into the battlefields, and rest idly at 
home ; they send others to be crushed and slain on battlefields, and 
they spend with a light heart lots of money for the war which they 
do I not pay themselves ; they do not suffer the miseries the poor 
people endure. 

Will it be long ere in America the people take into their own 
hands their own affairs ? Your forty-five states live in peace and 
concord ; when will it be the same with the European nations ? 
When will they say to their rulers, " Stop your wars and the building 
of armaments ; we want men to walk in peace ? [Applause.] Let 
us, instead of fighting and murdering for your sole benefit, contend 
by mind and heart to be more useful to mankind." [Applause.] 

The last century has seen the consolidation and progress of the 
United States of America ; let us hope that this century will see the 
establishment of the United States of Europe, and that the next will 
bring the unification of the wide world in justice, liberty and peace. 
[Great applause ] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing from 
Prof. Theodore Ruyssen of Aix, President of the Association de la 
Faix pa.- le Droit, who will respond for France. 



I 'am very proud to speak on behalf of France, though I much 
regret the absence of those who are older than I in the movement. 
I beg you to believe that such workers do exist in the peace move- 
ment in France, and I appeal to all Americans who have attended 


the International Congresses in Europe to bear me witness that 
Frederic Passy [applause], though eighty years old and nearly blind, 
has displayed at these Congresses all the fire and energy of youth. 
The young men cannot rival him in enthusiasm ; indeed, the young 
men of Europe who advocate the cause of peace are the children, 
intellectually speaking, of their elder, Frederic Passy. [Applause.] 

I regret that the French are such bad travelers. I regret that 
they seem to think so little is to be learned outside of their own 
country, and I feel that they have lost immensely — those who might 
have come here and have not done so. 

The Frenchman in America feels himself quite at home ; he feels 
here that he has brought with him a little of his own country ; he 
sees on all sides the traces of French history. He recognizes the 
French names of many of your towns, of many of your rivers, of 
many of your squares and streets ; it is St. Louis or Louisville, or it 
is Lafayette or some other French name that greets him at every turn. 

I may remind you that the history of France and the history of the 
United States of America present a unique feature in the history of 
the world, because between those two nations, France and the United 
States, there has not been a single drop of blood spilt in the whole 
of their mutual history. [Great applause.] There are talks and 
rumors of war ; some even have gone so far as to suggest the possi- 
bility of war between the United States and Germany (which heaven 
forbid !), but never has there been the slightest rumor of war between 
the United States and France, and never could such a war occur. 

I bring to you good news of the development of the peace move- 
ment in France. The government has been affected by it ; public 
opinion has been awakened by it. Recently a violent jingo imperial- 
ist party in France tried to bring on a war ; they got up a scare in 
regard to some complication on the Algerian-Morocco frontier, 
and they tried to drag France into war. Well, the Socialist Party 
of France and the Peace Party of France, acting independently, made 
such a movement and agitation in the country that the jingo and 
imperialist party was defeated and pushed aside, and no war oc- 
curred. [Applause.] 

The peace societies held a national arbitration congress at Toulouse 
a year and a half ago, and it was attended by only about fifty dele- 
gates ; more recently another national peace congress was held, and 
it was attended by six hundred delegates. [Applause.] And not 
only has this movement resulted in the treaty between England and 
France, but in treaties with four other nations as well, so that the 
ideal has become the reality in very many respects. 

We have come here to learn from a good example. We have 
noticed that everything in this country is big ; the towns are large, 
the expanse of country large, the rivers are immense, and even. your 
trees are gigantic. I hope that your peace movement will be cor- 
respondingly large, and even bigger than they all. [Great applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing 


from Germany, from one of the leaders there, wise and strong and 
honored, Dr. Adolf Richter of Pforzheim, President of the German 
Peace Society, who was president of the Eighth International Peace 
Congress held at Hamburg in 1897. [Applause.] 


Mr. President., Ladies and Gentlemen : I am afraid I will not be 
able to express in a few words all I am feeling in this solemn mo- 
ment. I will begin by presenting to you a hearty greeting from your 
German friends, the members of the German Peace Society, who are 
sending you their best wishes for the success of the labors of this 
Congress. We know very well that the American Peace Society, 
with the societies out of which it was formed, is the mother of the 
modern peace movement, and so we are here at the very cradle of it. 
From here the peace movement spread all over the world, and in your 
country lived many of the illustrious peace workers, whose names we 
see hung around this hall. We are always looking to you as a lumi- 
nous example to be imitated, and, if possible, to be equaled. 

The first time I came over to your country, in 1893, the only 
German delegate to the Chicago Peace Congress, I was so heartily 
welcomed that I really felt quite at home. Now when I come here 
again with about a half a dozen friends, we are experiencing the same, 
and even greater, hospitality than I found on my first visit. 

We give you our hearty thanks for the kind welcome, and we are 
also very much indebted to Secretary Hay, representing the United 
States government, and to your Governor and Mayor, for the kind 
and encouraging words we heard in this hall yesterday. 

If we think that the peace movement is going on but slowly, if we 
see that there are still places in the world where the gun and the 
sword are the rulers and decide disputes between nations, we ought 
not to lose our courage. [Applause.] We must remember that we 
are fighting against prejudices inveterate for centuries. We must 
reflect that the natural evolution of human nature and of human cul- 
ture is only a slow one, and has been so in all time. Hitherto, you 
know, war has generally been looked upon as a glorious thing ; we 
peace people hope that the time will come when war will be looked 
upon as a great wrong and even as a sin. [Applause.] 

The most of our work is still to be done. The German Peace So- 
ciety is one of the newest. It was founded in 1892, and at the present 
time we have in our ranks about thirty thousand members, in more 
than seventy different places. [Applause.] We must win public 
opinion by demonstrations, and we must also win the coming genera- 
tion by education. [Applause.] 

I hope this Congress will be a good step forward in the right way, 
toward the various ideals we aim at. So let us work together, each 
according to the measure of his strength doing his duty, and we shall 
bring the work to a good end. [Applause.] 


The Chairman : If I may say a private word to the Americans 
here present, we will now in imagination assume the ancient role of 
wayward and wandering children, and we will hear from the old 
mother country. We shall now listen to a representative of Great 
Britain, Alderman Thomas Snape, ex-member of Parliament, and 
President of the Liverpool Peace Society. [Applause.] 


Mr. Paine, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is with mingled feelings that 
I have taken this position to-day and acceded to the request of my 
colleagues to respond for them. I am here with reluctance. I would 
that some one gifted with greater powers of speech might have done 
to the welcome which you have extended to us the justice which it 
deserves. On the other hand, it is always a pleasure to me to be 
taking part in a congress or a movement for the promotion of peace, 
and it is an especial pleasure to be doing so in this great city of 
Boston. [Applause.] 

I come from another great seaport city. We are very near to- 
gether, Liverpool and Boston. [Applause.] The steamers are 
crossing every week. We see some of your people over with us ; 
you see some of our citizens here with you. On account of our near 
neighborship and the intimacy of our commercial relations, my 
pleasure is heightened in being permitted to take part in this great 

There is perhaps just this element of fitness in my occupancy of 
the position, that I can claim seniority of service in this cause over 
, any other member of the British delegation who is present. It was, 
I think, in the year i860 that I connected myself with the society of 
which I have been for many years president ; and a large portion of 
my public life, so far as I could withdraw it from my own business 
affairs, has been occupied in the endeavor to give some effect to the 
views of those who think that international peace is a practicable and 
an attainable measure. 

In the early days of my connection with this movement we were, 
comparatively speaking, a small and uninfluential body. We were 
held up to contumely ; we were scoffed at as " peace-at-any-price " 
men; we were regarded as dreamers and visionaries. Now how 
these things have changed ! Possibly no one present has attended 
as many — certainly none has attended more — international con- 
gresses for the promotion of peace than have I, and one of my 
earliest recollections in connection therewith is being present at a 
conference that was held at The Hague in the 70's. It was a Con- 
ference of the Association for the Reform and Codification of Inter- 
national Law, an association originated by one of your countrymen, 
a predecessor of my friend Dr. Trueblood, — Dr. Miles, a former 
secretary of the American Peace Society. [Applause.] He had 
come to the conclusion that as there was no law by which the court 


that decided upon the Alabama difficulty could reach a decision, 
there ought to be a reform and codification of international law in 
order that future courts might have some basis to found their judg- 
ments upon. As you know, the law had to be created for that Ala- 
bama decision. That association, though under another name (the 
International Law Association), still exists, and is worthily repre- 
sented at this Congress by my friend Mr. Alexander. At that con- 
ference to which I am referring there .was present one American 
whom I single out for special mention, the Hon. Dudley Field. There 
was also present Henry Richard, whose name you have rightly placed 
among the honored names that surround this hall ; and there was 
also there an eminent Frenchman and a very distinguished German. 

Every one of these, I am afraid, has now passed away, but they 
have left their influence behind, and the congresses have been going 
on and multiplying not only in number, but in influence. We had 
at Hamburg, I think, the largest peace congress I had ever attended 
up to that time; we had at Rouen last year a meeting equal in 
numbers and enthusiasm to that at Hamburg, but nowhere have we 
had, in any of the numerous congresses I have attended, such a 
wel«;ome and such a support as you have given us in your great and 
beautiful city. [Applause.] 

I rejoice, therefore, to respond on behalf of my countrymen to 
your welcome. I had the pleasure of being in Boston on a former 
visit thirteen years ago, and of making the personal acquaintance of 
your eminent poet, John Greenleaf Whittier. I also had the pleasure 
of meeting Mr. James Russell Lowell and Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes 
on our own shores. You may imagine, after having had the pleasure 
and the honor of meeting three such men, citizens of your land, how 
delightful it is for me to find myself in your midst again. 

Passing from these reminiscences, I just want to say how these 
congresses are growing, as I have just said, not only in point of 
numbers, but in influence. Instead of being now regarded as 
dreamers, we are looked upon as practical men. In these days even 
kings are taking notice of us and presidents receive us, as your 
President received several of us at the White House last Saturday 
week, and gave to us one of the most gratifying and important 
speeches that any man in any country has ever delivered. [Ap- 
plause.] I understand that Secretary Hay occupies the position in 
your country that the Secretary of Foreign Aifairs holds in our own, 
and to have the Secretary of Foreign Affairs in our country coming 
to one of our congresses would be a most wonderful thing. When 
we have another peace congress in England not only the Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs, but also the Prime Minister, will be remmded of 
the precedent that the Hon. John Hay has set. [Applause.] 

Let me make one reference to a previous congress in which I 
participated in your country. It was held in Washington the year 
that I visited Boston. It was a great conference, but was held for 
a somewhat different purpose to this one, and I had been honored 
by the request to read a paper on international arbitration. President 


Harrison had declared his intention to be present, and he cai 
and made a speech, sympathetic, no doubt, with arbitration, but w: 
qualifications. But the speech of your present President, not becat 
he differs in other ways, but because of the present movement, w 
given to us without qualification last Saturday week. 

In those days we talked of a treaty between America and Er 
land, and there had also been an attempt to make a treaty betwe 
all the countries on this continent. None of those things have j 
come to pass ; but before another peace congress is held on Ame 
can soil, I venture to say both those things will have been accoi 
plished. [Applause.] I hold with your great writer Emerson th 
universal peace, although Utopian, a*s some men may say, is as su 
to come as the prevalence of civilization over barbarism. 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing 
representative from Italy, Signer E. T. Moneta, founder and pre: 
dent of the Lombard Peace Society at Milan, editor for thirty yea 
of the most widely circulated paper in Italy, and now the editor 
the semi-monthly magazine, La Vita Internazionak. 



I bring to you the homage of the Peace Societies of Italy. It 
as an ancient soldier of Garibaldi that I render homage to the counti 
of Washington. I am a member of the Peace Society because I we 
a soldier, because I have fought and seen what war is like from pe 
sonal experience. It was oh the battlefield that I pledged myself t 
the cause of peace. [Applause.] 

I accepted gladly the mission to represent the Italian peac 
workers at this Congress, for I had the ambition to see this gre: 
country, the country which is the El Dorado for youth and ambitioi 
You have here a fertile soil, the largest of factories, the most busy c 
industries and the best of opportunities ; you have even some of th 
best of millionaires [laughter], because if all the millionaires wer 
like Mr. Carnegie there would soon be no more war. Then yo 
have ladies, ladies who have known how to conquer the hearts of th 
oldest aristocracy of Europe. [Laughter.] Your products invade th 
old world, and you have phenomenal wealth. I plead for the poor 
the poor cannot buy, but they have to live, and to them you owe 
duty ; and to the poorer nations of the world the richer Republic c 
America owes its duty. [Applause.] 

A British statesman said once : " Woe to the weak, to the smal 
peoples." This is against all the principles of justice. Small am 
great, rich and poor, have their rights, and it is our dufy to defeni 
those rights. [Applause.] It is your duty especially, because yoi 
here are not the subjects of a Republic, you are the sovereigns of 
Republic, and you have the duty of a sovereign people. 


In Italy we have now got a good peace organization. We publish 
a review, and we publish a yearly almanac on peace questions, which 
has a circulation of one hundred thousand. But at this Congress I 
am especially pleased to recall the fact that in our earlier days, 
when we had but few adherents and less money, when we were 
laboring under the very greatest difRculties to establish a peace move- 
ment in Italy, it was a daughter of Boston, Miss Cora Kennedy, who 
came forward and helped us, and finally left us the sum of thirty 
thousand francs, which was quite a colossal sum for a poor party 
and a poor country like Italy. With this help from a Boston lady the 
Italian Peace Party was born, and grew to its present strength, and it 
is anxious here to express to her memory and to her family the full 
gratitude of the people of Italy. [Applause.] 

It is with a soul filled with admiration for this great Republic that 
I thank you for the reception. I hope that just as the confederation 
of the Swiss cantons serves as an example to all Europe, so will the 
federation of American States serve as an example to the whole 
world, and thus bring about the United States of all civilized peoples 
at no distant period. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing from 
the representative of Monaco, L'Abb^ Pichot, Vice-President of the 
Institute of Peace Studies. 

L'Abb^ Pichot spoke in French and furnished the following Eng- 
lish translation of what he said ■ 


Ladies and Gentlemen : I am glad to bring to you the greetings of 
a very small state, of the principality of Monaco, but, notwithstand- 
ing its smallness, I am not embarrassed in fulfilling this mission. As 
this small territory had the honor, two years ago, to receive the 
peacemakers of the world and to be the place of meeting of the 
Eleventh Peace Congress, therefore it is not unknown to you. In 
addition, I recognize the fact that it is in America that I have now 
the honor to speak, America, the fatherland of equality. Here you 
live under a government of laws and not of men ; here the influence 
of individuals and states is not valued by their riches and territorial 
extent, but by their real achievements. 

I am in this beautiful republic of states, geometrical states, bounded 
simply by parallels of latitude and longitude, differing greatly in size 
and population, but all equal in rights, privileges and duties. I am 
in this great country where all the races fraternize, a country of great 
opportunities, where intelligence and labor are appreciated and 

I shall never forget my first impression upon arriving in the harbor 


of New York, where the flags of all nations salute each other on their 
arrival and departure in the most fraternal way. This fraternity does 
not prevent friendly competition and rivalry, since these are the con- 
ditions of progress. But these manifestations of progress prevent and 
condemn violence, murder and plunder, and prevent brutal force from 
interfering directly between individuals in the legitimate struggle of 
intelligence. I hope that as a result of this Peace Congress this 
state of things will soon be realized in all the world, and that soon 
we shall see the time when war will be forbidden among the nations 
and as severely condemned as murder is between citizens. 

I am in the historic City of Boston, which I like to remember as 
the birthplace of Benjamin Franklin, who drew the spark from the 
clouds, — an experiment which you have ingeniously reproduced on 
some of your bank notes, — the spark which in its various applica- 
tions is to-day the connecting link between men. 

Here also in 1815 one of the first peace societies — the first im- 
portant society — was established by Christian men and women. 
This fact gives me confidence in your efforts, because you laid the 
corner-stone of the edifice on a more enduring foundation than those 
who see in the peace movement only a question of progress and com- 
mercial prosperity. On the contrary, you see in the establishment of 
peace the realization of a commandment of God. You prove that in 
the Gospel there is a spirit from heaven more powerful than the spark 
of Franklin, a spirit which unites men closely over land and sea.; I 
mean, the spirit of love and Christian charity. 

Ladies and gentlemen, Monaco has preserved the remembrance of 
your Congress in 1902 ; some facts which I wish to point out to you 
will prove it. 

One year and a half ago the Jnstitut International de la Paix was 
founded there, the object of which is to be an arsenal of peace, a 
manufactory of peaceful arms. It will publish documents and sta-- 
tistics concerning peace and war. We have just published in two 
editions La Bibliographie de V Arbitrage et de la Paix, by our friend 
Mr. La Fontaine. 

We are preparing for the beginning of next year an Annuary of In- 
ternational Life. We shall publish in 1905 the History of Interna- 
tional Arbitration in Switzerland. Since our foundation we have 
intended to publish exact and complete statistics of the general cost 
of war in the world, but it is difficult to obtain and classify all the 
figures that express the cost of war. So far we have only a few docu- 
ments on this subject, and we would receive with pleasure any infor- 
mation which any of you may be able to supply. 

I wish to add this characteristic fact : About a year after your 
Congress in Monaco, the garrison of the place, formerly important, 
on which depended the fortress of Monaco, was definitely disbanded, 
and the government of Monaco gave the first example of general 

The Chairman then introduced Mr. John Lund of Norway, foi 


many years President of the Norwegian Parliament-, and now Vice- 
President of the Nobel Committee, who spoke as follows : 


Mr. President., Ladies and Gentlemen : I have come here to bring 
a greeting from the .land of the midnight sun, from the land of the 
vikings, from old Norway. 

Some nine hundred years ago, my countrymen, the Norsemen, 
under the leadership of Leif Ericson, on one of their many adven- 
turous raids found their way to America, and in memory of this event 
a statue has been erected to Leif Ericson here in Boston. 

In Leif Ericson's time my countrymen did not understand enough 
to put their great discovery to use. Their open ships were not well 
fitted to make flying trips over the Atlantic in great numbers. How- 
ever, the Norsemen, too, have since the foundation of the United 
States known how to appreciate the worth of America, and now for 
generations thousands upon thousands of Norway's sons and daughters 
have gone forth year by year to win from her virgin soil a reward of 
their labors, such as the old country with its harder, sterner nature 
could not afford them. 

Some one and a half millions, or more than half the number of 
Norway's present population, have here under American free institu- 
tions found for the most part happiness and comfort. And I use 
this occasion to-day to express to you the thanks of the old country 
for the hundreds of thousands of happy Norse homes which America 
has bestowed upon our children who have come to her. 

After Norway in 1814 got for herself a free constitution, our land, 
although amidst many struggles, has gone steadily forward. In our 
practical daily life, as is well known, the shipping industry of Nor- 
way may be reckoned among the greatest of the world. In art, 
science and literature I can mention names like Ole Bull, Ibsen, 
Bjornsen, Edward Grieg and Nansen. Our land seeks, indeed, the 
noblest ideal of all, to fulfill her modest part in the general work of 

And in this cause which has brought us together here, in the work 
ior peace and arbitration, Norway has according to her means sought 
to make her contribution. Since the establishment of the Inter- 
parliamentary Union our land has been represented at nearly all of 
its conferences. The Norse Storthing was the first to sanction a 
considerable contribution to the Interparliamentary Union Bureau in 
Berne, and has since that time voted an annual contribution not only 
to that Bureau, but also to the "International Peace Bureau at Berne. 

Norway was among the very first of the European countries to try 
to bring about permanent treaties of arbitration with other lands. 
And I am glad to be able to inform you that our present Foreign 
Minister seems just as warmly interested in the matter as his prede- 
cessor more than half a score of years ago, when the Norse Storthing 


first raised the question, showed himself cold and indifferent to it. 
We are now negotiating regarding permanent arbitration treaties 
with ten different countries, and some of these proposed treaties are 
being brought to a successful conclusion. 

I have dwelt so particularly upon these details both because our 
land, its history and its achievements, owing to our special political 
circumstances, are at present little known abroad, and because I 
think that these details are evidence that even a small country like 
Norway can yield its mite to the advancement of civilization in 
general and to the greatest movement of our time, the work of peace, 
if it is. allowed to live its own independent life in accordance with its 
means and the circumstances under which it has been set in the world. 

For the little work which Norway has undertaken in the service of 
peace, our land has already got special recognition. Our neighbor 
Sweden's great son, Mr. Alfred Nobel, has, as is well known, en- 
trusted the Norse Storthing with the task of bestowing a yearly prize 
of about forty thousand dollars upon the person or persons who by 
competent work in the cause of peace have earned distinction. This 
prize has already been conferred in three consecutive years. 

It is with feelings of exceeding pleasure that I, as a Norse repre- 
sentative, visit the United States as a delegate to this Thirteenth 
International Peace Congress. Not alone because I thereby get 
occasion to express my good wishes to the land that has bestowed 
happy homes upon so many of our children, but also because I am 
enabled to declare our thanks for the great work which America more 
than any other land in the world has carried out in the interests of 
peace. Names like Channing, Elihu Burritt, Sumner, Worcester, and 
many others, down to American men and women of our own day, 
stand out like sign posts and milestones on the great highroad of 

The great traditions, the holy remembrances of your brave ances- 
tors, will, I am sure, inspire you all in the work for peace and justice, 
to go forward with the same energy and the same courage that will 
make you, as it has in so many other ways, the leading people in the 
world. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing from 
Sweden, the Hon. John Olsson of Stockholm, member of the Swedish 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen; After so many excellent 
speeches of promment representative men from all parts of the world, 
It would be difficult, if not impossible, for me, as a delegate from that 
little land of Sweden, even in my own language to find new words to 
express gratitude for the splendid reception we have enjoyed. And 
the difficulty IS vastly increased when I attempt to use the English 


language, which I speak but very imperfectly. However, you will 
allow me on behalf of the Swedish Peace Association and my 
countrymen, of whom so many thousands have found a new home in 
this great Republic, to say a few words. 

I was one of the members of the Interparliamentary Peace Union, 
composed of delegates from nearly all the European Parliaments as 
well as your own Congress, who during a most splendid journey 
over this country enjoyed the hospitality of the American people, 
the American Congress and the American government. It seems 
to me that never before has a union of representatives from so many 
different nations received such honor and hospitality. We have 
seen much of the greatest interest in your great Union. We have 
seen your big and busy cities, your vast cornfields, your immense 
prairies, your beautiful Rocky Mountains — all so different from 
what we are accustomed to see in Europe. But the most different 
and remarkable is perhaps what we have not seen here. We have 
not seen soldiers in your streets. [Applause.] We have not seen 
great armies of men, taken from their business, their daily work, 
passing the best years of their youth in preparing for war. We have 
not seen, ■ — what we deplore so much in Europe, ■ — we have not 
seen here millions spent in erecting great fortresses on the frontier 
of a peaceable neighbor. Thus we have learned that the old saying, 
" If you wish peace, prepare for war ! " is not true. [Applause.] On 
the contrary, big armies are the greatest menace to peace, because it 
is almost absolutely necessary that a big army sometimes have sortie- 
thing to do. [Laughter.] Thi.= seems to be so clear that nobody 
could doubt it. Yet in Europe we are still fettered by the error that 
big armies are preparing peace. This is one of the lies which during 
many centuries has cheated the old nations. [Applause.] 

Thus America is foremost in this regard as in so many others. 
You have proved that in the struggle for peace, justice and humanity 
it is not wise to depend on great armies and fortresses ; that on the 
contrary they are generally obstacles in the way of peace and 

In this noble struggle it is not always the greatest nations that lead ; 
even a small nation can forward the progress of peace and civiliza- 
tion. I am proud to say that the great founder of so many institu- 
tions for peace and humanity, Alfred Nobel, was a native of our land, 
was a Swede. [Applause.] 

I shall never forget that historical moment in our journey, when 
your noble President in the most expressive and sympathetic words 
promised to call upon the nations to join in another Peace Confer- 
ence at The Hague, to devise new means for promoting international 
arbitration and international peace. [Applause.] I have a deep 
impression that this promise marks one of the most important steps 
on the way to peace and civilization that has ever been taken. And 
I am convinced that at that moment your President spoke out of the 
heart of all his fellow-citizens. Republicans and Democrats alike. 
[Applause.] I therefore hope to be in agreement with the opinion 


of this distinguished assembly when, speaking for my countrymen, I 
beg to express our deepest gratitude to President Roosevelt, and to 
the American people in whose name he spoke, for that noble and 
important promise. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of hearing from 
Prof. Pierre Clerget of Le Locle, Switzerland. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I shall say only a few words 
concerning a small country, which, however, plays a great part in 
the international peace movement, — namely, Switzerland. [Ap- 
plause.] The Peace Societies of Switzerland have charged me with 
the honor of bringing their greetings to the Congress. 

We have about twenty-five Peace Societies in Switzerland, and 
many clergymen and teachers are members of them. 

Switzerland is the seat of the International Peace Bureau at 
Berne, the Interparliamentary Bureau, and of the Peace and War 
Museum at Luzern, founded by the late Jean de Bloch, the author 
of " The Future of War." 

The directors of this Museum have carried out the suggestions of 
Mrs. Mead at the Congress in Rouen. To enrich the department 
of peace they have hung up the portraits of many well-known friends 
of peace, and every picture is provided with quotations from the 
works of the person it represents. 

I should like to cite in closing the three quotations which pleased 
me best at my last visit to the Museum. They are as follows : 

" Of all the desirable political changes which it seems to me possible for this 
generation to effect, I consider it by far the most important for the welfare of the 
race that every civilized nation should be pledged to offer peaceful arbitration to 
its opponent before the senseless, inhuman work of human slaughter begins." 
— Andrew Carnegie. 

" Reason is for us, for war is an outrage on reason ; justice is for us, for war 
tramples j ustice under foot ; civilization is for us, for war is the incarnation of 
barbarism ; and, above all, religion is for us, for we have the benediction of Him 
who has said: 'Blessel are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children 
of God.'" — Henry Richard. 

" People may laugh at the plan of arbitration, but, in my opinion, the warlike 
plan is infinitely more ludicrous. The inequality of horses, a disparity in the 
power of wielding the sword, or the possession of high powers of strategy in a 
general, are circumstances which the merest child can understand, and they have 
no connection with justice or national honor." — £/iAu Burritt. 

The Chairman: We shall now hear from the Hon. Albert K. 
Smiley, promoter, sustainer and hospitable host of the powerful 
gatherings of friends of arbitration on the beautiful mountain top and 
in the noble home at Lake Mohonk. Mr. Smiley will respond for 
the United States. [Applause.] 



I want to thank you for this opportunity to speak. I am thor- 
oughly delighted with this Congress. My heart is filled with gratitude 
that so many persons have gathered here to discuss the most important 
question that can come before the world, in my judgment. I verily 
believe that the time is not far distant when all the nations of the 
world will submit their disputes to the tribunal at The Hague, and I 
firmly believe that at the next meeting which the President of the 
United States proposes to call at The Hague there will be devised 
some scheme by which a permanent court with salaries fixed, and the 
judges living at The Hague, in the beautiful building which Mr. 
Carnegie is to erect there, will be established. I believe that all the 
nations will be inclined to submit their disputes to that Court, possibly 
with some slight reservations in regard to the preservation of their 
territory. I hope to live long enough to see that thing accom- 
plished — and I expect to do so. [Applause.] 

I want to say one word to those persons who are here from foreign 
countries, and it is this : At our conferences at Lake Mohonk — we 
have had ten of them — we have wanted very much to get more 
representatives from foreign countries, and so I am going to take 
the list of foreign delegates here, and you will all get an invitation to 
come to my house at Lake Mohonk and spend three or four days in 
the early part of next June. And I hope when you get such an 
invitation you will be sure to come, and help forward there the cause 
which we all have at heart. 

The Chairman : The last country to hear from this morning is 
Armenia, and we shall now have the pleasure of listening to Dr. Jean 

Mr. Adolphe Smith : As there is no longer time for translations. 
Dr. Loris-Melikoff, who represents the Armenians here, instead of 
reading his speech, has asked me to read to you an English transla- 
tion of it, and thus save time. 


The delegation sent by the Catholicos, the Supreme Patriarch of 
all the Armenians, to plead their cause with the heads of the civilized 
nations, wished to be present at this Congress, to affirm, their deep 
attachment to the principles of peace. 

In conveying the greetings of this little nation of a few million 
people, I take the liberty of reminding you that the voice which 
brings you its fraternal salutation comes from far away, from the 
frontier between Europe and *Asia, from the native country of the 
ancient Armenian nation that saw the birth and rise of our present 
civilization. • 


The Armenian nation, from the dissolution of the Roman Empire 
to our own time, in spite of invasions, calamities and disasters, has 
always represented culture and civilization in the Orient, at the cost 
of incalculable suffering. That is why the neighboring nations, bitter 
enemies of human progress, have tried to exterminate, systematically 
and at all costs, this element devoted to civilization and peace. And 
who knows ? Perhaps at this moment this nation is struggling be- 
tween life and death — its tormentors, making a mock of our meet- 
ing here, are with unscrupulous cynicism shedding innocent blood. 

The description of the recent martyrdom of this people will come 
in due time in the course of the discussions of this Congress, which 
I hope will find a practical and efficacious solution of the Armenian 
question in accordance with the resolutions passed by the last four 
Peace Congresses, and will point out a way to put an end to a state 
of things which is a disgrace to humanity, and the disappearance of 
which would contribute to secure and confirm the peace of the world. 

But at this time, in the name of this suffering nation and of its 
Supreme Head, the Catholicos Chrimian Hairik, the venerable man 
of eighty-five whose whole life has been devoted to his people, I wish 
success and prosperity to the great Republic of the United States, 
the natural protector of the oppressed, and I desire to express our 
deep respect and admiration for its distinguished President, Mr. 
Roosevelt, who has just done us the honor of receiving us, and has 
expressed his hearty sympathy with the Armenian people. 

The Chairman : Before we close this morning's meeting, I will 
call on the Secretary, Dr. Trueblood, to present some matters. 

The Secretary : The next order of business is the report of the 
International Peace Bureau for the year 1904 on the events relat- 
ing to war and peace. 



The outbreak since January last of the war between Japan and Russia for 
commercial, military, and political preponderance in the Far East, an event which 
had been brewing for several years, has furnished a semblance of an argumeiit 
to those who pretend that there will always be to the very end of time some part 
of the globe where men will kill one another. 

We say " a semblance of an argument," because the Russo-Japanese war has 
taken place in a region remote from the centre of influence of the peace propa- 
ganda. The principles of peace, though they have made progress, have not yet 
been accepted everywhere. The time will come when the Russians and the 
Japanese will renounce the attempt to secure their political purposes by violence, 
as other nations have already done. In the meantime the outbreak of wars in 
countries which are yet in the morning of civilization does not prove, and never 
will prove, anything against the grand principjes of the solidarity of peoples. 

The friends of peace have since the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war made 
numerous and earnest efforts to try to induce both the Russian and Japanese 
governments to have recourse to a friendly solution of the conflict, and the 


other powers signatory of the Hague Convention to bring about a settlement of 
the difficulty between the belligerents by arbitration or mediation. They have 
done their duty, and will find no occasion to reproach themselves, when the re- 
sponsibilities fur the war have been finally determined by public opinion. 

Without entering into the details of these efforts, we may here cite the con- 
cluding sentences of the " Memorial upon the Russo-Japanese Conflict,'" which the 
Permanent International Peace Bureau sent out in December, 1903, to all Min- 
isters of Foreign Affairs, and which it had published in its organ, La Correspond- 
ance Bi-Mensuelle. 

"It seems to us that at the present stage of the negotiations it is not impos- 
sible to find some middle ground between the extreme pretentions of the two 
powers. Furtheimore, a war between Russia and Japan on the shores of the 
Yellow Sea will, like most wars, settle nothing, but will serve only to prepare 
the way for others. It will necessarily result in the weakening of the two beliger- 
ents, and making them less capable of fulfilling their role in the civilization of 
the Far East. An arrangement, on the other hand, based on mutual concessions 
recommended by tlje great powers would leave both of them a sufScien ly large 
sphere in those vast regions scarcely yet open to the commerce of the world. 

" In conclusion, we call the attention of the powers to the urgent necessity of a 
j oint effort on their part with the Russian and Japanese governments, in harmony 
with Section 2 of the Hague Convention of the 29th of July, 1899, which is as 
follows : 

" ' In case of grave disagreement or conflict, before appealing to arms, the 
signatory powers agree to have recourse as far as circumstances will permit to 
the good offices or the mediation of one or more friendly powers.' " 

Since the opening of hostilities we have several times renewed our effort to 
bring about conciliation ; and especially after the meeting of the Commission of 
the Bureau in April last, we addressed to all the governments a pressing invita- 
tion to offer mediation. 

Up to the present moment the governments not involved in the conflict have 
limited their efforts to the localization of the war and to the strict maintenance 
of collective neutrality. But the moment is perhaps not far off when they will 
be able in a collective way to induce the belligerents to listen to the voice of 
reason, of justice and humanity, by insisting upon the fact that the present war 
will be all the more fruitless because neither of the belligerent parties, on account 
of the pacific ideas now prevailing, can expect effective support toward the 
realization of its ambitious purposes. 

One of the chief blessings of the recent Anglo-French agreement has been that 
at the present time it has greatly strengthened and developed these pacific ideas. 

It is possible of course that in the aberration of their judgment, which has 
been led away by vain hopes, the Russians and the Japanese will remain deaf to 
this appeal. Would the powers, if an offer of mediation by them should be re- 
jected, find themselves necessitated thereby to have recourse to the use of mili- 
tary force to impose peace? Such is not our opinion. For before having 
recourse to such extreme measures the powers would still have at their disposal 
other means of coercion. The most efficacious of these might possibly be that 
of rigorously closing their exchequer to the further appeals of Russia and Japan 
for new war loans. It is well known that the treasuries of the two belligerents 
are exhausted at the end of every month, that their war expenses reach enormous 
figures, and that left to their own financial resources they would be absolutely 
incapable of continuing the struggle under present conditions. 

Under these circumstances Russia and Japan are at the mercy of those who 
make loans to them, and they could not keep up the campaign for two months if 
they were n at sustained by the hope that their foreign creditors would make still 
further advances to them in order to save what they have already loaned. Up to 
a certain point this hope corresponds to the facts of the case, and the expecta' 
tions of the borrowers have up to the present moment been verified. But eve'^y- 
thing here below has an end, especially in financial matters, and we should not be 
surprised if the Western Europeans and the Americans should finally say, on 
reckoning up the chances of reimbursement for the new as well as the old loans, 


" So far and no farther." Whenever they say this seriously they will render the 
continuation of the present war impossible. 

They might also, without waiting for this moment to arrive, take advantage of 
the first decided success secured by one of the belligerents to induce the con- 
queror to make offers of peace which his adversary might accept. 

These reflections bring us to the consideration of another deplorable situa- 
tion, perpetuated likewise by the too great facility with which certain governments 
have accumulated debts upon debts by offering large rates of interest to western 
speculators. We have reference to the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire, 
and especially to the sufferings to which the Christian populations of Macedonia 
and Armenia have been exposed. These questions we have treated in a recent 
Memorial, which concludes as follows : 

" (a) For Macedonia, by urging the competent authorities to bring about a 
conference of representatives of the powers signatory of the Treaty of Berlin of 
the 13th of July, 1878, Turkey included, with a view of hearing the report of the 
governments of Russia and Austro-Hungary on the results of their recent diplo- 
matic intervention at Constantinople, and of securing a solution of the controversy 
by arbitration, if they should conclude that it is time to put an end to the dilatory 
responses of the Turkish government which constantly put in peril the peace of 
the nations. 

" {6) For Armenia, by demanding serious guarantee for the execution of the 
promise made to the Armenians in Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin, which is as 
follows : 

" The Sublime Port undertakes to realize without further delay the ameliora- 
tion and reform which are demanded by local necessities in the provinces inhabited 
by the Armenians, and to guarantee their security against the Circassians and the 
Kurds. It will periodically give information in regard to the measures adopted 
for this purpose to the powers, which shall see that they are carried out." 

In contrast to the gloomy pictures which the past year gives us from the point 
of view of the peace movement, we are happy to be able to put down to the credit 
of the year a number of encouraging facts. In no former period has so much 
been accomplished to bring the peoples and the governments of the world under 
the sway of international arbitration. As particularly important we may point out 
the following conventions in their chronological order : 

The Franco-English arbitration treaty of October, 1903. 

The treaty of arbitration between France and Italy, of December, 1903. 

The Anglo-Italian arbitration treaty of January, 1904. 

The arbitration treaty between Denmark and Holland, February, 1904. 

The Franco-Spanish arbitration treaty, March, 1904. 

The Anglo-Spanish arbitration treaty, March, 1904. 

The new Franco-English agreement concerning Egypt, Morocco, New- 
foundland and Western Africa, as well as Siam, the New Hebrides 
and Madagascar, April, 1904. 

The arbitration treaty between France and Holland, April, 1904. 

The Anglo-German arbitration treaty, July, 1904. 

The Anglo-Scandinavian arbitration treaty, July, 1904. 

The treaty between Spain and Portugal. 

To the Franco-Italian arbitration treaty has been added the Franco-Italian 
convention concerning labor legislation, sigi5ed in April, 1904. Finally, the Hague 
Arbitration Court, after having rendered its fiward in the Venezuela affair, is at 
the present time deliberating upon the controversy concerning the taxing of 
improvements on leased lands in Japan (the Japanese House Tax). The Court 
is also to be entrusted with deciding between the Netheilands and France in the 
case of any differences which may, arise between those two countries in reference 
to the submarine cable which connects Saigon with the west coast of Borneo. 

Among the questions which were pending, the most important, namely, that of 
the Alaska Boundary, has been settled during the course of the year. The question 
of Barotze Land between England and Portugal has been submitted to the arbitra- 
tion of the King of Italy. Ecuador and Peru, as well as Peru and Colombia, have 


chosen the King of Spain as arbitrator in their boundary disputes. The contro- 
versy between Italy and Peru relative to the interpretation of Article i8 of the 
treaty of friendship and commerce of 1874, has been settled by the arbitration 
of Mr. Winkler, a member of the Swiss Federal Tribunal. 

We cannot better close this report than by recalling the following words 
uttered by Mr. Roosevelt on the occasion of his message to the Congress of the 
United States : 

" We have not yet arrived at the point where we can avoid all wars by the aid 
of arbitration, but with prudence, firmness and wisdom the provocations and pre- 
texts of war may be removed and conflicts adjusted by rational methods." 

For the Commission of the International Peace Bureau. 

Elie Ducommun. 
Berne, Switzerland, August 26, 1904. 

The Secretary : The next matter is the announcement of the 
Vice-Presidents of the Congress. It is usual to appoint one Vice- 
President for each country represented, and the following have been 
designated by the different delegations (For the list of Vice-Presi- 
dents see page 4) : 

The Secretary then presented a large number of letters, memorials, 
telegrams and cablegrams, conveying greetings and good wishes to 
the Congress from individuals and associations in different countries. 
A number were presented later in the Congress, but they are all sum- 
marized together. Among these was the following letter from Andrew 
Carnegie : 

Skibo Castle, Dornoch, Sutherland, 

September 27, 1904. 

Dear Mr, President: I much regret missing the meeting of the International 
Peace Conference. Since we have at last in the Hague Tribunal ii permanent 
High Court for the settlement of international disputes, more and more my 
thoughts turn upon the next possible and necessary step forward to an agreement 
by certain powers to prevent appeals to war by civilized nations. 

Suppose, for instance, that Britain, France, Germany and America, with such 
other minor States as would certainly join them, were to take that position, pre- 
pared, if defied, to enforce peaceful settlement, the first offender (if there ever 
were one) being rigorously dealt with, war would at one fell swoop be banished 
from the earth. For such a result, surely the people of these four countries 
would be willing to risk much. The risk, however, would be trifling. A strong 
combination would efface it altogether. I think this one simple plan most likely 
to commend itself to the intelligent masses. A committee might be formed to 
consider this. If a body of prominent men of each nation agreed to unite in 
urging the cooperation of their respective countries in the movement, I think the 
idea would soon spread. 

One cannot imagine for our Republic a prouder position than that of pioneer 
in such a task — she who has been foremost in urging arbitration, first also to 
urge five important powers to submit their differences to the Court of Peace. 
Nor can I imagine more fitting apostles to urge this upon the powers than our 
present Secretary of State, trho is to honor you at the coming meeting in Boston, 
and our present President, who recently led the powers to The Hague. Having 
secured a permanent court for the settlement of international disputes, the time 
seems ripe for the same agencies to consider the one step further needed to com- 
plete the work. 

Very truly yours, always for peace, 

Andrew Carnegie. 



Neuilly, near Paris, September 12, 1904. 

The President of the Boston Peace Congress: Prevented, to my great regret, by 
my age and the growing weakness of my eyesight from going to the Boston Con- 
gress as well as to the Interparliamentary Conference at St. Louis, 1 nevertheless do 
not feel contented to be present in mind and heart only in the midst of the great 
assembly, and I pray you to be so kind as to represent me before the Congress. 

Tell your colleagues, many of whom have for a long time been my friends and 
coworkers, how much it costs me not to be able, for the first time in many years^ 
to take part in their labors, and convey to them my most cordial salutation as 
well as my good wishes. 

The circumstances of the time are serious. Never, since the organization of 
our annual meetings, has the abominable scourge which we are combating asi-umed 
such proportions as those which it has attained within the past few months. It 
is a defiance of civilization. It must be the last one. By a unanimous uprising 
of the conscience of the world the stupid horror of these human hecatombs must 
be forever condemned. It is the duty of the governments which have commenced 
by treaties and conventions of friendship to give pledges to the policy of right 
and humanity, to take efficacious measures to put a stop among themselves to 
these bloody follies. 

But public opinion must speak with sufficient force to encourage the good 
purposes of some of them to neutralize and overcome the resistance and hesitation 
of others, and to constrain effectively those who call themselves the shepherds of 
the peoples to merit this glorious name in place of that which it has been possible 
too often to give them, namely, butchers and public malefactors. 

The Old World, which at this moment has its eyes fixed upon St. Louis and 
Boston, is expecting from the New World the decisive manifestation which shall 
put an end to the regime of misery, insecurity and mutual spoliation, and shall 
permit us to hail as the eternal honor of the twentieth century tlie opening of the 
blessed era of mutual respect, of labor and of peace. 

Please to accept, Mr. President, in this hope for you and for your colleagues, 
the assurance of my feelings of warm and cordial sympathy. 

Frederic Passy, 

Member of the Institute of France^ 
President of the French Interna- 
iioTtal A rtntratioH Society. 


Le Pecq, France, September 17, 1904. 

Dear Dr. Trueblood: May I ask you to include my name in the list of those 
who write to express regret that they cannot take part in the Congress of peace- 
makers at Boston. Nothing causes me so much to deprecate the limitations of 
old age as mjrinability to be present on this occasion and listen to the wise and 
strong men who will represent the United States. 

Your nation enjoys unique advantages for rendering great services to mankind; 
and all the world trusts that she will use her influence to hasten the triumph of 
the sacred cause of international justice and unity. 

The curse of man lies in the spirit of Cain, which is that of Hate, and leads 
inevitably to fratricide. The deliverance of man lies in the spirit of Christ, which 
is that of Love, and leads to cooperation. Without the latter there can be no 
security for human welfare, and in a world dominated by war the philosophers, 
the reformers and the rulers have all alike failed to give happiness to mankind. 
The condition precedent of realizing man's true ideals is to be found alone in the 
assurance of universal peace. 

Yours heartily, 

Hodgson Pratt. 


Similar letters of greeting and good wishes were also presented 
from Emile Arnaud of Luzarches, France, president of the Peace 
Congress at Rouen last year ; from Gaston Moch of Monaco, presi- 
dent of the Monaco Congress of 1902 ; from Dr. Charles Richet of 
the Medical Faculty of Paris, president of the Paris Congress of 
1900; from Elie Ducommun, secretary of the International Peace 
Bureau at Berne; from Felix Moscheles of London, chairman of the 
Executive Committee of the International Arbitration and Peace 
Association ; from Paul Allegret, president of the Havre Amis de la- 
Paix; from Edouard Spalikowsky, Rouen, secretary of the Standing 
Committee of the French Peace Societies; from Jules Tripier, presi- 
dent of the Societe de la Paix d' Abbeville et Ponthieu ; from E. Sarra- 
zin, president of the Peace Society of the Familistfere de Guise ; from 
Dr. Max Kolben of Vienna ; from Hon. Wayne MacVeagh of Bryn 
Mawr, Pa. ; from Hon. Carl Schurz of New York, who says " there 
is no cause with which I sympathize more heartily " ; from Hon. 
Theodore E. Burton, M. C. from Ohio, who assures the Committee 
of his " earnest interest in the cause " ; from Bishop Henry W. 
Warren of Colorado, who would gladly assist in " making justice and 
righteousness as necessary among nations as among individuals " ; 
from Fray Marcelino, Bishop of San Juan de Cuyo, Argentina, one 
of the two bishops who were instrumental in having the statue of 
Christ placed on the Andean border between Argentina and Chile ; 
from Mrs. May Wright Sewall, president of the National Council of 
Women, with " every good wish for the success of the meeting " ; 
from Dr. H. Pereira Mendes of New York, wishing "all success to 
the Peace Congress " ; from Edward Q. Norton, editor of the Standard^ 
Daphne, Ala. ; from Mrs; V. G. Whitney, St. Louis. 

Telegrams and cablegrams of greeting were received and pre- 
sented from the Nobel Committee, Christiania, Norway ; from Mr. 
d'Estoumelles de Constant, Paris ; from Mr. E. Reveillaud, Deputy, 
Versailles, France ; from Frau Leonore Selenka, Munich ; from 
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps Ward, Newton Centre, Mass., expressing 
the hope that this Congress " might mean an international legis- 
lature"; from the Countess Bobrinsky in London conveying the 
greetings of the Alliance Universelle des Femmes of Paris ; from Mary 
C. C. Bradford, Fort Collins, Col., pledging cooperation of the 
Colorado Federation of Women's Clubs ; from King's County, N. Y. 
Women's Christian Temperance Union ; from Wallace Radcliffe, 
moderator of the Presbytery of Washington, D. C. ; from the editors 
of the Christian Herald, New York, rejoicing " that in many lands 
the people are awakening to the sin and folly of war"; from the 
Maine Free Baptist Ministers' Conference in session at Blaine, Me. ; 
from Charles Henry Butler, reporter of the United States Supreme 
Court; from the Nebraska Baptist Convention, three hundred and 
fifty delegates assembled at Fremont, Neb. ; from the Board of 
Education of Grand Rapids, Mich., whose Text-Book Committee 
had recommended a history of peace for use in the schools ; from 
the New Orleans Board of Trade, composed of six hundred leading 


business men, " endorsing the efforts of the Congress to place the 
settlement of disputes among nations upon a higher and more 
humanitarian plane than that of physical force " ; from Jenkin Lloyd 
Jones, Chicago ; from Mary Frost Ormsby Evans, Fort Collins, Col., 
conveying greetings of five thousand women ; from D. V. Orkovitz, 
Russian resident in London, " earnestly desiring success of efforts 
to establish international disarmed peace," as sufferings of his 
countrymen from the armed peace were as great as those from actual 
war; from the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of the 
United States and Canada, through its president. Dr. H. P. Mendes 
of New York ; from the Congregation of the Church of Our Father, 
Buffalo ; from the Maine Spiritualist Association assembled at 
Waterville, Me. ; from the Vermont Federation of Women's Clubs, 
assembled at Bellows Falls, Vt. ; from the Worcester Conference of 
Unitarian Churches assembled at Upton, Mass. ; from the New York 
State Convention of Universalists assembled at Utica, N. Y. ; from 
the National Spiritualist Association assembled at Waterville, Me. 

The following message to the Congress was received through the 
Associated Press from Sir Thomas Barclay, London : 

" I am sorry I am unable to attend the Boston conference. I attach immense 
importance to that conference, because such a number of distinguished, practical 
men have taken an interest in it. The next greatest step taken in the history of 
international relations will, I expect, be a treaty of arbitration between Great 
Britain and America. I wish the conference great success in their meeting." 

Letters of greeting were presented from the following church and 
ministerial organizations, wishing the Congress success and urging, 
in substance, the abolition of the barbarism of war and the applica- 
tion of the principles of the religion of Jesus to the conduct of all 
national and international affairs : All Souls Church, Elizabeth, 
N. J. ; Baptist Ministers' Conference of Chicago ; Baptist Ministers' 
Conference of Detroit; Baptist Ministers' Conference of Denver; 
Portland, Ore., Ministerial Association ; Albany Methodist Preachers' 
Meeting ; Buffalo Baptist Ministers' Conference ; Baptist Ministers' 
Conference of Richmond, Va. ; Baptist Ministers' Conference of the 
District of Columbia ; the Unitarian, the Methodist and the Congre- 
gational churches of Stowe, Vt. ; Meeting of Congregational Minis- 
ters, Providence, R. I., and vicinity ; Baptist Ministers' Conference 
of Pittsburg; Kansas Baptist Ministerial Association, six hundred 
members, through G. W. Trout, president, Pittsburg, Kan. ; Metho- 
dist Preachers' Association of Harrisburg, Pa., and vicinity; New 
Haven Baptist Ministers' Conference ; Baptist Ministers' Conference 
of Providence, R. I. ; Boston West Baptist Association assembled at 
Hyde Park, Mass.; Baptist Ministers' Conference of Indianapolis; 
Baptist Ministers' Association of Wachusett, Mass. ; Boston Presby- 
terian Ministers' Association; Ministerial Association of Rochester; 
Presbyterian Ministers' Association of Minneapolis; Presbyterian 
Ministers' Association of Atlanta ; Presbyterian Ministers' Associa- 
tion of Baltimore, through Rev. J. T. Stone ; Presbyterian Ministers' 


Association of Nashville ; Presbyterian Ministers' Association of 
Portland, Ore. ; Presbyterian Ministers' Association of Philadelphia ; 
J'irst Unitarian Church of Richmond, Va. ; Hillside Universalist 
•Church of Medford, Mass. ; and from a meeting of the citizens of 
St. John, N. B., convened on September 25, at the request of the 
clergy of all denominations, and presided over by the Mayor, with a 
■set of important resolutions which will be found among the Annexes 
at the end of this volume. 

Messages of greeting and good wishes were likewise received from 
peace societies and associations other than church organizations as 
follows : the Trades Union Congress held at Leeds, England, repre- 
senting one and a half million Trade Unionists ; Societt de l' Education 
Facifique (twenty-five sections), Croisilles, France, and forty-six Asso- 
ciations of Members of Public Instruction in France ; the National 
Council of Women of Eiresden, Germany; the Composite Club, 
Uxbridge, Mass.; Hillside Young People's Christian Union, Med- 
iord, Mass. ; the Brotherhood of the Illuminati, Boston ; the Phila- 
delphia Board of Trade, Philadelphia ; the Wiener Akademische 
Friedensverein, Vienna, Austria, conveying their kindest regards to 
the students of the American universities, and their desire that the 
students of all universities might be brought to cooperate in promo- 
tion of the Peace Movement. 

One of the most interesting of the messages which came to the 
Congress was the following one from Melbourne, Australia, signed 
by six hundred and thirty-four prominent citizens of the Common- 
wealth, including Members of Parliament, professors in the Sidney 
and Melbourne Universities, leading clergymen, the ofHcers of the 
Peace, Humanity and Arbitration Society in Victoria, philanthropists, 
•etc. : 


We, the undersigned citizens of the Commonwealth of Australia, beg to offer 
our very cordial greetings to you, the members of the Thirteenth International 
Congress of Peace assembling at Boston. 

We desire to express our heartiest sympathy •with you in your noble efforts to 
enlighten the conscience and raise the moral standard of mankind ; to break down 
international prejudice and the walls of racial jealousy, to abolish the barbarous 
and irrational appeal to the sword, and to promote that international goodwill and 
•concord which are so essential to the well-being and progress of the world. 

We deplore with you the disgrace to Christendom, and the scandal to civiliza- 
tion, involved in war — the inevitable violation and suspension of the moral law 
on the battlefield, the needless pain and sorrow, the sufferings of mothers and 
■children, the nameless danger to womanhood, the licensed deceit and cruelty, the 
wanton waste of energy, life, and property, together with the crushing burden of 
taxation, always inseparable from war. 

Although separated from you by long distance, we feel ourselves one with you 
in spirit in protesting against the militarism and fierce war-spirit of to-day that 
breed such terrible evils ; the intrigues of heartless financiers and an unscrupulous 
section of the press, which stir up strife and embroil the nations in deadly feuds ; 
and the assumed right of might, on the part of great nations, to crush and " wipe 
■out " the smaller peoples, and treat their patriotism as a crime ; and we rejoice to 


be associated with our brothers and sisters of many lands in the splendid cause < 
arbitration and peace. 

We congratulate you on the gradual triumph of humanitarian principles ov( 
false and anti-social ideals of brute force and "glory," and a spurious patriotisi 
which is in reality treason to the best interests of one's country. The vigoroi 
Peace Societies which have recently sprung into existence, numbering amnn 
their members leading statesmen, clergymen, lawyers, professors, literary mei 
press men who are an honor to their profession, and noble women; the establisl 
ment of the Hague Tribunal; the settlement in recent years, by arbitration, of ir 
ternational disputes which, in a former age, would probably have led to bruts 
conflicts; and the ratification lately of several treaties of arbitration, such as tha 
between France and Britain, should fill the friends of peace with hope and er 
couragement to work on. 

Our enemies are many and powerful, but truth is great and shall prevail, nol 
withstanding sneers and misrepresentations prompted by thoughtlessness, ignoi 
ance, selfish financial, political, and commercial interests, and the survival o 
slowly dying brute instincts in human nature. 

That the work of your Congress may be crowned with success, and that it ma' 
prove one step at least further on the way towards the goal of Universal Peaci 
and the Commonwealth of Man, is the earnest hope of your Australian brethren 
who will watch with deep interest the proceedings of your great Internationa 

Melbourne, August, 1904. 

The Chairman : I will say to our foreign friends that no meeting 
in Boston in behalf of any good cause is complete without the pres- 
ence of the Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale. [Applause.] 

Dr. Hale : I have the privilege of speaking at this moment, be- 
cause I am the oldest minister in active work in Boston, to express 
the welcome which this assembly wishes to give to the great Council 
of the American Protestant Episcopal Church which meets here 

I would like to say that I have just come from the devotional 
meeting, which is open to the whole Congress every morning at 
9 o'clock in the South Congregational Church. Those daily meet- 
ings have been arranged by conference between the heads of the 
largest communions — Christian and Jewish — in Boston. At this 
conference the Methodists were represented by Bishop Mallalieu, the 
Episcopalians by Bishop Lawrence, the Catholics by Archbishop 
Williams, the Baptists by Dr. Rowley, and the Congregation alists and 
Unitarians were also represented. It is the first time known to me 
that any such religious meetings have been held since the time of 
the Emperor Constantine, and if these meetings were to be famous 
for nothing else in the history of Boston they would be for this 

Now permit me to read the resolution which has been prepared : 

„ "J^^, Thirteenth International Peace Congress sends its greetings to the 
National Convention of the Episcopal Church in its assembly in Boston, confident 
in Its interest in the great work we have in hand. The members of that Conven- 
tion are crrdially invited to share in our assemblies. Thank God, we reed not 
ask the august convention of the servants and followers of the Prince of Peace 
for sympathy, assistance and encouragement in all our endeavors." 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 


Three committees were then appointed to prepare the business of 
the Congress and submit resolutions, as follows : 


Belgium, Senator Houzeau de Lehaie ; France, Alphonse 
Jouet ; Germany, Dr. Adolf Richter ; Great Britain, Dr. W. 
Evans Darby ; Monaco, the Abb^ Pichot ; Switzerland, 
Pierfe Clerget; United States, Charles F. Dole. 


Belgium, Senator H. La Fontaine ; Denmark, Mrs. B. A. 
Lockwood ; France, J. Prudhommeaux ; Germany, Edward 
de Neufville ; Great Britain, Joseph G. Alexander ; Italy, 
E. T. Moneta ; Sweden, Hon. John Olsson ; United States, 
Hon. John I. Gilbert. 


Belgium, Madame H. La Fontaine ; France, A. Gignoux ; 
Germany, Richard Feldhaus ; Great Britain, J. Frederick 
Green ; Norway, Hon. John Lund ; Switzerland. Theodore 
Ruyssen ; United States, Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

At the close of Tuesday morning's session, at 1.15 o'clock, a lun- 
cheon was given to the foreign delegates in Chipman Hall, Tremont 
Temple, by the Economic Club of Boston. About one hundred and 
fifty persons were at the tables, and at the close of the luncheon 
brief addresses were made by William H. Lincoln, President of the 
Club, and by Dr. G. B. Clark and G. H. Perris, of the foreign delegates. 

public /IDeeting in Uremont XTemple. 

Tuesday Evening, October 4, 1904. 

Dr. Trueblood called the meeting to order at 8 o'clock, and said ; 

Ladies and Gentlemen : The original arrangement for this meeting 
to-night was that the Hon. Andrew D. White, our ex-Minister to 
Germany and the chairman of the American delegation at the Hague 
Conference, was to preside and to be one of the speakers. -We all 
very much regret that Mr. White, who was so influential in the setting 
up of the Hague Court, is prevented by the state of his health from 
being here and speaking to us on the important subject of the evening. 

We are fortunate, however, in having another gentleman here who 
has had wide diplomatic experience, and now has the very great and 
merited honor of being a member of the Hague Court — one of the 
four members from the United States. The result of the Hague 
Conference was, you know, the setting up of a permanent interna- 
tional tribunal of arbitration, which in April, 1901, was declared 
established and open for business. There are now seventy-two 
members of that Court from twenty-two nations of the world, and 
the distinguished gentleman who is to preside over this meeting and 
to speak to us of the work of the Court is one of these seventy-two 
gentlemen — among the most distinguished diplomats, international 
jurists and publicists in the world. 

I now have the very great honor of introducing as the presiding 
officer of this meeting the Hon. Oscar S. Straus, ex-Minister of the 
United States to Turkey, and at present a member of the Interna- 
tional Court at The Hague. 



Ladies and Gentlemen: No one can regret more than I do the 
absence on this important occasion of my esteemed friend and 
colleague, the Hon. Andrew D. White, who, although we have no 
diplomatic career in this country, because of his extraordinary fitness 
has occupied for the last thirty years some of the most important 
diplomatic positions in this country, having brought to that work a 
ripe scholarship, learning and ability second to none of the great 
men that we have sent abroad to represent our country. It is a 


great regret that he is not here, for no one could have spoken with 
more authority and with more knowledge of the formation of the 
Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague than he. He was 
the chairman of the Commission that was sent out by us to the 
Hague Conference, which Conference formulated and adopted the 
treaty that constituted the Hague Tribunal. I feel therefore that I 
cannot replace him, but I can only unite with you in the regret that 
he is not here. 

From Marathon to Waterloo distinguished poets, artists, historians 
glorified the achievements of war. From that time on the legend 
began to take effect: "Peace hath her victories no less renowned 
than war." I think that the establishment of the Hague Tribunal, 
and the wonderful work that has been done by the peace societies 
throughout the world, and the spreading of the sentiment of peace, 
justify us in saying that the message of the twentieth century is 
that " Peace has victories far more glorious than war." [Applause.] 
The kit motif of the national spirit among nations changes from 
age to age, and so consequently do the causes that bring about con- 
flict and war. Beginning with modern times, with the Reformation, 
we first note as the dominant war cause ecclesiastical enmities, the 
conflicts between Romanism and Protestantism, which brought on that 
terrible age of devastating wars known in history as the Thirty Years' 
War, over whose bloody pits was concluded in 1648 the famous Treaty 
of Westphalia, which was framed by the first great governmental 
peace congress and from which dates the permanent diplomatic 
system of modern times. 

With the lapse of another century the kit motif of nations changed 
from ecclesiastical enmities to the hunger for conquest and territorial 
expansion, beginning with the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), which 
terminated in the second great governmental peace congress, which 
framed the Treaty of Paris, and which, extending to this hemisphere, 
adjusted the colonial possessions of Great Britain, France and Spain, 
and so materially altered the map of the American continent. This 
period of conquest culminated in the infuriated heroism of the 
Napoleonic wars, and was terminated in 18 15 by the third and, up to 
that time, the most important governmental peace congress in all his- 
tory, which framed the Treaty of Vienna. By this treaty was defi- 
nitely established the balance of power between European States, 
which lasted for half a century, until it was extended and recon- 
structed after the Russo-Turkish War, by the fourth great governmental 
peace congress, which framed in 1878 the Treaty of Berlin. At this 
congress Great Britain and Germany, under their distinguished pre- 
miers Disraeli, Salisbury and Bismarck, and the other great European 
powers, under their foremost statesmen, won a more decisive and more 
enduring victory than their armies had won at Sebastopol, Metz and 
Plevna. They caused the war clouds that hung black and threaten- 
ing from the Baltic to the tropics to roll by, and ushered in the bright 
sun ^yhich shed its rays of " peace with honor " over the trembling 
chancelleries of Europe and Asia. 


From Hugo Grotius to William Penn, and from William Penn to 
William Ellery Channing, and from Channing and Charles Sumner to 
Jean de Bloch, publicists, dreamers, philosophers and divines have 
advocated the cause of peace with that persistent devotion that so 
noble a cause can awaken in the souls of men whose hearts are at- 
tuned to Humanity's universal plea. They have through all these 
years prepared the great powers of the world for the greatest and 
most representative Peace Congress of all times, the Peace Confer- 
ence at The Hague. 

The work of this Conference, the establishment of the Permanent 
Court of International Arbitration by the representatives of the twenty- 
six leading nations of the world, marks not only the crowning glory 
of the nineteenth century, but, with God's blessing, the most enduring 
humanitarian achievement of the ages. Although the time was not 
yet ripe to enable this Conference to succeed in lessening the arma- 
ments of war, the very establishment of the Permanent Tribunal, with 
its nearly four score members ever ready to respond to the nations' 
call for the adjustment of international differences, cannot fail ih time 
to effectively contribute to that inevitable end and tend more and 
more to bring " the future of humanity under the majesty of the law." 

As Americans and hopeful advocates of peace you will pardon the 
justified pride we feel in the tribute paid to our country only a few 
days ago by that distinguished French peace advocate, publicist and 
statesman, a leading delegate to the Peace Conference, and a mem- 
ber of the Permanent Tribunal, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant. 
I quote from his statement given to the Associated Press. After ex- 
pressing his regret for his inability to be present with us, a regret 
which I am sure is shared by every one here, he said : 

"I had hoped at Boston to recognize publicly the grand and decisive seivices 
rendered to the cause of international arbitration by the United States, and par- 
ticularly by President Roosevelt. Better than any one, I know that the Court at 
The Hague stood deserted, abandoned and ridiculed until the day when he had 
the courage, generosity and foresight to save it. That act alone has entitled him 
to the thanks of all Europe for his pacific and liberal spirit." [Applause.] 

We gladly share the glory of having been the first among the 
nations to throw open the doors of the Tribunal with our sister 
republic, the Republic of Mexico, who spontaneously united with us 
in referring the Pious Fund case to the Court, and (we are happy to 
share that glory as well) with all the powers, great and small, who 
were parties to the Venezuela controversy. 

While the Hague Conference was not able, because the time was 
not yet ripe, to limit the progressive increase of armaments and the 
economic burdens that that ascending scale of war preparations 
entails upon the nations in time of peace, we need not be without 
hope that there is much truth in the thesis developed by Jean de 
Bloch in his great book, " The Future of War," that the immense 
drain of the irrcreasing cost of war and armaments will necessarily, 
from purely economic reasons, compel retrenchment and limitation. 

It. was my privilege during the past summer to deliver an address 


before our Naval War College at Newport. My audience was com- 
posed entirely of distinguished naval officers and admirals, captains, 
commanders and lieutenants in our navy. My subject, which was 
left to their choice, was the " Scope and Meaning of the Hague 
Tribunal," and I am gratified to bear my testimony here that among 
no class of our people could be found a set of men who have a 
deeper and more sympathetic interest in furthering the cause of 
peace. I am informed that the same is true especially in regard to 
the naval men of other nations, and that we can count upon them as 
our most effective allies. 

The very fact that behind the world's diplomacy stands ever open 
the doors of the Hague Tribunal, whose permanent mission is the 
peaceful adjustment of international differences, cannot fail to have 
an ever increasing voice in the chancelleries of nations and on the 
deck of every warship of every civilized power. [Applause.] 

Time does not permit me to dwell upon the scope and meaning of the 
Hague Treaty, upon its three plans and methods to lessen the causes 
of war, respectively. Commissions of Inquiry, Mediation and Arbitra- 
tion. I entirely agree with the late Frederick W. Holls, the dis- 
tinguished secretary of the American Commission, the historian of 
the Peace Conference, whose untimely death we so deeply deplore, 
in his estimate of the treaty as " the Magna Charta of International 
Law." It is not only that, it is an International Covenant on the 
Mount. [Applause.] 

The treaty has been criticised as lacking obligatory power. Tech- 
nically speaking that is true, and it is also true that its compelling 
force rests upon the highest and most binding considerations among 
nations, upon international honor and the moral grandeur of the 
signatory powers. [Applause.] It will require time and experience 
to develop its true and full scope and meaning ; just as it required 
time and experience to develop the full scope and meaning of the Con- 
stitution of these United States. The significance of the treaty as an 
effective instrument of peace will largely depend upon the construc- 
tion and method of application of Article 27, defining the duties of 
the signatory powers. That section provides : 

"The signatory powers consider it their duty, in case' a serious dispute 
threaten? to break out between two or more of them, to remind these latter that 
the Permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. Consequently they declare 
that the fact of reminding the parties in controversy of the provisions of the 
present convention and the advice given to them in the higher interest of peace, 
to have recourse to the Permanent Court, can only be considered as an exercise 
of good offices." 

That section alone changed the international law of the world. 
How and in what measure the initiative provided for by this article 
is to be exercised is one of the highest importance, which time and 
circumstances will and must develop. The subject did not escape 
the wise forethought of the Conference, but it was determined by the 
majority to leave the provision in its present form, doubtless having 
in mind that time, circumstances and experience would develop the 


most effective form of initiative. This Congress and future con- 
gresses could not, in my judgment, address themselves to a more 
practical and imperative subject than the ascertainment and develop- 
ment of the most acceptable and effective method and plan as to how 
and by whom this initiative is to be invoked and applied. I will not 
forestall such a consideration of the subject by venturing any sugges- 
tions or opinion, but will content myself with emphasizing with all 
earnestness the extreme importance of the subject. 

In conclusion, I cannot speak with authority, or even with an inti- 
mate knowledge of facts, but I may be permitted to express the feel- 
ing of disappointment which was shared by many, that, largely growing 
out of the failure of an international understanding to invoke the 
initiative contemplated by the section quoted, the full force and moral 
effect of the treaty could not be, or was not, applied in a supreme 
effort to avert the appalling war now raging with such lurid destruc- 
tiveness between Russia and Japan. Under the treaty the right to 
offer good offices or mediation appertains to the powers even during 
the course of hostilities, and it is provided that the exercise of this 
right shall never be regarded as an unfriendly act. 

May the voice of this Congress awaken the nations to the exercise 
of their moral obligations, and may the Hague Treaty be sent upon 
its mediating mission of peace by the aroused public sentiment of the 
world as one of the practical fruits of the deliberations of this Thirteenth 
International Peace Congress. [Great applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now hear from Mr. Joseph G. 
Alexander, Secretary for many years of the International Law 
Association, which has cooperated with us and done so much for 
the cause for which we are assembled here. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am very glad to be able 
to stand here to-night as representing an association which owes its 
origin to American initiative, and which therefore is fitly represented 
at this Peace Congress, an association which, beside its more ordinary 
— and shall I say humdrum ? — labors for the assimilation of com- 
mercial and maritime law, in which it has done useful work, has 
always maintained the standard of international arbitration as a 
great ideal. 

In commencing, will you allow me to say that I share the regret at 
the absence this evening of Mr. Andrew D. White, though indeed he 
could not have been better replaced [applause], because I have been 
looking forward to meeting Mr. White once more here. It was my 
privilege five years ago to go over to the Conference at The Hague 
on behalf of another organization, which I represent in this Congress, 
the Society of Friends in England, as a member of a deputation to 
seek to strengthen the hands of the Conference. Our first visit was 


to the charming and admirable president of the Conference, Baron 
de Staal, the Russian representative, but our next visit was paid to 
Mr. Andrew D. White. He received us with his invariable courtesy 
and affability. 

And yet one more personal allusion may I make ? The leader of 
our little Quaker deputation on that occasion was my old and 
honored friend, John Bellows, who was the friend of the great states- 
man whom you have just lost. Senator Hoar. Through him I knew 
something of the character of Senator Hoar, more than perhaps most 
English people did, and I should like just to lay my tribute of respect 
upon that grave, and to wish for the people of Boston and of Massa- 
chusetts that he may have many successors in the purity and blame- 
lessness of his public life. [Applause.] 

In the service which was held here on Sunday afternoon, which 
another engagement prevented me from attending, I observed that 
you repeated some words of an old familiir prophecy in these terms : 
"And God shall judge between the nations, and arbitrate for many 
peoples." I do not know where that translation comes from ; it 
corresponds to a similar translation in the French language with 
which I was already acquainted, and represents, I believe, the true 
force of the original. The position of that verse in that wonderful 
prophecy which we have twice over, in Isaiah and in Micah, is a 
very remarkable one. It comes just before the prophecy with which 
we are all so familiar, especially those of us who attend peace gather- 
ings — the prophecy of that time when they shall beat their swords 
into plow shares and their spears into pruning hooks, and nations 
shall learn war no more. It surely is a very wonderful thing that 
the ancient prophet, whichever of the two may have been the true 
originator of that grand old prophecy, should have seen, should have 
put his finger, so to speak, upon this very point — that in order to 
bring about a state of peace between nations, nations with their 
differing interests and their jarring notes, it was necessary there 
should be an institution of judgment, of justice, and that he should 
use the very word corresponding to our idea of arbitration. So 
what is coming to pass in our days, that which forms the subject of 
our meeting this evening, the constitution and work of the Hague 
Tribunal, is the fulfillment in our own days of this ancient prophecy 
of twenty-six hundred years ago. [Applause.] 

It is to me very striking how that Conference at The Hague was 
led to do a work which nobody had expected from it. We who had 
already been interested in peace congresses and in this question of 
arbitration had for years been saying that we wanted a permanent 
court, something that should put an end to the merely provisional 
and temporary and accidental arbitrations that were happily growing 
in number and importance all through the last century. But the 
Hague Conference was not summoned with a view of establishing 
such a court, which most of us, I am afraid, had looked forward to 
as a dream that might be realized in some future time, but that we 


should hardly see in our own. It was summoned, you will remem- 
ber, primarily to consider the question of mutual disarmament. It 
was only in the second circular inviting and more closely defining 
the functions of that Conference that the question of an arbitration 
court was introduced at all. 

As you know, the Conference at The Hague was, to the disappoint- 
ment of us all, unsuccessful in arriving at any result whatever on 
the question of the mutual reduction of armaments ; but whilst on 
that point it failed, it achieved the wonderful success — I cannot ever 
think of it as anything else than a perfectly marvelous success — of 
constituting this Permanent Tribunal of The Hague. 

It is not necessary, I suppose, here to go into the constitution of 
that Court, the admirable frame that was adopted, by which from a 
panel of men designated in advance, and who are almost certain to 
be free from any bias as regards the particular question that may be 
put before them — from such a panel of some of the wisest men 
nominated by the governments of the civilized world any two powers 
that may have a difference can choose those whom they think fit to 
decide their dispute. 

What rejoices us as friends of peace particularly is that we see 
there the beginning of that which we have been pleading for so long, 
the beginning of organized peace, the beginning of a machinery 
which is to substitute the regular arbitrament of judicial procedure 
for the horrible, the cruel, the uncertain, the utterly unsatisfactory 
arbitrament of the sword. [Applause.] 

Much remains yet to be done, much indeed before we see realized 
Victor Hugo's ideal of the United States of Europe, and still more 
before we get to that " federation of the world " of which Tennyson 
has sung. 

But this is the first great step, and in it we cannot but rejoice. A 
distinguished English lawyer, Mr. M. Cranthorpe, in an article 
written three or four years ago, after the Hague Conference had 
taken place, on the history of international arbitration, after his ex- 
planation of this Court, and after saying that the Court has established 
a machinery for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, 
winds up in words to this effect, — that whilst machinery is most 
valuable, it is useless except there be a motive power put into it. 
Those magnificent steamers which cross the Atlantic, one of which 
brought some of my co-delegates and myself to your city last Friday 
morning — you may go and admire their machinery and their perfect 
adaptation for the great voyages, but until you have put water into 
the boiler, and heated that water into steam, of what use is the ma- 
chinery for crossing the Atlantic ? Now the machinery of which I 
am speaking needs the steam of public opinion. It is only public 
opinion, the opinion of the civilized nations of the world, that can 
make this Hague Conference machinery — beautiful and admirable 
as it is — of any real value. [Applause.] 

I cannot help feeling that the first reference to the Hague Court 
was somewhat factitious. It was a little like what people have to do 


sometimes in the case of a pump ; you put some water into a pump 
and then you make the pump work. [Laughter.] So President 
Roosevelt put water into the Hague pump, and he only got it agoing. 
But it is going, and not only have two or three disputes been referred 
to it already, but I want you to notice that far more important is this, 
that in those ten arbitration treaties which have characterized the 
last ten months, the Court at The Hague is specified as the tribunal 
to which disputes between these nations are to be referred. [Ap- 
plause.] We need not be very anxious, I think, when that is the 
case, that there should be a great number of disputes for the sake of 
putting the Hague Court to work. 

But now, going back to the metaphor, something more is needed 
than the little water in the pump, or rather something more than a 
little steam, to set and to keep the great engine of this steamer at ■ 
work ; the Hague Court needs the continuous and persistent force 
of public opinion ; it requires that the people of our lands should 
determine that henceforth all disputes shall go to this great tribunal 
that has been constituted. And it is thus that you and I, every one 
of us, humble members of society, can do something to keep this 
machinery in motion. 

After all, let us go back to the back of things. What we want is 
a better feeling between nations, more brotherliness, more recogni- 
tion of the fact that man is man the world o'er [applause], that the 
circumstance that a man is born on one side or the other of some 
artificial frontier does not make any real difference. [Applause.] 
When by means of such congresses as this and other agencies we 
can spread this spirit of fraternity among the nations, then the 
Hague Court will get down solidly to its work, and then we shall see 
that peace will be organized permanently and surely. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of presenting to you 
Professor Quidde of Munich. He will speak to us in German, and 
Dr. Urban of Harvard University has kindly consented to give us in 
English a summary of what he says. 


[It is to be regretted that no full stenographic report of this address in German 
could be had. It was one of the finest discourses delivered during the Congress, 
and the r^sum^ does it scant j ustice. — Ed.] 

In an address of this morning the possibility of an American- 
German war was mentioned. Of course " yellow " papers in both 
countries are quick to set forth such a war as imminent. But none 
of the leaders think of it. I bear witness that nobody in my country 
has the least wish for such a war, a war which would be doubly 
dreadful as a conflict between friends and brothers. No power in 
the world will be able to force these two countries to take up arms 
against each other. [Applause.] 


Our adversaries make fun of the peace movement and say : " Th 
first success of the Hague Convention was the Boer war in Sout 
Africa ; the second the Russo-Japanese war in Eastern Asia." Thi 
manner of judging our work is based upon a misunderstanding of th 
whole movement. Our plans are practical ; we have no intention c 
declaring " eternal peace " to-morrow. We know very well that on 
work must be a development which will last years, perhaps centuries 
before all causes of war can be uprooted. 

The lines of our work will become clearer if we consider som 
historical facts. The whole progress of civilization consists in ; 
gradual increasing of the sphere of law, and a slow but steady cor 
finement of force within narrower and narrower limits. In thi 
process consists the advancement of culture, as is shown by thi 
history of law, although this process cannot be studied equally wel 

In the beginnings of human civilization quarrels between individ 
uals were allowed to be settled by force. This was called the righ 
of feud, and a rudimentary form of it survives in the vendetta 
Every man able to carry weapons could seek his right with thi 
sword, the only restriction being that it must be his right. In thos( 
times feud was not a crime but a legal institution, and the punish 
ment of the state consisted in putting the criminal outside of th« 
King's Peace. Therefore those weird sentences in the old German 
codifications of law : nobody must shelter him, he must be a strangei 
all his life, and death follows his steps. 

The first progress made was the bringing of the petty wars among 
the chiefs under certain laws, and the prohibition of them at certain 
times. According to different conditions in different countries this 
evolution was slower or more rapid. Germany suffered from th« 
feud among the leaders from the time of Charlemagne, or perhaps 
the first Saxon emperors, until the time of the announcement of the 
King's Peace. As a matter of fact feuds lasted more than fifty 
years after the announcement of the King's Peace, but this act made 
an important change in the legal state, stigmatizing the feuds as 
crimes. Since that time violence between individuals has become 
unlawful. In our time the laws against individual violence exist, 
even if they are not always enforced ; so the only possibility of lawful 
violence is war between nations. We are about to abolish this also. 

If one of our ancestors had been told that the time would come 
when he would, not be allowed to seek his right with the sword, he 
would have laughed and answered that that was impossible, and that 
life would not be worth living under those conditions. Nevertheless 
ihe world moves on, though we ride no more on mailed horses. 

Our position in regard to war between nations is very much the 
same. We try to enforce certain laws of war on land and on sea, 
and to find out how war can be superseded. An important step 
towards this goal was the Convention at The Hague, which had two 
great results, — first, the organization of a permanent court of arbi- 
tration ; second, rules and regulations for the proceedinfs of this 


court. By appealing to this court many conflicts may be avoided, 
and if there is a wish to settle a dispute by arbitration that wish 
may be gratified very easily. The further purpose of the peace 
movement is to change the present voluntary arbitration into obliga- 
tory arbitration. [Applause.] 

In the name of civilization no sacrifice is considered too great, 
and every year new men are found who are willing to contribute to 
the advancement of human progress along this as along other lines. 
America and Europe boast themselves to be the leaders of the march 
of civilization, but, like beauty, civilization is, I fear, in many re- 
spects only skin deep. Hidden by a thin veneer there still exist the 
fierce instincts, which seem to be the inheritance of our time from 
our ancestors, and which furnish ready fuel for war. 

Much has been done to abolish readiness for war, and it will be 
the business of the adherents of the peace movement to continue 
this work, the goal being the superseding of war by arbitration. In 
bringing about this happy consummation each one of us has his 
share to do. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of calling upon Dr. W. 
Evans Darby, Secretary of the British Peace Society, " author of 
" International Tribunals," who has for many years chronicled with 
great pains every advance made in the cause of arbitration. 


Mr. Chairman^ Ladies and Gentlemen : Professor Westlake, one of 
our distinguished jurists in England and a member of the Hague 
Court, wrote me just before I left home for this meeting the follow- 
ing words : " I hope the Congress will consider the means of securing 
justice as the means to peace, by arbitration and otherwise." The 
motto of Grotius was '■'■Pax et justitia" and the two, peace and 
justice, must go together between states as they must between men. 

Perhaps a side issue of the thought I wish to follow will be to 
indicate how far the establishmerit of the Hague Court is a step in 
the progress of securing peace by justice. 

Now I want to say frankly at the beginning that I do not share 
the opinion that nothing was accomplished at The Hague in the 
direction of disarmament. On the contrary, all that could be done in 
the present condition of the European states was accomplished. For 
a long time, as we have been more than once reminded, governments 
and the people they govern have been cheated by that old pagan 
idea that the best way of preserving peace is to be ready for war. 
Under the influence of that sentiment neither governments nor 
people would be ready to consider any proposal for disarmament 
without at the same time seeing their way to some substitute for 
what has been falsely called "the arbitrament of the sword." I 
maintain, therefore, that when arbitration as a substitute for war has 


been offered to the nations, and was actually established among men, 
that was the surest way of leading up to disarmament. [Applause.] 

We have not forgotten — shall we ever forget ? — that morning on 
which the proposal of the Czar fell upon the ears of the world like a 
bolt from the blue heavens, and was carried on the wings of the 
lightning round the globe, astonishing men everywhere. We had, 
as Mr. Alexander has reminded you, been dreaming for a long time 
of the possibility of some permanent establishment for the adminis- 
tration of arbitration. We had been working as well as dreaming. 
But no one ever expected that in the little lifetime of a single individ- 
ual that would have been accomplished. And here were the words 
that set people everywhere thinking and filled them with expectation. 

But people at once said, " This is a Utopian idea ; there is no 
practical proposal in it. Who will listen to any offer, any idea of 
disarmament .? " I remember that the Archbishop of Canterbury, — 
the late Archbishop, — when asked to preside at a great meeting in 
London for the support of the idea broached by the Czar, replied r 
" There is nothing in it about arbitration, and without arbitration it 
is futile to talk of disarmament. I cannot waste time in" discussihg 
impracticable proposals, and therefore I cannot preside over your 
meeting." I ventured on that occasion to suggest to his Grace that 
while tjiat at the moment was perfectly true, — the later circular 
mentioned arbitration, as Mr. Alexander has told you, — but that 
while at the moment that was perfectly true, no conference could be 
held for the discussion of disarmament without very speedily finding 
itself face to'f ace with the other question of arbitration. And that 
proved to be the case. 

Men objected to the proposal of the Czar that it said nothing 
about arbitration. The Hague Conference was held ; a great treaty 
was formed by representatives of nine-tenths of the inhabitants of 
the globe, and the decisions of these delegates were ratified by their 
governments. And then, forsooth, we were told that the Hague 
Conference had accomplished nothing, because it had not settled 
some method of disarmament. Why, ladies and gentlemen, you can't 
settle disarmament by simple agreements, especially when govern- 
ments show such wonderful facility "in forgetting the obligations they 
have entered into by treaties. [Applause.] You want, as Mr. 
Alexander has reminded you, something behind the treaty, a high 
sense of honor. You want the sentiment of brotherhood ; you want 
confidence between nation and nation. For if governments do not 
trust each other, the treaties they make are so much waste paper. 

So I say again, the straight pathway to disarmament was the 
course adopted at the Hague Conference and the establishment of 
the Hague Court. [Applause.] 

I want to make my thought as simple and forcible as I can. Let 
me try to do so by referring to a parallel which has been ingeniously 
drawn, and is founded upon historical fact. It has been pointed out 
that the course of history, with regard to private war, is being 
repeated in connection with public or international war. In the 


primary stages of society the individual had to fight for his rights, 
and to resent and revenge wrongs by the strength of his own right 
hand, aided perhaps by his relatives and friends, and then by the 
members of his clan. He claims to be the adjudicator of his own 
cause and to maintain his own rights. Later, as society develops, 
private war is put under restrictions. This is what has actually taken 
place in history ; this is what is taking place in the current history of 
the world, for all these stages exist to-day side by side. In the later 
stages of society private war is put under restrictions, under rules. 
The old system of chivalry that belonged to the Middle Ages, 
referred to so eloquently by Professor Quidde, was simply the rules 
which society imposed for the conduct of private war. When you 
visit the old mother country, as I have heard you proudly call it here, 
you find dotted all over the land ruins of castles, picturesque, beauti- 
ful and suggestive — as suggestive as they are picturesque. What 
are these ruins ? Why, the fortresses of the country gentlemen who 
possessed the right to make war upon each other. You will generally 
find them on the summits of hills. The reason for that is evident : 
the fortress should stand upon the hill and be made as inaccessible 
as possible. But they served another purpose, for round the foot of 
the hill were collected the huts of the retainers and dependents of 
these country lords. The fortress served a double purpose there- 
fore, — it helped to keep in subjection the population that formed 
the town around the fortress, as well as to defend the lord against 
his neighbor on the opposite hill. So you frequently find in our old 
cities that peculiarity ; Edinburgh, Sterling, and a number of qther 
places that I might mention, are of that description, — the ruined 
castle upon the hill, the town still living, for the people outlived 
the aristocracy. [Applause.] You will find the same condition of 
things upon the Rhine, in that beautiful region where the ruins of 
the old castles with their legendary lore tell of a condition of thiiigs 
that has passed away. 

But how did it pass away? Courts of justice were established, 
sometimes by the lords, then by the kings. The royal courts gradu- 
ally gained strength. In that old time of the Middle Ages the king 
was not able to enforce his justice ; but gradually, as these courts 
were appealed to, and their usefulness ascertained, even country 
gentlemen, instead of fighting each other in the valley between the 
hills on which their fortresses stood, came into court and their 
quarrels were there settled. 

You know nothing of that, of course, in this newer country of 
yours, but that was how it came to pass, and to-day we have a system 
of what I will call intra-national justice. Of course it is a cumbrous 
thing, and a terribly expensive and slow one. But cumbrous and 
expensive and tardy though it may be, the present system of justice 
is infinitely better than the old one of private war. [Applause.] 

Now if anybody had dared in those old days to protest that a time 
would come when private war would be done away with, he would 


have been looked upon as just as great a dreamer and as Utopian as 
the people who are to-day talking of the end of public war. 

But in England that old system of private war has passed away 
so entirely that even dueling is unknown. The duel, I am sorry to 
say, to some extent lingers elsewhere. 

Now please note the stages : First, unregulated warfare, barbarous ' 
warfare ; second, regulated war, subject to rules and conditions im- 
posed by society, but still warfare. The next stage is courts existing 
side by side with the old method, being appealed to with greater 
and greater frequency, until by and by warfare dies out utterly and 
the courts are appealed to for the settlement of private quarrels. 

Now briefly let me indicate the parallel furnished by public war. 
First of all, you have those old times when war was terribly cruel, 
and fought to the bitter end. We are growing too civilized now to 
indulge in war for any great length of time. Civilized nations fight 
up to a certain point, and then they think they have had enough and 
are ready to withdraw and listen to proposals of peace.- But that 
was not always the case. The object of savage war was to destroy 
the enemy utterly. 

The next stage is war between the Christian nations, — Christian 
war it is sometimes called, — when it is regulated, and subject to cer- 
tain restrictions. Have n't we the Geneva rules of war ? They mark 
the second stage. 

But long ago we have reached the third stage, the stage in which 
the settlement of certain disputes by arbitration boards or tribunals 
has gone on at the same time that war has been a recognized method 
of adjustment. The cases of arbitration ad hoc have been very 
numerous. I have been amazed in studying the history of the sub- 
ject to find 'how that method has been a part of the regular proce- 
dure in international relations to an extent that none of us have 
ever dreamed. It began when your American Independence was 
established. As soon as you had finished fighting the mother country, 
you began to form treaties of arbitration with her, and you have 
been doing it ever since. 

The beginning of this modern period is the Jay Treaty of 1794, 
between the United States and Great Britain. [Applause.] In that 
treaty two or three arbitrations were provided for. And so it has 
gone on from that time up to the establishment of the Hague Court. 

Now there are disadvantages connected with that system. It is 
not the best time to make provision for the settlement of a quarrel 
after it has begun, when passions are imflamed and each party is 
anxious to gain the victory, and believes that he is in the right. 
That is not the best time to choose your judges. 

But in the Hague Convention what have you ? Why, of course, 
the permanent establishment of a court of judicial arbitration. You 
see, we have got into the fourth stage already. In very truth the 
establishment of the Hague Court is the beginning of a new era in 
the history of the world. [Applause.] And you will accept it, I am 


sure, not as a mere compliment, but as a statement of simple histori- 
cal fact, if I say that that accomplishment is largely due to you good 
people here in the United States. 

I remember how Mr. Andrew D. White, who worked so nobly in 
the Hague Conference, told me that there was a period in the course 
of its proceedings when it was very doubtful whether anything could 
be accomplished in the direction of arbitration. The war lords of 
the world were not ready to listen to any proposals that would lessen 
their power or interfere with their purposes. But there came flashing 
along the wires, he said, from the New World the news of the many 
meetings that you held, meetings in your Christian churches and 
elsewhere, and there gathered such a body of public opinion round 
your representatives at The Hague that they took heart. And from 
that moment, Mr. White said, they felt assured that the result would 
be attained. Well, it has been attained. 

When the old Hebrew prophets, Isaiah and Micah, uttered their 
memorable words about the nations learning war no more, nothing 
seemed more unlikely. The great world powers of that day were 
sweeping over all the lands of what was then the civilized world, 
carrying everything before them, defiant, proud, rejoicing in their 
might. Nothing seemed more unlikely than that the time would 
ever come when nations would cease to learn war. How is it to-day ? 
The prophets looked into the future ; they must have had a marvel- 
ous prescience, those men. They saw the better time when indus- 
trialism would take the place of war, when the nations would sheathe 
their swords, and even the learning of war would cease. To-day the 
nations are still learning war ; throwing themselves into the prepara- 
tion for it with an abandonment which threatens, in the eloquent 
words of the Czar's rescript, a cataclysm that makes every thinking 
being shudder with the bare anticipation of it. 

But we have entered upon our fourth period. We have our estab- 
lished international court, which is to supplant war between nations 
as the municipal courts have supplanted private war. Your Presi- 
dent never did a better service for humanity than when he declined 
the invitation extended to him to become arbitrator in the Venezuela 
trouble, and insisted that the question should go to the Hague Court. 
[Applause.] Here again your nation has rendered great service to 
humanity. It is in your power to do still greater service in the 
future if you let the aims and purposes of these peace congresses 
take full possession of you, and faithfully endeavor to secure their 
widest possible realization throughout the world. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Cbristian EnOeavoMPeace Congress IRallg, 
parft Street Cburcb. 

Tuesday Evening;, October 4. 

The church was filled to its utmost capacity when the Chairman, 
Rev. Francis E. Clark, D. D., called the meeting to order at 8 
o'clock. The devotional exercises were led by Rev. J. J. Dunlop, 
pastor of the Roxbury Presbyterian Church. Dr. Clark then said : 

Ladies and Gentlemen : It may need a single word of explanation 
to understand why this meeting is called the Christian Endeavor 
Rally of the Peace Congress. This Society has been honored in this 
way, I think, because it has had for one of its aims in years past to 
do as much as it could to hasten the day throughout the world of 
that for which this Peace Congress stands, international peace. 

I was in London a short time ago attending the International 
Christian Endeavor Convention. I saw a great many meetings there 
which filled me with enthusiasm. 1 went into the building where 
the meetings were held and saw eight thousand young people 
assembled together for a praise service that was most uplifting and 
inspiring, and I felt the inspiration of what I there heard and saw. 
At other times I saw the City Temple and Exeter Hall and West- 
minster Chapel all crowded with enthusiastic audiences. Great as 
those occasions were, however, it seemed to me that the most 
memorable gathering of that Convention was not these great meet- 
ings in the great churches, but three or four hundred young people 
gathered in a committee room of the old Bailey ; for these persons 
represented no less than twelve different nationalities of Europe. 
There were delegates from Germany, from France, from Finland, 
from Roumania and Russia, from Switzerland and Italy, and they 
had come together to form themselves into an International Christian 
Endeavor Brotherhood, to stand for peace, to stand for goodwill, to 
stand against war and everything that war means in their respect- 
ive countries. A little gathering, you say ; but I suppose that 
little gathering was the most significant of all those assemblies 
because it told of the idea that was regnant in the minds of millions 
of young people all over the world. It meant that the leaven is 
working, that the day of peace and goodwill is on the way, that the 
bloody centuries are of the past, and that we have entered, probably, 
on the last century of war, the century that will see the dawn of 
peace in all the world, the principle of the brotherhood of all men 
established everywhere. 


Well, I ought not to stand between you and the distinguished 
speakers that are here to address you, even for a moment, and I will 
not do so longer. I have the very great pleasure of introducing for 
the first speaker the Rev. Richard Westrope of York, England. 


Dr. Clark and Dear Friends : I want, in the few minutes allotted 
to me, to speak concerning the grounds of hope that we have for the 
world's future and for the world's peace from the standpoint of the 
Christian Endeavor. 

The first ground of hope is this, that at no previous period of the 
world's history were there so many of the best souls in all nations 
who were avowedly disciples of Jesus Christ as at the present time. 
When we gather in our Peace Congress meetings during this week, 
it is a sight to see the men that are there and the causes that they 
represent. If we began to discuss church questions we should split 
up at once ; if we began to discuss biblical questions we might go 
to pieces very speedily. But I venture to say that the one great up- 
lifting principle of this Christian Endeavor association which holds 
us together is the fact that we recognize that the moral leadership 
of the world is in the hands of Jesus Christ. 

I want to set forth clearly what this means. There stands out on 
the continent of Europe to-day, — well, perhaps several intere»ting, 
remarkable men, — but the most remarkable man on the continent of 
Europe to-day is Count Tolstoy. Count Tolstoy is remarkable for 
this : After attaining the very highest eminence as a litterateur and 
being widely known for the work he had done, when he had passed 
fifty he made the unexpected declaration that Jesus of Nazareth and 
He alone held the key for individual and social salvation. Since 
that period, what ha,s he done ? He has, by his pen, by story and 
writings of all kinds, brought the attention of the world to this par- 
ticular point, that our only hope lies in listening to the voice and 
following the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. 

