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RELIGION
IN
NEW NETHERLAND
A HISTORY
OF
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW NETHERLAND
1623-1664
A Dissertation presented to the University of Louvain to obtain
THE Degree of Docteur es Sciences Morales et Historiques
FREDERICK J. ZWIERLEIN, L. D.
professor of church history at ST. BERNARD'S SEMINARY
ROCHESTER, NEW YORK
1910
JOHN P, SMITH PRINTING COMPANY
ROCHESTER, N. Y.
>4
K.'e.^lST^
TO THE MEMORY
OF
THE RIGHT REVEREND B. J. McQUAID, D. D.
First Bishop of Rochester, N. Y.
AND
THE REVEREND L. E. LAPHAM, A. B.
Former Professor of English
AT St. Bernard's Seminary
IN
GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE
OF THEIR PATERNAL INTEREST IN
THE PREPARATION OF THIS BOOK
OPUS QUOD INSCRIBITUR : lijligkn in New
Netherland, a history of the development of the
religious conditions in the Province of New
Netherland (1623-1664) BY F. J. ZWIERLEIN,
EX AUCTORITATE EMINENTISSIMI ET REVEREN-
DISSIMI CARDINALIS ARCHIEPISCOPI MECHLI-
NIENSIS ET LEGUM ACADEMICARUM PR^-
SCRIPTO RECOGNITUM, QUUM FIDEI AUT BONIS
MORIBUS CONTRARIUM NIHIL CONTINERE VISUM
FUERIT, IMPRIMI POTEST.
P. LADEUZE,
RECT. UNIV.
Datum Lo'vanii, die IQ Aprilis, A. D. igio
Nihil Obstat
J. F. GOGGIN,
CENSOR LIBRORUM
Imprimatur
t THOMAS,
EPISCOPUS ROFFENSIS
7)atum 'Rfiffa, die XI Maii, MCMX
PREFACE
Professor Cauchie of the University of Loiijvain,
Belgittm, first directed the author to limit his present
work of historical research to the field of American
Church History. Some results of this study are pre-
sented in this book to the University of Louvain as a
dissertation to obtain the degree of Docteur ^s Sciences
Morales et Historiques.
The choice of subject was due to the fact, that the
author's own State offered the best opportunity for the
beginning of such a study, and also to the consideration,
that the Belgians as well as the Hollanders of today
stiU feel a great interest in the history of the former
province of New Netherland.
It has been the author's constant aim to learn in
the famous phrase of Ranke, "wie es eigentlich gewe-
senist, " by as close and extensive a study of document-
ary sources, as the time and the means at his disposal
permitted. While there is room for improvement,
there is tardly a statement in this book, which is not
amply supported by the best of evidence.
The lack of such a systematic study of the religious
development of the province of New Netherland with
a mistaken conception of the nature of religious liberty
VI PREFACE
in the Dutch Republic of the seventeenth century, has
been the source of much error in many pubHcations
dealing with the beginnings of the State of New York.
References to such histories,' even when at variance
with the main conclusions of this book, have been
avoided as much as possible, as the author preferred to
present the results of his work in a positive and not in a
polemic light.
Special thanks are due to the officials in the Hall of
Records of Kings County, and in the Hall of Records
of New York, to the library staffs of Cornell University,
of the Long Island Historical Society, to Mr. D. Ver-
steeg of the Holland Society Library, and to many
friends, who were always ready to give advice and
assistance. In conclusion the author wishes to express
his deep sense of indebtedness to Mr. Leo Kelly, who
kindly corrected the proofsheets of this book.
St. Bernard's Seminary,
Rochester, N. Y,,
Easter, IQIO
CONTENTS
Introduction.
I. The Dutch Background of the Re- i
LiGious History of the Province *
of New Netherland 9
" II. General Relations of Church and
State in the Colony 36
III. The Dutch Reformed Church 61
IV. Religion in New Sweden Before and
After the Dutch Conquest 106
V, The Religious Factors in the English
Immigration 136
VI. The Persecution of the Lutherans 187
VII. The Persecution of the Quakers 213
VIII. The Persecution of the Jews 247
IX. Indian Missions in New Netherland 266
Appendix
A. New Netherland Chronicle 319
B. A Select Bibliography 331
vii
INTRODUCTION
Three periods can be distinguished in the religious
history of the Province of New Netherland. The first
period embraces the years from the discovery of the
country by Henry Hudson to the beginning of organized
colonization under the authority of the West India
Company. During this time (1609-1624) , a few trading
posts, but no religious institutions of any kind, were
established by the Dutch. The second period begins
with the practical establishment of the Dutch Reformed
Church a few years after the arrival of the first colony
and ends with the rise of organized dissent within the
province in 1654. This marks the beginning of the
third period, which is characterized by the promulga-
tion and execution of oppressive colonial religious
legislation down to the English conquest in 1664.
These penal laws were a development of the clause in
the charter of 1640 which allowed the public exercise of
no other religion within the Province of New Nether-
land than the Reformed, and this provision of the char-
ter was only an explicit expression of the spirit of intol-
erance which existed latent in the Dutch province from
its very foundation. For ' ' concerning the Quakers, Luth-
erans and other sectaries, their Honors (the Directors
of the West India Company's Amsterdam Chamber)
asserted that, from the beginning, they had established
(1)
2 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the rule, that only the Reformed Religion should be
exercised within your province. ' '
The policy of religious repression pursued in the
Province of New Netherland on the outbreak of organ-
ized dissent was not merely local in character. The
colonial clergy, the natural custodians of the colony's
orthodoxy, merited for their zeal in this regard the
commendation of their ecclesiastical superiors in Hol-
land, the Classis of Amsterdam, which insisted quite as
vigorously with the Directors of the West India Com-
pany in the Amsterdam Chamber on the repression of
dissent in the colony, as the colonial clergy did with the
civil authorities in the Province of New Netherland.
The Director General did not fail to adopt all measures
he judged necessary to fulfill the oath which bound him
to maintain the exclusive worship of the Reformed Re-
ligion, and the Directors in Holland did not at any time
repudiate the policy of excluding all other worship, but
they tried to persuade Stuyvesant to admit some con-
nivance in regard to dissent, if this were possible, as they
feared injury to the material interests of the Company,
unless the policy of religious repression was tempered
by some moderation. To insure this, all repressive
ordinances were finally ordered to be submitted to the
Directors before their promulgation in the province,
but as late as the summer of 1663 one of the Directors
plainly told the Quaker, John Bowne, that the religious
liberty he demanded in New Netherland was not
granted there.
Religious conditions, however, were not uniform
throughout the entire province, but were differentiated
largely by the character of the local immigration. The
INTRODUCTION 3
Hudson River country, whether under the direct con-
trol of the Director General or of the patroon of Rensse-
laerswyck, was mostly settled by colonists of Dutch
origin and of the Reformed persuasion. Here there
was little chance for the organization of dissent and the
attempts to organize a Netherland Lutheran Church
were easily frustrated during the time of the Dutch rule.
Greater difficulty was experienced on the mainlandi to
the east and on the western end of Long Island, where
the English from New England settled in large numbers
under Dutch jurisdiction. This English immigration
comprised two classes of colonists: Reformed, includ-
ing Presbjiierians and Congregationalists, and dissenters
from the Reformed Reliigion. The Presbyterians were
recognized as orthodox in "everything," and the Con-
gregationalists as orthodox "in fundamentals." Both,
therefore, received the full religious liberty extended to
the Reformed believers in the province. The dissenters,
however, were unorthodox in doctrine as well as polity,
and did not enjoy this religious liberty, but liberty of
conscience in the Holland sense of the word, which
respected the personal belief of the individual, and its
expression in the narrow circle of the family, but penal-
ized the organization of dissenting worship in private
and public conventicles. The magistrates of Gravesend
appealed to their charter, which guaranteed them this
liberty of conscience with "no molestation from any
magistrate or Minister that may extend jurisdiction over
them," against the marriage regulations of Stuyvesant;
Captain Underhill represented the force used by the
same Director General in saddling the ministration of
Doughty upon the town of Flushing as a violation of its
4 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
charter, and finally the inhabitants of the same town at
the instigation of Tobias Feake appealed to the charter
in their protest against Stuyvesant's prohibition to give
entertainment to the Quakers, but not at any time nor
in any place did a body of English colonists' appeal to
their charter to justify the organization of "unortho-
dox" worship in public or in private conventicles.
The religious conditions obtaining in the South, or
Delaware, River country were closely dependent on the
political changes effected in the course of its history.
Occupied by a Dutch trading post and a few straggling
settlers, it could not resist the intrusion of the Lutheran
Swedes and the founding of New Sweden with the
establishment of the Lutheran State Church. The
admission of Dutch colonists from Utrecht with the
privilege of exercising the Reformed worship attests for
this region a greater degree of religious liberty than
existed in any part of the Province of New Netherland.
The conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch did not
terminate Lutheran worship on the South River, as the
outbreak of Indian hostilities necessitated the tolera-
tion of the Swedish worship with the ministration of
one of their ministers. The expenses of this invasion
put the Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Com-
pany deeply in debt to the City of Amsterdam, which
now in compensation for its loan acquired a tract of
land on the South River, where the exclusive exercise of
the Reformed worship was maintained, until the official
orthodoxy had to give way to obtain colonists to
> John Bowne appealed to the Flushing charter in his arguments
with the Directors at Amsterdam, but they refused to admit the
appeal, as the charter was granted before the arrival of Quakers in
the colony.
INTRODUCTION 5
strengthen the territory against the encroachments of
the English settlers from Maryland. In 1662 the Men-
nonites received permission to settle in the territory
under the jurisdiction of the City of Amsterdam, and in
the same year Hinyossa, the vice-director, offered to six-
teen or eighteen families, most of whom were Finns,
residing in the jurisdiction of the Company, the free
exercise of their religion with other inducements' to
attract them to the City's colony.
There was, therefore, in all New Netherland, except
the South River territory, an absolute prohibition of
non-conforming religions outside of the family. No
individual but the Quaker, who was outlawed, was
molested for his personal belief, but no one was allowed
on the plea of conscience to refuse the rate established
by public authority for the support of a Reformed
church. The attempt made in the colony to exclude
the Jew failed, but various civic rights were only given
to the Jew after a great deal of agitation and on the
express command of the Directors in Amsterdam.
The motives advanced for this attempted exclusion of
the Jew and then of the restriction of his civic rights
were not only economic but also religious in character.
If we except the Quaker, no religious qualification
was required by the Dutch for citizenship in the
Province of New Netherland, but there was a manifest
tendency to restrict office-holding to members of the
Reformed Church, which was much accentuated on the
outbreak of organized dissent in the colony. The
Director General Stuyvesant was under oath to main-
tain exclusively the Reformed worship. There is no
evidence to show how his predecessors were bound in
6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
this respect, but there is ample proof that the oath was
administered to subordinates in the colonial government
and to the officials of the patroon Kilian van Rensselaer.
Officials of Rensselaerswyck swore to promote "the true
and pure service of God in conformity with the Christian
Reformed Religion." The "Nine Select Men", appointed
by Stuyvesant in 1647 to represent the people, were also
"to promote the honor of God and the welfare of our
dear Fatherland to the best advantage of the Company
and the prosperity of our good citizens, and to the
preservation of the pure Reformed Religion." On the
creation of a municipal court at New Amsterdam in
1653, the Burgomasters and Schepens were bound
"under oath to help maintain the true Reformed Re-
ligion and to suffer no other." The vice-directors,
appointed on the conquest of New Sweden for that
region, were sworn "to promote the Reformed Re-
ligion," but Lutheran Swedes were also retained for
inferior offices. Then on the erection of a small court
of justice at Wiltwyck in 1661, the commissaries had
also to swear that they would "maintain and exercise
the Reformed Church service and no other." The
judges were, therefore, to be "professors of the Re-
formed Religion." Even the court-clerk had to prom-
ise to promote "the glory of God and the pure service
of His Word." There could hardly be any question of
a religious qualification of this kind for office-holding in
the towns settled almost entirely by English dissenters,
but even here the Director General and Council did not
fail to insist on a religious qualification when an op-
portunity to do so was presented. "The English do
not only enjoy the right of nominating their own magis-
INTRODUCTION 7
trates, but some of them also usurp the election and
appointment of such magistrates, as they please, with-
out regard to their religion. Some, especially the peo-
ple of Gravesend, elect libertines and Anabaptists,
which is decidedly against the laws of the Nether-
lands." In Jamaica, after the ravages of the Quakers,
Stu3rvesant purified the magistracy of the town by the
appointment of Everett, Denton and Messenger, jvho
could be trusted "to promote the Protestant cause,"
by repressing the exercise of any but the Reformed
Religion in private as well as in public conventicles.
Where the Reformed Church and the civil authority
were so closely united as in Hempstead, appointment of
any but church members to oflEice was practically im-
possible. This was also true of the projected settle-
ment of New Haven colonists on Achter Kol, where the
magistrates were to be bound to "maintain the true
and Protestant religion, soo as the same accordinge to the
word of God is declared and in this province professed."
Here the right of suffrage was to be restricted to church
members.
This brief review of the religious factors in the de-
velopment of New Netherland establishes the existence
of a consistent religious policy, which was fostered, as
far as possible, in the colony by the provincial govern-
ment and clergy, and in the fatherland by the Directors
of the West India Chamber and by the Classis of
the Reformed Dutch Church at Amsterdam. The fol-
lowing chapters illustrate this conclusion in detail.
CHAPTER I
The Dutch Background of the Religious History
OF New Netherland '
A correct view of the religious conditions of the
mother country is essential to an understanding of the
religious development of its colonies. This is espe-
cially true, when the colonial church is identical with
the church of the mother country, as was the case in the
Province of New Netherland, where the Dutch Re-
formed Church was established a few years after the
foundation of the colony.
* This introductory chapter differs greatly from the conventional
sketches given in the books current in America, which seem to
take Uttle account of the results of serious historical study in the
field of Dutch religious history The well documented studies of
A. C. De Schrevel, JRemi Drieux, ^vSque de Bruges et les troubles des
Pays-Bas in the Revue d'Histoire EccMsiastique, ii 828-839; iii.
36-65, 349-369, 644-688; iv. 645-678; of Eugdne Hubert, Les Pays-
Bas Espagnols et La Rfepublique des Provinces Unis Depuis La Paix
de Munster Jusqu'au TraictI D'Utrecht, 1648-1713, La Question
Religeuse et Les Relations Diplomatiques (1907); of Knuttel,
W. P. C. De toestand der Nederl. Katholieken ten tijde der Repub-
liek, 2 vols. (18^2-4), are invaluable for an understanding of the
Dutch religious mstory of this period. It has not been thought nec-
essary to reprint excerpts from the documentary evidence, which
are the authorities for this general introductory study, as these are
easy of access to the reader in the works cited. The articles on the
Netherland history of this period in the Cambridge Modem History
and, above all, Blok's History of the People of the Netherlands, 4
vols. (1907). are helpful guides. A good bibliography of the subject
is given in all these works.
(9)
lO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
The religious history of the Dutch Republic in this
period is closely interwoven with the history of its
struggle against the Spanish power. Dissatisfaction with
the Spanish administration in the Netherlands had be-
come so general towards the end of the sixteenth cen-
tury, that all provinces united to obtain from their hered-
itary sovereign the withdrawal of the Spanish soldiery
and the recognition of their ancient charters and liber-
ties. This national movement developed in spite of
internal religious differences. In fact, a provisional
settlement of the religious issue was effected in 1576 by
the treaty of union known as the Pacification of Ghent.
The fifteen Catholic provinces came to an agreement
with the two Calvinist provinces and deferred the
definitive regulation of the religious question in those
places, where Calvinism had been established to the
exclusion of the Catholic worship, until the convoca-
tion of the States General after the successful expulsion
of the Spanish soldiers and their adherents. These
regions comprised the two provinces of Holland and
Zealand with Bommel and allied territories. Mean-
while,access to the Catholic and Calvinist provinces was
to be free to the subjects and inhabitants of either side,
provided nothing prejudicial to Catholic faith and wor-
ship was attempted outside of Holland and Zealand and
their allied territories. Every infraction of this pro-
vision either by deed or word was punishable as a dis-
turbance of the public peace. However, conditions
were made quite tolerable for the Calvinists in the
Catholic provinces, as all placards formerly published
against heresy and all criminal ordinances of the Duke
of Alva were suspended, except in a breach of the public
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND II
peace as indicated, until further orders from the States
General. Thus the exclusive exercise of the Catholic
worship was maintained in the fifteen Catholic prov-
inces, while the Reformed Establishment was provision-
ally tolerated only in the two Calvinist provinces.
The provisional character of this settlement created
some uneasiness in Calvinist circles, especially among
the ministers of Leyden,but William of Orange reassured
them by the statement that a long time would elapse
before the convocation of the States General, upon
whom the regulation of religion in these provinces
would devolve. On the other hand, the Catholic party
apologized for the toleration of the conditions obtaining
in Holland and Zealand on the ground that the final
settlement of religion in those rebellious provinces
would result in the restoration of the Catholic Church
by the future States General with its overwhelming
majority of fifteen Catholic provinces.
The Prince of Orange now plotted to complicate the'
negotiations between the States General and the newly
arrived Governor General, Don John of Austria. He
worked for a more aggressive declaration of the coun-
try's determination to obtain redress for its griev-
ances. Although his efforts were successful in this re-
gard, through the formulation of the Union of Brussels,
the Catholic party succeeded, in spite of his influence,
in incorporating in the document of union a pledge to
maintain the Catholic Religion. Nevertheless, the Cal-
vinist provinces also signed, but with the reservation
that the articles of the Pacification of Ghent should not
in any way suffer derogation in virtue of this act. This
was done in the expectation that Don John would
12 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
t
refuse to yield to the demands of the States, and in the
hope that the delay would bring about an infection of
the Catholic provinces with Protestantism, which would
furnish a pretext for the demand of the general tolera-
tion of Calvinism in all the Netherlands. The Calvin-
ists were destined to be disappointed. When Don John
■v{ras fully persuaded that the Pacification of Ghent con-
tained nothing contrary to the Catholic Religion and the
authority of the King, he came to an agreement
with the States General, which was confirmed in the
Perpetual Edict of February 17, 1577. While the
eleventh article recorded the pledge given by the States
General at Luxemburg to maintain in everything and
everywhere the Catholic Religion, the sixteenth article
was careful to note that all the provisions of the Edict
were subject to the articles of the Pacifica,tion of Ghent,
which remained in full force. Before the ratification of
this treaty, the States General had sent an embassy to
the Prince of Orange to inform him of its contents and
to explain that the pledge of the States General to
maintain the Catholic Religion in everything and every-
where had been taken at Luxemburg before the
States of Holland and Zealand had joined the assembly
of the States General at Brussels and consequently was
binding only on the fifteen Catholic provinces.^ The
Prince and the States of Holland and Zealand made
some complaints, but offered to sign the treaty, if the
States General promised first to have recourse to arms
* This shows how erroneous is Blok's deduction: "The Catholic
Religion was to be maintained everywhere (thus also in Holland
and Zealand). This last stipulation was flagrantly at odds with
the Pacification, etc." Blok. A History of the People of the
Netherlands, iii. p. 114.
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND I 3
in case the Spaniards, were not withdrawn, and then not
to recognize any Governor General until the grievances
of the country were redressed. Don John showed his
good faith by hastening the departure of the Spanish
' soldiery through a loan of 27,000 florins to the States
General. The withdrawal of the Spaniards again
proved false the suspicions of the Calvinist party. Moril-
lon wrote towards the end of April that the ConsiSto-
rians of Holland and Zealand would never have ex-
pressed their readiness to submit to the decision of the
States in regard to religion, if they could have conceived
possible the departure of the foreign soldiery. Then he
accused these Calvinists of trying to make their people,
who were enraged at their submission to the fifteen
Catholic provinces, believe that the Spaniards would
soon return.
Meanwhile, Don John of Austria had come to the
realization that the only obstacle to a complete pacifi-
cation of the Netherlands at this time was the Prince of
Orange with his adherents. The Governor did not
hesitate to negotiate alone and in union with the States
General, but all advances were met with new demands
by the Prince, whose whole policy was now directed to
undermine the authority of Don John and to create a
rupture of the friendly relations of the States General
with him. This open hostility of William of Orange
convinced Don John of Austria that his life, or at least
his liberty, was in danger and led him to seize the
citadel of Namur to safeguard both. This fatal step
wrought the triumph of William's policy. An Orange
party began to dominate Brussels ; the States General
had to yield to pressure, and William was requested
14 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to come to the city to give advice in the crisis. He
soon dominated the negotiations and frustrated the
attempts at a reconciliation with Don John. The
arrival of the Archduke Matthias complicated the
situation. He had been invited by some of the nobles,
under the leadership of the Duke of Arschot, to replace
Don John and to prevent the elevation of the Prince
of Orange to this position, but the Archduke soon
fell under the influence of William of Orange, who was
created his lieutenant general at the request of
Queen Elizabeth of England. The Prince's power
had already been increased by his nomination as
Governor of Brabant, which had been obtained
from the States of that province by the exertion of
violent popular pressure under the influence of his
partisans. About the same time, the Duke of Arschot
had been elected Governor of Flanders, but in the
course of the session of the States of Flanders at Ghent
the Prince and his adherents fomented a revolt, which
resulted in the imprisonment of the Duke and some
other Catholic leaders. A reign of terror under Calvin-
ist tyranny ensued in Ghent, during which churches and
monasteries were pillaged, monks and friars burnt alive,
and the Blood Councillor Hessels and the ex-Procurator
Visch hanged without any previous trial.' Similar
flagrant violations of the Pacification of Ghent also
took place elsewhere. Bruges, Antwerp and Brussels
were made the scenes of incredible excesses by fanatic
Calvinists. Retaliation on the part of Catholics ensued,
* The Rev, George Edmundson, M, A., writes: "William dis-
claimed any share in this act of violence, but it is difficult
altogether to exculpate him," The Cambridge Modem History,
vol. iii. chap, vi. The Revolt of the Netherlands, p. 248.
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 1$
and in Artois and Hainaut the Protestant minority was
subject to persecution. The Prince of Orange now
thought the country ripe for a departure from the Paci-
fication of Ghent. The way had akeady been prepared
on December lo, 1577, by a second Union of Brussels,
which tried to impose on Catholics and Protestants an
oath not to molest each other in the exercise of their
religion. This was a violation of the Pacification 'of
Ghent, as it extended the exercise of Calvinist worship
to the fifteen Catholic provinces. Finally, in the month
of June, 1578, William of Orange submitted to the
States General a project entitled the Peace of Religion,
which proclaimed full liberty of conscience and the
tranquil possession of property, ecclesiastical as well as
secular, until the assembly of a National Council.
The Catholic Religion was to be restored again in Hol-
land and Zealand and other places, where its public
exercise had been interdicted. Wherever a hundred
fathers of families. Catholic or Protestant, should make
the denaand, the free exercise of their worship was to be
conceded. In other places where the public exercise of
one or the other worship could not be granted on ac-
count of the small ntimber of its adherents, a private
oratory was to be allowed within the home. Both
Catholics and Calvinists were to be careful to avoid
anythihg that might give offense to either party.
Finally, all public offices, universities, colleges, schools,
hospitals, hospices and public charities were declared
open to aU. The project was referred by the States
General to the provincial States, where the scheme met
with decided opposition. Some cities accepted it under
pressure from the Prince of Orange, but they made no
1 6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
attempt to execute its provisions; Meanwhile, the con-
tinuation of Calvinistic excesses made the Catholic
party realize the necessity of united action. The
Union of Arras was formed on January 6, 1579, to main-
tain, the Pacification of Ghent, the Catholic faith, the
obedience to the king and the privileges of the nation.
Although the Union of Arras professed to be based on
the Pacification of Ghent, the clause suspending the
placards against heresy was suppressed. The forma-
tion of this Catholic league hastened the establishment
of a Protestant league, already in process of formation,
towards the end of the same month, the Union of
Utrecht, also for the avowed purpose of strengthening
the previous general union of the Pacification of Ghent.
Nevertheless, according to this agreement, Holland and
Zealand were free to act as they pleased in regard to
religion, while the other provinces united in this league
were to regulate themselves in accordance with the pro-
visions of the Peace of ReUgion. While there was no
straight line of cleavage produced between the North
and South by the formation of these hostile leagues, the
beginning was made that developed into the formation
of two separate commonwealths. The southern cities
of Ghent, Antwerp, Bruges, Ypres, Lierre and the Franc
du Bruges gave their hearty support to the Union of
Utrecht, but finally had to yield to the authority of the
Duke of Parma, whom the Catholic Malcontents had
recognized by the treaty of May 19. The conquests of
Parma always entailed the restoration of the Catholic
faith and of the placards against heresy, but capital
punishment was no longer inflicted for heresy after
1 597. Dissenters had the choice between reconciliation
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 1 7
with the Catholic Church and exile, and those who pre-
ferred the latter were given time to liquidate their
estates.
William of Orange now aimed at the consolidation
of the northern union under a foreign sovereign.
Finally, after much opposition, on September 19, 1580,
the treaty was signed with the Duke of Anjou, who
accepted the sovereignty of the Netherlanders. JEn
virtue of this agreement, the Peace of Religion was to be
observed in all the provinces with the exception of Hol-
land and Zealand, where the Reformed Church was to
be maintained as heretofore to the exclusion of the pub-
lic worship of the Catholic religion. Nevertheless, even
before the arrival of the Duke of Anjou, the first general
placard against Catholics was promulgated on Decem-
ber 20, 1581. Catholics were forbidden to assemble
either in churches or private houses for the purpose
of assisting at mass or of hearing a sermon, if these
assemblies were judged to be of the nature to create dis-
orders, to facilitate secret machinations with the enemy,
or to occasion harm to the public interests. For the
infraction of this measure a fine of one hundred florins
was to be inflicted on the master of the house and also
on the priest ofiiciating at the assembly. Furthermore,
all means of Catholic propaganda were to be suppressed.
The ecclesiastical dress was interdicted on the streets;
no school could be opened without authorization from
the local magistracy; the publication, sale and distri-
bution of books, pamphlets, songs and other literature
calculated to excite "the ignorant and weak" was pro-
hibited under a fine of one hundred florins for the first
ofifense and double the sum for the second offense.
l8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Nevertheless, all intention to burden or to make inqui-
sition into any man's conscience was disclaimed by the
legislators.
The French protectorate proved a failure in spite of
all the efforts of William of Orange after his recovery
from the wound inflicted in the attempted assassination
on March i8, 1582. The Duke of Anjou had arrived in
the beginning of the year, after the States General had
previously abjured their allegiance to Philip II. The
failure of Arijou in his attempt to obtain independence
by the seizure of several cities made a continuance of
his sovereignty practically impossible. However, the
Prince of Orange persisted in negotiating for a recon-
ciliation until the day of the Duke's death, June 10,
1584, as he then saw no hope of help from the English
Queen nor from the Lutheran Germans, who would
have oppressed the Calvinists on the acquisition of
power. Meanwhile, the States of Holland, Zealand and
Utrecht were planning to confer sovereign authority
over themselves on the Prince of Orange, who, according
to one of the articles of the pact projected on this
occasion, was to maintain exclusively the "true Re-
formed Religion," but without molestation of anyone
on account of his belief. Before these plans matured,
William of Orange was murdered by Balthassar Gerard,
to whom the publication of the King's ban had suggested
the deed. This action entailed an increase of severity
in the measures for the repression of the Catholics,
amongst whom some had manifested satisfaction in the
death of the main author of the revolt that had cost
them the free exercise of their religion. The placard of
November 21, 1584, decreed banishment for all organ-
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 1 9
izers of Catholic worship within the United Provinces.
The severity of this legislation was accentuated by the
fact that Calvinism at this time was received univer-
sally only in the one Province of Zealand, while in all
other provinces the Catholics were much more numer-
ous than the Calvinists, especially in Utrecht and the
regions to the east, but not to the same extent in Hol-
land and Friesland.
After fruitless negotiations with the French King,
the States sought protection from the Queen of Eng-
land, with whom an agreement was finally concluded,
according to which the surrender of the towns of Flush-
ing, Brill and Rammekens was stipulated as pledges for
the repayment of the expenses incurred by the Queen.
The governorship was settled on Leicester, whose ad-
ministration also proved a failure on account of the
opposition excited by his measures against free trade
with the enemy and his ambitious designs for the in-
crease of his own authority at the expense of the States
General with the help of the democratic opposition to
the ruling oligarchies. His espousal of strict Calvinism
gave him the support of the "precisians," who were
working not only for the suppression of the Catholic
Religion but also of all forms of Protestantism at vari-
ance with Calvinism, and even of the more liberal Cal-
vinism then more in favor amongst the ruling classes.
The failure of Leicester's design to seize several cities
after his second arrival in the Netherlands hastened
his final departure. Before this the "precisians" had
taken the opportunity offered by the Governor's favor
to convene a National S3nnod, which attempted a per-
manent organization of the Dutch Reformed Church on
20 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the strict principles of the Calvinist zealots. The
Church Order then adopted was provisionally approved
by the States but with the reservation of the right to exer-
cise supervision over church and school.
After the departure of Leicester, the executive
power of the Council of State, on account of the objec-
tionable presence of the three Englishmen amongst its
members, was gradually absorbed by the States General,
in which the influence of Holland predominated. , The
consolidation of these provinces into the federal state of
the Dutch Republic was largely due to the ability of
Holland's great statesman, the Advocate John van
Oldenbamevelt, supported by the able soldier, Maurice
of Nassau, who had been appointed Captain General
and Admiral of the Union by the States General. The
tmion of all the Stadtholderates in the person of Maurice,
with the exception of Friesland, where his cousin Wil-
liam Lewis of Nassau held that position, was a great
step towards the unification of the country. There
was hardly any need of Holland to instruct this
ardent Calvinist as its Stadtholder to maintain the
Reformed Religion. As early as June 23, 1587, he
had published an ordinance prohibiting pilgrimages
and "other superstitions, "under a fine of twenty-four
Carolus florins for each offense. This oppressive placard
was renewed in 1588, 1590, 1591, and in more
vigorous terms in 1647, no doubt on account of its
frequent infraction. The offensive campaigns of Maurice
cleared the federated provinces of Spanish garrisons
and resulted in the formation of the new province
of Stadt en Landen by the union of the city of
Groningen with the Ommelands under the Stadtholder
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 21
William Lewis in 1594. Drenthe was also placed
under this Stadtholder, but, unlike the newly created
province, it had no individual seat in the States Gene-
ral. William Lewis organized the Reformed Church
in both these provinces, where he hardly tolerated a
vestige of Catholicism.'
The alliances concluded by the States General with
Henry IV of France and with Elizabeth of England
against Philip II effected little for the advancement of
Dutch interests. Shortly before his death, Philip again
tried conciliation by erecting the provinces into a
separate, but only nominally independent realm under
the Archdukes Albert and Isabella, his daughter, who
were united in marriage. The establishment of the new
government at Brussels failed to conciliate the revolted
provinces. Under the new sovereigns, war was then
vigorously pursued, with occasional brilliant victories
on both sides, but finally this continuous warfare pro-
duced a state of mutual exhaustion. In spite of the
opposition of Maurice and his strict Calvinist adherents,
* A very severe placard was issued by the provincial States of
Groningen against Catholics and Anabaptists. A fine of ten Ba-
lers was inflicted on the persons giving their houses for a retinion of
CathoUcs or Anabaptists. The same fine was placed on the
preacher for the first offense; in the case of a repeated offense the
latter was subject to fifteen days' detention on bread and water, and
for the third offense to banishment. Persons assisting at the ser-
vices were also fined ten Dalers. Marriages contracted before a
Catholic priest were punished as concubinage. Cf. Brandt, Hist,
d. Reformatie, ii. 14-15.
In Drenthe, William Lewis of Nassau, on May 10, 1598, ordered
the parish clergy to cease all divine service, to surrender the
property of the churches and to leave their parsonages within three
weeks. A new ordinance of March 19, 1599, forbade ecclesiastics
to pass a single night in the province without special authorization.
This severe legislation occasioned considerable emigration, and in
a little time there was not an important CathoUc population in
any place but Koevorden. (Cf. Maguin, Overzicht der kerkelijlce
geschiedenis van Drenthe, cited in Knuttel, i. 40; Hubert, p. 86.)
22 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the peace negotiations which ensued led to the conclu-
sion of the truce for twelve years on April 9, 1609.
The plenipotentiaries of Albert and Isabella, although
supported by President Jeannin, the saver of the Hu-
guenots of Dijon after the night of St. Bartholomew,
could obtain no concession in favor of Catholic worship
except the promise that the States and Prince Maurice
wotdd respect the exclusive exercise of the Catholic
Religion in the Brabant territory occupied by the
troops of the Republic. Soon frequent complaints
were made of the violation of this promise by the Hol-
landers. During the negotiations for the truce, the
States General had shown themselves absolutely opposed
to the free exercise of "papist " worship within their ter-
ritories, and even denied the King of Spain the right to
raise the question, as all decision in this matter entailed
the exercise of sovereignty, and consequently could
only depend on the sovereign States themselves. Mean-
while, the Calvinist ministers were representing the
demand of the King of Spain for freedom of Catholic
worship as the initial step to the reconquest of the rebel-
lious provinces. Under these conditions, the king, on
the ratification of the truce, could only express the hope
that the States would treat kindly the .Catholics who
went among them during the time of its duration.
Jeannin, prior to his departure, insisted again on the
concession of religious freedom to Catholics, but the
States could only be induced to promise in a general
way that they would act with moderation. As soon
as the news of the murder of Henry IV (May 14, 1610),
whom Prince Maurice was preparing to assist in the
reduction of the Duchy of Cleves, arrived in the United
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 23
Provinces, there a was violent outbreak of hostility
against "papists," manifested in the publication of a
mass of insulting pamphlets. Also on this occasion,
some Catholics were impolitic enough to add fuel to the
flame. The States General were repeatedly urged to
adopt stringent measures against papal superstition by
the sjmods and classes of the Reformed Church and
finally in response to this pressure an edict was pub-
lished by this assembly in 1612 which prohibited m-
struction in foreign Catholic or Jesuit schools,* meetings
to celebrate Catholic worship and the ministry of priests
from the southern provinces, whence many had crossed
the border since the establishnient of the truce.' The
Reformed were still in great fear of the Catholics, who
even then formed two-thirds of the population, "la plus
saine et la plus riche partie," as Oldenbamevelt wrote to
Carleton. The rule of the intolerant Protestant minor-
ity continued to be oppressive. In 1617, Rovenius, the
Vicar Apostolic, made known to the Holy See the miser-
able condition of the faithful in his charge. In many
places, Catholics who neglected to have their children
baptized in Calyinist churches incurred large fines and
Catholics whose marriages were not contracted before
a minister of the Reformed persuasion were punished
as if they were living in concubinage.' In Amsterdam,
• The States of Holland had placed a fine of 300 florins,
March 12, 1591, on attendance at the Universities of Louvain,
D61e and Douay, where instruction was contrary "to the true
religion" and hostile to the fatherland. Wiltens-Scheltus, Ker-
kelyck Placaatboek, i. 524.
'The States of Holland, Sept. 13, 1601, ordered the detention of
foreign monks, seized within the province, in prison on bread and
water for six months. Hubert, Les Pays-Bas Espagnols et La
Ripublique des Provinces-Unies etc., p. 76.
' The States of Holland, July i, 1594, issued an edict, placing a
fine of 100 pounds upon persons reciirring to the ministry of a priest
24 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the Jews had their S3Tiagogues, the Mahometans their
meetings and all kinds of sects their conventicles; the
CathoUcs alone were excluded from all participation in
the toleration of Holland. There were many Catholics
in Friesland,' but they could worship with safety only in
the castles of the nobles, of whom many still gave a
tepid allegiance to the old faith. In Geldem* and Zea-
land, Catholics possessed little liberty and had to
assemble secretly for worship,-while in Stadt en Landen
the adherents of the old faith suffered more active per-
secution. However, the condition of the Catholics was
more tolerable in some of the cities. Through the con-
nivance of the magistracy, which in several places was
open to a bribe, the Catholics obtained a great deal of
liberty in the exercise of their faith in Harlem, Gouda,
Leyden, Alckmaar and Hoom.°
for the baptism of their children and for the celebration of marriage.
A fine of 5° pounds was also placed on the witnesses anda fine of 400
pounds on the persons instigating the act. The same penalties were
decreed for attendance at papist conventicles. Wiltens-Scheltus,
Kerkelyck Placaatboek, i. §26.
'Persecution of Catholics was most violent in this province.
Thousands of Catholics found safety in flight, and only a small num-
ber of priests remained in the province in deep concealment.
* Here Catholics were numerous. The policy of the government
was directed to paralyse their strength. In 1624 the States de-
prived the clergy of the disposition of their revenues and declared
null and void the sale, mortgaging, donation, exchange or any alien-
ation of property on the part of "pretended" ecclesiastics or of papists
in religious societies, sodalities and fraternities, etc. It was pleaded
that many feared to adopt Calvinism and many returned to the old
faith lest they might be disinherited. In 1640 the "klopjes"
were declared incapable of receiving an inheritance. Pmally
measures were directed to the prevention of assemblies, that the
Catholics attempted to facilitate by the removal of the walls
between neighboring houses. For details cf. works of Knuttel and
Hubert, with documents cited.
'This was true to a certain extent at The Hague, where the
legations of the Kings of France and Portugal and of the Republic
of Venice had their chapels, which remained open also to the inhabi-
tants of the city in spite of the frequent protests of the States of Hol-
land at the instigation of The Hague consistory.
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 2$
Meanwhile, the Reformed Church of the United
Provinces was divided by the bitter controversies which
raged between the "precisians" and the "libertines."
In 1610 the liberal party, then also called Arminians
from its chief exponent, assembled at Gouda and
expressed in a "Remonstrance" their dissent from the
teaching of strict Calvinism on the subject of predesti-
nation, election and grace, and appealed to the decision
of a National Synod, convened under the control of the
civil power, as the States had "the supreme direction
and the highest jurisdiction over ecclesiastical and lay
affairs under God and in accordance with His Word in
these territories." The precisians, or Gomarists, as
they were also called from their leader, replied with a
Counter-Remonstrance, which upheld the strict Calvin-
ist tenets in uncompromising rigor and denounced
their opponents as guilty of Socinian, Pelagian and
papistical heresies. The large majority of the Protes-
tant population rallied to the support of the Counter-
Remonstrants, while the burgher oligarchies favored
their opponents, who commanded a majority in the
States of Holland, Utrecht and Overyssel. A confer-
ence between the two parties arranged by the authority
of the States of Holland and West Friesland failed to
effect a reconciliation, and the attempt on the part of
the States to establish commissarissen politicq, who were
regularly to appear in the church assemblies and control
the examination of candidates and the calls of the min-
isters, was bitterly resented by the stronger party, who
feared favor for Remonstrant preachers. Finally, the
Counter-Remonstrants, in 1613, confident of an over-
whelming majority, also demanded the convocation of a
26 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
National Church Synod, but Oldenbamevelt feared lest
the triumph of this party should lead to the domination
of the Church over the State, and through his influence
the proposals were rejected. To secure peace, the
States of Holland, in January, 1614, prohibited the dis-
cussion of disputed questions by the preachers in the
pulpits and enjoined moderation in such abstruse
matters. Violent opposition to this measure arose in
several important towns, also in Amsterdam, but
Oldenbamevelt was determined to overcome all
opposition. When Maurice, who had begun to dis-
trust the Advocate, gave his support to the
Counter-Remonstrants and encouraged their oppo-
sition to the authority of the States, Oldenbame-
velt succeeded in inducing the States of Holland,
in December, 16 16, to raise a force of four thousand
men to be at the disposal of the magistrates for the
enforcement of order. Although the two Stadtholders
commanded the votes of four out of seven provinces
in the States General, this assembly decreed the con-
vocation of the National SjrQod by only a narrow
majority. The States of Holland, in spite of a power-
ful minority supported by Calvinist opinion through-
out the province, refused to concur in the resolution
of the States General. The seizure of a church at
The Hague for the Counter-Remonstrants under the
direction of Maurice led to the adoption of the
"Scherpe Resolutie," proposed by the Advocate to
the States of Holland, which refused to approve
any convocation of a synod, national or provincial,
infringing the sovereign rights and supremacy of
the States in religious affairs. The city magistrates
were directed to uphold the peace and to levy new
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 2/
forces for this purpose, if necessary; all officials, munic-
ipal and provincial, all soldiers in the pay of the prov-
ince, were required to take an oath of obedience to the
States of Holland on pain of dismissal. Levies of
troops were raised in Leyden, Harlem, Rotterdam,
Gouda and other towns. In the meantime, Olden-
bamevelt had gone to Utrecht, where the States under
his influence refused to stop the levy on receiving tp.e
warning of the States General in regard to the danger-
ous character of such measures. Finally, Maurice, on
the commission of the States General, entered the town
at the head of his troops, and, on July 31,1618, the troops
of the States in obedience to his commands laid down
their arms. The Prince as Stadtholder immediately
created a new Municipal Council of Counter-Remon-
strants and a majority of the same party in the Provin-
cial States. On August 20, the States General issued a
placard for the dismissal of troops of Holland within
twenty-four hours, and on the 29th the Advocate and
his chief adherents were placed under arrest, which ter-
minated in their judicial murder. After these arrests,
Maurice with a strong retinue made a totir of the towns
of Holland and purged the Municipal Councils and the
Provincial States of their Remonstrant majorities. His
work was approved by the States General, which assem-
bled in November, and with the destruction of all oppo-
sition the seven provinces unanimously approved the
convocation of the National S3mod.
The National Synod, assembled at Dortdrecht
began its first session on November 13, 1618. The
assembly consisted of more than one hundred members,
amongst whom there were about thirty foreign divines
28 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
and eighteen political commissioners representing the
States. The Remonstrant minority was immediately
put on trial for its teaching by the remainder of the
Synod, from which they were finally ordered to with-
draw after violent altercation. They then assembled
in Rotterdam, where they denounced the tyranny of the
dominant party, who condemned the Remonstrants as
schismatics and heretics, and declared them unfit to
hold any position in the churches, schools and univer-
sities of the country. The former liberal movement in
favor of a revision of the Creeds of the Dutch Reformed
Church was definitely checked by the Sjmod's approval
of the Netherland Confession and the Heidelberg Cate-
chism without any change, as the orthodox Calvinist
faith was thought to be briefly but completely set forth
in these. Now the States General imposed the "Act of
Cessation, " on pain of banishment, which deprived the
Remonstrants of the right to preach and reduced them
to the condition Of private individuals. Only one of the
Remonstrant members of the Synod signed ; the remain-
ing fourteen were forced to go into exile. In July, 1619,
the States General prohibited the assemblies of the
Remonstrants, but the ordinance was not enforced in
the larger towns, as Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Gouda,
although this connivance greatly annoyed the Calvinist
zealots. In all about two hundred Remonstrant
preachers were deposed and of these seventy signed the
Act of Cessation, about forty finally accepted the
articles of Dortdrecht, with restoration to the ministry
as a reward, and about eighty went into exile. These
last attacked the dominant party, "the little ministers
of the new Holland inqtiisition, " with a mass of pam-
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 29
phlets and lampoons, emanating mainly from the press
in Antwerp, the headquarters of the Remonstrants.
The work of purification also extended byond the min-
istry. Church Cotmcillors, schoolmasters, etc., who
were suspected of the heresy were likewise removed
from their offices. Some municipal governments were
also changed, although a Remonstrant magistrate here
and there retained his position, when his removal wg,s
more dangerous than his retention.* Under these cir-
cumstances the Arminian spirit persisted in spite of the
oppressive measures.
The termination of the twelve years' truce brought
an increase of severity in the treatment of the Catholics.
Before this the Synod of Dortdrecht had petitioned the
States General to see to the observance of the laws, to
suppress definitively the exercise of Catholic worhip and
to expel the Jesuits and foreign priests from the coun-
try. In response to a second request of this nature, the
States General, on February 26, 1622, issued a placard
which prohibited Jesuits, religious of either sex and
foreign priests from residing permanently or tempora-
1 With the victory of the strict Calvinists the tendency to
restrict official positions throughout the provinces to the members
of that ^arty became still more pronounced. At the time of the
formulation of the Union of Utrecht, it had been proposed to incor-
porate a clause excluding from such positions all persons who were
not members of the Reformed Church. This measure was not
adopted, but various limitations in regard to office-holding in the
provinces dated from that time. In 1616 certain elective capacities
were denied to Catholics, In the Provinces of Overyssel and Gel-
derland, no restriction was adopted tmtil after the termination of the
truce. Thirty years later similar laws were adopted in Holland,
where many non-reformed had seats in the municipal colleges.
Although some cities, like Gouda, gave the preference to members of
the "true Christian Religion," until then no one in the majority of
cities was legally disquaUfied for the exercise of pohtical rights or
for nomination -to office upon theological or religious grounds.
Cf, Blok, A History of the People of the Netherlands, iii. 486.
30 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
rily in the lands of the Republic, under the penalty of
being arrested and imprisoned as enemies of the State.
A second offense on their part entailed punishment for
disturbance of the public peace. Their hosts in the
land were subject to a fine of one hundred pounds
Flemish for the first offense, double the sum for the
second offense, and to the penalty of corporal punish-
ment and banishment for the third offense. The
priests who previously had been authorized to reside
in the Republic were bound to report their names and
places of residence to the local magistrate, if they
wished to continue the enjoyment of this privilege.
All correspondence with foreign ecclesiastics was pro-
hibited to the subjects of the Republic, and letters of this
kind were to be surrendered to the magistrate on their
receipt tinder a fine of fifty pounds for every infraction
of the law. Catholic ceremonies were interdicted not
only in the churches but also in private houses. The
master of the house was subject to a fine of two hundred
florins, each person present to a fine of twenty-five
florins, and the officiatingpriest to the penalty of ban-
ishment. The priests who preached disobedience to these
laws were to be prosecuted for sedition and subjected
to corporal punishment, "even unto death," according
to the gravity of the offense. Attendance at foreign
Jesuit schools was again forbidden, and parents were
ordered to recall their children from such places under
a fine of one hundred florins for each month of delay.
The congregations of devout women, "klopjes," were to
be dissolved at once. Protestant orphans were not to
be confided to the care of Catholic guardians, but to the
care of the magistrate, if they had no near relations of
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 3 I
the Reformed persuasion. Collections for all sorts of
Catholic purposes were absolutely interdicted. Finally,
the judges were commanded to execute the provisions
of this ordinance without any relaxation, and they were
threatened with the loss of their positions and with
arbitrary punishment if they accepted a bribe from the
delinquents. Those who denounced such practices
were promised a reward of three hundred florin^.
Still there must have been a great deal of conni-
vance, as this placard was renewed in 1624, 1629
and 1 64 1, and as the synods multiply in course of time
their complaints of the boldness and superstition of the
papists, "PauseHjke stoutigheden ente superstitien."
Nevertheless, the States General did not recede from
its intransigent attitude towards Catholic worship,
although the edicts against the Remonstrants and
other Protestant dissenters, such as Mennonites and
Lutherans, gradually lapsed into desuetude under the
moderate poUcy dictated by the successor of Maurice,
his brother Frederick Henry, and supported by the
municipal governments, who feared the domination of
the Dutch Reformed Church in the event of further
repression. In 1630 the States General refused to
listen to the petition of the French ambassador for the
concession of religious liberty to the inhabitants of the
conquered city of Bois-le-Duc. On March 13, 1644, the
Count d'Avaux, previous to his departure for Miinster,
where he was to take part in the negotiations for a gen-
eral peace, requested in the name of the Queen Regent
of France a relaxation of the repressive ordinances
against Catholics from the States General. This assem-
bly protested against this presumptuous and unreason-
32 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
able intervention of a stranger in the internal affairs of
the Republic. A resolution was then passed by the
States General to complete the penal legislation against
Catholics on the plea that impunity to propagators of
"Catholic superstitions" and the introduction of the
papist hierarchy entailed undeniable dangers for public
safety. The French plenipotentiary, Count d'Estrades,
was not more successful in his attempt to have an
article incorporated in the capitulation of the city of
Hulst, granting the public exercise of the Catholic wor-
ship. When Frederick Henry transmitted the petition
to the States General, the assembly expressed their
great astonishment at this pernicious proposition.
In the following year, when the French and
Dutch planned a joint attack on Antwerp, Cardinal
Mazarin was able to obtain only the grudging consent of
his Dutch allies to the concession of four churches for
Catholic worship on the conquest of this city. The
joint expedition never took place.
The conclusion of the general peace of Munster in
1648 brought to the Republic a recognition of its sov-
ereignty by Spain. The CathoHcs, sorely harassed in
the past by the oppressive measures of the States Gen-
eral, which had often been anticipated and even rein-
forced by the penal legislation of the provincial States
and of the town councils, hoped for some relaxation of
the persecution with the cessation of hostilities, but the
Calvinist clergy was loud in its protestations against
any concession to "Roman idolatry," which: would
surely bring upon the Republic the anger of God. In
spite of the opposition of the States of Holland, some
relaxation was ordered by the States General within the
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 33
territory proper of the Republic, but severe measures
of repression were adopted for the territory recently an-
nexed in the south, where> notwithstanding aU the efforts
of the Spanish plenipotentiaries, the supremacy of the
States was asserted in spiritual as well as temporal mat-
ters. The death of the Prince of Orange with the birth
of an heir eight days later gave an opportunity to the
States of Holland to use its influence for an increase ^f
the powers of the States by the reasstunption of many
rights that had been acquired under stress of previoiis
political necessities by the Princes of Orange. The
Great Assembly of the United Provinces, opened Janu-
ary i8, 1651, to discuss the situation, reindorsed the
decrees of the National Ssmod of Dortdrecht, which
were to be maintained in each province "with the
power of the land." The five delegates from the pro-
vincial Sjmods were not satisfied with this. They
demanded drastic measures against "popish idolatry,
superstition and hierarchy," against the "innumerable
Jesuits, priests, curates and monks," overrunning the
land "in thousands like locusts"; they insisted on the
enforcement of the placards against other dissenters,
against the public worship of the Jews, and against all
attacks on the Reformed teaching, with the suppression
of all crying public sins, lest it appear that the authori-
ties have received the "sword" in vain. Holland pro-
tested against the adoption of the measures of the
Spanish Inquisition after the sacrifice of so much blood
for liberty of conscience, but Zealand, with Friesland,
Groningen and Overyssel, was willing to satisfy the
demands of the Sjmods, while Gelderland and Utrecht
hesitated. Finally, Holland was able to have its reso-
34 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
lutiou adopted by the assembly, which decreed the mainr
tenance of the ordinances of. the. National Sjmod of
Dortdrecht, the enforcement of the placards against
the Catholics and the retention of other sects "in all
good order and quiet." The execution of this decree
fell far short of the desires of the Calvinist ministers,
who continually assailed the. civil authorities with
their remonstrances, and Catholics and sometimes
adherents of other persuasions had continually to fear
the penalties that might be inflicted according to law
by the magistrates under pressure of the ministers.
Government circles were not so inimical to the consider-
ations which De la Court advanced. He believed that
self-interest should prevent the dominant Calvinists
from the attempt to suppress people of other persua-
sions, who were in the majority even in Holland, as per-
secution might provoke their emigration, to the great loss
of the country. He teUs us that most'of the "old in-
habitants," peasants, moneyed men, and nobles in that
province were still Catholics, while there were also
many Protestants, but mostly Mennonites or Rijns-
burgers. In spite of all past vexatious measures.
Catholics still formed a large majority of the population
in the Provinces of Utrecht, Gelderland and Overyssel,
although many of the Reformed were to be found in
some districts, as the Veluwe, since John of Nassau
was able to throw his influence into the balance. De la
Torre's report of 1656 gives a very small number of
Catholics for the three northern provinces, and Blokin
his history estimates the number of Catholics above the
Meuse at about half a million. This geographical dis-
tribution of the confessions represents the condition of
THE DUTCH BACKGROUND 35
religion in the Dutch Republic at the very moment
when the colony of New Netherland passed into the
hands of the English, on the eve of the second English
war, in 1664.
CHAPTER II
General Relations of Church and State
IN New NetherlaNd
The successful organization of the Dutch East India
Company in 1602 rendered feasible the formation of a
West India Company to realize more effectually the
humiliation of the power of Spain. Very early William
Ussellinx, an ardent Calvinist and an enemy to "all
heretics and erring spirits," advocated the organization
of such a commercial company to prey on the Spanish
possessions, from which their enemy drew the "sinews
of war," and to plant there the saving faith and the gos-
pel of Jesus Christ, whereby the heathen might be res-
cued from the darkness of idolatry and be preserved
from papistry.' Although the plan became popular, it
was oppospd by the East India Company, which feared
for its monopoly, and by Oldenbamevelt, who was
anxious to avoid new complications with Spain. The
successful negotiation of a truce in 1609 made any
further effort on the part of Ussellinx fruitless. Never-
theless, in the very same year, the discoveries of Henry
Hudson on the North American coast, while employed
by the Dutch East India Company in the search of a
*Cf. O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, i. 31; prospectus
for W. I. Co., Arg. Gust. p. 51, Jameson, William Usselinx.A. H. A.
Papers, ii. 39.
(36)
CHURCH AND STATE 37
passage to the East Indies, opened a period of Dutch
discovery and fur-trade, which was increased consider-
ably after the incorporation of the United New Nether-
land Company in i6i4,with exclusive trading privileges
for three years. After the fall of Oldenbamevelt,
Ussellinx was conscious of a better chance to realize his
projects, especially as there was no doubt of the renewal
of hostilities on the expiration of the twelve years' truce^.
He was, however, disappointed by the refusal of the
States General to adopt many of his ideas in the charter
of the new company. Ussellinx had planned a char-
ter for the formation of a Protestant (Calvinist) colonial
empire under a well-ordered administration, subject to
regular supervision by the state, to control the mer-
chants "who have gain for their north star and greed for
a compass, and who would believe the ship was keeping
to its right course, if it were almost wrecked by profit.'"
The States General obtained considerable influence in
the new association through its deputies on the govern-
ing board, the College of the XIX, and through the
requirement of its approval for warlike operations.
For the West India Company was modeled after the
East India Company, mainly for spoils and privateer-
ing, according to the more warlike plans of the
maritime cities of Holland.
While no mention of religion was made in the char-
ter of the West India Company, or in the subsequent
agreement between the managers and the principal
adventurers, religious motives were not absent in the
adoption of the charter. Abraham Sixt, ambassador
• Blok, A Hist, of the People of the Netherlands, iv. 3-5 ;
Jameson, William Ussdinx, A. H. A. Papers, ii. 66-67.
38 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
of the Elector Palatine Frederick, is said to have iirged
this scheme to promote the Protestant cause in the
Bohemian war. During the discussion of the drafts
of the charter of the West India Company, Ferdinand
had become Emperor, the Elector Palatine, the nephew
of Prince Maurice and Count Frederick, had been
chosen King of Bohemia, and the combination had
been formed for the overthrow of the latter. The
cause of Protestantism in Bohemia and especially of
the German Calvinists appealed to the sjrmpathies of
the party now ruling in the United Provinces, but in the
end the controlling factor in shaping the new organiza-
tion was the proximate expiration of the truce with
Spain and the renewal of hostilities.'
The interests of the new company naturally centered
in the Spanish seas about Brazil and the West Indies,
while the Province of New Netherland received scant
attention, although organized colonization began
there almost as soon as the time for the subscriptions to
the company terminated in 1623. When the question
of religion presented itself in regard to the colony,
the West India Company, the proprietor of the
province, assumed the same authority which the civil
power exercised in religious matters within the United
Provinces. In addition, the right of patronage was
claimed by the company over the colonial church.
Usselinx had proposed in his plan the establishment of
a cotmcil or college of theologians, who were to supply
the company with godly ministers and teachers to
instruct not only the colonists and their children, but
' Jameson, William Usselinx, A. H. A. Papers if. 66-67.
CHURCH AND STATE 39
also the Indians, in religion and learning.' Although
no such provision was made in the charter finally
adopted for the company, the deputies on foreign affairs
of the Classis of Amsterdam soon acquired such a posi-
tion in the ecclesiastical affairs of the Province of New
Netherland. The stockholders of the company had
been organized into five chambers representing various
sections of the United Provinces, to whom was given,a
proportional representation in a general executive
board, the College of the XIX. In the general dis-
tribution of the various enterprises amongst the indi-
vidual chambers of the company, the most important
chamber, located at Amsterdam, received the imme-
diate management of New Netherland from the
College of the XIX, ^ which practically lost all its
power over the province when it refused to contribute
to the expenses of the colony after the company's
bankruptcy in 1645 i^ consequence of the vast expendi-
tures entailed in its ineffectual efforts to retain the
Dutch conquests in Brazil.' Henceforth, ' the Amster-
dam Chamber bore the expenses alone and assumed a
still more independent administration of New Nether-
land.
The Directors of the Chamber in the establi^-
ment of churches and the appointment of preachers and
other ministers of religion followed the rule adopted in
* Van Rees, ii. p. 117, makes this a subject of a memorial to the
Synod of Dort, Cf. Jameson, William Usselinx, A. H. A. Papers, ii.
61-62.
^ Cf. charter in O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, i. 399;
Osgood, The Am. Colonies in the 17th Ceiituiy, ii. 96. Van Rens-
selaer-Bowier MSS. (igo8), gives a revised version of the charter.
'Directors to Stuyvesant, Jan. 27, 1649, Col. Docs. N. Y.,
xiv. 104.
40 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
1624 by the SsTiod of North Holland, which gave to the
Classis the charge of all the ecclesiastical interests in the
colonies under the care of the Chamber located within
the limits of its jurisdiction.' This practical solution
of the question of the supervision of the colonial
churches was immediately protested by deputies from
Utrecht, Overyssel and especially of Gelderland, who
held that the matter equally concerned all the churches
of the land, and demanded that at least deputies from
their respective synods might be admitted to a general
assembly of delegates from the churches and classes,
which had charge of colonial churches.'' Such a general
assembly, which had first been suggested by the Synod
of North Holla,nd at the expense of the commercial com-
pany with jurisdiction over these colonies,' never was
realized, and the individual classes continued to take
charge of the colonial churches of the respective cham-
bers within their jurisdiction. According to this rule,
ministers were first sent to the colonies by the Classes of
Hoom and Enkhuysen, but, with the concentration of
business at Amsterdam, this classis acquired almost
exclusive control of the colonial churches, although it
was not authorized to do this any more than other
classes, where there were chambers of the companies.*
As early as 1628 Michaelius, the first minister of New
Netherland, recognized the consistory of Amsterdam as
the superior ecclesiastical authority of the colony.*
'Synod of North Holland, Aug. 6, etc., 1624, Ecd. Recs.
N/Y., i. 38-39.
•Synod of North Holland, 1625, Atig. 12, etc. Ibid. 39.
'Synod of North Holland, Aug. 6, 1624. Ibid 38-39.
* Synod of North Holland, Aug. i, 1639. Ibid. 126.
* Michaelius to Smoutius. Ibid. 54.
CHURCH AND STATE 4l
This course of action continued to be followed, but in
1639 a decided attempt began to be made on the part of
the protesting synods for the formation of an ecclesias-
tical body that would have represented the entire
Dutch Church in the supervision of colonial churches.
In case of a refusal or a longer delay, these S3mods
threatened to appeal for a remedy to the States General,
whom their deputies were instructed to interest in this
matter.' The majority of the classes in the Synod of
North Holland declared the change unadvisable, but
agreed by way of compromise to send the ecclesiastical
acta of the colonial churches to the corresponding
synods,* but this did not satisfy them. Deputies from
the Synods of Gelderland, South Holland, Utrecht, and
Overyssel submitted a remonstrance to the States Gen-
eral, who were requested in the grant of new charters to
give charge of everything necessary for the welfare of.
the East and West India churches to a board of deputies
from the synods of all the United Provinces. On the
advice of the States General, the Synod of South Hol-
land agreed to a conference with the Synod of North
Holland in the presence of the correspondents from the
other synods. The old rule was maintained, but the
classes in charge of colonial churches were to submit a
full annual report of the condition of these churches to
their synods, of which a summary was to be incor-
porated in the synodal acts, and communicated to all
the synods of the United Provinces. The corres-
pondents were to take with them, at their own expense,
•S3mod of North Holland, i6«, Aug. i, etc., Eccl. Recs. N. Y.,
i. 123-126; 1640, Aug. 21, etc.. Ibid. 132-134; Oct. 30, Ibid. 135.
» Synod of North Holland, 1641, Aug. 13, etc., Art 29, Ibid.
138-139-
42 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
copies of the minutes of these classes and of any docu-
ments bearing on these matters. If any difficulties
arose in regard to doctrine or church polity in the colo-
nial churches, which could not be readily solved by the
particular classis or synod, the advice of the sjmods of
the land was to sought, unless there could be no delay,
and then the facts of 'the case were to be communicated
to them. The last article in this plan shows that the
protesting synods wished to make it possible for persons
under their jurisdiction to serve the colonial church.
Those who manifested such a desire were to be held in
good commendation by the classes in charge of such
churches, provided they had the necessary qualifica-
tions.^ Although the Synod of South HoUand provis-
ionally accepted these propositions, it gained the
approval of other synods very slowly.^ By 1648 it was
accepted by all the synods, except Utrecht, which
finally also agreed to the plan two years later.' Thus
the Classis of Amsterdam remained undisturbed in the
direction and supervision of the colonial church of New
Netherland. Ministers, Comforters of the Sick, and
Schoolmasters had to quahfy themselves for work in
New Netherland before the Classis, who then presented
them to the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, and
on their appointment gave them the necessary call, for
which a special formula had been adopted in 1636.' The
1 Synod of North Holland, Aug. 12, etc. Eccl. Recs. N. Y.
i. 158-161.
2 Synod of North Holland, 1643, Ibid. 173-4, etc.;
1644, Avig. II, etc., Art. 28. Ibid. 183-4; 1645, Aug. 8, etc., Art
ao. Ibid, 190.
^ Synod of North Holland, 1648, Aug, 11, etc., Jbid.232; 1650,
Aug. 6, etc.. Ibid. 277-8.
* Cf . Ibid. 92-99.
CHURCH AND STATE 43
correspondence of these ministers in the colony of New
Netherland manifests in detail the influence of the
Classis of Amsterdam on the religious conditions which
developed in the colony and forms one of the main
sources of information for the history of this period.
Although the States General frequently intervened
in the civil administration of the Province of New
Netherlands there is hardly any trace of its interven-
tion in ecclesiastical matters. The condition of religion
in the colony, revealed in the Remonstrance of the people
of New Netherland to the States General in 1649,
seemed to call for redress in spite of the opposition of
the Company. In the following year, the States General
resolved that "New Netherland, being at present pro-
vided with only one clergyman, orders shall be given
forthwith for the immediate calling and support of at
least three preachers, one to attend to divine service at
Rensselaer's colony, the second in and about the city of
New Amsterdam, and the third in the distant places ;
and the commonalty shall also be obliged to have the
youth instructed by good schoolmasters,"' but the
Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber claimed that
" the colony of Rensselaerswyck must provide its own
clergyman, while New Amsterdam is provided and there
is none yet required in the outlying places. '" There
was again fear of the intervention of the States General
in the separatist movement of the Lutherans from the
Reformed Church of New Amsterdam, although the
States General had approved the exclusive establish-
iCf. Osgood, The Am. Colonies in the 17th Century, ii. 97-98.
• * Provisional Order for the Government, Preservation and Peo-
pling of New Netherland. Col. Docs. N. Y., i. 389.
* Observations of Chamber of Amsterdam. Ibid. 392.
44 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ment of the Dutch Reformed Church in the charter of
Privileges and Exemptions of 1640. At this time, the
Classis of Amsterdam feared that an appeal on the part
of the Lutherans for freedom of public worship might be
allowed by the States General, but their fear was ground-
less, and nothing was done to revoke the exclusive
establishment of the Reformed Church of New Nether-
land.
Within the Province of New Netherland, the govern-
ment was vested in the Director General, assisted by an
advisory council, upon whom all other officials of the
company in the colony were dependent for their
authority.* The Director, as supreme magistrate,
retained the direct conti^ol of the colonial church even
after the establishment of inferior local courts in vil-
lages and in the city of New Amsterdam. The local
courts had no jurisdiction over criminals and delin-
quents guUty of blasphemy, violation of God's Holy
Name and religion. Such cases were reserved to the
judgment of the Provincial Court.' All measures rela-
tive to the erection of churches and schools and the
support of these institutions had to be confirmed,
approved and commanded by the Director General and
Council, except when there was question of churches
established within patroonships, such as Rensselaers-
wyck on the North River and New Amstel on the South
River.* Comforters of the Sick, ministers and school-
masters were usually appointed by the Directors of the
Amsterdam Chamber, commissioned by the Classis of
* Cf. Osgood, The Am. Colonies in the 17th Centvuy, ii. 100, sqq'
* This is the reason why the town minutes of this period contain
little information on the religious life of the people.
* Cf . Col. Docs. N. Y., xiii. 198.
CHURCH AND STATE 45
Amsterdam, but inducted by some colonial official in
the name of the Director General. When an appoint-
ment was made directly by the Director General to the
ministry of a Dutch Reformed Church, as in the case of
PoUiemus, this was subject to the approval of the civil
and ecclesiastical authorities in the fatherland. Such
approval was not sought for the English orthodox min-
isters, who came into New Netherland with their aon-
gregations, but the exercise of their ministry needed the
approval of the provincial government. This is the
reason of the censure incurred by the Reverend Mr.
Fordham, who gave up the exercise of the ministry in
Hempstead without the Wish and the knowledge of the
provincial government. Stuyvesant, therefore, refused
to admit him "in such mennor of comminge again. "^
Later the Director General and Council appealed
directly to the Chamber of Amsterdam and the Classis
of Amsterdam for orthodox English ministers. The
fulfilment of these requests would have brought the
appointment of English ministers into full conformity
with the appointment of the Dutch ministers.
Appointments to minor offices within the churches
illustrate still more the close dependence of the church
on the chief magistrate. When Megapolensis needed
a new chorister in his church at New Amsterdam, he
requested the appointment from the provincial coun-
cil.* When the term of office for a church warden had
expired, the local magistrates presented a double num-
1 Stuyvesant to the magistrates of Hempstead, July 14, 1657;
Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 118-119; Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 396.
» O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch),!. 146.
46 RELIGION IN NEW NETHBRLAND
bet of persons for the office, from which the Director
General and Comncil selected a new church warden.'
The school, which was also a religious institution,
was likewise under the direct control of the colonial
government. The presumption of Jacob van Corlaer
to teach in a school without the order of the Director
General and Council brought a very clear assertion of
the powers of the government, which then refused to
grant the requisite permission even in spite of the hum-
ble supplication of the Burghers and inhabitants and
the intercession of the Burgomasters and some Schepens.
Stuyvesant declared that "school teaching and the
induction of a schoolmaster depends absolutely on the
right of patronage."^ This principle found a good
illustration in the petition of the magistrates of Bos-
wyck, who requested the approval of their contract
with Boudewyn Maenhout as reader and schoolmaster.
The Director General and Council fulfilled the request
on the condition that the schoolmaster be first exam-
ined by the reverend clergy of New Amsterdam and
declared fit for the performance of his duties.' This
regulation was probably due to the place of religion in
the Dutch colonialschool, where the principles and fun-
damentals of the Christian religion were also to be incul-
cated. One of the last ordinances of the Dutch provin-
cial government ordered the two schoolmasters of New
Amsterdam, Pietersen of the principal school and Van
Hoboocken of the branch school in the Bouwery, to
bring their children to the church on Wednesday to be
* Cf. Recs. New Amsterdam, vii. 142, 144, 17S. 237, passim.
' Ibid ii. 348; Col. Docs. N.Y., xiv. 412, 413-14.
° Council minute, Dec. 28, 1662, Ibid 519.
CHURCH AND STATE 47
examined after the sermon in the presence of the rev-
erend ministers and elders in the catechism taught dur-
ing the week.'
The right of patronage, while it conceded the priv-
ilege of church control in the appointment of the minis-
ters, entailed the obligation of furnishing a revenue
sufficient for their support. The budget of the Com-
pany for New Netherland contained the monthly item
of one hundred and twenty florins for the support o! a
clergyman, and of thirty florins for the support of a
schoolmaster, who was at the same time precentor and
sexton.^ On the formation of patroonships, the pa-
troon and the colonists were bound to seek ways and
means to support their ministers of religion. This was
the case in Rensselaerswyck and New Amstel. The
colonists in the jurisdiction of the Company desired the
formation of a glebe, as appears in the Remonstrance of
1649, but no glebe was formed until the arrival of Pol-
hemus, in 1654, on the petition of the court of Midwout.
Here the attempt was made to find all support of the
ministry amongst th^ people. Later the Company
offered to contribute six hundred guilders for the sup-
port of a minister on the condition that the inhabi-
bitants raise an esqual sum.' These arrangements only
affected the Dutch Church ; the English had to support
their ministers without any aid from the government of
New Netherland.
Governmental control extended not only to the
regulation of the affairs of church and school, but also
• Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, p. 461.
>Col. Docs. N.Y.,i. iss-
» Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 434.
48 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to the observance of general public morals. This was
especially true of the directorship of Peter Stujrvesant.
He published with much greater frequency than
his predecessors days of public prayer and thanks-
giving, which he ordered to be celebrated with
sermons and prayers in the English as well as the
Dutch churches of the province. This was done
sometimes to placate divine wrath, outraged by the sins
of the people, sometimes to avert the impending evil
of an Indian war or of a pestilential disease, sometimes
to preserve the purity of the Calvinist faith endan-
gered by the growth of dissent ; in a word, to implore
temporal and spiritual blessings for Church and State.'
Wherever he noticed grave abuses in the religious and
moral life of the people, he attempted to remedy the
evil. Although there was an ordinance not to tap beer
during divine service, as early as 1641, the conflict
between the former minister of New Amsterdam, the
Reverend Everardus Bogardus, and the former Di-
rector General William Kieft, had trained the people to
the violation of the Sabbath. Shortly after his arrival,
StuyTT^esant saw that "the disregard, nay contempt, of
God's holy laws and ordinances, which command us to
keep holy in His Honor His day of rest, the Sabbath,
and forbid all bodily injury and murder," was due to
the prevalence of drunkenness amongst the inhabitants.
He, therefore, prohibited all brewers, tapsters and inn-
keepers, on the Lord's day of rest, to "entertain people,
tap or draw any wine, beer or strong waters of any kind
and under any pretext before two o'clock in case there
is no preaching, or else before four, except to a traveler
* Passim in Col. Docs. N. Y., i, ii, iii, xii, xiii, xiv.
CHURCH AND STATE 49
or those who are daily customers, fetching their drinks
to their homes." There was a double punishment
attached to the violation of this ordinance. One af-
fected the person found drinking liquor, who was sub-
ject to a fine of six guilders, and the other affected the
brewer, tapster or innkeeper, who" was to be deprived of
his occupation for the violation of the law. Further-
more, no liquor was to be sold on any day after the ring-
ing of the bell in the evening, which took place at abo?it
nine o'clock.*
In the following year, the Director General dis-
covered that his orders "against unreasonable and
intemperate drinking" were not observed, "to the
great scandal and reproach of this community and
neighboring strangers, who visit this place, also to the
vilification and contempt of God's Holy Word and
our ordinance, based thereon." He complained that
"this way of earning a living and the easily made
profits therefrom please many and divert them from
their first calling, trade and occupation, so that they
become tapsters and that one full fourth of the City
of New Amsterdam has been turned into taverns for
the sale of brandy, tobacco and beer."* After he
had arranged "for the further obervance of the Sabbath
with the knowledge of the servant of God's Word" by a
sermon, in the afternoon as well as in the forenoon, with
the usual Christian prayers and thanksgiving, he re-
quested and charged all officials, subjects and vassals
to assist at these services, during which ' ' all tapping,
fishing, hunting and other usual occupations, handi-
*Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 1-2, May3i, 1647.
^ Ordinance, March 10, 1648. Ibid., 7-8.
so RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
crafts and business, be it in houses, cellars, shops,
ships, yachts, or on the streets and market places,"
were forbidden, "under the penalty of forfeiting all
such wares, goods and merchandise and of redeem-
ing them with the payment of twenty-five florins,
to be applied until further orders for the support
of the poor and the churches, besides a fine of one
pound Flemish, payable by purchaser as well as
seller, employee as well as employer, half of it going
to the officer, the other half at the discretion of the
court." Any person violating the Sabbath by ex-
cessive drinking, "to his disgrace and the offense
of others, " was subject to arrest by the Fiscal or
any superior or inferior officer, and to arbitrary pun-
ishment by the court.' Regulations were also made to
restrict the number of taverns, and to punish the sale
of liquor to the Indians.
The ordinances for the observance of Sunday were
not intended to be enforced only at New Amsterdam.
As soon as the whole of the South River again came
under the authority of the West India Company,
in 1655, the vice-director, Jean Paul Jacquet, and his
commissaries were instructed "to observe and have
observed the placards and ordinances made and
published heretofore against drinking on the Sabbath
and the profanation of the same."^
The severity of the law was increased considerably in
1656. The Director General and Council forbade on the
Lord's day of rest "the usual work of plowing, sowing,
* Ordinance, April 29, 1648. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. g.
2 Provisional Instructions. Nov. 29, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y., xii.
CHURCH AND STATE 5 1
mowing, carpentering, woodsawing, forging, bleaching,
hunting, shooting or anything else, which on the other
days may be a lawful occupation, under the penalty of
one pound Flemish, payable by each person so offend-
ing. ' ' Double this fine was established for ' ' any idle and
forbidden exercises and plays, excessive drinking bouts,
frequentation of taverns or tipplinghouses, dancing,
playing cards, ball or trick-track, tennis, cricket, or
ninepins, pleasure-boating, driving about in carts or
wagons, before, between or during divine service."
Tavemkeepers and tapsters could not keep open their
places or sell to anyone any brandy, wine, beer or other
liquor, directly or indirectly, before or during the ser-
mon, except under the penalty of six florins for each
guest. Each person found drinking was also subject
to a fine of three florins. The same penalty was in-
flicted for the sale of liquor after the mounting of the
guard or the ringing of the beU at night on week-days
as on Sundays. An exception was, however, made
in this regard in the case of servants and boarders
or on public occasions, with the consent and by the
order of the magistrates.' A violation of the Sab-
bath ordinance entailed a severe sentence on April 1 1 ,
1658, when Andrew Vrydach, a mason, was sentenced
to lose six months' wages and to stand guard for
the same period for being intoxicated and flghting
during divine service.^ In i66i,- various forms of
servile labor were interdicted on the Sabbath under
a penalty of one poundfFlemish for^the first offense,
1 Ordinance, Oct. 26, 1656. Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 24;
ii. 204, sqq. '
2 CotmcU minutes. Jtdy 11, 1658. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS.
(Dutch),!, p. 198.
52 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
double as much for the second oflEense, "and four
times double as much" for the third ofifense. The
same penalties were decreed for the sale of liquor on
Sunday, and the drunkard found on this day was to be
conveyed to the guardhouse, where he was to remain
at the discretion of the commissaries and in addition
was to be fined one pound Flemish for the benefit of
the officer who arrested the prisoner.' In 1^6.3, Stuy-
vesant complained not only that the Sunday laws were
not observed, but that they were "by some misinter-
preted and misconstrued, as if the previously enacted
placards referred to and applied to the maintenance and
sanctification of only half the Sabbath." The Director
General and Council, therefore, commanded the observ-
ance not only of a part but of the whole Sabbath,
and warned the people that, "pending the Sabbath,
from the rising to the setting of the sun, no customary
labor shall be performed, much less clubs kept." The
Director General and Council also forbade "all unusual
exercises, such as games, boat, cart or wagon racing,
fishing, fowling, running, sailing, nutting or picking
strawberries, trafficking with the Indians or any like
things, and amongst other things all dissolute and licen-
tious plays, riots, calling children out to the streets and
highways." The penalty for the violation of this ordi-
nance was the forfeiture of the upper garment (het
Oppercleet) or six guilders, according to the decision of
the court, for the first offense, double for the second, and
exemplary punishment for the third offense. * The pla-
' Ordinance, Nov. i8, 1661. Laws and Ordinances of New
Netherland, 415-16.
' Ordinance, Sept. 10, 1663. Recs. New Amsterdam, iv. 301-2.
CHURCH AND STATE 53
card was sent to the Burgomasters and Schepens, but
they did not publish it, because they "found themselves
aggrieved in several particulars." Their successors, in
the spring of 1664, judged the observance of the ordi-
nance highly necessary, but they did "not dare to pub-
lish such a placard, as divers sections thereof are too
severe and too much opposed to Dutch liberties."*
The municipal court was constrained to come to sopie
understanding with the Director General and Council,
as various persons were brought before them on the
usual court day for the violation of the Sabbath.^
The customs of the fatherland had been the occasion
of friction before between the Director General and
Council and the court of Burgomasters and Schepens.
Some farm servants had intended to ride the goose* on
the feast of Bacchus at Shrovetide, but Stu3rvesant
thought it "altogether unprofitable, unnecessary and
censurable for subjects and neighbors to celebrate such
pagan and popish feasts and to practice such evil cus-
toms in this country," while the Burgomasters and
Schepens contended that such customs were "tolerated
and looked at through the fingers in some places of the
fatherland." Nevertheless, the Director General and
Council sent the court messenger, Claes van Elsland,
with a prohibition to the farm servants, who paid no
respect whatever to the order of the Director General.
^ Court minute, March i8, 1664. Recs. New Amsterdam, v.
38-39-
? Court minute, May 13, 1664. Ibid. 60.
'"There was a game called 'Pulling the Goose,' introduced at
New Amsterdam in 1654. A goose with head and neck smeared
with grease was suspended between two poles. Men rode at full
gallop, and tried to grasp it as they passed." Tuckerman, Peter
Stuyvesant, p. 152.
54 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Some of the delinquents were then summoned before
the Director General and Council to be tried and
fined for contempt. Several behaved insolently to-
wards the chief magistracy, and were committed by
the Director General and Council to prison.' On the
protest of the Burgomasters and Schepens, the Director
General and Council informed them that the estabUsh-
ment of an inferior court of justice under the name
Schout, Burgomasters, and Schepens or Commissaries in
no way infringed or diminished "the power and authority
of the Director General and Council to enact any ordi-
nances or issue particular interdicts, especially those
which tend to the glory of God, or the best interest of
the inhabitants, or will prevent more sins, scandals, de-
baucheries and crimes, and properly correct, fine and
punish obstinate transgressors."^ When Cornelius van
Tienhoven informed the Burgomasters and Schepens
of the country-people's intention to ride the goose again
in the following year, he was instructed, in response to
his inquiry, "seasonably to declare the same to be
illegal," as it had been forbidden by the Supreme
Councillors.'
The prevalence of concubinage and irregularities in
contracting matrimony, which occasioned the former,
also called for Stuyvesant's intervention soon after his
advent to the Province of New Netherland and
repeatedly during the course of his administration.
According to the laws of the Netherlands, and the
f" * Stuyvesant to Schout, Burgomasters and Schepens. Feb. a6,
1654. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 172; Col. Docs. N.Y., xiv. 249.
' Stuyvesant to Schout, Burgomaster and Schepens. Feb. 26,
1654, Recs. New Amsterdam i. i73;|Co]. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 249.
'Court minute. Feb. 8, i6ss- Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 286.
CHURCH AND STATE 55
adjoining provinces and countries, persons desiring to
enter the state of matrimony had to give notice of their
bans, which were to be published on three consecutive
days of prayer or of court session in the jurisdiction,
place or village where the two contracting parties were
residents and had lived for the past year. If these parties
were residents of different villages, places, or districts,
the bans had to be published in both places and proof
of no lawful hindrance had to be produced to the mag-
istrates or beadles at the place, where, after the publi-
cation of the bans, they wished to be married.* In
violation of this legislation, William Harck, the sheriff
of Flushing, had solemnized a marriage between
Thomas Nuton, a widower, and Joan, the daughter of
Richard Smith, against her parents' consent and con-
trary to law. On April 3, 1648, the sheriff was fined six
hundred Carolus guilders, dismissed from ofi&ce, and the
marriage was annulled; Thomas Nuton was sentenced
to pay a fine of three hundred guilders and to have the
marriage again solemnized after three proclamations.^
Although the clergy of New Amsterdam were the com-
missaries of matrimonial cases, Stuyvesant himself
sometimes intervened, as in the case of the maid Wil-
lemeyntje, who had been deceived by a promise of mar-
riage by Ralph Clark.' In spite of the law, magistrates
again published the bans of matrimony for persons
who resided outside of their jurisdiction, and solem-
nized such marriageSjbut on January 19, 1654, an ordi-
* Stuyvesant and Council to magistrates of Gravesend. Feb.
10, 1654. Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 245-6.
2 Council Minute. April 3, 1648. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS.
(Dutch), i. p. 116.
^ Ibid. pp. 126-127, 130.
S6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
nance was issued that prohibited this practice and
bound the contracting parties to prove that their bans
had been published where they had resided for the
previous year.' This legislation had been occasioned
especially by the illegal proceedings of the Court of
Gravesend, which published the bans of matrimony
between Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth, residents
of New Amsterdam, without the consent of Stuyvesant,
who had been made the guardian of the bridegroom by
the father in Holland. This breach of the correct
practice of the ecclesiastical and civil order of New
Amsterdam was thought to prepare "a way whereby
hereafter some sons and daughters, unwilling to obey
parents and guardians, will, contrary to their wishes,
secretly go and get married in such villages or else-
where. "'' The magistrates of Gravesend contended
that van Beeck was a freeman of their village and that
the intervention of the Director General in this matter
was a violation of their charter, but Stuyvesant retorted
that he was also a freeman of New Amsterdam and
of Amsterdam, that matrimony must be concluded
according to divine and human laws, with the consent
of parents, tutors or guardians, and that no infraction of
the privileges of their charter was intended.' On Feb-
ruary lo, 1654, the court messenger was sent to Graves-
end to renew the marriage ordinance of the Province of
New Netherland, and to declare all marriages not con-
cluded according to this statute, unlawful, "as contrary
to all civil and political laws and ordinances, in force
1 O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch) i. p. 134.
* Court minute, Jan. 26, 1654. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 155.
'Stuyvesant to magistrates of Gravesend, Jan. 20, 1654, Col.
Docs. N. Y., xiv. 243 ; Feb. 10, 1654, Ibid. 245-6.
CHURCH AND STAXfe. 57
here, in our fatherland and among all our Christian
neighbors.'" On the same day, the Burgomasters and
Schepens of New Amsterdam, requested by Johan van
Beeck to proclaim properly the bans of his marriage
with Maria Verleth, remonstrated . with the magis-
trates of Gravesend for their action in this case and
attempted to obtain a mutual promise to prevent such
irregularities in the future. 'Johan van Beeck con-
tinued to push his petition for a publication of the
bans of his contemplated marriage bejEore the muni-
cipal court. The circumstances of the case were care-
fully weighed by the magistrates: the institution of
matrimony, the teaching of the Apostle of the Gentiles,
the proper ages of the contracting parties, the consent
of the parents of the girl, the distance of the father-
land and the difficulty of communication on account
of the war between Holland and England, and finally
the danger of disgrace for both families from further
delay. While the magistrates admitted the correctness
of the views of the Dutch theologians, that "we must
not tolerate or permit lesser sins, in order thereby to
avoid greater ones," they thought that "by a proper
solemnization of marriage the lesser and greater sins are
prevented." The Burgomasters and Schepens of New
Amsterdam, therefore, were of the opinion that the.
proper ecclesiastical proclamations of the bans be-
tween Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth ought to be
made at the earliest opportunity, to be followed after-
wards by their marriage.* Some days later a poster
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 245.
^CouncU minute, Feb. 19, 1654. Recs. New Amsterdam, i,
16S.
58 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
was put up by Johan van Beeck in various places of the
city that contained this resolution of the Burgomasters
and Schepens, the difficulties opposed by Director
Stuyvesant to his marriage at Gravesend and at New
Amsterdam, and his reasons for leaving the neighbor-
hood to seek a safe retreat elsewhere.* Stuyvesant
immediately demanded a copy of the resolution of the
municipal court, which he reiterated again a week later,
and sent a letter to all governors, deputy governors,
magistrates and Christian neighbors, setting forth that
Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth had run off to New
England to get married, and requesting them not to
solemnize the marriage, but to send back the runa-
ways.* When Stuyvesant learned that Van Beeck had
been married by an unauthorized countryman,
named Goodman Crab, living at Greenwich, against the
laudable customs and laws of the United Netherlands,
contrary to the advice and command of his lawful
guardian, the Honorable Director General, and with-
out a previous publication of the bans, he declared the
marriage unlawful, and condemned Johan van Beeck
and Maria Verleth to live separately under the penalty
of being punished according to law for living in con-
cubinage.' Nevertheless, two years later Maria Ver-
leth, the widow of Johan van Beeck, in the lawsuit for
a surrender of letters addressed to her husband, that
had arrived after his death, received a favorable decis-
ion from the Burgomasters and Schepens who based
1 Council minute. Feb. 27, 1654. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS.
(Dutch), i. 135-136; Stuyvesant to Burgomasters, etc., March ^i,
1654, Recs. New Amsterdam,!. 174.
2 O'Callaghan, Ibid.
3 Council minute. Sept. 14, 1654. Col. Docs. N. Y., xiv. 291.
CHURCH AND STATE 59
their decision on the order of the court, of the 19th
of February, 1654, according to which "respect must
be paid to the proclamation of the church and con-
sequently to the marriage tie of the said young people."
They could not, therefore, pronounce the marriage
illegal.*
New legislation seemed necessary to the Director-
General and Council in 1658. Some persons did* not
proceed to the solemnization of their marriage, even
after the bans had properly been proclaimed three
times, but delayed the ceremony even for months to the
detriment of good order and the customs of the father-
land. The Director, therefore, ordered the marriage to
be celebrated within at least a month of the third pro-
clamation, if there was no legal opposition ; in the case
of further delay, he commanded the reasons to be sub-
mitted under a penalty of ten florins for the first week
after the expiration of the month and twenty florins for
each successive week, until the parties reported the
reason of their disobedience. Furthermore, no man and
woman were allowed to keep house together like man
and wife, before they were legally married, "under a fine
of one hundred florins, or as much more or less as their
position admitted." Such persons were to be fined anew
every month, according to the orders and customs of the
fatherland.' In 1660, Stuyvesant addressed a circular
letter to the clergy from Fort Orange, in which he noti-
fied them, that they were not to publish any bans of
* Court minute. Feb. 7, 1656. Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 36.
^Ordinance. Jan. 15,1658. Ibid. 37-38; ii. 304.
6o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
marriage, unless the parties had lived at least a year and
a half to two years in their district.*
There was, therefore, no lack of paternal legislation
to uplift the tone of public morality and religion in
the Province of New Netherland, at least during the
directorship of Peter Stu5rvesant. However, most of
the measures adopted for this purpose found little
response in the life of the people. The Dutch inhabi-
tants were largely indifferent to religion ; the professed
members of the Dutch Reformed Church never ma-
nifested great zeal in the practice of their faith; and all
attempts at the organization of dissenting worship
were strictly prohibited by law, and did in fact entail
persecution.
» O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 215.
CHAPTER III
The Dutch Reformed Church *
No provisions for religion are found in the Records
of New Netherland until the arrival of the Director Gen-
eral Peter Minuit in 1626. For during the first two
years of organized colonization under May and Ver-
hulst, the small number of settlers, who were for the
most part Protestant Walloons, exiles from the southern
Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands, seem not to have
had any kind of public worship. The public religious
life of the Dutch colony, therefore, really began with the
arrival of the two Comforters of the Sick, Sebastian
Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck, in the company of the
Director Peter Minuit.' This office in the Church of
HoUand had attached to it the particular duty of
admonishing and comforting the sick according to an
elaborate form, "The Consolation of the Sick" or
' ' Instruction in the Faith and the Way of Salvation to
Prepare Believers to Die Willingly,"^ but in places desti-
tute of an organized ministry the Comforters of the Sick
conducted divine service, although they were warned
under no pretext to arrogate to themselves whatever
^Doc. Hist. N. Y. iii, 28, citation from Wassenaer, Historic
van Europa, xii, 38.
'Cf. Form in, Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 47; Manual of Reformed
Church of America, Corwin, pp. 18-19.
(61)
62 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
properly belonged to the ministerial office. This
divine service was very simple. It consisted of prayer,
singing of psalms, the reading of some chapters of the
bible and of some sermon of aii orthodox Reformed
minister.* This later became the model for the public
worship allowed by the provincial authorities in the
new settlements, English as well as Dutch, that could
not be provided with an orthodox minister.^ In all
gatherings of the people, the Comforters of the Sick led
in prayer according to the nature of the occasion. In
the community, they were to be the watchful custodians
of the faith and of the moral law, who were to instruct
the ignorant, admonish siimers to repentance and
amendment of life, and encourage the weak to perse- '
verance in virtue. Accordingly on Sundays, Sebastian
Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck read from the Scrip-
tures and the commentaries to the commonalty that
Minuit had concentrated on Manhattan Island. Mean-
while, Frangois Molemacker was busily engaged in
building a horsemill, over which was to be constructed
a spacious room that would accommodate a large con-
gregation. This structure was to be adorned with a
tower, in which were to be hung the Spanish bells cap-
tured at Porto Rico by the Dutch fleet the preceeding
year.'
^ Cf . Instructions for the Comforters of the Sick, Adopted in
Classis of Amsterdam, May 5, 1636, Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 96-97.
2 The same policy was also adopted in Brazil by the College of
the XIX. "The smaller places shall be served by precentors, Com-
forters of the Sick and schoolmasters, who shall ofiEer up public
prayers, read aloud from the Old and New Testament and from
grinted sermons; and tune the psalms." Proceedings of the
oUege of the XIX. Ibid. 193.
^ Narratives of New Netherland. Wassenaer's Historical Ver-
hael. p. 83-4, Dyer points out the fact that, while the wooden
structure erected solely for church purposes by Wouter Van Twiller
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 63
This provisional form of worship ceased with the
arrival of the first Dutch minister, Jonas Michaelius, in
the spring of 1628, whose services had been engaged for
three years.* The population of New Amsterdam then
numbered about two hundred and seventy souls, includ-
ing men, women and children, but a portion of the Wal-
loons were going back to the fatherland, either because
the years of their service had expired or because liiey
were of little use to the company.^ Although the peo-
ple were "for the most part rather rough and unre-
strained," Michaelius found consolation in the love and
respect which most of them manifested towards him.
A consistory was at once organized, which comprised,
besides the minister, two elders, Peter Minuit and Jan
Huyghens, and the deacon Sebastian Crol. The latter,
being also vice-director of the trading post of Fort
Orange, was seldom in New Amsterdam. This led to
the election of the two elders to assist the minister in
all ecclesiastical matters that might occur. Both these
elders, the Director of the Dutch colony, Peter Minuit,
and his brother-in-law ,Jan Huyghens,had formerly held
ecclesiastical ofl&ces, the one as deacon and the other
became a landmark in drawing up deeds and mortgages, no reference
of this kind occtirs in regard to the horsemill -until some time after
the introduction of the English rule, in 1667. There were probably
not two such primitive establishments for grinding the grain, as
windmills were soon erected. Dyer believed that the lack of
reference is probably due to its location on the waste lands north of
the town, where in fact the horsemill of 1667 stood, viz., on Mill
street, formerly Sleyck Strege. Cf. Dyer, A. M. Site of the first
Sjmagogue of the congregation Shearith Israel of New York. Am.
Jewish Hist. Soc. Pubs. No. 8. pp. 26-41.
'Michaelius to D. Johannes Foreest, August 8, 1628. Man-
hattan in 1628. Dingman Versteeg. 1904. p. 64.
2 Michaelius to Smoutius August 11, 1628. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i,
33-54. Col. Docs. N. Y. ii, 763 etc.
64 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
as elder in the Dutch and French churches respectively
in Wesel. In the place of one of these elders, a new one
was to be chosen every year from a double number
lawfully proposed to the congregation. The occupa-
tion of all the members of the first consistory in public
business with the exception of the minister made
MichaeHus fear the possibility of confusion and dis-
order in ecclesiastical and civil matters. To avoid this
danger, he requested precise instructions for the gov-
ernors of the Province and the Synodal acts for himself,
so that the relations of Church and State might be well
regulated.* It is generally asserted that there is no
trace of any nnisunderstanding between Minuit and
Michaelius, but the Van Rensselaer-Bowier Manu-
scripts disprove this. When the Director General and
the secretary, Jan Van Remtuid, came into conflict with
each other, the minister is declared to have been "very
energetic here stirring up the fitre between them; he
ought to be a mediator in God's Church and community
but he seems to me to be the contrary."^ Kiliaen van
Rensselaer in writing to Wouter van Twiller puts the
blame on the colonial secretary, who had excited the
minister against Minuit.'
The church organized at New Amsterdam com-
prised the Walloons and French, as well as the Dutch,
although the Sunday service was performed only in the
language of the latter, which all but a few individuals
could understand. There was, therefore, no necessity
for any special service in French, but Michaelius did
»Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 52-53.
' Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. ed. by A. S. Van Laer, igo8. p.
169.
'Ibid. pp. 267-8.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 6$
administer the Lord's Supper to them in their native
language. At this first administration of the Sacra-
ment, there were fully fifty communicants, including
the Walloons and the Dutch. Some of these made
their first profession of faith, demanded prior to their
admission to the Lord's Supper ; others had certificates
from their churches in the fatherland. Michaelius, how-
ever, could not insist upon the usual formalities ia re-
gard to all, as some had neglected to bring these testi-
monials with them under the impression that no church
would be organized in the colony, and others had lost
them in a general conflagration. He had, therefore, to
be content with the testimony of their neighbors and
with their conduct while in the colony. For the future,
the Sacrament was to be administered every four
months, until the advent of a larger number of people
^ould make some other arrangement necessary.'
Prom the beginning, Jonas Michaelius was forced to
share in the hardships of colonial life. He had been
promised some acres of land instead of the free table,
which was his due, but the conditions of the colony
were such, that it was impossible to procure either
labor or live-stock even for money. Neither butter nor
mitk was obtainable and the minister anticipated a hard
winter with nothing but stale food imported from Hol-
land, that was bad for his children as well as for him-
self. The loss of his wife by death made these hard-
ships even more difficult to bear.'
The following year witnessed the explicit legal
'Michaelius to Smoutius, Augtist ii, 1628, Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i,
S3-S4.
a Ibid. 63-64.
66 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND '
recognition of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Pro-
vince of New Netherland. The slow progress made in
the colonization of the country led the Company to
grant to its members who should plant colonies there a
charter of privileges and exemptions,' by which feudal
rights were guaranteed to such patroons. At the same
time, freedom of colonization with hberal privileges was
also offered to private persons in the United Provinces,
who should settle there either on their own accoimt or
in the service of their masters. According to the
twenty-seventh article, "the Patroons and colonists
shall in particular, and in the speediest manner endea-
vor to find out ways and means, whereby they may
support a Minister and schoolmaster, that thus the ser-
vice of God and the zeal for religion may not grow cool
and be neglected among them, and they shall from the
first procure a Comforter of the Sick there. "^ Thus
the first charter granted for the colonization of New
Netherland by the West India Company made the
maintenance of the ministry of the Reformed Chvtrch
obligatory on the part of the patroons and the colonists.
The Dutch Reformed Church, therefore, obtained a
legal recognition of its establishment in the Province as
early as 1629. At the time of the negotiation of this
charter, the West India Company was anxious to ap-
pear in the light of the champion of the Dutch national
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. SS^-T- Laws and OrdinanceSiOf New
Netherland. 9.
' The provision of the charter was not a piece of legislation
adopted in particular for New Netherland, but is also found in the
draft of the conditions for colonies in general by the College of the
XIX, June 12, 1627 and November 22, 1628. Cf. Extract from Dutch
Archives. U. S. Commission on Boundary between Venezuela and
British Guiana, ii, pp. S^". 63-
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 67
cause and Faith, as the Directors feared the successfu
conclusion of a truce with Spain to the great detriment
of the interests of the Company, whose members, ac-
cording to their remonstrance, had "most at heart
the maintenance of the Reformed Religion and the
liberties of our beloved Fatherland.'"
Michaelius most probably left the colony shortly
after the expiration of the three years for whicb his
services had been engaged by the West India Company.*
The Classis of Amsterdam then sent Everardus Bogar-
dus to New Netherland,' where he arrived in the spring
of 1633 with the new Director, Wouter Van Twiller.
The welfare of the Reformed Church was now ad-
vanced by the advent of the first schoolmaster, Adam
Roelandsen, who was also sent out by the Classis of
Amsterdam with the approbation and consent of the
Directors of the Company. The duty of a Dutch
schoolmaster in colonial days was not only to instruct
in reading, writing and arithmetic, but also to implant
the fundamental principles of the "true Christian
Religion," to teach the children the customary prayers,
and to train them to modesty and sobriety.* The
building activity, with which Van Twiller inaugurated
his directorship, included the erection of a church, later
1 West India Go's Consideration on a truce with Spain.
November 16, 1629. Col. Docs. N. Y. i, 40-2.
* Jonas Michaelius was again proposed after his return to Hol-
land by the Classis of Amsterdam in 1637 for the New Netherland
mission, but was rejected in 1638 by the Assembly of theXIX.Cf.
Eecl.Recs.N. Y. i, in, 114, 116.
2 August 17, 1632, et. seq. Synod of North Holland at Alkmaar
Art. 38. Ministerial changes. In the Classis of Amsterdam, Ibid.
82-3.
* Instruction and Credential Letter for Schoolmasters going
to the East or West Indies or elsewhere. Ibid. 98-99.
68 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
characterized by DeVries as a "mean bam,'" with a
dwelling house and stable adjoining for the use of the
minister, the Reverend Bogardus.
In the summer of the following year, the friendly
relations between the Church and the Provincial author-
ities were again disturbed.* Although the occasion of
the quarrel is unknown, Bogardus was accused of hav-
ing sent a letter to Wouter Van Twiller, which was not
dictated "by the spirit of the Lord," but "by a feeling
unbecoming heathens, let alone Christians, much less a
preacher of the Gospel." He is said to have described
the Director as "a child of the devil, an incarnate vil-
lain, whose buckgoats are better than he," and to have
threatened him with "such a shake from the pulpit, on
the following Sunday, as would make him shudder."'
Somewhat later the peace of the Church of New Amster-
dam was again disturbed by the trouble arising between
the minister and the Schout Fiscal of the Province,
Lubertus van Dincklagen, who in 1636 was sent to Hol-
land by the Director and deprived of his wages for three
years for his censure of the bad administration of the
Province. He claimed he had been excommunicated
by the machinations of the Reverend Everardus
Bogardus and driven into the wilderness to escape the
persecution instituted against him, where for days he
* Extracts from Voyages of David Pieterzen de Vries. N.Y. Hist.
Soc. Col. 2d. Ser. iii, loi.
* Kiliaen van Rensselaer also puts the blame for this upon the
secretary, Jan van Remund.who had stirred up the minister against
Wouter Van Twiller. The Governor was accused of running "out
on the street after the minister with a naked sword;" of being
"proud and puffed up, always drunk as long as there is any wine. . .
lazy and careless, hostile to the minister and no defender of relig-
ion, etc." Van Rensselaer BowierMSS.fip. 267-8, 271.
s Surpmons of Bogardus before Council by Kieft. June 11, 1646,
Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv, 69.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 69
had been forced through the lack of necessary food to
sustain himself on the grass of the field. ^ On his
arrival^^at Amsterdam, he instituted proceedings against
Wouter Van Twiller with the States General for the
recovery of his salary and against Bogardus with the
Classis for the removal of the excommunication.* He
submitted a lengthy paper to the ministers of the Clas-
sis with an accusation against Everardus Bogasdus,
which "referred to his bad government of the Church,
as well as his conduct^^and walk."" The States General
finally "seriously" urged the College of the XIX to
grant Lubbertus Van Dincklagen full redress, but the
Classis postponed action until the return of the minister
to Holland, which was expected to occur soon. Wil-
Ham Kieft, meanwhile, superseded Wouter Van Twiller
as Director. When Bogardus, in the summer of 1638,
requested of the Council permission to depart for the
Fatherland to defend himself against Lubbert Van
Dincklagen, his request was refused, as the Council
judged it "necessary to retain the minister here, so that
the Church of God may increase more and more every
day. "* The consistory of New Amsterdam repeatedly
sent testimonials to the Classis in favor of their minister,
whose cause was also espoused by the new Director,
William Kieft.' While the Classis promised to take to
heart their case "in order to maintain the honor of their
*Acts of Classis of Amsterdam. March iq, 1640. Eccl. Recs.
N.Y.i, 127.
2 Acts of Deputies . May 7 , 1 640 . Ibed. 129.
'Acts of Classis of Amsterdam. April 7, 1636. Ibid, i, 88.
* Council minute. July 8, 1638. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv, 10. -
"Acts of the Deputies. November 19, 1641, Eccl. Recs. JT. Y. i,
142; April 7, 1642, Ibid, i, 149; April 22, 1642, Ibid. 151.
7© RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
worthy pastor, the Reverend Everardus Bogardus,"
the ministers were determined to do justice towards
LubbertusVan Dincklagen.' The case wasstill pending
in May, 1642, but the pubUshed documents of the Clas-
sis fail to disclose its issue.
A new impulse to colonization was given on July
19, 1640, by the publication of a new charter of Free-
doms and Exemptions which was extended to all in
friendly relations with the Netherlands. The West
India Company took this occasion to establish still more
formally the Dutch Reformed Church. "And no
other religion shall he publicly admitted in New Nether-
land, eoccept the Reformed, as it is at present preached and
practiced by public authority in the United Netherlands;
and for this purpose the Company shall provide and main-
tain good and suitable preachers, schoolmasters and Com-
forters of the Sick. "' Although this clause was intended
to strengthen the position of the Dutch Reformed
Church in the Province of New Netherland, the privi-
leges extended by the charter to foreigners became the
occasion of a large growth of dissent with the conse-
quence of an attempt to infringe upon the exclusive
establishment of the Reformed Church, which led to
persecution.
Greater zeal for the Reformed Religion was also
manifested after the publication of the new charter of
Freedoms and Exemptions. The need of a new and
more substantial church had heen felt for some time.
In 1640 the Director and Council appropriated a por-
tion of the fines imposed by the court of justice to raise
'Acts of Deputies, May s, 1642. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 152.
2Col. Docs. N.y.i, 123.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 7 1
the funds necessary to defray the expense of the new
building.* In spite of this, nothing was accomplished
until two years later, when Captain De Vries urged
Kieft to follow the example of the English, who always
build a fine church immediately after the erection of
their dwellings. The West India Company ought not
to be less zealous, as it "was deemed to be a principal
means of upholding the Reformed Religion against the
tyranny of Spain." Kieft demanded that De Vries
show his love for the Reformed Religion by the donation
of one hundred guilders, which the latter promised to
do, if the Director himself would generously subscribe
for this purpose in behalf of the Company. They were
in hopes that the remainder could be raised by the
community.^ A favorable opportunity for this pre-
sented itself in the wedding of the daughter of the
Reverend Bogardus. The Director "set to work after
the fourth or fifth drink ; and he himself setting a lib-
eral example, let the wedding guests sign whatever they
were disposed to give towards the church. Each, then,
with a light head, subscribed away at a handsome rate,
one competing with the other; and although some
heartily repented it when their senses came back,
they were obliged, nevertheless, to pay."' Accord-
ingly a contract was let to John and Richard Ogden, of
Stamford, to build a stone church at New Amsterdam,
* O'Callaghan. Hist, of NewNetherland. i, 259.
' Extracts from the Voyages of David Pieterzen de Vries. N. Y.
HisJ. Society Coll. 2d. Ser. iii (1857), 101-2. Prom the "Korte
Historiael Ende Joumaels Aenteyckeninge," by David Pieterz. de
Vries. Narratives of New Netherland. p. 212.
' Remonstrance of the People of New Netherland to the States
General, Col. Docs. N. Y. i. Representation of New Netherland.
Narrativesof NewNetherland. p. 326.
72 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
seventy-two feet long, fifty-two feet wide and sixteen
feet high, for the sum of two thousand five hundred
guilders.' On the advice of De Vries, a site was chosen
for the new church within the fort, that the faithful
while assembled in worship might be guarded against
a sudden attack of the Indians. The walls of the
building were soon raised and the roof covered with oak
shingles, but the immediate completion of the building
was retarded by the rise of factions within the Dutch
community and by the outbreak of Indian hostilities.
The inscription on the church even became a matter of
complaint to the commonalty against the government
of Kieft, who asserted therein that he had the commtm-
ity build the temple.
Sinno 1642;
aoiilUam Hiift. WittcUttr--<Bmttatl;
^tett tit (BtmttnU tit^m 'dtmvel 9Doen Bpufcoen.
A grievance was also later found in the position of
the church in the fort, as "a fifth wheel to a coach,"
whereas the opponents of the governor would have pre-
ferred it in a more central location for the greater acco-
modation of the people at large. However, these
objections were only urged after the development of
unpleasant relations within the colony.^
The building activity of the church wardens at New
Amsterdam had been stimulated largely by the intelli-
gence that the colonists of Rensselaerswyck contem-
plated the erection of a church. Although this colony had
» Cf. copy of the contract in O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Nether-
land, i, 262 note I.
2 Remonstrance of the People of New Netherland to the States
General, July 28, 1649, Col. Docs. N. Y. i, 271-318; or Representa-
tion of New Netherland. Narratives of New Netherland, p. 320.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 73
been founded in virtue of the charter of Freedoms and
Exemptions granted in 1629, the settlers had remained
without the religious comforts which a church and
resident clergyman might bring to them in the wilds of
America. Nevertheless, the public exercise of religion
was not neglected in the colony. The officials were
bound tinder oath to promote ' ' the true and pure service
of God in conformity with the Christian Reformed
Religion . . . taught and maintained in the churches
and schools of the United Provinces.'" Whenever a
council meeting was held, a prayer had ' 'to be offered
up by the most suitable person,in order that the blessing
of God" might rest upon the assembly and bestow upon
its members "wisdom and understanding" in their
deliberations.^ On Sundays and holidays, the people
of the colony came together to hear read some chapters
of the Bible and the special lessons and exposition of
God's Holy Word assigned for the day in the Book of
Homilies, which a Reformed divine.Schultetus, had com-
posed for family use.' It was usually the duty of the
"officer and schout" of the colony to read and to offer
up public prayers in these asseipblies.* Thus the
patroon hoped to have his colonists trained in the com-
mandments, the psalms, in pious reading, in modesty,
love and decency, until means could be found to send a
' Cf. Instructions for Adriaen van der Donck.JMay 14, 1641,
Van Rensselaer-BowierMSS. 703.
' Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Jacob Albertsz Planck, May 10,
1638. Ibid. 415.
• Instructions to Rutger Hendricks van Soest, schout, and to
theCquncil, July 20, 1632. Ibid. pp. 208.
* Ibid. 251. Contract between Kiliaen van Rensselaer and
Jacob Albertz Planck, March 4, 1634.
74 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
minister from Holland.' The schout, Jacob Planck,
wrote that three hundred florins a year might be raised
in the colony, but Kiliaen van Rensselaer knew fuU
well, that no minister could be found to go there for that
sum.* Meanwhile, in response to the request of the
patroon, Eaeft allowed the minister at Manhattan occa-
sionally to go to Rensselaerswyck to console and
admonish the colonists there and to celebrate the
Lord's Supper with them.'
Ten years after the foundation of the colony the
exemption of the settlers from the payment of taxes
ceased, and the patroon then expected to develop
resources for the support of an organized ministry from
the tithes to be paid by the inhabitants.* He antici-
pated within a short time sufficient revenue from this
source for the erection of a small church, for which he
himself sent the model, of a parsonage for the minister
and of a dwelling for the sexton.^ However, the people
of the colony opposed the payment of the tithes, to the
great annoyance of Kiliaen van Rensselaer, who
thought it "childish to think of a minister going there
from here to be paid by the inhabitants individually.
1 Letter. Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Jacob Albertz Placnk
October 3, 1636, Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. 328. Commission
to Arent van Ciirler, as secretary and bookkeeper, May 12, 1639.
Ibid. 434.
2 Letter. Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Pieter van Miinnickendam,
Mays, 1638. Ibid. 408.
3 Letter. Kiliaen van Rensselaer to William Kieft, May 17,
1638. Ibid. 404: William Kieft to Kiliaen van Rensselaer August
14, 1638. Ibid. 423, Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Kieft May 12, 1639.
Ibid. 431.
* Commission to Pieter Comelisz van Munnickendam as receiver
of tithes and supercargo of the vessel, May 12, 1639. Ibid, p 436.
* Cf . Instructions for Cornells Teimisz van Breukelen as the rep-
resentative of the patroon, August 4, 1639. Ibid. 459. Kiliaen van
Rensselaer to Arent van Ctirler, July 18, 1641. Ibid. 561.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 7$
He who is a servant of Jesus Christ, would then become
a servant of the people, and when it came into the
farmer's heads, they would give nothing at all."*
The patroon insisted on his right to the tithes, as it was
"the means appointed by the Lord God himself," as it
was "in use throughout all Christendom," and espec-
ially as "the patroons by the Twenty-seventh article of
the Freedoms" were bound "to endeavor to find means
for the promotion of the service of God. "'
The new charter again urged the duty of maintain-
ing a minister in the patrponships, and in 1 642 Kiliaen
van Rensselaer requested the Classis of Amsterdam to
assist him in obtaining the services of the Reverend
John Megapolensis, Jr., of the Church of Schoorel in the
Classis of Alkmaar.' The ministers were most willing
to second the efEorts of the patroon, and so John Mega-
polensis was duly called to "proclaim Christ to Christ-
ians and heathens in such distant lands," and further-
more commissioned "to preach God's word there; to
administer the holy sacraments of baptism and the
Lord's Supper; to set an example, in a Christian-like
manner by public precept ; to ordain elders and deacons;
to keep and govern, by and with the advice and assist-
ance of the same, God's congregation in good discipline
and order, all according to God's Holy Word, and in
conformity with the government, confession and cate-
chism of the Netherland churches, and the Synodal
acts of Dortdrecht. "* The patroon made liberal pro-
1 Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Arent van Curler, May 30, 1640,
Rensselaer- Bowier MSS. 489.
^ Instruction to Arent van Curler, June 16, 1640. Ibid. 404.
'Classis of Amsterdam, March 17, 1642. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i,
145-6.
* Call of Rev. Megapolensis, March 22, 1642. Ibid. i. 146-8.
76 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
visions for the maintenance of the minister, whose ser-
vices were engaged for six years.* When the ship was
about to sail, the Directors of the West India Company
unexpectedly claimed the exclusive right to approve
the appointment of the colonial clergy. There was no
time to argue the case without delaying the departure
of the vessel, and a compromise was allowed by the
patroon, who consented to the approval of the minis-
ter's commission by the Directors without any pre-
judice to his rights as patroon of the colony.''
KiUaen van Rensselaer did not limit the authority
of Domine Megapolensis to ecclesiastical matters, but
also made the minister the arbiter of all disputes
arising between the chief official of the colony,
Arent van Curler, and the next officer in rank,
Adriaen van der Donck. He was instructed to "have
an eye to the rights and advantages of the patroon,
that the common welfare may not suffer from mis-
understanding, contention and the like." The
Domine's decision was to stand unquestioned until
the patroon himself could look into the matter at issue.'
However, there is no evidence of friction between the
minister and the officials. In fact, Arent van Curler
O'Callaghan's Hist, of New Netherland. i, 449; Mtmsell's Annals
of Albany, i, 21, 92.
1 Contract in O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland. i. 448-9.
He was given free passage and board on ship for himself, wife and
four children. If he shoidd fall into the hands of the Dunkirkers,
the patroon promised to ransom him and dtiring his detention to
give forty guilders monthly for his support. A parsonage was to be
erected in the colony and a salary of one thousand and ten
guilders yearly, with an increase of two hundred and fifty gfuilders
yearly for the three following years, was stipulated.
^ Ibid. 449, also in Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. p. 606-8.
Dattesdifier; here April 6, in O'Callaghan, March 6.
^ Memorandtan from KiUaen van Rensselaer for Johannes Mega-
polensis. June 3, 1642. Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. 618.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH. 77
wrote the patroon that he never failed to ask the minis-
ter's opinion before he began any new enterprise and
always thankfully received his counsel.'
Megapolensis did not find a church edifice
ready for his use. On August 17, 1642, he had
to preach his first sermon in the storehouse,
where about one hundred persons had assembled.'
The minister did not find the people all that he desired,'
and Kiliaen van Rensselaer had to confess that matters
were "in such a state, that hardly any semblance of
godliness and righteousness" remained. Many, hard-
ened in their sins, now absented themselves from divine
service, "so as not to hear the Word of God."* The
patroon, therefore, sent a draft of an ordinance, which
made attendance at divine worship, at least once a
week, obligatory upon all adults, unless they were
excused by sickness or some other good reason. Severe
fines were to be decreed for the violation of this ordi-
nance, and the minister was directed occasionally to
preach at Rensselaers-Steyn, even on some week-day,
to give the people of that region more opportunity to
fulfill this obligation.* The worst crimes enumerated
by the patroon as prevalent in the colony were dishon-
esty, licentiousness and drunkenness.* Kiliaen van
Rensselaer suspected "that Fort Orange is a wine cellar
' Van Curler to Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, June i6, 1643. O'Calla-
ghan, Hist, of New Netherland, i, 457.
'Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Johannes Megapolensis. March 13,
1643. Van Rensselaer-Bowier MSS. 652. A church was finished
only a year later.
* Ibid. 647.
' Redress of the abuses and fatdts in the colony of Rensselaers-
•wyck, September s, 1643. Ibid 686-7.
• Ibid. 694-5.
« Ibid. 687-88.
78 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to debauch my people, exhausting them as long as they
can find something to pay, and after that charging it to
my account."* He, therefore, also planned severe
legislation to limit the importation of liquor into the col-
ony according to the needs of each family, but to the
exclusion of dissipation and drunkenness. Offenses
of this kind were also to be punished by heavy fines,
which were to be doubled, if the culprit proved to be an
officer, "as wine and spirits are the cause of God's
wrath, of the patroon's loss and of all evils. "^
On the outbreak of the Indian war, the Dutch min-
ister at Manhattan, Everardus Bogardus, "many times
in his sermons freely expressed himself against the hor-
rible murders, covetousness, and other gross excesses."*
On several occasions, the Dutch in their revolting
cruelty even outraged the blunted moral sense of the
Indian savage. The ravages of the war, which re-
duced the Dutch settlers almost to the last extremity,
made the government unpopular, and Kieft attempted
to shift the responsibility for the war upon his advisors.
One of these, Maryn Adriaesen, became so incensed at
this treachery of the Director General, that he made a
murderous but unsuccessful attack upon Kieft.
The minister espoused the cause of the unfortunate
man from the pulpit "in the most brutal maimer."
Later he again attacked Kieft.* "What are the
great men of the country but receptacles of wrath,
1 Kiliaen van Rensselaer to William Kieft, June 8, 1642. Van
Rensselaer-BowierMSS. 632.
' Redress of the abuses and faults in the colony of Rensselaers-
wyck. Ibid.
•Broad Advice. N. Y. Hist. Soc, Coll. 2d. Ser. iii, (1857),
261-2.
* Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv, 69-73.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 79
fountains of woe and trouble? Nothing is thought of
but to plunder other people's property — to dismiss^ — to
banish — to transport to Holland." It was unfortunate
for the welfare of the Dutch community that this min-
ister's life was also a scandal on account of his intem-
perance, which took away a great deal of the force of
this telling criticism of Kieft's government. The
Director General represented the minister as' ' a seditious
man, who sought nothing else than to excite the peo-
ple and the servants of the company against him, who
was their sovereign ruler." Kieft now absented him-
self entirely from church attendance "to avoid giving
greater scandal," but a series of recriminations took
place between the Director General and the Dutch
minister, which was unworthy of their respective
offices and did great harm to the moral and religious
life of the commonalty. Kieft's example drew away
from the church the officials and servants of the Com-
pany, "who all did not attend the administration of the
Lord's Supper, or even the meetings to hear God's
Word."* The officers and soldiers were permitted to
perform all kinds of noisy plays about the church dtir-
ing the sermon and scoffed at the faithful who came to
partake of the Lord's Supper. While the minister was
engaged in preparing the faithful for this solemn relig-
ious act, orders were given to beat the drum and to dis-
charge the cannon several times. Kieft finally began
* Cf . also tetter of John Backerus to Classis of Amsterdam,
August 1 5 , 1 648 . "I had to observe with my own eyes that none of
the officers here would come to church, when our brother Domine
Everardus Bogardus preached. For there was such important
questions and differences between our said brother on one side, and
his Honor, General William Kieft, with certain officials, on the other,
that there was a mutual aversion." — Eccl. Recs. i, 233.
8o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to realize that he could not continue in this course and
attempted to obtain a reconciliation without compro-
mising his dignity, but the minister had been too
deeply outraged, and he naturally allied himself to
the party, working for the removal of the incom-
petent governor, whom he openly attacked, outside of
the church in the gatherings of the people on the occa-
sion of weddings and christenings, and in the church in
the course of his sermons. The matter came to a crisis
in the beginning of 1646, when Kieft called upon
Bogardus to answer for his continual opposition to the
government. "Inasmuch as your duty and oath im-
periously demand the maintenance of the magistracy;
and whereas your conduct stirs the people to mutiny
and rebellion, when they are already too much divided,
causes schism and abuses in the church and makes us a
scorn and a laughing stock to our neighbors, all which
cannot be tolerated in a country where justice is main-
tained, therefore, our sacred duty imperiously requires
us to prosecute you in a court of justice, and we have
accordingly ordered a copy of these our deliberations to
be delivered to you to answer in fourteen days."
Bogardus, who had hitherto neglected to recognize any
letter of the Director, was constrained to answer this
bill of indictment, but his first reply was considered fu-
tile and absurd, and his second answer slanderous.
After some further correspondence, the minister refused
to enter into "a deep discussion of this affair" and chal-
lenged the competency of the Director and his council.
The Director refused to allow that the matter trans-
cended his powers, but, to obviate all pretext of slander,
he declared his willingness to submit the case to the
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 8l
judgment of "impartial judges of the Reformed Relig-
ion," such as the ministers Megapolensis and Doughty
and two or three impartial members of the Province,
unless meanwhile another Director should arrive, who
might then decide the matter. Bogardus saw his
opporttinity and immediately appealed to the new
Director and Council, but Kieft refused to entertain this
appeal, as the time of the arrival of the new Dir|ctor
was uncertain, and it was high time "to put a stop to
the scandal and disorder which have prevailed hither-
to." Nevertheless, the prosecution was not pressed in
the end, probably on account of the intervention of
Domine Megapolensis, who at the request of the
Director was allowed by Bogardus to preach in his pul-
pit," in order that we may with more fervor pray God in
the midst of the congregation that he would dispose
you and our hearts to a Christian concord." The ter-
mination of Kieft's tenure of office prevented a new out-
break of hostile feeling from either party within the
colony, as both postponed further action in the matter
until their arrival in the Fatherland. In the following
summer, both Kieft and Bogardus embarked for Hol-
land "to terminate their disputes of long standing be-
fore the Directors,"' but shipwreck in the Bristol Chan-
nel, where both perished, relieved them from render-
ing their accounts.
Peter Stuyvesant, the new Director General, who
was joined at Curajoa by the minister John Backerus,
foiind New Amsterdam in a low state. "Where the
^John Backerus to Classis of Amsterdam, June 29, i648-
^ccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 232.
82
RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
shepherd errs, the sheep go astray."' The congrega-
tion numbered about one hundred and seventy mem-
bers, most of whom were "very ignorant in regard to
the true rehgion and very much given to drink."
John Backerus, whose services had been engaged tem-
porarily, believed that "the source of much evil and
great offense would be removed," if the seventeen tap-
houses were closed, with the exception of three or four.
The vice of intemperance had obtained such sway that
the minister despaired of being able to accomplish any-
thing with many of the older people, who were "so far
depraved that they are now ashamed to learn anything
good."^ His hope was with the children, who might be
influenced by the pious example of a new pastor and of
a good schoolmaster. The abuses that had developed
during the strife between Kieft and Bogardus had
retarded the growth of religion and education. The
church, although begun in 1642, still remained uncom-
pleted, no schoolhouse had as yet been erected, and
Kieft had been accused of misappropriating the funds
collected for both these purposes. As the resources of
the Directors were too limited to allow any vast expen-
diture, Stuyvesant now endeavored to obtain assis-
tance from the people by the formation of a representa-
tive board of "Nine Select Men," who, as good and
faithful representatives of the commonalty, were "to
promote the honor of God and the welfare of our dear
fatherland to the best advantage of the Company and
the prosperity of our good citizens, to the preservation
* Directors to Stuyvesant, April 7, 1648. Col. Docs. N.Y. xiv,
84.
' Backerus to Classis of Amsterdam, September 2, 1648. Eccl
Recs.N. Y. i, 236.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 83
of the pure Reformed Religion, inculcated here and in
the churches of the Netherlands."* Arrangements were
made to procure means to complete the church and to
provide a schoolhouse with a dwelling for the school-
master. Meanwhile, on the request of Stuyvesant and
the church of Manhattan, William Vestensz was sent as
Comforter of the Sick and schoolmaster by the Classis of
Amsterdam, with the approval of the Directors gf the
West India Company.^
A total destitution of the ministry now threatened
the Province of New Netherland. John Backerus
demanded to be released of his temporary charge by the
appointment of another minister, who "must have full
liberty in denouncing sin, for which he will find the way
already prepared, and he must do his duty with the good
example of a decent life himself."' The authorities in
Amsterdam felt constrained to grant his request, but
they were put to great trouble, as the six years' service
of Domine Megapolensis expired at this time and he also
was anxious to return home to rejoin his wife and
children and to attend to the liquidation of an estate,
in which he was greatly interested.* Nevertheless,
Stu3rvesant, with the full approval of the Directors in
Amsterdam, hoped to engage the services of Megapolen-
sis after his dismission from the church at Rensselaers-
wyck. The Classis of Amsterdam was also anxious
that Megapolensis shoiild accept a call to the church of
'■ Council minute, November 14, 1647. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist.
MSS. (Dutch) i, p. 114; Hist, of New Netherland, ii, 37-38.
2 Classis to Megapolensis, January 10, 1650. Eccl. Recs. N. Y.
i, 266.
8 Backerus to Classis of Amsterdam, September 2, 1648. Ibid.
236.
* Directors to Stuyvesant, January 27, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 107.
84 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
New Amsterdam. Although the patroons of Rensse-
laerswyck would gladly have seen Megapolensis con-
tinue his residence in their colony, they were not willing
to hold him there against his will. However, they
requested him to make some arrangements before his
departure for the continuation "of some form of wor-
ship, such as the reading of some chapters of God's
Word, or some good homily. "' When Megapolensis
arrived at New Amsterdam, on his way to the father-
land, Backerus had already left the town for E>urope.
His departure had been hastened by the measures
adopted by Stuyvesant to repress any protest of the
people against his autocratic government, which he
feared might also be made the subject of this minister's
discourse in the pulpit. At the same time, he protested
that he did not wish to gain control of "ecclesiastical
affairs which are left at the full disposal of said ministers
and consistory," wherein the Director General offered
all the aid and assistance that could lawfully be de-
manded from the chief magistrate of the country. In
regard to other things, the minister was personally
instructed by the Director General "not to read himself
or have read by any of the church officers from the pul-
pit or elsewhere in the church at the request of any of
the inhabitants any writing, petition or proposal having
relation to the municipal or general government," until
such writing had been signed by the Director himself
or by the secretary on the order of the Director and
Coui^cil.'
*Acts of Deputies. Classis of Amsterdam, March 29, 1649.
Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 249.
' Council Minute, May 8, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 114.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 85
On the departure of Backerus, the Director General
and Council determined to press Megapolensis to remain
and to supply here the service of the Word and the
administration of the Holy Sacraments for the honor of
God, the advancement of his Church, and the salvation
of men.* Megapolensis finally yielded to these per-
suasive arguments of the Director and Council. Un-
like his predecessors, he was of one mind and spirit Vith
the provincial government on the religious and politi-
cal issues which presented themselves in the course of
time. This was especially manifested six years later in
the policy adopted for the repression of religious dissent.
The abuses that had developed in the course of
Kieft's administration, and the ineffectual efforts to
obtain redress of their grievances from Stuyvesant, led
the people to appeal directly to the States General in
1649.* The failure of the company to endow the Church
of New Amsterdarn with property sufficient to give a
fixed revenue for the support of religion was urged in
these complaints as a grievance of the commonalty.
The education of the youth had also suffered from
neglect. Some material had been gathered for the erec-
tion of a school, but the first stone had not yet been laid,
although a plate had long been passed around to raise
funds. However, the proceeds of this collection were
not in the hands of the provincial authorities, but in the
hands of one of the remonstrants, Jacob Couvenhoven.
No charitable institutions in the nature of an hospital,
or of an orphan asylum, or of a home for the aged had
been erected. The Directors claimed that their re-
' Council minute, Aug^ust 2, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 116.
' Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 217-300, 335, 340.
86 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
sources at present were too limited to allow the erection
of buildings, which were not very necessary. They
believed that the poor could be well cared for with the
proceeds of voluntary offerings and the fines, that were
given to the Deaconry, as it was able to loan the com-
pany in New Amsterdam the sum of nine hundred to a
thousand guilders.'
The Remonstrance finally led to the incorporation of
the city of New Amsterdam with a municipal cotirt of
Burgomasters and Schepens. The minutes of this court
open on February 6, 1653, with a prayer, in which they
thank God for his past blessings, beseech Him for
strength and light in the administration of justice, so
that they might be able to exercise the power entrusted
to them "to the general good of the community and
to the maintenance of the church."^ Stuyvesant had
attempted in vain to obtain some financial assistance
for the maintenance of the civil, ecclesiastical and mili-
tary servants of the company. ° Finally, in the fall of
this year, Stuyvesant granted the Burgomasters and
Schepens the usual excise on wine and beer con-
sumed in the city of New Amsterdam, which they were
to farm out to the highest bidder, if in return they paid
subsidies for the maintenance of the works of the city,
and the salaries of its ecclesiastical and civil servants.*
When a semi-annual payment became due, the minis-
ters Megapolensis and Drisius applied to Stuyvesant,
'Representation of New Netherland (1650). Narratives of
New Netherland, p. 327. Van Tienhoven's Answer. Ibid. p. 361-3.
' Recs. New Amsterdam, i, 48-9.
° Directors to Stuyvesant, Jime 26, 1653. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
306.
* Coturt minute, November 29, 1653. Recs. New Amsterdam, i.
130-
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 87
who ordered the Burgomasters and Schepens, in accord-
ance with their promise, to provide the salaries of the
ministers of the Gospel,' but the Burgomaster and
Schepens now offered only to pay out of the excise the
salaries of one minister, one precentor, who was at the
same time schoolmaster, and of one beadle.^ When
Stuyvesant saw that these men were not willing to
fulfill their promise, he revoked the concession at the
excise, which he farmed out immediately to the highest
bidder, to pay the clergy and place them above want.'
The incorporation of the city of New Amsterdam did
not change the position of the deaconry of the Dutch
Reformed Church in regard to the poor. The deacons
were instructed by the Director General and Council to
exercise as heretofore the office of orphan-masters
towards the widows and orphans, but they were com-
manded now to apply to the Burgomasters and
Schepens, or in case of necessity to the Director
and Council for the appointment of curators, who
were to be responsible to the municipal court.* How-
ever, in the following year, at the instance of the
Burgomasters and Schepens, Stuyvesant appointed
regular orphan-masters, who were organized Febru-
ary, 1656, into a separate body, "whose duty it shall
* Director General and Council to Burgomasters and Schepens.
June I, 1654. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 268-9. Recs. New Amsterdam,
i. 206.
2 Burgomasters and Schepens to Director and Council. August
21 and 31. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 288-9. Recs. New Amstetdam, i.
232.
' Council minute, June i, 8. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 268-9)271-2.
Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 206.
* Council minute, February 26, 1653. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist.
MSS. (Dutch) i, p. 131. Cf. Minutes of Orphan Masters of New
Amsterdam. Prefaceby BertholdFernow. pp. vi-viii.
88 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
solely be to attend to orphans and minor children
within the jurisdiction of the city and to administer
their property in and out of the city and oversee such
administration by others." The deacons retained the
care of the poor, but such great demands were made
upon them by the poor of other towns, that the deacons,-
on June ii, 1661, requested the Director General and
Council to have the adjacent villages make weekly col-
lections for their own poor.' Such provisions were
made by the ordinance of October. It speaks well for
the good sense of the Dutch that goods and merchan-
dise, belonging to the board of deacons and other chari-
table institutions, were exempt from the fee for weigh-
ing. The weigh-master was instructed to weigh these
free and for God's sake.' This was the only exemption
allowed from such taxes. The question of exemption
from the Burgher excise and a tax on slaughtered
cattle in regard to the clergy was discussed in 1656 by
the court of New Amsterdam, which finally decided that
no person was to be exempt from such taxes, ^ as the
Director General himself offered to pay.' Nevertheless,
in 1 66 1 Alexander Carolus Curtius, the rector of the
Latin school, contended that professors, preachers and
rectors were exempt from excise taxes in Holland, but
the court decided that the rector was to pay the excise.*
After the departure of Megapolensis from Rensse-
* Council min-ute, June 11, 1661, O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist.
226. MSS. (Dutch) i. Ordinance, October 22, 1661. Ibid. 230.
' Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, April 11, 1661. p.
393- -
' Court minute, October 2, 1656, October 26, October 30. Recs.
New Amsterdam, ii, 179, 204.
* Cotirt minute. January 25, 1661. Recs. New Amsterdam, iii,
353-
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 89
laerswyck, this colony remained without a clergyman
until the arrival of the Reverend William Grasmeer in
1650. He was a son-in-law of Megapolensis and for-
merly pastor at Grafdyck in the Classis of Alckmaar,
where he had been found guilty of domestic quarrelling,
abandonment of his wife, and drunkenness.' He was
deposed from the ministry and his deposition was con-
firmed by the Synod of North Holland. As soon ^ the
Classis of Amsterdam learned of his resolution to go to
New Netherland, the deputies earnestly warned the
colonial authorities not to allow him to exercise any
duties of the ministerial office, until he had given satis-
faction to the Classis of Alckmaar. Nevertheless, Wil-
liam Grasmeer was able to obtain a call to the pastorate
of the church of Rensselaerswyck by means of two cer-
tificates, which he had obtained under false pretenses
from the deacons and elders of Grafdyck and from the
pastor of Alckmaar, the Rev. Knierus (JohnKnyi).^
The Classis of Amsterdam with the approbation of the
patroon informed the church of Rensselaerswyck that
they could not allow William Grasmeer to remain in the
ministry of the colony, "lest God's Holy Name be blas-
phemed, your colony demoralized, and the good order
and discipline of the church be trampled under foot.'"
This decided opposition led Grasmeer to return to Hol-
land and seek a reconciliation with his ecclesiastical
superiors in the hope of then receiving an appointment
^ Classis of Amsterdam to church of Rensselaerswyck, Febru-
ary 20, 1651. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 290.
'Classis of Alckmaar, November 28, 1650. Ibid. 283. Classis of
Amsterdam, January 2, 1651, Ibid. 286.
'Classis of Amsterdam to church of Rensselaerswyck. February
30, 1651. Ibid. 289.
90 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
as the second minister at New Amsterdam.' Stuyve-
sant had recommended the case of this minister to the
Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, but the Synod of
North Holland had first to approve the reconciliation of
Grasmeer/ which was done only in August, 1652, after
a repentant acknowledgment of his sins.*
Meanwhile, the services of two ministers had been
obtained for the colonial church, which apparently pre-
cluded the return of William Grasmeer to the colony.
Stuyvesant had urged the appointment of a min-
ister with some ability to preach to the English, who
had settled in New Amsterdam, and were members of
the Reformed Church. At this time, disturbances in
England led the Reverend Samuel Drisius to retreat to
Holland, where he declared his willingness to the Clas-
sis of Amsterdam to be employed in the ministry of
New Netherland. Immediately the deputies of the
Classis recommended his appointment as assistant to
Domine Megapolensis in the church of New Amsterdam,
as he was able to preach in both languages, English and
Dutch, and if necessary even in French, and thus would
prove ' ' a great instrument for the propagation of God's
Holy Word and glory."* The Directors readily con-
ceded the request of the Classis. A few months later
Gideon Schaats, schoolmaster at Beets, received a call to
the church of Rensselaerswyck, for which he was or-
' Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, February 12, 1652. Eocl. Recs.
N.Y.i. 301.
'Directors to Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
174-
' Synod of North Holland, August 12, et seq., 1652. Eccl. Recs.
N. Y. i. 312-13.
* Directors to Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
173. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 303-6.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 9 1
dained by the Classis of Amsterdam.' His contract
with John van Rensselaer bound him ' ' to use all Christ-
ian zeal there to bring up both the heathen and their
children in the Christian religion ; to teach all the ca-
techism and instruct the people in the Holy Scriptures,
and to pay attention to the office of schoolmaster for old
and young; and further to do everything befitting a
public, honest and holy teacher for the advancement of
divine service and church exercise among young and
old."' Thus while Gideon Schaats exercised the minis-
terial office, he also held the office of a schoolmaster in
the colony of Rensselaerswyck. With the new minister
there also arrived a new Schout of the colony, Gerrit
Swart, who was instructed "above all things to take
care, that Divine Worship shall be maintained . . con-
formably to the Reformed Religion," as publicly
taught in the United Provinces, and "that the Lord's
Day, the Sabbath of the New Testament, be properly
respected both by the observance of hearing the Holy
Word, as well as the preventing of all unnecessary and
daily labor on said day. ' ' ' Gideon Schaats found a con-
gregation of about one hundred members in the colony,
but sometimes there was an attendance of three or four
hundred at the church, and the new minister estimated
that there might be a congregation of six hundred, but
for the taverns and villainous houses, that had many
visitors. "There are many hearers, but not much sav-
ing fruit." He could hardly rely on any support
from the people, who preferred "to gamble away or lose
1 Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, 1652, April 15,
May 6. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 308-9.
2 Contract in O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, ii. 567.]
3 Ibid. 566-7.
92 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
in bets a ton of beer at twenty-three or twenty-four
guilders, or some other liquor." The better class were
too few to be able to make up any deficiency of his sal-
ary. There was not even a house for the new minister,
as the house that had been occupied by the former
preacher was allotted to the new schout-fiscal,' and the
congregation refused to build a new parsonage. The
patroon of the colony only allowed the minister two hun-
dred guilders for rent, while the rent of a decent domi-
cile cost at least four hundred guilders. This forced
the Rev. Gideon Schaats to come to some arrange-
ment with the deaons of the church, from whom he
obtained the use of the poor-house for his dwelUng
place, as there were then very few poor people in the
colony. Meanwhile, a small new church had been
erected in the heart of Beverwyck, which was then a
village of about one hundred and twenty houses.
Most of the inhabitants were in the employ of the West
India Company, and when the second contract with
patroon of the colony expired in 1657, van Rensselaer
refused to pay any longer for services, which were
mainly to the advantage of the servants of the com-
pany.^ He was then reappointed "at the request of
the inhabitants of Fort Orange and Beverwyck," by
Stuyvesant at a salary of one hundred florins a month,
which the company expected to be raised for the greater
part by the congregation.' The labors of Gideon
1 Commission of Gerrit Swart. O'Callaghan, Hist, of New
Netherland, ii. 564.
2 Schaats to Domine Laurentius, June 27, 1657. Eccl. Recs. N.
Y. i 385-6.
*Directorsto Stuyvesant, May 20, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. ,
419-
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 93
Schaats bore fruit in spite of the discouraging outlook,
for in 1660 he estimated the number of church mem-
bers at about two hundred, although at that time he
was fearful of' the ravages which might be inflicted
upon his congregation ' by the toleration of Lutheran
worship in the colony.' * * •«
The Dutch settlements on Long Island were depen-
dent for religious ministration on the church of New
Amsterdam until 1654, when the Reverend John T.
Polhemus arrived from Itamarca, in Brazil, whence the
Dutch had been expelled by the Portuguese. In the
beginning of this year, the West India Company had
invited the Classis of Amsterdam to find a suitable per-
son to take charge of public worship on Long Island, and
had appropriated for his support six hundred guilders
as an annual salary. No one was found to take the
place.* Thus the advent of Polhemus to the Dutch
colony was opportune, and he immediately received
a call to minister to the inhabitants of Midwout and
the adjoining towns, subject to the approval of the
Classis of Amsterdam and the Directors of the
Company. It was resolved to erect in Midwout' a
building, about sixty or sixty-five feet in length, twenty-
eight feet in width and twelve or fourteen feet high.
A chamber in the rear was planned for the use
of the preacher, while the front part was to be
devoted to divine service. The building was intended
* Schaats to Classis of Amsterdam, September 22, 1660. Eccl.
Recs. N. Y. i. 483.
^ Acts of Deputies. Classis of Amsterdam. March 2, 1654. Ibid.
324-
'Council minute, December 17, 1654. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
310.
94 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to become a parsonage and bam, as soon as the inhabi-
tants collected more funds and the material necessary
for a church. The erection of this edifice was confided
to a commission, composed of the Reverend Megapolen-
sis, Jan Snediger and Jan Strycker. On the erection of
a parsonage and the grant of a parcel of land, Midwout
felt too poor to bear further expenses alone* and per-
mission was granted to call upon the inhabitants of
Breukelen and Amersfoort to cut and hew timber to be
used in the construction of a building for the exercise of
Divine Service.^ Poverty also made the support of the
minister impossible for one single town, and Stuyvesant,
on the petition of the magistrates, directed a collection
to be taken up in the villages of Breukelen, Midwout
and Amersfoort for the support of the minister, but
Breukelen and the adjacent places agreed to contribute
according to their means, only on the condition that
Domine Polhemus would officiate alternately at
Midwout and Breukelen, which the Director General
and Council readily allowed.' This arrangement met
with serious objections from the people of Gravesend
and Amersfoort, who were thus compelled every
other Sunday to travel four hours each way, "all for
one single sermon, which would be to some very
troublesome and to others utterly impossible," while
Midwout was only two hours walk from each town. A
compromise was now effected according to which the
Sunday sermon was to be delivered in the morning at
Midwout, which was nearly equally distant from the
» Council minute, June 15, 1655. Col. Docs. N.Y. xiv. 337.
2 Council minute, February 9,1655. Ibid. 311-12.
'Letter to Director General and Council, February 25^ 1656.
Ibid. 338.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 95
three other towns, but the usual afternoon service was
to be changed to the evening and was to be held alter-
nately in Breukelen and Amersfoort.*
The lot of Domine Polhemus was not more enviable
than that of Domine Schaats. He received no com-
pensation whatever for almost the first two years of his
ministry from the Dutch settlers of Long Island. In
his poverty, he was compelled to draw from the Com-
pany's warehouse the necessaries of life to the amount
of nine hundred and forty-two florins. This debt was
remitted on the petition of the minister by the Provin-
cial authorities in return for the services rendered dur-
ing this time.' Another just cause of complaint was
given to Polhemus, when winter set in, with the parson-
age in such an uninhabitable state, that he with his wife
and children had to "live and sleep on the bare ground
and in the cold."' Stuyvesant had sent one hundred
hemlock planks for the ceiling and wainscoting of the
house, but the Commissaries Jan Snediger and Jan
Stryker disposed of them to other persons atid for other
usages, so that the parsonage remained unfinished in
spite of the approach of winter. A restitution of the
stolen property and the completion of the dwelling-
house was peremptorily ordered by the Director Gen-
eral.* A new difficulty was presented by the question
of the minister's salary. It was finally determined
to raise the sum from the three towns of Midwout,
* Council minute, March 15, 1656. Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, i.
13°-
2 Council minute, January 29, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
411-12.
'Letter to Stuyvesant, December 14, 1656. Ibid. 370-1.
*Order of Stuyvesant, December 21, 1656. Ibid. 376.
96 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Amersfoort and Breukelen, of which the first town
was to be assessed four hundred florins and the
other two three hundred respectively. In the begin-
ning of 1657, the court of Midwout, with the consent of
Stuyvesant, levied a tax of ten florins upon each lot or
parcel of land, of which there were about forty in the
town.* The same plan was also pursued in Amersfoort,
which, with the voluntary contributions promised by
Gravesend, thus hoped to realize the three hundred
guilders, for which it was assessed for the support of the
minister.'* Breukelen alone was not content. This
community was too small and too impoverished to be
able to satisfy the demands made upon its resources for
a ministry, which had not been engaged by the town,
but had intruded itself against the wishes of the inhabi-
tants. Besides the service of Domine Polhemus had
proved unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the minister gave
them only "a prayer instead of a sermon, that was fin-
ished before they could collect their thoughts, so that he
gives small ediflcation to the congregation." The mag-
istrates thought that it might be more profitable to the
people, if one of their own number were appointed "to
read a sermon from a book of homilies every Sunday."