I remember that a short while ago a young American wrote a 
story. Of the literary merits of the work I have nothing to say. 
But when Charles Sheldort wrote "In His Steps," the world read it, 
and in all countries men asked themselves the question, "What 
would Jesus do "i " I say our hope for the peace movement lies in 
this : That never since the first century have men been so eager to 
listen to His voice, and so anxious to see His will done on earth. 

Now, if we want to know our duty, we go to Him. What does He 
teach ? " Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye 
even so unto them." " It was said by them of old time, ' Thou shalt 
love thy neighbor and hate thy enemy,' but I say to you, Love your 
enemies, and pray for them that despitefuUy use you and persecute 
you." Sometimes we are inclined to think that all the great spirits 
are in the past. We look around and say, "Where are the great 


men in literature, in the Church ? " But let us not forget that the 
greatest of all centuries is with us still. Jesus Christ has conquered 
the world's conscience. He will conquer the world's heart. It is 
because He is our Captain and our King that we are certain that 
this twentieth century will be the greatest the world has known. 

And then the second ground of hope lies in this : In no previous 
century was there such a sense of the solidarity of all men. And 
along with this overwhelming sense of solidarity, born of it, spring- 
ing up out of its heart, is another kindred thing. The word for it is 
heard distinctly in our Peace Congress, a word that is on our lips 
and in our hearts, and that word we need not fear to speak out in a 
Christian church. That word is Socialism. If we look abroad 
to-day in Europe, do not let us be afraid, because all that is true in 
socialism is the direct fruit of Christianity and the Christian spirit. 

I stand here to-night to speak for working men. For them I have 
given, in my own poor way, my life and my love and my service. I 
feel that as we look out broadly into the world to-day the attitude of 
Jesus is becoming the attitude of His followers. He had compassion 
on the multitude that went into the desert and gave them to eat. 
They were sheep not having a shepherd. There is a great field of 
service for us in this direction. There is an electric thread to-day 
that binds together the workers of all the world, the men who toil, 
the men who live hard and work hard and die, even, under dire con- 
ditions of poverty. For the first time in the history of the world the 
great mass of men have found consciousness, and they are turning 
their faces heavenward and asking for support. 

Let us then recognize that our peace movement is part of a great 
human movement. God himself is in it. What has it given us.' 
A new idea of the state ; not the old idea of the state, as a police- 
man standing around to see that the fight is fairly conducted, but 
the new idea of the state as a cooperative commonwealth. It has 
given us a new idea of patriotism; — the idea of your own Lowell, 
that patriotism is more than the love of man for his own soil : that 
it is rather the love of righteousness and peace and brotherhood ; 
that it is the recognition of the truth that every nation is a member 
of the great family of. nations, with its own task, its own work to do 
in the world. 

When the Socialist Conference met at Amsterdam, the Russian 
and the Japanese delegates fell on one another's necks and kissed 
one another. As the grand old Carlyle reminded us many years 
ago, if you take twenty men from Germany and twenty men from 
France from some unknown village, these men have no quarrel. 
There is no reason why they should go to war with one another. I 
know not how you feel here to-night, how the Congress feels, indeed, 
but I feel this : One great hope for the abolition of war lies in the 
new consciousness of a common humanity and a common interest 
that binds together the workers of the world. The time is coming 
when they will refuse to fight, because their sense of kinship will be 
so vital and deep. 


One thing more. We may derive hope also for the future by look- 
ing back into the past. Looking back into the past, what do we find ? 
That God himself, in the language of one of the old prophets, is 
watchful over His own purpose and will bring it to the birth. Go 
back into any century you like ; it had its one great Christian move- 
ment. Some of you have wanted to become a St. Francis in this 
new day. Let us, indeed, have the simple life which characterized 
him. This, more than anything else, will reinspire the world. In 
the thirteenth century St. Francis perhaps saved Europe and civili- 
zation, and almost drove war from the very brains and hearts of 
men. Then came Luther and his reformation in the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Then, in the seventeenth century, there were great days in 
England, and almost greater days here, when men who prayed in 
secret laid the foundations for your great American Commonwealth, 
when men in England saw what the true genius of our nation and of 
your nation was : That it should stand for righteousness, stand alone, 
daring to speak God's word, daring to do God's will. Do not tell 
me that this twentieth century will be without its divine movement. 
It will be greater, vaster, diviner than any movement the world has 
yet seen, because it will take up into itself the social movement as 
well as the individual movement. 

I see my time has gone. I want to-night to leave you a message from 
an elect soul. It is from John Bright, given to one who had a Bible 
class, who wrote to know what he should say to his men. Tell your 
young men this, he replied : " Link yourselves as early as possible 
with some great cause that has its conflict before it. If you do not 
help that cause, that cause will help you to your manhood. In help- 
ing that cause you will help yourselves still more." The greatest 
cause that calls you in this century is the cause of industrial and 
international peace. Link yourselves to it. 

The Chairman : I think the speaker who has just addressed us 
so eloquently has told us the reason of the interest of many young 
people at this juncture in this great subject. It is because they feel 
the thrill of brotherhood with those whom they have learned to love 
in other lands, those who belong to the same organization, those 
who they feel, in some new sense, are their brothers ; and we cannot 
fight our own brothers. 

I now have the great honor to introduce to you the Rev. M. J. 
Elliott of Watlington, England, who will speak to us. 


Dr. Clark -and Dear Friends : I cannot express the unbounded 
gratitude I feel in looking upon this assembly. It has been my 
privilege to attend several Peace Congresses in various parts of 
Europe. Not until this year have I attended one on this side of the 
Atlantic. I venture to say that in no country of the world excepting 


my own and yours would a meeting of this kind be possible in con- 
nection with a Peace Congress. On the continent .of Europe some 
of the most prominent peace workers are men who are opposed to 
Christianity, but it is because they have a wrong conception of what 
Christianity is. They are, in a large measure, following the Christ 
and doing His work, although unconsciously. They have been 
accustomed to what is called Christianity as a great power oppress- 
ing men and denying the simple rights of enlightenment and spiritual 
and mental liberty, and, having been compelled to think for them- 
selves, they have thrown off the shackles of ecclesiasticism, and in 
doing so they think they have thrown off Christianity itself. 

At one of our peace meetings in the city of Rome a few years ago 
a fiery Italian parliamentarian, speaking with great vehemence of the 
abominations of the ecclesiastical system, which alone he knew, said 
we must shake off Christianity, shake off religion, and from a humani- 
tarian standpoint and on political lines bring about an era of uni- 
versal peace and brotherhood. Before he had concluded his fiery 
declaration he seemed to reconsider, and he finished up by saying, 
" After all, you will never gain the peasantry and the working people 
except through the influence of the name of the ' Carpenter of 
Nazareth.' " 

Our brother who has spoken first struck a high note. He has re- 
minded us of our common brotherhood and our common Father. 
Whilst we are thankful for the cooperation of men like that one of 
whom I have spoken, — thankful for the great assistance they have 
given us in endeavoring to bring about a more desirable state of 
things, a kindlier feeling amongst the nations, — after all we shall 
never bring about the reign of peace until we subject ourselves to 
the authority of the Prince of Peace and follow his teachings. 

I have a little story which many of you may know, which illus- 
trates what I want to enforce. It is headed " A Remarkable Army 
Story." A party of Northern tourists gathered on the deck of a 
steamer which was moving down the historic Potomac one beautiful 
night in the summer of i88r. A gentleman, who has since gained 
an international reputation as a tenderer of songs, had been delight- 
ing the party with the rendering of many familiar hymns, the last 
being that petition so dear to every Christian, beginning "Jesus 
lover of my soul." The singer gave the first two verses with much 
feeling and a peculiar pause on the concluding lines that thrilled 
every heart. A hush had fallen upon every listener. Then a gentle- 
man made his way to the singer and said, "Beg your pardon, 
stranger, but were you actively engaged in the late war ? " " Yes, 
sir," the man of song answered courteously, « I fought under General 
Grant." « Well," the first speaker continued, with something like a 
sigh, " I did my fighting on the other side, and, indeed, I am quite 
sure I was within sound of your voice one bright night eighteen 
years ago this very month. It was just such a night as this. If I 
am not very much mistaken, you were on guard duty. We, of the 
South, had sharp business on hand and you were one of the enemy. 


I crept near your post of duty, my murderous weapon in my hand. 
The shadow hid me as you paced back and forth ; you were humming 
the tune of the hymn you have just sung. I raised my gun and 
aimed at your heart. I had been selected by our commander for 
the work because I was a sure shot. Then out on the night rang 
the words, ' Cover my defenceless head with the shadow of thy wing.' 
Your prayer was answered. I couldn't fire after that, and there was 
no attack made upon your camp that night. You were the man 
whose life I was spared from taking." 

The singer grasped the hand of the Southerner and said, with 
much emotion, " I remember the night very well, and distinctly the 
feeling of depression and loneliness with which I went forth to my 
duty. I knew my post was one of great danger and I was more 
disturbed than any time I remember during the service. I paced 
my lonely beat thinking of home and friends and all that life holds 
dear. Then the thought of God's care for all that He has created 
came to me with peculiar force. If He cared for the sparrows, how 
much more for men created in His own image, and I sang the 
prayer of my heart and ceased to feel alone. How the prayer was 
answered I never knew until this evening." 

My purpose in repeating this incident is to show you, by an object 
lesson, the absolute incompatibility between the religion of the Lord 
Jesus Christ and war. Our hope, our brother has said, is in looking 
back and learning lessons from the past. Our hope, as we look 
both backward and forward, is in the people, the class of people that 
we see before us this evening. Some of us were trained to think 
and believe that war was a necessity, something that was even right, 
in which Christian men could engage with perfect consistency, but 
some of us are beginning to see how diametrically opposed to every- 
thing that is of Christ the whole system of war is. We pray that 
the young people of to-day may have a clearer sight on the subject 
and may be led to understand these things in the true light of the 
Gospel, understand them as the Christians of the first two, or nearly 
the first three, centuries understood them : that to be a Christian 
was to be one that could not under any circumstances bear arms. 
" I am a Christian and therefore I cannot fight." 

I pray that the young people of the Christian Endeavor Societies 
all over the world may be led to seek from Christ, from the teachings 
of His word, from the principles of His religion, what the true 
Christian position about war is. May the one bond of brotherhood 
which binds the whole race together never be forgotten for a moment, 
and we shall feel that because we are brothers, children of the one 
Father, we cannot hate and fight each other. 

The Chairman : The next speaker, whom I take great pleasure 
in introducing, is Pastor Charles Wagner of Paris. 



Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I have learned English 
expressly for being able to speak to you, and I hope, seeing that I 
have used it only for six months, you will have for me a real 
American indulgence. 

Where is the enemy whom we have to seek or against whom we 
have to fight? Where is war, and where have we to find the strong- 
hold of war ? That is the question. If we will destroy a fox we 
have to find his nest, and if the nest is found we can work with fire, 
with everything that is used to destroy a fox. Now, I hold that war 
\A not in the voice of guns or cannon. War is not in the big strong- 
holds in which warriors are hidden. War is not in the battleships. 
War is rather in the hearts of men, in ourselves. Here is the nest 
of that little fox, often of that great wolf [great laughter], and here 
we have to go and fight against him. 

Every man has in his heart two kinds of mind. One is a hostile 
one, a bad one. This mind, if you meet your fellowman, thinks : 
In what way can I fight against my fellowman; what can I do 
against him? But the other mind is the mind of goodness, of 
brotherly feeling; and this mind, everywhere you meet your fellow- 
man, says : What can I do for this man, what can I do to be agree- 
able and helpful to this man ? 

Now, by education we can produce one of these minds or the 
other ; and I think the bad spirit, the bad mind, is very often, too 
often, bred by education, and I say it by experience. I am an 
Alsatian. I am of a country in which we have often been bom- 
barded. I have clear memories of the sound of that conflict, which 
is not like the sound of the breath of spring, you may be sure, and I 
have watched often in the war and after the war the effects and the 
spirit which produced the war. 

One day old Strasburg, the city of songs, of students, the city of 
goodwill, the city which could be a link between Germany and 
France, was under a fire of steel and of iron, and that iron fell not 
only on the walls, but on the private houges and even on the old and 
holy steeple of the Cathedral; and I saw the fire burning the old 
and venerable library of the new church, — English library, — where 
were hidden treasures of the human mind. 

And after the war I heard the preacher preach in the pulpit r 
" Brethren, listen to me. Have you seen that old library of the new 
church burn, and also the new church burn in the same night, and 
no other church in Strasburg has been burned ? Why ? It is the 
finger of God." The old fox was hidden in that man. That is the 
spirit of war, to think and to have that mind that there are men 
worthy to be thrashed, to be killed, that there are libraries worthy to 
be burned and there are houses worthy to be spoiled. That is the 
spirit of war, to think that there are men worthy to be killed, and tO' 


think that one does the work of God in killing, destroying, crushing 
those men. 

But we have another spirit, a new mind, the mind of goodness, 
the helpful mind. That is the mind of Christ. Christ has never 
put in this world a nation or collection of men worthy to be crushed. 
He came not to crush nor to destroy, but to be the Saviour of that 
which is lost ; and He has a mind — oh, how beautiful and brotherly 
a mind ! — which finds in every one what is good in him, what is the 
best in him. 

The education of children must be looked after. Too often we 
teach to our children in schools that there are nations worthy to go 
down, to be crushed, to be destroyed. We must teach another 
teaching. We must teach to our children what is of good in every 
nation. We must show that every one has its place. We must be 
worthy disciples of Christ, who found, even in the darkness, a ray of 
light everywhere ; and if we have this education, instead of teaching 
men to hate men, we teach men to love men. 

War comes not only from the bad mind, but also from ignorance. 
Ignorance is darkness, and in darkness every one seems to be a 
robber, a thief or a wolf, and in darkness you are afraid, and fear is 
really a bad evil when it arises. We must give to every nation and 
to the children of every nation the brotherly. love of other nations ; 
and so I say in churches and in your Christian Endeavor Societies 
we must spread the very good spirit of Jesus Christ, which can 
establish in every man and in every nation what is lawful. We have 
to teach it. We are not pessimists. We are children of the Father, 
and we are the image of Christ, who has said, " Be perfect as your 
Father in heaven is perfect." 

That is my conviction, and I would you could put it in your mind. 
May we sow goodness and we shall have peace, instead of to sow 
the wind and to reap the storm. 

The Chairman introduced as the next speaker Rev. Walter Walsh, 
Pastor of the GilfiUan Memorial Church of Dundee, Scotland, and 
author of " The Moral Damage of War." 


Our English Wordsworth has told us in his most beautiful Ode that, 

" Not in entire forgetf ulness, 
And not in utter nakedness, 
But trailing clouds of glory do we come 
From God who is our home." 

The most beautiful aspect of youth is just that of the glamor with 
which it surrounds all human things. And in pursuance of that 
mental habit of youth, there is no kind of story that the young like so 
much to read as the stories of chivalry and bravery of the great days 


of old, of the bards and St. Georges and Arthurs of romantic history. 
How we have read and talked over the story of that Arthur, that 
surprising and beautiful allegory, which sets forth in a parable the 
quest of the Holy Grail, about which an American lady beautifully 
said to me to-day, " The Holy Grail is, after all, in the heart of man." 
I wish you would all read, if you read 'Tennyson any more, the 
beautiful legend of King Arthur, the Idylls of the King. There you 
will find the beautiful custom according to which Arthur made his 
young knights lay their hands in line and swear to reverence their 
conscience as their king, to speak no evil, no, nor listen to it ; to love 
one maiden only, to cleave to her and worship her by noble deeds 
until they won her. 

It is to this new chivalry that the Peace Congress invites the young 
manhood and womanhood of Boston. Christian Endeavor can as- 
sume no nobler form than the quest of that Holy Grail, the repres- 
sion of human wrong which is connected with modern warfare, the 
uplifting of the mind, and its emancipation from all forms of political, 
social, religious and individual sin. We are not yet so far advanced 
from the age of barbarism, none of us as yet have come up so far 
from the primeval past, that we are not stirred by the sound of battle, 
that we do not feel our pulses leap and our hearts throb ;' the equi- 
page of war makes us thrill and there is not one of us but feels that 
under certain conditions he could fight. 

For my part I belong to a nation of fighters. I belong to a people 
who sometimes, vaingloriously, say, " We were never conquered " ; 
but I make no boast of that. I am here to say, in the name of the 
Peace Congress, and in the name of Him whom the Peace Congress 
desires to serve, that we are here to direct you to nobler chivalry 
and to higher forms of conquest. We are not here to eliminate, in 
one sense, the fighting qualities from the human heart, but merely to 
change their object. As was said in Tremont Temple on Sunday 
afternoon, we are here merely to .change the object of that warfare, 
and to concentrate upon social and public as well as upon individual 
evils the forces of our nature and the accumulated powers of the 
Christian Church. Sometimes we are alarmed, some of us, perhaps, 
who have n't looked into this movement very deeply. We say, " Oh, 
very well, but if the peace movement makes progress what a lot of 
milksops we shall all be. How are you going to treat the present 
conditions which tend to create militarism and soldiery ? " 

I apprehend that Jesus Christ did not come to make milksops. 
Jesus Christ came to give us soft hearts, but I don't understand that 
He came to give us soft heads. I have no wish to see a manhood 
or womanhood that is weak and emasculated, but my ideal is a man- 
hood and womanhood that would rather aid than kill, that has not 
the courage to be a murderer, but has the fear of daring to be a 
murderer. I am here to say that we only want to direct the youth 
of the world to those nobler projects to which I have already re- 
ferred. What are they? Consider what are the losses and the 
wastes of war and you will find an answer. 


Such is the extravagance of the war habit, such are the miseries 
into which it plunges us, more especially in the old countries to which 
some of us belong, war wearied and tax laden, such is the crying 
poverty in which multitudes of our people lie, and such are the 
burdens which we all have to bear, that it is impossible to adequately 
care for the great social and public interests which Christian civiliza- 
tion ought to provide for. All around the iron bound coasts of Great 
Britain hundreds of poor souls are perishing every year because there 
is no money to build havens of refuge. Thousands of battered old 
hulks who have spent their life in the service of humanity have to 
die of hunger because there is no money to pension them in their 
old and weaker years. Pitiful consumptives by the hundreds and 
thousands have to languish in sick rooms and pass away like weeds, 
because there is no money to build sanitariums, which might give 
them health and make them useful men again. The heartbroken, 
oftentimes by social injustice and iniquity, creep like vermin into 
garrets and cellars to die, because there is no money to sweep away 
the slums and to put them into healthful and happier conditions. 

The whole tendency of our social life is downward, because of the 
money that is wanted, the three hundred million dollars that this 
year in Great Britain has been used for soldiering, and to build 
immense battleships. 

Now, we want the young men to change all that, to come and give 
themselves to social service, to the service of peace, to the turning 
of those immense revenues and those immense armies of men into 
the social service, into saviours and not destroyers of society. It 
was this great message which our glorious Carlyle preached for a 
generation from the mountaintop to the British people, that they 
should regiment their workers, regiment their workless people, gather 
them into regiments and armies, and lead them out to the barren 
morasses of their country, there to plow and sow and plant and till, 
until the wilderness rejoiced and blossomed as the rose. 

There are rumors, even in our country, of calling for universal 
military service, because our war makers are coming to the end of 
their resources. We do not grudge public service ; we do not grudge 
years of our life to the service of our country. We only grudge 
giving the years of our life to the service of our country when it 
means the destruction of other countries and the destruction and 
loss of our brothers across the frontiers. We are willing to be led 
forth in regiments to make the roads, to sweep away the slums, and 
to build up homes for our people, in which it will be possible for the 
little children to grow up in innocence and piety and virtue, and if 
our legislatures and governments will call upon our young manhood 
to go forth to this service, how gloriously and readily will they respond. 

We wrestle not against principalities and powers as such; but 
against principalities and powers who are against the workers of the 
world ; therefore the weapons of our warfare are not carnal. While 
there is ignorance in the world; while there is social immorality in 
the land ; while there is poverty in the land ; while there is degradation; 


while children are contaminated and depraved and destroyed in 
their sweet flowerlike childhood, — so long should our young men 
give themselves to this Christlike service, and so long should our 
young women put the armor on their knights and send them forth to 
that more Christlike warfare. 

May the time soon come when our womanhood will cease to be at- 
tracted by the glamor of a belt or a strip of gold ; may the time soon 
arrive when our women will cease the indecency of crowding round 
the returned warrior, who, after all, has only done what a superior 
beast would do, rescued himself from certain death by a feat of valor ; 
and will cease with their immodest osculations to salute those who 
have returned from butchery of their fellow-creatures. 

Oh, you laugh, but I tell you this is a matter to weep for, that our 
womanhood should prostrate itself at the feet of the man slayer. 
May our womanhood give itself to the service of humanity, and 
send this manhood — this young manhood — out with blessings to 
the greater service of Jesus Christ and of humanity. 

The Chairman then introduced as the last speaker of the evening 
Hon. Samuel B. Capen of Boston. 


Christian Endeavorers : We have heard these distinguished speakers 
representing philanthropy and religion giving us in these eloquent 
words this great truth. I hope it will not seem to you a discordant 
note if I tell you of the new allies that are coming to the champions 
of the past, these men who have, themselves and their predecessors, 
been building this cause throughout the world for more than half a 

I have been thinking these last few days of the remark I heard 
made at the International Arbitration Conference in Washington by 
a distinguished ex-member of Congress from Brooklyn, who said that it 
was only a few years ago that he made a proposition in Congress look- 
ing to arbitration and that it was received with sneers and ridicule. 
We have been making history rapidly during the last few years. 
President McKinley in his inaugural address laid emphasis on arbi- 
tration. We know very well how President Roosevelt has stood by 
this idea. We know that in the critical hour of the Hague Confer- 
ence it was America that saved it from breaking down, and subse- 
quendy, when the Court was fairly launched, it was President 
Roosevelt that sent the first case to it and saved it from being an ob- 
ject of ridicule. We heard yesterday from Secretary Hay,— who 
we believe, in his high character and ability, is the greatest living 
diplomat,— where he stands on this great subject. 

Yes, friends, the statesmen and the diplomats of this country are 
standing together for this great idea, and the only rivalry we are going 
to have is whether the King of England or the President of the French 


Republic or the President of the United States shall do the most for 
international arbitration, shall do the most to bring about universal 

But there is another ally, more recent still, which is bringing great 
aid to this cause. I refer to the business men of this country. It is 
only a few years ago that they cared nothing about this theme. That 
has all been changecj. Our brother, in the opening address, told us 
of the growing solidarity of the race. We have come to the day in 
the history of the world when there are no foreign nations, but each 
nation is, neighbor to every other. It took the King of England 
three days, we are told, to learn about the battle of Waterloo across 
the channel. A London merchant has recently sent a communica- 
tion to British Columbia and received a reply in ninety seconds. 
When the first missionaries were sent to Hawaii it was ten months 
before a message came back of their safe arrival. To-day you can 
get a message in ten minutes. 

As illustrating the small compass of the world under our modern 
inventions, the following incident is very instructive : By an arrange- 
ment that had been provided beforehand, so that the telegraph 
stations of the world were all connected, the President sent a New 
Year's message around the world. Leaving the key at Washington, 
the electric spark jumped the American continent ; it darted under 
the Pacific ; it appeared again on the Asiatic shore ; it traversed 
the Orient ; it flew across Europe ; it plunged into Africa ; it crossed 
to Australia and was back again in Washington in ten seconds ! 
What a change is coming into the world ! We have harnessed the 
lightning, and the cable has made the world only one-tenth the size 
it was fifty years ago. 

What is the effect of this ? If the war in the Far East had been 
fought one hundred years ago, it might just as well have been in the 
planet Saturn. To-day, we know everything that is going on in this 
far-off place. The history of the world is open to eveiy one of us 
every day. We are become one nation, and what injures one injures 
us all. The Boxer outbreak, which lasted only three months in three 
provinces in China, stopped, practically, some of our Southern mills, 
and if it had gone on a little longer, they would have changed their 
machinery. A war three months in three provinces had that effect 
here. This world of ours is now so interlocked and interlaced, and 
its business has become so one, that whatever injures one injures us 
all ; and business and capital are timid, and where there is war or 
rumor of war it plays havoc with them at once. I heard a great 
banker say a few months ago that the depression that had existed in 
financial circles was the direct outcome of the war in the East. 

My second point is this : The business world recognizes that we 
have come to the economic age, when we are trying our very best at 
every point to save waste ; and war is awful waste. We are so much 
one world that a loss at one point is a loss to the common assets of 
the world. You cannot destroy property in Russia or Japan without 
destroying some of the property in the whole world. We had a fine 


illustration of that in the great fire in Baltimore. People said : " This 
is a good thing for the people there. They have still their old con- 
tracts with the insurance companies." Did they .' Forty millions of 
dollars went up in smoke. The insurance people had to pay forty 
millions of dollars. Didn't that reduce their dividends? Aren't 
those insurance companies less strong for the future ? Russia spend- 
ing five hundred millions a year without helping, but impoverishing, 
her people ! The internal tax has gone up from thirty to forty per 
cent. Is n't the purchasing power of those people affected ? 

I saw a short time ago that the debt of England in th§ past few 
years had increased by the sum of eight hundred and fifty million 
dollars ; her consols had been knocked down in price from one hun- 
dred and fourteen to less than ninety. The business men of the 
world are beginning to hate war. They are joining their hands with 
religion and philanthropy to stop this awful waste. Here in America 
this matter is meaning more to us than it did a few years ago. There 
was a time when our home market would take care of all our product. 
Improved machinery has changed this. We must now have new 
markets. The foreign trade of the United States has increased by 
sixty per cent. We have, in thirty years, gone from a creditor nation 
of the fourth class to the first rank. We were selling thirty years ago 
three hundred and seventy-five million dollars worth ; last year one 
billion four hundred million. 

Our business men are waking up to the consciousness that there 
is a side to this subject in which they are tremendously interested. 
Then there is another side to it. The standing armies of Europe 
are working mischief to us here. How? Every agriculturalist in 
Germany is said to be carrying a soldier upon his back. Suppose 
all the money that is being spent in Europe for armies and navies 
could be spent on education and internal improvement, these men 
set to work and given homes and farms of their own, and the money 
now wasted put to use in some other way. Would not the people of 
Europe be lifted immediately to a higher plane, and should we have 
emptied upon us here so many men who hate restraint and govern- 
ment, and who. come over here to make trouble and expense for us ? 

My last point is the growing solidarity of the races, already re- 
ferred to. A hundred years ago English was spoken by compara- 
tively few people. Look at what is going on now. People from 
different nations are being educated here and learning the English 
language. Is n't it much easier to do business when the language 
barrier is out of the way ? We have this great Y. P. S. C. E. institu- 
tion training for Christ these men who are learning the English 
language and our literature. The world is in this and other ways 
being welded together. Dr. Clark here, a leader of young people, 
has inaugurated the great Christian citizenship movement of young 
people, and the new movement for the federation of those of differ- 
ent nations together in one brotherhood. Philanthropy and religion, 
the statesman, the diplomat, the banker, the manufacturer, and the 


young people of the world in this new Commonwealth, are cooperat- 
ing in making a world-brotherhood, a power that will bring down 
everything that is in the way and make certain the realization of 
the angel's song, " Peace on earth, goodwill among men." 

After a vote of thanks to the speakers and the singing of a hymn, 
the meeting closed. 

SeconO Business Session. 

Wednesday Morning, October 5, 1904. 

The President called the Congress to order at lo o'clock. 

Mr. Mead moved that the following messages of greeting be 
cabled from this Congress to Europe : 

To Frederic Passy, Paris : The International Peace Congress, at the largest 
and most hopeful session in its history, greets its grand old man, who has fought 
the good fight and kept the faith from the day of small things to the day of 
great things. 

To Hodgson Pratt, London : The International Peace Congress in Boston, the 
greatest Peace Congress which has ever met, remembers you with gratitude and 
honor, and rejoices that you are present in spirit. 

To Elie Ducommun, Berne: The Thirteenth International Peace Congress of 
one thousand members sends you its greetings and its heartfelt thanks for the 
years of efficient and untiring service which have brought such noble things to pass. 

To Andrew Carnegie, Skibo Castle, Scotland: The International Peace Con- 
gress in Boston, the largest and most confident ever assembled, gratefully greets 
the builder of the Temple of Peace at The Hague and the generous and earnest 
worker for the world's just and rational organization. 

The motion was unanimously adopted, and the messages accord- 
ingly sent from the Congress. 

The President, who was obliged to be absent during the session, 
then called the Hon. Albert K. Smiley to the chair. 

The Chairman : Secretary Trueblood has some telegrams which 
he will now present. 

Dr. Trueblood here presented a large number of telegrams and 
messages of greeting to the Congress, including a cablegram from 
Sir Thomas Barclay of London. These are all given or summarized 
by titles with other messages at the end of the account of the first 
business session. 

The Chairman: I will ask Dr. Trueblood, who knows her so 
well, to introduce the Baroness von Suttner, who has just arrived 
from Europe. 

Dr. Trueblood : It gives me great pleasure this morning to wel- 
come to our Congress and to present to you the .distinguished lady 
from Austria who has perhaps done more for the cause of interna- 
tional peace than any other living woman. [Applause.] I very 


much doubt if any man in any country can claim superiority over 
her in this regard. [Applause.] At the Hague Conference she had 
the honor of being the only woman invited to be present at the 
opening session. You have all heard of her great story, " Lay Down 
Your Arms," which has had such a powerful influence on European 
thought. This book has had large sales in this country ; it has been 
translated into nearly all the languages of Western Europe ; it has 
already gone through about thirty editions in German, and is 
probably more popular and more widely circulated to-day than ever 
before. She was the founder fourteen years ago of the Austrian 
Society of the Friends of Peace, which has done much for the 
promotion of the cause in that country. She has attended nearly 
all the Peace Congresses in Europe, and has wielded through both 
her speech and her writings a powerful influence in the changing of 
European public opinion. 

The Baroness has honored us by accepting the invitation extended 
to her on behalf of the friends of peace in this country to be present 
at this Congress, and we assure her that during the month which she 
proposes to stay in the United States she will be welcomed every- 
where she goes. 

It gives me great pleasure to present to the Thirteenth Interna- 
tional Peace Congress the Baroness Bertha von Suttner of Vienna, 
who will take a few minutes to extend to us the greetings of her 
society and her fellow workers in the Austrian Empire. [Applause.] 


Mr. President^ Ladies and Gentlemen; I am quite overwhelmed 
by this hearty reception, and I do not know in what terms I can 
thank you. 

Owing to unforeseen impediments I have been late in joining this 
Congress, and I deeply regret that I was not present at its opening. 
But better late than never [applause], and I am glad that I have 
been able to come at all and to bring you the greetings of the 
societies I represent. 

First of all, I bring you the greetings of the Vienna Society of 
Peace, which has existed now for ten years and has been growing 
every year. Many of our friends would have liked to come, but the 
circumstances did not permit it, and so they have conferred the 
honor upon me of representing the whole society, to which many 
prominent persons in Austria belong. 

Then I am the delegate of the Society of Peace of Hungary. I 
bring a message, too, from the Academical Peace Society of the 
University of Vienna. 

I wish I could express how elated I feel to find myself here among 
many old friends, and let me hope amongst a few new friends, too 
[applause], in so distant a part of the world. It makes one feel 
conscious of the happy fact that our movement is encircling the 


world, the New and the Old. The New World, I know well, was the 
cradle of the movement ; and after all I have heard and seen in the 
few minutes that I have had the happiness to be among you, I can 
well believe that the New World may also bring its crowning work. 

These were the thoughts which gladdened my voyage over the 
ocean ; and one good feature of that voyage certainly also was that 
a few days elapsed without news from the outside of what is going 
on in this sad world, and without hearing from those interesting 
moves on the checkerboard in the Far East where the play means 
death and unutterable suffering to thousands of our fellow creatures, 
and where horrors so ghastly and of such gigantic proportions are 
being perpetrated that one feels ashamed to be a citizen of our 
present world. [Applause.] 

But I dare not detain you longer from your work, which means the 
prevention of such horrors, and I only ask your permission to join 
you. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : It gives me great pleasure to present to you 
Rabbi J. Leonard Levy of Pittsburg, Pa., who will say a few words 
in the name of his people. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: A few moments ago the 
Chairman of this meeting asked me if I would bring to this Congress 
a word of greeting from the people to whose religious faith I belong. 
I could not resist both the honor and the temptation to say a word 
to this very distinguished body, a word both of congratulation and a 
word of the deepest gratitude for the work in which you are engaged. 
For if there is one people above all peoples to whom the cause of 
peace is sacred and is to-day bringing a message of hope, it is the 
people of Israel. [Applause.] ' 

Twenty-six hundred years ago the prophet of Israel dreamed a 
dream, which as far as human civilization will permit has become 
realized in the Congress now in session in Boston. He said : " In 
the fullness of time swords shall be turned into plow shares and 
spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against 
nation, neither shall they learn war any more." 

It may be that in his day that man was obscure, unknown, re- 
garded as one of the faddists or cranks of his time. But faddist or 
crank, it is his thought, his hope, his ideal which has been the means 
of bringing about the Thirteenth International Peace Congress. 

I desire this morning as a Jew, as an Englishman by birth, as an 
American by adoption, and above all, as a human being [applause], 
as a man to emphasize what Sherman meant when he said, " War is 
hell." He didn't begin to depict properly the monstrousness of the 
evil. War is fratricide ; war is the murder of brother by brother. 

If there is one message which has come to us from the Good Book 


which we all especially prize, it is that there is but one God for all 
of us ; one Father who made all of us ; and that Father, in creating 
the human spectrum of the white man, the black man, the red man, 
the brown man and the yellow man, decided that the five colors must 
blend into one color in the spirit. [Applause.] When any man 
raises the gun or the sword against his fellowman he is raising the 
sword or the gun against his own brother, made in the image of his 
own Father. And every war, whether it be between Russia and 
Japan, or between members of the same race, is fratricide. 

While to-day we speak so eloquently of the Fatherhood of God, 
the brotherhood of man is still referred to in a very hesitating way. 
It must go forth from this Conference that war is a game of red and 
black — red with human blood and black with brutal hate. We must 
teach this ; the pulpits, the schools must teach it, if our cause is to 

We have all read the old story of how the good fairy comes with 
her wand and changes the brute into the prince. My friends, the 
good fairy is here to-day ; the good fairy is the International Peace 
Society, which holds up the wand which when it can reach the hearts 
of the brutes among men will convert them into princes with God. 

I bring you greeting, my friends, with great respect and with 
intense interest in your movement. 

The Chairman : It gives me great pleasure to present to you 
Baba Premanand Bharati from Brindaban, Northwest Province of 
India, who will speak briefly to us. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am most proud of the 
privilege of attending this Congress of peacemakers. " Blessed are 
the peacemakers," said the Lord Jesus Christ. " Twice blessed are 
the peacemakers," say our sacred writings. I come from the holiest 
of holy lands in India, where the holy lamas sit sending vibrations 
of peace and love to the whole world. 

I come before you with a very little request, now that you are 
going to have your deliberations for the cause of the peace of the 
world. I beg most humbly to submit to you the matter of the 
grievances of a very innocent people, I mean the Thibetan lamas. 

I belong to the jungles; I have come from the jungles, I will go 
back to the jungles. I do not belong to the world or society or 
family or home. I am a servant of the lamas, of the holiest lamas 
•of India, and therefore I feel for these lamas of Thibet. They have 
kept the world outside their holy kingdom so that they may pursue 
their philosophical and spiritual avocations, and send blessings from 
the roof of the world to all the world. They have gone to the roof 
of the world not to be molested, and yet the curiosity of civilization 
has destroyed all their peace. 


The English government have been wheedled into this thing. 
The English did not want it ; the Indian government did it ; and 
the government in England has been wheedled into it. Everybody 
knows it. When Secretary Hay made that little inquiry — blessed 
be his name 1 — one little ray of hope was excited in the breast of 
every Asiatic. For every Asiatic loves the lamas because of the 
peace that they work by their spiritual vibrations all over the world. 

Now it has been accomplished, and you know the story of the 
massacre there. But I ask all who have come here for the cause of 
humanity to do something that these poor peaceful, spiritual men 
may again be allowed to pursue their holy work. 

Another point — about this Japanese-Russian war. Nobody re- 
grets it more than a Hindoo, who believes in peace, and harmony 
and love. I hope that in your deliberations you will try to see that 
the causes of war between the East and the West may be removed. 
I think prevention is better than cure. [Applause.] There are two 
causes. One is that you want to thrust your civilization upon us, 
and the other is that you want to thrust your religion upon us. We 
say Jesus is great. We read the Bible and see the divinity of Jesus 
in it, and we bow our Oriental heads in reverence. Wherever there 
is holiness, wherever there is divinity, we bow our heads in rever- 
ence. Therefore, however much our Christian brothers may call us 
heathens, we don't call them heathens. [Applause.] We say that 
this word " heathen " should be blotted out from all your dictionaries. 

You have developed a wonderful civilization ; but think of the old 
civilization of Asia, study it ^nd see the foundations of your civiliza- 
tion. Japan has taken your civilization and placed it upon the old 
foundation. If you want to thrust your civilization upon us, do so, 
but do not try to destroy our foundations. You cannot destroy our 
foundations, they are as old as creation. 

These are the two things that bring us into conflict. I hope that 
the Congress will consider these points, — that we must not be called 
heathens in our own land ; our God must not be denounced ; we are 
not barbarous ; our land has been the parent of all civilizations. 

With these words I bring to you the greetings of "all my country- 
men, Hindoos, and all Asiatics. 

Thk Chairman : We have only one more person to speak bring- 
ing greetings, after which we will proceed to the regular business of 
the morning. I wish both Russia and Japan had representatives 
here to speak to each other in loving greeting and join with us in 
this great peace movement. We have, however, one gentlemen from 
Russia, and it gives me great pleasure to present to you Dr. M. 
Chirurg, who will npw address us for three or four minutes. [Applause.]. 



Mr. Chairman., Ladies and Gentlemen ; I come here to represent 
Mr. Novikow, the delegate from Russia, who unfortunately is absent, 
and I bring to you his greetings and the greetings of my fellow 
countrymen in peace. 

I will not take up your time, as I am informed that the time is 
very short for business purposes. I will say that the people at large 
in Russia are in peace as much as those that are present here. 
Otherwise I wouldn't be here with you. And I will say that if there 
is here a man from Japan who is a member of this Congress, I as a 
Russian will extend to him my hand in welcome, as a fellow man 
and as a friend of peace in general. [Applause.] 

I thank you all for your kind reception. 

The Chairman : I will now call for reports from the committees. 
Dr. Darby has a report to present from the Committee on Current 
Events, Committee A. 

Dr. Darby : I have the honor of presenting the report of Com- 
mittee A on the Russo-Japanese War. I think it is right that we 
should face this question boldly at the very beginning of our work, 
and that we should make some response to the unspoken challenge 
of public expectation. [Applause.] 

The Committee have prepared two resolutions, which I have 
pleasure in submitting to you. They are as follows : 

Resolved, That the Congress address to the Emperors of Russia and Japan an 
earnest appeal, entreating them, either by direct negotiations or by having recourse 
to the friendly offices of some neutral power or powers, to put an end to the awful 
slaughter of their subjects now going on, and urging the plea that since terms of 
peace must sooner or later be discussed and settled, it is far better that this shall 
be done promptly so as to avert the further sacrifice of precious lives and valuable 

Resolved, That the Congress forward an address to each of the powers signa- 
tory of the Hague Convention, other than Russia and Japan, reminding them of 
the provision of Article 27 of the Convention, and urging them, in accordance 
therewith, to press upon the governments of Russia and Japan the importance of 
putting an end without further delay to a. war which afflicts humanity, hinders 
legitimate commerce, and impedes the progress of the world in the pathway of 
civilization and peace. 

That, as your endorsement implies, is so obviously the word which 
needs to be said at the moment that these resolutions will require no 
elaborate argument in their support. 

Terms of peace, of course, must be settled sooner or later ; no war 
could be continued without end ; and those of us who have had the 
high privilege of pleading the cause of peace have been trying to say 
to the multitudes what is too obvious, that it is far better to have the 
discussion before the conflict than to have it afterwards. That can- 
not be the case in this instance, so I think we are quite right in 
calling the attention not only of the emperors of Russia and Japan, 


but of the whole civilized world, to the fact that since there must be 
a settlement sooner or later, it is far better that it should be reached 
promptly so as to avert the further sacrifice of precious lives and 
valuable property. 

The Chairman, at the great meeting held here last night, called 
attention to the significance of Article 27 of the Convention signed 
at The Hague. Now, what we propose to do in our resolution is 
to appeal to that Article. For, ladies and gentlemen, I do not 
think that we can repeat too frequently the appeal to the powers 
signatory of the Hague Convention to be loyal to their obligations. 
Governments mean, or ought to mean, what they say, and if they 
enter into agreements with each other it is expected that they shall 
carry them out. [Applause.] Therefore, again, we do right in 
appealing to the powers signatory of the Hague Convention to take 
advantage of the provisions of Article 27, which says that any 
proffering of good offices shall not be considered hostile, but a 
friendly act. This is what the resolution asks you to do. I am 
not tempted to make it a peg on which to hang a speech, and con- 
tent myself with simply presenting on behalf of my Committee the 
two resolutions. 

Mr. L. a. Mavnard : It has been a great surprise to me that 
the nations do not avail themselves of the provisions of Article 27 
of the Hague Convention, and I wish to ask if any of the powers 
have done so. 

The Chairman : Can any one answer that question ? 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood : Secretary Hay has intimated to the 
belligerent powers that the good offices of the United States would 
be given, if welcome. 

SiGNOR E. T. Moneta (interpreted by Mr. Adolphe Smith) : 
Signor Moneta says that he will vote for the- resolution, but he fears 
it will not do much good. Action similar to that indicated was taken 
by the International Peace Bureau at Berne at the beginning of the 
war, and it led to nothing whatsoever. He thinks it something like 
calling the doctors in after the patient is dead. 

Yet we must act and go forward. We are told that we are a fail- 
ure, that we have n't prevented war. The war in the Far East 
shows that it is the imperialist spirit which is a failure. In Italy the 
peace party stopped the war with Abyssinia after Italy had been de- 
feated. There is a false sense of military honor which says that 
after you have been defeated you must keep on till you gain a victory. 
Well, the Italian Peace Society, many of the members of which are 
old soldiers, forced the Italian government to cease the war after it 
had been defeated. [Applause.] In this they were materially as- 
sisted by the women and children, who went out bodily and stopped 
the soldiers who were starting for the war. [Applause.] 

There ought to be one government that would have our spirit and 
our ideas and act with similar energy, and if necessary one or two 


other governments should follow its example. If, for instance, the 
United States were to interfere energetically, and were followed by 
France and England, the three governments together could compel 
the Japanese and the Russians to resort to peaceful negotiations. 

The Chairman : We will now hear from Mr. William Randal 
Cremer, M. P., of London. 

Mr. Cremer : I hope and believe, from the feelings evinced in 
regard to the resolutions which are now under consideration, that 
they will be agreed to unanimously. 

I only rise for the purpose of stating that this is not the first time 
that an effort has been made in this direction. A gentleman in the 
body of the hall just now asked the question as to whether any efforts 
had been made by the friends of peace in any part of the world to 
prevent or stop the war between Japan and Russia. I am very glad 
to be able to state, what is probably not known to many in this Con- 
ference, that before the war began an effort was made by the Inter- 
national Arbitration League in England, and I believe by the Society 
of the Friends of Peace in France, to try to prevent the conflict. A 
memorial was prepared by the Arbitration League, signed by I think 
as representative a body of men and women as could be found in the 
whole of Great Britain. There were Peers, and Members of the 
House of Commons, and of the bench of bishops, and others of the 
most learned and able men throughout the United Kingdom. It was 
not an extensively signed memorial ; it was a very select and influ- 
ential body that signed it ; and it was sent in the form of a telegram, 
with the names of all the signatories appended, to the Czar of Russia 
and the Mikado of Japan. Mr. Stead joined us in that effort, and 
we did our very best for several days ; we took the telegram to the 
embassy of Russia and to the representative of Japan in London, 
and it was transmitted through their agencies, and we did our best to 
prevent the war. 

I am afraid — and I confess it with some shame — that the British 
government was largely responsible for that terrible conflict. Some 
of us in the British House of Commons had the courage to express 
the opinion, when the treaty was concluded between Japan and Great 
Britain, that a serious mistake had been made. I do not charge the 
British government with having deliberately made that mistake ; 
nevertheless, I believe it was one, and a very serious one, and a 
blunder, if not a crime. The war would never have been entered 
upon so precipitately by Japan if she had not known that one of the 
conditions of the treaty entered into by Great Britain and that coun- 
try stipulated that in case Japan engaged in a conflict with any 
power and was then attacked by another power, Great Britain should 
come to her assistance. That induced Japan, in the opinion of a 
growing number of people in the United Kingdom, to precipitate the 
war, to engage in that horrible conflict with Russia, a conflict which 
I believe would have been avoided but for that unfortunate treaty. 

I merely rise to state that it is due to the friends of peace in Great 


Britain and France that this Congress should be made aware of the 
fact that before the war began an effort was made of the nature and 
character to which I have referred. Although we failed at the time 
to prevent that war, I think it is the duty of the friends of peace here 
and all over the globe to still continue efforts in this direction, and 
to try to stop the most horrible conflict which the present generation 
has witnessed. [Applause.] 

Professor Quidde: Right things should be done at the right 
time. Any intervention for stopping the war has, at the present time, 
Uttle chance of success. The resolution should be handed over to 
the Berne Peace Bureau, which, at a favorable opportunity, should de- 
liver it to Russia and Japan, and to the other powers. 

Dr. G. B. Clark : I quite agree with my friend that probably this 
appeal will not be heeded now. But there is one thing that we all 
ought to bear in mind, that the question at issue between those two 
powers cannot and will not be allowed to be settled by either the one 
or the other. The question affects Manchuria and it affects the em- 
pire of Korea. It is perfectly clear that neither Japan nor Russia 
can settle the fates of these millions of people. It is time that we in 
asking for peace should also state the rights of the case, the rights of 
the people of Korea and Manchuria. 

We ought to tell the Emperors of Russia and Japan that this ques- 
tion cannot be settled by force ; that it can only be settled upon the 
lines of an international agreement, not a European one alone, be- 
cause America also has rights in those great territories, and rights 
that she will maintain. We must point out to both parties the abso- 
lute folly of the course they are pursuing, because the question at 
issue can only be settled by a full consideration of the rights of all 
the various countries. 

Mr. J. G. Alexander : I must say that I feel absolute sympathy 
with what Dr. Clark has said as to the ultimate settlement of this 
question, yet at the same time I think that it would be weighting the 
resolution unduly, and that it would be unsafe and undesirable to in- 
troduce any of those matters into it. The resolution should stand as 
it was drawn, a simple appeal to the powers in behalf of peace. 

Mr. G. H. Perris : I rise to make a suggestion which I hope will 
give point to this resolution. It is utterly distasteful and horrible to 
me that we should sit here in our comfort, in comparative coldness of 
blood, while at the other end of the world there is being pursued the 
most horrible combat ; while trenches are being captured, with awful 
slaughter, from Japs by Russians and from Russians by Japs; while 
men are dying in hospitals and in every way, and an earth that might 
be a heaven is being made into a hell. I hope we shall pass these 
resolutions, and show by the unanimity with which we pass them that 
we are expressing the feeling of the heart and mind of the whole 


I want to suggest that in order to give these resolutions a further 
chance of effective operation, the second one be presented at Wash- 
ington to President Roosevelt by a deputation representing this Con- 
gress. Whether President Roosevelt will receive such a deputation 
1 do not know. I venture to think that it will be the test as to his 
desire to help forward the peace of the world. Personally I believe 
that when the telegram goes from this Congress — if it does go — 
asking him to receive the deputation, there will be a return telegram, 
agreeing to see that deputation immediately. 

I think it is important that such a deputation shall go to President 
Roosevelt, because I think the method of this peaceable intervention 
is of the utmost importance. My own view is that which was sug- 
gested by Signer Moneta, that the best possible approach to the 
question would be in the first place that the government of the 
United States should move those governments which are formally 
the allies of the two belligerent powers — France, on the one hand, 
the ally of Russia, England, on the other hand, the ally of Japan. 
If the United States, if it were possible in conjunction with the Ger- 
man government, would give the mandate which those two great 
countries would be able to give, not simply to the belligerents, but 
also to England and France, there would not only be no complaint 
against such intervention, but it would be irresistible. It would rep- 
resent the combined pressure of the four strongest countries of the 
world. While intervention by a single power might be immediately 
rejected, intervention by those four powers, regularly based upon 
Article 27 of the Hague Convention, would be absolutely irresistible 
and would have the strongest chance of any possible measure to 
bring an end to this war. 

The possibility of such a stoppage is not as distant as some of our 
friends seem to think. I was over for a short period this summer in 
Moscow, and I am absolutely certain from the inquiries I made that 
the heart of the Russian people is not in this war. [Applause] I 
will not say anything about Japan, which I do not know, but we hear 
and we see a great deal of the intelligence of Japan, and if the intel- 
ligence of Japan does not at this moment demand peace, then indeed 
it is a poor quality of intelligence. [Applause.] For myself, I be- 
lieve that though we have not got here in this body Russians and 
Japs, the strongest and most numerous part of this Congress is the 
spirits of Russians and Japs who to-day beside their firesides are de- 
manding and praying for the peace of which we are speaking. 
These people are with us, and their necessities demand peace. 

I desire to move the following resolution : 

" That the representations in the second of these resolutions shall if possible 
be presented by a deputation to the President of the United States, and that the 
Chairman and Secretary of the Organization Committee are desired immediately 
to make the necessary arrangements." 

Col. Pryce Jones, M. P. : I rise to say but a very few words, 
and I am sure you will not blame me for rising. My friend, Mr. 


Cremer, a very respected member of Parliament in England, has, I 
think, made rather an unfortunate slip. I do not think, that he meant 
■what he said. He blamed the British government for the alliance 
with Japan. [Applause.] Now, ladies and gentlemen, both the 
Government and the Opposition approved of that alliance. Russia 
had an alliance with France, and it was made with the intention of 
maintaining the peace of the world. I say in this hall to-day that 
both the Unionist government and the Opposition in England are in 
favor of peace. Our Prime Minister and the leader of the Opposi- 
tion are both lovers of peace, and are only too pleased, only too 
ready to join this great country in doing all we can — as we have 
done before the war, and now the war is on — to put an end to the 

Hon. John Lund : There has been spoken so much about this 
resolution that I will only add a few words. I quite agree with 
Signor Moneta and Professor Quidde that it is not advisable to go 
on with this resolution. When Russia and Japan get such a docu- 
ment from us, they will not take any notice of it. It seems to me 
only to give the impression of sentimeittalism, as if we were trying 
to do things that are impracticable. 

My friend from London has proposed to go to President Roose- 
velt and ask him to ask some of the great powers of Europe to make 
intervention. This is quite another thing ; it is practicable. 

Dr. Magill (ex-President Swathmore College) : I sincerely hope 
that this body will do nothing to express any views whatever in 
regard to the origin of the dreadful war going on in the East, whether 
one side is to blame or the other. I think we had better not go into 
that question. But we ought to express ourselves in terms most 
unequivocal, as is done in these resolutions. I do not see how we 
can improve on them. We certainly ought not to break up a great 
assembly like this without having made an expression of our feeling 
about that conflict. One suggestion has been made which I believe 
I would be willing with some modifications to accept — that this 
resolution should get to the powers in some way through President 
Roosevelt. [Applause.] 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood : Why not ask all the powers signa- 
tory of the Hague Convention to send a joint note to the Emperors 
of Russia and Japan ? You can break the strands of a rope when 
you cannot break the rope itself. If all the signatory powers be 
asked to send a joint note, the war can be stopped without feeling 
on either side, or any side. [Applause.] 

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe (who was received with great applause, 
the whole Con "ess rising.) : Mr. President and Dear Friends of the 
great cause here most happily assembled: There is one word which I 
would wish to hear oftener in conjunction with this holy word peace. 
It is a word as holy, but it is anterior, I think, in our labor, and that 


is, justice. [Applause.] If we undertake to intervene, as I wish 
indeed that we might, in this terrific struggle, we ought to be able to 
assure the combatants on both sides that justice, and not convenience, 
will be the thing that will first be considered. 

We talk a great deal about the Hague Tribunal as a great instru- 
ment of peace, and so it is. But we want more than that, — we want 
to be assured that it will be a great agency of justice ; and that the 
best intellect of the world with the best training shall be employed 
in these delicate and intricate cases to secure that justice without 
which there can be no peace. [Applause.] For it is a noble instinct 
in human nature which rebels against injustice. It is a divine in- 
stinct, and one against which we must not war, which we must not in 
any way frown down. 

Surely a tribunal so honest as this ought to be, and is likely to be, 
and perhaps is, should represent that primal instinct of human 
nature. The tribunal should be able to appeal to high heaven and 
say, " Our decision is the decision which heaven itself inspires us 
with." [Applause.] 

Dr. Chirurg : I wish to say that as I have heard so many Eng- 
lishmen speak, — and as we all know England is the ally of Japan, 
— I thought it would be proper for me to say a few words for the 
truth from the standpoint of Russia. 

I heard mentioned that France is an ally of Russia, and that is- 
why England has become an ally of Japan. It is true, probably, that 
France is an ally of Russia, but not for the purpose of war. It is 
for the purpose of the balance of power in Europe. Therefore I felt 
it my duty to bring before you the truth that Russia has France as 
an ally not for the purpose of attacking Japan ; but as soon as Japan 
was assured of the alliance of England she attacked Russia, while 
the Japanese representatives were still enjoying hospitality in Russia. 
And from all the reports we have heard we can well believe that 
Russia was not prepared for war. 

Let us go back a little and see who called the first Conference at 
The Hague. Was it not the Russian Czar ? And I will say with 
the gentleman who spoke previously, who has been in Moscow, — I 
will say the same, for I am in correspondence with gentlemen, class- 
mates of mine in Russia, military men, also civilians, and the Rus- 
sians generally are for peace. 

I am here all alone representing Russia, not as the Englishmen of 
whom there are many members of Parliament here, and I simply 
wish to make the statement as a fact that Russia generally is for 
peace. [Applause.] 

Prof. Th. Ruyssen (interpreted by Mr. Smith): Mr. Ruyssen 
wishes to say a word in this debate ; since most of the nationalities 
have already spoken, he wishes to speak in regard to the possible 
attitude of France. 

He thinks that an appeal made directly to Russia and Japan will 
in the present circumstances avail nothing, but he does not wish the 
matter"'to be handed over to the Berne Bureau for the Bureau to act 
when a propitious moment arises. No, he thinks that such an 
important Congress as this cannot do otherwise than is proposed; it 
is in duty bound to take action itself, and action at once. [Applause.] 

He does not think that the French government is likely to take the 
initiative in the matter. The very fact that France is in a way allied 
to Russia renders it very difficult for her to take the first step. In 
any case, any step that French diplomacy may adopt would and 
should be taken in perfect accord with the diplomacy of the govern- 
ment of Great Britain. France and Great Britain must not be 
separated over this matter. [Applause.] 

But it is difficult for France or Great Britain to take the initiative. 
The one government of all others which is best placed to take the 
initiative in this matter is the government of the United States of 
America. He therefore strongly endorses the proposal of Mr. Ferris. 

Mr. Alfred H. Love : I take great pleasure in commending the 
action of the Committee and approve of the resolutions. I think 
that this is no time for us to criticise the action of Great Britain or 
of any other government. That is a matter of the past. Let us do 
what we can toward putting an end to this direful war in the East. 
■ Justice, equality, the brotherhood of man, are all demanding that we 
pass these resolutions and present them as speedily as possible 
through a government that is in unity with us. We may make it 
possible to stop this terrible war. Let us ask for peace ; peace is 
the sum of all the virtues. 

The Secretary then read the three resolutions again and said : 

It is proposed that the first resolution be cabled to the Emperor 
of Russia and the Emperor of Japan, and that the second be trans- 
mitted in regular order, either by the President and Secretary of this 
Congress or through the Peace Bureau at Berne, to the other signa- 
tory powers. 

The two resolutions introduced by Dr. Darby from the Committee 
and the one proposed by Mr. Ferris were then adopted. 

The Chairman : There is another report ready to be presented 
from the Committee on Current Questions. This report is on the 
question of Alsace-Lorraine, or the matter of reconciliation between 
France and Germany. The proposition that the Committee has to 
make is probably one that will arouse little discussion, and we ought 
to get through with it in a few minutes. The report will be made 
by Senator Houzeau de Lehaie of Belgium. 

Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie : Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
Ihe question I am requested to report upon is a very important one 
;ind a very difficult one, and as I am not master of English I will 

speak English as much as I can, and speak in French when I cannot 
find the word in English. 

It is well known that the relations between the French and the 
German people are not as friendly as we would desire. The last 
Universal Peace Congress asked the Berne Bureau to make a study 
of the subject and get together all the information possible on the 
question. If we had to read all the papers which the Bureau 
collected I think it would be very difficult to come to any action in 
this meeting. The Berne Bureau therefore has made a short report, 
saying that it has not been able to collect all the information 
necessary, and hopes to be able to get some more information by 
next year. 

The Committee, therefore, proposes to the Congress the adoption 
of the following resolution : 

"The Congress having considered the report addressed to it by the Interna- 
tional Peace Bureau at Berne, dated July 27, 1904 ; 

"Considering that the Twelfth Congress had already charged the Berne 
Bureau to study the points necessary to a Franco-German agreement, and that 
this mandate of the Berne Bureau should be defined and completed ; 

"Requests the Bureau to elect from among its members a committee which, 
after a preliminary inquiry, shall co-ordinate the results and present a circumstan- 
tial report to the next Congress, explaining the situation of the two peoples in 
modern international law and the best methods of producing n friendly and 
juridical agreement, on which the Congress shall decide upon the practical steps 
to be taken." 

Dr. Trueblood : May I say in explanation of the course which 
the Committee has taken, that I received some six weeks ago a 
memorial from the German 'Peace Societies forwarded by Dr. Richter, 
and also one from the French Peace Societies forwarded by Mr. 
Frederic Passy, requesting in behalf of the workers in those coun- 
tries that we should not attempt at the Congress in this country to 
make any declaration upon the question of Alsace-Lorraine, but that 
it be submitted to a committee to study for the coming year. 

The Committee have had before them these memorials from the 
two countries, and in their report have recommended the carrying 
out in this respect of the wishes of the German and French dele- 
gates. I see no other course for us to take than to send this subject 
back to the Berne Bureau and to ask the Bureau to create the 
Committee suggested, which shall make a report next year. 

The resolution was adopted unanimously, and the meeting 

On Wednesday afternoon from 4 to 6 o'clock a reception to the 
delegates was given by the Mayor of Boston in the Public Library 
building. > 

public Meeting in trremont Uemple. 

Wednesday Evening, October S. 


President Paine called the meeting to order at 8 o'clock, and 
said : 

This meeting is called in behalf of the business interests, to let 
them speak their word in this great cause of peace. I know no more 
promising side of the progress of the cause than the interest which 
throughout America, in England, in France and other countries busi- 
ness men have begun to take in it. It is eminently fitting, therefore, 
that the presiding officer this evening should be one of the success- 
ful and honored business men of Boston, and I shall ask to preside 
over this meeting the Hon. William H. Lincoln, ex-Chairman of the 
International Arbitration Committee of Massachusetts, and ex-Presi- 
dent of the Boston Chamber of Commerce. 


Ladies and Gentlemen : I confess to a feeling of embarrassment in 
finding myself in this position. It was only at noon to-day that I was 
summoned to preside at this meeting ; but I felt it was incumbent 
upon every business man to do his part in forwarding the interests 
of this great cause, one of the greatest causes in the world at this 

As this meeting has been called especially in the interest of the 
business men of the community, it may be desirable to present some 
facts in connection with the history of this movement. For business 
men and organizations act more upon facts than upon theories, and 
therefore it is that their action procures recognition and influence. 

The cause is making notable and satisfactory progress. Our note 
is not one of discouragement, but of confidence and faith. The first 
International Peace Congress was planned in this city and held in 
London in 1843. Since its meeting in 1903 ten European nations 
have signed arbitration treaties pledging reference to the Hague 
Court. The mere fact of a world court being ready to hear cases 
will cause many controversies to be settled out of court. 

It is gratifying to us to know that the United States led the world 

in organized work for peace. We established three Peace Societies 
in 1815, the first in the world. The International Peace Congresses 
had their inception in Boston. Since 1900 sixty-three cases of dis- 
pute between nations have been settled by arbitration. America 
had the honor of opening the Hague Court. At the Pan-American 
Congress held in Mexico in 1901-2, all the Central and South 
American States asked for admission to the Hague Court. Ten of 
them went further and signed a treaty to settle their difficulties with 
each other by arbitration. Forty nations of the two hemispheres 
have now no cause of war with each other. This is most encourag- 
ing, but there is still a great deal to be accomplished. 

It is quite unnecessary to attempt to portray the horrors, the cruel- 
ties, the barbarities of war, its degrading and demoralizing influences 
upon society. The sufferings upon the battlefield are equaled only by 
the anguish and desolations of families at home. The enormous 
expenditure of money to maintain armies and navies in time of 
peace is a fearful drain upon the resources of the people, consuming 
the vitals of nations, a heavy tax upon all industry and commerce. 
This waste of the people's money has become a serious menace to 
progress and prosperity. 

Therefore it is that financial and business institutions are demand- 
ing the gradual disarmament of nations and the destruction of the 
war system. It is hardly in the power of the imagination to con- 
ceive the beneficent results that would flow from the death of the 
monster that is gnawing the root of all prosperity, the curse of the 
world at the present time as it has been through all the ages. 

Only last January I had the honor of inviting Mr. Thomas Barclay 
to deliver an address before the Boston Chamber of Commerce. He 
clearly pointed out to us our duty and responsibility as a body of 
business men. He informed us how he had succeeded in obtaining 
the influence of the commercial bodies of Great Britain and France, 
several hundred in number, and through that influence the govern- 
ments of the two nations had been led to execute a treaty of arbitra- 
tion. It is in the power of the business men to put a stop to war 
) by refusing to furnish the money, the sinews of war. Nations must 
borrow the money, must float their bonds, and they cannot do this 
without the support of financiers, of those who control the money 
markets of the world. 

As a result of the address of Mr. Barclay a Committee of the 
Chamber of Commerce was formed, and this led to an International 
Arbitration Committee of Massachusetts. Similar action has fol- 
lowed in other State's. The movement is spreading, and soon, very 
soon, a large majority of the Boards of Trade and Chambers of 
Commerce of the country will be united in the demand for arbitration 
treaties between this country and the mother country and other 
nations of Europe. 

Boston has been called the city of " isms," and so it has been in a 
certain way from Puritanism to the present day, and it is this that 
has given it place and power. But if by the term " ism " is meant 


fanaticism and foolish sentimentalism, I repel the charge. It is a 
city of patriotism, of high and noble idealism. It stands for what is 
true and right and just, and therefore it is that this peace movement 
had its origin here in this city. [Applause.] 

The merchants of Boston have a record of which we may well be 
proud, — distinguished at home and throughout the world for integ- 
rity, for sagacity, for honorable dealing, for energy and enterprise. 
Boston has occupied a high position in regard to its commerce with 
the world. It is the mission of commerce to cultivate friendly rela- 
tions with all nations. Its swift-winged messengers traverse the 
ocean laden with the products of one clime and one people to be ex- 
changed for those of other climes and peoples, and bearing aloft the 
ensign of nationality in fraternal greeting. It promotes the comfort, 
the welfare, the happiness of mankind. It has suffered much in time 
of war, it has been plundered and destroyed, and yet its course has 
ever been onward and upward, ameliorating the condition of mankind. 

All business interests are affected by even the mere apprehension 
of war. It is not long since we had occasion to experience such a 
result, and hundreds of millions of dollars were lost by the financial 
panic and revulsion in business, so sensitive are the money markets 
and the business interests to anything relating to war. Therefore 
it behooves the business interests of this country to take action with 
the business organizations of other nations, and to call upon the re- 
spective governments to negotiate treaties of arbitration and to pro- 
ceed to a gradual disarmament. [Applause.] 

I now have the pleasure of presenting to you a gentleman who 
has occupied a high position in his own country, and who has ren- 
dered efficient service in this great cause, the Hon. John Lund, 
member of the Norwegian Parliament. [Applause.] 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : With several of my colleagues 
I am asked this evening to consider the significance of peace as 
related to the interests of commerce. This is so apparent that no 
exhaustive array of proofs should be needful. For undisturbed trade 
routes and means of communication under our modern system are as 
essential to the health of nations as an uninterrupted blood circula- 
tion is to the individual. An instant's disturbance may cause a loss 
to the people of a country of millions of moneys just as surely as any 
serious irregularity in the organism of the man may produce illness 
or death. 

If it is true that the world of trade looked on skeptically for a brief 
period at our peace efforts, the veil has now fallen from its eyes. It 
IS now out and out friendly to our movement. Often there are no 
more active or insistent abettors than business men in the matter of 
effecting treaties and guarantees for the protection of the course of 
trade and business. 


During the course of my parliamentary work in my homeland, as 
a business man the development of systems of intercommunication 
was my especial study. Therefore it was of very special interest to 
me to observe your enormous achievements in that line during my 
rfecent journey as a member of the Interparliamentary Union. We 
were made guests of your government during three weeks; we 
traversed some thousands of miles through half a score of states and 
scores of towns, crossing rivers and skirting lakes, to your picturesque 
Rocky Mountain region, even making an ascent of ten thousand 
feet — everywhere carried by the magic powers of steam and elec- 
tricity. Whilst I was almost dumb with admiration at the extent and 
beauty of the achievements of your American spirit and energy, I 
felt it would be the most heinous sin if war were to be permitted to 
lay its ravaging hand upon the material happiness and well-being 
which I witnessed. 

Let us now turn to a closer view of the actual conditions war 
creates, and learn what figures teach us concerning the material ills 
involved. The great economic damages which war occasions are 
not quite so manifest, they are not so easily grasped as the number 
of deaths and maimings. But all the same they are terrible enough. 
We must remember that every wasted shilling is a deduction from 
the economic basis on which a community should rest ; it is stolen 
here or there, even if it is never officially imposed in the shape 
of taxes. 

Preparations for and rumors of war contribute their share to 
cause disturbances in the ordinary, everyday financial relations. 
The land which will carry on a war must be prepared to see its 
stocks sink in value, and this often affects millions of those who 
have invested their hard won savings in the stocks. It is enough to 
point to the state of affairs which prevailed on the Bourses in most 
of the great European capitals at the outbreak of the war between 
Russia and Japan. The very day the declaration of war was 
announced the value of the Russian Loan Stocks fell in France by 
about half a milliard of francs. 

If we look at the sums which go to the carrying on of a war, and 
the expenses which accompany it, we shall find still more enormous 
amounts which have literally gone up in smoke. There have been 
computations of what the most important of the wars in the last half 
of the nineteenth century have cost. The list is something like this : 
Crimean War, ;^34o,ooo,ooo ; war in Italy, ;^6o,ooo,ooo ; the Austro- 
Prussian War, ;^66,ooo,ooo ; the Franco-German War, ;^5oo,ooo,ooo ; 
the Russo-Turkish War, ;^2 00,000,000 ; Britain's war against the 
Zulus and Afghans, ;^3o,ooo,ooo. To this we may add that Britain's 
war with the Boers in South Africa has cost the British tax-payers 
alone no less a sum than ;^23o,ooo,ooo. 

Hanotaux has reckoned that the total loss of money by France 
alone in the last war with Germany amounted to about fifteen mil- 
liards of francs (;£'6oo,ooo,ooo). 

And what sums the present war is swallowing daily ? Le Matin 


has calculated that the fleets of Russia and Japan have cost about 
;^539, 000,000. How much of these many millions will have been 
destroyed when the war is at an end ? The Japanese Financial 
Gazette informs us that in the war with China every soldier cost 
Japan 16 shillings per day. Now, if Japan, as is estimated, places 
300,000 men in the field against Russia, this army, according to the 
same calculation, will cost Japan daily ;^24o,ooo,or about ;£■;, 200,000 
per month. 

At the peace following the last Russo-Turkish war, Turkey had to 
hand over to Russia ;^45, 000,000, besides a large extent of country 
(originally Russia demanded a hundred millions more). France had 
to pay Germany five milliards of francs (;^2 00,000,000) and cede 
Alsace and Lorraine. Austria had to give Prussia in 1866 the sum 
of ;£^350oo,ooo (originally double the amount was claimed). After 
the last war with Greece, Turkey received ;^4,ooo,ooo. Atid the 
British Parliament, after the war in South Africa, granted ;^4,s 00,000 
"in connection with the conclusion of peace," 

Europe has had peace for about a generation ; nevertheless the 
expenditure for military affairs, in all the European countries, has in 
that period increased to a perfectly incredible extent. This is due 
to the system which is known as the " armed peace." The system 
consists in this, that the great powers arm themselves incessantly 
more and more in order to prevent war from breaking out between 
them. Each one of them at present wishes peace, but each fears 
that the others will break it. Consequently, they all annually squan- 
der enormous sums to keep themselves armed. They want to terrify 
the others into keeping the peace, and at the same time they keep 
themselves prepared for all eventualities. 

However absurd this procedure may be, yet it would, in its result, 
be satisfactory enough, if, on the one hand, it offered reasonable 
guarantees against war, and, on the other hand, was not so tremen- 
dously costly. But even these almost intolerable armaments do not 
give the great powers any absolute security. So far as the small 
powers are concerned, they are forced to arm themselves just as 
much beyond their resources as the great, and yet their straining 
does not offer them nearly so much security as theirs offers the 
great. If a great power wishes to appropriate the territory of a 
small country, either wholly or in part, or in any way to extort 
advantages from such a country, it can often secure its end quite 
readily without disturbing the peace between the great powers. 
And the costs are such that a further progress in the same direction 
can hardly have other issue than the ruin both of the small and 
the great. 

The total state expenditure on the European armies in 1903 
amounted to ;£'26o,ooo,ooo. To this, amongst many other things, 
must be added the value of the working power which goes to waste 
by so many as four million young men being always occupied in war 
exercises instead of engaged in something productive. The value of 
this working power has been calculated at ;£'2 20,000,000. Thus 


Europe's calculable annual expenditure for the maintenance of the 
" armed peace " amounts to ;^48o,ooo,ooo. This amounts to £i 
IS. 8d. per head. If we took into consideration the interest and 
instalments of the national debt, which, so far as the great powers 
are concerned, has essentially been caused by and for war and arma- 
ments, we should reach more than £i los. per individual. The 
united revenue of the European nations amounted in all in 1903 to 
about ;^i, 190, 000,000, more than one-fifth whereof went for war 
preparations in time of peace. 

The expenses of Great Britain for army and navy in 1903 
amounted to about ;^66,ooo,ooo. 

The British war budget has risen in the eight years from 1895 ^^ 
1903 by fifty per cent, for the army and one hundred per cent, for 
the navy ; and the average of the war budget for every individual in 
Great Britain amounts to £2 los. sterling. 

Russia in time of peace keeps in Europe and Asia over one million 
soldiers under arms, at an annual cost of more than ^55,000,000. 

History testifies that no great idea has won its way to victory ex- 
cept through severe struggles. Nor will it be otherwise in this cam- 
paign, where it is necessary to fight an evil which has the prescrip- 
tive right and the repute of thousands of years to support it. Whether 
the ideal, perpetual peace, can ever be attained, it would be idle at 
present to attempt to discuss. We must be satisfied if we see the 
cause gradually securing a readier entrance into the general con- 
sciousness, and if we can point to satisfactory results here and there. 
If by the instrumentality of negotiation and arbitration the horrors 
of only a single war can be prevented, much will be gained. 

American men of business surely know how to make money. Let 
us hope that the still greater art of making peace is within the scope 
of their knowledge ; that they may understand that millions devoted 
to the service of peace will be of greater importance to themselves, 
to humanity in general, than the millions which year after year are 
given for warships and the modern murderous inventions. I hope that 
the United States will in this, as in many other respects, make a 
record above that of the Old World. Her reward will be in the wel- 
fare and blessing of millions of mankind, and in gratitude from the 
Old as from the New World. 

The Chairman next introduced Edward Atkinson, the distinguished 
economist and statistician of Boston. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I have not come here to 
make a speech or to appeal to your sentiments ; I have merely a 
practical suggestion of a plain business man to submit to you. 

The interdependence of nations is becoming the rule, isolation is 
gone ; and this interdependence makes for peace and plenty. 


Commerce and civilization have been in past centuries developed by 
war, and even in war men have arisen who have also been great 
statesmen. But that class of military men deplored the warfare 
which had been necessary in defense of liberty. 

When all nations and states were predatory, as they were far into 
the nineteenth century, when they endeavored to expand commerce 
by conquest and by establishing colonies under armed force for the 
selfish benefit and profit of the conquerors, wars in defense of liberty 
were necessary. 

Having regard mainly to the present conditions of the English 
speaking people, but also to the conditions of Norway, Sweden, 
Denmark, Holland, Belgium, France, Spain and Italy, the predatory 
system of conquest and colonization has about ended. It has im- 
posed excessive cost upon nations without adequate return, and it 
has not proved to be profitable until after the right of local self-gov- 
ernment has been granted to the colonies. Even in Germany, with 
the growth of intelligence among the masses, a stern resistance is 
rapidly being developed against the military class which they have 
not yet been able to overcome and suppress. When their power has 
been but little more asserted, as it soon will be when the privates in 
the ranks become fully imbued with the wrongs under which they 
suffer, the predatory instincts of the military caste will be overcome 
and the privileged classes will be suppressed. 

Commerce is becoming the paramount power in the civilized world, 
and in the present century we shall surely witness the suppression of 
militarism . Witness the fact that by the united action of the Chambers 
of Commerce of Great Britain, France and Italy, the governments of 
these countries have been, if one may use the expression, willingly 
compelled to enact treaties of arbitration by which a very large part 
of the previous causes of war will be removed to the courts for a 
judicial decision. 

There is one other great movement by which the peace of the 
world may be almost assured, which it is now time for the forces of 
commerce to take up and carry to its completion. It may at first 
seem visionary, but it is in fact simple, practical and sure of being 
sustained by all the states and nations that have recently entered 
into treaties of arbitration. 

In the last century it became necessary or expedient to establish 
neutral zones on land and water : Belgium and Switzerland were 
neutralized ; the Suez Canal has been and the Panama Canal will 
be neutralized. But the most conspicuous example of practical neu- 
tralization is found upon our own continent and on our own borders. 
In the last war between Great Britain and the United States, the 
War of 1812, two of the contests of the most vital importance were 
between the small navies of the Great Lakes that separate the 
United States from the Dominion of Canada. In these contests the 
Americans were successful; the British vessels were nearly all 
destroyed, and the American vessels, most of which had been hastily 
improvised,' were badly shattered. In order to meet the future 


dangers, the United States laid down the keels of a new navy and 
began to construct it. England was preparing to follow. In 1816 
John Quincy Adams was appointed United States Minister to the 
Court of St. James. He proposed to the Foreign Office that neither 
nation should build or maintain vessels of war upon these Great 
Lakes. Presently he returned to become Secretary of War under 
President Monroe. He then entered into a simple agreement, not 
even making a formal treaty with the British Foreign Office, on the 
lines which he had suggested. The President submitted this agree- 
ment to the Senate for approval, providing that there should be no 
naval force or armed vessels on the Great Lakes, recommending it 
in these words, " in order to avoid collision and save expense." And 
now since 18 17 the only vessel of war that has appeared upon those 
lakes was a model of the warship " Massachusetts," built of brick 
and furnished with wooden guns, at the Chicago Exposition [laughter], 
the least costly and the most useful ship of war that we ever had in 
our service. [Applause.] 

Now, my friends, the greatest waterways of commerce are not 
upon the lakes ; they are upon the Atlantic Ocean. The ferry ways 
are well defined, marked on all the charts ; winter and summer 
routes are laid down from all our ports to the harbors of Western 
Europe. Why not, "in order to avoid collision and to save ex- 
pense," neutralize these ferry ways ? Why not enter upon treaties 
among the states that border upon the seas, defining neutral zones 
and uniting navies in the useful purpose of protecting the commerce 
and maintaining the neutrality of those zones ? [Applause] Is 
that visionary ? Not half as visionary as it would have been a few 
years ago to have proposed the treaties of arbitration now existing. 
It needs only the common sense and sagacity and force of the 
business men of the different countries to compel the neutrality of 
the ferry ways on the high seas, where the Peace of God shall be 
kept [applause], by force if necessary. 

Lay out, if you please, a cock-pit outside the neutral zone, and let 
those who make the wars and who think that warfare develops man- 
hood man their steel-clad coffins and meet in the cock-pit and sink 
each other's battleships — except one, to be put away as a monu- 
ment to the skilled inventor, who is perhaps doing more to make war 
impossible than even we, the advocates of peace. 

These ways of commerce may be made. There is nothing lacking 
but the will. It is time for the men of business to assert the power, 
to demand in the name of common sense, common sagacity, common 
industry, common right and common wealth, that the curse of war 
shall cease. And then will come the day so eloquently pictured by 
Gladstone, when the ships that pass between this land and that shall 
be like the shuttle of the loom, weaving the web of concord among 
the nations. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I will now call upon Mr. Georg Arnhold, a 
member of the leading banking house in Dresden and President of 
the Dresden Peace Society. 


Mr. Georg Arnhold spoke in German, and Dr. Urban interpreted 
his remarks : 

Mr. Arnhold is surprised at the immense progress of the peace 
movement in America when compared with that in Germany. Of 
course, in Germany one realizes that war is a dreadful thing, but 
owing to political and economical conditions the success of the peace 
movement has been rather slow there. 

He calls particular attention to the fact that the German Emperor 
is a friend of peace, though of course of the " armed peace." He 
quotes some words of the Emperor protesting against being taken 
for a soldier, especially for a soldier who seeks bloody laurels. Only 
for the sake of peace he increases every year his army and navy. 

In spite of these circumstances the peace movement in Germany 
has been progressive, and now the German Peace Society has about 
twelve thousand members, though it is very young. [Applause.] 
As in every movement in Germany, the members of the universities 
have been the leaders, but the business men and the working men 
have also done their share. In this he finds a favorable sign for the 
peace movement, and he hopes that economical and financial con- 
siderations will reach the other people, the manufacturers and the 
owners of the large farms, and will convince them that they are lost 
if they continue to oppose the peace movement. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of listening to 
Mr. George Foster Peabody of New York City. 


Mr. President., Ladies and Gentlemen ; The cause for which we are 
gathered here, it seems to me, represents an active principle. The 
peace which we believe in is something that depends upon our 
recognition of that in man and woman which is to be reverenced. 
We believe that people should think more of themselves than to try 
to force upon others that which they would object to have forced 
upon them. It seems to me that we shall not make the progress in 
this cause that we believe ought to be made unless we consider it 
from that standpoint. Not that the peace men are those who want 
to avoid something that seems difficult and expensive, but that we 
have convictions as to the rights of other men as well as of ourselves. 

Modern business methods develop just that principle in active 
progress. Even among the speculative interests, so called, and par- 
ticularly in business, there has been developed to a very large extent 
the principle of arbitration, in order that loss and friction may be 
avoided. In fact, the whole course of modern business has been 
along the line of trying to economize expense and waste in every 

direction, and no single development in the way of economy has 
been greater in its results than this particular one of the arbitration 
of difficulties between men engaged in business. They have come 
to respect each other's rights. 

Of course, the great fundamental business interests of the country 
are apart from the speculative. They depend upon a condition 
which enables the largest number of men to produce the largest 
quantity ; which enables the transportation of that production with 
the least expense ; which enables the development of machinery to 
work with the least friction. So in every direction the business 
principle has been to avoid friction and waste, and wear and tear, 
and thus to show consideration for the rights of others. 

Now the American business men are only representative, after all, 
in our democracy, of the great multitude of our people, because all 
the business man does is to make the transfers economically from 
the producer to the consumer, and we are all consumers. 

We must, of course, we business men, who are only just now inter- 
esting ourselves in the subject, give due credit to the men and 
women who have for generations in this country, and for a somewhat 
shorter period on the European continent, been putting their minds 
to the question of bringing about the prevention of friction between 
the nations. They have been splendidly pushing forward the cause 
which we now have so much at heart, the substitution of arbitration 
for war. 

It is important that those of us who believe in peace should take 
time to consider just what it is we believe in. There has been too 
much of half-heartedness in much that ha!s been uttered. Men have 
said that they are peace meni but that wars must sometimes be. I 
do not believe that we should applaud the men who come and say, 
" Yes, we must have peace," and then at other times are trying to 
build up armies and navies ; men who praise peace, but who day in 
and day out do not work for the development of it as an active 
principle, who have not grasped the principle of the respect that we 
should have for other men and women. If we follow this principle 
of mutual respect we are bound to try to prevent friction and waste 
between nations, just as business men have been learning to do in 
their mutual relations. 

The Chairman : Mr. Peabody has recalled to my mind a fact 
which had escaped my notice. It is a by-law of the leading 
Chambers of Commerce and Boards of Trade in this country that 
one member shall not sue another at law; he is obliged by the 
by-laws of the Association to submit any difference that may occur 
in the prosecution of business to a committee of arbitration. [Ap- 
plause.] And therefore you can readily see how desirous members 
of these business organizations are that the same principle shall 
apply to international difficulties and controversies that they apply 
themselves every day in their own business. [Applause.] 

The manufacturing interests of this country are of very great 

importance, employing billions of capital, and we are most fortunate 
in having these interests represented at this meeting. Mr. A. B. 
Farquhar, Vice-President of the National Association of Manu- 
facturers, will now address you. 



The National Association of Manufacturers of the United States 
received, last fall, an invitation to be represented at an Arbitration 
Conference to be held in Washington the following January. By a 
vote of the Executive Committee, the invitation was accepted, and 
thus is that important body of practical men, believed to be at this 
time the greatest business organization in the world, committed to 
your cause. Having enjoyed the very high honor of representing the 
Association at the January Conference, I am naturally very desirous 
of enlisting the manufacturing interest in your movement. To every 
citizen of the Union it is important to achieve the successful substitu- 
tion of pacific methods and international law for warfare and prepa- 
rations for war, but to manufacturers it is particularly so. Some of 
them can make a comfortable profit from government war contracts, 
doubtless, and a few others can gain more from increased prices of 
goods sold than is lost on materials bought ; but as a rule their pros- 
perity or adversity is a reflexion of the prosperity or adversity of their 
customers, — the great public, — and they suffer by any cause that 
makes their fellow-citizens less capable of spending. Where much is 
wasted, many may find a chance to realize something, yet the rule 
is that waste makes want, and that want cuts down demand. People 
buy when taxes are low and risks are small ; they try to save all they 
can when pinched by the exactions of war expenditures, and when 
life and property are imperiled. Let those who will, then, deride the 
move to replace hostilities by peaceful settlement of misunderstand- 
ings as impracticable; the thoughtful man of business knows that 
nothing is more truly practical. 

The opposition relies on sneers, not arguments ; no one dares to 
come out openly against arbitration, and thus be " overcome " and dis- 
armed in fair encounter, but, like the famous lawyer whose rule 
when he had " no case " was to " abuse the plaintiff's attorney," our 
antagonists pay more attention to us than to our cause. Who is 
there, whose opinion is worth noticing, who fails to acknowledge the 
superiority of arbitration to arms ? It is safe to say, none ; and yet 
there are many who will do nothing to establish the better method 
because they profess to fear that somebody else is going to refuse to 
follow it. This is the spirit of the priests of the Middle Ages, who 
never shed blood themselves, but, when they had a victim to dispose 
of, simply withdrew from him the protection of the Church and 


" turned him over to the secular arm " ; or of the strike leaders, who 
claim that deeds of violence against non-unionists are not done by 
strikers themselves, but by some conveniently unnamable " sympa- 
thizers." I do not regard this spirit as practical. The practical 
advice to every nation and every citizen is that coming to him in the 
words of the prophet of old : " Thou art the man I " If there is a 
call to any people on earth to work for the prevalence of universal 
arbitration, that call is to us as Americans, to us as individuals. 

We are often reminded of the conspicuous part already played by 
this country in international arbitrations, as if that furnished a 
reason for resting on our oars, and letting others do the pulling here- 
after. I rejoice in everything in this line that my country has done, 
and honor her for having seen her duty so clearly. This is the very 
land that the initiative ought to have come from ; and it is also the 
very land best fitted to stand in the vanguard of the movement here- 
after. Who could better lead than a people whose power is recog- 
nized as matchless, whose resources are inexhaustible, whose readi- 
ness and alertness are an unfailing defense, making them completely 
secure against aggression from without, so long as union and con- 
cord continue within ? What other nation can point, as we, to the 
magnificently successful operation of a tribunal in her own territory, 
which has for more than a century done work of the precise kind de- 
manded of an international arbitration tribunal, — as proof that an 
equal success is possible in the adjudication of cases under the law 
of nations ? 

There is much more that we can do for the triumph of our cause 
than merely to say we approve it. What we can do is to act as if we 
believed in it, as if we trusted it Arbitration will never become the 
universally accepted solution of international questions, while the 
nations are showing by their daily conduct that they are really looking 
beyond it to something else as the final resort. The inseparable ac- 
companiment of arbitration is disarmament. Huge standing armies, 
frowning fortifications, mammoth war-vessels, all the apparatus, so 
costly and at the same time so useless for any but destructive pur- 
poses, — it is these that a genuine trust in a reasonable settlement of 
the nations' differences would speedily render obsolete. And that is 
a move in which our own country could fittingly lead. Unrivaled in 
resources, we are at the same time most remote from imaginable 
aggressors, most inaccessible to possible attack. No foreign power 
could reach our shores in any strength, unless after long delay, nor 
make a hostile landing with reasonable expectation of escaping in 
safety. Preparations for warfare are therefore particularly absurd, 
with us — would be so even if they were effective when made. 
But our forts, on which there was such confident reliance a genera- 
tion ago, are now unanimously voted no defense at all against modern 
heavy artillery, while vessels of war are notoriously short-lived. 
From a business point of view, a worse investment than a modern 
war-vessel would be hard to find. After what the events of the last 
few months have shown of the ease with which they can be snuffed 


out, little value can be found for them in any way. To a nation dis- 
tinguished for practical common sense, the absurdity of throwing 
away millions on such clumsy toys should not need to be proved. 

But the worst of these war preparations is not their cost, though 
$200,000,000 a year, by a country needing no such defense, is no 
small sum to squander ; nor even the worthlessness of the product 
when procured : it is the evidence they give that our protestations 
of peaceful disposition are not to be taken at face value. Many 
weaker nations share our continent with us, and how can we prevent 
them from asking : What mean these forts and men-of-war, for which 
the United States is spending so much money ? It is absurd to 
suppose that all this preparation is for defense. For what purpose 
can it be, then, but to aid or cover aggressive warfare, to oppress or 
intimidate us ? To most of our citizens — it might almost be said 
to all — the use of force to oppress or intimidate other American 
nations would be utterly repulsive ; 'but we cannot be surprised to 
find other countries less incapable of misunderstanding our intention, 
particularly when we give them what they cannot but regard as 
ground for suspicion. By cutting down navy, army and fortification 
expenses the country could better develop its resources and discharge 
its debts, and at the same time give evidence of its peaceful inten- 
tions toward all the world, while proving that it does not merely 
favor international arbitration, but trusts to it. 

But I am going perhaps too far. However convinced I may be 
that our plan involves national disarmament as its logical accompani- 
ment, I do not forget that the Washington Arbitration Conference, 
last January, confined itself to asking for treaties under which cases 
of disagreement should be referred normally, promptly and smoothly 
to the Hague Tribunal. This was very little to ask ; that little is 
altogether in accordance with the course of our country in being 
represented at the Hague Conference, and in contributing as we did 
to the conclusions of that Conference ; and we should not cease from 
our efforts until this modest demand is granted. One step taken, 
our further progress will naturally be determined by its result. 

The Chairman : I will now ask your attention to the last speaker 
on the program, Mr. Frederick H. Jackson, President of the Provi- 
dence Chamber of Commerce. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen; What I have to say will 
take but a few moments, and I shall not weary your patience, I trust. 

Different eras have been marked by varying predominating char- 
acteristics and tendencies. We speak of the age of chivalry, poetry, 
art or invention, because they were periods when one or the other of 
these influences was paramount and made great strides toward better 
and fuller interpretation. 

Ours is the age of practicalities. One need only look upon this 
audience and consider the specific object of this meeting, the auspices 
under which it is being held, to fully realize that we have arrived at 
an intensely practical era in the experience of mankind. Here we 
have commercial organizations taking part in the deliberations of an 
international peace congress; greed striking hands with charity; 
sordidness embracing meekness. If the affiliation seem incongruous 
it is because we have failed heretofore in our comprehension of true 
relations, for nothing could be more natural than the union of men of 
peace with the men of trade. All branches of business should be, 
and are, interested in peace and arbitration,— manufacturing,, agri- 
culture; commerce, banking and all financial institutions. All of these 
interests require for their stability, growth and perpetuity the assur- 
ance of peace among the nations, not only for the sake of the domestic 
welfare of each, but also for the proper and possible development of 
trade relations with the whole world, and safe and untrammeled 
transit over the highways of the ocean. 

The world has been accustomed to give hardly passing attention to 
those who have preached the doctrine of peace ; the doctrine an- 
nounced by the Master of us all, the Prince of Peace, whose advent 
was heralded by the angels over the far Judean hills more than nine- 
teen hundred years ago, with their song of " Peace on earth, goodwill 
to men." From then till now, through all the centuries, wars and 
tumults, hatred and strife, have reigned not only among nations and 
peoples who gave Him no allegiance, but among His followers as well, 
who, in their greed and mad thirst for blood, have committed untold 
crimes and horrors. 

Now, after nineteen centuries, when we are apt to think that ma- 
terialism is enthroned, that the ethical side of man's nature is being 
overwhelmed with practicalities, we are brought face to face with the 
fact that at no time in the world's history has been so imminent the 
consummation of the angelic proclamation. 

Those of us who were permitted to be present at the Conference 
at Lake Mohonk last June will long remember the spirit of it, that it 
was full of inspiration and promise, promise of a bright and glorious 
day when the directors of finance, manufactures and commerce shall 
vie with the philanthropist, the academician and the statesman in 
their efforts to accomplish the ends for which this Congress has been 
convened, namely, the amelioration of the horrors of war and the 
utilization of heretofore misdirected forces to uplift mankind. 

You are familiar with the statistics educed to show the tremendous 
drain upon the resources of a nation plunged in war. The mechanic 
and the laborer are the first to suffer, both on account of the increased 
cost of the necessities of life and also because of the reduction in 
wages or curtailment in the hours of work, arising from the disturbed 
financial conditions which war always produces. Apprehension and 
stagnation bring indirect suffering to the artisan, the farmer and all 
who depend upon the work of their hands for their daily bread. 
These are trite statements. Why, then, has the business world been 


so slow to recognize in the advocates of arbitration their best friends 
and allies ? God be praised, our eyes are being opened ; we realize 
that we have been blind, we rejoice in the miracle that has opened 
our eyes. Now that we see the way, let us walk in it ! 

The theorist and the dreamer have looked forward to the day when 
peace shall reign in the earth. They have proclaimed their doctrine 
to uninterested hearers. Not so to-day I Practical, hard-headed 
business men are awakening to the fact that war paralyzes industry 
and trade, frightens capital and stops the natural course of commerce. 
So it comes about that Boards of Trade and Chambers' of Commerce 
pass resolutions endorsing the actions of peace and arbitration coun- 
cils ; then later on they appoint delegates to attend your conferences 
merely as a matter of form, but now and here we find ourselves rep- 
resenting those bodies in this notable assemblage, cooperating with 
you and adding our voices in a plea for arbitration among the nations, 
for reciprocity and every form of international agreement that shall 
hasten the day when the brotherhood of man shall not be a far-off 
vision, but a consummated fact. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Ipublic /iDeetina of TlBlomen in iParft Street Cburcb. 

, Wednesday Evening, Octobers, 1904. 


The meeting was called to order at 8 o'clock by Lucia Ames Mead, 
■who said : 

It is with great regret that I am compelled to tell you to-night that 
the lady whom we were to have as the presiding officer, the President 
of the International Council of Women, Mrs. May Wright Sewall, 
has telegraphed us that she is unable to be here, as she had hoped to 
be. She has sent us a letter, which, if I have opportunity, I will 
read to you later in the evening. 

We do not want, in the speaking this evening, generalities, abstrac- 
tions, but something definite. We want the world to know that 
women are not sentimentalists, that we possess workers, and have a 
definite program ; that we know what we want, and are working 
definitely towards it. I hope, when we go from these meetings, that 
we shall feel pleased with the greatest Peace Congress ever held, and 
feel that each one of us has a part in the work ; that we shall go out 
as disciples for peace ; that we shall not only hats war and love peace, 
but that we shall be able to tell the people what definite steps ought 
to be taken towards peace. 

Without further words, I am going to present to you one of my 
English friends, a lady whom I met in England during that terrible Boer 
War. One night my husband and I tried to get into a meeting in 
Queen's Hall. We found a great angry crowd around us and we heard 
some disagreeable things said. Mrs. Byles was inside that meeting. 
I think she did not get home until i o'clock in the morning. That is 
the way people in England who opposed the war were treated. Mrs. 
Byles has had a great experience. I am proud to call her my friend 
and to present her to you. 