They did not dispute the good will of Polhemus, but
they believed that his faculties had been weakened by
old age. Nevertheless, if he should persist to minister
as before to them, they would give some voluntary con-
tribution, but the congregation refused to be bound to
any fixed sum in spite of the former promise of the
'Council minute, March 28, 1656- Col. Docs. N. Y.xiv. 345.
2 Council minute, January 15, 1657. Ibid. 378-9.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH I 97
magistrates of the town, as ' ' there are many who cannot
make any contribution, and whom it would be more
necessary to support.'" Stuyvesant refused to enter-
tain the reasons alleged in this remonstrance and
threatened to use force, and the intimidated magistrates
agreed for this year to raise the promised three hundred
florins, through the levy of a tax provided they were
excused from any further contributions, tmless "con-
ditions in the meantime improved in New Netherland
and the fatherland.'
In the fall of the following year, 1658, Polhemus
and Jan Stryker began to erect the church proper on
the order of Peter Stu3rvesant.' Meanwhile, the magis-
trates of Midwout had obtained from the Director Gen-
eral and Council an endowment for the support of the
church, school and minister through the formation of a
glebe. Twenty-five morgens were to furnish revenue
to maintain the church in good repair; another lot of
twenty-five morgens was set aside for the support of a
school and divine service, and two more lots, contain-
ing together fifty morgens, were attached to the parson-
age for the direct support of the minister, on condition
that the inhabitants of Midwout would make up any
deficiency^in his salary. This arrangement was to hold
* Petition of Brooklyn, January, 1657. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
380-2.
2 Letter to Director and Council, January, 1657, Ibid. 382-3.
The schout of Breukelen, Peter Tonneman, brought suit against
Lodewyck Jan Martin, Nicolaes, the Frenchinan, Abram, the mu-
latto and Gerrit, the wheelwright, for refusing to pay the levy of six
guilders, "making none but frivolous excuses, one for instance, that
he was a Catholic, the other that he did not understand Dutch,
etc. " They were condemned to pay twelve guilders, as a warning
example to others. Council minute, March 26, 1658. Ibid. 413-14.
* Council minute. January 4, 1663. Ibid. 520.
98 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
good, until the tithes became due, when further orders
would be given.' Thus the company was almost
entirely relieved of the support of religion in Midwout
with the exception of occasional subsidies.^
The inhabitants of Breukelen were never quite recon-
ciled to this arrangement of divine service on Long Island
and in 1659, "on account of the fatigue of the journey
from Breukelen to Midwout and the great age of Rev-
erend J. Polhemus, to whom it proves burdensome,"
they requested a preacher for themselves for the promo-
tion of religion and their own edification.' Accordingly
the Classis of Amsterdam, on the recommendation of the
West India Company, called the Reverend Henricus
Selyns to the ministry of the Church of Breukelen,
where upon his ordination he was commissioned "to
preach the entire and saving Word of God ; to adminis-
ter the Sacraments according to the institution of
Christ ; to lead in public prayers of the congregation ;
and in union with the officers of the church, to preserve
discipline and order ; all in conformity with the Confes-
sion of Faith of the Netherland Church and the Heidel-
berg Catechism."* On the arrival of the Reverend
Seljms, the peace negotiations with the Esopus Indians
so preoccupied the Provincial government, that his in-
stallation at Breukelen was delayed several months,
during which the Company gave him an allowance for
his support. Meanwhile, the magistrates of Breukelen
* Council minute, January 29, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 410.
2 Pour hundred fls. advanced by Company, Sept. 30, 1660.
Coimcil minute, Ibid 482-3. Acknowledgment of subsidy of
four hundred, fifteen and ten fls. Council minute March 29,
1 661. Ibid. 49c>.
' Council minute, Sept. 3, 1660. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 479-80.
* Call, February 16, 1660. Ibid. 466.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 99
discovered that they could only raise three hundred
guilders yearly towards the salary of Seljms, who had
been promised one thousand two hundred florins a year.
The company then had to contribute the tithes of the
village, and Stuyvesant himself offered to give to the
new minister two hundred and fifty florins a year on the
condition that the Domine preached on Sunday evening
at his own Bouwery.^ This offer was accepted and on
September 3, 1660, Nicasius de Sille, the schout fiscal of
New Netherland and Martin Krieger, a Burgomaster
of New Amsterdam were sent to Breukelen to install
Domine Selyns in his new charge, where he was cor-
dially received by the magistrates and the consistory,
and greeted by Domine Polhemus. Divine service was
carried on in a bam, but the people expected to erect a
church the next winter. On his arrival at Breukelen,
Selyns found one elder, two deacons, twenty-four mem-
bers, thirty-one householders and one hundred and
thirty-four people. His congregation also comprised
the Ferry, Wallabout and Gowanus, and his audience
was often increased by visitors from Midwout, New
Amersfoort and even from Gravesend. People from
Manhattan came to the service on Sunday evening at
the Bouwery, which was also a place of relaxation and
pleasure; Stuyvesant had there forty negroes besides
the household families, and Selyns contemplated the
organization of a separate consistory at this place or at
least the election of one deacon, if not of an elder, who
might take charge of the alms, which were then provis-
ionally received by the deacons from New Amster-
* Council minute, Augfust 30, 1660. Col. Docs. N.Y. xiv. 479.
lOO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
dam.* A year after the organization of a separate
church in Breukelen, a schoolmaster, who was also sex-
ton, chorister and precentor, was hired in the person of
Carel De Beauvois.^ On the departure of Domine
Selyns after the expiration of his time of service in the
summer of 1664, the schoolmaster was commissioned to
read prayers and a sermon from an approved author
every Sunday in the church for the improvement of
the congregation, until another minister could be
found.' Selyns reported that during his ministry the
church membership with God's help and grace had
increased fourfold.*
There was also another minister, who had come to
the Province of New Netherland at the same time as
Domine Selyns, but had been ordained to minister to
the inhabitants of Esopus. This was the Reverend
Hermanus Blom, who had before been in the cotmtry
while yet a proponent, and at the invitation of Stuyve-
sant had preached in several villages, to the great satis-
faction of his hearers. After an opportunity was given
by the Director General to the inhabitants of Esopus to
hear Blom,° they petitioned the provincial authorities
to give him to them as their minister, and resolved to
prepare a good Bouwery for his support, to which later
settlers would also have to contribute proportionately
to the obligations assumed by the present petition-
1 Letter to Classis of Amsterdam, October 4, 1660. Eccl. Recs.
N. Y. i. 488.
* Contract, July 6, 1661. Stiles, Hist, of Brooklyn, i. 429.
' Stiles, Ibid. 145.
* Letter, June 9, 1664. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 548.
* Stuyyesant to Lourissen at Esopus, August 11, 1659. Col. Docs:
N, Y. xiii' 102. ^ j,^.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 1 01
ers.' Stu3rvesant recommended their case, and Blom,
on his return to Holland, was ordained and commis-
sioned to preach at Esopus with the full approval of the
Company, which promised to pay six hundred guilders
yearly, while the balance up to ten or twelve hundred
guilders was to be raised by the community, but paid to
the minister by Stuyvesant in his capacity of chief mag-
istrate of the Province.* After some delay in his instal-
lation, which was also due to the Indian difficulties in
the Esopus country, he finally was inducted in Septem-
ber of 1660. The anxiety of the new minister in regard
to his support was put at rest by the promise of the
inhabitants to raise seven hundred guilders as their share
of his salary, if his farm should fail.' A primitive form of
divine service had already been organized some years
previous to the arrival of the new minister. The com-
pany had given the office of precentor to Andries van der
Sluys, who led in prayer and read an approved homily
at the Sunday meeting, catechised the children and
taught them also the art of reading and writing.* On
the arrival of Domine Blom, the church of Wiltwyck
only counted sixteen members, but in the course of a
few years the membership increased to sixty.* Stuy-
vesant did all in" his power to foster the life of the
church. On the erection of a smaU court of justice at
Wiltwyck in 1661, the commissaries had also to prom-
*Petition, Augfust 17, 1659- Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 103.
* Directors to Stuyvesant, December 22, 1639. Ibid. 129-30.
'Contract. March 4, 1661. Ibid. 194.
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August $•
1657. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i 397-8. Andries van der Sluys to Stuyve-
sant, September 28, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 91.
" Letter of Blom, September 18, 1663. Doc. Hist. N.Y. iii. 582-3.
I02 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ise and swear in the presence of the Ahnighty and
Everpresent God that they would "maintain and exer-
cise the Reformed Church service and no other." The
judges were, therefore, to be "professors of the Re-
formed ReHgjon, as now preached in the United
Netherland Churches in conformity with the Word of
God and the order of the Synod of Dortdrecht."
Even the court-clerk had to promise "to promote and
help, as far as his position is concerned, the glory of God
and the pure service of His Word."*
The church suffered a severe blow in 1663 from the
hostilities of the Indians, who slew twenty-four persons,
and carried off forty-five prisoners. The dead left
behind them many intestate estates, which became
the occasion of serious differences between the magis-
trates and the minister with his consistory, between
whom relations had already become somewhat strain-
ed. The magistrates were accused of arrogating to
themselves the disposition of what was collected
in the community either for the church or for the
poor, while Domine Blom and his consistory were
accused of opposing the magistrates in the appoint-
ment of administrators and in the inventory of estates
left without any heirs or testamentary disposition.
The minister claimed that he had only opposed the
payment of the surplus of such estates in a particular
case after the settlement of all liabilities to the magis-
trates, until it had been ascertained whether the over-
seers of the poor had any claim to the money, as the
church had the care of the poor, who were then a
'Council minute. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 196, 35)8; Laws of
New Netherland, 396.
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH 103
heavy burden. Stuyvesant directed that the money
should be placed in charge of the overseers of the poor,
until there was proof who had a right to the money.
The magistrates complained that this put the whole
matter in the hands of DomineBlom and his consistory,
Albert Heymansen, as no deacon had ever been ap-
pointed, who could read or write. They were still
more dissatisfied by the fact that Stu3rvesant, had
neglected to recognize their petition for the farming of
the excise on beer and wine, as the expenses of the vil-
lage were increasing and they were daily dunhed for
arrearage on the Domine's house.*
Even after the arrival of Selyns and Blom, Stuy-
vesant informed the Directors that there were still
three or four villages in need of preachers. New Utrecht
and Gravesend on Long Island, New Haarlem on Man-
hattan Island and Bergen, a newly planted village of
about thirty families across the North River.^ At
Haarlem, a church, partly French and partly Dutch,
had been formed, to which the Reverend Michael Sipe-
rius ministered for a short time in 1659 on his arrival
from Curagoa, where he had been located before.'
EvU reports in regard to his life had reached the Classis
of Amsterdam, which were not belied by this Dutch
minister's conduct in New Netherland.* "He behaved
most shamefully here, drinking, cheating and forging
other people's writings, so that he was forbidden not
•Correspondence in Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 306-7; 311, 318.
'Letter, October 6, 1660. Ibid. 189.
*Beck to Stuyvesant, August, 1659. O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist.
.MSS. (Dutch), i. p.331.
* Clasais ofiAmsterdam to Drisius, December 5, 1661. Eccl. Recs.
N.Y,i. 514.
I04 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
only to preach but even to keep school." This soon led
to his departure forVirginia,*and the church of Haarlem
was not supplied with a new minister in spite of Stuy-
vesant's petition. The people of Bergen' declared
their willingness to raise a goodly sum for the support
of a minister in their village, but as in the case of other
villages of New Netherland this petition was also in
vain. There were no ministers in Holland with suffi-
cient zeal to prompt them to abandon their native
country to labor in the struggling colonies of New
Netherland, and the Company felt its resources too
limited after its bankruptcy to assume additional bur-
dens for the rich endowment of colonial churches, that
would attract to them the young ministers or candi-
dates to the ministry, at the beginning of their career.*
The only minister, who was ordained and sent to New
Netherland on the eve of the English conquest, at the
instance of the West India Company, was Samuel Mega-
polensis, the son of the old minister, who had recom-
mended* him to the Classis of Amsterdam for this min-
istry, as he was qualified through several years' attend-
ance at the Academy of Cambridge in New England to
preach to the English, who were in great want of
preachers, and consequently open to the inroads of
schism and heresy.* In fact, Stuyvesant had asked the
Directors to locate two English preachers in the English
towns as early as 1659, but the Directors felt that it
1 Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5, 1664. Eccl. Recs.
N.Y. i. sss.
'Petition, November 1662. Col. Docs. N. Y, xiii 332-3.
■Cf. Classis of Amsterdam to Backerus, April 26, 1549- Eccl.
Recs. N.Y. i, 250.
* Letter, September 25, 1658. Ibid. 436.
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September
24, 1658. Ibid. 43»-3-
THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH lOS
wovdd be dangerous to draw any preachers from Eng-
land, while that country was so disturbed, "not only in
her political, but also in her ecclesiastical government.'"
They wanted a minister "who would conform hknself in
government" with the churches of New Netherland,
"free from Independent and other New England
notions," as the Directors informed the Classis of
Amsterdam.* Nevertheless, no one was sent untfl the
appointment of Samuel Megapolensis, and when he
arrived just previous to the departure of Domine Seljms,
he was expected to take the place of this minister at the
Bouwery and at Breukelen." Thus the English vil-
lages were still left destitute, but they had already
passed from the jurisdiction of the Company and soon
all New Netherland was in the hands of the English.
However, an article in the capitulation guaranteed the
free exercise of the Reformed Religion.*
'Directors to Stuyvesant, December 23, i6s9- Col. Docs. N.Y.
xiv,45i.
' Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, January $, 1660. March i, 1660.
Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 462, 470.
•Drisitis to Classis of Amsterdam, August s. 1664- Ibid. 554.
* Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 250-53.
CHAPTER IV
Religion in New Sweden before and after
THE Dutch Conquest
The Swedish immigration to territory claimed by the
Dutch became an important factor in the development
of the religious history of the Province of New Nether-
land. The attention of the Crown of Sweden had been
directed to American colonial enterprise by the original
projector of the Dutch West India Company, the exiled
Antwerp merchant, William Usselinx. After his de-
parture from the Netherlands, he had been engaged by
Gustavus Adolphus to assist in the establishment of a
Swedish trading company to do business in Asia, Africa,
America and Magellica, for which he received a commis-
sion from the King, December 21, 1624.* Although
Usselinx had been a champion of orthodox Calvinism,
who could not even regard the Remonstrants but as
free-thinkers, heretics, apostates from the Reformed
Religion, and enemies of the State, he did not appar-
ently scruple to work for the extension of the Swedish
power and consequently of the Lutheran faith, whose
bishops and ministers he endeavored especially to inter-
est in the project, "the good means, which God has
» Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 1-2.
(106)
NEW SWEDEN I07
graciously granted and given to the Honor of his Name,
and the growth of his Church." Through this company,
he argued, the " glory of God would be much in-
creased, His blessed Word and holy Gospel planted
and spread among all kinds of people, and
many thousand souls would be brought to the
true knowledge and understanding of God, who
until now have lived and still live in dreadful fiea-
thenish idolatry and great wickedness." Usselinx did
not limit the inducements to motives of this highly
spiritual order. The bishops and the inferior clergy
with all other classes of society were to profit in the pros-
perity, which the establishment of the trading company
would cause in the country ; the preferment of the more
learned of the clerical body "to dignities and positions "
was thus to be promoted.* At the same time, Usselinx
tried to move the Huguenots of Prance and also "all
good Netherlanders, who for the sake of their faith and
the freedom of the Netherlands have been exiled from
Brabant, Flanders and the Walloon country and dis-
persed throughout Europe," to subscribe to his great
commercial project.* In spite of all these efforts, the
sum of only 110,000 Dalers was realized by subscrip-
tion.' On June 14, 1626, Gustavus Adolphus, King of
Sweden, signed the charter, which again insisted that
the heathen and the savages were to "be made more
civilized and taught morality and the Christian reli-
gion by mutual intercourse and trade."^ Although
» Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 5,.
* Usselinx. Naerder Bericht, cf. Jameson. Am. Hist. Papers
ii. 107-8
'Jameson. Ibid. 274.
*Col.Docs.N.Y.xii. 7.
Io8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Usselinx traveled extensively in the interests of the
South Company of Sweden, little was accomplished to
advance the realization of the colonial enterprise^
which was still more impeded in 1629 by the demand
made by the King upon the vessels of the Ship and
the South Companies, then united into one.' Gustavus
Adolphus had entered on his great war in Germany,
that three years later led to his death on the field of
battle.
Meanwhile, Usselinx had proposed an enlargement
of the company, which was to become a great inter-
national Protestant association, but the amendment to
the charter, drawn up to that effect on October 16, 1632,
does not bear the signature of Gustavus Adolphus,
whose death occurred three weeks later. The Mercu-
rius Germaniae of William Usselinx was intended to set
forth the advantages of this commercial project to the
Germans, whose religious zeal he attempted to en-
kindle by citing the example of the bishops and pastors
in Sweden, where "a special prayer has been composed
for this, and is read at public worship and hours of
prayer."' In the beginning of 1634, a charter was
sanctioned, which in its amplified form also extended
its privileges to the German Evangelical Nation.
Usselinx now compiled the Argonautica Gustaviana to
advocate this project, but the whole scheme collapsed,
as far as Germany was concerned, with the defeat of
Nordlingen. He now went to France, but failed in
his endeavor to obtain the support of Louis XIII, to
whom he represented the South Company as a great
'Jameson. Am. Hist, Papers ii. 165.
'Ibid. _
NEW SWEDEN 109
means to undermine the Spanish power. His attempt
to obtain a imion of the West India Company and the
Swedish South Company, for which he received a com-
mission from the Swedish Chancellor Oxenstiema, was
also barren of any result. Although the proposals
addressed to the States General in his memorial of April
21, i636,were virtually rejected, some Dutch merchants
became interested in the project of a Swedish expedi-
tion to the coast of Guinea. As early as June 3, 1635,
the Swedish chancellor had received a letter from
Samuel Blommaert, a merchant of Amsterdam and a
partner in the Dutch West India Conipany, who re-
quested some information in regard to the Guinea
trade.* The negotiations with these Dutch merchants
were not entrusted to William Usselinx, but to Peter
Spiring, another Dutchman in the service of Sweden,
who went to Holland in 1636 to obtain subsidies
for Sweden from the States General. He was also
instructed "to observe whether it might not be pos-
sible in this conjuncture to obtain some service in
affairs of commerce or manufactures."* In Holland,
Peter Minuit, the former Director General of the West
India Company's Province of New Netherland, was
recommended as the most competent person to give
advice on any enterprise of trade or colonization to
America.' Further|negotiations led to the organiza-
l^^i June 3, 1635. Odhner, The Founding of New Sweden. Hist.
Soc. Pa. Mag. Hist, and Biogr. iii. 273.
2Ibid. 274.
' Ibid. Brief van Samuel Blommaert aan Axel Oxenstiema.
December 26, 1635, in the collection published by G. W. Kem-
kamp in Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van Het Historisch Genoot-
schap. Te Utrecht, 25 Deel, 1908, p. 90. Brief van Samuel Blom-
maert aan Axel Oxenstiema, November 26, 1636. Ibid. p. 104.
no RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
tion of a Swedish and Dutch combination, whichj
however, had at its disposal very hmited resources.
The whole capital invested did not exceed 24,000
florins,' of which one-half was subscribed in Holland by
Blommaert and Peter Minuit, and the other half in
Sweden by the three Oxenstiemas-Axel, the Chancel-
or, his brother Gabriel Giistafsen and the treasurer,
Gabriel Bengtson — ^the Admiral Clas Fleming and Spir-
ing. This company had not been formed to realize the
projected expedition to Guinea, as this was considered
too expensive for its limited resources; it was now
resolved to trade and colonize on a part of the North
American coast, which had not yet been occupied by
either English or Dutch. Usselinx looked with an
unfavorable eye on this small enterprise, which realized
so little the gigantic schemes, that he had planned and
stni advocated. He wrote to Beyer, the Queen's se-
cretary: "There is in my opinion little to be obtained
thence but furs, skins and tobacco, which gave good
profit when it was worth as many gulden as it is now of
Lubeck shillings, besides the filthiness of it is to honor-
able people a great drawback, seeing how injurious it is
to the health."*
Two small vessels of the United South and Ship
Company, the Kalmar Nyckel and Gripen, were char-
tered and the whole expedition placed under the
charge of Peter Minuit, while Samuel Blommaert was
to remain in Holland as the commissary of the Dutch
^ It finally took thirty-six thousand florins to fit out the expedi-
tion. Cf . Blommaert's letter to Axel Oxenstiema, January 6 1838,
G. W. Kemkamp in Bijdragen en Medeehngen van Het Historisch
Genootschap. Te Utrecht, 29 Deel, 1908, p. 146.
^Usselin to John Beyer, March 16, 1639. Ibid p. 147, note i.
NEW SWEDEN III
Swedish Company in Amsterdam. The Dutch part-
ners of this corporation, who were also associates in the
West India Company, no doubt wished to avoid all col-
lision with the Company, and the letters of Blommaert
speak of this expedition as the "voyagen till Florida."*
This is also the title given to the instructions for Peter
Minuit, preserved in the Archives of the Kingdom of
Sweden at Stockholm. Sprinchom concluded from the
fact that the document is without a signature, that
these instructions can only be regarded as an outline of
a plan for this expedition. According to this docu-
ment, if Minuit was able to sail from Gottenburg
early in the year, he was to proceed directly to the ' ' lie
de Sable" and take possession of it on behalf of the
Crown of Sweden. Then he was to trade with the
Indians along the coast, while on his way to the South
River, where he was to take possession of a well-defined
tract of territory to be called by the name of Nya Sve-
rige.^ Only after the conclusion of commercial relations
with the Indians there, was the smaller vessel to be des-
patched to take possession of Florida and thus the
expedition also took upon itself the character of a hos-
* Blommaert, January 14, 1637, informed, the Swedish Chancel-
lor that Spiring and he had "goetgevonden een compagnie te for-
meren om te bevaeren en behandelen de custe van Florida te Terra
Nova." G. W. Kemkamp in Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van Het
Historisch Genootschap (te Utrecht), 29 Deel. igoS.p. 106. He
sent Mintiit with "alle pampieren en becheiden, dienende tot een
voyage naer Florida en bygelegen landen." 'Letter, February 11,
1637. Ibid. 107. He wrote repeatedly to the Swedish Admiral
Fleming "wegen onse equipage naer Florida." Letter, June 6,
1637. He urged the expedition to sail "om v6or September de
kust van Florida aan te doen." Letter, September 9, 1637.
Ibid. 132.
2 There is no evidence in Blommaert's letters to Oxenstiema,
that he knew of this intended settlement on the South River before
the actual occupation of this land by Minuit.
112 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
tile demonstration against Spain, whose adherents were
to be "boldly attacked" wherever found, whereas the
Dutch and English residing in New Sweden were to be
treated as friends. The enmity towards Spain is stiU
more patent in certain instructions, that amount practi-
cally to organized piracy against Spanish vessels in the
waters of the West Indies.'
Minuit sailed from GottenbUrg late in the fall.
After stopping in the Dutch port of Medemblik, he
directed his course to the South River, where he
arrived early in 1638. The Director of New Sweden
immediately purchased from the Indians a small piece
of land at Paghahacking, upon which he later built a
fort named Christina in honor of the young Queen of
Sweden.' Although the Dutch at Fort Nassau further
up the river and the provincial authorities protested
against the advent of these colonists as an intrusion
into territory Within the Province of New Netherland,
the Swedes, according to the orders of the Directors in
Holland, were to be permitted on the conquest of New
Sweden to hold the land upon which Fort Christina
stood,with a certain amount of garden land for the cul-
tivation of tobacco, ' 'as they seem to have bought it
with the knowledge and consent of the Company. ' '•
Yet the Chamber of the West India Company at Enck-
' Sprinchom.t The Hist, of the Colony of New Sweden. Penna.
Mag. of Hist, and Biogr. viii. 254, note i . Blomnaaert frequently
included the capture of .good Spanish prizes in West India waters
in his projected instructions for Minuit and in his communications
to the Swedish Chancellor. Cf. letters, ed. by Kemkamp in Bijdra-
gen, etc. 29 Deel. pp. 122, 128-9, 133, 139.
'Details in Blommaert's letters: September 4, 1638, Ibid,
pp. 157-8, November 13, 1638. Ibid. 161-167, January 28, 1640.
Ibid. 170-189.
»Col. Docs. N.Y.xii. 90.
NEW SWEDEN II3
huysen seized a heavily laden Swedish ship arriving at
Medemblik in the fall of 1638 on the plea of illegal
trading within the Company's American territory.
The ship was released only at the command of the
States General in order to avoid any complication with
Sweden at the time.
The first period of the history of New Sweden
reflects the Dutch and Swedish elements in the colisti-
tution of the Company. However, the influence of
Sweden predominated from the very beginning. This
was largely due to the fact that its colonial expeditions
had to be organized in Sweden and carried out under
the Swedish flag on account of the fear of the Dutch
West India Company's power in Holland. The Direc-
tors in fact felt that Samuel Blommaert' and his asso-
ciates, "although members of the same college," were
doing more harm than good. During the first years of
the colony's existence , there was a good percentage of
Dutch immigration into New Sweden. In fact, the
1 Blommaert himself had scruples on account of his activity in
the Swedish project of colonization, as director of the West India
Company, even while he thought it was directed to the Florida
coast. He did not allow his subscription to be inscribed in his own
name but in that of Minuit. Letter, May 6, 1637, Bijdragen, etc.
p. 116-117; July '23, 1637, Ibid. 125. This may have led Blom-
maert to suggest the erection of a chamber of the West India Com-
pany in Gottejiburg instead of an independent company, but this
was not done. Cf. Letter, August 22, 1637. Ibid. p. 130. When he
learned of the settlement on the Delaware, he communicated his
fears to the Swedish Chancellor, that he might have to suffer in con-
sequence of a protest probably to be addressed to the States Grcneral
by the West India Company against this intrusion into its territory.
He then indicated the line of defense to be taken by the Swedish
Ambassador. The land between South River and Charles River
"is tot sonder possessie zewest," so that Minuit founded New
Sweden there. Cf. Letter, September 4, 1638, Ibid. 157; November
13, 1638, Ibid. p. 162. Aitzema, Staat en Oorlogh, p. 247. O'Cal-
laghan.ii, 573.
114 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
first colonization under Minuit was almost entirely-
Dutch. Lieutenant Mans Kling, who was left in com-
mand of the twenty-three men in Fort Christina, when
Minuit' sailed in the fall to the West Indies, is the only
Swede expressly mentioned amongst the first colonists.
This is probably the reason why no Swedish clergyman
of the Lutheran faith accompanied the first expedition.
The _ exclusive occupation of the colonists in the fur
trade, which caused "about thirty thousand florins
injury" to the Dutch West India Company in the first
year, nearly proved the ruin of the colony. In the sec-
ond spring, they found themselves under the necessity of
choosing either to remain and perish, or to abandon
New Sweden and seek relief with the Dutch. The
authorities at Manhattan assured them a cordial
welcome.
This happy solution of the Swedish question for New
Netherland was prevented by the timely arrival of a
new Director in the person of Peter Hollander with a
goodly number of colonists and fresh provisions.
The new members of the colony were mainly Swedes, in
consequence of the action of the Swedish government,
which had ordered the deportation of Swedish married
soldiers with their families, who had evaded service or
were guilty of some offense, under promise to permit
them to return in two years. The spiritual wants of
the Swedish population found their provision in the
ministration of the Lutheran clergjmian, Reorus Torkil-
1 Minuit perished in a hurricane while visiting a Dutch captain
in his ship Het Vliegende Hert. According to instructions, he was
cruising for a rich Spanish prize. Blommaert to Oxenstiema
November 13, 1638 and January 28, 1640, Bijdragen, pp. 161;
177-8.
NEW SWEDEN IIS
lus, from Ostergotland, who labored in the colony until
his death in 1643. In the beginning of the same year,
which witnessed the organization of the first Swedish
Lutheran Church in America, Hendrik Hoogkamer and
associates from Utrecht' obtained a charter to establish
a settlement under the Crown of Sweden on the South
River, where they were authorized to take up as much
land on both sides of the river as they needed, bul^not
within "at least four or five German miles from Fort
Christina." The "unrestrained exercise of the so-
called Reformed Confession" was guaranteed to these
Dutch colonists, upon whom also devolved the support
of their ministers and schoolmasters with "a care of the
religion, instruction and conversion of the savages."*
A commission was also issued for Joost van Bogaerdt
as special commandant of the Dutch colony at an an-
nual salary of two hundred Rix Dalers, "to be remitted
to his banker in Holland" by the Swedish resident at
The Hague. Bogaerdt arrived in New Sweden in the
fall of 1640 and settled three or four miles below
Christina. In the following year, a contingent of
"roaming Finns" and others, collected by Mans Kling
arrived in New Sweden, and increased the Lutheran
population of the colony." The Swedes had purchased
additional land from the Indians and attested the so-
vereignty of their Queen in the purchased territory by the
erection of "the arms and crown of Sweedland. " On the
'Cf. Blommaert to Axel Oxenstiema, January 28, 1640. Bij-
dragen, etc. pp. 173-4; Memorie van de Heer Hoochcamer on dem
Heer Resident Spierinck te Verthoonen. Ibid. pp. 189-192;
Gegenbedencken eingebrachtes Memorial, etc., Ibid. pp. 192-193.
* Hazard Annals, 51 seq. Odhner, 400-2.
' Odhner, C. T., Ibid. The Fotinding of New Sweden, Penn-
sylvania. Mag. of History and Biography, iii. 418.
Il6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
arrival of Mans Kling, further purchases were made, so
that the Province extended "from the borders of the
Sea to Cape Henlopen in returning southwest towards
Godjm's Bay; thence towards the great South River, as
far as the Minquaaskil, where Fort Christina is con-
structed; and thence again towards South River, and
the whole to a place which the savages call Sankikah,"
now Trenton Falls.'
By this time the Dutch Swedish Combination, that
had been organized for the purpose of trade and coloniza-
tion ,on the American coast, not yet occupied by
either the Dutch or the English, was transformed into a
national trading company of Sweden. The first step
towards the complete nationalization of the company
was the permission granted to the old Ship and South
Company of Sweden to embark its capital in this
association in return for a monopoly of the tobacco
trade in Sweden, Finland or Ingermanland.^ When
the Dutch partners showed some opposition to the
plans of trade and colonization, pursued by the Swedes,
the government resolved to buy out the Holland part-
ners, "since they are a hindrance." The Swedish resi-
dent at The Hague was instructed to pay 18,000 guldens
of the subsidies obtained from the States General to the
Dutch associates, on the condition that they abandon
all further claims.' This marks the second period of
the history of New Sweden.
A new company was now formed under the name of
1 Col. Docs. N.Y. xii. 28 note.
2 January 12,1641. Ibid. 21-22.
'February 20, 1641. Kammararkivet. Odhner, o. c. Penna.
Mag. History and Biography iii, 400.
NEW SWEDEN II7
the West India, America, or New Sweden Company,
which commissioned John Printz, a soldier of the
Thirty Years' War, as the new Governor of the Crown's
province in America. His instructions commanded him
to "labor and watch that he render in all things to
Almighty God the true worship which is his due, the
glory, the praise, and the homage which belong to him,
and to take good measures that the divine service is
performed according to the true confession of Augs-
burg, the Council of Upsala, and the ceremonies of the
Swedish church, having care that all men, and espe-
cially the youth, be well instructed in all parts of Chris-
tianity, and that a good ecclesiastical discipline be
observed and maintained." In spite of this establish-
ment of the Swedish Lutheran Church in the Province
of New Sweden, the Dutch colonists, who had come
there under the authority of the Crown of Sweden, were
not to be disturbed in the rights, which had been
guaranteed them in religious matters by their charter.^
Printz was also instructed to treat the Indians "with
much humanity and kindness " and try to convert them
from their idolatry and "in other ways" to bring them
to civilization and good government.^ This zeal for
religion led to the reinforcement of the ministry of the
colony by the Reverend John Campanius Holm, who
arrived, with the new Governor at Fort Christina on
February 15, 1643.^ While Printz strengthened his
* O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland. Cf. Hazard's Re-
gister of Penn. iv. 177, 178, 200, 2ig, 220, 221, 314, 373.
* Keen, New Sweden in Narrative and Critical History of Amer-
ica, ed. Justin Winsor. iv. 453. Acrelius, History of New Sweden,
3S-39 ■
' Odhner, The Founding of New Sewden. Penna. Mag. History
and Biography, iii. 409.
Il8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
hold upon the South River by the erection of a strong
fort of heavy hemlock logs, called. New Gottenburg , on
the Island Tinicum, about twelve miles below Philadel-
phia, and later of another fort on the east shore of
the bay near Salem Creek, sickness was weaken-
ing the population. During the summer, seventeen of
the male emigrants died, amongst whom was the first
pastor of the colony, the Reverend Reorus Torkillus.'
Thus the colonial ministry was again reduced to one
Swedish minister. About this time, the chancellor
Brahe wrote to Printz, hoping that he would "gain firm
foothold there and be able to lay so good a foundation
in tain vasta terra septentrionali, that with God's
gracious favor the whole North American Continent
may in time be brought to the knowledge of His Son
and become subject to the crown of Sweden." The
Chancellor further gives expression to his fear that the
Swedish colonists might be contaminated by the relig-
ious ideas and practices of the English and Dutch.
Therefore, says he, "adorn your little church and priest
after the Swedish fashion, with the usual habiliments
of the altar, in distinction from the Hollanders and
English, shunning all leaven of Calvinism," as "the out-
ward ceremonial will not the less move them than others
to sentiments of piety and devotion. "^ The reply of the
Governor to this letter reveals the measures adopted by
the authorities for the public worship of God in the col-
ony. "Divine service is performed here in the good old
Swedish tongue.our priest clothed in the vestments of the
Mass on high festivals, solemn prayer-days, Sundays, and
iKeen, 458. Narrative and Critical History of America. 12
^Keen.Ibid. 459.
NEW SWEDEN II9
Apostles' days, precisely as in old Sweden, and differing
in every respect from that of the sects around us. Ser-
mons are delivered Wednesdays and Fridays, and on aU
other days prayers are offered in the morning and after-
noon ; and since this cannot be done everjrwhere by our
sole clergyman, I have appointed a lay-reader for each
place, to say prayers daily, morning and evening, and
dispose the people to godline ss. All this has longibeen
witnessed by the savages, some of whom we have had
several days with us, attempting to convert them; but
they have watched their chance, and invariably run off
to rejoin their pagan brethren."* Campanius Holm
in course of time succeeded in acquiring a knowledge of
the Lenni-Lenape tongue, into which he translated
Luther's catechism; the work was begun at Tinicum,
but completed after his return to Sweden in 1648.^
His efforts to convert the savages bore little fruit. He
confessed that he only succeeded in convinc-
ing them of the relative superiority of the
Christian religion.' The building activity, which
followed the burning of New Gottenburg,
also included the. erection of a church on the
Island of Tinicum, which was decorated according to
the means at the disposal of the Governor "after the
Swedish fashion. ' ' This church, with the burying ground
adjoining, was consecrated by the Reverend Campanius
Holm, September 4, 1646.* The arrival of two Luth-
eran clergymen, Lars Carlson Lock and Israel Fluvian-
'Keen. Narrative and Critical History of America, iv. 459.
* The catechism was printed at Stockholm in 1696. A copy is in
the library of Am. Phil. Soc.
'Cf. Campanius Holm (grandson of minister). Description [of
New Sweden. Translation by Du Ponceau, Penn. Hist. Soc.
Memoirs, iii. Separate edition, 1834.
*Keen, 1. C.461.
I20 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
der, the son of Printz's sister, in the fall of the next year
made it possible for the old minister to leave for the
fatherland in the spring of 1648.' Israel Fluviander
(Holgh?) either died or left New Sweden early in the
year, as Lock was then the only clergyman residing in
the Province.^
Printz himself was anxious to be relieved from the
burden of his office. He wrote to this effect to Peter
Brahe in 1650, promising his successor as good a posi-
tion in the colony as he could find in Sweden. ' ' I have
taken possession of the best places, and still hold them.
Notwithstanding repeated acts and protests of the
Dutch, nothing whatever has been accomplished by
them ; and where on several occasions, they attempted
to build within our boundaries, I at once threw down
their work ; so that, if the new governor brings enough
people with him, they will very soon grow wear^'- and
disgusted, like the Puritans, who were most violent at
first, but now leave us entirely in peace.'" The neces-
sity of strengthening the authority of Sweden on the
South River by new settlements of Swedes, who were
still few in number, became most patent in the following
year, when Stuyvesant, instructed to maintain ' ' the
rights of the company," which was then contemplating
a settlement of the boundary question between the two
jurisdictions, invaded New Sweden with a force of one
hundred and twenty men, who were joined at Fort
Nassau by eleven sail. This post was dismantled and a
new fort was erected on the west bank of the river,
1 Sprinchom, History of Colpny of New Sweden, Penn. Mag.
of History and Biography, viii. 22.
2 Ibid. p. 245.
'Keen, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv. 466.
NEW SWEDEN 121
between Forts Christina and Elfsburg near the present
site of New Castle, which was called Fort Casimir,
where twenty-six families settled. As a result of Stuy-
vesant's activity ,Printz had to abandon all but the three
principal posts : New Gottenburg and Christina on the
South River , and Nya Korsholm on the Schuylkill. At
this time, New Sweden counted a population of about
two hundred souls, who could attempt nothing against
the Dutch with the resources at their disposal.' The
precarious situation of the Province, where nothing had
been heard from Sweden for four or five years, finally
moved Governor Printz to leave the colony in the fall
of 1653 for Sweden, under promise to return in ten
months or send back a vessel and cargo.^ Meanwhile,
a new expedition had been organized, and on February 2,
three hundred and fifty emigrants, including women
and children, sailed for the South River from Sweden,
where Printz arrived only in April. Two clergymen,
Petrus Hjort and Matthias Nertunius, accompanied
these new colonists.' A number of newly appointed
officials also embarked, amongst whom must be men-
tioned especially John Claesen Rising, Commissary and
Assistant Councillor to the Governor. He was commis-
sioned as temporary governor, as soon as Printz's
departure from the Province became known in Sweden.
This was shortly after the departure of the expedition
from Gottenburg for America. When Rising arrived off
the Dutch Fort Casimir, and found it defended only by a
dozen soldiers under Gerrit Biker, he thought the time
*Keen, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv. 467-68.
* Ibid. 470.
'Sprinchom, Carl. K. S., History of Colony of New Sweden,
Penn. Mag. of History and Biography, viii. 22.
122 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
had come ' ' for action which it were culpable to neglect."
The Dutch submitted without any show of resistance.
The post was named anew Fort Trinity in honor of the
feastday on which it was captured.' The whole South
River was now in the power of the Swedes. When the
Directors of the Dutch West India Company in Amster-
dam heard of the capitulation of Fort Casimir, they
ordered Stuyvesant to invade New Sweden as soon as
the ship De Waag, carrying thirty-six guns and two
hundred men, arrived at New Amsterdam.* Upon its
arrival, Stu3rvesant had completed his preparations and
on August 26, 165 s, he sailed with a force of three hun-
dred and seventeen soldiers' for the South River, where
the Swedes, barely numbering five hundred souls, after
some resistance submitted to the Dutch.*
The condition of the Reformed Church on the South
River had never been satisfactory to the Dutch. The
religious issue, presenting itself on the conquest of New
Sweden, probably accounts for the presence of the
Dutch minister Megapolensis in the expedition, which,
according to Stuyvesant's proclamation,' was not only
to promote the welfare of the Province of New Nether-
land, and its good inhabitants, but also the Honor of
God's Holy Name and the propagation of His Holy
* Keen, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv 472-3-
2 Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 88-89.
' Cf . catalogue of Frederick MuUer & Cie. Geographie-Voya-
ages, 1910. Deux lettres originales concemant la prise de forte-
resse Casimir au Zuydt Rivier (Deleware) par les Hollandais sur
les Su6dois, en 1653, "Johannes Bogaert schriiver" d. Bontemantel,
"den 28 augustij 1655 opdereedevan de Menades" et "Int schip
de Waegh den 31 October, 1655, "4 pp. in fol. O'Callaghan gives the
number of soldiers at 600 to 700.
<Col. Docs. N.Y. xii. 98-106.
°Ibid. 92.
NEW SWEDEN 1 23
Gospel. These thoughts must have been prominent in
the sermon preached to the Dutch troops on the Sun-
day after the occupation of Fort Casimir.* The sepa-
ratist movement of the Lutherans in New Amsterdam
had akeady entered an acute stage,' that boded little
good for a religious settlement favorable to the Luth-
eran Swedes in the subjugated territory. There were
then three Swedish Lutheran ministers on the ^outh
River: Lars Carlson Lock, Peter Hjort and Matthias
Nertunius. It was the intention of the Dutch to expel
all three, although they themselves had no preacher to
place there, but while the negotiations for the surrender
of New Sweden were pending, news of a serious out-
break of Indian hostility at New Amsterdam made it
imperative for the Director General to conclude mat-
ters on the South River and return to Manhattan as
soon as possible.'
These troubles made him consent to the seventh
article of the capitulation, stipulating that "those who
will then remain here and earn their living in the coun-
try, shall enjoy the freedom of the Augsburg Confes-
sion, and one person to instruct them therein."*
When the West India Company received the account of
these proceedings, the Directors did not hesitate to let
Stujrvesant know that they would have preferred an
unconditional surrender, as "what is written and sur-
rendered in copy can be preserved for a long time and
» Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. loi.
* Cf . iafra. chap. iv.
' Megapolensis and Drisitis to Classis of Amsterdam.^ August 5,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 39S-6-
* Ibid. i. 39S-6. Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 608.
124 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
sometimes appears at the most awkward moment.'"
However, the interests of the Reformed Church were
also safeguarded by the oath, which the Director Gen-
eral imposed upon his vice-director on the South River,
Jean Paul Jacquet. He had to promise and swear to
maintain and advance as much as possible "the Re-
formed Religion, as the same is preached here and in the
Fatherland conformably to God's word and the Synod
of Dort."^ The two ministers, Peter Hjort and Mat-
thias Nertunius, who had been stationed at Fort Casi-
mir and Fort Christina, were sent to New Amsterdam,
and finally transported, with Governor Rising and
others who refused to submit to Dutch authority, to
Europe. Thus the Reverend Lars Carlson Lock was
the only Lutheran clergyman, who remained to minister
to the Swedes and Finns, of whom at least two hundred
lived on the river above Fort Christina. The Dutch
ministers of New Amsterdam do not give a very flatter-
ing report of this man. "This Lutheran Preacher is a
man of impious and scandalous habits, a wild, drunken,
unmannerly clown, more inclined to look into the wine
can than into the Bible. He would prefer drinking
brandy two hours to preaching one . . . Last spring
this preacher was tippling with a smith and while yet
over their brandy, they came to fisticuffs and beat each
others heads black and blue; yea, the smith tore all
* Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 119.
2 Ibid. 117. This same oath (accidental changes of a word
here and there) was taken by William Beeckman, appointed Com-
missary of the West India Company on the South River, July 30,
1658, by the Director General and Council.
NEW SWEDEN 12$
clothing from the preacher's body, so that this godly
minister escaped in primitive nakedness."*
The minutes of the administration of Jean Paul Jac-
quet, the vice-director on the South River, refer to this
minister as the ecclesiastical deputy in matrimonial
cases.* Under Jacquet's successor, William Beeckman,
the Swedish minister came into a conflict with the au-
thorities on account of his action in these matters, which
was at variance with Dutch legislation on matrimony.
Lock was fined fifty guilders early in 1660 for marrying
a couple without the publication of the barms and
against the will of the parents. One of the Swedish com-
missaries, Oele Stille, contended that the matter was not
within the jurisdiction of the vice-director, who had noth-
ing to do with the Swedish minister, but that the correc-
tion of such affairs belongedto the consistory of Sweden.'
Trouble of a more serious nature arose for the Reverend
Lars Carlson Lock, when he attempted a second mar-
riage with a young girl of seventeen or eighteen years
after he had obtained a divorce, subject to Stuyvesant's
approbation, from his former wife, who had fled in a
canoe with a depraved character named Jacob Jongh.*
OnApril 14, 1662, he was informed by Beeckman that his
marriage was illegal, as he had married himself, which
was contrary to the law of matrimony ; that he ought
to have first asked and obtained a divorce from superior
authority according to the laws of the fatherland., A
heavy fine was imposed on him for taking an inventory of
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam. August s,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 39S-6.
* August 9, 1656. Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 150-151.
3 Wm. Beeckman to Stujrvesant, April 28, 1660. Ibid. 307.
< Ibid. 355, 357.358-60.
126 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the belongings left by Jacob Jongh, who was indebted
to the company to the extent of two hundred and forty
guilders,' but Lock appealed to Stuyvesant for pardon
and a remission of the fine, as his offense was due to
ignorance. His self-marriage had been performed with
out any bad intention and he would have willingly sub-
mitted to the usages of the Reformed Church, if they
had been known to him.^ Acrelius states that Lock,
who had been suspended from the exercise of his minis-
try some time, finally obtained a confirmation of his di-
vorce from Stuyvesant, who also approved his second
marriage. He was then again permitted to exercise
his ministerial office among the Swedes.'
Another Lutheran minister came to the colony, a
year after the conquest of the Province, in the ship
Mercurius, which had sailed with eighty-eight emigrants
from Gottenburg before the cessation of the Swedish
rule.* Although Stuyvesant was imable to prevent
the emigrants from disembarking, he hadHerr Matthias
returned to Sweden in the same ship.' The vice-direc-
tor did not allow his two sons, bom during his admin-
istration on the South River, to be baptized by the
Lutheran minister," but he continually urged the
appointment of a Dutch Reformed minister in that
region as a means of promoting immigration thither.
'Minutes of Court at'Altona, April 14, 1662. Col. Decs N. Y.
xii. 366.
* Lock's petition to Stuyvesant, April 30, 1662. Ibed 367.
' Acrelius, History of New Sweden. Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania. Memoirs, xi. loo-ioi.
* Sprinchom, History of the Colony of New Sweden, Pa. Mag.
of History and Biography, viii. p. 145.
' Acrelius, History of New Sweden. Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania . Memoirs xi. p . 9 2 .
* Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 410. Beeckman to Stuyvesant.
NEW SWEDEN 1 27
Like his predecessor, he was also bound under oath "to
promote the Reformed Religion, as the same is taught
and preached in the Fatherland and here according to
God's Word and the Synod of Dortrecht.'" In the
absence of an ordained minister, a layman was ap-
pointed to read to the Dutch on Sundays from the Pos-
tilla. This had been done immediately after the
Dutch conquest,* and in a letter of January 14, 166S, to
Stujrvesant, Beeckman wrote that Jan Juriaens Becker
was reading the sermon on Sundays.' The limited to-
leration extended to the Swedes did not include the
toleration of other forms of dissent. When a fugitive
Quaker from Maryland, Captain Woeler (Wheeler?) did
not show the vice-director any sign of respect on the
plea that his conscience did not allow it, Beeckman
bluntly told him that his conscience could not tolerate
such a persuasion or sect. Nevertheless j he was ready
to tolerate him until further orders from Stuyvesant,
provided no other Quakers would foUow him into the
Dutch jurisdiction ; otherwise, he would enforce at once
the orders of the provincial government against this
sect.*
Meanwhile , a new jurisdiction had been introduced
on the South River, which, however, was not entirely
removed from the control of the Director General of
New Netherland. The expenses incurred for the recov-
ery of the South River had put the company deeply in
' Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 220. Council minute, October 28, 1658.
^Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam. Augfust s,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 395-6.
8 Wm. Beeckman to Stuyvesant. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS.
N. Y. (Dutch), i. 340.
* Wm. Beeckman to Stuyvesant, February 15, 1661. Col. Docs.
N. Y. xii. 336.
128 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
debt to the City of Amsterdam. To liquidate this debt
and at the same time to strengthen the southern boun-
dary of the Province, the Directors of the Amsterdam
Chamber and the Burgomasters of the City carried on
negotiations, which finally resulted in the cession of
Fort Casimir and the territory on the west side of the
river , from Christina Kill to the mouth of Delaware Bay,
to the City of Amsterdam. The Burgomasters, in their
draft of the conditions for the settlement, did not
neglect to provide for religion. They proposed to erect,
in the market-place or some other convenient spot of the
colony ; a public building suitable for divine service, a
house for the minister, aiid also a school, which might
serve at the same time as the residence of the school-
master, whose ofl&ce included the duties of sexton and
psalmsetter. The salaries of both were to be paid pro-
visionally by the City, unless the Company decided
otherwise.' In a later draft, the City of Amsterdam
only offered to send there a schoolmaster, who was also
to read the Holy Scriptures and set the Psalms,^ but the
States General, in its ratification of the report of its com-
mittee on the conditions for this settlement, insisted on
the installation of a preacher and consistory as soon as
the colony should number about two hundred families."
By the spring of 1657, from one hundred and
twenty-five to one hundred and eighty immigrants had
settled at Fort Casimir, which now received the name
of New Amstel , Here the vice-director of the City of
Amsterdam Jacob Alrichs, took up his residence.
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 620.
2 Ibid. 631.
'Ibid. 637.
NEW SWEDEN 1 29
In the absence of a clergyman, Evert Pietersen,
who had accompanied the settlers in the capacity of
Schoolmaster and Comforter of the Sick, "read God's
Word and led in singing." When the Directors of the
City's colony had collected about three hundred more
colonists, they requested the appointment of a minister
to accompany them to New Netherland.' The Classis
of Amsterdam hastened to fulfill their request, as these
ministers realized how much diligence and labor were
"required to prevent false opinions and foul heresies
from becoming prejudicial to the pure truth" in New
Amstel, where there were already many "of all manner
of pernicious persuasions." They, therefore, seized the
opportunity and earnestly urged the Mayor and Com-
missioners at Amsterdam "to establish some order in
opposition to general license." The Mayor and Com-
missioners readily promised that, as soon as they
received information that the sects carried on the exer-
cise of their religion in the colony, they would look into
the matter and adopt the measures necessary to pre-
vent such license. At the same time, they protested that
they could not force the consciences of men, which the
ministers expressly stated they did not desire.'' About
this time, the vice-director, Alrichs, who considered it a
scandal for the neighboring people and new-comers not
to have either church or minister in New Amstel,
insisted in a letter to his superiors in Amsterdam, on
the necessity of the presence of a minister in the colony,
' ' that those , who have little knowledge or light,may not
* Council minute of Amsterdam. March 9, 1657. Col. Doc.
N. Y. ii. 4.
2 Classis of Amsterdam to Consistory of New Netherland,
May 25. 1657- Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i.378.
130 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
become backsliders, and those, who are still weak in the
faith, may be further strengthened."' Before this let-
ter reached Holland, the Classis of Amsterdam had
already called and ordained the Reverend Everardus
Welius for this post.^ On the arrival of the new
clergyman at the South River, a church was organized
with Alrichs and Jan Williams as elders and with two
deacons, one of whom, Pietersen, also performed the
duties of a precentor and Comforter of the Sick. Everar-
dus Welius, to the sorrow and grief of the colony, only
officiated a short period, as he died on December 9,1659.
During his ministration, the church, which formerly
counted only nineteen members, had increased to the
number of sixty.' A few months before this, the Com-
missioners of the colony at Amsterdam had an oppor-
tunity to make good their promise to repress dissenting
worship in New Amstel. The Swedish parson had
dared to preach there without permission. On August
22, 1659, they wrote to their vice-director, Alrichs, that
he "must by proper means, put an end to or prevent
such presumption on the part of other sectaries," "as
yet no other religion but the Reformed can or may be
tolerated there."*
The official orthodoxy of the colony began to give
way in 1662 to the urgent necessity of obtaining colon-
ists to repel English encroachments from Maryland. A
company of Mennonites projected a settlement within
the jurisdiction of the City's colony at the Whorekill on
1 Alrichs to Commissioners, April 13, 1657. Col. Docs. N. Y
ii. 7.
* Acts of Classis of Amsterdam . Eccl . Recs . N . Y . 1. 3 7 1 .
'Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. iii-in.
< Ibid. 61.
NEW SWEDEN 13I
the South River, and on January lo, 1662, adopted a
very curious constitution, consisting of one hundred
and sixteen articles, to regulate the affairs of the colony.
They unanimously agreed to exclude from the society
all clergymen "for the maintenance of peace and con-
cord," as the appointment of one minister would not
harmonize so many opposing sects, and the appoint-
ment of a. minister for each sect was not only intpos-
sible, but "an inevitable ruinous pest to all peace and
union." Furthermore, they had no need of a clergy-
man, inasmuch as "they were themselves provided with
the Holy Scriptures, which all ministers agreed in pro-
nouncing the best, and which they considered the
most peaceable and most economical of preachers."
The ministry brought nothing but "an almost endless
chaffering and jangling," on the proper interpretation
of the Scriptures, which after aU were only "efforts to
interprete other men's interpretations." They, there-
fore, believed it wiser "to arrive, by certain and sound
reasoning, beyond all uncertain cavil about Scripture,
at a right rule for the establishment of good morals and
the direction of civil affairs," which might be attained
by plenty of schools and sound laws. Nor did they feel
the need of the clergy for the administration of the sac-
raments, as Baptism and the Lord's Supper were to
them only "signs or ceremonies becoming rather weak
children than men in Christ." Nevertheless, public
worship was not to be neglected. On every Sunday
and holiday, the inhabitants were to assemble in the
morning to sing a psalm and listen to the reading of a
chapter from the Bible by some one of the society,
appointed in turn. This simple service was then to be
132 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
concluded by another hymn, after which the court
was to assemble for the transaction of public business.
Although the society was to be composed of persons of
different creeds, each member of the community had to
declare his religious persuasion, for "all intractable
people, such as those in communion with the Roman
See, usurious Jews, English stiffnecked Quakers, Puri-
tans, foolhardy believers in the millenium, and obsti-
nate modem pretenders to revelation" were not
admitted into the colony.' In April, twenty-five
Mennonite families declared their willingness to settle
in theCity'scolony in New Netherland, if the City would
loan each family two hundred guilders in addition to the
passage money, for the repayment of which the whole
body was to be bound. The authorities only granted
each family a loan of one hundred guilders, including
their passage money. ^ A few months later, the con-
tract' between the Burgomasters and Regents of the
City of Amsterdam and Pieter Cornelius Plockhoy, the
leader of the Mennonite settlers for the South River,
was concluded for the tract of land at the Whorekill,
which was to be exempt from all taxation for a term of
twenty years. Twenty-five hundred guilders were
raised by the City of Amsterdam and loaned to this
association, which was also bound in its entirety for the
repayment of this debt.
In the summer of the same year, Hinyossa,
the successor of Alrichs, who had died in 1659, offered
> O'Callaghan, New Netherland, ii. 465-9- Kort Verhaal van
Niewe Nederlandt, Gelegenthiet, Natutirlyke Voorrechten byzon-
dere Bequaemheyt tur Vervolkingk, etc.
* Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 176.
'Ibid. 176-177.
NEW SWEDEN I33
sixteen or eighteen families, most of whom were
Finns, residing in the jurisdiction of the company,
the free exercise of their reUgion with other inducements
to attract them to the City's colony.* A year later the
colonists of New Amstel, who professed the Augsburg
Confession, with the consent of the Director and Council
of the colony called a Lutheran Swede, Abelius Zets-
coom, to the exercise of the ministry, although h'e was
not yet ordained at the time. He was accused of bap-
tizing children, while not in sacred orders, but the
testimony of Beeckman, the Company's vice-director,
acquitted him of this charge. The Swedes in the
Company's jurisdiction were also anxious to have his
services as their schoolmaster, for which they offered
him as high a salary as their minister Lars Carlson
Lockenius received, but the Swedes of New Amstel
refused to allow him to accept the offer. There was also
some opposition on the part of Lock, and the Commis-
saries had to force him to allow Zetscoom to preach in
the Swedish Church at Tinnicum on the second day of
Pentecost.^ However, Acrelius states that Abelius
Zetscoom never presided over any congregation on the
South River as an ordained minister,' and Domine
Selyns, inhis letter of June 9, 1664, speaks of him as a
person who has changed the Lutheran pulpit for a
schoolmaster's place. Two reasons are advanced by
this minister in the same letter for the speedy appoint-
ment of a Reformed minister in the place of Domine
' Wm. Beeckman to Stuyvesant, June 21, 1662. Col. Docs.
N. Y. xii. 384.
2 Ibid. 431-432, 438,447,466.
^Acrelius, History of New Sweden. Historical Society of
Pennsylvania. Memoirs xi. i o i .
134 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Hadson, who had died on his passage to America, both
of which manifest the condition of the orthodox faith
on the South River at the time. The children had not
been baptized since the death of the Reverend Welius,
five years ago, and there were many persons in this
region with "abominable sentiments," "who speak dis-
respectfully of the Holy Scriptures."' Meanwhile, the
Directors of the Company had conceeded to the Burgo-
masters of Amsterdam all the territory on the west side
of the river and a tract three miles wide along the entire
east bank. Thus the friction that existed between the
magistrates of the City's colony and the authorities of
the Company's colony at Altona was happily terminated.
Since the death of Alrichs, the whole policy of his succes-
sor, Hinyossa, was to claim independence from the con-
trol of the Company's authority. He refused to have
the proclamations of thanksgiving days sent by Stuy-
vesant published, and appointed days of thanksgiving in
his own name instead.^ A settlement of the question
became urgent. The cession of this territory was also
made in the hope that thus a barrier would be placed
to the ertcroachments of Maryland, by active coloniza-
tion on the part of the City of Amsterdam as the
Burgomasters were bound to transport four hundred
settlers thither every year. Although the City had
even thought of restoring to the Company the territory
previously obtained, the Burgomasters now persuaded
themselves to continue and even increase their colonial
enterprise, as "there is now as good an opportunity as
'Selyns to Classis of Amsterdam. Jtme g, 1664. Eccl. Recs.
N.Y.i. ssp.
2 Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 390.
NEW SWEDEN I3S
ever can offer for increasing the population with num-
bers of men, mechanics, etc., from home and from Ger-
many, Norway, East and Westphalia and those
countries, to which those of the Faith throughout the
entire of France, also the Waldenses, have been sub-
jected.'" The Burgomasters had already received appli-
cations from some families residing in the vicinity of
Rochelle, who only desired to make sure before "their
departure that they did not need to be in fear of the
Indians. Thus the control of the South River passed
into the hands of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam more
than a year previous to its surrender to the English.
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. 201.
CHAPTER V
The Religious Factors in the English Immigration
A constant stream of English immigration into the
Province of New Netherland began when the West
India Company, tmder pressure from the States General
surrendered, in the fall of 1638, its monopoly of the fur
trade, opened to free competition also the other internal
trade of New Netherland to colonists of the Province,
and extended all these privileges not only to the inhabi-
tants of the United Provinces, but also to their allies
and friends who might be inclined to sail thither to
engage in the cultivation of the land.* Although this
English immigration was at first composed only of
individual settlers from Virginia and New England, the
Provincial government in the year following felt the
necessity of assuring itself of their allegiance. The
EngUsh settlers were, therefore, ordered to subscribe to
an oath of fidelity "to their High Mightinesses the
Lords States General, his Highness of Orange, and the
Noble Director and Council of New Netherland; to fol-
low the Director or any of his Council, wherever they
shall lead; to give instant warning of any treason, or
* O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland, i. 200-3 (The
proclamation is here printed in full.) Broadhead, History of New
York, i. 288.
(136)
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 13 7
other detriment to this country that shall come to their
knowledge; to assist to the utmost of their power in
defending and protecting with their blood and treasure
the inhabitants thereof against its enemies."'
Meanwhile, the States General continued to demand
from the Company a new charter for these settlers,
which would correspond to the conditions resulting
from this change of its colonial policy. The Statdfe Gen-
eral wished to have measures adopted, that would lead
to an increase of the population of the Province, so that
all danger of its loss through a foreign invasion might be
eliminated. At this time, the patroons had made an
unsuccessful attempt to obtain greater independence
from the Company and a greater restriction of private
enterprise in the colony. This was the burden of the
new project of colonization which they had submitted
to the States General.'' The West India Company had
also submitted a draft of the articles and conditions
which were to regulate the future colonization and trade
of New Netherland.
The religious legislation of this new charter marks
the beginning of a new era in the religious his-
tory of the colony. The first charter of this kind
made the maintenance of the ministry of the Reformed
Church obligatory on the part of the patroons and
colonists, which thus obtained a legal recognition
as early as 1629, a year after the arrival of the first min-
1 O'Callaghan, o. c. 208 ; Alb. Recs, ii. Council minute, August
II, 1639, in O'Callaghan. Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. p, 68-69. A
month later Captain Underhill and a few families received permis-
sion to reside in New Netherland on taking the oath of allegiance.
Ibid.
' O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland, i. 198-9.
138 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ister of the Dutch Reformed Church.* With the exten-
sion of the rights of trade and property to foreigners,
there might naturally be expected an increase of dis-
sent. This may be the explanation of the more detailed
religious legislation in the articles proposed by the West
India Company, which recognized the importance of
establishing the proper order for public worship in the
first commencement and planting of the population
according to the practice established by the govern-
ment of the Netherlands. The decree which followed
is of great interest, on account of the close resemblance
of its phraseology to the decree drafted by Stuyvesant
against the conventicles which later arose principally
amongst the English settlers of Long Island. Al-
though religion was to be taught and preached in the
Province of New Netherland "according to the confes-
sion and formularies of unity . . . publicly accepted in
the respective churches" of the fatherland, no person
was thereby to be "in any wise constrained or ag-
!' grieved in his conscience," but every person was to be
"free to live in peace and all decorum, provided he take
care not to frequent any forbidden assemblies or con-
venticles, much less collect or get up any such ; and fur-
ther abstain from all public scandals and offenses
which the magistrate is charged to prevent by all fitting
reproofs and admonitions, and if necessary to advise the
Company from time to time of what may occur there
herein, so that confusion and misunderstanding may
be timely obviated and prevented." The Company
'Cf. Art. xxvii. The union of minister, schoolmaster and
Comforter of the sick, evidently refers to the Dutch Reformed
Church. Col. Docs. N. Y. ii. SS1-7.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 39
then defined the religious duties of the inhabitants still
more in detail. Every inhabitant was bound not only
to fulfill his civic duties, but also to attend faithfully to
any religious charge that he might receive in the
churches, without any claim to a recompense. Fur-
ther each inhabitant and householder was to bear such
tax and public charge as would be considered proper for
the maintenance of preachers. Comforters of the*Sick,
schoolmasters and similar necessary officers.* This
charter with the "New Project" was again referred to
the Chamber of the West India Company at Amsterdam
and a reconsideration of the entire case of New Nether-
land with the deputies of the States General recom-
mended.^ No definite result was immediately attained,
and, in the spring of 1640, the deputies of the States Gen-
eral were again instructed to assist in the deliberations
of the West India Company and to take special care
that no abuse might be introduced under cover of the
fifth article, which decreed the administration of jus-
tice "in all civil and criminal matters according to the
forms of procedure and the laws and customs already
made or to be enacted."' Two months later the
attention of the States General was again called to the
affairs of New Netherland, when complaint was made
that the West India Company had refused the offers of
the Count of Solms, who wished to plant a colony in
New Netherland with some of his vassals, who had been
driven out of the County of Solms by the war. The
patience of the States General was almost exhausted.
> Cf. Arts 6 and 8. Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 112.
* Ibid. 114-15.
' Ibid. 117.
140 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Their deputies to the Assembly of the XIX were to urge
free access to New Netherland for the. Count of Solms
and other inhabitants of those countries. They were
also instructed to return with the conditions of such col-
onization, which the West India Company had been
ordered to enact. If the Company failed to submit the
new charter for approval and ratification to the States
General, their High Mightinesses threatened to grant
such a charter independent of the Company through
the plentitude of its own power.' Finally on July 19,
1640, the new charter of Freedoms and Exemptions was
promulgated, of which "all good inhabitants of the
Netherlands and all others inclined to plant any colon-
ies in New Netherland" might take advantage. The
provisions of this revised charter in regard to religion
are much less liberal in tone than the articles that had
been proposed before by the Company. The subjec-
tion of the Church to the civil authority, which is
expressed in all the Confessions of the Reformed
Churches, also found its expression in this charter.
It reserved to the Company the founding of churches,
and to the Governor and Council the cognizance of all
cases of religion.^ The decree renewing the establish-
ment of the Dutch Reformed Church in a negative form
emphasizes the hostile spirit of the new constitution of
the country towards dissent. "And no other religion
shall he publicly admitted in New Netherland except
1 Proceedings of States General, May 31, 1640, in Col. Docs. N.Y.
i. 118. The house of Solms had a county of about four hundred
square miles, situated on the banks of the Lahn, near Nassau,
Hesse and Wetzlar. Cf Bouillet, iv. 319 Calvinism was preval-
ent in that region.
2 Cf. two last Arts, of the Freedoms and Exemptions. Ibid. 123
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 141
the Reformed, as it is at present preached and practiced
by public authority in the United Netherlands; and for
this purpose the Company shall provide and maintain
good and suitable preachers, schoolmasters, aitd com-
forters of the sick."^
The effect of the concession of this new charter on
the religious character of the population of the Dutch
Province is well summarized in the description dfawn
by Father Jogues a few years later. ' ' On this Island of
Manhate and its environs there may well be four or five
hundred men of different sects and nations ; the Director
General told me that there were persons there of eigh-
teen different languages." Although the Dutch were
very generous in their treatment of Father Jogues, and
later of other Jesuit missionaries, they were evidently
bent on impressing him with the idea that dissenters
from the established religion were only present in the
colony on the sufferance of the local authorities, as he
had been informed in all likelihood by the Director Gen"
eral himself that the colony had "orders to admit none
but Calvinists." However, the Jesuit had observed that
there were ' ' besides Calvinists in the colony Catholics,
English Puritans, Lutherans, Anabaptists, here called
Mnistes, etc."^ Ten years later, the diversity of reli-
gious opinion amongst the inhabitants of the Province is
still more emphasized in the remonstrance which
Domine Megapolensis sent to the Classis of Amsterdam
as a protest against the admission of the Jews into the
Province of New Netherland. "For as we have here
Papists, Mennonites and Lutherans among the Dutch;
» Col. Docs N.Y. i. 123.
2 Doc Hist. N Y. iv. 15. Jes. Rels. ix. ,
142 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
also many Puritans or Independents, and many athe-
ists and various servants of Baal among the English
under this government, who conceal themselves under
the name of Christians; it would create still greater
confusion, if the obstinate and immovable Jews came
to settle here."* It may be interesting to note that the
religious situation remained practically the same even
after the cessation of Dutch rule. Governor Andros
reported in 1678 that there were "religions of all
sorts, one Church of England, several Presbyterians and
Independents, Quakers and Anabaptists, of several
sects, some Jews, but Presbyterians and Independents
most numerous and substantial."^ Eight years later
Governor Dongan affords a still clearer insight into the
diversity of belief and the prevalence of religious indif-
ference. "Here be not many of the Church of Eng-
land; few Roman Catholics; abundance of Quakers;
preachers, men and women especially ; singing Quakers ;
ranting Quakers ; Sabatarians ; Antisabatarians ; some
Anabaptists; some Independents; some Jews; in short
of all sorts of opinion there are some, and the most of
none at all."' This religious indifference was not
merely a later development under English rule, but a
part of the heritage received from the Dutch.
The concession of the new charter of Freedoms and
Exemptions for New Netherland coincided with the rise
of a migratory movement in New England, where the
poverty of the soil gave the settlers little inducement to
remain. In the words of Winthrop, "many men began
» Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 336.
2 Col Docs. N. Y. iii. 26a.
s Ibid. 41 S
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 43
to enquire after the Southern parts."' Some began to
move into the Dutch jurisdiction ; others settled in ter-
ritories claimed by the Dutch, but placed themselves
imder English jurisdiction, which, by successive en-
croachments, had been extended almost to the North
River itself. The government of New Netherland was
too feeble to do much more than protest against this
invasion of its territories. These encroachments were
not extended across the Sound to Long Island until the
spring of 1 64o,when some inhabitants of L3mn, ' ' straight-
ened at home," attempted to begin a new plantation
at Cow Bay on Long Island under a grant from "a
Scotchman named Farrett, the agent of Lord Stirling,"
who had received a grant of the whole of Long Island in
1635 from the Plymouth Company at the request of
Charles I. On their arrival, the arms of the High and
Mighty Lords the States General were torn down from
the tree to which they had been affixed, and a "fool's
face" drawn in their place. Information of these high-
handed proceedings led to the arrest and final expulsion
of the English settlers, who now laid the foundations of
a new plantation, Southampton, on the east end of the
Island, unknown to the Dutch authorities.* In the
year following, several families from Lynn and Ipswich
sent agents to Long Island to select a suitable site for
a plantation. Challenged by the Dutch, they were led
to treat with the Governor of the Province of New
i Winthrop's Joiimal, i. 333. Cf. Prank Strong. "A Forgotten
Danger to the New England Colonies." Report of Am. H. A, 1898,
p. 77-94
* Winthrop's Journal, Hist, of New England, ii. 4-s. (Origin.
Narratives of Am. Hist.) Cf. Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi, and
Lechford, Plain Dealing or Newes from New England.
144 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Netherland about the conditions for a settlement of the
English under Dutch jurisdiction. Kieft no doubt
thought that settlements of Englishmen, bound by an
oath of allegiance to the States General and to the West
India Company, would prove a good barrier to further
encroachments on the part of New England govern-
ments. The English were, therefore, permitted to settle
in Dutch territory on equal terms with the other colon-
ies of the Province' in accordance with the provisions
of the charter of 1640, which became the basis of all
future grants from the Dutch to the English. This
guaranteed them practically "the very same liberties,
both ecclesiastical and civil, which they enjoyed in the
Massachusetts."^ They were not granted, as some his-
torians seem to think, freedom of religion, but freedom
of their religion. The pronoun is essential and saves the
"fair terms" to the English from being a violation of
the colonial charter just promulgated by the West
India Company. Both the Dutch of New Netherland
and the English of New England felt that their religion
did not differ "in fundamentals." Robinson himself,
the founder of the "New England Way," had declared
as early as 1619 "before God and men, that we agree so
entirely with the Reformed Dutch Churches in the mat-
ter of religion, that we are ready to subscribe to all and
every one of the articles of faith of those churches, as
they are contained in the Harmony of Confessions of
* Journal of New Netherland (1641-1646). Col Docs, N. Y. i.
i8i; For the conditions of an English colony, Cf. Council minute,
June 6, 1641, in Col. Docs. N. Y, xiii. 8.