Mrs. Mead and Ladies and Gentlemen : What a wonderful inspira- 
tion to stand face to face with such a meeting as this. 

The meeting to which Mrs. Mead has alluded just now was the 
most electric, the most passionate peace meeting that I have ever 
seen in a long experience with peace meetings. The truth must be 


told that that terrible war in the Transvaal, with all its mischief and 
its irreparable wrongs, has been the very making of the peace party 
in England. We had rough times, but I look back upon it with con- 
siderable satisfaction, because it pulled us all together. It pointed 
out the people who talked peace because it happened to be fashion- 
able now and then ; but it also showed us that we had thousands 
and thousands of women and men absolutely devoted to this great 
cause and knowing the reason for the faith that was in them. 

To come here to Boston to this magnificent Congress is a fresh 
encouragement. Here, it is true, we are not altogether out of reach 
of the shadow of that terrible war which is going on in the Far East; 
and that, too, stimulates our imagiriations, touches our consciences 
and quickens our intellects. We have to find a way out of this bar- 
barous national life and sentiments which have been dominating the 
world so long as there have been human beings on it. 

In this vital work I am one of those who deplore any separation 
of the interests of men and women. The interests of men and 
women in this matter, as in all matters affecting human society, are 
identical, and it is a very great danger, often, to liberty to separate 
them. I know very well that that separation here in Boston to-night 
is simply for the moment, in order that in the three large meetings 
which are being held the great principles for which we stand may 
be presented to a larger number of people. The success of our 
cause, the solutions of the problems which beset us, can only arise 
out of the upbuilding of a new type of national character, and in the 
upbuilding of that character it is necessary to have women at work 
as well as men. In the formation of that character, soldiers, battle- 
ships, guns, swords, can play no part. 

What we want ansong the nations and what we want among indi- 
viduals is what the theologians aptly call " a change of heart." If 
you look tliroagh jiistory carefully, you will find that men and nations 
alike have been shaped in contact with character. We have to create 
a land where violence shall never more be heard, where the vile prin- 
ciples shall no more be called noble, where the worker of mischief 
shall be no longer worthy. 

Dr. Johnson said that patriotism was the last refuge of the scoun- 
drel. And truly much of the patriotism that has formed men's habits 
of late years has been of that description. It is the duty of all peace 
reformers to try to generate, by word and act and vote, a new patriot- 
ism ; and the duty especially lies heavily upon us women to nourish 
a nobler patriotism, the patriotism of a noble life. War is, in the 
world of life, the law of death. Not only in national matters, but in 
private matters, is it the law of death. In industrial life and progress 
it is likewise the law of death. There is a nobler law than that — 
the law of mutual aim, the law of mutual cooperation. 

Charles Darwin's doctrine, the fierce struggle for the survival of 
the fittest, has been dwelt upon until his teaching has become abso- 
lutely lopsided in the minds of many people. He did not omit to 
point out most carefully that those understand virtue best which 


contain the largest number of sympathetic parts. That is true, in a 
sense, not only of human life, but also of animal life and insect life, 
and even of plant life. It is sympathy and mutual aid and coopera- 
tion which will make this world go round, and go round to a very 
different tune to what it has gone round for thousands and tens of 
thousands of years. 

There are several speakers to-night, and I must not make a long 
speech. I wish to say how glad we are to be in America, in this 
great new world. What wonderful experiences my husband and I 
have had since we set foot upon your shores five weeks ago 1 What 
a subject for thanksgiving it has been that we have seen no soldiers, 
not one, I think, since we came ! Do not increase the number, my 
friends. You have got quite enough. 

We were down to Kansas in our long and magnificent pilgrimage 
with the Interparliamentary delegation, and there we were shown, 
not the review of men hired to kill their neighbors, but the wonderful 
drill of men skilled in saving the lives of their neighbors. They took 
us to see the most wonderful things in Kansas — among them their 
firemen's drill, I don't believe there is another country in the world 
that would have selected that method of expression of their national, 
their social and their industrial life. 

The only army that civilization acknowledges, as Victor Hugo so 
nobly tells us, is the army of schoolmasters, and with that army you 
are better equipped on this side of the ocean than any other country 
in the world except one, and that is one of the smallest organized 
states. I mean Switzerland. But that is a matter of just pride and 
satisfaction, and may your compulsory system of education and the 
enrichment of the heart and mind of your young people — may that 
grow, through which you are making the most wonderful thing the 
world has ever seen, this new nation of yours. May it be established 
in wisdom and truth and in peace. May you do your part — I am 
afraid that you will have to do more than your part in order to make 
up for those that do not do enough — to realize the dream of Victor 
Hugo that in the twentieth century war will be dead. May that 
dream be realized. Then we shall also realize the dream of Words- 
worth, that " by the soul only are nations great and free." 

The Chairman : We all know what Miss Jane Addams of Chicago* 
who is now to speak to us, has done for industrial peace. Most of 
us have perhaps not realized what a world-wide interest is hers, and 
that she of all women has followed the saying, " My country is the 
world ; my countrymen, all mankind." Miss Addams has written a 
book entitled " The Ideals of Peace," which the Macmillans are soon 
to publish. I am sure that all who hear her words to-night will be 
anxious to read that book. She is one of the women who needs no 
introduction to an American audience. 


Mrs. Mead, Ladies and Gentlemen : Peace, during the last century, 
has had friends and promoters in three distinct lines. The first line, 
as it ought to have been, was the line of the preachers, which, of 
course, was best represented by your own Channing. They preached 
peace as a dogma, as a creed. They made an appeal to the sense of 
righteousness, which we all have somewhere within us, and they 
urged people to refrain from war and to follow the paths of peace. 
It was a noble dogma, but, as we know, dogma, as such, belongs more 
to the last two centuries than it does to this twentieth century. It 
belongs with the doctrinaire and the scholar. 

Then another set of promoters of peace may be best represented 
by two great Russians. They were the persons who appealed to the 
sense of pity. Tolstoy in his work entitled " Peace and War " takes 
us through a long campaign, not with the officers who pore over maps, 
but with the common soldier, with poor old Pierre, who does not 
know what it is all about, who is hustled from one camp to another, 
who tries to fight when other people fight, who, when he is hit, feels 
very much grieved and is sure that the French do not know who he 
is or they would not try to kill him. The other great Russian, who has 
made this appeal to pity, has put before us war with all its wretched- 
ness, with all its disease, with all its squalor. These perhaps more 
than any other two men have stripped war of its glamour. 

Then come the third line of promoters, and, curiously enough, they 
are best represented, again, by a Russian subject. These promoters 
appeal to the sense of prudence ; they say that property is a valuable 
thing, that it represents human bone and muscle. Mr. John de 
Bloch has written almost a library on this subject. Mrs. Mead has 
done much to make this point clear to the American mind when she 
tells us that one warship costs more than the entire grounds and 
buildings of Harvard University. 

We now come to a new point, and we ask ourselves if there is not 
something more in accord with our present line of thinking, which 
may be said of this cause of peace, something a little more active 
and practical, less theoretical and sentimental than some of the old 
preachings of peace necessarily had to be. 

I am very fond of Tolstoy, but I always wince when I hear people 
call him a non-resistant. The word is too feeble. Tolstoy yearns to 
see a great display of moral energy in the resistance of evil. It is 
only brute force which he discards. If your own Professor James 
were expressing it, he would say that Tolstoy is trying to create new 
springs of energy, because he tells us that through the paths of 
righteousness are called forth the very best powers of mankind. 

Let us say that some great country, — only a few years ago we 
could not have illustrated it from America, and perhaps it is better 
now not to illustrate it from America, — let us say that the 
British have gone into a new country, into a virgin country, and that 

they wish to bring to it the blessings of civilization and self-govern- 
ment. What does the soldier do? He says, "We must establish 
law and order. We will do it by peaceful means first, but if we 
cannot do it that way, we will do it at the point of the bayonet." In 
the process of establishing law and order he may crush out the very 
beginnings of self-government. He may kill the most precious germs 
of some new exotic contribution to the science of human govern- 
ment which this simple people were making. If he were a believer 
in the creative energy of mankind, if he understood that all progress 
must come from the native soil, he would say, " I will watch this 
thing ; I will nourish it ; I will be careful not to impose upon it old 
and possibly worn out ideas." He would try to bring it new riches 
of human interest, new powers of human development. He would 
have to develop the most wonderful thing in the world, a new com- 
bination of people coming together in the line of self-government. 

It seems to me that the power of soldiery is impotent if it employs 
the old-fashioned instruments that have been used for thousands of 
years. It is easy to kill a man. It is not easy to bring him forward 
in the paths of civilization. It is easy to have one broad road such 
as the British have laid out, and to say, " Some people are at this 
milestone, other people are at that milestone." But we know that 
■civilization is no such thing ; that it has no metes and bounds, but 
that it advances along devious paths. A man has not begun to read 
history aright, he does not know the very first rudiments of human 
life, if he imagines that we are all going to march down one narrow 
Toad. If we could only convert our men and women, and make them 
see that war is destructive, that peace is creative, that if a man com- 
mit himself to warfare he is committing himself to the played-out 
thing, and not to the new, vigorous and fine thing along the lines of 
the highest human development, we should have accomplished very 

There is one moral pit into which we continually fall, a sort of 
hidden pit which the devil digs for the feet of the righteous. It is 
that we keep on in one way because we have begun that way, and do 
not have presence of mind enough to change when that path is no 
longer the right one. The traditional way, the historic way, is the 
way the Romans used when they went forward into Europe and levied 
taxes and then brought back to Rome all their treasure and all their 
finest blood. That is the easiest way. 

But if we have the spirit of moral adventure, if we believe, as we 
pretend to believe in America, in democracy, then we shall be ready 
to take another course, even if it be much more difficult. I do 
not believe people can say that we no longer believe in democracy in 
America, but they can say that we no longer trust democracy. 
Almost every state in Europe has established forts in Africa or Asia 
or some other place. It seems to me that here in America is the 
place for experiment. Let us say, " We will trust the people although 
they are of a different color, although they are of a different tradition 
from ours. Perhaps we shall be able, through our very confidence, 

to nourish them into another type of government, not Anglo-Saxon 
even. Perhaps we shall be able to prove that some things that are 
not Anglo-Saxon are of great value, of great beauty. Let us not be 
like the men in commercial life, who say it is easy enough to go into 
a place after it has been swept clear by warships. You can force 
anything on natives when they have been once intimidated. But we 
must proceed in a different way. We must do our work on the high- 
est plane. We have a higher ideal than the old one which has been 
incorporated in the rule of first gaining government control by force 
and making things safe. I can imagine that most young men would 
say that they will not go into these new regions until a warship has 
gone first. The man with courage would be the man who would 
prefer to go without the warships, just as a brave young man walks 
the streets of Chicago without arms, while the coward carries brass 
knuckles and a revolver in his hip pocket. 

Let us see that this more dispassionate idea of self-government, 
this more modern idea of human life, begins with a few groups of 
people here and there. Let us declare that just as an individual 
shows signs of decay when he loses his power of self-mortification, 
his power of self-surrender, when he begins to be cautious, when he 
begins to say I cannot do this thing because it may injure my future, 
so it is with a nation. A nation ought to be able, in some way, to 
arrive at a proper conception of patriotism. The words "economic 
patriotism " will, I hope, in future years come to have a meaning to 
us. We cannot afford to be too careful of our nation's. life any more 
than we can afford to be too careful of our individual life. We must 
not forget that there is something in the old idea that the world is a 
theatre for noble action, and that nation which yearns for noble 
action will be the nation of the future, as the self-forgetting young 
person is sure to come out ahead of the person who is cautious at an 
early age. 

The Chairman : Miss Addams has said a word about the cost of 
a battleship, but she has not told the whole story. When I first 
published the fact that the battleship " Oregon " cost as much as all 
the buildings of Harvard University, nearly all the Boston news- 
papers took the matter up and wanted to know where I got my 
figures. I got them from the Secretary of Harvard University and 
the Secretary of War. I found afterward that I had not properly 
stated the case. The cost of one first-class battleship, a battleship 
the maintenance of which requires hundreds of thousands of dollars 
each year, which lasts only thirteen years, and which, with the pres- 
sure of an electric button, is sent to the bottom of the sea — the cost 
of such a battleship is not only equal to that of the ninety buildings 
of Harvard University, but of the land as well, the valuation of all 
the lands and all the buildings, plus the valuation of all the lands 
and all the buildings of the Hampton Institute, plus the valuation of 
all the land and all the buildings of Tuskegee Institute. ' 

Ruskin has told us that one of the most dangerous things in the 


world, in fooling people, is the misuse of words. There are a great 
many such misused words floating round in our churches, *in our 
schools, over our teacups. One of these is the word " colonies " for 
" dependencies." People call the Philippines colonies. There are 
such things as colonies, but the Philippines are not. India is not a 
colony. Australia is a colony. A colony means a body of people 
sent out from the mother country to settle an empty country. We 
were colonies once. We were Englishmen and English women, and 
we came here across the sea into an empty country. When you go 
into a country already populated by an alien race and annex them, 
you have not a colony. 

Our next speaker has come from a dependency. Miss Helen E. 
Dunhill has come to us from India, and is going to speak about the 
military life in that dependency. 


Madam Chairman and Dear Friends : India's salutation of peace 
to you ! India's three hundred millions thank you for this opportun- 
ity. As I have had the privilege for many years of traveling all over 
that great land of Hindoostan, what do I see, what does a woman 
see ? Scattered all over the land are the white soldiers — seventy 
thousand young Englishmen. What else does she see ? Thirteen 
thousand fresh sons coming every year, while something less than 
thirteen thousand go back again. How long do they stay 1 Five 
years. What do they carry back with them t Ah, they carry back 
what the woman's eye reads written across military life in India. 
London's sons have perhaps hardly heard the words, " state regulation 
of vice," in their fair land, but India teaches them very much in five 
years. They go back to England's skies and say little of that seed 
sowed in their hearts which their mothers weep over, and they go 
back to reap a dreadful harvest in their poor bodies — you know the 
name of it. 

I am not speaking on the art of the soldier. I am speaking of the 
women of India. What does this mean to her .' You know that, 
too. You know the terror of the young girl — we have no young 
womanhood in India. There is a child and then there is a woman. 
You can understand the terror that comes into her heart when she 
understands what " state regulation of vice " means. I am not speak- 
ing of war. Yon have heard wise words about it. I am speaking 
of the military system and its affects on one-fifth of the world, three 
hundred million people. Two hundred and fifty million of them 
cannot read. There is no man so prominent in India as this white 
man, — the white man or the British soldier. That is the name he is 
known by. 

Friends, how does this affect the men of India ? Written on mili- 
tary life is another word, the " ". Besides this awful unnam- 

able sin, drink has come in India, and largely through the military. 


Fifty years ago one brewery disgraced India. Now there are twenty- 
tour in a land where before there was almost total abstinence. But 
ah ! the soldier has to have his drink. The government brews about 
six million gallons of common beer every year, and buys as much 
more from the people that work under it, for the British soldier. He 
buys some for himself, and the poor man of India, the man whose 
average income every day is two cents, — most of our peasantry get 
that, and no more, — comes to look up to this man of the dominant 
race. Somehow he gets into the inner life of India. The natives 
look up to him. They learn the habit of drink. 

There is the cultured woman of India. She does not read, but she 
has refinement. She is shut in for a lifetime, perhaps widowed for 
many years. She has put away her baby, perhaps two babies, al- 
though the years of her life are only twelve. The dear little shrink- 
ing mother of India ! How does she try to hide some of her sor- 
rows ! Now and then she peeps from her window. She may not 
go out upon the street. A red-coated white man passes. Friends, 
that may be the only white man she has ever seen, and he is stagger- 
ing under the effects of drink. They give him only one hour of 
work. What can he do but idle about and drink and do what we 
think is worse than drink. 

And now, we appeal to you. The burden of India calls for help. 
You have spoken of it as a dependency. Yes, Madam Chairman, 
some of the dolls you send out to India are intended for children. 
But we are all of us children in many senses. Do you know that 
there all those dolls are claimed by the grandmothers of India. They 
want to play with them. " Let me take it for five minutes at least." 
" Let me kiss that dolly." The heart of' the woman, cultured as it is, 
educated in some cases, looks up somehow always to the dominant 

A dear lady, to-day, whom I met in this Congress said, " I feel as 
though I were talking to my mother." I am Eurasian, — Indian and 
English. All of them look up somehow to any one who has a drop of 
white man's blood, and the British soldier represents the white man 
as no one else. The child appeals to you, not only the woman and 
the man. In India to-day, as a result of this military system, you can 
see a race called Eurasian, — little children running about in the 
villages whose dark mothers never hear again from the white military 
father of these little ones. He has gone back after his five years to 
his own land and taken to himself a lovely white wife, perhaps, but 
those are his children in India, and they are growing up. I do not 
labor myself under the disabilities of their birth and their sad environ- 
ment. But I speak for that class, the result of having the unmarried 
soldiery in our midst, — a very small per cent, of them marry, five 
per cent., perhaps. This sad, sad condition is bringing no blessing 
to our three hundred millions. 

And now, may I tell you why I have had the privilege of standing 
here, and of addressing you. In one of our many languages there is 
a word for Woman's Christian Temperance Union. As national 


organizer of this Union I came to the World's Convention last year, 
the white women's international convention in Switzerland. In con- 
nection with this convention we wrote letters in most every country 
on peace and arbitration. And when I go back home from the United 
States I will carry the cause of this Congress and beg them to write in 
our national characters the same letters that Mrs. Bailey is so earnestly 
stirring up hearts with in this land, and we will all serve in this temper- 
ance union under the Prince of Peace, " because He is over all and 
in all." 

The Chairman : Sixty years ago Joseph Sturge of England, the 
great philanthropist and anti-slavery reformer, came to Boston. He 
was a friend of Whittier, and of all the anti-slavery leaders. He was 
the man who, first of all in this world, suggested an international 
peace congress. He was in Boston in 1841, when he made the sug- 
gestion in a meeting of peace workers which was presided over by 
Amasa Walker. This evening we have on the platform his daughter. 
Miss Sophia Sturge of Birmingham, England. She has a little sug- 
gestion which she has embodied in a brief paper. She does not trust 
her voice to read it to you, but Dr. Darby has kindly consented to 
read it for her. 


The editor of this Report regrets greatly that he has been unable 
to secure a copy of Miss Sturge 's paper in time for insertion here. 
The chief point of the suggestion was that, as a part of the construc- 
tive peace work to be done, a Hall of Peace should be erected in 
every prominent city to be used by the people for meetings and for 
active work along peace lines. 

The Chairman next introduced Dr. Yamei Kin of China. 


Mrs. Mead and Friends : It is indeed a great privilege to me as a 
representative of one of the oldest of nations, which has always- 
stood for the dominant idea of peace, to come to you, friends in 
America, in the pride of my race, because I am a pure Chinese 
without a drop of the would-be dominant race in my veins. I thank 
you, friends, for all the kindness that has been shown me and for all 
your friendly hands extended in the many courtesies that go to make 
life beautiful. I understand that on Friday I may have the oppor- 
tunity of showing you why it is that we appreciate in you a spirit of 
peace, because, if you will pardon us, we of the old race that has 
lived long upon this earth and have tested and have read the human 
motives and human actions — we may be pardoned, perhaps, for 
suggesting to you a little of the better qualities that you will go on 


cultivating, laying aside at the same time some of the qualities that 
have come to you from your inheritance of the Western civilization. 
We of the East, the eldest of the East, the nation that has stood for 
peace from earliest times, look to you, the youngest nation, to join 
with the flower of the Occidental civilization in working for the 
common benefit of mankind, and thus, with hands across the seas, 
we shall weave a chain of love that shall girdle the globe. 

The Chairman : Forty years ago, at the close of the Civil War, 
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, then in the pride of her strength, conceived 
the idea of doing something to organize the mothers of the world to 
promote the cause of peace. What she did most of us who were 
born since or were children then do not know. We have asked her 
to come here to tell us of her work at that time and her journey 
through England. We are glad she has lived to see the fruition of 
her labors. 1 present to you Mrs. Julia Ward Howe. 


Mrs. President and Good Friends : In the year of the Franco-Prus- 
sian AVar a great awakening seemed to visit this country and Europe. 
The shadow of Providence had certainly moved forward on the dial 
of human affairs. The women roused themselves to inquire what this 
meant. In France a distinguished lady worked and spoke in behalf 
of peace. From Switzerland, also, sounded a woman's voice. I 
bethought me of the mothers of men, to whom fall not only the love 
but also the cares of human life. I felt persuaded that the greatest 
effort in behalf of the world's peace should be made by those who 
could say, " This human life which you men waste so lavishly is 
produced by our greatest sufferings and maintained by our cares and 
fatigues. To you it seems of small account, but to us it is very sacred 
for the sake of what it has cost us." 

Once beginning to study this subject of war more profoundly, I 
found that the entailed fruit of it was present in all society. I knew 
that in our civilization, so long as selfish animal man had the upper 
hand, the spirit of war would continue to pervade all human inter- 
course. It would stir up father against son. It would stir up brother 
against brother. Woman, therefore, the impersonation of tender 
affection and watchful care, the guardian of man's infant years, 
appeared to me to be the natural promoter of peace. I looked for 
some new and valuable effort in this direction. Firm in this belief, 
and in the feeling that had so strongly taken possession of me, I 
indited a brief address to women in all parts of the world, praying 
them to take an active interest in the cessation of war. This address 
was translated into all the current languages of Europe and sent 

In the year 1872 I went to England, where, aided by Mrs. Josephine 
Butler's advice, I journeyed far and wide. I uttered my little 


word in regard to the interest of women in the progress of peace. I 
was aided by many persons. Sir John Darling addressed my prin- 
cipal meeting in London. Mr. John Bright and other distinguished 
persons graced my platform. I then inaugurated what were called 
the " Mothers' Day Meetings." I chose for this purpose the second 
day of June, as a time of great beauty in the external world, a time 
in which flowers could be freely used in decorations and in which 
out-of-door meetings could so well be enjoyed. My suggestion of 
the Mothers' Day Meetings grew in certain quarters and continued 
for many years, and we held largely attended meetings in Boston. 
I observed that my second day of June was observed in remote 
countries, once or twice even in far-off Constantinople. 

A residence of two years in Europe necessarily interrupted my 
work. My efforts in behalf of the world's peace had shown me that 
women, considered as a body, would have to make some progress 
before they could take any definite action in the furtherance of the 
desired end. They needed, first, the help of higher education in 
order that they might receive the aid of sound reason. In the years 
that followed, therefore, I devoted myself to the interests of the 
higher education, the suffrage, and the promotion of the principle 
of initiative among them. I found that a movement or an association 
formed at that time in New York furthered the advance of woman 
in the exercise of this power of active performance which man had 
so long exercised, but which we women did not possess. 

In forecasting the results of my peace crusade, I relied too much 
upon the interest which it would at once awaken in every woman. 
Women, I speedily found, were too little accustomed to the habit of 
thinking. Each of them was too much of a personal sovereign hold- 
ing her little court, curtained off by her little chimeras, with too little 
knowledge of the world's affairs. The change to the higher educa- 
tion, the great enlargement, the opportunity for useful and noble 
work, — these have produced a new social world. 

The Chairman : I now have the honor to introduce to you Miss 
Willhelmina Sheriff Bain of New Zealand, the country where they are 
trying many new experiments in the interest of brotherhood, justice 
and peace. 


Mrs. President and Friends : The hour is so late, and you are to 
listen to the Baroness von Suttner, so I will detain you with only a 
very few words about New Zealand. 

Our native tribes were very fond of fighting. They had many 
splendid qualities, but the lust for war was an all-consuming fire within 
them. Their winters were spent in planning their summer cam- 
paigns. Their old women were given to inciting them to even greater 
ferocity. British settlement led to more friendly inter-tribal relations. 


It abolished cannibalism and infanticide, but some fatal blunder 
brought about warfare between the natives and ourselves, — warfare 
which is now deplored by all of us alike. We are all one people now. 

It may have been thought that we had gained enough bitter expe- 
rience to keep us out of any further warfare ; but the war in South 
Africa kindled anew the flames that were seemingly dead in our 
lovely islands. Our young men pressed forward in contingent after 
contingent. Our horses were sent away by thousands. Some of our 
boys were killed, some died lingeringly by enteric fever, some returned 
home to live out as best they could their altered lives. The country 
is still divided as to the issues of the whole miserable affair. We 
have fortifications all around our coast ; we have battleships ; and in 
nearly every school there is compulsory military drill ; but there are 
many sorrowful homes which once were glad. The farmers, last 
harvest, complained they could not get suitable labor, and everywhere 
from north to south our beautiful houses are made desolate. We 
learn that in South Africa affairs are even worse. A friend of mine 
went over recently to South Africa, intending to make her home there,, 
but quickly returned to New Zealand. And so these conditions lead 
to a growing realization of the futility of warfare. The love of peace 
for its own sake is becoming more and more freely expressed among us. 

I should, perhaps, also say a word about the National Council of 
the Women of New Zealand, which I have the honor to represent 
here. That Council has stood for peace and arbitration since its first 
inception. Year after year it endeavors to inculcate a better public 
opinion by addresses and debates on peace and arbitration. It may 
be asserted tha it is doing excellent service in that respect. At 
every annual meeting it pleads for the gradual, simultaneous and pro- 
portionate reduction of armaments, and urges arbitration as the only 
rational mode of settling disputes, in national as well as in private 

Within our own bounds New Zealand has proved the efficacy of 
arbitration. We have industrial tribunals that settle every disagree- 
ment between employers and employees, so that for about ten years 
boycots, strikes and lockouts have been unknown in our land. Any 
intelligent community which has thus realized the benefits of arbitra- 
tion in its personal matters must in course of time logically give 
extension of that) principle to all its relations with the world. Thus,, 
in the remotest section of the British empire, as in this vast republic, 
the spirit of the new era, the spirit of brotherhood, the spirit of love 
is assuming definite guidance. 

The Baroness von Suttner was next introduced and spoke as- 
follows : 


Mrs. President, and my dear American Sisters and Brothers ; I have 
been requested to speak of the responsibilities and duties of women 
in this cause. I have been very deeply impressed by various things- 


that I have heard and seen in the short stay that I have had in 
America — very short, for I arrived only this morning after a journey 
of twelve days from my own country. Still, what I have heard and 
seen has so deeply impressed me that I cannot restrain the desire of 
giving some expression to it. 

This country is the cradle of the peace movement. I knew it long 
ago, but what I begin to realize now is to what depth and height it 
has grown among you, to what breadth it is expanding. Its work is 
fervently done on moral grounds and on scientific grounds by prom- 
inent men and earnest women. The women, especially, form a 
feature peculiar to you, for on the European continent the work of 
the women in the peace movement is not so strong as here. It is 
often, I might say, very weak. I have not found that on the platform 
where women unite to fight for their rights and for their ideals, the 
peace cause has been made so prominent as it has here. The Inter- 
national Council of Women have made this the chief subject of their 
propaganda, but that Council was founded in America and by an 
American woman. I am sorry the president of the Council, who was 
to have been here, is absent, and I wish to send her, from our assem- 
bly, the expression of our regret not to have her here and of our 
esteem for her work. 

At the great congress in Berlin last June, a whole session was de- 
voted to the peace cause, but this was not the work of the European 
society. It was the work, again, of our dear Mrs. Sewall. You 
know by the reports what a great sensation she produced, owing to 
her peculiar charm and the eloquence with which she pleaded for 
the noble cause that ought to be the bond between our sex over the 
whole world, — ought to be but is not, I am sorry to say, nor can we 
well expect it to be. Women represent the half of mankind, and 
certainly are quite as divided in their opinions and in their abilities 
as the other half, though women, certainly more than men, are 
prone to detest war and to be afraid of it. But there is a,great deal 
between the detesting of a thing and the wish and endeavor to 
eradicate it. 

Then there is the belief that the thing must be, that war is a neces- 
sity, though a dire necessity, that it is founded in the struggle of 
nature. This belief, which is an error, is very widely extended. 
Those who think thus declare that war cannot be eradicated by 
human will. I have heard it remarked that Christian men and 
women are prone to this belief, that everything must remain as it is ; 
and for that reason we find so few Christian men among the cham- 
pions of the peace movement. The leaders are rather scientists, 
poets, etc. At least, that is the case in Europe. 

Still we do not find a large number of men ready to take a leading 
part in this movement. It is not a matter of sentiment ; it is a mat- 
ter of scientific knowledge. Only those who believe in the progress 
of the world, the evolution of human society, will give themselves to 
such a movement as ours. When they become imbued with these 


convictions women will join the peace movement, and do so effec- 
tively. As long as the error remains that war is a necessity, women 
will not join. On the contrary, they will continue to countenance 
war. They will stifle their maternal feelings and try to enkindle in 
their husbands the warlike spirit. In the hour of national conflict, 
they will give moral encouragement. They will even give their per- 
sonal assistance and consider themselves heroines for doing so. 
There is a statue erected in the Public Square of an Austrian town 
to a young peasant girl who, ninety years ago, when the French were 
storming the city, hurled down some dozen Frenchmen by stabbing 
them with a fork. 

We are of those who consider that war is not necessary ; then, not 
being so, that it is a crime. We consider murder a sin, and we con- 
sider war as wholesale murder, although making allowance for the 
great error that is in the mind of the murderer. We do not condemn 
as murderers the soldiers who do what they are taught. 

But now, speaking to women who, by study or by intuition, do 
know that war is a relic of barbarism, and that men by their mis- 
guided judgment will make it continue, I want to speak to the women 
about their responsibility'and their duty. In the contention against 
war women have some chance. In some spheres we have great influ- 
ence and power, and if we fail to use this influence and this power 
in the service of what we consider the most glorious cause in the 
world, we commit a great sin of omission. As. mothers, we have the 
power to lead the next generation to peace, not only by banishing 
out of the nursery the tin soldier and out of the schoolroom the 
bloody stories of warfare, but by lifting the minds of our growing 
sons to the realization that we live in a time where a higher and 
nobler civilization is being wrought out, and that theirs will be the 
opportunity to hasten the realization of this idea. 

Now, mothers, sisters, you have another advantage over men. It 
is this : While a certain roughness and hardness is excusable, per- 
haps even desirable, in the composition of a strong man's character, 
ihe chief virtues of woman are declared to be gentleness, kind- 
heartedness, charity and pity. It is our privilege to show these 
feelings without restraint and to make them the mainspring of our 
actions. Let us use this privilege in the struggle against, warfare. 
War, being the cause of the vastest sufferings, it is also the occasion 
for the vastest pity. Only read the reports from Port Arthur. Try 
to realize the depths of these horrors and your hearts must melt. 
While such wars are being waged, while such miseries and such 
cruelty are staining our earthly home, every woman should be clad 
in deep mourning ; no woman should be seen to smile. Only imagine 
that nine days' battle, where fifty thousand bodies covered the ground, 
and where the wounded had been lying nine days without help 1 
Only think of the men and the horses caught in the tangled wires 
and hanging there, as an eye witness described it, hanging there like 
rats caught in a trap ! Think of the whole fegiment blown into the 
air by an exploding mine,— again I quote my eye witness, — the sky 


darkened by the falling limbs ! Imagine the heaps of twenty thousand 
bodies under the walls of Port Arthur, those bodies covered with 
chalk that they may not pollute the air ! Are you sure, quite sure, 
that they were all corpses ? In some of those miserable and wretched 
creatures the vestiges of life still remained. 

If you read and think of those things, if you try to realize them, 
hatred against war must inflame your hearts and pity must pervade 
your souls. Fortunately human imagination is not strong enough 
to realize all these horrors. We can only grasp what is seen. If we 
could but grasp all those things I think it would make us mad. And 
our great pity must not be allowed to weaken our reason ; it must be 
our strength. We can never undo what has been done, and we can- 
not stop what is going on, but what we can do is to help to prepare 
a new order in which these things will never occur again. And as 
we can do it, so let us do it. 

The Chairman then presented to the meeting the following letter 
from Mrs. May Wright Sewall, President of the National Council of 
Women : 





My Friends and Colleagues of many Nationalities : It is with a profound sense 
of regret and disappointment, and a keen appreciation of the loss which I am ex- 
periencing, that I am obliged to deny myself the pleasure of accepting the great 
honor of presiding over your deliberations on October 5th. I have been glad to 
be a member of the Committee of Organization for the Thirteenth International 
Peace Congress. My pleasure in this work has been limited only by my conscious- 
ness of the small degree to which ^ have been able to assist it. 

The questions that will be brought before you are too serious, and the issues 
of your meeting fraught with consequences too large, to justify me in holding your 
attention for a single instant by a statement of the personal considerations which 
compel my absence. I write because I trust to the generosity of the Executive 
Committee and to whoever shall serve in my place as your presiding officer to 
allow me, notwithstanding my absence, to bring to your attention certain facts 
which are the basis of important propositions to which I respectfully invite your 

While I feel that the world is too ready to hold women responsible for whatever 
evils may assail society, I myself believe that the relation of womexi to the whole 
of humanity is such that if all women could be awakened to feel both the horror 
and the helplessness of war, if they could under the pitiless pain of this feelmg 
be led to adopt the title of Baroness von Suttner's powerful book and issue it to 
the world as a command, " Lay Down Your Arms ! " the world would be compelled 
to obey. I recognize, however, that the conviction that war is useless is not 
shared by the masses of women any more than by the masses of men, and that the 
masses can never be brought to share it except by education directed to the attain- 
ment of that conviction. 

As my position upon the Executive Committee for the Thirteenth International 
Peace Congress was directly due to the fact that for some years I have been the 
chairman of the Committee on Peace and Arbitration of the National- Council of 
Women of the United States, and as the invitation to preside at your meeting 
was, without doubt, directly due to the fact that I have just been elected to the 


chairmanship of the Committee on Peace and Arbitration of the International 
Council of Women, it seems to me proper to bring to your attention the program 
of these two bodies, particularly of the latter, which includes the former, and 
with it the National Councils of a score of other countries. 

At the Second Quinquennial of the International Council held in London in 
1899, the resolution to make propaganda work for peace and arbitration the pro- 
gram of the Council throughout the world was adopted by unanimous vote. At 
the time of the adoption of this resolution the larger part of the world was at 
peace. Whether the Council would have had the courage to adopt this resolution 
had it known that the frightful wars in South Africa and in China were so soon 
to engage the armies of a dozen nations can never be known, but, fortunately, it 
is committed to peace propaganda by that resolution. It became the official duty 
of the president of the International Council to keep this resolution upon the 
programs of the Councils of all of the affiliated nations. The result was what may 
be called an educational campaign participated in with greater or less sincerity 
and zeal by the different national organizations within the International Council. 

The study of the question to which that fortunate resolution brought the 
women of a score of countries showed its results at the Third Quinquennial in 
Berlin, when at the meeting of the Executive Committee preceding the great 
Peace Meeting on Friday, June 10, a unanimous vote of the executive of the In- 
ternational Council not only confirmed the action of 1899, but also pledged the 
Council to a program to another part of which I beg your adhesion. 

Believing in evolution as the only process, and education as the only method, 
by which nations can be brought into such relations to one another as are compat- 
ible with the Golden Rule, the International Council has asked each one of the 
affiliated National Councils to instruct its committee on peace and arbitration to 
make a rigid examination of all text books on the history of their own country 
which are being studied in its schools. This is to be done with a view to ascer- 
taining to what degree the relative importance of war in the development of a 
country and the relative glory of military achievement are exaggerated in such 
text books. It is believed by the Peace and Arbitration Committee of the Inter- 
national Council that to a degree which would be appaUing were it realized by the 
world, modem history as taught in most countries results in the development of 
an arrogant and vain-glorious regard for one's own country, and in contempt, re- 
sentment and hatred toward other nations. It is impossible that any but a. false 
patriotism shall be the fruit of the study of such text books and of such instruc- 
tion. It is impossible that children whose minds have been fed on distortion 
shall as men and women see historical events in their just proportions. 

I dare not worry you with a longer presentation of the case. I hope, however, 
that one result of your meeting may be the permanent recognition of both indi- 
vidual women and organizations of women, national and intemaMonal, in future 
peace and arbitration congresses. In order that the work of women may be effec- 
tive in such congresses, it is important, if not indispensable, that there should be 
permanency of union in the interim of congresses. I wish, therefore, that you 
might consider the question of a committee which would enable the women who 
are united in this Congress to continue their influence after its dissolution. I do 
not know that there are any women among our foreign delegates excepting from 
China and India who come from countries in which national councils are not 
already formed, and as chairman of the Peace and Arbitration Committee of the 
International Council, I seek aid from this Congress through the committee that I 
have indicated. If the investigation of histories at present used, with a view to 
securing text books which shall give to the records of war merely their propor- 
tionate amount of space as compared with the space occupied by the other factors in 
national development, and which shall have expunged from their pages all of those 
partial presentations of events which tend to augment arrogance and to stimulate 
hate, meets your approval, I ask that a committee be formed instructed to co- 
operate with the committee of the International Council in this great labor. 

Thanking you for the privilege of intimating briefly what, were I present, I 
should have wished to present in extenso. 

Very faithfully yours, 


TKHorhingmen's iPublic /IDeeting in jfaneuil Iball. 

Wednesday Evening, October 5. 


Mr. George E. McNeill of Boston called the meeting to order 
at 8 o'clock, and said : 

It is my privilege to have the triple duty of calling this meeting to 
order, of reading the resolutions, and of introducing the distinguished 
Chairman of the meeting. 

Organized labor is always ready to speak for that peace that comes 
with justice, and is equipped to do its share of the work of organiz- 
ing civilization, advocating righteousness, and educating the people 
in the science of ethical economics. 

The Peace Congress now assembled in our beloved city has sub- 
divided its activities. To-night the business men meet in Tremont 
Temple, the women in Park Street Church, and we of the labor 
movement in Faneuil Hall. If the other subdivisions meet in sacred 
halls, we meet in one no less sacred, for this is the temple of liberty, 
fraternity and equality. From this platform have gone forth the 
words of light and life to all peoples. Let us speak in no uncertain 
terms. It is our right and duty to speak the word as we see it, to 
enlarge our faith and quicken our hope in the work in which, as 
Trade Unionists, we are engaged. War is hell, and war is the 
monster son of greed and injustice. Peace is heaven, for peace is 
the divine child of love and justice. Let us have peace, and, as 
Webster said that "liberty and uliion are one and inseparable," so 
may we say that peace and justice, now and forever, are one and 

I now offer the following resolutions : 

Resolved, That we endorse and emphasize the declaration for international 
peace made by the American Federation of Labor, in convention assembled at 
Baltimore in 1887 ; that the declaration then made was but the natural sequence 
•of the demand of organized labor for justice. 

Resolved, That trade unionism makes for peace, and that non-unionism makes 
for war ; that all attempts to disrupt the Trade Union movement are attempts 
against the orderly cooperative effort of wage workers to secure justice and equity; 
that we seek peace not by the sword, but by justice; that justice to labor means 
justice to all. 

Resolved, That in the name of organized labor evei-ywhere we protest against the 
slaughter of our brothers at the behest of the principalities and powers of govern- 
ments, of industry, and of trade and commerce ; that we do not and will not sub- 
mit, without urgent protest, to the furnishing of men and money for wars of 
aggrandizement and greed, whether such wars are of one nation against another 
■nation, or of a nation against a subject people, or of a government (as in the State 
of Colorado) against a peaceful association of sovereign citizens. 


Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence was a proclamation of peace 
and not of war, and that the acceptance of the declaration that all men are bom 
possessed of certain unaUenable rights, among which are the right to life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness, will hasten the dawn of peace to all people. 

Resolved, That, as it is wicked and foolish to cry peace, peace, when there is no 
peace, so is it wicked and foolish to advocate peace between nations, and be silent 
when men are killed or driven home by governmental authority at the behest of a 
mining oligarchy. 

Resolved, That, as peace comes only with justice and equity, we, of the organ- 
ized labor men here in Fanueil Hall assembled, do pledge ourselves to aid the 
Peace Conference now assembled in Boston in every effort that they make to stay 
the bloody hand of war, and we ask the Peace Conference and all peace loving 
men and women to join with us in our efforts to secure justice and equity to the 
wage workers of the world. 

Resolved, That we welcome our brothers from abroad as comrades in the grand 
army of peace and fellow citizens in the great world of labor. 

Resolved, That a committee consisting of the chairman of this meeting and 
others to be appointed by him be authorized to present these resolutions to the 
Peace Conference. 

It is indeed a pleasant privilege to introduce the Chairman of this 
meeting. He has been my friend for a third of a ^century. If that 
were all, I would love him for himself, but in the years that have 
passed he has proven himself to be a true friend and leader in the 
labor movement, unexcelled in the qualities of leadership. The 
history of the labor movement, when it shall be written, will contain 
the names of many noble men and women, and of them all none will 
fill a larger space than Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
Federation of Labor. [Applause.] 



Mr. McNeil, Ladies and Gentlemen .- Permit me to express my keen 
appreciation, Mr. Chairman, of your kind words and commendation 
of whatever effort I have been able to give to the labor movement 
of our country and of our time, and also to you, ladies and gentle- 
men, for your more than cordial reception. I am especially pleased 
to have the honor of presiding over you this evening in Faneuil Hall. 
This meeting betokens the continuation of that effort of the working 
people of America, as it betokens the continued effort of the working 
people of Europe, who are determined that justice shall prevail. 
There is no man who realizes the consequences of struggle and con- 
test and strife, but who seeks peace and loves peace. It is because 
the Trade Unionists, the men and women of labor, are required to 
bear the brunt of contest, both internationally and industrially, that 
their efforts are devoted to the establishment of peace. 

We realize, however, that the declaration for peace is meaningless 
unless it is peace founded upon the principles of justice and right. 
War to us is, as it has been described by our dear friend and com- 
rade, Brother McNeil, in the resolutions which he read to us, — war 
to us IS hell, and one of the masters in the art of war coined that 


phrase which will live in the memories of men so long as the spirit 
of right and justice, and the desire for human welfare, shall prevail ; 
war, with all its attendant horrors and brutalities, calling forth all 
that is base in our natures, stimulating the brute that is in man, giv- 
ing an exhibition to the world of all that is hateful in our dispositions, 
and subordinating every impulse of humanity ; war, with the count- 
less millions of men sent to untimely graves, and the countless widows 
and orphans left in its wake ; war, which brings together men of 
different countries, who know not the color of the eye of their sup- 
posed foe, who bear them no malice or ill-will, in deadly array, and 
urged on to their mutual destruction. 

It is enough to make the heart grow sick to think that in this 
year of grace, 1904, with all our supposed civilization and progress, 
we are yet confronted with war, and with wars that may yet come. 
War is now a blot upon the escutcheon of any country claiming 
to be aligned with those calling themselves civilized. The wars of 
nations upon nations have been seldom conducted for the maintenance 
or the establishment of a principle of justice or right. Greed and 
avarice and Aggrandizement, the lust of power and wealth, are the in- 
centives to war, and have been the incentives from time immemorial. 
Call it by what other name any one may please, give it the gilding 
of valor and courage and heroism, in the last analysis it is nothing 
but international murder. And because we are opposed to war, we 
utilize every opportunity at our command, and create opportunities 
where none exist, so that the enlightened conscience of the people 
shall reach that acme of advancement that the nation which shall 
wantonly go to war, or provoke war, shall be an outcast in the civili- 
zation of the world. 

We, as working men and working women, who have at least mani- 
fested enough intelligence to try to safeguard and protect our interest, 
and undertake to advance and promote it, — we not only realize that 
there is war and that wars are imminent daily between nations, but 
we know also that the great army of labor is usually called in to 
make the fighting forces of the nations ; that, in the sum total, the 
largest number of men who fight the battles and are called upon to 
sacrifice their lives come from the mill and the mine and the work- 
shop and the field of labor. 

We not only realize the wrong of international strife and war, but 
we also reali'ze the fact that we are confronted often with industrial 
war. We cannot afford to ignore the industrial wars with which the 
working people are confronted. We know also that the greatest 
factor that makes for and insures, at least to some degree, interna- 
tional and industrial peace, is the organization of the working people. 
There will be less and less of the industrial wars in the same ratio 
that the working people join the unions of their trades. The entwin- 
ing of their hearts and interests with their fellows in these unions 
will make for absolute and universal peace. 

While many of our friends engaged in the effort to secure peace 
between the nations of the earth are prompted by serious motives 


and purposes, and their work is appreciated to the fullest by the men 
engaged in the labor movement of the world, yet I thmk I can say 
without fear of successful contradiction that the greatest element 
that will make for the abolition of international war will be the 
organization of the forces of labor internationally. When the workers 
of all lands shall be so thoroughly organized and united and federated 
that the same heart throb will be felt by each and all alike, then those 
who may want to provoke wars will find themselves mmus the men 
who would make the soldiers. The international organizations of 
labor with their fraternal delegates, with the larger view of the atti- 
tude which each man ought to hold to his fellow man, will go to 
make up a bond of unity, a bond of fraternity, that will make power- 
fully for the peace of the world. 

In that hope, with that object before us, let us work in order that 
to-day may be a step in advance of yesterday, and that to-morrow and 
the next day may be still further steps toward the goal of universal 
peace and brotherhood, for men and women who give the very best 
efforts of which they are capable. In that spirit and in that hope, 
this meeting will do much to accelerate it. 

I shall not take more of your time now, but will introduce to you 
the first speaker of the evening, a man who comes from Great Britain, 
with the credentials of the British Trade Union Congress and the 
credentials of the Federation of Trade Unions of Great Britain, 
representing in the aggregate nearly two million organized workmen, 
Mr. Pete Curran, who will now address you. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am here to-night to ex- 
press the earnest wish and desire of nearly two millions of organized 
workmen in Great Britain that international peace shall be estab- 
lished at the earliest opportunity. We, in Great Britain, in the 
organized labor world, are very strong and very emphatic on the es- 
tablishment of international peace. That is because we have been 
frequently the victims of war. 

Three years ago, in Great Britain, our statesmen, joining handa 
with the capitalistic forces of South Africa, plunged Great Britain 
into a war with the two Boer republics. That war cost the wealth 
producers of Great Britain two hundred and fifty million pounds and 
twenty-eight thousand lives; and the return for two hundred and 
fifty million pounds and twenty-eight thousand lives, — the return to 
the wealth producers of Great Britain is that the capitalist is bring- 
ing into South Africa the Chinaman and other foreigners to do the 
work which should properly be done by the English workman. 

War is essentially a working class question. In the Peace Con- 
gress which is being held at the Tremont Temple there are men of 
great literary ability, there are ecclesiastics of high order, there are 
commercial men and men from various other spheres of life and 


estate, and I know they will join with me when I say that interna- 
tional warfare is more an industrial question than it is a commercial 
-question. Directly and indirectly, the workman pays the whole of 
the war tax. If the war tax is paid by the commercial man, or the 
ecclesiastic, the banker or the stock broker, they have first to get 
that tax out of the industrial class. We have to supply the money 
and we have to supply the men. The twenty-eight thousand men 
who were stretched upon the veldt in South Africa did not belong 
to the upper class in England, nor to the middle class ; they were 
the sons of the industrial artisans of the United Kingdom. Now if 
we have to supply the men and the money and have the peculiar 
legislation round our necks that we have to-day, compelling us to 
pay for war, then I say we ought to be the first to raise our voices 
on behalf of international disarmament. 

You people in America are just afflicted with the same sort of 
patriotism that we have been afflicted with in the old country. I 
have told you about the men and the money that we have sacrificed 
for the purpose of enriching the Rand capitalists in South Africa. I 
want to ask you American taxpayers what is going to be your net 
^ain from the annexation of the Philippine Islands. What is the 
net gain to the American people now that the American flag waves 
over Porto Rico ? The same gain that we have got for our South 
African exploits will be your gain in America for what you have been 
doing. We are disgusted in England, especially when an election 
comes round. We have our capitalists, who label themselves with 
various names, but they are capitalists first and politicians afterwards. 
They tell us we ought to be imbued with enthusiasm, that we are 
■citizens of a mighty country, a great empire, upon which the sun 
never sets. That is a great stock political phrase, Mr. Chairman, 
when the election is coming round. But those fellows never tell us 
ihat there are blood spots on our empire where the sun never shines. 
Our territory is large enough already, and yours is large enough 
already. An old writer once said, " It is not the building of battle- 
ships or the equipment of great armies that brings about an honest 
prosperity ; but the well being and the prosperity of the nation are 
built upon the moral and intellectual manhood and womanhood that 
makes up the community." [Great applause.] 

Annexation is a great term now. I noticed in the American 
papers, during the Philippine struggle, that you were going to annex 
the Philippine Islands. We have annexed the two Boer republics. 
That is a kind of new word for stealing. My friends, we want to 
put an end to this sort of theft which is called annexation, and we 
want men who do not carry peace on their lips and war in their 
hearts to represent us. The Czar of Russia, above all men, is a very 
religious man. He called a conference some five years ago, and he 
invited the whole of the universe and called in the aid of the Deity 
to help him in establishing international peace. At the very same 
time that these statements were made by him, his government was 
going on with the theft of territory that brought about the present 


Japanese war. Your American statesmen talk about peace, and 
then they proceed to build battleships. 

Some people say that the best way to secure an established peace 
is to prepare for war. I beg leave to repudiate that statement. What 
we want is not to prepare for war, but to spend the money which i- 
to-day being lavishly spent on war preparations in opening up indus- 
trial, useful pursuits for the people who are starving in our large 
cities. There are some people taking part in this Peace Congress, — 
and I believe they are just as sincere and as well meaning as I am 
myself (I claim the right of calling myself sincere and honest in this 
business), — good, honest, sincere men, who believe that we can moral- 
ize the world into a true recognition of' peace. I cannot subscribe 
to that idea. The greed of annexation is born of commercial greed, 
and as long as you in America and we in Great Britain leave the law 
making, national and international, in the hands of the landlord and 
capitalist class, so long will there be international war. The greed 
which prompts your trusts to try and annex every other trust of a 
similar character, that very same desire which prompts your big trust 
to swallow up the small one, prompts the statesman in the large 
nations to try and swallow up the small nations. The consequence 
is that it will be a difficult job to moralize these fellows into the idea 
of establishing international peace. The workers of the world will 
have to take hold of this business and carry it through, and in my 
judgment it will be left with the world's democracy to dethrone king 
capital and monopoly, and to establish international amity and peace 
by international industrial relations of the working people. 

I wish to say, in conclusion, that in Great Britain, in the labor move- 
ment, we have unanimously raised our voices on behalf of peace. 
We are going to do more. We are going to try and sweep out of 
power the class of statesmen who have created the wars during the 
last quarter of a century. We ask the American workmen to com- 
bine with us, which it is their right and their duty to do. Every man 
and every woman in this room, whether politicians or nondescript, 
if they work for wages, ought to belong to the union that is most 
appropriate to their calling, and if there is anything wrong in that 
union, let them, instead of going outside to talk about it, stay inside 
and try to make it right. I ask you in addition to that to organize 
with people in the old country. 

There is another kind of war that has been already touched upon, 
and ably touched upon, by the President — industrial war. You have 
had your Cripple Creek and your Colorado. You have had the 
militia and the reserves of your government called out, not to protect 
the union man, but to protect scab labor when it was not necessary. 
That applies just the same in the old country as it does here. That 
is because class privilege and monopoly is at the head of government 
in this country just as it is in the old country, and I say that not only 
should you organize in your trade unions, but you should also use 
your power of citizenship to send men into these responsible positions 
of government who believe in international peace, who believe in the 


brotherhood of man, and who believe in establishing useful commercial 
and industrial relations of a friendly character throughout the entire 
civilized world. [Loud applause.] 

The Chairman : We have with us at this raeeting a gentleman 
from Belgium who is in attendance at the International Peace Con- 
gress, Senator Henri La Fontaine, who will 'now address you. 


My Friends : I speak but bad English, and the words I know are 
not many, so I am obliged to make a short speech. After the elo- 
quent words which our comrade of Great Britain has pronounced, it 
is very difficult to utter as eloquent ones as he, but it will be interest- 
ing for you to know the situation of the labor party in my country. 

Belgium is, as you know, a very small nation. It is of about the 
same size as the State of New York, and it has six million inhabitants. 
We have about two hundred and seventeen inhabitants per square 
mile, and in some parts you will find five hundred people living on a 
square mile. Our working men are very strongly organized. They 
live together ; they stick to one another ; they discuss their interests 
against the capitalists, and you know that in Belgium the working 
people can do what our friend said the working people of England 
will do. We have now more than thirty representatives in the 
Chamber of Representatives. The first part of the representation in 
our Congress are workingmen, or men representing the working class, 
and even in our Senate we have six Socialists, representing . the 
working class. I think it is the only country where there are 
Socialist Senators. I am one of them. 

It is unnecessary to say to you that we are against war. In our 
countiy we have not to suffer so much as in the larger countries of 
Europe from army and navy. We have no navy, and our army' is 
very small. It is organized on the substitutional-conscriptive system. 
It is the only country where that system exists now. The men who 
must go to the army are chosen by lot. All the young men from 
eighteen to nineteen years of age, at a certain day in the year, come 
and must draw a number in a great box, and the men who have taken 
the low numbers must go to the army. But the rich people who get 
a bad number can get another man in their place, so that our army is 
composed only from the poorest. That is a very good thing for the 
Socialists, because we can make propaganda with great success in 
the army. 

In our line we are as free as you here in America, and we can 
make a propaganda. The young men of our Socialist party are con- 
stituted in what we call little groups in every town, so that we can 
make such propaganda. We send everywhere papers in which we 
raise our protest against the army as strongly as it is possible. 
Certain of our workers have said things so strong that they went to 


prison. But in the last few years we have decided not to say certain 
things, and the success of our propaganda is very great in the army. 
We have a Httle country, but we work very strongly against war, and 
we are obliged to do so. Our small countries suffer very much from 
the large armaments of the countries around us, even from the arma- 
ments of France and of Germany. These countries are obliged to 
^et money for the army, 'and they have imposed very large taxes on 
industrial products, and in Belgium we are suffering very much from 
that situation. Our industrial capitalists are obliged to pay small 
%yages to the workingmen in order to make a profit. 

Now, as you know, in the last elections, the Socialist party did not 
have the same success as the first time. We lost three of our repre- 
sentatives in parliament. The cause of it is that we have a very 
curious system of suffrage in Belgium. Here you have general 
suffrage, and one man has one vote. In most of the other countries 
they have the same system of general suffrage. In Belgium it is not 
so. T he poor man has one vote, the rich man has three votes, and 
the middle man has two votes. If in Belgium we could have one 
vote for each man, we should not have thirty-two representatives in 
Parliament, but we should have fifty. The capitalist class fears so 
much that we should become stronger than they in the parliament 
that they have taken the precaution to head us off in our county elec- 
tions — in our county elections our rich men have four votes. 

In the capital of Belgium, Brussels, the Socialists form a third part 
of the representatives, and if we had a single vote for a single man, 
we should have in Brussels a Socialist majority. Here in America, 
frequently, the workingmen have their own candidate for President. 
We Belgians think that it would be a great thing for the working 
party here in America, and that it would do much towards putting an 
end to war, if they would organize a special party, the workingmen's 
party, and have their own candidates at all elections, municipal, county, 
state and .national. 

The Chairman : The gentleman that I shall now introduce to you 
is also a delegate to the International Peace Congress and a member 
of the Social Democratic Federation of Great Britain, Mr. Herbert 


Mr. Chairman, Comrades and Friends ; 1 have to join myself 
heartily with my old and true friend and fellow-worker, Pete Curran, 
in bringing to you the fraternal greetings of the English workers. I 
am glad to see all these women in this audience to-night, for two 
reasons. First of all, because peace is essentially a woman's question 
more than a man's ; and next, because I represeut here to-night fifty 
thousand women Trade Unionists. I also represent — and I am sure 
the women will excuse me for saying this — a movement which I 
helped to found in England some three and twenty years ago, the 


Social Democratic Federation ; and in everything I shall have to say 
to you I shall speak as a Social Democrat, and also as president of a 
trade union. I would not give two pence for a man or woman who 
professes Socialism with the lips and who has not got the courage 
and determination to join the union in their respective trades. We 
want both things together, and I am one of those who go about the 
world, to as many countries as I can, trying to join together the 
Socialist and the Trade Union movements, because when the two are 
combined there will be a responsible effort to secure peace the wide 
world over. 

I have spoken during the last forty years in many countries of the 
world and in many places, and I can honestly say to you American 
people that never did I feel the responsibility of speaking that I feel 
to-night in this hall. Yesterday, under the able and friendly guidance 
of my friend, the editor of the Boston Herald, I went around 'Revolu- 
tionary Boston. Its history was as familiar to me, as an Englishman, 
as to you, and I joined myself, as a revolutionary Social Democrat, in 
every revolutionary idea that my friend put forth. Revolutionary 
history here in Boston centres around this hall. It has been well 
called the Cradle of Liberty, and when I look on these walls and 
hear the echoes of the words of some of the greatest men that the 
world has produced, — Channing, Emerson, Theodore Parker, Wendell 
Phillips, — I feel a very heavy responsibility in speaking on the peace 
movement and in endeavoring to give to you my best thoughts in 
regard to this question. 

Now there is not a man or a woman in the world who, I believe, 
would get up on any platform and say they wanted war instead of 
peace ; that they were getting tired and sick of the comforts of peace. 
Now we want to continue in this peace movement, and we want it 
brought down to a practical basis ; therefore I repeat the words of 
my friend Curran, that this is essentially an industrial question for 
the men and women workers of the world, if it is to be settled satis- 
factorily. In the advancement of peace I shall hope for much from 
the organized trades. I do not hope for anything from the capitalists. 
I look to the workers of the countries as a whole to join themselves 
together in their industrial organizations and to make up their minds 
that we shall cease fighting henceforth and forever. [Applause.] 

What does industrial war mean ? What does your Colorado and 
and your Cripple Creek mean ? It is war, and the worst form of war. 
It is as brutal as that fight we read of the other day in the Russian- 
Japanese war, when a Russian officer and a Japanse soldier were 
found locked in the death grip, with the Japanese having a clutch 
upon the throat of the Russian officer, and with the Russian officer's 
thumbs gouging out the eyes of the Japanese. That occurred away 
in the Far East, but it is as bad and worse in Colorado and Cripple 
Creek. Oh, you shiver; that is horrible. But here, at home in 
America, as in England, — here in Colorado and Cripple Creek, — you 
have got that brutality going on, in the highest form of civilization 
the world has ever seen. 


I appeal to the Trade Unionists here who are not Socialists, and I 
appeal to the middle-class people, too. What is the reason of the 
Colorado and the Cripple Creek business ? It is the reason that lies 
behind the whole propaganda of social democracy. It is slavery. 
Eleven years ago I had the pleasure of standing, on Labor Day, in 
Chicago, with my friend, the president of this meeting, on the plat- 
form with the governor of Illinois and with Carter Harrison, and I 
told the people then — arid I got well hit by the papers for saying 
it — that the workmen were living, as we were living in the old 
country, in a comparative state of slavery. Why ? Because the rich 
class who own the means by which we live can control our lives. 

Oh, but you say you have political equality ! If that is so, why your 
struggle ? It is inherent in the social organization of America, as 
it is in that of every other country of the world. You have in 
America -the best political constitution the world has ever seen since 
old Greek times, and yet your social evils here at home, your Colorado 
business, is infinitely worse than anything we have had before. I cut 
out of the Boston Advertiser yesterday a decision of Judge Swartz. 
A railroad man had been on duty twenty-two hours, and he went to 
sleep. He was arrested, and Judge Swartz declared in hisdecision 
that in case the man had the right to work on a railroad, if he was in 
faint physical condition and liable to fall asleep, no matter from what 
cause, he should discontinue work, even though he should lose his 
position, rather than jeopardize human life by continuing on duty. 
Not a word was said by Judge Swartz to the railroad which worked 
that man twenty-two hours without rest. 

Now that sort of work is not freedom; it is industrial slavery; 
and I am here to-night to say that that is part of the peace question. 
If it is part of the peace question, then to have peace we must abolish 
industrial slavery. That can only be abolished in one way. I agree 
with my friend, the president, that you can solve a great many of the 
questions which confront you by keeping together at the ballot box. 
But why leave all the weapons with the other fellow. If the ballot 
box is good for Morgan and Rockefeller, it is good for you. There 
is no doubt about that. The fact is, you have got to use all sound 
methods in order to advance yourself in the line of social and indus- 
trial progress. Industrial war, as I was saying, must be abolished, 
and it can be abolished only by the people taking the social and 
industrial power into their own hands, and working it collectively, not 
for their own selfish individual advantage, but for the advantage of 
the community at large. That is a big problem, and is n't going to 
be settled to-day or to-morrow, but what we want you to do towards 
industrial peace is exactly what the Peace Congress is asking with 
regard to'^their phase of the peace question. We want you to make 
a beginning. 

Now, if that be so, then it rests on every individual man and 
woman in all the communities of the world to take the subject home 
to themselves. You cannot do the work alone. You must move to- 
gether as one force. You must use your power sanely, intelligently, 


as educated, thinking human beings. I know the goal cannot be 
reached in a day, but I have sufficient faith in human nature to be- 
lieve that this peace movement, industrially as well as socially, which 
is making rapid and gigantic strides in every country of the world, 
will not fail of success. A share of the responsibility for its success 
rests on each man and woman, in your country as in all others. 

You American workmen do as the workmen do in my own country. 
You condemn the rich ; not because they are rich, but because of the 
way they got their wealth. You condemn their luxury ; you condemn 
their debauchery ; but I want to advise you, — you who belong to the 
working classes, — take care that your own lives be cleanly and pure 
before you cast any reflections. Be very careful of that, for that is 
the first step towards the abolition of industrial war. You must re- 
member, as we are trying to do to-day in our Peace Congress, that the 
greatest power in all the world is not the rifle or the bayonet. It is 
the power of thought. Thought is going to solve this question. 

Allow me to give you, as an illustration of what I mean, an incident 
which happened five or six years ago. I went from London as a 
special delegate to attend the funeral of a great man — a man who had 
done more for labor and social democracy in his lifetime than any 
other man that I know of. We took his coffin down from the fourth 
story, where he had lived for many years, and we took it into the 
street, and for the first time the German Kaiser was wise enough to 
keep his soldiers and his police out of the city. Five thousand dele- 
gates were sent from all over the world. Behind his bier marched 
ten thousand solid, sturdy, determined German men and women, Social 
Democrats. We marched through Berlin ten miles. In the cemetery 
we found six thousand of his constituents waiting for us. We talked 
over his grave, representatives from every country, and then the coffin 
made its way, borne on the shoulders of his faithful comrades^ through 
the winding paths of the cemetery, to his modest grave. I could see 
the city of Berlin a short distance away, the city of the Kaiser, that 
we had left behind, but the rays of the setting sun were illumining 
Berlin, and they were reflected back on to the coffin of Wilhelm Lieb- 
knecht. I couldn't help thinking, as I stood there, of the depth of the 
power of that socialistic thought which had been that man's inspirer 
all his life. The dead man in his coffin was mightier than the Kaiser 
on his throne. 

Industrial war can be abolished if you will only realize the power 
of thought, the power of industrial combination, the power of democ- 
racy; and I, for one, have sufficient faith in human nature to believe 
that the great time is not to be deferred for ages. 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of introducing to you 
another gentleman who is in attendance at the International Peace 
Congress, a representative from France, M. Claude Gignoux. Mr. 
Smith of England will interpret to you what Mr. Gignoux says. 



On landing in this country I at once realized how great was my 
loss not to understand or to be able to speak the English language,, 
and I feel it still more keenly now that the duty devolves upon me tO' 
express to you, on behalf of the workers of France, how heartily they 
join in your efforts to secure international peace. 

The workers of France, the organized workers of P'rance and the 
Trade Unionists of France all claim their right to take an active part 
with you in the international efforts to be made to secure peace 
throughout the world. You have for a long time experienced what 
can be done under the method which has been in vogue in the past. 
Now, try and- see what power you can gain among the people by 
preaching the gospel of international solidarity. The French workers 
are unanimously for peace. They know from repeated experiences 
that they have only to lose through war. When was ever any advan- 
tage gained, any increase placed in the pockets of the workingmen, 
through a war. In France we have had the experience of the terrible 
Franco-German war. It may be said that, while the Frenchmen were 
defeated, so that they could not expect much, yet the Germans,, 
who were victorious, — what benefit did the Germans get out of their 
victory over France.? They got this benefit: that whereas in 1848 
there was some hope of freedom in Germany, after the victories over 
France all hope of freedom disappeared, and a greater tyranny reigned 
over that country than ever reigned before. What advantage was- 
brought to the working classes of Germany in return for the war in 
which they won victories in France ? And what do you think the 
working classes of Japan and Russia will get as a result of the war 
now waging, whoever may be victorious ? What compensation can 
victory ever give to the widow and orphan ? 

Never has war been a benefit. Therefore the French workingmen 
have sent me here to preach to you the sacred doctrine of solidarity. 
Nothing can effect one without affecting all. War anywhere is injury 
everywhere. One of the most encouraging things that I have seen 
since my arrival in America is the fact that the great and well-organ- 
ized Federation of Labor in this country, and its president, the presi- 
dent of this meeting, are as one in their endeavor to secure peace. 

While the working classes, by such an organization as the Federa- 
tion of Labor, are endeavoring to obtain some slight share of this 
world's comforts, we have ambitious statesmen and others who con- 
spire to bring about war, and this will sweep away at once any such 
advantage. If in Europe the wages are lower and the hours of labor 
longer than in America, this, in a great measure, is due to the fact 
that m Europe there are older war debts, more past wars, that have 
still got to be paid for. 

And how strange is the contradiction of men of science, who are 
devotmg their brains and intelligence to discover means for preserving 
human life, for securing public health, for improving our existence in. 

1 45 

that way, and yet, at the behest of the state, are inventing fresh 
weapons of destruction. Surely this is a disgrace to our civilization. 

And then we have millions preaching peace everywhere, where 
there is no peace. We have statesmen making all manner of grand 
declarations of how anxious they are to preserve peace, and yet fresh 
wars are continually breaking out. 

It is time to try another policy ; it is time to appeal to other leaders ; 
and what religion has failed to do, what the states have failed to do, 
the organized workers of this world must and will accomplish. You, 
as a people, belong to a republic exercising universal suffrage, and 
you can therefore influence your government. We of the French 
republic, with universal suffrage, can influence our government. We 
are doing so in France. The Socialists are doing so in favor of peace. 
It is for you to do so in America and bring about peace. Then the 
two republics, the republic of the United States and the republic of 
France, hand in hand, can help other nations, and in doing so, in 
helping those who are struggling against greater odds than we have to 
overcome, we" shall help the less fortunate to be more fortunate, we 
shall ultimately bring about equality throughout the world, the soli- 
darity of mankind in a universal republic. 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of introducing to you. 
as the next speaker, one who I am very sure needs no introduction 
The mere presentation of her name is sufficient. She has given her 
life, and has not tired of work for the benefit of her fellows. I refer to 
Miss Jane Addams of Chicago. 


Mr. Chairman : We have been saying, over in the women's meet- 
ing at the Park Street Church, that the thing that is incumbent on 
this generation is to discover a moral substitute for war, something 
that will appeal to the courage, the capacity of men, something which 
will develop their finest powers without deteriorating their moral na- 
ture, as war constantly does. 

The last speaker said he believed that the people who would eventu- 
ally bring peace to the world, political peace and industrial peace, 
would be the workers of the world. I should like to go a little further 
and say that the only outlook which many of us see when we anxiously 
scan the horizon in every direction, the only visible beginning which 
we can find for a moral substitute for war, is to be found in the labor 
movement as it is developing in every land on the face of the earth. 

The first people to conceive the need of modern internationalism 
was, as you well know, an association of workingmen. They were 
organized in London in 1864, and they called themselves simply this: 
An International Association of Workingmen. What did they say at 
their third meeting in Brussels, which was held, I believe, in 1868 ? 
They recommended in their resolutions to the workingmen that when 


war was declared between two countries all the workingmen of both 
should call a strike. What did they further say? They said that 
back of all the governmental officers, back of all the talk, back of all 
the diplomacy, the people that worked with their hands were the 
nation, and they alone should control the destiny of the nation. And 
what has come about now ? If the Emperor of Germany should 
to-morrow, in case of a great war, have to call out not only his stand- 
ing army, but also the reserves, he would produce what would amount 
to an industrial strike of all the men in Germany. They would leave 
the factories, the shops, their professions, and the universities, and 
the Emperor would be surprised to find himself the leader of a tre- 
mendous strike. 

Now, how has this come about ? Many times in these meetings'we 
have heard pretty sermons — pretty definitions of war ; but Von Moltke, 
the great German soldier, also gave us a definition of war ; and his 
definition was that war is just simple destruction, destruction of life 
and destruction of property. Who should protest against this destruc- 
tion ? Who should band together for preserving human life, for keep- 
ing the fields free from the tramping of soldiers, from the destruction 
of the precious bread that men love to have ? I say it is the workers, 
who year after year nourish and bring up the bulk of the nation. Are 
not they the people who stand over against the soldier who destroys i 
The peace movement should be in the hands of those who produce, and 
not be allowed to fall into the hands of those who destroy. 

Let us imagine for one instant the great moral change which would 
come over all the world if people all worked with their hands. It 
would be something like the moral change which came over Count. 
Tolstoy when he quit being a soldier and went to work on his estate. 
Suddenly there came about in him that which religious people call 
conversion. He suddenly saw that the man at the bottom was the 
man who is the saviour of life, because he labors, because he pro- 
duces. As things are now he labors too much. He has to wear 
himself out with work ; he has n't enough to feed his children ; he 
hasn't decent conditions under which to perform his work. But in 
spite of that he has the great blessing of labor, and that in itself is a 
source of life ; it is the source of moral life as well as physical life. 
And it would seem to me that the men who represent labor in this 
large convention which is at present assembled in three halls in this 
city might say to themselves : We hold within our power that which 
will eventually make for universal peace. 

There is enough grain produced each year to feed all the children 
of the world, not merely to keep them alive, as we do now, but to 
nourish them in mind and body. We shall come to the point some 
iay when all human labor will be considered so valuable, and human 
life so important, because it contributes to the great process of civiliza- 
tion, that we will not allow any man, during the prime of his life, to 
be shot down, nor allow him to go forth to kill his fellow men. 

The Chairman: I now take pleasure in presenting to you a 
man who has given his entire life to study and work in the labor 


movement ; a man fully qualified to address himself to the subject of 
international peace, industrial peace and human brotherhood, the 
First Vice-President of the American Federation of Labor, Mr. 
James Duncan. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : It affords me great pleasure 
to stand upon this platform this evening and say a word in favor of 
the resolutions which have been read by our distinguished friend, 
George H. McNeil. I had the honor as well as the privilege of rep- 
resenting my union in the Baltimore Convention in 1887, to which 
he refers, and which declared for the resolutions read to-night. These 
have played their part in bringing about less war and more peace. I 
shall vote for them as heartily to-night as I did in 1887, and I am 
glad to have lived this long, to know that the sentiment then expressed, 
and unanimously so, by my colleagues in that convention is bearing 
good fruit throughout the United States of America and throughout 
the world. It gives me pleasure to meet these representatives of labor 
from abroad and the sympathizers and friends who are with us 
to-night, and to add a word for the great movement on behalf of 
peace, national and international. 

There is no movement in the Western world that has so strenuously 
stood for peace as has the trade union movement. It not only has 
stood for it in an industrial way, but it is ' endeavoring to point the 
way for it outside of the industrial field. We present at the present 
time to the world at large a system of trade agreements for the pre- 
vention of strikes in the industrial field ; and the unions that are best 
organized and have the best systems of agreements have the fewest 
strikes. In each of these agreements we find a clause inserted which 
will, when the people of the world, the working people of the world, 
get well acquainted with it, come pretty near taking the place of war 
as it is carried on between nations at the present time. We meet and 
agree to a certain scale of working conditions. In case something 
arises during the life of the agreement or connected therewith, not 
well understood, we provide that a certain number of representatives 
from each side shall meet and endeavor to settle the matter without a 
strike or a lockout ; and therefore without a suspension of work. 

In the event of the representatives of the workers and their em- 
ployers failing to agree, we yet have a remedy beyond that. We 
have in that same clause in these agreements a provision that a third 
party shall be called in, who shall act as a conciliator or an arbitrator 
upon the dispute, and his decision shall be final. 

If the great powers of the world — and I hope that our own country 
will be the first to adopt the principle of the trade union agreement — 
if the great powers of the world will adopt that clause, that form of 
settlement of disputes that is paramount in the trade agreements in 
the United States, in Great Britain, on the continent of Europe, and 


elsewhere where men are fairly well organized, we shall hear less of 
war and more of peace. 

Nor are we unmindful of the fact that education must be plentiful 
in the communities where working people are found, in order to pro- 
tect our liberties and to make the advances which we expect to make. 
The Trade Unionists stand for free and compulsory education ; and 
there is not a city in these United States of America where it is not a 
fact that they have been the foremost to advocate that system until it 
has been adopted. The best abilities we can command, the greatest 
energy we can supply, is being given at the present time to introduce 
the system of free and compulsory education in these cities where it 
does not now obtain ; and we are not going to let go until every city 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific has a law passed that every healthy 
male and female child shall at least have the opportunity of a fair 
education. We are building the ground work for a future organiza- 
tion built upon education ; we will ultimately present to the world the 
greatest practicable system of eliminating war and introducing, as 
near as possible, universal peace. The weapons of the trade union 
movement, my friends, are the public schools and Webster's diction- 
ary. [Applause.] We want no guns or bayonets in our movement ; 
they are distasteful to us. We even look askance on the high school 
cadets, to whom their teachers give mock weapons of war, that they 
may imitate soldiers on the battlefield. We are opposed to thatj and 
I do not know that there is an organization in the United States of 
America at the present time that is on record as being opposed to 
that system excepting the trade union movement of the country. We 
want to protect the public school system. We want to have upon the 
playground, as well as on the inside of the school, love, fraternity and 
good fellowship by the one child towards the other. [Applause.] We 
do not want them paraded upon our public avenues and the play- 
grounds, either with carbines or painted guns, putting into their heads 
the notion that one of the purposes of the school system of our 
country is to train them to kill other human beings. 

In the industrial field we are taking care of another kind of war. 
If there is one kind of war that is of more concern to us at the present 
time than any other, it is the system of taking our small boys and 
girls at tender ages and rushing them into the mills and making them 
a part of the machinery of our corporations. In this, as well as in 
other things, our trade union movement stands out in bold relief. I 
might present to you the condition of affairs in that corporation-ridden 
state of New Jersey, where it has been so difl&cult to get an anti-child- 
labor law passed. The Trade Unionists there stand up so grandly 
above the legislators and their laws that comparison is almost out of 
the question. The Trade Unionists in New Jersey say, in the laws 
of their unions, that they will not work alongside of child labor. 
Failing in their attempts to secure proper legislation in regard to this 
serious question, they have resolved in their conventions and in their 
organizations in favor of a better system of humanity and progress 
and peace. 


It is true that the peculiar system under which we live, my friends, 
has produced a. great many big men, full of high thought; and I am 
sure, had he lived a little longer, our friend, Samuel M. Jones of 
Toledo, " Golden Rule " Jones, would have been at this Peace Con- 
gress representing not only his own especial kind of Golden Rule, but 
the trade union movement as we understand it. The last time I met 
the good man was on the platform of the New Orleans Convention 
of the American Federation of Labor, and he told me it was the 
happiest moment of his life. Our movement has attracted such men 
as Jones, and many hundreds of others, who are helping to make the 
world better. They are doing the very best they can, and are getting 
excellent results. Our friend Jones, before he was Mayor of Toledo, 
had the proud position of being a judge. The people loved him, and 
why should they not have done so ? One day, while he was judge 
in his court, a poor fellow was dragged into it, and the charge pre- 
sented to the judge was that he had been found in the act of stealing. 
The judge asked what he had stolen. He was told that he had 
broken a window and stolen a loaf of bread. What do you suppose 
our friend Jones did on that occasion ? With a wave of his hand, 
and without waiting for a thought, he fined every one in court ten 
cents and himself a dollar, because they lived under a condition 
where it was necessary for a man to break a window to get a bite of 
bread to eat. 

To be helpful is the purpose of the trade union movement. Our 
trades unions declare that women shall be paid the same rate for 
equal work performed as men. There is n't any other organization 
that I know of that so declares, and so places women where they 
should be, upon the same broad, fair and equal platform with the 
male sex. 

I do not care to take up your time any longer, but I want to say to 
the peace delegates who are gathered here to-night, in behalf of the 
trade union movement, that it will always be found in the front rank, 
struggling for peace and endeavoring to get rid of war. You know 
that we have declared against a standing army, against an increase of 
the standing army of the United States. We have done everything 
that we possibly could do, and will continue to do everything in our 

The Chairman : You have heard the resolutions which have been 
read by Mr. McNeil. You have heard them discussed from several 
viewpoints. I need add nothing to them nor any advocacy of their 
adoption. I shall submit them to you for a vote, as they were read. 

[The resolutions were put to a vote and unanimously adopted]. 

I thank you. This meeting stands adjourned in the hope of inter- 
national peace and brotherhood. 

Zbitt) Business Session. 

Thunday MornlDK, October 6, 1904. 

The President called the Congress to order at lo o'clock, arid read 
a resolution he had received signed by the President and Adjutant of 
the Twenty-Third Massachusetts Regiment Association of Salem, in 
favor of peace and arbitration. 

The Secretary presented various letters and telegrams of greeting 
to the Congress. These are summarized with others at the end of 
the account of the first business session. 

A report from Committee B on Treaties of Arbitration was then 
presented by Mr. J. G. Alexander. 


Let me first summarize for you an extremely valuable and exhaus- 
tive report which comes to us from the Peace Bureau in Berne. In 
accordance, I believe, with instructions given by the last Congress, 
that Bureau has been collecting material from different nationalities 
as to progress made on this subject. I think you will like to know 
here the questions which the Berne Bureau put to the Peace Societies 
in different countries. They were : 

" What permanent arbitration treaties have been concluded by your country .' 
What is, in your country, the general opinion as regards the value of such 
treaties ? What are the states with which your country would have most inter- 
est in concluding such treaties at an early date ? Would people be disposed in 
your country to refer disputes to the Hague Court, or to special tribunals ? Is 
there a disposition in your country to refer all disputes to international arbitra- 
tion, or are people anxious to exclude questions considered to touch national 
honor? Can you specify the treaties of commerce and other treaties which con- 
tain arbitral clauses ? " 

Well, now, to that series of questions answers have been received 
from Germany, from the German Peace Society, represented by our 
distinguished colleague, Dr. Richter ; from Denmark, from the Danish 
Peace Society ; from France, from the Arbitration Society of which 
our venerable friend, Frederic Passy, is the President; from Great 
Britain ; from Hungary — the answer is simply that Hungary has no 
independent treaties ; there is no answer from Austria ; from Italy ; 
from Norway, from the Norwegian Peace Society, signed by the 
President of the Lower Chamber of the Norwegian Parliament ; from 
the Netherlands by the Netherlands League of Peace ; from Switzer- 
land there is an unsigned answer ; from the United States, from the 

American Peace Society, Dr. Trueblood signing the document; and 
from Mrs. Lockwood, who has obtained a letter with replies to the 
questions from the Department of State at Washington. 

Now these answers contain many interesting suggestions, but I 
must pass over many points which I should like to bring before you, 
especially somewhat speculative questions as to the state of public 

I have carefully gone through this report, and I propose just briefly 
to present to you some of the leading points in the answers of the 
different countries. 

Beginning with Germany : Our friends in Germany write in rather 
a low key. They represent the public opinion in their country as not 
being very favorable to treaties of arbitration, nor inclined to attach 
very great value to them. I am sure that this Congress must feel very 
warm sympathy with the friends of peace in Germany. There is no 
great country in the world, probably, where there is more difficulty in 
contending with militarist ideas. But at the same time Germany be- 
gins its answer by saying that there is one treaty of obligatory arbitra- 
tion, and that is, I think, one of the victories that our cause has won 
during the past year for which we must be thankful. To some of us 
it has been a most astonishing thing that of all countries Germany 
should have been induced by our good King, who has proved himself 
such a peacemaker, to enter into a treaty similar to that between 
France and England. 

Perhaps I may repeat here a remark which I found in the admirable 
journal of the French Peace Society. It remarked upon a resolution 
adopted by the German Peace Society couched in somewhat despair- 
ing terms, regretting that their country had not entered upon this path 
of arbitration treaties ; almost immediately afterwards this treaty was 
signed, and the French writer comments that our German friends after 
all have no need to be discouraged, because when they thought they 
were making no progress this great step in advance was being made. 

One other point in the German answer is that they call attention to 
the great advantage there would be in a treaty on the same lines with 

From Denmark the answer gives us valuable information as to early 
Scandinavian treaties of arbitration. It is not well known that the 
Scandinavian nations between themselves at various times had advo- 
cated the principle, and it gives two or three interesting instances. It 
also refers to a resolution adopted during the past year by the Danish 
Lower House of Parliament, referring to the draft of a treaty with the 
United States for the sale of the Danish West Indies to the United 
States. That treaty passed the Lower House, but it was thrown out 
by the Senate. There was a resolution adopted recommending that 
clauses of arbitration referring disputes to the Hague Court should be 
inserted in all such treaties for the future, and although that particular 
treaty came to naught, that resolution stands on the records of the 
Danish House and is a valuable precedent for other countries to note. 

Then the report refers with just pride to the treaty between Denmark 

and the Netherlands, the one absolutely satisfactory arbitration treaty 
which has been adopted during the year, because it is one which 
contains no reservations whatever. It is also mentioned that the Con- 
gress of the three Scandinavian countries, Norway, Sweden and Den- 
mark, held this year at Copenhagen, urged that treaties of that kind 
— without any reservation or exception — should be made between 
those three countries 

The answer from France reports the signing of four treaties of 
obligatory arbitration — those with Great Britain, with Italy, with the 
Netherlands, and with Sweden and Norway. It speaks of treaties 
with the United States and with Germany as the two that would be 
specially valuable to France at the present time. It is noted, also, that 
whilst at first there appeared to be a disinclination on the part of 
their government to make use of the Hague Court, that reluctance 
seems to be overcome, and there is a growing tendency to refer 
disputes to that great tribunal. 

The answer from Great Britain refers to the treaties with France, 
Italy and Spain. That answer was written before the treaties which 
have now been adopted with Germany and with Norway and Sweden, 
so that Great Britain stands party to five treaties of this kind. I 
believe we hold the record in that respect. I am glad to say that of 
my own country. 

The answer from Italy refers to the treaty with the Argentine 
Republic. That treaty was the first concluded which adopted without 
reserve — before the Hague Court, I think, was established — the 
principle of referring all disputes to arbitration. But unfortunately 
the Argentine Senate did not agree to the ratification of that treaty. 
The Italian answer informs us, however, that recently negotiations 
have been reopened with the Argentine Republic, and it is hoped that 
before long such a treaty may be concluded. Negotiations, we are 
informed, are also in progress between Italy and the countries of Peru 
and Uruguay. 

As to the general drift of public sentiment, they tell us that public 
opinion in Italy is favorable to these treaties, but not enthusiastic ; 
that the qualifications that have been introduced into the treaties have 
damped the public enthusiasm. Then they refer to their own special 
difficulty, the feeling of the Italian population which is still under the 
Austrian Empire, and therefore they feel that the treaty of most value 
to them would be a treaty with Austria-Hungary. On the last ques- 
tiori, that of arbitral clauses in treaties, they are able to give us a list 
of no less than twenty-one. 

The answer from Norway speaks of negotiations on foot with no 
less than ten different powers. That answer was written before the 
conclusion of the treaties with France and Great Britain which have 
now been signed. With regard to arbitral clauses, they say that their 
country always inserts such clauses in treaties, if the other party 

The report from the Netherlands is an abstract from a report pre- 
sented a year ago, and therefore it has not referred to the treaty with 


Denmark. It speaks of the general arbitral clause contained in their 
treaty of commerce with Portugal made in 1894, which imposes the 
obligation to refer all disputes between the two countries to arbitration. 

Then from Switzerland we are informed that the Federal Council 
has announced its intention to include arbitral clauses in all treaties 
although there are no arbitral treaties yet. 

So also with the United States : the answer from the United States 
government at Washington, communicated by Mrs. Lockwood, also 
has to state that there are no arbitral treaties yet, although it dwells 
upon the fact that the United States has in many ways shown itself 
favorable to the principle of arbitration. 

I think we owe a great debt to the Berne Bureau and also to the 
different Peace Societies which have taken the trouble to give these 

Now I have to propose, on the part of the Committee, a series of 
resolutions, as follows : 


This Congress records its lively satisfaction at the signature of obligatory 
arbitration treaties since its last session between : 

France and Great Britain. Sweden and Norway and France. 

France and Italy. France and Spain. 

Great Britain and Italy. Spain and Portugal. 

Great Britain and Spain. Great Britain and Germany. 

Denmark and the Netherlands. Sweden and Norway and Great Britain. 

The Congress congratulates the governments of these various countries on 
having thus taken important further steps in the path of juridical relations 
between nations opened by the Hague Convention, and earnestly expresses the 
hope that the movement now in progress for the extension of the provision of the 
Hague Convention in the conclusion of new treaties of obligatory arbitration may 
speedily be adopted by all the signatories of that historic document, and applied 
without exception to every case of difficulty which cannot be settled by diplomatic 

The Congress especially rejoices at the statement recently made by the Presi- 
dent of the United States that his government is now " taking steps to secure 
arbitration treaties with all other governments which are willing to enter into 
them," and trusts that many such treaties may soon be concluded. 

The Congress also especially congratulates the governments of Denmark and 
the Netherfinds on having entered into a treaty of arbitration containing no 
reserves whatever, and commends this as a model ior all future treaties. 

The Congress, noting with satisfaction that the different states are more and 
more intro4ucing arbitration clauses into their various treaties, and especially in 
treaties of commerce, urges on the governments that, in future, this clause 
should refer to the Hague Court all conflicts that may arise out of the interpreta- 
tion of these treaties. 

Perhaps I ought, for the sake of those who have not followed this 
question as closely as some of us, to explain what is the actual bear- 
ing of these treaties. At the Hague Conference there was a proposal 
that for certain subjects, to a certain limited extent, arbitration should 
be made obligatory upon all the powers which entered into that Con- 
vention. When I use that word "obligatory " I want you to note the 
distinction between the word "obligation" and "compulsion." The 


word " obligatory " simply means that the powers bind themselves ta 
refer all cases — or certain classes of cases — to arbitration, and it 
does not mean that compulsion is to be brought to bear upon them 
by some outside force. This Congress has always declined to sanc- 
tion that idea. 

It was proposed, as I was saying, that to some extent at least the 
reference to arbitration under the Hague Convention should be obli- 
gatory, but it was not found possible to carry that into efEect. Some 
of the powers were willing that there should be set up a court and 
that there should be a recommendation to powers that they should, 
in certain cases, refer their disputes to the Court, but they were not 
willing to bind themselves beforehand to obligatory arbitration. By 
an article of the treaty it was left open to the powers, if any of them 
should desire to do so, to go this step further, and to provide by treaty 
that disputes between them should be referred to arbitration. And 
so since the Hague Convention was adopted this movement has been 
initiated for obligatory arbitration treaties, and, as you know, that 
series of treaties was begun by the one between Great Britain and 
France, which to us in the United Kingdom was a source of great 
rejoicing. Our two countries lie so near together. I speak with great 
feeling on the subject, for it has been my lot to spend a considerable 
part of my life in France, and I love the French people as truly as I 
love my own. [Applause.] These two coimtries in the past have 
too often been rivals and enemies, and have inflicted upon each other 
deadly injuries. That these two countries at last have come together 
is indeed cause for great rejoicing. This treaty of obligatory arbitra- 
tion was followed by another series of agreements putting an end to 
a number of disputes which had arisen in the course of time between 
our two countries. There is every prospect, therefore, as far as 
human vision can see, that never again shall war break out between 
France and Great Britain. [Applause.] 

Well, I am sure that this Congress will gladly express itself satisfied 
that these ten treaties have already been concluded, and will go on, 
as we propose, to express the hope that many more such treaties will 
soon be made. 

Then, as we meet in the United States, you will agree that we can- 
not but express the wish that this country, which in so many ways 
has been the mother of this great movement, should very soon make 
up the ground that it has recently lost, and early bring itself into the 
van of this fresh movement. We must likewise express our gratifi- 
cation that the President of the United States in receiving the other 
day the deputation from the Interparliamentary Union told that depu- 
tation that his government was taking steps to secure arbitration 
treaties with all other governments which are willing to enter into 
them. [Applause.] 

As to the treaty between Denmark and the Netherlands, I have 
already explained how we regard that as the one model treaty, because 
it is the only one which puts aside all reserve and fear, and the two 
countries pledge themselves that all disputes shall henceforth go to 

the arbitration of the Hague Court, and not to the sword. [Applause.] 
I need not say much on the last subject, namely, that of arbitration 
clauses in treaties. There ^e already a large number of these (ar- 
bitral clauses ; but what we feel should be pointed out is, that now that 
we have the Hague Tribunal, in all ordinary cases the disputes 
should be referred to that tribunal. In that way we may add to its 
power and influence and help to put an end as far as possible to the 
irregular courts which have heretofore prevailed. That may not be 
possible entirely. In a treaty like the Postal or the Telegraph Con- 
vention it may be more convenient to have a special tribunal. But 
for all ordinary purposes we shall agree that the principle here pro- 
posed is the right one, and that henceforth it ought to be our care to 
see that a reference to the Hague Court is included in arbitral clauses. 
I beg to move the adoption of these resolutions. 

M. Henri La Fontaine explained in French the purport of the 
resolutions offered by Mr. Alexander. 

Discussion then followed upon the report. 

Baroness Von Suttner : Edward the Peacemaker came to Marien- 
bad this year and our Emperor went there to salute him. The result 
of the visit was that an arbitration treaty in the same terms as the 
one signed with France will be made between England and Austria. 
I thought I could bring the news of the signing of this treaty to this 
meeting, but it had not been signed when I left, though I believe it 
will be soon. I want to tell you that the movement inaugurated by 
Edward the Peacemaker has been taken up by our country, and I 
wish it to go on the official report of this Congress that our country is 
not behind other countries. 

Dr. G. B. Clark: The United States unfortunately does not 
appear on the list given by Mr. Alexander ; but it should be lemem- 
bered that the first ruler to propose a treaty of this kind was the 
• President of the United States of America. [Applause.] 

My honorable friend, Mr. Cremer, appeared in this coimtry some 
seventeen years ago with a memorial signed by two hundred and 
thirty-four members of Parliament. He came afterwards with one 
signed by over three hundred; and as a result of that and other 
influences a treaty of arbitration between Great Britain and the 
United States of America was signed by your Secretary of State and 
by Lord Pauncefote on behalf of our government. Unfortunately 
your President and Cabinet are not in the position of the govern- 
ments of Europe, or that treaty would have been in operation now for 
many years. Unfortunately a treaty requires the sanction of a very 
large majority of yo'..r Senate before it can become law, and unfortu- 
nately political questions came in and marred the great movement 
begun by an American and endorsed by an American President. It 
was political reasons that defeated the treaty, and not the desire, I 
believe, of the American people, which was expressed by the Presi- 
dent. It will go down in history that this movement was begun by 

an American President, acceding to the request of my friend, Mr. 
Cremer, and the memorial he brought over. 

Dr. Charles G. Ames : There is one subject which ought to find 
mention, at least, in our deliberations. It may be already provided 
for, but as yet I think it has found no mention. 

After a conference with some other members I am asked to state 
the following as an addition to the resolutions. I do not know 
whether it comes properly at this point or not, but you shall judge. 

" In view of the probability of the meeting of an International Conference to 
continue the worlc of the recent Conference at The Hague, we submit, as one of 
the most important subjects for the consideration of that Congress, the fearful 
and wholesale injustice of permitting nations at war with each other to make the 
territory of neutral peoples the theatre of military operations. We ask, there- 
fore, in the name of simple justice, for a general rule of international law that 
shall defend the territory of non-combatant peoples in every part of the world 
from invasion by belligerent powers." 

Dr. Darby : May I, on behalf of Commission A, simply give 
the Congress the information that the resolution just offered, or the 
substance of it, was submitted to the Commission, which will report 
upon it in due course. 

The Chairman ruled that Dr. Ames' resolution was not germane 
to the resolutions under consideration, and must be dealt with as 
stated by Dr. Darby. 

Hayne Davis: I think the fact ought to be recorded that the 
Olney-Pauncefote Treaty, signed under President Cleveland's admin- 
istration, was approved by an overwhelming majority of the United 
States Senate, and that it failed to become operative only because a 
two-thirds majority was required, and it lacked only four votes of the 
necessary two-thirds majority. [Applause.] It ought to be recorded 
also that the present President of the United States has officially 
announced that this government is even now taking steps to open up 
negotiations for a treaty of arbitration with every nation in the world. 

W. R. Cremer: I regret to say that I find myself differing slightly 
with one of the resolutions and the proposal which it contains. The 
point of difference between me and the Committee is in the clause 
beginning, " The Congress, noting with satisfaction that the different 
states are more and more introducing arbitration clauses into their 
various treaties," etc. 