2 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 35 (ed. Orig Narratives of Early Am,
Hist.)
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 45
Faith."' In the following year, the New Netherland
Company submitted a memorial to the States General
with the request that Mr. Robinson might be permitted
to depart with four hundred families from Holland and
England to settle under Dutch protection in North
America and ' ' to plant forthwith everywhere there the
true and pure Christian religion."* The petition was
denied, as the States General was planning to ref)lace
the old provisional Company by the West India
Company. The consciousness of the "close union and
the congruity of the divine service of the two nations"
foimd expression even in the year in which these fair
terms were offered to the English of Ipswich and Lynn.
The Reverend Mr. Hugh Peters of Salem, who was sent
to England to negotiate with Parliament in regard to
New England affairs, was also instructed to go, if pos-
sible, to the Netherlands to treat with the West India
Company for a peaceable neighborhood with its colony
of New Netherland. According to the fifth article of
the propositions which he was to submit to the Com-
pany in the name of Massachusetts and Connecticut, he
was to request "that the company, knowing that the
English in America amount to about fifty thousand
souls, may be pleased to inform us in what manner we
ban be employed in advancing the great work there,
being of the same religion with themselves."' This
feeling of solidarity in religion was also manifested by
the Dutch in the Netherlands. When the Dutch heard
• The Canons of the Synod of Dort. Robinson, Apology 6, in
Brodhead, Hist, of N. Y. i. 119-120.
2 Col. Doc. i. 94-95, cited by O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Nether-
land, i. 84.
8 Col Docs. N. Y. ii. 150-1.
146 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
that the Westminister Assembly "had agreed upon a
certain plan of church government, practically the same
in most points as that of the Reformed Church of this
country, and had laid the same before the Parliament of
England ... for approval," they experienced great
gladness and singular "satisfaction" in "the assurance
that between the English Church and our Church there
should be effected a similar form of govenmient."*^
Even the triumph of Independency over Presbyterian-
ism in England did not change this friendly feeling of
the Dutch towards the English Puritans. Upon the
restoration, the States General of the United Provinces
permitted "all Christian people of tender conscience in
England and elsewhere, oppressed, full liberty to erect
a colony in the West Indies between New England and
Virginia in America, .on the conditions and privileges
granted by the committees of the respective chambers
representing the Assembly of the XIX. .Therefore, if
any of the English, good Christians . . shall be rationally
disposed to transport themselves to the said place
under the conduct of the United States, (they) shall
have full liberty to live in the fear of the Lord."'
Thus both English Congregationalists and English
Presbyterians found a welcome in! New Netherland,
although the authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, of the
Province naturally favored the latter, whose agreement
with the Reformed Church was not limited to "funda-
mentals," but also extended to church polity in detail.
When the Court of Massachusetts learned of the
intention of these families in Lynn and Ipswich to set-
» Synods of North and South Holland, Eccl Recs. N. Y. i. 192.
' Doc. Hist N Y. iii. 37-39-
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 47
tie in Dutch jurisdiction, the magistrates did not object
to their departure from their present place of residence,
nor did they try to dissuade them from their project on
religious grounds. The matter was discussed from a
purely political point of view. "The court were
oflfended and sought to stay them, not for going from
US', but for strengthening the Dutch, our doubtful
neighbors, and taking that from them which oup king
challenged and had granted a patent of . . to the earl of
Sterling, especially for binding themselves by an oath of
fealty."' The court of Massachusetts was successful in
its remonstrance, and the leaders of this movement of
immigration "promised to desist." In spite of this, the
discussion in the court of Massachusetts was of great
importance in the history of New Netherland, as it
doubtlessly widely diffused a knowledge of these fair
terms for an English settlement under the Dutch
throughout New England. Religious persecution on
the part of New England authorities wotild make the
argument of the Massachusetts Court less cogent in the
minds of the oppressed. In fact, the emigration from
New England into the Dutch settlements on Long
Island and the mainland was chiefly Presbyterian in
character, occasioned by the controversy between the
Presbyterians and Congregationalists of New England
as to the extent of the Abrahamic covenant in the mat-
ter of baptizing the children of those who were not
church members. However, also a goodly number of
Independents in course of time settled in the English
towns in the Dutch jurisdiction.
1 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 35 (ed. Orig. Narratives.)
148 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Early in 1642, the Rev. Francis Doughty, Presbyter-
ian minister, and his associates obtained a patent from
the Director General and Council of New Netherland for
a settlement at Mespath on Long Island . Doughty had
been a Church of England clergjonan. Silenced for
non-conformity, he emigrated to Massachusetts in 1637,
and settled at Cohannet, now Taunton, where he soon
"found that he had got out of the frying pah into the
fire."* According to the account of Lechford, there
was a church gathered in Taunton, comprising ten or
twenty to the exclusion of the rest of the inhabitants.
Doughty "opposed the gathering of the Church there,
alleadging that according to the Covenant of Abraham,
all mens children that were of baptized parents, and so
Abraham's children, ought to be baptized." In obe-
dience to the request of the ministers of the church, the
magistrate ordered the constable to expel him from the
Assembly on the plea that he was raising a disturbance.
He was then forced to leave the town with his wife and
children.^ Doughty evidently had a following amongst
the inhabitants of the town with Presbyterian ten-
dencies who were not church members. Francis
Doughty first went to Rhode Island, to which also Mr.
Richard Smith, "a most respectable inhabitant and
prime leading man in Taunton in Plymouth Colony"
came, on leaving Plymouth "for his conscience's sake,
' Remonstrance of New Netherland to the States General, July
28, 1649. Care must be exercised in the use of this document, as the
author Dr van der Donck is pleading the case of his father-in-law
the Rev. Doughty.
2 Lechford, Plaine Dealing, p. 91 (ed. J. H. Trumbull).
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 49
many difficulties arising."* In the following year, some
English residing at Rhode Island, at Cohannock, and
other places commissioned Doughty as their agent to
negotiate a charter for a settlement under the Dutch
jurisdiction that they might "according to the Dutch
Reformation enjoy freedom of conscience."^ Kieft
readily granted Doughty and his associates freedom of
conscience according to the Dutch Reformation m. the
clause of the Mespath patent, which gave them power
' ' to exercise the Reformed Christian Religion and church
discipline, which they profess."' The members of this
colony, which soon numbered eighty persons, employed
Doughty as their minister. As "he had scarcely means
enough of his own to build a hut,"* his associates pre-
pared a bowery for him in the colony, upon the proceeds
of which he was to live, while he discharged in return
the duty of preacher among them.*
In the autumn of the same year, John Throgmorton,
who had left Massachusetts on account of religious per-
secution, of which "fiery" Hugh Peters judged him as
worthy as Roger Williams, Requested Kieft for permis-
sion to settle under his jurisdiction with thirty-five fami-
lies and to live in peace, "provided they be allowed to
1 This is the testimony of Roger Williams in 1679. Cf. Riker,
Annals of Newtown, 25, note i; also Flint, Early Long Island, p. 164,
note I.
' Tienhoven's answer to the Remonstrance of July 28, 1649, Col.
Docs. N. Y. i. 424-31.
' Book of Patents GG. p. 49, Riker, o. c. 413, O'Callaghan, Hist.
of New Netherland, 1.425.
* Lechford in the earlier draught of his account of the Cohannet
strife of Doughty added: "And being a man of estate, when he
came (to) the country, is imdone." M. H. S. MS Cf. note 136 of
Trumbull's edition, p. 91.
' Tienhoven's answer to the Remonstrance of July 28, 1649. Col.
Docs. N. Y.-i. 424-31.
ISO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
enjoy the same privileges as other subjects and to
freely exercise their religion." The Director General
and Council, in virtue of the desires of the Company,
granted the petitioners permission to settle in the
Cotmty of Westchester, which was then known as
"Vredeland" or "the land of Peace.'" The following
summer, the patent was issued for the territory that he
and his companions had occupied, but it makes no men-
tion of religion.' Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, with Collins,
her son-in-law, and all her family,also moved, in the sum-
mer of 1642, into Dutch territory and settled only a few
miles east of the Throgmorton settlement on Pelham
Neck near New Rochelle. The memory of her resi-
dence there is still preserved in the name of Hutchin-
son's River, the small stream that separates the Neck
from the town of East Chester. The New England
authorities understood very well the signification of this
secession. Winthrop tells us that "these people had
cast off ordinances and churches, and now at last their
own people, and for larger accommodations had sub-
jected themselves to the Dutch."* The New England
mind was inclined to see the hand of God in the calami-
ties which the Indian war brought upon these settle-
ments of wayward Englishmen.' ' ' '
Kieft had provoked a general uprising of the Algon-
quin tribes against the Dutch by the massacre of the
River Indians, men, women and children, who had
taken refuge at Vriesendael, Pavonia and Manhattan
from the Mohawks in search of the tribute from these
' Council minute, October 2, 1642. Col Docs. N, Y. xiii. 10.
2 Ibid.
' Winthrop's Journal, ii. 138.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 151
Indians. The Presbyterian settlement of Mespath was
invaded and the settlers "were all driven from their
lands with the loss of some people and the destruction
of many cattle, of almost all their houses and whatever
they had."' The colonists now found a refuge during
the war on Manhattan Island, where Doughty, sup-
ported by the voluntary contributions from the English
and Dutch of the City, administered to his fiockjtwho
were even allowed the use of the Dutch church in the
fort, as they were in agreement with the Dutch Re-
formed Church "in everything."* The English colonists
of Westchester County were less fortunate than the
people of Mespath. The Indians "came to Mrs. Hutch-
inson's in way of friendly neighborhood, as they had
been accustomed, and taking their opportunity, killed
her and Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, and aU her family,"
with the exception of a little grand-daughter, eight
years old, who was taken captive. After four years, on
the conclusion of peace, she was delivered to the Dutch
Governor by the Indians and then restored to her
friends in New England. Winthrop states that "she
had forgot her own language, and all her friends,
and was loath to have come from the Indians."'
Feelings of pious exultation were expressed at the
destruction of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson in the "Rise,
Reign and Ruin of the Antinomians," which Charles
Francis Adams in the able introduction to his
scholarly edition in the Prince Society Publications
* Remonstrance of New Netherland to States General. Col.
Docs. N. Y. i. 305.
2 Remonstrance and Answer of Tienhoven, Ibid
» Winthrop's Journal, ii 138; 276-277.
152 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
attributes not to Rev. Th. Welde, but to the
pen of Governor Winthrop, with the exception of the
introduction. "God's hand is the more apparently
seen herein, to pick out this woeful woman, to make her
and those belonging to her an unheard-of heavy
example of their cruelty above others."* The Indians
then attacked Throgmorton's settlement and killed
"such of Mr. Throgmorton's and Mr. Comhill's fami-
lies as were at home ; in all sixteen, and put their cattle
into their houses and there burnt them." Fortunately
a boat touched at the settlement at the time of the
Indian attack, to which some women and children fled
and were saved, but two of the boatmen going up to the
houses were shot and killed. The few settlers who
escaped removed again to Rhode Island.'
The fate of Captain Daniel Patrick wasfalso con-
sidered by Winthrop as a punishment from God.
Patrick had been brought from Holland, where he was
a common soldier of the Prince's guard, and given a
Captain's commission by the Massachusetts Bay
Colony. Although there was little religion or
morality in the soldier, he was admitted a member of
the church of Watertown and made a freeman. Pat-
rick soon "grew proud and very vicious, for though
he had a wife of his own, a good Dutch woman and
comely, yet he despised her and followed after other
women. ' '* On the discovery of his evil life, Captain
Patrick removed to Connecticut and, in company with
Robert Feake, began in 1639 the settlement of Green-
' Adams, Charles Francis, ed. Antinomianism in the Colony of
Massachusetts Bay, 1636-38.
* Winthrop's Jotimal, ii. 138.
'Ibid. 153.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 53
wich on the coast, within twenty miles of the Dutch.
The settlers later bought a title to this region from one
of the neighboring sachems, but the purchase was soon
protested by the Director General Kieft, who had
already secured a formal cession of this territory from
the Indians. For two years, these Englishmen re-
fused to submit to Dutch authority, "having been
well assured that his majesty of England had pre-
tended some right to this soil." However, when
they could no longer "presume to remain thus, on
account of the strifes of the English, the danger con-
sequent thereon, and these treacherous and villainous
Indians, of whom we have seen sorrowful examples
enough," they placed themselves "under the pro-
tection of the Noble States General, His Highness the
Prince of Orange, and the West India Company,
or their Governor General of New Netherland. "'
Now Patrick became guilty of a grave infraction of
New Engird church discipline, as he "joined to their
church, without being dismissed from Watertown. ' '
When the Indians arose against the Dutch, Captain
Patrick took refuge in the neighboring town of Stam-
ford, to which later a company of one hundred and
twenty. Dutchmen came on his promise to direct
thetti to the Indians. .When he failed to fulfil his
promise, he was accused of treachery by the Dutch,
but Patrick replied with "ill language" and finally
spat in the face of a Dutchman. Stung bythis insult,
the Dutchman shot Patrick behind in the head as he
turned to go out of Captain Underhill's house, and
iQathof fidelity, April 9, 1642. O'Callaghan, Hist, of New
Netherland. i. 252-3, note. 2.
1 54 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
"so he fell down dead and never spake." The mur-
derer was imprisoned but escaped out of custody.
"This was the fruit of (Captain Patrick's) wicked
course and breach of covenant with his wife, with the
church, and that state who had called him and main-
tained him, and he found his death from that hand
where he sought protection. It is observable that he
was killed upon the Lord's day in the time of the after-
noon exercise, (for he seldom went to public assem-
bhes.) '"
In the spring of 1644, another English colony of
Presbyterians settled on Long Island under the
Dutch jurisdiction. When the church of Wethersfield
had been so rent by "contention and alienation of
minds" that the two mediators, sent out by the parent
church of Watertown, "could not bring them to any
other accord than this, that the one party must remove
to some other place, "^ the seceders obtained from New
Haven the lands that the colony had bought from the
Rippowan Indians, and founded the town of Stamford.
Over thirty families were settled by the fall of
1641. A feeling of dissatisfaction also developed in
some inhabitants of this town, which led to a migration
from Stamford to Long Island. This in all probability
was occasioned by a change in the right of suffrage,
necessitated by the incorporation of Stamford into the
Colony of New Haven, which limited its right of suf-
frage to church members. The Presbyterians, who had
amongst their number two ministers of their persuasion,
Richard Denton and Robert Fordham, sent a commit-
' Winthrop's Jemrnal, ii. 154.
' Ibid. i. 307-8.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION ISS
tee* to Long Island in 1643 to purchase lands from the
Indians. Early in the following year, the English were
settled "in the great plain, which is called Hempstead,
where Mr. Fordham, an English minister, had the
rule."" The reference to Mr. Fordham very likely is
due to his civil position in the new settlement, as the
ministerial office was not then exercised by him, but by
Richard Denton, who is later described by the Outch
ministers of New Amsterdam as "sound in the faith, of
a friendly disposition, and beloved by all."' It is not
strange, therefore, that the settlement of Hempstead
received a patent with the same religious provisions as
were contained in the patent of Mespath. Thus the
settlers received full power and authority "to exercise
* This committee was composed of Robert Fordham and John
Carman.
^ Broad Advice. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. 2d. Ser iii. 257 (1857.)
In 1642 Lechford speaks of him as a minister out of office.
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 22,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 410-11. Cotton Mather -writes: "The
apostle describing the false ministers of those primitive times calls
them clouds without water, carried about.of winds. As for the true
men of our primitive times, they were indeed 'carried about of
winds', though not winds of strange doctrine, yet the winds of hard
sufiering did carry him as far as from England into America: the
hurricanes of persecution wherein doubtless the 'Prince of the
powers of Air' had its influence, drove the heavenly clouds from
one part of the heavenly church into another. But they were not
clouds without waters, when they came with showers of blessings
and rained very gracious impressions upon the vineyard of the Lord.
Among those clouds was our pious and learned Mr. Richard Denton,
a Yorkshire man, who having watered Halifax, in England, with
his fruitful ministiy, was by a tempest there hurried into New
England, where first at Weathersfield, and then at Stamford, his
doctrine dropped as the small rain, his speech distilled as the dew, as
the small ram upon tender herb, and as showers upon the grass.
Though he were a little man, yet he had a great soul ; his well accom-
glished mind, in his lesser body, was an Iliad in a nut shell. I think
e was blind of an eye, yet he was not the least among the seers of
Israel; he saw a very considerable portion of those things which the
eye hath not seen. He was far from cloudy in his conceptions and
principles of divinity, whereof he wrote a system, entitled Soliliquia
156 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the Reformed religion, whidi they profess,' with the
ecclesiastical discipline thereunto belonging." It may
be of interest to note that the name of Richard Denton
is not fotmd in the list of the patentees.^
The history of the early church of Hempstead
reveals no polity of the church apart from the govern-
ment of the town. This close union of things spiritual
and temporal is well symbolized in the use of the same
edifice both as a church and as a town-house for the
transaction of public business. It also was manifested
in an order issued by the General Court with the consent
Sacra, so accurately considering the fourfold state of man, in his
created purity, contracted deformity, restored beauty and celestial
glory, that judicious persons, who have seen it, very much lament
the churches being so much deprived of it. At length he got into
Heaven beyond the clouds, and so beyond storms; waiting the
return of the Lord Jesus Christ, in the clouds of Heaven, when he
will have his reward among the saints." Magnalia Christi, i. 398.
His epitaph also gives a flattering estimate :
Hie jacet et fruitur Tranquilla sede Richardus Dentonius Cujus
Fama perennis erit.
Incola jam coeli velut Astra micantia fulget.
Quemultes Fidei Lumina Clara dedit.
Flint, Early Long Island, 126.
* Patent, November 16, 1644, printed in Thompson, History of
Long Island, ii. 5-6.
2 It would be of interest to have the question solved of the
relation of the document on file in the Public Record Ofiice, London,
dated 1628, to the settlers of the village of Hempstead on Long
Island The Lord Keeper Coventry has endorsed it: "this letter
was set up on the church of Hamsted in County Hertford and deliv-
ered by Mr Sanders of the Star Chamber." It is addressed,
"Michael Mean- well to Matthew Mark- well at his house in Muse-
much parish," from Little- worth, which is the name of a parish in
Berks. The letter gives the reasons why the author and some others
have decided to go to New England. The objections urged against
the Established Church refer both to polity and doctrine. Ceremo-
nies, that have no express warrant in the Word of God, may not be
used in the worship of God without sin. On appeal to the works of
Cartwright, Penry and Knox, exception is taken to the teaching,
that God's predestination resulted from his foreknowledge of good
and evil, that Christ died for all men, that all children baptized are
saved, that a man may fall away from grace, and that the Sabbath
is not a divine institution. N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. 1. 398.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 57
of a full town meeting, September i6, 1650, which con-
fessed that "the Contempt of God's Word And Sab-
baths is the desolating Sinn off Civill States and Plan-
tations, and that the Publick preaching of the Word, by
those that are called therevnto is the Chiefe and ordi-
narie meanes ordayned of God for the Converting, Edi-
fying and Saveing of y^ Soules of the Elect, through the
presence and power of the Holy Ghost therevnto f)rom-
ised." The General Court, therefore, decreed "That
All persons Inhabiting In this Towne or y® Limitts
thereof shall duely resort and repaire to the Publique
meetings and Assemblies one the Lords dayes And
one the Publique dayes of fastings and thanksgivings
appointed by Publique Authority, both one the fore-
noones and aftemoones." Persons, who should absent
themselves "w'th out Just and Necessary Cause apr
j^oved by the particular Court," were to "forfeict, for
the first offense, five guilders, for y^ second Offense ten
guilders. And for y* third Offense twenty guilders."
Those who prove refractory, perverse and obstinate,
were to be "Lyable to the further Censtire of the Court,
Eyther for the Agravation of the fine, or for Corporall
punishment or Banishment." Finally, persons who
would inform the magistrates or the particular Court
about the neglect or contempt of this order were to be
rewarded by one half of the fine, the other half of which
was to be converted to public use.* Seven years later,
on the growth of Quaker dissent, the Director General
approved this order of the General Court of Hempstead
and commanded the magistrates of the town to execute
1 Hempstead Town Recs, i. 56-58.
IS8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND '
its provisions against trespassers. This was no doubt
done at the instance of the town authorities themselves.
The united action of the town authorities and the Pro-
vincial Government is also indicative of the sense of the
union of the Church of the town with the Reformed
Church of the Province. This is also shown by the mi-
nistration of Richard Denton in the English Congregation,
organized in the capital of the Province, which wor-
shipped in the same church building within the fort
as the Dutch and French Reformed. An hour was as-
signed to them, that would not conflict with the use of
the church by the Dutch congregation. The dis-
tinction between English Church and Dutch Church is
clearly drawn in an ancient book of records in the
Briggs family. "Sarah Woolsey was bom in New
York, August y* 3d, in y^ year 1650, August 7, she was
baptized in y= English church by Mr. Denton, Capt.
Newtown godfather, George Woolsey was bom in New
York, October 10, 1652 ; October 12 he was baptized in
the Dutch church, Mrs. Newton godmother. Thomas
Woolsey was bom at Hempstead, April 10, 1655, and
there baptized by Mr. Denton. Rebeckar Woolsey
was bom at New York Febmary 13, 1659, Febraary 16
she was baptized in the Dutch church, Mr. Bridges, god-
father and her grandmother godmother." ' This close
communion with the provincial Church hardly admits
any doubt in regard to the character of the Church of
Hempstead, and its minister, who moreover is expressly
designated by the Dutch clergyman as a "Presbyterian
preacher, who is in agreement with our church in
i Briggs, C. A., Puritanism in N. Y. Mag. of Am., Hist, xiii, 42.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 59
everything.'" However, the inhabitants of the town
were not all of the same religious persuasion,even before
the manifestation of Quaker dissent. There were some
Independents, who listened attentively to the sermons
of Richard Denton until he began to baptize the
children of parents who were not church members,
when they rushed out of the assembly."
In spite of the close union of spiritual and ternporal
matters, the minister of Hempstead had to complain
that he was getting in debt through lack of salary. To
the sorrow of the Dutch authorities, he left New Nether-
land to seek a better living in Virginia.' Mr. Robert
Fordham seems to have now taken up the work of the
ministry in the place of Richard Denton. He also left
the town of Hempstead and gave up the exercise of the
ministry without the wish and knowledge of the pro-
vincial government, which later refused to admit him
"in such mennor of comminge againe."* Meanwhile,
Richard Denton had returned to New Netherland, but
the clergy of New Amsterdam was not more successful
in inducing him to remain than the Director General
who endeavored to ensure him his share of the tithes of
the village, if he should again consent to exercise his
calling there.' He finally went to England to claim a
legacy of four htmdred pounds, lately left by a deceased
friend, which he and his wife could not obtain except
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, Augfust s.
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 397-8.
2 Ibid.
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October
22, 1657. Ibid. 410-11.
*Stuyvesant to Magistrates of Hempstead, Jtdy 17, 1657, Doc.
Hist. N. Y. iii. 118-119; Col. Docs.N. Y.xiv. 396.
6 Ibid.
l6o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
by their personal appearance.' The authorities of both
town and Province were anxious to obtain "an able and
orthodox minister." In 1660, Stujrvesant took ad-
vantage of the departure of a New England minister,
Mr. William Leveretts (Leveridge) by boat from New
Amsterdam to acquaint the Directors with the needs of
the English, who had been deprived of religious instruc-
tion for some time. In the spring of 166 1, the Director
General was informed that there were many unbaptized
children in Hempstead in consequence of the long va-
cancy in the ministry of the town. He promised to send
as soon as possible one of the Dutch ministers to admin-
ister the sacrament, "hoopinge and not doubtinge
that yow will use all possible meanes that the
towne may tymely be ,supplyed with an able and
orthodox minister to the edification of God's glorie
and yotir owne Salvation." A few weeks later,
Samuel Drisius visited the town, preached a serpion,
and baptized forty-one children and an aged
woman.' Finally, the services of the Rev. Jonah
Fordham, the son of the old minister Robert Fordham,
who had removed to Southampton, were engaged by the
town of Hempstead. The minister 's salary was fixed at
seventy pounds sterling a year, which was to be raised
by a rate levied on every man in town. When some
refused "to contribute to the Maintenancy of a Protes-
tant Minister," the magistrates were empowered by the
provincial council "not only to constrain those that are
unwilling, but by further denyal to punish them as they
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October 2 2,
1657. Eccl Recs. N. Y. i. 410-11,
*Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 497. Stuyvesant to Magistrates of
Heemstede, March 25, 1661.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION l6l
in aequity shall think meete."* In 1663, Hempstead
showed its appreciation of the work of Mr. Fordham by
voting him, in addition to the ordinary allotments of the
inhabitants, an estate valued at £200. On the death of
his father, he returned to Southampton, where he
labored in the ministry probably tmtil the arrival of the
Rev. Mr. Taylor in 1680.'
On the termination of the disastrous Indian war in
1645, two English settlements on Long Island succeeded
in obtaining a charter. This was evidently formulated
by the patentees to avoid a recurrence of New England
persecution, to which they had been subjected prior to
their removal to New Netherland. At this time, Kieft
was ready to make any possible concession that would
attract new settlers and retain in the country the old
inhabitants, for there was no hope for the improvement
of the Dutch Province without an increase of its popu-
lation, that had been seriously reduced during the
Indian war. As the settlers of these two towns were
apparently not considered within the pale of the Re-
formed Church, the Director General was not in a posi-
tion to grant them the exercise of theReformedReligion,
which alone could be publicly practiced accprding to the
constitutional charter of the Freedoms and Exemp-
tions of 1640. Although he did not guarantee them
religious autonomy, he granted them "Liberty of Con-
science," which was further defined as freedom from
"molestacon or disturbance from any Magistrate or
Magistrates, or any other Ecclesiastical Minister, that
may extend jurisdiction over them." A precedent for
' Council minute, May i6, 1662. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 513.
' Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 21-22.
1 62 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
this concession was found in "the Custome and manner
of Holland. " The settlers of the town of Flushing were
the first to receive this concession in their charter. A
few months later Gravesend received a charter with the
same provision.
The Reverend Francis Doughty had returned to the
colony of Mespath upon the termination of the Indian
war. Now internal dissensions arrested the progress of
the settlement. Doughty claimed the privileges of a
patroon and demanded from the settlers payment of
their lands and an annual quitrent.' His associates,
Richard and William Smith, opposed these proceedings
because the minister was only one of a number of equal
patentees.* These contentions probably gave rise to a
defamatory song concerning the minister and his
daughter, for which William Gerritsen, on June 10,1645,
was found guilty of libel and sentenced to stand bound
to the May-pole in the fort with two rods around his
neck and the libel over his head untU the conclusion of
the English sermon, and threatened to be flogged and
banished, if he should dare to sing the song again."
Doughty was evidently then ministering to the English
congregation of New Amsterdam, whither he had again
returned after a half year's residence in the Mespath
Colony. The case between Doughty and his associates
was brought before the Provincial Court, and the Direc-
tor General and Council decided that he had no control
* Tienhoven's answer to the Remonstrance, July a8, 1649. Col.
Docs. N. Y. i, 424-31.
2 Council minutes, February 7, March 7, 1646. O'Callaghan, Cal,
Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 107-8
* Council minutes, June 10, 1645. Ibid. 95.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 63
over any other land in the colony than his own farm.
His associates were therefore free to "enter upon their
property." When Doughty threatened to appeal from
the sentence of the Provincial Court, Kieft had the min-
ister arrested, imprisoned for twenty-four hours, and
fined twenty-five guilders. Doughty now endeavored
to obtain permission to leave the Dutch Province, but
this was steadily refused, as he was indebted to the
Company to the amount of eleven hundred florins,
which had been advanced to the minister in goods and
necessaries of life.'
Stuyvesant was not the man to compromise the
authority of his predecessor, but he was favorable
enough to Francis Doughty,especially on account of the
destitute circumstances of the English towns, as far as
a religious ministry was concerned; The representa-
tives of Flushing, intimidated by the threats of Stuy-
vesant,^ signed a contract with Francis Doughty, who
1 Remonstrance of New Netherland, July 28, 1649. Col. Docs.
N. Y. i. 341. Representation of New Netherland, Narratives of
New Netherland, pp. 334-335. Answer of Van Tienhoven, Novem-
ber 29, 1650. Col. Docs. N Y i. 424-31. Narratives of New Nether-
land, pp. 366-8.
2 This transaction seems to be indicated in the vindication of
Captain Underhill, who gathered together, in 1653, his reasons for
renouncing "the iniquitous government of Peter Stuyvesant over
the inhabitants living and dwelling on Long Island, in America."
He urged against Stuyvesant, that "he hath in violation of
liberty of conscience and contrary to hand and seal, enforced
articles upon the people, ordering them otherwise against the laws of
God and man to quit the country within two months."
Col. Docs. N. Y. Ji. 151-2. Underbill's accusations seems to rest
on the religious provisions of the charter granted by Kieft with
its guarantee of freedem of conscience, without molestation from
magistrate or minister and the forced signing of the Articles, as the
contract between Doughty and the church of Flushing is called
in the Court minutes of New Amsterdam. Recs. New Amsterdam,
i. 179. There is nothing else in the early years of Stuyvesant's
directorship that would give any foundation to Underbill's accu-
164 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
was thus assured a salary of six hundred guilders a
year, to be raised from the voluntary contributions of
the inhabitants of the town. Under these circum-
stances, a conflict might be expected to develop in
Flushing. In fact, differences soon manifested them-
selves and many began to absent themselves from the
sermon and refused to contribute their share to the
maintenance of the minister.' In spite of Stuyvesant's
intervention, the salary remained unpaid.^ The differ-
ences even became more pronounced and disturbed the
peace and unanimity of the town, which seems to have
been rent into two factions.' William Harck, the
sheriff of Flushing and his associates with the represen-
tatives of the opposite party : Thomas Sael, John Law-
rence, and William Turner, presented their case to the
Director General and Council with the request for a
pious, learned and Reformed minister, who was to be
supported by the contributions of each inhabitant ac-
cording to his abiUty. The Director General and Co\m-
cil admitted the justice of theii- case and resolved to
adopt the measures necessary to promote peace, union
and tranquility in ecclesiastical and civil affairs.
Doughty 's restive nature could not suffer this to pass in
sation. O'Callaghan's insertion ''of belief" after articles is mis-
leading. Hist, of New Netherland. ii. 226.
1 Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 397. In the letter of October 22, they
accompany their request for two English preachers with the petition
"that direction may be given to the magistracy that the money be
paid by the English to the magistrate, and not to the preacher, which
gives rise to dissatisfaction."
' Mandeville, Flushing, Past and Present. When Doughty insti-
tuted a suit for the payment of his salary, it was discovered that
the contract had been destroyed, William Lawrence's wife having
"put it under a pye." Cf. Flint, Early Long Island, p. 1 74.
» Col. Docs N.Y.xiv. 8a.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 65
silence; he attacked the civil authorities from the pul-
pit. This brought him into conflict with the new
Schout, Captain John Underhill, who, in his first official
act, ordered the church closed, because the minister
"did preach against the present rulers, who were his
masters."' / Doughty remained some years in New
Netherland, vainly endeavoring to collect his salary.'
Finally, he went to Virginia, with the permission of
Stuyvesant, who was then accused of exacting a pro-
mise from the minister not to complain anywhere of the
treatment he received in New Netherland.' A few
years after Doughty's departure, the Dutch ministers
complained to the Classis of Amsterdam that many of
the inhabitants of Flushing became "imbued with
divers opinions" and it was "with them quot homines
tot sententiae."* However, the inhabitants were not
molested on account of this divergence of private belief
until they violated the charter of Freedoms and Exemp-
tions by the public exercise of dissenting worship. In
1656, William Wickendam, a cobbler from Rhode Island,
came to Flushing claiming a commission from Christ
and found recognition amongst its people. The sheriff
himself, William Hallet, placed his own house at the dis-
posal of the preacher for his reUgious meetings. Here
several times he expoimded and interpreted God's
Holy Word, went with the people into the river and
baptized them, and even administered to the sheriff and
' Waller, Hist, of Flushing, 24-25.
2 Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 179.
^ Col. bocs. N.Y. i. 341, Remonstrance of New Netherland, July
28, 1649
* Megapolensis and Drisius, August 5, 1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i.
396-7-
1 66 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
others "the bread in the form and manner in which the
sacrament is usually celebrated and given." This was
done without any authority, ecclesiastical or secular,
contrary to the ecclesiastical rules of the Fatherland
and especially to the placards of the Director General
and Council, " expressly forbidding all such conventicles
and gatherings, public or private, except the usual meet-
ings, which are not only lawfully permitted, but also
based on God's Word and ordered for the service of
God, if they are held conformably to the Synod of Dort
as in our Fatherland and in other churches of the
Reformed Faith in Europe."' As soon as information
of these proceedings reached New Amsterdam, the
Fiscal was despatched to Flushing to arrest the preacher
and the sheriff. William Hallett was degraded from his
office, fined fifty pounds Flemish for neglect of duty,
and banished from the Province of New Netherland.
A few days later, he petitioned for the remission of the
sentence of banishment, which was granted on the pay-
ment of the fine and the costs of the trial. ^ William
Wickendam, in accordance with the provisions of the
placard against conventicles, was condemned to a fine
of one hundred pounds Flemish. After the payment of
the fine and the costs incurred in his case, he was also to
be banished from the Province, but as he was very poor,
with a wife and children, and a cobbler by trade, his fine
was remitted on the condition that, if he were caught
within the province again, he was to pay the fine.
No appeal was made to the charter of the town by
' Col Docs. N. Y. xiv. 369-70 Megapolensis and Drisins to
Classis of Amsterdam. Eccl. Reos. N. Y. i. 396-7.
» O'Callaghan, Calender of N. Y. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. p. 178.
THB ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 167
the condemned prisoners for the manifest reason that
the charter of Flushing did not guarantee freedom of
worship, but freedom of conscience, It was only when
this freedom of conscience seemed to be called into ques-
tion by "an order from the Hon. Director General not
to admit, lodge and entertain in the said village any one
of the heretical and abominable sect called the,Quakers,"
that the people of Flushing appealed to the right guar-
anteed in their charter.
Although Gravesend received its charter a few
months after Flushing, it had been settled as early as
1643,' shortly after the outbreak of the Indian war.
The same savages, who destroyed the English settle-
ments on the mainland as far as Stamford, crossed the
Sound and assaulted Lady Moody in her house, but they
were repulsed repeatedly by the forty men, who had
gathered there in the new colony.^ She had also left
fair possessions in New England for conscience' sake.
Two years after her arrival in Lynn in 1^38, she had
received a grant of four hundred acres of land from the
General Court.' In Salem, she was also the proprietor
of a flat-roofed house, but one story high, which had its
1 Before this there was a small English settlement on Dental
(Turtle) Bay, called Hopton, which had been broken up by the
Indians. These old settlers joined the followers of Mrs. Moody in
founding Gravesend. The former were iadifierent in regard to
religion, while the latter had left New England precisely on account
of their deeply religious convictions, for which they were persecuted
there. Under these circumstances "it was resolved to relegate the
matter of religion in the new settlement entirely to the individual as
a matter with which the organized community had no concern.
And so in the laying out of lots no reservation for church purposes
was made or intended to be made." Cf. W. H. Stillwell, Hist, of
Ref. Prot. Dutch Church of Gravesend, Kings County.
2 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 138.
' Mass. Recs. i. 123.
l68 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
roof carried off by a high wind in 1646 without injury to
any of the inmates.* Lechford tells us that "the good
Lady was almost undone by buying Master Humphries
farme, Swampscot, which cost her nine or eleven hun-
dred pounds."* Towards the end of the year 1642,
Lady Deborah Moody, Mrs. Xing, and the wife of John
Tilton were presented at the Quarterly Court "for
houlding that the baptism of infants is not ordained of
God."' The following year, she was also "dealt withal
by many of the elders and others, and admonished by
the church of Salem,whereof she was a member, but,per-
sisting stm and to avoid further trouble, " she removed
"from imder civil and church watch" to the Dutch on
Lotig Island with many others likewise infected with
Anabaptism.* Under these circumstances, it is not
strange that the inhabitants of Gravesend should also
obtain a charter that granted them ' 'the free libertie of
conscience according to the costome and manner of Hol-
land, without molestation or disturbance from any
Madgistrate or Madgistrates or any other Ecclesiastical
Minister that may ptend jurisdiction over them. ' ' ' The
patentees received the power and authority to build a
town or towns, which must have excluded any disquali-
fication for the office of a magistrate on the ground of
Anabaptismj Nevertheless, the Director General Stuy-
vesant and his Council insisted on a religious qualifica-
tion for office in their answer to the remonstrance, that
1 Winthrop's Journal, ii. 289.
2 Lechford, Plaine Dealing, 98-09.
* Lynn Recs. in Flint, Hist, of Early Long Island, 106, notes
1-2.
* Winthrop's Journal, ii. 126.
6 Doc. Hist N. Y. 1.41 1.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 69
several acted as oificers and magistrates without the
consent or nomination of the people.' " The English
do not only enjoy the right of nominating their own
Magistrates, but some of them also usurp the election
and appointment of such magistrates, as they please,
without regard to their religion. Some, especially the
people of Gravesend, elect libertines and Anabaptists,
which is decidedly against the laws of the Netherlands."*
There was, however, no forcing of the conscience in
Gravesend until the arrival of the Quakers in the town.
Shortly before this, the Dutch ministers of New Amster-
dam still classified in their report to the Classis of Am-
sterdam, the people of Gravesend as Mennonites. "The
majority of them reject the baptism of infants, the
observance of the Sabbath, the office of preacher and
any teachers of God's Word. They say that thereby all
sorts of contentions have come into the world. When-
ever they meet, someone or other reads to them.'"
In the light of the consistent religious policy of Stuyve-
sant and the Dutch clergy, this toleration of Mennonite
worship, attested in these words of tfie Dutch ministers
of New Amsterdam, is so surprising a fact that it is open
to suspicion. Is it a slip of the pen of the writers,
occasioned by a description of Mennonite tenets and
practices, which were well known to them? In fact,
Domine Mega;polensis seems to have been as vigilant for
the repression of the Mennonites as of other dissenters.
The peculiar tenets of their religion in regard to an
1 Remonstrance, O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, ii. 245.
2 Deduction by Director General and Coimcil, Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 233-35.
^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 396-7.
17° RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
organized ministry made them as ready to attack a
"hireling" ministry, as the Quakers later became. On
February 12, 1652, Megapolensis requested the Director
and Council to restrain the Anabaptist Anna Smits
"from using slanderous and calumniating expressions
against God's Word and his servants."' Meanwhile,
the Quaker movement gained adherents in the town,
who soon became the object of a religious persecution.
Another party also arose in Gravesend, which appealed,
on April 12, 1660, to the Provincial government for
relief in their religious destitution. Ten of the
inhabitants of the village, only two of whom were
English, the sheriff Charles Morgan and Lieutenant
Nicholas Stillwell, informed the Director General and
Council that "the licentious mode of living, the
desecration of the Sabbath, the confusion of reli-
gious opinion prevalent in the village made many grow
cold in the exercise of Christian virtue, and almost sur-
pass the heathens, who have no knowledge of God and
his commandments." They requested, therefore, that
"a preacher be sent here, that the glory of God may
be spread, the ignorant taught, the simple and innocent
strengthened, and the licentious restrained." Stujrve-
sant and his Council were well pleased with this
remonstrance and promised to fulfill their request, as
soon as possible, but the English put an end to the
Dutch rule before the promise was realized.^
The old settlement of Mespath never recovered
entirely from the calamities of the Indian war. Even
after the reoccupation of the colony, the dissensions
> Council minute. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 15S-6.
2 Council minute, April 12, 1660. Ibid. 406.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 171
between the colonists and their minister, Francis
Doughty, impeded the increase of its population. In
1652, some New England settlers with some individuals
from Hempstead — all formerly inhabitants of the Con-
necticut shore — obtained permission from Stuyvesant
to plant a new colony in the vicinity of the old settle-
ment on the lands not yet occupied, which was, there-
fore, commonly known as Newtown, although its official
name was Middelburg. The privileges of the charter of
1640 were also extended to the new settlement with the
free exercise of their Protestant religion.' Some of the
inhabitants were Presbyterians, but the great majority
of them were Independents . ^ Shortly after the founda-
tion of the town, the permission and assistance of the
Director General was obtained to appropriate ground
and to erect a building, which was to serve both as a
church and a residence for the minister.^ The services
of an Independent John Moore were engaged, who did
not administer the sacraments, as he declared that he
had received in New England only license to preach.
Dissatisfied with the meager and irregular payment
from his hearers, Mr. Moore in 1656 went totheBarba-
does to seek a better living.* The Dutch ministers of
New Amsterdam immediately showed their interest in
the religious welfare of Newtown. They wrote to Hol-
land for a minister to supply the vacancy created by
the departure of Mr. Moore.' In the absence of a,
* Riker, Annals of Newtown, 26-27.
^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August S^
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 396-7.
^ Riker. Annals of Newtown, 40.
* Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 396-7.
^Onderdonck, H. Jr. Queens County in Olden Times. Am. Hist..
Rec. i. 4.
172 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
preacher, "some inhabitants and unqualified persons
ventured to hold conventicles and gatherings and
assumed to teach the Gospel." Megapolensis and
Drisius, therefore, petitioned the Director General and
Council, on January 15, 1656, to intervene and provide
for the continuance of legitimate religious worship
during the absence of Mr. Moore by the appointment of
a suitable person to read the Bible and some other
orthodox work on Sunday, until other provisions were
made. Stuyvesant entrusted the choice of a suitable
reader to the two ministers with the advice of the
magistrates and the best informed inhabitants of New-
town. At the same time, he expressed his decision to
have placards issued against those persons who,without
either ecclesiastical or secular authority, acted as
teachers in interpreting and expounding God's Holy
Word.' On February i , 1656, all religious meetings, ex-
cept the Reformed, were prohibited under severe penal-
ties.' Meanwhile, the wife of John Moore, with her seven
or eight children, apparently continued to dwell in the
town minister's house. In the beginning of the year
1657, information was lodged with Stuyvesant that
some of the inhabitants had in fact given Mr. Moore
this house for his private use. The Director General
promptly insisted that this house had been built "for a
public use and successively for the Ministrij," and
ordered the magistrates to submit an explanation of
this strange proceeding.' Mr. Moore again returned to
Newtown and doubtless took up again the work of the
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 336-7.
'Recs. New Amsterdam, i. 20-21; ii. 34-35.
s Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 384.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 73
ministry in the town, but he died on October 13,1657, of
a pestilential disease, which was then prevalent in the
English settlements of NewNetherland and in the towns
of New England.* Newtown was thus destitute of its
ministry at the very, time that the "raving Quakers"
began "to disturb the people of the province" and "to
pour forth their venom. "^ The town feared "that
some of the inhabitants might be led away by the intru-
sion of the Quakers and other heretics." A petition
was, therefore, presented in 1661 to the Director General
who was requested to aid in obtaining a minister in the
place of the deceased John Moore.' The inhabitants
evidently felt the need "off the publyck meaneis of
grace and salvation." Although their request for a
minister could not be fulfilled, they engaged, doubtless
with the consent of Stuyvesant, a schoolmaster for the
education of their children "in Scholastical discipline,
the way to true happiness," who was also to be their
' ' souls help in dispencinge God 's Word ' ' every Lord's day.
In return for his services, the town wished to give to
Richard Mills the use of the minister's house and glebe,
but the town's right to dispose of this house was
disputed by Francis Doughty, who had married the
widow of the former minister, Mr. Moore, whose
salary does not seem to have been paid in full.
There was imminent danger that the house and bam,
neglected during the course of this dispute, would
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Atnsterdain, October
32, 1657. Eccl. Recs. N Y i. 410-11.
' Megapolensis and Drisius to the same, September 24, 1658,
Ibid. 432-33-
' Brodhead, Hist, of New York, i. 689-90.
174 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
go to rack and ruin for want of repair, to the great
injury of religion in the town, which would thus
be deprived of these resources for the continuance
of a public ministry: Stuyvesant again insisted
that the house and land "beeinge with our know-
ledge, Consent and helpe buildt for the publyck
use of the ministry," could not be "given and
transported for a private heerytadge." Francis
Doughty was, therefore, commanded to give and grant
peaceful possession of this house and land to the School-
master Richard Mills, and the magistrates and the
inhabitants of the town ordered on their part to give to
the heirs of Mr. Moore what was their due.^ Stuyvesant
evidently tried to be very just towards Francis Doughty.
On April 20 of the same year, Richard Mills was ordered
to deliver to Mr. Doughty, trees, etc., planted and left
on the lot of the deceased Mr. Moore.^ After the surren-
der of the minister's house, the town thoroughly re-
paired the building. In the following year, the Rever-
end William Leverich removed from Huntington, where
he had been pastor, to Newtown, which welcomed his
advent. Measures were adopted by the town to raise
a salary for the new minister. Later the town gave
him two parcels of meadow "for his encouragement
among them," to which were added twelve acres more
at the east end of Long Traines Meadow. The inhabi-
tants now felt the need of a more suitable place of wor-
ship, and on January 9, 1663, voted to build a meeting-
house, but the disturbances leading up to the surrender
' Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 496-
2 Council minute, April 20, 1661. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS,
N..Y. (Dutch), i. 233.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION '. 1 75
of the Dutch Province to England prevented the realiza-
tion of this design under Dutch rule.'
In the meantime, the English had again encroached
on the Dutch territory on the mainland. In 1655,
Thomas Pell of Fairfield claimed the Vreeland tract in
Westchester in virtue of a purchase from the Indians
and sold lands there to several persons from Connecti-
cut. The English settlers refused to give heed to the
protest of the Dutch, who, in the spring of the following
year, sent an armed expedition against the English
squatters. Twenty-three were taken as prisoners to
New Amsterdam, where most of them submitted to the
authority of the Dutch and were permitted again to
return to their old settlement under the provisions of
the charter of 1640.' The inhabitants of this settle-
ment, which the Dutch called Oostdorp, were Inde-
pendents.' The Dutch commissioners, who went there
on December 29, 1656, to administer the oath of ofl&ce
to the newly chosen magistrates, witnessed their Puritan
service, which was conducted by two laymen, Robert
Basset and a Mr. Bayly, probably the ruling elders of
the church. The gathering consisted of about fifteen
men and twelve women. On the conclusion of a prayer
by Mr. Bayly, a sermon of some minister in England
was read by Robert Basset. After this, another prayer
was said by Robert Basset and a psalm was sung by the
congregation, which then dispersed.* There was pro-
bably no change in their worship while under Dutch
* Riker, Annals of Newtown, 53.
* Cf. Brodhead and O'Callaghan, passim.
3 Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 396-7.
< Doc. Hist. N. Y. iii. S57-8.
176 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
jurisdiction, which was terminated, on its annexation
by Connecticut, in the fall of 1663 .
, In 1656, colonists, mostly from Hempstead, who de-
sired "a place to improve their labors," received land
and.leave to settle beyond the hills by the South Sea at
Canarise. This was the beginning of the village of
Jamaica, which was known to the Dutch by the name
of Rustdorp. The new settlement enjoyed the usual
privileges possessed by the villages of Middelburg,
Breuckelen, Midwout and Amersfort.* Although Quaker
dissent manifested itself in the town of Jamaica a
month after the arrival of the Quakers in New Amster-
dam, the town at large was of one way of thinking in
religion, so that church affairs were considered and
transacted at the town-meetings.' Drastic measures
were adopted by the Director General to stem the
Quaker movement, which was also favored somewhat
through the lack of an orthodox minister. It was
in response to the urgent request of some of the
townspeople, that Stuy^vesant, in the beginning of
1 66 1, sent Domine Drisius to baptize their children.
On this occasion, the Dutch minister preached twice in
Jamaica and baptized eight children and two aged
women.' The position of the orthodox faith was
strengthened in the town by the appointment of new
magistrates : Richard Everett, Nathaniel Denton, and
Andrew Messenger. These men had been informers
against the Quakers in town, and Stuyvesant felt that
they could be trusted to promote the Protestant cause,
1 O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland, ii. 323
2 Onderdonck, H. Jr. Antiquities of the Parish Church, Jamaica.
Am. Hist, Rec. i. 27.
' Col Docs. N. Y. xiv. 489-90.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 77
that is, to see to the execution of the government's ordi-
nances, prohibitive of the exercise, public and private,
of any religion but the Reformed.'
In the spring of the following year, the town ordered
a house to be built for the minister with the proceeds
obtained from the rates levied on the meadows and
house-lots. The town considered this to be the most
just distribution of the burden, as "every man's right
and proportion in the township did arise from the
quantity of meadow land he did possess."^ The ser-
vices of the Reverend Zacharia Walker were then en-
gaged. He had been educated at Cambridge, but had
not been ordained,' for the town later agreed to give
Mr. Walker five pounds "provided he should continue
with them from year to year, and should likewise pro-
cure an ordination, answerable to the law, thereby to
capacitate him not only for the preaching of the Word,
but for the baptizing of infants."* This, however,
occurred after the termination of the Dutch rule. The
town showed a great deal of zeal for religion in 1663.
On February 14, the salary of sixty pounds per annum
was voted for the maintenance of the minister; this sum
was also to be procured "by rates which are to be levied
on lands and estates."' On March 2, the parsonage,with
the "accomodations belonging to it", was given to Mr.
Walker and his heirs. It was not an absolute gift. If
the minister left the town without a just cause, the
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 491-2.
2 Flint, History of Early Long Island, 1.203. Onderdonck, H.
Jr. History Rec. i. 27.
' Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 99-100.
*Ibid. p. loi.
5 Onderdonck, H. Jr., History Rec i. 27.
178 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
house and land was to revert to the town upon paying
for such labor, as he had expended upon it, but if the
town was the cause of his departure, then he was to be
paid for what the house was worth. In the case of his
death, the town reserved to itself the right of pre-emp-
tion, if his wife should decide to sell.' These liberal
conditions were no doubt intended to make more certain
this minister's continuance among them. The town
now felt the need of a separate meeting house,
which was built the same year. It was again
agreed at the town-meeting that all the inhabi-
tants of the town should pay toward the maintenance of
a minister according to what they possess. " There may
have been some growth of dissent with a consequent
refusal on the part of the dissenters to submit to the
church rates imposed by the town. Such a movement
was favored by the disturbed condition of the Island on
the encroachments of English authority.
A very significant movement of emigration from
New Haven began to manifest itself on the restoration
of Charles II. This colony only grudgingly acknow-
ledged the King and in consequence had good reason to
fear that the plan of Connecticut to absorb New Haven
might be realized, as the King moreover bore no
friendly feeling to this colony on account of its readiness
to shelter the regicides Goffe and Whalley from
his vengeance. The incorporation' of New Haven
was easily obtained by Governor Winthrop in the new
charter graciously conceeded to the colony of Connecti-
* Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 100.
2 Onderdonck, H. Jr. Antiquities of the Parish Chtirch, Jamaica
Town Recs.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 79
cut. There was no attempt made by New Haven to
hinder this union. In fact, a large party had gradually
developed within the colony, which was not content
with the restriction of the franchise to church members,
and was apparently satisfied to be placed under the
government of Connecticut, which made no such re-
striction. As soon as some of the most ardent adher-
ents of the strict theocratic system of New Haven
became aware of the probability of this change, they
sought a place of refuge imder the Dutch government,
where they could still administer justice according the
strict code of Moses and restrict their franchise to the
elect. They were encouraged in this design by the
invitation extended by the States General to all the
English of tender conscience, oppressed in consequence
of the restoration, to settle in America under the juris-
diction of Governor Stuyvesant on the conditions
established by the West India Company.* The negotia-
tions for the establishment of this settlement illustrate
most clearly the attitude of Stuyvesant and the West
India Company towards the ''New England Way," even
in its most exaggerated form.
Stuyvesant had repeatedly recognized the spiritual
kinship which the Dutch bore to the churches of New
England. On the outbreak of the war between Eng-
land and Holland in 1652, he bewailed the existence of
this enmity, asy religion will become wounded and the
gospell schandaUsed to the reioycing and triumphing of
the enemies thereof, who will upon all occasions be
ready to adde fueU to^the fire." Even at this time, he
1 Doc. History N. Y. iii. 37-39.
l8o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
urged the continuance of all love and friendship
between the two colonies, especially because of "our
ioynt prfession of ourr ffaith in our Lord Jesus Christ not
differing in fundamentalls."* The same idea is ad-
vanced in the course of the negotiations with the New
Haven petitioners in still greater detail. Application
was first made by John Stickland of Huntington in the
name of a company of Englishmen for information
whether the disposal of the land at Achter Kol was still
free and whether encouragement would be given to
these Englishmen, if they should persist in their project
to settle there on an inspection of the locality.^ In the
beginning of June, 1661, Stuyvesant requested the
English to send some of their number to view the
land, after which the conditions for such a settlement
might be established.' Every courtesy was shown
to the English envoys. On their return to New Haven,
a committee was empowered by the English to conclude
the terms, under which they with their friends and pos-
terity could gradually settle in New Netherland at
Achter Kol "for the enlargement of the Kingdom of
Christ in the Congregational way and all other means of
comfort in subordination hereimto." They were in
hopes that "the glory of God and benefit and welfare of
the Dutch nation in America and the honor of their
principals in Europe" would be promoted in a larger
measure by their plantation than by any other settle-
ment under Dutch jtirisdiction. As they were "true
1 Stuyvesant to Gov. Endicott. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 1 79.
' Jomi Stickland to Brian Newtown, April 29, 1661. Col. Docs.
N. Y. xiii. 195.
' Jtine 2, 1661. Ibid.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION l8l
men and noe spies," who wished to obtain only good,
righlteous and honest things for themselves, their pos-
terity and like-minded friends,' they requested a plain
and clear answer to their proposals, which were sub-
mitted, dated November 8, 1661, from Milford, N. E.,
with the signatures of the committee: Benjamin Ffen,
Richard Lawe, Robert Treatt, and Jasper Gun..^ The
English were evidently bent on transferring all ^their
civil and ecclesiastical institutions to the projected
settlement. The newly planted church or churches of
the^English were "to enjoy all such powers, privileges
and liberties in the Uongregational way as they have
enjoyed in New Ehgland . .- . without any disturbance,
impediment or impositions of any other forms, orders
or^ customs." They insisted that this approval of their
churches be acknowledged by some public testimony
upon record. Thus far they had asked for nothing that
had not already been conceded to others in the Dutch
Province, because there wa s "no d ifference iti the fun-
damental poincts of the worship of God betwixt [the
Dutch churches] and the churches of New England as
onely in the Rueling of the same."' The church-polity
of the former was' Presbyterian, while that of he
latter was Congregational. Now the Provincial
government was asked not only to allow a corporate
existence to individual churches, but also to allow these
English churches planted under the Dutch government,
when they should consent "to consociate together for
mutuall helpfuUness," to. call a Synod and establish
1 Matthew Gilbert to Director General, November 8, i66t. Col.
Docs. N. Y. xiii. 208.
2 Ibid. 209-10.
3 Stuyvesaat to Milford, November 28, 1661. Ibid, 210.
l82 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
"by common consent such orders according to scripture
as may be requisite for the suppressing of hairesies,
schismes and false worships and for the establishment of
truth with peace in those English churches." They
also demanded the Governor and courts of New Amster-
dam to protect the English churches and Sjmods
"from any that oppose them or be injurious to them."
The realization of this projected colony was impeded by
the demand for practical autonomy in civil affairs,
which the new colonists wished to regulate without the
right of appeal to the Provincial government, "accord-
ing to the fundamentals receiued in New Haven Col-
lonie," as far as it should suit "Christ's ends" and the
conditions of the new settlement. Stuyvesant was
ready to give the petitioners the usual privileges of the
charter of 1640 in regard to the election of magistrates,
the administration of justice and all civil affairs,* but
this apparently did not satisfy the demands of the New
Haven people, who sent John Gregory in the following
spring to New Amsterdam to negotiate more favorable
terms. Stuyvesant was willing to make all possible
concessions in regard to religion and he again adverted
to the fact "that there is noe at the least differency in
the fundamentall points of religion, the differency in
churches orders and government so small that wee doe
not stick at it, therefore have left and leave still to the
freedom ofEyour owne consciences."^ In fact, Stuyvesant
had before expressed the hope that even these differen-
ces would be removed " by a neerer meetinge and con-
ference ' ' between the Dutch and English ministers with
* Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 210-1 1.
^ Ibid. 216, March 11, 1662.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 1 83
the restilt of a "lovinge unity" between their respective
churches. This feeling of religious solidarity was further
attested in the words of the oath which the magis-
trates of the new English settlement were to take.
They were to be bound to "maintain the true and
Protestant religion soo as the same accordinge to the
word of God is declared and in this Province is pro-
fessed."* There was no mention of religion in the
oaths of the settlers and the military ofl&cers in the
township.
Stuyvesant was not so ready to accede to the
demand of these English in civil matters, "which do not
scruple the consciency," although he was ready to
make some concessions, especially by raising the sum of
the fine from which appeal might be taken. He also
wrote privately to Robert Treatt that he would con-
sider any just and weighty reasons in favor of further
concessions which he would urge, if necessary, even on
his superiors in Europe, so that all reasonable satis-
faction might be given.^ This led to further negotia-
tions between the Director General and Council and the
English deputies, Robert Treatt, Philip Grues and John
Gregory, for the purpose of clearing up some details
which the Eiiglish considered not sufficiently outlined
in the previous concessions of the Director and Council-
The demands in religious matters had before been cate.
gorically conceded, but now a more detailed account of
the nature of their demand for the right of organizing a
Synod made Stuyvesant realize the gravity of the mat-
ter. He had no objection that the church or churches
iCol. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 217.
2 Ibid. 218.
1 84 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
of this colony should take advice with some English
minister or churches within the Dutch Province, but he
now demanded that the approbation and consent of the
Governor and Council be obtained for the calling of a
Synod.' He readily yielded, however, to their demand
to restrict the right of suffrage to church members and
granted them power to make laws, which would be con-
firmed by the Director General and Council, if they
proved not to be repugnant to the laws of the United
Netherlands and the Province of New Netherland.^
All other dernands were also granted. Negotiations
now ceased for some time, as the English were waiting
for the return of Mr. Winthrop in the hope of a settle-
ment of the claims of the Dutch, disputed by Coimecticut,
and also as no further concessions could be made with-
out the consent of the Directors in HoUand.^ Mean-
while, Stuyvesant sent a report of these proceedings to
the Directors, who warmly approved the plan of the
English to settle tinder the Company's jurisdiction at
Achter Kol, as they would serve as a strong outpost
against the Raritan and Nevesink Indians. This was
of such importance to the Dutch Province that the
Company was ready even to make concessions in the
matter of appeal in criminal and capital cases. There
were grave reasons against the concessions, as the New
Haven colonists punished with death adultery, fornica-
tion, and similar offences according to the Law and Word
of God, whUe the laws of the Netherlands were much
more lenient in this regard. Nevertheless, the Company
I'May 30, 1662. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 221.
' Ibid. 222.
'jRobert Treatt to Stuyvesant, June 29, 1663 Ibid. 267.
THE ENGLISH IMMIGRATION 185
waived the right of appeal in all these cases, when the
crime imputed was confessed by the criminal, and
when the criminal was one of their own people. The
right of appeal was to be granted in all dubious cases
and when the criminal happened to be a Hollander, who
had settled among the English.' A few months after
the receipt of this letter, Robert Treatt again wrote to
Stujrvesant to learn whether he had been emppwered
by the Directors in Holland to grant them "free lib-
erty" to "be a free people of themselves to act subordi-
nately for themselves both in aU CiviU and Ecclesiastical
Respects."^ Stuyvesant now granted them full liberty
to plant churches in the Congregational way and to
organize them into a Synod. Their laws would also be
approved, if they were found to concur with the Holy
Scriptures by the Director General and Council and no
appeal was to be granted from "capital sentences,
wherein the partys are Convinced by owne Confession,
but in dark and dubious matters, especially in Witch-
craft,"^ the sentence of death was to be executed only
on the approbation of the Governor General and Coun-
cil. In civil matters, only cases over a hundred pounds
Flemish could be appealed. All other demands were
conceded without modification.* With this the
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiii. 239-40.
2 Ibid. 267.
' The reason of the special mention of witchcraft appears in the
letter of Stuyvesant to the people of Hartford, December 13, 1662.
". .me brother-in-lawe (being Necessitated to make a Second Voyage
for aide his distressed Sister, Judith Varleth Imprisoned as we are
Informed uppon pretend accusation off Witcherye.we really beleeve
& out her knowne education, Lyfe, Conversation & profession oflE
faith we deare assure, that Shee is innocent of such a horrible Crimen
& therefore I doubt not he will now as formerly fynde your honnrs
favour & ayde for the Innocent." Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 518.
« Ibid. 281.
l86 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
matter ended, doubtless on account of the rumors
that were prevalent in the New England colonies at this
time, that the Province of New Netherland was soon to
be subjected to English authority. In spite of the con-
quest of the Dutch Province, some of the New Haven
people persisted in their design to settle in those parts
on the presentation of a favorable opportunity. This
occurred on the creation of the Province of New Jersey,
which offered them permission to settle under a town
constitution, limiting the franchise to communing
church members. This settlement, under the leader-
ship of Robert Treatt and the minister Abraham Pier-
son, was established between the years 1665-67, with
colonists from Guilford, Branford and Milford, on the
Passaic River. The town first received the name of
Milford, which was soon changed to Newark, the
English home of its pastor.'
1 Cf. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, ii. 12-15.
CHAPTER VI
The Persecution of the Lutherans
For many years the Lutherans in New Netherland
joined in the public worship of the Reformed Religion.
Some of the principal Lutherans even became church
members and joined the Dutch Calvinists in the
celebration of the Lord's Supper. The ecclesiastical
and civil authorities of New Amsterdam were thus led
to look for a realization, in the new world, of those fond
hopes for a union of the two greatest Protestant confes-
sions, which had long been disappointed in Europe.
They felt that the fusion of the Lutheran element into
the Calvinist body ensured"" the welfare, prosperity
and edification of the church in this place," where the
full benefit of the Reformed faith had hitherto been
enjoyed through its exclusive establishment, which the
Director General and Council and the Burgomasters
and Schepens were bound under oath to maintain.*
When the separatist movement of the Lutherans began
to manifest itself, the civil authorities of New Amster-
dam did not show less zealous care for the defense and
1 Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam
October 6, 1653, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i 317-18. Report of the Bur-
gomasters and Schepens on the petition of the ministers against the
toleration of Lutheran services, July 14, 1657. Ibid. i. 3I9.
(187)
1 88 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
maintenance of the Reformed Religion than the eccle-
siastical authorities, who, in obedience to the command
of the Classis of Amsterdam, " employed aU diligence
to ward off the wolves from the tender lambs of Christ."'
On October 4, 1.653, the Lutherans petitioned the
Director General for permission to call a Lutheran min-
ister from Holland and to organize a separate congre-
gation for the piiblic exercise of the Unaltered Augsburg
Confession here in New Netherland. They had twice
submitted a similar petition to the Governor, and
had also addressed letters to the States of Holland and to
the Directors of the West India Company to this effect.*
A twofold pretext was advanced in these letters' to
Holland for their separation from the Reformed Church.
They objected to the second question of the formula of
baptism, used in the Dutch Church of New Amsterdam,
in which, according to their statement, they were asked
whether they acknowledged the dogma taught in the
Christian Church "there" as the true doctrine. This
was equivalent to a denial of their Lutheran Confession.
Then they also objected to the strictness with which the
Dutch ministers demanded the parents and sponsors to
be present at the baptism of their children.
As soon as the Lutheran petition came to the know-
ledge of the Dutch ministers in New Amsterdam, they
appealed to Stuyvesant, who "would rather relinquish
his office than grant permission in this matter, since it is
gi Letter of Classis of Amsterdam to consistory in New Nether-
land, May 26, 1656. in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 348-9.
2 Letter of Megapolensis and Drisitis to Classis of Amsterdam,
October 6, 1653, Ibid. 317-18.
* Letter of the same to Director General and Council, August 23,
1658. Ibid. 428-30.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 1 89
contrary to the first article of his commission, which
was confirmed by him with an oath not to permit any
other than the Reformed Doctrine." Tl^e ministers
were not only disturbed by the fear that this would
tend tq the injury of the church and the increase of dis-
sensions, but also by the thought that it would pave the
way for other sects, so that in time New Netherland
would become a receptacle for alT kinds of heretidfe and
fanatics.' They, therefore, hastened to enlist the ser-
vices of their ecclesiastical superiors in Holland, the
Classis of Amsterdam, and also addressed themselves
directly to the West India Company. The Classis or
Amsterdam was even less tolerant of ecclesiastical dif-
ferences in New Netherland than the ministers in the
colony itself.^ In their eyes, the concession of the free-
dom o£ religious worship to the Lutherans would entail
the concession of a similar privilege to the Mennonites
and English. Independents, and even to the Jews, who
had, in fact, made this request of the Governor and had
"also attempted to erect a synagogue for the exercise
of their blasphemous religion."' The Classis expressed,
with deep emotion, its realization of the fact that under
such circumstances a pastor's work would have greatly
increased and his path would have been beset with
obstacles and difficulties, which would interfere with a
minister's good and holy efforts for the extension of the
1 Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam,
October 6, 1653, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 317-18.
2 The right of the English Independents to the free exercise of
their religion in public , though not always regarded with the greatest
favor, was never disputed by either Stuyvesant or the ministers of
New Amsterdam.
3 Letter of Classis of Amsterdam to consistory of New Amster-
dam, May 26, 1656, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 348-9.
190 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
cause of Christ. Under the influence of the Classis of
Amsterdam, the Directors of the West India Company
also classed with the Mennonites the English Inde-
pendents amongst those who might urge claims for the
freedom of religious worship upon the concession of
such a privilege to the Lutherans. Some uneasiness
was experienced in regard to the States of Holland,
who might be inclined to grant the Lutheran petition,
but these fears of the Classis were set at rest by the
promise, by which the Directors of the West India Com-
pany bound themselves to resist any such concession.*
In this matter, the decision of the West India Company
was pronotinced finally on February 23, 1654, when the
Directors resolved hot to tolerate any Lutheran pastors
there, nor any other public worship than the true
Reformed. The Classis of Amsterdam was perfectly
satisfied and did not doubt but that henceforth the
TJ-efctrms^ Doctrine "would be maintained without
being hindered by the Lutherans and other erring
spirits."^ When the Directors of the Company an-
nounced to Stuyvesant their absolute denial of the
Lutheran petition, "pursuant to the customs hitherto
observed by us and the East India Company," they
recommended him to deny all similar petitions, but
"in the most civil and least offensive way, and to em-
ploy all possible but moderate means in order to induce
them to listen, and finally join the Reformed Church,
» Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, February 23, 1654,
in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 322.
2 Classis of Amsterdam to Megapolensis and Dnsius, February
36, 1654- Ibid. 323.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 19I
and thus live in greater love and harmony among them-
selves."'
The Lutherans remained quiet for a short time, but
the next year they found a leader for the promotion of
their cause in the person of Paulus Schrick, who had
just returned from HoUand.'' Although the public
exercise of their faith had been interdicted, there was
thus far no legislation in New Netherland to preveht the
organization of private conventicles. They now began
to hold divine services with prayer, reading, and singing,
in the expectation of finally receiving a minister of their
own persuasion from the fatherland.' The Dutch
ministers felt justified in their opposition by the resultsof
this separate organization of the Lutheran worship. The
Lutherans in New Amsterdam were a poor, uneducated
people without any proper acquaintance with the
teachings of Dr. Luther ; they could, therefore, give the
Dutch ministers no other reason for the faith that was
in them than that "their parents and ancestors were
Lutherans, as Paulus Schrick their leader once in his
wisdom declared."* They were Lutherans and would
remain such. The ministers considered this blind op-
position to the preaching of the Divine Word. Tolera- ,
tion was out of the question, as the separatist move-
ment gave rise to great contention and discord not only
among the inhabitants and citizens in general, but also
in families. In fact, some husbands had forced their
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 250.
z Letter of Megapolensis and Drisixis to Director General and
Cotmcil, August 23, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 429.
' Petition of the Lutherans to the Director General and Council,
October 24, 1656, Ibid. p. 359-
* Ibid, p. 429.
192 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
wives to leave the Dutch Reformed Church and attend
their conventicles. There was imminent danger, there-
fore, of a large leakage in the membership of the
Dutch Reformed Church of New Amsterdam. Thus the
Lutheran movement "would prove a plan of Satan to
smother this infant, rising congregation almost in its
birth, or at least obstruct the march of truth in its pro-
gress."*
The Lutheran issue entered a new phase on the suc-
cessful termination of Stuyvesant's expedition of con-
quest to the South River. Here a commercial colony
under the authority of a company, composed originally
of Swedes and Dutch, had become nationalized to the
exclusion of the latter element.^ As far as religion was
concerned, this resulted in the establishment of the
Lutheran Church on the Delaware, where divine service
was to be "zealously performed according to the Unal-
tered Augsburg Confession, the Council of Upsala, and
the ceremonies of the Swedish Church."" The out-
1 Remonstrance of Megapolensis and Drisius to Burgomasters
and Schepens, July 6, 1657, in Eccl Recs. N. Y. i. 387-88. 1
2 Cf. Odhner, C. T., The founding of New Sweden, in Pennsyl-
vania Magazine of History and Biography, iii. 1879.
' The position of the Lutheran Church in Sweden is well sum-
marized in the Church Act of 1686 under King Charles XI, that also
reflects the conditions obtaining in the earlier period, in question
here. "In our kingdom and in the countries belonging theireto, all
persons shall profess solely and simpljr the Christian doctrine and
the Christian faith, which is contained in the Holy Word of God, in
the prophetical and apostolic scriptures of the Old and New Testa-
ment, and which is comprehensively stated in the three chief sym-
bols, the Apostolic, the Nicene, and the Athanasian, as well as in the
tFnaltered Augsbturg Confession of the year 1530, adopted 1593 by
the Council at Upsala and explained in the entire so-called Book of
Concord. And all those who assume any o£Sce as teachers in the
churches, academies, gjrmnasia or schools, shall at their ordination,
or when they receive a degree imder oath solemnly subscribe this
doctrine and confession." Cf. John Nicum.The Confessional History
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 1 93
break of Indian hostilities at New Amsterdam, on the
eve of the surrender of New Sweden to Stuyvesant,
made it impossible to abolish entirely the public exer-
cise of the Lutheran worship. According to the Articles
of Capitulation, one of the three Lutheran ministers, the
Reverend Lars Lockenius, was allowed to remain to
minister to the Swedes and Finns, of whom at least two
hundred lived on the river above Fort Christina. Chus
the Lutheran religion enjoyed, within certain limits of
the subjugated territory, official recognition and could
be exercised in public.