Now that brings me to a point upon which I feel somewhat strongly, 
and which I tried to explain to the Interparliamentary Conference last 
year in Vienna. I did not press my resolution to a division upon that 
occasion because I found serious differences of opinion among the 
members of the Conference in regard to the proposal to ask the nations 
to establish what I call a court of first instance. 

It does seem to me folly to recommend to nations to refer trifling 
differences of opinion that arise with regard to interpretation of treaties 
of commerce to the Hague Tribunal. 1 want to keep that tribunal in 


reserve, that it may occupy the same position to the world that the 
Supreme Court of the United States does to the States. I believe it 
is quite possible that by instituting courts of first instance they can 
settle all minor cases without referring them to the great tribunal at 
The Hague. 

Let me illustrate. A dispute arises between France and Great 
Britain of a trifling character, but which may contain seeds of a future 
strife. It is very much better that the dispute shall be settled at once 
by arbitration rather than be allowed to grow. I believe that could 
easily be done by a court of first instance. My idea is this, that 
England, say, should appoint three arbitrators, — a dispute of a trifling 
nature and character having arisen upon the interpretation of some 
treaty or upon some other point, — and France should appoint three 
arbitrators ; that the six should appoint amongst them a chairman, and 
if they failed to agree on a chairman that they should have the power ' 
to appeal to the Hague Court to appoint a chairman for them. This 
would be very simple and economical. 

The idea of setting that great tribunal in motion and paying the 
necessary expense would be in itself a powerful deterrent, and pre- 
vent many of the smaller and poorer states from employing its ser- 
vices. But the proposal which I am suggesting, the establishment of 
a court of first instance, would remove that difficulty. There would 
be no difficulty about putting it in motion, no fear of the expense 
incurred. But if the court of first instance after fully inquiring should 
fail to accomplish the object in view, namely, settle the dispute in 
question, then either party should have the power to appeal to the 
great tribunal at The Hague. 

I believe in the majority of instances the court of first instance 
would settle the differences, because the difference in question would 
really pertain to themselves, would be rather of a domestic than an 
international character. Some hesitate to appeal to the great tribunal 
at The Hague from racial grounds. They say that the men who 
compose that tribunal do not understand their particular and national 
interests. And I believe that if such a court of first instance were 
set up it would facilitate the arbitration of all differences between 

I respectfully suggest that the Committee that prepared these reso- 
lutions, or some other authority, should turn their attention to the 
advisability of recommending the establishment of courts of first 
instance, to keep the great tribunal at The Hague in reserve for ques- 
tions of greater magnitude and importance. [Applause.] 

Mr. Alexander : I think we can make a slight modification in 
this resolution. I have submitted it to Mr. Cremer and he says that 
with the modification introduced he will not oppose it. 

I propose that the word " all " be left out, and that we say : " That 
in future this clause should refer to the Hague Court conflicts that 
may arise," etc. 

We must all feel that what Mr. Cremer has laid before the Congress 


is worthy of careful consideration at some future time, but it is impos- 
sible now to take up that point. We are very glad to propose this 
slight modification, which will — to some extent, at all events — meet 
Mr. Cramer's views. 

The Chairman then put the resolutions to vote and they were 
unanimously adopted. 

The Chairman : There is another report from Committee B which 
will be made by Dr. Trueblood. 


Mr. Chairman; The Committee have asked me to report the 
resolution which they have prepared on the subject of a stated inter- 
national congress. It is as follows : 

" This Congress heartily endorses the recommendation made by joint resolution 
of both houses of the Massachusetts legislature in favor of ' an international con- 
gress to meet at stated periods to deliberate upon questions of common interest 
to the nations, and to make recommendations thereon to the governments.' " 

It will be remembered that in the early part of the year 1903, on 
the initiative of the American Peace Society and a considerable num- 
ber of citizens of Massachusetts, the subject of a regular international 
congress was submitted to the legislature of Massachusetts. The 
memorial of Raymond L. Bridgman and others, which had also been 
submitted the year before, was in favor of a world-legislature ; the 
memorial of the Peace Society asked only for an advisory congress 
of the nations. The Committee on Federal Relations, after an ex- 
tended hearing, approved the subject with unanimity so far as we 
know, and the proposition when reported by the Committee was ap- 
proved by both Houses of the Legislature without a single voice raised 
against it. The proposition was sent to the Congress of the United 
States by the Clerk of the House of Representatives of the State of 
Massachusetts, and has since that time been in the hands of the 
Committees on Foreign Relations of both the Senate and the House. 

In the meantime, the proposition has been approved by many dis- 
tinguished business men throughout the country, by a considerable 
number of public men, by eminent private citizens, by all the justices 
of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, by many members of the Bar 
of Philadelphia, by the Mohonk Arbitration Conference, etc. 

At the recent Conference of the Interparliamentary Union at St. 
Louis, held under the auspices and at the expense of our government, 
this same subject was taken up and the proposition heartily endorsed 
in the most important resolution voted by the Conference. 

This resolution was presented by the Interparliamentary delegates, 
through their Secretary, Dr. Gobat of Switzerland, to the President of 
the United States at their recent interview with him. The President 
received the deputation, consisting of nearly two hundred of the lead- 
ing statesmen of the world, with great cordiality, and told them that 


as soon as it was practicable he was ready to call an international 
conference to consider this as well as the other important subjects 
contained in the resolution. 

That is the position of the subject to-day ; and many of us feel that 
the creation of a congress of the nations, to meet periodically for the 
discussion of international questions, is the next great step in the 
movement toward world unity, world harmony and world peace. We 
do not ask yet for a world-legislature, which may come in time, but 
only for a congress for discussion and recommendation. 

There is not time to discuss the matter here to-day. The project 
has been approved almost everywhere where it has become under- 
stood, and it seems clear that the time has come for the first steps to 
be taken in this second part of the great movement for the organiza- 
tion of peace among the nations. The Hague Court is already estab- 
lished and doing its work ; treaties of obligatory arbitration are being 
negotiated now so rapidly that even a specialist can hardly keep up 
with the number. The arbitration movement is coming rapidly to its 
culmination. The time has certainly come when the movement for a 
periodic congress of nations already so auspiciously inaugurated should 
be pushed forward, in order that we may have, as soon as possible, 
the complement and counterpart of the international court. 

The resolution, as it comes from the Committee, seems to me not 
to be full enough, and I propose, in order to make it what it really 
should be, to add the following words to it : " and notes with great 
satisfaction that the proposition has been approved by the recent 
Interparliamentary Conference at St. Louis, and on the recommenda- 
tion of that Corrference is one of the subjects to be put upon the 
program of the new International Conference which the President of 
the United States has declared himself ready to call as soon as 

I move the adoption of the resolution with this addition. 

Hon. Wm. J. Coombs : I certainly approve of the resolution. I 
had come to the Congress with the idea of recommending that the 
various nations of the earth send authoritative representatives to a 
congress for one specific purpose, and that was to codify international 
law. We find that as far as the interpretation of international law is 
uniform there is no difficulty in its enforcement ; but in the case of 
many of the laws which are supposed to govern the nations in their 
relations with one another there is a variety of interpretation. It is 
possible that the plan suggested by this resolution will result in the 
accomplishment of that result, and I shall make no amendment. 

The necessity of the nations understanding the laws which are sup- 
posed to govern their relations with one another is becoming very 
important. The more we limit the grounds of disagreement the greater 
we extend the territory of peace. [Applause.] I believe, however, 
that the representatives to a congress to accomplish that result should 
be the students of international law throughout the world. 

I am glad to have the opportunity to point this out to this intelligent 


Congress, and to ask your attention to the consideration of a subject 
which I beheve to be extremely practical and extremely important at 
the present time. 

The resolution as presented by Dr. Trueblood was then adopted 

The Chairman : I will now call on Dr. Darby to make a report 
from Committee A on the Reduction of Armaments. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen ; I have the honor to present 
another installment of the report of Commission A. The question to 
which this part of our report refers is a very large and important one. 
I think it is in many respects the most important question which can 
come before this Congress. It will help us, however, to keep our 
thoughts closely to one point if I read the resolution which the Com- 
mittee, after going carefully into the various aspects of the question, 
proposes for adoption. 

" The Congress thanks the President of the United States for his promise to 
take the first steps for the convocation of a new International Peace Conference, 
to resume the deliberations commenced at The Plague in 1899. It expresses the 
opinion that the first task of such a conference should be to elaborate and apply 
a definite plan for the simultaneous arrest and the subsequent reduction of the 
armaments which the Hague Conference declared to be a ' crushing burden and a 
constant peril to the whole world.' " 

The terms of this resolution are so exceedingly simple that they do 
not require any elaborate explanation. They refer, however, to a 
state of things of which you on this Continent are ignorant, and per- 
haps I may therefore be allowed to add a few words in support of the 

You are happily ignorant of the crushing burden and constant peril 
that are upon the civilized world and the Christendom of to-day, 
after nineteen hundred years of the preaching of the gospel of good- 
will and peace. I am afraid, however, from what we have heard 
since coming here, and indeed from what had reached us previously, 
that you are in danger yourselves of getting to know what this crush- 
ing burden and this constant menace to peace and prosperity mean. 

The Hague Conference, as you are aware, was called for a definite 
purpose. The object of it, the reason of its existence, is to be found 
in the words of that celebrated letter of the Emperor of Russia 
addressed to the various governments which had representatives at 
his Court. The rulers of Europe had, according to the terms of the 
letter, been at their wits' end to know how to meet the increasing 
expenditures of their governments. For a long series of years, a 
fresh impulse being given to the process by every war that occurred, 
the nations of Europe have been engaged in what a distinguished 
English statesman called "the mad race of international rivalry." I 


will not trouble you with any statistics, nor show how the expense 
has been increased with every new budget for a series of years. A 
very simple illustration will convey to you some idea of the situation. 
A little while before the issuing of that Rescript a discussion had 
been carried on in the European newspapers, originated by a dis- 
tinguished French statesman, in which our good English friend, Mr. 
\V. T. Stead, in a powerful article published in the " Contemporary 
Review," had taken a prominent part. It was during the lifetime of 
the late Czar of Russia, and it is said that at a meeting in Copenhagen 
when he was visiting his relatives there, the matter was first discussed 
with the King of Denmark, who made the public statement that his 
son-in-law was exceedingly anxious to stop the growth of armaments, 
and that the Emperor of Austria was in full accord with their desire. 
But the illustration that I want to use is this : We have, as you all 
know, a comic newspaper in England which serves a very good pur- 
pose indeed. Like the drama, it holds the mirror up, not to nature, 
but to current events, and if the image produced in the mirror is per- 
haps sometimes a little exaggerated and distorted, it nevertheless pre- 
sents pretty faithfully what is going on around. " Punch," at the 
time of the discussion to which I refer, had a cartoon which made a 
great impression. It represented two dragoons, German and French, 
armed from head to foot, riding no two horses, racing towards a 
precipice, on which was the word " Bankruptcy." At the saddle-bows 
of these warriors there hung bags of gold, representing the amount 
of the annual expenditure of these two countries. Well, it was a 
simple picture, but it represented the actual state .of things, not of 
France and Germany alone, but of all the nations of Europe. 

The Hague Conference was called to discuss this question, but 
when it met it was found impossible to deal with it properly. You 
cannot get rid of centuries of rivalry and suspicion in a day, and the 
delegates who came from all parts of the world to form that Confer- 
ence found that the time had not come even to consider how this 
" upward march," as it was termed in the Rescript, — how this 
upward march of expenditure could be stopped. So the Conference 
proceeded, very wisely indeed, to discuss the questions that it found 
to be practicable ; but before it separated it expressed a very decided 
opinion with regard to this terrible evil by which the nations were 
cursed. It declared that the armaments of the civilized world were 
a crushing burden and constant peril for the whole world, and there- 
fore that the nations ought to study the question with a view to some 
relief. Then, in the final Act, before separating, the Conference 
expressed an opinion that further conferences should be called for 
the discussion of important questions. It is to that part of the final 
Act of the Hague Conference that our resolution refers. 

You have heard already of the promise of your President, given 
to the deputation of the Interparliamentary Union, to promote arbi- 
tration treaties with other nations, but the matter to which the reso- 
lution refers is another, — that he would take the first step in calling 


a new conference to deal with the subjects left unfinished at the 
Hague Conference of 1899. 

You will see that no more appropriate ruler could be chosen than 
the President of the United States. The Czar of Russia is, unfor- 
tunately, by the circumstances of the war in the Far East, prevented 
from carrying his beneficent intentions and proposals further, and 
there is no other ruler so free from the complications of European 
competition as the President of the United States. 

Just one word more. The resolution refers to two things that a 
conference should be called for. The resolution is the expression of 
the opinion that the first task of the conference should be to elaborate 
and apply a definite plan for the simultaneous arrest of armaments. 
. That is the first thing, because they are growing still. The Czar is- 
sued a terrible indictment of the whole military system, and everybody 
admits the truth of it. The nations went into that Conference and 
achieved the wonderful results that came of it. But what have they 
been doing since ? Year by year they have been adding to the burden 
which had already pressed heavily on the national life, until to-day 
their normal annual expenditure is, in the case of some of them, 
double what it was before the holding of that Conference. The first 
thing is to stop the mounting upwards of these enormous expenses. 
[Applause.] The next thing, of course, is to lessen these burdens so 
that the peoples of Europe, the working classes especially, may be 
able to live their lives and to do their work in comfort at any rate — 
which is not the case to-day. 

Therefore, our committee asks you, and I hope it will be done not 
only with unanimity but with enthusiasm, to adopt the resolution 
which has been presented. [Applause.] 

Rev. Charles F. Dole : May I, after conference with some mem- 
bers of the Congress, present as pertinent to this resolution and 
adding to it the following : 

" Inasmuch as Secretary Hay, the highest living authority upon the Monroe 
Doctrine, has coupled the mention of this doctrine with the Golden Rule, and 
inasmuch as no European power appears to have designs against any American 
nation, the Congress expresses the opinion that no necessity exists for the people 
of the United States to entertain suspicion towards their neighbors, — the peoples 
of Europe, — or to maintain an increased naval establishment with reference to 
any just or reasonable interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine." [Applause.] 

Mr. Chairman, I submit to the Congress that it is almost impossible 
to do anything with the main resolution as long as the United States 
with its immense advantages in favor of maintaining the peace of the 
world goes on spending a hundred millions of dollars a year in main- 
taining and increasing its naval establishment. [Applause.] What 
can the United States say to any other nation while it is setting an 
example by an increase of its force ? 

Now there is a vague suspicion — it is vague, but the vague sus- 
picions do the most harm —that the reason for this great increase is 
to support the Monroe Doctrine. You will never bring about the 

1 63 

peace of the world by merely external means and by votes, so long as 
the nations of the world are looking at each other with suspicion, even 
while they are reducing their armaments, if you please. You have 
absolutely got to reduce suspicion, and to have the nations look at 
each other through the eyes of trust and affection. 

Now the object of this resolution is simply for the people here. 
We are surely far enough advanced in regard to our thoughts of the 
Monroe Doctrine to assure the people of America that there is no 
need of maintaining any vague suspicions of the peoples over the 

It is perfectly clear that this resolution could not be proposed any- 
where except in America, and it could not be brought up except by 
an American. Yet I cannot believe that any delegate from abroad 
can have any objection to it, and surely I cannot see that any Ameri- 
can can have any objection to saying this much towards removing the 
attitude of suspicion which exists there. 

John I. Gilbert : I move that the motion be laid upon the table ; 
not because I antagonize tbe ideas. I am not prepared to discuss the 
subject now. I do not think this Convention is prepared to consider 
it now, or has time for the consideration of it. And I do not think 
it is quite the place in this World's Congress to introduce matters 
that can be introduced only by an American. 

Henry B. Carrington : I take great pleasure, as an American, 
in seconding the motion to lay Mr. Dole's resolution upon the table. 
It seems to me to be entirely out of place. While our government is 
doing its utmost to bring peace into the world, we should not criticise 
the present condition of its naval armament, which has enabled it, 
without trespassing upon any body, to bring to the extreme East and 
all nations of the world an opportunity to agree upon peace. 

The Chairman : Judge Gilbert has moved that the additional 
resolution offered by Mr. Dole be laid upon the table. A motion to 
lay upon the table is not debatable. The question will now be taken 
upon laying upon the table Mr. Dole's resolution. 

The motion was carried and Mr. Dole's resolution was laid upon 
the table. 

Professor Quidde (interpreted by Dr. Trueblood) : Professor 
Quidde objects to the statement in the resolution that the first task of 
such a Conference should be to elaborate and apply a plan for arrest 
and reduction of armaments. He thinks that the matter of the exten- 
sion of the scope and work of the Hague Court through a general 
treaty of obligatory arbitration is at least as important as the other. 
I propose that we satisfy Professor Quidde by changing the wording 
to " one of the chief duties of such a conference would be to elabo- 
rate," etc. 

Hon. Wm. P. Byles : I am not going to make a speech, though I 


■wanted very much to say something upon this subject. It is a sub- 
ject in which I have been deeply interested for ten or fifteen years. 
Now we have no time for further discussion, and I am bound to enter 
a mild word of protest that the time of this Congress has been occu- 
pied nearly to the end of the second session with so little business. 
So many complimentary speeches have been made, so many unneces- 
sary translations, that immediately when we get to an interesting 
subject we are told that there is no time for debate. 

However, I will just content myself by saying that as a delegate to the 
Conference who has traveled a good many thousand miles to be here, 
I support entirely the motion made by the Committee on this subject. 
There are far more reasons for it than were educed even in the detailed 
speech of my friend Dr. Darby, reasons which I should like very 
much to suggest to the Conference, and I hope at some other time I 
may be able to do so. I earnestly support the resolution offered, and 
I thought there ought to be some support at any rate from outside the 
official Commission. [Applause.] 

Dr. Trueblood: May I say, in response to the remarks of Mr. 
Byles, that it is the wish of the management of the Congress to con- 
duct ever)ahing with the utmost fairness to all, and at the same time 
to avoid as far as possible everything that is superfluous. The 
speeches of greeting have been made as few and as brief as possible 
under the circumstances, and the demand for the translations is so 
large that they cannot in justice be suppressed. 

Alfred H. Love : I move to add to the words " subsequent re- 
duction " the words "and eventual abolition." We do not want to 
temporize ; we want to have something definite. 

Dr. G. B. Clark : I am very much obliged to the Committee for 
adopting in substance the resolution which I sent in some two or three 
weeks ago, but 1 think that there are one or two points where slight 
changes might well be made. The first would be the insertion of the 
word "gratefully" — "gratefully thanks." I think we ought to be 
grateful to the President for the course he has taken. [Applause.] 
The other is to make clear what we want. The form the Committee 
have adopted is not sufficiently clear. After the word " arrest " we 
ought to use these phrases : " of naval armaments, and a simultaneous 
and proportionate reduction of military armaments." As a matter of 
fact even in America you have reduced your military armaments. 
Almost everywhere military armaments are not increasing, but you 
have a terrible increase of naval armaments. Italy alone is reducing 
her naval armaments. The fact is, it is impossible in Europe to 
increase military armaments because in nearly every country of 
Europe every man is obliged to serve, and the only way to increase 
the number would be to bring in the women and enroll them. 

Now the two countries which, I am sorry to say, are leading in the 
mad race of naval increase, are my own country and the United 
States to a certain extent also. We in Great Britain have appealed 


to chancellors like Lord Goshen and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, and 
they have said that if some of the other great nations will agree to 
reduce their naval armaments Great Britain will reduce also. Ten 
years ago we were spending two hundred million dollars a year on 
our navy; now it is four hundred million dollars a year. At this 
Conference v/hich is to be called by your President, we wish to 
announce that we desire that the naval armaments may be arrested. 
I think our government is prepared to consider it, because our revenue 
has ceased to be elastic. 

Then the question of simultaneous and proportionate reduction of 
military armaments must be considered. The Court at The Hague 
now being in operation, and every civilized power having agreed to 
appeal to reason instead of force, there is no need for these great 
armaments. When you are appealing to reason and justice, they are 

Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie, a member of the Committee, explained 
the resolution in French, and suggested that the wording of the last 
part be " the simultaneous arrest and subsequent reduction of the 
military and naval armaments," etc. 

Dr. Darby : I should like to point out that as a simple matter of 
fact the military expenditure of Great Britain has doubled during the 
last five years, quite as much as the naval. I am quite sure Dr. 
Clark will accept the suggestion of the chairman. I think it is desir- 
able that naval expenditure should be definitely expressed as Dr. 
Clark proposes. 

The Chairman : The question will come up first on Mr. Love's 

Mr. Alexander : Will you allow me a word against that amend- 
ment. I believe in the principle of it, yet I cannot but feel that if we 
put those words into our resolution we shall at the present time destroy 
its efficiency. The multitude around us will think it Utopian, and 
we shall thereby greatly weaken the force of our action. 

Hon. John Bryn Roberts: I want to make an appeal to the 
Conference not to move amendments of trifling moment ; not to ask 
for changes unless they are of a fundamental character. We ought to 
leave all these trifling matters to the Committee and confine ourselves 
to amendments of a fundamental character. 

Mr. Smiley : I think the passage of Mr. Love's amendment would 
do great harm to our Conference, and I move that it be laid upon the 

Judge Gilbert seconded this motion, and Mr. Love's amendment 
was laid upon the table, the motion being unanimously carried. 

Dr. Chirurg : Dr. Darby has made a report on the reduction of 
armaments and has also given his able explanations as to the history 


of the Hague Tribunal. He is the first EngUshman among those who 
have spoken that has mentioned the Russian Czar as the man who 
called that tribunal into existence. I fear that the passing of this 
resolution will embarrass our President. We are here a body of men 
for the purpose of peace and not for the purpose of strife. ' My Eng- 
lish colleagues here seem always to be wishing to put force upon our 
President, to get him to take the first step. I wish, in the name of 
peace and love, that when they go home they would influence the men 
in power there. That is the place to begin. The people of England 
are for peace, but the men in power there are the cause of the war in 
the East. Let them withdraw from their treaty with Japan, and we 
shall then have peace in the East, and then we can get some reduction 
of armaments. [Applause.] 

The resolution, with the proposed modifications suggested by Dr. 
Clark and Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie, was then read again, as follows : 

"The Congress gratefully thanks the President of the United States for his 
promise to take the first steps towards the convocation of a new International 
Peace Conference to resume the deliberations commenced at The Hague in 1899. 
It expresses the opinion that one of the chief duties of such a conference should 
be to elaborate and apply a definite plan for the arrest and the subsequent simul- 
taneous and proportionate reduction of the military and naval armaments which 
the Hague Conference declared to be a 'crushing burden and constant peril to 
the whole world.' " 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

On motion of Mr. Edwin D. Mead it was voted that, on account of 
the great amount of business before the Congress, a session should 
be held on Saturday morning. 

The Secretary announced various messages of greeting to the Con- 
gress which he had received, and read a letter from Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie. These appear with the other messages at the end of the 
report of the first session. 

On motion of Dr. Clark, duly seconded, Mr. Carnegie's letter was 
sent to the Committee on Current Events to take such action as they 
should think necessary. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

On Thursday afternoon at 2 o'clock Hon. John L. Bates, Governor 
of Massachusetts, received the delegates at the State House. The 
reception was attended by a large number of the delegates and their 
friends, and the Governor's welcome was most cordial and sympathetic 

After the Governor's reception a considerable number of the dele- 
gates went on an excursion to Concord. 

IPublic /Meeting in TLvcmont Uemplc. 

Thursday Evenins, October 6, 1904. 


Edwin D. Mead called the meeting to order at 8 o'clock and intro- 
duced Prof. Francis G. Peabody of Harvard University as the pre- 
siding officer of the evening. Professor Peabody thereupon took 
the chair and said: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : The subject of our Conference this evening 
is " The Responsibility of Educators in creating Right Ideals of Inter- 
national Life," and I am to have the pleasure of presenting to you 
several speakers of various nationalities who will enter into the 
details of this intensely interesting question. 

Allow me to detain you for a moment with a word concerning the 
subject in its most general form. There are certainly many aspects 
of our contemporary life which give to the praise of peace to-day a 
touch of irony. On the same page of the paper on which are reported 
the proceedings of one session of this gathering one may read the 
report of new slaughter in the East and of new battleships at home. 
And yet, in the face of these apparent obstacles, we maintain an 
ineradicable faith that the world is moving toward peace. 

What possible ground have we for this inextinguishable faith ? 
Partly our sentiment of fraternity and compassion. Yet it is not 
merely a sentiment which is so persistent and so commanding, 
f artly the horror of war. Yet the modern man does not fear to fight 
or to sacrifice for a worthy cause. Partly the amazing effect of a 
gathering like this or of the Hague Tribunal. Yet it is impossible 
to weigh these demonstrations as against the weight of the incidents 
of warfare without a shade of disappointment. The grounds of our 
faith are not purely sentimental, nor incidental nor contemporary, but 
they are essentially reasonable and lie in the emergence of a new 
aspect of truth, which it is for educators to enforce and for the edu- 
cated, first of all, to recognize. 

This new aspect of truth which now compels the allegiance of all 
educated people is of course the sense of unity, of interdependence, 
of correlation which binds together equally the forces of nature and 
the destinies of nations. Here is a truth which was first dis- 
closed to men of science in the doctrine of the correlation and the 
unity of physical force. It was taken over into philosophy in the 
doctrine of the social organization, the one body with its many 

1 68 

members. It was recognized in relation as the East and the West 
began to touch one another, and we became aware as the world 
never knew before that God had made of one blood all the nations 
of the earth. And, finally, the statesmen and the politicians discerned, 
when they were acute enough, that the welfare of one man demanded 
the welfare of all ; that international peace was the foundation of 
intranational welfare ; that the world, in short, was one world, with 
its interests not divided but in common. 

This is a truth disclosed to the educated, a truth of academic 
learning. But more or less imperfectly this great truth of modern 
education is beginning to enter like an instinct into the habits of 
mind of the present day, and to a person thus educated in the sense 
of the unity of the world, what anachronism could be so monstrous 
as the thought of a divided, fighting, warring world ! [Applause.] 
To the scientific mind such a thought of a divided world is simply 
unthinkable. To the philosophical mind it is a sheer survival. To 
the historical mind it is a perversion of human history. And to the 
religious mind it is simply an insult to the unity of God. [Applause ] 

In other words, it is not necessary that education should primarily 
concern itself with the subject we have in hand ; for, whether it will 
or not, the very processes of education through their own develop- 
ment and expansion make irresistible the way we want the world to 
go. [Applause.] It is one of the most curious facts of modern life 
that many of the causes which have been much urged in many ways 
have been suddenly in our time reinforced by the new conditions of 
the world. Take the case of temperance, for instance, which has 
been prayed about and preached about and yet has seemed to move 
with unjustifiable slowness. In our time, from a wholly unexpected 
quarter, there has come a help to the cause of temperance — and 
whence ? From the conditions of modern industry. The very age 
of the machine has brought with it a new demand for accuracy, 
sagacity, persistency, sureness of touch and sureness of eye, and these 
demand thoroughness. And so thousands of factories and railways 
demand abstinence in the name of industry. And it is altogether 
probable that the most important contribution to the cause of tem- 
perance to-day is made — all unconscious of its significance — by 
the new order of the industrial world. Precisely in the same way the 
work of education contributes, often unconsciously, yet irresistibly, 
to the cause of peace; and underneath the movements which we 
try to advance lies the inevitable advance of the sense of the unity 
of the world. We give ourselves, therefore, to these underlying cur- 
rents, which we do not create but to which it is our wisdom to con- 
form. The eddies of the tide may seem to make the other way, but 
the deeper channels of the thought of the age are moving irresistibly 
toward the unity of the world. 

You remember how, year after year, the Arctic explorers started 
up the Greenland coast to reach the pole, day after day tramped over 
the moving ice, and then at the day's close found that they had been 
opposed by a great underlying current that had swept them and the 


pack of ice beneath them backward, southward, until at the day's 
close they were farther south than when the day began. And then, 
as you remember, Nansen tried the other way of approach, — from 
the Siberian end, — and gave himself and his ship to the great polar 
current, and though it seemed to hem him in, it bore him on through 
weary days and months until at last he was farther North than he 
had ever hoped to be. That is the kind of underlying movement of 
intellectual life of the age to which a movement like this entrusts 
itself, and though we are shut in and shut out and seem bewildered 
and baffled by the circumstances of the time, the polar current of the 
movement of thought may carry us farther than ever to-night we dare 
to dream. [Applause.] 

I have the pleasure now of presenting to you, as the first speaker, 
Mr. G. H. Perris of England, the editor of " Concord," who will now 
address us. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : The title which is given to 
us upon the printed sheet is " The Responsiblities of . Educators in 
regard to Peace and War," but I should like at the outset to suggest 
to you that these responsibilities are not — as many responsibilities 
are — of an onerous, or at least of a painful, character. I cannot 
help saying this at the outset, because to me it is always one of the 
delights of the year to come to the International Peace Congress. I 
meet there men from every clime, men born in circumstances as differ- 
ent from my own as it is possible to imagine, men who, if they had not 
been liberated from the traditions and prejudices in which they were 
born, would have believed themselves to be my enemies, the enemies 
of my country ; but men who by the exercise of some reason, per- 
haps also stimulated to some extent by the incidents of their life, 
have come to see that as a matter of fact men are brothers. It is 
one of the great pleasures of the year to meet the peace workers who 
have given years of their life with utter unselfishness, under difficulties 
which in this happy New World you do not know, in going about the 
old countries of Europe preaching peace. To me these are heroes 
of a warfare more sacred than any other warfare which has ever been 
pursued on earth. And I beseech you young men and young women 
whom I see in this hall to-night to join us and taste the pleasure 
which comes to those who have become international men. 

Now I suppose that nobody ever really defends war outright. 
Nobody in his senses stands up and says that he would desire fight- 
ing. It is perfectly true that some misguided persons, when they find 
fighting going on, or when they have some other reason for wishing 
for an object which is to be obtained through fighting, discover ex- 
cuses, presumed justifications for provoking warfare. But no one in 
his right mind follows this course. No one can really believe that 


war is a school of bravery, of courage, of chivalry, to such an extent 
as to think that we should deliberately enter it for that purpose. 
Therefore we have to ask ourselves why it is that so many people do 
excuse existing warfare and prospective warfare; why it is so many 
are given to discovering virtues in the horrible scenes which we have 
continually reflected in our newspapers at the present day. And if 
we do so, we shall find that in the main this attempt at justification 
and excuse, and even glorification, is due to ignorance of the real 
facts of warfare, or to the apathy of the persons to whom those pleas 
are addressed, or to the survival of ideas which have really lost all 
their vital force in society as we have it to-day. 

There was a time when warfare contained moral qualities. I, to- 
day, like to read Fenimore Cooper. I read an account a few days 
ago of an incident in Manchuria — I will try to recite it to you. In 
the dawn of the morning a Russian detachment was sent out to cap- 
ture a Japanese trench. They killed the whole of the Japanese body 
in this trench and took it. The whole scene was covered with fog ; 
they saw neither their own friends nor their enemies; they were 
drowned in fog. After they had been there in the cold dawn under 
this mist for an hour or two, there began dropping upon them, at first 
by accident, and then gradually into a well directed leaden shower, 
the shells of the Japanese, who had found the range of the trench. 
This went on for several hours, and at last the trench became unten- 
able. One by one the remnant of the Russian soldiers, still invisible 
10 others, still not seeing either their friends or their foes, deserted 
the trench, and a feeble remnant pursued their dangerous way down 
the hillside and managed to regain their comrades. Now I cannot 
give you the impression which the details of this made upon my niind. 
What I felt was that it was a complete automatic process out of which 
the whole of the human element had died. They did not know what 
they were doing ; they were in the dark the whole time ; nothing ap- 
peared to them but this shower of leaden shells extinguishing so many 
precious lives. 

The fact is, of course, that under the pressure of modern invention 
warfare has fundamentally changed its character. As the great Rus- 
sian sociologist, Jean de Bloch, has proved to a demonstration, it has 
become a process of wholesale manslaughter by machinery. All 
those elements which tended to the uplifting of the soul have gone 
out of warfare ; it has become indeed, as one of your great generals 
said, " Hell." 

Now, therefore, the men who attempt to justify warfare by an ap- 
peal to the old' incidents of history, the heroic wars of the past, the 
wars for liberty, the wars for great ideas, are ignoring this fundamen- 
tal change in society, due mainly to invention. They are ignoring 
the facts of evolution, and they are proving themselves to be as little 
scientific as they are human. I maintain, therefore, that we of the 
peace movement are not simply humanitarians, we are the true scien- 
tists. Warfare is not simply brutal, but it is also in its processes 


utterly out of harmony with our modern life, with the tendencies of 
our time. 

I venture, especially, to say to you who are engaged directly in the 
work of education that it is the duty of every reasonable and sober 
person on every occasion, in the school room, on the railway, in the 
street, in the business office, in the home, to tackle that insane, that 
most rudimentary and ridiculous idea that war is to be regarded as a 
species of sublime sport to be engaged in by specialists, to be watched, 
to be discussed simply upon its strategic and its tactical side, without 
any regard to its terrible effects, its degrading influences upon both 
the participants and the spectators. 

Perhaps the greatest enemy that the ideas of peace have to 
encounter, and that, therefore, the educators of the world have to deal 
with, is the apathy of the populace who are enjoying the condition of 
peace and who, through lack of imagination, do not realize the horrors 
of warfare, and above all do not realize the responsibilities which 
attach to them. 

This meeting is addressed specifically to educators ; but every 
country which is self-governing should be an educator to every country 
which is not self-governing ; every country which is enjoying freedom 
should be a lighthouse for the world ; a country enjoying the pros- 
perity of the United States has a responsibility far above that of those 
countries of the Old World which are oppressed, which are deliberately 
kept in ignorance, where congresses of this kind are never held. 
There are still several countries of that character. There is no peace 
society in the Empire of Russia; not because there are no friends 
of peace in the Empire of Russia, — there are probably more friends 
of peace there than in any other country in the world. [Applause.] 

I think that these international Peace Congresses have had this 
important effect, that they have taught the members of the congresses 
to deal plainly with their own governments upon questions of peace 
and war. I will not attempt to give you suggestions upon this point, 
but I will say that in every nation there is a natural hesitation to 
apply to one's own country the precepts which would be applied to 
other countries. We hesitate too often to apply at home the lessons 
which we are only too ready to preach abroad. But in this respect 
the friends of peace have made some advance. In the last few years 
we have had to meet a good many difficulties. During that horrible 
war in South Africa the friends of peace in England stood up bravely 
in public, in buildings and out of buildings, at a great deal of cost and 
inconvenience to themselves, and told the plain truth about it. Plain 
truth-telling is the first requisite in the education of the world towards 
peace. The man is no patriot who will not dare to tell his own fellow- 
citizens and his own government that which he knows to be the truth. 
[Applause.] When we are prepared to tell our own people what in 
the silence of our hearts we know to be the truth, we shall have taken 
the first step towards removing the apathy which is the great obstacle 
to organized peace throughout the world. 

And, then, we must make an educational propaganda in the schools. 


The false idea of patriotism is already well corrected in those who 
are used to hearing such words as we have heard from our presiding 
officer to-night. But the great mass of the people who live far removed 
from universities, who get little of the higher ranges of education, 
still need to be told how ancient, how false is the old idea of patriotism, 
still need to be taught that the best type of patriot is the one who is 
also, as I have said, the international man, the man who realizes that 
national patriotism is but a stage toward a larger patriotism, in exactly 
the same way that your Boston patriotism is a constituent of your 
national patriotism. There is a large work to do in this respect in 
the schools of our various countries in training the children in right 

In conclusion let me say that there remains a whole range of 
educative work to be done in regard to the character of industry, of 
commerce, and of all those contributory processes which bind the 
nations together. ' 

If our children were taught what is the true nature of commerce 
alone, they would begin to feel instinctively that there is something 
ridiculous in the attempt to teach them that the foreigner is an enemy. 
The foreigner is the man who buys your goods ; the foreigner is the 
man who is working to provide you with something that you want. 
In fact, the commerce of the world, the art of the world, the science 
and thought of the world are building up, slowly but surely, the 
federation of man which the poets and the apostles have sung. And 
all that we of the peace party can hope to do is to expedite this 
movement by making people conscious that it is a law of nature and 
society that force shall get out of the world to make room for increas- 
ing cooperation, that all the processes of civilization are processes of 
cooperative life, and that this process is destiny itself. 

The Chairman : I have the very great pleasure of presenting to 
you next a speaker whom some of you have already come to know 
and to appreciate, and to whom I wish to give our united greeting in 
the bonds of international peace. I present to you the Baroness von 
Suttner of Austria. 


Mr. President : I suppose you have called me to speak a few words 
on the ground that generally women are the true educators of men. 
[Applause.] Well, you applaud, but I was of a different opinion. 
1 think that the women, if they are to educate the next generation for 
peace, must be educated themselves. [Applause.] We must try to edu- 
cate them to that great task, for as women generally go, I am sure there 
are among them, just as among men, those who will try to make good 
soldiers and good patriots in the old sense of the word. They are 
more conservative than men ; certainly they hate and detest war, but 
they believe that it must remain, and as they have that great error, 


and as they will try to instigate warlike instincts in their sons, — and 
those women are the majority, I am sorry to say, — they must be 
educated. We do not say to our sisters, " Go and speak to your sons 
of the glory you feel that there is in war." We say, " Learn to know 
that war is unnecessary, and that you can nobly educate your sons 
against war ; and when you have learned that, then only will you be 
good teachers." 

I have felt that among the happy features of this Congress one of 
the best is that a special meeting has been introduced for the educa- 
tion of such. There are many other happy features about our Con- 
gress in this land of the thousand possibilities, as it is called, and 
which I would even call a land of vanquished impossibilities. [Ap- 
plause.] The Secretary of State greeting the Congress of Peace and 
proclaiming the Golden Rule as the foundation of state life, — that is 
a thing altogether new, and never heard of in any other country. 
But the most impossible thing of all I have experienced to-day. A 
greeting came, a telegram that was read to us by the President in the 
usual words. I listened and when I heard the signature of this tele- 
gram I was quite astonished. Well, this telegram was signed, " The 
Twenty-Third Regiment of Infantry of Massachusetts." [Applause.] 
Only think I the Twenty-Third Regiment ; there is no reason why the 
Twenty-Fourth Regiment should not be of the same opinion. [Laugh- 
ter.] I think that is a very happy thing. On the day when the 
soldiers turn to educating the people in the way of peace, then we 
shall have won our cause. [Applause.] 

Mr. Perris was speaking of Bloch ; that was why I was thinking of 
the possibility of a military peace movement. Bloch addressed his 
teaching to prominent soldiers ; he wanted to educate them to have 
the courage to investigate the situation ; and he taught them to go on 
and honestly to investigate and to tell the world that war as waged in 
the past is impossible in the future, and that we must desist from 
further war and introduce another system for the solution of quarrels. 

The educators who are here have learned by experience that the 
first and the second lesson do not suffice. The officers who heard 
Bloch did not heed his teaching, but they told their peoples that war 
is and must remain the only means of settling international questions. 

I remember another educator ; he was one who educated mankind 
by art, by painting. It is not only by words and history and science 
that mankind is educated ; it is also by art. The painter I mean was 
Verestchagin. [Applause.] I knew him very well ; he was a friend 
of mine. When he came to Vienna where he made his exposition of 
the Napoleon pictures, he related to me how he had seen all the 
scenes he painted and what impression the pictures made on the 
people, and not only on the people. When he showed his pictures to 
the Emperor of Germany, William the Second, the Emperor said to 
him, " My dear Verestchagin, your pictures preach peace better than 
the peace societies." He went to the places where those things could 
be seen, because he wanted to paint them accurately. War pictures 
that had been previously painted were an encouragement to war. 


There was always a general on his white horse going into a burning 
village, and a few young men lying about dying, with a smile upon 
their faces, and repeating the Latin words : " It is sweet and glorious 
to die for one's country." Those pictures were on the walls of all the 
princes' apartments, but the pictures of Verestchagin have not entered 
there, and officers are not permitted to go and look at them. Verest- 
chagin was an apostle of peace, and he has died as a martyr of peace. 
He wanted once more to face his enemy, to let him say what he would 
do in the next war, and to be able to show that to his contemporaries. 
But this time war would not permit that one should look at his un- 
masked face; it had become too terrible. And not wishing that 
Verestchagin should paint its new horrors, it killed him. The ship 
that bore him, while he held in his hand his sketch book, was blown 
into the air and went down with six hundred of the crew, and Ver- 
estchagin died a martyr to his cause. 

I called it ^ happy feature that education should be made one of 
the subjects of this Congress, and I called it happy because it is a 
token that the movement is already very advanced. For one wishes 
to teach only that which one believes and which is founded on fact 
and on science. A fact which is not yet proved, which is only wished 
and which is in contradiction with every law, cannot be taught, it can 
be aimed at, but those who do it are revolutionists. We can't teach 
our children to make revolutions, we can only teach them to expand 
that which is already a fact and a possibility and which is already a 
well-grounded principle of science. That the peace movement has 
come to this point is proved by the fact that you educators are ready 
to take in hand our movement. 

It would be very difficult in a country where there is no freedom, 
even now that the peace movement exists, to teach the children about 
it, because schools are under official supervision, and it would be quite 
impossible to teach anything which is in contradiction to the laws of 
the country. And the law is in our country that every man shall be 
drilled to kill the men of a people with whom we may be at war. 

But though it is difficult in our European countries, I must say that 
it has been tried, and we have peace-loving teachers' societies in 
France even. Our great friend Frederic Passy and his co-workers 
have had a course of lectures on peace in the Sorbonne, and societies 
for the education of women exist in France, and societies for peace exist 
in Germany. But they can't expand in the way in which they can here. 
When here men who are interested in the peace movement, and who 
are at the same time educators, take in hand to teach the children the 
facts of the peace movement, and the great truth of it, then a most 
necessary and important work will have been accomplished. And 
such I trust will be the case. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I have the honor of presenting to you as the next 
speaker Prof. Theodore Ruyssen of France. 



Professor Ruyssen spoke in French, and his address was inter- 
preted by Mr. Alexander as follows : 

Professor Ruyssen spoke of the progress of pacific education in 
France of late years. He reminded us that in order to understand 
the history of France in recent times it was necessary to go back to 
the events of 1870-1, to what they call in France "the terrible year." 
The generation which succeeded that year, in which France lost so 
many of her sons and two noble provinces, had been trained in war- 
like beliefs, and it was not unnatural that they taught the generation 
of school children the idea that they must look forward to a war of 
revenge and some opportunity that would enable them to recover those 
lost provinces and this lost prestige. And so for many years that idea 
was put before the children in the schools of France. Happily, time 
has done its work on both sides of the frontier, and especially in 
France there has been a notable reaction in favor of pacific education. 
Prizes have been offered for historical books written in a spirit of 
peace, and great efforts have been made to exclude from schools those 
pictures which dwell on war and praise war and inculcate the idea of 

At the Nimes Congress of the peace associations of France held a 
few months ago there was a large attendance of teachers from differ- 
ent parts of the country, and just as an instance he cited a remark 
made by one of these teachers. One of them told how in his ■ class 
he had given a lesson on the Russo-Japanese War, and had pointed 
out that it was carried on on neutral territory, and how he had asked 
for the opinion of his pupils about this war of revenge. 

Then, again, the peace societies of France are teaching by the eye. 
They have prepared a series of stereopticon slides, and by the help 
of a society among the teachers of France they have made arrange- 
ments for six hundred lectures to be given this winter. 

The success of this movement among the teachers may in a measure 
be judged by the opposition it has aroused. There has been formed 
a patriotic league of teachers in opposition to those who are peacefully 
inclined. A teacher in Paris became alarmed at the thought that the 
children of France would lose this idea of the revenge that is to come 
some day, and he therefore founded this so-called patriotic league. It 
happened that two months afterwards this teacher, who was a very 
respected teacher, and who had been a member of the general council 
of the great teachers' association in France, when the election took 
place for the renewal of that office, was thrown out by a very large 
majority, and a pacific teacher was put in his place. [Applause.] 

Those who are engaged in this propaganda are shamefully abused 
by what is known as the Nationalist press in France. They are called 
traitors, enemies of their country, suborned by England or by Germany. 
And they regard this abuse as the measure of the great success which 
they are obtaining. 


And then Professor Ruyssen closed by saying that one of the 
objections made against them is that they are weakening the spirit of 
the children of their country, training a generation which will not 
grow up with the strong ideals of the past. Their reply is that it is 
more patriotic by far to raise the minds and the intelligence of the 
country, and to direct the thoughts of the children to peaceful pursuits, 
than to direct their thoughts towards war and brute revenge. 

Then they are told : " You are alone in this teaching. In other 
countries people are continuing to teach the children that they must 
fight for their country, and by and by France will be isolated ; it will 
be the only country that has these peaceful ideas, and all the military 
countries around it will come down upon it." 

As to that, Professor Ruyssen appeals to this Congress that he and 
his fellow-countrymen can go back and assure the people of France 
that they are not alone, but that in Germany and England and in the 
United States also teachers are doing what the teachers are doing in 
France ; that they are instilling into the minds of the children a hatred 
of war and a love for peace. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : In the mischievous war now proceeding in the 
Far East it is most dramatic to remember that neither party, as has 
been said, is fighting upon its own territory, but that both are contend- 
ing for some share of what still remains a neutral kingdom, the vast 
kingdom of China. 

I have the honor of presenting to you Dr. Yamei Kin of China, to 
whom we shall listen with the utmost consideration in whatever way 
she sees fit to address us. 


The various arguments and all the sentiments that I have heard 
expressed throughout these meetings come home to me with such a 
familiar ring, — that peace is the foundation of all good ; that from 
an economical point of view it is to be desired ; that we cannot get 
the best good out of the people unless they are at peace. It all comes 
home to me, as I have said, with such a familiar ring. For that is 
what has been instilled into us Chinese for many and many a genera- 
tion. But as every truth going through each people takes on a little 
different angle, being reflected in a little different way, so perhaps it 
may interest you to analyze what in our language is our word " Peace." 

One of the Chinese words that is used most commonly in contra- 
distinction to war is a word composed of two syllables. Our language, 
you know, is one which appeals to the eye as well as to the ear, and 
every word of our language is composed of signs which carry with 
them a certain pictorial significance as well as the significance of 
sound. The word which stands for " Peace " in contra-distinction to 
" War " is composed of two syllables. It is the roof of the house, the 
eaves of a house and a dwelling underneath the eaves. The symbol 


for woman and the word peace in our language is that of home, 
mother, the family. [Applause.] 

Now this will give you one of the ways in which we Orientals have 
learned how to hold fast to the human, to the mind, to that reflectual 
something which you in your philosophy have termed the " human 
being," and yet which is composed of such a bundle of contradictions 
that indeed your Apostle has said : " That which I would, I do not, 
and that which I would not, that I do." So the manner in which we 
have composed this word shows you one of the ways in which it was 
felt that it was well to hold on to this human element, that this human 
being may through the power of the emotions raise itself up to the 
height which we ourselves know, which our intellect tells us is right. 

And so, holding fast to the integral meaning of this word, — home, 
mother, the family, — remember that we have lifted this word " Peace " 
up CO the height of the emotions. 

Now probably to the very intellectual people of the United States, 
to this honorable Boston audience, I may seem quite beside the mark 
when I tell you that emotion is one of the great means by which we 
can control the human heart. [Applause.] It is the emotions that 
govern us, and it is through the emotions, friends, that the great 
things of this world are done. We need the intellect to guide us, to 
keep us from going astray ; but the great motive power of this world 
is emotion — you call it love. [Applause.] 

So taking hold of this great motive power, symbolized in the con- 
crete form of home, of all that is dearest, and extending the idea to a 
wider and wider circle until the whole human family is taken in, we 
may bring the whole world to peace. The duty lies upon every 
human soul, the responsibility to inculcate this, to spread it abroad, 
not to the children alone, but to all that are about us. 

For what is there that we can teach so great as love, what is there 
that will teach us as does love — the love of hvmianity, which after all 
is only the expression of the love of the great Infinity, for that great 
love which shall swallow us up, welding us into one great perfection 
at the end of all things. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : The Apostle of the Simple Life is no stranger 
here. We have all read what he has written for our admonition, our 
rebuke and our inspiration. I have the honor of presenting to you 
Pastor Wagner of Paris. 


Pas'^or Wagner spoke in French and was interpreted by Mr. 
Alexander as follows : 

Pastor Wagner says he has been asked to speak in French probably 
because people think he is in danger of forgetting his native tongue. 
He assures us that there is no danger of that happening. He tells us 
that he has made two voyages, one across the Atlantic and one 


through the intricacies of English grammar. [Laughter.] He takes 
up the closing remarks of Professor Ruyssen that we need good 
neighbors near us, that we need that others should be teaching peace 
as well as ourselves. 

The French have long been considered as very troublesome 
neighbors ; they are those wicked, troublesome rabbits beside whom 
no one can live and who must be exterminated. They used to sing 
warlike songs, but that is all changed since they have become a 
Republic, since everybody in France has lO become a soldier. Every- 
thing is changed now, everybody must learn war. But no one wants 
to go and conquer foreign lands. They have learned that Pasteur is 
better than Napoleon. 

Pastor Wagner is himself an Alsatian, and as an Alsatian he would 
invite their German neighbors to teach the same things. Every time 
he goes to Germany he repeats the same things to his German friends ; 
he believes that in education you have to do as you do with nails, — 
you have to strike and strike and strike again. 

He is very grieved that his dear, beautiful country of Alsace, which 
ought to be a bond, a means of union between France and Germany, 
should, on the contrary, have become an apple of discord between 
them, and that because of this difficulty bver Alsace the world is 
suffering from the horrors of the armed peace which now exists. 

But he believes that there are means of repairing this great evil, 
and that Alsace can become the bond of union. He does not see 
why both languages should not be allowed to be spoken in Alsace. 

He was within himself two persons ; his grandfather was a German, 
his father was a Frenchman, and he feels that both nationalities reside 
within himself, and that these two individuals manage to get on beauti- 
fully together. [Laughter and applause.] 

He thinks that if only some such arrangement as that were made, 
by which Alsace could be made free to both nationalities, then they 
would be the means of bringing the two great countries between which 
Alsace lies to march together for the good of humanity. 

In visiting Germany last year he met with men of great learning 
and scientific attainments, but utterly ignorant of the state of opinion 
in France and what was going on in France. And he thinks that if 
only Germans and Frenchmen mingled in Alsace this ignorance would 
be dispelled, and thus in the midst of Europe there would be a place 
for fraternization, a centre of concord and harmony. [Applause.] 

The Chairman next introduced Rev. Walter Walsh of Dundee, 


Mr. Chairman .• I am a citizen of a country which used to claim 
a proud preeminence in education. I am happy to say that that pre- 
eminence is passing away because the other nations are coming up. 

I am happy to be in a city where I know educators in schools live, 


and where temperance and kindness to animals are taught in the 

War is the great stupidity — the great stupidity of the world. 
[Applause.] And as the school is the army which marches forth 
against the hosts of ignorance, we want all the teachers to enter the 
lists against the hosts of ignorance in regard to war. 

We know how in Great Britain the whole machinery of the school- 
house has been prostituted to the degradation of the minds and 
spirits of the children of the country in regard to this subject, and 
because we know this we can speak of the immense, the unparalleled 
importance of teaching the young minds the arts of Christianity and 
of good citizenship and of peace. 

We want our children shown that war is the great inhumanity- — 
inhuman to the very animals concerned, not to speak of the men. 
Hundreds and thousands of horses are cruelly done to death in war, 
lingering in long agonies on the battlefield before death comes to 
their relief. We ought to teach our children to have pity upon the 
dumb and suffering innocent creatures. [Applause.] 

We want our children taught the economic waste and foolishness 
and positive silliness of war. [Applause.] We want them taught 
that the money must be spent on the arts of peace, in making roads, , 
draining morasses, and making the deserts blossom like the rose. 
[Applause.] We want the children taught how to go forth to the 
waste places of the earth as civilizers and helpers of their brothers, 
and not as destroyers. [Applause.] We want them given lessons 
very strongly bearing upon the human, the economic and the Christian 
aspects of the peace movement. We want these things taught in our 
schools specifically and continuously. Only in this way can we raise 
a future race of citizens who shall be civilized in reality and not only 
in name. [Applause.] 

In my own Sunday School at home one Sunday a month I devote 
specifically to giving a lesson on international peace and brotherhood, 
and on another Sunday I give some story of moral heroism, teaching 
them that on the field of peace, in fighting flame and wave and pes- 
tilence, is true greatness. I try to teach them that the glory of man- 
hood and womanhood is not on the red field of war, but on the green 
fields of peace, to make the earth the heaven that our Father meant 
it to be. [Applause.] 

There is another great source of education, the nursery. Mothers, 
what are you doing to teach the little boys and girls in your home 
the arts of peace ? Do you teach them to blow through silly little 
trumpets and to march up and down in imitation of those who cause 
the horrible carnage and crime of war ? Do you teach them to wear 
cocked hats and to play with tin soldiers, instilling the virus of hatred 
into their young minds, taking . the edge off their conscience, off 
their moral sense in the very days of their infancy? 

I beg of you, preachers, teachers and mothers, think of the great 
trust committed to you in these young lives, and teach them a simple 


Christianity, a Christianity of love, brotherhood and peace, a Chris- 
tianity divested of elements which the child mind cannot understand. 
By teaching them that, every day and all days, in school, in church, 
in home — in that way shall we turn Cain into a Christ. [Applause,] 

The meeting then adjourned. 

public /iDeeting In iparh Street Cburcb. 

Thunday Eveniae, October 6. 


Hon. Samuel W. McCall, Member of Congress from Massa- 
chusetts, presided, and on calling the meeting to order at 8 o'clock said : 


Ladies and Gentlemen : The meeting this evening is to discuss the 
subject of the reduction of armaments and the menace of great armies 
and great navies. One tendency of war is to become so deadly that 
men will cease fighting because of the frightful destruction of human 
life. Another tendency, I think no less marked, is that the weight of 
war is liable, constantly, to increase so that it will finally become 
unbearable ; and whether it will fall with society underneath it and 
crush it, or whether mankind will have the sense, first, to cast off the 
incubus, is the subject to be discussed to-night by gentlemen well 
qualified to speak upon that subject. 

That the burdens of war are increasing is very evident to one that 
has studied the tendency of things in our own country. The war bill 
of our United States is made up of three items : the cost of the army, 
the cost of the navy, and the pensions, because it has been the policy 
of the American people to generously pension those that serve in 
their army. Foreign states, to a certain extent, have a pension 
system, but they do not have it to the extent that we do. Our war 
bill is made up of those items. 

Now, I will take the two great armed nations of continental Europe, 
France and Germany, whom we look upon as traditional enemies, 
who have frequently fought each other. In eaph of these countries it 
is said that when a peasant is born he has an armed man strapped 
on his back. The war cost of these two countries is something less 
than two hundred millions a year for one of them, and something less 
than four hundred millions for both of them. The war bill of the 
United States, the cost of its navy and of its army and of its pensions, 
is something like three hundred and fifty millions a year, more than 
that of France or of Germany, and almost as much as that of those 
two great nations together. 

We are apt to think that we are isolated on this hemisphere, and 
without any great burdens of war, but that is not shown by any great 
scrutiny of facts. Some years ago there was some excuse for our having 


a military establishment. Our independence had barely been recog- 
nized ; we had a large frontier ; we had many savage tribes about 
us ; we had three great countries as neighbors ; and the boundary 
lines between us and them had not been determined, so that self- 
preservation required that we should be properly armed. But gradually 
those savage tribes disappeared ; our neighbors one by one left us, 
until to-day we have only one great powerful neighbor on this con- 
tinent, and madness itself could hardly force us into a war with that 
one. To-day we are, with two great allies on either side of us, in a 
place where we might realize the philosopher's dream and have peace. 

I will not characterize the policy which, after we had come into the 
position where we might use the advantages which Providence had 
given us for peace, led us to seek new entries on seas where the great 
international conflicts of the age are to be waged and compelled us to 
arm ourselves ; but that has been what we have done. 

Now, if this burden goes on increasing, the burden that rests heavily 
on labor, it is going to make war, in the end, as I said in the beginning, 
almost insupportable. It is not a dream, I think, that we can throw 
off this burden, and I do not think that we need to wait for the com- 
plete triumph of Christianity or for the dawning of the golden age. 
It is not so far back in the past when men settled their private disputes 
by wager of battle, but finally they were led to refer them to courts 
and to accept the decisions of those tribunals ; and it seems to me 
that it is perfectly feasible for the nations of the earth, in view of the 
great pressure on industry that is caused by force, to come to some 
agreement by which those armaments may be restricted. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is not my purpose to take your time 
to-night, because you have come here to listen to gentlemen who are 
much better qualified to speak on this subject than I am. 

War, as I said, especially presses upon industry and labor. In 
the first place, it takes a great mass of men who would otherwise be 
engaged in holding up society and in bearing its burdens, and puts 
those men upon the back of society for society to carry. The burden 
is especially heavy upon laboring men. We are fortunate this evening 
in having with us a gentleman from Great Britain, who bears creden- 
tials from an organization representing some two millions of the 
laboring men of that country, and I will now introduce to you Mr. 
Pete Curran, who will speak to you from the standpoint of labor. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I have been sent here to 
Boston for the purpose of interpreting the opinions of my fellow- 
workmen in the organized labor movements in the old country, and I 
can assure you that as far as the trade union element is concerned, 
we are absolutely unanimous in our protest against war, with its 
extravagance, irrespective of what nations may be involved. It may 
sound rather remarkable for a representative of Britain to take part in 


a meeting that has for its object the advocacy of disarmament, because 
we are generally recognized to be a people who are enthusiastic in 
our militarism; but, on behalf of the two millions of workers that I 
have mentioned, out of a population of forty millions, I know that I 
am expressing their sentiments when I say that they have always 
protested, and they are willing now to protest, against Great Britain 
entering into any war with any country, even for the purpose of that 
annexation which is supposed to bring back something to the working 
class. We have arrived at this conclusion, friends, and although we 
are in the minority, we are having some considerable influence, and 
our opinion will be felt in the forthcoming parliamentary election, so 
far as our protests against great national expenditures are concerned. 

We believe that war for everyday gain, war for expansion of terri- 
tory, brings about destitution among the poorer classes of the nations 
involved ; and as we have had one recent forcible illustration of that, 
we are all the more desirous of joining hands with the other nations 
of the world for the purpose of securing amity and peace among the 
powers. You know that we conquered two republics within recent 
times. We spent two hundred and fifty million pounds in Biitish 
money in conquering the two republics in South Africa, and the 
British flag waves in Pretoria and in the Orange Colony to-day. 

We claim, as representative workers, that the wealth producer of 
the United Kingdom, either directly or indirectly, paid the whole of 
the money that was so extravagantly spent in that conquest. We 
have carefully watched what was likely to be the return, not only for 
the expenditure of our money, but for the shooting of many thousands 
of men, and to-day we are face to face with this problem : The inen 
who went out in years gone by from the county of Cornwall, and the 
men who were raised in the tin mining industry in that part of the 
country, are to-day turned away from the mines of Africa, and 
the speculators of that country who were responsible, with some of 
our statesmen, for the war, are bringing in Chinamen to take the 
places, at a starving rate of wages, of the white men who formerly 
filled the places. 

In looking over the history of the wars that have taken place 
between our country and others, we have arrived at the conclusiorv 
that, from a moral point of view, and, above all, from a humanitarian 
point of view, we are justified in throwing the weight of our whole 
organization on the side of those who are endeavoring to establish 
international peace. And you people — and when I say you people 
in America, or when I say we in England engaged in those wars, I 
do not think it is altogether a proper ternL We, the common 
people in England, were not consulted as to whether our statesmen 
should embark in that enterprise. You in America, the rate payers, 
were not consulted prior to your government going forward on an 
exploitation of similar description in the Philippine Islands ; and, in 
my humble judgment as a foreigner, the returns to the American tax- 
payer out of the Philippine Islands will not be much greater than they 
are to us from our South African colonies that we have just annexed. 


We in the old country have a great many problems confronting 
us ; owing to the density of population in the large industrial centres 
we have one of the most important problems confronting us to-day 
that could confront any class of workers in any country of the world. 
I mean the housing problem. We have been endeavoring for some 
years to persuade the government to empower our municipalities, our 
local governing bodies, to borrow government money at a small per- 
centage, so that in the suburbs of our various cities we might be able 
to establish, at a nominal rate, healthy homes for our industrial 
artisans ; but, instead of utilizing the money to provide employments 
of a useful character for the men and the women who are starving on 
our streets, instead of spending the money to erect healthy artisans' 
dwellings or in furnishing good facilities for their erection, this great 
equipment of army and navy is going on and the millions are being 
spent in that way. You people in America, I fear, or, at least, your 
governing bodies, are copying the example of the old country. I 
always thought you were an admirable people until you embarked, or 
allowed your rulers to embark, in the Philippine expedition ; but I 
very much fear that since you embarked in that expedition your 
responsible rulers are taking up the very sordid view that has misled 
our rulers and led them into this extravagant expenditure within the 
last half century. 

You are building battleships. Well, I do not like to see the 
American government building battleships, and I am not sure that 
you will require those battleships after they are built. I hope you 
will not. As far as my judgment carries me, looking at international 
relations from the most sordid points of view, the American people 
have nothing to fear from any European power, not even Great 
Britain ; because, though we are strong on territorial annexation, 
though the sun never sets on British imperial possessions, as our 
patriots declare, — and unfortunately never shines on some of our 
possessions, — though our British statesmen have the patriotic desire 
to annex portions of other peoples' countries, there is not the slight- 
est fear of anything in the shape of warfare breaking out between 
Uncle Sam and John Bull ; and there is no power in Europe, in our 
judgment, that you people have need to fear. Therefore, instead of 
the building of battleships, your statesmen ought not only to ex- 
press sympathy with international peace, but to give us a practical 
illustration of their purpose by refusing to spend the nation's money 
on a navy which will never be required to defend your country. 

Some statesmen say that the best way to bring about peace is to 
make preparations for war. I honestly cannot subscribe to that 
statement. Some nation, some great power, will have to set an ex- 
ample to the weaker powers by reducing its armament to the most 
meagre proportions; and there is no country in the world which 
can better afford to do that than the United States of America. 

There is one further aspect of our international relationship that 
working men in England recognize: we have in both countries 
people who, in the commercial world, are anxious to extend their 


own business. I am not going to attribute dishonest motives either 
to those in this country or ours. The view of men is the result of 
their environment, and the people who to-day are engaged in develop- 
ing your trusts, in utilizing large profits to absorb the small concerns, 

and thus acquiring the power to go forth and control the world, 

these men, either in England or America, are not the people whom 
we can trust to bring about international peace. That same ambition 
that prompts their commercial nature, or the commercial side of 
their nature, to absorb the smaller concerns, prompts them when 
they become rulers of the state to try to get control of as much 
foreign territory as possible. But I have great reliance on the 
workers of the world. With all due respect to every other class I 
believe a great deal of the advancement of this movement will depend 
on the attitude of the industrial classes. The industrial classes, 
either in England or America, and perhaps more in America than in 
the old country, because of your more democratic franchise, can, if 
they make up their minds to do so, make or unmake governments ; 
and when they do make up their minds that international peace shall 
prevail, they will be able to bring about that consummation without 
much delay. [Applause.] 

I am informed that here in Boston, and indeed all over the United 
States, the churches and the pastors are helping in this great peace 
movement. That is certainly a good sign of the times. If there is 
one thing more contemptible to me than any other, it is the clerical 
gentlemen pronouncing a benediction upon the troops when they are 
going forth to slay brothers with whom they have no quarrel. That 
has been done in our country by men who occupy high apostolic 
positions. We may be considered skeptical, but we believe that the 
Founder of Christianity would never bless the troops leaving any 
shore to slay brethren in another country. [Applause.] 

If. the industrial side of the community will join hands with the 
commercial and clerical sides, then, in the old country and in America, 
we shall be able to put our heads together and to establish that in- 
ternational amity and peace which is the honest and sincere desire 
of every Christian man and woman. 

The Chairman : We have with us this evening a distinguished 
gentleman from Germany, who has for many years been engaged in 
work for international peace. I now have the pleasure of introducing 
to you, as the next speaker, Mr. Richard Feldhaus. 


Ladies and Gentlemen : Permit me to appeal to your indulgence) 
which I need very much, for I am in a very difficult position. I 
only speak your language a little. I shall speak only a few words, 
and I shall speak these to all of you regardless of class distinctions. 
I shall try to speak the truth, for only for truth is society concerned. 


It is a great subject which has brought us from the most distant 
parts of the world to the city of Boston. Universal peace is to come 
from the work of the Peace Congresses, but naturally that will be 
much later. In ancient times, two thousand years ago, Horace con- 
demned " execrable " war, and even three thousand years ago it was 
said, " Thou shalt not kill," and « Thou shalt not steal." The spirit 
of peace has not yet conquered after all these centuries, and there 
are those who are accustomed to say that there always will be wars. 
This is a trite saying, but it is not true. 

In the days of the early Peace Congresses, at Paris, in 1849, your 
Mr. Burritt spoke of the great progress of the peace movement even 
at that time. Mr. Burritt traveled from one country to another, 
going everywhere, and speaking against the continuance of war. He 
addressed himself to the heart of man. The peace apostle of the 
present day addresses himself more to reason. In this propaganda 
against war the late John de Bloch has become very famous. I can 
only advise you to read his great book entitled, " The Future of 
War," in which he has pointed out the great objections to future war 
in Europe. The end of such a w^r, he thinks, would be a general 
revolution. He depicts the certain bankruptcy of continental Europe, 
if they do not very soon check the great peril. He points out that 
the treasuries of Europe will some day be emptied, and the people 
brought to bankruptcy, and he tells us that at present every man in 
Europe sacrifices the labor of one month of the year for war and 
preparations for slaughter. 

At the first Peace Congress in Germany, at Frankfurt, in 1850, an 
Indian chief had come over from America, who wanted to see civilized 
Europe. When he passed through Woolwich in England and saw all 
the sacrifices that were made for war in constructing the different 
instruments to kill men with, and when all was explained to him, he 
exclaimed, shaking his head : '" Educated Europeans are far greater 
savages than our Indians in the primeval forests." 

Unfortunately, among our antagonists, especially in Europe, there 
are many who are not ashamed to pretend that it is Christianity that 
demands war and its terrible institutions. Is it not blasphemy against 
our Lord ? They say the time has not come to realize our demand 
and to execute our ideals. It may be, but the present is the time to 
prepare for them. Fortunately, in Germany people are now beginning 
to recognize these truths. The organization of peace numbers about 
seventy sections in as many towns. Another thing which has sur- 
prised the political world is the great progress which arbitration is 
now making in Germany, and I believe if the Hague Conference 
should take place once more the German government would not again 
be on the side of the adversaries of this grand idea. 

I want to state to you Americans some words that John de Bloch 
spoke at the Hague Conference. De Bloch said that the great occur- 
rence of the nineteenth century was not Waterloo or Austerlitz, but 
that it was the Hague Conference. Our century is too enlightened 
to have any further war, and to my mind it appears impossible that 

between civilized people wars can any longer take place. I stand 
with the Hague Tribunal, and not with armies and fleets. 

I want to finish with a little anecdote. An explorer of Africa, who, 
it is said, never shed blood throughout his peaceful conquest of that 
country, told us that he once performed a ceremony in the presence 
of a king, namely, the « funeral of war." The chiefs were suddenly 
summoned. They dug a hole in the sand and they threw into it some 
weapons and covered them over with earth. Upon this they planted 
in the ground in which the implements of war rested a young tree, 
which should grow and become the sign of the newly made friendship. 

Let us try to follow the example and to dig the grave for war and 
plant upon it the tree of peace ; and, not only as a symbol, but in 
reality, we ought to transform our implements of war into plough- 
shares, and to plant justice and friendship. One day this tree will 
obtain a footing in the ground and will continue to flourish and to 
spread out its full branches towards heaven. At its feet it will pro- 
tect the tender stalks and plants, and one day all humanity will be 
protected and defended against the deeds of might. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : •! shall now introduce to you one who, although 
a soldier for more than forty years, is a devoted friend of peace. 
General Nelson A. Miles. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: The honorable presiding 
officer propounded questions in his remarks as to what would produce 
the end of war. He said that it was possible that the expense would 
become so enormous and the destruction of human life so serious 
that this would induce nations and people to cease settling their con- 
troversies by the great arbitrament of war. Another reason was the 
great expense of maintaining the armies and starting them on cam- 
paigns. The first will not succeed. The fact that weapons of war 
^re more destructive now than formerly does not increase the loss of 
life in great campaigns. The wars of the Ceesars and the Napoleons 
were as destructive as those at the present time. The fact that we 
use longer range weapons, longer range canons and high explosives 
simply has changed the tactics, and battles are fought at longer dis- 
tances. We see, consequently, the Hne of battle thirty or forty miles 
in extent. We see, again, ships engaging each other at a distance of 
five miles. In fact, the field of Waterloo would "hardly be large 
enough to manoeuvre well a division of troops equipped with rapid- 
fire field artillery and long range rifles and field guns. 

There is, however, another reason which will undoubtedly prove 
successful, and that is the enormous expense, the burden upon the 
people of maintaining the great armies. A single battleship costs five 
millions of dollars and more. A high-power gun costs some thirty 
or forty thousand dollars. Its encasement costs as much more. A 

1 8$ 

single discharge from that gun costs a thousand dollars ; so that the 
expensive armament of the great armies and navies of the present 
time involves an expenditure which will bankrupt the nations of the 
world if it is continued. 

War is different now from what it was in the old times when the 
man could take the gun from the antler and go to war, as our fathers 
did. They did not have to prepare for battle because they could 
live for a time upon the countiy which they devastated, and then 
return to their accustomed modes of life. But now the great armies 
are maintained day after day, week after week, year after year, at 
enormous expense, and the navies in the same way, thus involving 
the placing of the great burden upon the people that cannot much 
longer remain. 

We see in the papers this evening an admirable letter from the 
great philanthropist, the man who has done so much good by giving 
good books and by other benevolent works in which he advises that 
five great powers unite and dictate the suppression of war. This is 
most excellent so far as it goes, but it does not reach the case fully. 
An assembling or uniting of the powers of the United States, Great 
Britain, Germany, France and possibly Austria, for the purpose of 
closing the war in the Orient, would be a treaty of peace among those 
nations for a time, but it would not reach the result in which you are 
interested and in which the best people of the world are now inter- 
ested. There should be a congress of nations in which all the 
powers, whether they be the great military powers or the humble 
powers that are struggling along happy and peaceful with their own 
little governments in their own country, should be represented. It 
should be one grand confederation of all the civilized nations of the 
world, in which an understanding should be reached which should 
govern and should dictate the policies of all nations on the earth for 
all time. Then we should see the burden of war and of preparation 
for war lessened far more than by any other measure that I can pos- 
sibly conceive of. 

Human progress, like the mighty glacier, is imperceptible, yet its 
advance is incessant and irresistible. It is like the morning light that 
breaks forth from the shadow of darkness to illumine the world, like 
seeds sown in the good ground which produce the golden harvest. It 
is fitting that in this enlightened, progressive community, this atmos- 
phere of liberty, this grand old Commonwealth, the subject of peace, 
of a congress of nations, should be discussed by this council of 
eminent men and honorable women. Here, in its birthplace, where 
such progressive* champions of thought as William EUery Channing, 
Charles Sumner and their associates first established this society of 
peace and proclaimed its principles, is a most suitable place to hold 
such a convention as is gathered in this city. In a just cause prin- 
ciples are of far more importance than mere numbers. Hence, the 
humane and exalted ideas of those two men have spread, all over the 
world and found response and sympathy in the hearts of every nation. 
The history of every nation has been largely the history of its wars. 


The brave, the true, the honorable have been justly revered in all 
times, and all lands attempt to crown with great glory heroic deeds 
and heroic sacrifices. 

The settlement of controversies by the arbitrament of war involves 
the destruction of hundreds of thousands of the young men of both 
countries. Could any rule or method be more void of reason and 
justice ? Yet such has been the history of the race since the earliest 
age, and in modern wars the evidences of barbarism are still apparent. 
To illustrate what has been the sacrifice to the demon of carnage, it 
is estimated that the wars to gratify the ambition of Bonaparte cost 
Europe five millions of lives and the devastation of many countries. 
In our great Civil War more than one million five hundred thousand 
young men enlisted before they were twenty years of age, many leav- 
ing home for the first time, never to return. More than half a million 
of the very flower of America's young manhood went to untimely 
graves in that terrible conflict. That was a loss to the nation that can 
never be reckoned. We may well ask what would have been the 
condition of the human family to-day if the bravest and best, the 
noblest and most unselfish could have lived, rather than have been 
sacrificed on the red fields of war in every country and every age. 

To drift from a strong race into a nation of non-combatants would 
undoubtedly be a misfortune to the people and a detriment to the 
country. Fortunately, there is a wiser and better course. There is 
one upward step before we reach the highest plane of human develop- 
ment. We need not follow the example of those nations that have 
drifted into decay and subserviency to the strong and powerful; 
neither need we follow the example of the cruel and oppressive 
nations that have by the forces of their mighty armies and powerful 
navies overcome weaker and more peaceful countries. The great 
majority of the wars of the world's history have been occasioned by 
the ambition of some usurper or great tyrant to undertake to get con- 
trol of the territory or the affairs of some people. The deadly war 
now being waged between the two nations of the Orient cannot benefit 
either country. It must impoverish both of the antagonists for years. 
It cannot benefit mankind. 

In an interview with Nicholas II, Autocrat of all the Russias, I 
found him greatly interested in that great trans-Siberian railway, that 
new way around the world. He had been over the route himself 
before he became emperor, and was ambitious to open that line, to 
open the settlements of that vast territory. He was more interested 
in the full development of that country than in the development of 
his army. It is said by all that the glory of his reign will be that he 
called the Hague Conference together and advocated wise and 
humane arbitration in order to lessen the burdens of the people who 
are stlstaining great standing armies. " It is to be regretted that the 
representatives who talked most about peace in the Hague Confer- 
ence have not manifested more zeal in the question of universal 
peace. I have no sympathy with that sentiment of peace that would 
compromise and arbitrate between powerful nations and, at the same 


time, overrun, intimidate, or subjugate the people of defenseless 

Never in the world's history were there as many men drilled and 
disciplined for war purposes as at the present time. Never was the 
expense of armament, of equipment of troops with modern destruc- 
tive engines of war ^as great and burdensome as now. Never were 
the burdens Of maintaining great armies and navies as heavy upon 
the people as at the present time, when the ingenuity and skill of 
mankind have brought the nations into close communication, when 
steam power, electricity and wireless telegraphy have formed the 
people of every country into one grand brotherhood of common 
interests, when distance and time have been annihilated. But the 
peace, prosperity and welfare of every nation make a demand that the 
burdens of maintaining the national forces shall be reduced to a mini- 
mum, and that there shall be one grand congress for the adjudica- 
tion and settlement of international differences and prorrioting the 
true grandeur of nations. 

Several years ago, when our army was below the standard of safety 
and efficiency, and later when we had a superabundance, I had the 
honor to recommend that the government adopt a standard — one 
soldier for every thousand of the population — for the force of the 
nation that should be commensurate with our population, wealth and 
national requirements. The idea is simple and perfectly feasible, 
and has since been practically adopted by our country, and we 
shall have the glory of setting a good example and commending it 
to every nation. Washington's idea was that he and his compa- 
triots should establish a government that would m*ake barriers against 
the encroachments of tyranny, and they provided a constitution that 
was better fitted to do so than any other constitution ever framed ; 
and he wrote to Lafayette that he hoped it would be administered 
with integrity, that in time the people of this country should have the 
glory of commending it to the people of other countries who were 
then strangers to it. It was not his idea that they could frame a con- 
stitution and adopt a system of government and then force it upon 
other people of the world, but that they could commend it, that they 
could administer it with such wisdom and integrity that it would com- 
mend itself to the intelligence of the world. Therefore, in military 
matters we should set an example to the world. 

It must be apparent to all peaceful patriotic men that the intelligent 
world will not long endure the burden of the present great standing 
armies and enormously expensive navies, and there never has been a 
more favorable time liian at present for a candid, free and impartial 
discussion of this subject. The question as to what the millions of 
men would do, if unemployed in military service, is answered by the 
fact that they would become producers instead of consumers. A 
wonderful inheritance is ours. Within the waiting portion of our 
fields and mines there is a greater wealth than has been seen over all 
the earth. Being heirs to this last and best earthly estate, we should 
devote our lives to utilizing these blessings for the uplifting of every 


people and the welfare of mankind. There are many times more 
material wealth in the sparsely settled countries of North and South 
America, occupied by one hundred and fifteen millions of people, 
than in all the remainder of the earth, occupied by more than a thou- 
sand millions of the human race. 

In the promotion of the peaceful arts and industries, our people 
have won a place in the word's confidence and respect in which all 
take just pride. *In these splendid activities there is no sound of can- 
non or of dying men. In the most picturesque valley of the world, on 
the right bank of the beautiful Hudson, there is a great university that 
will cost, when completed, fifty millions of dollars, dedicated to the 
uses of war. On the banks of that majestic river, there will also be 
established a citadel dedicated to the spirit of peace. 

The ancient and refined Athenians erected costly monuments and 
temples to the unknown gods. I trust that we shall build temples of 
equal grandeur and beauty for the living present. Some benevolent, 
noble hearted, public-spirited men have already inaugurated a move- 
ment to celebrate fittingly all the important events in the history of 
our country, and also to build and permanently establish an institu- 
tion which shall be devoted to the education and enlightenment of 
the many millions of our Southern people. Such a group of institu- 
tions has long been needed near the great metropolis of our wealth 
and industry. 

In the smoke and toil of our business enterprises the spirit of good 
shall go forth and prevail to bless our land and all other lands and 
the people therein. It will say to the world that true glory lies not 
in great empires filled with dead men's bones, but in those deeds of 
charity and beneficence that light our earth as heaven is lit by the 

The Chairman : The next speaker is a distinguished preacher 
from the city of New York, the pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle, 
the Rev. Charles E. Jefferson. 


Ladies and Gentlemen : In the words of an ancient Hebrew writer, 
"there be three things that are too wonderful for me." There are 
four that I know not, and those things, I think, are more perplexing 
and bafHing than those which perplexed and discomfited the ancient 
Hebrew. The first thing is that in the year of our Lord 1904 the 
nations of the earth should walk around, like Hamlet's father, armed 
from top to toe, from head to foot, and all be ready to fight at the 
drop of a hat. We expect that sort of thing in. the earlier stages of 
human development, when men are raw and have not mastered the 
first principles of living. We are not surprised when we find it in 
cannibal islands or far-off wildernesses where men run wild like dogs 
and wolves. We are not surprised when we find it in the back woods 


of Kentucky or the farthest mining camp. But that in the most civ- 
ihzed parts of the globe, where education has done her ablest work, 
where cultivation has reached its highest pitch, and where the hearts 
of men have grown gentle and human hands have learned the divine 
art of helping, the leading nations should be weighted down with 
weapons, not with weapons formed after the fashion of polite society, 
but with weapons slung .over the shoulder, strapped on the back, 
dangling from the hips, just as if they were so many cut-throats or 
outlaws or bar-room thugs ready to fly at one another's throats, — that 
is one thing that to me is wonderful. 

And this is the second thing that is wonderful : that the weight of 
the armaments seems to be proportioned to the national profession of 
allegiance to Jesus Christ. It is the Christian nations that are the 
most heavily armed. It is where the Bible has been taught the longest 
and where it is the most generally read and accepted that the guns are 
the biggest and that the swords have been whetted • to the finest edge. 
The nations that have built the cross into their architecture, woven it 
into the fabric of their civilization, have brought forth as the constim- 
mate flower of their civilization the torpedo boat and the torpedo boat 
destroyer. The nations that have placed the crown on the head of 
the Prince of Peace and most loudly proclaimed him the Lord of all 
are the nations that are the most proficient in multiplying the instru- 
ments of destruction. That the Christian nations should permit 
Mauser rifles and Gatling guns, lyddite shells, twelve-inch projectiles 
and floating mines around the cross of the Son of God, with his great 
words vibrating in the ear, " All that take the sword shall perish with 
the sword," — that to me is wonderful. 

And this is the third wonderful thing : that with the weight of the 
armies increasing year by year, the war budgets are going up in the 
countries of Europe, and in our country, too. It was only about 
twenty-five years ago that Von Moltke said that all Europe was groan- 
ing under the weight of an armed peace. But the weight then was as 
nothing compared with the weight to-day. The old nations are stag- 
gering, threatened with national bankruptcy, and the great world 
powers, struggling under the unbearable weight, cry out, " Who shall 
deliver us from the body of this death ? " But all the time the terrible 
weight increases and grows heavier and heavier, and the wise men 
nod with approval and benediction. That to me is wonderful. 

But the most wonderful thing of all is that nobody wants to fight ; 
nobody wants to use the armaments ; all the world's rulers are men of 
peace ; all the world's statesmen are men of peace — they always say 
that when they ask for appropriations. The merchants the world 
over abhor war because they know that it means havoc to commerce, 
and throws the tradp of the world into chaos. The wage earning 
masses, as we have been told to-night, are more and more coming to 
spurn and despise war because they know that when it comes they 
will furnish the food for the bullets and that \ipon their shoulders will 
ultimately fall the burdens which war creates; and the military 


chieftains, — the great generals, — they too are men of peace, and they 
very frankly tell us that war is barbarism, it is. savagery, it is hell. 

Yet, strange to say, it seems to be because we are so desperately and 
passionately in favor of peace that the armaments keep right on grow- 
ing. We are building up our armies and navies in order to keep the 
peace. It has become a maxim in many circles that the surest guar- 
antee of peace is the preparedness for war, and a United States sena- 
tor not long ago declared that upon the efficacy of our national 
armament depends the peace of our nation. That is what the rulers are 
saying the wide world over. Is n't it singular that we have got into 
all this expense because we are determined to preserve the peace ? 
Is n't it singular that it should become axiomatic that the only possible 
way to keep from fighting is to gird yourself for battle, the only way 
to preserve a peaceful disposition is to keep your eyes fixed on slaugh- 
ter, the only way to cultivate kindly sentiments in others is to make 
yourself look as ferocious as you can, and if you are in dead earnest 
in the work of saving men, just give your days and nights to making 
yourselves expert in the art of shedding blood ? That to me is the 
most wonderful thing of all. 

In hours of bewilderment and despondency I think one is tempted 
to repeat with Mark Anthony, "Oh, judgment, thou art fled to brutish 
beasts and men have lost their reason 1 " But in our sensible hours 
we know that that is not true. Judgment has not fled to brutish 
beasts and men have not lost their reason. The world seems to be 
mad at times, but there is method sometimes in its madness. It is 
too involved in that idea that a nation must, first of all, defend itself 
against possible encroachment, against possible wrong, and so long as 
one nation arms itself to the teeth, all the other nations will feel that 
they must arm themselves too. That, I think, accounts for the whole 
terrible tragedy, and that is why it is that this subject of the reduction 
of armaments is the most difificult phase of all the peace problem. 

There are many men, earnest advocates of peace, who believe in 
great navies and great armies. There are many men who believe in 
arbitration, who talk for it and work for it, who do not want to reduce 
the military establishments. When twenty-six nations seiit their repre- 
sentatives to the Hague Conference the representatives discussed a 
variety of topics and introduced enormous reforms, but they did not 
dare to touch the reduction of armaments so much as with the tip of 
their finger ; and the reason I think is that arguments can effect so 
little in this phase of the problem. You can say it is too foolish, and 
it is. You can say it is wicked, and you can bear down hard on the 
word "wicked." You can say it is diabolical to spend this money 
and waste the national resources and take the bread out of the mouths 
of the children and break the back of the peasant and block the 
progress of the education, the philanthropy and religious work of the 

All that is true, but somehow or other these arguments do not 
seem to effect anything. Nothing has been said in the United States 
Congress or the Reichstag or in the British Parliament or the French 


Chamber of Deputies towards carrying reduction of armaments into 
effect. It is foolish to spend six or seven million dollars on a battle- 
ship that is likely to be antiquated before it is ever used. It is wicked 
for the United States to spend a hundred million dollars a year on its 
navy in times of peace when it has not an enemy in the world, when 
we need every dollar of the money in the care and lifting up of eight 
millions of black men into the light of God ; wicked, I think, to spend 
these hundreds of millions on our armies and navies with this great 
mass of ignorance festering in our great cities, constituting a darkness 
blacker than darkest Africa ; wicked for countries to put such weight 
on the backs of their citizens as to drive thousands of them into 
anarchy and atheism. 

Of course we know it is dangerous. Great armies and great navies 
are not a guarantee of peace. They are a standing menace to the 
peace of the world. Although the Hague Court may be firmly estab- 
lished, just so long as the great drums keep beating and the great 
guns keep booming and every day the battleships are drawn in battle 
line, just so long the blood of men will be feverish, and war, like a 
beast, will crouch at our door. Of course it is dangerous. Goliath 
never is so eager for a scrap as when he has his armor on. Never 
does he strut so insolently and boast so loudly as when he feels the 
great saber in his hand. You cannot fill the papers of a nation day 
after day, week after week, year after year with pictures of battleships 
and torpedo boats and destroyers, bombs and projectiles and shells, 
without lowering the tone of the national mind, coarsening the feeling 
of the national heart, and strengthening the reign of the idolatry of 
military glory. You cannot pile up powder in heaps here and there 
throughout this world in which are so many men carrying matches, 
without inviting and making inevitable frequent and terrific explosions. 
But while we all admit that it is dangerous for the world to do it, it 
is not dangerous for one nation to do it. There is the rub. It is 
wicked, oh, so wicked, for all to do it, but not wicked for one. The 
wise men of the world have said, " No, it is not wicked, it is not 
foolish for one nation to do it, for our neighbors are doing it all 
around." So we see now what we must do for the solidarity of the 
race. God has made all the nations of one blood. They feel there 
is greater military safety for all to keep together than for one of them 
to break away and do what it thinks is steadily right. Nations are 
not idealists. They all cling to the earth. They would rather walk 
four legs on the ground and keep together than to fly separately into 
the air. 

Therefore we are dealing to-night with an international problem. 
No one nation can discuss it adequately. No one nation can settle it. 
America will never lay down her arms alone, I fear. Indeed, I know 
she will not, because she has not the faith to walk along that dim and 
perilous way unattended ; nor will England or France or Germany or 
Italy or Russia. The nations must come together. There must be 
frequent conferences at The Hague. There must be frequent com- 
ings together of the friends of peace. There must be a federation of 


the nations. There must be an international congress, a parliament 
of the world. What we want is atmosphere. We cannot pound off 
the armor. It must be melted off by an atmosphere made warm with 
goodwill. When we know each other better we shall not want to go 
armed. Brothers we are and have always been and ever shall be, 
and every heart the wide world over, in its better hours, beats true to 
the music of the Golden Rule ; for have we not, after all, one Father, 
and has not one God created us .? You cannot break the armor, but 
it can be melted. The enginery of force will not be broken down by 
the rapid blows of logic, nor will it go down before the forces of 
philanthropy nor the developments of science, but it will be melted, it 
will dissolve, it will pass away under the rising tide of love, for it is 
as true now as when the Prophet heard it : " Not by might nor by 
power, but by my spirit, saith the Lord." 

The meeting then adjourned. 

At the close of the public meetings on Thursday evening a recep- 
tion was given by the German societies of Boston to the German- 
speaking foreign delegates. Addresses were made by the Baroness 
von Suttner, Professor Quidde and others, and the occasion was a 
most instructive and enthusiastic one. 

The same evening also a most successful meeting was held for the 
Italian citizens of Boston, which was addressed by E. T. Moneta from 
Milan, A. Capece Minutolo from Rome, and others. 

ifourtb Business Session. 

Friday Morning, October 7, 1904. 

The meeting was called to order at lo o'clock, in Park Street 
Church, and in the absence of the President, Dr. W. Evans Darby 
was asked to take the chair temporarily. 

The Chairman: The first business of the morning is a report 
from Committee B on "Pacigerance," or a general league of peace 
among states. The report was first prepared by Mr. Frednk Bajer 
of Denmark, the President of the International Peace Bureau at Berne, 
and the Committee, after examining it, has asked Mrs. Belva A. Lock- 
wood to report it to the Congress. 

The report presented by Mrs. Lockwood was as follows : 



Whereas, Article 27 of the protocol of the Hague Convention of 1899 ipposes 
upon the signatory powers ■' the duty, in case of a serious conflict threatening 
to break out between two or more of them, of reminding these that the perma- 
nent tribunal is open to them " ; and 

Whereas, The fulfillment of this duty will be greatly facilitated if this.reniinder 
comes from a confederacy of powers, whereby their weight of authority will be 
increased and their responsibility lessened in proportion to the number of powers 
thus joined together for this purpose ; and 

Whereas, As this matter now stands, there is no concert of action proposed, 
or feasible plan, whereby the admirable machinery of the Hague Court may be 
put in force to prevent war, where war is threatened, and the present disastrous 
conflict between Russia and Japan shows unmistakably that some power more 
potent and rational than brute force is needed to prevent the useless sacrifice of 
human lite and property, now become such an object lesson to the civilized and 
uncivilized world ; 

The following form of a Model Treaty for a Pacific Alliance of States is rec- 
ommended to the powers for consideration : 

I. The high contracting powers, mutually recognizing each other's absolute 
sovereignity and independence, bind themselves, each for itself, to work together 
for the furtherance of universal peace. 

II. The high contracting powers pledge themselves to refer to the Perma- 
nent Arbitral Tribunal (established by the Convention for the peaceful settlement 
of international disputes, signed at The Hague, July 29, 1899) every dispute which 
may arise between them that cannot be solved by diplomacy, or some other 
amicable method agreed upon, whatever the cause, nature or object, of the dis- 
agreement may be ; and further pledge themselves not to engage in any warlike 
action, directly or indirectly, with respect to each other. 

III. Each of the high contracting powers shall in turn take the presidency of 
the Union so contemplated, and on its accession shall fulfill the task of securing 
the united method of procedure decided upon in Article IV. below, which has for 
its object the fulfillment of the duty imposed by Article 27 of the above-named 
Hague Convention. 


IV. On the first of January each year the presidency of the Union shall pass, 
to that one of the high contracting powers whose name follows alphabetically, in 
French, that of the power whose presidency has expired. When the list of the 
high contracting powers has been gone through, the presidency shall be trans- 
ferred back to that power in the Union which stands first alphabetically, Which 
power shall' have the presidency the first year shall be determined by lot. 

If a power whose turn it is to preside finds itself at war, the turn passes over 
to the next power alphabetically. 

V. In case an acute contention shall threaten to break out between two or 
more powers, the other high contracting powers shall immediately, by a collective 
note, remind them that the permanent tribunal is open to them. 

The power which holds the presidency shall, for this purpose, be provided with 
the full authority needed. Its adherence to the Union carries with it a binding 
duty to fulfill this task. 

Also, it shall be the duty of the presiding power to offer to the powers in 
mutual contention, if it should seem advisable to do so, the " good offices " of the 
Union or their mediation. 

This duty shall in no wise lessen the right of any of the high contracting 
powers to offer its own good offices or mediation to the powers at strife, nor shall 
the action of the Union relieve any of the high contracting powers from the duty 
of using all means within reach to secure a peaceful, or judicial solution of the 

VI. If any of the high contracting powers "shall desire to withdraw from the 
present treaty, such withdrawal shall not come into force until one year after it 
has notified the remaining powers, and only then with respect to the powers which 
it has notified. 

VII. This convention is open to all powers on sending their adhesion to the 
presiding power. 

At the close of Mrs. Lockwood's report Mr. W. R. Cramer, Vice- 
President of the British Delegation, was asked by Dr. Darby to take 
the chair. 

Mrs. Lockwood then gave the history of the work which had finally 
resulted in the drafting of this form of a Model Treaty. The Inter- 
parliamentary Conference at Vienna in 1903 had unanimously adopted 
a resolution presented by Fredrik Bajer from the Danish Interparlia- 
mentary Group, containing the substance of the proposition which, she 
had just made, but without the machinery of execution. The Vienna 
Conference of the Interparliamentary Union had "expressed" its 
desire that the powers which signed the Hague Convention should as 
far as possible agree to act in concert, and in the most practical way, 
to fulfill the engagement which Article 27 of the Hague Convention lays 
upon them. 

The fourth Scandinavian Peace Congress held at Stein, July 25, 
1 90 1, had adopted a resolution declaring it to be the duty of states to 
proclaim themselves fundamentally and permanently neutral, to pre- 
vent the employment of force in their reciprocal relations, to conclude 
treaties of obligatory arbitration, and to act in common, in the most 
practical way, to fulfill the obligations imposed by Article 27 of the 
Hague Convention. 