This concession, however, did not result in an exten-
sion of this privilege throughout other parts of the
Province of New Netherland. In fact, there a stricter
policy of religious repression in regard to other confes-
sions than the Reformed was indicated in the points of
advice,' submitted by the Director General to avert
such calamities as the Indian war in the future. He
firmly believed that the war had been the punishment
of the sins of the community. Such "common, private
and public sins, as drunkenness, profanation of the
Lord's Name and Sabbath, swearing in public and in
private, done even by the children on the street, meet-
ings of sectarians and other irregularities" were to "be
forbidden by the renewal of good orders and placards, to
be promptly executed and by the issue and strict observ-
ance of new orders, to prevent as much as possible such
occurrences."
The Lutherans at Amsterdam continued still to
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in theUnited States, in Am. Soc.
of Church History, iv. 1892.
1 Col. Docs. N Y. xiii. S3, dated November 27, 1655.
194 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
assemble for the private exercise of their worship.
Nevertheless, the proximate occasion for the decree
against conventicles was not given at Amsterdam but
at Middelburg (Newtown). The inhabitants of "this
town were mostly Independents, with a few Presbyter-
ians. The latter could not be supplied with a Presby-
terian preacher, but a Mr. John Moore, who claimed to
have been licensed in New England to preach, but not
authorized to administer the sacraments, attended
to their spiritual needs. On the departure of Mr.
Moore, "some inhabitants and tmqualified persons
ventured to hold conventicles and gatherings . and
assumed to teach the Gospel." Other places in New
Netherland were as destitute of an authorized ministry
and there was imminent danger in the minds of the
preachers of New Amsterdam that this bad example
would find imitation and result in quarrels, confusion
and disorders in Church and commonalty. On the re-
ceipt of a petition from the ministers of New Amster-
dam for his intervention, Stuyvesant expressed his
decision to have placards issued against those persons,
who, without either ecclesiastical or secular authority,
acted as teachers in interpreting and expounding God's
Holy Word. Stuyvesant also felt that this was a viola-
tion of the political and ecclesiastical rules of the
fatherland, and an occasion for an outbreak of heresy
and schism. Consequently, all such conventicles, both
public and private/were'prohibited by the Director Gen-
eral and Council under li^yy penalties in the ordinance
of February i, 1656.* Persons presuming to ex-
> Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 20-ai; ii. 34-3S; Eccl. Recs.
N.Y. 1,343-4.
PERSECUTION OP THE LUTHERANS 1 95
ercise, without due qualifications, the office of preacher,
reader or chorister in such meetings, were subject to a
fine of one hundred pounds Flemish ; a fine of twenty-
five pounds Flemish was incurred by any other man or
woman who took part in such an assembly.
The penalties established by Stuyvesant were an
innovation, but the remainder of the ordinance was
largely modelled upon the second provision df the
"Proposed Articles for the Colonization and Trade of
New Netherland,"* presented to the States General by
John de Laet, a Director of the West India Company,
August 30, 1638, of which the bare essentials were
retained in its final form in the ' ' Freedoms and Exemp-
tions," granted by the West India Company to Patroons
and other planters of colonies in 1640.' The latter
decree admitted the public exercise of no other religion
than the Reformed, as preached and practiced by pub"
lie authority in the United Netherlands, for which the
Company was to provide and maintain suitable minis-
ters, preachers, schoolmasters and Comforters of the
Sick ; the former expressly stated, in addition, that no
person "shall be hereby in any wise aggrieved in his
conscience, .provided he avoid frequenting any for-
bidden assembly or conventicles, much less collect or
get up any such." The Director General and Council
also declared in their ordinance that the religious wor-
ship of the Reformed Church was alone autHorized" and"
extended this decree iiot only to the publicjneetings but
also to private meetings, assembled for worship in the
Province of New Netherland. Stuyvesahi^' like so
1 Col. Docs. N. Y.i. iio-ii; Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 121.
2 Col.Docs.N. Y.i. 119-23.
196 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
many other ardent Calvinists of his day, eagerly desired
the close union of the various ' national Calvinist
churches, which had found an early expression in the
presence of delegates from these churches in the
National Synod of Dortrecht (16 18-19). He, there-
fore, appealed to the religious service of the
Reformed Church, conformably to the Synod of
Dortrecht, practiced in the Fatherland and the other
Reformed churches of Europe, as the rule which
was to establish the character of divine worship in his
province. Thus, even at this time, Stuyvesant was
ready to grant patents to new colonists, conceived
along the lines followed by Kieft in his patents to Mes-
path, March 28, 1642,^ and to Hempstead, November 16,
1644,^ which assured the colonists the "exercise of the
Reformed Religion, which they profess with the eccles-
iastical discipline theretmto belonging." The mind of
Stuyvesant on this point is clearly manifested later in
his long correspondence with the Milford inha;bitants,
who intended to found a settlement under his jurisdic-
tion, with freedom of worship, although they were not
Presbyterians, as the Dutch, but Congregationalists.'
Although the ordinance legislated for the repression
of the freedom of religious worship in conventicles not
within the pale of the Reformed Church, the Director
General and Council were careful to include the more
liberal provisions of the "Articles" that had been pro-
posed by John de Laet in the name of the West India
1 Book of Patents GG. p. 49; cited in Riker, Annals of New-
town j). 413.
' Thompson, History of Long Island, ii. 5-6.
' Correspondence from April 29, 1661 to July 20, 1663. Col.
Docs. N. Y. xiii. 197, et passim.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 1 97
Company to the States General for their approval.
They did not "hereby intend to force the conscience of
any to the prejudice of formerly given patents." This
can only refer to the patentsj:xf_ Flushing* and Graves-
end,^ which had been granted in 1645 by Kieft imme-
diately after the termination of the ruinous Indian war,
in all probability to raise the distressed condition of
the Province by attracting new colonists on such liberal
conditions. Both patents grant "Liberty of conscience
according to the Custome and manner of Holland, with-
out molestacon or disturbance from any Magistrate or
Magistrates, or any other ecclesiastical minister, that
may extend jurisdiccon over them." Stuyvesant's
interpretation of this liberty of conscience did not
include, freedom of worship either in public or private
conventicles. However, he expressly stated that he
had no desire to invade the sanctuary of the home with
this legislation, which did not affect '"the reading of
God's Holy Word, family prayers and worship, each in
his own housed' _Thus the ordinance distinguished
three kinds of worship: i, worship in public con-
venticles; 2, worship in private conventicles; and 3, wor-
ship within the family. The first two were limited to
the .adherents of the Reformed Religion ; the last was
ejttended to all. This precisely constituted "Liberty
of conscience according to the Custome and manner of
Holland."' The publication and execution of the
1 Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, New York Deed
Book, ii. 1 78, i. Waller History of Flushing, Appenidx.
2 Doc. History New York, i. 411.
* Cf . Hubert's learned investigation of the religious legislation of
Holland in his work: Les Pays-Bas Espagnols et La R^publique
des Provinces Unies, etc., especially his conclusion on p. 97.
1 98 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ordinance was entrusted to the fiscal and inferior
magistrates and schouts throughout New Netherland,
and its presence in some of the town records shows
the fideUty with which these orders were fulfilled.' In
this way, the Director General and Council believed
that they had made ample provisions for "the glory
of God, the promotion of the Reformed Religion and
public peace, harmony, and welfare."
Although the decree against conventicles did not
affect the position of the public worship of the Lutheran
faith in the conquered territory of New Sweden, the
Lutherans of New Amsterdam understood at once that
their religious assemblies did come under the prohibitive
ordinance. They, therefore, discontinued the divine
services, which they had been holding regularly, in
private, during the past year." The West India Com-
pany was also under the impression that this decree
had been directly aimed at the Lutherans. Its Direct-
ors resented Stuyvesant's methods of repression, which
were so alien to the spirit of conciliation, with which
they tried to inspire his policy towards Lutheran dis-
sent, but, in point of fact, they did not revoke the decree
and expressly conceded only that measure of religious
liberty, that had already been granted by the Director
General himself: the free exercise of their religion in
* Niemant vermach heimlike of openbare conventiculen of ver-
gaderinghe houden t'sij int lesen, singen, of prediken op de ver-
beurte van loo ponden vlaems, en voor te toehoorders van
ghelike 25 ponden vlaems bij ijder een, wat Religie of Sec-
ten het oock mochten sijn volgens den Placcat van den i February
1656. Corte aenwijsinghe van enighe placcaten over beganene
uisusenetc. Het Bouk Van Het Durp Utrecht Ap 1657.
2 Petition of the Lutherans to the Director General and Council
October 24, 1656, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. L 359; and O'Callaghan, His-
tory of New Netherland, ii. 320.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 1 99
the home.' They continued to insist on the lenient
treatment of the Lutherans, and wished in the future
to have such ordinances, submitted to them prior to
their publication. This letter of the Directors must
have soon come to the knowledge of the Lutherans, both
in New Amsterdam and in Holland, as renewed agita-
tion to promote the Lutheran cause became manifest in
the colony as well as in the fatherland. At Amster-
dam, the Lutherans again requested the Directors to
concede the privilege of the public exercise of their
religion in New Netherland and supported their request
by an appeal to the customs obtaining in Holland,
where they as well as others enjoyed this privilege.'
The Classis of Amsterdam became very much disturbed
by the rumors, which began to circulate in regard to the
contemplated action of the Board of Directors, who,
according to reports, had delegated a committee to con-
fer with some of the magistrates of the City of Amster-
dam' on the question of permitting, in all their colonies,
"all sorts of persuasions ... to exercise their special
forms of worship."* The Classis immediately directed
1 Letter of Directors to Stuyvesant, June 14, 1656, in Col. Docs.
N. Y.xiv. 391.
^Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, xx 361,' in Eccl.
Recs. N. Y. i. 354. For the extent of toleration in the Netherlands
at this time, cf. Blok, a History of the People of the Netherlands,
and especially the mono^aph of E. Hubert, Les Pays-Bas
Espagnols et La RdpubUque des Provinces Unies (1648- 17 13).
La Question Religieuse et Les Relations Diplomatiques.
*The West India Company, July 12, 1656, to relieve the
strained condition of its finances, surrendered to the City of Amster-
dam some of its territory on the South River from the west side of
Christina Kill to Bombay Hook at the mouth of the river. Here
the city founded its colony of New Amstel. Cf. the histories of
O'Callaghan and Brodhead.
* Classis of Amsterdam. Acts of Deputies, vi. 33; xix. 25,.
in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 357. October 10, 1656.
200 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
its deputies on Indian affairs to wait upon these Direct-
ors and magistrates of Amsterdam and insist on the
"injuriousness of the general permission of all sorts of
persuasions," but they could only learn that the mattear
was still far removed from a settlement. ^ ,
Meanwhile, the Lutherans at New Amsterdam had
received word from fellow-believers in Holland that
they had obtained a decree from the Directors of the
West India Company, according to which the Unaltered
Augsburg Confession was to "be tolerated in the West
Indies and New Netherland under their jurisdiction in
the same manner as in the fatherland under its praise-
worthy government." They, therefore, petitioned Hhe
Director General and Council to allow them again to
celebrate with prayer, reading and singing, until the
arrival of a minister of their own persuasion, whom they
expected to receive from the Fatherland next spring.
Stuyvesant refused to alter his decree against conven-
ticles and all public gatherings "except those for the
divine service of the Reformed Church prevailing
here," but he again declared that no one was to "suffer
for this belief, nor be prevented each in his family from
reading, thanksgiving, and singing according to their
faith." If there were to be any changes in this legisla-
tion, they were to be made by the Directors of the Com-
pany, to whom the petition was finally sent. Thus the
issue was again presented for settlement at Amsterdam,
where the Classis instructed its deputies on Indian
affairs "with all serious arguments ... to check, at the
* Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, vi. 39, i. 360 in Eccl.
Recs. N. Y. November 7, 1656.
t 2 Petition of the Lutherans, October 24, Ibid. i. 656, 359.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 20I
beginning, this toleration of all sorts of religions, and
especially of the Lutherans, lest God's Church come to
suffer more and more injury as time goes on."'
The deputies of the Classis soon learned that the
Directors of the West India Company had in fact
resolved to connive at the free exercise of dissenting
worship. Their representations against the adoption
of this religious policy influenced the Directors finally to
abide by the resolution of the preceding year.^ The
petitioners were told that the concession of religious
worship to the Lutherans exceeded the powers of the
West India Company and depended on the States
General, to whom they were referred.' Stuyvesant
was, therefore, oflEiciaUy informed that it was not
the intention of the Directors to grant to the
Lutherans any more liberty in their worship than
"the permission quietly to have their exercises
at their own houses."* The deputies were not so
successful with the Biirgomasters of the City of Amster-
dam, from whom they could only extort the indefinite
promise that they would attend to the matter at the
proper time, when information should arrive that the
sects carried on the exercise of their religions. The ma-
gistrates of Amsterdam declared that they could not
1 Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, xix. 42.; v. 41, Eccl. Recs. N. Y.
i- 372-
2 Classis of Amsterdam. Act of Deputies, vi. 45, Ibid, 375.
April 10, 1657.
Classics of Amsterdam to Consistory of New Netherland, May
25. 1657, Ibed. 378.
Col. Docs, N. Y. xiv. 386-88. The Classis writes in the lettera
" We cannot interpret this in any other way than that every one must
have the freedom to serve God quietly within his dwelUng in such
manner as his religion may prescribe, without instituting any pub-
lic gatherings or conventicles. When this interpretation is recog-
nized, our complaints will cease."
202 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
force the consciences of men, and the ministers denied
that this was the purpose of their intervention. Under
these circumstances, the Classis, not feeling entirely at
ease, resolved to encourage "the consistory in New
Netherland to continue in their good zeal to check these
evils in every possible way; diligence and labor are
required to prevent false opinions and foul heresies from
becoming prejudicial to the pure truth." This is also
the burden of the letter,* which the Classis of Amster-
dam sent the consistory of New Netherland, to intro-
duce the Rev. Everardus Welius, the first minister to
the City's colony of New Amstel.
The departure of a Lutheran minister, John Ernest
Goedwater, for New Netherland in the ship ' ' De Molen "
on a mission from the Lutheran consistory was a new
cause of anxiety to the Classis of Amsterdam. The
Dutch ministers recognized the inconsistency of the
concession of freedom of worship to th,e Swedish
Lutherans on the South River and of its denial to the
Dutch Lutherans on the North River at New Amster-
dam. ■ The Classis, therefore, resolved that the Directors
were to be urged to correct this abuse in the territory
of the West India Company and the Burgomasters
requested to instruct their vice-director Abrichs to
oppose the Lutherans and other sects in the district
subject to the authority of the City of Amsterdam.'
Both promised to be on their guard, and not permit,
but rather endeavor to prevent the public exercise of
the Lutheran worship . ' Stuyvesant, nevertheless, f aith-
»Eccl.Recs.N.Y. i. 378.
2 Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, May 7, 1657, Ibid
377-
' Acts of Classis of Amsterdam, Ibid. 382.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 203
fully fulfilled the stipulation of the treaty with the
Swedes, which guaranteed them the freedom of their
Lutheran worship, until the termination of his authority
by the English conquest, and there is no evidence that
the clergy of New Amsterdam made any attempt to
change his policy in this regard.* The Classis was
gratified with better results from the commissioners of
the City's colony, who, on August 22, 1659, resehted
"the bold undertaking of the Swedish parson to preach
there in the colony without permission," and
ordered the vice-director "by proper means to put an
end to or prevent such presumption on the part of
other sectaries," because "as yet no other religion but
the Reformed can nor may be tolerated there. "^
The arrival of the Lutheran minister at New Amster-
dam called forth a vigorous protest from the Dutch
clergy of the town, who summarized, in a remonstrance
of six points,' directed to the Burgomasters and Sche-
pens, the injurious consequences of the exercise of the
Lutheran confession not only to the religious, but also
to the political interests of this place, as the strife in
religious matters resulting therefrom would produce
confusion in political matters and thus a united and
peaceful people would be transformed into a Babel of
confusion.* The ministers no doubt had in mind the
Colony of Rhode Island, which they regarded as the
cess-pool of New England, full of erring spirits and
1 This fact should not be forgotten by those historians who wish
to throw the full responsibility for the policy of religious repression
on Stuyvesant and the clergy at New Amsterdam^ The matter was
not at all so local. ■
2Col. Docs.N.Y.ii. 61.
3 Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 386-88.
*Ibid.
204 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
etithusiasts.* The Burgomasters and Schepens imme-
diately summoned the Lutheran preacher to appear
before them for examination. He frankly confessed
that he had been sent by the Lutheran consistory of
Amsterdam to occupy the position of preacher here, as
far as it was now permissible, though he felt confident
that the ship "Waag" would bring the news of the
concession of freedom of worship, which the Directors
of the West India Company had under consideration at
the time of his departure from the fatherland. The
Burgomasters and Schepens could not believe that the
Directors would tolerate any other worship than the
true Reformed in this place, as the oath, which they
took on the assumption of their office, "tojhelp main-
tain the true Rgformed Religion and to suffer no other
religion or sects," had received the approval of the
Directors. They, therefore, forbade the Lutheran min-
ister to hold either public or private conventicles, and
also to deliver to the Lutheran body in the city the let-
ters, that he had brought from the Amsterdam
consistory, until further orders. Then, as the
matter concerned not only the city but the
whole Province, they reported* these proceedings
to the Director General and Council, who com-
mended in every particidar their action and or-
dered the Burgomasters of this city and also all
inferior courts strictly to enforce the ordinance of
February i, 1656, against conventicles, as this was
"necessary for the maintenance and conservation not
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 14,
1657, etc., ilccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 400.
2 Ibid. 389. ,
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 205
only of the Reformed divine service, but also of political
and civil peace, quietness and harmony.'" The Dutch
ministers now experienced that it was easier to keep out
an enemy than to expel an enemy once admitted.
They petitioned the authorities to send back to Hol-
land the Lutheran preacher, who had come to the col-
ony in such a capacity without the consent of ^^ the
Directors of the West India Company.'' The Director
General and Council, therefore, ordered him to leave in
the ship "Waag," which was then ready to sail, con-
sidering "this necessary for the glory of God, for the
success of the Reformed Religion, and the common
peace and tranquillity of the colony."' This order
created great dissatisfaction among the Lutherans,who,
at Fort Orange, had collected one hundred beaver skins,
valued at eight hundred guilders, for the support of
their minister.* They earnestly petitioned the Director
General and Cotmcil to revoke the order, while they
were quietly and without offense waiting for the tolera-
tion of the Unaltered Augsburg Confession under the
new orders, that they expected from their sovereigns,
the States General and the Noble Directors of the West
India Company. ° Anxious to trouble the waters, Goed-
water refused to obey the orders of the Director and
'■ Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 350.
2 Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August 5,
i6S7. IMd. 393-4.
' Sirector General and Covmcil to Lutherans, October 16, 1657,
Ibid. 407.
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October
aSi 1^57. Ibid. 409. The amount collected at New Amsterdam
was unknown.
* Petition of Lutherans, October 10, 1657, Ibid. 405.
2o6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
was resolved to persevere with his adherents.' Stuy-
vesant became all the more determined in his demand,
as the order of the Provincial Government had been
treated with contempt. Goedwater was again com-
manded, on October i6, 1657, to leave in one of the two
ships about to sail,^ but he secretly carried off his books
and bedding,' and concealed himself in the house of
Lawrence Noorman, a Lutheran farmer,* to whom the
Lutherans gave six guilders a week during the whole
winter for the minister's support." The Fiscal was again
ordered to place him under arrest for transportation to
Holland at the earliest opportunity. Meanwhile, the
Lutherans informed the Director General that their
preacher was sick and requested the privilege of bring-
ing him to the city for the medical care that he required.
Stujrvresant granted the petition, but, on the arrival of
Goedwater, immediately put him under the surveillance
of the Fiscal, who was empowered to send the Lutheran
minister to Holland on his recovery. This was done in
the spring on the ship "De Bruynvisch." The Dutch
ministers soon had the satisfaction of seeing the leader
in the separatist movement of the Lutherans a punctual
attendant at the Reformed service in his pew near the
pulpit.* Their joy was, however, soon marred by the
1 Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September
10, 1659, in Eccl. Rets. N.Y. 449.
2 Director and Council to Goedwater, Ibid. 408.
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, October
25, 1657, Ibid. 412.
* Megapolensis and Drisius to Director Greneral and Council,
August 23, 1658, Ibid. 430.
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September
34, 1658, Ibid. 433.
° Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, September
10, 1659, Rjid. 449. The statement of this letter, that Goedwater
PERSECUTION OP THE LUTHERANS 207
change which they were compelled to make by the
Directors in the administration of the sacrament of
baptism.
While„the Directors were determined to uphold the
Dutch religious estalDlishment to the exclusion of other
forms of worship in the Province of New Netherland,
they were anxious to eliminate everything that might
deter the people of other persuasions from joining in
the Reformed service of the Dutch Church. Thus,
although the Directors at Amsterdam declared the ex-
pulsion of the Lutheran minister to be in accord with
their good intentions, they again expressed their dis-
satisfaction with the vigorous measures, adopted by
Stuyvesant in these proceedings, and insisted that he
was to adopt in the future the least offensive and most
tolerant means, so that in course of time such dissenters
might be induced to listen to the preaching of the
Reformed ministers and finally won over to the estab-
lished church of the colony. To effect this, it was ne-
cessary to do away with the grievances that occasioned
the separatist movement of the Lutherans. The ques-
tion addressed to parents and witnesses at baptism
might be so formulated as not to be offensive to
Lutheran ears, and less stress might be placed upon the
presence of the parents and witnesses at the adminis-
tration of this sacrament. A precedent for these
changes in the usages of the Dutch Church of New
Netherland was found in the practice of some of the
churches in Holland even in their own time, and in the
began to hold meetings and to preach, is evidently false in the light
of the earlier letters, the Lutheran petitions, and Stuyvesant's
answers.
208 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
customs prevailing at the beginning of the Reformation,
when circumstances also made it imperative for the
Church to attract people of a different belief.* The
Directors, therefore, ordered that the old formula of bap-
tism, being "more moderate and less objectionable to
those of other denominations," be used in the churches
of the Province, and the words "present here in the
church" be entirely omitted.^ Stu3rvesant gave a
copy of this ordinance to the ministers, as soon as it
came into his hands, and requested them to draw up
"a full and correct view of the case."*
The ministers declared their willingness to follow
the example of the apostolic churches, who, though they
gave freedom for the sake of the weaker brethren in
minor matters, would not yield one iota to the obsti-
nate and perverse, who came to spy out the liberty of
believers and to bring Christians into bondage. They
knew that the Synod of The Hague in i59i(Art. 28) put
the question, proposed to parents and sponsors in the
form — "Whether they acknowledge the doctrine con-
tained in the Old and New Testaments, and in the
articles of the Christian faith, and taught in conformity
therewith, to be the true and perfect doctrine of sal-
vation?" They were also aware that the S5mod of
Middelburg in 1581 (Art. 21) made the use or omission
of the clause — " the doctrine taught here" — optional.
Nevertheless, they did not feel that they could change
the formula of Baptism that had been used so long in
1 Directors to Stuyvesant, May 20, 1658, in Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 418.
2 Directors to Stuyvesant, June 7, 1658, Ibid. 421.
' Director General and Council to ministers of New Amsterdam,
August 19, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 427.
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS 209
the churches of New Netherland without perhaps giving
offence to their own people. They, therefore, placed the
decision of the question in the hands of the Classis of
Amsterdam, their ecclesiastical superiors, whose advice
they would take in the matter.*
According to the report of the ministers, two years
previously, Peter Jansen, "who was neither a Lutheran,
nor of the Reformed Religion, and who had not intelli-
gence enough to understand the difference between them,
nibbled at these questions, but could not give any
reason against them, or receive and try to understand a
reason in their favor." The Lutherans also did not
give a more satisfactory reason for their opposition dur-
ing the last five or six years. They had accused the
Dutch ministers of adding to the rite of baptism, the
phrase: "According to the Synod of Dort." These
words specified doctrines, which they were asked
to acknowledge as true, but which were con-
trary to their belief. The ministers denied this
charge, although they did believe the teaching of
this National Synod to be the truth, and they con-
tended against the suppression of the objectionable word
"here" as useless, inasmuch as, in spite of its omission,
they would mean by the church, not the papal church,
but the "true Protestant and Reformed Chitrdies." The
ministers also denied the second charge of the Luther-
ans, who had accused them of strictly compelling par-
ents and sponsors to be present at the baptism of their
children. Though several Synods' of the fatherland
1 Megapolensi^ and Drisius to Director General and Council,
Aug^t 33, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 431.
2 The National Synod of Dort in 1574, Art. 61; the Synod of
Middelbtirg, 1583, Art. 40; the Synod of The Hague, 1591, Art. 51
2IO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
had prescribed the presence of the parents at the bap-
tism of their children, these provisions were not strictly
enforced. This practice had also moved the ministers
at New Amsterdam to be lenient in regard to this point
until they noticed that young persons, who could
hardly carry the child, and who had scarcely more
knowledge of religion, baptism, and the vows than the
child itself, presented children for baptism. To
correct this abuse, the ministers had urged from the
pulpit that none could so well fulfill the promises made
in regard to the children at baptism, as the parents,
who were, in fact, bound to do this by the Word of God.*
They, therefore, directed that henceforth no half
grown youths were to present children for baptism.
The Classis of Amsterdam supported the ministers
of the colony in their opposition, and begged them not
to make any alterations in the customary forms, but
the Directors persisted in their demands,^ and mani-
fested so much displeasure, that the deputies of the
Classis on Indian affairs delayed addressing them on the
subject iintil further correspondence with the brethren
in New Netherland.' The Directors were not satisfied
with the fact, that the Lutherans were now again taking
part in the divine service of the Reformed Church;
they wished to exclude any possibility of another sep-
aration, that might arise if they should continue to
1 Megapolensis and Drisius to Director General and Council,
August 33, 1658, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 430.
2 Classis of Amsterdam, Acts of Deputies, vi. 134; xix. 53.
Ibid. L 440; Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 429. Directors to Stuyvesant,
February 13, 1659.
SActs of Classis of Amsterdam, February 24, 1659, vi. 13$;
xix. 54, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 442.
PERSECUTION OP THE LUTHERANS 2X1
employ such precise forms and offensive expressions, as
the Lutherans could very easily obtain from the
authorities in the fatherland the right of or-
ganizing separate divine service, which the Direc-
tors would then be powerless to prevent. Stuy-
vesant was, therefore, again directed, on December
29, 1659, to admonish the ministers to employ
the old formula of baptism without waiting for
further orders from the Classis of Amsterdam. Thus
all dissensions in the Church and State of New Nether-
land would cease.* The Directors of the Company had
lost patience "with scruples about unnecessary forms,
which cause more division than edification." Stuy-
vesant loyally defended the preachers of New Amster-
dam, "whose zeal in teaching, admonishing and punish-
ing, whose peaceable and edifying life and conduct. . .
compel them and us to pray, that God may give them
long life for the best of his infant church here, and to
assure your Honors that neither of them can be sus-
pected of any leaven of innovation or turbulence."
The Director General had, therefore, kept secret the
severe condemnation of the ministers by the Directors ,
and he now requested them to send over some psalm-
books or liturgies of the Reformed Church, in which the
old formtda of baptism was given without the objec-
tionable words, as this would facilitate the execution of
their ordinance.* The Directors had already antici-
pated this request by sending two testaments and
psalm-books, containing the old formula, with the two
* Directors to Stuyvesant, December 22, 1659, in Col. Docs.
N. Y. xiv. 4SI.
2 Stuyvesant to Directors, April 21, 1660, Ibid. 472.
212 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
newly appointed preachers, Blom and Seljois, who,
before their departure from Holland, had also promised
the Directors to make use of it in the exercise of their
clerical office.* When Megapolensis and Drisius
learned this, they also resolved to use the old formula,
prescribed by the Directors, "with the design of avoid-
ing any division in the churches of this country."*
At this time, a feeling of unrest was noticeable among
some Lutherans at Fort Orange, who began to take up
a subscription for the salary of a Lutheran preacher,
but this movement soon subsided.' Here some Luth-
erans had already joined the Dutch Church, and others
were gradually being led to it. The Classis of Amster-
dam, after consulting the Directors, instructed the Rev-
erend Gideon Schaats, the minister of Beverwyck at
Fort Orange, freely to inform those good people, "that
they may dismiss their newly conceived hopes, since
they may find abundant edification and comfort of soul
through the blessing of the Lord in the Reformed wor-
ship, if they harken diligently and endeavor to walk
before God and man with a good conscience."* This
proved the end of the separatist movement of the
Dutch Lutherans in New Netherland until the termina-
tion of the Dutch rule.
• Directors to Stuyvesant, April i6, 1660, in Col. Docs. N. Y,
3UV. 461.
^Drisitis to Classis of Amsterdam, October 4, 1660, in Eccl
Recs. N. Y. i. 486.
* Gideon Schaats to Classis of Amsterdam, September 22, 1660,
Ibid, 483.
'Classis of Amsterdam to Gideon Schaats, December s, 1661,
Ibid. 515-
CHAPTER VII
The Persecution of the Quakers *
The ordinance, prohibiting dissenting worship, pub-
lic and private, also inspired the measures enacted
against the Quakers, who made their first advent into
the Dutch colony the year following its adoption.
Their arrival was not of the character to lessen the
prejudices against this new sect, which had already
Beeirimpl antod in th e minds of the civil and ecclesias-
tical authorities of New Netherland by the accounts of
Quaker activity received from Europe. The clergy saw
in the Quakers the instruments of Satan to disturb the
churches in America as well as in Europe, "wandering
to and fro sowing their tares" among the people of the
Province, but they trusted that God would baffle the
designs of Satan;* the Director General and Council
regarded them as anarchists, whose doings tended not
only .to the subversion of the Protestant Religion, but
also to the abolition of law and order, and to the con-
tempt of civil authority. Under this conviction, Stuy-
vesant, when he noticed the growth of Quaker dis-
sent, proclaimed a day of prayer against the spiri-
tual as well as the temporal calamities, with which God
^ Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam, August
4, 1657, in Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 400.
(213)
214 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
was about to visit the Province for the thankless use of
temporal blessings, "permitting and allowing the Spirit
of Error to scatter its injurious passion amongst us in
spiritual matters here and there, rising up and propa-
gating a new unheard of abominable heresy^ called
Quakers, seeking to seduce many, yea were it possible
even the true believers — all signs of God's just judg-
ment and certain forerunners of severe punishments."'
On August 6, 1657, a ship entered the harbor of
New Amsterdam, that carried no flag to reveal its charac-
ter and fired no salute before the fort to announce its ar-
rival. The Fiscal, who went onboard, received no sign of
respect, and the Director General was not more favored,
when he received the visit of the master of the vessel,
who "stood still with his hat firm on his head, as if a
goat." Hardly a word could be gleaned in regarci to
conditions in Europe, but finally it was learned that the
ship had Quakers on board. Although the Quakers
reported that the Governor was "moderate in words
and action," they (^eparted the following morning as
silently as they had come and sailed eastward towards
Rhode Island, where the Dutch thought that they
would settle, as the Quakers were not tolerated in any
other place. However, several Quakers had secretly
remained behind, and endeavored to disturb and excite
the people by the testimony, to which they believed
themselves moved by the Spirit. Two young women^
Dorothy Waugh and May Witherhead," began to quake
and go into a frenzy " in the middle of the street, crying
out in a loud voice, that men should repent, for the day
1 Proclamation, January 21, 1658,111 Recs. of New Amsterdam,
ii. 346-7.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 21 5
of judgment was at hand. A great tumult arose among
the inhabitants of the Dutch town, who, not knowing
what was the matter, ran to and fro, crying "fire" or
something else of like nature. The two women were
arrested and led to prison, where they continued to cry
out and pray. After eight days ' detention, they were
taken from prison, their arms pinioned behind them,
and escorted between two negroes to a vessel at
the dock, which soon set sail for Rhode Island.*
Meanwhile, Robert Hodgson,with two other Quakers,
had made his way from the mainland to Long Island,
where his preaching found favor with the English set-
tlers, amongst whom there were "many sincere seekers
after Heavenly riches . . . prepared to appreciate
those spiritual views of religion, which these gospel mes-
sengers had to declare." At Gravesend and Jamaica
they "were received with gladness." At Hempstead
Hodgson also found settlers, who "rejoiced in the spread
of those living truths, which were preached among
them." Here the two Quakers who accompanied him
went on to the east end of the Island, while Hodgson
remained to preach in the English town. In the ab-
sence of a suitable building, he appointed an orchard for
a meeting, to which, on the Sunday after his arrival, he
invited all the inhabitants of the town. Richard Gil-
dersleeve, a justice of peace, was determined, to put a
stop to such a violation of the law and issued a warrant
for the arrest of the preacher. , The constable found
■^Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Arnsterdam, August
14,; October 22, 1657, in Eccl. Recs., N.Y,, i. 400, 409-ib Onder-
donck, H., Jr., Old Meeting Houses of the Society of Friends in
the City of New York. Am. Hist. Rec. i. 117-118. Annals
of Hempstead, p. 5
2l6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Hodgson "pacing the orchard alone in quiet medita-
tion." He was at once arrested and confined in the
house of Richard Gildersleevfe. While the justice of
peace went to church, the Quaker attracted a large
crowd of people before the house, "who staid and heard
the truth declared." On his return, the magistrate,
annoyed at being thus outwitted, committed the pris-
oner to another house and immediately left for Man-
hattan to inform Stuyvesant of the arrest. The
Director General commended the zeal of the magistrate
in suppressing the "Quaker heresy," and sent the Fiscal
with a guard of twelve musketeers to bring Hodgson
and those who had entertained him in their homes to
the Fort in New Amsterdam. Meanwhile, Hodgson,
had renewed his tactics of the morning. "In the after-
noon," he says, "many came to me, and even those that
had been mine enemies, after they heard the truth, con-
fessed it."
On the arrival of the Fiscal and guard, Hodgson was
searched and his papers and Bible seized. . He was then
bound with cords and remanded to prison. Mean-
while, diligent search was made "for those two women
who had entertained the stranger." As soon as they
were found, they were placed under arrest, although one
of them was burdened with a nursing infant. The two
women were placed in a cart, to the tail of which Hodg-
son was tied and thus dragged through the woods and
over bad roads, "whereby he was much torn and
abused." On their arrival at Amsterdam, the women
were put in prison, but soon after they were again
released and allowed to return to their homes. Hodg-
son, however, was cast into a "dungeon full of vermin
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 217
and so odious for wet and dirt, as he never saw before."
The Quaker no doubt proved defiant at the examina-
tion before the Council. He was fined six htmdred
guilders, in default of which he was sentenced to serve
two years at the wheelbarrow with a negro. Hodgson
attempted to argue the matter with the court, but he
was not allowed to speak, and sent back to prison,
"where no English were suffered to come to him."
Some time later, he was taken out of this horrible dan-
geon, and brought pinioned to the Council, where his
hat was removed from his head and another sentence
read to him in Dutch, that he did not understand,'
"but that it displeased many of that nation did appear
by the shaking of their heads."
Some days after this, Hodgson, early one morning
was chained to a wheelbarrow and ordered to work.
When the Quaker refused, a pitched rope, about four
inches thick, was put in the hands of a strong negro
slave, who beat the prisoner until he fell to the ground.
This brought no respite. The unfortunate man was
lifted up and again beaten until he fell a second time.
In spite of his miserable plight, Hodgson was kept in
the heat of the sun, chained to the wheelbarrow, until
he could no longer support himself and had to sit down.
A second and a third day he was chained as before with
a sentinel to prevent all conversation, but he refused to
work, as he "had committed no evU." The Director
General then again commanded him to work, as ' ' other-
wise he should be whipt every day," but the Quaker
merely demanded in reply, "what law he had broken
and called for his accusers, that he might know his
transgression." No answer was given, but Hodgson
2l8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
was again chained to the wheelbarrow and threatened
with severer pimishment, if he should dare to speak to
any person. When he refused to keep silent, he was
confined to his dungeon for several days, "two nights
and one day and a half of which, without bread and
water." Then he was taken to a room, where he was
stripped to his waist and hung to the ceiling by his
hands with a heavy log tied to his feet, "so that he
could not turn his body." Jle was then scourged with
rbds by a negro slave until his flesh was cut into pieces
after which he was kept in the solitary confinement of
a loathsome dungeon for two days, when he was again
made to undergo the same savage torture. Hodgson
now felt as though he were about to die and asked that
some English person might be allowed to come to him.
An English woman was then allowed to bathe his
wounds. She thought that he could not live until
morning. When she told her husband of the horrible
condition of the prisoner, he tried to bribe the Fiscal
with the offer of a fat ox to obtain permission for Hodg-
son's removal to his own house until he recovered.
This was refused and the payment of the whole fine
demanded. The Quaker would not consent to this and
was kept "like a slave to hard work." Other persons
also interested themselves in favor of the Quaker's
release. An unknown person sent a letter to Stuy-
vesant and cotmseUed him to send the obstinate Quaker
to Rhode Island, as his labor was hardly worth the cost.
When Stuyvesant's sister Anna, widow of Nicholas
Bayard, interceded earnestly in behalf of the prisoner,
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 219
the unfortunate Quaker was liberated on the condition of
leaving the Province.'
By this time, Quaker preaching had so infected the
English towns of Gravesend, Hempstead, Jamaica and
Flushing, that the Director General and Council
thought it advisable to adopt even more drastic meas-
ures for the repression of these "seducers of the people,
who are destructive unto magistracy and ministry."
An ordinance was issued, which made vessels bringing
Quakers into the Province subject to confiscation, and
persons entertaining a Quaker a single night, liable to a
fine of fifty pounds, of which one-half was to go to the
informer.* The proclamation of this ordinance met
with open resistence from the people of Flushing, who
were unwilling to infringe and violate the patent of the
town, granted in the name of the States General, which
guaranteed "Liberty of Conscience, according to the
custom and manner of Holland without molestacon or
disturbance, from any magistrate or magistrates, or any
other Ecclesiastical Minister, that may extend jurisdic-
con over them."' The sheriff of Flushing, Tobias
Feake, instructed the clerk Edward Hart to draw up a
remonstrance against this violation of the privileges of
the town of Flushing, to be submitted to the people for
1 Onderdonck, H., Jr., Friends on Long Island and in New
York, Annals of Hempstead, pp. 5-6; 93. O'Callaghan, Hist of
New Netherland, ii. 347-3SO-
2 Brodhead, Hist, of State of New York, i. 637. Thompson,
Hist, of Long Island, ii. 74, note
^ Remonstrance of the people of Flushing, December 27, 1657,
Col. Bocs., N, Y., xiv. 402-404; Laws and Ordinances of New
Netherland, New York Deed Book, ii. 178, printed in Appendix
of Waller, Hist, of Flushing. The town of Gravesend has the
same provision in its charter, and was not less infected with Quaker
teaching. Nevertheless, Gravesend did not make a similar protest.
220 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
their approval and then presented to the Director Gen-
eral and Council.* A town meeting was assembled in
the house of Michael Milner, where the clerk read the
remonstrance to the people of the town. Thirty-one
signed this protest. They cannot condemn the Quakers
nor can they stretch out their hands to punish, banish
or persecute them, when they are bound by the law to
do good unto all men, especially to those of the house-
hold of faith. If the alternative is placed before them,
to choose between God and man, their conscience will
not allow them to hesitate in the cljoice, as "that which
is of God will stand, and that which is of man will come
to nothing." They further declare that "the law of
love, peace and liberty in the state, extending to Jews,
Turks and Egyptians, as they are considered the sons of
Adam, which is the glory of the outward state of Hol-
land, so love, peace and liberty, extending to aU in
Christ Jesus, condemns hatred, war and bondage."
The Savior had pronounced woe tinto those by whom
scandal cometh ; their desire ' ' is not to offend one of his
little ones in whatsoever forme, name or title hee ap-
peares in, whether Presbyterian, Independent^ Baptist
or Quaker ; but shalU be glad to see anything of God in
any of them ; desiring to do unto all men as wee desire all
men to do unto us, which is the true law both of Church
and State." They, therefore, conclude, that, if any
Quakers should come to them in love, they cannot in
conscience lay violent hands upon them, but give them
free ingress into their town and houses according to the
'• Cross-examination of Hart, Col. Docs., N. Y., xiv. 404-405;
petition of Hart for pardon, January 23, 1638, Ibid. 409.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 221
commands of their conscience and the provisions of
their charter.
This remonstrance was delivered to the Director
General by Tobias Feake himself, who was immediately
arrested by the Fiscal, Nicasius de Sille.* On the first
day of the new year (1658), the two other magistrates
who had signed the remonstrance, Edward Farrington
and William Noble, appeared at New Amsterdam in
answer to the summons of the Director General and
Council, and were also immediately placed under
arrest,* but, after their petition,' they were given the
liberty to go about on Manhattan Island on promising
to appear at any time on the summons of the court.
The clerk, Edward Hart, was subjected to a cross-exam-
ination, intended to reveal the circumstances of the
composition of the remonstrance, and then also placed
in confinement. The Fiscal, Nicasius de Sille^, accused
the magistrates of having violated the articles of the
charter of "Freedoms and Exemptions", which per-
mitted the public exercise of no other religion than the
Reformed, and also the placards issued by the Director
General and Council. Farrington and Noble at first
refused to acknowledge themselves guilty of any offense.
They declared that they had considered the remon-
strance in the light of a request for the information,
whether the liberty of conscience might still be given,
which they had tmderstood to be granted by their
charter "without molistacion of Maiestrate or Minis-
* Council minute, Jantiary i, 1658, Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 404.
2 Ibid.
» Ibid. 406.
* Noble and Farrington to Director General and Council in
answer to Fiscal, January 9, 1658, Ibid. 406-7.
2 22 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ter." This had been their conclusion of a close study
of the patent, which they called their charter, and if
they were in the dark in this matter, they desired to be
corrected, as they did not know the articles, which the
Fiscal had called their charter. They also protested
that they had put into execution to the full extent of
their powers their "Honners perticular wrting an order
concerning y* Quakers." If they were, therefore guilty
of any offense, it was at most the result of ignorance,
which they pleaded as the excuse for having signed a
writing offensive to the Director General and Council,
presented by Tobias Feake. Their fault was graciously
forgiven and pardoned on the written acknowledgment
of their error and promise to be more cautious in the
future and on condition of paj^ng the cost and mises of
the law.' The clerk, Edward Hart, also obtained
liberal treatment at the hands of the authorities under
the same conditions. His request' for a pardon had
been supported by several of the inhabitants of Flush-
ing, where he always had been willing to serve his
neighbors, whose circumstances he knew thoroughly,
being one of the oldest inhabitants of the town. Finally,
the Director General and Council pardoned him, as he
had drawn up the remonstrance at the instigation of
the schout, Tobias Feake, and as he had a large family
dependent upon him for their support.
Thus all the responsibility was thrown upon the
schout of Flushing. Tobias Feake could not deny that
he had received "an order from the Hon. Director Gen-
eral not to admit, lodge and entertain in the said village
1 Col. Docs N. Y. xir.'4o8, 409.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 223
any one of the heretical and abominable sect called
Quakers," and he was found guilty of having instigated
"a seditious, mutinous and detestable letter of defiance
wherein (he and his accomplices) justify and uphold the
abominable sect of Quakers, who vilify both the political
authorities and the ministers of the Gospel, and under-
mine the State and God's service and absolutely
demand, that all sects, especially the said abomin&,ble
sect of Quakers, shall and must be tolerated and admit-
ted." He deserved to be made an example to others,
as he had not only violated the laws of the Province,
but had also been unfaithful to his oath, official position
and duty, as a subordinate officer of the government in
the village of Flushing. Nevertheless, the Director
General and Council decided to be lenient, as the pri-
soner confessed his wrong doing andpromised to avoid
such errors hereafter. He was degraded from his office,
and sentenced to be banished from the Province of
New Netherland, or to pay a fine of two hundred florins
in addition to the costs of the trial.* Stuyvesant could
well be content with the result of his vigorous proceed-
ings in this matter. All the principal remonstrants had
been brought to retract the principles which they had
advanced in contradiction to Stuyyesant's policy of
government. Although they had espoused the cause
of religious liberty in defense of the persecuted Quak-
ers, they had not the heroic fortitude that made the
Quakers seal their testimony with their blood.
The opposition was so completely crushed in Flush-
ing that the magistrates, Farrington and Noble; did not
1 Sentence, January 28, 1658, in Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 409.
224 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
even dare to attend to the cases pending in the court
without further orders.' When William Lawrence,
the oldest magistrate of the town, submitted a petition
to this effect, it was resolved to suspend the meetings
of the magistrates until the Director General and Coun-
cil could personally visit the town or send a committee
to give the orders, that were required by the conditions
not only of Flushing, but also of the other neighbor-
ing English villages. Meanwhile, any extraordinary
matter, requiring immediate attention, was to be referr-
ed to the Director General and Council.* At the time of
this visit, the inhabitants of Flushing peaceably sub-
mitted to a modification of their municipal government,
which Stuyvesant thought would prevent the disorders,
"arising from town meetings." In the future, the sher-
iff, who was to be "acquainted not only with the Eng-
lish and Dutch language, but also with Dutch practical
law," and the other magistrates were to consult in
all cases a board "of seven of the most reasonable and
respectable of the inhabitants, to be called tribunes and
townsmen." The growth of Quaker influence was
ascribed to the lack of an organized ministry in the
English towns, and a tax of twelve stivers per morgen
was imposed upon the inhabitants of Flushing "for
the support of an orthodox minister." Six weeks
were granted for the signature of a written submission
to the provisions of this new charter. Upon the expira-
tion of this term, recusants had the only alternative "to
* January ao, 1658, Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 408.
* January 22, 1658, Ibid.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 22$
dispose of their property at their pleasure and leave the
soil of this government."*
While the Flushing remonstrants were pn trial,
Stujrvesant fouiid support for his policy of repression
amongst some of the inhabitants of Long Island. Twelve
of the principal inhabitants of Jamaica had informed
the Director General and Council that the Quakers had
an unusual correspondence at the house of Henry Town-
send, where they and their followers had also been
' ' lodged and provided with meat and drink. " The ante-
cedents of the offender were not such as to merit favor
with Stuyvesant. In August, 1657, he had arranged
a conventicle in his own house for Robert Hodgson,*
for which he had been condemned a month later to a
fine of eight pounds Flemish, that had not yet been
paid. When Henry Townsend appeared before the
court, the Fiscal demanded that he be condemned to a
fine of one hundred pounds Flemish, as he had again
lately violated the ordinance of the government by
"lodging and keeping with Quakers." On the confession
of his guilt, Henry Townsend was sentenced "as an
example for other transgressors and contumacious
offenders" to a fine of three hundred florins, to be paid
with the costs of the trial before his liberation from
prison.* His brother, John Townsend, was also cited
before the court on the suspicion of favoring Quakers
1 Provisions of March 26, 1658. Thompson, Hist, of Long
Island, ii. 291-2.
2 Minute, January 8, 1658, Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 405-6.
3 Onderdonck, H., Jr., Amer. Hist,, Rec. i. 210. "Friends'
Meeting Houses on Long Island."
* Council minute, January 15, 1658. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
407-8.
226 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
and of being implicated in the Flushing remonstrance.
The accusation was made that he had gone, in the com-
pany of the clerk of Flushing, to the house of Edward
Farrington, whom he had persuaded to sign the remon-
strance. John Townsend admitted, that he had been
at Flushing, and visited Farrington as an old acquaint-
ance, but he denied that he had persuaded the magis-
trate to sign an3rthing. He was also accused of having
been in the company of a banished Quakeress at
Grravesend. Although he also denied this charge, the
suspicions of the court were not allayed. He was,
therefore, given the choice either to go to prison, until
the Fiscal coiild obtain more evidence on the friendly
relations of the accused with the Quakers, or to give bail
to the amount of twelve pounds sterling to ensure his
appearance at the court on the summons of the Fiscal.'
On the same day, judgment was also pronounced in the
case of John Tilton, formerly town clerk, who had been
imprisoned on the charge of the Schout of Gravesend,*
that he had lodged a Quakeress, who had been banished
from New Netherland, with some other persons of her
adherents, belonging to that abominable sect. Tilton
declared that the Quakeress had come to his house with
other neighbors diiring his absence, but, in spite of his
humble petition and former good conduct, he was fined
"twelve pounds Flemish with the costs and mises of
justice, to be applied, one-third in behalf of the Attorney
General, one-third in behalf of the sheriff of Gravesend,
and the rest as directed by law."' The oppositionjo
1 Coimcil minute, January lo, 1658. Col. Docs N. Y. xiv. 407.
2 Council minute, January 8, 1658. Ibid. 406,
8 Council minute, January 10, 1658. Ibid.
PERSECUTION OP THE QUAKERS 227
the Quakers was not limited in Gravesend to this ma-
gistrate alone. Two years later ten of the inhabitants
of this village, only two of whom were English: the
Sheriff Charles Morgan and Lieutenant Nicholas Still-
weU, informed the Director General and Council that
"the licentious mode of living, the desecration of the
Sabbath, the confusion of religious opinion prevalent in
the village" made many grow cold "in the exercise of
Christian virtue, and almost surpass the heathens, who
have no knowledge of God and his commandments."
They requested, therefore, that ' ' a preacher be sent here
that the glory of God may be spread, the ignorant
taught, the simple and innocent strengthened, and the
licentious restrained." Stuyvesant and his council were
well pleased with the remonstrance, and promised to
fulfill their request as soon as possible.'
Nowhere did Stuyvesant's policy coincide so
thoroughly with the views of the local authorities as in
Hempstead, where the closest union between the town
and its church establishment had found its expression
in an order, issued by the General Court with the con-
sent of a full town meeting, which confessed that "the
Contempt of Gods Word And Sabbaths is the desolat-
ing Sinn off Civill States and Plantations, And that
the Publick preaching of the Word, by those that are
Called theretmto is the Chiefe and ordinarie meanes
ordayned of God for the Converting, Edifying and
Saveing of y^ Soules of the EUect, through the presence
and power of the Holy Ghost therevnto promised."
The General Court, therefore, decreed "That All per-
• Council minute, April 12, 1660. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 460,
228 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
sons Inhabiting In this Towne or y* Limitts thereof
shall duely resort and repaire to the Publique meetings,
and Assemblies one the Lords dayes And one the
Publique dayes of fastings and thanksgivings appointed
by Publique Authority, both one the forenoones
And Aftemoones." Persons, who absented them-
selves "w'thout Just and Necessary Cause approved by
the particular Court," were to "forfeict, for the first
offence, five guilders, for y^ second Offence, ten guilders
And for y* third Offence, twenty Guilders." Those
who proved refractory, perverse and obstinate, were to
be "Lyable to the further Censure of the Court, Eyther
for the Agravation of the fine, or for Corporall pimish-
ment or Banishment." Finally, persons informing
the magistrates or the particular Court about the
neglect or contempt of this order, were to be re-
warded by one-half of the fine, the other half of
which was to be converted to public use.' This ordi-
nance, which had been passed by the General Court of
Hempstead, September i6, 1650, was approved, ratified
and confirmed, October 26, 1657, by the Director General
and Council of New Netherland, who authorized the
magistrates of the village to execute promptly its
provisions against trespassers. The authentication of
the copy and its record in the Town books by John
James, the clerk of Hempstead, bear the date of Janu-
ary, 16, 1658. These facts show that the approved ordi-
nance was returned to the town precisely at the time
that the growth of the Quaker movement on Long Island
claimed the strict attention "of the authorities at New
> Recs. of Towns of N. and S. Hempstead, Long Island, i.
56-57-
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 229
Amsterdam.* The magistrates of Hempstead were
not in need of much exhortation to proceed against
trespassers, for they had learned "by woeful experiance,
that of late a sect hath taken such ill effect amongst us
to the seducing of certain of the inhabitants, who by
giving heed to the seducing spirits under the notion of
being inspired by the Holy Spirit of God, have drawn
away with their error and misguided light those Ivhich
together with us did worship God in spirit and in
truth, and more unto our grief do separate from us:
and unto the great dishonor of God, and the violation
of the established laws and the Christian order, that
ought to be observed with love, peace and concord,
have broke the Sabbath, and neglected to join with, us
in the true worship and service of God, as formerly they
have done." The inhabitants in the town and to the
uttermost bounds thereof were, therefore, ordered to
give no entertainment, nor to have any converse with
the Quakers, who at the very most "are permitted for
one night's lodging in the parish, and so to depart
quietly without dispute or debate the next morning."*
This proclamation was published shortly after Stuy-
vesant's visit to Long Island on April 13, 1658. Five
days later, the wives of Joseph Schott and Francis
Weeks were fined twenty guilders each in addition to
the costs of the trial. They had not only absented
themselves from the public worship of God contrary
to the law of God and the laws of the town, but they
had also profaned the Lords day by going to a con-
1 Recs. of Towns of N. and S. Hempstead, i. 57-58.
2 Proclamation of the Magistrates of Hempstead, April 13,
1658. Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 11-12.
230 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
venticle or meeting in the woods, where there were
two Quakers. The two women refused to admit them-
selves guilty of any offence, as they had gone out to
meet the people of God.' The opposition, which was
early manifested in this way by the magistrates of the
town towards the Quakers, was the policy pursued with-
out alteration in Hempstead. When Thomas Terry
and Samuel Bearing petitioned for leave to settle some
families at Matinecock within the jurisdiction of Hemp-
stead, the magistrates of the town drew up a contract,
dated July 4, 1661, which bound the petitioners to
observe the laws of Hempstead, to admit only inhabi-
tants possessing letters of commendation and appro-
bation from the magistrates, elders or selected towns-
men of their former place of residence, and finally "to
bring in no Quakers or any such like opinionists, but
such as are approved by the inhabitants of Hemp-
stead." This contract was confirmed and still more
specified in some details as late as June 23, 1663.^
New measures were adopted by Stuyvgsant for the
repression of the Quaker movement on Long Island in
January, 1661. Letters from Jamaica, Flushing and
Ididdeiburg (Newton) had informed him, that the
Quakers had uncommonly free access to the house of
Henry Townsend, who had, therefore, been placed under
arrest. A good occasion to investigate the condition
of religion in the towns known to be infected was
offered, when some of the inhabitants of Jamaica
earnestly requested one of the clergymen of New
1 Cotirt minute, April 18, 1658. Thompson, Hist, of Long
Island, ii, 12.
2 Recs. of the Towns of N. and S. Hempstead, i. 143-145;
Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 528-529.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 23 1
Amsterdam to come to their village to preach and to
baptize several of their children. Stuyvesant then
instructed the minister Drisius, the deputy sheriff
Resolved Waldron, and the clerk Nicholas Bayard to
go to Jamaica and obtain minute information on the
violation of the ordinances against private conventicles
by the Quakers and other sects.* Drisius preached
twice on Sunday, January 9th, and baptized eigljt chil-
dren and two old women. Meanwhile, the deputy
sheriff had learned that a meeting of Quakers was being
held at Gravesend. When Waldron and Bayard
arrived there the next day, the Quaker George Wilson
had already escaped, but they returned in the evening
to New Amsterdam with the Quaker's cloak and a
prisoner, Samuel Spicer, who "with several others had
not only followed and listened to the Quaker in several
conventicles, but also entertained him in his mother's
house." At Jamaica, the work of investigation had
been facilitated by the assistance of two of the towns-
people, Richard Everett and Nathaniel Denton, who
gave the commissioners a list of ten persons, who had
assembled in the house of Henry Townsend, on his
invitation from door to door to listen to a learned man
there.^ On the arrival of the commissioners at New
Amsterdam, both Henry Townsend and Samuel Spicer
were put on trial, but they refused to incriminate them-
selves by acknowledging the charges of the Fiscal, and
claimed that they had only called on their friends and
that no law forbade friends to meet each other. They
were remanded to prison and ordered to answer without
* Council minute, January 8, 1661. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 489.
2 Council minute, January 9, 1661. Ibid. 490.
232 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
any equivocation to the charges of the public prosecutor,
who demanded that the prisoners be condemned to a fine
of six hundred florins each, according to the ordinance
violated.* Henry Townsend finally acknowledged that
he had lodged in his house some friends who are called
Quakers, and that he had assembled a meeting at his
house, at which one of them spoke, but he concluded
with the protest, that, although they might squander
and devour his estate and manacle his person, his soul
was his God's and his opinions his own. He refused
to pay the fine of twenty-five pounds to which he was
sentenced on January 20th, and languished in prison,
where he was daily supplied with food, which his nine-
year-old daughter Rose passed to him through the
gratings of the jail.' Samuel Spicer was fined only
twelve pounds. An order was also issued for the
banishment of John Tilton of Gravesend and John
Townsend of Jamaica. Mrs. Micah Spicer was also
prosecuted for entertaining the Quaker, but she was
acquitted, as she did not know that George Wilson was
a member of that sect.'
Stuyvesant -was now determined to enforce the ob-
servance of the ordinance against private conventicles,
especially in the village of Jamaica, where the move-
ment of Quaker dissent was most prevalent at this
time. Some of those who had been entrusted with
authority had been so unfaithful to their office as to
1 Council minute, January 9, 1661. Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 491.
2 Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 292-3; 295.
'Cal. of Dutch MS8., ed. O'Callaghan, i. 220-1; Col. Docs.
N. Y. 1. c, note. Thompson says, "The widow Spicer, mother
of Samuel, was also arrested, accused and condemned m an amende
fifteen potmds Flanders."
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 233
"connive with the Sect, giving entertainment unto
their scattering preachers, leave and way unto their
unlawful meetings and prohibited conventicles," which
all tended to the subversion of the Protestant religion,
to the contempt of authority and to the destruction of
law and order. He, therefore, appointed three new
magistrates, Richard Everett, Nathaniel Denton and
Andrew Messenger, whose zeal for the good ©f the
country and the Protestant cause would ensure the
observance of the ordinance against conventicles. He
also sent six soldiers to assist them in this, "if need and
occasion should require," who were to be furnished
with convenient lodging in the town.* In obedience
to the orders of the Director General, the magistrates
called the inhabitants of the town together and sub-
mitted to them a written statement to sign, by which
they bound themselves to inform the authorities about
any meetings and conventicles of Quakers within the
town and also to assist them against the Quiakers in
case of need.^ Only six refused to subscribe. These
were John Townsend, Richard Harker, Samuel Dean,
Samuel Andrews, Benjamin Hubbard and Nathaniel
Cole.' In their report, Everett and Denton had peti-
tioned Stuyvesant to relieve the town from quartering
the soldiers, as the innocent were thus unjustly pun-
ished for the self-will of the guilty. The Director
General then ordered the soldiers to be lodged and
' Stuyvesant to Jamaica, Janiiary 24, 1661. Col- Docs. N.Y. xii.
490-1.
^ Ibid. 492; Jamaica Rec. i. 120. O'Callaghan, Hist, of New
Netherland, ii. 451. note i.
'Everett and Denton to Stuyvesant, February 11, 1661.
Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 492. ,.
234 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
furnished with decent meat and victuals by those who
still refused to concur in the desires of the government.*
When these men remonstrated, they were informed that
the soldiers would be withdrawn, as soon as they would
sign the pledge to inform against the Quakers. Most of
the recusants then sold out and removed to Oyster
Bay beyond the jurisdiction of the Dutch government.'
In spite of all vigilance, the magistrates of Jamaica
had to report, in August of the following year, to the
Director General, that the majority of the inhabitants
of the village were adherents of the abominable sect
called Quakers. They themselves could do nothing to
stop the increase of this sect, as the townspeople did
not assemble in forbidden conventicles within their
jurisdiction, but in a large meeting held every Sunday
at the house of John Bowne in Flushing, where the
dissenters gathered from the whole neighborhood.'
Stuyvesant then ordered all the magistrates and inhabi-
tants of the English towns in the jurisdiction of New
Netherland to assist the sheriff. Resolved Waldron, to
imprison aU persons, found in a prohibited or an unlaw-
ful meeting.*
John Bowne^ first visited Flushing on the fifteenth
of June, 1651, in company with his brother-in-law, Ed-
ward Farrington. There he was married to Hannah
1 Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. 493
2 Onderdonck, H., Jr., Ainer. Hist. Rec. i, 210.
'Council minute, August 24, 1662; Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv. jiS-
* Council minute, September g, 1662, Ibid. 516.
' For biographical data cf. Mandeville, Flushing Past and
Present, p. 96, etc.; Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 285-6;
388 ; Watkins, Some Early New York Settlers from New England,
in N. E. Hist, and Geneol. Reg., Iv. 300 (1901); Henry
Onderdonck, Jr., Amer. Hist. Rec, i. 8, note i. 49-50 (1872).
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 235
Field, May 7, 1656, and five years later he built the
house, which, within a few years, became the meeting
place for all the Quakers of the neighborhood. His
wife had first become a member of the Society of
Friends, who then usually assembled for worship in
the woods and fields. Her husband accompanied her
to some of these meetings, mainly from motives of
curiosity in the beginning. The beauty anA sim-
plicity of their worship so pleased him, that he invited
the Quakers to assemble for these meetings in his own
house, where he also was soon admitted as a member.
He declared that his conversion resulted "not merely
from the kindness and affection of his wife, but his
judgment also was convinced of the truth of the prin-
ciples which they held forth." His faith was soon put
to test in the persecution, which he had to bear at the
hands of the civil authority for remaining faithful to
its teaching.'
As soon as the sheriff Resolved Waldron had
received his commission from Stuyyesant, he set out
for Flushing with a company of armed men to arrest
John Bowne.^ When he arrived at the house, John
Bowne, with his youngest child sick in his arms, was
taking care of his wife, who was also seriously ill in bed.
Nevertheless, the sheriff ordered him to proceed to
New Amsterdam for trial, but John Bowne made the
plea that his family were not in a condition to permit
him to leave them. The sheriff declared that he must
ftilfill his orders, but the day was now so advanced that
> Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 385-6.
2 These details in the Journal of John Bowne, partly printed
in Amer. Hist. Rec. i. by Onderdonck, 4-8.
236 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
he decided to leave the prisoner under guard till next
day. Meanwhile, Resolved Waldron went to the town
and in the evening returned with the Schout of Flushing.
Bowne then demanded the order of his arrest from the
sheriff, who at first refused, but then handed it to him.
When John Bowne saw that it was not a special war-
rant, but the general commission of Stuyvesant, which
authorized Waldron to arrest any person found in an
unlawful assembly, he refused to go on foot to New
Amsterdam in virtue of that order, as the sheriff had
found him in no assembly of any kind, but the sheriff
threatened to carry him off bound hand and foot.
The next day he was transported thither in a boat and
imprisoned in the courthouse. He attempted to obtain
a few words with the Director General, whom he saw
mounting his horse, but Stuyvesant gave the sergeant
to understand that he would speak with Bowne only on
the condition, that he would put off his hat and stand
bareheaded in his presence, which Bowne declared he
could not do. Stuyvesant anticipated the same refusal
on the following day, when Bowne was brought for
trial to the court room. As soon as he heard the
approach of the prisoner, even before he came into view,
the Director General bade him to take off his hat, but,
before John Bowne could refuse, he commanded the
Schout to give him the necessary assistance to comply
with the demand. Stuyvesant himself read the ordi-
nance against conventicles to the prisoner, but Bowne
denied that he had kept meetings of "heretics, deceivers
and seducers", as he could not admit the servants of
the Lord to be such. Stuyvesant refused to argue and
bluntly asked if he would deny that he had kept con-
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 237
venticles in his house. Bowne refused at first to
incriminate himself, but then declared that he would
not ask the court to prove the charge, that he was in
their hands ready to suffer whatever they were allowed
by God to inflict upon him. Finally, the prisoner gave
the court to understand the condition of his family and
the cruelty of separating him from them in these cir-
cumstances, but Stuyyesant placed the responsibility
of this on John Bowne himself, who had occasioned his
arrest by his refusal to obey the ordinances of the
government. John Bowne was now removed again to
his place of confinement, while the court deliberated on
the nature of the offence and the extent of the penalty
to be imposed. The Court found that the prisoner had
not only provided with lodgings some of that heretical
and abominable sect named Quakers, but even
permitted them to keep their forbidden meetings in his
house, at which he assisted with his whole family.
Thus the abominable sect, that vilifies the magistrates
and preachers of God's Holy Word, that endeavors to
undermine both the State and Religion, found encour-
agement in its errors and seduced others from the right
path with the dangerous consequences of heresy and
schism. He was, therefore, fined twenty-five pounds
on September 14, with the costs of the trial, and warned
to abstain in the future from all such conventicles and
meetings under the penalty of paying double that
amount for the second offence, and of being banished
from the Province for the third offence.' The Schout
then privately informed John Bowne of the fine imposed
* Council minute, September 14, 1662, printed in full in
Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 77-78.
238 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
and told him that he must remain until the fine was
paid. The next day official notice of the fine was
served on the prisoner, but he refused to pay anything
on that account.*
At Gravesend, John Tilton and Mary, his wife, were
also taken prisoners and transported to New Amsterdam
to be tried for.having attended meetings and for having
lodged persons of the abominable sect of the Quakers.*
Goody Tilton was furthermore charged with "having,
like a sorceress, gone from door to door to lure even
young girls to join t;he Quakers."' Two days after
these complaints were made before the court, the
Director General and Council issued an ordinance which
interdicted under severe penalties the public exercise
of any but the Reformed Religion, "either in houses,
bams, ships or yachts, in the woods or fields, the provi-
sion of heretics, vagabonds or strollers with accommo-
dations, and the introduction and distribution of all
seditious or seducing books, papers or letters." The
ordinance also required the registration of all persons
arriving in the province,within six weeks of their advent,
at the secretary's office, where they were also then to
take the oath of allegiance. The execution of the
ordinance was to be ensured by the provision, that all
magistrates conniving at the violation of this statute
were to be deposed from their office and declared
incompetent to hold any public trust in the future.*
Two weeks after the proclamation of this ordinance,
* Journal of John Bowne, Amer. Hist. Rec. i. 4-8
2 Council minute, September ig, 1662. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist.
MSS. (Dutch), i.240.
' Thompson, Hist, for Long Island, ii. 295.
* O'Callaghan, Hist of New Netherland, ii. 454-5-
PERSECUTION OP THE QUAKERS 239
Johij and Mary Tilton were sentenced to be banished
from the province. On the same day, Micah Spicer
and her son Samuel, were also ordered to leave the
province, as they were found guilty of harboring
Quakers and distributing seditious and seducing pamph-
lets to propagate their heresy.*
When John Bowne continued firm in his refusal to
submit to the Court's sentence, he was removed, on* the
twenty-fifth of September, to the dungeon, where the
guard of soldiers received a strict charge to allow no
one by day or night to visit the prisoner, who was to be
permitted nothing but coarse bread and water. The
following month, he was again removed to the Stadt-
house, where this severity was relaxed, "the door being
open sometimes for a week together, sometimes more,
sometimes less, both day and night." During this
time, he received the visits of his wife and of his friends,
and sometimes even went abroad in New Amsterdam.
His liberty was again more restricted, when, on the
fourteenth of December, the Director General and Coun-
cil "for the welfare of the community and to crush, as
far as it is possible, that abominable sect, who treat
with contempt both the political magistrates and
the ministers of God's Holy Word and endeavor to
undermine the police and religion, resolved to transport
from this province the aforesaid John Bowne, if he
continues obstinate and pervicatious, in the first ship
ready to sail, for an example to others."^ John Bowne
was now anxious to obtain an opportunity to plead his
•Council minute, October 5, 1662; O'Callaghan, Cal. of
Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 240.
2 Council minute, December 14, 1662. Thompson, Hist, of
Long Island, ii. 78
240 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
cause before the court, but Stuyvesant refused to
grant this request of the prisoner and insisted that he
either pay the fine or go into exile, but he allowed him
to go home for a chest and clothes. Later William
Leveridge was authorized to tell Bowne, that* if he
would promise to go out of the Dutch jurisdiction
within three months, he would be set free the next day,
but John Bowne refused to give any answer to this
proposition, except to the Director General in person.
William Leveridge neglected to deliver the message to
Stuyvesant, who now had the prisoner kept more
closely than before in his place of confinement. On
the last day of December, John Bowne was offered the
liberty to visit, for the first days of the new year, his
wife and friends, on the condition that he would
promise to return to New Amsterdam on the evening
of the third day. The Schout also told him that the
Director General was still willing to set him free, if he
would promise to remove with his family out of his
jurisdiction within a month, but John Bowne refused
to entertain this proffer of Stujrvesant. Faithful to
his promise, Bowne returned to New Amsterdam before
the expiration of his leave of absence, and then was
allowed the freedom of the town. He could learn
nothing of the intentions of the authorities, although his
chest, clothes, and bedding were still retained in prison.
When a ship was about to sail, Bowne met Resolved
Waldron. Upon the enquiries of the Quaker, the Schout
saw the Director General, and then told Bowne to
bring his things from prison and to transfer them to
the boat. John Bowne now succeeded in obtaining an
interview with Stuyvesant, who was very moderate in
PERSECUTION OP THE QUAKERS 24I
his conversation with the Quaker. He refused to argue,
but, on the request of John Bowne, willingly gave him a
written statement that he was banished from the coun-
try for not submitting to the sentence of the Court.
The Quaker was, however, not satisfied with the wording
of the statement, which doubtless was not more com-
plimentary to that sect than the other official docu-
ments on this case. The Director again offered Bowne
his liberty, if he would promise to leave his jurisdiction
in three months. Bowne would not yield, but pro-
tested his innocence of any crime and of any desire to
obtain revenge for the evil that they had done him,
which moved the Director General to thank him and
to call him Goodman Bowne. Nevertheless, on Jan-
uary eighth, the Director General and Council com-
manded him to depart on the ship Fox, now ready to
sail, while it was once more left to his choice either to
obey and submit to the judgment of the court or at the
sight of the order tb depart.* In the evening of the
same day, he was carried on board the ship, which set
sail the following day for Holland. Stuyvesant sent a
report of the case to the Directors at Amsterdam, in
which he complained of John Bowne, as a disturber of
the peace, who "obstinately persisted in his refusal to
pay the fine imposed by the Court of the province of
New Netherland, and who now was banished" in the
hope that other dissenters might be discouraged. The
Director General also declared that he was determined
to adopt "more severe prosecutions," if this example
1 Council minute, January 8, 1663, in full in Thompson, Hist,
of Long Island, ii. 78.