In October, 1900, Mr. Bajer secured, through the Peace Bureau, 
the appointment of a committee to study the most practical method of 
forming a Pacific Alliance of States. The committee consisted of 
Fredrik Bajer, Henri La Fontaine, Emile Arnaud, Baroness von Sutt- 
ner and J. Novicow. The committee held three meetings : at Berne, 


March, 1901 ; at Glasgow, October, 1901 ; and at Monaco, April, 
1902. The result of the work of this committee was two papers, one 
by Fredrik Bajer, the other by Emile Arnaud. The two had much in 
common, and out of them came the report submitted to the Thirteenth 
Congress. This form of a Model Treaty was believed to be a reason- 
able and practical one for a Pacific Alliance, and if it should be 
adopted would do much to avoid war, as the Hague Convention had 

Mrs. Lockwood then called attention to the many notable cases of 
differences settled by arbitration before the Hague Court was estab- 
lished, and also to those adjusted by that Court, and urged these as 
sufficient proof that all international differences could be disposed of 
by pacific means. The Hague Court was the crowning glory of the 
nineteenth century, and would be the salvation of the peoples of the 
twentieth. In spite of the wars .since engaged in, the principle of 
arbitration, of judicial settlement, was not thereby weakened. The 
devastating war in the East furnished a new evidence of war's utterly 
bad and inhuman character. 

A further committee, Mrs. Lockwood stated, had been appointed 
on the subject of " Pacigerence " at the Glasgow Peace Congress, 
1901. They had also studied the subject, and doubtless all approved 
in substance of Mr. Bajer's Model Treaty. 

The work of the Pan-American Congress at Mexico City in 1901-2, 
which she outlined, and the recent signing of ten treaties of obligatory 
arbitration by the nations of Western Europe, which she named, had 
brought the work of peace making many steps forward, and prepared 
the way more perfectly for a general Pacific Union of the nations. 
This was especially true of the Netherlands-Denmark treaty, which 
provided for the future submission of all disputes between the con- 
tracting parties to the Hague Court. 

Mrs. Lockwood also called attention to various steps which had 
been taken in the Belgian Senate, by President Roosevelt, and else- 
where, to still further perfect the machinery of international peace, 
and to bring to an end the conflict between Russia and Japan, and 
argued in conclusion that the time seemed to be ripe for the adoption 
of some such general scheme as that outlined in the proposed Model 
Treaty, which would provide an effective means of preserving peace 
in the future. 

At the close of Mrs. Lockwood's report Dr. Hale asked the privi- 
lege of presenting to the Congress some letters which he had received. 

Dr. E. E. Hale : These letters have been entrusted to me because, 
in a personal interview with the reverend Archbishop of this New 
England Diocese, he wished me to express to this assembly the 
thorough interest of the Roman Catholic Church in the proceedings 
here, and to say that he had appointed his Vicar-General to be present 
at the meeting. The Vicar-General has modestly asked me to state 
tb? h is the intention of the church with their prayers and coopera- 


tion of every sort to assist this Congress ; that it is their desire to 
employ every practicable method of showing that they are in sympathy 
with the modern movement in favor of universal peace. 

I received this morning a letter from the Catholic Cardinal at 
Baltimore, in which he wishes to recommend to the Peace Congress 
the gentleman who will be here to represent Belgium in the interest 
of the Congo State. I think His Eminence is probably aware that 
the feeling here is very strongly not in sympathy with the Belgian 
government in its affairs in the Congo State, but I feel that we must 
give a fair chance to the distinguished representative of the king of 
the Belgians when he shall speak. 

The Archbishop regrets that he cannot be present. He made, 
perhaps, the best speech delivered at the great Peace Meeting in 
Washington on January 1 5 last, and his interest is very great in every 
movement taken in behalf of universal peace. 

The letters are as follows : 

St. Cecilia's Rectory, Belvidere St., Boston, Mass., 

September 26, 1904. 
Rev. Edward E. Hale, D. D., South Congregational Church. 

Dear Rev. Sir : This is written in reply to your letter in relation to religious 
services in connection with the Peace Congress about to meet in Boston. The 
Archbishop has delegated me to attend the meetings of the Peace Congress and 
to respond to all inquiries and requests arising from the officials and promoters 
of the same. 

Your courteous offer of the use of your church for a religious service con- 
ducted by Catholic ecclesiastics, as one of the services of devotional exercises in 
view of the deliberations of the Peace Congress, is received and thankfully 
acknowledged. While it is our intention to aid with our prayers and cooperation 
the aims of the Peace Congress, it would be too inconvenient to do this in the 
manner you suggest. We must be content with some other mode of showing 
that we are in accord with the modem movement in favor of universal peace. 

Yours truly, 

William Byrne, V. G. 

Archdiocese of Baltimore — Chancery Office, 
408 Charles Street, Baltimore, 

October 4, 1904. 
Rev. Edward Everett Hale, Peace Congress, Boston. 

J)ear Sir : I regret exceedingly that many pressing engagements prevent me 
from assisting at the Peace Conference in Boston. Had I been able to be present, 
I would make it my duty to say a word in vindication of the policy of Belgium in 
the Congo State. The representatives of the different European powers at the 
Berlin Conference were compelled to express their admiration and praise of the 
noble ideals of the founder of the Congo State and of the splendid results achieved 
through his humane policy. 

The Italian representative, speaking of the perseverance of the kirig of the 
Belgians in the civilization and development of the Congo State, said : " For 
eight years with rare constancy, he (the king) has spared neither trouble nor per- 
sonal sacrifice for the success of a generous and philanthropic enterprise." 

In terms no less flattering spoke the British representative. Sir Edward Malet, 
and likewise " Chinese " Gordon. Lord Curzon, too, says : " The Congo State has 


done a great work, and, by its administration, the cruel raids of Arab slave-dealers 
have ceased to exist over many thousand square miles." It may be added that 
this happy consummation was not reached without the copious shedding of gen- 
erous Belgian'blood. But civilization and commercial prosperity advanced apace, 
and in an incredibly short time, — so efficient, so humane was the policy, — where 
before had been a wilderness, now a garden flourishes instead. The civilization, 
the development, the present prosperity of the Congo State, the peace that now 
nestles in its once turbulent bosom, are all the fruits of the toil and sacrifice of 
the Belgians. 

Keeping in view all this, it would be greatly to be regretted that a Conference 
which bears the very name of Peace — which was inaugurated in the interests of 
peace — should discuss a question which is calculated to arouse enmity and strife. 
Moreover, such a discussion would of necessity be one-sided and unfair, in so 
much as the representatives of the Belgian government would have no oppor- 
tunity to reply to the charges made against its administration of the Congo, nor 
to present their own case. 

In the past, when the Congo began to thrive, when happy prosperity began to 
smile upon her rivers and plains, charges were made from the outside against the 
Belgian administration of the Congo ; but the Belgian authorities have always 
been able to refute thoroughly and successfully all these accusations against mis- 
rule and violation of agreements, etc. 

I am, yours very sincerely, 

J. Card. Gibbons. 

The Secretary announced more letters and telegrams of greeting to 
the Congress. 

The Chairman : Before we proceed further in the discussion of 
the subject introduced by Mrs. Lockwood, Mr. Green has a message 
from the Socialists, vsrhich we will afford him an opportunity to present. 

Mr. J. F. Green : Mr. Chairman : I had the pleasure, with our 
friend and comrade, the interpreter, Mr. Smith, Mr. Herbert Bur- 
rows, Mr. Pete Curran and Dr. Clark, of addressing the Socialists' 
Convention of Massachusetts two or three days ago in this city, and 
they have since handed me a resolution, which I will read to you. 

The resolution read by Mr. Green expressed hearty fraternal greet- 
ings to the Congress, a sincere desire for the success of its delibera- 
tions, and that war between nations might become a thing of the past 
and peace and goodwill among men obtain throughout the world. It 
declared war to be a relic of the days of savagery, no longer suited 
to our times ; that it was but an instrument in the hands of the own- 
ing and exploiting classes of all nations, It declared the Socialist 
Party in Massachusetts as elsewhere to be the implacable enemy of 
all war, that the problem of universal peace was fundamentally in the 
hands of the working class, and that the Socialist movement presented 
the only remedy which struck at the tap-root of all war and presented 
the only hope of permanent and universal peace. 

Mr. H. La Fontaine then offered the following resolution in 
support of the proposition contained in Mrs, Lockwood's report : 

" The Congress recalls the terms of Article 27 of the Hague Convention, by 
which the signatory powers have imposed on themselves the duty, in case of any 
senous conflict breaking out, or being about to break out, between two or more 


of them, of reminding them that the permanent tribunal' is open to them, and 
agrees with the Interparliamentary Conference in expressing Hhe desire that the 
powers which signed the Hague Convention should, as far as practicable, agree 
to act in concert and in the most practical way to fulfill the engagement which 
Article 27 of the protocol lays upon them.' 

" The Congress recommends as worthy of the consideration of the powers the 
Model Treaty presented to this Congress as the result of the study of the com- 
mittees appointed for that purpose by the Peace Bureau in 1900 and the Peace 
Congress of 1901, having for its object to constitute an arbitral union of states 
and to insure that the beneficent initiative of the above Article 27 shall be 
carried into effect." 

Mr. La. Fontaine then said : Now a few words about what was 
said by Mrs. Lockwood. The question before you is to simplify the 
completion of arbitration treaties. As you know, there are about 
sixty-five states in the world, and if every one of these states makes 
arbitration conventions with all the others there must be sixty-four 
conventions with each state, or more than thirty-six hundred conven- 
tions. Now we want to simplify this, and to have one convention to 
which all the states in the world can agree. The Postal Union is an 
instance of this. Under it you can send a letter all over the world 
for five cents.' There was only one treaty made in forming this 
Postal Union ; it was made first by twenty states, and all the others 
came in afterwards. We think the same procedure must be used in 
the arbitration question ; there must be first one convention between 
some of the states, and then all the other states come in. 

This would simplify the whole question. We propose a scheme, 
which has been read by Mrs. Lockwood, that on the one side the 
powers will enforce Article 27 of the Hague Convention, and that 
every other state which has not signed may come in afterwards. As 
you know, there are now two general treaties, the treaty between 
Denmark and the Netherlands and the treaty signed in Mexico by the 
Pan-American Conference held there. But the two treaties are very 
short and do not give details enough for the organization of the Union. 
In the new scheme here before you the details are given ; it shows 
where the new states will come in, which state is to have the presi- 
dency of the Union, and it is to the President that the new states 
that would come in shall write. 

It is only a scheme, as you see. You do not adopt the scheme ; 
you only propose that if a new general treaty is made by many states 
this scheme shall be followed as far as possible. I think that the 
Congress cannot do better than approve such a schenie, and ask the 
states to make one treaty which will form all the states into one Union, 
and so it will not be necessary to have as many treaties as there are 

Mr. Pete Curran (representative of the General Federation of 
Trades Unions of Great Britain) : Mr. President and Fellow- Delegates : 
As this is the first time that I have ventured to address the Congress, 
I will take the opportunity at the outset of conveying to the various 
nationalities represented here the heartiest good wishes of the Trade 
Unionists of the United Kingdom. 

The Trade Union Congress held in Leeds three weeks ago, prior to 
my sailing for America, at which one million and a half of the organ- 
ized workers of the United Kingdom were represented, in addition to 
giving me, by unanimous vote, credentials to come here and speak on 
their behalf, also passed a resolution of a very definite character, ask- 
ing the powers to enter at once into an international understanding 
for the purpose of bringing about international peace. Therefore, you 
will clearly understand that while we represent a country that unfortu- 
nately has been overburdened with militarism, yet the organized 
workers of that country, though they are in a minority, are solidly in 
agreement with the aims of this great International Peace Congress. 

There are three great powers which, in my estimation, ought to be 
kept in view by this Congress, especially in connection with the reso- 
lution which is before you. Each of the three powers have men at 
the head of affairs who have expressed their desire to establish inter- 
national peace. I mean, in the first place, Russia, whose "Czar is 
already pledged through the Hague Conference to the principles of 
peace. [Applause.] Well, I very much fear a great deal of pressure 
would have to be brought to bear on the Czar before he puts those 
principles into practice. [Applause.] We have also the present 
President of the United States, committed quite recently before the 
Interparliamentary Union to the same principle ; and King Edward 
the Seventh, the monarch of Great Britain, who has shown very 
definitely a desire to join hands with the other powers of the world in 
bringing about international peace. In principle, as an adherent of 
socialism, I am of course against the principles of monarchy, but 
when King Edward as the monarch of our country is prepared to 
help us in establishing international peace, I am perfectly willing to 
take all assistance possible from that quarter. 

In my judgment, if this Congress simply passes abstract resolutions 
and then lets matters alone entirely until the peace parties of the 
v/orld assemble again, twelve months to come, we might as well, in 
my judgment, not assemble at all. We want to bring pressure to 
bear on the great powers of the world right here and now, and if we 
bring pressure to bear on the greater powers of the world, we believe 
that the smaller powers will willingly acquiesce in what the 'greater 
powers do. 

I feel that there is a great principle underlying the peace movement 
which has not been very widely discussed at this convention up to 
the present moment. I do not blame the convention, because every 
question which has been brought forward has borne upon some 
aspect of the principle of peace. But we in Great Britain, especially 
the organized working class element, believe that the relations between 
capitalism and labor will have to be altered before we have peace 
assured. [Applause.] 

All wars which have taken place for the last hundred years, irre- 
spective of what nations were involved, were brought about distinctly 
because of the greed of territory. The greed of territory and the 
greed of imperial or colonial expansion are born of the greed of com- 


mercialism [Applause.] And in my judgment and in the judgment 
of those whom I represent, until we are able within our own various 
territories to curb and to check that commercial greed we shall never 
be able to check this sordid greed of annexation which to-day over- 
powers so many of our statesmen. [Applause] I believe that the 
great wealth producing class in the world will have to take this matter 
in hand and bring pressure to bear upon the great powers, and ask 
for absolute international disarmament. 

The Chairman : The audience will understand clearly that you 
are committed to nothing by adopting this resolution ; it is simply a 
recommendatory resolution, and as such I think we all might agree 
to adopt it. ^ 

The resolution offered by Mr. La Fontaine was read again by the 
Secretary and unanimously adopted. 

A report was then presented by Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie from 
Committee A on the condition of Armenia. 

Mr. Houzeau : Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am glad 
as the chairman of Committee A to report on the condition of 
Armenia. I will be very short, for two reasons : the first one is that 
I don't know many English words ; and the second one is that the 
unfortunate situation of Armenia is very well known to every one of 
you. So I will content myself with the very good speech of my 
friend, who is to address you, and with saying that peace between 
every class of men in one nation and peace between the different 
races in one nation is very important and is necessary as the basis of 
universal peace. 

I will therefore simply read the resolution; I will read first in 
French and then in English. I think it is clear enough, and I need 
say nothing more. 

Whereas, The situation in Armenia is growing worse and worse, and the mas- 
sacres of the Armenian populations continue in the same atrocious way as 
heretofore ; 

Whereas, There is ground for protesting with the utmost energy against the 
apatfiy and inactivity of the European governments which allow these horrors to 
be continued without any serious or efficacious protestation ; 

Whereas, The reforms in Macedonia stipulated by the powers have not been 
sufficient to bring relief to the Balkan populations ; 

Seeing the international character of the Eastern question and the common 
responsibility of the great powers pledged by the terms of the Berlin treaty to 
intervene in the terrible situation created by the Turkish government ; 

The Congress respectfully appeals to the President of the United States to 
make use of the most appropriate means to put an end to the frightful sufferings 
of the various peoples of the Turkish empire, and suggests to him the idea of an 
international conference which shall endeavor to discover how it will be possible 
to put an end to the direct authority of the Sultan of Turkey over the peoples of 
foreign race which inhabit his empire, or to put his authority under some effec- 
tive control. 

Dr. Melikoff of Armenia read an address in French, which was 
interpreted by Mr. Smith as follows : 

Dr. Melikoff explains that the great massacres in Armenia of 1894 


to 1896 cost the lives of some three hundred thousand Armenians, 
while many others were wounded and others starved to death, and hu 
bases his declaration on the reports of diplomatic agents. 

You will remember that in 1878 the Berlin Treaty was concluded, 
and in that treaty Article 61 especially recognizes the necessity of 
administrative reform in Armenia, and pledges the governments who 
entered into the treaty to, see that these reforms should be applied. 
He attributes to this Article 61 of the Berlin Treaty the massacres 
that have been taking place in Armenia. This very Article which 
was meant to protect the Armenians has been the reason that has led 
the Sultan of Turkey to. plan deliberately the scheme for exterminating 
the Armenian population, in order that there might be no necessity 
of carrying out the reforms proposed in the treaty. 

There are two means of extermination. Occasionally you have 
the big, sensational massacres, such as those of 1894 and 1896. 
Then you have the normal massacres, that is to say, the apparently 
small massacres by which little districts are done away with in detail. 
The excuse for massacre is the difficulty of collecting taxes, or else 
it is a search iriade to try to find rebels that are supposed to come 
from foreign countries to disturb the peace of the Sublime Porte. 

At one city this summer seven battalions were drawn up, twenty- 
four bridges were destroyed and a massacre took place, the people 
were tortured and seven thousand seven hundred and seventy-one 
of them were done to death, wounded or starved. He says that the 
same thing is now going on, and the paper of which he is editor, 
" Pro- Armenia," gives an account of news just received from Tiflis 
of further massacres taking place there. 

These massacres are methodically organized. He does not blame 
Turkey or the Turkish people. He says that the Sultan governs 
absolutely ; there is no Grand Vizier ; there are no Cabinet Ministers ; 
everything is managed by the Sultan, and his secret agents and 
spies permeate the whole country. The Sultan alone is responsible. 

Dr. Melikoflf claims that the European governments are also indi- 
rectly responsible in this matter, because they know perfectly well 
that they are pledged to intervene, and they have not done so, 'and 
they know it is this Berlin Treaty which encourages the Sultan to 
perpetrate these crimes. 

This is a matter which is legitimately brought before this Congress, 
not on its own merits as an Armenian question, but because this 
Armenian situation is a focus of general disturbance. It represents 
a smouldering fire which at any moment may burst out and extend 
beyond the • frontiers of Armenia. The danger that exists in Ar- 
menia is a danger to the peace of Europe, as well as a terrible men- 
ace to the Armenians themselves. 

G. H. Perris : I have been commissioned by the Balkan Com- 
mittee of London to bring before you under this resolution the ques- 
tion of Macedonia and those disturbed parts of southeastern Europe 
which are in a case hardly less serious and disgraceful than Armenia. 


I shall not attempt to point out to you, as Dr. MelikofE has done, 
the shameful effusion of blood which takes place wherever the cursed' 
rule of Abdul Hamed spreads itself. We have done too little to 
limit, to abolish these hateful cruelties. 

I wish to say simply a word upon the practical question, because 
I believe that not only all in this building, but all in the civilized 
world, would arouse themselves if they could see what practically to 
do to help the peoples of Armenia and Macedonia. 

Now I want to suggest to you that it is perfectly well known 
among statesmen what ought to be done. It is known, for instance, 
in regard to Macedonia, that all that is needed is that the reforms 
which have been pushed to a certain extent should be pushed still 
further ; that the police force which is already officered by Russians 
and Germans should be international ; that, above all, a European 
governor should be made responsible, because, while a Turkish gov- 
ernor is responsible, there is a perpetual collusion between the Turkish 
governor and the lower Turkish agents. 

I might go on reciting these measures which are perfectly well 
understood,, which could be applied to-morrow, so well are the details 
understood. Why are they not ? Simply because the word " treasure " 
in this world is nearly always put before the word " humanity." In 
regard to treasure the European powers take precious good care that 
they rule the Turkish empire with complete success. I have traveled 
over the" Turkish railways ; the system runs as smoothly as your 
system here. There is no native traffic, there is only a traffic of 
soldiers, of Europeans and of officials — but it is ruled perfectly. 
Why? Because it is under European control in the name of 
European capital ; because it is necessary always that profits be well 
paid whether the profits of humanity are paid or not. What about 
the Turkish tobacco monopoly ? Its debts are paid to the moment. 
Humanity comes behind tobacco in the scale of human worth. 

The Turkish public debt is administered thoroughly by Eniropean 
agents. Abdul Hamed has no hand upon the Turkish public debt, 
not a bit of it. It is like the administration of the Egyptian govern- 
ment by Lord Cromer, — he holds his hand upon the material goods 
of the Egyptian people, the first payment of whom is to be the pay- 
ment of the debts of their recent conquerors. 

I only have this practical word to say to you to-day : The time 
has come when the free peoples of the West should rise up and say 
that the debts of humanity shall be paid first, and the debts of cap- 
ital afterwards. It is perfectly possible to-morrow, if in the Congress 
of the United States, in the Parliament of England, in the Parlia- 
ment of France, in the Parliament of Italy — and I name these 
countries because more and more repeatedly in these last years they 
have approached each other in their policy — if in these countries 
the deputies stood up and insisted upon these reforms, we could get 
within two years the reforms in Macedonia which would secure at 
least that there should be safety of life, safety of transit and of 
movement, safety of conditions generally in this oppressed and 


suffering country. It lies with us to decide that our deputies shall 
say this in the parliaments, and I appeal to all of you to help us to 
get that done. [Applause.] 

J. F. Green : There is just one thing that I think ought to be 
pointed out with regard to Armenia. I am in entire sympathy with 
and heartily support the resolution. Nobody who knows anything of 
what has been going on in Armenia for years past can do other than 
shudder with horror at the outrages perpetrated upon this unfortunate 
people. But I think it is only fair in this Congress to state the facts. 
A deliberate attempt, in my opinion, has been made to rouse the very 
worst passion that can be roused in this world, namely, the odium 
theologicum — theological hatred. An attempt has been made to 
arouse a hostile feeling on the part of Christians against Moham- 
medans, and to make out that it was only Mohammedans that would 
do this. 

It is notorious that the government responsible for the empire of 
Russia would very much like to have the Armenian territory, which 
at present belongs to the Sultan of Turkey, but the Russian govern- 
ment would very much prefer to have Armenia without' Armenians, 
and therefore the soldiers of the Czar, the Cossacks, are lending most 
efficient aid to the troops of the Sultan in putting an end to the 
Armenian people. The very last number of " Pro-Armenia " contains 
an illustration, the most terrible illustration which I have ever seen in 
any paper in the world. It is a representation of mutilated and 
slaughtered Armenians, not, mark you, by the emissaries of the Sultan 
of Turkey, but by the Cossacks employed by the Czar of Holy Russia. 
Emissaries of the Sultan on the one hand inform emissaries of the 
Czar when Armenians are to be driven over the frontier, and the 
Cossacks are there to receive them and give them a truly Cossack 
welcome. In the same way, when the Cossacks inform the Kurds 
that Armenians are to be driven across the frontier, the Kurds are 
there to give them a characteristic Kurdish welcome. 

I do not want to take anything away from the blame which we are 
bound to throw upon the Sultan of Turkey, but at the same time it 
must be remembered that the men who are at the head of the Russian 
governmental system are directly responsible, to a great extent, for 
the massacres of these unfortunate Armenians. [Applause.] 

Herbert Burrows : My friend, Mr. J. F. Green, has said a great 
deal of what I intended to say, but I want as an Englishman to en- 
force in the strongest possible way what Mr. Green has told you. I 
have had the opportunity of traveling in Turkey, and to some extent 
studying this Armenian question on the spot. I was within fifty 
miles once of the scene in which the most horrible massacres of the 
Armenians occurred a few years ago, and we found out two or three 
things there. 

The first is that which Mr. Perris has told you, that in all these 
things, not only in the Armenian troubles, but in other similar occur- 
rences, the trail of the financier is over all. The next is, as Mr. 


Green told you, that the odium theologicum is also behind it ; and 
the next, that everybody in these despotic governments is practically 
to blame for this sort of thing. [Applause.] 

Now, like Mr. Green, 1 am in most hearty accord with the resolu- 
tion, and I would not say one word which would detract from its 
effect, but I remember that the most despotic power in the world, the 
greatest menace to the peace of Europe, and the greatest menace to 
the liberties of the people, is the Russian government. [Applause.] 
I have worked for some five and twenty years, as I told Rabbi Levy 
yesterday, among the Jews in England, and I have been immeasurably 
surprised that at this Congress no mention has been made of the 
massacres of Jews in Russia. [Applause.] I took part in the agita- 
tion in London, among the poorer as well as the richer Jews, against 
that unspeakable massacre of the Jews by the Cossacks and the Rus- 
sian government at Kishinef, and I say deliberately, knowing the 
facts, that there is not a pin to choose between the action of the 
Russian government and the action of the Sultan's government. 

Now, let us go to the Armenians for a moment. It is true that 
there is the odium theologicum. We were told when we visited 
Constantinople, by a man who had been in Turkey thirty or more 
years, and who knows intimately all the ins and outs of the iniquities 
of the Turkish government, that when the awfulness of the Armenian 
massacres first began to dawn upon Europe, he made very careful 
inquiries, and he found that during the worst of those massacres the 
Sultan himself in his palace stood all night by the side of the opera- 
tor at the telegraph instrument and personally ordered the massacres 
of those Armenians. His object is to clear out all the Christians 
from Turkey. That is the key to his policy. He wants Turkey for 
the Turkish, and he does not want any Christians there at all. 

Well now, side by side with that, and intertwined with it, is the 
action of the Russian government. Now I do not blame the Turkish 
people for the setting Christian against Mohammedan or Moham- 
medan against Christian. We were not very long in Constantinople, 
but we were there long enough to find out that the ordinary Turk, the 
peasant especially, is a very peaceful fellow. He does not want to 
be interfered with, and he does not want to interfere with anybody. 
Until his passions are stirred up by his government, he can live quite 
peacefully in his villages and towns side by side with his Christian 
neighbors. But the Turkish government is not a government of 
civilized people. 

The men who rule both governments, Russia and Turkey, are at 
bottom savages, veneered by art and ordinary commercial civilization. 
And until the powers of Europe wake up to say that not only in 
Armenia but in Russia shall massacres of unoffending people stop ; 
and until the powers of Europe, and America also, tell our own 
British government that the massacres of unoffending people in 
Tibet shall stop [applause] — till you take the trail of savagery out of 
these governments, till you bring the pressure of the highest, not 
commercial, but religious and ethical civilization, to bear on these 


despotic governments, — our duty as a Peace Congress is not done. 
My last word is that the duty of the Peace Congress is- to put all 
such nations on the same footing in this respect ; not to think that 
Russia is a heaven upon earth because the Czar called the Peace 
Conference ; not to think that the Sultan is a double-dyed villain. 
Blame him, blame the Czar, blame us, but work to bring about that 
reign of justice and peace in the world, of which these governments 
till now have not had the slightest conception. [Applause.] 

Dr. G. B. Clark: I am interested very much in this Turkish 
question, and during the past year I have visited both Turkish 
Armenia and Russian Armenia. I was rather biased in favor of 
Russian rule, because a large portion of Armenia is now a part of 
Russia ; but to my astonishment I found among the Armenians in 
Russia as great a hatred of Russian rule as I found in Turkey of 
Turkish rule. In Turkish Armenia you find nothing but dirt and 
desolation, but in Russian Armenia you iind almost as much civiliza- 
tion as here. Batu is almost as fine as Boston. 

I am not going to defend Turkey. God forbid ! But I know that 
Turkey exists only because of British policy. I know that the Crimean 
War which we fought was for the purpose of maintaining this horrible, 
this legalized anarchy over this country. Macedonia would have been 
a self-governing state, as well governed as Servia and Bosnia, had it 
not been for Great Britain. Turkey must end ; but you must strike 
at the real source of her continuance : the real source is the policy of 
Great Britain. When Macedonia was liberated by Russia — and I 
was one of the old Macedonian Committee — Lord Beaconsfield and 
Lord Salisbury deliberately took from it that right and handed it back 
to Turkish misrule. [Applause.] 

That is the position that we are in to-day. You may appeal to 
President Roosevelt to do something. President Roosevelt and the 
American people are guiltless. Appeal to the British government; 
appeal to the British people. And when you are doing it, I agree 
with my friend Mr. Perris that you should also appeal to them to stop 
their " peace " embassies. We send a " peaceful " embassy and it is 
suddenly changed into a great war embassy. We find a treaty under 
which we have taken Tibet, and the trail of the commercial serpent is 
there, because no foreigner has a right to mine or to have any property 
in Tiljet. 

Do not let us appeal to any outsider like the President of the 
United States, who is not responsible, and who can do little. Let us 
appeal to the British government to change 'its policy. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I had intended, without knowing I should occupy 
this position this morning, to say one or two words in regard to the 
resolution. They shall be very brief. 

I want to point out one or two things. I respectfully submit to 
those who prepared this resolution for our consideration whether they 
think it is likely that any great conference of the powers would end 
the atrocities in Armenia. We have had conference after: conference. 


We have had One of the most powerful Prime Ministers in Europe 
throwing all his great influence into the scale in favor of the Sultan of 
Turkey, actively identifying himself, in fdct, with the policy pursued 
by the Sultan. This Minister would be represented at the conference 
and would naturally exercise an enormous amount of influence, and 
we could not expect anything but discord and abortion from a con- 
ference of that kind. 

I respectfully submit that we are asking the powers to do that which 
we know would be an absolute failure. Therefore it seems to me to 
be folly to expect the powers to do that which we know it would be 
folly to do. Great Britain, I think, is no worse than any of the others. 
They all have their little game to play, and they would play it in the 
conference the same as they are playing it at the present moment. 

I cannot help thinking that if President Roosevelt were to take the 
step it would be the best way to settle the difficulty. I know the 
feeling of consternation produced in Great Britain and the danger 
that existed at that time, though it did not pass into the acute stage, 
when we received the message of President Cleveland in regard to 
Venezuela. There was a dispute between Great Britain and Ven- 
ezuela'that had existed for a century, and our statesmen told us over 
and over again it was impossible that that dispute could be settled. 
They were always ready to assign all sorts of reasons why that dispute 
could not be settled. President Cleveland, as you know, issued a 
peremptory message. We looked very much askance at it ; we were 
very much annoyed that the President of the United States should 
issue a message of that kind, almost commanding Great Britain to 
settle that difficulty with Venezuela. Well, it was settled, and there 
is no doubt whatever that the settlement was due to President Cleve- 
land and the message which he issued. [Applause.] 

I admit the danger of such a course, but I cannot help thinking 
that if to-day President Roosevelt were to follow that example, and 
say to the Sultan of Turkey, not " Let us join you in a conference to 
consider this question," but " You have for generations outraged every 
principle of humanity ; in the name of civilization and humanity we 
demand that these atrocities shall cease, and cease forthwith." In 
less than three months the Sultan of Turkey would be on his knees, 
the atrocities would cease, and they would never be recommenced. 

I merely point that out for your consideration. It seems to me an 
unfortunate course to ask the powers of Europe to enact another 
farce — to join in a conference with a view to terminate that which 
we know would not be terminated as the result of any such conference. 

I have nothing more to say except that I shall not as an individual 
member of the Congress oppose the resolution, but I venture to pre- 
dict that if it is adopted the effort will prove abortive. 

Dr. Trueblood : May I call Mr. Cremer's attention to the fact 
that it is an international conference which is contemplated, of which 
the United States, and not the European powers alone, should be a 
part ? It is a very different thing from a European conference only. 

Rev. Chas. G. Ames : I wish to give my reason for voting " No." 
I do not think the resolution is thoroughly matured so as to be a fair 
expression of the feeling of the Confererice ; and I think we are laying 
out too much work for the President of the United States right along. 

Rev. Chas. F. Dole : May I ask from what committee this reso- 
lution came ? 

The Secretary : It came from the first committee, Committee A, 
on Current Questions. 

Mr. Dole : Committee A ? I have the honor to be on Committee 
A and I have never heard of this question before. I move the refer- 
ence of the question back to the original committee. 

The Chairman : Do I understand you to propose that the subject 
shall be referred back to the committee for further consideration > 

Mr. Dole : Yes, sir ; I am sure it cannot pass in the form in which 
it now appears. 

Mr. Dole's motion was duly seconded, and the Congress .unani- 
mously voted that the report of the committee should be referred 
back to them for further consideration. 

The Secretary read a reply just received to the greeting sent from 
the Congress to the Episcopal Convention in session in this city, as 
follows : 


The House of Clerical and Lay Deputies of the General Convention of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church, convened in Boston, sends to the Thirteenth Inter- 
national Peace Congress, assembled in the same city, greetings and assurances of 
profound sympathy with the motive which has created the Congress and the work 
to which it is dedicated. 

We believe that the deepest interests of the Church are identical with those 
of society ; that spiritual forces underlie and coalesce with the intellectual, eco- 
nomic and political forces that are working the amelioration of humankind, its 
redemption from ancient wrongs and stupidities, the expansion and organization 
of its liberties ; and we recognize in the International Peace Congress an instance 
of the illumination and momentum which these forces have acquired in the cen- 
turies that have been leavened by the truth and ideal of Christ. 

While the struggle for existence is the law of a race or a nation, as it is the 
law of an individual, there is no reason why the savagery of war should not be 
eliminated from that struggle ; no reason that can justify itself before the tribunals 
ty which the world protects either its moral or its secular interests. There is no 
reason, moreover, why the methods which civilized nations have developed for the 
administration of justice and the adjustment of rival interests should not be 
applied to the relations of international life. 

As the world is belted down and its racial stocks and governments come into 
more vital and complex touch, men are beginning to discern that war is a crade, 
brutal and wasteful method of adjusting the antagonisms of races and sovereign- 
ties. In this regard, as in many others, the principles of Christian morality are re- 
inforced by the expanding needs of the world's industrial and commercial life. 

Year by year, more eagerly and hopefully, the eyes of all who care for the well- 
being and onward march of humanity are turned to the Hague Tribunal of Arbi- 
tration as a power for righteousness, which is in the first chapter of its history. 

There is that in its conception which, if realized, will establish a new ideal of 
international honor, which shall be based upon a new ideal of international justice 

This tribunal, however, or any other agency for the protection of tlie world 
from its false traditions and selfish greeds, can fulfill its mission only as it has 
behind it a vigorous and enlightened social conscience. This conscience we 
believe it is the province and the purpose of the International Peace Congress to 

We therefore, in the name and worship of the Prince of Peace, the Discoverer 
and, in a deep sense, the Founder of the human Brotherhood, assure our prayers 
and cooperation to tie Peace Congress convened at an hour in which possibly the 
most gigantic and destructive war of history is giving terrible testimony to the 
need of a high court of nations and a parliament of the world. 

Attest: Henry Austin, 


The next order of business was the following report from the Com- 
mittee on Propaganda, which was submitted by Mrs. Lucia Ames 

First : Inasmuch as the first need of the peace propaganda is adequate funds to 
undertake a great campaign of education on the futility and evils of armed peace, 
the Congress recommends that far more strenuous efforts than have ever been 
employed shall at once be undertaken, so that the burden of the propaganda shall 
no longer rest on the weary shoulders of those who have only their leisure time 
to devote to it. 

The Congress further recommends that a sum equal to the price of one first- 
class battleship — seven million dollars — shall be solicited from the civilized 
world, to be spent in the practical measures which are embodied in the following 
suggestions : 

The establishment of a centre of propaganda in fourteen or fifteen of the 
world's great capitals, — Washington, London, Paris, Berlin, Tokip, Cairo, Buenos 
Ayres, etc., — with five hundred thousand dollars more or less to endow each and 
to give it a conspicuous headquarters. These centres should all be affiliated with 
existing peace societies and in harmonious relation with the Berne Bureau. They 
should be officered by men of large experience and ability in organizing, who, 
according to the need of each locality, should use the following agencies : 

a. Books and leaflets in various languages sold at cost price and in attrac- 
tive form. These should include such historical, economic, religious, sociological 
and scientific matter as will be useful in reaching all classes of citizens in a peace 

b. Syndicate articles for the press, especially when friction between nations 
is impending; and a press bureau which shall supply exact and impartial informa- 
tion as to the real attitude of one nation to anotlier. 

c. Illustrated lectures for workingmen, schools, churches and clubs on ques- 
tions relating to peace and war. 

d. School histories and readers revised and edited so as to miniinize the 
records of military campaigns, and emphasize the advance of science, discovery 
and social progress. 

e. The increase of membership in parliamentary arbitration groups by re- 
quests from constituents. 

f. The enlistment of the intelligent cooperation of those organizations which 
promote religion and true patriotism and those which are working to remove arti- 
ficial commercial barriers on frontiers. 

g. Definite, concrete presentation of the economic evils of war by graphic 
methods which shall appeal to the passer-by, and offers of prizes for' the best 
essays, books, poems, suitable for use in the propaganda. 

In commenting on this part of the report Mrs. Mead said : 

We have heard much of " the sinews of war " ; it is high time that 

we heard something about the sinews of peace. [Applause.] If the 
peace of this world is to be achieved it must be by education, and 
education costs something. Seventy years ago there was just one 
man in the State of Massachusetts who had a million dollars ; to-day 
there are said to be at least four hundred. There are twelve hundred 
people in the city of New York who are millionaires or multi-miUion- 
aires. Last week in Boston a lady of whom I had never heard died 
and left a million dollars for local charities. Last spring another, 
unknown to me, left a million dollars for a cathedral there. The 
other day in Philadelphia a man died and left fifty million dollars — 
I had never heard of him before. And so from day to day we find 
rich men of whom we had never heard dying and leaving enormous 
sums to various charities, but, strange to say, the men who know how 
to get money are singular in their ideas of spending it. They rinj;^ 
the changes on three or four things, — hospitals, libraries, schools. 
Now we do need all the money that has been given to hospitals, libra- 
ries and schools ; but there are some things even more fundamental 
than some of these. 

There have been two millionaires who have done great things for 
peace. We honor Mr. Andrew Carnegie because he gave a million 
and a half dollars for the Hague International Law Library and for 
a Temple of Peace ; we honor him for giving five million dollars for 
the Heroes of Peace. We honor Mr. Nobel, who gave ten million 
dollars, the interest of one-fifth of which shall go to the peace propa- 
ganda. But the man whose gift touches our hearts most is the man 
sitting on the , platform, who, when last year he received the Nobel 
prize of forty diousand dollars, turned over nearly all of it to the 
cause of arbitration. [Applause.] I refer of course to Mr. William 
Randall Cremer, M. P., who is presiding at this meeting, the founder 
of the Interparliamentary Union. 

Is it not a disgrace to the rich men of this world to give so little 
when one sees a poor man give away to this great cause far more 
than he keeps for himself ? 

There are many others who at serious cost to themselves are doing 
valiant service. I, perhaps more than any American woman here, 
know how limited are the means of most of the peace workers on 
both sides of the Atlantic. These people are giving their time when 
they are weary, when they often pay for their own postage and station- 
ery, and when paying even their own carfare they give free lectures. 
There is a man of small means whom I see in this audience, -^ I see 
him always at Mohonk at the Arbitration Conference, — who gives all 
his scanty leisure to sending syndicate articles on peace to a hundred 
newspapers. A little money would enable him to give all his valuable 
energies to the cause of arbitration. I refer to Mr. L. A. Maynard, 
whose name all ought to know. 

The time of small things in this work ought to have passed. Mil- 
lions upon millions are being put into this and that kind of chanty 
and philanthropy which are mere palliatives and poultices on the 
evils created by armed peace and war. Why is it that we have so 


little money spent for peace ? I believe it is because intelligent people 
have n't yet waked up to the fact that it is a really practical thing. 
There is no sentimentalism about our schemes ; we know definitely 
what we want to do, and now we appeal for money to enable us 
to do it. 

A battleship costs a sum more than equal to the valuation of all the 
land and all the ninety-four buildings of Harvard University, plus the 
valuation of all the land and buildings of Tuskegee and Hampton 
Institutes; and that battleship can in three minutes be turned into 
old junk, as was the " Maine " in Havana Harbor. If it is not 
destroyed its length of life for fighting purposes is only thirteen 

We do not need to wait until we get our seven million dollars ; we 
shall begin with the price of a torpedo boat or a Gatling gun. I 
want to live to see upon Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, upon 
the Strand in London, upon the Unter den Linden in Berlin, — upon 
the leading avenues of each of the great capitals of the world, — a well- 
equipped building which shall be the centre of propaganda. I believe 
that if we can assure the rich men of the world that we have this defi- 
nite program, and we want them to start the fire which shall create 
steam and make the wheels go round — if we can make even a few 
of the privileged men of every land realize that, the money will be 
forthcoming. We must therefore be absolutely business-like in our 
methods and waste no time in an)^hing that is unpractical. 

We advocate " books and leaflets at cost price," such as Mr. Edwin 
Ginn provides at 29 Beacon Street in the International Library which 
he has begun to publish, consisting of the most important works in 
behalf of peace and arbitration. Bloch's "The Future of War," 
Charles Sumner's "Addresses on War," and Channing's "Discourses 
on War," have already been published in this series, and others are 
to follow. We want a great deal more of literature sold at cost price, 
and we want it in every important language. 

We ask for "illustrated lectures," such as Professor Ruyssen of 
France has just told us are being used so widely in his country. We 
can have for fifteen cents apiece slides which illustrate every phase 
of the whole question. 

The arbitration groups in the parliaments of the nations ought to 
be extended and increased. We ought to have every member of 
Congress, Senators and Representatives, members of this group. And 
so in other countries. What will persuade them to join ? Your writ- 
ing' and asking them. The other day, one of the Kentucky Repre- 
sentatives, speaking of a certain measure under consideration, said : 
"Do you know, I have had twenty letters on that subject; the whole 
state is stirred up about it." See to it that you write a letter to your 
Representative and ask him if he belongs to the arbitration group, 
and if not, whether he will not join. 

Then we should seek " the enlistment of the intelligent cooperation 
of those organizations which promote religion and true patriotism." 


There has been so much bastard jjatriotism that we take pains to ptft 
in that word " true " patriotism. 

Second: The committee recommends that at the present session no action 
shall be taken regarding a peace flag. 

For several years at our Congresses the subject of a peace flag 
has been raised, but we feel that the vital questions we are consider- 
ing to-day, — the Armenian question, the Macedonian question, the 
Japanese- Russian War, — are of such importance that it would be 
inexpedient to spend any time in discussing devices, forms and colors.^ 
For the same reason we ourselves cannot consider any details regard- 
ing a universal alphabet or language. 

Third : That the requests which have been presented from different scholarly 
.sources relating, in one case, to a universal alphabet, and in another to a universal 
language, be referred to the Beme Bureau with powor either to act or to recom- 
mend' action at a later Congress. 

Fourth : That the kind invitation of the Peace Society at Lucerne, Switzer- 
land, to hold the Fourteenth Congress at Lucerne in 1905, be accepted, and the 
arrangements for the Congress be entrusted to the Beme Bureau. 

Fifth : .The present Peace Congress recommends to the religious authorities 
of every land that each formulate a prayer, to be offered in their regular reUgious 
services, that God will enable the nations of the earth to settle peaceably all their 
disputes; and that the Beme Bureau be requested to convey this request to the 
prtjper authorities. ' 

Sixth ; In view of the increased demand among all people for reduced postal 
rates, the Congress recommends to the governments of the earth the adoption of 
an international two-cent postage stamp. 

These are the recommendations which the committee makes. ' 

Mr. W. p. Byles : I wish to add one practical suggestion to the 
many which Mrs. Mead has made from the platform. I am quite 
certain that every member of the Congress appreciates the services 
which Mrs. Mead has rendered in ' providing for our comfort and in 
promoting the great success of the Congress. [Applause.] I thank 
her for the many inspiring suggestions which were embodied in her 

But I want to add one suggestion as to these methods of propa- 
ganda, which Mrs. Mead in her modesty was precluded from making. 
This morning there came into my hands for the first time, and I hope 
it will be in the hands of many of you, " A Primer of the Peac^ 
Movement," published by the American Peace Society and written 
and'prepared by Mrs. Mead. It is so excellent, as it appears to me, 
that I have asked for this moment to address you in order to recom- 
mend to every one of my colleagues at this Conference that before 
they leave Boston they should possess themselves of this Primer. 
Anybody who wants ammunition for speeches, who wants to under- 
stand the various arguments upon which the peace movement rests, 
or who wants to know how to set people thinking on this subject, will 
find abundant suggestion and most useful matter in this small pamphlet. 

Prof. Theodore Ruyssen (interpreted by Mr. Smith) : As ?. 


French delegate he appeals to the Congress not to do again what has 
already been done. For instance, Mrs. Mead in her admirable report 
proposes that a fund be created for peace propaganda, but we must 
remember that at the Rouen Congress it was solemnly voted and 
provided that such a fund should be created. The fund is created ■ 
unfortunately there is not a dollar or a cent in that fund. [Laughter.] 
What you want now is to ask people to subscribe to the fund which 
was provided for at the Rouen Congress. It would be foolish to 
propose any figure, whether that of the cost of a battleship or of a 
torpedo boat ; but we should be thankful for any subscriptions, whether 
large or small. 

Then in regard to slides. There are actually two hundred and 
eighty such slides in existence. It is not necessary to say that these 
things should be done, they are done ; there are two hundred and 
eighty slides at your disposal at the present moment, and you can 
obtain them either from the French Society of Peace or from the 
Berne Bureau. He has with him eighty photographs of those slides, 
so that you can see eighty of the two hundred and eighty subjects 
that are at your disposal at the present moment. Each of these Slides 
costs fifteen cents. 

Then again you have brought up the whole question of language. 
We have debated that at great length, and Professor Ruyssen was 
himself the reporter on the question at the Glasgow Congress. It 
was there decided to refer the matter to the society which had been 
formed for the special purpose of bringing about a universal language. 
Content yourself with doing what was done at Glasgow ; that is, you 
approved of the principle, and now encourage by your approval those 
who are pushing that principle forward. 

Then there are two points in Mrs. Mead's resolutions that are 
specially religious in tone ; that is to say. Christian. Well, he does 
not object to those in any way, but he points out to you that the peace 
movement is also a "free thought " movement and a Masonic move- 
ment, and that while not objecting to any Christian sentiment that 
may be expressed, he wants it to be clearly understood that a large 
number of Freethinkers, Non-Christians and Free Masons are leading 
in the peace movement, and they reserve to themselves their inde- 
pendence of conscience and of thought. [Applause.] 

Hon. John Lund : I desire to say a few words in regard to the 
peace prayer recommended by the Committee, as I had the honor 
to propose the subject for their consideration. 

It is all but two thousand years since the Peace Prince of the world, 
Jesus Christ, preached the gospel of peace and the doctrine of love 
and goodwill among men. 

How peacefully the so-called Christian societies have observed up 
to our day Christ's message and teaching it would be superfluous to 
dwell upon. Yet all this time every community throughout the world 
has raised its temple. in honor of its Master, and assembles there for 
edification and prayer. And in Christian lands there are special 


prayers appointed, which the clergy in the name of the congregation 
are authorized to offer to the Lord of Lords ; intercessions for the 
respective princes and governors and for "the forces by land and 
sea," etc., and these they repeat on each occasion that the congrega- 
tion gathers to worship in the House of their God. 

Has not the time come to introduce into the authorized prayers of 
the church a special petition also for peace and the work of peace ? 
What great spiritual power would there not lie in one universal appeal 
to the Highest from all communities of the world, each time they 
assemble to worship, that the doctrine of the Master, "love one 
another," might be advanced to fulfillment among every people upon 
earth 1 The consciousness alone that at the same hour and with the 
same thought other races are turning in prayer to God for the mainte- 
nance of peace must strengthen and confirm us in our efforts. 

A request from our Peace organization to all organized Christian 
societies throughout the world that they would support such a general 
church prayer would, I feel sure, in our times, when philanthropic 
ideas are daily gaining ground, be readily complied with. The con- 
tinual recollection of the work we owe to peace which this would 
occasion, the general interest for the same which might thereby be 
aroused, would also certainly have its importance, and a stronger 
universal distaste for organized murder would thereby gradually make 
itself felt more and more. 

Opinions as to how a prayer like this should be framed may be 
different. I make bold to suggest to you the following form : 

" Lord, give thou thy blessing to the work of peace we long to perform ; grant 
that the disagreements between peoples upon earth may be settled peaceably, 
and strengthen thou all those who work for this thy cause with thy Holy Spirit's 
wisdom and grace. Amen." 

Further, when trying to bring about some general prayer of this 
nature, we should not seek to confine it to the Christian world alone, 
for nearly all peoples put their trust in some Higher Being who 
directs their destiny, and to whom they turn themselves in prayer in 
times of gladness or of seriousness and in the hour of sorrow and of 
need. I venture to propose that the Peace Bureau, or a committee 
chosen by the present Congress, be authorized to draw up a proposal 
for some suitable form of common church prayer for the work of peace, 
and to make representations to the governments of the varipus lands 
or to the governing church boards with a view to getting the proposal 
furthered in the best possible way. 

Mr. Edwin Ginn was then introduced and presented the following 
paper on 


From year to year the peoples of the civilized nations meet in con- 
vention to discuss the problems of peace and war. These conventions 
are exerting a good influence, yet the misfortunes of war are pressing 


upon us more heavily year by year. It would be difficult for any one 
to picture war in all its phases in stronger language than that used by 
Sumner in his "True Grandeur of Nations," or by Channing in his 
"Discourses on War," or by Bloch in his economic treatment of the 
subject. It is not lack of the knowledge of the horrors of war and 
the blessings of peace that retards our movement, but rather the indis- 
position of the people to grapple with the subject in a businesslike way. 

The industrial organizations are developing the resources of the 
nations to a remarkable degree ; but unfortunately a large part of this 
gain is lost in the expense of equipment for military purposes. Na- 
tionally we are all making good progress, — financially, economically, 
intellectually and morally; just laws have been established and 
obedience to them is secured through the courts. But internationsUy, 
in some respects, we are still barbarians of the Middle Age. The 
nations still rely upon the sword and the cannon for the protection of 
their rights. They are distrustful of each other. Occasionally they 
are willing to submit their differences to arbitration and settle them in 
accordance with the dictates of reason, but not a single nation is less- 
ening in the slightest degree the physical force upon which it relies 
for its defense. The Hague Tribunal is a great step forward ; but 
the peoples of the world in the main are not ready to submit their 
differences to this Court ; and until the individuals who make up the 
nations are ready for such action, the heads of the governments will 
continue to be powerless. 

There now exists among the civilized nations the most -complete 
military organization the world has ever known, a force almost beyond 
our ability to comprehend. Five millions of the ablest-bodied men 
in the world are withdrawn largely from productive service, and their 
future,- as regards salary and promotion, depends upon the present 
military regime. In addition to this maintenance of vast armies and 
navies, there is the enormous expense of establishing and equipping 
fortifications. All this imposes a frightful burden upon the rest of 
the community. To support this force and carry this burden the 
industrial world is hard at work, on the farm, in the shop, on the sea, 
in the counting-house, — in all the vocations for the real upbuilding 
of humanity; and after paying the enormous taxes imposed upon 
them because of these great armaments, there is left to many a very 
small margin for the absolute necessities of life. Mr. Atkinson has 
computed from government sources that each family of five people in 
this country pays for the expense of warfare twenty-five dollars a year. 

To oppose all this, what are we doing? We have a few societies of 
well-disposed men ; a few journals of limited circulation ; a few noble 
men and women who are devoting their lives, so far as possible, to 
opening the eyes of their fellows to the evils of the present system ; 
but the entire amount of money spent each year for these objects in 
our own country does not equal the expenditure upon one of our 

Is it not time for us to look at existing conditions from a business 


standpoint ? This thoroughly equipped and perfectly organized mili- 
tary force is the product of all the ages up to the present time. I am 
not denying its actual service in the preservation of order and peace. 
It is necessary to have a standing army, a militia and ships of war. 
We have not yet advanced to the period when it would be safe to 
dispense with them altogether. But do we need a force like the 
present ? Would not a small regular army, with a militia for cases of 
emergency, and a few vessels of war, be ample for any nation to 
maintain for its protection in all civil dissensions or other dangers ? 

Any change in the existing order of things must be of slow growth, 
and it must be effected by education. In many countries the whole 
order of society needs to be changed. In Germany, for instance, and 
in many other countries, those connected with the army and navy 
stand socially at the very head, a place of honor to which the youth 
look forward with reverence and ambition. The children from the 
cradle are taught that the highest aim in life is to prepare themselves 
for the army. In our own country in some of our schools the boys 
are drilled like soldiers and march through the streets to the strains 
of martial music. 

We need a body of educators whose' sole duty should be to go 
among teachers, awakening and developing an intelligent and ade- 
quate interest in this great subject. This work of education should 
commence with the school children. It is with them that our greatest 
hope lies. We should remove from the books which are placed in 
their hands whatever would stimulate unduly the military spirit, and 
in its place tell them of the heroes in everyday life, who are sacrific- 
ing their lives in the investigation of the germs of disease and the 
methods of destroying them ; draining unhealthy swamps ; performing 
heroic deeds in saving the shipwrecked upon our shores ; engaging in 
missionary work among the heathen and in our own land ; brave 
firemen who, at the risk of their own lives, are saving the lives and 
property of others ; the men and women working in the slums of our 
great cities, and depicting the misery they find there in order to 
awaken public interest so that these conditions may be improved ; the 
trained nurses, who watch by the sick bed night and day, tireless in 
their efforts to relieve pain and to give comfort to the suffering; 
teachers in overcrowded schoolrooms, whose burden of responsibility 
and care knows no limit. No man upon the battlefield deserves 
higher enconiums than these unselfish workers. And yet I would 
not detract in the slightest degree from the honors that are paid to 
the noble men who have sacrificed their lives for their country ; but I 
6,0 object to the system -Which calls for the. sacrifice of so many noble 
men, There are as many noble men sacrificed upon the wrong side 
as upon the right. It is the system that I deprecate. These men are 
noble, not because of war, but in spite of its demoralizing influences. 
It is the work which one engages in which must needs exert a' con- 
stant influence upon the life ; and the nobler the work, the nobler the 
life. Very little inspiration can come to any human being whose 
whole life is spent in preparation for the' destruction of his fellows. 

' Then, too, we need a corps of workers who should devote their 
time to the press. The press is the greatest influence in the state 
to-day ; and it is of the utmost importance that its tone upon this 
momentous question be' raised to the highest level. At one time it 
seemed to me that an ably edited journal of the highest class, with a 
suffi:ient fund at its disposal, devoted exclusively to peace and arbi- 
tration, would perhaps-be the most effective instrument in our crusade ; 
but the more I study the matter, the stronger is my conviction that a 
special journal of this kind would not be so potent for good as a 
Bureau of Information, properly organized and conducted, which 
should furnish important articles to the leading papers. Compara- 
tively few people would be interested in any journal which was de- 
voted entirely to this subject ; but the millions will read a well-written 
article in the daily press. People desire information ; and I am sat- 
isfied that the most important service to our cause could be rendered, 
not through any one organ, even were it the best in the world, but 
through the great body of kindly disposed newspapers, the Bureau 
supplying, judiciously, such material as would best serve our ends. 
There should be in every community a very able editor, with suitable 
assistants, whose duty it should be to gather and distribute this mate- 
rial, — one in close touch with the leading papers and writers of the day. 

Again, the clergy need to be awakened in much fuller measure to 
their duties and responsibilities for existing conditions. We should 
secure some of the ablest representatives of the pulpit and make it 
possible for them to devote the rest of their lives to going among and 
corresponding with their brother ministers, arousing enthusiasm in 
this great cause. 

We also need the services of some of our ablest statesmen and 
lawyers, whose special task it should be to work among the legislators 
all over the land, "those who have influence upon public opinion. 

We are spending this year upon the army,' navy, fortifications, etc., 
in this country, two hundred million dollars. Since 1790 we have 
spent not less than five thousand million dollars. The yearly expen- 
dit^ire of the civilized world for these purposes at the present time is 
about twelve hundred millions and has been over one thousand mil- 
lions a year for the last fifteen years. 

If one-half this amount were devoted to the upbuilding of society, 
it would establish a thorough system of graded highways ; it would 
connect all the great river-systems for purposes of commerce ; it would 
irrigate and make fruitful the immense tracts of sandy deserts 
throughout the length and breadth of the civilized world ; it would 
eliminate the congested sections in our great cities, and in the place 
of crowded tenement houses, unfit for human beings to live iri, pro- 
vide comfortable homes at moderate cost ; it wbuld make -possible a 
careful supervision of all the great mining industries, reducing the 
fearful loss- of life to a minimum ; it would build hundreds of floating 
hospitals for the sick during the summer months ; it would found per- 
manent hospitals wherever needed; it; would establish a thousand 
farms and workshops near the gfeat centres of population, where the 


unfortunate could have employment at a small remuneration, until 
such time as they could help themselves ; it would estabUsb a paid 
commission in every country, which should give its entire time to the 
study of the different problems connected with the various industries 
of the day and aid in the solution of these most perplexing questions; 
it would provide schools in every neglected portion of the globe, and 
in many other ways improve the physical, intellectual and moral con- 
ditions the world over. 

Is not our loudest call to give more attention to the consideration 
of ways and means for beginning immediately a vigorous and system- 
atic campaign of education z.gzxasX. the present warlike. tendencies of 
the nations and against the false ideas as to what really makes a 
people great? The same law governs nations as individuals. Do 
we regard as our greatest men those who possess the most land, 
houses, ships, stores, railroads or other property ? Is it not rather 
the man, though he possess little of this world's goods, of high moral 
worth and broad intelligence, whose judgment is safe to guide the 
people aright ? Shall we not extol the nations who rule their subjects 
wisely, giving to each protection in his individual rights, rather than 
those who extend their dominions by conquering a weaker people 
and taking from them their liberties ? 

It seems to me that we have arrived at a stage beyond the talking 
period, and should now take up this subject in a businesslike way, 
making use of all the good things that have been said as a lever to 
produce results. It is not sufficient to spend one or two days in the 
year discussing this subject. It is not sufficient to publish a few 
journals of limited circulation. It is not sufficient that a few men 
and women are giving their lives to this work. We must educate the 
masses. It is constructive, not destructive, work that will improve 
the nations. Russia and Japan, in a single year, 'will destroy more 
than a century can restore, to say nothing of the suffering in the 
homes, on the battlefield and in the camp. Perhaps this frightful 
loss of life and property and the misery inflicted upon these two 
nations, and, in fact, upon the whole world, may be the culminating 
lesson to turn the nations to wiser methods of settiing their differences. 

The meeting together of representatives from all over the civilized 
world offers a very great opportunity for studying and improving 
present conditions, but are we making the most of these opportunities ? 
Is not our circle of influence too limited, our work temporary and 
intermittent ? All these eloquent speeches reach only a few thousand 
people and the press reports are but meagre. When the week is over 
we shall return to our homes, take up our accustomed duties, and the 
noble work here discussed will soon be forgotten in the engrossing 
cares of the world. We need a permanent, persistent force, to take 
advantage of the enthusiasms aroused here, and by printing and 
spreading broadcast these speeches keep the cause alive. Constant 
agitation will be necessary for many years to educate the people to 
demand a less expensive and more reasonable rnethod of conducting 
international relations. No solution of this most difficult problem is 


possible unless it be undertaken by broad-minded men who are ready 
to ignore boundary lines and all thought of nationality, seeking only 
the highest good for all. 

Before I close permit me to throw out a hint, for the consideration 
of business men, in regard to the foundation of an organization which 
might properly be called "A School of Peace." 

In the first place, a Board of Trustees should be selected from those 
who have shown great originality and executive ability in carrying on 
large business enterprises. To their hands should be committed the 
duty of choosing the ablest men in the country who desire to devote 
their lives to the study and promotion of this most important of all 
questions. They should carefully consider the conditions of the whole 
world and the relation of each nation to it, in order to inaugurate a 
working scheme that shall be just to all. They should also be com- 
petent to select the most efficient assistants to join with them in this 
great undertaking. 

To establish and equip this " School of Peace " on broad and last- 
ing foundations a large endowment is necessary. If anything is to 
be accomplished in this world, of either great or small moment, some 
one must do something. Talking is all very well, but I have yet to 
see a crop of wheat gathered from the field, a bridge span the river, 
a ship launched into the sea, or a railroad cross the continent, by 
mere talking. Some one must put his hand to the Work, or furnish 
the funds for other hands, in all undertakings, else they will fail. 
Moral influence is good, but if that is our sole reliance, this cause 
will not be advanced. Until this moral influence is quickened into 
action, little will be accomplished. 

Many intelligent people have said to me, " The plan which you 
propose is too broad, too far-reaching, to hope for any immediate 
results." That is true, but immediate results are not what we are 
looking for. Every peace-loving citizen should do all he can to pro- 
mote the cause of arbitration in the settlement of all disputes, but at 
the same time he should attempt to remove the causes of contention, 
and is not the greatest cause of international complications the vast 
armaments of the world ? We recognized this principle when we es- 
tablished a law to prevent the carrying of firearms by citizens. It is 
the well armed man, prepared for a quarrel, who is most ready to 
seize the first occasion for engaging in one ; and as with the individual, 
so it is with the nation. 

I have given a great deal of thought to this most important question 
of disarmament. Of course no plan can succeed which is not based 
to a large extent upon present conditions. Each nation would expect 
the same armament, relatively, as now exists, and with good reason. 
It is not alone the population that should regulate the force allowed 
a nation ; but taken in connection with that, the comparative wealth 
of a nation is a very important and vital consideration. For example, 
suppose two nations were equal in population, but one possessed 
three times the wealth of the other, then equitably she should be 
allowed three times the force. This would simply be following out 

the natural laws of development, as: the richer nation could maintain 
the larger armament as easily as the other could the smaller force. 
If all could agree upon some such plan, the present armed force 
could be reduced very materially — perhaps one-half in the near 

Perhaps the next most important step to be taken would be the 
calling of a convention, not of politicians or envoys seeking first the 
advancement of their own people, but of the greatest men in all 
the world, who should meet together as a Congress of Nations, to 
devise better plans for cooperation in the world's work. The rela- 
tions of the individuals in the different countries are much closer than 
those of the states themselves; and when the individuals of the 
nations shall meet in convention some practical, working plan will 
surely be evolved for reducing this vast expenditure of life and 

The whole world has so long depended upon physical force to 
maintain proper relations among the nations that a change to an 
economical, moral and reasonable plan for the settlement of differ- 
ences must needs be slow. We may not expect to perfect the ideal 
organization in a day or a year. The great object with us all should 
be to make a real beginning toward lessening the armaments of the 
nations. This work cannot be done by one or two men ; but we can 
lay the corner-stone. All great enterprises must have a beginning. 
Often that beginning is so insignificant as hardly to attract attention ; 
but it is in tib.e providence of the All- Wise that no good thought or 
act shall fail. We are asked simply to put forth what strength we 
possess. The final solution of the problem we may safely leave to 
the Father of us all. His laws will carry on the work, for He has 
ordered that good seed shall not die. Some may fall in barren places 
by the wayside ; but enough will find fruitful soil and grow, until the 
face of the earth shall yield its own rich harvest of good overcoming 
evil, when man shall no longer desire to overreach or injure his 
brother, but all shall join in the grand old anthem, " Peace on earth, 
goodwill to men." 

The report of Committee C as presented by Mrs. Mead was 
then approved. 

The Chairman announced that Dr. Darby was ready to submit 
an amended resolution from his committee on the subject of Armenia. 

Dr. Darby : We withdraw from the resolution as we now present 
it the request, to President Roosevelt. That happy thought which 
occurred at the beginning when this report was made has been over- 
done, and we withdraw it. 

We also omit any suggestion as to the course to be adopted in 
dealing with the evil. The rfesolution that we offer to the Congress, 
after some considerable thought, will therefore read as follows : 

Whereas, The situation in Armenia seems to be growing worse, and the atro- 
cious massacres of the population continue ; .. - . 


Whereas, The reforms planned by the powers for Macedonia have not sufficed 
to secure the pacification of the country ; 

Considering the international character of the Eastern Question and the 
common responsibility of the great powers under the Berlin Treaty for the terrible 
situation there created; 

This Congress appeals to the governments of Europe and the United States 
immediately to consider the best means of putting an end to the sdfEerings of 
alien populations in the Turkish empire, and of restricting or ending the direct 
rule of the Sultan over such populations. 

This amended resolution was adopted unanimously, and the Con- 
gress adjourned. 

IPttblic /IDeettng in pari? Street Cburcb, 

Friday Afternoon, October 7, 1904. 




The Rev. Charles F. Dole of Jamaica Plain called the meeting to 
order at 2 o'clock and said : 

We have come together to-day to consider one of the most impor- 
tant and difficult subjects that is before the world. It is really, if 
people would think of it properly, the old issue of slavery over again 
in a new and subtler and more wholesale form. It is the old issue 
between aristocracy and democracy, between the stronger and the 
weaker people. 

We thought we had settled the question once for all when we put 
an end to American slavery, but here it is again with us, — the same 
old issue. We trust that we have learned the lesson that came to us 
out of the question of slavery, but the very point of all our discussion 
is whether we have learned the lesson. The same plausibility that is 
involved to-day in the relation between the stronger and the weaker 
peoples was involved in the old days between the stronger and the 
weaker individual. Nobody in the old Greek period ever thought 
that it would be possible to abolish slavery. There were men born 
to be slaves, as there were other men born to be free. That is what 
the old Greeks thought. And as late as the time of the organization 
of our government, Washington was fairly puzzled to see what was to 
become of these weaker individuals (slaves) unless some stronger 
and more energetic people took charge of them. The question was, 
whether you could not take charge of them so justly that it would be 
better for them to serve as slaves than to live as free men. When 
people traveling in the South observed the contented condition of 
the slaves on the better plantations, they came back and reported 
that slavery was a good thing ; and then they were always telling us 
that we could Christianize the weaker people if we only took care of 

Now we have this question on, on a vast scale, all over the world, 
— in the English colonies, in Java, where the Dutch rule, all through 
Africa in reference to various great powers, the Belgians and the 
Germans and the English again. It has been on in a rather small 
way between our own government and the Indian tribes, and we have 
found difficulty enough, and have written the story of our " Century 


of Dishonor " about it. The world has not, however, yet got the les- 
son, and the process of the exploitation of the weaker races, so enor- 
mous do the commercial powers grow, is going forward on a scale 
vaster than ever before. We have come together to consider what 
we can do about this question, and whether we can set in motion any 
moral and spiritual and political forces which shall serve to check this 
colossal danger which faces the world. 

We got rid of slavery only after a fearful war and the slaughter of 
hundreds of thousands of men. Shall we get rid of the other forms 
of the evil in the same way, or shall we, learning by experience, take 
a saner way of disposing of them ? Shall we believe what we say we 
believe about the democracy of man ? Shall we believe that men are 
our brothers, whatever the color of their skin may be ? That is the 
precise question before the world. There are multitudes who tell us 
that they do not believe it at all. They tell us the only way we can 
manage for the weaker and the inferior people, as they call them, is 
for the stronger people (that is, we) to take them in hand. And they 
say, pointing to superficial results, — precisely as in the old days 
people pointed to the picturesque results on a great Virginia planta- 
tion, — they say, " See how beneficent in India and in Java this kind 
of rule is." At the same time things are going on all over the world 
that make one's heart sick. I am afraid we have got to hear some of 
those things this very afternoon. 

But first, we are going to listen to one, a great authority on all these 
matters of race difference and race value, — for I do like to change 
the word and say "race value "rather than "race difference," — ^I 
mean President G. Stanley Hall of Clark University, our fellow citi- 
zen of Worcester. 


Ladies and Gentlemen : Some of you have no doubt seen in the 
Smithsonian Museum at Washington a large picture by an artist whose 
name I forget, entitled "The Extermination of the Buffalo." It pic- 
tures a hunter well supplied with ammunition, hidden on a high rock, 
and shooting down the buffalo. Underneath the picture is this legend : 
" This shows the method by which the great Northern and the great 
Southern herds in this country, numbering nine million at least, were 
exterminated between 1872 and 1883." Precisely that process has 
been going on with regard to all the higher animals ever since the 
dawn of civilization, and never so rapidly as now. All our game pro- 
tection laws are ineffective, and the journals devoted to natural history 
contain every little while lists of new animals that have been exter- 

Now it is just this process that is going on with regard to the lower 
races of mankind to-day. Man, it is said, cannot trace his origm be- 
cause of certain "missing links," but it is man himself who has exter- 
minated these "missing links," kicked over, as it were, the ladder by 


which he rose, or exterminated his own genealogical tree. [Applause.] 
In all the one hundred and thirty-six colonies and dependencies of, 
the world, which embrace to-day just about one-third of the human 
race and two-fifths of the entire globe surface, this process is going 
on by very many means, by disease, sometimes by starvation, some- 
times by discouragement, sometimes by conscious and deliberate 
annihilation. And this has actually become, in the minds of a few 
writers, a deliberate gospel. They have attempted to apply Professor 
Darwin's theory to the realm of man. 

We have had a great many concrete instances of this, You have 
all read, no doubt, the story of the Indians in the eastern part of 
British America, the only surviving cave men. Only in 1835 the 
very last member of this interesting tribe died and took out of the 
world with her their traditions and customs. They had not even been 
civilized. Such is the story of the Tasmanians also, estimated all the 
way from forty to four hundred and fifty thousand. They were a race 
of unique origin and of peculiar qualities of body and of mind. It 
was said by those who first discovered them, when Tasman landed 
there early in the seventeenth century, that they were men and women 
of great vigor and virtue. And first of all they committed that great- 
est of all offenses — they showed that they had land that was precious 
and that there were certain minerals there. That is the death sentence 
of a primitive race. So they were crowded out of the more valuable 
territory. A great many of the settlers actually kept tally on their 
gun stocks of the number of natives they had killed. Finally they 
were banished to Flinders Island. One or two were taken to England 
and educated, and within the memory of men now living the very last 
survivor of that great race died of the white man's dissipation and the 
white man's disease. They departed without leaving any trace in the 
world, and their blood cries to-day from the ground. 

That process is going on almost everywhere where the so-called 
civilized and primitive races come in close contact with each other. 
They are dying by various processes — by disease, for instance. 
You know that to primitive people who have not had the measles that 
disease is as fatal as the smallpox is to us. In many of these primi- 
tive races, for instance, that of the Sandwich Islands, thousands have 
died of the measles. In fact I believe twenty or thirty thousand died 
of this disease in the Sandwich Islands alone. Moreover, the white 
man takes his " fire water " with him, and very often it happens that 
the very worst products of civilization are brought in contact with the 
best products of savage life. 

No matter where you look you find this contempt of the white man 
for all aborigines. He feels that we are the best, and that the brown 
man and the red man and the yellow man must get out of the way of 
civilization; that they must either accept « the white man's burden" 
or else be crushed to the earth by it. 

There is no time to speak of details. It would be interesting to 
take up the general statistics of a great many lands, such as, for 
instance, New Zealand, which is supposed to contain to-day not 


one-eighth of the population which it contained when it was first dis- 
covered. It was that land which,, you know, Macaulay pictured in an 
iridescent dream would some time or other in the future send one of 
its natives, who would go and sit on the ruins of London Bridge and 
wonder what on earth the English civilization really meant. And yet 
these people, the Maori, are now being rapidly extinguished, not, 
of course, by deliberate murder, but because they lose heart and soiil. 
The story of " The Last of the Mohicans " is being repeated every- 

Now the fundamental assumption on which this all rests is wrong. 
It is not demonstrated that civilization is the last and the best thing 
in history. In fact a great many anthropologists, Huxley and many 
others, have shown us conclusively that first of all only a few of the 
brain cells are developed, and therefore the possibilities of the brain 
are not developed. Moreover, civilization only brings a certain few 
qualities into the foreground. It is well compared to a rich and 
many-roomed mansion, in one or two of which, perhaps, there is a dim 
light burning, all the rest being obscure. 

There is, then, such a thing as the fanaticism of civilization that 
is almost comparable, I believe, to the fanaticism of the Mahdi him- 
self. These primitive races, some of them, are decadent; some of 
them have passed their prime and are no doubt doomed by the inevit- 
able laws of God to extinction ; but some of them are extant and 
have their future before them. 

A professor in the university of Berlin, in a book which he has 
written, says, naming several races in a great tribe in Africa, that it 
is his deliberate belief that these men have shown just such ability as 
Alfred the Great, and that we are regarding those people very much 
as the Romans, for instance, regarded the half-savage Briton in the 
days of Alfred the Great, or, indeed, as they regarded the German in 
the days of Tacitus. 

Take the very best case, — for I have no time to dwell upon 
details, — take the very best case, that is, the British in India. Here 
are about fifteen hundred men in black, the officials, and about sixty- 
five hundred men in red, the soldiers, holding in awe and control 
a vast population of three hundred millions or thereabouts. And 
England has done in India this immense thing, — she has taught 
these warring tribes to respect justice, she has enforced peace and 
order, and is beginning to plant the seeds of Western civilization. 
But Europe never has understood, never can understand Asia. I 
believe that is a cardinal principle in the philosophy of history. 
[Applause.] And not only that, but we find that the great evil of all 
this thing is that, in the opinion of Mr. Digby and many other of 
the best authorities, India is less able every decade to govern herself 
instead of being more so. The dream of English statesmanship, that 
it is preparing India to govern herself, must, therefore, be declared 
in the light of the facts to be fundamentally unrealizable. On the 
other hand, the evil side of all this effort is seen in the excessive 
taxation ; from thirteen to forty-six per cent, is the rate of taxation all 


over India, as shown by the Blue Book. In fact the tax is laid in 
many colonies upon the very rag ajsout the loins of the peasant; in 
one case there was a tax of over four hundred per cent, on salt, and 
in another case of over six hundred per cent, on soap. We preach 
by our missionaries the virtues of cleanliness, and tax soap six hun- 
dred per cent I [Laughter.] 

Take, for instance, the famine fund. Where is it ? has been asked 
over and over again. By the very best statistics we have it demon- 
strated that in the last quarter of a century there were as many fam- 
ines probably as in the first three quarters of the last century, and 
twenty-six millions have died like flies, partly because it was thought 
necessary to supersede the old law of Manu that required that money 
should be laid up every full year for the lean year. 

The general principle seems to be this, that it may be after all that 
our civilization, like every other that the world has seen, is to have its 
day and slowly decline. There is no assurance that what we call the 
best or the truest thing has yet been so attained that it can never be 
lost. We must never forget that history is not yet written, because 
the best things have not happened yet. They are yet to occur. If 
man is in the process of making it would not be strange, but rather 
the thing that should be expected from every large and philosophic 
View of history, that by and by some race now obscure should take up 
the burden of civilization, light their torches, treat us sometime in 
the far future as we treat Greece and Rome and Babylon and the 
other great races of the earth, and gathering up the best of our 
lessons carry civilization on in a higher and broader way. Hence 
this suppression everywhere of primitive man, simply because he lacks 
firearms and because he lacks trade, is the thing against which, it 
seems to me, every Peace Congress ought to make its voice heard. 

There are such things as studies of colonization that are beginning 
to be recognized. There is such a thing as preaching a religion that 
shall do for Buddhism, Confucianism, yes, even for the lowest forms 
of Paganism, something like what Jesus did for Judaism, simply 
reveal the best that is concealed in them and bring a higher civil- 
ization. If we are ever able to develop the ideal missionary, he will 
make himself sure that he is not ignorant of the best ideals of the 
religions of those among whom he goes, and his best ideal will be to 
do for them a work very similar to that which Jesus did for the Jewish 

That is the view which is beginning to claim the attention of those 
who are interested in the philosophy of religion from the point of 
view of the education of races. These primitive races must be re- 
garded as children : to work them is child labor on a large scale, to 
oppress them is cruelty to children ; but to educate and nurture them, 
to bring out the best in them — that is the goal toward which I be- 
lieve our policy should steer. And I am optimistic enough to believe, 
in spite of all the tragedies of the present, that that is to be the- 
■tendency ultimately. [Great applause.] 


The Chairman : I am now going to call upon Mr. E. D. Morel of 
England, who represents the Congo Reform Association, and you will 
be glad to listen to him. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I think it is only fair and 
right, for the sake of the cause which I represent, to correct, or at any 
rate to comment upon, some statements which have recently appeared. 
I stand before you to-day a very feeble representative, not only of the 
Congo Reform Association, but of the British and Foreign Anti- 
slavery Society, the Aborigines Protection Society and other societies, 
and I may claim fairly to represent the great and growing British 
public opinion which has interested itself in the Congo matter. 
Therefore, if my words have any effect upon you to-day, they are not 
the words of an individual alone, but of an individual speaking 
by the authority of a great many people and a great many powerful 

The reason of my presence here is a very simple one. It is to 
appeal to you who are met here in the cause of peace to lend a help- 
ing hand, by your influence, to stop the cruel and desolating wars 
which for the last decade have been waged in the Congo in the name 
of philanthropy and civilization ; to ask you whether you will not lend 
your influence to an effort to stop the systematic extirpating of a 
whole people for the sake of monetary gain. 

You are, no doubt, most of you, acquainted with specific reports of 
atrocities and cruelties perpetrated upon the natives of the Congo. 

For the last eight years and more, — for the last eight years more 
particularly, — we have had a stream of reports from the Congo of the 
same uniform character. Some of you who have looked into these 
matters may have thought that these reported acts were simply indi- 
vidual results of individual cruelty and wrong. Now what we con- 
tend is that the system that has been set up in the Congo territories 
makes these acts inevitable and necessary for the upkeep and main- 
tenance of the system ; and our whole case is based, not upon indi- 
vidual acts of wrong doing, but upon the system which makes those 
acts necessary to its maintenance. 

Allow me to remind you of the circumstances under which interna- 
tional recognition was granted to what is now called the Congo Free 
State. When Stanley emerged from the mouth of the Congo, King 
Leopold of Belgium, who had founded an association for the explora- 
tion and civilization of Central Africa, hastened to come in touch with 
the great explorer. The upshot was that King Leopold's Association 
became a huge scheme which was to insure the neutrality of the 
Congo Valley, to promote therein the legitimate trade of all nations, 
and to promote a policy at once sound and statesmanlike towards the 
■ native inhabitants of the country. 

On that basis King Leopold applied to the civilized world for 


recognition. He asked that the flag of his Association should be 
regarded as that of a friendly government. The United States, ever 
generous, was the first to translate into substance the belief which it 
had in the pretentions and the pledges given by King Leopold, and in 
1884 first among the civilized powers recognized the flag of the Congo 
Association as that of a friendly government. Other powers followed, 
and the act of Berlin crowned the work. 

In that way were the destinies of twenty million people and a huge 
territory in Africa, one and a half million square miles, handed over 
and assigned in trust to the King of the Belgians, not to the Belgian 
government, but to King Leopold personally. This great act, tliis 
resolution of such tremendous import to so many millions of human 
beings, was not made in lightness of heart, was not undertaken with- 
out a very clear understanding between the parties concerned. 

What was the position of King Leopold's International Associa- 
tion before the recognition of that Association by the United States ? 
There is no doubt that the expeditions which King Leopold sent into 
Africa between 1879 and 1884 had no legal status; failing recogni- 
tion by the powers they were purely filibustering raids. In fact, Mr. 
Casson, the American Ambassador in Brussels and one of the Ameri- 
can delegates to Berlin, described the occupation of the Congo 
country in the following words: "Without our recognition these 
efforts to civilize the Central African native, which we believe to be 
worthy of our support, must be held to be mere acts of piracy." It 
was solely and wholly on the strength of the specific pledges given 
by King Leopold that civilization recognized his association as that 
of a friendly and neutral state. 

Those pledges are incorporated in the treaty between the United 
States and the International Association, and in the various protocols, 
and in the clauses of the act of the Conference of Berlin. Perhaps 
their essence can be concisely given in the following sentences of one 
of the plenipotentiaries at that Conference : " The natives would 
understand that civilization and government by white men meant for 
them peace and liberty." 

" Peace and liberty," — I beg you to note those words. For twenty 
years the era of peace and liberty, of moral and material regeneration, 
has held unfettered sway in the Congo basin. For twenty years those 
modern crusaders of civilization in Central Africa have had their way. 
The dawn has broken. A light has risen slowly but clear. What 
picture does it reveal? It reveals a picture of great activity: a rail- 
way between the lower and upper Congo has been constructed ; ocean 
steamers now go up two hundred miles ; the upper river has enormous 
steamboats, very finely built; stations have been built, which I am 
told are surrounded by very beautiful cabbage gardens ; there is a 
library in the capital — there is also a prison. There are various 
other concomitants of outward civilization. That is one side. 

But what lies behind that ? A stricken and oppressed race groan- 
ing under a yoke greater than that of the Ten Plagues of Egypt ; a 
people oppressed from the first day of the year to the end of it. The 


pledges of the Congo State which was dedicated to Uberty have been 
translated by making free with everything the native possesses, includ- 
ing his body and his life. The pledges of King Leopold have been 
translated by declaring his unquestioned personal right to every object 
of commercial value which their country produces. An. army, greater 
than the armies of England, France and Germany in western Africa 
combined, has been raised and Is quartered upon the population. A 
vast system of forced labor in India rubber and in food stuffs for the 
upkeep of the army and the stations has been inaugurated, and the 
people are dying out. There is a penal settlement in every village. 
There is a stockade of the soldiers, with instructions that that village 
must produce so much rubber per week or per fortnight, as the case 
maybe. They have full license to oppress and to punish. And I 
ask you what, even if you had no' reports from a dozen sources — I 
ask you what you would judge must be the inevitable result of such 
an abominable system ? 

When this demand for rubber, rubber, rubber is the one end and 
aim of the administration of the Congo Free State, from top to bottom, 
it is of no use to tell us that we are inventing these things. They 
have been published, and they have been published in the Belgium 
pariiament. From every part of the Congo comes the same weari- 
some, mournful tale, of tribes dying out, large towns and villages dis- 
appearing, large areas extirpated of every vestige of human life. 

And lliis insensate policy has not even religious fanaticism to ex- 
cuse it Its only fanaticism is the fanaticism of dividends. [Applause.] 

Remember tiiat we bring no charge against the Belgian govern- 
ment and the Belgian people. The Belgian government through its 
head, through its Minister for Foreign Affairs, has declared on two 
occasions within the last three years in categorical terms that the 
Congo State is a foreign state to Belgium, that Belgium has no locus 
standi with which even to force an inquiry upon the performances of 
King Leopold's personal rule in Africa. 

You are being told that in criticising the results of that personal 
rule we are attacking a small and friendly nation. That is a false 
issue, false to the core, and. known to be false by those who make it 
and try to cloak the result of their evil deeds behind the cry of 
Belgian patriotism. 

It is against this wrong that we in England have been agitatmg, 
moving and protesting now for eight years. If the truth, perhaps, 
has come to us sooner than to others, it is because from our great 
knowledge of tropical African peoples and the dealings of Europeans 
with them we know that the European can only be in tropical Africa 
in one of two relations with the black man. He must either be the 
man of commerce, willing to give a fair wage for labor done; desirous 
at once to enrich the people whom he trades with and the home manu- 
facturer; or he must devote himself to the system of ruthless and piti- 
less force which digs the grave of African happiness and the ultimate 
grave of every legitimate European enterprise m Africa — but which 
enables men to get rich very quickly. 


The growth of the movement in England — and, I am happy to say, 
also on the continent of Europe — is a matter with which you are 
familiar. It takes a long time to move the governments of this world ; 
it does not take quite so long to raise the people, and we believe that 
the minds and the hearts of 'the people of the world are beginning to 
be receptive to this abominable story. 

I have had the honor to present a memorial to President Roosevelt 
signed by some of the greatest names in England — men who, you 
are told, are interested in promoting the selfish interests of British 
merchants — John Morley, Lord Aberdeen, the men who have always 
been foremost in every great movement of emancipation and of libera- 
tion of modern times. These are the men who, you are told, are 
working in the interest of a few Brjtish merchants 1 In appealing, as 
I am doing, to the American government and the American people, 
I am appealing to those who primarily, and of course unwittingly, 
riveted the chains about these Congo people's necks. If our duty is 
clear, — and we recognize it, — surely your duty is clear also. We 
are fighting a great and organized machine with the king as its 
managing director, with wealth untold with which to buy newspapers 
and manufacture public opinion. 

And again, they are even raising the cry of the odium theologicum. 
I have read with sorrow in to-day's paper a letter from a very emi- 
nent, independent and deservedly respected prelate. I regret that 
letter. I feel sure the writer will regret it later on. When the writer 
of that letter has looked into the facts for himself, he will come to the 
conclusion that something more is needed to meet the charges which 
civilization is bringing against King Leopold than quotations from 
speeches respectively twenty and eight years old. 

As for us, we are content to endure the calumnies and the reproaches' 
which are heaped upon us. In the words of one of the greatest of 
Americans, Abraham Lincoln, " Let us have faith that the right makes 
might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we 
understand it." [Applause.] 

The Chairman : Permission has been asked of the management 
of this meeting, and has been granted, to have ^s a speaker Mr. 
George Herbert Head of Cambridge University, who, I understand, 
wishes to present another aspect of the case from that which has just 
been given you. 


Ladies and Gentlemen : I desire first of all, in rising to address 
this meeting, to express my thanks on behalf of that large society in 
Belgium which I represent for an opportunity of speaking to you this 

You have been told about popular opinion in England. It has 
been suggested to you that practically the whole of England is behind 


the Congo Reform Association. That, ladies and gentlemen, is not 
correct. You may be interested to know that if there is an associa- 
tion which has been formed in England to deal with this Congo ques- 
tion, so there has been formed in Belgium a society very much greater 
for the defense of the Congo interests. Do you imagine for a moment 
that the people of England know more about the administration of the 
Congo than the Belgians do themselves ? It has been said here by 
Mr. Morel that politically speaking there is no connection at present 
between Belgium and the Congo. That is true, politically speaking. 
But Belgium has poured her money into the Congo ; she has spent 
not only money, she has given of the best of her citizens for the 
development of that state ; and do you imagine that those Belgian 
men who go out to live and work in the Congo, and then come back 
to live amongst the Belgians — a civilized people who have done so 
much for the world's advancement — do you imagine that they are 
going to be able to live in Belgium with these tales of blood and 
cruelty clinging to them, if what you have been told is true ? 

I think ,that the most important thing to put before you is this : 
Mr. Morel has treated with splendid scorn the suggestion that there is 
any commercial motive behind the Congo Reform Association in 
England; he has suggested to you that because of the splendid 
names which we all honor in England, the owners of which are mem- 
bers of the Congo Reform Association, therefore it has nothing to do 
with commerce. May I point out to you that every pamphlet, every 
speech, every document which I have seen from the Congo Reform 
Association starts with the humanitarian aspect of the question and 
ends with the commercial side of it, or else it begins with the com- 
mercial side and ends with the humanitarian. Those two questions, 
in all their pamphlets, are indissolubly connected. I feel that it is 
necessary to lay before the American people, when this matter is pre- 
sented to them, the fact that this agitation emanates from Liverpool, 
that the headquarters of the West African 

The Chairman : It seems to me that, as our other speaker made 
no aspersions upon the character of the society which you represent, 
and as what we wish to know is just what you know to the credit of 
the management of the Congo Free State, it is due to us to use your 
time in that way instead of in the way you are using it. 

Mr. Head : I assure you I had no wish in any way to trespass 
upon the hospitality that has been offered me. 

Let me put it then from the point of view of what is being done in 
the Congo. It is perfectly plain that in every colonial quest there are 
almost certain to be acts of cruelty which are regrettable. But the 
position that we take is this : That country was taken, over a million 
square miles, an enormous territory. In the early days of the enter- 
prise there were difficulties because we did not get complete control. 
But the acts of cruelty which have occurred have occurred not at the 
hands of the government, but in spite of the government, and the 


government of the Congo Free State is doing to-day everything which 
it is able to do to prevent acts of cruelty to the natives. 

The government has had to learn by experience as time went on. 
In the early days some of the agents, some of the government officials, 
were paid so much according to the amount of rubber which they col- 
lected. It was found that this system led to difficulties and cruelty, 
and that has been stopped. In a similar way in the earlier days they 
allowed what are known as " black posts," that is to say, black soldiers 
in certain villages. It was found that those men abused their oppor- 
tunities, and the black posts have been prohibited. 

At the present time a commission of three men, three men of un- 
doubted probity, have been sent out to the Congo to carry on an 
investigation far and wide, free and untrammeled, to endeavor to find 
out whether there is anything further that can be done for the amelio- 
ration of the natives. 

Furthermore, the difficulty with which the state is face to face be- 
cause of the agitation which has been brought against it in England 
is this : The majority of the charges are vague, and it is impossible 
for that reason to answer them. Now, I will repeat to you a challenge 
which has been made in England : The Congo Free State government 
desires investigation, and is not afraid of it ; and if these people who 
bring these charges against the administration will give us any facts, 
any names, anything specific which will enable the government to in- 
vestigate the matter and to see whether or not there is truth in the 
particular allegation, the government undertakes to show that if those 
facts are already in its possession the men guilty of them have already 
been punished. If, on the other hand, the facts have not been known 
to them, then the government will make an investigation, and the 
guilty shall be punished ; or, if the accused are innocent of the 
charges brought against them, they shall take such steps to clear their 
characters before the world as they shall deem fit. 

Now there is one other point on which I wish to touch before my 
time is up. I understand that in America the idea is largely preva- 
lent that King Leopold makes a large private fortune out of the Congo. 
It is perfectly true that in return for the millions which he has poured 
into liie state there is a large portion of the land which is called " the 
crown domain," but the revenues of that domain are entirely adminis- 
tered by three men in Brussels, and not one farthing of that money 
ever comes to the king's own pocket. Every farthing of that money 
is administered by these three men and goes for the work in the 
Congo, or occasionally to public works in Belgium, but not one farth- 
ing of that money ever goes to the king himself. 

I do trust that when you see these startling reports which from time 
to time reach the newspapers, you will remember that the Congo Free 
State government is doing everything in its power for the relief of the 

The Chairman : Perhaps Mr. Head will say if there is any distinct 
relation between the Belgian government and the Congo Free State. 


Mr. Head: The relation is this; At the present moment King 
Leopold is king of the Belgians and he is sovereign of the Congo 
Free State. A great deal of the money which has been borrowed for 
the development of the Congo came from Belgium. King Leopold 
has made a will by which he leaves the Congo on his death to Belgium 
if it will take it. If it takes it, it takes it free of all the money which 
King Leopold has given it. If Belgium refuses, France has the 
chance of ownership, but France must then pay off the national debt, 
which has been given by King Leopold and the Belgian people. 

The Chairman : Then we understand that at present the govern- 
ment of the Congo Free State under King Leopold is what we call 
"personal government," autocratic government. 

We have, rather curiously, been listening on this subject to two 
Englishmen neither of whom, I understand, has ever been m the 
Congo Free State. [Laughter.] We shall now have the pleasure of 
listening to an American who has been for seven years in the Congo 
Free State, who possibly can tell us something about how things are 
down there, Rev. W. H. Morrison. 


As the Chairman has said, my reason for appearing before you this 
afternoon, to address you upon this very important subject, which is 
now becoming international in its significance, is the fact that for the 
past seven years I have been a missionary in the Congo Independent 
State, in the interior twelve hundred miles from the West coast and 
six degrees south of the equator, at the head of navigation on a great 
river. You can thus see that I have had abundant opportunity to ob- 
serve the working of the government of the Congo Free State. 

As my friend Mr. Morel has told you a little something regarding 
the founding of this so-called Congo Free State, it will not be neces- 
sary for me to go into that matter, or to describe to you the devious 
ways by which King Leopold succeeded in securing first from the 
United States and then from the other powers of the world a certain 
ill-defined recognition of the government which he had established 
out there prior to 1884, called the International Association. This 
International Association, you know, as the result of the Conference 
of Berlin in 1884 became the Congo Free State. 

It is with deep sadness that I, along with many others who have 
lived in the Congo State, and are acquainted with its workings and 
have the interests of natives and foreigners at heart, must now say 
that every important treaty stipulation is being openly and defiantly 
violated by King Leopold and his so-called "Congo Free State 

I am going to picture to you what I find in the Congo Free State, 
and I want to say that such a result must come, inevitably, from the 
system of placing one man (and such a man as he is) at the head of 
twenty-five millions of people, and giving him absolute power. 


According to the General Act of Berlin, we find that freedom of 
trade was guaranteed. Not only were citizens of all nations granted 
the right to reside in the Congo State and carry on commerce with 
the native peoples, but it was stipulated that the native peoples should 
have the right to offer their wares, the products of their land, in the 
free markets of the world. It was specifically mentioned that there- 
should never be any monopoly of the land or its products. The ques- 
tion now is, "Has the Congo State government, or rather King 
Leopold, — for he is the government, — fulfilled and carried into 
execution that stipulation of the treaty ? " I answer most emphatic- 
ally, "NO." 

The gradual and often underground processes by which freedom 
of trade has been throttled constitute one of the darkest and most 
shameless pages in Congo State history. One of the first acts of 
King Leopold, after his sovereignty over the country had been 
secured by the Treaty of Berlin, was to issue a decree appropriating 
to the so-called State all the lands not actually occupied by the houses 
and fields of the natives. Even this latter reservation meant little of 
real value to the natives, for they were given no title to their fields 
and hence could be dispossessed at any time. Thus we see that at 
one stroke of the pen the people were deprived of their ancestral 

But that is not all. In the earlier years of the State, a goodly 
number of traders, representing different nationalities — -English, 
French, Belgian, Dutch, Portuguese — went into the country and 
secured from the government small concessions, or land grants, on 
which to build their houses and shops in order to trade with the 
natives, exchanging manufactured goods for the raw ivory and India 
rubber. This meant that the natives received something like the 
true value of their products. But this freedom of trade, though import 
and export duties were charged and enormous sums had to be paid 
for trading licenses, etc., did not bring in sufficient revenue to satisfy 
King Leopold, whose original philanthropy now began to be meta- 
morphosed into avaricious commercialism. 

A new idea was now conceived. Large areas, sometimes embrac- 
ing hundreds of square miles, were given over to large land com- 
panies for exclusive exploitation, the government to have half the 
proceeds of said companies. As a concrete illustration of what this 
means, I can cite the situation at my own place, Leubo, on the Kassai 
river. Up to three years ago there were five separate and independ- 
ent trading companies at that point. Since that time the government 
has organized in this region one of its monopolistic concessions and 
all these old companies have been forced into the combination. The 
result is that at Leubo there is now only one trading house ; the other 
foiu-, being deserted, have gone to ruins. Before this monopolistic 
company was formed; the price paid to the natives for rubber was 
about three francs per kilogram. After the company was formed the 
price dropped to fifty centimes, — in other words, from about thirty 
cents to five cents per pound. To add insult to injury, the native is 


forbidden to go into the forest and make rubber and sell it to any one 
other than the monopolistic company. If he does so, he is considered 
a thief for stealing what belongs to the company. Not only are the 
natives now deprived of the privilege of selling their wares in an 
open market to the highest bidder, but by the government's refusing 
to outside traders the right to buy land and trade within the prescribed 
territory of the monopolistic companies, an outrage has been com- 
mitted on the citizens of the very nations which brought the Congo 
State into existence. I know a man who came to Leubo hoping to 
buy a small piece of land from the government and engage in trade. 
This was absolutely refused, and he finally went away after great loss 
to himself and the company which he represented. 

But this is not all. In some of the companies thus formed the 
natives were a little slow about bringing in the ivory and rubber at 
the prices fixed. Then another expedient had to be resorted to. And 
just here begins that long and bloody story of Congo cruelty and 
oppression of which I shall speak later. 

I have thus shown that now there is no longer freedom of trade in 
the Congo State; that the country has been appropriated by the 
government ; that, with the exception of a small district in the extreme 
West, the remainder of the great interior districts, with the natives 
and the products, has either been farmed out to monopolistic com- 
panies for exploitation or is retained by King Leopold as his private 
domain, and this private domain is being exploited more mercilessly, 
if possible, than the territories of the companies. 

The government gives the companies tiie right to organize armies 
and compel the people to bring in tribute of ivory and rubber. I 
have seen the steamers of the government time after time passing my 
place on the Kassai river loaded down with rubber which had been 
wrung from those native people at the point of the bayonet. You 
can't expect anything else. Talk about atrocities and cruelties in 
the cutting off of hands and mutilations and all those things; they 
must come as an absolute necessity from the system which is in oper- 
ation out there. When you ride down the streets of your beautiful 
cities on your bicycles, with the tires made of rubber, and in your 
automobiles, with the tires made of rubber, it is barely possible that 
the very rubber that you are riding upon has cost a human life. 

But I leave that point. I come here to-day to say that there is not 
a single American citizen in this great audience, — although the 
United States was the first power in the world to recognize the Congo 
Free State as an independent power, — I say that there is not a single 
American citizen who can buy a single square inch of land in that 
territory. You go and try it ? I have seen a man in my town of 
Leubo staying in vain eighteen months trying to buy a little plot of 
land to carry on trade with the people, according to the rights guaran- 
teed by the treaty with this country and with the other powers of the 

The Congo Independent government, when it was originally formed, 
made an important treaty stipulation with the great powers that all 


was to be done that could possibly be done for the amelioration of the 
condition of the native people, for the encouragement of missionary 
enterprise, and for the introduction of civilization into that country. 
The mission with which I have been for seven years has for the last 
five or six years asked for some four different places as a new mission 
station, in order to start a new centre of life in the darkness there, 
and we have been positively and absolutely refused by this so-called 
government of the Congo Independent State. Those are facts. 

As I have just said, King Leopold agreed that everything possible 
should be done for the amelioration of the native people, in the way 
of putting down slavery and lifting up the people. I arraign the 
Congo Free State here to-day, and say that the condition of the people 
out there at the present time is far worse than it was before King 
Leopold and the people who went to regenerate Africa, as they say, 
arrived. They have thirty thousand soldiers captured from the can- 
nibal tribes, armed with repeating rifles, under white Belgian officers. 
They are stationed here and there all over this great territory, and 
they compel the natives to bring in tribute of ivory and rubber. 
They say that this money does not go into the pockets of King Leopold. 
I do not know where it goes, and I do not care where it goes, but I 
do know that those poor people are oppressed and ground down to 
the ground, and I call, upon you to take off from their neck the heel 
which has been placed upon them by the civilized nations of the 
world. [Applause.] 

At my own village I have time and time again seen thousands upon 
thousands of the people fleeing into the forest from those cannibal 
soldiers. A squad of those soldiers came to the village and the people 
all fled to the forest, and then the soldiers scurried around through 
the forest and caught eighteen men, and I saw those men going away 
with ropes around their necks on the 25th of last March. I can give 
you names and dates and figures, all you want. What we want out 
there is an international, impartial investigation. That is what we 
demand. [Applause.] 

I have seen something of these " investigations," as they are called, 
conducted by the Congo government itself. Twice in my life out 
there I have brought charges to the government of awful cruelties, 
and an officer has come along and made an investigation. And then 
the matter has never been heard of again. I defy any one to show 
that a single person who has been guilty of those outrages has been 
punished. I make that statement to you of this great Peace Congress. 
[Applause.] I point to the chains and the lash and the rifles of the 
thirty thousand cannibal soldiers in the employ of the government of 
the Congo Free State, — and I leave it with you. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : Is n't it perfectly extraordinary that in this age of 
the world any one man should have power, as our friend here has 
said, by his single will to give a domain of a million square miles and 
millions (no one knows how many millions) of people either to Bel- 
gium or to France as he pleases ? [Applause.] Is n't it extraordinary 


that any man or any group of men or any nation of men should 
have a right to give away the land, the soil, the freedom to man- 
age their own government, of any other group or nation of men? 
[Applause.] That is what we still do in the twentieth century, in what 
is called Christendom, civilized Christendom I And we have called 
China a heathen country, — with a civilization a good deal older than 
ours, if you please. 

Now I am going to ask a Chinese lady to speak to you. And 
after she has spoken I want you to consider whether there are not 
other kinds of civilization besides that of which we boast. I have 
pleasure in calling upon Dr. Yamei Kin. 


I come to you to-day as a representative of another great continent. 
We have heard wonderful words which bring to us, it may be, great 
truths, which we hope will go home to your hearts, of the continent 
of Africa, but now we go to the continent of Asia. And perhaps it is 
fitting that Asia should be represented to you to-day by a woman, for 
you come to us, to Asia, and I hope that you will see what it is that 
we have to give you, just as we realize that you have gifts to bring us. 

We will not speak of the invasions of Asia in the earlier centuries 
of human history ; of that of Alexander who strove to conquer the 
world and was defeated in Asia ; of those of the Romans, who strove 
to conquer the world and were defeated in Asia ; but of this great in- 
vasion of Asia now once more with the renewed power, with the 
vigor of the West, in the very height of its strength, with the inventions 
of science to back it. That is what now we of Asia are facing. 

But you bring to us gifts, as I have said, and we do not forget those 
gifts. You have brought to us the knowledge that has come to you 
through your investigations of science, showing us the power of con- 
solidation, the power of organization, so that you can use many units 
of men, and massing them together drive them as one great mass with 
a proportionately increased power. You have shown us that frank 
materialistic curiosity has a mission in this world, and that the frank 
investigation of all that lies about us, and all that there is for human 
beings in the whole universe, also has its uses. For you have un- 
locked many secrets ; you have delved faithfully and patiently in the 
world that lies about you, because, as you say, you do not know but 
that it may be the only world that you shall ever know. You have 
brought us in this way great gifts, and we thank you for them. 

But what else have you also brought to us, and why have you come 
to us in these latter days ? To bring us these gifts ? To bring us 
this knowledge ? What were the reasons for the beginnings of this 
last invasion of Asia ? If we go back to the history of the East India 
Company, what was the reason that carried Great Britain and her 
force to India, — what was that for ? For the sake of money, for the 
sake of treasure, for the sake of things which excited the cupidity of 


the people who did not possess them. Not content with the process 
of trading, not content -with honest exchange, they would wring from 
another people the possessions which they had. And in the face of 
your great commandment of the Decalogue, — which you received 
from Asia — " Thou shalt not covet," the West coveted the possessions 
of East India. [Applause.] She obtained what she wanted, and it 
is to the credit of the spiritual life which sustains Great Britain that 
there was an impeachment of Warren Hastings. But what has Eng- 
land done ? She has brought, as I have said, gifts to India. She 
tells you of her wonderful penal codes •, she tells you of her railway 
system, of the reduction of taxes, that she has spread abroad through- 
out the land knowledge which was not there before. But now, after a 
century of rule in India, the country is impoverished,»and the most 
ardent advocates of English rule say that it is most wonderful that all 
that made India famous, her arts and her architecture, have dis- 
appeared. And why have they stopped ? Because the English trades- 
man desired to sell his goods, and therefore the Indian, craftsman was 
discouraged and all the native Indian manufactures died out. These 
native Indian arts were a great gift to this world, of knowledge and 
of beauty, a gift which we fear may not be replaced, but which we 
hope in the future will under different management be enabled to 
grow again. [Applause.] 

With this blessing of peace, Which is so vaunted in India, they 
have taken from the people their land, not exactly by a stroke of the 
pen, as it was taken from the people in Africa, but by a process which 
was legal according to the new laws which were made. This process 
is driving out the landed proprietors of India, until there are thousands 
of people homeless, thousands of people now who have no land. The 
land has passed into the hands of a rapacious set of money-lenders, 
that India never knew in the old days. Which rule is best for man ? 
To be sure, they would not always do things in the good old British 
way, but they were happy, they were fed, they were making progress, 
they were going on developing themselves. 

Now from India the great powers have gone on until they have 
come to China. And what do we see there ? It was in order to 
gain the fifteen millions sterling a year profit upon opium that the 
war was waged upon China. The Chinese government said: "Do 
not legalize this traffic in opium, and we will trade with you in every- 
thing that you have to sell ; we will sell you anything that we pro- 
duce." [Applause.] The old emperor of China made a dying 
appeal to the government of England, to the queen of England as a 
woman, as a ruler, as a human being with the sense of right and of 
justice in her heart, which our philosophers have taught us dwells 
in every human breast, and the only answer to that appeal was that 
England cannot interfere with the trade of her subjects. 

Then we see that, with this inauspicious beginning, misunder- 
standings have arisen, and I do not say but that we of China have 
been oftentimes arrogant. Yet if you will read the history I think 
you will see that we have borne it with the courtesy, with the 


kindliness, with the forbearance that has been instilled into us by our 
sagesfor many generations — as you would not have borne it had 
any other people come to you in the same way. [Applause.] 

And now, in this last phase of it, we see the country that was last 
opened to civilization, Japan, by virtue of her mobility, through the 
fact that she had but recently acquired the one civilization from 
China and was ready to accept any ne^ thoughts that came to her, 
quickly perceiving the danger that threatened Asia, has laid aside 
the traditions, the principles that inspire us in the East, which we 
have found to be the great principle of life, that of toleration to 
other people, that of trying to see the best and of living for more 
than the mere material interests of this world. Perceiving the danger 
that was about to overwhelm the Asiatic continent, she has taken 
the arras and the sciences of the West, assimilated them in a marvel- 
ous degree, and shown to the Western world that if need be the 
Asiatic continent is able to supply people who can use the most 
complicated contrivances and inventions of the Western brain as 
well, as effectively, and with the spirit of the East behind them. 
And now the cry is, " A Yellow Peril ! " [Laughter.] 

But, friends, the war that Japan is waging need not give you fear 
of the " Yellow Peril," for I want to tell you now what it is that ani- 
mates us in the East. We have seen that you have come to us in 
Asia primarily for the sake of greed. Incidentally you have brought 
us gifts ; we thank you for the gifts, but remember we recognize the 
greed. [Laughter.J 

In the East we have learned the lesson of self-renunciation, that 
one must live in the spirit, that one must live for principles which 
demand self-sacrifice, and live not for the individual self only, but 
for the good of the whole. And having learned that in our social 
system, in our governmental system, sometimes we have been accused 
of being an absolute monarchy. But our king, our emperor is ruler, 
we say, by the will of heaven ; that is, we recognize that it is right for 
a man to rule over the country, but we say he rules by the will of the 
people. We bring to you now that you have come to know us better 
the message of this renunciation, of this power of giving up our 
bodies, giving up ourselves, giving up our minds to what we hold to 
be a worthy object, and that object not material, not of this world. 

There is another thing which the Western world has yet to recog- 
nize, and that is the aesthetical message of the Orient [applause] ; 
for as we have laid aside the material things of this world, so we 
have learned to understand beauty in its true sense ; and the mes- 
sage of the Orient is to turn from the material to the true things and 
to learn what beauty is, of form, of color, of manners and of organi- 
zation, so that each shall be carrying out your own Christian prin- 
ciple which you understand but vaguely yet. 

We accept your gift of the knowledge of science, which shall bring 
to us indeed a new life; of your principle of organization, which 
shall help us to stand against you. [Laughter.] And we have thp 
greater gift to give you in showing you how much more courtesy. 


kindliness, gentleness, considerateness, the true Christian principle 
of love, can do towards easing the relations which each bears to the 
other, bringing us to the true conception of duty. 

In spite of your emphasis upon individualism, your civilization 
tends to the machine, and you have yet to come back and learn that 
people can live the simple life, and yet, it may be, enjoy a great 
sense of beauty which shall bring joy, a great sense of the duty of 
people's relations to each other, which shall bring harmony and true 
peace to the world. [Great applause.] 

The Chairman : I have now to ask your attention to the last 
speaker, who brings with him the traditions of the church of that 
great citizen of Boston, I should rather say, citizen of the world, that 
great lover of humanity, William Ellery Channing. The Rev. Paul 
Revere Frothingham, pastor of the Arlington Street Church, will 
now address us. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : First of all I want to say 
that, as the meetings of this Peace Congress are drawing to a close, 
we as a city, we as a state, we as a country shall profit infinitely by 
having had this Conference here within the bounds of America. 
[Applause.] For I am very conscious, and I think you must be too, 
of a certain strange, unaccountable tendency in America for our 
statesmen and our people to feel that there is some peculiar virtue 
in following Old World methods. We are, I regret to say, inclined 
to fall into line with this idea that we are speaking of this afternoon, 
for the strong to reach out and encroach upon the weak. It is a 
great thing, therefore, to have these foreign statesmen, these foreign 
reformers, come over here to America from the Old World and say 
to us, " Keep true to your New World ideals [applause], and don't be 
deluded into thinking that there is any virtue or any glory or any 
power in following our evil example." [Applause.] 

I want to refer to some words that were spoken the other night 
by that great and independent Bishop from England, the Bishop of 
Hereford. [Applause.] I want to refer to them because I believe 
they have peculiar significance in regard to the subject that we are 
discussing this afternoon. He said, as well as I can remember, that 
in the religious world we have got away from the idea that there is 
one dominant faith which, because it is so true and so righteous, has 
a right to impose itself upon other faiths. We have got away, he 
said, from the idea of a dominant class in society, which, because of 
its power and its prestige, has a right to oppress and to rob other 
classes. And so, he said, we must eventually get rid of the dominant 
nations in the world, which, because they have power, because they 
have what they call civilization, think they have a right to impose 


their ideals and their principles upon nations and upon peoples who 
do not want them. [Applause.] 

We have listened here this afternoon to that awful tale of the 
Congo, so awful that many of us, I fancy, would not have believed 
that such a state of things could exist at the beginning of this new 
century. We have listened to that tale of woe and misery. Now 
the thing that we are trying to do, that we have been trying to do 
for years and years, is to make it clear that what is right for an indi- 
vidual is right for a nation [applause], and what is wrong for an indi- 
vidual is equally wrong for any nation. [Applause.] Now, strangely 
enough, what do we find ? We find in the ranks of our society of daily 
life that the mere fact that an individual is unprotected, is weaker than 
others, is unsuccessful, perhaps is small, calls out our chivalry and 
makes that individual just so much the more our brother. In the 
ranks of humanity the mere fact that an individual cannot protect 
himself, the mere fact that he is weak or suffering from one cause or 
another, makes us as individuals instantly go to his assistance. But 
what is the state of things in the great family of the nations of the 
world ? Because one nation has not power, because it is weak, be- 
cause it is isolated, because it is not as far advanced as some others, 
it is believed to be the legitimate prey of some greater and more 
powerful nation. [Applause.] Here is this terrible war going on 
in the distant East, going on just because of this process of aggres- 
sion which we call " expansion." And while we are talking about 
the horrors of the war there between Japan and Russia, do you not 
believe that there are horrors equally great in that country of Tibet 
which is being encroached upon by the great English nation ? 

It was an old Hebrew Prophet, who is quoted often, who empha- 
sized the need of calling things by their right names. We, in our 
individual lives, need something of that. We have grown into the 
habit, if a man steals enough money, not to call it theft, but to say 
that it was only " misappropriation of funds." And so in regard to 
this matter of expansion of civilization, as we call it, this " benevo- 
lent assimilation." People say it is civilizing processes going out 
from a great centre to bless the world ; but when we get the courage 
to call it what it is, theft, to call it what it is, murder, to call it 
what it is, aggression, then we shall have done something to right 
a universal wrong. [Applause.] 

So I hope that just because this Congress has met here in this 
historical city of ours, and in this great and strong and free country of 
ours, it will do something to hold us as Americans still fast to the 
great ideals and principles of the founders. [Applause.] 

The meeting then adjourned. 

public Meeting in tbe ®l& Soutb Cburcb. 

Friday Afternoon, October 7, 2 o'clock. 


A public meeting to hear of " The Progress of the Peace Move- 
ment in Europe " was held at 2 o'clock Friday afternoon in the Old 
South Church. Edwin D. Mead presided, and in opening the meet- 
ing spoke briefly of the strong efforts and distinct advances in 
Europe in the last five years, which have been an incitement and 
encouragement to the workers in America. 


G. H. Perris, editor of Concord, was introduced as the first speaker. 
Mr. Perris spoke briefly of a recent visit which he had made to 
Russia, and of the condition of things which he found there. Owing 
to the peculiar system of government, the people were in a state of 
oppression and practical slavery. They had no voice in the manage- 
ment of public affairs and were thwarted in every wish to improve 
their condition. He regretted that there was no delegate to the Peace 
Congress from that country. The Russian people were a good people 
at heart. The masses of them were thoroughly pacific in disposition, 
though he thought the government was far from being so. 

Referring to' his own country, he said that there had come to 
England a real awakening to the sin and folly of the South African 
war. They were reaping the bitter fruits of the war in the form of 
increased taxation and general business depression. They had come 
to realize how they had been duped into the war by the Rand specu- 
lators, who were now appearing in their true colors. He condemned 
Chamberlain, and said that his present campaign was an indictment 
of his own claims for imperialism. He believed that territorial expan- 
sion would prove as postly and futile to the United States as it had 
proved to Great Britain. He said that the peace sentiment had been 
rapidly growing in England since the close of the unfortunate Boer 
War. King Edward was showing himself a sincere and effective 
peacemaker. The British government had concluded with France 

• The editor of this Report regrets that he is unable to give a fuller account 
of this important meeting. But no complete stenographic notes of the addresses 
were taken, and he has had nothing to use but a few brief newspaper notices, 
except in the case of the address of Professor Wuarin, which was in manuscript. 


the first of the series of treaties of obligatory arbitration recently- 
signed, and had, as was well known, entered into an agreement with 
that of France for the adjustment of all the outstanding differences 
between the two countries. 


Professor Quidde of Munich, who was the next speaker, spoke 
of the deep native idealism of the German people which makes always 
for peace and true progress, and in the long run will counteract all 
militarism. Of course, Germany was still dominated by militarism, 
with its universal conscription, and it was not an easy thing to make 
headway against it. It laid heavy burdens of taxation on the people. 
But peace sentiment was growing in an encouraging way. There 
were now about seventy peace societies, or sections of the general 
peace society, located in important parts of the empire and doing a 
great work. These societies had about twelve hundred active mem- 
bers, and there were many who sympathized strongly with their aims, 
who had not yet actively associated themselves with the movement. 
He believed that the hostile feeling in Germany toward France was 
fast dying out. The German government had now also entered 
actively into the arbitration movement. The submission of the Ven- 
ezuela difficulty to the Hague Tribunal was first proposed by Ger- 
many. The German government had entered into a treaty of obliga- 
tory arbitration with Great Britain to run for five years; and would 
doubtless soon conclude similar treaties with the United States and 
other countries. 


The next speaker was Hon. William Randal Cremkr, M. P., 
the founder of the Interparliamentary Union. He said that the 
Union had grown out of a meeting of members of the British and 
French parliaments in 1888, to discuss the subject of an Anglo- 
French arbitration treaty. It was decided to hold a similar meeting 
the next year in Paris at the time of the Exposition and to invite 
members of the other national parliaments to attend. The result was 
the definite organization of the Interparliamentary Union in 1889. 
The Union had grown until it now had more than two thousand mem- 
bers. Fifteen parliaments now had arbitration groups connected with 
the Union, the last to be created being that of the United States Con- 
gress, which was organized in January last. The Union had given 
its attention chiefly to the promotion of the principle of arbitration, 
of arbitration treaties and a permanent international tribunal of arbi- 
tration. The scheme for an international tribunal adopted by the 
Conference of the Union at Brussels in 1895 had been most useful in 
preparing the way for, the International Court of Arbitration at The 


Hague. An official representative of the Czar of Russia had attended 
the Conference of the Union at Budapest in 1896, and his report to 
the Emperor had much to do with inducing him to call the Hague 

Since the establishment of the Hague Court, the Union had 
devoted itself to the extension of the scope of the work and inilu- 
ence of the Court, and to efforts to induce the governments' to enter 
into specific treaties stipulating reference of disputes to the Court. 
In this direction he thought it had done most useful work. 

Mr. Cremer then gave a brief account of the meeting of the 
twelfth conference of the Union at St. Louis the second week in 
September, of the resolutions adopted there, especially of the one 
urging the calling of a new International Conference to deal with 
the questions left unfinished by the Hague Conference of 1899. 
He spoke of the visit of the delegates to Washington, and of their 
interview with President Roosevelt. He eulogized in emphatic terms 
the attitude of the President toward the proposal of the Union that 
a new international Peace Conference should be called to continue 
the work inaugurated in 1899. 

In concluding, Mr. Cremer referred to the great encouragement 
which had come to the friends of peace in Western Europe because 
of the new relations between France and Great Britain. 


Mr. Alphonse Jouet of Paris, who was next called upon, said 
that peace sentiment had made substantial progress in France 
through the influence of Victor Hugo and others, especially since 
the days of the Franco-German war. That war, which had taken 
away from France two provinces, had left a deep feeling of revenge 
among the French people. That war and the feelings of revenge 
and hostility left by it had cost both France and Germany dearly in 
the maintenance of their great armaments since that time. This 
feeling of revenge was, however, dying out in France, and a better 
and more rational state of mind and heart was taking its place. 
The peace societies in France were growing and widening their 
influence. The recent National Congress of Peace held at Nimes, at 
which six hundred delegates and adherents were present, showed 
clearly how deeply the movement was taking hold of the people of 
France. In the Chamber of Deputies was a strong organi- 
zation which was doing most remarkable service in the cause of 
arbitration. The French government also was most warmly inter- 
ested in the cause, as was seen by the fact that a number of treaties 
of obligatory arbitration had already been signed between France and 
other countries, and still others were under consideration. 



J, G. Alexander, Secretary of the International Law Association, 
gave a brief account of the negotiation and signing of the recent 
treaties of obligatory arbitration. The first of these treaties had been 
concluded between France and Great Britain in October, 1903, after 
an earnest campaign of education in which the commercial interests 
of both countries had been most active and influential. Nine other 
similar treaties had since been signed, namely, between France and 
Italy, Great Britain and Italy, Denmark and the Netherlands, France 
and Spain, Great Britain and Spain, Spain and Portugal, France and 
Norway and Sweden, Great Britain and Norway and Sweden, and 
Great Britain and Germany. The mere signing of these treaties was 
something to be most grateful for. They were, most of them, limited 
both as to time and scope, but they manifested in international rela- 
tions a new and growing spirit which would in time accomplish much 
more. The treaty between Denmark and the Netherlands, being 
without limitations, was an admirable convention, and would certainly 
in time lead to the conclusion of like treaties between other countries. 
A number of other treaties modeled after the one between . France 
and Great Britain were already under discussion and would doubtless 
soon be signed. All this was most encouraging to those who had so 
long labored for the establishment of arbitration as a permanent 
method of dealing with controversies among nations. 

The last speaker was Professor Louis Wuarin of the University of 
Geneva. His address, which was in manuscript, was as follows : 


Ladies and Gentlemen: My single object when I landed in this 
country, a few weeks ago, was to attend the Congress of Arts and 
Sciences at St. Louis. Of the Peace Congress at Boston I was entirely 
ignorant. On receiving the flattering invitation of the president of 
the Committee on Organization to take part in its proceedings, I felt 
somewhat embarrassed. What could I say which had not already 
been expressed or which could not be presented to this audience with 
an authority to which I cannot pretend ? 

Of course, I am a friend of peace. I come from Geneva, Switzer- 
land, where the Red Cross Society originated, which prepared the 
way for new efforts in the line of international understandings. I 
am in my country a member of the Peace League, and even belong 
to its committee. I have been associated in some measure with the 
work of propaganda which we carry on, but, I must confess, in rather 
a slack way. On theoretical grounds, as a philosophical thesis, the 
excellence of peace between societies of men as well as between indi- 
viduals has nowadays become a sort of truism in civilized countries. 


But all this would not confer upon me the right to speak in such an 
imposing gathering as is meeting in this hall, were it not that in stand- 
ing here on this platform 1 bear witness to a great fact. By so doing 
I help to manifest the ardent sympathy which the peoples of the 
world should show toward every attempt that may be made to render 
peace as sure as it can be in the intercourse of nations. This is of 
paramount importance ; public opinion becoming more and more the 
law of the world, we all perceive that nothing must be neglected to 
keep it alive and conscious of its new position and power. 

I may also add that when I received the invitation to speak upon 
any aspect of the peace and arbitration cause that lay nearest my 
heart, it took me but a very little time to discover two main preoccu- 
pations that were brooding in my mind, waiting precisely for some 
opportunity to express them. 

We all agree that war must be replaced by arbitration. But this 
attainment, which we greet at a distance as the advent of a new era, 
belongs to a state of things which has not come yet and is part of 
the future. We must therefore, while recommending international 
arbitration, look also to every measure which may, for the present, 
prove useful in the way of the preservation of goodwill between 
nations. And here I would like to point out to you a vice in our 
present international conditions which must be remedied by proper 
measures, as experience and reflection may commend. 

When hostilities break out between two governments, the fight does 
not begin at the moment a declaration of war has been made. Such 
a declaration does not always occur before the sword has been drawn, 
and at any rate it is only an announcement of what took place in the 
secret councils of the two belligerents. War begins in fact at the 
moment when some men, sometimes very few, sometimes a single 
statesman, throw a country into some kind of a collision with another 
country. This is an old story, and it would be tiresome to repeat it 
except in its great outlines. 

Some friction has developed between two nations. The incident 
could generally be compromised, and party newspapers assert it will 
be. But it soon appears that one of the governments, sometimes 
both, are playing a shrewd game, trying, for instance, to gain time in 
order to better their armaments and then be able to impose their will 
by the menace of their military force. This, however, cannot last, 
and the little comedy is apt to turn before long into the darkest of 
tragedies. One of the two contestants soon discovers that he is being 
deceived and misled by the tricks of diplomacy ; he then sends an 
ultimatum, and the other one, feigning to take such a step as an attack 
unforeseen and violent, tries to present himself before the world as 
being in the sad necessity of resorting to arms in legitimate defense. 
Then the war begins to rage with all that horror which makes one 
pale and sick with disgust. 

In presence of such facts, the question arises : How can irritating 
discussions be prevented from degenerating into a state of warfare ? 
The answer is. In just the manner in which we deal with children who 


seem ready to come to blows ; we ask them to keep their temper, to 
abstain from abuses and violence, and to go before a common friend 
or some good adviser to explain the causes of their dispute. What 
we lack here and what we need is what I would call a Chamber of 
Fair Discussion, where the arguments presented on both sides could 
be officially registered, so to speak, and could receive the light of 

We have now a tribunal at The Hague due to the bold and noble 
inspiration of the Czar of Russia. Do you not think, ladies and 
gentlemen, that the Court of Arbitration could perhaps, to great ad- 
vantage, be enlarged by the Chamber I am speaking of, where nations 
having difficulties should come, not for the sake of arbitration, but for 
a hearing which would ascertain the simple truth in the matter, unin- 
fluenced by prejudice, machinations and false reports of any kind ? 

But here we meet another difficulty. At what precise moment does 
an international controversy cease to be of a friendly character and 
begin to assume a threatening aspect ? Or, to put it in another form, 
when must ordinary diplomacy withdraw in order to permit a public 
and fair discussion of the nature of the case at the hands of the new 
Chamber I am advocating? It seems to me that the time for the 
Hague Court to take the place of diplomatic agency is when the fric- 
tion between governments begins to be accompanied with the sending 
of troops to the frontier, or exceptional military measures to be ex- 
plained only as the expression of designs of a menacing character. 

In concluding upon this point, I repeat that it would be most expe- 
dient that the great Tribunal of The Hague should be charged with the 
task of placing under tutelary supervision the conduct of negotiation 
between two governments having subjects of complaint. Such a 
course would become compulsory at least in this case, that if some 
one should refuse to accept a discussion with an adversary according 
to the rules laid down for a correct exchange of views, he would, by 
so doing, admit that he had war on his program and thus injure his 
position. If my information is correct, something like the Chamber 
of Fair Discussion exists in germ in the Commissions of Inquiry pro- 
vided for in the Hague Convention. But let the germ develop. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I come to my second point. 

We are working here against war and for peace. Suppose we 
should succeed in the realization of our noble dream, something still 
would remain to be done in order to protect all the victims of brutal 

I am thinking of the unfortunate races which, even in time of peace, 
v/hen no war is being waged, are exposed to all the evils of. war and 
sometimes to more than that. In regular wars there are at least some 
laws which can be relied upon. The two belligerents wear arms and 
no one of them receives a blow which he does not hope to return. 
This, I admit, is awful enough, but there are things still more worthy 
to elicit our consideration. There are men, tribes of men, remaining 
such in spite of their small numbers, whose destiny it is to be subject 
to all the atrocities of war without being authorized to make the stand 


they could against their organized murderers. Arms are considered 
a proper thing for their enemies, but not for them, and if they should 
use only a rifle or a pistol, they would be accused of violating the 
statute by which their legal situation is defined, and exposed to the 
severest punishments. 

I regard myself as bound to speak here for one of these forsaken 
populations. My position as professor at the University of Geneva 
has made me acquainted with some of the finest specimens it would 
be possible to find of the Armenians. We teach them, and the last 
pupil of the faculty to which I belong who graduated last summer 
was an Armenian lady. The orphans of poor Armenia are an object 
of great solicitude among us. A committee has been formed to collect 
money which, in general, is being sent to the admirable American 
missionaries living in Armenia, to help them in the support of their 
schools and asylums. Some of these children have also been taken 
into Geneva families. Moreover, we are greatly honored by having 
in our city the editors of Droschak (which means " The Flag "), the 
organ of the Armenian Federation. You might see among them young 
men who went through the Turkish prisons and retained after their 
heroic ordeal shattered health, but an undaunted faith in better times. 

When I was preparing to come to this country, the editors of the 
Droschak asked me to transmit to the Congress of Arts and Science 
at St. Louis a plea in favor of their nation. After the invitation to 
attend this Congress had reached me, I said, " Boston is the place to 
fulfill my commission." 

Permit me to quote some lines of the pathetic appeal to the 
American nation which I have here with me written in French : 

" Europe remains silent ; the same Europe which twenty-six years ago, in the 
Berlin Congress, took the Armenians of Turkey under its august protection, 
seems to-day to be unable to assure that people of its right to existence. 

" The American nation has of late given proofs of its powerful influence in the 
international Areopagus, even on the shores of the Bosphorus. She has departed 
from her strict neutrality of former times and interested herself in the destiny of 
oppressed populations of the ancient cbntinent. You have certainly not forgotten 
the case of the Jews in Roumania and the intervention of the United States in 
their behalf." 

Here is the cry of a half exterminated nation that comes to you 
' across the land and the sea. And striking enough is the circumstance 
that at this very Congress of Boston I have met two ecclesiastical 
dignitaries of the Armenian people who have come to Washington 
and are going everywhere repeating: "Can we not expect from 
America what the signers of the Berlin treaty, divided and weakened 
by their conflicting interests, have been powerless to execute ? They 
gave us the most encouraging official assurances, but these promises 
were not kept, and we continue to be visited by the hords of Kurds 
who kill our men, our women and our children and set fire to our 
homes, which in civilized countries would remain sacred fortresses in 
the midst of the tempest raging outside." 

Well, ladies and gentlemen, you are judges of the situation. What 

can this Congress do to answer the prayers of the unfortunate who 
are now coming to your country (where I am told they already 
number about twenty-five thousand souls), to save some wrecks of the 
valiant little people whose only crimes have been to remain Christians 
among Mohammedans and to be the only industrial, mechanical and 
inventive race in Asiatic Turkey ? 

Let me add only two more considerations. 

I would remind you, first, that the Armenians are worthy of our 
respect and of our admiration, for the manner in which they have 
retained the cardinal features that characterize higher civilization. 
If woman may be considered as expressing, in the situation she 
occupies, the degree of culture and morality of any country, I take 
pleasure in recalling to your minds the fact that for six hundred 
years, in the midst of their trials, the Armenians have succeeded in 
keeping their wives and daughters singularly pure and filled with 
simple and noble ideals. 

In the second place, I desire to confide to you the fact that not 
only the Armenians but the men of the Old World in general place 
their hope in the intervention of America, instead of in what has 
been called very improperly indeed the concert of nations. Your 
international influence begins to tell on the solution of great ques- 
tions of humanity, and I take it for granted that to put an end to the 
precarious situation of the poor Armenians, it would be enough to 
have a word coming from Washington to this effect : " America does 
not permit an innocent people to be any more slaughtered in the 
plains of Asia Minor. She has no other interest here than the 
sacred right of mankind." 

peace Congress Banquet at Iborticultural Iball. 

Friday Evening, October 7, 1904. 

The Peace Congress banquet given on Friday evening, October 7, 
in Horticultural Hall, was an occasion of extraordinary interest. 
Five hundred guests sat down to the tables, and many more tickets 
could have been disposed of if the capacity of the hall had been 

At the conclusion of the dinner, Hon. Robert Treat Paine, 
President of the Congress, called the gathering to order, and said : 

Ladies and Gentlemen : It is my splendid privilege to bid you wel- 
come, those who are from distant lands and our friends at home. 
We gather here in great numbers in a great cause, which is moving 
on towards victory. Never have we felt so confident as at this 
moment. No one can look into your faces and not feel that the 
cause of peace is moving on to triumph. I congratulate you. You 
that have come from abroad I thank in the name of us Americans. 
We are delighted to welcome you. We shall hope to see you here 
again when the cause has made still greater progress. I do not 
know how to interpret the feelings of heart with which we may 
rejoice in the rapid advance of this cause, the most important 
before the world. 

You who went out to the Interparliamentary Conference at St. 
Louis and came back through Washington saw the President of the 
United States. You communicated to him your views, and received 
back from him an expression of his confidence in this cause, and his 
pledge to use his great influence in promoting it. You have come 
on to Boston, and we have had the splendid privilege of having the 
Secretary of State, a man known and honored throughout the world 
[applause], John Hay, come and give to us his pledge and promise, 
in which we rejoice, and which will be heard around the world. 

These words I did not mean to speak, but they came to my lips 
when I stood up and looked into your faces. [Applause.] It is not 
for me to take your time, you have come here to listen to other 

Let me only attempt to emphasize one thing ; I said it the other 
day, let me say it again. We do not realize what progress our cause 
has made. Mr. Cremer is here; we are delighted to see him. 
[Applause.] He came over seventeen years ago with a petition from 
a goodly number of eminent Englishmen, addressed to our govern- 
ment, asking them to move in the cause of arbitration. Well, that 


attempt was, seemingly, like a bubble in the air. But it started the 
thing ; it was the acorn which has grown into the oak. But it was 
only the beginning. Think what progress has been made since 
then ! Is there any one in this hall who can state how many nations 
in the past year have acted in the cause of obligatory arbitration ? 
Nine, — and among these nine nations ten treaties have been signed 
within twelve months. The cause is making such progress that it 
is difficult for us to appreciate ourselves, or to let the world know, 
with what rapidity it is moving. Our country has not acted as yet, 
but presently we shall swing into the line, and we shall be making 

Excuse these words of mine ; it is not for me to speak to you, but 
only to attempt to interpret in a single word the growing triumph of 
the cause. [Applause.] 

We shall now listen to the speakers you have come to hear. We 
regret that our English friend, Dr. Percival, the Bishop of Hereford, 
who was expected, is not here with us. Owing to fatigue, our 
Chinese friend. Dr. Kin, is likewise not able to be with us. But I 
believe the rest of our speakers are all here, and we shall be 
delighted to hear them. 

It is a great privilege to begin with the distinguished lady who 
has come all the way from Vienna, the Baroness von Suttner, whom 
I have the honor now to present. [Applause.] 


Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen : May I ask your permission 
to say " friends ? " And while I am asking your permission, I might 
ask a little more ; may I call you dear American brothers and sisters ? 

You know that we are assembled here from the four corners of the 
world,— from India, from China, and, as the President said, from 
Vienna, to fight against violence. And yet you see before you a 
victim of violence in rpe, in that the committee has put my name on 
the list of speakers without even asking me if I felt competent for 
such an honor, which I would hardly have had the blindness to 
solicit. Is that not violence ? [Applause.] But I must add that it 
is sweet violence to me, for it gives me an occasion to speak to you, 
and to express some of the feelings and the thoughts with which I 
have been overwhelmed by the reception that I have received, and 
by the proceedings of this Congress. 

I have assisted at about ten Congresses, and I freely confess, 
and many of my friends confess the same, that the most important, 
the most wonderful of all the Congresses, the greatest of them all, is 
the one that is closing here. [Applause.] I do not know whether 
this is owing to the growth of the cause,— I suppose there is much 
in that,— but certainly it is owing to the soil on which we stand, the 
soil of liberty, where all the new and great ideas are at liberty to 
expand, a soil which is free from old superstitions and old prejudices. 



And speaking of prejudices, you see this is the thirteenth Con- 
gress of Peace, and they say that thirteen is an unlucky number. 
Well, Boston will do away with that prejudice, certainly, for the 
thirteenth Congress has been a lucky one, a most happy one. 

I think that I have been overrating my ability and your patience 
in stating that I will give you the impressions that I have had here. 
They have been too many and too overwhelming to be squeezed 
into an after-banquet speech. I will make them the subject of 
a pamphlet or a book. You can never be sure what an author is 
going to do with such a matter as this. I wrote a book about the 
Hague Conference, and I think there will be enough matter to write 
a book about the Congress at Boston. I hope, if I write it, that my 
publisher will be Mr. Ginn, who is with us. 

Not wishing to speak of all my impressions, I will only speak of 
one little episode on the sea in coming to America. It was the third 
day of our sailing. The weather was not good, it was quite stormy. 
Suddenly we noticed a great agitation, people running up and down. 
What is the matter on the horizon ? We saw a ship coming nearer, 
and heard the cry, " A ship in distress I " Everybody rushed to see 
what was going to be done. The captain gave orders to change the 
course and to come nearer to that ship, for somebody had cried, 
" She is on fire ! " We came near to her in great haste, and saw a 
three-master, the top of which was burning. Every one in the ship 
had a pitying heart. The officers and the crew ran to the boats to 
save the crew of the unhappy ship which was burning on the waves. 
But as we came nearer we saw that the vessel had already been 
deserted. Perhaps the crew had been saved. Well, every one was 
happy to see that no one was in danger. But it was a beautiful 
moment for all of us to see with what zeal everybody wanted to 
rescue the life of a fellow-creature. And we say that man, whatever 
any one may say, is a good creature. [Applause.] 

A few hours later Marconi brought to us a telegram from Japan 
and Russia, with the news that about tw.enty thousand slain were cover- 
ing the ground, and the news was received with very great interest. 
A few hours before all of us trembled for one single life, perhaps, 
that had lingered on that unhappy ship ; and now everybody hears 
with the greatest unconcern that twenty thousand are lying slain. 
Each took the part of one of the belligerents, — one was rejoiced to 
hear of the victory of that party, and the other was glad to hear of 
the defeat. 

Well, I was perhaps the only one on board who saw the contradic- 
tion, because I was going to a Peace Congress, and I had the feel- 
ing that every life that can be saved ought to be saved, whether it is 
in the midst of twenty thousand or by itself, when it is on a burn- 
ing continent, and not only on a burning ship. I thought, also, that 
this great contradiction in human society must cease, because every 
contradiction finally ceases. That is the sense of science, and it is 
the sense of civilization that the contradictions that are in our minds 
must fall, and that we must be in harmony with what we know and 


what we feel. When this harmony is established, I am sure that we 
will also go and hurry to the rescue of a poor, burning continent, 
and that we will not suffer that the lives of our fellow-creatures be 

I know there are other speakers that you are impatient to hear, so 
I won't add any other impression that I have had, leaving it for the 
book to be published by Mr. Ginn. [Laughter.] Then I only 
express the wish that when we meet the next time the progress of 
the cause will have been great, and that the whole world will recog- 
nize it. We are, as it were, in the Gulf Stream of peace here in this 
city, and we have, perhaps, the illusion that it is very warm ; but 
still, outside of the Gulf Stream there is an enormous space of cold 
water in which the icebergs are swimming. Let us hope that all 
those icebergs will come into the Gulf Stream and melt. 

I hope that we may soon again come together. And this word 
"together" I make my concluding one, for it is the whole sense of our 
work against war that we should be working together. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of presenting to you 
Pastor Charles Wagner, from Paris. 


■ Ladies and Gentlemen: Although I have with me in French a 
whole orchestra, and in English only one little pipe, I will play 
before you this little pipe, because I wish to be understood by every 
one, and you have told me you understand the kind of English I 
speak [laughter] ; and I am not sure that you would understand the 
kind of French I speak. [Laughter.] 

We Frenchmen are in a state of great thankfulness, and our 
hearts are grateful in this great ancient and venerable city of 
Boston for the very lordly hospitality we have found here. It 
seems to us that we have come, not to a foreign land, but among old 
beloved friends. We have found here surroundings and an atmos- 
phere in which can be built a very grand and stately and luminous 
building of peace, of brotherly love. We remember that in this 
world there was a time, which is called the period of ice, in which 
there was on this continent and far towards the south only snow and 
ice. In the history of humanity there are also periods of ice, — 
chilly periods, in which people and nations catch colds. [Laughter.] 
And we hope that this period of ice, in which every nation from time 
to time catches one grand and awful cold, may vanish. We are 
gathering sunshine into our inward life that we may be able to make 
war against all the ice in the world, all the cold in the world between 
nations. We wish to have, not souls of darkness, but souls of light ; 
not souls of snow and ice, but souls of light and souls of sunshine. 

We will teach our children to be sunny to every one, to love 


everybody, to look toward other nations and other peoples, and to 
stretch out arms of help to every foreign brother. 

I am one of those who would deliver us from many dead ideals, 
to which we sacrifice the best we have, and waste our breath, our 
money and our lives. I am an incurable friend of man, of every man 
and every nation. When I see a man coming from afar, I have emotion 
sometimes even to tears. When I heard that Lama from far India 
speak, when I listened to that Chinese woman, who has spoken to 
us and said to us that lovely word which in her language and in her 
country signifies peace, I was touched to the heart. Never has the 
most magnificent speech I have ever heard had such an influence on 
my heart as the English of this Indian Lama and of this Chinese 

The reason I speak in English is because every man should learn 
the language of his fellow men, every man should learn the lan- 
guages of other nations. We .need better to understand each other 
[applause] ; we are ignorant of what is beyond the wall. I like a 
neighbor who from time to time comes to the wall of the garden and 
speaks to me and says, " Shake hands, neighbor : what are you doing 
in your garden i " so that we can have together talks about every- 
thing in the garden. We also should have talks across the wall, the 
thick wall of enmity which is between nations. [Applause.] 

I am glad and happy to be among so many friends, and I would 
say to every one, as if we were only two or three, " May we light the 
fire, and may the fire increase and burn all over the world, the fire 
of peace and friendship." 

And now my last word. Perhaps I shall never see you all again 
as now in this meeting. We feel that there is something unique in 
every moment. I feel in my heart what is unique in this moment, 
but I also know what is everlasting in this moment and will never go. 
And my wish is that our feelings of this moment may be everlasting, 
and become the true feeling of all mankind. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I think you will all allow me to say to Pastor 
Wagner that that is the sort of English we understand and like to 
hear. [Applause.] 

I now have the pleasure of presenting to you Mrs. W. P. Byles of 
Manchester, England. 


Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen : Boston has been shouting 
peace all the week, and those shouts, like the shot of your embattled 
farmers, will ring around the world. At any rate, those shouts have 
awakened ringing echoes in the hearts of all your happy guests. I 
must confess, however, that I am a little frightened when I see that 
Boston has made peace fashionable. [Laughter.] I have been ac- 
customed for so many years to find myself in a minority, that when I 


find myself at last in a majority I begin to ask myself, " Am I rieht 
after all?" [Laughter.] . ^ ' 

There has been a very Niagara of speech in all your halls and in 
all your homes, and I believe in all your churches, for once [laugh- 
ter] this week, and I am not anxious to add to it on my own behalf. 
But I should like, and I value greatly the opportunity, to recall a few 
words which fell upon our own ears two years ago from one of your 
best and strongest voices, which has passed into the great silence. I 
refer to Mr. Rolls, who played so prominent and valuable a part in 
the Hague Conference. [Applause.] 

My husband and I had the great privilege of some hours' talk with 
him two years ago, and it was mainly about his work at The Hague 
and his hopes from that Conference. I think his hopes, as far as we 
could gather, were mainly from the atmosphere, the international at- 
mosphere, which the holding of that Hague Conference and its prac- 
tical fruit had created. He said that the very existence of the Court 
at The Hague would tend to the settlement of international difficul- 
ties outside of it. How true that forecast was has already been 
alluded to in most fitting terms by our Chairman's reminder of the 
recent arbitration treaties signed in Europe between several nations. 
If Mr. Holls had been with us here, — and I am sure he would have 
been in Boston had he been alive, — he would doubtless have told 
us what immense encouragement he had received privately and per- 
sonally from the leading statesmen of Europe. One of those bits of 
encouragement has lingered ever since in my mind. Count Von 
Buelow had said to him at Berlin, " Never mind how much people 
may laugh at you and call you idealists, every Foreign Minister in 
Europe is your friend." [Applause.] 

We have now found our most powerful promoter in this great 
nation of the United States. Your President the other day promised 
to summon a second conference at The Hague, and naturally and 
rightly he would be the first to say that his words would be of no 
effect unless he had at his back the whole public opinion of this 
great people. In our pilgrimage, the pilgrimage which your govern- 
ment so generously organized for the foreign delegates to the Inter- 
parliamentary Conference, through your states and among your 
industries, the thing that struck us most was the feeling of the people, 
the feeling of the man in the street, for this great cause to which Boston 
has set its seal. I have no doubt that many of the thousands of 
men and women who greeted these strange pilgrims had very little 
real concrete idea of what their message was, but they did under- 
stand its main burden to be peace, the abolition of war. In every 
city in which we found ourselves the response was eager, instant, 
generous. It was that response, and that response alone, which 
made your President's promise so full of meaning and so full of the 
hope with which we have regarded it. 

We look to you Americans especially to help in this matter. The 
Bishop of Hereford said, in one of his early speeches to this Con- 
gress, that in America you were fortunate in being free from the 


vested interests which gather round the great systems of militarism 
in the Old World. Your vested interests are a mere nothing com- 
pared with those that are crushing the peoples of Europe. John 
Bright said, and said truly enough, that our military system in 
England was nothing more than a great system of outdoor relief for 
our aristocracy. [Applause.] Luckily for them, and luckily for us 
too, because of its indirect effect, our aristocracy has found on this 
side of the water a much healthier and happier and uore friendly 
system of outdoor relief. [Laughter.] That will to some extent, 
I hope, help us in putting down the home system, at any rate of 
lessening the home system of outdoor relief. However that may be, 
you have freedom, you have power to decide from y'ear to year what 
line of policy your government, your President, your state legislatures, 
will take on this question so entirely vital to the whole welfare, to 
the whole uplifting of your people. 

My closing words shall be those of a man whom I know you honor 
and whom we love and honor from the depths of our hearts ; I mean 
John Morley. He said, not long ago, "Let this be the vantage 
ground from which those threadbare sophisms of barbarous national 
pride, those dreadful fallacies of war and conquest which have under- 
mined the greatest nations, shall be exposed." We look to you to 
expose and correct the deep-lying facts of heart and temper, as well 
as of understanding, which move nations to hostile and violent courses. 

. The Chairman : I shall now change the order of the printed pro- 
gram, and shall have the honor of introducing a gentleman who has 
done full service up and down our land, and is honored almost uni- 
versally throughout our country, but especially in Boston, — Dr. 
Booker T. Washington. [Applause.] 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : When I was a slave boy 
upon a plantation , in the State of Virginia, I recall that once every 
week the black boys in our portion of the slave quarter were made 
to feel very happy, and that was on Sunday morning when every 
child was given two tablespoonfuls of molasses. [Laughter.] And 
I recall how, when it came my turn to receive my portion of mo- 
lasses, I used to take my little tin plate and stand up in front of the 
individual whose duty it was to distribute the molasses, and after my 
portion had been poured upon my plate I would tip it to the right 
and then to the left, and then forward and then toward me, in order 
to make the molasses cover the entire surface of the plate, in a word, 
in that way to produce more molasses. [Laughter.] There is not 
an individual in this room to-night who could convince me that there 
was not more molasses when it covered the entire surface than when 
confined to one spot. Now during the few minutes allotted to me 
I am going to try to cover a large surface. 


I wish to thank the members of this International Peace Confer- 
ence for your interest in what is known as the darker or weaker races, 
and I wish to say a word concerning a portion of the world in which 
ray race is especially interested, where at the present time there is a 
disgrace upon our modern civilization. I refer to the conditions 
that exist, and have existed for a number of years, in what is known 
as the Congo Free State in Africa. [Applause.] I have testimony 
direct from the lips of Dr. Shutworth, a former school-fellow of mine 
at the Hampton Institute, and from the lips of Dr. Morrison, a 
Southern man — and incidentally I wish to add that the going of 
these two men into the Congo Free State furnishes almost a dramatic 
side of history. One of them was the son of a master in the South, 
the other the son of a slave in the South. Hand in hand they have 
gone to the Congo Free State in order to help free those people from 
mental and moral slavery. [Applause.] And while they are attempt- 
ing to do that, the influence of the civilized world should be felt in 
a direction that will free those people from the barbarities which 
they are now suffering. [Applause.] 

Villages to-day are burned ; people are murdered or maimed. Dr. 
Shutworth tells me that with his own eyes in one village he saw 
eighty-one human hands which had been severed from the body and 
were hung up and dried, to be presented to the Belgian authorities as 
evidence that the soldiers had performed their duty. All of this is 
taking place — for what purpose ? In order that a few may be enriched 
at the expense of the many in that far-off country. Civilization 
should see to it that a change takes place. My friends, Europe 
should set a better example to my people in Africa. [Applause.] 

You say I speak in behalf of the negro in Africa. Yes, that and 
more than that. I speak as much in behalf- of the white man in 
Europe as I do of the black man in Africa. [Applause.] No man 
can oppress another individual without that man himself being de- 
graded and dragged down. [Applause.] 

" The changeless laws of justice 
Bind up oppressor and oppressed ; 
And close as sin and suiiering joined, 
We march to fate abreast." 

Those beautiful lines of Whittier — I wish he were here to-night — 
will apply to conditions in Europe and in Africa and America. 
Though myself an ex-slave, I thank God that I have grown to the 
point where I have no prejudice against any human being on account 
of the color of his skin or the race to which he belongs. [Applause.] 
There is another condition which concerns very largely my race, 
which should have the honest, the active sympathy and help of an 
organization such as is gathered here. For a number of years there 
has existed in our own country the practice of bands of men getting 
together in what are called mobs, to lynch and burn human beings 
who are guilty, or supposed to be guilty, of crime. I am glad to say 
— and, my friends, nothing within the last ten years has given me 


greater encouragement than what has taken place in this respect in 
the Southern part of the United States within the last few weeks — 
that from the pulpit, from the public press, from the lips of governors 
there has gone forth, and is daily going forth, a voice that is saying 
to the South and to all other portions of our country that we must 
get rid of that debasing and demoralizing habit of burning and tor- 
turing human beings without a trial before the law. [Applause.] I 
hope that this encouraging sentiment will have the hearty sympathy 
and the active support of every member of this organization. 

My friends, let me add this : Race hatred, in my opinion, never 
settled any problem upon earth. The way for one race to show its 
superiority over another race is to exhibit a greater degree of mercy, 
of kindness, of forethought, of brotherly love. ' [Applause.] And 
no race, and no individual, in my opinion, is free, and no nation is 
free so long as it is ruled by passion and brute force. [Applause.] 
In proportion as it learns to exhibit the higher qualities, in that same 
proportion does the individual and does the nation become free 
indeed. No member of your race in Europe or in America can 
harm the meanest or the weakest member of my race without the 
purest and brightest and bluest blood in your own civilization being 
disgraced and degraded. [Applause.] 

Let me add, in conclusion, that my race in one respect can teach 
the white races a lesson. We have been and are a peaceful race. 
We are not given to wars. To right his wrongs the Russian appeals 
to dynamite, the Cuban to revolution, the Indian to his tomahawk, 
the Japanese to his battleship ; but the negro, the most patient, the 
most God-fearing, the most law-abiding of them all, has depended 
for the righting of his wrongs upon his midnight groans, his prayers, 
and upon an inherent faith in the justice of his cause. And, my 
friends, if we may dare judge the future by the past, who will venture 
to say that the negro's course has not been the correct one ? And the 
policy which we have pursued in the past shall be our guide through- 
out the long and the distant future. 

As a humble member of the black race, representing nearly ten 
millions of men and women with black skins in America, I want to 
pledge, through you, Mr. President, to this International Peace Con- 
gress, the sympathy, the cooperation, the prayers of my race in con- 
nection with every endeavor that you put forth towards spreading 
peace and charity and goodwill among all the races and the nations 
of the earth, to the end that wars and rumors of wars shall be no 
more. [Applause.] 

The Chairman next presented Miss Jane Addams of the Hull 
House Settlement, Chicago. 



There is an old story of a London showman who used to exhibit 
two skulls of Shakespeare — one skull of him when he was a boy 
and went poaching, and another when he was a man and wrote 
plays. It seemed more probable to that showman that two acts of 
creation should have taken place than that the roistering boy who 
went poaching should ever have peopled the London stage with all 
the world. 

I should like to confide a secret to this audience ; that is, that the 
human family, as old as it is in its national life, in its national rela- 
tions, is still a very young roistering boy, that it is still using its 
poacher's head. No doubt when the young Shakespeare went out 
into the woods he was stirred by the spirit of youthful adventure, 
and he saw no other way of having a good time. There is no doubt 
that when he did these things he was reprimanded by the good people 
of Stratford ; he was told that poaching was an evil ; he was told to 
feel sorry for the deer ; he might even have been told to organize a 
society to take care of the deer during its dying hours. He was not 
told, to be sure, to move into his grown-up head ; as an alternative 
he had only his village public and the bad ale. 

During this Conference many times I have wished that we might 
induce people to use not the poacher's skull, but that we might bid 
the international man to move into his grown-up skull ; that we might 
tell him that adventure is not only to be found in going forth into 
new landsiand shooting; that youth and spirit can find other outlets ; 
that we might make clear to him the pleasures that lie in the human 
city. I do not imagine that when Shakespeare saw his Hamlet first 
walk upon the boards, he grew homesick for his deer stalking. 1 do 
not imagine that, if the race once discovered the excitement and the 
pleasure and the infinite moral stimulus and the gratification of the 
spirit of adventure to be found in the nourishing of human life, in the 
bringing of all the world into some sort of general order and decent 
relationship one with another, they would look back with very much, 
regret, and wish that they might again go opening new lands because 
they found therein their only joy and their only pleasure. 

If we could only stop thinking of mankind as a poacher, if we 
could believe that he is no longer quite so young as all that, if we 
could really make out that the gaiety of nations is not altogther 
horse-play, then I believe the peace movement would get a swing 
which would simply astonish us all. 

I said the other night at the Labor meeting that the only place 
where we saw the rising feeling which was going to sweep war from 
the face of the earth was in the organizations of working men ; but I 
have thought of a good many things since. For instance, I live in 
an Italian quarter: almost every Sunday our Italian friends come 
out and beat their drums and wave their flags and wear their uni- 
forms to celebrate the fact that they have formed a little bit of a 


Benefit Society and made a little wall between themselves and star- 
vation and a pauper's grave. All over America we have these socie- 
ties ; they are taking to themselves uniforms and the fife and the 
drum and a good deal of the paraphernalia of war. 

It is in this direction, I believe, that much of our hope lies. It is 
in persuading our fellow men that they are grown up ; that if they 
once " catch on," if I may use that phrase, to the beauty of the 
human play, to the drama as it unfolds itself, these childish notions 
of power, these boyish ideas of adventure, these veritable rabble 
conceptions of what pleasure and manliness and courage consist in, 
will fall away from them as the garments of a child are dropped off 
from his growing form. [Applause.] 

The next Peace Conference will perhaps add one more committee 
that shall gather together the beginnings, the dawnings of this larger 
life that we aim at, even if only to suggest it, if only to predict it ; to 
tell us where we may turn to look for the coming release, for the 
coming of this newer and final activity. As I look through the 
audience I see Mr. Perris and other people who had much to do with 
bringing the Doukhobors into Canada. The Doukhobors, as you 
know, are a non-resisting sect. They were arrested in Russia for 
refusing to go into the army. One young man was brought before a 
Russian judge who reasoned with him and said, " Why do you not 
submit and join the army ? " In return the young man gave him a 
long commentary upon the teachings of Jesus, and the Russian judge 
said, " That is very true ; we all believe that ; but the time has not 
yet come to put that into practice." The young man replied, "The 
time may not have come for you, your honor, but the time has come 
for us." [Applause.] Let us hope that in a few years we may all be 
able to stand up and say what Brother Washington was able to say 
for his race a few moments &.go, that the time has come for us to 
accept at least passive resistance if we cannot accept dynamic and 
creative peace. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : We shall now have the pleasure of listening to 
a gentleman who has come from the beautiful land of Norway ; who 
has been for many years a member of the Norwegian Chamber of 
Deputies, and for several years its president — the Hon. John Lund. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am sorry that I cannot 
express my feelings at this moment in my native tongue. It is of 
course a very difficult thing for a foreigner to address you in your own 
language, and you will forgive me for my bad English, and also 
forgive me for being bound to the manuscript under the circumstances, 
for I did not know that I was to speak to-night until I saw my name 
on the program. 

A question often put to me during the weeks of my sojourn in the 


United States, " How do you like America ? " reminds one in its 
naivete of a sweet child's wonted query, "Are you fond of me?" 
Well, I can truthfully answer that I am happy here, and if there are 
things which possibly a European would wish difterent, yet, on the 
whole, one can heartily say that America is to be admired. ' As we 
Europeans, representing the Old Worid, may, in a way, consider our- 
selves worthy grandfathers, so I am confident J speak for many when 
I assure you that we European fathers are proud of our American 

To recount what one most admires is difficult. During the journey 
which as guests of your government we for a fortnight or more made 
through your States and cities, a whole series of fascinating pictures 
captured the imagination. We members of the Interparliamentary 
Union had only admiration for your systems of transportation, your 
industries, your beautiful rich country, your agriculture, your old and 
your new towns, which, like Chicago, Denver and others, seem in their 
half century's growth to be the outcome of magic, giving evidence, as 
they do, of a taste and beauty comparable to the capitals of the Old 

It was a historical moment when in the White House your Presi- 
dent assured our members that he would consider favorably our 
proposal that he call another Peace Conference of the governments of 
the world. 

Of all the pictures which stay by me, two incidents are vividly out- 

The very first days of my sojourn here gave me my first memorable 
American experience. It was a review. I have seen inany reviews ; 
I have witnessed' the German Emperor's pride as he led his brave 
troops in person ; I have seen many official and ecclesiastical proces- 
sions, but never have I seen a more moving, beautiful or noble spec- 
tacle than that of the thirty thousand men in New York on Labor Day, 
as they were marshaled in review. Never have I in the Old World 
seen a workingman's procession in which so many self-respecting, 
manly men in holiday dress took part. One felt and knew as they 
marched past that they were free, independent, respected citizens, 
who themselves felt that they filled their places in life as well as any 
rich man, any aristocrat in the Old World. I stood with hat in hand, 
and as I looked I understood that the men representing the great 
business interests of the city and state showed their respect for the 
laboring man by observing Labor Day as a holiday. Let the work- 
ingman get knowledge, let him live under- good conditions, and I am 
sure we shall there have the best guarantee for the world's peace. 

The second occasion when I found myself deeply moved was in 
your own fine old city on that memorable evening when orchestra 
and chorus, half a thousand of them, and your leading men, more 
than two thousand of them, honored our workers with a sympathetic 
welcome in your beautiful Symphony Hall, when the audience of 
delegates and their hosts of friends filled that great auditorium, thus 
assuring us of your intelligent sympathy with our special work. 


Both on that evening and on the occasion of our opening session, 
when your most distinguished statesman and other prominent speakers 
bade us welcome, I felt that in no other country was our mission in 
better hands than with the American division of our organization. In 
truth, it was a reception worthy of our great cause, worthy of your 
proud country, worthy of your historic city with its rich store of tra- 

I will conclude with a toast for America, and I invite my colleagues 
and every one here to join me in homage to your country in a nine- 
double Norse hurrah : 

Long live the United States ! 

Ixjng live free, independent America ! 

The Chairman : We are now to have the pleasure of hearing Mr. 
Bliss Perry, editor of the Atlantic Monthly. 


Mr. President and Friends of the Congress : You are anxious to 
hear Professor James, and so am I. I want to give one impression of 
the service rendered to the cause which we have at heart, through 
the publicity which has been given to the sessions of the Congress 
by the Boston newspapers. [Applause.] It is not necessary to speak 
of the service rendered to the cause of peace by literature ; if logic 
and irony and wit and sweet reasonableness could have converted 
the world to peace, we should not be here to-night. Now a new ma- 
chinery has been set in motion and a powerful impetus given to our 
cause through the publicity given to it by the daily press. 

There are two misconceptions with regard to the work of this Con- 
gress which I believe the publicity given to the proceedings of the 
last week has forever set aside. The first of those misconceptions is 
that we who are interested in peace are somehow lacking in patri- 
otism. You know the familiar argument that if a man is interested 
in international things he thereby loses his passionate faith in his own 
nationality. You have been told by Tolstoy and other great men 
that the patriotic note in literature and art is a vitiating note. Now 
I beg to say that the proceedings of the last week have proved the 
falseness of that theory. It is because we are good Americans and 
Norwegians and Frenchmen and Englishmen and Germans that we 
are here. Any international courtesies that we are showing or that 
we have been receiving are founded first of all upon national self- 
respect. [Applause.] You may as well say that the superb chorus 
of the Messiah to which we listened last Sunday evening suffered 
because the basses and the tenors and the altos and the sopranos 
each did their best with their characteristic voice, as to say that be- 
cause a man is interested in a fraternity of civilized peoples he there- 
fore loses in his patriotism toward the land of his birth. [Applause.] 

I take Whittier as my example. There was an Essex County man 


and a Massachusetts man and a Northerner; yet he was an ail- 
American, and by virtue of being a good Essex County man and a 
Massachusetts man and an American, he became a world's man. 

Ladies and gentlemen, the unpatriotic man is not the internation- 
alist : he is the citizen of any country who does not care what is going 
on beyond, his own village so long as his own dinner pail is full. If 
he is an American, what makes him unpatriotic is not that he holds 
this or that view in regard to this or that policy : what makes him 
unpatriotic is the belief that the good Father at Washington will attend 
to all that and it is not any business of his. 

The second misconception which the publicity given to the proceed- 
ings of this last week has, I hope, forever done away with, is the 
notion that the advocates of peace are impracticable dreamers, that 
they are visionaries and nothing more. We give the blue ribbons in 
this country to the men who do things, and have not Mr. Mead and 
Dr. Trueblood been doing things ? [Applause.] Can you point to a 
single cause that has made more solid or trustworthy progress in the 
last ten years than this cause of international arbitration and peace ? 

Ladies and gentlemen, the visionaries are the men who can see 
nothing in the world but the chariots and the horses and the future 
campaigns. The visionaries are the men who have forgotten their 
multiplication tables, and forgotten history, and ignored human nature, 
and believe that it is safe to play with fire ; who under the pretense 
of taking no chances are making chances ; who are doing as they did 
in Melrose the other day — piling dynamite on a wagon, and then 
giving the wagon to a boy to drive. [Applause.] Those, I say, are 
the unpractical men. The advocates of peace have with a clear 
vision, with steady forethought and purpose, been building a straight 
road for the nations of the world to walk in, and that road can be 
seen of every man. 

Let me illustrate that by one local type, and I am done. I hope 
our foreign friends in making the acquaintance of other Boston insti- 
tutions this week have not failed to take note of the Boston policeman. 
He is one of the finest specimens of his profession; he speaks softly 
and he carries his " big stick " — in his pocket. He is patient, he is 
respectful, he is self-respecting. Now when the white-gloved hand 
of a policeman on one of our dangerous narrow crossings is raised, 
the whirling electric car and the murderous automobile and the laden 
dray stop, so that our women and children may go safely over. We 
respect the policeman, not because he is the embodiment of arbitrary, 
despotic force, but because he represents the peace sentiment of the 
citizens of Boston. Now we advocates of peace are not impractical 
enough to believe that the time has yet come when we need no police 
at the world's cross roads. We do need policemen in Armenia and 
in the Congo Free State ; but we ask that they shall not be sent there 
by greedy powers or through the chivalry of a single nation. We ask 
that they shall stand there as the embodiment of international law, 
and backed by international public opinion. 

I have used the Boston policeman as a type ; I want to use our 


Boston subway as ai allegory. A few years ago Tremont Street 
was in a state of hopeless confusion — turmoil, blockade, warfare, 
nothing less. One day some one began a quarter of a mile away 
from Tremont Street to dig a hole in the ground. He had the sub- 
way in his mind, — and to-day men are carried from the suburbs of 
the city to the heart of the city by a swift and safe and pleasant 
course. Now when you return to your homes you will be able to tell 
your friends that you have been riding in the Boston subway, and you 
can also say that you have been helping yourself to dig a bigger and 
a better subway than that, namely, the road that leads straight from 
heart to heart of the great nations of the world, — the road of good- 
will. It is hard to do that kind of digging year in and year out. 
There is the solid rock of opposition still to be blasted. But we must 
remember that all the poetry does not belong to the men of war. We 
must praise this road that we are building against the shifting sands 
of popular sentiment, drifting, changing with the hour. But the road 
has already been marked, and the proceedings of the last five days 
have given another yard or another hundred yards to it ; and those 
forward steps once taken can never be retraced. We have no right 
to say, in those solemn words that Tolstoy prints at the head of his 
pamphlet, "This is your hour, and the power of darkness." Perhaps 
we have not yet won the right to say, " This is our hour, and the 
power of right," but we can at least say with St. Paul, " Brethren, 
now is our salvation nearer than when we first believed." [Applause.] 

The Chairman : I now have the pleasure of presenting to you 
the last speaker of the evening, Prof. WilUam James of Harvard 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am only a philosopher, 
and there is only one thing that a philosopher can be relied on to -do, 
and that is, to contradict other philosophers. In ancient times philoso- 
phers defined man as the rational animal; and philosophers since 
then have always found much more to say about the rational than 
about the animal part of the definition. But looked at candidly, 
reason bears about the same proportion to the rest of human nature 
that we in this hall bear to the rest of America, Europe, Asia, Africa 
and Polynesia. Reason is one of the very feeblest of nature's forces, 
if you take it at only one spot and moment. It is only in the very 
long run that its effects become perceptible. Reason assumes to 
settle things by weighing them against each other without prejudice, 
partiality or excitement ; but what affairs in the concrete are settled 
by is, and always will be, just prejudices, partialities, cupidities and 
excitements. Appealing to reason as we do, we are in a sort of a 
forlorn-hope situation, like a small sand-bank in the midst of a hungry 
sea ready to wash it out of existence. But sand-banks grow when the 


conditions favor ; and weak as reason is, it has this unique advantage 
over its antagonists that its activity never lets up and that it presses 
always in one direction, while men's prejudices vary, their passions 
ebb and flow, and their excitements are intermittent. Our sand-bank, 
I absolutely believe, is bound to grow. Bit by bit it will get dyked 
and breakwatered. But sitting as we do in this warm room, with 
music and lights and smiling faces, it is easy to get too sanguine 
about our task ; and since I am called to speak, I feel as if it might 
not be out of place to say a word about the strength of our enemy. 

Our permanent enemy is the rooted bellicosity of human nature. 
Man, biologically considered, and whatever else he may be into the 
bargain, is the most formidable of all beasts of prey, and, indeed, the 
only one that preys systematically on his own species. We are once 
for all adapted to the military status. A millennium of peace would 
not breed the fighting disposition out of our bone and marrow, and a 
function so ingrained and vital will never consent to die without re- 
sistance, and will always find impassioned apologists and idealizers. 

Not only men born to be soldiers, but non-combatants by trade and 
nature, historians in their studies, and clergymen in their pulpits, have 
been war's idealizers. They have talked of war as of God's court of 
justice. And, indeed, if we think how many things beside the frontiers 
of states the wars of history have decided, we must feel some respectful 
awe, in spite of all the horrors. Our actual civilization, good and bad 
alike, has had past wars for its determining condition. Great minded- 
ness among the tribes of men has always meant the will to prevail, 
and all the more so if prevailing included slaughtering and being 
slaughtered. Rome, Paris, England, Brandeburg, Piedmont, — possi- 
bly soon Japan, — along with their slrms have their traits of character 
and habits of thought prevail among their conquered neighbors. The 
blessings we actually enjoy, such as they are, have grown up in the 
shadow of the wars of antiquity. The various ideals were backed by 
fighting wills, and when neither would give way, the God of battles 
had to be the arbiter. A shallow view this, truly ; for who can say 
what might have prevailed if man had ever been a reasoning and not 
a fighting animal ? Like dead men, dead causes tell no tales, and 
the ideals that went under in the past, along with all the tribes that 
represented them, find to-day no recorder, no explainer, no de- 

But apart from theoretic defenders, and apart from every soldierly 
individual straining at the leash and clamoring for opportunity, war 
has an omnipotent support in the form of our imagination. Man lives 
by habits indeed, but what he lives >r is thrills and excitements. The 
ohly relief from habit's tediousness is periodical excitement. From 
time immemorial wars have been, especially for non-combatants, the 
supremely thrilling excitement. Heavy and dragging at its end^ at 
its outset every war means an explosion of imaginative energy. The 
dams of routine burst, and boundless prospects open. The remotest 
spectators share the fascination of that awful struggle now m 
process on the confines of the world. There is not a man in this 


room, I suppose, who does n't buy both an evening and a morning 
paper, and first of all pounce on the war column. 

A deadly listlessness would come over most men's imagination of 
the future if they could seriously be brought to believe that never 
again in sacula saculorum would a war trouble human history. In 
such a stagnant summer afternoon of a world, where would be the 
zest or interest ? 

This is the constitution of human nature which we have to work 
against. The plain truth is that people wantviax. They want it any- 
how ; for itself, and apart from each and every possible consequence. 
It is the final bouquet of life's fireworks. The born soldiers want it 
hot and actual. The non-combatants want it in the background, and 
always as an open possibility, to feed imagination on and keep excite- 
ment going. Its clerical and historical defenders fool themselves 
when they talk as they do about it. What moves them is not the 
blessings it has won for us, but a vague religious exaltation. War is 
human nature at its uttermost. We are here to do our uttermost. It 
is a sacrament. Society would rot without the mystical blood-payment. 

We do ill, I think, therefore, to talk much of universal peace or of 
a general disarmament. We must go in for preventive medicine, 
not for radical cure. We must cheat our foe, circumvent him in de- 
tail, not try to change his nature. In one respect war is like love, 
though in no other. Both leave us intervals of rest ; and in the inter- 
vals life goes on perfectly well without them, though the imagination 
still dallies with their possibility. Equally insane when once aroused 
and under headway, whether they shall be aroused or not depends on 
accidental circumstances. How are old maids and old bachelors 
made ? Not by deliberate vows of celibacy, but by sliding on from 
year to year with no sufficient matrimonial provocation. So of the 
nations with their wars. Let the general possibility of war be left 
open, in Heaven's name, for the imagination to dally with. Let 
the soldiers dream of killing, as the old maids dream of marrying. 

But organize in every conceivable way the practical machinery for 
making each successive chance of war abortive. Put peace men in 
power; educate the editors and statesmen to responsibility. How 
beautifully did their trained responsibility in England make lie Vene- 
zuela incident abortive 1 Seize every pretext, however small, for 
arbitration methods, and multiply the precedents ; foster rival excite- 
ments, and invent new outlets for heroic energy ; and from one genera- 
tion to another the chances are that irritation will grow less acute 
and states of strain less dangerous among the nations. Armies and 
navies will continue, of course, and fire the minds of populations with 
their potentialities of greatness. But their officers will find that some- 
how or other, with no deliberate intention on any one's part, each suc- 
cessive "incident" has managed to evaporate and to lead nowhere, 
and that the thought of what might have been remains their only 

The last weak runnings of the war spirit will be " punitive expedi- 
tions." A country that turns its arms only against uncivilized foes is, 


I think, wrongly taunted as degenerate. Of course it has ceased to 
be heroic in the old grand style. But I verily believe that this is be- 
cause it now sees something better. It has a conscience. It will 
still perpetrate peccadillos. But it is afraid, afraid in the good sense, 
to engage in absolute crimes against civilization. 

The Chairman : There are others whom we should be delighted 
to hear from, but the hour is late and the program is completed. All 
that remains for me is to say to you good-bye, which being interpreted 
means, God be with you. Good-bye. 

Iftftb an& OLast Business Session. 

Saturday Morning, October 8, 1904. 

The President called the Congress to order in Park Street Church 
at 9.30 o'clock, and introduced a Japanese gentlemen, Mr. Jiro Abra- 
tani, editor of a daily newspaper in Tokio. 


It is a great honor and pleasure to meet with the friends of peace, 
and stand here at this memorable meeting. I have not come to speak, 
but to hear ; not to teach, but to learn. I could not, however, refrain 
from saying a word when invited to speak. 

I have been preaching during fifteen years the gospel of war, not 
war in the ordinary sense, but spiritual war against ignorance, unkind- 
ness and unrighteousness. 

Two voices now sound in my ears : one a terrible sound of cannon 
and horrible groaning of dying soldiers from the Far East ; the other 
a sweet voice of angels of peace here. I inherited a very strong 
national spirit, but my humanitarian heart, with which our heavenly 
Father of love gifted me, earnestly desires that true peace may come 
soon and dominate eternally all the nations. 

Fortunately, — I say fortunately, — it was unnecessary to have any 
peace society in Japan ; not because she was a warlike people, but 
simply because she had not any conflict during two hundred and fifty 
years. After she shut her doors against the brutal power of Spain 
and Portugal, until Commodore Perry knocked at her door, she de- 
voted her time and her energies to the cultivation of the arts, charac- 
ter and the pursuits of peace, enjoying the cherry flower in the spring 
and the chrysanthemum in the autumn, while European nations were 
busy fighting and expanding their territories by" force of arms. Even 
swords and spears were used not in any practical military way, but 
only as decorations which you are familiar with as art, now in the 
Boston Art Museum. She was taught by Buddhist monks, " Do not 
kill any living creature, even a little sparrow," and by Confucian 
teachers, "Love others as thyself," and by Shintoist teachers, "Have 
a God-likeheart full of purity, righteousness and compassion." About 
two hundred years ago, Banzan Kumazawa, a great scholar in Japan, 
taught us that " Heaven is father and Earth is mother ; all nations 
are brethren ; human nature is not diverse, and universal reason is 


We Japanese as a nation have a great mission to preach benevo- 
lence and righteousness over the world as against the barbarism of 
East and West. 

Japan was truly a peace-loving people, not a warlike people at all ; 
but after she entered into international relations she was very unfor- 
tunately compelled to draw her sword against China and again against 
Russia, as you all know. It is not my intention, and you would not 
wish me to discuss here the present war between Japan and Russia. 
I truly humiliate myself now in behalf of the sacred principle of uni- 
versal peace, which we earnestly desire to promote over the world, and 
I heartily shake hands with the Russian delegate. 

I am afraid that militarism will grow year by year in Japan. I 
may safely say that the military spirit dominates now in Japan, 
and it will increase more and more after the war. Her industries are 
growing and her population is increasing very rapidly, so that it will 
be natural to- see her infected by imperialism. My friends in Japan, 
who have insight and foresight, are already fighting against such 

You probably have read an interesting Japanese novel " Namiko," 
recently translated into English in this city, whose author Tokutomi 
is an admirer of Victor Hugo and Tolstoy, and dedicates his story on 
the altar of peace against militarism. My co-editor, Kinoshita, re- 
cently published a very powerful and inspiring story, entitled " Pillar 
of Fire," in our paper, in which he attacked very vigorously capital- 
ism and militarism. His story was welcomed by many people. 

Militarism is strong, and the power of the friends of peace is not 
yet so strong ; and so we, I think, must fight in behalf of peace more 
bravely than Admiral Togo and General Kuroki are fighting. War 
is truly a disease of society. We doctors of society must not only 
negatively give the medicine to society, but positively must revitalize 
its energies ; not only sentimentally attack the disease, but investi- 
gate, with cool and clear head, its causes, and use our power to pre- 
vent the disease's appearance. There are many causes, ethical and 
economical. We must wash out such superstitions, racial, religious 
and national, as bring on war ; we must solve the modern question of 

In conclusion, I earnestly hope that not only Russia and Japan, 
but all the nations, may clearly understand, by the terrible example 
of the war in the Far East, how unethical and uneconomical war is, 
and may entirely abolish war from the earth. I hope the flags of all 
nations which were dyed by human vanity and have such awful 
symbols as lions and eagles, etc., may become a perfectly sacred 
white, colorless. I pray that all nations, forgetting their separate 
national war songs, may learn to sing in melodious harmony the most 
sacred song, " Glory be to God in the most high, peace on the earth 
and goodwill unto men." 

Thk Chairman : Dr. Chirurg has asked to be allowed to speak in 


regard to charges made against Russia yesterday, and he will now 
have the floor. 

Dr. Chirurg : To exemplify the words that I said a few days ago, 
I will shake hands with the Japanese, Mr. Jirp Abratani, and I am 
glad to greet him as a fellow man. [Dr. Chirurg and Mr. Abratani 
here shook hands on the platform amid applause.] 

All those who were present last night at the dinner heard Mr. Bliss 
Perry, the editor, talk, and among other things he said that a man 
loses his self-respect who is not a patriot, a lover of the land of his 
birth. I was amazed very much yesterday when my friends from 
England, — I would not say all the Englishmen, but a few, — under 
the resolution brought in regarding Armenia and the outrages perpe- 
trated by Turkey, accused Russia of most terrible things. Although 
I am an American by adoption, I am a Russian by birth, and I can- 
not help attempting, to tell you the true facts as I remember them 
when I was a boy, and as my father, who was a physician and a man 
of kindness and truthfulness, told me. 

In 1876, when I was merely a child, the Concert of Europe, com- 
posed of Germany, Russia, Austria, France, England and Italy, had 
a meeting as to the outrages in Turkey, and they put pressure upon 
the Russian Czar, Alexander the Second, the liberator of the serfs, as 
you all know, as he was the only one who could liberate those op- 
pressed ones in Turkey. Accordingly, Alexander the Second made 
a demand upon Turkey to stop the outrages, and when the Turk did 
not heed his demand he declared war, and the Russians had to fight 
against natural fortifications and barriers, and after losing hundreds 
of thousands of young men and hundreds of millions of money, when 
the Russian general was at the gates of Constantinople, a truce was 
asked; and w.hich power of that Concert was it who stopped the 
Russians from preventing the oppression and outrages by the Turk ? 
It was England ! England made a demand on Russia not to go any 
further, and so the only people that were liberated from the oppres- 
sion of the Turk were the Bulgarians. Had England stood by the 
Concert, I believe that in 1878 there would have been a cessation of 
all oppression in European Turkey, and all those who are crying for 
help now would have been liberated at that time. 

I have here before me a paper which was handed to me to-day as I 
came into this room. The paper is called Our Dumb Animals, and 
on page sixty-seven I see a picture of a Mexican lynx, and under the 
picture this item : " The Mexican lynx is said to be the most ferocious 
and untamable of the feline family, but editor J. W. Hunter of the 
Mason (Texas) Herald sends us this picture of his young Mexican 
lynx, which by kindness he has transformed, he says, into a favored 
pet of all the children in town." I am here not to insult anybody ; I 
am here to say that we are under one banner of peace, and that only 
by kindness can we tame the wild animal of war. I come here as a 
Russian to protest against those statements which were made against 
Russia, and which were not true. 


I recall that when I was a mere boy, in 1877, we were told that a- 
train-load of prisoners of war would pass through our town, and my 
father told a man to hitch up, and we went down to see them. There 
was a large train with first-class passenger cars for the officers, and 
second-class cars for the soldiers. Three hundred prisoners of war 
were there, under the escort of a few Russian soldiers, commanded 
by a captain who was afterwards a friend of my family. They were 
brought to my town and they were quartered in houses as good as 
the Russian soldiers occupied, and the Turkish officers were given 
quarters as good as the Russian officers occupied. They were clothed, 
they were fed, they were given the freedom of the country ; they were 
not kept as prisoners, but as friends. This of itself shows that the 
people at large in Russia are not barbarous. It also reminds me of 

a day when I stood by the banks of the river in my town. A man, 

I will not mention his nationality, but .he was not a Russian, — 
attacked one of those prisoners of war without any cause. Imme- 
diately a mob gathered, and they were furious against him, and if he 
had not run for protection into a house he would probably have been 
dealt with very severely. I remember the address of the head of the 
town, the mayor, to the people, telling them that those prisoners were 
not there to fight, but that they were there as men and that we should 
use them as such. 

Mr. Herbert Burrows: Mr. President: As our friend and col- 
league from Russia has referred to what was said yesterday, I should 
like to make one word of explanation, as I made the strongest attack 
not on the Russian nation but on the Russian government. I am 
glad to say that amongst my dearest friends are Russian men and 
women. I did not make an attack on the Russian nation as a nation. 
I am perfectly friendly with them, and they are not responsible for 
the acts of their government. 

I repeat in the strongest and most deliberate terms that I can use 
everything that I said yesterday about the barbarities of the Russian 
government. I repeat again that the barbarities that were practised 
on the Jews at Kishineff were practically inflicted under the orders of 
the government ; they were backed up by the government officials. 
We have documentary evidence confirming every word. I say. I 
repeat that those atrocities were equally as bad as, if not worse than, 
those which were perpetrated in Armenia by the Turks, and that if 
we want to be fair all around we must not condemn one nation and 
at the same time whitewash another. [Applause.] • 

Mr. Paine had to leave the meeting at this point, and Dr. True- 
blood was called to the chair. 

Tlie Chairman read a letter of greeting and sympathy from the 
labor meeting at Faneuil Hall, and then called upon Dr. Darby, who 
presented the balance of the report of Committee A. 

Dr. Darby : Our Committee has prepared the following resolution 


with regard to the Congo question. It consists of two parts, and one 
is a mere statement of facts : 

Whereas, The International Association of the Congo in 1884 secured from 
the American government that its flag should be recognized as that of a friendly 
state (which recognition was subsequently endorsed by the powers of Europe at 
Berlin), on the ground that it was an organization formed to protect the interests 
and welfare of the natives, to promote legitimate commerce, and to preserve the 
neutrality of the Congo Valley over which it sought to exercise authority ; and 

Whereas, It- is alleged that the government of the Congo Free State has 
appropriated the land of the natives and the products of commercial value 
yielded by the land, thus leading to the committal of grave wrongs upon the 
native races, and to the infringement of the rights secured for international com- 
merce by the Act of the Conference of Berlin ; and 

Whereas, This is a question which may lead to grave international complica- 
tions ; 

This Congress, in the interests of peace, recommends that the following 
questions should be referred either to a renewed conference of the powers con- 
cerned in the formation of the Congo Free State, or to a Commission of Inquiry 
as provided in the Hague Convention : 

1. Is the government of the Congo Free State still to be regarded as the 
trustee of the powers which recognized the flag of the International Association ? 

2. Is the Belgian government to be regarded as responsible for the actions of 
the government of the Congo Free State? 

3. If neither of these events, what is the position of the Congo Free State in 
international law, and in what manner may the grave questions concerning its 
alleged actions be satisfactorily and competently determined ? 

I think the last question proposed expresses the point of the whole. 
You see the report is twofold : first, the statement of facts, and then 
the recommendation that the questions involved shall be referred to a 
Commission of Inquiry as provided by the Hague Treaty, or, as is usual 
between the powers, to a conference among themselves. [Applause.] 

Dr. G. B. Clark: Mr, Chairman: I think the second question 
ought not to appear in the resolution just read. The Belgian govern- 
ment is no more responsible for the condition of things in the Congo 
than we are. If the Belgian government had been responsible for it, 
then my friend La Fontaine on the platform and others would have 
taken care that it should not have occurred again. 

I think the report is very wise, and the first and third questions 
recommended are the best that we can suggest; but the second 
one seems to me to imply a kind of slur upon the Belgian people 
and the Belgian government, as if they were responsible, when 
all the facts before the world show, and every one knows, that the 
king of the Belgians in acting in this capacity is utterly uncontrolled 
by his Ministers,' that neither his Ministers in Belgium nor the Belgian 
Parliament have any more to say in the matter than the United States 
has. I think that some of our friends in Belgium would resent the 
question being asked. I know something of this Congo question, 
but I cannot say anjrthing, nor yet can America. The frontiersman 
everywhere is bad ; in exploiting other and weaker races, no country 
has a clear record. [Applause.] 

We had here yesterday statements and counter-statements. Well, I 
have had long experience of that. I was once Consul General for 


ten years of an African power (the South African Republic), and 
heard statements made that were utterly unfounded and that finally 
brought about a great war. I cannot believe all the statements made 
by the various Methodist and Baptist missionaries in the Congo Free 
State, but I do think that the only proper solution is the one suggested 
here — that the powers which gave and entrusted to the king of the 
Belgians this authority should inquire whether it is being rightly used 
or not. [Applause.] When we gave to our East India Company the 
right to govern India we had a Commissfon of Inquiry every twenty 
years, and I think it is very valuable that all these chartered com- 
panies should have their acts reviewed every ten or twenty years. I 
think the solution here proposed is a very wise one — that we should 
apply to the powers who entrusted the king of the Belgians with this 
terrible responsibility, for a Commission of Inquiry to see whether 
the king and the government he has appointed have carried out the 
conditions of the treaty. If he has not done this, then let the powers 
take back from him the right that they gave him. I hope that the 
result will be for the benefit of the poor people who, it is claimed, 
have been so long terrorized and misgoverned. [Applause.] 

Dr. Darby : The question as to which the point is raised is not 
vital to our report. Anticipating this, I intimated that the vital thing 
is the last question to be propounded. I find myself in sympathy 
with Dr. Clark, and for myself and for my friends on the Committee 
I have great pleasure in withdrawing the second question. 

Henri La Fontaine : I am a Republican and a Socialist and so 
do not care a whit for King Leopold. My opinion is that the true 
way is to say to King Leopold, " You are our trustee." But in my 
opinion all the countries that have colonies are the trustees of the 
world. [Applause.] If you say here in this affair that you must 
have a Commission of Inquiry in regard to the doings of King Leo- 
pold, you must also say that the powers have authority to make 
inquiry against all the countries that have colonies. Colonization 
from now on must be organized by all the peoples and not by one 

What is said against King Leopold is not more terrible than what 
is said against all peoples who have colonies. Here .in America the 
territories of the Indians have been taken froin them. The papers 
show how a hundred thousand Americans invaded Oklahoma and the 
territory was taken from the Indians. That is history. 

We must confess also that what has happened in the Congo is not 
so terrible as has been said. We have grave charges against our 
king, but it is not possible to say that he has taken the territories of 
the natives. The territories that were taken were territories where 
nobody lived ; they were forests without population. It seems to me 
that the government has the right to hold territories that are without 
a master and without population. That is the law, the general law in 
all countries. So it seems that what has been said here against the 


administration of the Congo is much exaggerated. I myself am not 
against the Commission of Inquiry, but it ought to be a general law 
that in future all colonization shall be amenable to international law. 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood: May I correct Mr. La Fontaine in 
one particular ? The government bought the land of the Indians. I 
was one of the attorneys for the Chickasaws. The invasion was of 
the land of the United States, and not of the land of the Indians. 

The Chairman then put the resolution as amended and it was 
unanimously adopted. 

Dr. Darby : A resolution which was referred to the Committee 
regarding the undesirability of neutrals making loans to or otherwise 
assisting belligerents was handed over to Commission B, as being 
beyond the purview of our Committee. I have therefore only one 
point more to lay before you. 

The various points of the report of the International Peace Bureau 
at Berne have been covered by resolutions adopted by the Congress, 
with one exception ; that is, the reference to the various treaties that 
have been adopted during the past year. We propose a very simple 
resolution covering that point which will not require any discussion, 
for the sake of the completion of our report. 

The resolution presented by Dr. Darby was found to be very simi- 
lar to the one on arbitration treaties reported by Committee B and 
adopted in the early part of the Congress, and it was decided to in- 
corporate it with that resolution, which has been done. 

The Chairman : This is the conclusion of the work of Committee 
A. Committee B, on questions of international law, juridical sub- 
jects, etc., now has a brief report to present. 

Mr. Alexander: On behalf of Committee B I have simply to 
propose a resolution referring the subject of Neutralization to the 
Berne Bureau for the ensuing year, so that I need not make any 
explanation. The resolution is as follows : 

" The question whether it would not be possible materially to limit the ravages 
of war by extending to other portions of the world the principle of neutrality 
already applied to certain territories and navigable waters is referred to the Berne 
Bureau, which is' requested to present a report on the subject to a future 

Mr. Erving Winslow of Boston was then introduced, and read 
the following paper on Neutralization. 


Neutralization of nations by their own act and by treaty betweei» 
the great powers means the establishment, not of methods to bring 
about peace, but of peace itself, the beginning of a genuine crystalliz- 
ing process, self-expanding and progressive. Arbitration assumes; 


difficulties whfch may lead to war. It may be sought or in many cases 
avoided at will. Neutralization implies the noble abandonment of 
that sovereign right which permits of war. Its authority is the pledge 
of the nations, guaranteed by enlightened public sentiment. 

As has been pointed out by writers on international law, neutrality 
is the creation of the world of Christianity. For the word neutrality 
the Latin and the Greek have no equivalent. The heathen nations 
knew nothing but the inveterate exercise of an all-embracing warfare. 
The idea of limiting the horrors of war, to the contending forces by 
the abstention of neutrals, was the product of the new life that was de- 
veloped by the Renaissance. The statesmen and the lawyers of that 
time invented for the characterization of the new principle " neutralis " 
and " neutralitas," linguistic barbarisms, interesting because they prove 
its novelty. Even in MachiavelU's day the precept of the Florentine 
seems to have been generally accepted, that a state should never be 
neutral, because, as he argued, in case the combatants were strong 
the neutral would become a prey of the conqueror, and in case they 
were weak the neutral would forego the opportunity to dominate its 
victorious ally. 

Many persons in the United States have considered the possibility 
of the alienation sooner or later of the Philippine Islands, and the 
subject of neutralization has naturally suggested itself as a means of 
discharging such responsibility as the United States may have in- 
curred there, and has therefore been examined and discussed. It is 
interesting at this time to note the fact that the United States, first 
admitted to the counsels of the great powers at Geneva, whatever 
opinion may be entertained of her participation, began to use her in- 
fluence toward the neutralization of weaker peoples at the Berlin West 
African Congress, where Mr. John A. Kasson, in behalf of the United 
States, strongly and impressively urged the neutralization of the terri- 
tories comprised in the conventional basin of the Congo. He in- 
stanced with great effect the distress which had been caused in this 
continent, during the earlier period of its settlement, by foreign wars, 
and made a deep impression upon the congress, which declined, 
however, most unfortunately in the light of recent events, to enter into 
a compact which might in case of war deprive the belligerent of the 
means of attack, only embodying the principle by way of a somewhat 
futile suggestion to the parties which might be concerned in a future 
act of war. 