342 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
should fail to deter these sectarians from further
contempt of authority in Church and State.*
When the Directors at Amsterdam received Stuy-
vesant's letter, they felt that it was time again to
restrain the religious zeal of the Director General
within the limits which they thought would not injure
the interests of their colony. While they were also
heartily desirous of seeing theProvince free from
Quakers and other sectarians, their zeal for the re-
ligious unity of the Province was tempered by the fear
that a too rigorous policy might diminish the popula-
tion and stop immigration, which had to be favored at
this early stage of the development of the colony.
Stuy^esant was, therefore, told, in liie letter' of the
Directors of April i6, 1663, that he might shut his eyes
to the presence of dissent in New Netherland, or at
least that he was not to force the conscience, but to allow
everyone to have his own belief, as long as he
behaved quietly and legally, gave no offence to his
neighbors, and did not oppose the goverrmient. The
Directors referred Stuyvesant to the moderation, prac-
ticed towards all forms of dissent in the City of Amster-
dam, which made it the asylum of the persecuted and
oppressed from every country, with the result of a large
increase of its population. The same blessing would
follow an imitation of this policy of moderation in the
colony of New Netherland. The letter of the Directors
of the Amsterdam Chamber has generally been inter-
preted in the light of an edict of toleration extended to
the Province of New Netherland, with which all per-
1 O'Callaghan, Hist of New Netherland, iL 456-T, Brodhead,
Hist, of New York, i. 706.
2 Col. Docs. N. Y xiv. 526.
PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKfeRS 243
secution of the Quakers ceased until the termination of
the Dutch rule,* It is true that the acts of repression,
executed by the Council of New Netherland during
the month of May, in all likelihood preceeded the arrival
of this letter in New Amsterdam. Thus on May 7th,
the Fiscal was ordered to make an inventory of the
property of John Tilton of Gravesend, who was then in
prison.* Ten days later, a warrant was grant^ to
remove the prisoner and his wife, Mary Tilton, from the
province.' On the same day, a new ordinance* was
issued by the provincial government, which in-
flicted heavy penalties upon skippers and barques,
smuggling into the country any of those "abomin-
able imposters, runaways and strolling people called
Quakers." There is, however, no doubt, that the Dutch
minister Polhemus of Midwout, who in all his corre-
spondence keeps himself free from the persecuting
spirit of his fellow ministers in New Amsterdam,
referred to a common measure of repression adopted
against Quakers, when he wrote to the Classis of
Amsterdam only four months before Stuyvesant's
capitulation to the English: "The Quakers also are
compelled to go before the court, and be put under oath ;
but such compulsion is displeasing to God.'" In fact,
the letter of the Directors only requests Stuyvesant iq
connive at dissent within his jurisdiction, but, at the
same time, entertains the thought that such connivance
might not be possible, and, in this event, it merely reit-
* Brodhead, Hist, of New York, i. 707; O'Callaghan, Hist, of
New Netherland, iL 457.
» Council minute. O'Callaghan, CaL Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 346.
' Council minute. Ibid: 247.
* Ibid. Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii. 295.
» Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. S44.
244 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
erates the command given repeatedly by the Directors
in previous letters on similar occasions, at least to
admit freedom of conscience, to allow every inhabitant
of the Province to have his own belief. A more liberal
interpretation of the letter also makes the conduct of
the Directors towards John Bowne unintelligible.'
When John Bowne arrived in Amsterdam, he went
to the West India House and submitted a petition to
the Directors, which they referred to a special com-
mittee. The festivities of the season delayed a hearing
of the case for two weeks, after which Bowne, with a
companion, William Caton, was summoned to appear
before the members of this committee, who, at the time,
were very moderate towards the Quaker, not speaking
one word in approval of Stuyvesant's persecution.
Nevertheless, when John Bowne demanded the revoca-
tion of the sentence of the Provincial Court, the com-
mittee declared that they had not the power to fulfill
his request, but that they would refer the matter to the
Company. New difficulties arose, when John Bowne
attempted to obtain his personal effects from the ware-
house of the West India Company. His petition to
this effect had been granted by the committee, but the
keeper of the warehouse with his subordinate officials,
refused to deliver his goods, unless he paid for his pas-
sage from New Netherland, for which they received
the approval of the Company.
Bowne also made an attempt to engage a passage
back to New Netherland, and the merchant consented
1 Journal of John Bowne, Amer. Hist. Rec. i. 4-8. The
Journal substitutes numbers for the names of the month and begins
the year in March, which is, therefore, the first month of the year
in Bowne's system of chronology.
PERSECUTION OP THE QUAKERS 245
to give him a berth, if he could obtain a pass from the
West India Company. When Bowne submitted his
petition to the Directors, he was asked whether he
intended to return to the colony to bring his wife and
children to Holland. When he stated that his inten-
tion was to labor and maintain them there as he had
done before, he was told that the Directors thought it
would be best for him to stay in Holland and to»send
for his wife and children, as the Company does not give
liberty there. Bowne then appealed to the liberty
guaranteed in the Flushing patent, which had been
granted by the Director General Kieft, but the Director
Perkens claimed that this patent was granted, when
nothing or little was heard in the colony of the people
of his persuasion. Bowne urged that the Quakers were
a peaceable people, but he was told that their, opposition
to the laws of the province proved the contrary to
be the case. Although Bowne retorted that these laws
were contrary to justice and righteousness and a viola-
tion of the privileges of their patent, the Directors
insisted that all those, who were unwilling to become
subject to the ordinances of the colony, would not be
permitted to live under their jurisdiction, but, at the same
time, they were ready to draw up the conditions, on
which they would allow him to return to New Nether-
land. When Bowne received this paper to sign, he
foimd the terms to be contrary to his conscience, faith
and religion.* He immediately wrote a letter to the
West India Company in reply. He had expected
1 Letter of John Bowne to West India Co., in Thompson,
Hist, of Long Island, ii. 387-88; Mandeville, Flushing Past and
Present, 119-120. ^
246 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
justice from the Directors of the Company, but only
beheld additional oppression. Although his perse-
cutors had thus mocked at the oppression of the
oppressed, and added afflictions to the afflicted, he still
prayed that the Lord would not lay this to their charge,
but give them eyes to see and hearts to do justice, that
they may find mercy with the Lord in the day of judg-
ment. As late as the ninth of Jtme, he complained
in his letter ' to his wife, that the Company detained
his goods and denied him a passage home except on
conditions, so gross and unreasonable, that he chose to
suffer want of the dear company of his wife and chil-
dren, imprisonment of his person, the ruin of his estate in
his absence there, and the loss of his goods here, rather
than to yield or consent to such injustice. At length,
Bowne did become quite free of the Directors, and he tells
us inhis journal that he againarrived atNew Amsterdam
early in the year 1664. He immediately proceeded to
his home in Flushing, which was the first house he
entered in the country. It is said that John Bowne
again met the old Governor after the establishment of
the English rule, as a private citizen, who then seemed
ashamed of what he had done, and glad to see the
Quaker safe home again. ^
* Letter printed in full in Thompson, Hist, of Long Island, ii.
386-7.
^ Besse, Sufferings of the Quakers, ii. 237. Besse's account,
of the Bowne case is inaccurate.
CHAPTER VIII
«
^ The Persecution of the Jews
A few years previous to the outbreak of religious
persecution in New T^etherland, the Jews had begun
to immigrate into this Province. They also had to
suffer under the measures which the civil authorities
adopted for the repression of dissent. However, the
motives that influenced the persecution of the Jews were
not merely of a religious nature, as economical reasons
alsq entered even in a larger measure. This is evidenced
in the nature of the civil disabilities to which the Jews
alone were subject.
Stuyvesant seemed to have felt what Usselinx so
eloquently urged, when the Portuguese Jews invited
the Dutch West India Company to invade Brazil. "No
trust should be placed in the promises made there by
the Jews, a race faithless and pusillanimous, enemies
to all Christians, caring not whose house bums so long
as they may warm themselves at the coals, who wotdd
rather see a hundred thousand Christians perish than
suffer the loss of a hundred crown. ' '* The clergy of
New Netherland manifested even less tolerance
towards the newly arrived Jews than their brethren in
'Jameson, William Usselinx. Papers, A. H. A., ii. 76
(247)
248 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Brazil, who, with the zealous support of the Classis of
Amsterdam, had forced the civil authorities, in 1638, to
forbid the free exercise of the Jewish religion in public,
that had been guaranteed them on the conquest of the
country by the Dutch.'
Stuyvesant's opposition to the Jews was not
prompted merely by inborn prejudice. It was doubt-
lessly influenced by his unfortunate experience with
the Jewish colony, established in 1652 on the island of
Curasoa, which, with the adjoining islands of Aruba and
Bonaire, was subject to his authority under a vice-
director. The Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber
had entertained the thought of abandoning the island
of Curagoa, which yielded no satisfactory revenue,'
when a new opportunity to develop the resources of the
island was presented in its colonization with Jews.
Jan de Ulan, a Jew, was made a patroon of a colony on
making known to the Directors of the Amsterdam
Chamber his intention to transport a good number of
colonists of his own nation there to settle and cultivate
the land. Although the Directors suspected that he
and his associates were planning to trade from Curagoa
to the West Indies and the Main, they were willing to
make the experiment and time would show whether
they could succeed with this nation, characterized by
them as "crafty and generally treacherous."' Stuy-
vesant, far from being hostile to this enterprise, ex-
1 Netscher, Les HoUandais au Brtsil, 94-oS • f°*' the action of
the Classis of Amsterdam, cf. Eccl. Recs. N.Y. i. 196; 204; 206. In
both reference is also made to the persecution suffered by Catholics.
2 Directors to Stuyvesant, March 21, 1651. Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 135.
'Directors to Stuvyesant, April 4, 1652, Ibid. 172; also letter
cited above.
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 249
pressed his satisfaction at the establishment of the
Jewish Colony.* The Directors now granted a similar
privilege to a Portuguese Jew, Joseph Fonseca, alias
David Nassy, who was preparing to take a large num-
ber of colonists to the island.* The charter granted
to Jan de Ulan contained the usual provisions found
in the charters for patroons in New Netherland except
in the matter of religion. The Directors granted
freedom of worship to the Jews, but the patroon was
forbidden to compel any Christian colonists under his
authority to work on the Christian Sabbath, on which
even the Jews were not permitted to labor. The
exercise of the Christian faith was still more safeguarded
by the clause which prohibited the Jews from disturbing
1 Col. Docs. N.Y. xiv 172. : "You think we have done well in
treating with Jean Dillan about establishing a colony at Curapoa. "
^ The plan of David Nassy also to establish a colony in Curagoa
was not realized. Later he turned his attention to another field
of colonial enterprise. Guiana was claimed exclusively by the
Zealand Chamber for colonization, but some individuals petitioned
permission to erect a colony on the Wild Coast from the Chamber
of Amsterdam, which now asserted its right to send colonists
thither. The dispute, which ensued, was adjusted September 3,
1659, by the compromise to permit all the Chambers of the Com-
pany to send colonies to Guiana in places not preempted by others.
^fine days later, David Nassy, with his associates, received a charter
for a colony in Cayenne with the most liberal provisions, which
mark a large departure from the religious policy followed by the
Chamber of Amsterdam in its Province of New Netherland. Article
vii grants religious liberty to all denominations in these terms:
"It shall be permitted to the Jews to have freedom of conscience
with public worship, and a synagogue and school, in the same man-
ner as is allowed in the City of Arasterdam, in accordance with
the doctrines of their elders, without hindrance as well in the
district of this Colony, as in other places of our Dominions, and that
they shall enjoy all Liberties and Exemptions of other colonists
as long as they remain there; but the aforesaid Patroon and his
partners shall be bound to preserve the said freedom of conscience
to all the other colonists of any nation whatever, and that with the
worship and public rites of the Reformed, or any other that may
happen to be in the country." However, the religious liberty
conceded in these terms was not absolute, as Article xiv
restricts the Governing Council to members of the Reformed
2 5P RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Christian worship or giving any offense to the Christian
conscience.*
In spite of these liberal conditions of their charter,
the Jewish colony proved rather detrimental than profit-
able to the Company, which had been deceived both
in regard to the resources of the projectors of this
Jewish colonization and also in regard to the inten-
tions of the patroon himself and his associates. Jan
de Ulan was deep in debt for the horses furnished him
by the Company for his colony, where there was nothing
which might be seized as security for its payment. The
Directors also then learned that his partners in Holland
possessed nothing. The Company owed him about
3,000 guilders for flour and clothing, which he had
delivered to its servants, but even after the deduction
Faith: "The Company shall appoint in the aforesaid Colony a
Schout for the maintenance of Justice and. Police, provided the
state of the colony be such as shall justify the appointment of a
Governing Council, in which case the patroon or patroons shall
nominate two of the most able persons living in the Colony being
Dutch Christians of the Reformed Religion, through whom the
Schout, as representative of the Company, may have supreme con-
trol in the country. " This charter was modelled on the privileges
granted the year previous by the Zealand Chamber to the people
of the Hebrew Nation that had gone to the Wild Coast. The Eger-
ton MSS. No. 2395, Pol. 46 in the British Museum, discovered by Mr.
Lucien Wolfe of London, has been rightly identified by Oppenheim
as a translation of the grant of the Zealand Chamber to the Jews,
which was sent by some agent, probably to Thurloe. It is men-
tioned by Charles Longland in his letter from Leghorn to Crom-
well's secretary, John Thurloe. Cf. An Earhr Jewish Colony in
Western Guiaiia. Supplemental data, by Samuel Oppenheim.
Pubs. Amer. Jewish Hist. Soc, No. 17, p. S4- Pubs. Amer.
Jewish Hist. Soc, No. 16; Oppenheim, Early Jewish Colony in
Western Guiana. (The appendix contains important documents.)
Cf. also Report of U. S. Commission on Venezuela-British Guiana
Boundary.
' Cone, G. Herbert, The Jews in Curajoa, Pubs. Amer. Jewish
Hist. Soc, No, 10, pp. 148; Van der Kemp, Ms. Translation, Dutch
Recs. N. Y. viii. 34; O'Callaghan, Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. (Dutch),
i. 329.
PERSECUTION OP THE JEWS 251
of this sum, there was still a large balance due to the
Company.* The conduct of the Jewish colonists also
gave the authorities a just cause of complaint, which
continually recurs in the letters of the vice-director
and of the Company. The Jews neglected to cultivate
the land, and employed all their time in cutting log-
wood, which,|with horses, they exported to the Carribean
Islands. The Directors realized that, if this trad§ were
not restrained, soon nothing of either article would be
left in Curagoa. The vice-director was, therefore, com-
manded to adopt the measures necessary to prevent
the destruction of logwood and its exportation, as
these woods were reserved exclusively to the Company.
The Company also prohibited the exportation of horses
from Curajoa, Bonaire and Aruba, as they were to
remain in the islands to be used in time in the Province
of New Netherland.^ The Directors had reason to
fear that the Jews would become a burden to the
magazine of the Company,' because, through the neglect
of agriculture, they did not provide themselves with the
first necessaries of life.* They were, therefore, deter-
mined to enforce the contract with the patroon, which
bound the Jews to cultivate the land they occupied
under the penalty of its forfeiture. The Jews were
also brought into bad repute by the sale of their wares
•Van der Kemp, Ms. Translation, Dutch Recs. N.Y. viii. 107,
Letter of Vice-Director Rodenburch to Directors, April 2, 1654.
In Cone, 1. c. 172.
2 Chamber of Amsterdam to Director of W. I. Co., June 7,
1653; Van der Kemp 1. c, iv. loi; Cone, 1. c,. 151.
'Directors to Stuyvesant, December 13, 1652, Col. Docs.
N. Y. xiv. 193.
* Chamber of Amsterdam to Directors of W. I. Co., June 6,
1653, Van der Kemp,l c, iv. loi ; in Cone, Thejews of Curagoa,
1. C, p. 151- oiiitiar'Sv.....^.
252 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
at an exorbitant price. They were selling old curtains
and other shreds at three times the priqe for which
they might have been obtained in Holland. Jan de
Illan in fact had asked the vice-director to credit the
Indian chief with one hundred and fifty R. Dall.,
which he claimed to have delivered him in goods. On
enquiry , it was learned that the value of the goods
delivered would not exceed the sum of fl.25.17 in the
fatherland. This was merely an example of a practise
common among the Jews. However, the vice-director
hoped to put a stop to such extortion, as Jan de Illan
would lose the privileges of his patroonship because of
his failure to fulfil its stipulations, which amongst other
things bound him to have fifty settlers in his colony
■within four years. There were then not more than ten or
twelve, and these wished to leave him and become
planters under the direct jurisdiction of the Company.'
When the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber received
a report of the conditions existing in the Jewish colony,
they decided to furnish the vice-director goods, with
which he might be able to supply the colonists at a
reasonable price and thus put an end to the extortion
of the Jews. However, they refused to permit the
colonists to leave the settlement of Jan de Illan until
the expiration of the time of their service, when they
would be free to go.^ Two years later the vice-direc-
tor Beck wrote Stuyvesant that three or four Jews
solicited permission to leave the island, to which he
readily consented, as their presence was more injurious
* Vice-Director Rodenburch to Directors, April .t, 1654
Van der Kemp, 1. c, viii. 107, in Cone, 1. c, 132.
2 Directors to Vice-Director Rodenburch, July 7, 1654, Van
der Kemp, 1. c, viii. cited in Cone, 1. c, 152-3.
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 253
than profitable.' A knowledge of these occurrences
made Stuyvesant hostile to the Jews in New Nether-
land, where the first Jew arrived in 1654.^ His opposi-
tion to the Jews increased on the arrival of a number
of this nation in extreme poverty, which occasioned
the first measures of repression against the Jews.
In September, 1654, twenty-three Jews were brought
in his ship by Master Jacques de la Motthe, wha had
made a contract with his Jewish passengers, by which
each individual Jew was held jointly for the freight
and board of the whole company from St. Anthony in
the West Indies to New Netherland.' On their
arrival at New Amsterdam, there was still a balance of
5.1567 due to the captain of the vessel, which the Court
ordered to be paid according to contract within forty-
eight hours from the date of its decision. Meanwhile,
the furniture and other property of the Jews on board
the ship were to be retained as security.* On the
' Letter, March 21, 1656, 1. c.
2 This was the Jewish merchant, Jacob Barsitnson. His
passage money is recorded as paid August 22. The list of immi-
f rants on the ship Pear Tree also contains the Jewish name of
acob Aboaf, but he stopped off in England, according to a mem-
orandum in the list itself. Cf. the passage from N. Y. Col. MSS.
xiv. 83, printed by Oppenheim in his Early Hist, of the Jews in
New York, p. 3. The beginning of the Jewish immigration into
the Province of New Netherland has been placed in the year 1652,
when the Directors of the Company are said to have sent to New
Amsterdam some Jews to serve as soldiers for the term of one year.
This statement was based on a misreading of the word "few" in
the MS. translation as "Jew." The original Dutch has
"eenige weynich" "some few." Cf. Oppenheim, 1. c, p. 2.
' The location of this Cape St. Anthony in the West Indies
has been the subject of much speculation. Cf. Hiihner, Leon.
Whence came the First Jewish Settlers of New York. Pubs.
Amer. Jewish Hist Soc. No. 9 His whole argumeipitation is
called into question by Oppenheim in the work cited above.
* Court minutes, September 7, 1654, Recs. New Ainsterdam,
i. 240.
254 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
expiration of this time, de la Motthe was authorized, in
case of non-pajnment within four days, to have the
goods of the two greatest debtors, Abraham Israel and
Judicq de Mereda, sold at public auction, and if the sum
thus realized proved insufficient, he was further-
more authorized to proceed in like manner with the
other Jewish passengers until the full acquittance of
the debt.* When the, sale of these goods still left a
balance, the Court, at the request of the master of the
vessel, placed under civil arrest two Jews as principals,
David Israel and Moses Ambrosius, who were held
for the payment of the balance.' The sailors now
brought a suit against Asser Levy, from whom they
demanded the payment of fl.io6 still remaining due,
but the Court upheld its previous decision, that the
two Jews, who had been taken as principals, were to be
held for the payment of the balance. Asser Levy had
made the plea that he was no longer bound to pay, as he
had offered to do so on the condition that his goods
should not be sold.* This plea did not save him from
condemnation, when Rycke Notmes tried to recover
fl.ios.i8 from Asser Levy, as her goods had been sold
by auction to pay his freight over and above her own
debt.* The Court ordered him to satisfy her claims
within fourteen days. When the sailors promised to
wait for the payment of the balance of the freight of
the Jews until the arrival of ships from the fatherland,
' Court minutes, September lo, 1634, Recs. New Amsterdam,
i. 341.
» Court minutes, September 16, 1654, Ibid. 244.
» Court minutes, October 5, 1654. Ibid. 249.
* Court minutes, October 19, 1654. Ibid. 354.
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 255
her attorney was able to obtain the money still in the
hands of the secretary.'
Although the Jews wished to remain, Stuyvesant
required them in a friendly way to leave New Nether-
land, as the Jews were repugnant to the Dutch
inferior magistrates and people "on account of their
customary usury and deceitful trading with Chris-
tians," and also as the deaconry anticipated tha^ the
Jews, in the poverty to which they had been reduced
by the lawsuit of Jacques de la Motthe, would later
become a public charge.' In fact, during the winter
the Jews did come several times to the house of Domine
Megapolensis, weeping and bemoaning their lot. When
the Jewish merchant refused to lend them even a few
stivers, they became a heavy charge to the Dutch com-
munity, which had to spend several hundred guilders
for their support.^ Meanwhile, Stuyvesant tried to
forestall all future Jewish immigration into the colony
and petitioned the Directors of the Amsterdam Cham-
ber that "the deceitful race — such hateful enemies and
blasphemers of the name of Christ — be not allowed
further to infect and trouble this new colony." The
Directors did "raise obstacles to the giving of permits
' Court minutes, October '26, 1654. Recs. of New Amsterdam,
259,
2 Extract from a letter of the Director Peter Stuy-
vesant to the Amsterdam Chamber, September 22, 1654. MS. in
Library of Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania, printed by Oppenheim.
Early Hist, of Jews in New York, pp. 4-5.
3 This was Jacob Barsimson, who does not appear to have been
rich at this time. Megapolensis wrote "cooplieden," then crossed
out "lieden," and wrote over the correction "man." The pro-
noun following is singular, "hij " "Waneer ick haar totte jo-
densche coppman wees, soo seijden sij dat hij haar niet een eenigen
stuijver wilde verschieten. " Cf. Oppenheim, Early Hist, of
Jews in New York, pp. 49-52. Text, pp. 73-74.
256 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
and passports to the Portuguese Jews to travel and to
go to reside in New Netherland." The Jewish mer-
chants of Amsterdam protested against this injury to
their nation, which would also turn out to the disad-
vantage of the Company itself. The Jews, who in
Brazil had risked their possessions and their blood in
the defense of the country, were now dispersed here
and there in great poverty and could only retrieve their
shattered fortunes in some Dutch colony under the
; protection of the Company, as opportunities were not
sufficient for all in Holland, and they could not go to
Spain or Portugal on account of the Inquisition. There
were powerful reasons urged in favor of a Jewish immi-
gration to New Netherland by these Portuguese mer-
chants. A Jewish immigration to New Netherland
would increase the iiumber of loyal subjects in the
colony and result in an increase of its revenues. Then
there were many Jews amongst the principal share-
holders of the West India Company, who had always
worked for its best interests and had even lost immense
sums of money in its shares and obligations. The plea
was successful, although the Directors confessed to
Stuyvesant their desire to fulfill his request.* Formal
permission was now given to the Jews to travel, reside
and traffic in New Netherland, "provided they shall
not become a charge upon the deaconry or the Com-
pany."' The following spring began the new immi-
' Directors to Stuyvesant, April .26, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 31s; Petition of the Jewish Nation, January 1655, MS. in
the Library of the Hist. Soc. of Pa., printed by Oppenheim, Early
Hist of the Jews in New York, pp. 9-13.
2 This was done on February 22, 1655. Cf. Council minutes,
March 14,1656, vi, 321. O'Callaghan.Cal. Hist. MSS. (Dutch), i. 162,
Directors to Stuyvesant, June 14, 1656. Col. Docs. N. Y. xiv.
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 257
gration of the Jews, among whom were the merchants
Abraham de Lucena, Salvator d'Andrada, and Jacob
Cohen, who announced that others of the same nation
would follow later. A rumor arose in the town that, as
soon as the Jews were sufficiently numerous, they would
erect a synagogue for the exercise of their worship.
The Dutch minister, Megapolensis, was immediately
alive to the dangers of such a toleration of the Jews,
"who have no other God than the unrighteous Mammon
and no other aim than to get possession of Christian
property, and to ruin all other merchants by drawing
all trade to themselves." He earnestly requested the
Qassis of Amsterdam to use its influence with the
Directors of the Company to have "these godless
rascals, who are of no benefit to the country, but look
at everything for their own profit," removed from the
Province. He felt that there would be still greater con-
fusion created, if the obstinate and immovable Jews
came to settle in New Netherland, where there were
"Papists, Mennonites and Lutherans amongst the Dutch,
also many Puritans or Independents, and various other
servants of Baal among the English under this govern-
ment, who conceal themselves under the name of Chris-
tians."' The minister's wish had already beeii antici-
pated by the Director General and Council, who
resolved that the Jews, who had arrived last year and
3 S 1. 1 Petition of the Jews to trade on the South River, Council
minute, November 29, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 117-118.
'Megapolensis to Classis of Amsterdam, March 18, 1655.
Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 335-6. The same ground was taken by the
Classis of Amsterdam in its efforts to have the toleration of Lutheran
worship refused, "for the Mennonites and English Independents,
of whom there is said to be not a few, might have been led to under-
take the same thing in their turn, and would probably have at-
tempted to introduce public gatherings "
2S8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
in the spring of this year, were to prepare to leave at
once. When the Burgomasters and Schepens took
cognizance of this resolution, they had no objection to
urge, but decided that the resolution "should take its
course." They had just begun the trial of a Jew,
Abraham de Lucena, charged with the double offense
of keeping open his store during the sermon and selling
by retail, for which the Schout of the City demanded
the Jew to be deprived of his trade and condemned to a
fine of six hundred guilders.' The Directors foresaw
the same difficulties from Jewish residents in New
Netherland as Stuyvesant did, and "would have liked to
effectuate and fulfill" his wishes, but they felt unable to
approve his policy in this respect, which they con-
sidered somewhat unreasonable and unfair, as the Jews
had suffered considerable loss from the reconquest of
Brazil by the Portuguese, and as they also still had
large sums of money invested in the shares of the West
India Company, of which it stood sorely in need in its
present bankrupt condition.* They were, therefore,
determined to regulate their conduct towards the Jews
in New Netherland according to the concessions made
by the Company on February 22, 1655, "provided the
poor among them shall not become a burden to the
Company or the community, but be supported by their
own Nation."
The Jews now endeavored to obtain several conces-
sions from the provincial government. On July 27, 1655,
1 Recs. of New Amsterdam, i. 290-291.
2 Directors to Stuyvesant, April 26, ifiSS- Col Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 315. Revised version in Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews
in New York, p. 8. Manasseh Ben Israel in his Humble Address
to Cromwell: "The Jews were enjoying a good part of the (Dutch)
East and West India Companies. "
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 259
Abraham de Lucena, Salvador D'Andrada, and Jacob
Cohen petitioned the Director General for the conces-
sion of a burial place for the Jews. They were given
the permission to bury their dead anywhere in ground
belonging to the Company, that had not yet been appro-
priated for any other purpose.* In February of the
following year, on the presentation of a new petition,
Nicasius de Sille and Cornelius van Tienhoven were
authorized to show the same petitioners a suftable
spot for a burial-ground outside of the city.' They
were less successful in urging the recognition of their
civil privileges. The increase of the Jewish population
in New Amsterdam gave rise to a discussion of their
military service, especially at the time of the expedition
against the Swedes. The question, whether the Jewish
residents should also train and mount guard, was
presented by the captains and officers of the trainbands
to the Director General and Council, who recognized the
disinclination and unwillingness of these trainbands
to be fellow soldiers with the aforesaid nation and to be
on guard with them in the same guard-house. It was,
furthermore, urged that no city in the Netherlands
admitted Jews to the trainbands or common citizens'
guard. However, to prevent discontent among the Chris-
tian population, the Director General and Council pro-
fessed to follow the usages of the City of Amsterdam
and placed a tax of sixty-five stivers a month on each
male person over sixteen and under sixty years of age
to compensate for their exemption. The military
1 Coimcil minute, July 27, 1655, Van der Kemp, Translation
Dutch Recs. ii. 3 1 in Kohler, Phases of Jewish Life in New York
before 1800, ii. Pubs. Amer. Jewish Hist. Soc, No. 3, pp. 76-77.
2 Ibid. ii. 240; Kohler, Ibid. 77.
26o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
council of the citizens was authorized to carry into
effect this legislation and to cdllect the tax once every
month and, in case of refusal, to institute legal process
for its payment.' Jacob Barsimson and Asser Levy
then petitioned for leave to stand guard like other
Burghers of New Amsterdam or to be relieved from the
tax paid by the Jews, as "they must earn their living by
manual labor." "The Director General and Council
persist in the resolution passed, yet as the petitioners
are of opinion that the result of this will be injurious to
them, consent is hereby given to them to depart when-
ever and whither it pleases them."' A little later the
Jewish merchants submitted a petition for permission
to travel and trade on the South River, at Fort Orange
and other places, situated within the jurisdiction of the
Dutch government of New Netherland, in accordance
with the concessions, that they had received from the
West India Company in Amsterdam. The council
adopted the suggestion of Cornelius van Tienhoven,
who was of the opinion, that the concession of trading
privileges on the South River and at Fort Orange to
the Jews would be very injurious to the population
residing in these districts. He, therefore, advised that
the petition be denied for the coming winter and that a
full report of the matter be submitted to the Directors
in the fatherland. Meanwhile, these Jewish merchants
were allowed to dispatch one or two persons to the
South River to dispose of the goods that they had sent
there, without thereby establishing a precedent, to
1 Council minute, August 28, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y. xii. 96.
2 Council minute, Novemlaer 5, 1655, O'Callaghan, Cal.
Hist. MSS. N. Y. (Dutch) i. iss- N. Y. Col. MSS. vi. 147, in
Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York.
PERSECUTION OP THE JEWS 261
which the Jews might appeal later.* Stuyvesant had
already tried to win the Directors of the Amsterdam
Chamber to his anti-Semitic policy by pointing out the
dangers connected with further commercial concessions
to the Jews. "To give liberty to the Jews will be very
detrimental there, because the Christians there will
not be able at the same time to do business. Giving
them_iibertyj_ we cannot refuse the Lutherans and
Papists."' Stuyvesant mixed together here the inter-
ests of religion and the interests of trade, but the Direc-
tors insisted that the privileges granted by the Company
to the Jews in New Netherland were restricted to civil
and political rights without giving them a right to
claim the privilege of exercising their religion in a
synagogue or at a gathering.' The Directors were,
therefore, greatly displeased that Stuyvesant had
refused the Jews permission to trade at Fort Orange
and the South River and also to purchase real estate,
which had been granted this Nation in the Netherlands.
To show that his anxiety had not been premature,
Stuyvesant informed the Directors that the Jews had
many times requested "the free and public exercise
of their abominable religion. . . . What they may
obtain from your Honors, time will tell."*
1 Council minute, November 29, 1655. Col. Docs. N. Y.
xii. 1 1 7-1 18.
2 Bontemantel's abstract of Stuyvesant's letter to Directors,
October 30, 1655. MS. in Lenox Library, printed by Oppenheim,
o. c, p. 30 The Classis of Amsterdam wrote, May 26, 165 6. to
the Consistory of New Netherland: "We are informed that even
the Jews have made request of the Honorable Governor and have
also attempted in that country the exercise of their blasphemous
religion." Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 348.
* Directors toStuyvesant.March 13,1656. Col. Docs. N.Y.xiv. 341.
* Bontemantel's abstract of Stuvyesant's letter, June 10, 1656.
MS. in Lenox Library, printed by Oppenheim, o. c, p. 21.
262 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
A few months previous to this, Abraham de Lucena,
Jacob Cohen Henricus, Salvador D'Andrada, Joseph
D'Acosta and David Frera had requested the same
rights in matters of trade and in the acquisition of real
estate as the other citizens of the province on the plea
that these privileges were included in the grant received
from the Company and that they and their co-reHgion-
ists were assessed the same as other citizens.' One of
these Jews, Salvador D'Andrada, had purchased a house
in New Amsterdam at a public auction, but the sale
was cancelled on the contention that the Jews were
not allowed to hold real estate.' The authorities of
New Netherland refused to grant the requested right
of property to the Jews and awaited further instruc-
tions from Holland.' Although the Directors did
order Stuyvesant to give the Jews the rights of trade
and property, they did not give them full civil liberty,
inasmuch as the Jews were not allowed to exercise
any handicraft which they were prohibited to do in
Amsterdam, and were not allowed to have open retail
shops. Meanwhile, the reUgious privileges granted the
Jews were not greater nor less than those granted to
other forms of dissent in the Colony. They were
allowed to exercise in aU tranquillity their religion in
their houses, which were, therefore, to be built "close
1 Council minute, March 14, 1656. O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS.
(Dutch) i. 162.
2 Council minutes, December 17, 1655; December 23, 1655;
January 15, 1656; March 14, 1656, O'Callaghan, Ibid. pp. 156,
157. 162.
' "Ambachten op te stellen" wrongly translated by Berthold
Pernow as shall not "be employed in any public service."
O'Callaghan, Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, N. Y.
p. 104, rightly translates "to exercise any handicraft, " and
also Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York, p. 33, "to estab-
ish themselves as mechanics."
PERSECUTION OP THE JEWS 263
together in a convenient place on one or the other side
of New Amsterdam — at their own choice, as they have
done here."*
After this, the Jews must have acquired considerable
freedom in trade, as one of the points to be considered
in the meeting of the Director General and Burgo-
masters and Schepens in January, 1657, was the practice
of keeping open store and of selling by retail on the^art
of Jews and foreigners to the great detriment of the
interests of the citizens of the Province.^ Complaints
had been made that these men took the bread out of the
mouths of the good Burghery and resident inhabitants,
as they carried away the profits in time of peace and
abandoned the country in time of war. The Director
General and Council, therefore, decreed that henceforth
all traders, in virtue of the stapleright of New Amster-
dam, were to set up and keep open store in the city,
after having obtained the common or small burgher
right, without which no public store-business or handi-
craft could be exercised there.' The ordinance makes
no express mention of the Jews, although their trade
was seriously menaced, if its provisions were to be
strictly enforced. When Jacob Cohen Henricus
appeared, April 11, 1657, before the Court of Burgo-
masters and Schepens of New Amsterdam to obtain
1 Directors to Stuyvesant, June 14, 1656. Col. Docs. N. Y.
xiv. 3SI Oppenheim, Early Hist, of Jews in New York, p. 33-34.
^ Court minutes, January 8, 1657, Recs. of New Amsterdam
ii. 462. Before this, March IS, 1550: " On the proposition made
to the Court by some of the Bench that some order be concluded
for preparing the progress of this city in keeping open retail shops,
inasmuch as Jews and foreigners are as much encouraged as a
burgher or citizen, it is resolved that the same be taken into con-
sideration in full court." Recs. New Amsterdam, ii. p. 63.
' Court minute, January 30, 1657. Ibid, ii, 287.
264 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
permission "to bake and sell bread within the city as
other bakers, but with closed door," he was informed
that the request was directly contrary to the privileges
of the Burghery of this City and to the orders of the
Directors of the Company.' The Jews now realized
the necessity of obtaining the Burgher right to enable
them to continue in business, Asser Levy appeared
before the Court of the Burgomasters and Schepens and
requested to be admitted a Burgher. The request was
refused and the petitioner referred to the Director
General and Council,* to whom the Jews Salvador
D'Andrada, Jacob Cohen Henricus, Abraham de Lucena
and Joseph D'Acosta now appealed. They established
their right to be admitted to citizenship on the groimds,
that this privilege had been guaranteed them in the
concessions of the Company, that the Jews possessed
the right of citizenship in the City of Amsterdam, where
certificates of citizenship were issued to them, and
finally that the Jews, from the beginning of their resi-
dence in the Province of New Netherland, had borne
their share with others in every burden of the citizens
and continued to do so even then.° The appeal was
successful. The Burgomasters of the city were author-
ized and commanded to admit the remonstrants with
their Nation among the citizens of New Netherland.
Stu3rvesant evidently no longer dared to antagonize the
Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber who were favor-
able to the Jews. Although he still called the Jews
* Court minute, April 11, 1657. Recs. of New Amsterdam,
vii. 154.
2 Ibid.
' Council minute, April 20, 1657. Van der Kemp, Translations
of Dutch MSS. viii. $31. Revised Translation, m Oppenheim,
Early Hist, of Jews, p. 36,
PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS 265
"usurious and covetous, " when he wrote, on December
26, 1659, to the Directors for a regulation of the slave
trade on the favorable terms conceded to the Jews on
the establishment of the colony of the Jew, David Nassy,
at Cayenne,' he was careful not to offend the Jewish
conscience, when the instructions for the sworn butchers
were framed. A special oath was presented to the Jews ,
Asser Levy and Moses Lucena, that exempted them
from killing hogs, which their religion did not allow.*
* Stuyyesant to the Directors, December 26, 1659, Col. Docs.
N. y. xiv. 454-5. This is the regulation for the slave trade
in the Cayenne colony: "That on the aforesaid coast there shall
be delivered as many negroes as every one shall need, which shall
be paid for on the production of the receipts, throiagh some one
theretmto commissioned, the sum of 150 guilders in ready money
for a man or woman; two children from eight to twelve years to
be counted as a man or woman; below eight years three for one;
unweaned children to follow the mother, etc."
2 Court minutes, October 15 and 29, 1660, Recs. of New Am.-
sterdam, vii. 259, 261. Some other religious customs of the Jews
were respected before this. In June, 1658, two cases against Jacob
Barsimson were called before the municipal court of New Am-
sterdam. "Though the defendant is absent, yet no default is entered
against him, as he was summoned on his Sabbath. " Ibid. ii. pp.
396-397-
CHAPTER IX
Indian Missions in New Netherland
i. missionary labors of the dutch
The conversion of the American Indian usually
received at least some mention in the colonial projects
formed by Europeans in the seventeenth century.
Usselinx, in his plan for the organization of the West
India Company, used the missionary opportunities
offered in America as an argument to further the project.
"In the course of time the saving faith and gospel of
Jesus Christ might be planted there, whereby the
heathen would be rescued from the darkness of idola-
try."' The plans of William Usselinx were rejected
and the charter finally drawn up for the West India
Company made no mention of any design to convert
the Indians. However, the first Minister of the Pro-
vince of New Netherland, Jonas Michaelius, on his
arrival in 1628, gave some thought to this matter, but
the difficulties of the task so impressed him, that no
results were attained during his ministry. He
fotind the natives "entirely savage and wild, proficient
in all wickedness and godlesness, thievish, treacherous.
1 O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Netherland. i. 31 ; Brodhead. Hist,
of State of New York. i. 23.
(266)
MISSIONARY LABORS OP THE DUTCH 267
inhuman in their cruelty, serving no one but the devil,"
who, in the spirit Manitou, represented to them
everything that was "subtle, crafty and beyond human
skill and power." The ministers in the fatherland had
been led to believe that the Indian was docile and
naturally inclined to Christianity, as he manifested
right principles of religion and vestiges of the natural
law, but Michaelius failed to discover these favorable
traits in his character. After some preaching to the
Indians, Michaelius abandoned all thought of convert-
ing the adult savages and recommended the separation
of the children from their parents and from their whole
nation to prevent "heathenish tricks and deviltries"
from being implanted in their hearts. The obstacle
to this plan arose from the unwillingness of the Indians
to part with their children, for whom they entertained
a very strong affection, but the minister hoped to gain
their consent by means of presents and promises and to
have them placed "under the instruction of some experi-
enced and godly schoolmaster, by whom they may be
instructed not only to speak, read and write in our
language, but also especially in the fundamentals of our
Christian religion, with the good example of virtuous
living." It was his hope that these children would
become instruments of evangelization to their whole
nation. Although Michaelius expressed his intention
to seek better opportunities for the instruction of the
savages, there is no evidence of further missionary
labor on his part.'
Indian missions were, in fact, little favored by the
West India Company's policy in New Netherland, as
ti [,* Letter of Michaelius to Smoutius, Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 55-61.
268 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
the Company did not direct its efforts to the coloniza-
tion of the province. On the establishment of the
patroonships, the Company was even accused of trying
to paralyse the efforts of the patroons to populate their
colonies by its attempts to minimize the Freedoms and
Exemptions granted in the charter of 1629. Kiliaen
van Rensselaer in 1633 submitted a protest to the
Assembly of the XIX and petitioned the deputies of
the States General on this board for an extension of
privileges, by which would be promoted "above all
things the diffusion of the Christian Reformed Religion
in those regions."* He felt that this ought to bring
God's blessing on his undertaking.' In 1640, he in-
structed Arent van Curler to seize the opportunity,
offered by the presentation of some gifts to several
Indian chiefs from the patroon, to acquaint them with
God, "who each day lets his bountiful gifts come to man
through the fruitfulness, which he gives to the products
of the earth and to man's sinful body."' Two years
later, at the instance of the patroon, John Megapolensis
was called by the Classis of Amsterdam to "perform
the duty of the Gospel to the advancement of God's
Holy Name and the conversion of many poor blind
men" in the colony.* For the patroon did not merely
look "to the profits of his investment, but had in
especial view, by means of the settling of the country
and the practice of godliness, to have the Christian
1 Memorial. November 25, 1633. Van Rensselaer Bowier
MSS. p. 249. -r, , . •
2 Letter of Kiliaen Van Rensselaer to Planck, April 24, 1635,
Ibid. p. 314.
s Letter. July 2, 1641. Ibid. 508-9.
< Commission of Megapolensis from Classis, March 22, 1642.
Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 149.
MISSIONARY LABORS OF THE DUTCH 269
Reformed Religion proclaimed there, in order that the
blind heathen also might be brought to the knowledge
of our Saviour Jesus Christ. ' ' ' The Reverend Bogardus,
the successor of Michaelius in New Amsterdam, and his
entire consistory were exhorted to unite hands with
the new minister in this apostolic work,' which hitherto
had been aknost totally neglected in all but the Catholic
colonies. "Although some of the Reformed Religion —
English, Scotch, French and Dutch: — ^have already
taken up their habitations in those parts, yet hath their
going thither (as yet) been to small purpose for the con-
verting of those natives, either for that they have
placed themselves but in the skirts of America, where
there are but few natives (as those of New England) or
else for want of able and conscionable ministers (as
in Virginia) they themselves are become exceedingly
rude more likely to turn heathen than to turn others
to the Christian faith."' This last was the sad truth
in the Dutch colony almost from its very beginning.
DeRasiSres, in his visit to New Plymouth in 1627,*
noted the stringent laws and ordinances obtaining there
upon the subject of fornication and adultery, which
were maintained and enforced very strictly, even among
the Indian tribes living within its jurisdiction.
Knowledge of the dissolute conditions obtaining in
* Van Rensselaer Bowier, MSS. pp. 686-7.
2 Letter of the Classis of Amsterdam to the Consistory of New
Amsterdam, April 22, 1642. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 151.
s Castell, William. Minister of the Gospel at Courtenhall in
Northamptonshire. A Short Discoverie of the Coasts and Con-
tinents of America from the Ecquinotiall Northward, and of
adjacent Isles. London, 1644. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2nd Series,
Vol. iii. (1857), pp. 233-34.
* In regard to this visit cf. Bradford's History of Plymouth
Plantation, pp. 223-227 (ed. in Orig. Narratives of Early Am.
History).
270 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
New Netherland had come to these English from the
Indians, and the Dutch, who "lived so barbarously in
these respects and without punishment," were severely
and angrily censured by their Puritan neighbors.* This
evil had also become so bad in Rensselaerswyck
that the patroon found it necessary to promulgate a
placard against the sinful intercourse between the
Dutch and the heathen women and girls. The first
offense was punished by a fine of twenty-five guilders,
which was increased to fifty guilders, if the woman
became pregnant, and to one hundred guilders, if the
woman gave birth to a child.* Habitual illicit inter-
course entailed a yearly fine of fifty guilders and,"accord-
ing to the circumstances," banishment from the colony.
One third of the fines was to go to the officer, one-
third to the commander at Rensselaers-Steyn, and the
remainder to the patroon himself for the building of
the church.' The execution of this placard must have
been somewhat neglected, as the new minister, some-
time after his arrival in the colony, stated that the
"Dutchmen run . . . very much" after the Indian
1 Letter of De RasiSres, 1627. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. and Ser.
ii. (1849) P- 352. Narratives of New Netherlands, ed. Jameson,
p. 112.
^ It is hard to see how the increase of the fine in these last two
instances would not have led to race-suicide, if the ordinance could
have been enforced. Mrs. Schuyler van Rensselaer intimates that
this was the case. "The Dutch Records assert that, especially in
the early days of traffic and incipient colonization, many traders
lived with Indian women, yet they mention few half-breeds, and
no visible tinge of dark blood survived in the veins of the New
Netherlanders." Hist, of the City of New York. i. 56.
' Redress of the abuses and faults in the colony of Rensselaers-
wyck. Septembers, 1643. Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. p. 694.
Cf. Letters of Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Johannes Megapolensis.
March 13, 1643 and to Arent van Curler. May 13, 1639. Ibid. 44a;
645-46.
MISSIONARY LABORS OF THE DUTCH 27 1
women, who, being "exceedingly addicted to whoring,
. . . will lie with a man for the value of one, two or
three shillings."* The continuation of this "great
abomination to the Lord God" led the patroon, John
van, Rensselaer, in 1652 to instruct in forcible terms
the Schout Fiscal of Rensselaerswyck to execute the
provisions of the ordinances against the unlawful ming-
ling of Christians "with the wives and daughters of
heathens. " » '
Another great abuse in the relations of the Dutch
with the Indians was the profitable liquor traffic, with
the example of the vice of intemperance among the
Dutch themselves. The evil was not lessened later to
any appreciable extent in spite of the regulations of
Stuyvesant. A curious testimony for the prevalence
of this abuse is given in the Jesuit Relation for the
year 1645-1646. An Iroquois, visiting some Christian
Algonquins in Canada, came with them to assist at the
holy sacrifice of the mass. He refused to leave the
church at the request of the Jesuit Father, as he believed
in God and possessed a rosary as well as the other Indians.
The Algonquins said that the Iroquois was a Christian,
but the priest requested them to ask him, if he had
been baptized. "What is that," he replied, "to be
baptized?" A savage in answer told him that it was
1 Megapolensis. "A Short Account of the Mohawk Indians,
their country, language, figfure, costume, religion, and government.
Written and dispatched from New Netherland, August 26, 1644, by
John Megapolensis, minister there. With a brief account of the
fife and manners of the Stapongers of Brazil." The tract was pub-
lished in Alkmaer, by Ysbr. Jansz. v. Houten, pp. 32, 1651,
without the consent of the author. Translations : Hazard's State
Papers, i. 517-526; N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2nd Ser. iii. p. 155. Narra-
tives of New Netherland. p. 174.
' Instructions to Gerrit Swart. May 8, 1652, O'Callaghan. Hist,
of New Netherland. ii. 565.
272 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
"to receive a water of great importance which effaces
all stains and impurities from our soul." The Iroquois
immediately exclaimed, "Ah! the Dutch have often
given me of that water of importance ; I drank so much
of it as to be so drunk, that they had to bind my feet
and hands, lest I should do harm to some one."' The
outbreak of hostilities on the part of the Indians was
precisely often the baneful result of the sale of liquor
to the savages by the Dutch, who, through this and
through the trade in firearms, often sought to acquire
wealth without labor.
On the organization of .the church after the •arrival
of the new minister in Rensselaerswyck, divine service
awakened some curiosity among the Indians, and ten
or twelve of their number attended it with Ipng tobacco
pipes in their mouths. They could not understand
why the minister talked so much, while no one else
in the congregation had a word to say. When they
were informed later by the minister, that he told the
Christians not to steal, or drink or commit adultery, or
murder, and that they also ought not to be guilty of
these crimes, the Indians only replied: "Why do so
many Christians do these things ?"^ Although Megapo-
lensis, on this occasion, promised the Indians to come
to their country to teach them, when he understood
their language better, the Dutch Reformed Church of
New Netherland could only produce one Indian con-
vert, who was "firm in his religious profession. "° Indian
1 Jesuit Rel. xxix. 152.
^ Megapolensis. Tract on the Mohawks. Narratives of New
Netherland, p. 178.
* Van der Donck. A Description of New Netherland. N. Y.
Hist. Soc. Coll. 2nd Ser. vol. i. 214.
MISSIONARY LABORS OP THE DUTCH 273
children were frequently taken into Dutch families as
servants, "but as soon as they are grown up and turn
lovers and associate again with the Indians, they for-
get their religious impressions and adopt Indian cus-
toms." Even the one Indian convert was no credit
to the Dutch. The publication of Megapolensis's tract
on the Mohawk Indians in the fatherland in 1651
probably gave the Classis of Amsterdam, as it still gives
the uncritical historian, the impression that "the
knowledge of the Gospel is making great progress among
the Indians."' Megapolensis, who was then officiating
in New Amsterdam, assisted by Domine Drisius,
hastened to correct this erroneous impression. An
Indian chief had indeed been under instruction for
two years at the Manhattans, so that he was able to
read and write Dutch tolerably well, and publicly to
join in the recitation of the Catechism by the children.
The ministers had hoped that the Indian would become
an effective instrument in the evangelization of the
savages, but he possessed even then only " a bare
knowledge of the truth without the practice of godli-
ness, as he was much inclined to drink. ' '^ Nevertheless,
the convert was furnished with a bible and sent to
christianize the other savages, but no results were
attained. "He took to drinking brandy, he pawned
the bible, and turned into a regular beast, doing more
harm than good among the Indians". In the end, the
clergy of New Amsterdam confessed that they saw no
way to accomplish the conversion of the Indians, "until
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam. July 15
1654. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 326-7.
2 Ibid.
274 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
they are subdued by the numbers and power of our
people, and reduced to some sort of civilization, and
also unless our people set them a better example than
they have done heretofore."* Van der Donck, the
only lawyer in the province of New Netherland, also
saw no hope of the conversion of the savages under the
conditions obtaining in the country. He 'advocated
the establishment of good schools in convenient places
for the instruction of the children, as the Indians
themselves declared that they were "very desirous to
have their children instructed in our language and
religion."' However, this could not be done without
some trouble and expense to the government. In
fact, the commonalty of New Netherland in the remon-
strance, which it addressed to the States General on
July 28, 1649, had urged the conversion of the heathen,
and the remonstrance received this favorable comment
in that assembly: "The English and French have,
each in their way, already done their duty in this regard.
Nevertheless, we are older than they in that country,
and, therefore, ought also begin. Praestat sero quam
nunquam."' The patroon of Rensselaerswyck bound
his new minister the Reverend Gideon Schaets "to use
all Christian zeal there to bring up both the heathen and
their children in the Christian religion" and promised
to indemnify him "in case his Reverence should take
any of the heathen children there to board and edu-
' Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam. August 5,
1657. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 398-09.
* Van der Donck. o. c. N?Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 2d Ser.i.pp. 214-215.
' Additional Observations on the Petition of the Commonalty of
New Netherland to the States General, preceding the Remon-
strance of July 28, 1649. Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 270.
MISSIONARY LABORS OP THE DUTCH 27 S
cate,"' but the West India Company dismissed the
matter with the cold remark, that "everyone conver-
sant with the Indians in and around New Netherland
will be able to say that it is morally impossible to con-
vert the adults to the Christian faith," and that it was
"a minister's business to apply himself to that and
the Director's duty to assist him therein.'" Stuy-
vesant wrote, in the following year, to the Classis of
Amsterdam that he had conciliated the goodwill of
the Indians from the beginning, and that he would be
pleased to aid in carrying out any measures that they
might suggest to introduce among these heathens the
light of Christianity.' Nevertheless, fourteen years
later, a few months before the English conquest of the
province of New Netherland, the minister Polhemus
could write to the same Classis, that "there is no com-
munication among us . . . nor plans for propagating
the Gospel among the savages and the English."*
The Dutch could still repeat in all truth the words con-
tained in the "Representation of New Netherland" of
1650. "Great is our disgrace now, and happy should
we have been . . . had we striven to impart the
Eternal Good to the Indians, as much as was in our
power, in return for what they divided with us. It is
to be feared that at the Last Day they will stand up
against us for this injury."'
'Contract. May 8, 165a. O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Nether-
land, ii. 567.
* Digest of the Remonstrance of New Netherland to the States
General. January 27, 1650. Col. Docs. N. Y. i. 340.
3 Letter. September 7, 1650. De Witt Thomas, New Nether-
land. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1844.
* Letter, April 21, 1664. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i. 544.
' Representation of New Netherland. Narratives of New
Netherland. p. 319.
276 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ri. THE DUTCH AND THE JESUIT MISSIONS AMONG
THE IROQUOIS
While the Dutch failed to take an active interest in
the conversion of the savages within the province, they
used their influence with their Indian allies to obtain
the liberation of the Jesuit missionaries, who fell into
the hands of these inveterate enemies of the French.
In 1642, the Mohawks during a raid into French ter-
ritory intercepted an expedition of Hurons, mostly
Christians, accompanied by Father Jogues and two lay
assistants Ren^ Goupil and William Couture, with sup-
plies for the distant mission of Ste. Marie. During the
long journey to the Mohawk country, the Christian
prisoners suffered the painful tortures and mutilations
which savage cruelty suggested. On their arrival,
Father Jogues sent word of their capture to the Dutch.*
Soon after this, Crol, the commandant of Fort Orange,
received an order from the Director General of the
province, William Kieft, to effect the ransom of these
prisoners,^ but the Indians were not willing to accept
any ransom. On the eighth of September, Arent van
Curler, the commissary of Rensselaerswyck, who had
gone into the Mohawk country with Labbadie and
Jacob Jansen, assembled all the chiefs of the three
castles and proposed the release of the Frenchmen.
The Indians professed all friendship for their Dutch
allies, but refused to discuss this question on the plea
that the French burned the Mohawks, who fell into
' Letter. January 14, 1644, of Bartholomew Vimont, with
details obtained from Father Jogues. Jes. Rel. xxv. 71.
2 Letter. September 11, 1642 of Kieft to Kiliaen van Rensse-
laer. Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS. p. 625.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 277
their hands.' Van Curler now offered a ransom of
six hundred guilders in goods, to which all the colony-
was to contribute, but the chiefs could only be induced
to promise not to kill their prisoners and to convey them
back to Canada. The Dutch were convinced of the
futility of further negotiations for the present, although,
in response to the earnest requests of the French, they
were willing to do all in their power to obtain the libera-
tion of the captives from their Indian allies.^
The murder of Ren6 Goupil, not long after the
departure of the Dutch, showed what little trust could
be placed in the promises of the savages. This zealous
lay missionary had excited the anger of a superstitious
old Indian by making the sign of the cross upon his
grandson.' According to the writings of the Jesuit
missionaries, the Iroquois and also other Indians bore
a deep hatred towards the Christian faith, which they
considered the harbinger of all the misfortune, famine,
disease, and death, so prevalent since the advent of the
Europeans among them.* The hatred of the Mohawks
towards the sign of the cross, the symbol of the Faith
preached by the Jesuit missionary, was nourished by
their enmity with the Indians under French protection
1 This was done by the Indians converted by the French Jesuits
in spite of all the efforts of the missionaries to make these Indians
treat their prisoners more humanely. Later the Jesuits were able
to make the Indians give up this practice.
2 Letter, June 16, 1643, of Arent van Curler to KiUaen van
Rensselaer. O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Netherland. i. 463-4.
Letter. August $, 1643, Jogues from Rensselaerswyck. Jes. Rel.
xxxix. 201.
^Cf. Jogues' letter from Rensselaerswyck, 1. c. 201, 203; also
Togue's Notice sur Goupil. Jes. Rel. xxviii. 133-135; also the
Rel. by Hierosme Lalemant. Quebec. October 20, 1647 in Jes.
ReL xxxi. 53-55-
* Rel. of 1647 by Hierosme Lalemant. Jes. Rel. xxxi. 121, 123.
Rel. of 1543-44. in Jes. Rel. xxvi. 279, 281.
278 RELIGION IN NEW NBTHERLAND
and confirmed by the teaching of the Dutch, from whom
the Indians had learned that the sign of the cross was a
"veritable superstition," equally hateful to their
European neighbors.* When the old Indian witnessed
the action of Ren6 Goupil, he ordered a young man of
his cabin, about to leave for the war, to kill the Chris-
tian sorcerer, as the sign of the cross would cause some
harm to the child. The execution of the command was
not long delayed. One day Rene Goupil and Father
Jogues had withdrawn outside the village to perform
their devotions with greater liberty. Their prayers
were soon interrupted by two young men, who com-
manded them to return, but, at the entrance to the
village, one of them drew a hatchet and struck down
Ren6 Goupil, who fell half dead, invoking the Holy
Name of Jesus. Jogues expected the same fate, but
the Indian, after making sure of the death of his victim,
told the Jesuit that his life was in the hands of another
family. Somewhat later Jogues was called to eat in
the cabin of the old Indian. When the Jesuit made the
sign of the cross before the meal, the old man said to
1 Letter of Father Bressani from Isle de Rh6, Nov. 16, 1644. Jes.
Rels. xxxix. 85-87.
"Our Faith is accused of killing all who profess it . . they also
accused the Faith of the French of being responsible for all the ills
with which the whole people or individual persons seem to be
afflicted. That is what an Apostate tried to make those Barbarians
beUeve, naming the Dutch as his authority for what he said. He
asserted that the children of the Iroquois died two years after their
Baptism, and that the Christians either fractured their legs or
wounded their feet with thorns or became consumptive, or vomited
their souls with their blood, or were assailed by some great mis-
forttme." Preaching of the Faith to the Cayugas by Chau-
monot and Menard. Relation. 1656-57. Jes. Rels. xliii. 313-315.
"The Dutch, they (some Huron apostates) say, have preserved
the Iroquois by allowing them to live in their own fashion, just as
the black Gowns have ruined the Hurons by preaching the faith to
them." Jes. Rels. xliv. 291.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 279
him: "That is what we hate; that is why they have
killed thy companion, and why they will kill thee. Our
neighbors the Europeans do not do so." The Indians
also made him feel their hatred of this symbol, and said
"that it was hated by the Dutch, "when in their hunting
expeditions they found Jogues kneeling before a great
cross, which he had carved on a large tree at some dis-
tance from the Indian cabin "where the Demon and
the dreams were almost always adored."*
In the following spring, Jogues and another French
captive were able to visit the house of Arent van
Curler, where they were courteously received.^ There
seemed to be some hope, at that time, of procuring their
release. As soon as the Indians returned from their
hunting, Arent van Curler endeavored to obtain this
but without any success. Nevertheless, the Dutch
continued their efforts, but they could do nothing
more than give various little gifts to the savages to
obtain better treatment for Father Jogues,' who was
now alone held captive in that regioh, as his fellow
prisoner had been given to an Indian living in a distant
village. The Indians now consented that he should go
among the Dutch when accompanied by one of their
number.* During one of these visits, Jogues received
the intelligence that he would be burned on his return
to the Indian village because of the failure of an expe-
1 Letter. August 5, 1643, Father Jogues from Rensselaatswyck.
Jes. Rels. xxxix. 209.
' Cf. Letter. June 16, 1643 of Arent Van Curler to Kiliaeri
Van Rensselaer.
' Letter of Jogues from Rensselaerswyck. August 5, 1643. Jes.
Rels. xxxix. 223.
* Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam.
September 28, 1658. Eccl. Rees. N. Y. i. 436-7.
28o RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
dition against Fort Richelieu. A Huron "Indian,
adopted by the Iroquois, previous to his departure, had
demanded a letter from Jogues, who hastened to take
the opportunity to inform the French governor of the
plot in spite of the risk of his life. Thus the Iroquois
were incensed against the Jesuit, upon whom they
placed all the responsibility for their misfortunes in the
expedition.* The Captain of the Dutch settlement,
knowing the evil designs of the savages, suggested some
means of escape, especially as the French Governor M.
le Chevalier de Montmagny had prevented the savages
of New France from coming to kill some Dutch.^ To
the astonishment of the Captain, Father Jogues deferred
his decision until the next day. The Jesuit missionary
had, in fact, resolved to spend the remainder of his days
in captivity for the salvation of the Iroquois and their
captives, of whom he had been able to baptize seventy
in the past year. Now, however, the certainty of death
if he remained and the hope of a return to the Mohawks
under more favorable circumstances led him to consent
to escape with the help, of the Dutch. On the next day,
Father Jogues told the Dutch Captain his intention to
take advantage of his proffered assistance. A ship
happened to be in the river at that time and the sailors,
on the representations of the Captain, pledged their
word that, if the Jesuit could once set foot on their
vessel, they would make his place of refuge secure and
would not have him leave the ship until he reached
* Letter of Jogues from Rensselaerswyck. August 30, 1643.
Jes. Rels. xxv. 47.
2 Ibid. 49. Charlevoix states that an order to obtain the
deliverance of Father Jogfues had been sent to all the commandants
in New Belgium by the States General of Holland, from whom the
Queen Regent of France had urgently requested this.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 281
Bordeaux or La Rochelle. A small boat was then left
on the bank of the river, with which Jogues was to
make his escape to the ship. This could only be done
towards morning, when a farm-servant at the request
of Jogues quieted the dogs, who had savagely torn his
leg early in the night. The sailors concealed him in the
hold of the vessel, where he spent two nights with such
discomfort that he thought he would suffocate aijd die
from the stench. Meanwhile, the Indians made some
disturbance, so that the Dutch inhabitants of the coun-
try were afraid that they would set fire to their houses
or kill their cattle. When Jogues learned this from the
Dutch minister, he protested that he had no wish "to
escape to the prejudice of the least man of their settle-
ment," although his return to captivity meant certain
death. Finally, the Captain decided to retain the per-
son of Jogues in the settlement until the minds of the
savages should be pacified. All the Dutch were con-
vinced of the necessity of this step except the mariners,
who felt that his removal from the ship to the house of
the Captain at this critical moment was a violation of
their word pledged to Jogues, on the strength of which
he had imperilled his life by escaping from his savage
captors.' For six weeks he was then placed in the
custody of an old miser, who lodged him in a garret^
exposed to the intense heat of the summer, with no
other water than that, which this old man poured from
week to week into a tub also used for making lye. The
water after a few day became fetid and made Father
Jogues feel intense pain in the stomach. Although
1 Letter of Jogues from Rensselaerswyck. August 30, 1643.
Jes. Rels. xxv.57-59-61.
282 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
plentiful provisions were sent for his consumption, the
old miser barely gave him "as much as was necessary not
to live, but not to die." Then the frequent visits of
the Indians for purposes of trade to the room next to
the garret, separated from it by planks with large
intervening cracks, compelled Jogues to crouch behind
casks, to avoid discovery, but at the price of great pain
in the members of his body. Finally, gangrene began
to manifest itself in the wound inflicted by the dog on
his leg, but the kind ministration of the surgeon of the
settlement saved his life also from this danger. "^ . -^
Meanwhile, the Director General of the province had
learned that Father Jogues was not very much at ease
in the vicinity of the Mohawks, who were induced by
the Dutch towards the middle of September finally to
accept some presents to the amount of three himdred
livres. Then in accordance with the instructions of
William Kieft, Father Jogues was taken by boat to New
Amsterdam. The Dutch minister, who had shown him
much kindness accompanied him down the Hudson
River. "He was supplied with a number of bottles,
which he dealt out lavishly, — especially on coming to
an Island, to which he wished that my name should be
given with the noise of cannon and of bottles." Jogues
quaintly and naively remarks that "each one manifests
his love in his own fashion." On his arrival at
New Amsterdam, the Director General received him
very humanely and furnished him with good raiment,
of which he stood sorely in need. The inhabitants of
the town gave the Jesuit missionary every token of
regard and esteem. A Lutheran Pole, meeting him in a
retired spot, fell' at his feet, kissed his mutilated hands
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 283
and exclaimed "Martyr, martyr of Jesus Christ!"
Father Jogues was gratified to find, in a house near the
fort, two images on the mantelpiece, one of the Blessed
Virgin and the other of St. Aloysius, placed there by the
Portuguese wife of the master of the house. The
Jesuit felt aggrieved that he could be of no assistance to
either of these two persons on account of his ignorance
of these languages, so that the "arrogance of fabel
deprived them of great benefits." However, he was
able to hear the confession of an Irish Catholic, arriving
at Manhattan from Virginia. In November, a bark of one
hundred tons was sent to Holland from New Amster-
dam. Father Jogues had much to suffer in the voyage
from the extreme cold of the winter, as he had no other
bed than the deck of the vessel or a pile of cordage, very
often washed by the waves of the sea. The Dutch put
into an English port and left the vessel to refresh them-
selves on land. Meanwhile, robbers entered the bark
and at the point of a pistol robbed Father Jogues of the
cloak and hat which the Dutch had given him. He
finally succeeded in making his way to France on a
French collier, which happened to be in port at the
time.'
In the spring of the same year in which Jogues
reached his native country, another Jesuit missionary.
Father Bressani, was captured by a band of Iroquois,
who again succeeded in intercepting an expedition with
supplies for the missions in the Huron country. He was
so cruelly treated that there was not a sound spot in his
1 Letter of Father Jogues to Father Lalemant. January 6, 1644.
Tes. Rels. xxv. 63-65. Rel. of Hierosme Lalemant. 1647 in Jes.
Rels. xxxi. 93-101. Rel. of Bressani. 1653 in Jes. Rels. xzxix.
331-233-
284 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
body.* Finally, all the savages clamored for his death
by fire, but an old woman, to whom he had been given
in the place of her grandfather, killed some time before
in an encounter with the Hurons, ransomed the mis-
sionary with a belt of wampum, worth about thirty-five
livres. He was received into her cabin, but her daughters
could not bear the sight of him on account of the
horrible appearance of his mangled body.^ Meanwhile,
the Dutch gave him good reason to hope for his ransom,
which was finally effected without much difficulty, as
the Indians held him in little esteem, because of his
want of skill for everything, and because they believed
thathe would never get well of his ailments.' The old
woman ordered her son to take him to the Dutch and to
deliver him into their hands after receiving some
presents in return. The Dutch received the Jesuit,
naked and with his fingers maimed and bleeding,in great
kindness and satisfied the Indian with presents to the
amount of about two hundred livres.* He was clothed,
placed under the care of the surgeon, and almost daily
fed at the table of the Dutch minister. ° After he had
been restored to health, he was brought to New Amster-
dam, where he was finally placed on a ship, manned by
Hugufenots, sailing for Europe. He carried with him
this letter of safe-conduct: "We, William Kieft,
Director General, and the Council of New Netherland,
' Details given by Bressani himself in his Relation of 1653. Jes.
Rels. xxxix.
2Rel. 1643-44 by Vimont. Jes. Rels. xxvi. 49.
* Letter of Bressani from New Amsterdam. August 31, 1644,
Jes. Rels. xxxix. 77.
* Ibid. p. 78-79 with note 8.
' Letter of Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amsterdam.
Sept. 28, 1658. Eccl. Recs. N. Y. i, 437.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 285
to all those who shall see these presents, greeting:
Francis Joseph Bressani, of the Society of Jesus, for
some time a prisoner among the Iroquois savages,
commonly called Maquaas, and daily persecuted by
these, was, when about to be burnt, snatched out of
their hands, and ransomed by us for a large sum after
considerable difficulty. As he proceeds with our per-
mission to Holland, thence to return to France, Qaris-
tian charity requires that he be humanely treated by
those into whose hands he may happen to fall. Where-
fore we request all governors, viceroys, or their lieuten-
ants and captains that they would afford him their favor
in going and returning, promising to do the same on
like occasian. Dated in Fort Amsterdam, in New
Netherland, this 20th of September, anno Salutis,
1644, Stylo Novo."^
Although Father Bressani, during the tiresome voy-
age of fifty-five days, had no other bed than a bare box,
in which he could not stretch out at full length, he
airived in a sailor's dress at the Isle of Rhe in better
health than he ever possessed in the eighteen years
during which he had been in the Society.^
Both Father Bressani and Father Jogues again
returned to Canada to continue their endeavors to con-
vert the savages to Christianity. When some deputies
of the Iroquois arranged a peace with the French, there
was no one so well fitted to obtain the assent of the
tribes as Father Jogues, who was thoroughly conver-
sant with' the language. When the Algonquins saw him
> O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Netherland. i. 337.
2 Letter. November 16, 1644, from Isle of Rh.6 by Bressani,
In his Relation of 1653. Jes. Rels. xxxix. 83, 85.
286 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
step into the canoe on this dangerous mission, they
warned him not to speak in the beginning of the faith
which was so repulsive to the Iroquois, as it seemed to
exterminate everything that men held most dear. They
also advised him to wear shorter apparel, as the long
rpbe preached as well as the lips, and the warning was
heeded.* On his arrival in the Mohawk country, his
efforts to have the peace ratified by the Indians were
successful. However, some savages with distrustful
minds did not look with favor on a little box, which the
Father left as a pledge of his return to the country, as
they imagined that it enclosed some disastrous mis-
fortune. Father Jogues opened the chest and showed
these Indians that it contained no other mystery than
some small necessaries, for which he might have use
on. his return.' This conclusion of a peace with the
fierce Mohawks raised in the hearts of the Jesuits great
hopes of their final conversion. In the following sum-
mer, Father Jogues was,in fact,appointed to begin among
these Indians a new mission under the patronage of the
Holy Martyrs. He planned to spend the winter in the
Mohawk country to begin with solidity the instruction
of those infidels.' Meanwhile, superstition had again
poisoned the minds of the savages against the mission-
ary in spite of all their former professions of undying
friendship. Upon his arrival on the 1 7th of October,
1646, Father Jogues was stripped naked, loaded with
blows and threatened with death on the following day.
The savages kept their promise in spite of the opposition
' Rel. 1645-6 by Lalemant in Jes. Rels. xxix. 47, 49.