A nation set apart and neutralized is bound, as the authorities 
assert, "to avoid in times of peace every engagement which might 
prevent its observing the duties of neutrality in time of war." As an 
independent state it may lawfully exercise in its intercourse with other 
states all the other attributes of external sovereignty. It may form 
treaties of amity and even of alliance with other states, provided it does , 
not thereby incur obligations which, though presumably lawful in time 
of peace, would prevent its fulfilling the duties of neutrality in time of 
war. Under this distinction, treaties of offensive alliance applicable 

to a specific case of war between any two or more powers, or guaran- 
teeing their possessions, are of course interdicted to the presumably 
neutral state, but this interdict does not extend to defensive alliances 
formed with other neutral states for the maintenance of neutrality of 
the contracting parties against any power by which it might be threat- 
ened with violation. 

So far for definitions. What is the history of neutralization ? As is 
so often the case, in this matter overruling Providence has used the 
wickedness of man as the means by which good came to pass. We 
must not fear to acknowledge that good is often apparently thus pro- 
moted by evil, albeit we are so old-fashioned as to believe that we 
may not do evil that good may come. Heaven may make the drunken 
man more useful as a warning than he could have been as an example. 
Members of a Peace Congress cannot hear with patience the name of 
Bonaparte. Yet from Bonaparte's career of ambition and blood- 
shed there sprung the principle and the practice of neutralization. 
The nations of the world, after the fall of the despot, fixed barriers, 
places for perpetual peace, set between them, which, instead of 
being highways for contending armies, might be like walls of protec- 
tion from aggression and spoliation. 

Although the delimitations of territory as set out in the Final Act, 
produced June 9, 18 15, — which resulted from the Treaty of Paris, 
May 30, 18 1 4, — have jjeen mostly set aside and the map of Europe 
almost entirely remade, the policy of neutralization which was then 
established has been adhered to by the other congresses. 

By the Treaty of Paris, May 30, 1814, the limits of France were 
reestabUshed as they had existed in 1792, with some augmentation on 
the eastern frontier. 

By a separate and secret article of this treaty the disposal of the 
territories renounced by France in the open treaty and the relations 
tending to produce a system of real and durable equilibrium in 
Europe were to be decided upon by the allied powers among them- 
selves. Thus, while the Treaty of Paris was made between France, 
I England, Russia, Prussia and Austria, the pacificatory and restora- 
tive measures were retained by the allied four great powers. France 
was to have no vote in the coming council, but, in fact, the adroit 
audacity of Talleyrand and the disagreement of the allies at the 
Congress of Vienna secured for France a promitient position of 

Conforming to the secret article of the Treaty of Paris, the Con- 
gress of Vienna convened in 18 14, and after months of discussion 
produced on June 9, 1815, the Final Act. Eight powers composed 
the congress — Great Britain, Russia, Austria, Prussia, France, Spain, 
Portugal and Sweden, France having no vote. 

This congress sat from November i, 18 14, to June 11, 1815 ; Spain 
refused to sign the Final Act ; Russia's claims upon Poland created a 
disagreement among the powers, as did the claims of Prussia upon a 
part of the same territory, and upon the Rhine Provinces ; the reentry 
of Napoleon into France dismayed, but at the same time united the 


allies, and caused him to be placed under the ban of Europe ; a new 
compact was made among the four great powers with many acces- 
sories. The Battle of Waterloo in June finally crushed Napoleon, and 
the congress in the flush of the great victory agreed upon the Final 

The relations of Switzerland were determined by a declaration of 
the powers forming the conference dated March 20, 1815, by the act 
of accession of the cantons of the same date, and by the Final Act. 
Switzerland by these acts and declarations was to take the relation of 
perpetual neutrality, and in order to secure this end the better, a 
treaty with the King of Sardinia of May 15, 1&15, provides that the 
Provinces of ' Chablais and Faucigny, south of Lake Leman, and all 
of Savoy north of Ugines, shall assume the same neutral attitude. 
Thus Switzerland, Chablais, Faucigny and all Savoy north of Ugines 
were made neutral. This position of Switzerland, so constituted in, 
1815, has never been changed; the other powers have always re- 
spected its neutrality, and it has been perpetually neutral. 

The reasons assigned for the position were (i) the weHare of the 
minor states mentioned and (2) the peace of Europe. Switzerland 
furnishes pathways for the armies between France and Italy, which, 
being neutralized, contribute to the permanency of peace. In the 
case of Savoy, however, it must be regretfully noted that the gain for 
peace was supinely allowed to be lost. It was sacrificed by a pleb- 
iscite and the consent of Sardinia in i860 to the greed of the Brum- 
magen Bonaparte, the nephew of his uncle, who prolonged upon the 
earth the Corsican's shadow, and the powers did not heed the protest 
of the Swiss Federation, although parties to the original compact. 

Holland and Belgium were united by the congress. They were 
disrupted in 1830, and by the Treaty of London, April 19, 1839, be- 
tween Holland and the five great powers, — Great Britain, Russia, 
France, Austria and Prussia, — the Kingdom of Belgium was formed 
and the condition of perpetual neutrality imposed upon it. This con- 
dition was imposed that the kingdom might be a barrier between the 
rivals, France and Germany. 

The Dutch United Provinces, with the larger part of the Austrian 
Netherlands, were constituted by the congress into a Kingdom of the 
Netherlands, under the Prince of Orange-Nassau, to which the Grand 
Duchy of Luxemburg and a part of the Duchy of Bouillon were added. 

By the Treaty of April 19, 1839, or rather the Act annexed to that 
treaty, the boundaries of the Duchy of Luxemburg as constituted by 
the Council of Vienna in 1815 were changed. A part of the old ter- 
ritory of Luxemburg was taken from the Kingdom of the Netherlands 
and annexed to the Duchy of Limbourg which had been attached to 
the Duchy of Luxemburg. 

By the London Treaty of May 1 1, 1867, between the great powers, — 
Great Britain, Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Prussia 
and Russia, —the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg was niade an open city 
(Ville Ouverte) and perpetually neutral. By this treaty the status quo 
ante of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg was restored ; that is to say. 


that part of the Duchy of Luxemburg which by the Treaty of 1839 
had been given to the Kingdom of Belgium was restored to Luxem- 
burg ; and the Duchy of Limbourg reverted to the Kingdom of the 

All parties to this treaty agreed to respect the neutrality of the 
Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. Luxemburg on her part agreed to dis- 
arm and dismantle the frontier and all other forts within her bound- 
aries, the provision of neutrality rendering them unnecessary. The 
city of Luxemburg was to cease being a fortified city, the Grand Duke 
of Luxemburg, however, being permitted to keep a stated body of 
troops for the police protection of his own subjects. Prussia agreed 
to withdraw all troops which had previously been maintained within 
the boundaries of Luxemburg. The Grand Duke of Luxemburg was 
to take all necessary steps, by virtue of his position as Grand Duke, 
to carry into effect the provisions of the treaty, and- to convert the 
city of Luxemburg from an armed to an open city. 

In 1870, during the Franco-Prussian War, Prussia complained that 
France had violated the neutrality of Luxemburg. This caused 
much discussion and correspondence, but the treaty of neutralization 
was not, however, denounced by Prussia. Since that time the neu- 
trality of Luxemburg has been respected by all the powers. Cracow 
was neutralized under the great Treaty of 18 15 and declared to be a 
perpetually free, independent and neutral state under the joint protec- 
tion of Austria, Prussia and Russia, but under the claim that she had 
not fulfilled her obligations she lost her liberties in 1846. 

The tendency to absorb the smaller and weaker nations and to 
colonize or to acquire spheres of influence by way of expansion is not 
in the line of progress toward the peace of the world. The process is 
almost invariably carried on through bloodshed and is followed by 
the deterioration or the extinction of the native inhabitants, while the 
power and pride of the great nations are magnified by the acquisition 
and their national and commercial rivalries are intensified. The 
Monroe Doctrine' of the United States has been openly challenged in 
consequence of our entrance into the Eastern hemisphere, and is in 
danger of being interpreted as implying a protectorate of the South 
American governments or of being disavowed by the great powers, in 
case peaceful relations are strained, as a doctrine which we asserted 
for our own supposed advantage, and which has never been accepted 
by them. 

Neutralization is a reasonable and practical method of availing our- 
selves of existing conditions, unlike many peace movements which 
design plans for a beautiful machinery whose working presupposes a 
converted world and a sublimely elevated public opinion. Reformers 
may be in the best sense opportunists. The peace movement need 
not scruple to avail itself of the jealousy of the nations concerning 
territory which each anxiously covets, yet perhaps still more anxiously 
desires to keep from others, by persistently urging that they should 
agree to leave it to itself under the aegis of a joint guaranty. How 
impressive would be the example of the prosperity and progress of 


the Philippines and their people, benefiting by the advantages which 
the civilization of the more advanced nations would offer in exchange 
for the opportunities freely furnished for the development of their re- 
sources by foreign capital and commercial exchanges, — opportunities 
sought in generous competition by the world 1 Freed from the burdens 
of a military establishment and favored by the security of a guaranteed 
and lasting peace, the islands would be irresistible object lessons and 
effect in a generation more than the eloquence of the idealist is likely 
to effect in centuries of pleading for the general and voluntary abro- 
gation of this element of sovereignty among the great powers. 

Why should not the United States in setting the Filipino people 
upon their feet, free and independent, use its good offices to negoti- 
ate a treaty with the other great powers, adding the islands to the list 
of those fortunate countries that are forever freed from the peril of 
foreign war and foreign conquest ? 

Whether the next step toward neutralization comes from the initia- 
tion of a great power like the United States or eventuates from the 
counsels of some general congress called for the adjustment of the 
territorial problems which arise at the conclusion of great wars, the 
event must be hailed with enthusiasm by lovers of peace everywhere, 
and among the results of an assembly like this there can be none 
more important than the propagation of the idea among the friends of 

As the illustrious Whewell long ago asserted, with the increasing 
difficulty of war, the safety of the world lies in making neutrality easy, 
neutrality " the true road to a perpetual peace." 

British and Foreign State Papers. 1835-1839. Vol. XXVII. 
London: Printed by Harrison & Sons, 1856. xvi., 1433 pp. 8vo. 
Treaty between Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia, on the 
one part, and the Netherlands on the other, relative to the Netherlands and 
Belgium. Signed at London, April 19, 1839. Pp. 990-1002. 
Calvo, Charles. 

Le Droit intemationaJ th^orique et pratique. Tome IV. 

Paris: Arthur Rousseau, 1896. xxviii., (i), 630 pp. 8vo. 
Etat de neutrality, pp. 407-566. 

Descamps, Ed. 

La neutrality de la Belgique au point de vue historique, diplomatiqiie, juridique 
et politique. 
Bruxelles: F. Larcier, 1902. (2), x, 639 pp. 8vo. 

DoUot, Rene. 

Les origines de la neutralite de la Belgique et le systime de la barriire (1609- 
Paris: F^lixAlcan, 1902. xxv, (i), 570 pp. Colored map. 8vo. 

Hertslet, Edward. 

The map of Europe by treaty ; showing the various political and territorial 

changes which have taken place since the general peace of 1814. 

London: Butterworths, 1875. 3 vols. 8vo. 
Declaration of the eight powers on the affairs of the Helvetic confederacy. 

Signedat Vienna, 20th March, 1815. Vol. i, pp. 64-69. , „. . 

Treaty . . . relative to the separation of Belgium from Holland. Signed at 

London, ijth November, 1831. Vol. 2, pp. 858-871. 


Treaty . . . relative to the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg and the Duchy of 
Limburg. Signed at London, nth May, 1867. Vol. 3, pp. 1801-1806. 

Treaty ... on part of the Netherlands. Signed at London, 19th April, 1839. 
Vol. 2, pp. 979-99B. 

Le Grand Duchi de Luxembourg et le Traite de Londres, Mfty 11, 1867. 

Lawrence, T. J. 

The principles of international law. 
Boston, U. S. A.: D. C. Heath & Co. xxi, (i), 645 pp. 8vo. 
The law of neutrality, pp. 473-636. 
McCrackan, W. D. 

The rise of the Swiss republic. A history. 

Boston, Mass. : Arena Publishing Co., 1892. 413 pp. Colored map. 8vo. 
Nye, Ernest. 

Etudes de droit international et de droit politique. Deuxi^me serie. 

Bruxelles: Alfred Castaigne, 1901. viii., 340 pp. 8vo. 
Notes sur la neutralite, pp. 47-163. 
Thonissen, J. J. 

La neutralii^ beige dans le syst^me Europden. 
In Patria Belgica, encyclopedie nationale ou expose methodique de toutes les 
connaissances relatives a la Belgique, deuxiime partie, pp. 367-380. 
Bruxelles, 1873. 4to. 
Wheaton, Henry. 

Elements of international law. Fourth English edition. 
London: Stevens & Sons, 1904. xxxv, (i), 848 pp. 8vo. 
History of the law of nations. 
Sessional papers of the House of Commons. 
Murkard's nouveau recueil. Suppl. i, 329. 
Martens U. S. 2, 379, Martens & Cussy, 3, 62. 
Martens U. S. 2, 157 ; 2, 175 ; 11, 390. 

Mr. Alexander : May I just say that I am not at all in favor of 
sending to the Berne Bureau unnecessary questions, for it is a body 
having a great deal of work to do on our behalf ? But this question 
of Neutralization seems to me to need careful inquiry before the Con- 
gress can deal with it, and therefore it is a question which is rightly 
sent to the Bureau to study. 

The resolution to send the question of Neutralization to the Berne 
Bureau to report on was carried unanimously. 

The Chairman: I now have the privilege of presenting to you 
Mr. J. Prudhommeaux of Nimes, a distinguished French sociologist 
and Secretary of the Association de le Faix par le Droit, who has a 
report to malce by appointment from a previous congress on the eco- 
nomic causes of war. Mr. Smith will afterwards give you in English 
the substance of what M. Prudhommeaux says. 


(interpreted by MR. SMITH.) 

Mr. Prudhommeaux explains that at the Congress of Glasgow in 
1901 a commission, or permanent committee, was appointed to study 
the economic causes of war ; that Frederic Passy of France, a 


representative from Russia and one from Great Britain, with Mr 
Prudhommeaux himself, constituted this commission, and' that he is 
the only representative of that committee present at this Congress. 
On behalf of the committee that has studied the economic causes of 
war he has proposed the following resolution, which he read clause 
by clause, and discussed the clauses as he read them. 
The first clause of the resolution is to this effect : 

Whereas, The wars in the past have had as their profound cause the antagon- 
ism of economic interests, either of monarchs or of pedples. 

He said that this cause of war could be traced back to the time of 
the ancient Greeks, who were accustomed to attack the towns on the 
Mediterranean for the sake of plunder. Later on efforts were made 
to satisfy material appetites by fanciful allusions to the "honor "of 
the conflict and such things, but it is easy to demonstrate that the de- 
sire for material gain was at the bottom of the acts of aggression. 

The second clause is to the following eiiect : 

Whereas, Since the middle of the nineteenth century wars have assumed more 
particularly the character of hasty and brutal appropriation by the industrially 
and commercially powerful nations of the still unexploited markets of the world. 

He points out that the Opium War might be considered as a turn- 
ing point in the modern development of these wars, which are even 
more economic in their cause than were those in ancient history. 
Thus we have wars for the opening up of Asia and Africa, and if we 
should go to the bottom of the Russo-Japanese War we should find 
that economic interests were the real cause of it, that it was felt that 
new markets must be secured. Why is this rivalry taking place, the 
rivalry in which developed people persist in throwing themselves upon 
primitive peoples? He says the reason of this is that at home 
there is not rapid enough consumption of the goods that are produced. 
In a word, there is over-production, or glutted markets ; hence the 
necessity of finding foreign markets, and if need be taking them by 
force. The reason for the demand for these foreign markets is, that 
the income of most people is so small that the community has not the 
purchasing power for the goods produced. And the reason for this 
is the gross abuse of capitalism in the distribution of wealth through- 
out the community. [Applause.] So that, as capitalism produces 
more than can be consumed at home, capitalism ■ wants to attack 
other countries and open up other markets. This over-production 
produces gluts in the market, and then the consumer has no means 
of enabling the producer to know what he wants to consume. Hence 
we have the extravagance of the modern advertising system ; in fact, 
we have a state of anarchy in our methods of industrial production. 
And the war to acquire new markets and colonies is a war waged in 
order to maintain economic anarchy at home. 

The third clause of the resolution is : 

Whereas, If international conflicts are to be regulated, as they should be, in a 


friendly way by the better organization of relations among peoples, and if, further- 
more, these conflicts are to be prevented by an effort to reconcile human interests, 
individual as well as collective. 

In regard to this clause he says that it is very good indeed to have 
a tribunal at The Hague, and all manner of juridical methods for 
solving quarrels as they arise, but the great thing is to prevent such 
quarrels from arising. And he says that, while the cause of quarrels 
remains endemic among the civilized and commercial peoples of the 
world, even though you have all manner of tribunals and treaties, 
there will be a moment when the. economic anxiety will be so keen 
that all your grand principles will be flung to the winds, and nations 
will go to war with each other so as to secure the means of existence. 
In other words, " Hunger knows no law." That is a brief summary 
of his argument. Therefore he insists that we must have preventive 
measures in regard to war, and the only way to prevent war is to 
remove its principal cause, namely, its economic cause. 

So he comes to the fourth point of the resolution : 

The Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress declares that it is the duty of the 
friends of peace to study with the greatest care all economic and social move- 
ments (trades unionism, cooperation, trusts, etc.) which tend to the realization, 
unconsciously and sometimes even against the will of their promoters, of a more 
rational organization of production, of consumption and exchange. 

In reference to this he insists that human interests are in antagon- 
ism with each other. If you go to the shop and buy something, 
there is an antagonism between the interest of the person who buys 
and that of the person who sells ; there is an antagonism between the 
interest of the employer and the employed; there is an antagonism 
on all sides. In other words, class war exists right here in our midst. 
[Applause.] Now the forming of trades unions, of cooperative so- 
cieties, the creation of socialistic movements are all great collective or 
organized efforts on the part of human beings to try to put an end to 
this class war. [Applause.] We cannot discuss these movements 
here ; it would take hours and days to enter into the details of them ; 
but if you are sincere in your desire to prevent war, you must study 
these questions. The socialistic movement, the trades union move- 
ment, the trust movement, may unconsciously be bringing about the 
better, the more rational organization of production, and may be the 
means of solving the economic question for the future. [Applause.] 
All such efforts tend to peace, and without such efforts as these your 
labors will not be likely to be very fruitful ; for you cannot do much 
against the law of necessity, and when hunger speaks your principles 
are likely to vanish. 

He therefore proposes that this matter be referred to the Berne 
Bureau, not of course for the Bureau to report on trades unionism, on 
trusts, or on socialism, but to try to establish the connecting links be- 
tween these problems and the peace movement. [Applause.] 

So the last clause of the resolution is : 

And entrusts the Berne Bureau with the duty of collecting as complete 


information as possible on those questions, so far as they are related to the 
problem of international pacification. 

Mr. Daniel Offord of Mt. Lebanon, N. Y. : Mr. Chairman ■ 
Will you kindly allow me to say that I think we shall all find that one of 
the great reasons why we have not had peace on the earth before this 
time is because all the governments of so-called Christendom have 
excluded women from their rights and from a part in the government ? 
[Applause.] If we want to have permanent peace upon the earth we 
must institute a congress composed of men and women alike, that 
shall represent all the nations ; and in every nation a small congress 
composed of men and women that shall stand as watchmen to see 
when a threatening controversy is arising, that it may be referred to 
the great congress of nations, and thus avert the breaking out of war. 

The Chairman : May I say for Mr. Offord's information, if he 
does not know it already, that in our Peace Congresses women have 
the same rights as men, if they will only claim them ? 

Miss Wilhelmina Sheriff-Bain, of Taranaki, New Zealand: 
I should simply like to state for the information of this Congress that 
the argument of Mr. Prudhommeaux, so beautifully interpreted for us 
by Mr. Smith, is contained in substance in a book written by Michael 
Fliirscheim, entitled " Clue to the Economic Labyrinth." This book 
was published in New Zealand, and I recommend it as one of the 
best books on this subject that has ever been written. 

Rev. Amanda Deyo : I only wanted to say that I am sure we all 
know that in this Universal Peace Congress women have stood side 
by side with the men. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole : We wish that Mr. Smith, the translator, 
would read the resolution offered by Mr. Prudhommeaux in English, 
so that we may have it all together. 

The resolution in English was read as follows : 

Whereas, The wars of the past have had as their profound cause the antagon-. 
ism of economic interests either of monarchs or of peoples ; and 

Whereas, Since the middle of the nineteenth century wars have assumed more 
particularly the character of a hasty and brutal appropriation, by the industrially or 
commercially powerful nations, of the still unexploited markets of the world; and 

Whereas, If international conflicts are to be regulated, as they should be, in a 
friendly way, by the better organization of relations among peoples, and if, further- 
more, as is still more important, these conflicts are to be prevented by an effort to 
reconcile human interests, individual as well as collective ; 

The Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress declares that it is the duty of the 
friends of peace to study with the greatest care all economic and social movements 
(trades unionism, cooperation, trusts, etc.) which tend to the realization, uncon- 
sciously and sometimes even against the will of their promoters, of a more rational 
oi;ganization of production, consumption and exchange ; , . r 

And entrusts the Berne Bureau with the duty of collecting as complete mfor- 
mation as possible on th^se questions, so far as they are related to the problem of 
international pacification. 


Rev. Charles F. Dole : The reason I wanted the resolution read 
was just to call attention to a question of wording which I believe 
the gentleman who introduced the resolution will be willing to change. 
I think it should be distinctly understood that this economic rivalry 
does not seem to a good many of us to be on the part of the many, 
but of the few. It is not the hunger of the people that makes war, 
but the hunger of the few for money. [Applause.] It seems to me 
th^t the people are wonderfully quiet ; it is the few who make the 
trouble, and that should be carefully brought out in the wording. 

Mr. Smith : I may say that the word " hunger " is not used in the 
French, but I used it in order to get over using a long sentence. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole : I wonder if also, in the second paragraph, 
instead of the word "nations" could be put in the words ''those 
managing the governments of the nations." The nations have not 
spoken on these subjects ; they have never had a chance to speak ; it 
is the groups of men managing the governments of the nations that 
make the trouble. [Applause.] 

The Chairman : It has developed in our Congresses that very 
often it is not the governments only, but the people also, who make 
the wars. It is quite well known that recently wars have been, if not 
caused, at least backed by the people in more than one country. It 
may be as well, therefore, to leave the wording as it is. 

The resolution was then unanimously adopted. 

Edwin D. Mead: I have received from Mr. Ferris a letter from 
Sir John Macdonell, Professor of Comparative Law in University 
College, London, who was at the last moment prevented from being 
with us. This letter contains written suggestions of the highest 
importance, so important that I shall place the letter in the hands of 
the Secretary, for whatever use it may be possible to make of it. 
•(See Appendix.) 

May I take a moment here to say a word which I should have been 
glad to say yesterday when it was settled that this Congress should 
meet next summer in Lucerne ? I wish to remind you American 
delegates that for this Congress in the United States more than one 
hundred of our European friends have crossed the ocean. I trust we 
shall see to it that in the Congress next year not less than two hun- 
dred and fifty delegates from the United States shall be present. I 
hope that every one of you will make your plans early, and communi- 
cate with the American Peace Society in Boston. 

The Chairman : There was one subject on our program on which 
the Committee have made no report ; that is, " The Education of 
Those Entering Diplomatic Careers in the Principles and History of 
Arbitration." The subject will therefore have to go over for consid- 
eration by a future congress. 


David Greene Haskins, Jr. : The resolution which I desire to ofifer 
is merely supplementary to the excellent report presented by Com- 
mission C, and it is offered now with the consent and approval of 
Mrs. Mead, the Chairman of that Committee : 

Resolved, That the International Peace Bureau at Berne be requested by this 
Congress to represent to the various patriotic societies in the several countries 
our sense of the great and peculiar opportunity which is open to them to do a 
mighty service to their respective nations, as well as for humanity, and to request 
their powerful and permanent cooperation, along such lines as may seem to them 
best, in the work of interesting and educating the people of those countries in the 
cause of International Arbitration and Peace. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood: I have the honor of presenting a 
resolution that an American Committee be appointed by this Congress 
to act with the Bureau at Berne to raise a fund and to try to carry out 
the recommendations of Committee C adopted by the Congress, 
referring to the subject of propaganda. I also desire to state that the 
Universal Alliance of Women for Peace, with headquarters in Paris, " 
sends its greetings to this Congress, and makes an appeal to all the 
friends of peace to unite their efforts in creating in all important parts 
of the world centres (^foyers) for the study of the great problems of 
peace and for active work in promoting the cause ; such centres of 
propaganda as were referred to in the report of Committee C. 
The resolution I have to offer is as follows : 

Resolved, That an American Committee be appointed by the President of this 
Congress to act in conjunction with the International Peace Bureau at Berne in 
raising a fund for peace propaganda and to carry out, so far as they may deem 
practicable, the recommendations of the report of Committee C referring to this 
subject adopted by this Congress. 

Mr. G. H. Perris : I should like to say that this outcome of the 
present Congress is an assurance that the Congress is not going to end 
in a whiff of smoke. It is an assurance that those who have worked 
for this Congress will now work for a permanent movement worthy of 
the American people. I hope that this Fund for Propaganda will be 
as great a success as the cause demands and is worthy of, both here 
and in the Old World. [Applause.] 

L'Abbe Pichot (interpreted by Mr. Smith) : L'Abb^ Pichot desires 
to say that, while welcoming the creation of an American Committee 
to raise a fund, he is anxious that the previous organization, that of 
the Berne Bureau, which was invited by the Rouen Congress to create 
such a fund, should be maintained in its integrity, and that the new . 
committee, if organized, may cooperate in the heartiest way with the 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Mr. William Barnes, Sr., of Albany, New York, offered the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, That the International Peace Congress convened in Boston, Mass., 


U. S. A., respectfully recommend the passage by the Congress of the United 
States of the following resolution : 

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives that the Secre- 
tary of Commerce and Labor be, and he is hereby, authorized and 
instructed to collect and compile, from the most authentic and reliable 
sources, statistics on the following subjects, and have the same printed 
and bound on or before January i, 1906 : 

First: The cost of wars in all countries from the year 1800 down to 
date, including the expenses of the nation, states, municipalities and 

Second : The amount paid for pensions and other allowances to sol- 
diers and sailors engaged in such wars. 

Third : The amount paid for hospitals and retreats for disabled sol- 
diers and sailors. 

Fourth : The amount of property destroyed in such wars on land and 

Fifth : The additional cost of maintaining armies and navies in time 
of peace to each nation during said period. 

Sixth : An approximate estimate of the indirect expenses and damages 
by such wars to the health and property of each nation resulting from 
such wars. 

Seventh : The number of killed and wounded and disabled on each 
side during said wars. 

Said statistics to be classified under the name of each nation and to 
be summarized in the most plain and concise manner practicable. On 
completion said volume to be distributed in the discretion of Congress 
in this and other countries as prehminary to an International Peace and 
Disarmament Congress to be held at Washington or The Hague, July 
4, 1906, or sooner if practicable. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Congress be instructed to send certified 
copies of these resolutions to the President of the United States and to the Sec- 
retaries of StaTe and Commerce and Labor, and to the Hon. Richard Bartholdt of 
St. Louis, President of the Interparliamentary Union, and that Mr. Bartholdt be 
requested to urge the passage of the above resolution by the Senate and the ' 
House of Representatives and their approval by the President, Theodore Roosevelt. 

Mr. Smith: I am asked by L'Abbd Pichot to tell the Conference 
that what the resolution of Mr. Barnes asks for is what the Republic 
of Monaco is already doing. 

Mr. Joshua L. Baily: I want to propose a verbal amendment. 
Instead of saying "by the President, Theodore Roosevelt," say "the 
President of the United States." 

The amendment was accepted and the resolution adopted. 

Mr. Thomas Wright of Bedford, England : I beg to present the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, Thai while this Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress hopes that by 
the operation of the Hague Court of Arbitration wars may be averted in the 
future., the Congress feels strongly that steps should be taken by the civilized 
governments to safeguard the interests of weak nations and native races, that 
all who have deahngs with them may act strictly on the lines of justice and 

Some objection was made to this resolution as repeating the action 
taken previously by the Congress, but it was adopted. 


Mr.. W. R. Cremer : Ladies and Gentlemen : I shall not inflict a 
speech upon the audience at this the eleventh hour of our meeting. 
The riesolution which I am going to submit for your consideration, 
and for what I am certain will be your unanimous adoption, is a vote 
of thanks to the Committee on Organization, to the Chairman and the 
Secretary, and to the people of Boston. 

I have been asked by my friends to move this resolution, which 
they feel quite certain will meet with your cordial and unanimous 
approval. Since our arrival in the city of Boston we have been enter- 
tained, if I may use such an expression, right royally by the people 
of the city. The work of organization which the Committee had to 
perform, and in which they have been actively engaged for several 
months, must have been a most Herculean task. The way they have 
discharged their duties and the result of their long sustained efforts 
have been apparent to us in the proceedings of the Congress since we 
assembled last Monday. The resolution is as follows : 

The Congress extends its cordial congratulations to the Organizing Com- 
mittee, and especially to its Chairman and Secretary, upon the remarkable suc- 
cess of the Thirteenth International Peace Congress, and thanks them most 
warmly for their generous efforts, to which that success is largely due. 

The delegates desire also to place on record their sincere acknowledgments 
of the careful arrangements made for their comfort, and their gratitude for the 
unexampled hospitality shown to them by the Organizing Committee and by the 
people of Boston. 

No words of mine are necessary to commend that resolution to your 
consideration and your unanimous support. 

Mr. Herbert Burrows : I have the greatest possible pleasure in 
seconding this resolution, for two reasons. The first is because I 
believe I am the one of the foreign delegates who has known our 
dear friend and co-worker, Edwin D. Mead, for the greatest number 
of years. We could not go to our respective countries without in the 
heartiest and the sincerest manner giving him our thanks, and also 
joining with him Mrs. Mead, for the cordial way in which they have 
received us. Thirty years ago Mead and I were fellow-students in 
England, at the University of Cambridge. We were then young men 
with the world before us, and to-day we bridge over these thirty years 
from Cambridge in England to Boston in America. 

The larger reason why I second this resolution is because of the 
way in which you Boston people, and I believe through you the 
American people, have treated the foreign delegates. [Applause.] 
You have got an illimitable country, and bigger than your illimitable 
space is the heart of the Boston people. [Applause.] I sincerely 
hope that next year you will bring with you your hearts m your 
bodies and help us at Lucerne. 

I will say no more, except this: During this week I have saturated 
myself with your Revolutionary Boston. As an English Republican 
I was glad to stand on your Revolutionary landmarks. We bridge 
over to-day from the unfortunate enmity of the past between your 
country and mine,— we bridge over four generations, and on this 


platform we emphasize that fraternal, heartfelt bond between the 
nations which never more shall be broken if we can help it. [Ap- 

There is no such word as "fail " in this peace business. Garrison 
did not fail after all, when he was dragged through your streets. 
Burns, when he was taken down to the water front guarded by Massa- 
chusetts troops, did not fail, humble slave as he was. We cannot 
fail in this work, and if we are true to ourselves we shall live to see 
the day when the master spirit of humanity shall gather up the dis- 
cords of humanity and form them into one anthem of truth and justice 
and peace. [Applause.] 

Baroness von Suttner: When I heard this resolution announced, 
I felt it a most jo)rful duty to second it. I need not repeat any of 
the words which have been said about our Organization Committee, 
because you all agree with me that the Conference has been organized 
in an admirable way. 

What I wish to speak of is the moral success of the Congress to 
which you all have contributed, — the atmosphere of sympathy that 
we have found. I have found it a grand feature of this Congress, 
and I hope it will also be a feature of future ones. Our platform 
has become a tribune for all oppressed and all suffering people. 
[Applause.] All may come freely here and speak, even if we cannot 
help them ; they can be heard, and that is what suffering people want. 
The suffering peoples are dumb, and we give them a chance to be 
heard. The Armenians and the Africans and the Jews, all people 
who suffer, can come here and make their complaints. And we can 
second these complaints with our accusations. We can speak to those 
who are guilty of those oppressions. And then we not only address 
ourselves to those who are oppressed and to those who cause the 
oppression, but also to those who have so much apathy. Everything 
which is evil in the world is continuing because there is so much 

I thank you all with my whole heart, and in returning to my 
country I shall carry them a lesson from this capital of American ■ 
intellect, Boston. [Applause.] 

Professor T. H. Ruyssen (interpreted by Mr. Smith) : Delegate 
Ruyssen, while not desirous of retaining the Congress, feels himself 
in dut)' bound to say a few words on behalf of the French delegation, 
to thank you for the very special form of hospitality you have afforded 
them in this country. He alluded more particularly to the fact that 
you had spared them as strangers the dullness of hotel life. He 
explains that in the French language the word "home" does not 
exist, but this English and American word has been introduced into 
the French language and they do sometimes speak of "home." 
Well, you have accorded them the extraordinary privilege of living 
here in Boston and seeing what American homes are like. And after 
the nightmare of the hurry and scurry on your trains and in your 


streets, above and below ground, the delicious quiet of the American 
home has been highly appreciated. [Applause.] 

You have also enabled them to learn more than they could pos- 
sibly have done in the Congress what American women are like in the 
best phase of their life. [Applause.] He has inspected many 
schools and colleges for the education of girls and women, but he 
has seen here the superior results which come from the American 
manner of bringing up women. He considers that the Congress 
owes its success, to a large extent, to the support of women, and on 
behalf of the French delegation he extends his cordial thanks to all 
Americans, but more especially to the American ladies. [Applause.] 

SiGNOR E. T. MoNETA (interpreted by Mr. Smith) : The Italian 
delegate on behalf of Italy adds one word. He came here with 
great expectations, but the realization has exceeded anything he had 
hoped for. He has breathed here everywhere the breath of fra- 
ternity, of solidarity, of peace. In other countries they have met 
with individual sympathy, with societies and delegates that sympa- 
thized with them, but here it is not alone the Congress, it is the 
whole people of America, it is your President, it is the government, 
it is the people in the streets. On all sides people seem to be 
favorable to the cause of peace. This has been for him a great 
lesson, a helpful example, and he will return to his own country to 
continue the work for the cause of peace, much strengthened and 
encouraged by the knowledge of the unanimous support and approval 
he has met with in this country. [Applause.] 

Senator Henri La Fontaine : I come from a very small coun- 
try, and I will make a very small speech to you, to thank you very 
heartily for all that has been done for us. 

I wish to say a word as to my general impression after a month's 
journey in your country. It seems to me that America is a country 
of peace, — peace between the classes, and peace between the races 
also. I have remarked here that all our countrymen from Europe 
who came over here to America — German, French, English, Belgians, 
— live in peace one with another. All the partitions that exist m 
Europe disappear here. I have been struck also by the fact that the 
working men here are not different from other people. 

A few days ago I was invited to go to a very small meeting of 
Belgian working men, of our Flemish working men. They had been 
here in America from six months to two years, but all appeared as 
gentlemen. The change was very great. The atmosphere here per- 
suades us that all spirit of class must disappear, and so that industrial 
peace which was discussed in the speech of M. Prudhommeaux will 
be obtained here. There are few great disputes between capital and 
the working men here. I think that the working man is on such a 
high plane of life that disputes of that kind will end peacefully. It 
seems to me that it is a great example for the world that we have 
seen here, the classes and the races from Europe, who are such 


enemi'es there, living together peacefully, with the possibility of pro- 
ducing industrial peace as well as international peace. [Applause.} 

Professor Pierre Clerget (interpreted by Mr. Smith) : ^Mr. 
Clerget, on behalf of the Swiss Peace Society, desires to thank you 
all for your touching welcome. The delicious souvenir of this Con- 
gress will never be forgotten. It has presented a unique spectacle, 
full of encouragement and hope. 

He then went on to point out that from the international point of 
view Switzerland, though so small a country, was a very important 
country. It was there that the first great International Convention, 
the Convention of the Red Cross, was signed and placed on the 
records of humanitarian progress. It was there that a number of 
International Bureaus were located, there that the international postal 
and other conventions have been concluded for the benefit of mankind 
at large. And it is Switzerland that will now have the pleasure and 
be extremely proud and happy to receive you next year. You may 
be very certain that the Swiss will do their very best, and he begs to 
address the great Republic of America on behalf of the Republic of 
Switzerland, and to invite you all to the Congress to be held at 
Lucerne next year. [Applause.] 

The resolution was then unanimously adopted. 

Mr. Mead : Mr. Cremer, Ladies and Gentlemen : In behalf of Dr. 
Trueblood and the other members of the Committee as well as my- 
self, I thank you heartily for the kind words which have here been 
spoken. Your best and most important thanks were in coming to the 
Congress in such great numbers, and in making possible in Boston 
and the United States a demonstration the value of which to us is 

You have been reminded, and you have reminded us, — and we 
thank you for it, — that we, too, have been infected, as one of our 
distinguished men said in this city last night, by the bacillus of mili- 
tarism. Here in the United States in these last years we have felt 
the temptations to the subjection of weaker peoples. We have 
felt the temptations that go with the wretched old rivalry of militarism 
and the building up of a great navy. The heart of the American 
people in recent years has been heavy and sad, and has longed for 
an opportunity to express itself. And this occasion has been seized 
by the American people as an opportunity to make its feeling known, 
and there has gone up such a protest as I. believe will act as a check 
to the spirit of militarism which has lately beset us. [Applause.] 

This Peace Congress has not been simply inside the walls of the 
rooms where these meetings have been held. It has been going on 
distinctly and in a most important way in a hundred halls all over 
New England and all over the United States. The most important 
fact was the coming to us of Secretary Hay, but the second most 
important word was not spoken in this Congress at all. It was 
spoken last night by Richard Olney, who was the American actor in 


that great treaty between America and England which was not 
passed. Read Richard Olney's speech last night, and count that as 
a part of this Congress, and let it serve as an expression of the feel- 
ing which Americans have of the danger which besets us, and of 
their resolution that that danger shall be averted. 

I have nothing more to say except to assure you that if we can 
bring it about, an American . delegation such as before in this great 
cause has never crossed the ocean shall cross next year to meet you 
in Lucerne. We shall hope to have in that spot which many of us 
consider the most beautiful spot upon the face ■ of the earth such a 
Peace Congress as this world has never seen, and over that beautiful 
spot shall be shed the benediction of heaven. [Applause.] 

An " Appeal to the Nations," such as is usually issued at the close 
of the International Peace Congresses, was then read by the Sec- 
retary and unanimously approved. It was as follows : 


The Thirteenth International Congress of the friends of peace, held in Boston 
October 3 to 8, 1904, has met under unusual circumstances. On the one hand, 
murderous war unsurpassed in the annals of the slaughter of men by men has 
been and still is ravaging a section of the globe. On the other hand, the friends 
of peace have gathered together in their annual Congress on this side of the 
globe in numbers never witnessed before, after a year of unexampled progress of 
their cause. 

The Congress has deeply felt the bitterness and irony of the situation from 
the one side. It has also been inspired with great hope and courage at the pros- 
pect which presents itself from the other side. The cruel war in progress between 
Russia and Japan — a war which might easily have been avoided if the two bel- 
ligerents and the other powers signatory of the Hague Convention had faithfully 
kept the obligations assumed in that Convention — has made it clear that much 
yet remains to be done in the eradication of old race and national prejudices, 
false ideals of national greatness and glory, perverted conceptions of patriotism, 
and territorial and commercial greed.. This war has also anew demonstrated the 
necessity of the immediate extension and perfecting of substitutes for violence in 
the settlement of international controversies. 

The Congress, at the conclusion of its deliberations, appeals to the peoples of 
all nations and of all classes to arouse themselves to a finer and more adequate 
conception of their relations one to another, to a deeper sense of their mutual 
dependence and duties, to the community of both their material and spiritual 
interests, and to their rights in the determination of the foreign policies pursued 
by their governments, that they may no longer be involved without their consent 
in foolish and ruinous wars with other powers or in the unjust exploitation of 
those whom they are bound by every consideration of righteousness and honor to 
assist and elevate rather than to plunder and degrade. It respectfully invites all 
the national sovereigns and presidents, all men in positions of public trust, all 
ministers of religion, all instructors of youth in schools of every grade, all the 
owners and conductors of both the religious and secular press, and all others who 
wield influence in the moulding and directing of- public opinion, to throw the 
entire weight, not only of their personal influence, but of their positions, towards 
eradicating the causes of misunderstanding and conflict and the creation of such 
a complete system of international adjudication and such a wide reaching pacific 
public sentiment as will in time render the barbarous method of war impossible. 

The Congress has appreciated to the full what has been done the past year in 
the development of pacific public opinion and in the conclusion of treaties of 


obligatory arbitration in Western Europe and America. It has rejoiced in par- 
ticular at the large and effective support given to the cause of international arbi- 
tration and goodwill by the heads of great governments, by cabinet officials, by 
national legislators and other influential public men. It sees in the attitude and 
acts of these leaders, supported as they are by a large and rapidly increasing de- 
mand for peace among the people of all ranks, a trustworthy pledge of the early 
and complete triumph among the nations of the principles of friendship, justice 
and general peace for which the friends of peace have been so long contending. 
The Congress pledges the hearty sympathy and cooperation of all those in all 
civilized countries whom it represents, to the responsible governmental authorities 
into whose hands the practical carrying out of their ideals has now passed. 

The Congress has this year for the first time received the full and hearty en- 
dorsement of labor, which has been ably represented in its membership. This 
powerful support of its principles and aims by those upon whom the whole 
structure of society so much depends gives to the peace propaganda a strength 
and assurance of success which it has never before known. It has also had the 
presence and cooperation in its deliberations of an unusually large number of 
representatives of business organizations, whose interests, now as wide as the 
world, are increasingly felt by them to demand general and undisturbed peace. 

In its conclusions the Congress has had in view a few great practical ends, the 
enlargement and strengthening of pacific public opinion in all the countries of 
the world, the extension of the scope and authority of the Hague Court, the 
union of the nations in the bonds of peace through a general system of treaties 
of obligatory arbitration, and the creation of a regular International Congress to 
serve, side by side with the International Court, as the organ of the expression 
and the determination of the common interests of the nations and the extension 
among them of the reign of law now so well established within the nations them- 
selves. It appeals with confidence to men and women of all ranks and positions 
in all countries to aid with whatever influence they can wield in the securing of 
these great purposes, through the attainment of which it feels assured that the 
high destiny of humanity in both its moral and material development will be 
swiftly and certainly reached. 

Mr. Paine : And now, ladies and gentlemen, members of the 
Thirteenth International Peace Congress, the moment has arrived 
when our labors terminate. It is my duty — a sad duty — to bid 
you all farewell. First, however, let me, from my heart, thank all 
those from abroad and from home who have aided to make this 
Congress so successful and so influential. 

When we approached the question of holding the Congress on 
this side of the Atlantic, and here in Boston, many of us regarded 
the possibility of making it a great success as almost beyond the 
realm of hope. We did not dare to feel confidence that so large a 
delegation from so many countries covering Europe and other parts 
of the world would gather here in Boston to make this Congress the 
most representative one which I believe has ever met in America. 
We thank you therefore. We wish we could tell you how much 
good influence will come from your presence, and from the inspira- 
tion and the encouragement which you have given to the American 
people. The cause is much stronger than when you came. 

We thank the Press of Boston [applause], and the Associated 
Press of the country [applause], for the great interest which they 
have taken in the Congress and the space they have devoted to the 
meetings and the discussions. They have helped very powerfully, 
because our cause rests not upon anything that can be bought with 


money or that can be procured by any artificial influence ; it rests 
upon the education of the people. [Applause]. We make our appeal 
to the public intelligence and the public conscience, and both more 
and more are becoming our supporters. 

This Congress has done more than I can set forth in words to 
strengthen our cause on this side of the Atlantic, and therefore, 
ladies and gentlemen, our foreign delegates and friends, we thank 
you from our hearts for your presence and your aid. 

When we meet in future years we hope that you will be able to 
recall with pleasure the efforts that we have gladly put forth here in 
Boston to make your stay with us enjoyable and as fruitful as pos- 
sible in advancing the cause which we all have so much at heart. 

We shall meet, many of us, at the Congress next year, in the beau- 
tiful city of Lucerne. I was there in July and visited with great 
pleasure the Peace Museum, the most interesting museum of that 
kind in the world, built and supported by the generous gifts of Mr. 
Bloch, — a wonderfully significant and instructive establishment. 
We shall, I know, enjoy next year and thereafter the fruits of the 
potent and beautiful work which you have helped us to accomplish 
here in Boston. [Applause.] 

I now declare the deliberations of the Thirteenth International 
Peace Congress terminated. 

On the afternoon of Saturday, after the close of the Congress, most 
of the European delegates made a pilgrimage to Mount Auburn 
Cemetery, where they laid wreaths upon the graves of Noah Worces- 
ter, William E. Channing, Charles Sumner, Henry W. Longfellow, 
James Russell Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes and Phillips Brooks, 
in honor of the great services rendered by these distinguished men 
to the cause of peace and humanity. 



[Through some unaccountable oversight this address of Hon. Thomas Snape 
of Liverpool, England, failed to get inserted in its proper place in the report of 
the session of Wednesday evening, October 5] 

Mr. Lincoln, Ladies and Gentlemen : The form of the question with 
which we are to deal to-night is stated in the program as " The Spe- 
cial Interest and Duties of Business Men in the Peace Cause." 
Before I say anything about their duties I will ask permission to put 
the other part of the question first, and to refer to their interests, for 
my knowledge of business assures me that if a business man's 
interests conflict with his duty it is not always duty that comes out 
the victor. [Laughter.] If, therefore, we cannot establish the fact 
that the interests of business men are in the direction of peace, I am 


afraid that we shall spend our strength for naught in the endeavor to 
inculcate duties. 

In the examination of those interests I may take it for granted that 
you will generally admit that it is an absolute necessity for the profit- 
able use of capital — whether that capital be money or the labor of 
the artisan, which is his capital — that there should be confidence and 
security in its employment. It will be further conceded that not only 
the same range of customers as that to which one has been accus- 
tomed should be maintained, but that the circle of customers should 
be enlarged, so far as that is practicable. 

Dealing with these two fundamental propositions with reference to 
the interests of commerce and of business men, I put the question to 
you whether war establishes that confidence and security which are 
essential to the due and profitable employment of capital, or in any 
sense maintains even the number of customers that we have ; whether 
war does not indeed diminish that number by shooting them down 
and blowing out their brains. [Applause.] 

I might very well content myself with putting these two proposi- 
tions before you, without any fear of their being successfully contro- 
verted, were it not for the fact that when depression comes over 
business circles, it is not an infrequent thing to hear thoughtless, I 
had almost said brainless, men, who consider themselves clever as 
business men, say that we need a good war. Is there such a thing 
as a " good " war ? One writer has said that there never was such a 
thing as a good war or a bad peace ; and I am not sure that that 
saying is too strong. Then others say that we had better fight out 
international troubles at once, and not have them hanging over our 
heads. In this connection let me quote the statement of one of our 
eminent statesmen now dead, who was at the head of the house of 
Derby and the predecessor of the present holder of the title. The 
late Lord Derby said that " If there must be war sooner or later, let 
it be later " — and so say I. [Laughter and applause.] 

We know that the reason this demand for war springs up is because 
for a time when war has broken out a fallacious species of prosperity 
seems to spread through the nation. In our own city of Liverpool, 
at the time of the South African war, we saw freights go up, ships 
built in larger numbers, and a great demand on every side for shipping. 
Of course all the shipping people were delighted, not realizing that 
it was merely transitory, and they were all ready to support the 
continuance of the conflict to the bitter end. But what is the result 
to-day ? There never was a time when shipping was more depressed 
than it is now. The South African war is over, and we find that on 
all hands there is a great amount of complaint in our shipping circles 
of Liverpool. It is the effect, always the effect, of war, that the 
prosperity of the moment is succeeded by a far greater and a much 
more prolonged depression than takes place under ordinary conditions. 
When war breaks out our iron works extend their borders and call 
for more men ; our gun factories are brought into movement ; our 
coal fields prosper, and people say, " This is a grand thing for business." 


And what is the effect ? Again the same result is seen : the war is 
over, the temporary demand is over, and the coal fields are as depressed 
as they can be in our country ; in fact, business generally is depressed. 

On the mere question of interest, therefore, I contend that business 
men have some duties lying near to their own advantage as to deal- 
ing with this question of peace and war. 

It has been said by one of our writers that the greatest of British 
interests is peace ; and that applies to your country and to every 
country of the world. But the worst of the war system is that it is 
not done with when a war is ended. The system is maintained and 
the armaments go on increasing and the demands grow continually. 
They are like the horse leech which cries, "Give, give," and is never 
satisfied. The military party are always demanding that there shall 
be more ironclads and more forts and more men and more expendi- 
ture, until we have reached a point in the annual expenditure of my 
own country that is something appalling. Other countries are doing 
the same thing. I won't trouble you with the figures, but they are 
appalling. As the French economist said : " The ogre of war costs 
more for his digestion than he does for his meals." 

It is obvious, therefore, that war is a dreadful thing that needs to 
be dealt with in some way. There were two political canvassers who 
went out into the rural parts of my country and called at a house. A 
woman came to the door, and they asked her whether her husband 
were a Liberal or a Tory. " Oh, well," she said, "when he goes out 
with a Liberal and gets a drink he is a Liberal, and when he goes 
out with a Tory and gets a drink he is a Tory ; but when he comes 
home in either case he is a big nuisance." [Laughter.] No matter 
with what government war goes out — and both Liberal and Tory 
governments on our side of the water are more or less tarred with 
this defilement of war — no matter with what government war goes 
out, it is an awful nuisance to the people at home who have to pay 
the expense. 

If these interests of ours as business men are so involved, surely 
there ought to be a remedy. But instead of trying to find remedies, 
the ills of war and its prosecution are being magnified and intensified 
and made more horrible than ever, and we are relapsing inio the con- 
dition of savagery and barbarism. I refer to those new-fangled 
methods of prosecuting war by means of mines, by means of explo- 
sives which blow hundreds of people into eterfiity in a moment. 

In the old days they had the stiletto, of the assassin, and they used 
to poison wells and then to employ dum-dum bullets. These thmgs 
were banished from warfare, but we are now using worse means, for 
we are employing mines which are a menace to traffic. Some mmes 
were placed in the Danube and forgotten, and twelve months after- 
wards they blew up a vessel filled with passengers. Then the mean- 
ing of "contraband of war " has been enlarged, and such thmgs as 
coal and flour have been declared to be contraband. Unless -business 
men raise their voices against these things, our shippmg will continue 
to suffer even though we ourselves may not be at war, if other nations 


seize our vessels and carry them as prizes of war into their own ports. 
We see how this has taken place in the present war between Russia 
and Japan. We have nothing to do with it directly, but our shipping 
and commerce is suffering, and all because of a war with which we 
have no direct connection. 

If we have no remedy to offer for these things, if there is nothmg 
to oppose to these evils other than a policy of despair, then in the 
words of John Bright, uttered in the House of Commons in reference 
to another war that we were then carrying on : " Let us abandon our 
professions ; let rts no longer claim to be Christians ; let us go back 
to heathen times since we adhere to heathen practices. Take down, 
at any rate, the Ten Commandments from inside your churches, and 
Say no longer that you read or believe in the Serinon on the Mount." 

We are here to-day to say that we are advocates of the substitution 
of law and order and reason for force in the settlement of disputes 
that arise between nations. That method of settling disputes has 
already been largely adopted in our commercial circles. I have sat 
as an arbitrator in such cases. But the persons who delight in litiga- 
tion raise objections and say: "Well, after all the arbitrator does not 
deal out justice ; he frequently divides the amount between the two 
parties." The same applies with reference to arbitrations, which I 
am happy to know, which we all rejoice to know, are growing in 
number with almost every succeeding year. 

There are very frequently objections .urged to the decision of the 
arbitrator. The noblest of them all, the precedent for them all, was 
th,at grand arbitration which took place between my country and your 
own in the Alabama case in connection with the war between the 
North and the South. And yet only last year our Attorney General, 
Sir Robert Finlay, said to the students of Edinburgh University, of 
which he had been elected Lord Rector, that in the Alabama arbitra- 
tion a sum was awarded to the United States so enormous that it was 
reported that to the present day your government had not been able 
to find claimants for all of it. [Laughter.] 

No less than ten years before I myself had taken the trouble to 
investigate this statement, which is again and again hurled at us when 
we are urging arbitration. " Why," they say, " what became of the 
Alabama arbitration ? The United States has pocketed two millions 
of our money for which they have had no claimants." My letter 
was in the Times of December 29, 1894, and I gave the facts from 
the official records of your own government, which showed that 
instead of there not having been sufficient claimants to absorb the 
award, as a matter of fact the whole sum awarded was claimed and 
allowed by the court to the actual losers, and an added sum of no 
less than ^53,905, 558 had to be paid out of your pockets to meet the 
deficiency of the award, to satisfy the claims. 

It is a hard thing for us who are doing our best to advocate this 
principle of arbitration to find a man of such eminence as Sir Robert 
Finlay standing up and making such a statement before such an 
influential body as the ' students of Edinburgh University ten years 


after this letter had appeared in the Times, when the figures were 
there to show how utterly at fault he was. 

I believe for myself that even if at times the arbitrator errs, and the 
award is not always in a strict sense just, in the main it is a better 
thing to have the dispute settled in a peaceable way rather than to go 
to war and have to shed blood and lose infinitely more as a conse- 
quence of the war than you would by the damages that the arbitrator 
may choose to give. [Applause.] 

War must go. We are reaching a stage in the history of civiliza- 
tion, — and I would fain add, the history of Christianity,— that makes 
it imperative that war should go. It is the duty of business men for 
their own interests, and it is the duty of business men for the inter- 
ests of humanity, to exercise all the great influence within their reach 
to have arbitration substituted for war. 

We read in the poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, the friend of 
Tennyson, that familiar verse : 

" For while the tired waves, vainly breaking, 
Seem here no painful inch to gain, 
Far back, through creeks and inlets making. 
Comes silent, flooding in, the main." 

We read in Tennyson's own lines of the world of the future : 

" There the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, 
And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapt in universal law." 

When people talk to us about the objections and difficulties that 
stand in the way of arbitration, we think of another verse of Clough's, 
where he says : 

" Back flies the foam, the hoisted flag streams back, 
The long smoke wavers on the homeward track ; 
Back fly with winds things which the winds obey, 
The strong ship follows its appointed way." 

The strong ship of arbitration will go on, and the time will come of 
which your own poets have sung. 

I stood to-day, for the second time, with uncovered head, in Mount 
Auburn, by the side of the grave of Longfellow ; and seldom do I 
think of him without recalling those beautiful stanzas of his upon 
" The Arsenal at Springfield." The two last stanzas begin, " Down 
the dark future." I venture, with reverence, to alter one word. If 
he were living to-day I think he would alter it himself : 

" Down the hright future, through long generations, 
The echoing sounds grow fainter and then cease ; 
And like a bell, with solemn, sweet vibrations, ^ 

I hear once more the voice of Christ say, 'Peace! 

« Peace ! and no longer from its brazen portals. 

The blast of War's great organ shakes the skies; 
But beautiful as songs of the immortals. 
The holy melodies of love arise." 

IResolutione aooptcJ) bg tbc tlbicteentb 'mnivcrsal ©cace Congress. 

(For convenience given liere togetiier and in classified form.) 

The Russo-Japanese War. 

1. Resolved, That the Congress address to the emperors of Russia and Japan 
an earnest appeal, entreating them, either by direct negotiations or by having re- 
course to the friendly offices of some neutral power or powers, to put an end to the 
awful slaughter of their subjects now going on, and urging the plea that, since 
terms of peace must sooner or later be discussed and settled, it is far better that 
this shall be done promptly so as to avert the further sacrifice of precious lives 
and valuable property. 

2. Resolved, That the Congress forward an address to each of the powers 
signatory of the Hague Convention, other than Russia and Japan, reminding 
them of the provisions of Article 27 of the Convention, and urging them, in ac- 
cordance therewith, to press upon the governments of Russia and Japan the im- 
portance of putting an end without further delay to a war which afflicts humanity, 
hinders legitimate commerce, and impedes the progress of the world in the pathway 
of civilization and peace. 

Reduction of Armaments. 

3. The Congress gratefully thanks the President of the United States for his 
promise to take the first steps toward the convocation of a new International 
Peace Conference to resume the deliberations commenced at The Hague in 1899. 
It expresses the opinion that one of the chief duties of such a Conference should 
be to elaborate and apply a definite plan for the arrest and subsequent simultane- 
ous and proportionate reduction of the military and naval armaments which the 
Hague Conference declared to be " a crushing burden and constant peril for the 
whole world." 

Franco-German Rapprochement. 

4. The Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress, having before it the report ad- 
dressed to it by the International Peace Bureau at Berne, dated July 27, 1904; 

Considering that the Twelfth Universal Peace Congress had already charged 
the Berne Bureau to examine the fundamental grounds on which a rapprochement 
between France and Germany might be secured, and judging it to be proper more 
clearly to define and perfect the instructions thus given to the International 

Instructs the said Bureau to choose from its members a commission which, 
after having made a careful inquiry into the subject, shall coordinate the results 
and address to the Fourteenth Universal Peace Congress a detailed report, in 
which it shall set forth the situation of the two peoples from the point of view of 
modern international law, and the best methods of bringing about between them a 
rapprochement in a peaceable and j uridic way, that the Fourteenth Congress may 
be able to take such course in the matter as shall be within its power. 

Treaties of Arbitration. 

5. The Congress records its lively satisfaction at the signature of permai^ent 
and obligatory arbitration treaties since its last session between : France and 
Great Britain, France and Italy, Great Britain and Spain, Denmark and the 
Netherlands, Sweden and Norway and France, Great Britain and Italy, France 


and Spain, Spain and Portugal, Great Britain and Germany, Sweden and Norway 
and Great Britain. ' 

The Congress congratulates the governments of these various countries on 
having thus taken important further steps in the path of juridic relations between 
nations, opened by the Hague Convention ; and earnestly expresses the hope that 
tlfe movement now in progress for the extension of the provision of the Hague 
Convention in the conclusion of new treaties of obligatory arbitration may speedily 
be adopted by all the signatories of that historic document, and applied without 
exception to every case of difficulty which cannot be settled by diplomatic means. 

The Congress especially rejoices at the statement recently made by the President 
of the United States that his government is now "taking steps to secure arbitra- 
tion treaties with all other governments which are willing to enter into them," and 
trusts that many such treaties will soon be concluded. 

The Congress also especially congratulates the governments of Denmark and 
the Netherlands on having entered into a treaty of arbitration containing no re- 
serves whatever, and commends this as a model /or all future treaties. 

Arbitral Clauses in Treaties of Commerce. 

6. The Congress, noting with satisfaction that the different states are more 
and more introducing arbitration clauses into their various treaties, and especially 
into treaties of commerce, urges on the governments that in future this clause 
should refer to the Hague Court conflicts arising out of the interpretation of 
these treaties. 

A Stated International Congress. 

7. This Congress heartily endorses the recommendation made by joint reso- 
lution of both Houses of the Massachusetts Legislature in favor of " an interna- 
tional congress to meet at stated periods to deliberate upon questions of common 
interest to the nations and to make recommendation thereon to the govern- 
ments "; and notes with great satisfaction that the proposition has been approved 
by the Interparliamentary Conference recently held at St. Louis, and on the 
recommendation of that Conference is one of the subjects to be put upon the 
program of the New International Conference which the President of the United 
States has declared himself ready to call as soon as practicable. 


8. Whereas, The situation in Armenia seems to be growing worse and the 
atrocious massacres of the population continue ; 

Whereas, The reforms planned by the powers for Macedonia have not sufficed 
to secure the pacification of the country ; 

Considering the international character of the Eastern Question and the com- 
mon responsibility of the great powers under the Berlin Treaty for the terrible 
situation there created. 

This Congress appeals to the governments of Europe and the United States 
immediately to consider the best means of putting an end to the sufferings of 
alien populations in the Turkish Empire and of restricting or ending the direct 
rule of the Sultan over such population. 

On Propaganda. 

9. Whereas, The first need of the peace propaganda is adequate funds to 
undertake a great campaign of education on the futility and evils of armed peace, 
the Congress recommends that far more strenuous efforts than have ever been 
employed shall at once be undertaken, so that the burden of the propaganda shall 
no longer rest on the weary shoulders of those who have only their leisure time 
to devote to it. , . r ^ 

The Congress further recommends that a sum equal to the price of one Jirst- 
class battleship — $7,000,000 — shall be solicited from the civilized world to be 
spent in the practical measures which are embodied in the following suggestions : 

The establishment of a centre of propaganda in fourteen or fifteen of the 


world's great capitals, — Washington, London, Paris, Berlin, Tokio, Cairo, Buenos 
Ayres, etc. — with $500,000, more or less, to endow each and to give it a con- 
spicuous headquarters. These centres should all be affiliated with existing peace 
societies and in harmonious relation with the Berne Bureau. They should be 
officered by men of large experience and ability in organizing, who, according 
to the need of each locality, should use the following agencies : 

a. Books and leaflets in various languages sold at cost price and in attractive 
form. These should include such historical, economic, religious, sociological and 
scientific matter as will be useful in reaching all classes of citizens in a peace 

b. Syndicate articles for the press, especially when friction between nations 
i> impending, and a press bureau which shall supply exact and impartial informa- 
tion as to the real attitude of one nation to another. 

c. Illustrated lectures especially for workingmen on questions relating to 
peace and war. 

d. School histories and readers revised and edited so as to minimize the 
records of military campaigns and emphasize the advance of science, discovery 
and social progress. 

e. The increase of membership in parliamentary arbitration groups by re- 
quests from constituents. 

f. The enlistment of the intelligent cooperation of those organizations which 
promote religion and true patriotism, and those which are working to remove 
artificial barriers on frontiers. 

g. Definite, concrete presentation of the economic evils of war by graphic 
methods which shall appeal to the passer-by, and offers of prizes for the best 
essays, books, poems, suitable for use in the propaganda: 

Peace Flag. 

10. The Congress approves the recommendation of the Committee on Propa- 
ganda that at the present session no action shall be taken regarding a peace flag. 

Universal Language. 

11. The Congress decides that the requests which have been presented from 
diHerent scholarly sources relating, in one case, to a universal alphabet, and in 
another to a universal language, be referred to the Berne Bureau with power 
either to act or to recommend action at a later congress. 

The Fourteenth Congress. 

12. The Congress accepts the kind invitation of the Peace Society at Lucerne, 
Switzerland, to hold the Fourteenth Congress at Lucerne in 1905, and entrusts 
the arrangements for the Congress to the Berne Bureau. 

Peace Prayer. 

13. The Congress recommends to the religious authorities of every land that 
each shall formulate a prayer to be offered in their regular religious services that 
God will enable the nations of the earth to settle peaceably all their disputes ; 
and that the Berne Bureau be requested to convey this request to the proper 

Universal Postage Stamp. 

14. In view of the increased demand among all people for reduced postal 
rates, the Congress recommends to the governments of the earth the adoption of 
an international two-cent postage stamp. 

The Congo Free State. 

15. Whereas, the International Association of the Congo in 1884 secured 
from the American government that its flag should be recognized as that of a 


friendly state (which recognition was subsequently endorsed by the powers of 
Europe at Berlin) on the ground that it was an organization formed to protect the 
interests and welfare of the natives, to promote legitimate commerce, and to 
preserve the neutrality of the Congo Valley over which it sought to exercise 
authority : 

Whereas, it is alleged that the government of the Congo Free State has appro- 
priated the land of the natives and the products of commercial value yielded by 
the land, thus leading to the committal of grave wrongs upon the native races, 
and to the infringement of the rights secured for international commerce by the 
Conference of Berlin : 

Whereas, this is a question which may lead to grave international complica- 
tions : 

The Congress, in the interests of peace, recommends that the following ques- 
tions should be referred eitlier to a new conference of the powers concerned in 
the formation of the Congo Free State, or to a Commission of Enquiry as pro- 
vided in the Hague Convention : 

1. Is the government of the Congo Free State still to be regarded as the 
trustee of the powers which recognized the flag of the International Association? 

2. If not, what is the position of the Congo Free State in International law, 
and in what manner may the grave questions concerning its alleged actions be 
satisfactorily and completely determined ? 

A Pacific Alliance of States. 

16. The Congress recalls the terms of Article 27 of the Hague Convention, 
by which the signatory powers have imposed upon themselves the duty, in case of 
any serious conflict breaking out, or being about to break out, between two or 
more of them, of reminding them that the permanent tribunal is open to them, 
and agrees with the Interparliamentary Conference in expressing " the desire that 
the powers which signed the Hague Convention should, as far as practicable, 
agree to act in concert and in the most practical way to fulfill the engagement 
which Article 27 of the protocol lays upon them." 

The Congress recommends as worthy of the consideration of the powers the 
Model Treaty (see page 196) presented to this Congress as the result of the study 
of the committees appointed for that purpose by the Peace Bureau in 1900 and 
the Peace Congress of 1901, having for its object to constitute an arbitral union 
of states, and to insure that the beneficent initiation of the above Article 27 shall 
be carried into effect. 

Economic Causes of Wars. 

17. Whereas, the wars of the past have had as their profound cause the 
antagonism of economic interests either of monarchs or of peoples ; and 

Whereas, since the middle of the nineteenth century wars have assumed more 
particularly the character of a hasty and brutal appropriation, by the industrially 
or commercially powerful nations, of the still unexploited markets of the 
world; and 

Whereas, if international conflicts are to be regulated, as they should be, in a 
friendly way by the better organization of relations among peoples, and if, fur- 
thermore, as is still more important, these conflicts are to be prevented by an 
effort to reconcile human interests, individual as well as collective; 

The Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress declares that it is the duty of the 
friends of peace to study with the greatest care all economic and social move- 
ments (trade unionism, cooperation, trusts, etc.) which tend to the realization, 
unconsciously and sometimes even against the will of their promoters, of a more 
rational organization of production, consumption and exchange. 

And entrusts the Berne Bureau with the duty of collecting as complete infor- 
mation as possible on these questions so far as they are related to the problem of 
international pacification. 



i8. The question whether it would not be possible materially to limit the 
ravages of war by extending to other portions of the world the principle of 
neutrality already applied to certain territories and navigable waters is referred to 
the Berne Bureau, which is requested to present a report on the subject to a 
future congress. 

Duties of Patriotic Societies. 

19. Resolved, That the International Peace Bureau at Berne be requested by 
this Congress to represent to the various patriotic societies in the several coun- 
tries our sense of the great and peculiar opportunity which is open to them to do 
a mighty service to their respective nations, as well as for humanity, and to 
request their powerful and permanent cooperation along such lines as may seem 
to them best, in the work of educating and interesting the people of those coun- 
tries in the cause of International Peace and Arbitration. 

Weak Nations and Native Races. 

20. Resolved, That while the Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress hopes that 
by the operations of the Hague Court of International Arbitration wars will 
be averted in the future, the Congress feels strongly that steps should be taken 
by the civilized governments to safeguard the interests of weak nations and native 
races, that all who have dealings with them may act strictly on the lines of justice 
and righteousness. 

A Fund for Peace Propaganda. 

21. Resolved,Tiia.'t an American Committee be appointed by the President of 
this Congress to act in conjunction with the International Peace Bureau at Berne 
in raising a fund for peace propaganda and to carry out, so far as they may deem 
practicable, the recommendations of the Committee on Propaganda adopted by 
this Congress. 

Statistics on the Cost of Wars. 

22. Resolved, That the Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress convened in 
Boston, Mass., respectfully recommends the passage by the Congress of the 
United States of the following resolution : 

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives that the Secre- 
tary of Commerce and Labor be, and he is hereby, authorized and in- 
structed to collect and compile from the most authentic and reliable 
sources statistics on the following subjects, and have the same printed 
and bound on or before January i, 1906 : 

First: The cost of wars in all countries from the year 1800 down to 
date, including the expenses of the nation and states, municipalities and 

Second: The amount paid for pensions and other allowances to 
soldiers and sailors engaged in such wars. 

Third: The amount paid for hospitals and retreats for disabled 
soldiers and sailors. 

Fourth : The amount of property destroyed in such wars by land and 

Fifth : The additional cost of maintaining armies and navies in time 
of peace to each nation during said period. 

Sixth: An approximate estimate of the indirect expenses, and dam- 
ages to the health and property of each nation, resulting from such wais. 

Seventh : The number of killed and wounded and disabled on each 
side during said wars. 


Said statistics to be classitied under the name of each nation and to be 
summarized in the most plain and concise manner practicable. On com- 
pletion said volume to be distributed in the discretion of Congress in this 
and other countries as preliminary to an International Peace and Dis- 
armament Congress to be held at Washington or The Hague, July 4, 
1906, or sooner if practicable. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Congress be instructed to send certified 
copies of these resolutions to the President of the United States and to the Secre- 
taries of State and of Commerce and Labor and to the Hon. Richard Bartholdt 
of St. Louis, President of the Interparliamentary Union, and that Mr. Bartholdt 
be requested to urge the passage of the^bove resolution by the Senate and the 
House of Representatives and their approval by the President of the United 

Supplementarg iPubltc ©eace jflRectings in IDadous Cities. 

The work of the Peace Congress was supplemented by a series of meetings in 
various cities, in a number of which the interest in the peace movement rose to 
quite as great a pitch of earnestness and enthusiasm as in Boston during the week 
of the Congress. The speakers in these meetings were for the most part delegates 
from other countries. In New York, Cincinnati and Toronto the meetings 
resulted in important local organizations, and in all of the places interest in the 
cause was greatly stimulated. Following is a brief statement of these supplemen- 
tary meetings : 

Springfield, Mass., Saturday Evening, October 8. 

Public Meeting in City Hall, attended by about five hundred persons. Dr. 
Philip S. Moxom presided. Welcome was extended to the delegates by H. H. 
Bowman, president of the Board of Trade. The speakers were Hon. William 
P. Byles and Mrs. Byles of Manchester, England ; Rev. Alfred L. Lilley, 
Vicar of St. Mary's, Paddington, London ; President Mary E. WooUey of Hol- 
yoke College, South Hadley, Mass. ; George H. Perris, Secretary of the Cobden 
Club, London ; and Mr. Richard Feldhaus of Basel, Switzerland. 

Portland, Maine, Saturday Evening, October 8. 

On Saturday evening, October 8, a public meeting under the auspices of the 
Portland branch of the National Council of Women was held in the church of 
which Rev. J. F. Albion was pastor. The pastor presided. The speakers were 
Mr. Herbert Burrows, Rev. Richard Westrope, Miss Sheriff Bain of New 
Zealand, and Mr. Alphonse Jouet of Paris. 

New Bedford, Mass., Saturday Evening, October 8. 

New Bedford Woman's Club. Mrs. Ada W. Tillinghast presided. The 
speakers were Dr. W. Evans Darby, Secretary of the Peace Society, London, 
and Mrs. Ruth H. Spray of Salida, Colorado, Superintendent of the Arbitration 
and Peace Department of the Colorado W. C. T. U. 

Northampton, Mass., Sunday Evening, October 9. 

Public Union Meeting in the First Church, attended by more than one thou- 
sand people. President L. Clark Seelye of Smith College presided. The 
speakers were Mrs. W. P. Byles of Manchester, England ; George H. Perris, 
Secretary of the Cobden Club, London ; and the Baroness von Suttner of 

Providence, R. I., Monday Evening, October 10. 

Public meeting in Memorial Hall under the auspices of the Women's Coun- 
cil, attended by a large audience. Chief Justice John H. Stiness presided. 
The speakers were Frederic H. Jackson, President of the Chamber of Com- 
merce; J. Frederick Green, Secretary of the International Arbitration and 
Peace Association of London; Dr. Yamei Kin of China; Rev. Richard Wes- 
trope of York, England ; and Dr. W. H. P. Faunce of Brown University. 

Worcester, Mass., Monday Evening, October 10. 

Meeting of the Congregational Club at Y. M. C. A. Hall. John S. Gould, 


president of the Club, presided. The speakers were Dr. W. Evans Darbv 
Secretary of the Peace Society, London ; and Benjamin F. Trueblood, Secre- 
tary of the American Peace Society, Boston. ' 

New Britain, Conn., Monday Evening, October io. 

Mass meeting in memory of Elihu Burritt in the South Church, which 
was crowded to its utmost. Principal Marcus White, chairman of the Burritt 
Memorial Committee, presided. Many prominent citizens were on the platform 
The speakers were George H. Ferris, Secretary of the Cobden Club, London; 
Mr. Richard Feldhaus of Basel, Switzerland ; Mrs. W. P. Byles of Manchester 
England; Signor E. T. Moneta of Milan, Italy; Herbert Burrows of the 
Social Democratic Federation, London. 

New York City, October ii, 12, 13, and 18. 

Tuesday, October 11, iz o'clock noon, reception and luncheon by the Board 
of Trade and Transportation. Hon. Oscar S. Straus presided at the reception. 
The other speakers were Mayor George B. McClellan, President Nicholas Mur- 
ray Butler of Columbia University, Baroness von Suttner, Dr. Gavin Brown 
Clark, Signor E. T. Moneta, Dr. Yamei Kin, and Professor Theodore Ruyssen, 

At 4 o'clock a number of the delegates were entertained at tea by Miss Grace 
H. Dodge at the Teacher's College, Columbia University. 

At 8 o'clock Tuesday evening a reception was given the delegates at the 
Ethical Culture Building. Professor Felix Adler presided, and the spea':ers 
were Herbert Burrows, the Baroness von Suttner, Dr. Yamei Kin, Dr. St. Clair 
McKelway, Signor E. T. Moneta. 

Wednesday morning, October 12, the delegates went on a trip up the Hudson 
river and lunched at the home of Mrs. Henry Villard, Dobbs' Ferry. A few of 
them made a visit to the East Side. 

Wednesday afternoon a meeting for French inhabitants of New York was 
held in the Hall of the Mendelssohn Glee Club. The meeting was presided 
over by Mr. Robert J. Hoguet, president of the Alliance Fran^aisi, and the 
speakers were Mr. Alphonse Jouet of Paris, Mr. M. J. Prudhommeaux of 
Nimes, and Prof. Pierre Clerget of Le Locle, Switzerland. 

Wednesday evening a public mass meeting was held in the Hall of the 
Cooper Union. The audience numbered twelve hundred, completely filling the 
Hall. Dr. Lyman Abbott presided. The speakers were, besides Dr. Abbott, 
the Baroness von Suttner, the Bishop of Hereford, George H. Ferris, Pete 
Curran, Dr. Yamei Kin and Prof. Ludwig Quidde. 

Thursday afternoon, October 13, at 4 o'clock, in the Hall of the Board of 
Education, a Young People's meeting was held. More than two thousand 
children, selected in pairs by the city schools, attended. Vice-President Frank 
L. Babbott of the Board of Education presided. The speakers were Presi- 
dent J. F. Finlay, of New York City College, who welcomed the delegates ; the 
Baroness von Suttner, Miss H. E. Dunhill of India, George H. Ferris. Rev. 
Charles F. Dole of Boston, Rabbi Charles Fleischer of Boston, Mrs. Henry 
Villard, and Mrs. Donald McLean. An overflow meeting held in the Board 
room was addressed by Lucia Ames Mead of Boston. 

While the New York meetings were in progress, Joseph G. Alexander, Secre- 
tary of the International Law Association, London, gave an address to two 
thousand young women at the Normal School; Miss H. E. Dunhill of India 
spoke at Adelphi College, Brooklyn ; and at the Teachers College, Columbia 
University, a half hour was given to short addresses by Lucia Ames Mead, 
George H. Ferris, Joseph G. Alexander and Prof. Ludwig Quidde. 


Tuesday, October i8, a meeting of the German-Americans of New York City 
was held at Terrace Garden. The audience, a most enthusiastic one, numbered 
nine hundred. Dr. Ernst Richard, professor in Columbia University, presided. 
The speakers were Hon. Oscar S. Straus, the Baroness von Suttner, Prof. 
Ludwig Quidde, Edward de Neufville and Dr. Joseph Senner. The result of 
this meeting was the organization later of " The New York German-American 
Peace Society," as an auxiliary of the American Peace Society, with nearly a 
hundred members. 

Pittsburg, Pa., October 13. 

Thursday evening, October 13, a public peace meeting was held in the Jewish 
Temple. Chancellor McCormick presided. The speakers were Dr. W. Evans 
Darby, Pastor Charles Wagner, Chancellor McCormick of Western University, 
Hon. John Wanamaker, Professor Koenig of Bordeaux, France, and one or 
two others. 

Philadelphia, October 14, 15, 16 axd 17. 

Friday morning, October 14. Visit of the Delegates by special train to 
Swarthmore, Bryn Mawr and Haverford Colleges. At Swarthmore College a 
meeting of the students was held in the Lecture Hall. Isaac H. Clothier, 
Chairman of the Entertainment Committee and a Trustee of the College, pre- 
sided. The speakers were Dr. G. B. Clark, Hon. Ernest Beckman of the 
Swedish Parliament, Joseph G. Alexander, the Baroness von Suttner, Miss H. 
E. Dunhill from India, and Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead of Boston. 

At Bryn Mawr College, next visited, after a generous luncheon at the 
Deanery, a meeting of the students was held in Taylor Hall. Hon. Wayne 
McVeagh presided. The speakers were Dr. W. Evans Darby, the Baroness 
von Suttner, Herbert Burrows, Miss H. E. Dunhill, and Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead. 

At Haverford College a meeting of the students in Roberts Hall was pre- 
sided over by the president of the College, Dr. Isaac Sharpless, and addressed 
by Rev. Richard Westrope, Dr. W. Evans Darby, J. G. Alexander,. Rabbi 
Fleischer, and Signor E. T. Moneta. 

Friday at i o'clock a meeting for Business Men was held on the floor of the 
Bourse. The Mayor of Philadelphia, John Weaver, presided. Addresses were 
made by Dr. G. B. Clark, John Ashworth of Manchester, England, and Frederic 
H. Jackson, President of the Providence Chamber of Commerce. 

Friday afternoon at 4.30 o'clock a reception was given the delegates by the 
New Century Club. Mrs. C. N. Thorpe, President of the Club, presided, and 
brief addresses were made by the Baroness von Suttner, Miss H. E. Dunhill, 
Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead and others. 

Friday evening a great public meeting was held in Horticultural Hall, under 
the auspices of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Dr. L. 
S. Rowe, President of the Academy, presided. Addresses of welcome were 
made by the Governor of Pennsylvania, the Mayor of Philadelphia, and a mem- 
ber of the Faculty of the University of Pennsylvania. Addresses were made 
by George H. Perris, Herbert Burrows, Dr. G. B. Clark and Prof. J. C. Bracq 
of Vassar College. 

Saturday morning, the 15th, the delegates spent in visiting Independence 
Hall and other historic places about Philadelphia. 

Saturday evening a large public meeting was held in the spacious Hall of the 
Drexel Institute. Joshua L. Baily presided. The speakers were Justice David 
J. Brewer of the United States Supreme Court, Dr. G. B. Clark of England, 
Signor E. T. Moneta of Milan, Italy, Prof. Ludwig Quidde of Munich, the 
Baroness von Suttner, Miss H. E. Dunhill, John Ashworth of Manchester, 
England, and Prof. J. C. Bracq of Vassar College. 


Sunday morning, October i6, Prof. J. C. Bracq addressed a meeting in the 
New Century Drawing Room, under the auspices of the Ethical Society ; Miss 
Sophia Sturge addressed a meeting of two hundred and fifty colored boys and 
girls at the Joseph Sturge Mission School ; Rabbi Fleischer, a meeting at the 
First Unitarian Church ; Dr. W. Evans Darby, a meeting at Swarthmore Col- 
lege ; and delegates attended and took part in the Friends' Meetings at Twelfth, 
Fifteenth and Race Streets, and Germantown. 

Sunday afternoon at 4 o'clock a men's meeting of sixteen hundred in the 
Garrick Theatre, under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A. and presided over by 
Joshua L. Baily, was addressed by Dr. W. Evans Darby, Rev. Richard Westrope, 
both of England, and ex-Senator George F. Edmunds of Philadelphia. At the 
same time also a meeting of a thousand students at the University of Pennsyl- 
vania was addressed by Pastor Charles Wagner of Paris. 

Sunday evening the largest of the Philadelphia meetings was held in the 
Baptist Temple (Rev. Russell H. Conwell). Joshua L. Baily presided. The 
audience numbered three thousand, largely young people, and many were turned 
away. The speakers were Rev. Richard Westrope, Dr. W. Evans Darby, Rabbi 
Charles Fleischer, and Miss Helen E. Dunhill. A series of megaphones sus- 
pended in front of the platform conveyed the addresses to several hospitals 
and private dwellings. 

On Monday, the 17th of October, a meeting was held at the Philadelphia High 
School for girls. Wm. W. Birdsall, Superintendent, was in charge. Over one 
tnousand young women were present. Addresses were made by Pastor Charles 
Wagner of Paris and Prof. Xavier Koenig of the University of Toulouse, 
France. Hon. John Wanamaker of Philadelphia also took part in the meeting. 

The last of the Philadelphia meetings was held under the auspices of the 
Friends' Institute Lyceum and presided over by Joshua L. Baily. Dr. Darby 
gave a comprehensive address covering the history of international arbitration. 

Canada Meetings, October 16, 17, 18, 19 and 26. 

Sunday evening, October 16, a meeting was held in the Unitarian Church, 
Toronto, under the auspices of the local labor unions. Rev. J. T. Sunderland 
conducted the meeting. The speakers were Hon. W. P. Byles and Mrs. Byhs 
of Manchester, England, and Prof. J. F. McCurdy of the University of Toronto. 

Monday afternoon, October 17, at 4 o'clock, a meeting was held in the hall 
of the Toronto Conservatory of Music, under the auspices of the National 
Council of Women. Mrs. Elizabeth Fitzgibbon presided. Addresses were 
made by Mrs. W. P. Byles and Mrs. Willoughby Cummings. 

Monday evening at 8 o'clock, Mrs. Byles addressed the Epworth League 
rally in the Trinity Methodist Church. 

Tuesday evening, October 18, a public meeting was held in the hall of the 
Normal School. Mr. W. G. Brown, president of the Friends' Association, pre- 
sided. The speakers were Dr. G. B. Clark and Dr. W. Evans Darby of Great 
Britain, Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood of Boston, and Prof. J. F. McCurdy of 
Toronto University. 

Wednesday forenoon, October 19, Dr. W. Evans Darby and Dr. Benjamin 
F. Trueblood visited the Baptist Convention then in session at Toronto, and 
were given a half hour in which to address the meeting. At half-past one 
o'clock the same day Dr. Trueblood addressed a gathering of students and 
members of the Faculty at the University luncheon, and at four o clock Dr. 
Darby addressed the Political Science Club of the University. 

At Guelph, sixty miles from Toronto, a meeting was held on the evening of 
Wednesday at St. Andrew's Church. Rev. Thomas Eakin, pastor of the 


church, presided. The speakers were Prof. J. F. McCurdy of Toronto, and Dr. 
W. Evans Darby of London. 

At Newmarket on the 26th of October an arbitration meeting was held in 
the Friends' Church, and addressed by Dr. G. B. Clark, ex member of the 
British House of Commons. 

The result of the Canadian meetings was a great strengthening of the work 
in the Dominion, and the creation of a Canadian Arbitration and Peace 


Cincinnati, Ohio, October 20. 

A public mass meeting was held at 8 o'clock Thursday evening, October 20, 
in Music Hall. More than thirty cooperating committees had been appointed 
by the various religious, civic, commercial and other organizations of Cincin- 
nati, including women's societies, and a great audience of more than three 
thousand persons filled the hall. Judge Ruf us B. Smith of Cincinnati presided. 
The other speakers were President Charles F. Thwing of Western Reserve 
University, the Baroness von Suttner, Dr. G. B. Clark, Dr. Benjamin F. True- 
blood, and Mr. Samuel P. Butler of Cincinnati, to whose faithful and tireless 
efforts the great success of the meeting was largely due. As a result of the 
meeting a Cincinnati Arbitration and Peace Society was the next day organ- 
ized, with about one hundred members. 

Chicago, Octoher 31. 

A public peace meeting was held in Sinti Temple, Chicago, on Monday 
evening, October 31. Addresses were made by- Frau Leonore Selenka ot 
Munich, who had failed to reach Boston for the Congress, by Pastor Charles 
Wagner and Professor Xavier Koenig of France, and by Miss Jane Addams 
and Dr. Emil G. Hirsch of Chicago. 

aipbabetical Xist ot Socfetice wbicb appointee ©elegatee to tbc 


Those marked with a star (*) either did not attend or did not register. 

Alliance des Savants et des Philanthropes, Paris, France; Alliance 
Universelle, St. Raphael, France. 

Theodore Ruyssen. 

Alliance Universelle des Femmes pour la Paix par l'Education, 
Paris, France. 
Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey. Mrs. Maria Freeman Gray. 

♦Countess Ludmilla Bobrinsky. Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood. 

Mrs. Ruth H. Spray. 

All Souls Church, Elizabeth, N. J. 
*Mr. Seymour H. Stone. *Mrs. Seymour H. Stone. 

Amalgamated Coal Teamsters and Helpers, Boston, Mass. 
P. J. Gallagher. 

American Peace Society, Boston, Mass. 

Dr. Charles G. Ames. Edwin D. Mead. 

Edward Atkinson. Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead. 

Joshua L. Baily. Dr. William A. Mowry. 

«Hon. William I. Buchanan. *Dr. Philip S. Moxom. 

Rev. S. C. Bushnell. Hon. Robert Treat Paine. 

Hon. Samuel B. Capen. George Foster Peabody. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole. Henry Pickering. 

*John B. Garrett. L- H. Pillsbury. 

Mrs. Maria Freeman Gray. Dr. S. F. Scovel. 

Dr. Scott F. Hershey. *Edwin Burritt Smith. 

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe. Dr. Homer B. Sprague. 

Rev. Charles E. Jefferson. Mrs. Ruth H. Spray. 

Burke F. Leavitt. Rev. G. W. Steams. 

La Salle A. Maynard. Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood. 

American Unitarian Association, Boston, Mass. 

Rev. George Batchelor. Frank N. Hartwell. 

Samuel Bowles. *Hon. George F. Hoar. 

»Rev. James H. Ecob. *Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones. 

Dr. Edward Everett Hale. «President David Starr Jordan. 

Prof. Francis G. Peabody. 

Armenians of Boston. 

V. Krikorian. G. H. Papazian. 

Association Cooperative des Ouvriers de l'Imprimerie, Nimes, France. 

M. Claude Gignoux. 

Association de la Paix de Denemark, Copenhagen. 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwoor'. 


Association de la Paix par le Droit, Nimes, France. 

*M. Othon Gerlac. M. Alphonse Jouet. 

M. Claude Gignoux. M. J. Prudhommeaux. 

Prof. Theodore Ruyssen. 

Associations Castraise, Montalbanaise, Rouennaise, et Toui^wsaine 

DE LA Paix par le Droit. 

Theodore Ruyssen. 

Austrian Peace Society, Vienna, Austria. 
Countess Potting Baroness Bertha Von Suttner. 

Baptist Ministers' Conference, Detroit, Mich. 
* Dr. Spenser B. Meeser. 

Baptist Ministers' Conference, Genesee, N. Y. 
Rev. Donald D. MacLaurin. 

Baptist Ministers' Meeting, Providence, R. I. 

Rev. J. T. Beckley, D. D. 

Belgian Peace- Society, Brussels, Belgium. 

M. Auguste Houzeau de Lehaie. M. Henri La Fontaine. 

Mme. Henri La Fontaine. *Dr. Paul Otlet. 

Bible Christian Church, Manchester, England. 
Rev. James Clark. Miss Bertha Clark. 

Board of Trade, Jacksonville, Fla. 
*Charles H. Smith. 

Board of Trade, Massachusetts State. 

Charles E. Adams. Edward Atkinson. Hon. Lloyd E. Chamberlain. 

Bernard E. Donigan. Hon. Gorham D. Gilman. 

Board of Trade, Springfield, Mass. 
George H. Sutton. 

Bourse de Travail, Nimes, France. 
M. Claude Gignoux. 

Brighthelmstone Club, Brighton, Mass. 
Mrs. W. C. Crawford. Miss Clara R. Keene. 

Broadway Tabernacle Church, New York, N. Y. 
Dr. Edward W. Peet. Dr. Charles W. Stevens. 

Cantabrigia Club, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. F. S. Whitman. 

Catholic Church of Boston, Mass. 

Rt. Rev. William Byrne, V. G. 

Central Congregational Church, Worcester, Mass. 

Rev. Albert W. Hitchcock. 

Central Labor Union, Boston, Mass. 

*Henry Abrahams. *H. Dunderdale. Frank K. Foster. 

*Fred J. Kneeland. G. F. Tagen. 


Chamber of Commerce, Aldany, N. Y. 
Hon. William B. Jones. 

Chamber of Commerce, Boston, Mass. 

Hon. Samuel B. Capen. Charles M. Cox. George H. Leonard. 

Jerome Jones. Wallace L. Pierce. 

Chamber of Commerce, New Haven, Conn. 
Hon. E. E. Bradley. *Gen. E. S. Greeley. *Edwin P. Root. 

Gen. George H. Ford. *Hon. Lynde Harrison. William S. Wells. 

*John Currier Gallagher. Stuart Hotchkiss. *Hon. RollinS. Woodruff. 

Chamber of Commerce, Providence, R. I. 
*Charles A. Catlin. James H. Chace. *Edward D. Pearce. 

*Arnold B. Chace. Frederick H. Jackson. Ex-Gov. Royal C. Taft. 

*William B. Weeden. 

City Missionary Society, Boston, Mass. 
Rev. Daniel W. Waldron. 

Collegiate Alumnae, Boston Branch, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews. Miss Eva Channing. Miss Mary H. Ladd. 

Commission of International Justice, Boston, Mass. 
Dr. Charles G. Ames. 

Composite Club, Uxbridge, Mass. 
*James Daley. *Dr. William L. Johnson. Rev. Cyrus A. Roys. 

Congo Reform Association, London, England. 
E. D. Morel. 

Congregational Church, High Street, Auburn, Me. 
Mrs. John Pratt. 

Congregational Church, Pepperell, Mass. 
Rev. A. H. Wheelock. 

Council ok Jewish Women, Boston Section, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Julius Andrews. 

Council of Women, Rhode Island. 
Mrs. J. K. Barney. Mrs. Frederick H. Jackson. 

Current Events Club, Hyde Park, Mass. 
Mrs. Francis C. Carrington. 

Deutsche Friedensgesellschaft, Stuttgart, Germany. 

Richard Feldhaus. Prof. Ludwig Quidde. 

Dr. Hoeltzel. Dr- Adolf Richter. 

Professor Hoffmann *Frau Margarethe Leonore Selenka. 

Deutsche Friedensgesellschaft; Ortsgruppe Cannstadt, Frankfurter 

Friedensverein, Ortsgruppe Pforzheim, Ortsgruppe Ulm (Donau). 

Herr Edward de Neufville. 

Dresden Peace Society, Dresden, Germany. 
Georg Arnhold. 


Dundee Peace Society, Dundee, Scotland. 
A. H. Stephen. 

" Ebell," Los Angeles, Cal. 
Mrs. Philip Gengembre Hubert. 

Equal Rights Club, Lynn, Mass. 

Mrs. Susanna W. Berry. Dr. Esther Hanks. Mrs. Eliza J. Hitchcock. 

Dr. Mabel W. Waldron. 

Equal Suffrage League, Sharon, Mass. 
George Kempton. 

Evangelical Alliance, St. John, N. B. 
Rev. George M. Young. 

Evangelical Ministers' Association, Manchester, N. H. 

»Rev. B. W. Lockhart. *Rev. D. J. Many, Jr. 

*Rev. Emil J. Patersoul. 

First Congregational Society (Unitarian), Providence, R. I. 
Miss Katharine H. Austin. 

First Universalist Society, Felchville, Vt.; First Universalist 

SociEiY, Springfield, Vt. 

Rev. Charles Huntington Pennoyer. 

First Universalist Society, New Haven, Conn. 
Joseph Sheldon. 

Franklin Ministerial Union, Franklin, N. H. 
Rev. H. C. McDougall. 

Friends' Association Peace Department, Toronto, Can. 
Rev. Selby Jefferson. *Prof. J. F. McCurdy. Rev. J. T. Sunderland. 

Free Religious Association of America. 

Rabbi Henry Berkowitz. Mrs. Anna D. Hallowell. *William H. Hamlen. 

Carolina Huidobro. Albert S. Parsons. 

Gas Workers of Great Britain, General Federation of Trades 

Unions, General Laborers of Great Britain. 

Pete Curran. 

Greenacre Conferences, Eliot, Me. 
Miss Sarah J. Farmer. 

Guild of St. John, Brighton, England. 
Mrs. E. M. Southey. 

Illinois Yearly Meeting of Friends (Liberal). 
Charles W. Mills. *T. P. Marsh. 

Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends. 
Mary E. Baldwin. Asa T. Baldwin. John L. Thomas. Martha J. Warner. 

Indiana Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 
Miss H. Lavinia Baily. 


Institute of Peace Studies, Monaco. 
M. L'Abbe Pichot. 