2 Rel. 164S-6 by Lalemant in Jes. Rels. xxix 55, 57.
^ Bressani's Relation of 1653. Jes. Rels. xxxix. 235-36.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 287
of the Wolf and Turtle clans. In the evening, he was
called to the lodge of the Bear to supper. As soon as
he entered, a sava,ge, concealed behind the door, stepped
forward and split his head, which was immediately cut
ofif and set upon the palisades of the village. The same
fate awaited a companion of Father Jogues the next
day, when both bodies were thrown into the river.*
The Indians brought the Jesuit's missal and breviary,
together with his underclothing and coat, to the Dutch
minister, John Megapolensis, who diligently enquired
of the principal men of the band the reason of this deed.
They had no answer to make except that the Father had
left the devil among some clothes, who had caused their
Indian com to be devoured.'
The war between the Iroquois and the French broke
out anew with unabated fury. The savages again held
French prisoners in bondage. Stuyvesant received
intelligence that eight or nine Christian captives in the
hands of the Mohawks would be cruelly tortured, unless
they were ransomed with a large sum. Moved by com-
passion for these unfortunate Frenchmen, the Director
General sent word of this fact to the Directors of the
Company in Amsterdam. They confessed that the
ransom of Christian captives from the savages was "the
duty of all Christians, but every one is bound tp care
for himself and his own people." Frenchmen had been
ransomed before "at the expense of the Company and
by the contributions of the community, for which we
1 Letter of Labbadie to M. La Montag^ue. October 30, 1646.
Jes. Rels. xxxi. 117.
2 Wm. Kieft to M. le Chevalier de Montmagny. November 14,
1646. Ibid. 115. Megapolensis and Drisius to Classis of Amster-
dam. September 28, 1658. Eel. Recs. N. Y. i. 736-7.
288 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
have never been repaid, so that we think that, when
complaints reach France, they will take care of their
countrjrmen.'"
Two years later on August 20, 1653, a band of
marauding Iroquois, during an incursion into Canada,
captured Father Joseph Poncet and another French-
man, Maturin Franchetot, while the Jesuit was speaking
to the latter in his field to induce him to gamer the
little harvest of a poor French widow. On the arrival
of these Indians in the Mohawk country, their prisoners
were stripped of their clothing and compelled to run
the gauntlet under a shower of blows. Later in the day,
Father Poncet lost the first finger of his left hand, which
was cut off by a child at the bidding of a savage in
response to the request of an Indian woman. Mean-
while, the Mohawks, who were besieging Three Rivers,
met with greater resistance than they had anticipated,
and began to sue for peace, but the French refused to
begin any negotiations, unless the Jesuit Father and his
fellow-prisoner were restored. The Indian chief
pleaded ignorance of the capture of these Frenchmen
and immediately ordered two canoes to return to the
Mohawk country to prevent any harm from being done
to the prisoners, and to procure their release if still
alive.^ Franchetot had already been burned to death
on the eighth of September, while the life of Father
Poncet had been saved through his adoption by a good
old woman in the place of a brother, killed or captured
some time before. The Indian, who brought the mes-
1 Letter of Directors to Stuyvesant. March 21, 1651. Col. Docs.
N. Y. xiii. 28.
'Relation. 1652-53. Jes. Rels. xl. 171.
\
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 289
sage of his deliverance to Father Poncet, happened to be
a brother to the woman who had adopted him, and
showe4 the Jesuit great kindness. He brought him to
the Dutch settlement, where the Jesuit Father was
very kindly entertained by some of the inhabitants, but
very coldly received by Commissary Dyckman, the
commander of Fort Orange, although the French
Governor, M. de Lauzon, had given the Mohawk a letter
to present to the Dutch authorities to recommend the
Father to their care. The Jesuit was about to lie down
on the bare floor without bed or supper, when his In-
dian conductor obtained permission to take him to
some of his friends in the settlement. Here he was
received with much kindness by an old man, under
whose hospitable roof he spent three days. His host, a
good Walloon, and a good Scotch Lady, who had shown
herself on all occasions very charitable toward the
French, vied with one another in their efforts to find
clothes for the priest. Father Poncet thanked them
all, but would not accept anything but a hooded cloak,
and some stockings of the savage fashion with some
French shoes and a blanket that was to serve as a bed
on his return journey. He was also urged to accept
some provisions, but he contented himself with some
peaches from a Brussels merchant, a good Catholic,
whom he confessed before his departure. He had admin-
istered the same sacrament to a young man also, residing
with his host. This Frenchman had been captured by the
Iroquois at Three Rivers, and ransomed by the Dutch,
whom he now served as interpreter. When Father
Poncet took leave of his generous friends, he had to
290 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
promise them to return the next summer.' Meanwhile,
the Indian Councils gathered the presents and selected
the embassy for the solemn conclusion of peace with
the French. Father Poncet with his conductor and the
other Iroquois finally arrived at Montreal on October
24th, and on the sixth of November the great affair of
peace, so ardently desired, was brought to a close in
Quebec' The Mohawks left four of their number as
hostages with the French, while two young soldiers
volunteered to go to the Mohawk country in the same
capacity at the request of the savages. In the calcu-
lation of the Mohawks, the peace was only a preliminary
step to obtain the removal of the Hurons to their own
country, which had been secretly proposed to the latter
at the very time that they were discussing the con-
clusion of the peace with the French.'
During the winter of 1654, the Onondagas
came to Quebec to strengthen the peace that
they had already negotiated in the preceding
fall. They also made the same secret proposals
to the Hurons, who did not dare to refuse in their
anxiety for peace, but demanded first a dwelling
for the black robes, their teachers, whom they would
'The Relation of 1656-7 gives a curious fact, which may be
mentioned here in its own words. "A woman, who was very ill at
Onontaghfi, had dreamed that she required a black gown to
effect her cure. But, as the recent cruel massacre of our Fathers
by those Barbarians deprived thenpi of all hope of being able to pb-
tain one from us, they applied to the Dutch, who sold them at a
very high price the wretched cassock of Father Poncet, who had
shortly before been despoiled of it by the Annienhronnons. The
woman attributed her cure to it, and wished to keep it all her life as
a precious relic." Jes. Rels xliii. 273.
2 Relation of 1652-53. Jes. Rels. xl. 119-157.
' Relation of 1653-54. Jes. Rels. xli, 47-49.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 29 1
follow wherever they should decide to go.' The French
Governor, informed of the secret negotiations, had the
Hurons represent to the Onondagas that the French
themselves had proposed to build a new settlement on
the great lake of the Iroquois, so that there was no
reason to conceal anything from them. Thus at the
council, the Governor supported the proposals of the
Huron Indians with presents. In the following May,
the Onondagas returned to continue their negotiations,
which they opened favorably by obtaining the release
of a young surgeon, captured during the winter by a
wandering band of Iroquois of another tribe. Then the
Onondaga spokesman told the French that he wished
above aU things to see in his country one of the black
robes, who had taught the Hurons to honor the one
God. The Indians promised to receive his teaching with
love, as it was their wish to worship Him, who is the
master of their lives.^ Simon Le Moyne was, therefore,
allowed to accompany these Indians, who began their
homeward journey from Quebec on the second of July,
A few days later a Mohawk Captain, the son of an
Iroquois mother and a Dutch father, known as the
Flemish Bastard, appeared in Quebec with some other
Mohawks and the two French hostages, whom he had
promised to restore at this time. This chief had been
in Canada before, towards the end of the winter, when
he had brought letters from the Dutch commandant of
Fort Orange and from some Dutch tradesmen, who all
assured the French that now they really saw a disposi-
tion for peace on the part of their Indian allies. The
» Rel. 1653-1654. Jes. Rel. xli. 55-63.
' Ibid. 73-74.
292 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Mohawks were disappointed by the fact that they had
been forestalled by the Onondagas. The chief in a
clever speech made their complaint known to the
French. "Ought not one to enter a house by the door,
and not by the chimney or roof of the cabin, unless he
be a thief, and wish to take the inmates by surprise?
We, the five Iroquois Nations, compose but one cabin ;
we maintain but one fire ; and we have, from time im-
memorial, dwelt under one and the same roof. Well,
then, will you not enter the cabin by the door, which
is at the ground floor of the house? It is with us
Mohawks, that you should begin; whereas you, by
beginning with the Onondagas, try to enter by the roof
and through the chimney. Have you no fear that the
smoke may blind you, our fire not being extinguished
and that you may fall from the top to the bottom,
having nothing solid on which to plant your feet?"
The French Governor assured the Mohawks that
Father Le Moyne would also go to their country and
gave him letters to deliver to the Jesuit missionary to
inform him to that effect, but the Father had gained
such a start that the Mohawk chief could not overtake
him.' Father Le Moyne, on his arrival in the Onondaga
country, received every evidence of good will on the
part of the savages, who at this time had great fear of
the issue of an impending war with the powerful Erie
tribes or the Cat Nation. The chief of the Onondagas,
speaking in the name of the Five Iroquois Nations,
again told Father Le Moyne that it was their wish to
acknowledge Him of whom he had told them, who is
the master of their lives, and who was unknown to them,
'Relation. 1653-54. Jes. Rels. xli. 87-89.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 293
but the richest presents accompanied the words, in
which he spoke of the courage inspired in their hearts
by the French Governor for their new wars. The
French were told to select a site for their new settlement
on the shores of the great lake, to which the Onondagas
promised to go to receive instruction.' On his journey
back to Canada, the Jesuit missionary with his Indian
guides arrived at the entrance to a little lake and tasted
the water from a spring, which the Indians dared not to
drink, as they believed that an evil spirit rendered it
foul. He found it to be a spring of salt water, from
which he procured some salt, "as natural as that which
comes from the sea."*
Although the Onondaga chief pretended to speak
in the name of the five Iroquois Nations, the Mohawks
were not really comprised in these negotiations, of
which they were, in fact, jealous. Some Mohawks on
the St. Lawrence, meeting the canoe which, under the
guidance of two Onondagas, was carrjring Father Le
Moyne to Montreal, killed one of the Onondagas, and
bound the Jesuit missionary after slaying some Hurons
and Algonquins. The surviving Onondaga protested so
energetically against this outrage, which would be
deeply resented by his tribe, that the Mohawks finally
released their prisoner. He was then safely conducted
to Montreal.' There were also other acts of hostility
committed by the Mohawks, who showed themselves as
"perfidious and treacherous as usual." In spite of the
previous negotiations for peace, ajesuit lay brother, Jean
Ligeois, was shot by some Mohawks in ambush, while
iRel. i6S3-S4- J^®- ^^^- ^U- ny-iip-
2 Ibid. 123-125.
" Ibid. 199-201. '
294 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
he was trying to discover the presence of the enemy for
the sake of the Christian savages at work in the fields,
whom he wished to warn. Persons were killed and
taken captive on either side. Finally, the Mohawks,
weary of the war, brought back the French captives and
requested the restoration of their own Indians. They
agreed not to attack the French any longer, nor to bear
arms below Three Rivers, but they refused to discon-
tinue the war against the Algonquins and Hurons,
whom they might find above that village on the river
of St. Lawrence. Father Le Moyne was now sent to the
Mohawks to take back the prisoners, captured by the
French, and "also to cement that peace, as well as it
can be cemented with the Infidels who are allied to
Heretics."* The Jesuit left Montreal on this mission,
August 17, 1655, with twelve Iroquois and two
Frenchmen. A month later the party reached their des-
tination, where the Father was received with "extraor-
dinary cordiality." A council was held, which passed
in many exchanges of courtesy. Le Moyne then
pushed on to the Dutch settlement where he was also
received ''with great demonstration of affection by the
Dutch," from whom he learned of the attack of the
River Indians upon New Amsterdam. On his return
to the Mohawks, he almost met death at the hands of a
a madman, who finally was calmed by a quickwitted
Indian squaw's suggestion to kill her dog in the place
of the missionary. However, a Huron Christian had his
head split without ceremony upon a mere suspicion
that he had revealed to the Father some of the designs,
1 Introduction to Copies of two Letters sent from New France;
1656. Jes. Rel. xli. 201-223.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 29 5
which the Mohawks wished to conceal from him.
Nevertheless, Father Le Moyne and the two Frenchmen
were allowed to set out for Canada under the guidance
of three Iroquois. The Father had hardly left the coun-
try, when a body of one hundred of these Indians
appeared at Fort Orange. They were on the point of
setting forth on a war excursion against the Canada
Indians, and, fearing "that the French had poisoned the
ears of their Dutch brothers against them," thef' now
asked the latter to remain neutral.*
Meanwhile, theOnondagas appeared again in Quebec,
urging the foundation of the French settlement in their
country and requesting some Jesuit Fathers to teach
their children and to make of them a thoroughly Chris-
tian people. They also promised to use their influence
with the Mohawks, who now alone prevented the reign
of universal peace in the country. Two Fathers,
Joseph Chaumont and Claude Dablon, accompanied the
Indians to Onondaga to promote this important enter-
prise. They spent the whole winter at the Onondaga
village, where a chapel had been erected for them by
the savages, who gave them great hopes of success in
their missionary work. The savages were charmed
with the many discourses of the Fathers, which to some
were the occasion of a comparison unfavorable to their
other European neighbors. "The Dutch had neither
sense nor tongues ; they had never heard them mention
Paradise or Hell ; on the contrary, they were the first to
incite them to wrong-doing."^ However, the Onondagas
' Fort Orange Recs. O'Callaghaji. Hist, of New Netherland
ii. 306.
^Rels. 1655-56. Jes. Rels. xlii. iii. Similar testimony is
given in the Relation 1657-1658. "Very few of our savages come
296 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
were not content. In a solemn council, on the apth of
February, the Savages told the Fathers, that they were
tired of any further postponement of the French settle-
ment, for which they had been waiting from year to
year. In the event of further delay, they threatened to
break the peace, which they had concluded with the
French under this condition. A few days later. Father
Dablon, realizing the urgency of the matter, set out
for Canada with some Indian guides, and, after a weary
journey through snow, ice and rain, arrived at Montreal
on the 30th of March. All preparations for the new set-
tlement were completed on the 1 7th of May. A band
of about fifty Frenchmen, with Father Francis le
Mercier, Father Rend Menard and Father Jacques
Fremin, and Brothers Ambroise Broar and Joseph
Boursier, accompanied Father Dablon back to Onon-
daga, where they arrived on the eleventh of July.
News of this French, settlement at Onondaga soon
reached the Dutch Province. Although the Jesuits
believed that the Dutch were glad that they dwelt in
these places, and reported that the Dutch were even
willing to bring them horses and other commodities,'
the Directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, informed by
Stuyvesant of a French settlement among the Senecas,
expressed their dissatisfaction, as the matter could only
be to the disadvantage of the Province of New Nether-
land and its inhabitants. There is no doubt that
their suspicions were well founded, for the Jesuits
back from Kebec without greater esteem and affection for our
mysteries, and without a desire to be instructed and to embrace the
Faith; they say that they experience quite different feelings when
they return from the Dutch settlements." Jes. Rels. xliv. 45.
1 Relation of\6s6-S7. Jes. Rels. xliii. 185.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 297
themselves realized that an aUiance between the French
and the Senecas would bring the fur trade of these
Indians to Canada, which was much easier of access by
the river routes and devoid of the great danger from
the Andastes, hostile to the Senecas, than the overland
journey to the Dutch settlements through the country
of the insolent and overbearing Mohawks.* The
Dutch Directors, therefore, commanded Stuyvesa^t to
investigate the matter more closely and not to neglect
any measures necessary for the security of Fort Orange,
"that no mishap befall us there. "^
In the following year, there was promise of many
conversions in all the villages of the Upper Iroquois and
two Jesuit Fathers, Paul Raguenau and Francis Du
Perron, some Frenchmen with some fifty Christian
Hurons, men, women and children, left Montreal on
the 26th of July to help their brethren in the new mis-
sion. Treachery was evidenced, not more than a week
later, by the massacre of the Huron men and the enslave-
ment of their women and children before the very eyes
of the French,' who would have shared their fate, if
the savages had not feared retaliation on the Onon-
dagas, who remained behind in Quebec in the hope of
inducing the rest of the Hurons to remove to their
country. The Jesuit Fathers were able to send to
Quebec intelligence of the secret designs entertained for
their destruction by the Indians, who no longer had
any need of French help after their triumph over the
1 Relation. 1653-54. Jes. Rels.xli. 201-3. Relation. 1660-1661.
Jes. Rels. xlvii. iii.
2 Directors to Stuyvesant. December 19, 1656. Col. Docs.
N. Y. xiv. 371-374.
'Letter of Paul. Raguenau. August 9, 1657. Rel. 1656-57. Jes.
Rels. xliv. 69-77.
298 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Cat Nation. A number of murders committed by the
Iroquois at Montreal confirmed the fears of the French,
and resulted in the arrest of all the Iroquois found in
Montreal, Three Ri-vers and Quebec/ War was inevit-
able. The destruction of the French settlers had
already been determined, when they escaped in a body,
while the savages were overcome by sleep after a
generous feast given by the French. After a perilous
journey, they reached Montreal on the 3d of April, but
three Frenchmen had lost their lives in the rapids of the
St, Lawrence.^
The Onondaga settlement had been the source of
much jealousy to the Mohawks. However, a Huron clan
had also been forced to settle in the Mohawk country, in
the spring of 1655, to obtain the peace, for which the
Hurons sued, after their enemies, had surprised their
village on the Isle of Orleans. On his visit to the
Mohawks in the summer. Father LeMoyne found these
Hurons reduced to a state of slavery. "The husband
was separated from the wife, and the children from
their parents; in short they were serving those Bar-
barians as beasts of burden." As in the preceding
year the missionary's labors were mainly claimed by
this suffering flock among the heathen Mohawks. Like
a good shepherd, "he consoled the afflicted; he taught
the ignorant; he heard the confessions of those who
came to him; he baptized the children; he made all
pray to God; he exhorted all to persevere in the Faith
and in avoiding sin. " Little success followed his efforts
with the Mohawks themselves. Nevertheless, he never
'Rel. 1657-58. Jes. Rel. xliv. 155-6.
2 Letter of Paul Raguenau. Ibid. 175-183.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 299
allowed an Iroquois to go from his presence without
"a word of instruction on Hell and Paradise, or the
power of God who sees and knows all, who punishes the
wicked and rewards the good."* The possibility of
missionary work with Mohawks themselves became
still less, when news arrived of the imprisonment of the
Iroquois found in the French settlements after the
murder of some Frenchmen at Montreal. Some o:^these
Indians were Mohawks. Le Moyne tells that the
detention of these prisoners nearly caused his death,
though, in point of fact, it was the salvatian of his life.^
In the preceding autumn, the missionary had made
a visit to New Amsterdam. The Dutch minister be-
lieved that his visit was occasioned by the invitation of
the Papists, living in Manhattan, and especially of some
French privateers, who had arrived in the port with a
good prize. To these Catholics, he administered the
sacrament of penance and granted whatever indulgences
he was empowered as a Jesuit missionary to impart to
the faithful. One of the Dutch, who understood
French, overheard him telling them that they did not
need to go to Rome, inasmuch as "he had as full power
from the Pope to forgive their sins, as if they were to
go to Rome." The report made of this visit to the
Classis of Amsterdam by Megapolensis is somewhat
caustic and does not reveal that kindly feeling, which
his past relations with the Jesuit missionaries might
lead one to expect, although Father Le Moyne was care-
ful not to debate religion, even when provoked to do so
by the Dutch minister's question "whether he had
*Rel. 1656-7. Jes. Rels. xliii. 215.
2 Letter of Le Moyne, New Holland. March 25, 1658. Rel-
ation 1656-58. Jes. Rels, xliv. 219.
300 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
taught the Indians anything more than to make the
sign of the Cross and such like superstitions."' The
missionary told the minister that he wanted only to
chat. He informed him of the existence of wonderful
mineral springs in the western part of the country inha-
bited by the Iroquois. There was a spring of saltwater
from which he had obtained excellent salt by boiling
the water; there was an oil spring, which the Indians
used to anoint their hair; and there was another spring
of hot sulphurous water, in which paper and dry-
materials became ignited. The minister could not
decide, whether all this was true, or whether it was a
mere Jesuit lie, and so he mentioned the whole matter
on the authority of the Jesuit to his ecclesiastical su-
periors in Holland.^
* The Dutch seem to have been under the impression that the
conversion of the Indians to Christianity wrought by the Jesuits
was superficial. Thus while Van der Donck admits that "the
Jesuits have taken great pains and trouble in Canada to convert the
Indians to the Roman Church," he believes that the Indians profess
that religion only "outwardly," and so "inasmuch as they are not
well instructed in its fimdamental principles, they fall off lightly and
make sport of the subject and its doctrme." Van der Donck's au-
thority for this statement is the alleged experience of a Dutch mer-
chant on a trading trip to Canada in 1639, who plied an Indian
chief with liquor, loosening his tongue and imagiantion. "After he
had drank two or three glasses of wine, . . . the chief said that he had
been instructed so far that he often said mass among the Indians,
and that on a certain occasion the place where the altar stood
caught fire by accident, and our people made preparations to put
out the fire, which he forbade them to do, saying that God who
stands there is almighty, and he will put out the fire himself; and
we waited with great attention, but the fire continued till all was
btirned up, with your Almighty God himself and with all the fine
things about him. Smce that time I have never held to that re-
ligion, but regard the sun and the moon much more, as being better
than all your Gods are ; for they warm the earth and cause the fruits
to grow, when your lovely Gods cannot preserve themselves from
the fixe." Van der Donck. A Description of New Netherland.
N. Y. Hist. Society Coll. 2nd. Ser. i. (1841), p. 214.
2 "The Springs, which are as numerous as they are wonderful,
are nearly all minerals. Our little lake (Onondaga) which is only
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 30I
Father Le Moyne spent eight days in New Amster-
dam. Before his departure, the Dutch told him of their
desire to open trade between Canada and New Nether-
land. Le Moyne sent word of this proposal to the
six or seven leagues in circumference, is almost entirely surrounded
by salt springs. The water is used for salting and seasoning meat,
and for making very good salt. It often forms of itself in fine
crystals with which nature takes pleasure in surrounding these
springs. The salt that forms at a spring about two days' jdlumey
from our residence, toward Oiogoen, is much stronger than that
from the springs of Gaimentaa; for when the water — which looks as
white as milk, and the smell of which is perceptible from a great
distance — is boiled, it leaves a kind of salt almost as corrosive as
caustic. The rocks about that spring are covered with a foam as
thick as cream. The spring in the direction of Sonnontouan is no
less wonderful for its water-being of the same nature as the surround-
ing soil, which has only to be washed in order to obtain perfectly
pure sulphur — it ignites when it is shaken violently, and yields
sulphur when boiled. As one approaches nearer to the country of
the Cats, one finds heavy and thick water, which ignites like brandy,
and boils up in bubles of flame when fire is applied to it. It is,
moreover, so oily, that all our savages use it to anoint and grease
their heads and their bodies." Rel. 1656-7. Cap. xi. Jes. Rel. xliii.
259-261.
" The first one has never been exactly identified. By
land, it would probably be about thirty miles from the fort to
Auburn ; but such a spring would be at least at the base of the lime-
stone rocks, farther north, and probably in the Salina group. The
river route, two days' journey, would bring the travellers to the salt
springs at Montezuma ; and the text seems to imply salt springs
highly charged with lime. The sulphurous odor and the milky tinge
would be caused by the decomposition of sulphate of lime. There are
many small springs of this sort, continually forming calcareous tufa —
sometimes encrusting large masses of leaves or moss, and sometimes
forming masses of a light and spongy nature, yellow in hue. When
wet, these are quite caustic to the touch. The "burning spring
near the Senecas" is in the town of Bristol, Ontario County,
halfway between Canandaigua and Honeoye, where Charlevoix's
map locates it as the "Fontaine brulante." There are several
other carburated hydrogen gas springs in Ontario County.
The spring "toward the country of the Cats" (Eries) was prob-
ably the noted Oil spring in the town of Cuba, Alleghany County,
about fifty miles southwest of the "bttming spring." It is on the
Oil Spring Reservation, and is described as a dirty, stagnant pool,
twenty feet in diameter, and without an outlet. A yellowish-brown
oil collects on the surface, which is skimmed off. (Seneca oil,
formerly a popular remedy). This spring was so highly esteemed by
the Senecas that in their treaties they reserved it, with a square
mile of land. The spring toward Cayuga cannot be satisfactorily
302 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
French Governor, who immediately took counsel with
the principal inhabitants of Canada in regard to this
matter. There was no objection raised to the com-
merce of the Dutch with Canada, as the Dutch had
long been received in French ports as friends and allies
of the Crown. The French Governor .only stipulated
that their ships were to observe the same customs, as
the French vessels, which excluded all participation in
the Indian trade and the public exercise on land of
any religion that was opposed to the Roman faith.'
Father Le Mojme communicated this reply to the
Dutch from Fort Orange on April 7,1658, and expressed
regret that he was unable to accompany the first ship
to Quebec, as he had planned to do, inasmuch as he
would have with him, on his journey to Canada, "his
sailors of the woods. "^ The Mohawks, in their negotia-
tions for the release of the prisoners held by the French,
had promised to bring back Father Le Moyne to
Canada in the spring. They stopped at Fort Orange
previous to their departure and the Jesuit took the
opportunity to send a long letter to the Dutch minister,
who had been a Catholic until his twenty-third year,
when he had left the Church of Rome to become a
follower of John Calvin. To win back the minister to
identified. There are several magnesian springs, but not located as
in the text. I think it was one of the common springs, highly-
charged with sulphate of lime. John Bartram saw one of these in
1743, at Onondaga; but it was not oderous, {jeing above the gypsum
rocks. Cf . allusions to the mineral springs of that region, in Robert
Munro's Description of the Genesee Country (N. Y. 1804; reprinted
in N. Y. Doc. Hist. ii. 679-689.") — W. M. Beauchamp. Note
21. Jes. Rels. xliii. 326.
1 Letter of Governor D'Aillebout to Father Le Moyne, Quebec.
February 18, 1658. O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Netherland. ii. p.
364-
2 Letter. Ibid.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 303
the old Faith, Father Le Moyne sent him three trea-
tises, one on the succession of the popes, the second on
the councils, and the third on heresies. He exhorted
the minister to carefully meditate upon them, as Christ
hanging on the Cross was always ready to receive the
penitent. The Jesuit appealed to the apostolic succes-
sion in the Church of Rome from St. Peter, the vicar
of Christ on earth, the rock upon which the Ch«rch
was built, against which the gates of hell were not to
prevail, as the pledge of the truth of her teaching. The
Faith, received by the Church from Christ, had been
preserved in its purity by the indwelling of the Holy
Spirit, the Spirit of Truth, who had never forsaken the
Church assembled in the great Councils in union with
the Holy See of Rome, while on the contrary the truth
had been corrupted outside of the Catholic Church
through the work of the heretics, beginning with Judas
and ending with Calvin. The letter had as little effect
upon the religious belief of the Dutch minister, as the
letters which Jogues and Pokicet had sent to work his
conversion. Megapolensis denied the succession to be
a proof of the teaching of the Church of Rome and
accused Le Moyne of bad faith in not including in his
list of the popes the mythical Joanna, who, he believed,
was well attested in history. He claimed that the
names of Christ and Peter could not be admitted into
the list of popes, as they could not endorse some of the
doctrines of the Church of Rome. He did not deny
the presence of the Holy Spirit in the Church, the bride
of Christ, but he did not see the bride of Christ in the
church of Rome, "the Babylonian harlot . . . drunk
with the blood of holy martyrs." He asserted that the
304 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
validity of a council did not depend on the approval of
the Pope, but on its conformity with the Word of God —
of course according to the Reformed interpretation —
which alone assured the presence of the Holy Spirit,
while Popes and Councils often contradicted one
another. Megapolensis could not deny Calvin's depar-
ture from the Christian belief obtaining in the world
before his day, but he represented Calvin's teaching as a
restoration of the Gospel of Christ in its "purity,"
inasmuch as Calvin had discerned anew "the pure doc-
trines" of election, founded solely on the good pleasure
of God, of Christ as the only sacrifice for sin and only
mediator with God, of good works, done out of gratitude
and for the glory of God, and not from the selfish
motive of reward. The Dutch, minister, therefore, did
not allow the charge of heresy against Calvin, "who
brought back the doctrine of Christ's merits," while
the Jesuits, putting off even the name of Christian,
took refuge "in the fictitious merits, indulgences, and
satisfactions" of Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier.
He, therefore, tells Le Moyne to omit some names in his
list of heretics and insert in their place various Orders
of Monks and several Orders of Nuns. Finally Mega-
polensis implored the Jesuit in his advancing age to
ponder on his responsibility to Christ for his steward-
ship, as he was profaning the holy ordinance of Christ
in baptizing Indians, when they were willing to make
the sign of the cross, and sometimes even when half
dead. The Dutch minister promised to pray for
Le Moyne "that he may be delivered from his errors
and led to the true knowledge of Christ." The first
ship dispatched from New Amsterdam to Canada
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 305
carried this reply of John Megapolensis to Le Moyne,
with which the Dutch minister was so satisfied, that he
sent a draft to the Classis of Amsterdam. However, the
Jesuit never received the letter, as the Dutch bark, St.
Jean, under Captain John Petrel was wrecked at the
entrance of the gulf and left her bones on the Island
of Anticosti.*
For some time peace negotiations between the
French and the Iroquois continued, although occa-
sionally prisoners were made on both sides. On the
arrival of Father Le Moyne with three Mohawk ambas-
sadors towards the end of May, they made known the
deliberations of the great council of the Mohawks
assembled on April 19, in the presence of the most
notable of the Dutch of Manhattan, whom the Indians
had made witnesses of their peaceful intentions. They,
therefore, asked the French Governor to put away the
irons, with which he bound the Mohawk captive, and
demanded finally that the French should not intervene
in Indian conflicts. "Do like the Dutchman who inter-
feres not in the wars of the Wolves."^ When the Gov-
ernor charged them with the murders committed
recently by the Indians, the Mohawks threw the blame
upon the thoughtless Oneidas, who also sometimes
inflicted such injuries upon their Mohawk Father.'
On the conclusion of the council, the savages were dismiss-
• Reply of Rev. Johannes Megapolensis, Pastor of the Church
of New Amsterdam to a letter of Father Simon Le Moyne, a
French Jesuit Missionary of Canada. 1658. New York. 1907. The
original copy is in the Sage Library of the Theological Seminary at
New Brunswick, N. J.
2 The Mohegans were called the Wolf Nation by the French. Cf .
Rel. 1659-60. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 87.
' Journal Des PP. J6suites. 1658. Jes. Rels. xliv. 95-99.
3o6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
ed with presents and also some prisoners and directed to
invite the Elders to visit the Governor for the conclu-
sion of a general peace with all the Nations. Good
treatment was promised to the Mohawk prisoners, who
were retained in captivity.' Shortly after the return
of the Mohawks to their own country, fifteen of the
oldest chiefs presented themselves at Fort Orange and
requested the Dutch authorities to give them an
interpreter, who was to assist them in the exchange of
four French prisoners for Six Mohawk captives and in
the conclusion of a peace with aU the Indians of that
region. The Dutch replied that they had no person
who was able to act in such a capacity, but the Mohawks
refused to allow such an excuse. "When ye were at
war with the Indians, we went to the Manhattans and
used our best endeavors to procure you peace. Ye are
bound, therefore, now to befriend us on this occasion."
The public crier was then sent around to offer one
hundred guilders to any person, who would consent
to act as interpreter to these Mohawks. One of the
Company's soldiers, Henry Martin, volunteered and
set out with the Mohawks, who promised to bring
him back in safety at the end of forty days.^
On their arrival, the Mohawks, calling the attention
of the French to the fact that the Captain of New Hol-
land was their companion in this embassy, told the
French Governor to seek the means of establishing a
firm peace, but appointed the Mohawk village as the
place of the council, in which all their nations would
assemble. The Governor, speaking in the name of the
' Rel. i6s7-s8. Jes. Rels. xliv. 223.
2 Cf. Letter. August 15, 1658. La Montague to M. De la Petrie.
O'Callaghan. Hist, of New Netherland. ii. 366.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 307
French, Hurons, and Algonquins, declared that he had
come from France precisely to procure peace through-
out all these countries, so that the preachers of the
Gospel might have free access to them. Father Le
Moyne was, therefore, to go to the Mohawk country to
negotiate peace with all their nations, whom the Algon-
quins would also visit next spring, as they had no gifts
at present to give their ambassadors. However, aathe
young Mohawks showed but little faithfulness, the Gov-
ernor was compelled to keep four of their people in
Quebec as hostages for the life of the Jesuit Father,
who would go with them. At the end of November,
some of the Mohawks, with the prisoners then released,
began their horheward journey.^ In the spring of the
following year, 1659, an embassy of three Oneidas
appeared in Quebec to demand again, in the name of
their own tribe,the Mohawks, and Onondagas, the libera-
tion of the Oneida and Mohawk prisoners and to remind
the Governor of his promise, that Father Le Moyne and
the Algonquins were now to visit the Mohawk country
to arrange the peace. On May 7th, Father Le Moyne
and Jean de Noyon started from Three Rivers on an
embassy to Agni6, with two Algonquins, Tigarihogen,
four prisoners freed at Quebec and the three Oneida
ambassadors. One of the Algonquins, after remaining
two days in the Mohawk village, was overcome by fear
and fled back to Montreal, where he arrived towards the
end of June. A few days later. Father Le Moyne also ar-
rived in Quebec with the remaining Algonquin and four
Mohawks, who came to get the remaining Mohawk
hostages. However, only two of these were sent back
1 Journal des PP. J^suites. Jes. Rels. xliv. 121-129.
3o8 RELIGION IN NEW NETHBRLAND
to their country, while the two Oneidas were retained
until two Frenchmen taken by the Onondagas should
be restored/ In spite of the promises made by these
Mohawks at the time of their departure, eight French-
men were taken captive a month later by a band of one
hundred Mohawks nearThree Rivers, but, shortly before
this, some savages had killed nine Iroquois a day's
journey above Montreal.^ The Dutch requested the
Mohawks to release their eight French prisoners and to
restore them to their country, but the Mohawks
deferred the answer to this request until the as-
sembly of a council of their castles. They com-
plained bitterly that the French did not keep the
peace, as French savages attacked them, whenever
they were out hunting, and thrashed them with
the help of the disguised Frenchmen always among
them.' On January i6, 1660, Abraham Staes of
Beverwyck wrote to Stuyvesant that the Mohawks had
declared that they would bring back to Canada the
French prisoners in the spring and then make a solid
peace with the French. However, with the arrival of
spring, the Iroquois threatened all the French settle-
ments on the St. Lawrence.^ Seventeen young French-
men of Montreal under DoUard, with forty Huron War-
riors, decided to cut off the Iroquois returning from the
chase, but, in the month of June, they were hemmed in,
in an old dilapidated fort at Long Sault, by seven
hundred Iroquois, composed of two hundred Ononda-
1 Journal des PP. J^suites. 1659-1660. Jes. Rels. xlv. 81-95.
'Ibid. 107, log.
* Minutes of the Court of Fort Orange. September 24, 1659. Col.
Docs. N. Y. xiii. 113.
* Journal des PP. J^suites. i66o. Jes. Rels. xlv. 153.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH , 309
gas and five hundred Mohawks. After a gallant defense,
the few survivors, five Frenchmen and four Hurons,
were captured and carried away to be tortured to
death. Two Frenchmen were apportioned to the
Mohawks, two to the Onondagas, and the fifth to the
Oneidas, to give them all a taste of French flesh, and to
whet their appetites to desire more in revenge of the
death of a score of savages on this occasion. This heroic
defense diverted the Iroquois from Montreal, which
was thus saved from destruction.' Two months later,
fifty Iroquois from Cayuga, who had come to Montreal
and claimed to be neutral in the war rekindled between
the French and the Iroquois, were suspected to be spies,
as their spokesmen had none of the marks customary
to ambassadors. They were, therefore, seized in the
hope thus to gain freedom from attack during the
harvest and to obtain the liberation of the Frenchmen
in captivity amongst the Mohawks, The French knew
that the Mohawks had invited the Onondagas to join
forces with them in the following autumn for the des-
truction of the colony of Three Rivers.*
The French realized that the devastation caused by
the Iroquois was the great obstacle to the security of
Canada and to the propagation of the Gospel among
the infidel savages. The struggling native churchesr-
that they had established with such heroic zeal and
with such sacrifices, were continually made desolate, so
that the neophytes were forced "to seek caves and the
thickest and most remote forests to drag out a miserable
* Journal des PP. J&uits. 1660. Jes. Rels. xlv. 157. Relation of
1650-60. Jes. Rels. xlv. 245-261.
'Relation. 1659-60. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 117-121.
3IO RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
existence there in want of all things." This misery-
was the work of a handful of Iroquois, who all together
did not equal the thousandth part of those whose salva-
tion they prevented. The Jesuits estimated the force of
the Five Nations at this period at twenty-two hundred
warriors, of which the Mohawks constituted five hun-
dred "in two or three wretched villages," the Oneidas
one hundred, the Onondagas and the Ca3mgas three
hundred each, and the Senecas one thousand. Even
this number was not composed solely of pure Iroquois,
of whom scarcely more than twelve hundred could be
fotmd in the whole of the Five Nations.' The soul of
the hostility of the Iroquois to the French was the
Mohawk, who, before the advent of the Dutch, had been
overcome in a ten years war by the Andastes and some-
time before by the Algonquins so that the nation had
been almost rendered extinct. They were then so humi-
liated that the mere name of Algonquin made the Mo-
hawks tremble. However, when the Dutch took posses-
sion of New Netherland, they furnished those people
with firearms, with which it was easy for them to con-
quer their conquerors, who were filled with terror at
the mere sound of their guns. They became victorious
everywhere and aspired to sovereign sway over all the
Nations. There was, therefore, no hope of peace and
the Jesuits felt that the destruction of these Indian was
necessary to open the approaches to at least ten
1 Mrs. Schuyler van Rensselaer says: "Yet even in the days of
their greatest strength and power, during the first half of the
seventeenth century, when they had procured firearms from the
white men, they numbered not more than four thousand warriors,
twenty thousand souls in all. Twice as many of their descendants,
it has been computed, now survive in and near the State of New
York." History of the City of New York. i. 58.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 3 II
Nations of savages, who were asking for Fathers of the
Society to instruct them. The Jesuits, therefore,
appealed to the chivalrous spirit of the Frencii. "Are
not these sights touching enough to rekindle in the
French that zeal and ardor which, of old, made such
noble conquests among the infidels, and rendered
France so glorious through the crusades."' The same
thought arose in the minds of Father Gabriel Drueijletes
and Father Claude Dablon, when, in their mission to the
North Sea, they found the tribes dispersed by the
Iroquois who had preceded them. Would not the
destruction of a people who are overthrowing Chris-
tianity everywhere "be a holy war and blessed crusade,
well fitted to signalize the piety and consecrate the
courage of the French against this little Turk of New
France?"' The frequent hostile incursions of the
Iroquois throughout the spring of 1661, bringing death
and captivity to numerous Frenchmen at Three Rivers
and Montreal, strengthened the Jesuits in their con-
viction of the necessity of decisive action to save the
country, before the Iroquois drained the last drop of
its blood.
However, in the month of July, when the fate of the
French colony appeared most hopeless, an embassy
with four French prisoners as pledges of their sincerity
was sent by the Onondagas and the Cayugas to nego-
tiate a peace, in which the Senecas also wished to
participate. They demanded as preliminary conditions
the liberation of the eight Cayuga prisoners, and the
sending of the Black Gown with them, as "the lives of
1 Relation of 1659-60. xlv. 189-191; 205-207 ;xlvi. 67 seq.
'Relation of 1660-61. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 291.
312 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
twenty Prenchmen in captivity at Onondaga depended
on this journey." The demand was reinforced by the
production of a leaf torn out of a book with the sig-
natures of the twenty Frenchmen to guarantee the good
faith of the ambassadors. When the four Frenchmen,
former captives at Onondaga, gave testimony of the
kind treatment received by the French at the hands of
those savages, the Governor and his councillors, after
mature deliberation, accepted the proposals of the
Indians. Father Le Moyne accompanied the ambassa-
dors with the liberated Cayrigas, after they had pledged
their word to return at the end of forty days with the
French captives and with some of their elders to deliber-
ate on matters of public interest.^
Father Le Moyne was received with great honor in
Onondaga, where he found the twenty French captives
under the protection of Garaconti^. He reminded the
savages of the promise to restore the French, but they
consented to liberate only nine of thern, seven at Onon-
daga and two at Cayuga, while the other Frenchmen
were to remain at Onondaga with Father Le Moyne until
next spring, when they also would obtain their liberty.'
Garaconti6 headed the embassy, which left Onondaga
towards the middle of September with the nine French-
men. Some of the Indians wished to abandon the
enterprise, when they met an Onondaga chieftain,
clothed in the cassock of Father Le Maistre, whom he
had murdered shortly before, but Garaconti6 was able
to overcome their fear of retaliation on their own per-
1 Relation 1660-1661. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 223-241.
^Letter of Le Moyne. August 25, and September ir, 1661, to
Lalemant. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 69-83.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 3 13
son, as the French left with Father Le Moyne were
sufficient surety for their own safety. The embassy
reached Montreal on October 5. In the Council,
Garaconti^ broke the bonds of the nine French captives
and promised the return of Father Le Moyne with the
other prisoners in the following spring, who would
then ennoble the conclusion of a firm peace between the.
French and the Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecgs.'
Meanwhile, the towns of the three tribes were open to
the missionaries and also to the other Frenchmen, who
were invited to settle in large numbers among them.
The new Governor, M. d'Avougour, was now fully
determined to destroy the two small tribes of Mo-
hawks and Oneidas, still hostile to the French, if
the King >^sent the soldiers needed for such an
expedition.* About the same time, Father Paul
Raguenau suggested to the Prince de Cond6 to
send a French Regiment, which might effectively
attack these Iroquois through New Holland, the
shortest and most convenient road to their country.'
There is little probability that this design would have
obtained the consent of the Dutch, as it would have cost
them the friendship of the Mohawks, which they always
had been most careful to maintain. If we are to
believe a Frenchman held captive by the Mohawks at
this time, "the Dutch are no longer willing to secure our
freedom, as it costs them too dearly; on the contrary,
they teU the Iroquois to cut off our arms and legs, and
'Relation. 1660-1661. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 93-103.
^ Letter. October 20, 1661. Father Chaumonot to Father
Rippault of Dijon. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 157.
'Letter from Quebec. October 12, 1661. Jes. Rels. xlvi. 147-
149-
314 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
kill US where they find us, .without burdening them-
selves with us."*
During the winter, Father Le Moyne consoled the
French in their captivity, strengthened the Huron
Christians in their faith and laid the foundations to the
conversion of the Iroquois. His life was not without
danger from the hands of savages under the domination
of the demon of dreams and of the demon of drink.
One, who in a dream had seen himself dressed in a cas-
sock, broke into the chapel, determined to strip the
missionary of this garment. Another in a drunken fit
attempted to pounce on the crucifix over the altar.^
His hatchet was raised to strike the Jesuit, who was
resolved to give his life sooner than surrender the image
of the Crucified Saviour, but he was rescued by the
Elders of the village. Some of the Indians "threw the
blame on the Dutch, who (they say) furnish them a
certain drink that makes madmen of the wisest, and
deprives him of his reason before he knows it." For
the Indians brought brandy "from New Holland in such
quantities as to make a veritable Pot-House of Onon-
daga." To rid him of these afHictions for a time, the
less cruel Cayugas invited Le Mo3me to visit their
villages. Here there was established a Huron village
entirely Christian. A month later Father Le Moyne re-
turned to Onondaga, where Garaconti6 had arrived from
1 Letter to a friend at Three Rivers. The captive was soon
delivered through the intervention of Garacontifi. Jes. Rels. xlvii.
93.
2 This crucifix, about two feet in height, had been carried off the
year previous by the Mohawks from Argentenay on the Island of
Orleans. Garaconti6 saw it at Agni6, and obtained it by giving
them a rich present and holding an eloquent eulogy on the Crucifix.
Cf. Relation. 1661-1662. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 215.
JESUIT MISSIONS AND THE DUTCH 315
his embassy to Montreal.' Under his protection, the
missionary continued his apostolic work, while the small
pox was raging in the village. He was able to say mass
daily in the rude chapel. When the wine began to fail,
he wrote to the Dutch that he might need some for his
health, as he knew that they would not give him any for
the sacrifice of the mass. The Dutch sent him a small
bottle, well sealed, by a savage, who was told thg,t he
must not drink of this medicine needed by the Father,
unless he wished to contract a serious illness. On his
arrival at Onondaga, the Indian asked to taste a little
of that medicine to see whether it was as bad as the
Dutch had said. Le Mo5me cut up some Barbadoes
nuts in a Httle of this wine, and gave it to the savage.
The medicine was "of such purgative effect as to
deprive him of all desire to ask for a second dose."^
In the spring, the liberation of the French at Onon-
daga was somewhat delayed. One of their number,
named Libert^, had been treacherously murdered by
his Indian masters, because he refused to live in con-
cubinage with an Indian woman, whom they wished to
give to him.' Ho^^ever, in the summer the savages
fulfilled their pledged word. "On the last day of
August , 1662, Father Le Moyne made his appearance in
a canoe below the falls of St. Louis, having around him
aU those happy rescued ones and a score of Onnontagher-
onnons who from being his enemies had become their
boatmen. . . They landed amid the cheers and embraces
of all the French of Montreal and followed their Pastor
1 Relation. 1661-1662. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 183-189.
' Ibid. 197-199.
*Ibid. 201-203.
3l6 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
to render thanks to God in the church."' The war
between the Iroquois and the Andastes prevented the
renewal of the French missions in that country during
the two following years, while the domination of the
Dutch in New Netherland still continued.
'Relation. 1661-1662. Jes. Rels. xlvii. 191-193.
APPENDIX A
CHRONICLE OF NEW NETHERLAND
1609. Henry Hudson sails along the coast of North America from
New Foiindland to Chesapeake Bay and explores the
Hudson River.
Truce of twelve years signed between Spain and the United
Netherlands.
1610. Beginning of occasional fur trading by the Dutch.
1 6 1 4 . New Netherland Co . chartered with a monopoly of the trade
for three years.
1620. Petition of the Puritans in Holland for permission to emi-
grate to New Netherland is refused. Captain Thomas
Dermer, an English navigator, while visiting Manhattan
Island, asserts English claim to this territory.
1621. The truce with Spain terminates.
Dutch West India Company chartered with the monopoly
of the trade to America, etc., for twenty-four years.
Colonization is optional to the Company, founded mainly
to assist in the war against Spain.
1624. First colony — thirty families — is sent with Comelis Jacob-
son May, as Director. Fort Orange on the Hudson, and
Fort Nassau on the Delaware erected. A small colony
sent to the Connecticut River, where Port Good Hope is
planned. Settlement of Long Island begun.
1625. William Verhulst Director. New settlers arrive with live
stock, etc.
1626. Peter Minuit, Director General, buys Manhattan Island,
where the erection of Fort Amsterdam and a place of
worship is begun.
1627. On the opening of trade between New Netherland and New
Plymouth, Bradford warns Minuit to clear the Dutch
title to New Netherland, which is within English territory.
1628. Population at Manhattan two hundred and seventy souls.
Arrival of first clergyman, Jonas Michaelius.
(319)
320 NEW NETHERLAND
1629. Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions: grants in the form
patroonships and colonies outside of Manhattan Island.
First explicit legal recognition of the Dutch Reformed
Church, for which the patroons and colonists are bound
to provide.
1630. Foundation of patroonships: on the Delaware, Swanendael;
on the Hudson at its mouth, Pavonia, and at Port Orange
Rensselaerswyck. The last patroonship was the only
permanent foundation of this kind in New Netherland.
1632. Minuit recalled.
Lords Say and Seal, etc., receive from the Earl of Warwick
the grant of Connecticut, but neglect colonization till
several years later.
1633. Wouter Van Twiller, Director General. Everardus Bogar-
dus, the second Dutch minister. Adam Rolandsen, the
first schoolmaster. The "William of London" goes up
the Hudson to trade, on the plea that this is English ter-
ritory. Fort Good Hope on the Connecticut completed.
A wooden church erected at Manhattan. Winthrop
protests against Dutch occupation of Connecticut, which
is claimed to be within the possessions of the Ekiglish
King. A little above Fort Good Hope, Plymouth erects
a stockade (Windsor.)
1634. Trouble between the Dutch and the Raritans about New
Amsterdam.
Pequods surrender to Massachusetts their rights to the
Connecticut River country.
1635. A "Part of New England" and Long Island granted by the
Plymouth Council to Lord Stirling. English encroach-
ments on the Connecticut. Eight hundred English in
Connecticut Valley. English settlements at Wethersfield
and Windsor, and the following year at Springfield.
1638. William Kieft, Director General.
Swedes settle on the Delaware and build Fort Christina.
New Sweden founded in spite of the protests of Kieft by
the former Director Minuit.
1639. English settlements along Long Island Sound : New H aven ,
Stratford, Norwalk, Greenwich, encroachments on Dutch
territory. Organization of Connecticut, and New Haven
common wealths .
1640. Farret visits Manhattan and in the name of Lord Stirling
lays claim to all Long Island. He is arrested, but then
dismissed. English attempt to settle there, but are
expelled.
New Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions extended to all in
friendly relations with the United Provinces, but pro-
CHRONICLE 321
1640. hibits the public exercise of any other religion than the
Reformed.
Trouble with the Raritan Indians.
1641 . The Twelve Select Men representing the commonalty oppose
hostilities, with the Indians.
Conditions, under which a party of Englishmen with their
preacher may come and settle in New Netherland,
presented. These modelled on the charter of 1640.
1642. The Twelve Select Men, asembled by Kieft agree to hostili-
ties with the Indians, but demand civic reforms, and are
dismissed in consequence with the prohibition to hold any
fvirther assembly. «
English settle under Dutch jurisdiction: at Mespath Long
Island, at Throg's Neck, Westchester, and at Pelham
Neck. Friction between English and Dutch continues
in Connecticut Valley. English intruded on Delaware
are expelled.
Stone church in New Amsterdam begun. John Megapo-
lensis, first minister of Rensselaerswyck. Father Jogues,
Jesuit missionary, captured by the Mohawks, his com-
panion Renfe Goupil lalled.
1 643 . General rising of Algonquins provoked by the cruel massacre
of the Indians by the Dutch. A disastrous Indian war
ensues. The "Eight Men" elected by commonalty
authorize hostilities. English settlements at Throg's
Neck and Mespath destroyed. Lady Moody with others
settles at Gravesend.
The "Eight Men" send a "Remonstrance" to Amsterdam
and to the Hague anent the ruinous state of affairs in New
Netherland with a petition for immediate relief.
Sir Edmund Plowden, "Earl Palatine of New Albion"'
claims territory, comprising the present State of New
Jersey, under a grant from the King of England.
Father Jogues escapes from the Mohawks.
1644. Hempstead, L. I. settled by Englishmen.
Indian war: one hundred and twenty Indians killed near
Hempstead, seven hundred killed near Stamford. West-
chester and Long Island Indians sue for peace. River
Indians still hostile.
The West India Company bankrupt. First Excise laws
enacted. The commonalty discontented. Memorial of
the "Eight Men" to the West India Company.
Two exploring expeditions sent to the Delaware River from
Boston meet with opposition of the Dutch and the Swedes.
Fort erected on Beeren Island, Rensselaerswyck, attempts
to levy toll on all vessels passing it with conflicting juris-
dictions as a result.
Father Bressani, S. J. ransomed by the Dutch from the
Mohawks and sent to Europe.
322 NEW NETHERLAND
1645. General peace with the Indians.
English settlers return to Mespath and reestablish colony
in its vicinity under the name of Newtown. Flushing
founded by Massachusetts exiles. Gravesend patent
issued.
Curngoa,, Aruba and neighboring West India Islands placed
under the jurisdiction of the Director of New Netherland.
Quarrel between Director Kieft and Rev. Bogardus.
1646. New Haven encroaches on Dutch territory in the North and
the Swedes do the same in the South. Kieft protests
against the meeting of the New England commissioners at
New Haven, which he claims to be within the limits of
New Netherland. Amsterdam Chamber instructs Kieft
to oppose all further English encroachments with all
means at his disposal short of war. The Swedes pull
down the arms of Holland erected on the site of Philadel-
phia, purchased by the Dutch from the Indians.
Colendonck founded near Spyt den Duyvel. Patent
issued for Katskill. Breuckelen incorporated.
Father Jogues, S. J. put to death by the Mohawks.
1647 Peter Stuyvesant, Director. Population of New Nether-
land estimated at 2000.
Comelis Melyn and Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, two of the
"Eight Men," prosecuted for their criticism of the previous
administration, fined and banished.
The board of "Nine Men" appointed to represent the com-
monalty, and to furnish revenue in support of the colonial
government.
Conflicts with the English. Lady Stirling's agent repre-
sents himself at Flushing and Hempstead as her governor
of Long Island. He is arrested and sent to Holland, but
escapes in England. Stuyvesant declares Dutch claim
to all territory between the Delaware and the Connecticut
and then he extends claim to territory between Cape
Henlopen and Cap Cod. A Dutch ship seized at New
Haven and brought to Manhattan.
1648. Conflicts with the Swedes on the Delaware. Swedes crowd
the Dutch. Dutch trade ruined. New England com-
plains of Dutch trading regulations. Stujrvesant anxious
for a settlement of differences and for the establishment
of an alliance. Unsettled condition of England prevents
a settlement in Europe. Directors of West India Com-
pany recommend Stuyvesant "to endeavor to live in
the best possible terms," as the English are too strong for
the Dutch.
General discontent results in the Dutch Province from the
loss of trade. The "Nine Men" propose a mission to
Holland to make known the state of the province.
1649. The journal of the "Nine Men", kept by Van der Donck for
CHRONICLE 3 23
1649. the preparation of the Remonstrance to be sent to Holland,
seized by Stuyvesant. Van der Donck tried for libel is
expelled from the board of "Nine Men." Proceedings
against Melyn and Kuyter disapproved. Melyn returns
to New Netherland with a safe-conduct and a writ citing
the Director to appear at the Hague. Delegates sent to
present the Remonstrance of New Netherland to the
States General for a redress of abuses. Stuyvesant sends
Van Tienhoven, his secretary, to appear for him at The
Hague. The magistrates at Gravesend give him a decla-
ration of their confidence in Stuyvesant' s "wisdom and
justice in the administration of the common weal."
1650. Reforms for NewNetherland, reported by a committee'of the
States General, are opposed by the West India Company.
The "Nine Men," continue to complain.
Treaty concluded between English and Dutch at Hartford
determines boundary between New Netherland and New
England. Dutch complain that Stujrvesant ceded too
much land. Massachusetts claims that this settlement
does not prejudice its right to territory on the Hudson
River.
1651. Stujrvesant stops English from New Haven at Manhattan,
as they expressed the intention to settle on the Delaware.
They are sent back to New Haven. New England mani-
fests hostile spirit towards New Netherland.
Stuyvesant strengthens Dutch position on the Delaware by
the erection of Fort Casimir in spite of the protests of the
Swedish governor.
Arbitrary government continues in New Netherland.
1652. Trouble between Stuyvesant and Rensselaerswyck ends in
the annexation of Beverwyck by the former.
Settlements begun at Esopus, Newtown, Flatbush and New
Utrecht. Population of New Amsterdam estimated at about
eight hundred souls. Municipal government given to this
city. Navalwar between Dutch and English. Stuyvesant
advised to engage Indians in the event of hostilities on the
part of New England. These advices captured by the
English. Stuyvesant directed to be on his guard, but not
to give any provocation.
1653. Organization of a Municipal Government for New Amster-
dam. Appointment of Burgomasters and Schepens.
Stuyvesant proposes the continuance of peaceful relations
between the Dutch and the English in New England
and Virginia in spite of the Dutch-English war. New
Amsterdam put into the state of defense by a repair of the
fort and the erection of a palisade about the town.
The Second Amboyna Tragedy; or a Faithful Account of a
Bloody, Treacherous and Cruel Plot of the Dutch in
America to murder the English colonists, published in
324 NEW NETHERLAND
1653. London. Stuyvesant suggests that New England agents
visit New Netherland to examine the evidence of such a
plot, which is done.
Connecticut and New Haven urge war with New Nether-
land, but Massachusetts persistently refuses to engage
in such war. Captain Underbill raises the parliament flag
on Long Island, and is banished. He seizes Fort Good
Hope "with permission from the General Coiui; of
Hartford."
Convention of delegates from various towns of the Province
assemble at New Amsterdam, and vote a Remonstrance
on the State of New Netherland, demanding a represen-
tative government, etc. This petition is sent to Holland.
Stuyvesant dissolves the convention.
J654. Lutherans at New Amsterdam are denied permission to call
a minister of their own persuasion and to worship publicly
by themselves.
An English expedition against New Netherland sails from
England. Troops raised in New England, but the con-
clusion of peace prevents the invasion of New Netherland.
The Swedes, under their new governor Rising, capture the
Dutch fort Casimir, and call it Fort Trinity. A Swedish
ship seized at Manhattan. English settle m Westchester
in spite of Stuyvesant's prohibition to do so. Oyster Bay
applies to New Haven to be under its jurisdiction. No
attention is paid to Stuyvesant's complaints.
Dutch ambassadors try to settle boundary question in
England. Cromwell has received no information from
New England and refuses to decide the question on the
allegations of only one party.
i6ss. Some English raise the flag of England at Gravesend, L. I.,
and arrests follow. English settlers in West Chester re-
fuse to recognize Dutch jurisdiction before the settlement
of the boundary by Engla.nd.
Swedes on the Delaware reduced on the order of the West
India Company. Lutheran Swedes are allowed the min-
istry of one Lutheran clergyman. The vice-director
instructed by Stuyvesant to 'maintain and protect the
Reformed Religioii." Indians invade New Amsterdam;
Hoboken, Pavonia and Staten Island laid waste. General
consternation.
French settle at Onondaga. Mission begun by Fathers
Chaumonot and Dablon. Jesuit chapel erected.
1656. Stuyvesant orders the formation of compact villages in
imitation of "our New England neighbors" for better
defense against the Indians.
"Conventicles," or places of worship not in harmony with
the established Dutch church are prohibited under heavy
fines. Religious persecution ensues.
The English of Westchester forced to acknowledge Dutch
CHRONICLE 325
1656. jurisdiction. Hartford treaty ratified by the States
General. Jamaica founded on Long Island.
New Amsterdam surveyed ; one hundred and twenty houses,
one thousand souls.
West India Company cedes some territory on the Delaware
to the City of Amsterdam.
1657. The Great and Small Burgher-right established in New
Amsterdam. The City of Amsterdam establishes its
colony of New Amstel on the Delaware.
Cromwell orders the English on Long Island not to betray
the rights of their nation "by subjecting themselves and
lands to a foreign state." «
Increased religious intolerance: Lutheran minister ban-
ished, Quakers persecuted.
1658 The Flushing protest in favor of religious liberty meets with
measures of repression. Continuation of Quaker perse-
cution. Fines imposed for the refusal to contribute to
the support of the Dutch clergy. Flushing charter
altered. New Harlem and Communipa founded. Bergen
purchased.
French abandon settlement at Onondaga. Trade opened
by sea with Canada at the request of the Dutch.
Trouble with Esopus Indians. Dutch village laid out there.
1659. Massachusetts attempts to encroach on the Hudson River.
New Netherland permitted to trade with France, Spain,
Italy and the Caribbean Islands.
War with the Esopus Indians.
Maryland claims the Delaware. Dutch send embassy to
that Province and demand a commission to define the
boundary between New Netherland and Maryland or a
settlement of the question in Europe.
1660. Controversy on New England and New Netherland claims
- continues.
Peace concluded with the Esopus Indians.
Negotiations between Stuyyesant and Virginia. Governor
Berkely does not recognize Dutch title to the Delaware.
Lord Baltimore renews his claim to this territory.
1 66 1. On the Restoration in England, the West India Company,
with the approbation of the States General, gives "to all
Christian people of tender conscience, in England or
elsewhere oppressed, full liberty to erect a colony" in New
Netherland.
Persecution of the Quakers continued.
Some rigid Puritans of New Haven negotiate for settlement
under Dutch jurisdiction at Achter Kol.
Wiltwyck, at Esopus, incorporated. Schenectady pur-
chased. Bushwyck, New Utrecht and Bergen incor-
porated. ^„,
326 NEW NETHERLAND
1663 Connecticut receives a royal charter to all territory south
of Massachusetts to the ocean and West to the Pacific
ocean with "the islands thereunto adjoining." West-
chester and English towns on Long Island annexed.
City of Amsterdam grants land on the Delaware to a colony
of Mennonites.
New Proclamation against the public exercise of any religion
but that of the Dutch Reformed Continued persecution
of the Quakers. John Bowne and others banished.
1663. The whole of the Delaware River surrendered to the City of
Amsterdam.
The authorities in Holland reprove Stuyvesant's severity
in his treatment of dissenters. They would like some
connivance, "at least the consciences of men ought to
remain free and unshackled." The Directors insist on
liberty of conscience, but not on liberty of worship, public
or private.
New Haven Puritans continue to negotiate for a settlement
under Dutch jurisdiction.
Massacre of the Dutch at the Esopus. Vigorous war against
these Indians.
Connecticut foments a revolt of the English on Long Island.
Stuyvesant tries to refer "the matters unsettled to both
superiors." Connecticut knows no New Netherland
without "a patent for it from his majesty, but agrees not
to exercise any jurisdiction "over the English plantations
on the westerly end of Long Island," provided the Dutch
agree to the same.
Convention of Delegates from the Dutch towns in New
Amsterdam. Remonstrance, with an exposition of the
dangers from the English, adopted and dispatched to
Amsterdam.
Revolution on Long Island. Names of the English villages
changed.
1664. New Netherland granted to the Duke of York. The English
towns of Long Island elect Captain John Scott "to act as
their president until his Royal Highness the Duke of
York or his majesty should establish a government
among then^." Stuyvesant agrees to have the English
towns under' the King of England for twelve months until
the settlement of the question by his majesty and the
States General, and Scott agrees to have the Dutch towns
remain for the same period under the States General.
General Provincial Assembly of the Dutch at New Amster-
dam refuses to vote supplies in defense of the Province
against the Indians and the English.
Peace with the Esopus Indians.
English towns received under the government of Connecti-
cut, which claims Long Island for one of those Islands
expressed in the charter. Scott imprisoned by Connecti-
cut. Winthrop removes Scott's officers and installs
CHRONICLE 327
1664. others. Stuyvesant urges Dutch title and Hartford
treaty to no effect. New Netherland reduced by the
Enghsh and named New York in honor of its proprietor.
Population of New Netherland: Province, 1 0,000; New
Amsterdam, 1600.
Population of New England; 50,000.
Population of Virginia; 35,000.
Population of Maryland; 15,000.
APPENDIX B
A SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
(A) WORKS OF BIBLIOGRAPHY
(i) Guides to Printed Materials
General
Adams, C. K., Manual of Historical Literature, 2d ed. New
York, 1889.
Channing, E. and Hart, A. B., Guide to the Study of American
History, Boston, 1896.
Lamed, J. N., ed.. The Literature of American History, Boston,
1902. Supplements for 1901, 1902, 1903, 1904.
Sabin, Joseph, ed. Dictionary of books relating to America,
186S. 1 9 vols to date.
Richardson, Morse, Anson. Writings on American History
1902. 1904.
McLaughlin, Slade, Lewis. Writings on American History
1903. 1905.
Griffin, Grace Gardner. Writings on American History 1906,
1908.
Periodical
Griffin, A. P. C, Bibliography of American Historical Socie-
ties. (The United States and Dominion of Canada).
2d ed., 1907. Annual Report of American Historical As-
sociation, vol. ii. 1907.
Provincial
Asher, G. M., Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the
Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland,
Amsterdam, 1854-1867.
Pemow, B., Critical Essay on the Sources of Information (for
the History of New Netherland or the Dutch in America),
in Narrative and Critical History of America, ed. Justin
Winsor. vol. iv. 409-438
Plagg, C. A,, and Jennings, J. T., Bibliography of New York
(331)
332 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Colonial History. New York State Library Biilletin, 56.
Bibliography 24, 1901.
Keen, G. B., Critical Essay on the Sources of Information
(for the History of New Sweden or the Swedes on the Dela-
ware), in Narrative and Critical History of America, ed.
Justin Winsor, vol. iv. 468-502, 1884.
Onderdonck, H., Jr., Bibliography of Long Island, in Furman,
Antiquities of Long Island, ed. by F. Moore, New York, 1875.
New York Public Library Bulletin :
Check List of American County and State Histories in the
New York Public' Library, vol. v, 11.
Works Relating to the State of New York in the New York
Public Library, vol. iv. s-6.
Check List of the Works Relating to the History of Brook-
Ijrn and other places on Long Island now included in the
City of New York, in the New York Public Library, vol.
vi 3- .
List of Works Relating to New York City History in the
New York Public Library, vol. v. 3.
Religious
Bowenhan. A Selected Bibliography of the Religious Denomi-
nations of the United States, New York, 1896.
Hurst, J F., Literature of Theology (with a bibliography of
American Church History), New York, 1896.
Jackson, S. M. Bibliography of American Church pistory,
1820-1893, in vol xii. of American Church History Series,
New York, 1908.
New York Public Library Bulletin. List on the Churches and
the Ecclesiastical History of New York in the New York Pub-
lic Library, vol. v. 5.
(ii) Guides to Manuscript Materials
Andrews, C. M. Davenport, Prances. Guide to Manuscript
Materials for the History of the United States to 1783 in the
British Museum, in Minor London Archives and in the librar-
ies of Oxford and Cambridge, Washington, 1908.
Annotated List of the Principal Manuscripts in the New York
State Library. State Library Bulletin. History 3, Albany,
1899.
Brodhead, J. Romeyn. Calendar to the Holland Documents
in the Office of the Secretary of State at Albany, Transcribed
from the originals in the Royal Archives at The Hague and
the Archives of the City of Amsterdam in New York Papers.
Final Report to the Governor, February 12, 1845. Senate
Document 47, Albany, 1845.
Catalogue of Historical Papers and Parchments received from
the Office of the Secretary of State and deposited in the New
York State Library, Albany, 1849.
Check List of the Municipal and other Documents Relating to
BIBLIOGRAPHY 333
New York City in the New York Public Library, in New York
Public Library Bulletin, yol. v. i .
Manuscripts Relating to the History of New Netherland and
New York in the New York Public Library. New York
Public Library Bulletin, vol. v. 7.
O'Callaghan, E B. Calendar of New York Historical Manu-
scripts, vol. i. (Dutch), 1630-1664, Albany, 1865.
O'Callaghan, E. B. Indexto vols, i, ii, iii, of Translations of
Dutch Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State of
New York, Albany, 1870.
Osgood, H. L. Report on the Public Archives of New York.
American Historical Association Report, 1900, vol ii, pp.
67-250, Washington, 1901. ^
Van Tyne - Leland. Guide to- the Archives at Washington,
2ded. Washington, 1907.
(B) MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENTS
New York State Library
Transcripts of Documents in the Royal Archives at The
Hague and the Archives of the City of Amsterdam, 1603-
1678, Sixteen Volumes.
(Procured 1841 by John Romeyn Brohhead; translated and
edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, as Documents Relating to the
Colonial History of the State of New York, vols, i, ii.
Holland Documents, Albany, 1856-58.)
New York Colonial Manuscripts (Dutch), 1638-1664.
(Transactions of the Colonial Government).
Vols, i-iii. Register of Provincial Secretary, 1638-1660.
iv-x. Council minutes, 1638-1665.
xi-xv. Correspondence of Director General. 1646-1664.
xvi. Placards, writs and Fort Orange Records, 1647-1663.
xvii. Curagoa Papers, 1640-1665.
xviii-xxi. Delaware Papers, 1646- 168 2.
(A defective translation of most of these records by Francis
Adriaen Van der Kemp in Twenty-four Manuscript Vol-
umes, known as "Albany Records." A new translation of
Vols, i-iii, by E. B. O'Callaghan in one Manuscript Volume,
to which the author published an " Index to Vols, i-ii-iii of
Translations of Dutch Manuscripts in the Office of the Se-
cretary of State, Albany, 1870.
Translations from vol. iv. in a Second Manuscript Volume by
E B. O'Callaghan with a Manuscript Index.
Translation of pp. 1-14 of vol. v. and of p. 33 of vol. xvi. by
E B. O'Callaghan in loose sheets.
Many documents from this series printed in vols, xii-xiv. of
Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York,
edited by B. Femow, Albany, 1877-1883.)
334 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Dutch Patents.
BookGG. 1636-1649.
BookHH. 1654-1664.
(Manuscript Index: "Index; Account of Dutch Records;
Alphabetical Index of the Two Dutch Books of Provincial
Patents GG and HH."
List of Patents in GG and HH, m O'Callaghan's Cal. Hist.
MSS. vol. i, pp. 36 4-387.
Translations of Book GG, vol. xxvi. 1642-1649, 514 PP- F-
by D. Westbrook, July 23, 1841 — "on whole satisfactory
and reliable."
Contents: Patents of July 12, 1630 — September 20, 1651, in
GG. Deed of Maryn Aiidriesen to Jan Jansen Damen,
September 20, 1642 (N. Y. Col. MSS. ii, 53). Commissions
to Martin Crieger and Cornells van Ruyven, September
22, 23, 1659 (N. Y. Col. MSS.xvii. 68).
Translations of Dutch patents and transports, 1652-1674, 86
pp. F. by James Van Ingen. — "carefully prepared."
Contents: Parti, of Book HH. Patents of September 5,
1652 — October 15, 1653. Translations of Dutch Patents,
1654-1655, 171, pp. P. by James Van Ingen — "Correct and
satisfactory."
Contents: Part 2 of HH. Patents of February 26, 1655 —
April 5, 1664. Translation of "Index" of Dutch Patents,
1630-1661. 49 pp. F. Index of Names to the Translations —
"not implicity to be relied upon."
Albany County Clerk's Office
Court minutes of Fort Orange :
Vol. i. 1652-1656, 321 pp. F.
Contents: Minutes of April 15, 1652 — December 12, 1656,
MS. Cal. by B. Femow (Fort Orange Recs. of October 4,
1656 — December II, 1657 are in N. Y. Col. MSS. vol. xvi.
Part 2, pp. I. 124.
Vol.ii. 1658-1660; MortgageNo. i, 1652-1660, 447PP F.
Contents: Title on front page : "Fort Orange Proceedings,
deeds, Indian treaties, bills of sale, etc., bonds, etc., powers
of attorney, January, 1652 — November, 1660." 211 pp. Min-
utes of the Court of Port Orange, January 8, 1658 — Decem-
r ber 2, 1659, calendared by O'Callaghan, Cal. Hist. MSS. vol.
i. (Dutch), pp. 317-322.
Mortgages, etc., calendared in MS. Cal. in County Clerk's
Office.
(Fort Orange Recs. of January 13, December 30, 1660 in
N. Y. Col. MSS. vol. xvi. part 3, pp. 133-232.)
Notarial Papers of Beverwyck.
Vol. i. 616 pp. P. 1660-1676.
Contents: Contracts, leases, inventories, bonds, indentures of
apprenticeship, powers of attorney, etc., acknowledged
before Dirck Van Schelluyne and Adriaen Van Ylpendam,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 33 5
notaries public, August 17, 1660 — January 6, 1676-1677.
Calendared by B. Pemow.
Deed-book, No. i, A, 1656-1678, 210 pp. P.
Contents : Deeds of October 16,165 6 — June 20,1678. Cal .
by B. Pemow
Deed-book, No. 2, B, 1654-1680, 869 pp. P.
Contents: Deeds of August 19, 1654 — July ,1679. Cal.
by B. Pemow
(Both Deed-books translated and edited by Jonathan
Pearson as "Early Records of the City and County of Albany
and Colony of Rensselaerswyck, 1656-1657."' Albany, 1869 ;
reprinted with a "Key to the Names of Persons," "Contribu-
tions for the genealogies of the first settlers of Albany," and
"Diagram of the home lots of the village of Beverwyck," in
Munsell's Collections on the History of Albany, vol. iii. pp.
1-224, iv, pp. 84-510.)
Ulster County Clerk's Office (Kingston)
Court Records of Wiltwyck, 1661-1664, pp. P. vol, i.
Contents : Copy of bond by inhabitants of Wiltwyck to
demolish separate dwellings and surround the village with a
stockade, May 31, 1658.
Court minutes of July 12, 1661 — May, 1664.
(Translation ia MS. vol. i. 645 pp. by Mr. D.Versteeg. — "not
faultless, but creditable and ia general reliable."
Contents: Bond of May 31, 1658 and records of July 12,
1661 — Pebruary 16, 1672-3.
New York City Clerk's Office, City Hall
Minutes of the Burgomasters and Schepens of New Amsterdam
1653-1674, 6 MS. Volumes P.
(Dutch till 1665 and during Dutch reoccupation, 1673-4.
Vol. i. has the ordinances of the Director General sftid Council
of New Netherland in the first 73 pages. These were edi-
ted by O'Callaghan in 1868 as "Laws and Ordinances of
New Netherland, and by B. Fernow in his "Records of
New Amsterdam." vol. i.
Translation of vol. i., ordinances and minutes to September,
1654, by Mr. Westbrook. — "poor."
Translation of remaining 5 volumes by O'Callaghan in 1848.
Translation printed in 1897 as "Records of New Amster-
dam." 7 Vols. ed. B. Fernow: New translation of MS. vol.
i., and revision of 5 MS. vols, translated by O'Callaghan.)
Notarial Records :
Vol. i. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1653-1675.
(This volume with the Court Records.)
ii. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1654-1660.
iii. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1658-1660.
iv. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1661-1663.
v. Burgomasters and Schepens, 1 663-1 665.
336 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
vi. Burgomasters and Sch'epens, 1662-1664.
viii. Biirgoniasters and Schepens, 1657-1661.
Two Additional Volumes:
Vol. i. Original records of Burgomasters and Orphatunasters,
Surrogates.
ii. Record of deeds, bonds etc., of New Orange, 1671-74.
(Translations by O'Callaghan in MS.)
Vol. I. Mortgages of lots and pieces of land in the City of
New Amsterdam, 1654-1660. vol. ii. of original.
2. Deeds and conveyances of real estate in City of New
Amsterdam, 1659-1665, 380 pp. Contents of iii.
and parts of v. and vi. of original.
3. Deeds and conveyances of real estate in City of New
Amsterdam, 1654-1638, 311 pp. Contents of iii.
and parts of v. and vi. of original.
4. Register of Salomon Lachair, notary public of New
Amsterdam, 1662-1664, 432 pp. vols. iv. and
yiii. and part of Orphan's Court Records of orig-
inal.
5. Rerister of Waleyn van der Veen, notary public of
New Amsterdam, 1662-1664, 115 pp. vol. vi., in
part, of original.
6. Deeds and Mortgages of lots and tracts of land in the
City of New York and New Orange, 1664-1675, 233
pp. vol. ii. of Additional Volumes and a part of
vol. V. of original.
7. Powers of attorney, acknowledgments, indenttires of
apprenticeship, inventories, deeds, etc., 1651-1656.
185 pp. : vol. i. of original, in part.
8. Minutes of the Orphans' Court of New Amsterdam,
1656-1668, 399 pp. vol. i. of Additional Volumes.
Printed by B. Femow, "Minutes of Orphan Mas-
ters' Court of New Amsterdam, 1656-1663; Minutes
of the Executive Boards of the Burgomasters of
New Amsterdam ; and Records of Waleyn Van der
Veen, Notary Public, 1662-1664, New York, 1907.
Hall op Records, Kings County, Brooklyn
Gravesend Records (wholly in Enghsh).
Vol. i. Town Records, 1646-1653.
i. Town Records, 1653-1669.
i. Town Records, 1656-1844.
i. Town Records, 1662-1699.
i. Town Records, 1645-1701.
(There is hardly a remairk of a religious nature in
these books except in the town charter) .
New Utrecht Record (wholly Dutch) .
Vol. i. Town Records 1657.
The Dutch title: Het Bouk Van Het Durp Utrecht. Ao 1657.
The book is prefaced by two religious poems of Nicasius de
Sille: "Het Aerdt-Rijck spreeckt tot sijne opquekers," and
BIBLIOGRAPHY 337
"Ghesang op de wijse van den 116 Psalm." The book also
contains a digest of the placards promulgated in the Province.
Regulation of the liquor traffic, conventicles, marriage reg^u-
lations, etc., under title: "Corte aenwijsinghe van enighe
placaten over beganene uisusen, etc."
Vol. ii. 1661-1686 (Dutch). Deeds and Miscellaneous instru-
ments.
Court Records of Flatbush (Dutch) .
Court minutes, etc.. Liber B. 1659-1664.
Hall op Records, New York City
Newtown Records (English).
Court Records, 1659-1690. •
(Octavo volume bound with a folio volume, beginningin 1695,
and giving earlier documents, but all after 1663. The pages
of this folio volume are entitled by subjects of a theological
treatise in Latin, alphabetically arranged. It was appar-
ently planned as a Dictionary of Moral Theology. The book
was then inverted and used for a summary of some parts of
the Old Testament: Books of Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, all
in English. The Court Records then begin.)
Jamaica Town Records.
1 Vol. 1660-1772. 552 pp.
Contents: deeds, bills of sale, miscellaneous contracts, mostly
indentures, etc., with occasional records of town meetings.
Hempstead, L. I.
Book A. Town Records, 1657-1662.
Book B. Town Records, 1662-1680.
(Book A is prefaced by "An Alphabet to the most Notarial
things in this Book, relating to the Publick." The books are
printed in the "Records of the Towns of North and South
Hempstead." 8 vols. Jamaica, 1896.
Library op Congress, Washington
Dutch West India Company: Extracts of resolutions, rainutes
of proceedings, etc., 1659-1675, 80 pp. in Dutch.
Miscellaneous papers relating to the Company, Portugal and
Brazil, etc. 1649-1655 (.?).
Library op Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia
Dutch West India Company Manuscripts.
Records, 1000 pp. F. 1635-1663.
Mkiutes: 1655-1663 in a fair state of preservation.
Transcripts of Manuscripts from Swedish Archives: Stock-
holm, Skokloster, Palmskiold Collections of Library of
University of Upsala, and Lund.
Contents: papers of Usselinx, correspondence of Oxenstiema
with Spring, Blommaert, Minuit, papers on Swedish, West
338 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
India Company, on expeditions to Delaware; commissions
and instructions for officers of the colony ; letters and re-
ports of governors; other colonial records, diplomatic inter-
course with foreign nations.
(The Correspondence between Oxenstiema and Blommaert has
been edited in the original by G. W. Kemkamp, Brieven van
Samuel Blommaert aan den Zweedsche Rijkskanselier Axel
Oxenstiema, 1635-1641. ia Bijdragen en Medeelingen van
het Historisch Genootschap (Utecht). 29 dell, Amsterdam,
1908.
Library op the new York Historical Society
New Netherland Papers. Dutch Manuscripts.
Lenox Library, New York.
New Netherland Papers: 1636-1660.
Contents : Letters of governors, petitions, extracts from letters
and other papers in the colony, accounts kept with the home
government, list of houses and various other colonial docu-
ments, about thirty items, mostly contemporary or early
copies, with some modem transcripts. Unbound. Prom
the Brevoort collection. Cf . Catalogue of the Moore Library,
pt. 2. no. 1791. .^
Holland Society Library, New York
Minutes of the Consistory of Brooklyn, Sept. 5, 1660 — ^Jvily 30,
1664. (MS. Translation by D. Versteeg.) ^
Sage Library, New Brunswick, N. J.
Ecclesiastical Records of the Dutch Reformed Church in New
Netherland, obtained from Holland Archives: Classis of
Amsterdam, Synod of North Holland in Amsterdam, Gen-
eral Synod at The Hague.
1 . Original.
2. Transcripts.
(Nearly all of these printed in the Ecclesiastical Records of
New York. Vol. i. Cf. Introduction to this work for a classi-
fication of this material) .
(C) PRINTED DOCUMENTS AND SOURCES
Provincial
Aitzema, L. van, Sakeh, van Staet en Oorlogh in ende omtrent
de Vereenigde Nederlanden. 15 vols. The Hague, 1657-
1671; 7 vols. 1669-72.
(Extracts relating to New Netherland Transl. in New York
Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, vol. ii. 1849,)
Breeden Raedt aende Vereenichte Nederlandsche Provintien
BIBLIOGRAPHY 339
. . . gemaeckt ende gestelt uijt diverse . . . memorien
door I. A. G. W. C. Antwerp. 1649.
(Broad Advice etc. Translation by Henry C. Murphy in New
York Historical Society Collections, 2d. Series, vol. iii. 237
1857; and E. B. O'Callaghan in Documentary History of
New York. vol. iv. 65. 1849.)
Castell, William. A short Disco verie of the Coasts and Conti-
nent of America. London, Printed in the year 1644.
(A chapter of New Netherland on pp. 21-23. An extract
printed in New York Historical Society Collections. 2d.
Series vol. iii. 1857.
De Laet, Johan. Nieuwe Weredlt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van
West Indien. 1625. 1630, 1633, 1640.
(Extracts relating to New Netherland transl. in N^Sv York
Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, i. 282-316. 1841;
ii. 373. 1849.
Revised version in Narratives of New Netherland, ed. J.
Franklin Jameson, pp. 36-60. 1909.)
De RasiSres, Isaak, to SamueLBlommaert. 1628?
(Translation by Brodhead: "New Netherland in 1627." in
New York Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, ii.
339-3S4- 1849)- „
Revised version by W. I. Hull in Narratives of New Nether-
land. ed. J. Franklin Jameson, pp. 102-115. 1909.
Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of
New York; ist. Series. 11 vols. ed. E. B. O'Callaghan. 2d.
Series. 3 vols. ed. B. Femow. Albany. 1856-61.
Donck, Acfiiaen van der. Nieuw Nederlandt, Beschrijvinghe
van, gelijck het tegenwoordigh in staet is. Amsterdam.
165s, 1656.
(Transl. by J. Johnson, "Description of the New Netherlands,"
in New York Historical Society Collections. 2d. Series, i.
1841).
Hazard, E. Historical Collections consisting of State Papers
and other Authentic Documents Intended as Materials for an
History of the United States of America. 2 vols., Philadel-
phia. 1 792-94.
(Extracts relating to New Netherland in N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Collections. 1809.)
Jameson, J. Franklin, ed. Naratives of New Netherland,
1609-1664. New York. 1909.
Meteren, E. van. Historie der Nederlandsche ende haerder
Naburen Oorlogen ende Geschiedenissen tot ded Jare 161 2.
Ed. ist. Delft. 1599; 2d. Delft. 1605; 3d. Utrecht. 1609; 4th.
The Hague. 1614.
(Extracts relating to New Netherland in ed. 161 1 and 161 4
transl. from ed. 1611 by Henry C. Murphy: "Henry Hud-
son in Holland." The Hague, 1859. pp. 62-65. transl. from
ed. 1614 by G. M. Asher : Henry Hudson the Navigator. (Hak-
luyt Society, i860, pp. 147-153. Revised version of
Asher's translation in Narratives of New Netherland. ed. J.
Franklin Jameson, pp. 6-9. 1909.)
34° RELIGION IN NEW NETHBRLAND
Murphy, Henry C. NieuwNederlandt's Anthologie. Anthology
of New Netherland; or Translations from the early Dutch
poets of New York, with memoirs of their Uves, New York.
1865. Bradford Club.
O'Callaghan, E. B. Laws and Ordinances of New Nether-
land, 1638-1674. Albany, 1868.
O'Callaghan, E. B. Documentary History of New York;
arranged under the Secretary of State. 4 vols, Albany, 1849-
Si-
Vertoogh van Nieu-Neder-Land, Weghens de Ghelegentheydt,
Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet desselfs. The Hague,
1630.
(The manuscript, which is a little different from the printed
tract, transl. as "Remonstrance of New Netherland," 1856,
in New York Colonial Documents, i. 271-316, reprinted in
Pennsjrlvania Archives, 2d. Series, v. 124-170.
The printed tract transl. by Henry C. Murphy in New York
Historical Society Collections, 2d. Series, ii. 251-329. 1849;
by Mr. James Lenox in a separate pamphlet, also containing
the Breeden Raedt; finally a revised version of this by A.
Clinton Crowell in Narratives of New Netherland. ed. J.
Franklin Jameson, pp. 293-354.)
Vries, David Pieterz de, Korte historiael ende joumaels
aenteyckeninge van verscheyden voyagiens in de vier deelen
des wereldts-ronde als Europa, Africa, Asia ende Amerika
gedaen, etc. Alckmaer, 1655.
(Extracts relating to Newfoundland, New Netherland and
Virginia, transl. by Henry C. Murphy in New York Historical
Society Collections. 2d. Series, iii. 1-129. Separate print
by James Lenox, 1853.
Extracts relating to New Netherland, 1633-1643 in a revised
version of Mr. Murphy's translation, in Narratives of New
Netherland, ed. J. Franklin Jameson, New York, 1909).
United States Commission on Boundary between Venezuela
and British Guiana. Report of, vol. ii. Extracts from
Dutch Archives. Also Senate Document No. 91, ssth Con-
gress, 2d Session (1898).
Wassenaer. N. van. Historisch Verhael alder ghedenck-
weerdichste Geschiedenissen die hier en daer in Europa etc.,
voorgevallen syn. 21 vols. Amsterdam, 1622-1635.
(Partsrelating to New Netherland transl. as "Description and
First Settlement of New Netherland," in Documentary
History of New York iii. 27-48, in New York Historical
Society Proceedings, 1858, and finally a revised translation
ed. by J. Franklin Jameson in his Narratives of New Nether-
land, pp. 61-69, 1909.)
Regional
Patroonship of Renssblaerswyck
Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, Being the Letters of
BIBLIOGRAPHY 34I
Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, 163 0-1643, ^^'^ other Documents
Relating to the Colony of Rensselaerswyck. Albany, 1908.
Swedish Settlements
Ampliation oder Erweitrung des Privilegii so der AUerdurch-
lauchtigste Groszmachtigste Fiirst and Herr, Herr Gustavus
Adolphus.der Schweden, Gothen tind Wenden Konig; Grosz-
Ftirst in Finnland, Hertzog zu Ehesten and Carelen, Herr zu
Ingermanland, etc. Der neuen Australischen oder Stider-
Compagnie durch Schweden and nunmehr auch Teutsch-
land, allergnadigst ertheilet und verliehen. Gedruckt zu
Heylbrunn, boy Christoph Krausen. Im Jahr 1633. Mense
Aprili. Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. SS^-Sf-
Ampliation oder Erweitenmg von dam Octroij und Privilegio
der newen Siiyder-Handels Compagnia, durch Last and
Befehl von die Deputirten der loblichen Confoederirten
Herren, Standen, der vier Ober-Craysen zu Franckfurth,
anzustellen verordnet, den 12 December, Anno 1634. Ge-
druckt zu Hamburg, durch Heinrich Werner, im Jalu" Christi
1635-
Argonautica Gustaviana, das ist: Nothwendige Nach-Richt
van der Neuen Seefahrt und Kauffhandlung, so von dem
Weilandt AUerdurchleuchtigsten Grosztnachtigsten imd
Siegreichesten Fursten und Herm, Herm Gustavo Adolpho
Magno, . . . durch anrichtung einer General Handel-Com-
pagnie . . . vor wenig Jahren zu stifften angefangen:
anjetzo aber der Teutschen Evangelischen Nation . . . zu
tmermesslichen Nutz und Frommen . . . mitgetheilet wor-
den . . . Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, bey Caspar
Rodteln, im Jahr Christi, 1633. Mense Junio.
FuUmagt for Wellam Usselinx at inratta et Gen. Handels-
Comp. til Asien, Afr., Amer. och Terra Magell. Dat. Stockh.
d. 21 Dec, 1624.
(Translation in Col. Doc. N. Y. vol. xii. 1-2.)
Handlingar rorande Skandinaviens historia, tjugondenionde
delen. Stockholm, 1848.
(Some letters of the Swedish Government regarding New
Sweden.)
Hazard, Samuel, Annals of Pennsylvania from the Discovery
of the Delaware, 1609-1682. Philadelphia,, 1850.
Hazard, Samuel, Register of Pennsylvania. Vols. iv. v. Phil-
adelphia, 1828-36. (Publication of Manuscripts in the
Library of American Philosophical Society, especially of
translations from a French version of copies of Swedish
documents, procured at Stockholm by Jonathan Russel,
Minister of the United States to the Court of Sweden.)
Instruction oder Anleitung: Welcher Gestalt die Einzeich-
nung zu der neuen Siider-Compagnie, durch Schweden und
nunmehr auch Teutschland zu befordem, und an die Hand
zu nehmen; derselben auch mit ehestem ein Anfang zu
machen. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen.
1633, Mens. Aprili.
342 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
(Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 542-52.)
Kemkamp, G. W. Brieven van Samuel Blommaert aan den
Zweedischen Rijkskanseleir Axel Oxenstiema, 1635-1641.
Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisc Genootschap.
(tJtrecht). 29 Deel., Amsterdam, igo8.
Kurtzer Extract der vomemsten Haupt-Puncten, so biszher
weitlauffig und grundlich erwiesen, und nochmals, jeder-
manniglich, unwiedersprechlich fur Augen gestellet soUen
werden. In Sachend er neuen Siider-Compagnie. Gedruckt
zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen, Anno, 1633. Mens.
Aprili.
(Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 541-2.)
Manifest und Vertragbrieff, der Australischen Companey im
Konigreich Scweden auffgerichtet. Im Jahr MDCXXIV.
(Reprint in the Auszfuhrlicher Bericht iiber den Manifest.)
Marquadus, Johannes. Tractatus Politico-Juridicus de Jure
Mercatorum et Commerciorum Singular: . 2 vols. Frankfort,
1662.
Navorsch^r, De. Two letters from Johannes Bogaert,
"Schrijver," to Bontemantel, Director of Dutch West India
Company. August 28 and October 31, 1655, N. S. in regard
to the arrival of the ship De Waag at New Amsterdam with
some details on the conquest of New Sweden, not elsewhere
noted. Amsterdam, 1858.
(Translation by Henry C. Murphyin Hist. Mag. ii. 257et seq.
New York, 1858.)
Octroy eller Privilegier, som then Stormagtigste Hogbome
Furste och Herre, Herr Gustaf Adolph, Sweriges, Gothes och
Wendes Konung, etc. Det Swenska nysz uprattade Sodra
Compagniet nadigst hafwer bebrefwat. Dat. Stockholm, d.
14 Junii, 1626. (Cited in Acrelius).
Octroy und Privilegitmi so der AUerdurchlauchtigste Grosz-
machtigste Fiirst und Herr, Her Gustavus Adolphus, der
Schweden, Gothen und Wenden Konig, Grosz-Furst in Finn-
land, Hertzog zu Ehesten und Carelen, Herr zu Ingerman-
land, etc. Der im Konigreich Schweden jiingsthin auffge-
richteten Siider-Compagnie allergnadigst gegeben und ver-
liehen. Stockholm, gedruckt bey Ignatio Meurem. Im
Jahr, 1626.
(Reprint in Marquad's Tractatus. ii. 545-52. Translation in
Col. Doc. N. Y. xii. 7 et seq.)
Octroy ofte Privilegie soo by den alderdoorluchtigsten Groot-
machtigen Vorst ende Heer, Heer Gustaef Adolph, der
Sweden Gothen ende Wenden Koningh, Grootvorst in Fin-
land, Hertogh tot Ehesten ende Carelen, Heer tot Inger-
manland, etc., aen de nieuw opgerichte Zuyder Compagnie
in't Konin^ijck Sweden onlangs genadigst gegeben ende ver-
leend is, Mitsgaders een naerder Bericht over 't selve Octroy
ende Verdragh-brief door Willem Usselinx. In's Graven-
hage, By Aert Meuris, Boeckverkooper in de Papestraat in
den Bybel, anno 1627. It also contains Usselinx's TJtforligh
Forklaring.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 343
Pennsylvania Archives. 2d. Series, vol. v. (Reprint of
documents on New Sweden from Col. Docs. N. Y. i. ii. iii.)
vol. vii. (Reprints of documents on New Sweden from
Col. Docs., N. Y. xii.)
Stiemman, Anders Anton v. Samling utaf Kongl. Bref, Stad-
gar och Forordningar, etc. angaende Sveriges Rikes Com-
mercie, Politie, och CEcbnomie uti gemen. Onfran ar 1523
in til narvarande tid. Uppa Hans Konigl. Maj. ts nadi-
gesta bef alining gjord. Porsta del. Stockholm, 1747; andra
del. Ibid. 175°; trejda del. Ibid. 1753; fjerde del. Ibid.
1760; femte del. Ibid. 1766; sjette del. ibid. 1775.
(Documents relating to Swedish West India Company and
New Sweden.) ♦
Stiemman Anders Anton v. Monumenta Politico-Ecclesiastica.
Ex-Archivio Palmskioldiano nunc primum in lucem edita.
Praeside Olavo Calsio. Upsaliae. MDCCL.
(Documents relating to Swedish West India Company and
New Sweden.)
Sw. Rikes Gen. Handels Compagnies Contract, dirigerat til
Asiam Africam och Magelliam samt desz Conditiones.
Stockh. ar 1625.
Der Reiche Scweden Gera. Compagnies Handlungs Contract,
Dirigiret naher Asiam, Africam, vnd Magelanicam Samt
dessen Conditionen vnnd Wilkohren. Mit Kon. May. zu
Schweden, vnsers AUergnadigsten Konings vnd Herrn
gnediger BewiUigung, auch hierauflE ertheilten Privilegien,
in often tlichen Druck publiciret. Stockholm, 1625.
(Translation in Col. Doc. N. Y. xii. 2 et seq.)
Uthforligh Forklaring ofwer Handels Contractet angaendes thet
Sodre Compagniet uthi Konungarijket i Swenghe. Stalt
igenom Wilhelm Usselinx, Och nu aff thet Nederlandske
Spraket uthsatt pa Swenska, aff Erico Schrodero. Trackt i
Stockholm, aS Ignatio Meurer, Ahr, 1626.
AuszfuhrUcher Bericht uber den Manifest ; oder Vertrag-Brieff
der Australischen oder Stider Compagney im Konigreich
Schweden. Durch Wilhelm Usselinx. Ausz dem Nieder-
landischen in die Hoch-deutsche Sprache libergesetzt.
Stockholm, Gedruckt durch Christofler Reusner. Anno
MDCXXVI.
English Settlements
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Bay, 1636-38. Prince Society Publication. Boston, 1894.
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J.H.Trumbull. Boston, 1867.
In Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. Vol. 23. 1833.
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344 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
Orr. Charles: History of the Pequot war, etc., Cleveland,
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Winthrop's Journal. 2 Vols., 1908.
Municipal
Femow, Berthold, ed. Records of New Amsterdam from 1653
to 1674 Minutes of the Court of Burgomasters and Schepens
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(The administrative minutes from February 11,1661, May 20,
1664, were not printed. These valuable records were dis-
covered among the personal effects of the late Lieutenant B.
E. Femow, and returned by Dr. Burrage, the State historian
of Maine, to the librarian of the City of New York.)
Munsell, Joel. Annals of Albany. 10 vols. Albany, 1850-9,
Munsell, Joel. Collections on the history of Albany from its
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1869-1872.
(Reprinted with a "Key tothenamesofpersons," "Contribu-
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Records of the Towns of North Hempstead. 8 vols. 1896.
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(No volume issued for 1867. New series beginning in 1868 is
less valuable from a historical point of view, than the pre-
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materials : extracts from early records of the city, Dutch and
English, etc.)
Religious
Bowne, John. Journal of, partly printed by Onderdonck, H. Jr.
in the American Historical Record, i. 4-8, Jan. 1872.
"Persecution of an early friend or quaker copied from his
journal." Manuscript copy by the same author in Long
Island Historical Society Library, Brooklyn, preceded by
a copy of Bowne's Account book.
Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York. 6 Vols.
Albany, 1901-1905.
(Vol. i. covers Dutch period. Published by the State under
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Amsterdam, 1656-1663; Minutes of the Executive Boards of
the Btu-gomasters of New Amsterdam; and Records of
BIBLIOGRAPHY 345
Walewyn van der Veen, Notary Public, 1663-1664. New
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xxvii.
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Revised version of Shea's translation in Narratives of New
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Jogues, Isaac. Notice sur Ren6 Goupil, undated. Jes. Rels.
xxviii.
1647. Lalemant. Relation de la Nouvell-France sour le
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Jes. Rels. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.
1652-1653. Le Mercier. Relation de la Nouvelle-Prance,
1652-53. Paris, Cramoisy, 1654. Jes. Rels. xl.
ifiS3- Journal des Jfisuites, Janvier k Ddcembre, 1653. Jes.
Rels. xxxviii.
1653-1654. Le Mercier. Relation de la Nouvelle-Prance,
1653-54. Paris, Cramoisy, 1655. Jes. Rels. xli.
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xU.
1655. Copie de deux Lettres en voices de la Nouvelle-Prance,
1655. Paris, Cramoisy, 1656. Jes. Rels. xU.
1655-1656. de Quens, Jean. Relation de la Nouvelle-
Prance, 1655-1656. Paris, Cramoisy, 1657. Jes. Rels. xlii.
Mort du Prfire Li^eois., 1655-1656. Jes. Rels. xUi.
1656. Le Mercier. Journal des J^suites, Octobre k D^cembre
1656. Jes. Rels. xlii.
1656-1657. Lejeune. Relation de la Nouvelle-Prance, 1656-
57. Paris, Cramoisy, 1658. Jes. Rels. xliii. xliv.
1657- Journal des J^suites, Janvier 3, D^cembre, 1657. Jes.
Rels. xliii.
1657-1658. Ragueneau. Relation de la Nouvelle-Prance,
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1658. Journal des J^stiites, Janvier ^ D^cembre, 1658. Jes.
Rels. xliv.
346 RELIGION IN NEW NETHERLAND
1659. Lalemant. Lettres envoi^es de la Nouvelle-France,
1659. Paris, Cramoisy, 1660. Jes. Rels. xlv.
Journal des J^suites, Janvier k D^cembre, 1659. Jes. Rels.
xlv.
1659-1660. Relaton de la Nouvelle-France, 1659-1660. Paris,
Cramoisy, 1661. Jes. Rels. xlv.
1660. Journal des J^suites, Janvier h D^cembre, 1660. Jes.
Rels. xlv.
1660-1661. Le Jeune, Relation de la Nouvelle-France, 1660-
1661. Paris, Cramoisy, 1662. Jes. Rels. xlvi. xlvii.
1661. Chaumonot. Lettre du P. J. M. Chaumonot. Quebec,
20 Octobre, 1661. Jes. Rels. xlvi.
1661-1662 Lalemant. Relation de la Nouvell-France, 1661-
1662. Paris, Cramoisy, 1663. Jes. Rels. xlvii.
1662. Journal des J^suites, Janvier k D^cembre, 1662. Jes.
Rels. xlvii.
1663. Journal des J^suites, Janvier k D^cembre, 1663. Jes.
Rels. xlvii.
Megapolensis, John. Een kort Ontwerp vande Makvase Indi-
aenen, haer Landt, Tale, Statuere, Dracbt, Godes-Dienst
ende Magistrature, aldus beschreven ende nu kortelijck den
26 August!, 1644 opgesonden uyt Nieuwe Neder-Landt,
door Johannem Megapolensem juniorem, Predikant aldaer.
Alkmaer. No date.
(Printed in 1651. Amsterdam by Joost Hartgers in Ids "Be-
schrijvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, etc."
Translation by Ebenezer Hazard in "Historical Collections,
i. 517-526. 1792. Revised version by J. R. Brodhead in
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INDEX
Abram, 97
Aboaf, Jacob, 253
Achter Kol, 7, 180, 184
Acrelius, 126, 133
Adams, Charles Francis, 151
Adolphus, Gustavus, King of Swe-
den, io6, 107, 108
Adriaesen, Maryn, 78
Africa, 106
Agnid, 307
Albert, Archduke of Austria, 21, 22
-Algonquins, 150, 271, 285, 293, 294,
307. 310
Alkmaar, 24
Alleghany County, 301
Alrichs, Jacob, vice-director of New
Amstel, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134,
202, 203
Altona, 134
Alva, Duke of (Fernando Alvarez
de Toledo), 10
Ambrosius, Moses, 254
America, 73, 106, 109, 113, 115, 116,
117, 121, 134, 146, 163, 179,
180, 266
America, North, 36, no, 118, 145
Amersfoort, 95, 96, 176
Amsterdam, 4, 5, 23, 26, 28, 40, 56,
69, 83, 108, 122, 128, 129, 130,
132, 134, 135, 199, 200, 201, 202,
204, 242, 244, 256, 259, 262, 264
Anabaptists: in New Netheriand,
7, 141, 168, 169, 170, 220; in New
York, 142 ; in Stadt en Landen, 2 1
Andastes, 297, 310, 316
d'Andrada, Salvator, 257
Andrews, Samuel, 233
Andros, Governor of New York,
142
Anticosti Is., 305
Antisabatarians in New York, 142
Antwerp, 14, 29, 32, 106
Argonautica Gustaviana, 108
Arminians cf. Remonstrants
Arminius, 25
Artois, 15
Aruba, 248, 251
Asia, 106
Assembly, Great, of United Prov-
inces, 33
Auburn, N. Y., 301
Augsburg Confession, 117, 133
d'Avaux, Claude de Mesmes, Count,
31
d'Avougour, M. Governor of Can-
ada, 313
Backerus, John, Dutch Reformed
minister in New Netheriand, 79,
81, 82, 83, 84, 85
Baptists, cf. Ana,baptists
Barbadoes, 171
Barsimson, Jacob, 253, 255, 260, 265
Basset, Robert, 175
Bayard, Anna, 218
Nicholas, 218, 231
Bayly, 175 ^ , , ,
De Beauvois, Carel, schoolmaster,
sexton, chorister and precentor
in Breukelen, 100
Beck, vice-director of Curajoa, etc.,
252
Beeck, Johan van, 57, 58
Becker, Jan Juriaens, 127
Beeckman, WiUiam, vice-director
of West India Company on
South River, 125, 127, 133
Beets, 90
Bergen, 103, 104
Beverwyck, 92, 212, 308
Beyer, Secretary of Christina,
Queen of Sweden, no
Biker, Gerrit, Commandant of
Fort Casimir, 121
(353)
354
INDEX
Blom, Hermanus, Dutch Refonned
minister in New Netherland, loo,
lOI, 102, 103, 212
Blommaert, Samuel, 109, no, in,
112, 113
Bogaerdt, Joost van, 115
Bogardus, Everardus Wilhelmus,
Dutch Reformed minister in New
Netherland, 48, 67, 68, 69, 70,
71,78,79,80,81,82,269
Bohemia, 38
Bois-le-Duc, 31
Bombay Hook, 199
Bommel, 10
Bonaire, 248, 251
Bordeaux, 281
Boswyck, 46
Boursier, Joseph, Jesuit Brother,296
Bouwery, 46, 99, 105
Bowne, John, 4, 234, 235, 236, 237,
239, 240, 241, 244, 245, 246
Brabant, 14, 107
Brahe, Peter, Chancellor of Sweden,
118, 120
Branford, 186
Brazil, 38, 39, 62, 93,247,248,256,258
Bressani, Francis Joseph, S. J.
missionary, 283, 284, 285
Breukelen, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99,
100, 105, 176
Bridges, 158
Briggs, 158
Brill, 19
Bristol, N. Y., 301
Bristol Chaimel, 81
Broar, Ambroise, Jesuit Brother ,296
Bruges, 14, 16
Brussels, 12, 13, 14, 21
De Bruynvisch (ship), 206
Calvin, John, 302, 303, 304
Calvinism: in Europe, 196; in Neth-
erlands, 10, II, 12, 13, 15, 16,
106; in Dutch Republic, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22, 25, 28, 29, 32, 34; in
Geldern, 24; in Holland, 10, 13,
26; in Zealand, 10, 13, 19; in
Antwerp, 14; in Bruges, 14; in
Brussels, i4;inGhent, i4;inGer-
many, 38; in New Sweden, 118;
cf . Dutch Reformed Church
Cambridge, Academy of, 104, 177
Canada, 271, 276, 291, 293, 295, 296'
297. 300, 301, 302, 304, 308, 309
Canarise, 176
Cape Henlopen, 116
Carleton, (Sir Dudley) Lord Dor-
chester, 23
Carribean Is., 251
Cartwright, 156
Cat Nation (Eries), 292, 298, 301
Catechism; of Heidelberg, 28, 98; of
Luther (in Lenni-Lenape), 119
Catherine de Medici, Queen Regent
of France, 31
Catholicism, in Brazil, 248; in Neth-
erlands, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15,
i6,i7;in DutchRepublic, 19, 22,
23, 32, 34; in Brabant, 22; in
Drenthe, 21 ; in Friesland, 24; in
Geldern, 24, 34; in Holland, 10,
15, 17, 24, 34; in Overyssel, 34;
in Stadt en Landen, 21; in
Utrecht, 34; in Zealand, 10, 15,
17, 24; in Alckmaar, 24; in
Gouda, 24; in Haarlem, 24; in
Hoom, 24; in Leyden, 24; in The
Hague, 24; in Koevorden, 21;
in New Netherland, 97, 141, 257,
261, 283, 289, 299, 303;
in New York, 142; on South
River, 132 ; cf. Jesuit Missions
Caton, William, 244
Cayeime, 249, 265
Cayugas of Iroquois
Cessation, Act of, 28
Charles I., King of England, 143,
147. 153
Charles II., King of England, 178
Charles XI., King of Sweden, 192
Charles River, 113
Chaumont, Joseph S. J., mission-
ary, 295
Christina, Queen of Sweden, 112,
115, 117, 128
Christina Kill, 199
Church — Reformed, 166, 196, 208,
211, 269; in Dutch Republic, 18,
19,20,23,25,29,31,33,41,61,
67, 71, 146; in Drenthe, 21; in
Gelderland,34; inHolland, 17; in
Overyssel, 34;inStadtenLanden,
21 ; in Utrecht, 34; in New Neth-
erland, I, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 43, 45,
INDEX
355
46, 48, 6I-IOS, 106, 126, 137,
138, 140, 141, 149, 158, 161, 172,
177. 187. 188, 189, 190, 192, 193,
19s. 1961 I97i 198, 200, 204, 205,
206, 207, 210, 212, 221, 238, 268
272; in New Sweden, 4, 115,
118, 122, 124, 127, 130, 133; in
New Amstel, 203
of England, 142, 148
Lutheran; in New Netherland,
187-212; in Sweden, 192; in New
Sweden, 4, 115, 117, 119, 125,
133. 192
Church .Support, 5, 44, 47, 66, 74,
75. 76, 85, 86, 87, 92, 94, 95, 96,
97. 98. 99. 100, loi, 103, 104,
137, 141, 160, 161, 164, 173, 174,
177, 178, 195,205,212
Clark, Ralph, 55
Classis: of Alkmaar, 89; of Amster-
dam. 2, 7. 39.40.42.43.44.45.67.
69. 70, 75. 79. 83. 89. 90. 91. 93.
98, 103, 104, 105, 129, 130, 141,
165, 169, 188, 189, 190, 199, 201,
202, 203, 209, 210, 211, 212, 243,
■ 248, 257, 261, 268, 273, 275, 299,
305; of Enkhuysen, 40
Cleves, Duchy of, 22
Cohannet, 148, 149
Cohannock, 149
Cohen, Jacob, 257, 259
Cole, Nathaniel, 233
College of the XIX, cf. West India
Company
Collins, 150, 151
Concubinage, 54, 59
Condfi, Louis II de Bourbon, Prince
de, 313
Confession, of Augsburg, 117, 133;
Reformed (Dutch), 28, 98, 140,
144
Congregationalists, 3, 146, 147, 180,
181, 196
Connecticut, 145, 171, 175. 176. 178,
179, 184
Corlaer, Jacob van, 46
CornhiU, 152
Counter-Remonstrants, 25, 26, 27
Court, De la, 34
Couture, William, 276
Couvenhoven, Jacob, 85
Coventry, Lord Keeper, 156
Cow Bay, 143
Crab, Goodman, 58
Crol, Sebastian Jansz,6i, 62, 63, 276
Cromwell, Oliver, 250
Cuba, N. Y., 301
Curagoa, 81, 103, 248, 251
Curler, Arent van, 76, 268, 276, 279,
280, 281
Curtius, Alexander Carolus, 88
Dablon, Claude, S. J., missionary,
295. 3"
D Acosta, Joseph, 262, 26if
D'Andrada, Salvador, 259, 262, 264
Deaconry of Dutch Reformed
Church, 86, 87, 88, 92, 99, 255,
256
Dean, Samuel, 233
Dearing, Samuel, 230
Delaware, cf . South River
Delaware Bay, 128
Dental (Turtle) Bay, 167
Denton, Nathaniel, 176, 231, 233
Denton, Richard, Presbsrterian min-
ister in New Netherland, 7, 154,
155. 156. 158, 159
Dijon, 22
Dinckiagen, Lubbertus van, 68, 69,
70
Dissent: in Spanish Netherlands,
16; in Dutch Republic, 31, 33,
34, in Holland, 34; in New Neth-
erland, I, 2, 3, 5, 6, 48, 70, 85,
138, 165, 169, 178; on South
River, 127, 129, 130; cf. Ana-
baptists, Catholics, Congrega-
tionalists, Jews, Lutherans, Men-
nonites, Presbyterians, Quak-
ers, Waidenses.
Diversity of religious belief in New
Netherland, 141-142
D61e University, 23
Dollard, 308
Donck, Adriaen van der, 76, 148,
247. 300
Dongan, Colonel Thomas, Gover-
nor of New York, 142
Douay University, 23
Doughty, Francis, Presbyterian
minister in New Netherland, 3,
81, 148, 149, 151, 162, 163, 164,
165, 171, 173, 174
356
INDEX
Drenthe, 21
Drisius, Samuel, Dutch Reformed
minister in New Netherland, 55,
86, 90, 155, 159, 160, 165, 169,
171, 172, 176, 189, 191, 194, 203,
205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212,
231, 247, 273
Drueilletes, Gabriel, S. J. mission-
ary, 311
Drunkeimess in New Netherland,
48, 77, 82, 271, 272, 273
Dukeof Anjou, 17, 18
Duke of Arschot, Governor of Flan-
ders, 14
Duke of Parma, of. Famese
Dunkirk, 76
Du Perron, Francis, S. J. mission-
ary, 297
Dutch Republic, 10, 17, 20, 30, 32,
33. 34. 38. 39. 41. 58, 66, 73, 91,
136, 146, 184, 195
Dutch in New Sweden, 120
Dutch Swedish Company, 1 10, iii
Dyckman, Commissary, command-
ant of Fort Orange, 289
East Chester, 150
East India Company, Dutch, 36,
37. 190
East Indies, 37, 41
East Phalia, 135
Egyptians, 220
England, 57, 90, 105, 145, 146, 159,
175. 179. 253. 283
English: in America, 71, no, 116,
145, 269; in England, 179; in
New England, 3, 153, 270; in
New Netherland, 4, 35, 47, 48,
62, 63, 71, 90, 104, 105, 135, 136,
138, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 151,
153. 155. 158, 162, 163, 167, 169,
170, 173, 175, 178, 180, 181, 182,
183, 184, 185, 203, 215, 217, 224,
227, 234, 257, 275; in New Swe-
den, s, 112, 118, 130; in Rhode
Island, 149
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 14,
18, 19, 21
Elsland, Claes van, 53
Enckhuysen, 112, 113
Eries cf . Cat Nation
Esopus, lob, loi
Esopus Indians, 98
d'Estrades, Godefroi, Count, 32
Everett, Richard, 7, 176, 231, 233
Exemptions, tax, 88
Europe, 84, 107, 124, 166, 180, 183,
196, 214, 266, 277, 284
Fairfield, 175
Famese,Alexander, Duke of Parma,
16
Parrett, 143
Farrington, Edward, 221, 223, 226,
234
Feake, Robert, 152
Feake, Tobias, 4, 219, 221, 222
Ferdinand, Emperor of Germany, 38
Ferry, 99
Ffen, Benjamin, 181
Field, Hannah, 235
Finland, 116
Finns in New Sweden, 115, 124, 133
Flanders, 14, 107
Fleming, Claes, Swedish Admiral,
no, III
Flemish Bastard, 291
Florida, in, 113
Flushing (Holland), 19
Flushing (New Netherland), 3, 4,
55, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167,
197, 219, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226,
230, 234, 235, 236, 245
Fluviander, Israel (Holgh?) Swed-
ish Lutheran minister in New
Sweden, 119, 120
Fonseca, Joseph, 249
Fordham, Jonah, English Presby-
terian minister in New Nether-
land, 160
Fordham, Robert, English Presby-
terian minister in New Nether-
land, 45, 154, 155, 159, 160
Port Amsterdam, 285
Fort Casimir, 121,122, 123, 124,128
Fort Christina, 112, 114, 115, 116,
117, 121, 124, 193
Fort Elfsburg, 121
Fort Nassau, 112, 120
Fort Orange, 59, 63, 77, 92, 205,
212, 260, 261, 276, 289, 291, 295,
297. 302. 306
Fort Richelieu (Canada), 280
Fort Trinity, 122
INDEX
357
Pox (ship), 241
Franc de Bruges, 16
France, 18, 107, 108, 135, 283, 285,
288,302,307,311
Franchetot, Maturin, 288
Frederick of Nassau, Count, 38
Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange,
31. 32, 33
Frederick, Elector Palatine and
King of Bohemia, 38
Fremin, Jacques, S. J., missionary,
296
French: in Dutch RepubUc, 18, 32;
in Canada, 269, 274, 276, 277,
285, 287, 289, 290, 291, 292, 295,
296, 298, 299, 305, 306, 307, 308,
309, 312, 313, 314, 315; in New
Netherland, 64, 90, 103, 294,
cf. Jesuit Missions
Prera, David, 262
Priesland, 19, 20, 24, 33
Garaconti^, 312, 313, 314
Ganentaa cf. Onondaga
Geldem, Gelderland, 24, 29, 33, 34
Germany, 108, 135
Gerrit, 97
Gerritsen, William, 162
Ghent, 14, 16
Gildersleeve, Richard, 215, 216
Godyn'sBay, 1 16
Goedwater, John Ernest, Dutch
Lutheran minister in New Neth-
erland, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206,
207
GofEe, 178
Gomarists cf. Counter-Remon-
strants
Gomarus, 25
Gottenburg (Sweden), iii, 112, 113,
121, 126
Gouda, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29
Goupil, Ren^, 276, 277
Gowanus, 99
Grafdyck (HoUand), 89
Grasmeer, WiUiam, Dutch Re-
formed minister in New Neth-
erland, 89, 90
Gravesend, 3, 7, 56, 57, 58, 94, 96,
99, 103, 162, 167, 168, 169, 170,
197, 215, 219, 226, 231, 232, 238,
243
Greenwich, 58, 152, 153
Gregory, John, 182, 183
Gripen (ship,) no
Groningen, 20, 33
Grues, Phlip, 183
Guiana, 249
Guilford, 186
Guinea, 109, no
Gun, Jasper, 181
Haarlem, 24, 27, 104
Hadson, Wamerus, Dutch Re-
formed minister in Ney Nether-
land, 134
Hainaut, 15
Hallet, William, 165, 166
Harck, William, 55, 164
Harker, Richard, 233
Hart, Edward, 219, 221, 222
Hartford, 185
Hempstead, 7, 45, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159. 160, 161, 171, 176, 196,
215, 219, 227, 228, 229, 230
Henricus, Jacob Cohen, 262, 263,
264
Henry IV.,, King of Prance, 21, 22
Hertford County (England), 156
Hessels, Blood Councillor, 14
Heymansen, Albert, 103
Hinyossa, vice-director of New
Amstel, 5, 132, 134
Hjort, Petrus, Swedish Lutheran
minister in New Sweden, 121,
123, 124
Hoboocken, Van, 46
Hodgson, Robert, 215-219, 225
Holland, 2, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19,
20, 22, 27, 28, 33, 35, 37, 56, 57,
67, 68, 69, 74, 79, 81, 88, 89, 90,
loi, 104, 109, no, n2, n3, ns,
130, 145, 152, 162, 168, 171, 179,
184, 185, 188, 189, 191, 197, 199,
200, 206, 207, 219, 220, 241, 245,
250, 256, 283, 285; in New Swe-
den 116, 118
Hollander, Peter, 114
Holm, John Campanius, Swedish
Lutheran minister in New Swe-
den, 117, 119
Honeoye, N. Y., 301
Hoogkammer, Hendrik, 115
Hoom, 24
358
INDEX
gopton, 167
Holy Martyrs, Mission of, 286
Hubbard, Benjamin, 233
Hudson, Henry, i, 36
Hudson River Country, 3
Huguenots: in France, 22, 107; in
New Netherland, 284, cf. Wal-
loons
Htilst, 32
Humphries, Master, 168
Huntington, 174, 180
Hurons, 276, 278, 280, 283, 284, 290,
291, 293, 294, 297, 298, 307, 308,
309. 314
Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 150, 151
Hutchinson River, 150
Huyck, Jan, 61, 62
Huyghens, Jan, 63
/
de Ulan, Jan, 248, 249, 252
Immigration, English, into New
Netherland, 136-186
Immorality in New Netherland,
77,91,269,270,271
Independents, 105, 142, 146, 147,
159. 171. 17s. 189. 190. 194. 220.
257
Indians, 4, 48, 50, 52, 72, 78, loi,
102, III, 112, 115, 123, 13s, ISO,
151. 152, 153. 155. 161. 162, 167,
170, 175. 193. 266-316, cf.
Algonquins, Eries, Esopus In-
dians, Hurons, Iroquois, Mis-
ions, Mohegans, Nevesink In-
dians, Raritan Indians, Rip-
powan Indians, River Indians
Ingermanland,. 116
Inquisition: in Holland, 28, 33; in
Portugal, 256; in Spain, 256
Intolerance cf. persecution
Ipswich, 143, 145, 146
Irish Catholic in New Amsterdam,
283
Iroquois, 271, 272, 276, 278, 280,
283, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291,
292, 293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299,
300, 305, 308, 369, 310, 311, 313,
314, 316; Cayugas, 301, 309, 310,
311, 312, 313, 314; Mo-
hawks, 150, 273, 276, 277, 280,
282, 2S5, 286, 287, 288, 290, 292,
393, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 302,
305, 306, 307, 308, 310, 313; On-
eidas, 290, 305, 307, 308, 309,
310, 313; Onondagas, 290, 291,
292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300,
301, 302, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311,
312, 313, 314, 315; Senecas, 296,
297.301,310,311,313
Isle de Sable, 1 1 1
Isle d'Orleans, 298
Isle de Rhd, 285
Isabella of Austria,Archduke,2i;22
Israel, Abraham, 254
Israel, David, 254
Isreal, Manasseh Ben, 258
Itamarca, (Brazil), 93
Jaoquet, Jean Paul, vice-director of
West India Company on the
South River, 124, 135
James, John, 228
Jansen, Jacob, 276
Jansen, Peter, 209
Jamaica, 7, 176, 215, 219, 225, 230,
231, 232, 234
Jesuits: in Dutch Republic, 29, 30,
33; in New Netherland, 1411,
Z76, cf. Missions
Jeannin, President, 22
Jews: in Dutch Republic, 24, 33; in
New Netherland, 5, 132, 141,
142, 189, 220, 247-265; in New
York, 142
Joanna, Popess, 303
Jogues, Isaac, S. J. missionary, 141,
276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283,
285, 286, 287, 303
John of Austria, Don, Governor
General of the Netherlands, 11,
12, 13, 14
John of Nassau, 34
Jongh, Jacob, 125, 126
Kalmer, Nyckel (ship), no
Kieft, William, Director General of
New Netherland, 48, 69, 70, 71,
72, 74, 78, 79, 80 ,81, 82, 85, 141,
143, 144, 148, 149, 150, 151, J53,
161, 162, 163, 196, 197, 245, 276,
282, 284
Kling, Mans, 114, 115, 116
Klopjes: in Dutch Republic, 30; in
Geldern, 24
INDEX
359
Knierus (Knyf), John, 89
Knox, John, 156
Koevorden, 21
Krieger, Martin, 99
Labbadie (Labatie, etc.), Jean, 276
de Laet, John, 195, 196
Lauzon, M. de, Governor of Cana-
da, 289
Lawe, Richard, 181
Lawrence, John, 164
Lawrence, William, 164, 224
Lechford, 148, 149, 168
Leicester, 19, 20
Leghorn, 250
Le Maister, S. J., missionary, 312
Le Moyne, Simon, S. J., missionary,
291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 298, 299,
301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 307, 312,
313. 314. 315
Leveridge, WiUiaai, English Con-
gregational minister in New
Netherland, 160, 174, 240
Levy, Asser, 254, 260, 264, 265
Leyden, ir, 24, 27
Libertines, 7, 25, 169
Liberty, religious: in Cayenne, 249;
in Netherlands, 15 ; in Dutch Re-
public, 18, 33; in New Nether-
land, 3, 138, 144, 149, 150, 156,
161, 163, 168, 185, 195, 197, 198,
201, 203, 219, 245; in New Swe-
den, 4, 127
Lierre, 16
Ligeois, Jean, Jesuit, Brother, 293
Liquor regulations in New Nether-
land, 48, 49-52
Lock (Lockenius) Lars Carlson,
Swedish Lutheran minister in
New Sweden, 119, 120, 123, 124,
125, 126, 130, 133, 193, 203
Long Island, 3, 93, 95, 103, 138, 143,
147, 148, 154, 15s, 156, 161, 167,
163, 168, 178, 215, 225, 228, 229,
230
Longland, Charles, 250
I/ong Sauit, 308
Louvain University, 23
Loyola, Ignatius, 304
de Lucena, Abraham, 257, 258, 259,
262, 264
Lucena, Moses. 265
Luther, Martin, 191
Lutherans: in Germany 18; in New
Netherland, i, 3, 31, 43, 44, 93,
100, 123, 141, 187, 187-212, 257
261, 282; in New Sweden, 4, 6'
114, 115, 123, 192, 193, 198, 202
cf. Church
Luxemburg, 12
Lynn, 143, 145, 146, 167
Maenhout, Boudewyn, 46
Magellica. 106
Mahometans, 24
Malcontents, Catholic, iS
Manhattan Is., 62, 74, 78, 83, 99,
103, 114, 123, 141, 150, 151, 216,
221, 273, 283, 299, 306
Marriage regulations: in Dutch Re-
public, 23, 54; in Stadt en Lan-
den, 21; in New Netherland, 3,
54-60, 125
Martin, Lodewryck Jan, 97
Martin, Henry, 306
Maryland, 5, 127, 130, 134
Massachusetts, 144, 145, 146, 147,
. 148, 152
Mather, Cotton, 155
Matinecock, 230
Matthias, Archduke of Austria, 14
Matthias, Swedish Lutheran minis-
ter in New Sweden, 126
Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Or-
ange, Captain General and Ad-
miral of the Dutch Republic,
20,21,22,26,27, 31,38
May, Comelis J., Director of New
Netherland, 61
Mazarin, Cardinal, Jules prime
minister of Prance, 32
Medemblik, 112, 113
Megapolensis, John, Dutch Re-
formed minister in New Nether-
land, 45, 55, 75, 76, 77, 81, 83,
84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 94, 122,
141, 155, 159, 165, 169, 170, 171,
172, 189, 191, 194, 203, 205, 206,
208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 247, 255,
257, 268, 272, 273, 281, 282, 284,
287, 299, 302, 303, 304, 305
Megapolensis, Samuel, Dutch Re-
formed minister in New Neth-
erland, 104, 105
36o
INDEX
Menard, Ren^, S. J. missionary,
296
Mennonites, 5, 31, 34, 130, 132, 141,
169, 189, 190, 257
Meuse, 34
Mercier, Francis le, S. J. missionary,
296
Mercurius Germaniae, 180
Mercurius (ship), 126
de Mereda, Judicq, 254
Mespath, 148, 149, 151, 155, 162,
170, 196
Messenger, Andrew, 7, 176, 233
Michaelius, Jonas Johannes, Dutch
Reformed minister in New Neth-
erland, 40, 63, 64, 65, 67, 138,
266, 267, 269
Middelburg cf. Newtown
Midwout, 47, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98,
99, 176, 243
Milford, N. E., 181, 186, 196
Milner, Michael, 220
Mills, Richard, 173, 174
Minuit, Peter, Director General of
New Netherland, 61, 62, 63, 64,
109, no. III, 112, 113, 114
Minquaaskil, 116
Missions among Indians: Dutch, 36,
39. 75. 91. 266-275; English,
269, 274; Scotch, 269; French
Jesuit, 269, 274, 276-316; Swed-
ish, 107, 115, 117, 118, 119
Mohegans, 305
Mohawks cf. Iroquois
Molemacker, Frangois, 62
De Molen (ship), 202
Montezuma, N. Y., 301
Montmagny, le Chevalier, de, 280
Montreal, 290, 293, 294, 296, 297,
298, 299, 307. 308, 309. 3". 313.
315
Moody, Lady Deborah, 167, 168
Moore, John, English Independent
minister in New Netherland, 171,
172, 173, 174, 194
Morals, Public, in New Netherland,
48-60
Morgan, Charles, 170, 277
MoriUon, 13
Motthe, Jacques de la, 253, 254, 255
Miinster, 31
Nassy, David, 249, 265
Namur, 13
Nertunius, Matthias, Swedish Luth-
eran minister in New Sweden,
121, 123
Netherlands, 10, 12, 19, 83, 106, 107,
138, 14s, 169, i84,259;cf. Dutch
Republic
New Amersfoort, 99
New Amstel, 44, 47, 128, 129, 130,
132. 133. 134. 199.202
New Amsterdam, 6, 43, 44, 45, 46,
48,49.50.53.55.56,57.58,63,64,
69,71,72,81,84,85,86,87,88,
90. 93. 99. 122, 123, 124, 151,
155. 158. 160, 162, 163, 166, 169,
171, 175, 176, 187, 188, 192, 193.
194, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 211,
211,214,215,216,221,229, 231,
235. 236, 238, 239, 243, 246, 253,
259, 260, 262,263, 265, 269, 273,
282, 283, 284, 294, 299, 301, 304
New Ark, 186
New Castle, 121
New England, 3, 58, 105, 136, 142,
144, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153, 155,
156, 160, 161, 167, 171, 173, 179,
181, 186, 194, 269
New Prance, 280, 311
New Gottenburg, 118, 119, 121
New Haarlem, 103
New Haven, 7, 154, 178, 179, 180,
182, 184, 186
New Jersey, 186
New Netherland Company, 37, 145
New Plymouth, 269
New Rochelle, 150
New Sweden, 4, 6, 106-136, 192,
193. 203, 259
Newtown, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176,
194, 230
Newtown, Captain, 158
New Utrecht, 103
New York, 158
Nevesink Indians, 184
Nicolaes, the Frenchman, 97
Nine Select Men, 6, 82
Noble, William, 221, 223
Noorman, Lawrence, 206
Nordlingen, 108
North River, 44, 103, 143
North Sea, 311
INDEX
361
Nounes, Rycke, 254
Norway, 135
Noyon, Jean de, 307
Nuton, Thomas, 55
Nya Korsholm, 121
Nya Sverige cf . New Sweden
Ogden, John, 71
Ogden, Richard, 71
Oldenbamevelt, John van, Advo-
cate of Holland, 20, 23, 26, 27,
36, 37
Oneidas cf. Iroquois
Onondagas cf. Iroquois
Ontario County, 301
Oostdorp, 175
Orphanmasters, 87, 88
Overyssel, 29, 33, 34
Oxenstiema Axel, Chancellor of
Sweden, 109, no, in, 112, 113
Oxenstiema, Gabriel Bengtson,
Treasurer of Sweden, no
Oxenstiema, Gabriel Gustafsen, no
Oyster Bay, 234
Ostergotland, 115
Pacification of Ghent, 10, 11, 12,
14, 15, 16
Paghahacking, 112
Parliament, English, 145, 146
Passaic River, 186
Patrick, Capt., Daniel, 152, 153,
154
Patronage in New Netherland
Church, 38, 47; in school, 46
Pavonia, 150
Peace of Religion, 15, 16, 17
Pear Tree (ship), 253
Pelagianism in Dutch Republic, 25
Pelham Neck, 150
Pell, Thomas, 175
Penal Laws, cf. persecution
Penry, 156
Perpetual Edict, 12
Perkens, Director of the West India
Company Chamber at Amster-
dam, 2, 245
Periods in religious history of New
Netherland, i
Persecution, religious: in Spanish
Netherlands, 10, 14, 15. 16; in
Dutch Republic, 17, 18-19, 20,
23. 29r 30, 31. 32. 33. 34; in
Drenthe, 21, 24; in Geldem, 24;
in Holland, 23, 24; in Stadt en
Landen, 21, 24; in New Nether-
land, I, 2, 3, 5, 14, 70, 85, 138,
166, 172, 176, 177, 182, 187-265;
in New Sweden, 129, 130, 169-
170; in England, 146; in New
England, 147, 161, 168
Peters, Hugh, Congregationalist
minister in New England, 145,
149
Petrel, Cajjtam John, 305,
Philadelphia, 118
Philip II., King of Spain, 18, 21, 22
Pierson, Abraham, Congregational
minister in New England, 186
Pietersen, Evert, 46, 129, 130
Planck, Jacob, 74
Plymouth Company, 143
Plymouth Colony, 148
Plockhoy, Pieter Cornelius, 132
Polhemus, John T., Dutch Re-
formed minister in New Nether-
land, 45. 47. 93. 94. 95. 96, 97.
98,99,243,275
Poncet, Joseph, S. J. missionary,
288, 289, 290, 303
Porto Rico, 62
Portugal, 256
Portuguese: in Brazil, 93, 258; in
New Netherland, 255, 283
Precisians, 19, 25
Presbyterians: in England, 146; in
New England, 147, 148; in New
Netherland, 3, 147, 151. I54.
171, 181, 194, 196, 220; in New
York, 142
Protestant League in Netherlands,
16
Printz (Prins), John, Govemor of
New Sweden, n7, 118, 119, 120,
121
Puritans: in England, 146; in New
England, 270: in New Nether-
land, 141, 142, 175, 257; in New
Sweden, 120, 132
Quakers, i, 2, 4, 5, 7, 127, 132, 142,
157. 159. 167, 169, 170, 173. 176,
213-246
362
INDEX
Qualifications, religious, for ofBce:
in Cayenne, 249-250; in Dutch
Republic, 29; in Gelderland, 29;
in Holland, 29; in Overyssel, 29;
in New Netherland, 5-7, 102,
127, 168, 169, 179, 187, 189, 204
Quebec, 290, 291, 295, 296, 297, 298,
302. 307
Raguenau, Paul, S. J. missionary,
297, 313
Rammekens, 19
Raritan Indians, 184
RasiSres, Isaac de, 269
Remonstrants, 25, 28, 29, 31, 106
Remund, Jan Van, 64, 68
Rensselaer, John van, 91, 92, 271
Rensselaer, Kiliaen van, 6, 64, 68,
74. 75. 76, 77. 268
Rensselaers-Steyn, 77, 270
Rensselaerswyck, 3, 6, 43, 44, 47,
72, 74, 83, 84, 90, 91, 270, 2^^,
272, 274, 276
Rhode Is., 148, 149, 152, 165, 214,
215, 218
Rijnsburgers, 34
Rippowan Indians, 154
Rising, John Claesen, Governor of
New Sweden, 121, 124
River Indians, 294
Robinson, 144, 145
RocheUe, 135, 280
Rodenburch, vice-director of Cu-
ragoa, etc., 251, 252
Roelandsen, Adam, 67
Rome, 299, 302, 303
Rotterdam, 27
Rovenius, Vicar Apostolic in Dutch
Republic, 23
Rustdorp cf. Jamaica
Sabatarians, 142
Sabbath regulations, 48, 49-53, 157,
170, 227-228
Sael, Thomas, 164
Salem, 145, 167, i68
Salem Creek, 118
Sapders, 156
Sankikah, 116
Schaats, Gideon, Dutch Reformed
minister in New Netherland, 90,
91. 92. 93. 95. 212, 274
School in Dutch Republic, 23; in
New Netherland, 20, 43, 44,
46-47, 66, 67, 70, 82, 83, 91, 100,
loi, 104, 129, 133, 141, 192, 195,
274
Schoorel, 75
Schott, Joseph, 229
Schrick, Paulus, 191
Schultetus, Dutch Reformed min-
ister, 73
Schuylkill, 121
Scotch, 269, 289
Sects cf. Dissent
Seljms, Henricus, Dutch Reformed
minister in New Netherland, 98,
99, loo, 103, 105, 133, 212
Senecas cf. Iroquois
Ship Company of Sweden, 108
Ship and South Company of Swe-
den, 116
SiUe, Nica^ius de, 99, 221, 259
Siperius (Zyperius), Michael,Dutch
Reformed minister in New
Netherland, 103
Sixt, Abraham, 37
Slave trade regulations in Cayenne,
265
Sluys, Andries van der, loi
Smith, Joan, 55
Smith, Richard, 55, 148, 162
Smith, William, 162
Smits, Anna, 170
Snediger, Jan, 94, 95
Socinianism, 25
Solidarity, religious, of New Neth-
erland and New England, 144-
146, 151, 158, 179, 180, 181, 182,
183
Solms, Count of, 139, 140
Sokns, County of, 139
Sonnontouan, cf. Seneca
South Company of Sweden, 108,
109
South & Ship Company of Sweden,
no
Southampton, 143, 160, 161
South River, 4, 5, 44, 50, in, 112,
113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, 122,
123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131,
132, 133. 134. 135. 192, 199. 202,
260, 261
South Sea, 176
INBEX
363
Spain, 10, 13, 20, 32, 33, 36, 38, 67,
71, 109, 112,256
Spicer, Micah, 232, 239
Spicer, Samuel, 231, 232
Spiring, Peter, 109, no, in
Sprindiorn, C. K. S., in
St. Anthony, Cape, 253
St. Bartholomew Night, 22
St. Jean (ship), 365
St. Lawrence River, 293, 294, 298,
308
St. Louis Falls, 315
Ste. Marie, 276
Stadt en Landen, 20, 24
Staes, Abraham, 308
Stamford, 71, 153, 154, 155, 167
Star Chamber, 156
State Sovereignty in Church, 20,
25. 26, 33, 43-44, 44-46, 140
States: General, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15,
19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28,
29. 31. 32, 37. 41. 43. 69. 85. 109.
n6, 128, 136, 137, 139, 140, 143,
144, 145, 146, 153, 179, 195, 197,
201, 205, 219, 274; of Brabant,
14; of Flanders, 14; of Geldem,
24; of Groningen, 21; of Hol-
land, 12, 18, 24, 25, 26,27,32,
33, 188, 190, 280; of Overyssel,
25; of Utrecht, 18, 25, 27; of
West Friesland, 25; of Zealand,
12, 18
Stickland, John, 180
Stille, Oele, 125
StUwell, Nicholas, 170
Stirling, Lord William, 143, 147
Stockholm, in
Strycker, Jan, 94, 95, 97
Stuyvesant, Peter, Director General
of New Netherland, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, S3, 54,
55. 56, 58. 59. 60, 81, 82, 83, 84,
85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96,
97, 99, 100, loi, 103, 104, 120,
121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 133,
134, 138, 157, 159, 160, 163, 164,
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
172. 173. 174. 176. 179. 180, 182,
183, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192,
193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200,
201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208,
211, 213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219,
220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227
228, 229, 230, 235, 236, 237, 238,
239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 246, 247,
248, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 258,
259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 271,
275, 287, 296, 297, 306, 308
Supervision of colonial churches,
40-42
Swampscot, 168
Swart, Gerrit, 91
Sweden, 106, 108, 109, no, in, 113,
114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121,
125, 126, 192
Synod: of Dortdrecht, 27, 28, 29, 33
34, 75, 102, 124, 127, 166, 196,
209; of Gelderland, 40, 41; of
North Holland, 40, 41, 89, 90; of
South Holland,4i, 42;ofMiddel-
burg, 208, 209; of Overyssel, 40,
41; of The Hague, 208, 209; of
Utrecht, 40, 41, 42
Taunton cf. Cohannet
Taylor, English Presbyterian min-
ister, 161
Terra Nova, in
Terry, Thomas, 230
Thanksgiving Days, 48, 134
The Hague, 24, 26, 115, 116
Thirty Years' War, 117
Three Rivers, 294, 298, 308, 309
Throgmorton, John, 149, 150, 152
Thurloe, John, 250
Tienhoven, Cornelius van, 54, 259,
260
Tigarihogen, 30^
Tilton, John, 168, 226, 232, 238,
239. 243
Tilton, Mary, 238, 239, 243
Tinnicum Is., 118, 119, 133
Toleration cf. liberty
Torre, de la, 34
Torkillus, Reorus, Swedish Luth-
eran minister in New Sweden,
114, 1x8
Tonneman, Peter, 97
Townsend, Henry, 225, 230, 231,
. 232
Townsend, John, 225, 226, 232, 233
Townsend, Rose, 232
Treatt, Robert, 181, 183, 185, 186
Trenton Falls, 116
364
INDEX
Truce, Twelve Years' (1609), 22,
23. 29, 36, 37. 38
Turks, 220
Turner, William, 164
Twiller, Wouter van. Director Gen-
eral of New Netherland, 64, 67,
68, 69
UnderWU, Capt. John, 3, 137, 153,
163, 165
Union of Arras, 16
Union of Brussels (First), 11; (Sec-
ond), 15
Union of Utrecht, 16, 29
United Provinces cf. Dutch Re-
public
Upsala, Council of, 117, 192
Utrecht, 4, 19, 27, 33, 34
UsseUnx, William, 36, 37, 38, 106 ,
107, 108, 109, no, 115, 247, 266
Varleth, Judith, 185
Veluwe, 34
Venice, Republic of, 24
Verleth, Maria, 56, 57, 58
Verhiilst, William, Director of New
Netherland, 61
Vestensz, William, 83
Virginia, 104, 136, 146, 159, 165,
269, 283
Visch, Procurator, 14
Vliegende Hert, Het (ship), 114
Vredeland, cf. Westchester
Vries, David P. de, 58, 71, 72
Vriesendael, 150
Vrydach, Andrew, 51
De Waag (ship), 122, 204, 205
Waldenses, 135
Waldron, Resolved, 231, 234, 235,
236, 240
Walker, Zacharia, English minister,
177
Wallabout, 99
Walloons, 61, 63, 64, 65, 107, 289
Watertown, 152, 153, 154
Waugh, Dorothy, 214, 215
Weathersfield, 155
Weeks, Francis, 229
Welde, Rev. Th., 152
Welius, Everardus, Dutch Re-
formed minister in New Nether-
land, 130, 134, 202
Wesel, 64
Westchester County, 150, 151, 175
West India Company, i, 2, 6, 36,
37. 38, 39. 47. 50. 66, 67, 70, 71,
82, 85, 92, 104, 106, III, 112,
113, 114, 133, 136, 137, 138, 140,
145. 150, 153. 163, 179. 195. 197.
247, 256, 258, 259, 266, 267, 268;
College of the XIX., 37, 39, 62,
66, 67, 140, 146, 268; Amster-
dam Chamber, i, 2, 4, 5, 7, 39,
42. 43. 44j 45. 76. 81, 82, 83, 85,
90,93,101,103,105,112,113, 122,
123, 128, 134, 139, 140, 141, 144,
160, 184, 185, 188, 189, 190, 198,
199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 207,
208, 210, 21 r, 212, 242, 243, 244,
245. 246, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252,
255. 257. 258, 260, 261, 262, 264,
265, 27s, 287, 296, 297; Enck-
huysen Chamber, 112, 113;
Zealand Chamber, 249, 250
West India, America or New Swe--
den Company, 117
West Indies, 38, 41, 112, 114,200,
248, 253
West Phalia, 135
Westminster Assembly, 146
Weathersfield, 154
Whally, 178
Whorekill, 130, 132
Wickendam, William, 165, 166
Wild Coast, 250
Willemeyntje, 55
Williams, Jan, 130
William Lewis of Nassau, Stadt-
holder of Friesland, 20, 21
William, Prince of Orange, 11, 13,
14, 15, 17, 18
Williams, Roger, 149
Wilson, George, 231, 232
Wiltwyck, 6, loi
Winthrop, John, Governor of Mas-
sachusetts, 143, 150, 151, 152
Winthrop, John, Jr., Governor of
Connecticut, 179, 184
Witchcraft, 185
Witherhead, May, 214, 215
Woeler (Wheeler?), 127
Woolsey, George, 158
INDEX
365
Woolsey, Rebeckar, 158
Woolsey, Sarah, 158
Woolsey, Thomas, 158
Ypres, 16
Zealand, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19,
24. 33
Zetscoorn, Abelius, Swedish Luth-
eran minister in New Sweden,
133