International Arbitration and Peace Association, London, England. 
Hon. W. P. Byles. Dr. G. B. Clark. Mrs. Ashton Jonson. 

Mrs. W. P. Byles. Mrs. G. B. Clark. Rev. A. L. Lilley. 

Herbert Burrows. J. Frederick Green. G. H. Perris. 

G. Gale Thomas. Mrs, William Tebb. 

International Arbitration Committee of Massachusetts. 

Hon. H. E. Cobb. Joseph Griswold. George H. Leonard. 

John C. Cobb. B. F. Keith. *Hon, John D. Long. 

Edwin Ginn. Ashton Lee. Roger E. Tileston. 

Hon. William W. Whiting. 

International Arbitration League, London, England. 

Herbert Burrows. *James Caldwell, M. P. William Randall Cremer, M. P. 
Hon. W. P. Byles. Dr. G. B. Clark. Duncan V. Pirie, M. P. 

Mrs. W. P. Byles. Mrs. G. B. Clark. Mrs. Duncan V. Pirie. 

International Institute League. 
Miss Josephine H. Short. 

Interational Law Association. 
Joseph G. Alexander. Dr. W. Evans Darby. 

International Peace League. 
Mrs. G. B. Clark. 

Iowa Yearly Meeting of Friends. 
Rev. E. H. Brown. 

Italian Labor Union, Boston. 
Dominick D'Alessandro. 

Italian Peace League. 

M. Giuseppe Cerutti, Former Deputy. 

M. Alfred Capece Mlnutolo, Marquis di Bugnano, Deputy. 

*M. Gerard Capece Minutolo, Former Deputy. 

*The Marquis di San Giuliano, Deputy. 

Ladies' P. I., Boston, Mass. 
Dr. Gertrude T. Bodfish. Miss Harriet F. Brazee. 

Lancaster Peace and Arbitration Association, England. 
Thomas Barrow. *George H. Weekes. Miss Sarah E. Barrow 

Lf-ague ok Peace (de Lisle), London, England. 
Mrs. Maria Freeman Gray. 
Lend-a-Hand Society, Boston, Mass. 
Rev. C. R. Eliot. R- B. Tobey. 

LiGUE Internationale de la Liberte et de la Paix, Luzarches, France. 
.EmileArnaud Belva A^Lockwood. ^Ji'fSe" 

*.VI. Fezandee Alfred H. Love. Theodore Ruvssen 

•YvesCiuyot. H. La Fontame . Theodore Kuyssen. 

*E. Tabouriech. 


Liverpool Peace Society, England. 
*J. K. Slater. *Mrs. J. K. Slater. Hon. Thomas Snape. 

Manasquan Civic League, Manasquan, N. J. 
Phebe C. Wright. 

Manchester Peace Society, Manchester, England. 

John Ashworth. *Nathaniel Bradley. Hon. W. P. Byles. 

W. A. E. Axon. Albert Broadbent. Mrs. W. P. Byles. 

*Charles Stevenson. 

Maryland State Federation of Women's Clubs. 
Mrs. Albert Sioussat. 

Massachusetts Christian Endeavor Union. 

Rev. John F. Cowan. Rev. James J. Dunlop. Rev. Herbert A. Manchester. 
Rev. W. T. McElveen. Arthur W. Robinson. 

Massachusetts Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

*Mrs. M. E. Cheney. Mrs. Katherine Lente Stevenson. 

*Mrs. M. E. A. Gleason Mrs. Harriet T. Todd. 

*Mrs. I. L. Montgomery. Mrs. Harriette D. Walker. 

Mrs. L. C. Purlngton. Mrs. Mary D. Ware. 

Merchants' Association, Boston, Mass. 
Arthur C. Farley. Thomas B. Fitzpatrick. Amory A. Lawrence- 

Erwin H. Walcott. 

Methodist Preachers' Meeting, Boston, Mass. 
Rev. L. B. Bates. Rev. George F. Durgin. *Bishop Willard F. Mallalieu. 

Rev. C. W. Blackett. Rev. John Galbraith. Rev. J. D Pickles. 

Rev. E. A. Blake. *Bishop Chas. A. Goodsell. 'Rev.Frederick Woods. 

Metropolitan Radical Federation, London, England. 
Herbert Burrows. 

Ministerial League, Worcester, Mass. 
Rev. Arthur L. Weatherly. 

Ministers' Association, Providence, R. I. 
Rev. John T. Beckley. 

Ministers' Association, Worcester, Mass. 
»Rev. James C. Duncan. "Rev. Austin F. Garver. "Rev. Lewis G. Wilson. 

Mohonk Lake Arbitration Conference, New York. 
Albert K. Smiley. 

Monday Club, Newton Highlands, Mass.- 
Mrs. Annie I. Eaton. 

Moral Education Society, Lynn, Mass. 
Mrs. C. W. Geer. 

National American Woman Suffrage Association. 

Miss Alice Stone Blackwell. Miss Anne F. Miller. 

William Lloyd Garrison. Mrs. Elizabeth Smith Miller. 

*Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Gilman. *Miss Anna Howard Shaw. 

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe. *Mrs. Mary Bentley Thomas. 


National Association for the Promotion of Arbitration 
Washington, D. C. ' 

William H. Blymyer. *William A. Croffut. *Hon. John W. Hoyf 

Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood. Robert Stein. 

National Christian League for the Promotion of Purity, New York, 
N. Y.; National Council of Women, Peace Committee. 

Elizabeth B. Grannis. 

National Federation of Women's Clubs. 
Mrs. Sarah A. Piatt Decker. 

National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Peace Department. 

Miss H. Lavinia Baily. Mrs. Olive A. Holway. 

Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey. »Mrs. Mary S. Parry. 

*Mrs. Ruth H. Burlingame. *Mrs. J. D. Pretlow. 

Mrs. Sarah W. Collins. *Miss Mary H. Read. 

Miss Alice May Douglas. *Mrs. Mary Slack. 

Miss H. E. Dunhill. Mrs. Ruth H. Spray. 

*Mrs. Lydia W. Haviland. Mrs. KatherineLente Stevenson. 

Mrs. Juliet W. HUl. *Miss Einily B. Stokes. 

*Mrs. R. W. Hindsdell. Mrs. Harriet T. Todd. 

New Century Club, Maplewood, Mass. 
Mrs. Nellie M. Greene. 

New England Yearly Meeting of Friends. 

Timothy B. Hiissey. *Rufus M. Jones. Charles Sisson. 

Augustine Jones. Miss Mary E. Miars. Sarah J. Swift. 

Thomas Wood. 

New Haven Mothers' Club, New Haven, Conn. 

*Mrs. E. S. Tillinghast. 

Newton Federation of Women's Clubs, Newton, Mass. 

Mrs. Alice W. Isola. Mrs. Nellie Pillsbury. 

New York Board of Trade and Transportation, New York, N. Y. 

Frank S. Gardner. William McCarrolI. Hon. Oscar S. Straus. 

*Gen. Edwin A. McAlpin. *Dr. William J. Hchiefflin. *Frank Tilford. 

*Aaron Vanderbilt. 

New York City Society of Friends (Liberal) Philanthropic 

*E. Eliza Hutchinson. Eliza M. Wilbur. 

*John William Hutchinson. Henry W. Wilbur. 

New York Yearly Meeting of Friends (Liberal), Committee on 
Philanthropic Labor. 

Mrs. Frances E. Baright. J. Edward Borden. Hatiie W. Graham. 

Avis S. Birdsall Julia H. Border. Dr. John H. Shotwel'. 

Mary B. Shotwell. Phebe C. Wright. 

New York Yearly Meeting of Friends, Evangelistic Committee. 

Elmer D. Gildersleeve. 

Newtonville Women's Guild, Newtonville, Mass. 
Mrs. Frank T. Benner. 


Nine Partners Friends' Quarterly Meeting, Dutchess County, N. Y. 
Elmer D. Gildersleeve. Henry H. Swilt. Mary G. Swift. 

Norfolk County Temperance Union, Sharon, Mass. 
George Kempton. 

Norwood Women's Club, Norwood, Mass. 
Miss Emily Curtis Fisher. 

Old and New Club, Malden, Mass. 
Mrs. V. G. Burnham. 

Peace Association of Friends in America. 

Miss H. Lavinia Baily. Mrs. Sarah W. Collins. Miss Helen H. Seabury. 

Joshua L. Baily. Rev. William G. Hubbard. Miss Mary B. Seabury. 

Hannah W. Cadbury. Mrs. William G. Hubbard. Miss Carolena M. Wood 

Richard S. Collins. Augusiine Jones. Thomas Wood. 

Peace Society, The, 47 New Broad St., London. 

Joseph G. Alexander. Dr. John Percival, Bishop of Hereford. 

Dr. W. Evans Darby. Mrs. E. M. Southey. 
Rev. Michael J. Elliott. A. H. Stephen. 

* Walter Hazell, M. P. *Charles Stevenson. 

*Sir John Macdonell. Miss Sophia Sturge. 

Mrs. Henry Muff. Rev. Richard Westrope. 
Thomas Wright. 

Pennsylvania Peace Society. 

Dr. S. T. R. Eavenson. Gulielma M. S. P. Jones. 

*Mrs. S. R. Griffiths. *Thomas J. Whitney. 

Philadelphia Friends' Peace Association. 

Joshua L. Baily. Joseph Elkinton. *John Way. 

Hannah W. Cadbury. Sarah Elkinton. Richard Wood. 

Philadelphia Friends' Yearly Meeting (Liberal) Philanthropic 


Arabella Carter. David Ferris. Dr. Edward H. Magill. 

Ur. Sarah T. R. Eavenson. Abbie M. Hall. EUwood Roberts. 


Elmer D. Gildersleeve. 

Rhode Island Radical Peace Society, Providence, R. I. 
Francis Gallagher. 

Rhode Island Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 
Mrs. J. K. Barney. 

RusKiN Club, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Clarissa Seais Blackmer. 

Salem Century Club, Salem, Mass. 
Mrs. Edith D. Symonds. 

Second Congregational Church, Dorchester, Mass. 
Rev. S. P. Fay. Rev. Arthur Little, D. D. Elbridge Torrey. 


Second Congregational Society, Northampton, Mass. 
Rev. Frederick H. Kent. 

Shaker Society, Mt. Lebanon, N. Y. 
Catherine Allen. Sarah Burger. Daniel OfEord. 

Social Democratic Federation, London, England. 
Herbert Burrows. Adolphe Smith. 

Social Science Club, Newton, Mass. 
*Mrs. J. M. Barber. Mrs. F. A. Pickernell. Miss E. F. Wilder. 

Societe Hongroise de la Paix, Budapest. 
Baroness Bertha von Suttner. 

Societe des Amis de la Paix du Havre; Societe de l'Education 
Pacifiste de Croisilles; Societe Marseillaise des Amis de la Paix. 

Theodore Ruyssen. 

Societe de la Paix du Familistere de Guise. 
M. J. Prudhommeaux. 

Society of Friends of Great Britain. 

Joseph Gundry Alexander. Thomas Barrow. Miss Edith M. Rowntree. 

John Ashworth. Samuel H. Davies. *Ernest E. Taylor. 

Miss Sarah Elizabeth Barrow. *Arthur Guy Enock. *George Henry Weekes. 

Society for the Protection of Italian Immigrants, Boston. 
*Eliot Norton. 

South Carolina State Teachers' Association. 
John J. Dargan. 

Spiritualist Association, Lynn, Mass. 
George W. Kates. 

Swedish Baptist Denomination in America. 
Rev. Alfred E. Lindberg. Rev. C. W. Anderson. 

Swedish Peace Society, Stockholm, Sweden. 
Hon. John Olsson, Deputy. 

Swiss Peace Society. 
Prof. Pierre Clerget. 

Sydenham Street Methodist Church, Kingston, Ont. 
»Rev. W. T. G. Brown. *E. J. Davis. *H. B. Taylor. *C. E. Taylor. 

Trades Union Congress, Great Britain. 
Pete Curran. 

Tunbridge Wells Peace Union, Tunbridge Wells, England. 
Joseph G. Alexander. 

Tyneside Branch International Arbitration and Peace Association. 

'*F. S. Ogilvie. 

Typographical Union, Boston, Mass. 
Henry Sterling. 


Unione Lombarda, Milan, Italy; Societa della Pace di Barzanoj So- 


Societa della Pace di Voghera. 
E. T. Moneta. 

Unitarian Church, Medfield, Mass. 
Miss Rosa S. Allen. William F. Guild. 

Unitarian Church, Pepperell, Mass. 
Mrs. Nathaniel Appleton. *Miss Ruth Rogers. 

Unitarian Church, Syracuse, N. Y. 
Rev. A. W. Clark. 

United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, 
Boston Local Union 33. 

*P. R. Kickham. 

Chelsea Local Union 218. 
*A. H. Bower. 

United Hatters of North America. 
Jacob Pelser. 

Universal Peace Union, Philadelphia, Pa. 

*Rev. Matthew Anderson. *Dr. Robert S. Friedman. Rabbi J. Leonard Levy. 

Miss Arabella Carter. Mrs. Maria Freeman Gray. Aifred H. Love. 

Rev. Amando Deyo. Gulielma M. S. P. Jones. Dr. Edward H. Magill. 

Mrs. Mary Frost Evans. Dr. Agnes Kemp. Mrs. Edward H. Magill. 

David Ferris. *John M. Shrigley. Thomas G. Whipple. 

Universalist Church, Woodstock, Vt. 
Rev. Harry Canfield. 

Universalist Convention of Massachusetts. 

Rev. Henry Blanchard. *Rev. E. H. Capen. *Rev. D. M. Hodge. 

Rev. A. J. Patterson. *Rev. S. H. Roblin. 

Universalist Convention of Vermont and Province of Quebec. 
Rev. Charles Huntington Pennoyer. 

Vermont, State of. 
Rev. Harry L. Canfield. Rev. Charles Huntington Pennoyer. 

West Newton Women's Educational Club. 
Mrs. M.Theresa Rowe. Mrs. C. F. Shirley. 

West of Scotland Peace and Arbitration Society. 
•James Caldwell, M. P. Rev. Walter Walsh. 

Whittier Home Association, Amesbury, Mass. 

Mrs. Emily 6. Smith. 

Wiener Akademischer Friedensverein. 

Baroness Bertha Von Suttner. 


Woman's Board of Missions, Boston, Mass. 

Mrs. J. E. Bradley. Mrs. C. L. Lamson. Mrs. Henry D. Noyes. 

»Mrs. C. L. Goodell. Miss Kate G. Lamson. *Mrs. Judson Smith. 

Miss E. Harriet Stanwood. 

Woman's Club, Athol, Mass. 
Mrs. Millie M. Hinman. 

Woman's Club, Brockton, Mass. 
Mrs. Hattie E. Shaw. Mrs. Kathryn S. Tinkham. Mrs. Martha G. Weston 

Woman's Club, Chelsea, Mass. 
*Mrs. Carrie F. Bourne. 

Woman's Club, Fitchburg, Mass. 
Mrs. Alexander Thomson. 

Woman's Club, New Bedford, Mass. 
Mrs. Jessie K. Cross. Mrs. Theodore F. Tillinghast. 

Woman's Club, Worcester, Mass. 
E. A. Kimball. 

Woman's Era Club, Boston, Mass. 

Mrs. J. H. P. Ruffin. Mrs. H. C. Smith. 

Woman's Home Missionary Association, Boston, Mass. 

Mrs. W. H. Blodgett. 

Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

Boston, Mass., Mrs. E. J. Heard; Pepperell, Mass., Mrs. Nellie B. Appleton; 

Worcester, Mass., *Mrs. M. D. Kane, *Mrs. A. B. Shaw, Mrs. Mary D. 

Ware ; San Bernardino Co., Cal., Mrs. Sue Smiley Underhill. 

Women's Trade Union League of Great Britain. 
Herbert Burrows. 

World's Unity League of Pepperell, Mass. 
Mrs. Nellie B. Appleton. 

alphabetical Xist of Members of tbe Oiblrtecntb IHnivcrsal 
iPeace Congrese. 

(Those marked with a star ( *) were either not preient or did not register.) 

Abbott, Rey. Andrew Jackson Ashland, Mass. 

Abratani, Jiro . . Kioto, Japan 

Adams, Charles E. . ' Lowell, Mass. 

Addams, Miss Jane ... .... Hull House, Chicago, 111. 

*Adler, Prof. Felix 33 Central Park West, New York City 

Akrabova, Miss Evanka S. . .9 Crescent Ave., Chelsea (Phillppopolis, Bulgaria) 

Alexander, Rev. James Boston, Mass. 

Alexander, Joseph Gundry . . Tunbridge Wells, England 

Alexander, M. W 9 Portland St., Lynn, Mass. 

Alexander, Rev. W. H 8 Congreve St., Roslindale, Mass. 

Alger, Rev. R. F. . 36 Northern Ave., Dorchester, Mass. 

Allen, Mrs. Caroline B West Newton, Mass. 

Allen, Catherine . Mt. Lebanon, N. Y. 

Allen, Prof. F. J. 206 Holland St., Somerville, Mass. 

Allen, Rev. Joseph C. . . Walpole, Mass. 

Allen, Miss Lucy Ellis . West Newton, Mass. 

Allen, Miss Rosa S. Medfield, Mass. 

Ambrose, Mrs. L. W 20 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Ames, Miss Clara P 39 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Ames, Rev. Charles G . 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Ames, Mrs. Charles G 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Anderson, Rev. C. W. Worcester, Mass. 

Andrew, John C. S 89 Stratford St., West Roxbury, Mass. 

Andrews, Mrs. Fannie Fern .... . 378 Newbury St., Boston^ Mass. 

Andrews, Mrs. Julius Riverbank Court, Cambridge, Mass. 

Angell, George T. . . .19 Milk St., Boston, Mass. 

Angell, William Randall . Providence, R. I. 

Angell, Mrs. William Randall Providence, R. I. 

Appleton, Mrs. Nellie B Pepperell, Mass. 

Arnhold, Adolph . Gellerstrasse, i, Dresden, Germany 

Arnhold, Georg ... Gellerstrasse, i, Dresden, Germany 

Ashad, Aram . Boston, Mass. 

*Ashman, Hon. William N Orphans Court, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Ashmore, William WoUaston, Mass. 

Ashton, Miss Kate 41 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

Ash worth, John 8 King St., Manchester, England 

Atkinson, Edward 31 Milk St., Boston, Mass. 

Atwood, L. W South Weymouth, Mass. 

Austin, Miss Katherine H Providence, R. 1. 

Axon, W. E, A Manchester, England 

Ayvadian, Sahak . Boston, Mass. 

Bailey, Albert A. Saffordville, Kansas 

Bailey, Rev. A. F. Barre, Mass. 

Bailey, Mrs. Hannah J Winthrop Centre, Me. 

Bailey, Melvin M . Portland, Me. 

Bailey, Mrs. Melvin M Portland, Me. 

Bailey, Mrs. Phebe W Richmond, Ind. 

Bailey, Mrs. Rachel A Grand Rapids, Mich. 

Baily, Miss H. Lavinia Richmond, Ind. 


Baily Joshua L . ^^ 1 5 Bank St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Bam, Miss Wilhelmina Sheriff Taranalei, New Zealand 

Baker, Loren D. Wellfleet, Mass. 

Baker, Miss Martha A Wellfleet, Mass. 

Baldwin, Asa T Mayon, Ind. 

Baldwin, Mrs. CM The Gladstone, Roxbury, Mass. 

Baldwin, Mary E Marion, Ind. 

Bangs, Mrs. Elizabeth A Eliot Me. 

Bangs, Miss Mary ' ' Dover, N. H. 

Bangs, Miss Nellie Dover, N. H. 

Barbour, Rev. Thomas S. WoUaston', Mass! 

Banght, Mrs. Frances Los Angeles, Cal. 

Barker, Mrs. J. Nealey Newton, Mass. 

Barnes, William, Sr Albany, N. Y. 

Barnes, Mrs. William Albany, N. Y. 

Barney, Mrs. J. K. .529 Broad St., Providence, R. l! 

Barrett, Mrs. H. D. . 316 Warren St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Barrett, Miss Mary D. . . . 4 Gardner St., Allston, Mass. 

Barrow, Miss Sarah Elizabeth .... Lancaster, England 

Barrow, Thomas . Lancaster, England 

Barrows, Hon. Samuel J 135 East 15th St., New York City 

Bartlett, Miss E Lewiston, Me. 

Bates, Rev. L. B 44 Saratoga St., East Boston, Mass. 

Batchelor, Rev. George Cambridge, Mass. 

Batt, William J Concord Junction, Mass. 

Baulig, Henri . . . 32 Irving St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Bayle, Torau . . 4 rue Dante, Paris, France 

Beale, Rev. W. T 77 Greenwood St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Beals, Rev. Charles E 3 Ellsworth Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

Beckley, Rev. John T The Hypothenuse, Newport, R. I. 

Benneson, Mrs. P . 337 Neponset Ave., Neponset, Mass. 

Benner, Mrs. Fiank T. Newtonville, Mass. 

Berkowitz, Rabbi Henry . . . . . Philadelphia, Pa. 

Berry, Susanna W 105 Franklin St., Lynn, Mass. 

Bettle, Edith .... ... Philadelphia, Pa. 

Bharati, Baba . 207 Huntington Chambers, Boston (Brindaban, India) 

Bickford, E. F. . Maiden, Mass. 

Birdsall, Avis S Park Ave. Hotel, New York City 

Bishop, Jennie T. . Westminster, Vt. 

Blackett, Rev. C. W. Lynn, Mass. 

Blackmer, Mrs. Clarissa S 42 St. James St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Blackmer, Gen. W. W • Hinghara, Mass. 

Blickwell, Alice Stone ... .... 45 Boutwell Ave., Dorchester, Mass. 

Blair, Dr. Arthur W Norfolk St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Blair, Mrs. H. W. ■ ■ • Manchester, N. H. 

Blake, Dr. J. G 187 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Blake, Rev. Dr 57 Rutland St., Boston, Mass. 

Blakeslee, Rev. Erastus 7° Summit Ave., Brookline, Mass. 

Blanchard, Rev. Dr. Henry ■ Lynn, Mass. 

Blanchard, Rev. Joseph N Trinity Church, Boston, Mass. 

Blodgett, Mrs. Charles Holyoke, Mass. 

Blodgett, Mrs. W. H 645 Centre St., Newton, Mass. 

Blymyer, William H 49 Wall St., New York City 

Blymyer, Mrs. William H 49 Wall St., New York City 

Boardman, Mrs. William D i99 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

Bodfish, Dr. Gertrude T 153 Mass. Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Bond, Charles H 128 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Bond, Mrs. Charles H 128 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Bond HP .... • • West Newton, Mass. 
Borden, Miss Carolena '.'.'.'.'..'■ '383 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 
Borden, J. E Eagletown, N. J. 


Borden, Mrs. J. E Eagletown, N. J. 

Boutelleau, Dr. Gustave Barbejieux, France 

•Boutwell, Hon. George S Groton, Mass. 

Bjwditch, James H Brookline, Mass- 
Bowles, Rev. Ada C Gloucester, Mass. 

Bowles, Samuel : Springfield, Mass. 

Bowles, Mrs. Samuel Springfield, Mass. 

Boynton, Mrs. C. W , . . . Melrose, Mass. 

Bracq, Prof. Jean C Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Bradley, Edward E. Lincoln, Mass. 

Bradley, Miss Lou Philadelphia, Pa. 

Bradley, Mrs. John E Randolph, Mass. 

Brazee, Miss Harriet F. . 131 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. 

Bridgman, Raymond L. Aubumdale, Mass. 

Briggs, Sylvester . . 19 Fleet St., East Somerville, Mass. 

Bright, E. H . .19 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

. Broadbent, Albert Manchester, England 

Brockenshire, E Milton, Mass. 

Broomwell, Rev. C. W Buffalo, N. Y. 

Brown, Mrs. A. G -3° Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Brown, Mrs. C. A 13 Shaw St., West Newton, Mass. 

Brown, Rev. Charles Rufus . . Newton Centre, Mass. 

Brown, Rev. E. Howard Earlham, Iowa 

Brown, Miss Lucy H. 17 Rockland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Brown, Mary E. 1707 Centre St., West Roxbury, Mass. 

Brown, R. G . . , . 18 Matthews Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 

Browne, Grace .... . . Cleveland, Ohio 

Brunei, Mrs. Frank T. . ■ ■ • • 35 Trowbridge Ave., Newtonville, Mass. 

*Buchanan, Hon. Wm. I. . 410 Elmwood Ave., Buffalo, N. Y. 

Buck, Miss Alice 114 Prospect St., Fall River, Mass. 

Buffum, Samuel North Berwick, Me. 

Buffum, Mrs. Samuel North Berwick, Me. 

Burditt, C. A 1848 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Burger, Sarah Mt. Lebanon, N. Y. 

Burgess, Mrs. Emilie U Highland, N. Y. 

Burlin, Dr. F 535 Beacon St., Boston 

Bumham, W. R ... Norwich, Conn. 

Bumham, Mrs. V. G . 30 Francis St., Maiden, Mass. 

Burr, Rev. Everett D. . Newton Centre, Mass. 

Burrows, Herbert . 99 Sotheby Road, Highberry Park, London, N., England 

Bushnell, Rev. S. C Arlington, Mass. 

Buttrick, Miss Mary E. . . . Sterling, Mass. 

Byles, W. P 3 Northumberland St., Broughton, England 

Byles, Mrs. W. P 3 Northumberland St., Broughton, England 

Byrne, Rt. Rev. William, V. G. .... St. Cecilia's Church, Boston, Mass. 

Cadbury, Miss H. W . . Locust Ave., Germantown, Pa. 

Callis, Rev. Henry J. . 2 Claremont St., Boston, Mass. 

Campbell, J. M 106 Berkshire St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Canfield, Rev. Henry S Woodstock, Vt. 

Capen, Edward W. 38 Greenough Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Capen, Miss Mary . 38 Greenough Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Capen, Hon. Samuel B 38 Greenough Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Capen, Mrs. Samuel B 38 Greenough Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

*Camegie, Andrew . . New York City 

Carrington, Mrs. Frances C Hyde Park, Mass. 

Carrington, Gen. H. B. . Hyde Park, Mass. 

Carter, Miss Alice M . Rawson Road. Brookline, Mass. 

Carter, Arabella ... Byberry, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Carter, C. F . . Lexington, Mass. 


Cerutti,Signor Giuseppe Venice, Italy 

Chace. James H. Keene St., Providence, R. I. 

Chace, Mrs. James H Keene St., Providence, R. I. 

♦Chamberlain, Leander T " The Chelsea," West 23d St., New York City 

Chamberlain, Lloyd E. , . . Brockton, Mass. 

Chandler, Edward H 2 Ashburton PL, Boston, Mass. 

Channing, Miss Eva . Boston, Mass. 

Chapm, Miss M. H 84 Upland Ave., Brookline, Mass. 

Chase, Dr. H. Lincoln 172 Aspinvfall Ave., Brookline, Mass. 

Chase, Miss Lucy 11 Chancery Court, Lynn, Mass. 

Chase, Miss Sarah Earle . . . . 1 1 Chancery Court, Lynn, Mass. 

Chirurg, Dr. M. . 212 Huntington Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Churchill, Mrs. Frederick U. . . New Britain, Conn. 

Churchill, Miss L. A 23 West 12th St., New York City 

Churchill, Miss Rose New Britain, Conn. 

Clark, Ana F . . . .115 Gale St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Clark, Rev. A. W Unitarian Church, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Clark, Miss Bertha Salford, Manchester, England 

Clark, Rev. Francis E. . . . . . . Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass. 

Clark, Dr. G. B. . . . . . Fryene, Catsham, Surrey, England 

Clark, Mrs. G. B. . Fryene, Catsham, Surrey, England 

Clark, Rev. James Salford, Manchester, England 

*Clark, Prof. John B Columbia University, New York City 

Clement, Edward H " Boston Transcript," Boston, Mass. 

Clement, Mrs. Winnie Bailey .... Haddonfield, N. J. 

Clerget, Prof. Pierre Le Locle, Switzerland 

Cobb, Miss Alice G. . . Brookline, Mass. 

Cobb, Hon. H. E Newton, Mass. 

Cobb, John C 60 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Coffin, Fletcher B . Newton, Mass. 

Coffin, Sarah Taber Chestnut Hill, Mass. 

Coffin, William H Chestnut HHl, Mass. 

Coit, Rev. Joshua Winchester, Mass. 

Collins, Miss Hannah . Purchase, N. Y. 

Collins, Richard S Purchase, N. Y. 

Collins, Sarah W. ... Purchase, N. Y. 

Comey, Mrs. Arthur M 54 Concord Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

Compans, Marquis Carlo Turin, Italy 

Conant, Charles H. . S3 Central St., Lowell, Mass. 

Conley, Supt. George H Mason St., Boston, Mass. 

Cooke, George Willis i Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Coombs, Hon. William J Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Cornell, Mrs. Idaer Tucker ... Salem, Mass. 

Cornish, L. C. . . • Hingham, Mass. 

Cosey, Mrs. George . . . 142 Columbia Heights, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Cowan, Rev. John F., D. D. ... Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass. 

Cowperthwaite, Miss C .... Yonkers, N. Y. 

Cox, Charles M. . . 7 1 3 Chamber of Commerce, Boston, Mass. 

Cramer, Mrs. Mary Grant East Orange, N. J. 

Crathern, Rev. C. F. H South Braintree, Mass. 

Crawford, Mrs. William C . 80 Ashford St., Allston, Mass. 

Cremer, William Randal, M. P .... London, England 

Cross, Mrs. Jessie K 390 Union St., New Bedford, Mass. 

Culbertson, Dr. Emma 33 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Cummings, Rev. Edward 104 Irving St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Cummings, Mrs. E. E Portland, Me. 

Cunningham, Frederick Brookline, Mass. 

Cunningham, Dr. Thomas E. . 847 Massachusetts Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

Curran Pete i Pretoria Ave., Walthamstow, Essex, England 

Gushing, Miss C. L. ' ! . Hotel Kempton, Boston, Mass. 

Cutter, Dr. George W Arlington, Mass. 


Dale, Mrs. Edwin 

U'Alessandro, Dominick 
Dame, Mary 
Daniell, Mrs. H. W. . 
Daniell, Miss Maria E. 
Daniels, L. . . . 
Darby, Dr. W. Evans . 
Dargan, John J. 
David, Rev. Joseph S. . 
David, Mrs. Joseph S. 
Davidson, C. W. . . 
Davies, Samuel H. 
Davis, Adeline 
Davis, Hayne . . 
Davis, Rev. M. V. W. . 
Dawson, Mrs. E. E. , . 
Decker, Mrs. Sarah A. 
De Veuve, Mrs. Prentiss 
Deyo, Rev. A.manda . . 
Dight, Rev. Alexander 
Dike, Rev. Samuel W. 
*Dodge, Cleveland H. . 
*Dodge, Miss Grace H. . 
Dole, Rev. Charles F. 
Dole, Mrs. Charles F. 
Donigan, Bernard E 
Donnaruma, J. V. 
Douglas, Miss Alice May 

Dresser, H. W 

Dudgeon, Mrs. Maud 
Dudley, Miss H. S. 
Dudley, IVTrs. John Langdon 
Dunhill, Miss Helen E. 
Dun lop. Rev. James J. 
Durgin, Rev. George F. 
Dyer, Miss S. L. . . . 

1 65 1 Beacon St., Brookline, Mass. 
. 18 North Square, Boston, Mass. 

Lynn, Mass. 

. 271 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 
. 271 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 
288 Hotel Bellevue, Boston, Mass. 
47 New Broad St., London, England 
. . . Hartsville, South Carolina 

Elmwood, Mass. 

Elmwood, Mass. 

. 41 Summer St., Boston, Mass. 

. . . York, England 

67 Fourth St., New Bedford, Mass. 

69 Wall St., New York City 

. . Pittsfield, Mass. 

. . . Winthrop, Mass. 

.... Denver, Col. 

.... Dayton, Ohio 

. . . Highland, N. Y. 

, . . , Natick, Mass. 

. . Auburndale, Mass. 

99 John St., New York City. 

90 Park Ave., New York City. 

Roanoke Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Roanoke Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Lawrence, Mass. 

. . 27 Sheafe St., Boston, Mass. 

Bath, Me. 

73 Wendell St., Cambridge, Mass. 
63 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 
93 Tyler St., Boston, Mass. 
. . Hotel Aberdeen, St. Paul, Minn. 
112 Irvine Ave., Westmount, Quebec, Can. 
43 Georgia St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Roslindale, Mass. 

.... East Weymouth, Mass. 

Eames, Mrs Blackston, Mass. 

Earle, Mrs. James H . . 127 Galen St., Newton, Mass. 

Eaton, Mrs. Annie 1 340 Lake Ave., Newton Highlands, Mass. 

Eaton, Mrs. C. E , Orange, N. J. 

Eavenson, Ida C Philadelphia, Pa. 

Eavenson, Sarah T. R • . . . . 2013 Vine St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Eckstein, Miss Anna B 30 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Eddy, Miss Sarah J . Bristol Ferry, R. I. 

Edmands. Herbert H. W. 60 Forest St., Roxbury, Mass. 

*Edmunds, Hon. George F. . . . ' .... Philadelphia, Pa. 

Eggleston, Rev. N. H 391 South St., Forest Hills, Mass. 

Eliot, Rev. C. R 2 West Cedar St., Boston, Mass. 

Eliot, Pres. Charles W Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Eliot, Rev. S. A. 25 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Eliott, Benjamin Franklin 72 Waltham St., Boston, Mass. 

Eliott, Mrs. B. F. ... 72 Waltham St., Boston, Mass. 

Elliott, Rev. Michael James . . . Wesley Manse, Watlington, Oxon., England 

Elkinton, Joseph . Medea, Pa. 

Elkinton, Sarah W. . . Medea, Pa. 

Elmell, Mrs. W. Huntington 36 Munroe Place, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Ensign, Mrs. D. W. . 6 Bigelow St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Evans, Herbert S 1651 Beacon St., Brookline, Mass. 


, Mass. 
Greenacre, Eliot, Me. 

Farley, Arthur C. . Aubumdale, 

Farmer, Miss Sarah J Greenacre, ElU, 

Farquhar, A. B Y 

Farwell, Mrs. Catherine E T,^.,'.t ^'/i 

ir„„„on -D T 1/ancaster, Mass. 

FZri'rM ;, Wellesley, Hills, Mass. 

Fav Rev S P " ' ■ ^ Circuit St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Fay, Rev. S. P. ^ . . ■. Dorchester, Mass. 

Feldhaus, Richard Bottmingermiihle, (near) Basel, Switzerland 

Fenno, J. P. ... East MUton, Mass. 

!;.""S, David 301 West St., Wilmington, Del. 

Fiey,Miss . 76 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

Filley, Mrs O. B . 76 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

Findlay, Alexander, M. P Mother Wells, Glasgow, Scotland 

Fisher, Adelaide C 160 West Concord St., Boston, Mass. 

Fisher, Miss A. E. . 5 joy St., Bostdn, Mass. 

Fisher, Miss Emily C Norwood, Mass. 

Fiske, George R "6 Broad St., Boston, Mass. 

Fitz, Mrs. H. G 75 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Fitzpatrick, Thomas B . . Brookline, Mass. 

Fleischer, Rabbi Charles Cambridge, Mass. 

Flint, Mrs. D. B Hotel Somerset, Boston, Mass. 

Fogler, Miss Grace 29 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Folsom, Ellen M. . . , . . 4 Riedesel Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

Ford, Gen. George Hare . . Chamber of Commerce, New Haven, Conn. 

Foster, Miss Elizabeth ... .44 Fairfield St., Boston, Mass. 

Foster, Frank K. . . 116 Eliot St., Boston, Mass. 

*Foster, Hon. John W ... i8th St., Washington, D. C. 

Eraser, Mrs. Matilda A. ... Garrison Hall, Garrison St., Boston, Mass. 

Frenyear, Myra G. . . ... Suite 2, 17 Durham St., Boston, Mass. 

Frothingham, Miss J. W. . . 37 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Frothingham, Rev. Paul Revere . . . . 294 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Frothingham, Mrs. Paul Revere 294 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Fuller, Miss Eliza W 3 Milton Road, Brookline, Mass. 

Galbraith, Kev. John 

Gallagher, Francis 
Gallagher, P. J. 
Garcelon, Miss O. D. 
Gardner, Frank S. 
Gardner, Rev. Walter . 
Gargan, Thomas J. . . 
Gargan, Mrs. Thomas J. . 
Garkin, Rev. G. E. 
Garlin, Lucy Hale 
*Garrett, PhUip C. . . 
Garrison, Francis J. 
Garrison, Mrs. Francis J. 
Garrison, William Lloyd 
Geer, Mrs. C. W. . . 
George, Mrs. A. J. . . . 
*Gibbons, Cardinal . . . 
Gibson, Mrs. Ruth . . 
Giftord, Elizabeth 
Gignoux, Claude M. 
Gilbert, Hon. John I. 
Gildersleeve, Elmer D. . 
Gilman, Bradley . . 
*Gilman, Daniel C. . . 
Gilman, Gorham B. . . 
Ginn, Edwin ....... 

Wenonah St., Roxbury, Mass- 

Providence, R. I. 

. . .2 Gray St., Charlestown, Mass. 

. . 12 Waumbeck St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Board of Trade and Transportation, New York 

East Walpole, Mass. 

14 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

, . .14 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

. . •. . West Derry, N. H. 
84 Prospect St., Providence, R. I. 
. Logan, Philadelphia, Pa. 
. . Lexington, Mass. 

. . . Lexington, Mass. 

Lexington, Mass. 
. . 27 Breed St., Lynn. Mass. 

Brookline, Mass. 
Baltimore, Md. 
212 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 
New Bedford, Mass. 
Nlmes, France 
.... . Malone, N. Y. 

. Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 
Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 
Carnegie Institute, Washington, D. C. 
. . Newton, Mass. 
29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 


Gobat, Mile. Marguerite . . Berne, Switzerland 

Goldsmith, Mrs. Mary A. Lynn, Mass. 

Goldsmith, Mrs. Minnie 137 Cedar St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Gompers, Samuel 423 G St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

Goodwin, Mary Ripley The Westminster, Boston, Mass. 

Gordon, Dr. John S. . .... Ogden, Utah 

Gordon, Miss Mary 5 Grove St., Exeter, N. H. 

Gow, Rev. John R Somerville, Mass. 

Graham, Hattie Wright . . . . Flushing, N. Y. 

Graham, Miss Marion Brookline, Mass. 

Granger, Mrs. Alice M Randolph, Mass. 

Grannis, Mrs. Elizabeth B. ... 5 East 12th St., New York City 

*Gray, Hon. George . .... Wilmington, Del. 

Gray, Maria Freeman . . 3674 22d St., San Francisco, Cal. 

Green, J. Frederick 40 Outer Temple, Strand, London, W. C, Eng. 

Greene, Miss Elizabeth Harrington . 424 Mass. Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Greene, Mrs. Nellie M. . . . . .76 Fairview Ave., Maiden, Mass. 

Greenman, Rev. W. F. . . Watertown, Mass. 

Grew, Henry S 89 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Grew, Mrs. Henry S .89 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Griswold, Joseph Greenfield, Mass. 

Grover, Rev. R. B Hope Church, Cambridge, Mass. 

Guild, William F Medfield, Mass. 

Gunton, Mrs. George 128 West 43d St., New York City 

Hale, Bev. Edward E. . . 39 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Hall, Abbie M. . . ... Swarthmore; Pa. 

Hallowell, Miss Emily . Brush Hill, Hyde Park, Mass. 

Hallowell, Mrs. N. P West Medford, Mass. 

Hallowell, Mrs. Robert H West Medford, Mass. 

Hamilton, Rev. B. F 34 Linwood St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Hamilton, Mrs. B. F 34 Linwood St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Hanks, Dr. Esther . . Lynn, Mass. 

Harkness, Prof. Albert .... . Providence, R. I. 

Harkness, Mrs. Albert Providence, R. I. 

Harrington, Rev. C. E Waltham, Mass. 

Harris, Mrs. A. E Putnam Heights, Conn. 

Harris, Simon Hull, England 

Harris, Mrs. Simon . Hull, England 

Harrison, William Manchester, England 

Hart, Edwin A. . Billerica, Mass. 

Hartwell, Frank N. . . " Louisville, Ky. 

Haskell, Miss Ellen M 50 Barnes St., Providence, R. I. 

Haskins, David Greene, Jr 5 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. 

Hastings, Mrs. Mary L 95 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass. 

Hathaway, Miss C. Louise . Santa Rosa, Cal. 

Hathaway, Mrs. Ella B St. John, N. B. 

Hay, Hon. John Washington, D. C. 

Hazard, Mr. M. C. . Congregational House, Boston, Mass. 

Head, George Herbert Cambridge University, Cambridge, England 

Heard, Mrs. E. J .14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Heath, D. C. . Newtonville, Mass. 

Hedge, Miss Charlotte A Brookline, Mass. 

Heffron, Ida C 19U West 103d St., Chicago, 111. 

Heilbom, J; 503 Washington St., Brookline, Mass. 

Heinzen, K. F 45 Centre St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Heinzen, Mrs. K. F .45 Centre St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Hemphill, Ashton E ... Holyoke, Mass. 

Henry, Eva A 17 St. James Ave., Boston, Mass. 


Hershey, Rev. Scott F. Columbus Ave. Presbyterian Church, Boston, Mass. 

Higgins, Mrs. David 230 Fairmount Ave., Hyde Park, Mass. 

»Higginson, Col. Thomas Wentworth Cambridge, Mass. 

Hill, Juliet W. . Carthage, Mo. 

Hill, Mrs. William W 21 Merrimac St., Concord, N. H. 

Hilton, Mrs. Mary 1073 South Main St., Brockton, Mass. 

Hinkley, Mrs. S. B . . Chestnut Hill, Mass. 

Hinman, Mrs. Nellie M. . . . . 72 Green St., Athol, Mass. 

Hintou, Miss S. McV . , New York City 

Hitchcock, Rev. A. W Institute Road, Worcester, Mass. 

Hitchcock, Eliza J. . . , . ... 813 Western Ave., Lynn, Mass. 

Hodder, Mrs. Shaker Station, Conn. 

Hodges, Benjamin D ... . . Topsfield, Mass. 

Hodges, Mary Osgood ... Topsfield, Mass. 

Hoffman, Professor . Stuttgart, Germany 

Hogan, Robert J. .... Schenectady, N. Y. 

Holmes, Edward J . , 296 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Holmes, Mrs. Edward J . 296 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Holls, Mrs. F. W. 583 Nonh Broadway, Yonkers, N. Y. 

Holway, Mrs. Olive A . . Augusta, Me. 

Homas, Miss Amy Morris 26 Berwick Park, Boston, Mass. 

Homer, Rev. T. J. Melrose, Mass. 

Hooper, Mrs. S. T. 65 Spark St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Hosmer, George . Whitman, Mass. 

Home, Sarah L. . .... .2 Appleton St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Hotchkiss, H. Stewart Chamber of Commerce, New Haven, Conn. 

Houzeau de Lehaie, M. A. . . ... Mons, Belgium 

Howe, Julia Ward 241 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Howland, Emily . . . Sherwood, N. Y. 

*HoweUs, William Dean 44 West S9th St., New York City 

Hubbard, Samuel F. North End Union, 20 Parmenter St., Boston, Mass. 

Hubbard, William G. . . Cedar Rapids, Iowa 

Hubbard, Mrs. William G ... Cedar Rapids, Iowa 

Hubert, Mrs. Philip Gengembre . 2144 Hobart Building, Los Angeles, Cal. 

Huidobro, Carolina . . . ... 7 Durham St., Boston, Mass. 

Huling, Ray Greene . . loi Trowbridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Humphreys, C. B. . 272 Congress St., Boston, Mass. 

Hunt, Mrs. Sumner P. Severance St., Los Angeles, Cal. 

Huntington, Rev. Henry S Congregational Church, Milton, Mass. 

Hurtubis, Francis J. . State House, Boston, Mass. 

Hussey, Timothy B. ■ North Berwick, Me. 

Hussey, William T 223 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Huxtable, Rev. James 568 Fifth St., South Boston, Mass. 

He, Rev. H. C New Britain, Conn. 

Irvine, Rev. Alexander F People's Church, New Haven, Conn. 

Isola, Mrs. Alice W Waban, Mass. 

Italian Immigrants Society I7 Peari St., New York City 

Jackson, Mrs. A. J. Dakota St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Jackson, Frederick H Chamber of Commerce, Providence, R. 1. 

Jackson, Mrs. Frederick H Providence, R I. 

James, Pres. Edmund J Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 

Jefferson, Rev. Charles E Broadway Tabernacle, New York City 

Jefferson, Rev. Selby • Louisburg, Cape Breton 

Jenks, Miss Anna B 553 Columbus Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Jergitsch, Reinhold Klagenfurt, Austria 

Johnson, Miss Elizabeth 3^ Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Johnson, Miss Harriet E. 3^ Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 


Fohnson, Rev. Tilman B 74 Welles Ave., Dorchester, Mass. 

Jones, Augustine 1 1 1 Lincoln St., Nevpton Highlands, Mass. 

Jones, Mr. E. W. Lynn, Mass. 

Jones, Gulielma M. S. P 634 Race St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Jones, Henry Camden, Me. 

*Jones, Rev. Jenkin Lloyd 3939 Langley Ave., Chicago, 111. 

Jones, Jerome . . 51 Federal St., Boston, Mass. 

Jfones, Lindsey S. 61 Bainbridge St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Jones, Hon. W. Martin ... Rochester, N. Y. 

Jones, W. Carlton . , . 119 Highland Ave., Salem, Mass. 

Jones, Hon. William B . . . Albany, N. Y. 

Jonson, Ashton , . .... London, England 

Jonson, Mrs. Ashton London, England 

*Jordan, David Starr . . Leland Stanford University, Stanford University, Cal. 
Jordan, Miss Helen .... 172 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

Joie, Mrs. Mellen • • '3 Eden St., Charlestovfn, Mass. 

Jouet, M. Alphonse 58 Quai des Grands Augustins, Paris, France 

Kane, William .... Lakeville, Conn. 

Kane, Mrs. William ... Lakeville, Conn. 

Kates, G. W. . . . . . Thornton, Pa. 

Keene, Miss C. R. . 41 Murdock St., Brighton, Mass. 

Keith, B. F. Boston, Mass. 

Kemp, Agnes, M. D. Swanhmore, Pa. 

Kempton, George . . . Sharon, Mass. 

Kendall, Herbert E. . . Nashua, N. H. 

Kendrick, Mrs. H. B. . . ... Parker House, Boston, Mass. 

Kent, Rev. Frederick H. . • . . . . Northampton, Mass. 

Kidner, Rev. Reuben . 16 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

Kilham, Miss Annie M. . 8 Thorndike St., Beverly, Mass. 

Kimball, E. A Worcester, Mass. 

Kimball, Miss H. F. , . . 292 Kent St., Brookline, Mass. 

Kimball, H. H. 292 Kent St., Brookline, Mass. 

Kimball, L. S. . . 292 Kent St., Brookline, Mass. 

Knickerbocker, C. A Arlington, Mass. 

Knickerbocker, Mrs. C. A Arlington, Mass. 

Kin, Dr. Yamei . Care of Mrs. Ole Bull, Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Kirsch, Nathalie . . Eliot, Me. 

Konig, Prof. Xavier Tonneins, pris de Toulouse, France 

Krikorian, V. . . . Box 1401, Boston, Mass. 

La Fontaine, M. Henri .... Rue d' Arlon, 81, Brussels, Belgium 

La Fontaine, Madame . . . Rue d' Arlon, 81, Brussels, Belgium 

Lamb, Miss M. H. . . . 11 1 Perkins St., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Lamson, Mrs. CM.. Congregational House, Boston, Mass. 

Lamson, Miss K. G. . . . . Congregational House, Boston, Mass. 

Lange, Mrs. E. M. . . 41 Georgia St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Larajian, Horsep 

Latimer, Rev. G. D. Salem, Mass. 

Lawrence, Amory A 59 Commonwealth Ave., Bosto.i, Mass. 

Lawrence, R. B Medford, Mass. 

Lawrence, Bishop William . . . i Joy St., Boston, Mass. 

Leavitt, Rev. B. F Melrose Highlands, Mass. 

Lee, Ashton Lawrence, Mass. 

Lee, Mrs. Sarah White . • • • ■ 33 Harvard Ave., Brookline, Mass. 

Lefavour, Pres. Henry . Simmons College, Boston, Mass. 

Leland, Mrs. Emma B .... Concord Junction, Mass^ 

Leland, Mrs. J. F. . . . . Sherborn, Mass. 

Lenox, John E Hotel Vendome, Boston, Mass. 


Leonard, George H. , 
LeRoyer, Jenny . , 
Lesser, Mrs. Alice Parker 
Levy, Mrs. E. J. 
Levy. Ribbi J. Leonard . 

Lilley, Rev. A. L 

Lincoln, Dr. David F. 
Lincoln, William H. . . 
Lindberg, Rev. Alfred E. 
Linderstrom, Mr. C. H. . 
Litile, Rev. Arthur . . 
Livermore, Mrs. Mary E. 
Locke, Anstice . . . 
Lockwood, Belva A. . 
*Logan, Walter S. . 
*Long, Hon. John D. . . 
Loomis, Miriam M. 
Lord, Mrs. J. K .... 
Loring, Miss Katherine P. 
Loring, Miss Louisa P. 
Lough, Thomas, M. P. . 
Love, Alfred H. . 
Lovell, Mrs. Mary F. . . 
*Lowell, Mrs. Charles R. 
Lund, Hon. John . 
Lund, Miss Ragenhild 
Lusk, Rev. J. F. . 
Lyman, Miss Marian 
Lyon, Edwin B., M. D. 

Hotel Brunswick, Boston, Mass. 

■ Auburndale, Mass. 

42 t:ourt St., Boston, Mass. 

>59Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

„•■■,•.■ Pittsburg, Pa. 

St. Mary's Vicarage, Paddington, London, England 

84 Myrtle St., Boston, Mass. 

Brookline, Mass. 

. Swedish Baptist Temple, Boston, Mass. 

• • . Swampscott, Mass. 

• • • Dorchester, Mass. 

Melrose, Mass. 

. . 52 Friend St., Lynn, Mass. 

. 619 F St., Washington, D. C. 

27 Williams St., New York City 

. . Hingham, Mass. 

. . . Auburndale, Mass. 

.... North Berwick, Me. 

. . . Prides Crossing, Mass. 

Prides Crossing, Mass. 

14 Westminster Ave., London, England. 

. 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Wincote, Pa. 

. 120 East 130th St., New York City 

■ ■ . . . Bergen, Norway 

.... . Bergen, Norway 

. 124 Chandler St., Boston, Mass. 

18 Lansdowne St., Boston, Mass. 

New Britain, Conn. 

MacAUister, Miss . . 

MacDonald, Rev. F. A. . 
*MacVeagh, Hon. Wayne 
Magill, Edward W. . . . 
Magill, Sarah E. G. . . . 
Manchester, Rev. Herbert 
Manchester, Mrs. J. C. 
Manning, Mrs. A. D. F. . 
Manning, Jerome F. 
Mansfield, Rev. J. H. 
Marble, Rev. F. R. . 
Mard, George A. . 
Mariotti, Mrs. Eva . . 
Marr, Rev. George A. 
Marrs, Mrs. Kingsmall 
Marston, Mrs. Mary Gago 
Martin, George H. 
Martin, John . . . 
Martin, Robert M. 
Martin, Mrs. Robert 
Mason, Miss Ellen F 
Mason, Miss Ida 
Mason, Jean B. . 
Masseck, Rev. Frank 
Mather, Loren . . 
Mather, Miss . . . 
May, Edith Rogers 
Maynard, L. A. . . 
McArthur, Rev. Robert S. 


Philadelphia, Pa. 

. , Lexington, Mass. 

... . . Washington, D. C. 

128 West 43d St., New York City 

128 West 43d St , New York City 

59 Monmouth St., East Boston, Mass. 

Providence, R. I. 

215 Salem St., Medford, Mass. 

Lowell, Mass. 

Osborne Road, Brookline, Mass. 

1 5 Forest St., Cambridge, Mass. 

.... . Swarthmore, Pa. 

3 Via Monte della Farina, Rome, Italy 

Box 67, Swarthmore„Pa. 

. . Saxonville, Mass. 

. 13 Gage St., Methuen, Mass. 

8 Summer St., West Lynn, Mass. 

Hurricane, N. Y. 

. . Salem, Mass. 

Salem, Mass. 

R. I. Ave., Newport, R. I. 

R. I. Ave., Newport, R. I. 

Topsfield, Mass. 

Spencer, Mass. 

Manchester, Eng. 

Manchester, Eng. 

146 Tappan St., Brookline, Mass. 

. Bible House, New York City 

358 W. 57th St., New York City 


McCall, Hon. Samuel W Winchester, Mass. 

McCall, Mrs. Samuel W Winchester, Mass. 

McCarroU, William American Leather Co., Jacob and Ferry Sts., New York City 

McDonald, Rev. L. B. . Concord, Mass. 

McDonald, Mrs. Sarah 400 Northampton St., Boston, Mass. 

McDougall, Rev. H. C 
McDowell, Miss Mary E. . 
McElveen, Rev. W. T, 
McGrath, J. . . 
McGray, Mrs. H. D. . . 
McLiurin, Rev. Donald D. 
McNeill, George E. . . 

Mead, C. N 

Mead, Caroline Thayer 
Mead, Edwin D. . . 

Mead, Mrs. John . 
Mead, Lucia Ames 
Meader, John H. . 
Meader, Olney T. . . 
Meader, Mrs. Susan H. 
Means, Rev. F. H. 
Melikoff, Dr. Jean Loris . 
Melish, Rev. J. H. ... 
*Mercer, George G . 
Merriam, Rev. C. E. . . 
Miars, Miss Mary E. . . 
MUler, Dr. A. E. 

Franklin, N. H. 

. . 4638 Ashland Ave., Chicago, 111. 

178 West Brookline St., Boston, Mass. 

. 502 Columbus Ave., Boston, Mass. 

West Somerville, Mass. 

Rochester, N. Y. 

161 Devonshire St., Boston, Mass. 

. 21 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

. 21 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

. 20 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

. 450 Centre St., Newton, Mass. 

. 39 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

106 Maple St., Roxbuiy, Mass. 

106 Maple St., Roxbury, Mass. 

106 Maple St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Winchester, Mass. 

avenue de I'Observatoire,- Paris, France 
Holy Trinity Church, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Land Title Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 

West Derry, N. H. 

12 Mason St., Lynn, Mass. 

. .110 Tremont St., Needham, Mass. 

Miller, Anne F Geneva, N. Y. 

Miller, Elizabeth Smith ... Geneva, N. Y. 

Miller, Isabel Sandy Spring, Md. 

Miller, Rev. Morgan . . .83 Institution Ave., Newton Centre, Mass. 

Miller, Mrs. Morgan 83 Institution* Ave., Newton Centre, Mass. 

Mills, Charles W 20 Exeter St., Belmont, Mass. 

Mills, Harriet May . .... Syracuse, N. Y. 

Mills,- Mrs. James E . Newtonville, Mass. 

Minutolo, Alfred Capece, Marquis di Bugnano . . . . Naples, Italy 

Mitchell, John Wilkesbarre, Pa. 

Mitchell, Max . . . 51 Mountfort St., Boston, Mass. 

Mitchell, Mrs. Max . 51 Mountfort St., Boston, Mass. 

Molineux, Miss M. A 27 Aberdeen St., Boston, Mass. 

Moneta, Signor E. T. Milan, Italy 

Montgomery, Roger W 25 Cashing St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Moody, Mrs. Annie Shaker Station, Conn. 

Morden, M. R Adrian, Mich. 

Morel, E. D Manchester, England 

Morey, Ellen Beale . Maiden, Mass. 

Morris, George P. Congregational House, Boston, Mass. 

Morris, R. W ... 18 Matthews Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 

Morrison, Rev. M. W. . . Lexington, Va. 

Morse, Miss Ellen C 60 Burroughs St., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Morse, Joshua, Jr. . . . . i St. Botolph Studios Annex, Boston, Mass. 

Morse, Mrs. Robert 60 Burroughs St., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Morss, Rev. G. B Montville, Conn. 

Moss, Rev. Charles H. Maiden, Mass. 

Moulton, Rev. J. S Stow, Mass. 

Mowry, Miss Eudora . . Greenville, Tenn. 

Mowry, Walter H W. B. Clarke Co., 26 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. 

Mowry, William A : r Riverside Square, Hyde Park, Mass. 

*Moxom, Rev. Philip S. . . Springfield, Mass. 

Muff, Mrs. Henry The Red House, Bexley Heath, Kent, England 


Sa^Me^' Mrs. H. S Springfield, Mass. 

Nash, Charles D 75 Crest. Ave., Chelsea, Mass. 

Nash, Mrs. Frank K Everett St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Nennex, M. Alfred University of Louvain, Louvain, Belgium 

NeufviUe, Edward de 32 Lindenstrasse, Frankfort, Germany 

Newell, Miss A. E South Boston, Mass. 

Newhall,H.W Lynn, Mass. 

Nichols, Rev. J. H West Derry, N. H. 

Nichols, Mattie O Chelsea, Mass. 

Nogaro, Bertrand Paris, France 

Noyes, Mrs. E. Belle 77 Main St., Haverhill, Mass. 

Noyes, Mrs. Henry D Auburndale, Mass. 

Noyes, Miss Minnie Y. W. C. A., Berkeley St., Boston, Mass. 

Otford, Daniel Mt, Lebanon, N. Y. 

Ulsson, Hon. John .... Stockholm, Sweden (Havana, Cuba, Poste Restante) 

Ordway, A. L 164 Park St., Medford, Mass. 

Ordway, Edith B 164 Park St., Medford, Mass. 

Osborne, Charles North Weare, N. H. 

Osborne, Mrs. Lucy P. . , North Weare, N. H. 

Packard, Dr. Horace 470 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Packard, Mrs. Horace 470 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Page, Dr. Calvin G 128 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

Page, Mrs. Calvin G .128 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

Paine, Miss Helen 21 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

Paine, Isabelle Shannon 622 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. 

Paine, Miss Marianna .... 21 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

Paine, Hon. Robert Treat 6 Joy St., Boston, Mass. 

Paine, ^Robert Treat, Jr 85 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Papazian, G. H 991 Massachusetts Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Park, Mrs. Maude Wood ... ... . Dennison House, Boston, Mass. 

Park, Rrbert E. . . WoUaston, Mass. 

Parke, Mrs. Clara C 362 Beale St., WoUaston, Mass. 

Parker, Gilman L Reading, Mass. 

Parker, Miss Sybil A 201 Columbus Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Parks, Miss Josephine 281 Brookline Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Parsons, Albert S ; . • Lexington, Mass. 

Parsons, Mrs. Albert S Lexington, Mass. 

Parsons, Anna Q. T 366 Walnut Ave., Roxbury, Mass. 

Patrick, Delano Hopedale, Mass. 

Patrick, Miss Lucy S. Hopedaie, Mass. 

Patterson, Rev. A. J ... 84 Maple St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Patterson, Mrs. Jane L 84 Maple St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Paul, Dr. Willard A 157 Harvard St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Peabody, Rev. F. G ■. , <^\™''"t^\'^3?,=- 

Peabody, George Foster 27 Pme St., New York City 

Peet, Dr. Edward W Broadway Tabernacle, New York City 

Pehrson, Herr P Marley, Bergholm, Sweden 

Pelser. Jacob 204 Heath St., Roxbury. Mass. 

Penniman, Miss M. C c^°''T',S^V " 

Pennoyer, Rev. Charles Huntington ; ^ ; ' ' o. n^","/ m,L 

Percival. Rev. Charles H. . .. ^6 Belmont St., Maiden, Mass 

PercivaLRt. Rev John, Bishop of Hereford ^^Sr^C 

^S^k^I^. : : •.•.:.. . '^^ Harvard Ave., BrookUne,Mass^ 
Perris,'GeorgeH 5 Henrietta St., London, W^C.,^^^^^^^^ 


Perry, Charles . Westerly, R. I. 

Perry, Clara V Westerly, R. I. 

Perry, Rev. Lawrence Wayland, Mass. 

Phelps, M. H New York City 

Phillips, Isidore 122 Thorndike St., Brookline, Mass. 

Pichot, L'Abbe 3 Rue des Penices, Monaco, France 

Pickering, Henry 81 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Pickering, Mrs. Henry 8: Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Pickernell, Mrs. F. A 86 Sargent St., Newton, Mass. 

Pickles, Rev. J. D. 515 Broadway, South Boston, Mass. 

Pierce, Myron E. . .5° ^t^te St., Boston, Mass. 

Pierce, Wallace L S. S. Pierce Co., Boston, Mass. 

Pillsbury, L. H Derry, N. H. 

Pillsbury, Mrs. Nellie . . Waban, Mass. 

Place, Charles A First Parish Church, Waltham, Mass. 

Playter, Franklin . . . California 

Playter, Joseph H ... . California 

Plumb, Rev. A. H. . 175 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Polk, Rev. R. T .... .30 West St., Boston, Mass. 

Pope, Dr. Augusta ' . 163 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Pope, Dr. Emily . 163 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Porter, Miss Grace S. 35 St. James Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Potash, S. . 48 Billerica St., Boston, Mass. 

Post, Mrs. Angelica S 218 West Springfield St., Boston, Mass. 

Post, Miss L. C. . .... ... Brookline, Mass. 

Potter, Mrs. Jennie K. . . Care of J. B. Lord, 189 Montague St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Potting, Countess ... Vienna, Austria 

Prang, Mrs. Louis Roxbury, Mass. 

Pratt, Mrs. John 10 Laurel Ave., Auburn, Me. 

Pratt, Mrs. Sophia L. . 18 Lansdowne St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Preston, Elwyn G. Chamber of Commerce, Boston, Mass. 

Prime, Grace A , . . . . Eliot, Me. 

Prouty, Mrs. G. W . . Littleton, Mass. 

Prudhommeaux, M. J 12 rue Bourdaloue, Nimes, France 

Pryce-Jones, Col. M. P. Newton, North Wales, Great Britain 

Purington, Dr. Louise 23 AUston St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Putnam, Charles P. 63 Marlboro St., Boston, Mass. 

* Putnam, Hon. William L Portland, Me. 

Putnam, Miss . ' Virginia 

QuiddC) Professor Lndwig ■ ■ 4 Leopoldstrasse, Munich, Germany 

Bainsdell, Miss Hattie Somerville, Mass. 

Ranlett, C. E. Auburndale, Mass. 

Reed, Mrs. Margaret E 113S Adams St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Reynolds, G. W South Manchester, Conn. 

Rice, Mrs. M. E 1 54 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Rice, Mrs. Mary Pamela The Ludlow, Boston, Mass. 

Richter, Dr. Adolf Pforzheim, Germany 

Ricketson, Angelina , North Dartniouth, Mass. 

Riley, James. 11 Union St., Boston, Mass. 

Riley, William H. Plainfield, N. J. 

Riley, Mrs. William H . .... Plainfield, N. J. 

Robbins, R. L . . Hingham, Mass. 

Roberts, Bryn, M. P. ... Bryn Adda, Bangor, North Wales, Great Britain 

Roberts, EUwood , Norristown, Pa. 

Roberts, Mrs. Susan M South Charlestown, Ohio 

Robinson, Arthur W Natick, Mass. 

Robinson, Miss J. D 51 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 


Rogers, Anne B 59 Elm Hill Ave., Roxbury, Mass. 

Rogers, Miss Annette P 5 Joy St., Boston, Mass. 

Rogers, James S 59 Elm Hill Ave., Roxbury, Mass. 

Rowe, Mrs. M. Theresa West Newton, Mass. 

Rowe, Miss O. M. E City Hospital, Boston, Mass. 

Rowley, Rev. Francis H Mason Terrace, Brookline, Mass. 

Rowntree, Edith M Mount Villas, York, England 

Roys, Rev. Cyrus A. . . Uxbridge, Mass. 

Ruffin, Mi-s. J. St. P .146 Charles St., Boston, Mass. 

Ruyssen, Theodore . . . , 34 Boulevard du Roi-Rene, Aix-en-Provence, France 

Sakamoto, M 26 Brook St., Brookline, Mass- 

Sallaway, Rev. James Bedford, Mass- 
Salomon, Gustav 141 Cedar St., Roxbury, Mass- 

Salomon, Mrs. Gustav 141 Cedar St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Sanborn, D. W. 382 Broadway, Winter Hill, Somerville, Mass. 

Sanborn, Mrs. D. W 382 Broadway, Winter Hill, Somerville, Mass. 

Sanford, Daniel S. . . Allerton St., Brookline, Mass. 

Sargent, Mrs. D. A 27 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Sarolea, Charles, Ph. D., Belgian Consul, Hermitage, Colinton, Edinburgh, Scotland 
Sawtell, Miss Ellen C. . . . 257 Lake Ave., Newton Highlands, Mass. 

Sawyer, G. C. . . ... ... 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Schauffler, Rev. Henry B. . . , , . Berlin, Conn. 

Schlesinger, Mrs. Mary . . Brookline, Mass. 

Schlesinger, Miss Marion . Brookline, Mass. 

Scott, Frank J Toledo, Ohio 

Scott, W 40 Dover St., West Somerville, Mass. 

Scovel, Rev. Sylvester F. . Wooster, Ohio 

*Schurman, Jacob G. . . . . ' Ithaca, N. Y. 

Seabury, Helen H. . ... . 414 County St., New Bedford, Mass. 

Seabury, Mary B. . . . 414 County St., New Bedford, Mass. 

Secrist, Rev. H. T 3 Abbotsford St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Sedgwick, Mrs. William T '. . Brookline, Mass. 

*Seelye, L. Clarke . . . , Northampton, Mass. 

*Sewall, May Wright Indianapolis, Ind. 

*Seward, Hon. George F 97 Cedar St., New York City 

Shaw, Mrs. Hattie E Brockton, Mass. 

Shaw, Rev. Judson W R. F. D. 4, Portland, Me. 

Shaw, William U. S. C. E., Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass. 

Shed, Joseph G 27 Fountain St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Sheerin, Rev. James Clinton, Mass. 

Sheldon, Joseph .... New Haven, Conn. 

Shepard, Miss E. B Rawson Road, Brookline, Mass. 

Shephard, Walter S - ■ Shaker Station, Conn. 

Sherwin, Edward . 141 Milk St., Boston, Mass. _ 

Sherwin, Mrs. Thomas Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Shirley, Mrs. C. F West Newton, Mass. 

Shoemaker, Joseph M Sandy Spring, Md. 

Short, Miss Josephine H Eustis, Fla. 

Shotwell, Dr. J. H Asbury Park, N. J. 

Shotwell, Mary B Asbury Park, N. J. 

Silva Madame . - Boston, Mass. 

Sious'sat, Mrs. Albert .' .' ' Lake Roland, Baltimore Co., Md. 

Sisson, Charles ■ Providence, R. I. 

Sisson, Mrs. E. D. E ', T^f°"'^^"''\f v' 

Smiley, Albert K Lake Mohonk, U ster Co., N. Y. 

Smiley, Mrs. Daniel Lake Mohonk, Ulster Co,, N Y 

Smith, Adolphe National Liberal Club, London, England 

Smith,, Mrs. Anna Harris ... , „■ .,j?''° ou"^ ^^n■ 

*Smith, Edwin Burritt , ... First National Bank Bmldmg, Chicago, 111. 


Smith, Emily B Amesbury, Mass. 

Smith, Mrs. H. C 371 Northampton St., Boston, Mass. 

Smith, Mrs. Henry H 83 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass. 

Smith, John B. . Berlin, Conn. 

Smith, Rev. John L . North Berwick, Me. 

Smith, Mrs. John L North Berwick, Me. 

Smith, Dr. Mary A 33 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Smith, Miss May C Clayton, Mass. 

Smith, Miss S. Marie 8 Arlington St., Boston, Mass. 

Smock, J. C. . . Hudson, N.Y. 

Snape, Hon. Thomas Liverpool, England 

Southard, Rev. James L. . . . Wellesley Hills, Mass. 

Southey, Mrs. E. M. 20 Carlisle Road, West Brighton, Sussex, England 

Southworth, Miss Alice H. . ... Boston, Mass. 

Southworth, Mrs. ... ... .... . . Boston, Mass. 

Southworth, Mrs. Louisa . ... 844 Prospect St., Cleveland, Ohio 

*Spalding, Bishop John L. . . .... Peoria, 111. 

Spaulding, Mrs. A. P 3042 Washington St., Boston, Mass. 

Spencer, Mrs. Anna Garlin -57 West 44th St., New York City 

Spencer, Mrs. Lorillard .... Care of Miss Mason, R. I. Ave., Newport, R. I. 
Spencer, Emily C. .' ... ... 28 Moultrie St., Dorchester, Mass. 

Spicer, R. B 140 North 15th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Sprague, Dr. Homer B Newton, Mass. 

Spray, Ruth H. . Salida, Col. 

Stackpole, Rev. M. W ... Magnolia, Mass. 

Stanwood, Daniel C. . Pemberton Building, Boston, Mass. 

Stanwood, Miss Harriet 704 Congregational House, Boston, Mass. 

Start, Edwin A Billerica, Mass. 

Stearns, Rev. G. W Middleboro, Mass. 

Stein, Prof. Robert .... Washington, D. C. 

Stephen, A. H Raewood, Dundee, Scotland 

Stevens, Dr. Charles W Broadway Tabernacle, New York City 

Sterling, Henry 52 Federal St., Boston, Mass. 

Stevens, Miss Mary E. . Dover, N. H. 

Stevenson, Mrs. Katherine Lente 14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Stewart, W. D Melrose, Mass. 

Stirling, Charles R 11 Sunset St., Roxbury, Mass. 

St. John, Mrs. T. E n Eastport, Me. 

Stoddard, Rev. Charles A New York Observer, New York City 

Stoddard, Rev. James P 560 Columbus Ave., Boston, Mass. 

»Stokes, J. G. Phelps 100 William St., New York City 

Stone, Miss Ellen M. . 9 Crescent Ave., Chelsea, Mass. 

Stone, Miss Katherine . . Old South Meeting House, Boston, Mass. 

Stone, L. R .... ... Newton, Mass. 

Storey, Moorfield 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Straus, Hon. Oscar S S West 76th St., New York City 

' Strickland, Miss Anna E. . . New Britain, Conn. 

Strong, Rev. Josiah ... .... 287 Fourth Ave., New York City 

Stuckenberg, Mrs. J. H. W 17 Arlington St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Sturge, Miss Sophia 447 Hagley Road, Birmingham, England 

Sturgis, H. O Windsor, England 

Sunderland, Rev. J. T . 650 Ontario St., Toronto, Can. 

Surtess, Rev. J. L. . . . Manasquan, N. J. 

Suttner, Baroness Bertha von Hermansdorf-Eggenburg, Vienna, Austria 

Sutton, George H. 317 Main St., Springfield, Mass. 

Symonds, Mrs. Edith D 129 North St., Salem, Mass. 

Swan, Elizabeth W. 2 Deme St., Boston, Mass. 

Swan, Martha C .2 Deme St., Boston, Mass. 

Swan, Mary B 2 Derne St., Boston, Mass. 

Sweet, Rev. W. 1 7 Orchard St., Everett, Mass. 

Swift, D. Wheeler Worcester, Mass. 


Swift, Mary G MiUbrook, N. Y. 

Swift, Sarah J. Worcester, Mass. 

Swift, Henry H MiUbrook, N. Y. 

Tagen, George F 20 K St., South Boston, Mass. 

Talcott, Mrs. George Sherman New Britain, Conn. 

Tapley, Alice P Hotel Vendome, Boston, Mass. 

Tarbox, Myron H 59 Hyde Ave., Newton, Mass. 

Tatum, Mrs. Edward Park Avenue Hotel, New York City 

*Taylor, Prof. Graham Chicago Commons, Chicago, 111. 

Tebb, Mrs. William .... Rede Hall, Burstow, Surrey, England 

Thayer, Hon. Samuel R. . . Minneapolis, Minn. 

Thomas, George Gale . . 24 Heath Hurst Road, Hampstead, London, England 

Thomas, G. Lienfer . Swansea, England 

•Thomas, Rev. Hiram W. ... • • 535 Munroe St., Chicago, 111. 

Thomas, John L . Pendleton, Ind. 

*Thomas, Miss M. Carey Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Thompson, Dr. Edward Omaph, Co. Tyrone, Ireland 

Thomson, Mrs. Alexander . 411 Main St., Fitchburg, Mass. 

Thorpe, Mrs. E. J. E ... . . . Dorchester, Mass. 

Tibbaut, M. E. Gand, Belgium 

Tiffany, Rev. Francis Cambridge, Mass. 

Tileston, Roger E 161 Pearl St., Boston, Mass. 

Tillinghast, Mrs. Ada W. 37 Eighth St., New Bedford, Mass. 

Tillinghast, Charlotte L Angel St., Providence, R. I. 

Tillinghast, Mrs. E. S . New Haven, Conn. 

Tilton, Rev. G. H Woburn, Mass. 

Tihgley, Mr. S. H .22 Benevolent St., Providence, R. I. 

Tinkham, Mrs. Kathryn . . Brockton, Mass. 

Tobey, Miss Elizabeth . . Boston, Mass. 

Tobey, Mr. R. B 178 Devonshire St., Boston, Mass. 

Tobin, John F. 432 Albany Building, Boston, Mass. 

Todd, Mrs. Harriet T 14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Todd, Miss Hattie L 8 Frothingham Ave., Charlestown, Mass. 

Tolman, Miss Emily Box 155, Arlington, Mass. 

Tolman, J. P .84 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Tolman, Mrs. J. P. 84 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Torrey, Elbridge Dorchester, Mass. 

Tosi, H. P. 7 Hanover St., Boston, Mass. 

Toulon, Miss S. E • ■ Boston, Mass. 

Troup, Charles A. H. . . 17 Myrtle St., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Trueblood, Dr. Benjamin F 31 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Trueblood, Miss Lyra D 9 Crawford St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Trueblood, Miss Florence E 9 Crawford St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Tucker, Sarah Frances • Brush Hill, Milton, Mass. 

Turner, Miss Harriet E 25 Winthrop Ave., WoUaston, Mass. 

Tuttle, Mrs. Oliver M Winthrop Centre, Me. 

Tweedey, Mrs. J. F Spuyten Duyvil, New York City 

Twombly, John Fogg 34 Green St., Brooklme, Mass. 

UnderhfU, Mrs. Sue Smiley • RedUnds, Cal. 

Upton, Miss M. L. . . 533 Massachusetts Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Fincent, Miss S. N 378 Marlboro St.. Boston, Mass. 

Wagner, Pastor Charles ... 2 Rue des Arquebusieis, Paris Fr=mce 
Walcott, Erwin H 77 Summer St., Boston, Mass. 


Waldron, Rev. D. W. 14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Waldron, Dr. Mabel W Lynn, Mass. 

Walker, Mrs. Harriet D '. . . . 14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Walsh, Rev. Walter Gilfillan Memorial Church, Dundee, Scotland 

Walton, Mrs. E. N. L 68 Chestnut St., West Newton, Mass. 

Walton, George A. . .... 68 Chestnut St., West Newton, Mass. 

Ward, Herbert D Newton Centre, Mass. 

Ware, Mrs. L. C 39 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Ware, Mrs. M. D 51 Wellington St., Worcester, Mass. 

Warner, Miss Martha J. . .... . Selma, Ohio 

Warren, Mrs. Abbie P. . . . 66 Westland Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Warren, Mrs. Frederick . . . 336 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

*Warren, Bishop Henry W . University Park, Denver, Col. 

Washburn, Andrew 68 Dudley St., Brookline, Mass. 

Washington, Booker T. . Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Ala. 

Waters, Henry F. . Melrose, Mass. 

Weatherley, Rev. Arthur L Worcester, Mass. 

Webster, Andrew G 55 High St., Boston, Mass. 

Weld, Dr. C. R. Hotel Vendome, Boston, Mass. 

Weld, Mrs. C. R. . . . Hotel Vendome, Boston, Mass. 

Wellman, C. P . Montpelier, Vt. 

Wells, Amos R. Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass. 

Wells, Mrs. Webster ... . . Hotel Beaconsfield, Brookline, Mass. 

Wells, William S. ... Chamber of Commerce, New Haven, Conn. 

Welsh, Herbert . 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Wendte, Rev. Charles W 222 Huntington Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Wendte, Mrs. Charles W 222 Huntington Ave.,' Boston, Mass. 

Weston, Martha G. . . Brockton, Mass. 

Westrope, Rev. Richard .... York, England 

Wheaton, Carl M Newton Highlands, Mass. 

Wheeler, Andrew 5S High St., Boston, Mass. 

Wheeler, Mrs. C. H . . . . Worcester, Mass. 

Weeeler, Emily C. Worcester, Mass. 

Wheelock, Rev. A. H Pepperell, Mass. 

Wheelwright, Andrew C 73 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

Wheelwright, Mrs. Andrew C. ■ ■ ■ 73 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

Whipple, George M ... Salem, Mass. 

Whipple, Thomas G. Mystic, Conn. 

White, Miss Amy South St., Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

*White, Hon. Andrew D Ithaca, N. Y. 

White, Mary Hectors River, Jamaica, W. I. 

White, Miss Willa W Huntington Chambers, Boston, Mass. 

Whiteley, James Gustavus , . , 223 West Lanvale St., Baltimore, Md. 

Whiting, Miss Susan A n Washington St., Newton, Mass. 

Whiting, Hon. William W. . . . . . . Holyoke, Mass. 

Whitman, Mrs. F. S 23 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 

Whitmore, Rev. J. Herman Stoneham, Mass. 

Whitmore, Mrs. J. Herman , Stoneham, Mass. 

Whitney, Mrs. Henry A 65 Pearl St., Charlestown, Mass. 

Whitney, Mrs. Henry M. . ... . . . . Brookline, Mass. 

Whytal, William . ... Arlington, Mass. 

Wiggin, Mrs. Frank H 15 Wren St., West Roxbury, Mass. 

Wilbur, Henry W 9 West 14th St., New York City 

Wilbur, Mrs. Henry W 9 West 14th St., New York City 

Wilde, Miss Katherine . ... .3 Park St., Boston, Mass. 

Wilder, Miss E. F Newton, Mass. 

Wiley, Mrs. E. E Tennessee 

Wilkinson, M Framingham, Mass. 

Willard, H. M. . Wollaston, Mass. 

Willard, Mrs. H. M . Wollaston, Mass. 

Willets, Miss Mary Sea Girt, N. J. 


Williams, Miss Dora Normal School, Dartmouth St., Boston, Mass. 

Williams, Mrs. Joseph 128 Lakeview Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

Williams, Rev. Leonard Sabattius, Me. 

Williams, Mrs. Margaret R East Orange, N. J. 

Willson, Helen Boston, Mass. 

Wilmarth, Mrs. M. R West Boxford, Mass. 

Wilson, Isaac Bloomfield, Ontario, Can. 

Wilson, John M ... Fall River, Mass. 

Wilson, Miss Maria P 145 Main St., Maiden, Mass. 

Wilson, William J 2 n Shurtleff St., Chelsea, Mass. 

Wingate, Miss Hannah .... ... . 13 West 129th St., New York City 

Winkley, M. H 331 Massachusetts Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Winslow, Erving 27 Central St., Boston, Mass. 

Winslow, Dr. G. M 145 Woodland St., Auburndale, Mass. 

Winslow, Mrs. G. M 145 Woodland St., Auburndale, Mass. 

Wixon, Susan H. . Fall River, Mass. 

Wolkins, George G 50 Congress St., Boston, Mass. 

Wood, Carolena M . Mount Kisco, N. Y. 

Wood, Mrs. David S Wellesley Hills, Mass. 

Wood, Juliana Philadelphia, Pa. 

Wood, Richard 1620 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Wood, Thomas . 215 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Woodard, Dr. Marian L. , . . 2 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 

Woodbury, Miss L. R . ... 51 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Woodbury, Miss Mary 51 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Woodbury, Miss W. . ... 51 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

Woodman, Rev. Charles M. ... ... Portland, Me. 

♦Woodruff, Clinton Rogers . . North American Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Woodward, Miss E. A. . ... Keene, N. H. 

Worthington, Mrs. J. A. H Irvington-on-Hudson, N. Y. 

Wright, J. Edward Montpelier, Vt. 

Wright, Phebe C . Sea Girt, N. J. 

Wright, Thomas .... Coafton, Bedford, England 

Wright, William . . . Arlington, Mass. 

Wuarin, Prof. Louis University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland 

Tates, Elizabeth TJpham Houlton, Me. 

Young, Miss Caroline A 5° State St., Boston, Mass. 

Young, Rev. George M Fairville, St. John, N. B. 

Zillenski, Joiia« 149 Dorchester St., South Boston, Mass. 

Bppendii 21. 


31 Kensington Park Gardens, W., September 21, 1904. 

My dear Mr. Ferris : It has for some time been plain to me that I could not 
for many reasons be present at the Congress at Boston. This is very much to my 
regret. I greatly desired to meet and talk with the workers in the cause of peace 
in a country where that cause flourishes much more, I believe, than it does with 
us at present, and which is beset by fewer of the temptations to militarism than 
the Old World. 

No doubt the Congress, where all shades of opinion will be represented, will 
look at the question from many sides ; and I am hopeful that among other matters 
under consideration one or two points which I have much at heart will not be 
forgotten. Two of them are, I conceive, of no small practical importance. One 
of them is the urgent necessity of developing, I might even say creating, a form of 
literature specially designed to meet the wants of the hour. A literature which 
may help to counteract in some degree the ceaseless appeals through the eye and 
ear, by print and picture, to the worst passions ; a literature truly pacific in spirit, 
not sentimental in character, not full of vague generalities, but containing precise 
details and authentic tests, and presenting in plain language the realitie s of war ; 
revealing what is behind the soldiers' triumphs, making audible what the blare of 
trumpets and the shouts of infatuated mobs now drown. 

Art and literature, one is of late tempted to think, have deserted the cause of 
peace and are in a conspiracy against it. Can they be brought back to the side of 
common sense and humanity.' I am not underrating the services rendered by the 
excellent existing periodicals, or the value of such publications as those issued by 
the Bibliothique Pacifiste Internationale ; but each country needs its own special 
form of peace literature, and I should be glad to see everywhere organizations for 
the purposes of disseminating, by books and pamphlets, facts which are now 
glossed over and kept in the background; a literature with the motto, Icrasons 
rinfame — the true infame of all time. A carefully prepared volume of extracts 
from writers of authority descriptive of war as it is — war put to the test of com- 
mon sense — showing men lowered to the level of wild beasts, every evil passion 
let loose, and the result almost always manifestly futile and disappointing, would 
be useful. I should also like to see a wide circulation of accurate pictorial repre- 
sentations of war as it is, and not in its false, glorified, idealized forms. Copies of 
some of Verestschagin's vivid pictures of its grim realities would be more con- 
vincing than labored arguments or exhortations. In the formation of such an 
organization I would gladly help. 

Another practical point is one of which I have, more than once, talked with 
you; the need of making the question of peace one much more of practical politics 
than it is in England at all events. Can we not have organizations which will 
secure prominence to this question at every political election in every country; 
organizations which will endeavor to elicit from every candidate precise pledges 
as to this matter? If temperance be made a test question, why not peace, tran- 
scending in i'nportance in this age, perhaps in most ages, I am inclined to think, 
all others ? 

In stating my last point I am running the risk of being misunderstood, but not, 
I think, in the city of Channing and Emerson, and of so many other great moral 
teachers. Those who plead for peace should take note of the fact that mankind, 
especially youth, longs for the heroic. It is captivated by the spectacle of self- 
denial, endurance of privations, and readiness to sacrifice life itself. Men are not 
very curious to inquire into the merit j of the cause in which these virtues are 


enlisted. Young minds are fascinated and seduced by this aspect of war, to a for- 
getfulness of its horrors, brutality and attendant wickedness. It would be well if 
the advocates of peace would dwell oftener than they do upon the fact that the 
heroic, all that is truly noble in the conduct of the best soldiers, can be realized in 
peaceful life. In fighting with disease the physician and the nurse exhibit it. So 
does the rescue party which goes down a mine after an explosion. So does the 
crew of a lifeboat. AH that is admitted. What is rarely inculcated is that the 
ordinary duties of all vocations, strenuously practised, quite apart from the emer- 
gencies of life, may and do call for the exercise and display. of true heroism; 
greater because it is the outcome of calm personal resolve, and is not obedience 
under circumstances of excitement to a collective command. 

I should be glad if in the peace literature were heard oftener than I can now 
detect the heroic note — the incentive to live laborious days, to endure hardships, 
and to risk health and life itself in the performance of its ordinary civic duties. 
We cannot afford to allow it to be assumed that war alone calls forth the heroic 

Excuse these few reflections, which I close with renewed expressions of my 
great regret at my absence from a Congress which may prove a momentous event 
in a stiuggle to cast off the heaviest weight resting on our civilization. 

Yours very sincerely, 

John Macdonell. 


Resolved, That we, the Twenty-third Regiment Association, formerly the 
Twenty-third Massachusetts Regiment Volunteer Infantry, in reunion assembled, 
this twenty-eighth day of September, nineteen hundred and four, hereby desire to 
place ourselves on record as being most bitterly opposed to the toleration of war, 
and as ever advocating those measures which shall make for peace ; and for these 
reasons we declare ourselves as being most emphatically in favor of universal 
arbitration by the nations of the world of all differences which may arise between 

Resolved, That this resolution be spread upon the records of the Association, 
and a copy of the same, signed by the President and the Adjutant, be sent to the 
International Peace Congress, which is shortly to convene in Boston. 

George M. Whipple, President, 
David P. Mussey, Adjutant, 
Twenty-third Massachusetts Regiment Association. 

Salem, Mass., September 30, 1904. 

Appeal of the Alliance Universklle des Femmes pour la Paix par 
L'Education to the Boston Peace Congress. 

Whereas, The future of peoples depends upon the education given to the 

children ; , j » 1 1 j 

Whereas, A program of pacific education has not yet been adequately worked 

out, defined and spread abroad ; .. ^y. ■ a ^ c ^\. 

The Alliance appeals to all true friends of peace to unite their efforts for the 
creation in all countries of the largest possible number of Peace Centres, where 
men and women of intelligence,- leaders of thought, sociologists, educators,-- filed 

with the peace spirit, may meet regularly to study thoroughly the great problem 


of pacific education, to work out a program for such education, and to secure 
the cooperation of educators of both sexes in the practical application of this 
program in the instruction of youth. 

Paris, France, 7 bis rue du Debarcadere. 

Extract from an Address to the Congress by the Shaker Society 
OF Mt. Lebanon, N. Y. 

This great International Peace Congress has met to discuss the causes of war, 
and to set in operation a method that shall prevent war and secure universal 
peace. We fully appreciate the noble work in which this International Peace 
Congress is engaged, and we believe that it is the interest of every sincere worker 
in the cause of universal peace to know what are the underlying causes of war, 
and, by international effort, to apply the remedy. 

The founders of the Shaker Order have, in all their religious teachings, pro- 
claimed the truism that there is no effect without a cause, and we declare to the 
whole world, as represented at this Congress, that the violation of the great Law 
of Life is the cause of all war, misery and woe existing in individual, society and 
national life. Obedience to the law of God in nature will confer on every child 
the inalienable right to be well born. To be well born gives liberty, which is free- 
dom from sin; being free from sin we have peace. "Blessed are the peace- 
makers, for they shall be called the children of God." "Blessed are the pure i.i 
heart (those that are clean in thought and imagination), for they shall see God," 
in all their fellow beings of every race and color. 

Sin entering at the source of human life, all the streams flowing therefrom are 
corrupted, and we have the result manifest throughout the whole world, in sick- 
ness and disease, in competition and oppression, in wars and fightings. 

In the Declaration of Independence was declared the equality of all men. The 
Shaker Order, through the revelation of the Motherhood in God, declares the 
equality of all women as well as all men. In the Shaker Order, recognizing a 
heavenly Mother, women have equal rights with men, and stand in their God/-given 
liberty. The voice of woman is heard all over the world, declaring her inalienable 
right to stand side by side with her brother, and, uniting their efforts, to bring 
about the glorious time — the fulfilment of prophecy — of peace on earth, good- 
will to men and women, and to all our fellow creatures who speak so eloquently in 
their silent language. We give expression to our deep and solemn conviction 
that until we acknowledge the duality of Deity, and organically admit woman to 
equality with man and confer upon her all the rights we claim for ourselves, all 
our efforts to abolish war will be futile. 



Nearly all modern wars have been due to the fact that people did not under- 
stand one another. When you know little or nothing of your neighbor, you are 
only too apt to picture him as a monster, to be exterminated. Slowly, very slowly, 
we are learning to resign ourselves to the conviction that most of our fellow-men 
are no more horrible than we are. 

If we are to get along pleasantly during our stay on this little planet, we must 
first understan(l each other. It is pleasant to note, therefore, that some of the 
societies here represented make it their aim not merely to denounce war, but to 
remove the causes of war. That is the method of modern medicine. The niain 
cause of war, as has been stated, is lack of mutual understanding. One of the 


foremost aims of the friends of peace, therefore, must be to remove the barriers 
that prevent mutual understanding. These barriers are not merely Beoeranhic 
Language is the portal through which we enter into each other's minds and 
language nowadays for the most part means print. 

In the Roman alphabet we already have practically a universal alphabet 
Still m Its present condition it is as yet far from being a perfect tool for the con- 
veyance of thought. If every one of its letters represented only one sound 
children, even without going to school, could hardly avoid learning to read anv 
more than they can avoid learning to talk. As it is, owing to the variations in 
the values of letters, a large part of the population in various countries is con- 
demned to illiteracy. In learning foreign languages, the written speech and the 
spoken speech ought to be mutual aids; at present they are apt to be mutual 

Picture to yourselves the impetus that would be given to education if every 
child could read the moment it knew the letters. How long would it take ? 
Place a chUd in a school room with forty other children and in less than a month 
it will know their names and faces. In less than a month, too, it will know the 
looks and uses of forty letters, if they always represent the same sounds. The 
art of reading would be acquired with even less trouble than the art of playing 
ball. The formidable item of spelling lessons would almost vanish from the 
curriculum. Economy of time is the main condition of improved education, and 
no economy could be greater than that of a simplified alphabet. 

The sounds of foreign languages are for the most part the same as in ours. 
If they were written with the same letters, every one could at once pronounce 
them correctly, with the exception of a few special sounds for each language, the 
signs for which could be learned in an hour. 

Universal alphabets have been constructed by the score. Why has not one 
of them come into general use.' The reason is evident. In nearly every case 
the inventor of a universal alphabet proceeded on his own hook, as the saying is, 
without consulting his fellow-workers. The result has been that not one of these 
alphabets has acquired the requisite authority. Evidently the time is passed 
when one man could so overshadow his fellow-men that his single authority 
would be universally accepted. Authority nowadays resides in bodies of men 
officially designated. If, then, we wish to have an authoritative universal alpha- 
bet, it must be created by an officially appointed body of men. 

To prepare the way for such a measure, Boston University has issued a cir- 
cular inviting the opinions of the learned public on the proposal to hold an 
international phonetic conference for the purpose of adopting a universal alpha- 
bet. Out of seventy-three replies thus far received, only four question the 
utility of such a conference. The great majority are enthusiastic in their approval. 

By this time I feel sure that a question has arisen in your minds. A universal 
alphabet created by the highest authority would no doubt be a very fine thing, 
but how can it be introduced into general use.' Will the public awake one fine 
morning with a determination to write no longer in the old fashion, but in the new.' 
Whoever knows the public is well aware that that interesting organism will do 
nothing of the kind. The old orthography represents a vast stream, pouring 
forth from myriads of printing presses into millions of minds carved and smoothed 
by years of practice to receive it without friction. That this vast flood can 
suddenly be turned into a new channel is out of the question. 

In this emergency we may learn a lesson from the Prince of Darkness. Theo- 
logians tell us that the devil would have no chance to draw a single human soul 
from the path of rectitude did not that soul itself offer him some handle of which 
he may take hold. Having got hold of the little finger, he presently seizes the 
whole hand and the whole individual. Wishing to draw the public from the 
crooked path of the old orthography into the path of rectitude of the new, how 
shall we get hold of its little finger? 

A large part of the public are in the habit of consulting dictionaries. Now 
every dictionary has a key to pronunciation, which constitutes practically a 
phonetic alphabet. Thus, whenever one consults the dictionary, his eye rests on 
a phonetic spelling. Were this spelling the same in every dictionary, many people 
would unconsciously learn it by heart. It would soon be introduced in every 


primer, reader, grammar and language manual, and thus children would become 
accustomed to it in their early years. 

This, then, is the little finger which will presently give us possession of the 
whole hand and of the whole man. Get all the dictionaries to adopt the same 
key to pronunciation, and let this key be of such nature that it shall be most con- 
venient also for ordinary writing and printing, and the public will get into the 
habit of copying it not only without repugnance but even with avidity. Experi- 
ment has proved that children beginning with a phonetic spelling not only learn 
to read and write in a few weeks, but master even the traditional spelling more 
readily than by the old method. When a universal alphabet, more perfect than 
any now in existence, and constituting a key to the pronunciation of all the lead-